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_^
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ARTES SCIENTIA VERITAS
COLONEL ALEXANDEE GARDNER
i
"The nntented Kosmos my abode
I pass, a wilful straDger :
My mistress still the open road
And the bright eyes of danger."
—R. L. S.
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Soldier and Traveller J'^"
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MEMOIBS OF ALEXANDER GARDNER
COLONEL OF ARTILLERY IN THE SERVICE OP
MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH
EDITED BY
MAJOR HUGH PEARSE
SSD B4Tr. THB KAflT 8UBBXY RBOmUTT
WITH AN INTRODUCTION ^F
THE RIGHT HON.
SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Bart., G.C.S.I.
WITH PORTRAITS AND MAPS
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
MDCCCXCVIII
All Rights regerved
s
-7:>
^3
y^
e"! J 7 ?<7
NOTE.
The Editor desires to express his grateful thanks
to all who have assisted him in the preparation
of this volume; and he would specially acknow-
ledge the kind help and encouragement afforded
him by Captain Claude Clerk, CLE., and Mr
Herbert Compton.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE HAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
Mr Frederick Cooper and Colonel Gardner — Sir Lepel Qriffin
— Mr Edgeworth's abstract of Colonel Gardner^s Journal —
Sir Henry Tule and Sir Henry Rawlinson — Mr Ney Elias
— Sir Henry Dnrand's 'Life of a Soldier of the Olden
Time' ••....•
PAOB
CHAPTER 11.
EABLT LIFE AND TRAVELS, 1785-1819.
Parentage and birth of the traveller — A wanderer from child-
hood — The Jesuit school in Mexico — Five years in Ireland
— Gardner returns to America — Visits Lisbon, Madrid,
Cairo, Trebizond, and Astrakhan — Gardner^s elder brother ;
his sudden death — Gardner's first visit to Herat — First
wanderings in Asia . . . . . .13
CHAPTER IIL
ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARA8, 1810.
Savage hospitality — The Khalzais (Dai Kimdi Hazaras) — The
Therbahs — The ancient Kafirs — Gardner acquires a faithful
vm CONTENTS.
follower — The alaye - dealers — Gardner's nom de voyage
— ^A generous host — Gardner's dangerous illness — The
Khan of Khiva — A geographical problem — Adventures of
M. Storzky — Gardner returns to Astraakhn 28
CHAPTER IV.
WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER IN OENTRAL ASIA.
M. Delaroche — Gardner again leaves Astrakhan — Crossing the
Aral Sea — Gardner approaches Ura-tube — ^An adventure
with Kipchak — Kirghiz — "When at Rome act like the
Romans " — A flight for dear life — Gardner a freebooter —
Approaches Afghanistan .43
CHAPTER V.
A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE AMONG THE AFGHANS.
The kingdom of Afghanistan — Habib-ulla Khan and his his-
tory — Ghirdner joins his standard and becomes a soldier of
fortune — Afghani tolls — The romance of war — Gardner's
marriage — The ecutello — Triumph of Amir Dost Muhammad
Khan — Tragic end of Gardner^s married life — Habib-ulla
£Lhan's resolution . . . .54
CHAPTER VI.
A FUGITIVE.
Gardner a fugitive — Desperate straits — ^The value of salt in
Central Asia — ^The kaUndan — Visit to a Kafir priest — ^A
kind reception — ^The Khilti Kafirs — Historic remains —
Disposal of the dead by the Kafirs — A relic of the past —
Farewell to the holy man — An attack by robbers — ^A race
for life — ^The escape — A good soldier — Bolor — Captain
Younghusband — ^Note on "Bolor" . . . .73
CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER VIL
THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
The KokchA river— The Kunduz chief— Slave-dealing— Trav-
elling companions — Some Badakahan history — The ruins of
ancient Zamth — The Kafir empire of early times — Difficult
travelling — Attacked by wolves — Undesirable acquaint-
ances—The Therbah's finger— Retribution— The chief of
Shighnan — Justice tempered by mercy . . 102
CHAPTER VIIL
AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
Beauties of Eafiristan — Titles of the Shighnan ladies —
Methods of obtaining gold from the rivers — Visit to a
Kirghiz encampment — ^A benevolent ruler — Dress and ap-
pearance of the Kirghiz — ^A venerable fakir — Visit to the
ruby mines — ^Wait for the wedding — A disappointment —
Consolation — Wanderings in the Pamirs — A robber chief —
A ride for a wife — A tragic occurrence . .123
CHAPTER IX.
A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
The Garden of Eden — The Akas and the Keiaz — Gardner
leaves Pamir; — Crosses the Yamunyar river near Tash-
balyk — The yak — ^Yarkand — The two cities — Leh and
Srinagar — The great earthquake — Gardner's journey
through Gilgit and Chitral — The strategic importance of
Chitral — Second visit to Kafiristan — Gardner traverses
Afghanistan and is imprisoned at Girishk — Visit to Kabul
— Farewell to the Therbah — G^dner arrives in Bajaur
— Syad Ahmad the reformer — His history — Death of the
Syad — Gardner becomes chief of artillery at Peshawar and
concludes his travels . . . . . .145
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X.
ADVBNTUBBB IN THE PANJAB.
Peshawar — Maharaja Banjit Singh — Qardner enters his service
— Visits on the way — Dr Harlan and General Avitabile —
Generals Yentora and Court — Riga Dhyan Singh, the
Prime Minister — Gardner's d&mt as a gunner — He becomes
an instructor — Campaign on the Indus — Operations in
Bannu — ^The Sikh- Afghan war of 1835 — Final conquest of
Peshawar by the Sikhs — Gardner obtains command of the
Jammu artillery — Ranjit Singh's last campaign — A rapid
march — The rebellion of Shamas Khan . . .176
CHAPTER XL
THE LION OF THB PANJAB."
Early days of the Sikh army — Banjit Singh's Gurkhas — The
Maharaja and his paddle-boat — Gulab Singh and the
treacherous merchant — The jocose chaudri — A camel-load
of flattery — Character of Gulab Singh . . . 198
CHAPTER XIL
INTRIQUB AND ANARCHY.
Death of Ranjit Singh — Ambitious project of the Dogra
brothers — Maharaja ELharrak Singh — Murder of Sardar
Chet Singh — Deposition and death of E^harrak Singh — The
vengeance of Heaven — Death of Nao Nihal Singh . .211
CHAPTER Xni.
THB DBFBNOE OF LAHORE.
The rival claimants — Sher Singh propitiates the army — De-
fence of the fortress — Gardner's defence of the gateway —
CONTENTS. XI
Tenns of peace — Murder of the Maharani and accession of
the Mahaiaja Sher Singh ..... 227
CHAPTER XIV.
'' HORROR ON horror's HEAD."
The EabiQ disaster — Gkurdner accompanies the Dogra troops
to Peshawar — Brigadier-Qeneral Wild delayed by Gnlab
Singh — Sir Heniy Lawrence — Bad news — Murders of Ma-
haraja Sher Singh and of Dhyan Singh — Sati of his widow
and thirteen slaves — Character of Hira Singh — Rani Jindan
— Death of Suchet Singh — Gardner disguised as an Akali
— Deaths of Hira Singh and Jawahir Singh — Outbreak of
war with the English ..... 240
CHAPTER XV.
THE FIRST SIKH WAR.
The Sikh generals — Departure of Ventura and Avitabile —
The apex of the army — Colonel Hurbon — Gulab Singh's
diplomacy — Rani Jindan and the deputation — Occupation
of Lahore — Terms of peace ..... 263
CHAPTER XVI.
"port AFTER STORMY SEAS."
Gardner exiled from the Panjab — * History of the Reigning
Family of Lahore ' — Gardner enters Gulab Singh's service
— SetUes for life in Kashmir — ^Birth of his daughter —
Impression of Gardner — Mr Andrew Wilson — Captain
Segrave — The Russian advance towards India — Gardner^s
advice to John Bull — Death of the Traveller — The sug-
gestion of his career ..... 276
xu
CONTENTS.
APPENDIX.
OOLONEL QABDNSB'S LIST OF RANJIT SINOH's OFFIOKRS 295
MEDICAL OFFI0BB8 ...... 296
RANJIT SmOH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS . 297
I, OENERAL VENTURA ..... 304
U. OENERAL ALLARD . . . .311
in. OENERAL AYITARILE ..... 316
IV. OENERAL COURT ..... 325
V. DR HARLAN ...... 329
VL OENERAL VAN CORTLANDT .... 338
Vn. OOLONEL FORD ..... 340
Vm. COLONEL FOULEJBS ..... 341
IX. CAPTAIN AROOUD . .341
X. COLONEL CANORA ..... 345
XI. COLONEL THOMAS ..... 347
Xn. LESLIE OR RATTRAY ..... 348
Xm. COLONEL MOUTON ..... 349
xiv. colonel hurbon ..... 350
xv. colonel steinbach .... 351
xvl captain de la font . .351
xvil captain mcpherson ..... 352
xviilI
VmESSRS CAMPBELL AND QARRON . 352
XIX. J
LIST OF CHARACTERS IN PANJAB HISTORY, FROM THE DEATH
OF RANJIT SmOH TO THE BRITISH ANNEXATION . 354
INDEX
355
INTEODUCTION.
A GOODLY portion of Colonel Gardner's eventful
life was spent in the Panjab kingdom or province
during the palmy days of Ranjit Singh. His
adventurous travels were in the regions adjacent
to or beyond the Panjab frontier. The early years
of my own active service were passed in the
Panjab, and I was accustomed, indeed obliged, to
study the affairs of the regions beyond its north-
west frontier, even though I had no chance of
travelling in them. Thus the names mentioned
by Gardner in his Memoirs regarding countries
beyond the Panjab have long been known to me
from anxious study. The names of men and
places mentioned by him in the Panjab are still
better known to me — those of men either from
personal acquaintance or very near tradition, those
XIV INTRODUCTION.
of places either from frequent visits or from actual
residence. Major Pearse has now arranged these
stirring and interesting Memoirs in a lucid and
satisfactory manner ; and I willingly comply with
his request that I should write a brief Introduction.
It is indeed hard for me to describe to an English
reader the memories which a perusal of these
Memoirs summons up in my imagination, — the
potent figures whom I used to see moving on the
historic stage, now described by one who knew
them even more intimately than I did ; the work-
ings of human nature in the most mountainous
regions of the earth, which I often heard narrated
by many an Asiatic, now recorded in my own
language by one who saw them in their very
midst ; the tremendous events, on which I con-
stantly pondered while standing on the very spots
or places where they occurred, now depicted by
one who was a witness of, or participator in,
them !
As is often the case in the men who live a
daring, dashing life that sustains nervous tension
and- excites the imaginative faculties, Gardner
evidently possessed a power of narration and
description in a high degree — clear in facts,
graphic in touches of detail, picturesque invari-
INTRODUOTION. XV
ably — applicable equally to human motive, action,
and habit — appreciative towards others, modest
respecting himself — indicating that presence of
mind, whether in distress or in peril, whereby his
aptitude for accurate observation never for an
instant failed him. In the middle and later part
of his career he must, have been a fairly diligent
writer. Had he been able to preserve all his
papers, and if, after the loss of some among them,
he had been at the pains of bringing out all he
had, under his own eye, with the requisite supple-
ments, a capital record would have been handed
down to us. The tale of his career would have
been as good as that which Othello told to
Desdemona. As it is, his life-story is something
of that nature, and though not so complete as
it might have been under the auspices of the
narrator himself, has yet been made sufficiently
so by Major Pearse's good care and skill. It well
deserves the attention of our rising manhood in
the British Isles. Though relating not to the
British dominions nor to the British service, it
shows what men of British race can do under
the stress of trial and suffering. It illustrates
that self-contained spirit of adventure in indi-
viduals which has done much towards found-
i
XVI INTRODUCTION.
ing the British Empire, and may yet help in
extending that Empire in all quarters of the
globe.
To the Memoirs also are appended some useful
memoranda regarding the several European officers
employed together with Gardner in the service of
Ranjit Singh.
Alexander Gardner was bom in 1785 in North
America, on the shore of Lake Superior, and died
at Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, in 1877. His
fether was a Scottish emigrant to the then British
colonies of North America, who took part in the
War of Independence. His mother was an English-
woman resident in South America, and had an
admixture of Spanish blood. Her distinguished
son wrote of her in terms of the highest admir-
ation. He inherited an adventurous disposition
from both sides, paternal and maternal. He sought
first for a position in the Russian service, but
accidentally lost it on the eve of attainment.
Then he crossed the Caspian Sea, and entered
on a career of adventure in Central Asia, from
Kokan across the Hindu Caucasus to Herat, amidst
ambuscades, fierce reprisals, hairbreadth escapes,
alternations between brief plenty and long fasting
— amidst episodes sometimes of brutality and
INTKODUCnON. XVll
cmelty wellnigh inconceivable, at other times of
hearty charity and fidelity unto death. For some
time he was prominent in the service of Habib-
ulla Ehan, the first Afghan opponent of the great
Dost Muhammad Ehan. During two years he
actually enjoyed a term of domestic happiness,
when he was peaceful indoors though generally
at war out-of-doors. This was the one oasis in
the wild desert of his whole life. To the last
he could never refer to it without tears, case-
hardened as he was, with his memory seared by
many horrors, and his visage hardened by looking
at terrors in the face. It met with a bloody and
piteous termination; and then for some time he
had to get through an existence fraught with
extremity of hardship and of crisis, during which
he was preserved by his own intrepidity and
penetration. At length he succeeded in entering
the Panjab, being engaged in the service of the
Afghan chiefs who held Peshawar, and who were
subdued by Maharaja Kanjit Singh. While there
he received a command to enter Ranjit Singh's ser-
vice, and proceeded to Lahore. He was employed
in the Maharaja's service as commandant of artillery
for several years. Then he was transferred to the
service of Dhyan Singh, the Prime Minister, a
XVUl INTRODUCTION.
Rajput of the lower Himalayas, who with his
brother, the fiamous Gulab Singh, became the chief
feudatories of the Sikh sovereignty. He made
the acquaintance of Henry Lawrence, then a rising
political officer at Peshawar, at the time of the
British disasters at Kabul in 1841. After Dhyan
Singh's death he served Gulab Singh alone. He
witnessed, or was in close contact with, the sang-
uinary revolutions that followed one after another
upon the death of Ran jit. He was at Lahore
during the first Panjab war in 1845-46. He then
returned to the territories of Gulab Singh, who
became sovereign of Jammu and Kashmir. He
died a pensioner under Gulab Singh's successor
in Kashmir at the advanced age of about ninety
years. His constitution, originally magnificent,
must have become somewhat worn out by the
severe viciBsitudes of a long career, and he dreamed
the evening of his life away.
It is wonderful how he retained the power of
writing EngUsh simply, gra<jefully, graphically,
inasmuch as for several years consecutively he
could never have heard it spoken nor had any
opportunities of reading it. For long intervals
he could have used no language but Mongolian
or Pushtoo, and later on little but Panjabee. He
INTKODUCTION. XIX
must also have learnt at least something of Persian
and Russian.
In this widely extended record, almost entirely
autobiographical, beginning in the latter part of
the last century and ending past the middle of the
present century — stretching from the Caspian Sea
across the Indus and on to the Sutlej — the diverse
matters group themselves under certain heads as
follows for a bird's-eye view : —
First. The geography of Central Asia, especially
the country of the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, the
Turcoman desert, the western extremity of the
Himalayan range, Badakshan, the Pamir with
sources of the Oxus, and Chitral.
Second. The characteristics, mental and phys-
ical, of the men and women of these regions,
the dispositions of individuals, the customs of
tribes.
Third. The court and camp of Ranjit Singh,
which formed the most potent organisation of this
kind ever erected by the natives of India in modem
times.
Fourth. The tragic and sometimes terrific events
which ensued after the death of Ranjit Singh, and
which led to the first war between the Sikhs and
the British, — a war which broke the back of that
h
XX INTRODUCTION.
community, religious, military, and political, saluted
proudly by the Sikhs as the Khalsa.
Fifth. The scenes, strange, weird, pathetic, un-
lucky, lucky, in Gardner's life, relating to him in
particular.
I proceed to oflFer a few observations on each of
these groups.
In respect to the first group, the geograph-
ical details, though not quite all that they
might have been, owing to the loss of papers
in time of dire trouble, they are yet notably
considerable, and are in themselves valuable.
Gardner has been highly esteemed as a geogra-
phical authority upon the regions he had visited
by such men as Sir Alexander Burnes, Sir Henry
Rawlinson, Sir Henry Durand, and Mr Ney Elias.
Much attention was paid to his work at the time
by the Royal Asiatic Society in India. Fifty years
ago, when he travelled or sojourned in those moun-
tains and uplands, there was a sentiment, a pre-
vision, in the British mind to the effect that our
interest in these regions must one day grow and
rise. By this time, indeed, it has grown and risen ;
for a large, perhaps the greater, part of them has
come within the British sphere of influence after
delimitation of boundaries by treaty with a Euro-
INTRODUCTION. XXI
pean Power. We have therefore rendered our-
selves nationally responsible for learning all that
can be learnt about these regions. Much, indeed,
has been done in this way since Gardner's time.
Still, these Memoirs of his deserve study, for they
will clear up some points that are obscure, confirm
others that may have been doubtful, add others
not previously verified, and render our general view
more correct and better subservient to our com-
prehension of political relations. The more the
geographical features are brought home to the
minds of our politicians, the better will they know
how to guard our own domains. Moreover, we
are now concerned to understand the origin, the
progress, the history of geographical discovery in
this quarter. To all this the Gardner Memoirs
greatly conduce. They do not consist merely of
topographical description, but while conveying
sound information, they are replete with varied
interest.
Regarding the second group, that of the men
and women, it is to be remarked that if, in the
words of the poet, ** the noblest study of mankind
is man," then here is to be found some material
for that end — material, too, specially useful to
us Europeans, because since some centuries at
XXU INTRODUCTION.
least we find little or nothing of that sort on
our own European continent. Gardner narrates
the divers incidents— which happened under his
own eyes, and wherewith he was closely concerned
or had immediate contact — with artless naivete,
each point being limned by a master hand, like
those touches in a sketch which, to artists' eyes,
indicate that it has been taken from nature. The
internal evidence convinces us that these characters
are drawn from the life in Central Asia. Now and
again the rapine, the revenge, the thirst for blood,
the disregard of life, the throes of agony, the
effacement of all sentiment, the destruction of
all faith and honour, make us wonder whether
these creatures are like human beings — whether
they ai-e not predatory animals, birds of prey, in
human form. Yet there are simultaneously af-
forded proofs that into these poor souls there has
been breathed something of the divine spirit which
is not yet extinct — that through all the clouds and
brooding darkness there sometimes break the rays
of light from the conscience given by the Creator.
The same narrative presents instances among the
same men of fidelity, truthful, honourable, endur-
ing, and disinterested — for danger or safety, for
plenty or hunger, for heat or cold, for peace op
INTRODUCTION. XXUl
crisis. Again, there are cases of hospitality with
many of the best qualities of charity as we under-
stand it — of protection accorded to one who seemed
helpless, friendless, destitute, maintained proof
against temptation and inviolable under trial. Af-
ter terrific scenes there closely follow ceremonies,
graceful, gallant, chivalric, almost recalling the
legends of the Golden Age. The character of
the women is often romantic and courageous in
the extreme. In what we should call Baronial
warfare, where one wild chief will be the conqueror
and another the conquered, the women, generally
numerous, of the vanquished are infamously seized
as the spoil of the victor. But often the pride of
the women will not brook this. When they see
that warlike defence is over, they will die rather
than fall into the hands of their foes : the wife will
beg death from her husband's sword, the sister
from her brother s dagger. Apart from all this,
several episodes are briefly recounted which, as
tragic plots, would be worthy of Shakespearean
treatment, and as dramas would be as complete
as anything that a dramatist could frame. In
reference to the dreadful faults of these poor
people in Central Asia, the charitably considerate
reader may remember that some centuries ago the
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
devastating inundation of Gengiz Khan and his
Mongol hordes swept over these garden-like ter-
ritories, which probably were among the original
habitations of mankind. By this dread series of
events there came about that which the historian
eloquently and truly describes, "a shipwreck of
nations." There was not only a dislocation but
a disruption of society. Morally as well as materi-
ally every root was torn up, every foundation
dug out, every landmark swept away, everything
that pertained to civilisation was flung into a
vortex of barbarism. The damage then done to
countries at that time among the fairest on earth
has proved irreparable during the succeeding cen-
turies. Yet the plant of divine affection once
sown in a race of mankind never quite dies — ^the
light of other days is never put out — ^the spark is
still in the embers ready to burst forth into white
flame. No doubt, since Gardner's time the Eus-
sian supervision will have done much for social
improvement, and British influence, advancing in
the same direction, may do still more. Still, if we
are to prepare for the better things that are to be,
we ought to know the things that have been, and
therefore weigh well such authentic narratives as
those of Gardner.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
Referring to the third group, that concerning
Eanjit Singh, we may observe that it relates hardly
at all to the condition of the Panjab at the time.
Gardner had but scant notions — I might almost
say no notion — of civil government. But after
quitting the turbulent Peshawar and its cut-
throat neighbours, and on crossing the Indus, he
was evidently struck with the comparative peace,
the rule and order, which reigned in the Panjab.
In the absence of any account from the author,
I may explain to our reader the character of
Ranjit Singh's civil rule in a few words,— having
myself had to study it while the memory of it
was fresh among the people, and while evidence
on every point was forthcoming. It was as bad
as it dared to be with such a people as the
Panjabi — just that and no worse. It took all
that it could venture to take from the people —
that much and no more. It took no thought for
judgment and justice, — that was relegated to
feudatories of degrees and sorts ; but they were
men of the country, locally respected or feared,
and they would not carry things too far. The
Sikh sovereignty — as a political and military insti-
tution only — was popular in the Panjab. It was
the symbol of a national faith, founded on a sort
XXVI INTBDDUCnON.
of theocracy, but victorious by force of arms.
The people were in no humour to quarrel with
it needlessly. So long as they could go on pay-
ing their way, they did not want any revolution
— they would bear a burden sooner than rebel,
they would yield up a large percentage of their
crops before they turned out to fight. They
would so turn out, however, instantly if pro-
voked beyond a certain point, and this too with
grenadier-like force. The knowledge of this kept
the conduct of the Government within bounds.
StiU, Gardner gives us much material for the
historical completion of the portraiture of Ran-
jit Singh, who — considering his comparatively
humble birth, his mean bringing up with really
no education, his want of personal gifts, the dis-
advantages arising from debased habits and the
lowest life — was the most extraordinary native
that ever rose to power in India within modem
times, — ^power effectively great and long sustained
over the manliest race on the Indian continent
— personal, too, to himself alone, so that when
it dropped from his dying hands no successor
could be found to take it up. Thus the reader
will doubtlessly note the various meetings which
Gardner had with Eanjit Singh, the cautious
INTRODUCTION. XXVU
inquiries about military affairs, the instinctive
dread of the approach of the British Power, the
employment of European officers in the field,
the march with the army to the Afghan fron-
tiers with the Sikh sovereign at its head, the
strange affairs at the mouth of the Khyber Pass,
and the several other operations on the Trans-Indus
border. He gives some instructive notes regard-
ing Banjit Singh's management of the Sikh or
Khalsa army. While presenting a high estimate
of Kanjit's capacity for kingship, he abstains from
noticing — ^perhaps he even throws a veil over —
the king's vices, which were scandalously overt
and destructive of respectability in the State.
He must have seen these more or less, but he is
loyal when leaving them unmentioned. This is
the more noteworthy in that he deals quite dif-
ferently with the character of Gulab Singh, who
was equally his patron and ultimately his sole
employer. His analysis of Gulab Singh's con-
duct and disposition amounts to ruthless vivi-
section, and must doubtless be true. On the
other hand, he attributes many wise and able
qualities to his master, to whom this particular
praise — well deserved, no doubt — was most accep-
table. Strangely enough, it appears that this
XXVIU INTRODUCTION.
character was published at the time, and gave no
oflFence to Gulab Singh. This would be incredible
had it not been authenticated. The fact must be,
that Gulab Singh had been so inured to the com-
mission of crime, and Gardner to the sight of it,
that both had ceased to be horrified by it. There-
fore the one did not hesitate to impute it, nor did
the other mind the imputation, so long as a certain
sort of praise was attributed which the one knew
how to render with discrimination and the other
appreciated highly.
The fourth group relates to the events ensuing
on the death of Ranjit Singh. The events in the
palaces of native princes in India have now been
known to European authorities for a century and
a half. I do not remember any so grave as those
which occurred in quick succession at the capital
of the Panjab, Lahore, at this epoch. Upon most
of these a lurid light is thrown by Gardner's narra
tive, he being an eyewitness of some, or in immedi-
ate proximity to others. I must refer the reader
to Gardner's word-pictures of these grim occasions
— their effect would be marred by any attempt at
reproduction. The story of how Dhyan Singh the
Vizier receives a deadly threat from Cheyt Singh
within the next twenty-four hours — how Dhyan
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
Singh (Gardner with him) follows up Cheyt Singh
that very night into the recesses of the palace, and
after a tiger-spring stabs him to the heart, saying
that the twenty-four hours are not over — is drama-
tically tragic. Rarely do we have such a tale
authenticated at first hand by an eyewitness. Of
a similar character is the murder of Dhyan Singh,
shot in the back, and the 5a^i-buming of his young
widow — she declaring that her funereal fire shall
not be lighted till the heads of her husband's
murderers are placed at her feet; and she, when
they have been thus placed by Gardner himself,
mounting the pyre and applying the torch with
her own hand, her little maid in her lap sharing
the same fate. Equally graphic is the account of
the murder of the Maharaja Sher Singh. He has a
stormy interview with a great feudatory. At the
end he asks to look at the handsomely -worked
barrel of a musket which the feudatory bears.
Admiring it, he gets the muzzle close to his
breast; the feudatory pulls the trigger and the
king drops dead. The last scene at Lahore is
remarkable, when the Sikh army, governed no
longer by its sovereign but by its own military
committees, is shortly to march and cross the
Sutlej as an act of war against the British.
INTRODUCTION.
There is now an infant Maharaja as sovereign, with
his mother as regent, assisted by a brother, who is
especially unpopular with the army. All three are
summoned to attend a great parade : they come
in state, she and her boy on one elephant and
he on another. They are received with an omin-
ously resounding salute of artillery. Her elephant
is first made to kneel down; she with her boy
is dragged shrieking to a sumptuous tent; then
the brother's elephant is made to kneel, and he
is promptly despatched in the face of the army.
Such was the discipline with which the Sikh army
on the eve of contest prepared itself to cross swords
with the British. Lastly, while the army is fight-
ing a losiug battle, a big deputation comes back
from it to Lahore to see the Regent and complain
to her against the commissariat. She receives
them, the complaints grow louder, and the fate
of the capital is trembling : suddenly (Gardner
standing just behind her) she flings off" her loose
outer skirt and flings it at their heads, saying,
"Wear that, you cowards, while I go to fight in
man's equipment!" The men are abashed, and
the crisis is for the moment averted. I have
held out only a few signals, but to realise these
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
romances of real life, the reader must peruse
Gardner s narrative.
The last or fifth group contains the scenes affect-
ing Grardner personally. These are so frequent
throughout the Memoirs that to array them all
would be like counting the beads in a long neck-
lace. I shall only advert to a very few in order
to give some idea of the whole. On the last day
of his married life in Afghanistan, after an adverse
fight he is told that his little fort (castello) has
been captured, and that all is over within it. He
rushes thither and ascends to his desolate chamber.
There he sees his young wife l3ang dead with her
boy, also dead, in her arms. From out her dress
there just protrudes the left hand with which she
has driven the dagger to her heart to avoid be-
coming the prey of the captor. Anon he and his
few followers, afraid to light a fire in the Afghan
cold at the mouth of their cave for fear of dis-
covery, desperate from wounds and hunger, stop
a party of traders, overhaul their effects, taking
some of their provisions, such as fat sheep-tails
preserved in snow, and a ball of salt well rounded
off from constant licking, but leaving them to pro-
ceed with their more valuable things. Later on,
XXXll INTRODUCTION,
when in Moslem service, he hangs round his neck
a clasped Koran which none will dare to touch.
Between the leaves of this he places his notes and
memoranda; when the book shall thus become
suspiciously thick he means to say that these are
extra prayers. During the early days of his ser-
vice with Ranjit Singh some guns presented by
the British Governor-General have arrived. He
is shown the sheUs and fuses in the tumbrils, and
asked if he can fire them. Fortunately for him,
he finds among the fuses a slip of paper which he
can read while his employers cannot, and which
gives the necessary instructions. Possessed of
this knowledge, he is able to fire them with entire
success ; and so in Sikh estimation his reputation
as an artillerist is made. On one dire occasion
after Ranjit Singh's death he makes havoc with
his guns. A fight at the closest quarters is going
on between two rival parties for the possession of
the palace fortress of Lahore. He has to defend
the gate, which has been destroyed, and at the
entrance he contrives to pack his ten guns with
their muzzles all together : these he fires simul-
taneously as the fanatical Akalis with shouts and
brandished swords are pressing in a mass up the
INTRODUCTION. XXXlll
narrow way — and lo! the assailants are literally
blown into the air.
These Memoirs, published just half a century
after the event, corroborate the conclusion formed
by many, as I remember, after the first Sikh war in
1845-46. On the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839,
Sikh rule in the Panjab became an impossibility.
The members of a brave but unruly confederacy,
extending over the Land of the Five Rivers, had
been united and held together by the rough genius
of Eanjit Singh, but never welded nor consolidated.
He was not statesman enough for such consoU-
dation, being merely a rude organiser, and a fight-
ing commander without being a soldier in any
higher sense. On his death it became, from
Gardner's narrative, clearer than ever that there
were four parties clutching with lethal violence at
each other's throats — the Court party, the so-called
blood princes, the Dogras (Dhyan Singh and Gulab
Singh), and the Sindhanwala chiefs. Above all was
an unmanageable army acknowledging no power but
its own. The destruction of all these elements,
the one by the other, was about happening when
the first Sikh war broke out. On a retrospect we
may almost regret that the British Government
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
could not then annex the country, the native rule
having become demonstrably impossible. That
would have saved all the bloodshed in the second
war. As it was, a further respite was allowed in
the hope of better things. But the fire of disturb-
ance burst forth worse than ever. The second war
had to be undertaken, and after that the annex-
ation of the Panjab became inevitable. If any
one should doubt the ultimate necessity of that
annexation, let him consult these Memoirs of
Gardner.
RICHARD TEMPLE.
COLONEL ALEXANDER GARDNER.
CHAPTER I.
THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
MB FRSDSBICK COOPER AND COLONEL GARDNER — SIR LSPBL
GRIFFIN — MR EDGEWORTH'S ABSTRACT OF COLONEL GARDNER'S
JOURNAL — SIR HENRY YULE AND SIR HENRY RAWLINSON — MR
NEY ELLAS — SIR HENRY DURAND'S * LIFE OF A SOLDIER OF THE
OLDEN TIME.'
In the hot weather of the year 1864 the Govern-
ment of India deputed, as was then the annual
custom, an officer to the valley of Kashmir to
act as referee between the large body of English
visitors and the subjects of his Highness the
reigning Maharaja.
The officer selected for duty on this occasion
was Mr Frederick Cooper — a man well known in
Ids day for a terrible act of severity performed
A
2 THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
by him in the execution of his duty during the
suppression of the great mutiny of the Indian
army.
Mr Cooper was a man of talent and imagina-
tion, and while making such inquiries concerning
the affairs of Kashmir as seemed to him a desir-
able preliminary to the performance of his new
duties, he heard for the first time of the exist-
ence at Srinagar of an old European commandant
of the name of Gardner.
Feeling sure that the conversation of this veteran
would supply information of great interest con-
cerning the history, maimers, and customs of
Kashmir, Mr Cooper lost no time in requesting
the old adventurer, who bore the rank of com-
mandant or colonel of artillery, to favour him
with a visit.
The desired visit was speedily paid, and Mr
Cooper's description of his new acquaintance,
written down at the time, presents to us the
hero of the following narrative of travel and
adventure.
"The old colonel," he writes, "while on the
verge of his eightieth year, had a gait as sturdy
and a stride as firm as a man of fifty. Some
six feet in height, he usually wore a tartan-plaid
GABDNER AS HE APPEARED TO MB COOPER. 3
suit, purchased apparently from the quartermaster's
stores of one of the Highland regiments serving
in India. In consequence of a severe wound in
the neck, received in battle many years before,
the old commandant had long been unable to
eat soUd food; he had, moreover, lost from age
nearly aU his teeth. The photograph " — a copy of
which forms the frontispiece of this work—" while
indicating the outline of the countenance, gives
but a dim idea of the' vivacity of expression, the
play of feature, the humour of the mouth, and
the energy of character portrayed by the whole
aspect of the man as he described the arduous
and terrible incidents of a long life of romance
and vicissitude.
" The English he spoke was quaint, graphic, and
wonderfully good considering his fifty years of
residence among Asiatics.
" In the course of our first conversation I dis-
covered the stores of experience, adventure, and
observation which the old man could unfold; his
memory, too, except as to precise dates, I found
singularly tenacious. He complained of the loss
and abstraction at various times of his manu-
scripts. A whole volume, which contained an
account of his visit to Kafiristan, perished at
4 THB MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
Kabul in the destruction of the house of Sir
Alexander Bumes.
" Sir Alexander, whose interest in Kafiristan is
well known, had borrowed the book in question
from Gardner before starting with the army of
the Indus on that march from which he was
never to return."
The outcome of this interview was a series of
conversations between Mr Cooper and Gardner,
in the course of which the latter related those
wanderings and adventures, an account of which
I have pieced together to the best of my abUity
in the following pages.
Colonel Gardner had from time to time written
down in his quaint, crabbed handwriting many
anecdotes connected with his service under Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh ; and these pictures of a bygone
conqueror, and of the mighty army which he
welded together, possess a unique interest and
value.
Mr Cooper unfortunately did not live to com-
plete his history of Gardner's travels, and for
some years after his death the unfinished work
and Gardner's own manuscripts entirely dis-
appeared.
In a footnote to Sir Lepel Griffin's masterly Life
VICISSITUDES OP Gardner's papers. 5
of Ranjit Singh occurs the following reference to
these papers : " Colonel Gardner . . . allowed me
to read his manuscript narrative of the later years
of the Maharaja, and the events which succeeded
his death. These most interesting and valuable
papers, which were intrusted to the late Mr Fred-
erick Cooper, C.B., have disappeared, and the loss,
from a historical point of view, is considerable."
I will conclude this reference to Mr Cooper's
share in preparing the narrative by mentioning
the fact that his rough draft of Gardner's travels,
aB f ar as the point where Gardner left the Pamirs,
was corrected throughout by Gardner himself;
and therefore it may be assumed that the traveller
accepted the draft as a faithful record of his
adventures.
It is perhaps unnecessary to relate to the reader
how it was that Gardner's papers came into my
hands : suffice it to say that this occurred some
four years ago, and that the vicissitudes of the
papers by no means came to an end with Mr
Cooper's death. Two very high authorities on
Central Asian geography successively took the
papers in hand with a view to investigating their
value, and both unhappily died while the papers
were in their possession.
6 THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
I must now say something on the subject of
the credibility of Colonel Gardner's narrative.
Those interested in the study of geography may
be aware that an abstract of a portion of Gardner's
travels appeared in the * Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal' of February 1853. This ab-
stract was furnished to the Journal by Mr Edge-
worth, an officer of the Bengal Civil Service ; but
as Mr Edgeworth was unfortunately prevented
"by want of leisure and other causes" from
properly editing the abstract, its publication
throws but little light on Gardner's exploits, and
has no value for us save that it aflFords positive
proof that Gardner had written at some period
prior to 1853 an account of his travels, " thrown,"
as Mr Edgeworth writes in his introductory re-
marks, " into the shape they now have, occupying
several volumes of country paper."
The abstract was, in fact, so carelessly put to-
gether, and so barbarously mangled by native
printers, that its pubUcation permanently injured
Gardner's reputation, and even caused many per-
sons to express their disbeUef that he had ever
visited the re^ons he professed to describe.
Such, however, was not the opinion of geogra-
phers so thoroughly qualified to give an authori-
oardner's achievements as a traveller.
tative opinion on the subject as the late Sir Henry
Bawlinson and Sir Henry Yule. Thus the latter,
in his preface to the second edition of Wood's
* Journey to the Sources of the River Oxus/ after
making severe comments on the inaccuracy of Mr
Edgeworth's abstract of Gardner's Journal, says :
"Colonel Grardner is not only a real person, and
one who has real personal acquaintance with the
regions [Badakshan and the Pamirs] of which
we are treating, to a degree, it is believed, fer
surpassing that of any European or native tra-
veller whose narrative has been published, but
he appears to have acquired the esteem of men
like the late Sir Henry Durand, whose good
opinion was of unusual worth."
Sir Henry Rawlinson repeatedly refers in his
geographical writings to Gardner's travels, and
in his well - known * Monograph on the Oxus '
says, " Colonel Gardner did certainly visit Bad-
akshan in person"; and again, "Gardner actually
traversed the Gilgit valley from the Indus to
the Snowy Mountains, and finally crossed into
Chitral, being, in fact, the only Englishman up
to the present time (1872) who has ever per-
formed the journey throughout.
These remarks of Sir Henry Rawlinson and Sir
8 THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
Henry Yule were written, it must be remembered,
before Mr Cooper had set about the task of writ-
ing a corrected version of Gardner's travels, and
these two eminent geographers had nothing before
them on which to settle Gardner's claim to be
considered a great traveller but the mangled
"abstract," the inaccuracies of which they so
severely criticised. Nevertheless, barbarous spell-
ing, unrecognisable names, and incorrect dis-
tances notwithstanding, they agreed in believing
that Gardner had verily and indeed traversed
Badakshan and the Pamirs, and had found his
way from those regions to India by the way of
Gilgit and Chitral.
About a year ago I placed the entire MS. of
Gardner's geographical notes and Mr Cooper's
rough draft of his travels in the hands of that
"mute, inglorious Milton," the late Mr Ney
Elias, a man whose invincible modesty alone
prevented his being known as one of the greatest
of English travellers, and one of the highest
authorities on Eastern geography.
Mr Elias took the greatest interest in the MS.,
and at the time of his sudden and lamented
death had, in part, written a note on Gardner's
travels.
THE TESTIMONY OF MB NEY BLIAS. 9
Having himself a personal knowledge of Bad-
akshan and other portions of Gardner's route,
possessed by no living European, Mr Elias's
opinion may be accepted as final. The follow-
ing extract should satisfy all but the most in-
credulous : —
"There appears to me to be good internal
evidence that, as regards the main routes he
professes to have travelled, Gardner's story is
truthful. When he tells us that he visited the
east coast of the Caspian, Northern Persia, Herat,
the Hazara country, even Kiiiva ; that he spent
some time in and about the district of Inderab,
and afterwards passed through part of Badak-
shan and Shighnan, thence crossing the Pamirs
into Eastern Turkestan, I see no reason to doubt
him. At the time he speaks of, such journeys
were almost as practicable for Europeans as for
Asiatics. Most of the countries in Central Asia
were in a more or less disturbed and lawless
condition — ^much more so than in later years —
but that was a condition which affected Asiatic
and European alike. . . . The times were, on
the whole, sufficiently favourable to render be-
lief in the main features of his narrative possible ;
and it is, in a sense, the truth of the general
eridenee that, as rssik
professes to luve
truthfd. Whcu lie idk
east coast of t^ie Cwwi,.
the Hazara coimtiT,
some tiioe in saA d
and afterwudi i^
shaQ and !^l^i»^^■^
iuto Eaeten
him. At ik
vere aliBas
II as very
known.
■ -nd all the
I. There is
i>.= undaunted
Qcl Gardner's
_■ been great —
v else could he
months, and he
■ o seemed to have
iiim aa far as pos-
be have drawn to
tilers whom he led
en so little mentioned
ones ia a marvel. But
r he was a man without
i;md or any country might
10 THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
narrative that enables us to excuse the untruth
of many of the details.
"In other words, had Gardner not travelled
over a great part of the ground he professes to
describe, it would not have been possible for
him to interpolate the doubtful portions of his
story. He could not have known enough of the
surrounding conditions or even the names of
places and tribes, nor have met with the people
whose clumsy inventions he at times serves out
to us. It is necessary, for instance, that a man
who could never have read of the Pamir region
should at least have visited that country or its
neighbourhood before he could invent or repeat
stories regarding Shakh Dara or the Yaman Yar,
or be able to dictate the name of Shighnan."
I will conclude this brief introduction of Colonel
Gardner and Ms writings with a summary of his
career with which Sir Henry Durand completed
a sketch entitled * Life of a Soldier of the Olden
Time : An unwritten Page of History ' : —
" Even in outline the story is of great interest,
— ^a life drama indeed, as full of incident and
adventure as drama can well be. The story of
Dugald Dalgetty is nothing to this, as it will be
seen by the light of times to come.
Gardner's magnetic influence. 11
" To take the two ends of the long tangled line
is something wonderful, — one end bright and
sunny on the banks of Lake Superior in the Far
West; the other end approaching, where the
chapter will close, in lands watered by the Indus.
And then the schooling in Ireland, and the teach-
ing in Lahore ; the parting from home for ever
for a life from end to end of perils such as very
few men have ever imagined, still less known.
"It is difficult perhaps to comprehend all the
career, but much may be understood. There is
no mistake about the high heart, the undaunted
courage, the unflagging will. Colonel Gardner's
personal influence, too, must have been great —
what is called magnetic; for how else could he
have bound to himself for nine months, and he
all the time a prisoner, men who seemed to have
an interest in separating from him as far as pos-
sible ? And how else could he have drawn to
himself those Sowars and others whom he led
to Kabul and elsewhere?
" That such a man has been so little mentioned
in the history of the times is a marvel. But
we must remember that he was a man without
a country, though England or any country might
be proud to claim him.
12 THE MAN AND HIS WRITINGS.
''Faithful to his standard, whatever it was,
obeying without questioning military orders, he
presented and presents, perhaps, one of the finest
specimens ever known of the soldier of fortune.
" He must have been a man, too, who did not
care to force himself into notice so long as he
could obtain employment; and the fact that he
secured the respect and confidence of so many
persons, of characters so widely different, is
enough to show that besides being a bold
soldier, he was possessed of rare tact and skill,
of qualities indeed which, if the love of adven-
ture had been urged on by anything like an
equal share of ambition, would have gone far to
gather together the turbulent elements among
which he lived, and make of them a more
devastating flame than even Gardner himself
ever saw."
Such a tribute, coming from so honoured a
source, surely entitles Gardner to "a fair field
and no favour," and never in his life did he ask
for more.
13
CHAPTER 11.
EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS, 1785-1819.
PABEKTAQB AND BIBTH OF THE TRAVELLER — A WANDERER FROM
CHILDHOOD — THE JESUIT SCHOOL IN MEXICO — FIVE TEARS IN
IRELAND — GARDNER RETURNS TO AMERICA — VISITS LISBON,
MADRID, CAIRO, TREBIZOND, AND ASTRAKHAN — GARDNER'S
ELDER BROTHER; HIS SUDDEN DEATH — GARDNER'S FIRST VISIT
TO HERAT — FIRST WANDERINGS IN ASIA.
About the middle of the last century a certain
Scottish surgeon named Gardner accompanied his
father to North America, and subsequently took
an active part in the War of Independence. It
appears that he was intimately associated with
several of the leaders of the rebellious colonists,
particularly with George Washington and the
Marquis de Lafayette, and he long preserved
their correspondence with him.
After the War of Independence had ceased Dr
Gardner obtained employment under the Mexican
Government, and while living in Mexico married
the daughter of an Englishman named Haughton,
14 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
who was the principal official of a town and dis-
trict on the banks of the river Colorado. Hangh-
ton's wife was of Spanish descent and belonged
to a good family, through whose influence Haugh-
ton had obtained preferment. Haughton himself
was the son of a major in the English army,
well known in his day as a traveller in Africa,
in which mysterious continent he eventually lost
his life.
Soon after the marriage Dr Gardner and his
wife moved northwards and made their home on
that portion of the shore of Lake Superior which
is nearest to the source of the Mississippi, and
here in the course of time they became the
parents of three sons and as many daughters.
The youngest of these sons, the hero of these
pages, who was bom in the year 1785, received
the names of Alexander Haughton Campbell, and,
like his brothers, was brought up in the Unitarian
religion, the creed of their father. The daughters,
on the other hand, followed their mother and be-
came Eoman Catholics.
Although in his old age Alexander Gardner
became devout in his language, and, perhaps from
long association with Orientals, interlarded his
letters with pious phrases, it does not appear that
A WAin>ERER FROM CHILDHOOD. 15
religion came much between him and worldly
objects during his adventurous career. For many
years he passed as a Mussulman, and apparently
felt no scruple in the matter.
This may possibly have resulted from the con-
tentions which took place in his childhood, as the
strict views of Mrs Gardner impelled her to en-
deavour to draw her sons as well as her daughters
into the fold of her Church.
Alexander Gardner's travels began early in life,
for before his fifth birthday Dr Gardner returned
to Mexico and made a new home there, near the
mouth of the river Colorado and not far from the
town of St Xavier. At the same time he per-
manently entered the Government medical service,
and in course of time acquired considerable pro-
perty in addition to some inherited by his wife.
Mrs Gardner was, to use her son's words, "in
all respects a well - educated and accomplished
woman, of a rare sweetness and strength of char-
acter." She educated her sons and daughters in
their early years, and as a man may be in some
measure judged by his appreciation of that price-
less blessing, a good mother, it is worthy of note
that Gardner attributed to that early training
whatever of good there might be in his character.
16 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
She was, he adds, an accomplished linguist, speak-
ing French and Italian well, in addition to English
and Spanish, which she naturally knew in virtue
of her mixed descent.
Dr Gardner was cast in a rougher mould, but
he was a well-educated man, and taught his sons
Greek and Latin, with the severity customary at
that period, until they reached the age of twelve,
when (no doubt at the desire of their mother)
they went successively to the Jesuit school at St
Xavier.
As was natural, Gardner, when recording his
early recollections, had no very definite memories
of this school, but remembered creating a sensation
on his first arrival there by a sturdy refusal to
attend the daily mass and the confessional. The
contempt with which he was treated by the
priestly masters gaUed him to the quick, and he
was even more infuriated by the haughty disdain,
such as Spaniards alone can exhibit, with which
his schoolfellows received both friendly overtures
and warlike challenges.
Isolation in youth is hard to bear, yet no doubt
Gardner had to thank it in part for the stem
and inflexible courage that enabled him to endure,
and even to enjoy, the much greater isolation —
THE MAGGOT OF HIS BRAIN. 17
that of the European dweller among Orientals —
that was his lot for the greater part of his life.
Alexander Gardner's chief consolation during
his lonely school-life was derived from the inces-
sant study of a book of travels among the
American Indians, the property of the Principal
of the school. Gardner discovered this book, he
relates, in the Principal's library, while waiting
there for chastisement. He begged for a loan of
the book, but being refused, took an opportunity
of possessing himself of it; and the successful
lawlessness of the act, coupled with the romantic
character of the book, no doubt permanently
influenced him. In his own words, "From this
early period of life the notion of being a traveller
and adventurer, and of somehow and somewhere
carving out a career for myself, was the maggot
of my brain."
Gardner remained nearly nine years in the
seminary, mainly at the intercession of his
mother, for his father would have preferred his
being educated in England.
Mrs Gardner died early in the year 1807,
when Alexander was between twenty -one and
twenty -two years old; and there is some mys-
tery as to the manner in which he passed the
B
18 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
following five yeaxs. He himself states that he
was in Ireland during the greater part of the
time, preparing partly for a maritime life, to
which he was then inclined. It is probable that
while in Ireland he acquired a certain knowledge
of the science of gunnery, and also assimilated
the tenacious accent of "the distressful country."
In after -years his knowledge of artillery and his
strong Irish brogue gave occasion to those un-
friendly to him to accuse Gardner of being a
deserter from the British artillery. This charge
was, however, quite unsubstantiated, and there
are no grounds for giving it the slightest credit.
It should also be stated that Gardner came in
contact, after the Sikh war, with very many
English officers and soldiers, and that, had the
statement been true, more would certainly have
been heard of it, as every effort was being made at
the time to remove the European and foreign officers
who were in the service of the Sikh Government.
In 1812 Gardner returned to America, landing
at New Orleans in the month of March. Here
he received the news of his father's death, con-
veyed to him in a letter from his second brother,
and immediately embarked on the career of ad-
venture to which his inclination led him.
THE SPIRIT OP UNREST. 19
The spirit of unrest, inherited from both sides
of their parentage, was no doubt strong in the
Gardner family ; and Alexander's eldest brother
had for several years been employed by the
Russian Government as an engineer at Astrakhan.
By his advice Gardner left Philadelphia, where
he had been staying with one of his uncles, and
saUed for Lisbon, whence he proceeded to Madrid.
There he realised his father's Spanish property
(derived from his wife) on behalf of the family,
it having been arranged that the portions of
himself and his eldest brother should be pro-
vided from this source.
Having realised the property, Gardner trans-
mitted the proceeds to his brother at Astrakhan,
retaining only a sum sufficient for his own travel-
ling expenses to that city.
While preparing for this journey, Gardner made
the acquaintance of a man named Aylmer, whom
he describes as very clever and an experienced
traveller, and, moreover, a relation of the Prin-
cipal of Gardner's old Jesuit school in Mexico.
Aylmer was a Jesuit himself, and had no difficulty
in persuading Gardner to join him in a journey
which he was about to make to Alexandria and
Cairo. His complete knowledge of Persian and
20 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
Turkish made him a desirable travelling companion
for Gardner, and the latter seized the opportunity
offered him of gaining an acquaintance with those
languages.
Early in the year 1813 they accordingly set
out from Madrid together, and arrived in due
course at Cairo, where Gardner found (as Aylmer
had promised him) a friendly and intelligent
French society. A Monsieur Julien welcomed
them to his house, and they found other visitors
there in the persons of two German mineralogists.
These men, one of whom was named Dallerwitz,
having been dissatisfied with the salaries offered
them by the Egyptian and Persian Governments,
had determined to try their fortune in a miUtary
career, and to wend their way to the Russian
frontier, as reports were current that European
military officers, particularly those trained as
engineers, were in request by that Government.
Having made the acquaintance of these Grer-
mans, Aylmer and Gardner determined to proceed
to Trebizond with them. Another member of
the party was a highly accomplished Frenchman
named Rossaix, one of that large body of his
countrymen who had been thrown out of em-
ployment by the peace of 1805, and who dis-
FROM CAIRO TO TRERIZOKD. 21
persed themselves over the East in search of a
new field for miUtary enterprise. Rossaix was a
skilled engineer, and had a design, which he
afterwards carried into execution, of entering the
service of the ruler of the Sikhs, Maharaja Ranjit
Singh.
The conversation which Gardner had at this
time with M. Sossaix led him, many years later,
to enter the Maharaja's service.
Rossaix himself went to Lahore, and died there
of cholera many years before Gardner's arrival,
having obtained very lucrative employment.
The party of engineers which now left Cairo
was too small to travel safely, and they intended
to join a large caravan, organised by some Armen-
ian merchants, which had recently started. After
running some risks, Gardner and his companions
caught up the caravan a few marches from Jericho,
and found that it consisted of about 3000 human
beings — "a medley of Asiatics, chiefly pilgrims;
a mendicant set, but very sturdy." It was
necessary to maintain an incessant watch against
them, but, as it proved, unsuccessfully, for the
party did not escape robbery — in fact, they were
pillaged to such a degree that a small party of
Christian, Turkish, and Arab merchants, who had
22 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
effects which they did not choose to lose, and
with whom Gardner and his friends were asso-
ciated, kept aloof some 300 yards from the
main encampment, letting it be known that any
prowlers would be fired on.
When near Erzeroum intelligence reached
Gardner's French and German friends which
decided them on going with him to Astrakhan.
They therefore embarked at Trebizond on a
Russian craft bound for a small port at the
northern base of the Caucasus. From this place
Gardner wrote to his brother, who immediately
set to work to obtain employment for him
under the Russian Grovemment.
Finding that the salaries of mineralogists were
very high, and that there was a considerable de-
mand for superintendents (presumably of mines),
Gardner applied himself studiously to all the
books he could gather together, so that his
brother might be able as soon as possible to
testify honestly to his acquirements. He was,
he says, aided in his studies both by a natural
bent and by some training in the rudiments of
geology and chemistry happily acquired from his
lamented and honoured father. At this period
Gardner lived with his brother, and worked and
THE HAND OF DESTINY. 23
studied under his supervision : he speaks with
much gratitude of his fatherly kindness, and
recalls with satisfaction the fact that he was
able to make himself useful to him.
This settled and promising life was, however,
to come to an abrupt end; for when Gardner
was on the point of receiving the reward of his
labours in the shape of a Grovemment appoint-
ment, his hopes were shattered and his home
broken up by the sudden death of his brother,
who was killed by a fall from his horse on
December 14, 1817.
Gardner's first design was to request the ful-
filment of the promises of employment for him
that had been made to his brother; but far
from obtaining his wish, he was disgusted by
repeated discourtesies and delays, and, to add
to his difl&culties, his brother's property was
attached in liquidation of claims based on ac-
counts which his death had left unclosed.
After a tedious litigation that detained him
nearly a year and cured him of any fancy for
the Russian service, Gardner, through the kind
intervention of a friend, was allowed to retain
about £6000, one -third of his brothers effects.
This sum included his own patrimony.
24 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
Disgusted with Russia, and disheartened by the
loss of his brother, Gaxdner was about to return
to America when he met one day a German
named Sturzky, who was accompanied, to Gard-
ner's surprise and satisfaction, by his old travel-
ling companion Dallerwitz. These two gentlemen
had left the Russian service, and were about to
proceed to the Court of Persia in quest of
fortune, and Gardner was easily induced to
accompany them. He left the bulk of his for-
tune in safe hands at Astrakhan, and taking
with him a small sum for travelling expenses,
started again on his travels. The party left
Astrakhan early in October 1818 in a small
merchant craft, in which they crossed to the
eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, and then,
turning south, gradually worked their way to
Astrabad.
This was a slow and tedious voyage, and, on
landing, the company broke up, Dallerwitz re-
turning to Russia, while Sturzky and Gardner
started for Herat. Gardner now proposed travel-
ling through Persia and Afghanistan to the Pan-
jab, having heard while at Astrabad that his friend
M. Rossaix was receiving large pay at Lahore.
INVITED TO KHOKAND. 25
In the course of the journey to Herat, Gardner
and Sturzky fell in with a respectable -looking
and intelligent man, with some twenty moimted
attendants. He represented himself to be a
naib or vakil (ambassador) from the khan of
Khokand, sent from that territory on a political
mission to the Courts of Persia and Herat, and
now returoing to his master. He held out allur-
ing prospects to the travellers if they would
accompany him to Khokand. M. Sturzky was
at once persuaded to adopt the proposal, and
was fully convinced of the truth of the man's
assertions. He endeavoured to persuade Gardner
to go with him and the vakil, and Gardner
would have done so but that he fortunately fell
ilL Sturzky therefore took a friendly leave of
him, and departed with his new ally. This took
place within a few miles of Herat, and Gardner
entered that city on the following day, and re-
mained there a short time until cured of his
fever. He then proposed to visit Khiva, and
possibly to rejoin M. Sturzky.
On the 20th January 1819 Gardner was fit to
travel, and started off to Ghorian, hearing that
a small caravan of petty merchants and Mecca
26 EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS.
pilgrims, bound for diflFerent parts of Turkestan,
was collecting there. Losing no time, Gardner
covered the thirty-five miles to Ghorian by sun-
set, but, to his intense vexation, found that he
had been misinformed, and that the caravan was
really ending, not beginning, its journey. It
was bound for Herat, there to rest some time
before proceeding eastward. The kaJUa (cara-
van) was a very small one, and had been no
less than eighteen months on the march from
Mecca.
Nevertheless, some of its devoted members had
still to toil as far as the north-eastern boundaries
of Khokand, Kashgar, and Yarkand, and even to
the more distant regions of Mongolia.
Gardner returned with the kaJUa to Herat,
and having made acquaintances among the pil-
grims, determined to remain with them during
their stay at Herat, and to travel towards Kun-
duz in their company. He was now, at the age
of thirty -four, about to enter on a career of
apparently aimless wandering, which he pursued
until his arrival in the Panjab in August 1831,
a period of twelve years. Occasionally he settled
down for a time, but soon the force of circum-
A BOLLING STONE. 27
Stances, or a roving and lawless disposition, com-
pelled him to move on.
We can now leave Gardner to tell in his own
language the tale of his first journey in the
wilds of Central Asia, on which he started on
January 19, 1819.
28
CHAPTER III.
ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS, 1819.
SAVAGE HOSPITALITT — THE KHALZAI8 (DAI KUNDI HAZABAS) — THE
THERBAH8 — THE ANCIENT KAFIRS — OARDNBB ACQUIBB8 A
FAITHFUL FOLLOWER—THE SLAVE -DEALERS — GARDNER'S '^NOM
DE VOTAGE" — ^A GENEROUS HOST — GARDNER'S DANGEROUS ILL-
NESS — ^THE KHAN OF KHIVA — A GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEM — AD-
VENTURES OF M. STURZKY — GARDNER RETURNS TO ASTRAKHAN.
We left Herat at daybreak, and as the melting
of the snow might soon be confidently expected,
the kajila took a direct, but little-frequented, road
over the snowy ranges of the Western Hindu
Kush. We were, in all about 100 persons, bound
for various parts of Turkestan, and by general
agreement amongst us the city of Kunduz, the
capital of the kingdom of that name, then under
the sway of Mir Murad Ali Beg, was to be our
first destination. Arrived there, or near there, we
intended to break oS into small parties which
could make their own arrangements for reaching
their homes. Most of us were provided with
I
SAVAGE HOSPITALITY. 29
rough- coated ponies or mules. The region
through which we now commenced to travel-
was inhabited by the Hazara3^ whom we found
to be a truly hospitable race. We journeyed
along the track that appeared to separate the
northern (or hill) Hazaras from the southern
tribes, and our daily marches were from eight
to ten miles in length, and generally in a north-
easterly direction.
The kindly hill Hazaras kept us regularly sup-
plied with fresh bread and milk, and made us
welcome to their villages for as long as we
liked to stay. I observed, and it was worth
observing, that the farther we journeyed from
the confines of civilisation the more marked and
scrupulous was the punctiliousness with which
our wants were met.
We took sixteen marches to traverse the land
inhabited by the Hazaras, and in the evening
of the fifth day we arrived at a mosque, which
served as a serai, or resting-place for travellers,
and hinted a wish to stay the night and a
readiness to pay for accommodation, food, and
forage. Our offer met with polite but sharp
resentment: no purchasers could be allowed to
rest under their protection. It is considered not
30 ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
only a disgraxje but a crime, for which they are
responsible to God, if a fellow - creature suffers
want under their roof; but these wild Hazaras
strictly define the limits of their hospitality, and
consider it quite a venial matter to sally forth
armed, and to waylay and plunder caravans be-
fore they happen to have entered the charmed
precincts. But any outrage on a poor and lonely
traveUer is hooted as a disgrace.
Devotion precedes a marauding expedition. The
Hazara invariably recites a prayer in the mosque
or at the nearest shrine, and if in the struggle
for booty slaughter is probable, he, before striking
the necessary but perhaps deadly blow, mutters
between his teeth the "kulma," repeating the
invocation " Bismilla ill il la." They deem the
penal responsibility for the crime materiaUy
modified in the eyes of God and man by this
propitiatory precaution. In fact, in their eyes
it is tantamount to absolution, the booty is re-
garded as lawfully gained income, and a portion,
one-fortieth, is set aside for charity. The omission
of the invocation precludes all these benefits ; and
death, heavy calamity, or some deadly illness is
deemed to be hovering over the guilty.
To resume my journey. We proceeded on ova
UNDER PROTECTION OP THE CHURCH. 31
way through thinly inhabited country. The lower
Hazara district, the borders of which we skirted,
was thriving with grain crops, and we obtained
guides and protectors through the district, thereby
avoiding adding our slender belongings to swell
their prosperity.
These protectors were fakirs, mullahs, or pirs
— ^in other words, men of various religious pre-
tensions. Each conducted us to the limit of his
spiritual dominions, and the sanctity of their
profession was our only but sufficient protection.
They were quite indispensable to our life and
property, and were well rewarded by subscription,
though they often tried to exact more than we
were disposed to afford.
Travelling thus, we traversed, as I have said,
the Hazara country for a period of sixteen days.
I then left the kaJUa, and turning to the north,
with a few companions, I entered the country
of the KJialzais,^ a mountain tribe living to the
north of the Hazara region. The history of this
race is obscure, but they are supposed to be the
^ 1 am very nncertain of the spelling of this name, and have been
miable to identify the tribe. They are said, in Edgeworth's abstract
of Gardner's travels, to be a section of the Dai Kundi Hazaras.
Hardly anything is as yet known of the Dai Kundi country. —
Editob.
32 ADVEirrURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
descendants of emigrant Arabs, Mongols, and
Tartars. From my notes I take the following
description.
The Khalzais are low sized, but stout and
active, of a florid complexion, with brown or
dark-red hair and beard.
The women are very comely, active in all
household pursuits, and not shrinking from hold-
ing a spear and taking part in a clan skirmish.
The beauty of the women is in repute through-
out Afghanistan and the north of Persia, from
whence slave-dealers are deputed to kidnap them
for the seraglios of the wealthy. Reprisals are
often adopted, and expeditions formed by the
Khalzais to carry fire and sword into the neigh-
bouring countries. In these expeditions the
Khalzais carry off women and children for sale
in the slave-markets \)f Balkh or Bokhara.
r
The Khalzais are armed with a long straight
knife, a short, stout, broad-headed spear, and a
matchlock or jezail. Their dress consists of a
long loose garment of a coarse woollen texture,
manufactured from the wool of their own sheep ;
a jacket made of roughly dressed skins ; a waist-
band of several folds of cloth; narrower rolls
round the legs ; raw skin sandals ; and a curiously
INHABITANTS OP THE DESERT. 33
shaped leather hat completes the picturesque cos-
tume. In the summer those who can afford to
do so, adopt soft trousers.
The women dress in loose trousers, with a short
vest of black or blue woollen stuff. Their hair
is neatly braided, with long pendent ringlets.
They live in caves, some of which have spacious
apartments, calculated to shelter a patriarchal
fjAmily.
The tribe are devout Muhammadans, and can
marry the usual number of wives, but, contrary
to custom, they adopt no privacy for them. Not-
withstanding, the virtue of the Khalzai female is
held in high repute.
From this tribe I passed on to another known
as the Therbahs, a tribe of Kafir descent.
The Therbah, who is a half-savage, worships
the sun and moon, fire and water, and resembles
in some respects the scattered remnants of the
Guebers of Persia. The tribe wanders about the
sandy wastes south of Merve. They maintain
friendly relations with their neighbours the Khal-
zais, and they understand each other's dialect.
They intermarry with the Siah Posh Kafirs, who
inhabit the Eastern Hindu Kush ranges, but the
pride of the latter tribe does not permit them
c
34 ADVEKTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
to give their daughters in return. The Therbah
is said to be able to make the journey to the
Khawak district, on the border of Kafiristan, in
ten or twelve days.
In ancient days the Kafirs are said to have
spread over the whole Hindu Kush region, and
even far to the west of those mountains, but
various invasions worked great changes. Timur
passed over the Bamian route into India, and
partially destroyed the Kafir races by the sword
or by compulsory proselytism. Local traditions
affirm that while carrying on an unsuccessful war
with the Siah Posh Kafirs he managed to compel
8000 males of other tribes to adopt Muhamma-
danism. The numerous tribes who follow the
Prophet under the name of Hazaras, and the
Kemaik races, are lineal descendants of these
ancient Kafir tribes. The Therbahs are among
them, but have retained their ancient religion.
The Therbahs resembled the Khalzais in appear-
ance, and with some trifling exceptions their dress
was also similar. Their chief, whose name was
Therman Eian, treated me with much friendship
and hospitality, and his son Ibrahim Khan at-
tached himself to me also. I passed about a
month with Therman Khan, and made several
PLOT TO SELL OARDXER AS A SLAVE. 36
expeditions of exploration, which I should think
worthy of record but for the far more exciting
scenes through which I was destined to pass.
In addition to two servants who were already in
my employment, I here procured two others. One
of these was an Afghan or Kohistan lad about
eighteen years of age, who had been stolen by an
itinerant slave -dealer, bought by Therman Khan
as a child, and reared by him. Therman Khan
gave me the lad, and he proved a faithful servant
and good soldier. I always called him Therbah,
in memory of the tribe whence I obtained him, and
his history will be found in the following pages.
It being now my purpose to proceed to Merve,
a party of Therbahs, under Ibrahim Khan, was
ordered by the chief to conduct me to that neigh-
bourhood. In the course of our journey we met
with the following adventure, which indicates the
species of society into which we had penetrated.
We reached a town called Nack, distant some
miles from Merve, and there met a party of
five slave-dealers from the north. While we were
inquiring particulars of the country through which
they had travelled, these men opened a shy con-
verse in the Turki dialect with some of our party.
When the time for repose came, they sought a
36 ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
private interview with Ibrahim Khan, who in a
short time returned to us with peals of laughter,
and I was apprised that negotiations had been
made for my sale as a slave. The slave-dealers
were not convinced that their proposition was
declined, and one of them sneaked in and privately
thrust five tillahs into the hand of Ibrahim Klian :
he flung them away, and repeated that I was not
merchantable.
At last words grew high and blows were ex-
changed, and the scuffle ended in the binding in
bonds of the five merchants by the chief authority
of the place.
They were very near being retaliated upon and
made slaves of themselves, but humanity prevailed
in the counsels and they were let go — mulcted,
however, of everything but a sword and shield
apiece, as a just fine for their insolence and
violence. After these ruffians had vanished, it
transpired that four of them belonged to a body
of men whose whole trade consisted of kidnapping
children for sale. Eleven tillahs of gold, part of
the money found on my would-be purchasers, were
handed to me. I gave ten of them to Ibrahim
Khan when we parted company a fortnight later.
From his protection I passed to that of a Turko-
A FKIENDLY CHIEF. 37
man chief, named Shah Mardak, said to be of
Mogul origin : he, however, stoutly professed to
be a Turkh. He was chief of a small oasis in the
sandy tract to the south-east of Merve. He gave
me a most hospitable welcome.
I lived with him for some time, moving about
in an easterly direction, and eventually left him
and made a forced march to Andkhui, where I
joined a considerable caravan. This was composed
of merchants of various nationalities, the principal
of them being a very intelligent man, who passed
by the name of Urd Khan. He received me as
a guest in his tents, and treated me with great
generosity. I had no money left and no prospects
at Kiiva, his home and the destination of the
caravan, save the doubtful assistance that M.
Sturzky might be able to afford me.
I have not yet stated that my own travelling
name was Arb Shah. I passed as a native of Arabia,
and met very few in my travels who could speak
Arabic. I explained any deficiency of knowledge of
my native language by telling my interlocutor that
I came from the opposite comer of Arabia to that
with which he was acquainted, having previously
taken care to worm this information out of him.
While travelling with Urd Khan I fell danger-
38 ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
ously ill with brain fever, and was insensible for
two days. We were at the time about ten days'
journey from Khiva. Nothing could exceed the
paternal benevolence of Urd Khan. He actually
conveyed me in a bed made up in a Jcajawa^
carried by one of his private camels, and I was
balanced by his ladies in the Jcajawa on the other
side : they treated me with great kindness.
During my illness we were one day alarmed by
twenty horsemen galloping up. Urd Khan, as the
selected chief of the caravan, was deputed to deal
with them. His tactics were erroneous. Thinking
they were but a small party, and calculating on
our strength, he told them to be off as "dogs."
Off they went and halted suddenly a mile in front,
and seemed in a moment to melt away out of
sight. We marched on for a few miles, when
suddenly a band of some 400 marauding Turkoman
horsemen appeared. Urd Kian now changed his
tone. As for me, I was dead-sick, and little cared
what became of me.
He rode forward and arranged a parley with the
chiefs, who condoned his former demeanour to their
deputies, as the first batch proved to be. Our
lives were to be spared, and we and our women
were not to be sold into slavery, the ordinary
PLUNDERED. 39
doom on such occasions, but Urd Khan was to
be mulcted of a fine camel and two kajavxis full
of selected merchandise. Then every one had to
open his bales, and contributions were levied from
us all, in due proportion, under Urd Elian's super-
vision. My pony was seized; and a rich Jewish
merchant, who was among us, was treated with
exceptional severity. This he attributed to Urd
Khan, and longed for revenge. The depredators
affected great indignation at having had to come
so far. They had come, they said, tvf^TLty farsangs
on receiving Turkoman telegraphic intelligence of
the treatment of their deputies at the hands of
Urd Eian.
They do, in fact, communicate with each other
with extraordinary speed, and swoop down in num-
bers, like vultures upon a dead body, when but
one solitary bird has originally scented the carrion.
We were warned that we should only be safe until
noon the following day, and taking the hint,
hurried off, and had hardly got across the river
Oxus when a body of sixty men, either of the
same band or another of like character, halloed
to the peasantry on our bank that we were robbers
and had despoiled them.
The peasantry were soon up in arms, but for-
40 ADVENTURES AMONG THE HAZARAS.
tunately took our view of the matter. The
whistling, shouting, shrieking, and signaUing on
this occasion betokened the state of incessant
watchfidness the inhabitants of these parts are
obliged to maintain. Aided by the villagers, we
were strong enough to hold our own, and moved
slowly on. We did not dare to halt, as from the
well-known pride of the Turkoman hordes we were
in hourly expectation of another attack, and we
therefore moved on until within two marches of
Eiiva. Here a tremendous altercation arose be-
tween the Jew and Urd Khan. The Jew wanted
to go to KJiokand, Urd Khan intended shortly to
start for Orenburg, and they were bartering com-
modities to suit the diflFerent markets.
The country we were now in was most inimical
to Russians, of whose movements they were very
jealous, and the Jew disappeared, and gave out
that Urd Khan had a Russian spy with him. I
was still prostrate with fever, and indiflferent as
to what befell me. Urd Khan swore that no harm
should touch me, and nobly did that generous and
disinterested Asiatic redeem his pledge. He had
some acquaintance with the khan of E^iva, and
went to see him, and declared that I was too ill
to move.
A GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEM. 41
In a great state of anxiety as to my identity,
the khan deputed three learned men, who had
travelled over half the world, to examine me.
I told them the truth — that I was an American.
They were suspicious. One of them, a very en-
lightened man, thought to pose me by a conclusive
and abstruse geographical question, "Could I go
by land from America to England ? " I promptly
answered, " No ! " at which, as much delighted at
his own superior learning as at my reply, he de-
clared that he was convinced. Americans they
considered " Yagistanis," or Independents.
Urd Khan hovered round my couch during this
perilous interview, and plied me with incessant
gruels, magnifying my deplorable state, and
actually managed so well as to get the Jew
flung into prison. He then deported me quietly
to the home of a friend of his at Urgunz. During
all this time I had no resources of my own, and
lived entirely on the munificent hospitality of my
Eastern entertainer. From this place I wrote to
KJiokand to M. Sturzky, who wrote me in reply
a doleful account of himself. The Khiva people
had stripped him of everything, and but for the
intercession of a holy travelling khoja of great
sanctity, he would have been murdered.
42 ADVENTURES AMOXO THE HAZARAS.
He subsequently managed to join me on my
way to Astrakhan, after many adventures. He
was half-naked, thin, hungry, and ill, but still in
good spirits. The hapless man had bought his
escape from Eiiva at the price of circumcision in
a public ceremonial by the fanatical khoja, who
deemed the wrath of Heaven inevitable had he
omitted to avail himself of this happy opportunity
of securing the conversion of an infidel.
My health being restored, I dismissed my Ther-
bah to his home, and returned with M. Sturzky,
by way of the Sea of Aral, whence I crossed the
steppe to Alexandrovsk, where I took ship for
Astrakhan.
43
CHAPTER IV.
WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER IN CENTRAL ASIA.
IL DELAROCHB — OARDNER AGAIN LEAVES ASTRAKHAN — CROSSING
THE ARAL SEA — GARDNER APPROACHES URA-TUBE — AN ADVEN-
TURE WITH KIPCHAK — KIRGHIZ — *'WHEN AT ROME ACT LIKE
THE ROMANS" — A FLIGHT FOR DEAR LIFE — GARDNER A FREE-
BOOTER — APPROACHES AFGHANISTAN.
Gardner reached Astrakhan without further ad-
venture, and there had the good fortune to meet
a relation and friend, in the person of M. Dela-
roche, the son of one of Gardner s maternal aunts.
M. Delaroche, who had been a great traveller,
had brought with him letters to high Kussian
authorities, by means of which he purposed to
obtain for his relations the remainder of the elder
Gardner's fortune, which had been so unjustly-
attached by the Kussian Government.
In this matter he eventually was successful, and
was also ready and even anxious to obtain employ-
ment for Gardner ; but, as the latter quaintly puts
44 WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER.
it, he had imbibed a prejudice against the Russian
method of conducting business, and preferred to
remain his own master.
In the course of the year 1820 M. Delaroche
left for America and M. Sturzky for Moscow.
Gardner took an early opportunity of repaying
his debt to the generous Urd Khan, and remained
at Astrakhan until the beginning of the year 1823,
during which period he apparently spent or lost
his smaU fortune.
He then became restless, and in the month of
February again set out on his Asiatic travels.
He could not, he says, rest in civilised coun-
tries, and, being free from family ties, was per-
suaded that he would find happiness among wild
races and in exploring unknown lands. Realising,
therefore, the scant remains of his fortune,
Gardner embarked for the last time on the Cas-
pian Sea. He had determined to lose his identity
as soon as possible, and particularly to cast off all
connection with Russia— a step that was essential
to his safety, as that nation was much hated and
dreaded at the period in question by aU the tribes
and peoples between the Caspian Sea and the city
of ELhiva.
On leaving his ship Gardner therefore dismissed
THE GARB OF AN UZBEG. 45
his servant, who returned to Astrakhan, and im-
mediately exchanged the Russian furs which he
was wearing for the garb of an Uzbeg. This con-
sisted, he says, of a lofty, peaked fur cap ; a black
postin (sheepskin coat) ; thick wide drawers reach-
ing to the knee ; short black boots, with bandages
twisted round the leg over them and up to the
knee.
There was nothing worthy of note during Gard-
ner's journey across the steppes from the Caspian
to the Aral Sea. The ground was familiar to him,
and he merely records that he received great hos-
pitality from the various chiefs, and that he re-
sumed (this time for many years) his travelling
name of Arb Shah, the convenience of which has
been explained.
In spite of the risk, Gardner could not resist
sending a message to his friend Urd Khan, to in-
quire where he was and how he fared. The mes-
senger returned and informed Gardner that Urd
Khan had gone to Meshed, and also conveyed a
warning from Urd Khan's brother to Gardner that
he should not visit Khiva.
Meanwhile Gardner had with great difficulty
crossed the Aral Sea : his boat filled with water
and nearly foundered. Eventually he and his
46 WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER.
companions landed on the south-east shore, in a
most dangerous swamp at the mouth of a river.
There is, he says, a most remarkable formation at
this place. The silt of the river forms an immense
bed of inert vegetable matter, which presents all
the horrors of a quicksand for any unfortunate
vessel that founders. No life has ever been known
to be saved under such circumstances. Having
happily effected a safe landing, Gardner and two
or three wanderers who had joined him travelled
for a short distance along the bank of the river at
whose mouth they had landed, but presently
struck off to the east with the intention of reach-
ing Khojend, the home of one of the party. They
gave all towns and other dangerous places a wide
berth, but on approaching their destination were
tracked and apprehended by some scouts, who,
however, let them pass unmolested on receiving a
satisfactory account of the party from the native
of Khojend.
On approaching Ura-tube they made a detour,
as the heg or hai (ruler) of that place was a noted
and unscrupulous marauder and robber. About
this time Gardner was joined by his faithful Ther-
bah, who had heard of his journey and had followed
him up, and also by a remarkable person who was
A MYSTEMOUS ACQUAINTANCE. 47
travelling with three or four camels. Gardner
suspected this man of being an escaped convict
from Siberia, but was uncertain of his nationality
— he called himself a Pole, and perhaps was one.
He spoke of various parts of Germany and of
Transylvania and Albania. He usually spoke
French to Grardner, and went by the name of Aga
Beg. He showed himself very friendly to Gardner ;
and it was, in fact, thanks to his information and
advice that the party kept clear of the direct road
to Ura-tube and Khojend, and went by the Ak-
Tagh range, farther to the north.
Barely had they skirted this range when they
foimd themselves in bad company. The advent-
ures that followed shall be related in Gardner's
own words.
" We found ourselves," he says, " close upon a
large camp of Kipchaks, which was pitched on the
banks of the Jisak, a river which empties itself
into the Zerufehan. At the head of the encamp-
ment was a powerful beg or bai.
" There was nothing for it but to make the best
of things ; so we, as the smaller party, sent a depu-
tation to salute the larger. From the date of this
rencontre the whole destinies of myself and my
48 WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER*
paxty were changed, and our horizons were dark
with presages of imminent disaster.
"A suspicious cordiality was soon struck up
between some of our servants and those of the
hais large camp. Pressure was also put upon us
by the Ura-tube freebooters, who, on the pretext
that we had intruded without leave in their terri-
tory. made a demand for fifteen or twenty horses.
We had the latter number among our small party,
five of which were mine, very fine animals which
had caught the eye of the stalwart 6ai, our neigh-
bour. Twenty per cent of all our goods was also
demanded, and eight days were allowed us to show
our belongings. Nothing is done in a hurry in
Asia. It was pretended that similar demands
were made on our neighbours the Kipchaks, and
their hai sent for us to his camp under the pre-
text of asking our advice. On arriving there he
was not to be found, and on our return we found
that he had visited our little encampment during
our absence. The result of his inspection was soon
apparent. Orders came to us that we should move
closer to the hai^s camp. We had to obey, and
that very night our horses and camels were stolen
under the very noses of our treacherous servants.
" We tracked them to the hats camp, recognised
A MIDNIGHT RAID. 49
our property, and demanded their restitution. We
were, however, hustled back with volleys of abuse.
We then offered to buy them back, but it was of
no use.
" Meanwhile, to add to our difficulties, the Ura-
tube chief sent an imperative mandate for a con-
tribution of five horses. We had none to give,
and grew desperate.
" We swore on our drawn swords to recover our
horses and property by stratagem or force, or die
for it.
"Aga Beg had two trusty men, as familiar as
wild beasts with the intricate ravines about the
place, and such ground was homelike to my Ther-
bah. We determined to make a midnight daur
(raid), recover our horses, plunder as much as
we could in reprisal, and escape by the ravines.
Hemmed in as we were, we prowled about for two
nights, being fired upon once or twice in mistake for
wild animals by the camp outposts of the Kipchaks.
"The suspicions of the hai seemed at last to be
lulled, and the hour came. We entered the camp
and carried off twelve horses, including my own
five, and plenty of booty, and then made the best
of our way south by places in which pursuit was
at that hour of night almost impossible. It was a
D
60 WANDERER AND FREEBOOTER.
daring deed. We knew that the pursuit would be
close and furious, and that the whole country
would soon be up. We were at the mercy of Aga
Beg's guides, but felt that we could rely on him
and them. Our hope was to reach Samarkand,
where he had property and a powerful connection.
" Three horsemen of the Ura-tube chief suddenly
overtook us about dawn, and with violent abuse
ordered us to halt and yield in the name of the
Government. On our refusal they threatened to
fire, and in self-defence we slew them and fled on,
taking their arms and horses, through the tracks
most remote from habitations. One night a Turk-
oman horseman passed near us at full speed, and
soon afterwards another came up to us and stopped
us. He said he had orders from Samarkand to
aid in arresting a desperate band of robbers. We
declared that we were in pursuit of them. We
might easily have killed him, but agreed that by
letting him pass on we might divert suspicion
from ourselves.
"It was evidently unsafe to make for Samar-
kand, as was our intention then ; so, wearily but in
good heart, we pursued our anxious way towards
Hazrat Imam, hoping for shelter there.
"Having reached the Oxus, we hid ourselves
PROCLAIMED AND PURSUED. 51
among the rocky banks, and sent a man to the
holy place to see what our chances were. He re-
turned with the calamitous news that our party,
*dogs of Mervites,' were proclaimed all over the
country, and no one would dare to take us in."
Finding life under such circumstances a trifle
too exciting, Gardner and his companions now
decided to strike southward and endeavour to
make their way to Kabul, there to offer their
services to Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, who was
at this time establishing himself, by right of con-
quest and by the will of the people, as ruler of the
northern and eastern portions of Afghanistan.
Gardner but seldom mentions dates, and it
is difficult to gather from his rapid narrative
how long was the period during which he and
Aga Beg lived as wandering freebooters. They
apparently joined forces early in the summer of
1823, and from the great distances covered during
their prolonged flight from the Kipchak marauders,
it must have been well on in the year when the
party crossed the Oxus at the first practicable spot
above Hazrat Imam and headed towards Kabul.
A rough and dangerous mountain country had
to be traversed, all authorities to be avoided, and
52 WANDERBR AND FREEBOOTER.
it need cause us no surprise to learn that the condi-
tion of the travellers proceeded from bad to worse.
Unheedingly they passed the famous lapis-lazuli
mines ; historic cities were to them but the strong-
holds of oppression, and, as such, to be avoided.
" Food," says Gardner, " we obtained by levjring
contributions from every one we could master, but
we did not slaughter unless in self-defence."
When near Kunduz, it should be said, they had
again been compelled to kill a party of three armed
men, who declared that Gardner's party were them-
selves the robbers whom they professed to be pur-
suing, and threatened to take them before the ruler
of the province.
A guilty conscience is certainly suggested by the
following passage, which immediately follows that
quoted above : " On coming near Inder - ab (or
Anderab) we halted for two days, to rest our
wearied bones. We told the same story to all we
met, saying, 'Have you seen any robbers? We
are in pursuit of a band.' " To this query Gardner
says they invariably received the response, "You
will find them in Bolor." We shall henceforth
become familiar with this name under various
forms.
The borders of Afghanistan were at length
RIVAL CLAIMANTS. 53
reached, but the path to safety and employment
under Dost Muhammad ELhan was by no means
clear.
The reader will be reminded in the next chapter
how it was that Dost Muhammad Khan came to be
Amir of Kabul, and must further understand that
at the time of Gardner's arrival in the Inder-ab
valley, that region and the Kohistan (or mountain
country to the north of Kabul) was in possession of
a rival claimant to the throne. This claimant was
Prince Habib-ulla Khan, son of the deceased elder
brother of Dost Muhammad Khan. Habib-ulla
Khan had for a short time been recognised as ruler
of Kabul, but had now been dispossessed by his
uncle.
54
CHAPTEK V.
A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE AMONG THE AFGHANS.
THB KINGDOU OF AFGHANISTAN — HABIB-ULLA KHAN AND HIS HIS-
TORY— GARDNER JOINS HIS STANDARD AND BECOMES A SOLDIER
OF FORTUNE — AFGHAN TOLLS — THE ROMANCE OF WAR — GARD-
NER'S MARRIAGE — THB OABTELLO — TRIUMPH OF AMIR DOST
MUHAMMAD KHAN — TRAGIO END OF GARDNER'S MARRIED LIFE
— HABIB-ULLA KHAN'S RESOLUTION.
The kingdom of Afghanistan dates only from the
year 1747, when Ahmad Khan, hereditary chief
of the Sadozai tribe, was crowned King of the
Afghans at Kandahar. Ahmad Khan changed the
name of his tribe to Durani, and assumed the title
of Shah Duri Duran. After a glorious career of
conquest he died in June 1773.
Ahmad Shah Durani was succeeded by his son
Taimur, who reigned twenty years, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Shah Zaman, who was blinded
and deposed in the year 1799. Shah Zaman's
brother and successor, Mahmud Shah, had no
THE AFGHAl^S. 55
strength of character, and in July 1803 was set
aside in favour of Shah Shujah, another brother.
The vicissitudes undergone by this unfortunate
monarch are well known, and had rerftdted in his
exile in the year 1811, when the greater part of
Afghanistan fell under the dominion of another
great clan — the Barakzai — of which Dost Muham-
mad Khan eventually became the chief. In 1839
the British placed Shah Shujah once more on the
throne of Afghanistan, but as soon as the protec-
tion of that Power ceased, in April 1842, Shah
Shujah was murdered.
His son and successor, Fathi Jang, shared the
same fate a few months later, and Dost Muhammad
resumed the power whieh he alone could wield
effectively. His family has ever since reigned in
Afghanistan.
The people of Afghanistan are indifferently
called Afghans and Pathans. The former name is
by some writers said to indicate the turbulent
nature of the people {Jighan meaning lamentation)
— ^the same Persian word fighan means in another
sense " idols," and may therefore imply a nation of
idolators.
The name " Pathan " is said by Colonel Malleson
to embody the idea of strength. " Pashtun " or
66 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
"Pukhtun," yet another name of the nation, is
said to mean "dwellers in hills."
Grardner and his companions had, of course, no
knowledge of Afghan politics, and little antici-
pated the events which were about to frustrate
their intention of seeking emplo}Tnent under Dost
Muhammad. Gardner's account of his campaign
under Prince Habib-uUa Khan is so spirited, and
fortunately so complete, that it follows entirely
in his own words.
The history of the internecine struggle between
Dost Muhammad Khan and the various members
of his fsunily for the throne of Afghanistan has
been very incompletely told by historians. The
record of the Kohistan campaign, as related in the
following pages by Gardner, is therefore valuable
as well as interesting.
The happy audacity and confidence displayed by
the adventurer on the occasion of his falling in
with Habib-ulla Khan throw full light on his
character, and enable us to understand how it
was that dangers vanished from before him.
At last (says the traveller) we came upon
an outpost of the Kohistan region of the Kabul
country, and were stopped by a mounted guard.
A CRITICAL MOMENT. 57
We demanded the name of the ruler. The guard
declared it to be the great Amir Habib-uUa Khan,
of Kabul, Kashmir, and Peshawar. We desired
to be brought before him. The guard refused,
and demanded the usual custom dues. We per-
sisted, and seeing a threatening of an attack,
disarmed two of them, but the third escaped and
flew for aid. The crisis was now approaching.
In about an hour we heard the trampling and
rushing sound of stiU distant cavaby, and pres-
ently the famous but unfortunate outlawed chief-
tain, splendidly mounted and at the head of fifty
picked horsemen, dashed at us. We could see
them coming on like a desert-storm for a mHe,
and I had barely time to order my followers to
mount and to place myself at their head, when the
cavalcade was upon us. I received them with a
respectful military salute. Habib-ulla Khan was
enraged at the insult we had offered to his out-
post, but amused, I could see, at the attitude
of our small band. The moment was come for
parley ; I ordered my men to sheath their swords,
returned my own to its scabbard, and demanded
an audience. By this time we were completely
surrounded by the chiefs party, and I knew that
we were in their power, and that nothing but
58 A SOLDIER OP FORTUNE.
audacity and tact could save us. I enjoined
silence, under pain of death, on my men, and then
explained myself frankly to the chief.
I told him I was of the New World (he had
never before heard of it) and a Christian, and he
declared the secret should be inviolable. His first
irritation over, it pleased rather than displeased
his fine nature that we had refused to comply with
the demands of the outpost, and had preferred
to fling ourselves on his protection. The affair
ended by the generous chief sending then and
there a distance of three miles for a sumptuous
repast and Kabul vintages wherewith to recruit
our famished frames. He then took us with him
to his fort, where he recounted tcr me all his
history, his hopes, and his sufferings. He told
me how he had been plundered, how grossly his
mother had been treated, how his two lovely
sisters had been violated by order of his uncle,
Dost Muhammad Khan, and how he had slain
them at their own request with his own hand,
and lastly, how he had fled and become the out-
law I found him.
I sympathised deeply with the brave and per-
secuted man, whose eyes filled with tears when he
recalled the dishonour of his family. The person
COMMANDANT OF HORSE. 59
of the chieftain was as attractive, and his face as
handsome, as his stature was gigantic ; his prowess
in action I have never seen surpassed. His open
nature abhorred Asiatic wiles, and thus he had
easily fallen a prey to the machinations of his wily
uncle, Dost Muhammad Khan.
The Dost at this time had abandoned the follies
of his youth and aflFected great religious austerity,
and by these means, and by making grants of land
to the m/idlahs ^ in all the Kohistan, the territory
still held by his nephew, had succeeded in raising
up a religious war against him. He bribed the
avaricious and intriguing priests to proclaim
Habib-ulla Khan an infidel and a wine -bibber,
and was aided by the liberal opinions and jovial
habits of the sardar.
Being, like Habib - ulla Khan, of a sanguine
disposition, and, moreover, being favourably im-
pressed by his appearance and manner, I prof-
fered the services of myself and my followers,
which were readily accepted, and I was en-
gaged as commandant of 180 picked horse to
be employed in forays into the enemy's country,
and in levying contributions on all caravans,
especially seizing every morsel of baggage and
^ Priests.
60 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
property that was intended for Dost Muhammad
Khan.
Our good friend Aga Beg took leave, and the
chief presented the faithful, though mysterious,
adventurer with a fine horse, and a safe escort
to his destination.
I had one day accidentally noticed a golden or
brazen cross hanging from Aga Beg's neck, and
asked him in French where his home was, thinking
that he might be of that nationality. He replied,
with a smile, in that language, that he lived in
the mountains of Ura-tube, but gave me no
further information, nor did I seek for any. I
parted from him with regret, and for ever.^
From this date for a period of two and a half
years I led a life in the saddle, one of active war-
fare and continual forays : so successful were we
that we had our advanced posts within twenty
miles of Kabul, and the Dost dared not show his
nose in the whole mountain region.
None of the chiefs faithful and ardent followers
received any pay. We lived, as I have said, in
the saddle, and fed in common, for the good cause
^ The Pole gave Gardner a carious crystal pipe-bowl as a parting
present This gift was subsequently a source of trouble to the
recipient
CHAMPION OF EVERY FIGHT. 61
of right against wrong which we had espoused
Any money derived from our captures went to pay
the general expenses.
We made daily forays, with various results, and
Habib^ulla Khan headed us in every struggle, and
was the champion of every fight. He seemed
ubiquitous in action, and his shout in the charge
struck terror into the hearts of our enemies, and
seemed to lend double courage and vigour to his
followers. There was hardly one of us who was
not at one time or other indebted to him for
life, and not one who was not ready to repay the
debt.
The contributions levied on travellers and
traders amounted to nearly 20 per cent. Now
the dues of Government (and it was these dues
that we aflfected to levy) ought, by the Muham-
madan law, to amount to one -fortieth or 2 J per
cent. So, to satisfy our consciences, we detailed
to our victims the following rapacious schedule : —
2i per cent the dues of God ;
2i II for the priests ;
2i II for the poor ;
2J i» for the great Amir Habib - uUa
Khan;
62 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
2J per cent for prayers of intercession at
Mecca ;
2i •» for the protection we afforded
them out of our dominions;
and the remainder for our expenses (for by
this time we had usually got tired of details).
I cannot relate my experiences at length, for
the events of one day much resembled those of
another, but one occasion is indelibly impressed
on my memory.
It was about six months after I joined Habib-
ulla Khan that we received information from a
trustworthy source in Kabul that Dost Muhammad
Khan was about to move in force to the north,
but for a short distance only, and not with the
intention of attacking us. The politic conduct
of his uncle always infuriated Habib-ulla Khan,
who longed for an opportunity of settling the
family questions in the field.
He now, however, felt that something was likely
to happen which would give him an opportunity
of dealing a home-blow to his enemy, and so it
fell out. We ascertained from our spies that one
of the ladies of Dost Muhammad's harem, who
had long been absent on a pilgrimage to various
shrines, had ended her pious journey at Hazrat
A CLEVER RUSE. 63
Imam, and was now about to return to Kabul
from that place, with an escort of some fifty
sowars. The object of her pilgrimage had been
to secure the intercession of the priests of all the
shrines in her favour, she being unblessed with
issue. So anxious was the Dost about the safety
of his lady, and of a treasure in gold that she
was bringing with her from a source which I
failed to identify, that he sent an overpowering
body of horse to guard all the Bamian passes.
By a clever ruse, and by making some of our
people personate some sowars of Dost Muhammad
Khan and misinform other bodies of his troops,
we induced the lady's escort to divert their route
to the Ghorband Pass, where Habib-ulla lay in
wait. We attacked them in front and rear, and
they were largely outnumbered, but the escort
were true to their trust and made a gallant
fight.
Eventually we cut oflF the camels laden with
treasure and those on which the lady and her
attendants were carried, and Habib-ulla committed
the entire prize to my care, while he covered our
retreat.
While so doing he was attacked by a large
force of the Kabul cavalry, which had found out
what was going on and that they had been de-
64 A SOLDIER OP FORTUNE.
ceived. So hardly was he pressed, and so hot
was the pursuit, that nothing but extraordinary
exertions on our part, and the brilliant courage
of Habib-ulla Khan, extricated us.
In the course of the running fight to our strong-
hold I was enabled to see the beautiful face of a
young girl who accompanied the princess. I rode
for a considerable time beside her, pretending that
my respect for the elder lady made me choose
that side of her camel on which her attendant
was carried.
On the following morning Habib - uUa Ehan
richly rewarded all his followers, for he was gen-
erous to a fault; but I refused my share of the
gold, and begged for this girl to be given me in
marriage as the only reward I desired. She was
of royal birth on the mother's side, being the
daughter (as was at once discovered) of one of
Habib-ulla Khan's nearest relatives. He, how-
ever, freely and willingly gave her to me, and
established me as commandant of a fort near his
own abode. There I was very happy for about
two years, in the course of which time my wife
made me the father of a noble boy.
To return, however, to Dost Muhammad's lady.
She was treated with scrupulous honour and
A CAPTIVE LADY OF THE HAREM. 65
respect, being given a separate residence with her
attendants. Every faciUty was given her to com-
municate her whereabouts to her lord, and after
negotiations which lasted over two or three
months, she was ransomed at the price of 3000
tillahs of gold, five horses, three large falcons,
and other articles of value. She returned to
Kabul with her personal honour untarnished and
her private property untouched.
Many of us hoped that after this dignified and
chivalrous behaviour to the wife of an uncle who
had barbarously outraged the family of Habib-
ulla Khan, negotiations might have been entered
into and a spirit of amity displayed by the Dost.
But it was not to be so. Habib-uUa, far from
encouraging any proffer of reconciliation, rather
widened the breach by his unyielding pride. He
declared that his uncles should humble themselves
before him, and not he to them, and he published
it abroad that the ransom paid for the lady was
the token of their humiliation and the symbol
of their admission of his sovereign rights. Neither
would the proud youth abate one jot of his claims
to absolute dominion, nor lower in any degree his
tone of defiance.
The Dost despatched two wily mullahs, osten-
E
66 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
sibly with a view to eflfect a reconciliation between
liim and his nephew. These men were kindly and
cordially received, but we soon found that they
were endeavouring to tamper with our officers,
and Habib - ulla assumed a distant behaviour to*
wards them. The mvllahs were made over to my
care as guests. I housed them, and attended with
due courtesy to their wants.
When they had resided about fifteen days in
my castellOf which was about a mile and a half
to the north-east of the fort of Parwan,^ Habib-
ulla Khan's residence, the leader of the two de-
clared one morning that he had seen a vision
during the previous night. A prophet had ap-
peared unto him and declared that it was his,
the mullah's, bounden duty to convert Habib-ulla
Khan and his troops to the right faith. After
this announcement he assumed fanatical airs, and
stood in one of the principal highways with a
Koran in one hand and a rusty pistol in the other,
calling on all passers-by to repent, that he might
show them the seventh heaven, the everlasting
abode of the houris. Being looked on as half-
^ Parwan or Parwandarrah is a few miles north of Charikar. A
British force was defeated there by Dost Muhammad in November
1840.
THE SAINT-KILLEBS. 67
crazy, not much notice was taken of hiniy until
one day he was seen standing on the top of one
of the turrets of my castello and beckoning to
some armed strangers who had evidently been
skulking about the ravines. Signal whistles were
soon heard from two or three quarters.
No more ado was made than for the mullah to
be shot dead forthwith by my killadar (fort-war-
der), and the rest of the party fled precipitately.
I was not at home at the time, but was seated
in the presence, receiving orders on some important
matter from the chief, when the tidings reached
him. He merely remarked, " Let the dead mvllah
be washed and buried, according to the rites of the
Faithful" He then wrote to Kabul, explaining
how the man had met his death through his own
misconduct and treachery. This occurrence nat-
urally was exaggerated and made use of against
Habib-ulla Khan and his foUowers, and the cry
for a holy war to the knife became hot and
furious. The addition of " saint - killers " was
made to the already tolerably complete vocabu-
lary of opprobrious designations used against us
by the Dost's party.
Now, as I have already said, the Dost had
gained over the priests by large grants of land.
68 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
most of which lay in the district still held by
our party. The time had now come for our
enemies, aided by the excited feeling abroad, to
make a simultaneous attack on us from all sides,
with the object of destroying us if possible, or at
any rate of finally driving us out of the country
and breaking our power. The Dost employed his
whole available force, some 12,000 men, for the
work of extirpation. They hemmed us in on the
west, south, and east, and for a period of from
two to three months there was a series of bloody
and desperate fights. We were graduaUy more
and more closely surrounded, and our originally
slender numbers were terribly attenuated.
In March 1826* the struggle was nearly over.
Habib-uUa Khan's force mustered but 180 devoted
sowars. Our sole remaining outlets were the
Khawak Pass and the Kafir -Ghaur, the latter
almost inaccessible and in country unknown to
nearly all of us. Well do I remember the occa-
sion of the Dost's final attack. Snow was still
lying on the ground in large and deep patches.
My troop (which had hitherto escaped fairly well)
^ It is usuaUy stated that Dost Muhammad overcame the rebellion
of Habib-ulla Khan in the coarse of the year 1824 ; but the details
of the civil war are but little known, and Gardner's date may be
correct
DEFEAT AND DISASTER. 69
had been reduced in the previous day's fight from
ninety men to thirty-nine. The enemy had been
most pertinacious, and had followed us until well
into the night, contrary to their usual custom.
I felt that we were at our last gasp, when an
express message reached me from Parwan, which
Habib-ulla was defending in person, ordering me
to join him at 6hdrak-i-Siah, a place so called
from a dark ravine beneath it. My heart beat
with sad forebodings, too awfully to be realised
I must hurry over this part of my history.
I soon learnt that my chief had been over-
powered and his fort taken : he himself with the
few survivors of the garrison had cut their way
through their enemies, and endeavoured to throw
themselves into my castello. They had, however,
been unable to escape from their pursuers, and
were sore pressed when I came to their assis-
tance. I reached Habib-ulla Khan about half-
way between Parwan and my home, and found
him fighting desperately with twelve of his men
about him. Cutting my way through the enemy,
I reached him, and found that he was badly
wounded in the arm. I myself had previously
received a ball in my knee.
Habib-ulla Khan, on seeing me, drew me aside
70 A SOLDIER OP FORTUNE.
(the enemy having now retired), and, with a stony
countenance in which all outward sign of emotion
seemed to have been frozen down, told me that all
was over with my unfortunate wife and little baby.
He then detached half my men, and ordered me to
go to my castello with the remainder and bring oflF
what was left of the garrison, if any had survived
the attack.
On arrival I felt a stern pleasure at seeing the
great number of dead bodies of the enemy in com-
parison to those of the defenders ; but our succour
was too late — the garrison had been slaughtered to
a man.
The silence was oppressive when I rode through
the gateway of the fort, and my men instinctively
fell back, when an old mvllah (who had remained
feithful to our party) came out to meet me, with
his left hand and arm bound up. His fingers had
been cut oflF and his arm nearly severed at the
wrist by savage blows from a scimitar while striv-
ing to protect my little child. Faint from his
wounds and from the miserable recollection of
the scenes from which he escaped, the sole sur-
vivor, the aged mullah^ at first stood gazing at
me in a sort of wild abstraction, and then re-
counted the tale of the massacre of all I loved.
SAD FATB OF GARDNER'S WIFE. 71
The garrison had long and gallantly held their
own, though attacked on all sides by an immensely
superior force. They had seen Habib-ulla Khan
approaching, fighting gallantly, and had for a
moment thought themselves saved, but he had
been driven back and passed from their sight.
The castdlo had then been stormed and all in it
put to the sword, with the sole exception of the
priest.
After this brief story the mullah sUently beck-
oned to me to dismount and to follow him into
the inner rooms. There lay four mangled corpses,
— my wife, my boy, and two little eunuch youths.
I had left them all thoughtless and happy but
five days before. The bodies had been decently
covered up by the faithful mullah^ but the right
hand of the hapless young mother could be seen,
and clenched in it the reeking katar with which
she had stabbed herself to the heart after handing
over the child to the priest for protection. Her
room had been broken open, and mortally self-
wounded as she was, the assassins nearly severed
her head from her body with their long Afghan
knives or sabres. The mullah had tried to escape
with the child, but had been cut across the hand
and arm as aforesaid, and the boy seized and bar-
72 A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.
baronsly murdered. There he lay by the side of
his mother.!
I sank on my knees and involuntarily oflFered
up a prayer for vengeance to the Most High God.
Seeing my attitude, the mullah^ in a low solemn
tone, breathed the Muhammadan prayers proper
for the presence of the dead, in which my sowars,
who had silently followed with bent heads, fer-
vently joined. Tear after tear trickled down the
pallid and withered cheeks of the priest as he
concluded. Rising, I forced myself and him away
from the room, gave him all the money I had
for the interment of the dead, and with fevered
brain rode away for ever from my once happy
mountain home.
Habib-uUa Khan saw by our faces that all was
over, and, with the same stony expression of
despair in his countenance, bade us dismount
and take counsel as to our future. His mind, he
said, was made up. He would save, by death
from his own hands, all his females from dis-
honour (he had removed them from Parwan some
little time before), and then fall upon the enemy
and die sword in hand.
^ To the end of hiB long life Colonel Gkuniner was unable to teU
without tears the sad story of his Afghan wife and child.
73
CHAPTER VI.
A FUGITIVE.
OABDNBR A FUOmYS— DESPERATE STRAITS — THE VALUE OF SALT
IN CENTRAL ASIA — THE EL^LENDARS — VISIT TO A KAFIR PRIEST
— A KIND RSOEFTION — THE KHILTI KAFIRS — HISTORIC REMAINS
— ^DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD BT THE KAFIRS — A RELIC OF THE
PAST — FAREWELL TO THE HOLY MAN — AN ATTACK BT ROBBERS
— A RACE FOR LIFE — THE ESCAPE — A GOOD SOLDIER — BOLOR —
CAPTAIN YOUNGHUSBAND — NOTE ON " BOLOR."
In accordance with his resolution Prince Habib-ulla
Khan returned to his stronghold in an inaccessible
place near Parwan, and there with his own hands
slew his wives and female slaves. He believed
that this terrible act was necessary to preserve
them from dishonour at the hands of the victorious
faction, and his previous experiences certainly
justified his belief. The prince's mind became
unhinged from his misfortunes, and it is believed
that he shortly afterwards died while performing
a pilgrimage to Mecca.
Gardner mentions a beautiful act of fidelity on
74 A FUGITIVE.
the part of a Kafir boy, one of the prince's slaves,
who had been treated very kindly by him. This
boy first begged leave to accompany the prince,
and on being told that this was impossible, he
insisted on being slain together with the ladies
of the royal household.
It would appear that Gardner and seven other
wounded men were unable to follow Habib-ulla
Khan on account of the severity of their injuries,
and this fact undoubtedly saved Gardner's life.
Still his circumstances were bad enough, and by
some means or other it was absolutely necessary
for him and his companions to put as much
ground as possible between themselves and the
followers of Dost Muhammad Khan.
How they fared shall now be related by Gardner
himself. He thus continues his narrative : —
I will not dwell upon the details of my parting
from my noble chief and brother, nor will I relate
how he carried out his dreadful intention in regard
to his family. The days which immediately fol-
lowed the departure of Habib-ulla Khan seem a
wild and sickening dream. I was wounded in
the neck and leg, and my companions were all
more or less disabled. Our party only numbered
IN DANGER AND DISTRESS. 75
eight souk. The greatest danger attended any
appearance on our part on the northern plains.
There was nothing before us but to plunder to
support life.
Our whole property amounted to the value of
nine or ten annas in copper coins, called Kohistani
zeruhs. To light a fire by day was certain dis-
covery, and we had to contend against damp
clouds and cold sleet.
After making a short march, with great pain and
difficulty, we concealed ourselves in a cavity among
some rocks, from which we could command a good
view of the main passes for nearly two miles.
Desperate with hunger, wounds, and privation,
we despatched from this place two of our party
(having previously sworn fealty to each other on
our naked sword-blades) to try and procure some
flour or a sheep. They returned without success ;
but having sworn to stick by one another to the
last, all doubts were removed, and we boldly lit a
fire and slept in a circle with our feet to the heat.
Our nimchis and postins ^ were our only bedding
and clothing.
The night passed, and in the morning, after our
^ Po8ft7M= sheepskin coats. The word nimchi has a similar mean-
ing : here probably it stands for a sheepskin used as a blanket.
76 A FUGITIVE.
scouts had again sallied forth, we were aroused by
three low whistles from our sentinel. A party of
six Hindus and two Afghans was slowly approach-
ing, with two ponies loaded with various bundles.
It seemed as if they would never arrive !
At last we emerged, and met them with the
salute "Salaam Aleikum," and demanded some-
thing to appease our hunger, in the name of God
and the Prophet. There was a pause. Our num-
bers were few, but we were desperate and famishing,
so without further parley we fell upon the party
and disarmed them. The booty miserably dis-
appointed us. We got some snow -preserved fat
sheep-tails (dumbo), some snuflf, some dried pepper,
some skins, and a big lump of reddish-black salt.
We added to our collection a little asafoetida, and
half the money belonging to the Hindus, amount-
ing to ten tillahs. During the whole time we
carefully kept mounted, as is the rule to prevent
surprise, and allowed the party to proceed without
further molestation. It was evident that, as we
hoped, we were supposed to be a mere outpost of
a band of professional Turkoman marauders and
slave - robbers, of which I, with my fairer com-
plexion, my high black pirpanh^ black postin^
1 Conical hat
A PMENDLY AVALANCHE. . ,.77
hair -rope girdle, and Turki overall boots, was
accounted the chief. They thought themselves
well off in not being taken for slaves to the
markets of Eunduz, Balkh, or Bokhara.
On returning to our cave we found the mouth
nearly blocked up with boulders from an avalanche,
which had killed near it some large hyena -like
animal. This we considered a godsend, and fell
to cooking it. It was disgustingly rotten, but
our famished senses cared for nothing, and after
dabbing it over with the spices we had just looted,
we made a hearty meal of it, half raw.
On the following morning we arose with Hght
hearts expecting the return of our two scouts, who
had again gone down towards the plain of Inderab.
After our usual orisons, and having posted the
necessary look-out on the top of the crags which
towered to the height of 1200 or 1500 feet over
our head, we proceeded to dress our own and our
horses' wounds — for which purpose we ventured
for the first time to encroach upon our precious
and only lump of salt, part of the previous day's
loot. We were reluctant to make use of it in
the absence of any of our party, as salt, when
scarce, is invaluable to travellers, and in Central
Asia it is looked upon as most dishonourable
78 A FUGITIVE.
conduct to make unnecessary and unequal use
of it.
It was for a similar reason that the day before we
had preferred to eat of our half-stinking wolf-meat,
instead of at once attacking two fine fat sheep-
tails, preserved in snow, which we had captured.
Our lump of salt was perfectly round, and polished
from the many lickings it had received from the
tongues of former owners, and as it would have
been considered a sacrilegious act to break off
a splinter, we were forced to take some water in
the hand and rub the salt in it. With this we
washed our wounds, and afterwards applied a
dressing of powdered charcoal and clay, which was
bound over them and so left for twenty-four hours.
We now turned our attention to procuring a
meal for the day without encroaching on our
comrades' rations, or on the aforementioned sheep-
tails. We finally resolved to collect a quantity of
snow mushrooms and edible herbs, suflBcient for
two or three days, to which we might give a relish
by a little salt, a morsel of wolf-meat, or of our
fat sheep -tails. What was our consternation to
find that during the night rats had eaten through
the rope which tied them up, and consumed the
whole of them ! Nothing daunted, however, we
WOLVES IN sheep's CLOTHING. 79
started to collect provisions. Before we had gone
far we were recalled by our look-out on the crags.
We arrived at our post not a moment too soon,
and found ourselves confronted by seven men, all
on foot, four of whom were dressed as dervishes or
fakirs. Two of the latter were old men with long
red beards, the other two being dressed as dei^ishee-
kcUendarSy with the high cap and alpha to suit,
thrown over their postin vests : all carried the
usual wooden bowl, the holy choh-shereef or staff
of peace, with quantities of bead rosaries and black
hair ropes tied round their necks, by which the
holy Koran was suspended.
This, as is the custom, they held towards us
in both hands as we approached, as a deprecation
against evil intentions, and at the same time
pronounced the usual fakirs salutation, "Shukur,
Shukur Allah," pronounced with a drawling,
solemn accent.
Turning away from these men, we brought our
spears to bear on their three companions, who
were well clothed in Kohistani Afghan costume,
and appeared to be fumbling to get their hands
on their swords and knives, with the evident
intention of resistance. This was speedily over-
come, and the most bumptious, who had twice
80 A FUGITIVE.
tried to cut off my spear -head, was knocked
down, and they were all disarmed. We then
proceeded to search them, and were much sur-
prised to find underneath their outer -dress full
suits of chain - armour, evidently concealed for
the purpose of safe conveyance to Kabul or to
some chief in that vicinity.
Although we were but five in number, our
scouts being still absent and the look-out man
remaining on his post, we resolved to make
these men prisoners, and keep them with us till
the return of our comrades, and until we had
arranged our future movements. • So we marched
them off to our retreat, and made them assist
us in collecting herbs for our day's meal. We
took this precaution from dread of treachery on
the part of the holy men, of the character of
which class we had so many sad recollections.
We learned from one of the fakirs that the news
of the defeat of Habib-uUa Khan had reached
the valley of the Kunduz river, and that
mounted bands had been collected in that neigh-
bourhood to plunder all weak parties who might
be flying from the vengeance of Dost Muham-
mad, and to protect their own villages from
strong parties of fugitives.
DANGER ON ALL SIDES. 81
We began to feel anxious about the safety of
our two scouts, when to our joy they returned
on the second day, bringing with them two
sheep and some other provisions, carried by
three other men, taken in the Inderab valley,
two of whom our scouts pronounced to be our
lawful slaves, they having been caught in the
act of betraying the scouts.
They further told us that one of Habib-ulla's
fomadars, having been forced to fly from the
Ghorband valley, where he was stationed, had
crossed the border into Turkestan with fifteen
or twenty horsemen ; and after safely passing
the border fort of Khunjan, had been attacked
in the Killaghai Pass by an overwhelming force
of the people of that region. The jamadar
and all his party had been killed or taken
prisoners.
This news determined us to break up our
present camp, and to make with all speed and
secrecy to the famous holy shrine of Hazrat
Imam, situated on the south bank of the Oxus,
and about two marches north of Kunduz. There
we were sure to find sanctuary.
We resolved therefore to start that very night,
and to proceed by a bypath mostly used by the
82 A FUGITIVE.
Kafirs, to a place called Pir Nimchu Kafir Ghaur
(or the cave of the priest of the Nimchu Kafirs).^
In accordance with this resolution we started
after nightfall, taking our prisoners with us.
However, we set them at liberty at the head
of the pass, having previously taken the suits
of chain-armour from them and deprived them
of their arms. I also exchanged clothes with
one of the dervishes. We then showed them a
secure place to rest in, and warned them not to
stir till the following day. We subsequently
discovered that these men were not travelling
in their proper characters, but were nothing
more nor less than a band of robbers, and that
the bearded old men were merely decoys. In
fact, one of our recently returned scouts declared
that he recognised in them part of a large body
of professional robbers well known throughout
that region.
The night was fine and clear, and we went on
our way, taking with us the three men our scouts
had brought in — one as a guide to the roads and
paths, and the other two as our hond-jide slaves.
^ Nimchu Kafirs are the descendants of mixed unions between
Kafirs and Muhammadans, and are to be found all round the
borders of Kafiristan.
A SUCCESSFUL DISGUISE. 83
After descending a short distance, our path
struck off to the north-east for a few miles, and
then again to the east, after which we kept our
old guide, the North Star, nearly on our right
hand for eight or ten miles, when, after passing
with some diflSculty over a rocky spur of the
Northern Hindu Kush, we descended and crossed
a small rapid stream, whose banks were thickly
wooded. After passing through the underwood,
we entered a deep watercourse with high cliffs
on either side. This was the Ghaur-i-Kafir, or
Kafir's path.
It now became very dark, so we halted on a
nice grassy spot, well sheltered in case of rain.
We had got over eighteen or twenty miles.
Here one of our party suggested that it would
be well if we got rid of our Afghan dress and
tried to appear like Turkomans. We immedi-
ately set to work, and with some skins which
formed part of our booty extemporised Turko-
mani caps. We then turned the hairy side of
our postins outwards, and substituting grass
ropes for our lunjis^ we produced a decidedly
successful personification of a small band of
wandering Turkomans.
* Irun;i8= scarves.
84 A FUGITIVE.
We started again, however, as soon as the
light served, and after a fatiguing ride through
deep defiles and watercourses, we arrived late in
the evening at the 6haur-i-Pir Nimchu — our
destination.
We had sent one of our party in advance to
give notice of our approach, and were most
kindly received by the holy man. He had with
him nine or ten disciples, by whom we were
treated with the greatest civility. We and our
horses were quickly provided with every neces-
sary, and before we went to rest our feet were
well washed with warm water and bran, mixed
with sweet herbs.
They seemed to have ample stores of every-
thing, and the best wine of Kafiristan was not
wanting. Being all of us very tired, we soon
went to rest on soft bear- and sheep-skins, which
were spread for us in a large cave.
In the morning we all performed our orisons
in company. The pir seemed to be of a very
advanced age, I should say almost ninety: al-
though somewhat bent and with but dim eye-
sight, he still possessed considerable vigour and
a stentorian voice, and was altogether of a com-
manding appearance.
KEUC8 OP ANTIQUITY. 85
He and his race were of the Khilti race of
Kafirs, which tribe inhabits the outer ranges and
northern crest of the Hindu Kush. There were
no inhabitants within a long day's march of this
place, and even at that distance they were but
few and far between. The old pir said that the
holy place was originally established by the great
kings of Ghor ; and he showed me two marble
slabs with Arabic characters engraved on them,
said to have been presented by two kings of
Ghor who reigned at Delhi — viz., Muhammad
Ghori, and Shah budin Ghori, first Emperor of
Delhi. There was likewise a large slab of
green marble, also with an inscription, said to
have been presented by Timur in person when
he attempted to invade Kafiristan, but got no
farther than this point. This memorial was
erected in the year 1398.
The aged pir said that even in these bad and
unholy days he could still, by the grace of God
and the Prophet, boast of having a lakh^ of dis-
ciples far and near, and comprising both Nimchus
and Muhammadans. We too, feeling a reverence
for the holy man our protector, went through the
usual ceremony and became his disciples.
1 A kkli= 100,000.
86 A FUGITIVE.
We now for the first time had our wounds
properly dressed; and the good old man pre-
sented us with hill -ponies in place of some of
our horses, which were worn out. He soon
guessed that we were a portion of Habib-uUa's
following, and assured us that our misfortunes
gave us a stronger claim on him than if we had
come in happiness and wealth. He advised us
to go to Hazrat Imam, avoiding Kunduz and
such noted places, and to travel through Badak-
shan. We resolved to follow his advice, but fate
willed it otherwise.
The old pir was remarkably shrewd and in-
telligent for a man who had never been farther
than the Eiiawak Pass on one side and the
sources of the Khalsu on the other.
In legendary and traditional lore he was well
informed. According to him Scythia was the
original cradle of the Kafir race, and they claim
one of the kings of the dynasty of Cyrus as
their founder.
I must here mention that at the intercession
of the pir we exchanged our two slaves with
him for some skins and other articles of clothing
of which we were in need. Our third prisoner
freely volunteered to join our fortunes, and
AN ACCESSION OF STRENGTH. 87
having taken the oath of fidelity, he was pro-
vided with a Turkoman dress and arms. The
good pir also presented me, as a special mark
of favour, with a fine leopard -skin mantle and
cap to match, the latter about three-quarters of
a yard high. But his highest mark of favour
was lus presenting me with an old and worn-out
Koran, which he ceremoniously hung round my
neck in the large cave.
I here formally and in his presence assumed
command of our small party, each one faithfully
promising to give strict obedience to my orders.
On the day of our intended departure our
strength received a welcome accession. We had,
of course, always had a good look-out kept for
us by one of the disciples, as pursuit was quite
possible, though improbable. Early on this day
the signal was given that a small party of
strangers was approaching. This turned out to
be five of our old friends and comrades, another
remnant of Habib-uUa Khan's following. One of
them was very badly and two slightly wounded.
They had been under the command of a naih or
lieutenant named Usbuk Beg, a native of Kara-
tegin, a district north of the river Oxus. About
a month before our defeat he had a party of
88 A PUomvE.
about seventy horsemen under his orders, mostly
Usbegs and Hazaras, of which we now saw the
survivors. Shortly before Habib-uUa Khan's last
fight, Usbuk Beg had been cut off by Dost
Muhammad's troops and forced to fly towards
Kunduz. After being allowed to pass several
border forts in apparent friendship, he had been
treacherously attacked by large numbers of
Kunduz horsemen, when all but nine of his
troop were slain or captured. These nine were
again attacked in the Inderab valley, and lost
four more of their number. Finally, the five
survivors reached this place of safety. The
soldier who was badly wounded was left to be
well cared for by the holy men; and after stay-
ing an extra day to allow the others to recruit
their strength, we finally started, now thirteen
in number.
On taking my leave of the jpiV, he generously
placed in my hands a Bussian silk handkerchief,
in one comer of which were tied up sixty gold
Bokhara tillahs. Having obtained a guide from
our kind host, we each of us bent down and
received his parting blessing. We then embraced
his disciples, and took leave of them with regret
and affection.
A HANDSOME OFFER. 89
They held out every inducement to me to
remain with them, promising me certain feUcity
in a future state, which would, they said, be
ensured by having my remains placed on the
highest peak of the Hindu Kush. They disposed
of their dead in this way, and never by burial.
Although Muhammadans, they appeared to have
a strange hankering for the worship of fire, water,
and the sun. Among other earthly inducements
to join them, they promised to place 20,000 brave
Khilti Kafirs under my command.
There being no access to their country except
by bypaths such as that by which we had
travelled, and known to few, Kafiristan may be
considered as one huge fortress, well kept by
the able hands of its brave inhabitants.
I have not yet described the "pir's place of
abode. It was a collection of caves situated on
an extensive rocky plateau about 1000 feet above
the ravine below, and with high peaks above it.
There was no vegetation whatever, with the
exception of a few mossy patches. Most of the
caves were immense clefts, not produced by the
action of water, but evidently by some great
convulsion of nature. Some of them were not
less than 100 yards in depth, and from 10 to
90 A FUGITIVE.
50 feet broad, but invariably narrowing towards
their farther end. Most of them were stored
with grass, firewood, and various requisites for
the use of the hermit and his disciples. In one
I perceived a copious spring of cool clear water,
and the quantities of provisions and stores which
were supplied spoke well for the reverence with
which the holy man is regarded by his followers.
Had we not expected a hot pursuit from Dost
Muhammad's troops, this would have seemed a
safe refuge ; but I was determined to run no
risk of bringing our kind host into trouble.
Setting forth, then, refreshed, strengthened,
and encouraged, we travelled in the direction of
Hazrat Imam — our first two days' journey being
most tedious, for we had to recross the spurs of
the Hindu Kush, over and through which we
had reached the pirs retreat.
I will not weary you by detailing our marches,
but must describe a remarkable relic of the past
which we observed on the most northern range
of these mountains. On a smooth rocky plat-
form, having a slight slope towards the north,
was an immense mass of stone, which our guide
called the Asp-i-Dheha. This on inspection
turned out to be (as I imagined) a unique curi-
LEGEND OP THE FLYING HORSK 91
osity, but our guide told us that a similar one
existed in the KJiilti country. It was a colossal
figure of a horse, now lying prostrate on its
left side, the head turned to the north. It had
evidently at one time been erect, as the stumps
of the four feet were still in position : they were
part of the platform, and had evidently never
been detached from it. I assured myself that
there was no joint or cement, and that the
entire figure must have been hewn from the
solid rock. These four stumps were of different
lengths, and the portions of the legs still at-
tached to the horse's body corresponded perfectly
with them. It seemed singular that the enor-
mous mass had not been broken in falling, but
this was accounted for by its very size and by
the hardness of the material — a black flinty por-
phyrite with beautiful veins of dark red and
green running through it. On striking it with
my knife it rang like bell-metal.
I should say that its height when erect was
about 15 feet to the withers.
One guide related the tradition concerning the
horse as follows : " This horse once had wings
and could fly ; even now it often speaks and im-
plores its master to come and ride it again. The
92 A FUGITIVE.
giant, its master, Uves far away in the north,
in the land of ice and snow. Every night he
used to fly down on this horse to meet a beau-
tiful queen of these parts. In the course of time
she died, and the giant, coming down as usual
and finding her dead, was so overpowered with
grief that, alighting from his horse, he cut oflf
its wings. He then took up the mountain and
buried himself beneath it. His horse waited so
long for him that it was turned into stone, but
always remained facing the north, expecting its
master's return. Hence it is that it often calls
aloud to him, as has been said."
As it was our wish to reach Hazrat Imam with
as much secrecy as possible, we resolved to keep
to the hills as far as Takht-i-Sulaiman, and after-
wards reach our destination by the Lataband
Pass. We then hoped to be safe from all pur-
suit.
We moved northwards, and shortly after leav-
ing the horse met a man armed with a bow and
arrows and carrying a shield. He told us that
he was a herdsman, and showed us a path which
led in the required direction past an old fort called
Killa Seth. His home was hard by, and, as he
informed us, a day's march from Takht-i-Sulaiman.
A MARAUDER-INFESTED REGION. 93
As he volunteered to show us the way, he was
quickly mounted behind one of our party, and
we took leave of our former guide, who had
conducted us from Ghaur-i-Pir. Our new con-
ductor informed us that the ruins of the fort
were at times infested by a party of Kunduz
horsemen, sixty in number, who had recently
carried off his goats.
After a long day's ride we came at sunset to
the ruins, which stood on a high hill. These con-
sisted of foundations only, half buried in the earth,
but were both massive and extensive. Some of
the stones, which were cut in an oblong form,
must have weighed several tons. We pushed on
for a imle or so, and halted for the night in a
narrow glen. About a mile from our post was a
village, the first we had seen since parting with
Habib-tdla KJian. The inhabitants were herds-
men, and confirmed our guide's account of the
dangers of the road we had intended to follow.
They told us that the Kunduz marauders infested
that region, and had taken away many of the
inhabitants, making slaves of them and plunder-
ing their villages. This information changed our
plans, and we turned in an easterly direction. We
had started, as usual, at break of day, and rode
94 A FUGITIVE.
at a rapid pace, hoping to reach a pass called
the Dara Sulaiman before night.
About two hours before sunset we met an
Udassi fakir, who was, he said, seeking medicinal
herbs, and who had just come from Hazrat Imam
vid Jerm. He claimed to be a transmuter of
metals into gold. This superstition is very com-
mon in the East, among the higher as well as
the poorer classes.
While he was pointing out to us the direction
of the Takht - i - Sulaiman, which, he said, was a
long day's march from us, we perceived a con-
siderable body of horsemen moving towards the
south, but apparently not approaching us. When
about due west of us they suddenly changed their
direction and moved on us at a quicker pace. We
were now satisfied that they were enemies, and
pledged ourselves to sell our lives and liberty at
as dear a rate as possible. We now made every
effort to reach the pass before them, as, should
we succeed, we might hope to withstand their
first charge and finally escape in the darkness.
They were about fifty in number, well-mounted,
and (as we found) all armed with matchlocks slung
on their shoulders, swords, spears, knives, &c. It
was now raining heavily, with dark heavy clouds
A RIDE FOR LIFE. 95
all around us. Galloping for the pass at full
speed, we arrived within 600 or 800 yards of it,
well in advance of our pursuers, when a small
party of five men emerged from the pass and
boldly charged towards us in front, loudly order-
ing us to halt in the name of the Kunduz chief,
Mir Ali Murad. We, however, paid no attention
to them, when two of them brought their match-
locks down to the present and threatened to fire
on my Therbah, who was nearest to them. He
immediately charged them, and quickly unhorsed
and slew both of them ; and our volunteer, who
was a capital horseman and spearman, wheeled
round upon the others and despatched two. My
Therbah immediately afterwards killed the re-
maining man with his long Afghan knife.
The fray now became general, as the main body
charged us, trying to save their comrades. This
fortunately prevented their using their matchlocks,
and we had reached the mouth of the pass, which
we held with desperation. Their overwhelming
numbers, however, soon broke our ranks, and they
unfortunately got mixed up with us : there was
no room for orderly fighting, and it was a mere
cut-and-thrust aflfair.
Soon we had only seven men left out of thir-
96 A FUGITIVE.
teen, and we slowly retreated up the pass, keeping
them oflF as well as we could. In the pass we
lost two more men, one our late volunteer, and
were now reduced to five, each of us severely
wounded. I myself received two wounds, one a
bad one in the groin from an Afghan knife, and
the other a stab from a dirk in the chest.
It was now quite dark, and the rain was coming
down still heavier than before. However, our
enemies followed us no farther, — no doubt the
plundering of the dead being their chief induce-
ment to return. We made our way through the
pass as quickly as we could in the midst of heavy
rain, hail, and lightning, while the roll of the
thunder seemed to make the very rocks around
us and the ground beneath us to vibrate most
sensibly. What with my two former wounds still
raw, and my two fresh ones (one of which was
bleeding freely), I was soon so weak as nearly to
faint in my saddle ; while my Therbah was in
nearly as bad a condition. We, however, kept up
our spirits, and congratulated ourselves that not
one of our party had been taken alive or doomed
by capture to hopeless slavery.
Thus we proceeded through the whole dark
night, the vivid and repeated flashes of lightning
A GOOD SOLDIER. 97
alone showing us the way over most diflficult
ground. About daybreak we arrived at the east-
em mouth of the pass, and having cleared it, we
left the road and made for the shelter of a secluded
glen, where we halted. The rain had now nearly
ceased, and we proceeded to collect forage for our
jaded horses. We were so utterly wearied that
we did not care for food for ourselves, though we
had two days' rations of mulberry-bread with us,
which had been given us by the holy pir. We
accordingly lay down in our dripping clothes, in-
difFerent whether we might be traced and again
attacked by our last night's enemies. I did not
even take the precaution to apply any dressing
to my wounds, merely satisfying myself that the
bleeding had ceased.
Notwithstanding a drizzUng rain which shortly
came on, and the keen cutting blast from the hills,
we slept nearly the whole day. Whilst I slept my
Therbah sat watchful by my side, and no expostula-
tion of mine could induce him to lie down and take
rest. Though he spoke in high terms of praise of
the bravery of our comrades, and particularly of
our volunteer, who had been killed beside him, he
never made any reference to his own exploits, and
considered it as an insult for any one to allude in
98 A FUGITIVE.
his presence to his acts, or draw attention to his
wounds.
I may here be permitted to say that, from long
association with these rude people, I have in a
measure contracted some of their habits and peculi-
arities—this among others ; and though bearing on
my body the tokens of my younger and wilder
days in the shape of thirteen or fourteen wounds,
nothing annoys me more than to be asked how I
got this and where I received that. If such a
question had been asked me in Turkestan, I should
certainly have knocked the man down who ques-
tioned me. And I may here say, once for all, that
in all the occurrences of my past, misspent life, I
was invariably actuated in my inward soul by feel-
ings at once honest and upright, at least so £Etr as
my poor senses allow me to judge between right
and wrong.
We now deeply repented not having acted on
the advice of the old pir, and as we considered it
useless to attempt to reach Hazrat Imam, we de-
termined to strike ojff directly to the east, towards
the Kokcha river, and thence across the Oxus
towards the Shighnan and Bolor ranges, in whose
wild fastnesses we felt sure of a safe retreat.
A MYSTERIOUS REGION. 99
NOTE ON "BOLOR"
The name Bolor, applied by difFerent writers to various
regions of Central Asia, has long puzzled geographers.
It has even been stated, but quite without justification,
that no such place as Bolor ever existed; for it cannot
be seriously believed that writers who have been proved
trustworthy in all other particulars should have entered
into a general conspiracy to deceive the generations of
mankind for whom they successively wrote, on this one
subject only. Tet so conflicting are the various state-
ments as to the locality of Bolor that an eminent English
geographer was driven to form the theory that part of
the map of Central Asia had become accidentally semi-
inverted: by correcting this supposed error he most in-
geniously brought the rival Bolors into one focus.
Without making a wearisome catalogue of all the geo-
graphical works in which this mysterious region is men-
tioned, it may be interesting to notice the following
allusions to Bolor by the best known writers : —
1. Hwen-Thsang, who travelled during the years 629
to 645 A.D., visited Bolor twice. He describes the king-
dom as lying on the Indus, and in the heart of the
Himalayas. In another place he states that it lay south
of the mountains that formed the southern boundary of
Pamir. In the opinion of Mr Ney Elias, one of the
highest authorities on the subject, the Bolor of Hwen-
Thsang is now represented by the small States now under
the Gilgit agency — viz., Chitral, Gilgit, Panyal, Hunza,
and Nagar.
2. Al-Biruni, a writer in the eleventh century, men-
tions "Balur Shah" as the ruler of a region which
(General Cunningham identified as Balti or Baltistan.
100 A FUGITIVE.
Mr Ney Elias, however, dissented from this opinion, on
the authority of Mirza Haidar, who invaded Bolor in
1530-31 and placed it in the Gilgit Chitral region.
3. Marco Polo says that he travelled through Bolor on
his way from the high plain of Pamir to Kashgar. In
the opinion of Sir Henry Yule this region would be that
to the north of Balti and Kanjut, and included in Sirikol.
4. The name Bolor occurs in various writings of the
seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth cen-
turies; and towards the middle of the latter century it
came to be believed, on the authority of certain Jesuit
missionaries who entered Eastern Turkestan from China,
that the true position of Bolor was to the west of Pamir.
This belief is supported by statements in the Chinese
Imperial Geography, which mention Bolor as a country
east of Badakshan and south-west of Yarkand.
Bolor, in fact, according to the Chinese and the Jesuit
geographers, was either Pamir itself under another name,
or a portion of the region now known as Pamir. This
localisation of Bolor coincides with the geography of
Gardner, and is therefore at variance with that of all
writers who place this "will-o'-the-wisp" of a country
to the south of the Karakorum Mountains. Being unable
to reconcile the conflicting statements quoted above, and
many others referred to by the various writers on the
subject, I appealed for assistance to Captain Young-
husband, whose acquaintance with Central Asia need
not be dilated on, and in his reply to my letter lies, I
believe, the solution of the ancient problem.
Writing from the Hindu Kush frontier on the 16th
September 1894, — " I have not," he says, " myself heard
the word Bolor used. ... In these countries ranges of
mountains seldom have a name. We, for instance, call
MOUNTAINS WITHOUT A NAME. 101
the mountains round me here the Hindu Kush ; but not
a single native of these parts has ever heard that name
applied tp them. Mountain-people look upon mountains
as the usual state of affairs on this earth, and don't give
a name to the mass of mountains amongst which they
live, any more than the inhabitants of a plain country
give a name to the plain. An outside traveller has there-
fore to invent a name to apply to the mountain-range
which he visita
"We have unearthed Hindu Kush and applied it to
the whole range, although I believe it is in reality the
name of a single pass only ; and in the same way Gardner
may have applied the name Bolor.
" I have talked over the matter with Lieutenant Cocker-
ill, an officer who has been travelling round the frontier
this summer, and he suggested that very possibly Bolor
may be merely a corruption of the Persian word hdld —
upper or above.
" This word is pronounced by the people of Badakshan
(and by Afghans too, I believe) very broad — " baw-law."
Upper Chitral is often spoken of as Chitral Bala, and in
this way a passing traveller may have thought that the
upper part of Chitral was named Bdla — Baw-law — Bolor.
Or again, the upper regions anywhere might be called
Bala. A traveller from the plains of Badakshan going to
the Pamirs might say, * I am going up above, I am going
hdld/ and a stranger might think that hdld was a name.
This is far-fetched in a way, but in the default of any
other theory it is worth thinking over."
It is indeed well worth thinking over, and is to my
mind the only approach that has yet been made to a
reconciliation of the conflicting statements as to the
cloudy land of Bolor. — H. P.
102
CHAPTEK VII.
THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
THE KOKCHA BIVSB — THK KUNDUZ CHIEF— SLAVE-DEALING — TRAV-
ELLING COMPANIONS — SOME BADAK8HAN HI8TOBY— THE RUINS
OF ANCIENT ZARUTH — THE KAFIR EMPIRE OF EARLY TIMES —
DIFFICULT TRAVELLING — ATTACKED BY WOLVES — UNDESIRABLE
ACQUAINTANCES — THE THERE AH'S FINGER — RETRIBUTION — THE
CHIEF OF SHIGHNAN — JUSTICE TEMPEBED BY MEBCY.
Having somewhat recruited ourselves and our
horses by a few days' halt in the glen, we set oflf
north - eastward in the direction of Jerm, and, I
think, after two or three marches we entered the
Kokcha valley and crossed that river eight or
nine miles north of Jerm. Thence we struck for a
ford on the eastern branch of the same river, north
of Yomal, and between that place and Ehairabad.
We crossed the river and journeyed on some
fifteen miles, where, for the first time since leav-
ing the Khawak Pass, we ventured to approach
some scattered villages, which we observed at the
base of a high mountain-range running north and
ANNUAL SLAVE-RAIDS. 103
south. These mountains appeared to be of con-
siderable altitude, and many of their peaks were
topped with snow.
We were deceived by the height of these moun-
tains, for on approaching the villages we found
that, although in a rocky situation and surrounded
by ravines, they were at a distance of some miles
from the actual base of the hills. With the ex-
ception of three or four huts, all these habitations
were deserted. A few poor families lived apart
from each other, and appeared to be in the lowest
state of poverty and wretchedness. All this
misery was caused by the oppression of the Kun-
duz chief, who, not content with plundering his
wretched subjects, made an annual raid into the
country south of Oxus, and by chappaos (night-
attacks) carried off aU the inhabitants on whom
his troops could lay their hands. These, after
the best had been selected by the chief and his
courtiers, were publicly sold in the bazaars of
Turkestan. The principal providers of this species
of merchandise were the khan of Khiva, the king
of Bokhara (the great hero of the Muhammadan
faith), and the robber beg of Kunduz.
In the regular slave-markets, or in transactions
between dealers, it is the custom to pay for slaves
104 THEOUGH BADAKSHAN.
in money; the usual medium being either Bok-
haran gold tillahs (in value about 5 or 5^ Com-
pany rupees each), or in gold bars or gold grain.
In Yarkand, or on the Chinese frontier, the medium
is the silver khurup with the Chinese stamp,
the value of which varies from 150 to 200 rupees
each. The price of a male slave varies according
to circumstances from 5 to 500 rupees. The price
of the females also necessarily varies much, from 2
tillahs to 10,000 rupees. Even double the latter
sum has been known to be given.
However, a vast deal of business is also done
by barter, of which we had proof at the holy
shrine of Pir-i-Nimcha, where we exchanged two
slaves for a few lambs' skins ! Sanctity and slave-
dealing may be considered somewhat akin in the
Turkestan region, and the more holy the person
the more extensive are generally his transactions
in flesh and blood. ^
The few wretched families at present residing
in the hamlets where we halted were mostly Tajiks
and farmers, with some few labourers and petty
^ Note by Colonel Gardner, — I subsequently knew at Mooltan a
most respectable Lobani fruit merchant wbo was proved by bis own
ledger to have exchanged a female slave-girl for three ponies and
seven long-haired, red-eyed cats, all of which he disposed of, no
doubt to advantage, to the English gentlemen at that station.
TRAVELLING COMPANIONS. 105
traders, most of the Uzbegs being in their tents
among the hills pasturing their cattle. The in-
habitants treated us with all hospitality, so we
resolved to stay here for a certain time, to rest.
During our stay three strangers arrived direct
from Jerm and Yomal. They informed us that
the latter place was a long day's march west or
south-west of us. On becoming acquainted with
these men I discovered that one of them was a
respectable Syad named Mir Ali Shah, who had
a servant with him; both were well armed, and
with handsome weapons. The third person was,
curiously enough, a Hindu named Jey Eam, of
respectable appearance and well armed. These
people appeared to have travelled much together.
They were both well-educated men, and could
read, write, and speak fluently Persian, Turki,
Pashtu, and Arabic. The Hindu had further some
colloquial knowledge of the languages of Kafiri-
stan, as he had formerly travelled in that country
with some other Hindus.
They appeared to be intimate with the courts
and chiefs of Turkestan and Afghanistan, and Mir
Ali Shah had held some position of trust under
Dost Muhammad shortly after the death of Sardar
Azim Khan, the father of our late chief Habib-ulla
106 THROnOH BADAKSHAN.
Khan. The Syad was a great traveller, and had
been to Shikarpur, Lahore, and Peshawar, and had
also made a pUgrimage to Mecca, and visited aU
the places of note in Persia. Jey Ram had been
to many places in Russia, as far as Moscow.
They appeared to have been travelling for pleas-
ure during the last two years under the ostensible
character of hakims (doctors), to which they added
astrology and fortune-telling. I invited them to
stay with us as our guests as long as it might suit
them to do so. They dressed our wounds and
those of our horses with such skill and success that
my Therbah declared that they had been sent by
God for our succour. By their advice we remained
in these villages for eighteen or twenty days to
recruit our strength, as they stated that the coun-
try through which we proposed to travel was so
diflficult that we should be obliged to leave our
horses behind and proceed on foot. They further
said that they themselves were now on their way
to those countries, and that on reaching the Oxus
they intended to sell their horses and do likewise.
They intended to remain during the winter in the
Darra Darwaz, and in the following spring to visit
Yarkand. Our present residence was called Zaruth
Nao.
A DASTARDLY DEED. 107
While resting here these men related to us the
legends and traditions of the country round, par-
ticularly concerning the treachery of Shah Sultan
Shah, a former ruler of Badakshan, who had mur-
dered a Kashgar prince when the latter had fled
for refuge to his country when Kashgar had been
invaded by the Chinese.
The prince was enticed into Badakshan by false
promises of friendship, and then put to the torture
to force him to give up his jewels and treasure.
FinaDy he was put to death by being cut up, limb
by limb, in the presence of his wives and children.
GU)d had, however, punished this cruel act by
means of the prince's grandson, who instigated the
chiefis of Balkh and Kunduz to attack Badakshan,
and having caused himself to be placed at the
head of their troops, had avenged his grandfather s
murder by the conquest and almost total depop-
ulation of Badakshan. Even now his descendants
were the chief instigators of the yearly raids into
this unhappy country.
The Syad informed me that Faizabad, which
stands on the north of the junction of the two
main branches of the Kokcha river, has always
been considered the capital of Badakshan, but that
since the invasion of the country its importance
108 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
has gradually decreased, notwithstanding its ex-
tensive iron-smelting trade and silk manufactures,
and that Jerm may now be considered the most
prosperous place. ^
Badakshan is the garden of the East, and the
only obstacles to its prosperity are the con-
stant depredations of the Kunduz chief. He is
prevented by the difficult nature of the country
from extending his forays north of the Oxus,
except occasionally towards the north - western
boundaries of Badakshan.
While remaining at Zaruth Nao we started one
day to see the ruins which existed in the neighbour-
hood, and after riding over a most difficult country
for about seven miles, came to a semicircular plat-
form of bare rock about 300 or 400 yards in circum-
ference, in the centre of which were the ruins of
Zaruth. Nothing, however, now remained but
large masses of hewn stone, all of a black colour
and flinty nature, which were strewn about in all
directions. In the midst of these ruins was piled
up an immense cairn of loose stones, contributed
by visitors; and, as was the custom, each of us
^ About three years after this history was related to Colonel
Qardner, the Eunduz chief made an organised raid into Badakshan
and totally destroyed Faizabad. — H. P.
A REMARKABLE CAVE. 109
added one or two more to the heap. There was
another cairn at the entrance to a cave, which was
at the base of the eastern face of the neighbouring
cliff. Having washed our hands (as in duty bound)
in the spring-water close by, we entered the cave
in single file, the mouth of it being only about 2
feet or 2J feet broad ; its height was about 20 feet.
However, as we advanced it gradually widened
for about 15 yards, at which distance from the
entrance were its largest dimensions — namely,
about 24 feet in width. The roof was here so high
that we could not perceive it in the darkness. The
cave continued with these dimensions for about 20
yards farther in a straight line, and then turned
and grew narrow towards the north, and ended in a
deft a few yards farther on.
The floor consisted of the bare uneven rock, but
the walls on each side were well polished to the
height of 6 or 7 feet, on which space were to be
seen the mutilated remains of idols, which had been
originally cut out of the rock in pretty high relief.
They were, however, so mutilated that only one or
two could be distinguished as having limbs, and
the faces of all were smashed.
At the farther end of the cave there was a small
spring of water, near which was a very remarkable
110 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
echo, which appeared to reverberate through other
spacious galleries.
The story of this place (called Sheheid Ghaur-i-
Zaruth), as told me by the Syad, was that formerly
the whole of Badakshan was held by the Kafirs,
and the Kur Kafirs held the northern part of the
range now called the Koh-i-Koj ah -Muhammad;
other tribes held the whole of the ranges south of
the Oxus, through which country numerous caves
and ruins are to be seen to attest to their former
power. From the reign of Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazni^ (a.d. 1000) down to Khusrao (a.d. 1150),
the last of the Ghazni dynasty, constant raids had
been made into Badakshan in order to destroy the
Kafirs and annex their country; but it was not
until Muhammad Ghori conquered Delhi and
founded the Muhammadan Government of India
(a.d. 1193) that the country called Kafiristan was
broken up, and the name of Badakshan bestowed
on that part from which the Kafirs were driven.
At this time a holy man firom Mecca headed the
Ghazis in a religious war, and slew 300 or 400
Kafir priests in this very cave. All the idols were
^ The Ghaznivide dynasty existed from a.d. 962 to 1186, but did
not possess an independent sovereignty until a.d. 999, when Mahmud
threw off his aUegiance to the Court of Bokhara. — H. P.
TIMUR THE TARTAR. Ill
then destroyed, and on the ruins of their place of
worship the Mecca pir built a masjid to commemo-
rate the heroic deed he had consummated. This
done, the holy man took up his abode there, and
his successors held sway until the days of Timur —
some 200 years.
This monarch attempted to complete the sub-
jugation of Kafiristan, but was foiled. The Kafirs,
in retaliation, issued from their fastnesses and made
a successful raid to the north and west. They
came to this place, slew the jdr of that day with,
it is said, 500 followers, and razed his masjid to the
ground. The Syad told me of numerous other
caves in the neighbourhood even more extensive
than this one, but the roads to them were very
dangerous at this time of year from constant
avalanches.
Having halted about twenty days at these
villages, and being now pretty well recovered from
our wounds, we started and took a north-easterly
direction, to get through the Khojah Mahomed
range, by the pass called Kafir Ghesh Durrah,
from two large stone idols cut out of the solid rock,
and representing the Kafir deity Ghesh (the Earth)
and his wife Dizane (the producer of all things).
The road was so bad that we were obliged to lead
112 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
our horses over it. It was far more difficult than
the Khawak Pass, though at about the same
altitude — the ascent and descent being far more
precipitous.
Darkness came upon us, with rain, sleet, and
snow, when we were at the top of the pass. We
passed a most wretched night under some rocks,
and were nearly frozen from the intensity of the
cold and the bitter wind, which blew keenly. We
started early the following morning, and after
travelling for four days over most difficult, almost
impracticable country, and after traversing another
pass at least equally elevated as that just described,
we arrived at the southern branch of the Oxus, just
opposite the junction of the Shakh Dara river,
which flows into it from the eastward.
During the entire march of four days we only
met two or three soUtary Badakshani herdsmen ;
and though we saw some few ruined villages oflF the
road, we did not come across a single inhabited
one, — a significant proof of the present state of
desolation of this part of Badakshan.
We found the bridge over the river destroyed,
and only some rope-crossings left — which, as we
had horses, left us nothing for it but to make a
bridge or raft.
BRIDGE OF ICE AND STRAW. 113
The inhabitants of this region had fled into the
fastnesses to escape a grand raid, which was daily
expected, and we could get but little assistance.
Finally we managed with incredible difficulty to
bind blocks of ice together with straw ropes, which
when covered with grass formed a means of cross-
ing for us and our horses. I should mention that
in all my misadventures I had religiously kept the
horses which I stole in reprisal &om the Kipchak
chief. They were excellent animals, and though
some had been killed and others left behind, I still
had five of them. As I have said, that was the
number of survivors of my party after the attack
of the Kunduz robbers, and we certainly owed our
lives to the excellence of these horses, which I was
anxious to keep as long as possible in so dangerous
a country. From the reports of the guide whose
services we managed to secure, we made out that
we were about seven or eight marches from the ruby
mines. I was most anxious to visit them, but my
Therbah and Jey Ram remonstrated, and begged
me to wait until we reached the fort of the chief of
Shighnan, from which we could proceed to the fort
of Gharan, in the immediate vicinity of the mines.
There he promised us a cordial reception.
After crossing the river we passed a miserable
H
114 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
night, without food or a light for our pipes, with
the keen wind blowing down upon us from the
snowy heights of the Bolor Mountains and the
Pamir steppes.
The next morning I was still more importunate
about the ruby mines, fearing to lose the oppor-
tunity of a lifetime, and eventually I prevailed.
So, having shifted our camp to a more sequestered
spot, and leaving the remainder of our party with
strict orders to lie close, the Syad, the Therbah,
and myself started oflF, armed with stout spears.
We wandered through rock and precipice, and after
weary toil were brought to a standstill by a deep,
swift torrent. We managed to wade through it by
tying our three selves together — separately we
should certainly have been carried oflF our feet.
Having reached the other side we strode on ex-
ulting, hoping to reach some outljdng hamlet ; but
on attaining the summit of a hill, at least 13,000
feet above the level of the sea, we were disap-
pointed to find more journejdng in store for us.
Night was approaching, and we had brought no
food with us. Just then we came upon an exciting
wild hunt. A quantity of wild sheep tore past us,
hotly followed by wolves. My Therbah promptly
shot one of the sheep, but two wolves turned and
ATTACKED BY WOLVES. 115
disputed our right to it. We shot the nearest wolf,
but others came up and hovered round. Now we
were in a fix, for we had no materials for a fire,
and jaded as we were, had the prospect of a night's
skirmishing with hungry wolves, leopards, hyenas,
and jackals. The Syad was better off, as he sus-
tained himself by his unfailing resource of opium.
We buried our sheep under a pile of stones, and
leaving the Syad to watch, the Therbah and I set
out in search of fueL After some trouble we
collected a miserable bundle of tufted shrub and
animal dung, and returned just in time to save our
raw material. The Syad was musically snoring
xmder the influence of his opium, and a wolf had
dragged our sheep from underneath the stones and
had nearly eaten one of its legs.
I was behind the Therbah, having gone farther
away to secure a tall shrub I had remarked at
a distance, and was nearly eaten by a pack of
wolves, for just as I hurried up and shot the
first depredator, the main body threw themselves
alike on his dead body and on me. I tried to
force my way through them, but one of them
gave me a sharp nip, and the taste of blood
made him set up an unearthly screech, which,
being taken up by the others, proved my sal-
116 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
vation, for my friend the Therbah hurried up,
shouting and firing into the midst of them. At
this they slowly and sulkily retreated.
We then proceeded to warm, rather than roast,
the new flesh at our scanty fire, at which the
Syad expressed great disgust, and asked what
crime he had committed to be asked to eat raw
meat. The Therbah and I had not spoiled our
appetites with opium, and fell to ; immediately
afterwards the former feU asleep. The Syad
then, somewhat recovered from the effects of the
opium, convinced me, after a long argument, of
the danger and fruitlessness of attempting further
to find the ruby mines.
The next morning we commenced the return
journey, and had just reached the stream which
had given us so much trouble before, when we
heard a sharp whistle, and saw two men peering
down on us from a rock about 150 yards above
us. The Syad gave a friendly salute, and went
forward to meet them, and presently returned
with them. As will be seen, a pleasant acquisi-
tion they proved !
One was a stout active greybeard of about
sixty, the other a tall strong young man of
about twenty. Both carried long heavy match-
AN INCIDENT OP TRAVEL. 117
locks with wooden forked props attached, and
matches lit, and each had a sword and shield
loosely slung over their shoulder. Seeing this,
the Therbah and I, unperceived by them, loos-
ened our weapons.
They accosted us in a friendly way, and seemed
astonished at our double-barrelled muskets, and
at the intelligence that they killed at 800 yards.
They declined to make a close inspection of such
terrible weapons. They told the Syad that they
were servants of the Kunduz Beg, and had been
with some others in search of falcons for the
prince. They were very officious in oflFering aid
in crossing the stream to the Syad, begging to
carry his garments and boots for him.
The Therbah and I did not like the appearance
of things, and declined assistance. The strangers
were very reverential to the Syad, kissing his
feet. We had now approached the brink, and
the Syad, after breathing a short "Bismillah,
niah, lUah," descended the bank, entered the
stream, and had got half-way across when oS
started the two strangers with his boots and
clothes, — the Therbah and I, who had kept our
eyes on them, in hot pursuit. The Therbah
dropped his gun to lighten himself, and we
118 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
gained on them rapidly. I covered them with
my weapon, when they dropped the clothes.
We speedily recrossed the ford, not knowing
how many more marauders might be about,
when " bang " went a matchlock, and a ball
struck the ground at our feet. A second shot
went through the Syad's pirpank (a high, coni-
cal, black lambskin cap), a third took off the
top joint of the second finger of my poor Ther-
bah's left hand. The ball struck him while wav-
ing his arm to me to fire. Feeling that there
was no help for it, I took steady aim, fijred, and
rolled over the elder robber, who fell down the
khad (declivity). The younger one rushed away,
yelling to his comrades. We went our way,
looking constantly round, and presently we saw
three or four men gathered round the dead or
dying robber. A few dropping shots were sent
after us, but luckily we escaped scot-free to our
camp.
When I awoke next morning I was surprised
to see three strangers telling some long yam to
the Syad's servant and to the Hindu, Jey Eam.
I feigned sleep, and heard them say how they
belonged to the great beg of Kunduz, were out
on an expedition in search of falcons, had been
THE THERBAH'S FINGER AVENOBD. 119
set upon by a desperate gang of robbers the
evening before, their leader shot dead, and they
themselves robbed of all their money. They
showed the matchlock of the victim of my
double-barrelled gun.
I soon identified in one of the strangers the
younger of our two assailants, and the man I
had seen fire the shot that took off the Therbah's
finger. I resolved on the capture of these men,
who, with their listeners, thought me buried in
profound slumber. I contrived to give a signal
to my trusty Therbah, and suddenly sprang upon
the men, and with his aid overpowered them in
an instant.
I bound and secured the younger worthy, and
when the Therbah presently recognised him, I
had much difficulty in preventing him from at
once avenging his shattered hand.
The Syad appeased him by saying that the
fellow would be sold next day as a dog of a
Kafir at the fort in Shighnan, to which we now
proceeded.
In the evening we arrived there, and were re-
ceived with much kindness by the feat, or chief.
He came out to meet us, attended by two or
three followers, and with a present of two goats.
120 THROUGH BADAKSHAK.
some melted butter, floor, and firewood, all very-
acceptable. The old man welcomed us to his
dominions, and loudly praised their beauty. He
identified our prisoners with a gang of profes-
sional robbers from the Jerm district, whose chief
was the man I had killed, and who had been
pillaging and murdering for the last three years.
He said that they must, according to the custom
of the country, be either sold in slavery or suffer
death. The good old 6ai, though of the blood
royal, did not disdain to sit up half the night
with us, squatted on the ground in true patri-
archal style, armed to the teeth with sword,
dagger, and buckler. We had not a cloth among
us to spread on the greensward, little being left
to us beyond our good horses and arms, and our
scant clothing.
The night passed away, and next morning we
heard that the young robber had made a clean
breast of all the transactions of his gang. We
were summoned to the presence, and the young
miscreant, after a solemn adjuration, repeated
his confession before us. He told a tale of
murders and robberies in which he had taken
part during the last eight months, and offered
to show where the booty was buried. He was
PRISONEBS SOLD BT AUCTION. 121
sent off under escort, and soon returned with
every item he had mentioned.
The bai then assumed a judicial air. no further
evidence of guilt was deemed requisite, and
each member of the conclave was called upon
for his vote as to the punishment. At the same
time three mullahs or khojas^ who were in
special attendance, opened each his Koran and
pored over the statutes with great gravity. Two
men were sent out to ascertain the wish of our
party. After the votes were aU given it ap-
peared that, with one dissentient, who was for
pardon, it was unanimously decided that all
should be sold into slavery for life. Mine was
the dissentient, but powerless, voice.
The hai then summoned a person of high
official standing, whose dress proclaimed him to
be no less than the Court barber. A solemn
prayer was offered by the head khojuy after
which the long hair of the prisoners was cut by
the above functionary within an inch of their
scalps.
They were then proclaimed for public auction,
and knocked down to the hai himself at the low
figure of 18 tillahs of gold-dust a-head.
After this their hair was close shaven to the
122 THROUGH BADAKSHAN.
scalp. The bai then rose and took hold of the
young man who had confessed by the arm, put
his hand upon his head, and declared him peni-
tent. He then ordered him to be his personal
attendant. The young man at once prostrated
himself, and the bai being now seated, he placed
his head underneath the heel of the chief. The
bai then raised him up, and he was forthwith
released and a freeman. The other two, who
were doomed for slavery, were sent away in
custody of four or five armed men, who were
instructed where to meet a slave -dealer who
would take possession of them.
123
CHAPTER VIII.
AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
BEAUTIES OF KAFIRISTAN— TITLES OF THE 8HI0HNAN LADDES —
METHODS OF OBTAINING GOLD FROM THE RIVERS — VISIT TO A
KIRGHIZ ENCAMPMENT — A BENEVOLENT RULER — DRESS AND
. APPEARANCE OF THE KIRGHIZ — A VENERABLE FAKIR — VISIT
TO THE RUBY MINES — WAIT FOR THE WEDDING — A DISAPPOINT-
MENT—CONSOLATION — WANDERINGS IN THE PAMIRS — A ROBBER
CHIEF— A RIDE FOR A WIFE— A TRAGIC OCCURRENCE.
All the prominent points of the Shighnan valley
are studded with castellos. The control of the hai
over his subjects was very limited. Bands of
depredators amounting to 200 or 300 men would
at times cross the Pamir steppes and plunder the
Tash- Kurgan district and others in an easterly
direction, going as far as Yarkand and Kar-galik.
But now, in consequence of the wide - reaching
ascendancy of the Kimduz power, the Shighnan
clans are rather the plundered than the plunderers.
We proceeded on our journey through the valley,
amid the usual varieties of mountain country, and
124 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
encountering the usual difficulties with practical
skill. Every eflfort was being made to procure by
bribery a respite, at least, from the dreaded raid
of the Kunduz ruler. Everything obtainable was
being collected — gold-dust, horses, leopard and
lion skins, falcons, fine greyhounds, &c. Most of
the inhabitants, especially women and children,
had for the last two or three months been remov-
ing all their chattels into the mountain fastnesses
to the north of Shighnan, and had even crossed
the boundary range into Roshan and Darwaz.
All the houses and hamlets I saw in Shighnan
were well kept, especially when the presiding
female was of Kirghiz extraction, or from Wakhan,
Chitral, or Kafiristan. The beauty of the women
of the last-named region is proverbial in Asia ;
hair varying from the deepest auburn to the
brightest golden tints,^ blue eyes, lithe figures,
fine white teeth, cherry lips, and the loveliest
peach-blossom on their cheeks.
All along the westerly part of the Shakh Dara
^ Sir Henry RawlinBon, speaking at a meeting of the Royal
Geographical Society in April 1881, said that, forty years previously,
while at Kabul, he had seen a Kafir slave, the most beautiful
oriental lady that he ever saw. She was the only lady he had ever
met who, by loosening her golden hair, could cover herself com-
pletely from head to foot as with a screen." — H. P.
LADIES OF SHIGHNAN. 125
valley were traces of former habitations, once
populous and happy hamlets. Here and there
-were clumps of mulberries, apricots, peaches,
cherries, wahiuts, and poplars. But for the fever-
ish excitement of a life of perpetual fear of in-
vasion. nothing could be more charming than the
rustic society of these mountains. Polygamy, of
course, prevails, and each hai or baron numbers
his seven or eight partners of his existence.
The first four wives had titles which signified
(1) the original ; (2) the beauty ; (3) the hand-
maid ; (4) the pet. Here, as in Turkestan, the
females are by no means secluded : each and all
were free to come and go as the mountain breezes.
Far diflferent is it with the females in the Afghan
families of Kabul and other large cities.
In the famiUes among whom I was now sojourn-
ing connubial honour and felicity were the rule.
I remember that one day the Syad and myself
were paying a social visit to the old bai. In our
position of guests we enjoyed the privilege of
entering the sacred precincts of the harem, and we
found the old man submitting to a pretty sharp
slipper-beating at the hands of two beauties, who
had taken this mode of avenging themselves for
an imaginary breach of fidelity !
126 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
The population generally were herdsmen or
farmers, but they added to their income by gold-
washing in the rivers and by occasional plundering
expeditions. There are three diflferent methods of
obtaining gold from the rivers. The first is to
wash the river-sand at certain well-known spots,
particularly at the inner angles of curves, where
the strong current of the main stream causes swift
reverse eddies, and allows the gold scales and
particles to subside together with quantities of
deep purple and black ferruginous sand, in which
alone gold is found. This operation is lucrative
in the Upper Oxus and several other rivers. The
proper season is after the rains, and when the snow-
floods have subsided and left the rivers at their
lowest. Sometimes as much as four tillahs^ weight
of gold is collected — about 120 grains. This, when
rubbed up with a little mercury, forms a still
amalgam. It is then taken home and separated
from all impurities. The mercury evaporates
through an application of heat, and the residuum
of pure gold is stored in the hollow shank-bones of
large birds, such as herons, cranes, &c. The second
method, in vogue principally in the neighbourhood
of Hazrat Imam, consists in the formation of a sort
of gold -trap of fleecy sheepskins, which are laid
THE GOLDEN FLEECE EXPLAINED. 127
down in the bed of the river at chosen spots.
They are held in place by heavy stones, and care
is taken that the natural inclination of the wool
faces the stream, so as to keep the entire growth
of the wool freely flowing in the water. After two
or three days' immersion the fleeces are careftdly
taken from the river and sun - dried. Without
hazarding a suggestion that the fable of the
Argonautic expedition of the Golden Fleece may
have derived its origin from the immemorial
practice just described, it is certain that the
possession of these golden fleeces is the cause
of severe skirmishes, as armed parties frequently
rush upon the men left to watch, and sometimes
bear oflf the prize, leaving its guardians dead on
the riverside. The third method is to scoop out
little holes in the sand in suitable places, and
rubbing the sand in the hands, to pick out the
grains of gold by aid of a keen eye. This is
principally practised by the nomad tribes to the
eastward of the Pamir steppes, in the regions of
Khotan, Chiang, &c.
To return to our sojourn with the hai. We
became pleasantly intimate, and one day he pro-
posed to take the Syad and myself on a trip to
visit a Kirghiz encampment. My Therbah attended
128 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
US. Starting at daybreak, we arrived after a
scramble of eight hours through ravines and over
rocks. The encampment was pitched on a strangely
chosen spot. Not a tree was to be seen. There
were wild mountain flowers in abundance; and a
purling stream fringed with willows wound through
the tents pitched on either bank.
Not only the males but the females of the en-
campment met our small cavalcade a mile out, and
favoured the hai first, and afterwards the rest of
us, with many embraces. There were about eight
families. The peculiar warmth of welcome was
chiefly attributable to the presence of the 6ai,
whom they honoured as their chief. This volun-
tary allegiance arose from the fact of the chief
being able to some extent to protect them. Some
forty families in all of the Kirghiz owned the
bai's sovereignty, of whom about twenty had been
subject to his father. To each family was granted
an allotment of land on the slopes of the western
base of the Pamir steppes. Here they soon shook
off their former nomadic habits. When the snows
melted they used to go with their families to visit
their old friends in the higher Pamir steppes, but
faithfully returned to their new settlement in the
fall of the year to reap their crops. The uniformly
A PATRIARCHAL RULER. 129
conciliatory policy of the patriarchal hai reconciled
them to a stationary life. He never imposed on
them a tax higher than the time-honoured fortieth
part of all produce. Any further contribution was
entirely voluntary. The hai told me that there
were some fifteen chieftains in the same position
as himself along the district of the Bolor ranges
and the western skirts of the Pamir steppes, and
that they all acted in a similar way to their
Kirghiz settler subjects. In all there were about
30,000 souls who had divested their allegiance
from the Court of Khokand to the petty Bolor
chiefs. The whole of the nomad Kirghiz tribes of
this region were formerly subjects of the king of
Eiokand, but had been driven into rebellion by
the extortions to which they had been subjected.
The Khokand authorities were truly rapacious, and
each official in turn exacted dues from the unhappy
nomads.
The personal appearance of the male Kirghiz is
peculiar. He wears a coarse skin or woollen gar-
ment tightly girt round the waist with leather or
woollen ropes ; a woolly or fur cap. The features
are pure Tartar : small, deep - sunken eyes, de-
pressed forehead and nose, and high cheek-bones.
When fully accoutred with the heavy rude match-
130 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
lock over his broad shoulder, the Kirghiz, though
squat and low in figure, presents, with his robust
frame and ruddy cheeks, the type of a resolute
mountaineer. The women of the encampment,
while bearing traces of their Tartar descent, were
much the more pleasing -featured portion of the
community. They had light -brown hair, blue
eyes, and rosy cheeks and lips.^
Each family had its sheep, protected by fierce
hill-dogs; and the headmen owned camels and
rugged ponies.
The women were uniformly modest and virtu-
ous, active and good-natured in the performance
of their household duties.
There were in camp some beautifully shaggy-
maned Khazak ponies, with bushy and glossy
hair all over their heads and bodies, almost con-
^ Colonel Gardner was rather an enthusiast on the subject of
female beauty. As recent travellers in the Pamir region have
described the appearance of the women in less favourable terms, I
will add the testimony of Captain John Wood, who visited that part
of the world in December 1837 : " If unable to praise the men of
the Kirghiz for their good looks, I may, without flattery, pronounce
the young women pretty. All have the glow of health in their
cheeks, and though they have the harsh features of the race, there
is a softness about their lineaments, a coyness and maidenly reserve
in their demeanour, that contrast strongly and most agreeably with
the uncouth figures and harsh manners of the men." — From 'A
Journey to the Source of the River Oxus.* — H. P.
THB RUBY MIXES. 131
ceaUng their eyes, and reaching to the ground ;
also some splendid Shahbaz hawks, collected as a
propitiatory offering to the Kataghani robber-
chief. I accompanied the bat when he went to
present these gifts, which seemed to give great
satisfaction.
On our way we visited the famous ruby mines.
To reach them we had to diverge southwards.
Before starting we were treated to a sumptuous
repast served on wooden trays, on which were
spread handsome tablecloths. Everything was
served by fair hostesses. We had hahahs and
ptUaos, both sweet-spiced and saline, with fresh
cheese - curds, washed down by draughts of fine
though somewhat acid Kafiristan and Chitral
wine. Nor was fine, fat, snow - preserved wUd
mutton wanting. We had horn spoons and
ladles to help ourselves with.
The presents for the dreaded chief consisted
of lion and tiger skins, large red -deer antlers
and horns of markhor and ibex, some fine
furs, a few bags and bones full of gold-dust,
some musk -glands, and a few rubies of inferior
quality.
Having taken leave of our hosts and hostesses
with outstretched hands, muttering a short prayer
132 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
after the head mullah, we mounted and started
off towards a lonely hamlet where we were to
pass the night before going to the mines.
Here dwelt a solitary fakir of venerable aspect,
with long white locks and eyebrows, and evi-
dently of an advanced age. He was seated on
the only mat in the place, outside his hovel,
absorbed in reverie. All his worldly property
seemed to consist of some earthen pots of grain
placed in a hole dug in the middle of the hut.
He was evidently one of those hermits of the
mountains who relinquish the world and all its
cares. He was a remarkable man, for he had
visited Turkey, Asia Minor, Arabia, Persia, Tur-
kestan, and Afghanistan ; had seen Constantinople,
Bagdad, Erzeroum, Mecca, Medina, Ispahan, and
Teheran. Moreover, he was known to be the
owner of a remarkable ruby, and the old hai
was most anxious to become its possessor. He
made most urgent entreaties for the gem, but
for some time the fakir sat perfectly unmoved.
The hai declared that by means of this ruby
only could the robber - chief, whom he was on
his journey to propitiate, be induced to spare
the lives, property, and honour of all the inno-
cent families around. At last the fakir quietly
THE HEKMIT AND THE RUBY. 133
arose, and lifting the plank that covered a hole
in the hut, after a little fumbling produced the
gem. Having motioned us with a dignified ges-
ture to be seated, he proceeded quietly to unfold
a bit of rag, then with much grace placed the
jewel softly in the hands of the hai, bestowed
on him his blessing, expressed his hope that the
offering might produce the anticipated result,
and then relapsed into a silent reverie. The bai
offered him a sum of money, but the old man
gently declined it, but desired that the allowance
of grain, which it appears was made him, should
be somewhat augmented, in order that he might
be able to relieve wayworn and destitute trav-
ellers. This was at once agreed to, when the
fakir motioned to us to leave his hut, whereupon
we departed.
On examining the gem I found a small Zoroas-
trian altar cut in high relief on the centre of
the oblong face of the stone, and round the altar
a double cordon of letters of the same kind of
characters that appear on the Scytho - Bactrian
coins which are found about Balkh, Bokhara, &c.
The stone was very valuable, from 150 to 200
carats in weight— a pure lustrous gem. It was
salaamed to by the hai and all his followers.
134 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
The ruby had been found about the time of
Timur by an ancester of the fakir in a cave
near the famous shrine and Kafir city of Esh or
Oosh in the Bolor ranges.
On the following day we took leave of the
holy man and proceeded to the mines. They
consisted, somewhat to my surprise, of cave -like
burrows about 1000 feet above the river. They
were cut in soft, decayed, sandstone stratified
rock, which both above and below alternated
with a species of mountain limestone, also in
strata. There was a thick, whitish, and in parts
yeUowish. saline -like crust formed on the sides
of the cuttings, which exuded from the limestone
rock, and which was in many parts strongly
marked with green, yellow, and dirty-white spots,
giving evidence of the presence of iron or copper
oxides. The upper part and roofs of the burrows
were utterly neglected and in ruins. After wad-
ing diagonaQy through the slush we emerged.
Around were old dismantled forts which once
commanded the passage of the river and the
entrance to the mines. It was said that there
were copper, antimony, and lead mines in the
vicinity, but that they had not been worked
since the days of Timur. In my wanderings I
A RUNAWAY BRIDE. 135
lost no opportunity of inquiring about the various
mines which existed in the regions which I visited,
but I never found one which seemed likely to
repay attention.
After leaving the ruby mines I returned with
the hai to the valley, which he made his head-
quarters at this time, and stayed with him
about two months. I had intended to proceed
to Yarkand, but the bai dissuaded me from
going there without protection. Moreover, the
6ai, who was at least sixty -five years of age,
desired us to witness his approaching nuptials.
The bride was a fair young Kirghiz, with a
rich dowry of camels, ponies, sheep, hounds,
hawks, &c.
Early in the morning of the wedding-day all
the hai^s male subjects gathered round the fort
gateway in their gaudiest attire of various skins
and furs thrown over dirty and tattered woollen
garments, and armed to the teeth. Most of them
had spears in their hands, a large, heavy, forked
matchlock slung over their shoulders, with sword
and shield, and perhaps the handle of a long
hatchet -like knife sticking out from the waist-
band. Some wore gay heron -plumes in their
head-dresses, all were mounted on Kirghiz camels
136 AMONG THE KIBGHIZ.
or ponies. The most comical addition to the
dress was a flag stuck on a pole tied to each
man's back, which waved high over his head.
There was a monster kettle-drum, horn trum-
pets, and a nondescript brass wind-instrument, a
few stout male singers, and some dancing -boys
got up in female attire.
When the old hai came forth from the fort,
with the bridecake of mulberries and a wreath
of flowers, there was a general greeting of
" Salaam Aleikum,'' and the instruments set up a
tremendous discordant braying, which set the
camels scampering about the plain. The motley
cavalcade then started up a ravine, and every one
commenced firing salutes of blank cartridge.
When we had come within a quarter of a mile
of the Kirghiz encampment the bai sent a formal
deputation of some of his followers, with wreaths
of flowers in one hand and the sword in the other,
to demand the bride ; but lo ! imagine the uproar
and disappointment when it was found that the fair
one had absconded with her mother, and that her
father had started with some twenty horsemen in
hot pursuit. The end was tragic. On the father
overtaking the fugitives they refused to surrender,
and a bloody fight ensued. The enraged Kirghiz
CONSOLATION. 137
chief killed his own wife and daughter, and after
a brief and bloody struggle not one of the eloping
party survived. They were thirteen in all, and
the eleven men of the party laid fifteen of their
opponents low, besides wounding the chief himself.
We returned in sadder mood to partake of what
should have been the marriage-feast. As if to
drown the past in obUvion, the night witnessed
deep potations of the beloved kumiss, and before
morning the bai was consoled by marriage with
a lovely girl of fifteen, daughter of one of the
Kirghiz' headmen.
Shortly afterwards we took leave of the 6ai,
although warmly pressed by him to settle down
as honoured members of his principality, and went
on to visit another chief, whose abode was called
Bolor Kash.
We had been invited to pass the remainder of
the summer with this chief, and were received with
all due honour and courtesy. It was about the
end of August 1826 when we arrived at Bolor
Kash, but I was anxious to push on, and cut our
visit down to three or four days. I found in this
village, as in all other Kirghiz communities, an
old witch, who was the oracle of the place. She
was at once genealogist, news-monger, astrologer.
138 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
historiaiiy exorciser, match - maker, doctor, and
divine.
While staying here I was distressed to hear that
the presents offered by my friend the head hai of
Shighnan had not been considered sufl&cient by the
rapacious heg of Kunduz, and his wrath was feared.
Travelling in these regions was extremely diflfi-
cult, and at one time we took seven days to cover
forty miles.
During our journey we came upon a lonely
hamlet where a near relation of the ruling prince
of that region had betaken himself. He had un-
fortunately killed a favourite courtier of the ruler,
and had to fly for his life.
He had assumed the title of Shah Nawaz Beg,
and was trying to carve out a principality for
himself. He had already made a fair beginning
by the subjection of a community of five Kirghiz
families. Travelling on, we came to more hamlets,
imtil at the end of September we crossed an un-
named river and arrived at the fort of the ruler
against whom Shah Nawaz Beg had revolted.
The Syad and Jey Ram, who were previously
acquainted with the prince, went ahead, leaving
us some 500 yards outside. We were soon sum-
moned, and passed up a steep ascent of some 300
HOSPITABLY ENTEBTAINED. 139
yards, and into a kind of domestic chapel — a small
mosque — and thence into a private bath, where
we performed our ablutions. Thence we proceeded
to the mosque, where we performed our evening
orisons, which we had scarcely concluded when we
were summoned to the presence of the potentate.
He was seated in state on some coloured felts, with
a large dirty-looking bolster to support his back.
Bound the walls of the room, which were wattled,
were squatted kinsmen and courtiers armed to the
teeth.
On our arrival the ruler arose; and we ex-
changed the usual hearty salutations, and he
favoured each of us with warm embraces. Tea,
wine, and kumiss were freely distributed, and
the king entered into easy conversation with us,
lamenting with strong emotion a recent disastrous
affair in which some of his followers had been mur-
dered. He aimed his remarks pointedly at some
of our party, knowing that they would not fail
to pass them on to those for whom they were
intended.
We stayed a fortnight with the prince, and then
moved on about nine miles, to the northern Bolor
ranges, where we sojourned a month in a cave,
occasionally used as a shooting-lodge. We found
140 AMONG THE KIBOHIZ.
game aa plentiful as the population was scanty,
the great wild sheep being the favourite quarry.
Our intention now was to go up towards the
Ustum valley, south of the Alai ranges, and
about mid-way between the Terek Pass and Lake
Karakul ; but winter approached, and a noble
robber-chieftain. Shah Bahadur Beg, to whom we
had been introduced, would have detained us hos-
pitably. However, we were anxious to push on,
and prevailed over his objections and started.
Shah Bahadur Beg's residence was the fort of
Tdk, or Kurghan Tik, distant about two and
a half days' good marching from the fort of
Bolor Kash, and north or north-west of it. The
intervening country is monotonous and sparsely
inhabited.
After a week's travelling, aided by some of
Shah Bahadur Beg's retainers, we met a party of
travellers, who declared that the passes were all
closed by snow ; so we were obliged to return, not,
however, without extracting blackmail (which was
readily paid) of 1 per cent from these and other
wajrfarers.
On our way back to the Shah's stronghold we
fell in with a party of thirteen Kirghiz families
who had been compulsorily summoned by him to
A KACE FOR A WIFE. 141
arrange a marriage dispute. It seemed that a fair
young damsel, daughter of the Kirghiz bai, had
been betrothed and sold for various considerable
sums to a number of different suitors. It was
settled now by the elders and priests that all
the young suitors had an equal right to her,
that the lady should ride with a slung bow, and
that whoever caught her should be the lucky
swain.
Accordingly she appeared : a lovely girl, with
a heron's plume stuck in her high fur cap grace-
fully waving over her fair forehead ; a red leathern
girdle round her waist ; and a small light bow
slimg over her arm. She also held a few
arrows. She then chose a fleet horse and started
off at full speed, hotly pursued by her suitors.
The excitement of the chase was vivid. She
was long seen waving the bow over her head in
the distance, until a turn of the plain round a
mountain spur hid the headlong party from our
sight. Had she escaped and returned to camp in
possession of the bow, she would have been con-
sidered as freed from all engagements ; but it was
not to be so. After a long chase the young lady
returned, flushed and tired, without her bow, and
somewhat abashed. Shortly afterwards we saw
142 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
the triumphant suitor describing A figure of eight
on horseback on the very spot whence the lady
came again into our range of vision, and brandish-
ing the fateful bow aloft.
Then the elders and priests arose, and with pipe
and tambour played the conquering hero into camp.
Before an hour had elapsed the nuptial knot had
been tied. The bride now for the first time
loosed her virgin tresses, which were formerly
plaited over her neck; and then the wedding
banquet commenced.
The wedding-cake, of pulverised mulberries, was
cut into substantial lumps by young female attend-
ants, whole roasted sheep were chopped up, and
sour kumiss was handed round. Then came a ball,
and all danced and gambolled until the bleating of
the lambs in the encampment, and the general stir
of animal life, warned us that the grey dawn was
breaking.
Alas ! it ushered in a melancholy day. Although
not one of our party had slept a wink amid the
joyous revelry of the night, we were up and off at
sunrise, and had not proceeded more than four or
five miles when of a sudden Shah Bahadur Beg
himself unexpectedly and mysteriously appeared
TRAGIC SEQUEL. 143
before us, with a strong body of followers. He
welcomed us courteously, and then rapidly dis-
appeared on some expedition, the object of which
we could not divine. The mystery was soon
terribly solved. In the evening the Shah re-
turned from his raid ; with him were some seven
or eight Kipchak Kirghiz elders and females, and
to our grief we recognised the beauteous heroine
and bride of yesterday's revels, strapped to the
chiefs back, on his horse. Earnest were our
intercessions for the prisoners, and so far as the
rest of them were concerned, they were success-
ful, for the Shah graciously released them.
As to the unhappy girl, our prayers were fruit-
less. The Shah declared that he had had the
misfortune that day to kill both her parents, her
brothers, and her husband, and that he was there-
fore bound to constitute himself her protector.
Sadly we accompanied the Shah to his home.
Nothing reconciled the girl to her fate. She
stabbed herself to death before the Shah two days
afterwards, with a dagger which she had evidently
concealed for the purpose.
We wintered here with the Shah, and in the
spring of 1827 took our departure, resisting all
144 AMONG THE KIRGHIZ.
the inducements of our host to stay. He con-
sidered that, with women, wine, good horses, good
guns, good dogs, good falcons, and with a castdlo
on the top of a crag in Yagistan,^ all that life could
offer was at our feet.
^ " YagiBtan " means " the independent country."
145
CHAPTER IX.
A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
THE GABDEN OF EDEN — THE AKAS AND THE KEIAZ — GABDNER
LEAVES FAMIB — CROSSES THE YAMUNYAR RIVER NEAR TASH-
BALYK — THE YAK — ^YARKAND— THE TWO CITIES — LEH AND SRIN-
AGAR—THE GREAT EARTHQUAKE — GARDNER'S JOURNEY THROUGH
GILGIT AND CHITRAL — THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF CHITRAL
— SECOND VISIT TO KAFIRISTAN — GARDNER TRAVERSES AFGHAN-
ISTAN AND IS IMPRISONED AT GIRISHK — VISIT TO KABUL —
FAREWELL TO THE THERBAH — GABDNEB ABBIVES IN BAJAUB —
SYAD AHMAD THE BEFOBMER — HIS HISTORY — DEATH OF THE
SYAD — GARDNER BECOMES CHIEF OF ARTILLERY AT PESHAWAR
AND CONCLUDES HIS TRAVELS.
Gardner passed the winter of the year 1826 with
the hospitable robber -chief Shah Bahadur Beg,
and set forth in the spring of 1827 on his journey
to Yarkand.
In addition to Jey Ram the Hindu, and Mir
Ali Shah, the Syad, Gardner's party included the
Syad's servant and Gardner's own four attendants,
or eight persons in all.
The party determined to travel northwards
at first, so as to strike the trade route from
K
146 A RBMAEKABLE JOURNEY.
Samarkand to Yarkand ; and with this object they
journeyed through Karategin to the valley of the
Surkhab ; then turning eastward they went by the
great Alai valley or plateau.
This is a region considered by many to be no
other than the site of the Garden of Eden and the
birthplace of the human race. In contrast to most
of the regions round about, the Alai valley is very
fertile. Gardner stated in after-life that the wild
fruits there were equal to the garden fruit of
Kashmir.
At this point the only Afghan who remained of
the party which originally followed him from the
Kohistan declined to go any farther east, and took
his leave.
Gardner gives a curious account of the in-
habitants of the Karatagh and Aktagh mountains,
who were, he says, the descendants of the ancient
Kafir race who inhabited this region.
Although no subsequent traveller, whose experi-
ences have been published, has as yet confirmed
Gardner's account, his statement is too curious
to lose, and may even hereafter be proved to be
accurate. Dr Sven Hedin is stated to have dis-
covered a previously unknown tribe very similar
to Gardner's Akas.
A FIERCB AND INDEPENDENT RACE. 147
The mountain-ranges known as the Aktagh and
Karatagh are considerably to the west of the place
in which Gardner now was ; but he states that the
Akas, as he calls these wild tribes, lived also in
the mountains bordering the Alai valley, and that
they were the original inhabitants of Kashgar.^
At the time of his visit they were entirely confined
to the mountains.
"The Akas," says Gardner, "and other moun-
tain tribes of the great Kashgar population, pre-
tend, like all the people of Great Kashgar, to great
antiquity, and are probably the aborigines of these
mountains (Aktagh), from which they take their
names.
" Very few Akas have ever embraced Muham-
madanism, and these few are a tribe to the
north of and about the Terek Pass. They go
by the name of Grams, a degraded and little
respected tribe.
" The other Akas are an independent and fierce
race, of predatory habits, and prove themselves to
^ Gardner mentions the Alai and Trans- Alai ranges by name, and
appears to apply the name Aktagh to some range near them. The
mountains in this region are so named in Arrowsmith's map of
Central Asia, the only one that Gardner could have seen at the
period when he dictated his recollections to Mr Cooper and Sir
Henry Durand : this seems to explain his mistake.
148 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
the surrounding Muhammadans to be of obstinate
and warlike character, A continual and bitter
warfare exists between them, much resembling
that between the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush and
their Afghan and Chitrali neighbours.
''All the Akas that the Muhammadans make
captive in their raids are invariably sold as
slaves.
"The Akas are of low stature, but well made
and hardy; manly, fierce, and savage in manner.
They are generally dressed in skins. Their women,
though of fair complexion, are not entitled to be
called good-looking, being of coarse features except
in one curious tribe called the Keiaz.
"This tribe live in small communities in the
most inaccessible peaks of the mountains, and
number some 7000 souls in all. They lead the
life of wild beasts, living in holes and dens dug
out of the crags. They subsist chiefly by hunting,
in which they are very expert, and so barbarous
are they as seldom to use fire to make their meat
more palatable. If the tales told by their Mu-
hammadan neighbours are to be relied on, the
Keiaz are not content with the raw flesh of wild
animals alone, but 'sometimes devour the bodies of
their enemies who fall into their hands.
MABRIAGE AMONG THE KEIAZ. 149
"Among the mountains and valleys that I
passed through on my way to Ausgess resided
these Keiaz. They, like the Akas, were generally
clothed in the skins of wild animals that they
slew in the chase. They were armed only with a
small bow and a spear. They adore rude idols,
large masses of curiously shaped stone or rocks.
They mix very little with the Akas, by whom
they are considered a barbarous people ; but
the latter admire their women, frequently take
them captive, and make them slaves or even
wives.
"The Keiaz marriage rites are simple : the lover
lays his bow at the feet of the lady ; if she lifts it
up, kisses and returns it, she is his wedded wife.
By taking her husband's bow and flinging it on
the ground before him, she can divorce herself,
and she may secure a husband by unslinging his
bow from his shoulder. I heard, however, that
these practices, though existing and considered
sacred, were seldom resorted to. The Keiaz, in
their funeral ceremonies, much resemble the Akas,
who sometimes burn their dead, and sometimes
bury them in a sitting or erect position, but never
place them in a horizontal position in mother
earth.
150 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
" Sometimes, again, they lay their dead in deep
water-holes, or allow them to be washed away by
the torrents into which they fling them.
"The Akas and Keiaz had various divinities,
but also worshipped obscene figures."
The MSS. concerning Gardner's journey from
the Pamirs to Yarkand are so incomplete and
confused, that I have experienced great difficulty
in tracing his route. Among other places men-
tioned in connection with the Akas and Keiaz are
a fort and valley named " Ustum " : the valley
is stated to have been a very large one, running
east and west, and at the eastern extremity was a
second fort, named Uskumbak.
This second fort was said to be eighteen days'
march south-west of Kashgar, and the Ustum
valley may therefore be the exit from the
Pamir plateau now known as the Gaz defile.
Gardner had therefore, apparently, turned south-
ward again from the Alai plateau, and had passed
near Lake Kara Kul, thus travelling by the old
trade-route from Samarkand to Yarkand. Pos-
sibly, however, Gardner left the Alai valley by
the more direct road of the Terek Pass. This
pass is a very long one, and is divided into two
marches. The second march ends at a place
CROSSING THE DESERT. 151
called Egrushtam — a name not unlike Ustum,
which Gardner in another paper spells " Rustam,"
Gardner states that he and his companions
halted a few days at Uskumbak, as was the regular
custom of small parties of travellers by this route,
so as to unite with another party, and so make up
a caravan of sufficient strength to brave the perils
of the great desert of Kashgar. Three merchants
had already joined him, and by the accession of a
party of seven stragglers at Uskumbak, natives of
Yarkand, who were desirous of going thither,
Gardner's party was brought up to seventeen and
provided with guides : he therefore went on his
way without further delay.
From Uskumbak Gardner and his companions
marched in three days to another fort called
Dunchu (or Dunchai), which was four long
marches south-west of Tash-balyk, a large town
on the north bank of the Yamunyar river. They
heard that during this three days' journey water
was only procurable at one spot, and that at the
middle of the second day's march. They therefore
carried water with them, slung in skins under the
horses' bellies. On arriving at the spot where
water was promised, they found it extremely salt
and bad, in small pools, but were obliged to make
152 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
the best of it. On this day, all along the road,
they met herds of yaks, which Gardner describes
as follows : —
" On this day all along our march we met with
large herds of various species of deer, antelope, &c.,
and some small herds of what the Akas named
* ansak,' but which the Yarkand men called * yak,'
a large animal resembling a cow. These yak, of
which there are two or three species, are found
in great numbers to the north, and were very
numerous also throughout the whole of the desert
to the south. Early this evening we put up at
some dried-up reservoirs, in some of which, how-
ever, a little muddy brackish water still remained,
round which numerous footprints of deer, antelope,
and yak proved that they resorted to this place
for water. The Mogul merchants told me that a
certain tribe of Chinese Tartars venerated those
yaks to such a degree as to make the wounding
or killing of them punishable with death. The
animals which I saw between this place and
Yarkand had cylindrical horns curved outwards,
very long pendent hair, and horse-like tail : the
largest specimen I saw here very much resembled
an English bull in appearance, and the footprints
of some were larger than those of any bull. The
THE YAK AND ITS USES. 153
head was somewhat short, crowned with two round
horns, which tapered from the foot upwards and
terminated in sharp points.
"To the wandering tribes of Tartars these
animals are most valuable, but more particularly
to the tribes called at Yarkand the Kizl and Alai
Kirghiz, who wander about in large or small ohdhs
or camps, and drive the animals from place to
place in summer towards the Pamir. They are
an easy mode of conveyance, furnish good, warm
coverings and wholesome food. They are never
employed in agriculture. Tents and ropes are
manufactured from their hair, and many dress
themselves entirely in the skins.
"The yaks' tails have been held in high esti-
mation for ages throughout India as objects of
pageantry and parade, and no man of distinction
stirred abroad or sat in his durbar at home
without two or three " thrusters - away of flies"
attending him. The Chinese and some of the
Chinese Tartars sometimes dye yaks' tails of a
reddish black, or some other colour, and wear them
as tufts in their bonnets or on their horses, often
accompanied by a peacock-feather, the emblem of
royal dignity or high station. The yak is one of
the most timid of animals, and very swift : when
154 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
chased by horsemen and dogs, and on the point of
being overtaken, it hides its hindquarters in some
bush and there waits for its enemies, imagining,
perhaps, that if it could conceal its tail, which it
considers perhaps as the object they are in search
of, it might escape unhurt."
On the third day after their departure from
the Pamir plateau, Gardner and his companions
reached the town of Dunchu (or Dunchai), having,
he says, to wade the Yamunyar ^ river to reach it,
the town standing on the south bank of the river.
From Dunchu they journeyed to Yarkand in
twenty-one days, making one halt only to visit a
great mound with caves, which Gardner calls Mahu
or Mahusang. He states that mephitic vapours
arise here from clefts in the ground, and also that
the mound apparently covers the site of an ancient
city, Gardner's description of Yarkand is briefly
given in Mr Edgeworth's abstract in the following
words : —
"Reached Yarkand. It consists of two cities,
one inhabited by the Muhammadan population,
the other by the Chinese garrison. The gates
are closed at night. The population number
^ The existence of this river was for a considerable time doubted
by geographers : it is, however, correctly named by Qardner.
YARKAND. 155
80,000 to 100,000 souls, and there are 15,000
soldiers in the garrison. There is a Mnhammadan
governor, named Khan Ali Jan. The Chinese
governor is named Shun Teth. Green and black
tea, packed in vellum, shawls, wool, porcelain,
and chrysoprase beads are among the principal
articles of trade."
Gardner remained three days at Yarkand and
then went on his way southward, reaching Kar-
galik on the second day. Thence, going south
steadily, he arrived in thirty days at Leh, the
capital of Ladak. In the course of this journey
he traversed the Karakoram Pass, but says little
about it, no doubt because it was really much
easier travelling than many passes which he had
already traversed. The diary of his journey is
given in Mr Edgeworth's abstract, but is not
sufl&ciently interesting to merit transcription. Sir
Henry Durand mentions that Gardner travelled
from Yarkand to Leh as a pilgrim, wearing the
hadji dress. Arrived at Leh, he was sent with
five or six others to collect pilgrims from KJioten
and other places to the eastward, and while on
this errand he saw the Pangkong Lake.
Having collected the pilgrims, Gardner returned
to Leh, and went thence to Srinagar, the capital
156 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
of Kashmir. Shortly before he arrived there a
terrible earthquake occurred, which killed 11,000
or 12,000 people. The stench from the corpses
was frightful, and the survivors were afraid to
bury them. In consequence a kind of plague
broke out in a few days, people fell to the earth
with vertigo and nausea, and their bodies turned
black. The natives fled in all directions. Diwan
Kirpa Ram was at this time governor of Kashmir
for Maharaja Ranjit Singh, having recently suc-
ceeded his father.
At the time of Gardner's arrival at Srinagar
that city was still under the influence of Afghan
merchants and soldiers, and from some of them
Gardner heard a false report that his former leader
Habib-uUa Khan was once more in the ascendant,
and the adventurous soldier decided at once on
joining his old chief. Accompanied only by Jey
Ram the Hindu, by his faithful Therbah and three
other Muhammadans, he made an astonishing
journey from Srinagar through Chilas and Bunji
(where he crossed the Indus) to Gilgit, and thence
to Chitral. Of this journey Sir Henry Rawlinson
writes in his "Monograph on the Oxus " -} " Gardner
actually traversed the Gilgit valley from the Indus
^ Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xliL
IMPORTANCE OP CHITRAL TO INDIA. 157
to the Snowy Mountains, and finally crossed over
into Chitral, being, in fact, the only Englishman
up to the present time [1872] who has ever per-
formed the journey throughout."
Gardner subsequently wrote voluminous reports
on the importance of Chitral to India, both as
a trade-route between that country and Central
Asia and as a weak spot in our military position.
He was, however, in advance of his time, and his
words fell upon deaf ears. Later days have seen
a wiser policy adopted ; and those who have wit-
nessed the very recent occupation of Chitral by
England, and of Kafiristan by the Afghans, with-
out understanding the military advantages of both
moves, may be enlightened by the following note,
written by Gardner about thirty years ago : —
"It is said that when Amir Dost Muhammad
Khan was invading Kunduz and Badakshan in
1850, the large body of troops which had been
sent from Kabul vid the Khawak Pass [the route
followed by Gardner himself] had met with but
slight success. There appeared no prospect of
thus reducing these distant regions to subjection
until a body of from 2000 to 3000 irregular
cavalry, with four or six guns, I know not which,
were sent up from Jalalabad by the Chitral
158 A BEMABKABLE JOUBNEY.
caravan-route, and crossing the Baroghil Pass
into Wakhan, swept to the westward, vid Kala-
i-Panj and Ishkashem, meeting no resistance until
they arrived at Jerm.
" The chief of Badakshan, seeing himself thus
unexpectedly attacked both in front and rear,
went with the leading inhabitants of his province
and tendered his full submission to the Afghan
ruler.
"This body of troops then continued its march,
and in a similar manner compeUed the surrender
of the chief of Kunduz, who had previously made
a noble and successful defence against the Kabul
army.
" May it not be suggested that what happened
on the above occasion may be repeated in the
reverse way, and that Afghanistan may fall to
Russia if attacked in like manner; that is, that
while one army was knocking at the time-honoured
gate of Bamian, another might steal its way
down the Chitral valley, and suddenly dash on
the astounded and probably weak garrison of
Jalalabad."
Gardner's prophetic lines show at any rate that
as a student of " the great game of Central Asia "
he was in the front rank.
EARLY VISITORS TO KAFIRISTAN. 159
From Chitral lie sent his followers and baggage
down by river to Jalalabad, while he himself for
the second time entered Kafiristan and travelled
along the Kamah or Kameh river. He was ac-
companied by a priest, and was well treated, his
only difficulty being to escape from the hospitality
of his hosts.
The full diary of this visit to Kafiristan and
of Gardner's journey from Pamir was lent to Sir
Alexander Burnes, and was destroyed when that
unfortunate officer was murdered at Kabul and
his house pUlaged.
All that remain by way of record of this most
interesting passage in Gardner's adventurous life
are some disconnected notes and allusions. Some
of the notes are written on the margin of various
printed pages concerning Kafiristen.
Among the allusions are two references to the
fact related by the Kafirs to Gardner — that two
Europeans had lived in their country about the
year 1770, and had, according to one story, died
in captivity, and, according to the other, been
murdered by the Kafirs, under the supposition
that they were evil spirits. These unfortunate
Europeans were probably Roman Catholic mis-
sionaries.
160 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
A geographical note by Gardner is of interest.
On a statement by Captain Raverty concerning
the Kashkar, Chitral, or Kunnr river, and an un-
named river which Captain Raverty says joins it
at Chigar-Serai, Gardner says : —
" The river called the Kameh or Kafir- Ab rises
east or south-east of the Kotal-i-Dara [Dorah Pass
on modem maps] in the north of Kafiristan, and
flowing at first south-west, bends down to the
south-east and joins the Chitral or Kashkar river
near Chigar-SeraL Thence those united streams
or rivers are known as the Kunur river, and fall
into the Kabul river at or near Jalalabad."
The Kameh river does rise as stated above; it
does bend slightly westward, and then to the
south-east. The statement illustrates Gardner's
knowledge of a country into which no white man
but himself had then penetrated. Concerning
the tribes of Kafiristan enumerated by Raverty,
Gardner writes: —
"These are the names of the principal valleys
as well as of the tribes, the main valley being
the Kameh, down and along the upper portion
of which the Kam or Kameh tribe inhabit."
This statement also has been confirmed by the
recent writings of Sir George Robertson; but no
THE CRYSTAL HOOKAH. 161
one but Gardner could have made it at the time
when it was written by him.
Leaving Kafiristan by Chigar-Serai and Jalala-
bad, Gardner journeyed towards Kabul, but on
approaching the capital found that he had been
misinformed about Habib-uUa Khan, who was
now said to have perished while on a pilgrimage
to Mecca. Dost Muhammad was all-powerful, and
it was no part of Gardner's plan to place himself
in the lion's jaws, though as a matter of fact he
was eventually compelled to do so.
Gardner now contemplated returning to Persia,
and marched vid Ghazni and Kilat-i-Ghilzai to
Kandahar. At this city the Sardars, Dost Mu-
hammad's brothers, who governed the province,
sent for a crystal hookah, Gardner's most valued
possession, which had been given him by his
mysterious friend the Pole of Ura-tube; they
also demanded from him and his followers (a
band of Khaibari outlaws who had attached them-
selves to him) a ransom of a lakh and a half of
rupees.
Gardner arrived at Kandahax early in the spring
of 1830, and after a time occupied in reasoning
with the Sardars, he obtained permission from them
to take leave and proceed to Herat. This permis-
L
162 A KEM ARK ABLE JOURNEY.
sion was conveyed in an official letter written in
Persian, and was evidently couched in terms of
double meaning, for on reaching Girishk and pre-
senting the letter, Gardner and his followers were
treacherously seized while at dinner, and were cast
into the subterranean dungeons of the castle.
After a few days the Khaibaris and the Therbah
were released; but Gardner was kept for nine
months a prisoner beneath ground.
Now was shown his remarkable influence over
those who from time to time became his followers
— for none of the Eiaibaris would desert him, but
went round to the priests, exciting sympathy in
his behalf. These faithful men eventually obtained
Gardner's release, but with extreme difficulty, and
by means only of the whole party promising not
to go to Herat, and stating in writing that they
had been well treated.
The head of the party of Khaibaris was one
Ghulam Rassul Khan of Ali Masjid, and this man
actually proposed to re-enter Kandahar and force
the Sirdars to give them some money to help them
on their way. So bold a proposal delighted
Gardner, and the attempt was accordingly made,
but without success.
Ghulam Rassul Khan now obtained the dress
A BOLD STRATAGEM. 163
of a shahzada,^ in which Gardner was dressed;
and certain men who were at variance with the
Sirdars graduaUy joined the party until their
number reached forty axmed and mounted men.
With this following Gardner set out towards
Kabul. He had thus escaped from most immi-
nent danger, from a long and apparently hopeless
captivity, and found himself at the head of a
strong body of men, several of whom had shown
extraordinary fidelity to him. All that he now
wanted was money, and accident or design soon
placed within his grasp the means of obtaining
a supply.
Between Kilat-i-Ghilzai and Kabul Gardner's
party met a kafUa or caravan bound for Kandahar,
and belonging to merchants trading under the pro-
tection of the Kandahar rulers. Gardner, who
with his men had halted as soon as the approach
of the caravan was signalled by his scouts, pre-
tended that he also was proceeding to Kandahar,
and joined the kafila. As soon as a favourable
opportunity arose he seized and bound the mer-
chants, thus anticipating them in their intentions
with regard to him ; then, taking the bull by the
^ Probablj meaning a prince of the ex-royal family, of whom
there were a great number.
164 A BEMABKABLE JOUBNET.
horns, lie made straight for Kabul, with the inten-
tion of throwing himself on the mercy of Amir
Dost Muhammad Khan.
The party rode night and day, so as to outstrip
the messengers of the Kandahar Sirdars, and riding
direct to the Bala Hissar or palace, Gardner and
Ghulam Rassul Khan presented their arms, horses,
and spoil to Dost Muhammad and asked for a
private audience. They then told their story to
the warlike chief, who heard them patiently,
agreed that they had been badly treated by his
brothers, and had done rightly in taking the law
into their own hands. He declined to take any-
thing from them, but would not allow them to
remain in his territory. The Amir then gave
Gardner a safe -conduct to the territory of Mir
Alam Khan of Bajaur, whom Gardner decided to
visit. This chief had already treated him kindly
when he passed through Bajaur on his way from
Kafiristan to Afghanistan a year previously.
When leaving Kabul Gardner lost the services
of his faithful follower the Therbah, who had
shared so many dangers and hardships with him,
and had done nobly in keeping up the fidelity of
the Khaibaris during Gardner's long captivity at
Girishk. The Therbah now returned to his own
STOUT HEART AND READY WIT. 165
home, and Gardner once again became a lonely
man, with no resource but his own stout heart
and ready wit. Never had these two allies stood
by him better than in his bold action at Kabul,
where he had countless enemies. In the words
of Sir Henry Durand, whose narrative has been
closely followed in this chapter, "Gardner seems
to have been indebted for life, and that many
a time over, to his cool audacity, which never
failed him for a moment, be the strait what it
might."
Gardner obtained permission from the Amir to
remain a few days at Kabul, and left that city
towards the end of January 1831. He was, he
says, disappointed at having failed to establish
himself in a military career under that great leader
of men, but for many reasons he was glad to leave
Afghanistan. There were too many Afghans whose
fathers and brothers had met him in battle to
make a residence in a country where blood-feuds
were a sacred duty even moderately safe from
treachery and violence.
Moreover, neither Gardner's admiration for the
Amir, nor gratitude for the protection he had af-
forded to the fugitives, could blind Gardner to the
iniquity of Dost Muhammad's conduct towards
166 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
Prince Habib-uUa Khan. Finally and principally,
Grardner adds, he hated every Afghan of the domi-
nant faction for the death of his innocent wife
and son.
The period of Gardner's wanderings waa now
approaching a close ; but before he could enter the
Panjab, the country which, with its then depen-
dency, Kashmir, was thereafter to become his home,
he had to traverse the most dangerous of all regions
— that from Kabul to Peshawar — the very home of
battle, murder, and sudden death.
It was, however, he writes, with a light heart
that he retraced his footsteps from Kabul to Jal-
alabad, and thence to Kunar and Bajaur, where
he was again kindly received by the ruler, Mir
Alam Khan.
His adventures in those troubled regions may
now be related by himself: —
I arrived at Bajaur at the moment that a certain
Muhammad Ismail had arrived from the fanatic
chief Syad Ahmad with a demand for aid from
the mivy as from all neighbouring Muhammadan
chieftains. This Syad Ahmad was a remarkable
SYAD AHMAD, THE REFORMER. 167
man, who gave much trouble for some years to
Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Some four years prior to my arrival at Bajaur
he had raised the green standard of the Prophet
in the Eusafzai hills, between Peshawar and Attock,
and proclaimed a reUgious war against the Sikhs.
Syad Ahmad belonged to a family of Syads in
Bareilly, and commenced life as a petty oflScer
of cavahy in the army of Amir Khan, the great
soldier of fortune. After preparing in India for
the religious war which he desired to wage, Syad
Ahmad entered Afghanistan; but finding no en-
thusiasm there, he proceeded with several hundred
followers to Punjtar in the Eusafzai hills, and made
that place his headquarters. This, as I have said,
was early in the year 1827.
After various vicissitudes the Syad actually be-
came in 1830 master of the city and district of
Peshawar, from which place he ousted Sultan
Muhammad Khan. This prince was a brother of
Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, and at this time
ruled Peshawar as a tributary of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh, the sovereign of the Panjab.
This success of the Syad proved his ruin, for the
Maharaja immediately occupied Peshawar in per-
168 A BEMABKABLE JOUBNEY.
son, and determined to destroy the reformer once
and for alL He intrusted the task to his son, the
Shahzada^ Sher Singh, whose operations were at
first unsuccessful.
Syad Ahmad had two faithful and trusted fol-
lowers, the Maulvis Abdul Hai and Muhammad
Ismail, and these men strained every nerve to
obtain assistance and reinforcements for their
master.
When Muhammad Ismail arrived at the Court
of Mir Alam Khan the latter was in doubt what
course to adopt. The religious enthusiasm of his
people, and their hatred of the infidel Sikhs, im-
pelled him to make common cause with the Syad,
but at the same time he had substantial reasons to
maintain friendly relations with Ranjit Singh, and
more especially with the Wazir (or Prime Minister),
Raja Dhyan Singh. The influence of the latter
was very great throughout all the mountain regions
on the northern boundaries of India.
In this difficulty my arrival, with my trusty
band of Khaibaris, was very welcome to the mir,
and no doubt combined with his former friendship
to elicit the warm reception which he gave me.
^ The recognised sons of Maharaja Ranjit Singh bore the title of
thahzada or prince.
UNDER THE HOLY STANDARD. 169
He was wary enough to say nothing of his in-
tentions to me for three or four days after my
arrival, until my attention was attracted by an im-
passioned address which I heard Muhanmiad Ismail
deliver to a large assembly of the wild Eusafzai
mountaineers. The enthusiasm which he aroused
suggested to me that I might do worse than join
the Syad his master, as I saw a good opportunity
of getting together such a body of followers as
would make my services valuable to any ruler to
whom I might subsequently oflfer them. There-
fore, when Mir Alam Khan proposed to me to take
command of those of his followers who desired to
array themselves under the sacred banner of the
Syad or Khalifa as he now styled himself, I fell in
readily enough with his wish.
In a few days I marched towards Balakot, the
headquarters of Syad Ahmad, at the head of some
250 well-armed and warlike mountaineers, all burn-
ing with religious zeal and with the desire to work
their will in the rich city of Peshawar. For rich
it seemed to them, though at that time its pros-
perity was at a very low ebb, it having been for
so many years bandied about between the Sikhs
and Afghans.
On the march I heard a curious story concerning
170 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
the Syad, which may or may not have been true.
In either case it did not appear to lessen the
respect in which the narrator evidently held the
holy man.
At some period of his career, said my informant,
Syad Ahmad was in the service of Sirdar Pir
Muhammad, chief of Kohat and one of the Bar-
akzai ^ brothers. The Syad was then young, active,
energetic, and a first-rate swordsman and horse-
man. One day he and another man applied for
pay towards their expenses, and received a written
order for some 30 or 40 rupees on a village a few
miles from Peshawar. They went to the village
in company and received the money; but when
returning they quarrelled as to its division, the
upshot being that Syad Ahmad slew his comrade.
Then, taking all the money, he hastened to Pesha-
war. At the gateway of Sirdar Pir Muhammad's
house in that city he found a swift horse standing,
ready saddled and bridled, according to custom.
This horse he forcibly seized, and fled on it across
the Kabul river to Bajaur. There he immediately
began to preach a holy war against aU unbelievers.
It did not appear to distress my religious enthusiast
to believe that the great Khalifa, the Defender of
^ That is, one of the brothers of Dost Muhammad Khan.
BATTLE OF BALAKOT. 17 1
the Faith, the glitter of whose sword was now to
scatter destruction among the infidels, was iden-
tical with the thief and murderer of the story.
However, as it turned out, we set out to join
the holy standard just an hour too late, for the
Syad and his faithful mavlvi were slain, fighting
bravely side by side, before we could join in the
fight. They were taken by surprise at a place near
Balakot and surrounded by a large party of Sikhs,
who had crossed the river Indus on massaksy or
inflated skins. In his anxiety to rejoin his master
Muhammad Ismail had left me and my force a
march behind, and, owing to the mistake or
treachery of a guide, we took longer than was
expected in coming up.
I well remember the scene as I and my Eusaf-
zai and Khaibari followers came in view of the
action.
Syad Ahmad and the maulvi, surrounded by his
surviving Indian followers, were fighting desper-
ately hand to hand with the equally fanatical
Akalis of the Sikh army. They had been taken
by surprise and isolated from the main body of
the Syad's forces, which fought very badly without
their leader. Even as I caught sight of the Syad
and maulvi they fell pierced by a hundred weapons.
172 A REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
Those axound them were slain to a man, and the
main body dispersed in every direction.
With some difficulty I kept my party together,
and withdrew to the hills, showing so bold a front
to the Sikhs that they did not dare to follow us
far. The Eusafzai mountain - passes always gave
the Sikhs cholera, as Avitabile^ used to say.
I was literally within a few hundred yards of
the Syad when he fell, but I did not see the angel
descend and carry him off to Paradise, although
many of his followers remembered afterwards that
they had seen it distinctly enough.
I remained two nights at Panchthar, where I
rested my men after their exertions, and divided
the booty between them. The death of the Syad
broke the only link that held his followers together,
and in the retreat many of the parties from dif-
ferent regions fell upon one another for plunder.
My Khaibaris and Eusafzais were equal to the best
in this matter, and cut down several of the Hindu-
stani fanatics ^ who had joined them for protection,
^ General Avitabile, Ranjit SingVe Italian governor of the Pesha-
war district. See Appendix.
> The Hindustani fanatics were the Indian foUowers of Syad
Ahmad. Their descendants give trouble to the present day, and
took a prominent part in the recent Frontier war.
GARDNER CONCEALS HIS WRITINGS. 173
and whose clothing or equipment seemed to them
a desirable acquisition.
Having rested my men, and given leave to my
faithful Khaibaris to return to their homes, I re-
turned to Bajaur, where I was kindly welcomed by
Mir Alam Khan. It was while in comparative
ease and security, and habited as a Mussulman, at
Bajaur, that I managed to jot down the rough
records of my wanderings. As a devout man I
carried the Koran suspended from my neck, and in
its leaves I deposited my scraps. After a time the
holy book got so bulky that I had to devote my
tobacco-pouch as a receptacle for my writings. No
one would ever touch the Koran of a neighbour,
and had any interference been attempted or sus-
picions aroused, I should have represented my
scraps as additional prayers.
My stay at Bajaur was not a long one, as during
the summer I received an invitation from Sultan
Muhammad Khan ^ to enter his service as chief of
artillery. This prince had been reinstated as gov-
ernor of Peshawar when, as I have related, Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh came to his assistance in the
previous year. Sultan Muhammad Khan took
^ Brother and enemy of Dost Muhammad Khan.
174 A REM ABK ABLE JOURKET.
great interest in artillery, but I taught him all
that he knew about the subject.
Gardner's travels had now come to an end.
Except for the period of his imprisonment at
Girishk, he had been constantly on the move
since his final departure from Astrakhan in February
1823, a period of eight and a half years.
Few men have undergone such perils and have
travelled such long distances through unknown
countries.
175
CHAPTER X.
ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
PESHAWAB — MAHARAJA BANJIT SINOH— GARDNER ENTERS HIS SER-
VICE — VISITS ON THE WAY — DR HARLAN AND OBNERAL AVITA-
BILE — GENERALS VENTURA AND COURT — RAJA DHYAN SINGH, THE
PRIME MINISTER— GARDNER'S DtBUT AS A GUNNER — HE BECOMES
AN INSTRUCTOR — CAMPAIGN ON THE INDUS — OPERATIONS IN
BANNU — THE SIKH - AFGHAN WAR OP 1835 — FINAL CONQUEST
OF PESHAWAR BT THE SIKHS — GARDNER OBTAINS COMMAND OF
THE JAMMU ARTILLERY — RANJIT SINGH'S LAST CAMPAIGN — A
RAPID MARCH — THE REBELLION OF SHAMAS KHAN.
It may be as well to repeat, for the information
of those unfamiliar with Eastern history, that Pesha-
war, so long a bone of contention between the
Sikh and Afghan nations, was now practically a
portion of the Panjab.
Sultan Muhammad Khan, though nominally an
independent sovereign, was to all intents and pur-
poses a vassal of Ranjit Singh.
It was, in fact, not very long after Gardner's
arrival at Peshawar that the Maharaja compelled
Sultan Muhammad to join his Court, and replaced
176 ADVENTURES IN THE PAN JAB.
him as governor of Peshawar by a succession of
Sikh sardarSy who, proving incapable of managing
the turbulent people of Peshawar, that "nest of
scorpions,'' were succeeded finally by the iron-
handed Avitabile.
Gardner thus describes his entry into the
Pan jab : —
I went to Peshawar in the month of August
1831, and remained there until the spring of the
following year, 1832, when a letter was received
by Sultan Muhammad Khan from Maharaja Ranjit
Singh 1 desiring my services. I myself would
^ Banjit Singh, who became Maharaja of the Panjab, was bom in
the year 1780, and at the age of eleven succeeded his father as chief
of one of the least important of the twelve confederacies which at
the time composed the Sikh nation. One by one the confederacies
feU before the talents and ambition of Ranjit Singh, who then
turned his attention to those portions of the Panjab that were in pos-
session of neighbouring rulers. Multan was captured in 1818, and
Kashmir in the following year.
The only Powers that the Maharaja now had cause to fear were
the British and the Afghans, and with the object of facing them on
equal terms Ranjit Singh set about the task of raising a large army,
formed on the European system. With this object in view he gave
employment to a considerable number of foreign officers, of whom
the most important were Generals Ventura, Allard, Court, and
Avitabile ; Colonels Gardner and Van Cortlandt The skill and
tenacity with which the Sikh army fought the British in two des-
perate campaigns show with what success these officers and their
assistants served Ranjit Singh.
GARDNER JOINS THE SIKHS. 177
have preferred to remain at Peshawar, but Sultan
Muhammad dared not refuse the Maharaja. I
regretted leaving him, as he had treated me kindly
and honourably, making me daily a guest at his
table, and giving me a liberal salary.
On taking my leave of Sultan Muhammad he
bestowed a number of gifts upon me, including an
excellent horse and a sum of money.
I was directed to travel under the care of the
Maharaja's daroga^ or chief of the stud, who was
then at Peshawar, collecting the annual tribute of
horses. Some delay, however, occurred in his
setting out on his journey to Lahore, as none but
the best Persian or Turki horses were accepted in
tribute, and I took advantage of the opportunity
by again visiting my friends Mir Alam Khan of
Bajaur, Futteh Khan of Panchthar, and Paindah
Eian of Am, on the right bank of the Indus.
Thence crossing to Torbela, I went down to the
fort of Attock, where I met the daroga with his
horses. His escort consisted of some forty well-
armed Sikh horsemen; but notwithstanding, he
had been attacked at night between Peshawar and
Attock by 300 or 400 Afridis, and four of his
horses had been taken from him.
On our way from Attock to Rawal Pindi we
M
178 ADVENTURES IN THE PAN JAB.
were again attacked by 400 to 500 Ghakkars near
the Margali Pass, with a loss on this occasion of
two horses and five men.
After this nothing of import occurred until the
party arrived safely at Gujrat. Hence the dar-
oga started direct for Lahore, while I and my
servants remained a few days with Dr Harlan,^
then governor of the district. Then, crossing the
Chenab river, I went to Wazirabad, where I re-
mained four or five days the guest of General
Avitabile,^ the governor. It was unfortunate that
a sore animosity existed at the time between these
two governors. However, I received letters of in-
troduction from both, and went from Wazirabad to
Lahore, where I met Generals Ventura * and Court.*
^ Dr Harlan was an American adventurer who obtained employ-
ment at different times under Ranjit Singh and Dost Muhammad.
He was thoroughly unscrupulous and a man of considerable talent.
His ' Memoir of Afghanistan ' is worth reading.
• Qeneral Avitabile was governor of Wazirabad before he was
made governor of Peshawar. He greatly beautified the town of
Wazirabad.
' Qeneral Ventura was an Italian officer of high character in the
service of Ranjit Singh. He was much honoured and trusted by
the Maharaja, and commanded the "Fouj Khds" or model brigade
of the Khalsa army. General Ventura eventually became governor
of Lahore.
^ Qeneral Court was a French officer of artillery, a most honour-
able and estimable man of considerable professional skilL
For biographies of aU the above officers see Appendix.
A CHARACTERISTIC INCIDENT. 179
After a few days' delay I was presented at Court
by General Ventura and the Prime Minister, Eaja
Dhyan Singh.
I presented my letters from Syad Jan, chief of
Kunar, and from Mir Alam Khan of Bajaur, both
of whom were on friendly terms with the Maharaja.
I also had letters from the three Barakzai brothers,
Sardars Sultan Muhammad of Peshawar, Pir
Muhammad of Kohat, and Syad Mahmud of
Hashtnagar.
On the day of my presentation to the Maharaja,
and while I was waiting outside the Shalimar
Gardens, an incident occurred which is described
in the work called ' Adventures of an Officer,' by
the great and good Sir Henry Lawrence (after-
wards my well-known and honoured friend).
A certain Nand Singh, an officer of the Maha-
raja's cavaby, rode his horse intentionally against
me and endeavoured to jostle me into the ditch,
which was deep and filled with running water.
I touched the rein of my good steed, gave him
half a turn, pressed him with my sword-hand
the veriest trifle on the loins, and in an instant
Nand Singh and his horse were rolling on the
ground. I calmly expressed a hope that the
fallen man was not hurt, and was treated with
180 ADVENTURES IN THE PAN JAB.
much civiUty during the remaining time that I
was kept waiting.
Shortly after I was summoned to the Maha-
raja's presence, and was graciously received by
that great man. Much as I had heard of the
insignificance of his appearance, it at first startled
me ; but the profound respect with which he was
treated, and the extraordinary range of subjects
on which he closely examined me, speedily dis-
pelled the first impression.
The Maharaja was indeed one of those master-
minds which only require opportunity to change
the face of the globe. Ranjit Singh made a
great and powerful nation from the disunited
confederacies of the Sikhs, and would have
carried his conquests to Delhi or even farther
had it not been for the simultaneous rise and
consolidation of the British empire in India.
At the time of my arrival at Lahore the Maha-
raja was in want of an instructor of artillery, M.
Court being employed principally as superin-
tendent of the gun - factory. He was a very
amiable and accomplished man, as was General
Ventura.
A few days after my audience Raja Dhyan
Singh, the Prime Minister, showed me the two
gaedner's d]6but as a gunner. 181
guns that had been presented by Lord William
Bentinck, the Governor-General of India, to Maha-
raja Kanjit Singh. Dhyan Singh pointed out to
me the shells and fuses in the tumbrils, and
asked me if I could explain their use or fire
them. I found in one of the tumbrils, inclosed
in a bundle of fuses, a small printed slip of
paper giving instructions as to the time of burn-
ing, time of flight, &c. Having read this, I told
Dhyan Singh that I hoped to be able to fire
them and to satisfy him as to my knowledge of
their proper use. I, however, asked to be
allowed to cut and burn one fuse first, which at
his desire I did in his presence. The result
agreeing with that shown on the printed slip,
there seemed to be no further difficulty.
Accordingly one of the guns, with its tumbril,
&c., was given over next day into my charge,
and I was ordered to get ready to fire three or
four of the shells at difierent distances in the
presence of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. I took a
few soldiers in hand, and in a few days' time
all this was done with a degree of success un-
expected even by myself, the shells bursting ex-
actly as required at 600, 800, 1000, and 1200
yards.
182 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
This occurred in the presence of the Maharaja
and his entire Court, and all seemed pleased,
especially the Prime Minister Eaja Dhyan Singh,
who ever after acted as my patron and stead-
fast friend. His brothers Raja (afterwards Maha-
raja) Gulab Singh and Raja Suchet Singh also
befriended me.
In consequence of my success as an artillerist
I received a considerable present, and was en-
rolled in the Maharaja's service with the rank of
colonel of artiUery, and was placed in full com-
mand of a camp of eight horse - artiUery guns,
two mortars, and two howitzers. I was likewise
deputed to teach most of the principal officers
attached to the artillery, at the head of whom
were General Sultan Muhammad and several
colonels, all of whom as my shagird (pupils)
were directed to present me with a nuzzar or
douceur of 500 to 1000 rupees.
For two or three months Maharaja Ranjit Singh
witnessed with much interest their firing of shell,
shot, canister, red - hot shot, &c. ; all receiving
presents from his Highness according to their
proficiency and merits. The presents ranged
from 500 to 5000 rupees, and were usually paid.
ON ACTIVE SERVICE AGAIN. 183
half in gold and silver, and half in Pashmina
shawls/ &c.
This mode of treatment proved, of course, a
strong incentive to the Maharaja's officers, who
worked hard, early and late.
I should mention that on meeting my country-
man Harlan I resumed the character of a wilayati
or foreigner, and resumed also the name of
Gardner, which I had abandoned for so long that
it sounded strangely in my ears. The Sikhs
usually called me "Gordana."
Thus matters continued for three or four
months, when I was ordered to proceed with my
park of artillery, to which was added a force of
800 regular infantry and 400 " Ghorcharahs," or
irregular cavalry, to join General Ventura. The
General had previously been despatched with his
force of about 6000 men to subjugate and annex
Sabzal-kot and Rojan, both on the right bank of
the Indus below Mittun-kot. This object, after
some trouble, having been effected, I received an
order to march with all speed with my force of
artillery, infantry, and cavalry vid Dera Ghazi
Khan and Dera Ismail Khan to join the Sikh
^ Commonly caUed " Kashmir" shawls.
184 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
force, then in Bannu, under the command of Sardar
Tara Singh. Accordingly I went, finding con-
siderable difficulty at and on each side of the
Paizu Pass, from bad roads and an almost com-
plete lack of water.
On reaching the fort of Lukki, to the north of
the Paizu Pass and on the river Gombela, I found
Tara Singh hard pressed by the Bannuites, he
having but 2000 Sikh irregular cavalry and four
small guns with him, without any infantry. He
found himself obliged to act on the defensive
against some thousands of well-armed and moimted
Bannuites, assisted by 4000 or 5000 wild mountain
Waziris on foot. However, in the course of about
four months we managed to cut down, burn, and
destroy all the grain crops, and to level and
destroy the forts, villages, gardens, fruit-trees,
orchards, &c., of all the most refractory, and of
those who refused to pay their fixed annual
stipend or revenues. This effected, we returned
to Lahore viS, Kalabagh on the river Indus.
In such expeditions I served the Maharaja for
some three years, and early in 1835 I was march-
ing south when, at Wazirabad or Kamnagar, I
found the whole Sikh army, with Ranjit Singh at
their head, in full march towards Peshawar. Here
THE AFGHAN ARMY. 185
Tara Singh, with and under whom I was still
serving, halted on the banks of the Chenab for a
day or two for instructions. Having received
them, we changed our front and marched west-
ward, and soon took up our respective positions
in the advancing Sikh army. On arriving at
Peshawar we found Amir Dost Muhammad with
40,000 or 50,000 of his own troops, and about
60,000 to 80,000 Ghazis, encamped at and about
the mouth of the Khaibar Pass.
The " Francese Compo," ^ or French division of
the Sikh army, then personally commanded by
the four French and Italian generals — ^Messieurs
Allard,^ Ventura, Avitabile, and Court — and
having a strength of 20,000 to 22,000 men,
marched towards Hashtnagar, and thence slowly
and cautiously made its way westward and south-
westward with the object of turning the left flank
of the Dost's army; while the remainder of the
Sikh army, commanded by Ranjit Singh himself,
and 60,000 to 80,000 strong, horse and foot,
threatened Dost Muhammad's centre and right
flank.
1 This was the camp name of the " Fouj Khas," or model brigade.
' General AUard was a French officer who died in Ranjit Singh's
service. See Appendix.
186 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
The good, kind, and polite old Fakir Azizuddin,^
with his younger brother Nuruddin, Chefs Diplo-
matiques of home, foreign, and private affairs,
Head and Grand Ministers of State to Ranjit
Singh, were, as peacemakers, day and night, back-
ward and forward, parleying direct between Ranjit
Singh and Dost Muhammad. They certainly per-
formed this duty at great personal risk, as serious
and heavy cannonading and skirmishing took place
every day from morning till night between the
two armies.
The firing and fighting took place along the
whole front, and there being but two and a half
or three short miles between the armies, and the
Afghan position being on rising ground, every
movement on either side was plainly visible to
the other. Thus matters proceeded for about a
month, when the entire Sikh army, with the
French division, were ready to advance and make
a simultaneous attack on the Afghan position.
Ranjit Singh ordered pay to be issued to the
^ Fakir Azizuddin, Foreign Minister to Maharaja Ranjit Singh,
was a very remarkable man. He originaUy gained influence over
the Maharaja by his skill as a physician, and subsequently impressed
his master by the wisdom of his advice. Sir Lepel Griffin, the
highest authority on Panjab history, considers Azizuddin to have
been one of the ablest and certainly the most honest of aU Ranjit
Singh's courtiers. His brother Nuruddin was also much respected.
FLIGHT OF THE AFGHANS. 187
whole army without delay, and accordingly all
arrears, with one month's pay in addition as a
present, were issued to all the troops with such
celerity that the entire 100,000 men were paid oflFin
the course of about four hours. A general advance
and attack along the whole line was ordered to
commence at four o'clock the next morning. This
was done, but the Sikhs had not advanced above
1000 yards when the words "Fled! Fled!" were
loudly vociferated by the whole army, proclaiming
that the bird had flown. In fact. Dost Muham-
mad, with all his troops and Ghazis, had retreated
during the night into the Khaibar, and when day
broke not even a single tent or Afghan was to be
seen.
The Sikh army was halted, and encamped on
their advanced ground for two days, and Fakir
Azizuddin returning from his mission on the
evening of the second day, the camp was broken
up on the third, and the whole army retired on
Peshawar. After five or six days' rest Maharaja
Ranjit Singh with his army marched back to
Lahore, leaving Sirdar Hari Singh Nalwa as
governor of Peshawar. By this one month's
sparring, coquetting, and skirmishing with Dost
Muhammad, Ranjit Singh gained his long- wished-
188 ADVENTUKES IN THE PANJAB.
for object, the undisputed occupation and master-
ship of the Peshawar valley. But still it could
not be called a bloodless victory, for the Sikhs
daily lost from 100 to 150, or even 200 men : the
Afghan loss must have been much greater, the
Sikh artillery being far more numerous than, and
superior to, that of the Afghans.
The cavalry charges — in bodies of from 2000 to
5000 men on either side — were usually very serious
and bloody affairs ; and the Sikhs daily lost many
lives at the merciless hands of the Ghazis, who,
each with his little green Moslem flag, boldly
pressed on, freely and fairly courting death and
martjrdom. They only became shy of thus
advancing when they had seen the bodies of dead
Ghazis burnt in heaps ; for in their wild fanatical
simplicity they believed (as they do even now)
that if their bodies are thus burnt, instead of
going to heaven they inevitably go to the nether
regions.
On recrossing the Indus at the fort of Attock
the Sikhs unfortunately lost a full boat-load of
regular infantry; and the rear and flanks of the
Sikh army, both in going to and returning from
Peshawar, were, as was always the case, harassed
by the Ghakkars. This tribe inhabits the range of
AFRIDI ATTACKS. 189
hills westward of Rawul Pindi, and claims to be of
Persian descent. Their legends speak of a former
great Ghakkar dynasty.^ Parties of the Sikh army
were also constantly attacked by the Afridi tribe,
which inhabits the hills between Attock and
Peshawar.
On reaching the Jhelum river the army was,
to some extent, broken up, a large part of it
being dispersed on various duties. A body of
5000 or 6000 men were sent to Bannu, as it
was stated that the Waziris had collected in
large numbers, and were about to unite with
the Afridis of Kohat, and with the Khaibaris,
for the purpose of attacking Hari Singh, and,
if possible, of retaking Peshawar.
The three former Barakzai chiefs of Peshawar
had gone to Kabul with their brother, Dost
Muhammad; but a short time afterwards Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh sent for them, and honoured
them and treated them well at Lahore, though
I do not know how he induced them to go
there. When I reached Gujrat a sardar or
general named Amir or Mir Singh, with two strong
battalions of infantry, 500 Sikh irregular cavalry,
^ In the year 1205 the conqueror Muhammad Ghori was kiUed
by the tribe of Qhakkars.
190 ADVENTURES IN THE PAN JAB.
and my camp of artillery, was ordered to follow
and join the force already sent to Bannu. We
accordingly marched down the left bank of the
Jhelum, crossed over at Khushab, and marched
thence vid Towana and the sandy desert road
to Kalabagh, where we crossed the Indus.
Thence we marched to Bannu by the Esau-khel
road, and then joined the main body. We
found the Bannuites usually quiet and amenable,
willing peaceably to pay their annual tribute;
but the hill Waziri tribes, particularly those of
Kunigaram, gave us no rest day or night for
the three or four months that we remained at
Bannu. We received strict orders not to enter
the hills, and therefore could not punish them
as we desired ; but the dread of our doing so,
and our daily threatening to do so, prevented
them from going towards cither Kohat or Pesha-
war, as otherwise they might have done. More-
over, they soon heard that the Barakzai sardarSy
the former chiefs of Peshawar, had gone to La-
hore and were well treated there; and this news
kept them quiet for a time. So, receiving the
annual tribute without further trouble, we all
returned to Lahore.
After a short time I went with my camp to
Gardner's artillery. 191
Amritsax for the Dasahra festival, for which
occasion the whole of Ranjit Singh's army was
yearly collected in camp. It was about this time
that the Prime Minister, Raja Dhyan Singh,^
took me from Maharaja Ranjit Singh's service
and placed me in full command of his own and
his brothers' artillery, which was attached to the
already organised Jammu contingent of 7000 to
8000 men.
The artillery portion of the contingent, now
placed under my command, consisted of six nine-
pounder and six six.pounder horse-artiUery guns,
four mortars, four howitzers, and two three-
pounder mountain-guns, twenty-two pieces in all,
besides some camel-guns, all well found and in
good order. With this camp, and attached to
the Jammu contingent, I marched with Ranjit
Singh and his whole army about the early spring
of 1837 from Lahore to Wazirabad, and thence
down the left bank of the Chenab, vid Ram-
nagar to Chiniote. So far, this march was
supposed to have for its object the settling of
some diflferences between Diwan Sawun Mull,
^ Sir Herbert Edwardes states in his 'Life of Sir Henry Law-
rence' that Gardner married a native wife, given him by Raja
Dhyan Singh out of his own house.
192 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
governor of Multan, and Raja Gulab Singh, ruler
of Jammu. However, we halted some time at
Chiniote, where at first rumours, and afterwards
authentic news, reached us that Sardar Muham-
mad Akbar Khan, Dost Muhammad's son, had
come from Kabul with 20,000 to 25,000 Afghan
troops, had passed through the Khaibar, and was
now devastating the plains of Peshawar up to
the very walls of the city; and that the Sikh
governor, Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa, though un-
doubtedly an experienced and remarkably brave
soldier of acknowledged skill, could make no
head against him. Soon afterwards news arrived
of Sardar Hari Singh's death, he having fallen
bravely at the head of his Sikh troops under the
sword of the Afghans.^
Ranjit Singh, now aroused to action, issued
immediate and strict orders for the whole army
to reach Peshawar as quickly as possible by
forced marches, each commander choosing his
own road. The Prime Minister, Raja Dhyan
Singh, a remarkably brave and active man,
reached the fort of Jamrud, near the Khaibar,
with 10,000 to 12,000 irregular cavalry, on the
morning of the seventh day from Chiniote; but
1 Battle of Jamrud, April 30, 1837.
A RAPID MARCH. 193
he unfortunately found that Muhammad Akbar
Khan, hearing of the rapid and near approach
of the whole Sikh army, after doing all the
injury he could, had on the previous day fled
back towards Kabul. On the morning of the
ninth day Kaja Gulab Singh,^ at the head of
his contingent, all intact, reached Khairabad,
opposite and west of Attock ; and during that
day the bulk of the Sikh army arrived, and
were crossing the river pell-mell and in no
small confusion and uproar.
While Eaja Gulab Singh with one contingent
was passing westward through the Gidar Gali
Pass about noon, he received written directions
from his brother at Jamrud not to advance
towards Peshawar, but to cross the Kabul river
and enter and overawe both the upper and lower
Yusufzai country, — these tribes, emboldened by
Muhammad Akbar Khan's temporary success and
firebrand raid, having become refiractory and in-
clined to mischief. This order, though apparently
simple to obey, really gave Eaja Gulab Singh
and our whole contingent plenty — nay, handiuls
— of work night and day for six months : for the
1 Brother of the Prime Minister, and subsequently Maharaja of
Kashmir.
N
194 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
artillery it was a regular life in the saddle.
During the Yusufzai campaign Mian Udam
Singh,^ Raja Gulab Singh's eldest son, almost
daily achieved such prodigies of valour as to
call forth the unstinted admiration and applause,
and often the amazement, of the whole con-
tingent. If Raja Suchet Singh,* his uncle, was
too reckless, dashing, flashy, and fiery before
the enemy, Udam Singh also was rash and
impetuous to a dangerous degree.
Meanwhile trouble had arisen in Gulab Singh's
own dominions. Raja Dhyan Singh had an
orderly or servant of good family, belonging to
one of the hill tribes south and south-west of
Kashmir and Punch. This man, Shamas Khan
by name, whom the Raja had treated with con-
siderable kindness, spread a false report through-
out the whole hiU- country (while the brothers
were busily engaged) that both Gulab Singh
and Dhyan Singh had been killed in battle.
The entire population of these hill regions
were thus encouraged to rise in armed rebellion,
^ It will be seen that this brave young soldier was killed with
Maharaja Nao Nihal Singh on the 6th November 1840.
^ Raja Suchet Singh was the third of the Jammu brothers, of
whom Dhyan Singh and Qulab Singh have already been mentioned.
"alarums and excursions." 195
and by stratagem and treachery most of the
hill forts about there were seized and the garri-
sons massacred.
This untoward news of course made Raja Gulab
Singh anxious to return and regain his sovereignty,
and the Yusufzai region being now settled and
peaceful, the Raja with his contingent crossed in
the autumn to the left bank of the Indus at Bazar-
ki-Patan, some miles above Attock, and marched
thence direct to Kahati, near the Jhelum, north-
west of Rawul Pindi. Leaving his artillery here,
Raja Gulab Singh with the remainder of the con-
tingent entered the hills, while another body of
troops moved up quickly from Jammu. After some
desultory warfare the rebellion was crushed and
subdued in about three months, when the whole
contingent again returned to Lahore. I had not
been long there when news arrived that the Sikh
force in Bannu had been obliged to retire across
the Indus, and had suflFered great loss. On this
Raja Suchet Singh with Prince Nao Nihal Singh,
son of Shahzada Kharak Singh, with a large Sikh
force and the Jammu contingent, were ordered
to proceed to Bannu without delay.
Our contingent, under Raja Suchet Singh, reached
196 ADVENTURES IN THE PANJAB.
Kalabagh by forced marches, and thence went on
to Bannu carefully, — the Sikh force under their
prince^ joining us a day or two after. For two
months or more we had severe fighting with some
thousands of Waziris and Bannuites united. How-
ever, we levelled and burnt all the refractory
Bannu fort - villages, and beat the Waziris back
into their hills, and even weU punished and dis-
persed them. This done, we marched by the
Paizu^ Pass to Tank, to punish the Nawab of that
principality— he being the cause and instigator
of all the late troubles in this quarter ; but pre-
vious to our arrival he had fled to one of his
strongholds some twenty or twenty - five miles
within the Waziri hills. Thither our contingent,
with Suchet Singh at its head, quickly fol-
lowed him. Our way led through ravines, and
up along the bed of the Tank river, until we
reached a considerable plain, in the centre of which
stood the fort of Sarwarghur. However, we found
that the Nawab had fled on to Ghuzni or Kabul
the day before our arrival. We therefore quickly
retraced our steps to Tank, and there annexed the
whole of the principality; but we certainly had
1 Nao Nihal Singh. ^ Now called " Shaikh Budin.**
WAZIRI TACTICS. 197
considerable hard work and some severe fighting,
both going to and returning &om Sarwarghur.
The Waziris crowned the heights on each side of
us, and disputed every inch of the road.
The object for which we had been sent being,
as far as practicable, effected, the whole force
marched back to Lahore.
198
CHAPTER XL
"the uon of the panjab."
EARLY DAYS OF THB SIKH ARMY— RANJIT SINGH's GURKHAS — THB
MAHARAJA AND HIS PADDLE-BOAT — GULAB SINGH AND THB
TREACHEROUS MERCHANT— THE JOCOSE CHAUDRI—A CAMEL-LOAD
OF FLATTERY — CHARACTER OF GULAB SINGH.
In addition to the foregoing record of his cam-
paigns in the service of Maharaja Ranjit Singh,
which was written by Colonel Gardner himself,
and has been left, as far as possible, unaltered,
I have found various disconnected anecdotes con-
cerning the great Maharaja and Gardner's later
master, Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu and
Kashmir, which may amuse and possibly instruct
the reader. They also are given in Gardner's own
words.
The following description of the early days
of the Khalsa army is of undoubted interest, and
presents a vivid picture of the homely and simple
dealings of Eanjit Singh with his soldiers : —
EARLY DATS OF THE SIKH ARMY. 199
In the eaxly part of Banjit Singh's career there
was no such thing as money payments. The
soldiers received patches of land, and were called
puttidars. It was considered ignoble to take
money payments: a ready -money soldier was
held in contempt. It was in 1809, when Lord
Metcalfe, then a young political officer firom
Delhi, was deputed to Amritsar, that Ranjit Singh
first set his keen eye upon disciplined and regular
soldiery. It so happened that a dash at Met-
calfe's encampment was made by some of the
redoubted Akalis.^ The small escort of red-coated
Purbias rallied round Metcalfe^ and so astonished
the Akalis by their unwonted appearance and
bold front that they turned and fled. Ranjit
Singh was not slow to learn the lesson taught,
and he looked about to find any one who could
teach drill. One Drounkal Singh appeared, who
proved to the Maharaja that he knew the bayonet
exercise, &c., and was immediately employed by
the Maharaja to make a commencement with some
twenty or thirty men. The old troops took um-
brage, and resented the innovation : the idea of
money payments, too, was abhorrent. Ranjit
^ The Akalis were a fanatical band of Sikhs who corresponded to
the Qhazis of Muhammadan nations.
200 "THE LION OF THE PANJAB."
Singh was not the man to be turned from his
purpose. He used to favour the new men in
every way — used to send for them in a mornings
distribute food from his own table to them after
their parades, with which he aflfected to be highly
pleased, and administered backshish to each with
his own hand. The sight of the money was too
much for the remainder of the army, who now no
longer held aloof from the new discipline and
regular payment. Ranjit Singh attempted a fur-
ther innovation in introducing the Sepoy cap
instead of the turban : this the army would not
stand, and mutinied. The wily Maharaja bided
his time, and did not press the point. He had
about 1200 Gurkhas in his camp. Turning to the
Sikhs, he said he would not force the caps on those
of his own faith and nation, especially consider-
ing the inconvenience which the long hair they
were obliged to wear might cause them; but
ordered them to surround the Gurkhas when they
went for their pay, and secure a promise from
them that they would wear the caps. At this
time the 'camp of the Maharaja was pitched on
the great plain of Govindgarh, outside Amritsar.
The sturdy little Gurkhas got wind of the con-
spiracy, and went for their pay with loaded mus-
THE STURDY GURKHAS. 201
kets. On receiving their pay they commenced
returning, and met three battalions of Sikhs march-
ing down upon them, with the intention of which
they had been forewarned. They halted and said,
"Let us pass, or we open fire, — ^we are armed
and loaded: you would not wear the cap; no
more will we." So far from the Sikhs carrying
out the Maharaja's orders, they rushed up and
embraced the Gurkhas, and a great fraternisa-
tion followed. Still Ranjit Singh, though obliged
to overlook these acts, did not swerve from his
purpose; and he managed to ejSect his end
adroitly, by ordering the drill -instructor, Droun-
kal Singh, to wear the cap himself, and to en-
list in future no recruit without previously taking
agreement from him to wear it. This man,
Drounkal Singh, afterwards became a colonel, and
has descendants possessed of good property all
over the country.
Great man though he undoubtedly was, it must
be remembered that the Maharaja was quite un-
educated. He looked upon his European officers
as men of universal talents, and it was his regular
habit to compel them to undertake duties in
addition to those on which they were specially
employed. Thus Avitabile and Ventura, originally
202 ''THE LION OF THE PANJAB."
engaged as military instructors, were appointed
governors of provinces, but were still required to
perform military duties; Harlan, though nearly
always employed in civil duties, held in addition
the command of troops; Honigberger, who was
a doctor and nothing but a doctor, was compelled
to superintend a gunpowder manufactory, and
was pressed to accept a civil government.
The following anecdote, recorded by Colonel
Gardner, tells of yet another profession that was
once forced on General Ventura: —
Ranjit Singh's PadcUe-hoat.
Having heard of steamers, Ranjit Singh desired
to have one ; and believing that a foreigner could
do anything, asked General Ventura if he was a
good blacksmith, and desired him, without waiting
for a reply, to make him a steamer at once. The
General protested, but it was as much as his
position was worth. Ranjit said he was a fool,
and General Ventura promised to make one, and
boldly asked for 40,000 rupees. He came to me
and begged my aid. I read up all I could about
paddle-boat building, and succeeded in turning out
A WONDROUS BARGE. 203
a wondrous sort of two-decked barge with paddle-
wheels to be worked by hand. I may mention
that when the 40,000 rupees were sent by the
hands of the hats (the personal attendants of
Eanjit), they demanded 15,000 rupees out of it.
We knew it was better not to murmur but to give
it, as people of that sort were not to be offended.
Eanjit Singh clapped his hands, as was his wont,
in ecstasy with the boat, in the sides of the lower
decks of which I had made port - holes which
bristled with swivel-guns. This boat was launched
on the Ravi, but with the utmost efforts of the
exhausted wheel -turners would not go more than
10 yards or so up the stream. However, Eanjit
Singh was delighted. I had built fore and aft
cabins, and he filled them with nautch-girls, and
there was a great tamasha. He sent us 20,000
rupees in addition, of which the hais took 5000 :
the cost of the boat could not have been more
than 2000. This was the first and only steamer
built for the Sikh monarchy. Eanjit Singh was
quite satisfied with the fact of the boat moving up
the stream, however slowly, without sails or oars :
he had equalled the achievements of the West
in science, and that was all he desired. The
picnic was not unaccompanied by strong drinks,
204 "THE LION OF THE PANJAB."
and I received at the end of the celebration a
further present of a shawl and 3000 rupees.
Maharaja Gulah Singh.
Scarcely less interesting a figure than the great
Maharaja himself was Maharaja Gulab Singh of
Kashmir, into whose service Gardner finally passed
after the death of Ranjit Singh. The following
anecdote shows Gulab Singh in one of his more
gentle moments, for, as is told in another place,
he could be very terrible to his subjects when
it seemed fit to him to strike terror into their
hearts. " The utmost reverence and submission,"
says Gardner, * * attended the invocation of his
name."
" A travelling merchant had been robbed by
three thieves, who had just completed their act
of spoliation when their victim in despair uttered
the cry, * Dooai Maharaj ! ' (Succour, oh king ! )
Immediately on hearing these words the thieves
reflected, and decided to restore all their booty.
In doing so they stipulated that the merchant
in return should never reveal the circumstance,
and this he promised. Proceeding on his journey,
he disposed of his property in the various markets.
EASTERN JUSTICE. 205
and, faithless to his word, went straight to the
Maharaja Gulab Singh and complained of having
been robbed. As is usual in these dominions, a
hue and cry was sent all over the country, and,
as is almost invariably the result, the thieves were
captured and brought before Gulab Singh. They
admitted the robbery, but on being asked by his
Highness if they had anything to plead in ex-
tenuation of the crime, they recounted the facts,
— how at the mere sound of the invocation to the
Maharaja's name they had returned the booty,
stipulating only for silence. On hearing this the
Maharaja, who had taken the precaution of
securing from the mouth of the complainant the
list of property stolen, sent to the bazaars where
the robbers declared the goods had been sold.
They were produced ; the perfidy of the merchant
was proved ; he was sentenced to lose his
property, which was handed over to the robbers,
who were pardoned. The purchase - money was
restored to the buyers, and the merchant was
thrown into prison for nine months.
" I was seated in durbar when this occurred.
" Gulab Singh used to enjoy a little opium
occasionally, and his tongue never failed to become
amusingly unloosened afterwards. Often when
206 "the lion of the pan jab."
nazars were presented he used jokingly to return
them. One day the chavdri of a very turbu-
lent neighbourhood, called Deva Buttala, below
Bhimbur, presented a rupee, which Gulab Singh
returned with polite jocularity. Many a time
had the incorrigible Deva Buttalaites received
chastisement for their bold depredations. In
such repute, indeed, was their character held, that
recruits from this part were more in request than
almost any other in the Panjab. The chaudri
asked, in reply to repeated inquiries from Gulab
Singh as to not only his own immediate per-
sonal welfare, but that of every one of his
relations (and this with great aflFected interest),
whether he might detail the exact truth. 'Go
on,' says the Raja. * Well,' rejoined he, * there is
no period of my mind when I sulSfered less
anxiety, and was so completely at my ease!'
* How so ? ' cries Gulab Singh. * Why,' said the
chavdri^ ' I can now keep open house, for I
have nothing in it to steal. Formerly I had the
trouble of locking the door upon my cooking
utensils, but I am spared all trouble now about
thieves. For which I thank God,' said the
chaudri^ pretending gratitude to the Disposer of
events. Gulab Singh was highly amused at the
PATRIARCHAL SIMPLICITY. 207
man's readiness, and gave him a quantity of
brass cooking - pots, and 20 rupees, cautioning
him to lock his door again.
" In those days a patriarchal simplicity ob-
tained. With the advance of European ideas
(call it civilisation if you will) a greater distance
came to be observed between the sovereign and
his subjects ; and the respectful familiarity on
one side, and jocular condescension on the other,
are not to be found except in remote tracts.
*^ Gulab Singh had a knack of flattering and
saying something personally pleasing to all who
appeared at his durbars. One day he loaded a
chaudri with the most fulsome compliments, till
at last the elated recipient, affecting a look of
artlessness, asked permission to say one word
(*urz kurna'). 'By all means,' says the Raja.
' Unfortunately, sire, I forgot to bring my camels,
horses, and mules here to carry away such a load
of praises, and fortunately, too, as they must have
sunk under the pleasing burden. Instead, have
the kindness to give me something personally sub-
stantial, which, although really inferior in value
to your Highness's approbation, I could yet take
away in my hand,' and he held it out. Gulab
Singh and the whole durbar were delighted at
208 "THE UON OP THE PANJAB."
the humour of the man ; 50 rupees were at once
sent for, and a dress of honour, which the man
carried olBf, and he was called always afterwards,
* the untwalla chaudri ' (the camel-chavdri).
"Gulab Singh used to go round and visit
peasants' houses personally, and, often incognito,
ask about their crops, pat their children, and
make himself pleasant in a thousand ways, not
forgetting to leave substantial tokens of his
visit."
Character of G^dah Singh.
The following study of Maharaja Gulab Singh,
written by Gardner, and included by Colonel
Carmichael Smyth in his 'History of the Reign-
ing Family of Lahore,' is worthy of perusaL It
presents an interesting picture of that very re-
markable statesman, missing only one trait — the
intense pride taken by Gulab Singh in his very
dubious descent from the ancient reigning family
of Jammu, — a pride which, in the opinion of
that shrewd observer Sir Herbert Edwardes, was
even more powerful than the avarice which
seemed to most people Gulab Singh's guiding
impulse : —
"The character of Gulab Singh in the early
CHARACTER STUDY OF GULAB SINGH. 209
days of his power was one of the most repulsive
it is possible to imagine.^ Ambitious, avaricious,
and cruel by nature, he reduced the exercise of
his cruelty to a system for the promotion of the
objecte which his ambition and avarice led him
to seek. He exercised the most ruthless bar-
barities, not in the heat of conflict or the flush
of victory only, nor in the rage of an offended
sovereign against rebellious subjects : he deliber-
ately committed the most horrible atrocities for
the purpose of investing his name with a terror
that should keep down all thoughts of resistance
to his sway.
" To turn to smaller traits ; he is an eater of
opium, he tells long stories, off'ers Uttle, promises
less, but keeps his word ; has a good memory,
and is free and humorous with even the lowest
and poorest cla^s of his subjects. The partaker
and companion of their toils and labours, seem-
ing to be their diligent and careful instructor
and father, their intimate village brother, their
free, jocose, humorous neighbour, their constant
^ It is a most remarkable circumstance that, in spite of the publi-
cation of Colonel Gardner's extremely candid account of Maharaja
Gulab Singh's character and career, the latter apparently felt no
ill-will towards Gardner, but retained him permanently in his
service.
210 "THE UON OF THE PANJAB."
visitor; yet, with all this, in reality a very
leech, sucking their life's blood, the shameless
trader of their sons and daughters ; the would-be
great merchant of the East, the very jack-of-all-
trades, the usurer, the turn -penny, the briber,
and the bribed. With all this he must be ac-
counted the very best of soldiers, and, for an
Asiatic and an uneducated man, he is an able,
active, bold, and energetic, yet wise and prudent
commander. He is anything but strong-headed
and hot-blooded ; prudently making slow, resolute,
and judicious movements, thinking more of his
resources, reserves, &c., than is the wont of
Orientals. Looking more to the future and its
wants and requisites than to the present or the
past, slowly he proceeds, feeling his way as he
advances, quick in taking advantages, reljring
much on his subtle political talent, and looking
on arms as his last resource. In the field of
battle he is self-composed, prudent, and watchful
to the last degree; but at the breach, storm, or
charge, he freely, though reluctantly, expends
his men, while himself just the man to be at
their head if required. Generally, however, he
is the cool and able commander in the rear."
211
CHAPTER XII.
INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
DEATH OF RANJIT SINGH — AMBITIOUS PROJECT OF THE DOGRA
BROTHERS — MAHARAJA KHARRAK SINGH — MURDER OF SARDAR
CHET SINGH — DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF gWARRAir SINGH —
THE VENGEANCE OF HEAVEN — DEATH OF NAO NIHAL SINGH.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh died on the 27th June
1839, and, in the words of Sir Lepel Griffin, the
six years which followed were a period of storm
and anarchy, in which assassination was the rule
and the weak were ruthlessly trampled under foot.
The kingdom founded in violence, treachery, and
blood did not long survive its founder. Created
by the mUitary and administrative genius of one
man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit
which gave it life was withdrawn. The death
of Ranjit Singh was, in fact, followed by a rapid
succession of crimes and tragedies such as have
rarely been paralleled in history, save in the
212 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
darkest period of the downfall of Rome, or in
the early days of the French Revolution.
Colonel Gardner thus tells the tale : —
In the old age of the Maharaja there was a
person whom he especially took into favour, and
whom he loved like a son from his birth. This
was Hira Singh, the son of Raja Dhyan Singh.
Ranjit Singh could hardly bear the boy to be
out of his sight, and he from infancy was sedu-
lously taught to call the monarch taba (papa).
As Hira Singh approached manhood the army
also yielded its affection to the Maharaja's
favourite, and so it came about that this senile
love of the old Maharaja, aided by the inclination
of the powerful army, suggested a dream of great-
ness to his uncles the Dogra brothers, and led to
the successive deeds of violence by which it seemed
to them that their ambitious design might be
gratified. This dream was that Hira Singh, the
heir of their family, or at least the most promis-
ing of its rising generation, might eventually
succeed to the throne of Ranjit Singh. Those
to be swept away were the male members of the
Maharaja's family, and all those ministers, advisers,
and chiefs who would not join the Dogra party.
A DREADFUL PROGRAMME. 213
A glance at the table (Appendix) will show
that in the course of a very few years this pro-
gramme was carried out in all its essential feat-
ures; and I will now relate how it was that all
these murders were brought about directly or
indirectly by the Dogra brothers, Dhyan Singh
and Gulab Singh, for the eventual aggrandise-
ment of their family in the person of Hira
Singh. The two brothers played the awful game
with deliberate and unswerving pertinacity, and
the narrative will explain how their schemes
were carried out, and how Dhyan Singh and Hira
Singh were themselves overwhelmed in the tor-
rent of blood which they had caused to flow.
When Ranjit Singh's death opened to them the
field of action, the veil of futurity hid these
events from their eyes : their only thought was
that the way to the throne had to be cleared
of all obstacles, and at the same time an out-
ward show of fealty to the Khalsa, and of
loyalty to the sovereign line of succession, had
to be maintained. The slightest suspicion might
have been fatal, yet prompt action seemed to
be the least dangerous course, and the first blow
fell quickly.
214 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
Ranjit Singh when on his deathbed summoned
to him his only legitimate son, Shahzada Kharrak
Singh, and proclaimed him his heir, with Raja
Dhyan Singh as Minister. Now Kharrak Singh
was a blockhead, and a slave to opium : at the
time of his accession to the throne of Lahore he
passed his whole time in a state of stupefaction.
His chief adviser was a sardar named Chet
Singh, and this man had the courage to set
himself forward as a rival to the all-powerful
Dhyan Singh, and was also so rash as to make
known his intention of having the Minister
assassinated. Matters came to a climax in
October 1839, but little more than three months
after Eanjit Singh's death; and being, as I was,
the commandant of Raja Dhyan Singh's artil-
lery, and high in his confidence, I was closely
connected with the events which I am about to
describe.
It must be remembered that Dhyan Singh and
his brothers had been created Rajas by Ranjit
Singh, and that in the latter years of his reign
they had become nearly independent, gratitude
and the additional power that Dhyan Singh's
office of wazir conferred upon them being the
links that bound them to the service of their
TWENTY-FOUR HOURS* NOTICE. 215
old master and benefactor. After his death they
became entirely independent, and maintained a
large force of troops of their own race (Dogras).^
Sardar Chet Singh, the chief adviser of the new
Maharaja, endeavoured to obtain the support of
General Ventura and the other foreign officers,
and was aided by the ill-feeling which had long
existed between Ventura and the Minister. By
the 8th October things had reached such a pitch
that the murder of the whole Dogra family had
been decided on, and Chet Singh was rash
enough to say in durbar to Dhyan Singh, " See
what will become of you in twenty-four hours."
Raja Dhyan Singh, who was a man of in-
flexible resolution and imperturbable serenity of
demeanour, smiled politely and replied, "Your
humble servant, sir; we sJiall see." He had for
some time past prepared the way for his in-
tended action by spreading rumours that Chet
Singh was a traitor, and in the pay of the
British Government. As such rumours gain
' " The Dogras are a branch of the Aryan inyaders of India who
settled in the hill country between the Panjab and the Himalayas.
" They are divided into castes, and the Dogra Rajputs (who rank
next to the Brahmans) rose to power with the brothers Dhyan Singh
and Gulab Singh, and are a ruling and fighting caste.
'^ Jammu is about the centre, as it is the capital of the country of
the Dogras." — Drew's * Northern Barrier of India.'
216 INTRIGUE AND ANAECHY.
credence in proportion as they are detailed and
minute, he noised it abroad that Chet Singh had
engaged to place the Panjab under the protec-
tion of the British, to pay 6 annas in every
rupee of revenue to them, to disband the Khalsa
army, and to turn all the sardars out of their
command.
The time to move had now arrived, and he
betook himself as soon as the durbar was over
to the zenana of Kharrak Singh (to which he
had the right of admission by favour of the
late Maharaja), and secured an interview with
the Maharani, the mother of Prince Nao Nihal
Singh. This lady was well aware of the weak-
ness of her husband, and Dhyan Singh easily
persuaded her that the success of Chet Singh
would result in the entire supremacy of that
sardar and the foreign officers, and the reduc-
tion of the royal family to a cipher. Prince
Nao Nihal Singh was at this time a spirited,
ambitious youth of eighteen years of age, the
only descendant of Ranjit Singh who showed
character and ability. His wife was summoned
to the secret conclave in the zenana, and sub-
sequently the prince himself was called in. It
was agreed that none could be more devoted
PRELIMINARY STEPS. 217
to the family of Ranjit Singh than the Dogra
brothers, and that the only obstacle to general
tranquillity was the traitor Chet Singh. The
arrangements decided on were the death of the
latter, the retirement of Kharrak Singh from
active public life, for which neither his inclina-
tions nor his mental endowments fitted him, and
the regency of his son, Nao Nihal Singh. The
prince fully and cheerfully agreed to a pro-
gramme which was to lead to his aggrandisement.
The next step was to ascertain the feelings of
the Sikh sardars of the French brigade. Dhyan
Singh found them entirely with him, and secured
a promise of their co-operation. Lastly, the con-
cert of the powerful Sindhanwalia family was
necessary. Chet Singh, prompted by General
Ventura, had already sought aUiance with them,
assuring them that the Dogra family were in
correspondence with the British with a view to
the disinheritance of Eanjit Singh's descendants
and their own elevation to power. Raja Dhyan
Singh's policy — viz., placing Nao Nihal Singh on
the throne — was sufiicient answer to any doubts
the Sindhanwalias might have felt as to the loyalty
of the Dogra family, and their aid was at once
promised.
218 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
Finally, Dhyan Singh gave instructions to the
army, which was now completely at his orders,
to remain perfectly quiet all night. I received
orders that loaded guns were to be placed at
nightfall at all the gates of the palace, and that
whatever occurred, whatever thunders there might
be at the gates, every one was to feign sleep.
Raja Dhyan Singh asked me if I would like to
accompany him, and of course I accepted the
invitation. The party consisted of about fifteen :
the three Raja brothers — Gulab Singh, Dhyan
Singh, and Suchet Singh — in addition to Prince
Nao Nihal Singh ; then came the heads of the
Sindhanwalia family, then two trusty noblemen
called Rao Lai Singh and Rao Keshur Singh,
and myself The ladies of the zenana had
promised to leave us free entrance to the build-
ing where the Maharaja and his Minister slept.
It was near midnight when we entered the
palace, and no sooner had we left the gate
through which we had been admitted than a
voice accosted us, "Who is it?" Dhyan Singh
replied, "The Maharaja goes to-morrow to bathe
at Amritsar, and we are to make the necessary
preparations." This was the concerted answer.
We reached another and inner gate, which noise-
DHYAN Singh's hand. 219
lessly opened on a whispered order from Dhyan
Singh. Without uttering a whisper, we stealthily
crept our way in the dark up a flight of stairs,
over a place called the Badshah - i - Takht, and
thence to the immediate vicinity of the royal
apartment. Here Gulab Singh and Dhyan Singh
held a whispered consultation, the purport of
which I could not catch. At this moment a
man started up, and seeing us, called out and
tried to run off". Suchet Singh shot him dead,
and was himself instantly almost knocked down
by a tremendous cuff" on the ear dealt him by
his brother, Gulab Singh, who cursed him under
his breath for his imprudence. On looking over
a parapet we saw two companies of the Ma-
haraja's guard. Dhyan Singh quickly went
down the staircase to the place where they
were stationed, and was accosted by the subadar
in command, who said, " Why did you fire ? "
I had followed Dhyan Singh, and stood imme-
diately behind him. He simply showed his
right hand (on which he had two thumbs) and
put his finger to his lips. On seeing the well-
known peculiarity the subadar whispered, *'Lie
down," and the whole of the two companies
noiselessly lay down at full length and pre-
220 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
tended sleep. The subadar then pointed with a
mute gesture to the room of the doomed man,
the door of which had been left ajar. There
was a light in the room. Dhyan Singh ap-
proached and entered it, followed by the whole
party. Lo ! there sat Maharaja Kharrak Singh
on his bed washing his teeth. The adjoining
bed, which belonged to Chet Singh, was empty.
When asked where his Minister was, Kharrak
Singh simply replied that he had gone out on
hearing a shot fired.
Perceiving a fierce sort of half smile light up the
faces of the Dogra brothers, he begged that Chet
Singh's life might be spared, and would have
proved very restive had not his own son and
some four or five Sikhs held him down while we
proceeded in search of the fugitive. Two torches
had to be lit, and on entering the room where we
expected to find the Minister it appeared to be
empty : it was very long and narrow. Lai Singh,
however, called out that he saw the glitter of a
sword in one corner, and there cowered the wretched
man, his hand upon his sword. We were armed
only with daggers. The eyes of Dhyan Singh
seemed to shoot fire as his gaze alighted and fibi:ed
itself on his deadly foe. Gulab Singh was for
A STATE PROCEEDING. 221
interposing to do the deed of blood himself, fear-
ing for his brother (who was a short man) in the
desperate defence he counted on ; but Dhyan Singh
roughly shook him oflF, and, dagger in hand, slowly
advancing towards his enemy, said, "The^twenty-
four hours you were courteous enough to men-
tion to me have not yet elapsed." Then with
the spring of a tiger the successful counter-
plotter dashed at his enemy and plunged his
dagger into his heart, crying out, **Take this in
memory of Ranjit Singh." Dhyan Singh then
turned round to his party, his face radiant with
gratified purpose, and courteously thanked us for
our aid.
We then, in token that this was entirely a
State proceeding, prostrated ourselves at the feet
of Maharaja Kharrak Singh, and subsequently at
the feet of his son, Nao Nihal Singh. The latter
had been most actively and fully occupied in trying
to pacify his father, whose rage was uncontrollable.
It was only by the intercessions, prayers, and
explanations of the Maharani and the other ladies
of the zenana, added to those of his son, that he
could be brought to understand the political neces-
sity of the doom that had been meted out. The
night's work done, we all returned quietly to our
222 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
camps. A general sensation of relief was felt on
all hands at the death of Chet Singh : not the
slightest animosity was awakened by it, and the
opinion was openly breathed by all, " Now all will
go straight."
Chet Singh having been dealt with, the Dogra
brothers turned their attention to Maharaja Khar-
rak Singh, and experienced no difficulty in remov-
ing him fix)m their path, aided as they were by
the ambition of his son. Prince Nao Nihal Singh.
Immediately after the death of Sardar Chet Singh,
Kharrak Singh was deposed. His actual reign
had been limited to a few months, and he was
not long permitted to survive its termination. It
is stated that the deposed Maharaja lingered for
some nine months after his deposition, during
which period he was gradually poisoned by his
physicians, with the connivance of his son and
successor. Kharrak Singh cherished the greatest
affection for this unnatural son, and in the agony
of death called for Nao Nihal Singh in order to
pardon him : the young prince, however, visited
his father once only during his long illness, and
that on the day before his death, and even then
treated him with the greatest brutality and inso-
lence. The next day, November 5, 1840, Kharrak
THE CREMATION OF KHARRAK SINGH. 223
Singh breathed his last at the early age of thirty-
eight.
The vengeance of Heaven soon fell on Maharaja
Nao Nihal Singh. On the day following Eliarrak
Singh's death his body was burnt in accordance
with the Sikh custom, and two of his Ranis and
eleven of his slave -girls were burnt with him.
The new Maharaja stood for a time by the blaz-
ing pile, which had been erected in the open space
opposite the mausoleum of Ranjit Singh; but,
either ill or impatient, he would not remain as
etiquette demanded until his father's body had
been consumed by the flames, but went to a
bathing-place about 120 yards away to perform
the ceremony of ablution. He was attended by
the whole Court, and five elephants were in wait-
ing ; but as it would have been considered irrever-
ent for him to ride past the funeral-pile on his
return, the elephants were sent back to wait at a
little distance. I was present at the commence-
ment of the ceremony of cremation of Maharaja
Kharrak Singh, and when the torch was applied
was standing close by in attendance on Raja
Dhyan Singh. Before the new Maharaja left the
spot I was directed by Dhyan Singh to go and
bring forty of my artillerymen in their fatigue
224 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
dress : I was not told, nor have I ever ascertained,
what they were wanted for. When I returned, the
catastrophe had just occurred.
Maharaja Nao Nihal Singh had passed through
an archway on his return from bathing, and just
before entering it he took the hand of his constant
companion Udam Singh, the eldest son of Raja
Gulab Singh : the two young men entered the
archway together. As they emerged from it a
crash was heard; beams, stones, and tiles fell
from above, and the Maharaja and Udam Singh
were struck to the ground. The latter was killed
on the spot, and Nao Nihal Singh was struck to
the earth. He was injured in the head, but
presently attempted to rise, and cried out for
water. The Prime IMinister rushed up, and, it
is said, pushed aside the dead body of his own
nephew, reserving all his devotion and care for
the young king. Nao Nihal Singh was carried
into the palace, the doors were closed, and ad-
mission denied to all. Several of the principal
sardars begged to see the Maharaja, among them
the Sindhanwalias, relations of the royal family:
in vain did Nao Nihal Singh's mother, in a
paroxysm of rage and anxiety, come and beat
the fort gates with her own hands — admittance
ACCIDENT OR MURDER? 225
even to the fort there was none, still less into
the Maharaja's apartment. None of the female
inmates, not even his wives, were suflFered to
see him.
The palki-bearers who had carried Nao Nihal
Singh to his palace were sent to their homes ; they
were servants in my own camp of artillery, and
were five in number. Two were afterwards
privately put to death, two escaped into Hin-
dustan, the fate of the fifth is unknown to me.
One of the palki-bearers afterwards affirmed that
when the prince was put into the paUd, and when
he was assisting to put him there, he saw that
above the right ear there was a wound which
bled so slightly as only to cause a blotch of
blood about the size of a rupee on the pillow or
cloth on which Nao Nihal Singh's head rested
while in the paDd. Now it is a curious fact that
when the room was opened, in which his corpse
was first exposed by Dhyan Singh, blood in great
quantities, both in fluid and coagulated pools, was
found around the head of the cloth on which the
body lay. Be this as it may, when the doors were
thrown open the Sindhanwalias found the young
Maharaja dead, Dhyan Singh prostrate in afflic-
tion on the ground, and Fakir Nuruddin, the
p
226 INTRIGUE AND ANARCHY.
royal physician, lamenting that aU remedies had
been useless.^
Thus perished Maharaja Nao Nihal Singh on the
day following the death of his father.
^ It was at the time commonly believed that the death of Nao
Nihal Singh was biought aboat by the Dogra brothers, bat it is at
least equally probable that it really resulted from an accident Syad
Mahammad Latif, the author of * The History of the Panjab/ points
out very sensibly that had the fall of the parapet been foreseen,
some other companion than Udam Singh would have been chosen
for the doomed prince. Dhyan Singh himself also appears to have
narrowly escaped being crushed, his arm being severely contused.
This certainly points to an accident
227
CHAPTER XIII.
THE DEFENCE OP LAHORE.
THE RIVAL CLAIMANTS — 8HER SINGH PROPITIATES THE ARMY — DE-
FENCE OF THE FORTRESS — GARDNER*S DEFENCE OF THE GATE-
WAY — TERMS OF PEACE — MURDER OF THE MAHARANI AND AC-
CESSION OF THE MAHARAJA SHER SINGH.
With Nao Nihal Singh expired the legitimate
line of Ranjit Singh. All that remained to
thwart the ambition of the Dogra brothers were
Sher Singh and the other princes whom Ranjit
Singh had from time to time, for reasons of his
own, chosen to acknowledge.
Sher Singh, the eldest of the princes, was very-
popular with the army, and would in ordinary
course have now succeeded to the throne ; but
to further their deep-laid plot, the Dogra family
set up a rival claimant in the person of Maharani
Chand Kour. This lady was the widow of Khar-
rak Singh and mother of Nao Nihal Singh,
and she based her claim to the throne on the
228 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
assertion that a widow of Nao Nihal Singh
would in due time give birth to an heir. Chand
Kour claimed the regency of the kingdom pend-
ing the birth of her grandchild, and her preten-
sions were by no means without the support of
precedent among the Sikhs. Still further to
complicate matters, and with the intention of
eventually destroying both claimants, the Dogra
family now pretended to be divided among them-
selves. Raja Gulab Singh and his nephew Hira
Singh espoused the cause of the queen, while
Raja Dhyan Singh declared for the party of
Sher Singh, who assumed the title of Maharaja.
Sher Singh remained for a time at his estate
of Batala, but by the end of the year considered
himself strong enough to assert his claim, and
marched on Lahore at the head of a small body
of troops. This took place early in the month
of January 1841, and on the approach of Sher
Singh, Chand Kour, Gulab Singh, and Hira
Singh threw themselves into the fortress of
Lahore. The Dogra troops of Gulab Singh were
on this occasion all placed under my immediate
orders, but in the event of a battle it was ar-
ranged that Gulab Singh himself should take
supreme conmiand, while I should devote myself
<< ^-TTTT,. •nT>^fn<n"nT>o »
FIVE BROTHERS. 229
to my especial charge, the artillery. Until the
actual fighting commenced Gulab Singh could
better aid our side by giving his full attention
to diplomacy. I must mention that Dhyan Singh
did not accompany Sher Singh to Lahore, but
withdrew for a time to Jammu, the capital of
the Dogra dominions.
On approaching Lahore Maharaja Sher Singh
summoned the whole Khalsa army to join him,
and in his proclamation made use of a traditional
Panjabi expression, which may be translated
"five brothers." The meaning of this term was
that every soldier was to take four relations with
him on the campaign, to share in the pillage
that would ensue. Such was the ancient custom
of the Khalsa army, and the magnitude of the
assembly on this occasion may be imagined : to
the very horizon the plains and the hills were
one blaze of camp-fires. To strengthen his in-
fluence with the army Sher Singh made great
concessions to them, giving them leave to execute
lynch-law, and do all that they thought fit for
their private enemies. To this flagrant weakness
may be attributed the mutinies and violence which
occurred during Sher Singh's reign, and particularly
the atrocities inflicted on the detested pay officials.
230 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
I should mention that previous to our throw-
ing ourselves into the fort of Lahore, Gulab
Singh's Dogra troops, under my command, were
encamped at Shadera, across the Ravi We had
been casting guns in the garden there, and those
guns which were unfinished I buried before mov-
ing into Lahore. They were not discovered. The
situation was critical. At the utmost our force did
not exceed 3000 men, and against us were prob-
ably not less than 150,000 men, with 200 pieces
of artillery, encamped on the plain of Mian Mir.
The revolution had awoke the country, and
was about to sift the husks from the wheat — sep-
arate the good and bad; and the whole Manjha^
was astir. Gulab Singh knew well that the troops
had been bought over, but adhered bravely to his
determination to defend the Maharani to the last.
Being of an acquisitive turn of mind, no doubt the
fact that the ** Koh-i-nur " and the whole of the
State treasury were in the fort had due weight
with him. The army and the population, which
^ " The Manjha " was, strictly speaking, the country in the neigh-
bourhood of the cities of Lahore and Amritsar ; but the term had
a wider significance, and was used to distinguish the Sikhs who
lived north of the Sutlej from the "Malwa" Sikhs, who lived
south of that river. The Malwa Sikhs preserved themselves from
coming under the sway of Kanjit Singh by placing themselves
under British protection.
THE CRISIS. 231
flocked in hundreds of thousands, were eager for
plunder. The first thing to be done was to see
whether the Sikh sardars were with us. All
swore heartily to be faithful ; and Tej Singh was
the most fervent in his protestations of loyalty.
Now the city guard was composed of portions of
the regular army ; Dogras only held the fort. A
largesse of two lakhs of rupees was distributed
among the city guard in order to secure their
fidelity. Every preparation for the crisis was
made that ingenuity could devise, and for two
days we were hard at work, but still there came
no move on the part of Sher Singh. At last on
January 13th one of the most tremendous roars
that ever rose from a concourse of human beings
drowned our voices, distant as it was, and warned
us that the man had arrived. Sher Singh had
indeed come, and planted his flag and pitched
his camp on the high mound called "Budha ka
awa." The whole of his troops then thundered
a salute, which continued for two hours, amid
shouts of "Sher Singh Badshahl Dhyan Singh
Wazir! death to Chand Kour and the Dogras 1"
We were shut up in the fort, and two days elapsed
amid the most portentous buzz of voices from the
moat outside, while Sher Singh made preparations
232 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
for attack. My women and all the others, ex-
cepting the queen, had been hidden previously
in disguise in various parts of the city. Another
deafening salute, which lasted for more than an
hour, announced to us that Sher Singh had been
enthroned by the army, and that obeisance was
being made by the commanding officers. The
poor queen was so sick with terror at the uproar
made, no doubt to overawe us, that she caused
another lakh of rupees to be given hurriedly to
the doubtful city troops of the regular army, who
held the gates of the city. With the hour, as,
I must say, is ever the case in critical periods,
came the man; and nothing could surpass the
calmness, the forethought, the activity, and the
mental resource of Gulab Singh, or his sedulous
consideration for the terrified queen. His de-
termination never failed him. He had a knack
of seizing occasion for action with such rapidity
of vision, combined w^ith such immutability of
purpose, that those of his actions that appeared
most questionable were justified by the bright
results by which they were always attended.
Every sardar solemnly swore fealty again on
the Granth.^ We had blocked the archways
^ The sacred book of the Sikhs.
LOSS OF THE CITY. 233
leading to two gates of the fort with carts and
waggons, and had planted two guns loaded to
the muzzle with grape at each of the upper forts,
Dogra soldiers lining the parapets of the walls
above. The night after Sher Singh's investment
passed in comparative silence, which to us was
as full of portent as the former noise. Resistance,
indeed, seemed useless in the teeth of such odds.
As the morning dawned the whole army arose
and surrounded the city. Every gate was im-
mediately opened to them by the soldiers, who,
having pocketed three lakhs from the queen, had
made an equally profitable bargain with Sher
Singh. Destruction stared us in the face : we
had red-hot cannon-balls ready to blow ourselves
and the whole city into the air, if the worst came
to the worst. Two heavy siege-trains of forty
guns each were laid against the fort, while no
less than eighty horse-artillery pieces were drawn
up on the broad road immediately in front of
us on the city side, which position they were
peaceably allowed to take up by the treacherous
troops.
The tops of the minarets of the Badshahi
mosque swarmed with marksmen, who fired direct
into the interior of the fort. General Sultan
234 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
Muhammad and Imam Shah commanded respec-
tively the right and left wings of the army. As
with the city troops, so with the sardars, es-
pecially the important Sindhanwalias, all forsook
us. The treachery of Tej Singh was so con-
spicuously and pointedly base, he having prayed
us to leave the gates of the upper fort open for
the sardarSy that we all swore to a man to kill
him if fate put him in our way. The gates of
the outer wall leading into the Hazuri Bagh
having been opened, Sher Singh entered in person
and took shelter in a tykhana} Gulab Singh was
now summoned to surrender. Every moment we
expected to see the spark of a port-fire and to
hear the crash of the cannonade. Gulab Singh's
keen eyes peered anxiously through the openings :
still there was no noise, and not a musket fired.
I then sidled down the archway to look through
the chink of the Hazuri Bagh gate, which I had
blocked up with carts, and saw fourteen guns
deliberately loaded, planted within 20 yards, and
aimed straight at the gate.
The Dogras on the walls began to look over,
and were jeered at by Sher Singh's troops. The
little fort was surrounded by a sea of human
^ Underground room.
DEFENCE OF THE GATEWAY. 235
heads. Gulab Singh made contemptuous replies,
and roared out to Sher Singh, demanding that he
should surrender. There was a brief but breath-
less pause, and I had not time to warn my
artillerymen to clear out of the way when down
came the gates over our party, torn to shreds by
the simultaneous discharge of all the fourteen
guns. Seventeen of my party were blown to
pieces, parts of the bodies flying over me. When
I had wiped the blood and brains from my face,
and could recover a moment, I saw only one
little trembling Klasi. I hurriedly asked him for
a port-fire, having lost mine in the fall of the
ruins. He had just time to hand it me, and I
had crept under my two guns, when with a wild
yell some 300 Akalis^ swept up the Hazuri Bagh
and crowded into the gate. They were packed
as close as fish, and could hardly move over the
heaps of wood and stone, the rubbish and the
carts, with which the gateway was blocked. Just
at that moment, when the crowd were rushing
on us, their swords high in the air, I managed
to fire the ten guns, and literally blew them into
the air. In the pause which followed I loaded
^ '* Akalis," literally " Immortals," the fanatical Sikhs, correspond-
ing to " Qhazis.''
236 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
the guns with the aid of the three of my artillery-
men who survived, and our next discharge swept
away the hostile artillerjnnen who were at the
fourteen guns outside, who had remained stand-
ing perfectly paralysed by the destruction of the
Akalis. Then Sher Singh fled, and grievous car-
nage commenced. The Dogras, always excellent
marksmen, seemed that day not to miss a man
from the walls. The whole of the artillerymen
round the field-pieces in front of us strewed the
ground. In the HQizuri Bagh we counted the
bodies of no less than 2800 soldiers, 200 artillery-
men, and 180 horses. And now the whole park
of artillery opened upon us that day, and for the
three days following, tearing the walls of the
fort to rags. They mounted their heavy guns
on high houses, the walls of which they pierced
to command the fort. Many a time did Sher
Singh attempt a parley ; but Gulab Singh knew
his countrymen too well to believe any protesta-
tions. He said, " Wait until Dhyan Singh comes."
At last that noble Minister did arrive, furious, as
it seemed, with Sher Singh for his rashness ; and
after protracted delay, the firing on both sides
was finally subdued. Our bombardment was over,
and the brothers arranged terms of peace. Our
A MASTERPIECE OF ACTING. 237
little force was to quit the fort with honour, and
betake itself to the old encampment on the other
side of the river. It was decided that while Chand
Kour should be recognised as titular head of the
State, and as such should receive a personal
aUowance of twenty lakhs of rupees per annum,
the posture of public aflFairs and the temper of
the army were such that a man was required as
king. Sher Singh was therefore chosen Badshah,
and Kaja Dhyan Singh kept his original place as
Wazir and War Minister.
Dhyan Singh then arranged for an interview
between his brother and the new monarch. Dur-
ing the siege we had been up to our knees in
State jewels and gold mohurs; but as our lives
were not worth a moment's purchase, no one had
possessed himself of aught. Gulab Singh, how-
ever, had secured the "Koh-i-nur" about his
person. (Chand Kour would have swallowed it
if she had got hold of it.) And now came a
masterpiece of acting on the part of Gulab
Singh. He presented the " Koh-i-nur " with much
empressement to the reigning sovereign, and took
great credit for saving the royal property. In
return he obtained a firman for twenty lakhs'
worth of villages west of Bhimbur, and was recog-
238 THE DEFENCE OF LAHORE.
nised as guardian of the Maharani Chand Kour.
He had not, however, lost the opportunity of
securing about two millions of treasure in hia
honourable hands from the fort, which spoil was
securely conveyed to Jammu.
Thus ended the memorable defence of the for-
tress of Lahore. The poor Maharani did not long
survive, dying a miserable death by the hands
of slave-girls, bribed by Sher Singh, who dropped
a great flagstone on her head while she was lying
in her bath. This brutal act incensed the Dogra
brothers ; but they were pacified by the reversion
of the landed property of the murdered queen,
which property is in the possession of their family
to this day.
Thus on the 18th January 1841 Sher Singh
became Maharaja indeed, and for the space of a
year and a half nothing of great importance
befell him. He was brought into close connec-
tion with the British, owing to the course of the
Afghan war, and gave free passage to their troops
through his dominions, thus carrying out the
policy of Maharaja Kanjit Singh. His army,
however, got more and more out of hand, and
Sher Singh strove in vain to lay the spirit of
AN INCAPABLE RULER. 239
insubordination which his unwise concessions had
aroused. Murders of commandants and other
ofl&cers constantly occurred, and the sound ad-
vice of Dhyan Singh was rejected by the infatu-
ated Maharaja, who passed his time in drinking-
bouts and every debauchery.
240
CHAPTER XIV.
"horror on horror's head."
THE KABUL DISASTER — GARDNER ACCOMPANIES THE DOORA TROOPS
TO PESHAWAR — BRIGADIER-GENERAL WILD DELAYED BY OULAB
RINGH — SIR HENRY LAWRENCE — BAD NEWS — MURDERS OF MAHA-
RAJA 8HER SINGH AND OP DHYAN SINGH— S^TJ OP HIS WIDOW
AND THIRTEEN SLAVES — CHARACTER OP HIRA SINGH — HABTI
JINDAU — DEATH OP SUCHET SINGH — GARDNER DISGUISED AS AN
ARALI — DEATHS OF HIRA SINGH AND JAWAHIR SINGH — OUT-
BREAK OF WAR WITH THE ENGLISH.
The month of January 1842 was disastrous to the
British, for of a large force which was compelled
to leave Kabul on the 6th of that month but one
single man reached the city of Jalalabad, where
a garrison under Sir Kobert Sale with difficulty
held its own. The few survivors of the Kabul
force were prisoners in the hands of Muhammad
Akbar Khan, the son of Dost Muhammad.
Shortly before this time Maharaja Sher Singh,
who was a staunch supporter of the British, ordered
the Dogra force, of some 10,000 men, to proceed
to Peshawar, and appointed Kaja Gulab Singh
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 241
governor of that province in the room of General
Avitabile, who shared in the unpopularity of Ranjit
Singh's old foreign officers. I accompanied the
Dogra troops in my capacity of commandant of
artillery.
It is recorded in history that General Wild, who
commanded the first body of troops, hurried up
through the Panjab on the news of the disasters
of Kabul, was delayed at Peshawar, and rendered
unable to advance through the Khaibar Pass to
reinforce Sale's beleaguered garrison of Jalalabad ;
but it is perhaps reserved for me to explain clearly
how this was brought about.
It was on this occasion that I was first brought
in contact with Sir Henry Lawrence, then a young
" political " officer.^ I have often since expressed
my admiration of that great and good man, and
of the tact and ability he brought to bear on his
political duties.
The Dogra force was encamped on the west bank
of the Indus, and Gulab Singh obviously had no
wish to go to Peshawar in accordance with his
orders. Under the pretext that his rear was
^ Sir Henry Lawrence was bom in 1806, and was consequently
thirty-five at this time. Gardner was, of course, twenty or twenty-
one years older.
Q
242 ''HORROR ON HORROR'S HEAD."
threatened, he sent frequent messages by myself
and others to Peshawar to say that he was unable
to advance thither. Meanwhile I was aware that
he was receiving daily letters from Kabul. He
was, indeed, in constant communication with
Muhammad Akbar Khan. These messages were
brought by men whom Gulab Singh used to rep-
resent as paupers and refugees.
One day an English doctor in the disguise of a
Pathan came into camp, requesting aid, in the
shape of boats, from Gulab Singh. This assistance
was promised, and the doctor departed to Brigadier
AVild's camp. Directly he had gone Gulab Singh
sent me and another commandant in his confidence
(who, like myself, was intimately acquainted with
the Yusufzai country and people), and directed us
to go all along the Indus and conceal every boat
we could lay hands on. He pretended that these
boats were required for his own force, and for great
British reinforcements coming up in rear. Thus
the army of succour of the unfortunate Wild, who
was making every effort to get on, was delayed for
ten days at Attock instead of two, and in that
period the destruction of the army at Kabul was
consummated. At last AVild got across, and Gulab
Singh then took charge of the ferry at Attock.
A HAZARDOUS JOURNEY. 243
Daily rumours of disasters at Kabul arrived, and
news now came, to add to the confusion, that the
whole Sikh garrison of Peshawar was in open
rebellion.
Over and over again did Lawrence write to
Gulab Singh, who returned him no answer. The
road from Peshawar to Attock, moreover, was
beleaguered by mutinous troops.
One day I heard that a sahib had come into
camp, and seeing one or two persons under a tree,
I went forward and found Lawrence dressed, not
very successfully, as a Pathan. He had had the
courage to travel right through the Yusufzai coun-
try, had crossed the river at a dangerous place
(Bazar-ka-patan), and here he was in the midst of
the camp asking for Gulab Singh. That astute
chief at once ordered large tents to be prepared
for the British official, gave him a warm reception,
and declared that he had written at least five times
a-day, and that his notes must have been inter-
cepted. Lawrence was then closeted two hours
with Gulab Singh, and I could see at once on the
close of the interview that the wonderful tact of
the rising " political " had prevailed, and that he
was master of the situation.
It was amusing to listen to the verbal fence of
244 " HORROR ON horror's HEAD."
the two when I was admitted into the audience-
tent. Lawrence had got some valuable news from
down country, and he was well aware that Gulab
Singh's direct news from Kabul would be of the
greatest interest to the British. He jocularly
offered to swap news. Gulab Singh laughed and
agreed. *' Give and take," said he ; " let it be fiBiir
barter : you tell the truth, and so will I."
The bargain was struck, and Lawrence led off
by telling Gulab Singh that his expedition to
Thibet had utterly failed, and that his agent,
Wazir Zorawar Singh, with 9000 soldiers, had been
cut off nearly to a man.
" I also have some news," said Gulab Singh in
his turn, and then told Lawrence the horrid truth
that all was over with the British at Kabul, and
that Akbar Khan was pressing Jalalabad with
terrific vigour. Lawrence, shocked at the intelli-
gence, demanded proofs, when the two retired once
more to a private conference, and Gulab Singh
showed him the letter he had received.^
^ The conversation between Sir Henry Lawrence and Gulab Singh,
as related by Qardner, agrees sufficiently closely with the account in
the Life of Sir Henry written by Sir Herbert Edwardes. The hcX
that information was given to Lawrence by Gardner is also men-
tioned, with the explanation that Gardner was exceptionally weU-
informed in Sikh affairs, because " he had married a native wife,
given to him by Rajah Dhyan Singh out of his own house ; and
DOST Muhammad's release. 245
The story of General Pollock's advance to Kabul,
and of the subsequent withdrawal of the English
army from Afghanistan, need not here be related :
suffice it to say that, thanks in a great measure to
Sir Henry Lawrence, the Sikh troops of Maharaja
Sher Singh took a fair share in the operations. At
the conclusion of the war a grand review of the
British and Sikh armies took place at Ferozepur,
and it was on this occasion that Prince Partab
Singh, the heir-apparent, won so much favour with
Lord Ellenborough and the English officers.
In February 1843 Dost Muhammad Khan,
having been released from his captivity in India,
returned to Kabul by way of Lahore, where he
contracted a treaty of alliance with the durbar.
Soon after this the intrigues and jealousies between
the Sindhanwalias and Raja Dhyan Singh recom-
menced, and eventually cost all of them, and
Maharaja Sher Singh, their lives.
The principal Sindhanwalja sardars were named
Attar Singh and Lehna Singh (who were brothers),
and Ajit Singh, who was nephew to both of them.
through her, and living always among the natives, he was behind
the scenes, and heard a good deal of the intrigues that were on foot.
He had wild moods of talking, letting the comers of dark things
peep out, and then shutting them up again with a look behind him,
as if life at Jammu was both strange and fearfuL"
246 '' HORROR ON horror's HEAD/'
These sardars were very powerful, and had
exceptional influence on account of their rela-
tionship to Maharaja Ranjit Singh. They had
left the Panjab for a time after Sher Singh's acces-
sion to the throne, but now returned, and were
apparently on friendly terms with the Maharaja.
Attar Singh, however, distrusted both Sher Singh
and Dhyan Singh, and retired to his estates, leav-
ing his brother and nephew to carry on the war.
For a time there was great familiarity between
Lehna Singh, Ajit Singh, and the Maharajah, and
the three frequently caroused together. Maharaja
Sher Singh passed most of his time at his favourite
house, known as Shah Bilawal, and here on Sep-
tember 15, 1843, the tragedy occurred.
An inspection of certain soldiers, for whom the
Sindhanwalias desired to receive a jagir^ was fixed
to take place on this day, and in the morning the
soldiers were marshalled in brilliant array. The
Maharaja, however, did not inspect them at the
appointed time, and Lehna Singh and Ajit Singh
consequently went to him and reproached him in a
jocular manner for keeping them waiting. They
were each armed with a magnificent new double-
barrelled gun. Seating themselves opposite Ma-
haraja Sher Singh, they asked for a jagir. He
WHOLESALE MURDER. 247
replied, " By-and-bye," and stretched out his hand
for Ajit Singh's gun, which he wished to look at.
Ajit Singh affected to hand it to him, but brought
the muzzle to bear on his breast, pulled the triggers,
and lodged the contents in his body. Two cuts of
a sword finally ended the career of Maharaja Sher
Singh.
Not content with this murder, Ajit Singh went
into the inner apartments and cut down Partab
Singh, the pretty little son of Sher Singh. Partab
Singh ran up to Ajit Singh and knelt before him,
calling him " uncle." ^ The brutal Ajit Singh, hot
with the blood which already dyed his hand, then
penetrated into the harem of Sher Singh, and
murdered all the Maharaja's women— one under
circumstances of peculiar atrocity, for she was on
the eve of giving birth to an infant.
.......
With that strange foreboding which seems to
attend the coming of terrible events, there was a
general uneasiness in the air. I for one was on
the alert directly I heard the shots fired, and went
at once to find Dhyan Singh, who had already
gone to see Maharaja Sher Singh in consequence
^ Sir Lepel Griffin states that Prince Partab Singh was murdered
by Lehna Singh.
248 '' HORROR ON horror's HEAD."
of some dark rumours which had reached him.
He found Ajit Singh fresh from his deeds of blood
and half-way on his return journey to Lahore.
Dhyan Singh turned and accompanied Ajit Singh,
and the Sindhanwalias said to him, " What is done
cannot be undone. Dhulip Singh must now be
Maharaja." This was in accordance with Dhyan
Singh's views, and all seemed quiet for a few min-
utes, though he was uneasy at finding himself sur-
rounded by Ajit Singh's followers. On arriving at
the outer gate of the fortress they entered together,
but at the inner gate all but a very few of the
Minister's attendants were excluded.
Presently Ajit Singh drew Kaja Dhyan Singh's
attention to some men on the parapet of the fort,
shot him in the back, and despatched him with a
sword. Thus perished the wise and brave Dhyan
Singh, whose fall was deplored by the whole army :
but it was avenged, and that quickly.
Grief and fury seized the troops. The Sindhan-
walias endeavoured to come to terms with Him
Singh and Suchet Singh, the son and brother of
the murdered Minister, but they knew better than
to trust them. Hira Singh enflamed the rage of
the army by fervent appeals, and excited their
cupidity by lavish promises of money. The excite-
RETRIBUTION. 249
ment was wound up to frenzy by the conduct of
the young and exquisitely lovely wife of Dhyan
Singh, the daughter of the Kajput chief of Pathan-
kot. This lady vowed that she would not become
sati until she had the heads of Lehna Singh and
Ajit Singh. I myself laid their heads at the feet
of Dhyan Singh's corpse that evening.
The Sindhanwalias attempted to defend the fort,
but in a feeble maimer at first. Forty thousand
men attacked them, and they saw that all was lost.
When, however, the wall was breached, and death
became imminent, they fought with desperation and
inflicted heavy loss on the army. Ajit Singh and
Lehna Singh were killed with no more mercy
than they had shown, and Raja Dhyan Singh was
avenged.
The sati of his widow then took place, and sel-
dom, if ever, have I been so powerfully affected as
at the self-immolation of the gentle and lovely girl,
whose love for her husband passed all bounds.
During the day, while inciting the army to avenge
her husband's murder, she had appeared in public
before the soldiers, discarding the seclusion of a
lifetime. When his murderers had been slain she
gave directions as to the disposition of his property
with a stoicism and self-possession to which no
250 '' HORROR ON HORROR's HEAD."
one beside her could lay claim: she thanked her
brave avengers, and declared that she would tell of
their good deeds to her husband when in heaven.
There was nothing left for her, she said, but to
join him.
Great efforts were made among the assembly to
prevent the sacrifice of a sweet little maiden of nine
or ten years of age who had been passionately
attached to the murdered Raja. When not allowed
to get upon the pyre, she vowed she would not live,
slipped from the hands of those who would hold
her, rushed to the battlements of the city, and
threw herself from them. We picked her up more
dead than alive, and the beautiful devotee seated
on the pyre at last consented to take the child in
her lap to share her doom.
They placed her husband's diamond kalgi
(aigrette) in her turban, and she then fastened it
with her own hands in the turban of her stepson,
Hira Singh. Then, smiling on those around, she lit
the pyre, the flames of which glistened on the arms
and accoutrements, and even, it seemed to me, on
the swimming eyes of the soldiery. So perished
the widow of Dhyan Singh, with thirteen of her
female slaves.
As for Maharaja Sher Singh, no one thought of
CHARACTER OF HIRA SINGH. 251
avenging his death, and not a thought was bestowed
on the sepulture of his remains.
• • • • • • •
The tragic events described above were followed
by the succession of the boy Dhulip Singh to the
throne, with Hira Singh as wazir. The latter now
appeared to be all-powerful ; but he had powerful
enemies, and, moreover, a master in the person of
one Pandit Julia, a man of the most repulsive cast
of countenance, and of a most tjnrannical and am-
bitious spirit. He had been tutor to Hira Singh
in his youth, and the latter, being still quite a
young man, was entirely in his hands.
Hira Singh was indeed but a poor copy of his
father, whom he in vain attempted to resemble.
His character was compounded of many conflicting
qualities. Crouching and mean to his superiors;
silent and suspicious with his equals ; proud, super-
cilious, and arrogant to his inferiors; subtle and
deceitful to all. Too much puflfed up to return, or
even notice, the salutations of better men than
himself; reared as the lapdog of Ranjit Singh and
his dissolute companions; with a smattering of
English, Persian, and Sanscrit, and pretending to
a perfect knowledge of all three languages. Clean,
neat, and showy in person, like his father; but
252 ''HORROR ON horror's HEAD."
too effeminate to resemble him truly; unstable,
and, as it seemed, not daring to walk, stir, sit, rise,
eat, drink, sleep, or speak without — what? A
trifling sign, a careless nod, or some such sufficient
guiding token from his mysterious jailor, his
femiliar spirit, his preceptor, master, father and
brother, inferior and superior. Pandit Julia.
No sooner was Hira Singh in power than his
actions, under the guidance of the Pandit, caused
the greatest dissatisfaction in the army, and in-
trigues were speedily afoot, having for their object
Pandit Julia's downfall and death. The leading
spirit in this movement was Sardar Jawahir Singh,
brother of the Rani Jindan, and consequently
uncle of the young Maharaja Dhulip Singh. Eani
Jindan and Jawahir Singh were the children of
one Manna, the dog-keeper of Ran jit Singh. Rani
Jindan was endowed with extraordinary beauty
and great talent. Her father. Manna, was a man
of much humour and fun, who used to take great
liberties with the old Lion of the Panjab, often
rallying him jocularly on the state of his harem,
and jocosely asking him to make a queen of his
little daughter. Manna used to perch the pretty
child on his shoulder, and run with her along-
side of the Maharaja's palki when he made his
THE RISE OF A FAVOURITE. 253
entrances into Lahore, declaring the girl was
getting burdensome and heavy. At last the mon-
arch was persuaded, and said, "Very well, bring
her." (He did this as Manna used to banter him
about his age, and the Maharaja was very sensitive
as to his personal decay.)
In the harem the little beauty used to gambol
and frolic and tease Ran jit Singh, and managed
to captivate him in a way that smote the real
wives with jealousy — so much so that Ranjit Singh
sent her when thirteen years of age to Amritsar,
and gave her an allowance of 5000 rupees per
month. Raja Dhyan Singh had charge of her,
and this contributed to that able courtier's influ-
ence. He took her back to Lahore, treated her
with great dignity, and ultimately effected the
celebration of the karewa^ tantamount to the
chadar dalna,^ marriage ceremony, between her
and Ranjit Singh. Her ascendancy over the
Maharaja was soon gained, and never lost.
Now, to increase his influence over the new
Minister, Hira Singh, Pandit Julia intrigued so
as to produce, if possible, a deadly feud between
^ The offspring of this form of union was considered legitimate,
and had the right of inheritance. Chadar dcUna means <* throwing
the sheet."
254 ''horror on horror's head."
liim and his two uncles, Gulab Singh and Suchet
Singh, the remaining Dogra brothers.
Suchet Singh was a splendid swordsman, and the
very pink of chivalry. He knew that the Pandit
was at the bottom of the estrangement between
himself and his nephew, but matters had gone too
far to be put straight. Early in December 1844
Suchet Singh received an invitation from the Bani
Jindan and her brother Jawahir Singh to come
to Lahore, and was assured by them that the
army would go over from Hira Singh to him.
In an evil moment for himself the gallant Suchet
Singh started with only fifty men, and having
arrived at Lahore, took up quarters in a small
mosque near the Shalimar Gardens.
Pandit Julia knew that the success of Suchet
Singh would be death to himself, and took his
measures accordingly, distributing to each man
in the army a pair of bracelets worth 30 rupees.
This reward had been promised by Hira Singh
to the army as a reward for the loyalty to his
house they had shown in avenging on the Sind-
hanwalia family the murder of his father. Raja
Dhyan Singh. The time for disbursing the re-
ward was well chosen.
On Suchet Singh sending word that he had
UNCLE AND NEPHEW. 255
arrived, Hira Singh, who loved him in his heart,
wanted to go at once and embrace his xmcle;
but his evil genius the Pandit persuaded him that
he would be murdered, and produced a pothi or
horoscope in which it was written that Suchet
Singh or Hira Singh would fall the next day.
The Pandit then ordered the army to attack the
mosque ; but they too loved Suchet Singh, and at
first refused to obey. At last they attacked, and
under the fire of eighty pieces of artillery the
roof of the mosque soon began to faU on the
heads of the devoted little band within.
Suchet Singh read his Granth calmly, prepared
himself for death, and calling his followers around
him, told any of them who were not ready to
die to go in peace. None would, however, leave
him. He then charged the army with his fifty
followers, and after performing prodigies of valour
they all perished. The troops who attacked them
lost 160 killed and wounded. Hira Singh threw
himself in great grief upon the dead body of his
uncle.
At the time of Suchet Singh's death I had
just returned to Jammu from Sialkote, which I
had captured from Kashmira and Peshora Singh,
adopted sons of Eanjit Singh. I informed Gulab
256 " HORROR OX HORROR's HEAJ)."
Singh of his brother's rash journey, and the Raja
burst into tears and said, "He will be killed to
a certainty! Take your force from Sialkote"
(where I had left it), "hasten to Lahore, and
defend him."
Gulab Singh would not delay to give me a
written order, but took off a small gold ring,
which I was to show as a proof that I repre-
sented him. I immediately started, picked up
my troops at Sialkote, arrived on the third day
at Lahore, and fired a salute to let Suchet Singh
(as 1 hoped), and the army also, know of my
arrival. I was one day too late.
The hatred towards Pandit Julia rapidly in-
creased, and soon the whole army was won to
the side of Gulab Singh. Loud demands were
addressed to Hira Singh to give up the Pandit,
but Hira Singh refused to comply, and so turned
the vengeance of the army against himself. Even-
tually Hira Singh and the Pandit were compelled
to take refuge in the late Raja Dhyan Singh's
house at Lahore, known as the "Hira Mandi,"
but subsequently fled with 1200 men to Shah-
dera. The army then entered the city of Lahore
and commenced killing all the Dogras.
My life, being, as I was, in command of the
A TERRIBLE SCENE. 257
troops of that race, was imperilled; but some
Akalis, who knew that I was an old officer of
Ranjit Singh, took me under their protection,
and from motives of personal safety I became a
complete Akali in costume and habits.
On the 21st December 1844 the army crossed
to Shahdera and yelled to Hira Singh to give
himself up to them and let the Pandit meet his
fate. Hira Singh, however, fled with the Pandit,
and with them Sohan Singh, a son of Gulab
Singh. After a running fight of nine miles they
were all caught and slain : their heads were cut
oflf and paraded through Lahore city. I myself,
dressed as an Akali, carried the Pandit's head
in my hands. The whole army was responsible
for his death, but Hira Singh's death was caused
by his mistaken loyalty to his tutor.
.......
After the Akalis had triumphantly carried about
the heads of the dead princes for more than a
fortnight, 1 managed with great difficulty to secure
the heads and to send them to Jammu to Gulab
Singh. The heads were then cremated.
Raja Gulab Singh now thirsted for vengeance
on the Sikh nation, which had killed so many
members of his family. He determined to make
R
258 '' HORROR ON HORROR's HEAD."
terms for himself with the British, and to leave
the Sikhs to their doom. Jawahir Singh especi-
ally incurred his wrath for the death of Hira
Singh and Sohan Singh.
Jawahir Singli was completely intoxicated by
his sudden rise to power, and in the exuberance
of his heart began to ill-treat Eashmira Singh
and Peshora Singh, two adopted sons of Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh. This was enough to cause
the army to feel furious indignation — any favour-
ite of the old Maharaja was sacred to them.
Kashmira Singh and Peshora Singh were shortly
afterwards killed, the latter under atrocious cir-
cumstances of cold-blooded treachery. One cir-
cumstance connected with his murder incensed
the army to the last degree. The boy had im-
plored his murderer to give him arms and let
him die fighting like a Sikh and a man, and the
story reached the army of Lahore. Their first
resolution was to march to Attock and avenge
the murder, which had taken place there ; but the
Sikhs are proverbially fickle, and the immediate
death of Jawahir Singh was decided on as a pre-
liminary.
The Council of the army deliberated for fifteen
or twenty days. Jawahii- Singh was in the fort,
THE IRON DISCIPLINE OF THE SIKHS. 259
and dared not show his head: menacing news
reached him daily. I had one interview with
him, and could hold out no hope, but told him
to behave like a man and face the peril. The
Council at last closed their deliberations and de-
cided that Jawahir Singh should be slain, and that
then the army should march down and attack
Delhi.
On September 21, 1845, Jawahir Singh was sum-
moned before the army. He came out on an
elephant, holding in his arms his nephew, the
young Maharaja Dhulip Singh, the last survivor
of the line of Ranjit Singh. The Maharani Jin-
dan accompanied him on another elephant. Ja-
wahir Singh had an escort of 400 horsemen, and
two elephant-loads of rupees with which to tempt
the army. As soon as the cavalcade left the
fort an ominous salute ran along the immense
line of the army — 180 guns were fired. A roll-
call was beat, and not a man of that great host
was absent. So terribly stern was their discipline
that, after the salute had died away, not a sound
was to be heard but the trampling of the feet
of the royal cavalcade.
Dhulip Singh was received with royal honours :
his mother, the Maharani Jindan, in miserable
260 "HORROR ON horror's HEAD."
terror for her brother, was seated on her golden
hauday dressed in white Sikh clothes and closely
veiled. As soon as the procession reached the
middle of the line one man came forward and
cried out, " Stop," and at his single voice the
whole procession paused. A tremor ran through
the host : many expected a rescue on the part of
the French brigade ; but not a man stirred. The
great Punch (Military Council) was still sitting
on the right of the line. Four battalions were
now ordered to the front, and removed Jawahir
Singh s escort to a distance. Then another bat-
talion marched up and surrounded the elephants
of the royal personages. Ten of the Council then
came forward ; the Eani's elephant was ordered
to kneel down, and she herself was escorted to
a small but beautiful tent prepared for her
close by.
Then a terrible scene took place. The Rani
was dragged away, shrieking to the army to spare
her brother. Jawahir Singh was next ordered to
descend from his elephant. He lost his head,
attempted to parley, and a tall Sikh slapped his
face and took the boy Dhulip Singh from his
arms, asking him how he dared to disobey the
Khalsa. Dhulip Singh was placed in his mother's
"THROWING THE SNAKE." 261
aiins, and she, hiding herself behind the walls of
her tent, held the child up above them in view of
the army, crying for mercy for her brother in the
name of her son. Suddenly, hearing a yell of
agony from a well-known voice, she flung the
child away in an agony of grief and rage. For-
tunately he was caught by a soldier, or the conse-
quences might have been fatal.
Meanwhile the bloody work had been done on
the hated Minister. A soldier, who had presum-
ably received his orders, had gone up the ladder
placed by Jawahir Singh's elephant, stabbed him
with his bayonet, and flung him upon the ground,
where he was despatched in a moment with fifty
wounds.
Thus did the Sikh army avenge the death of
Kashmira Singh and Peshora Singh.
Maharani Jindan now became regent, and with
her lover Lai Singh, who was appointed her ad-
viser, decided on a policy of aggression. That
policy was indicated by the old Sikh motto,
"Throw the snake into your enemy's bosom,"
which is even more forcible than the English,
" Kill two birds with one stone." The snake was
the evilly disposed, violent, yet powerful and
splendid Sikh army. It was to be flung upon
»^ - -^ »»
262 '' HORROR ON HORROR S HEAD.
the British, and so destroyed. Thus did the Rani
Jindan in her turn plan to avenge herself on the
murderers of her brother Jawahir Singh.
The army entered on the war with enthusiasm,
and every man took with him a spade from his
own home for engineering purposes. The skill
with which they used them, and the valiant stand
which they made against the British, is a matter
of history.
The Sikh army crossed the Sutlej on the 8th
December 1845.
263
CHAPTER XV.
THE FIRST SIKH WAR.
THE SIKH GENERALS — DEPARTURE OF VENTURA AND AVITABILE —
THE APEX OF THE ARHY — COLONEL HURBON — QULAB SINGH'S
DIPLOMACY — RANI JINDAN AND THE DEPUTATION — OCCUPATION
OF LAHORE — TERMS OF PEACE.
After the murder of Wazir Jawahir Singh his
sister, the Rani Jindan, was declared regent. Her
principal advisers were Diwan Dina Nath, Bhai
Ram Singh, and Misr Lai Singh, the first named
of whom was a man of remarkable talent, known
as *' the Talleyrand of the Panjab." When war was
declared against the British, and the Sikhs crossed
the Sutlej, I was acting as Raja Gulab's agent and
factotum at Lahore, and in consequence had great
power and influence.
Two more contemptible poltroons than the two
generals of the Khalsa army — Lai Singh and Tej
Singh, both Brahmans — never breathed. Lai
Singh ran away and hid himself for twenty days
264 THE FntST SIKH WAR.
in an oven at Ludiana, in which the Sikhs would
have baked him if they had caught him. Tej
Singh always kept at the apex of the army (in the
rear), pretending that he could thus have an eye
to both divisions, and that it was not his duty to
go in front. Tej Singh was never trusted by any
one. After the start of the Sikh army for the
front Lai Singh and Dina Nath used to receive
visitors, and a succession of picnics used to take
place at Shalimar Gardens. The Rani's policy was
to aflfect enormous anxiety for the success of the
Sikhs, but to aflFord them no substantial aid. If
Delhi was taken, then so much the more glory and
loot ; if the British were victorious, the Rani, who
was corresponding with them, could trust to their
protection.
The pusillanimous and ignominious departure
of Avitabile and Ventura at this critical juncture
much disgusted the army, who wanted efficient
and civilised control. There was no necessity to
leave that I saw. I was always treated with
honour and respect.
The state of the army was such that proscription
rolls were made out of all individuals obnoxious to
them, and they had to be given up. I started
originally with the army, but was recalled by the
THE SIKH ARMY BETRAYED. 265
Rani to Lahore, and she specially insisted that I
was wanted to hold Lahore against the Khalsa.
I was privately told to bring back no Sikhs, but
as many Mussulmans as I had with me. These
Mussulmans were the very brigade which mutinied
at Peshawar in 1841, at the time Sir Henry
Lawrence was deputed there. The Muhammadans,
hating the Sikhs, were enchanted at the recall,
and on our return I was, as it were, governor of
Lahore. My orders were simple : " No Sikhs are
to return ; manage that, and the rest shall be as
you like." Much more fear was entertained of
personal maltreatment by the Sikhs than of the
British Government.
Twenty - five of Lord Hardinge's body - guard,
thinking matters rather doubtful, deserted and
put themselves under my orders at Lahore — ^fine
tall men, swaggering about the city, very different
from the slight and active "Manjha" Sikhs. One
of them asked for a regiment of cavalry to lead
against the British. The resolve of their ruler
to destroy the army, anyhow and by whatever
means, was known even by the Sikh army itself;
but such had been the stern discipline of the
Panchy such were the hopes of loot from Delhi,
such the real belief that the intentions of the
266 THE FIBST SIKH WAR.
British were aggressive, such the domestic incite-
ments of their families to plunder, and such their
devotion to their m3rstic faith, that one single
dogged determination filled the bosom of each
soldier. The word went round, "We will go to
the sacrifice." One miserable deserter was nearly
beaten to death by his Panjabi countrywomen,
" Let us not survive," said some, " the invasion
of Ranjit Singh's boundaries." For to their minds
the occupation of the protected Sikh States by
British troops was tantamount to an invasion.
After the battle of Ferozeshah, which took place
on the 22nd December 1845, it was reported at
Lahore that the British army had been defeated,
and the Maharani and her council, though knowing
the truth, were yet afraid that their own army
might in the end be successful. They well knew
that in that case it would return to Lahore, and
that anarchy and bloodshed would once again be
the order of the day. They therefore sent con-
gratulatory messages to the troops, and counselled
an immediate advance southwards by way of
Bhawulpur. By this means, they said, the
British army could be taken in flank, and Delhi
captured.
The only duty imposed on me was to protect
Gardner's duty. 267
Maharani Jindan and her child, and to get the
dread Klialsa army destroyed somehow.
" Don't come back, gallant men of the * Guruji/ "
said we, " without at all events seeing Delhi."
The Fakir Azizuddin foresaw, as well as most of
us who were not infatuated by religion or intoxi-
cated with drink, that the British must in the end
win, from the elements of real unity which guided
their councils, notwithstanding the doubtful state
of their native troops.
Lai Singh ran away at Mudki : he preferred the
embraces of Venus at Lahore to the triumphs of
Mars ; and was, as all Brahmans are, held in the
highest contempt by the Sikhs. He fled, hid him-
self in a hayrick, and skulked oflF from the army.
Swapping his handsome horse for a ** tattoo," and
smearing over his face with ashes like a poor fakir,
he hid himself in an oven belonging to an old
bakeress at Ludiana. The Rani Jindan led him a
dreadful life at first, when he returned to Lahore
after twenty days' absence, jeering at him for his
cautious behaviour; but he being her favourite,
orders were given to stop any further hilarity.
Even to Tej Singh the army cried, " Do not betray
us ! " such was his character for treachery. When
he arrived at Ferozeshah he said he was oflF to
268 THE FIRST SIKH WAR.
bring up the reserve." He never once went to the
front. There was another general who actually
ran away, and was jeered at by the army as a
lounda kutta (dog with his tail cut). Tej Singh,
keeping in his favourite position, the apex (as he
called it) of the army, actually built a bomb-
proof mud hut, like a small tent, for himself^
inside which he sat doing puja (i.^., "saying
his prayers"), his Brahman astrologers being
instructed to give out that everything depended
on the safety of the holy man. When he dis-
appeared after the battle of Ferozeshah he gave
out that he was outflanked by the British, and
was turning to meet his new enemy in the rear.
He declared that he was panting for the war, but
that his Brahmans would not let him out of his
hut.
Hurbon was a fine soldier : he was a Spaniard,
and had come out to the Sikh service on hearing
the accounts of the large emoluments received by
Ventura and Avitabile. He was told to show his
mettle in the campaign, which he did, and bravely,
being the engineer, moreover, who did all the
castrametation which so surprised the British
army.
All this time Gulab Singh, who could have
GULAB Singh's duplicity. 269
brought 40,000 men by a sign of his finger, was
being implored by the Sikhs to aid them. At
that moment he had a difficult and critical game
to play. The army oflFered to make him (Dogra
though he was) Maharaja, and to kill the traitors
Lai Singh and Tej Singh. Fortunately for the
British, their prestige had its influence on his
mind, and his memory recounted the treacheries
of the Sikhs to himself and his countrymen, and
he decided otherwise. He remained firstly at
Jammu, the Kani Jindan teUing him not to stir
unless she required him. Meanwhile Gulab Singh
cajoled the whole of the leading panchayets of
the Sikh army, aff^ecting to see every visitor from
the battles at any moment, whether he was bath-
ing or eating, as if his whole heart was with the
Sikhs. He got all the wheat - carriers in the
country, loaded them with immense display with
about one-fourth of what they could carry, put
placards in ** Gurmukhi " on their necks to the
effect that they were carrying supplies from Gulab
Singh, and told them, under pain of mutilation,
not to go two abreast, in order that the army and
the country might imagine that incessant and
enormous supplies were being forwarded to the
stalwart and devoted Kialsa by their loyal and
270 THE FIRST SIKH WAR.
aflFectionate friend. " I'm not going empty-handed
to the great campaign that is to end at Calcutta/'
gave out Gulab Singh. " When all is ready for
campaigning, off I start. This will be a long war,"
said he. " It's a race to the capital, and devil
catch the hindmost." Thus he temporised. But
he held the power, and would have used it (if
Dhyan Singh had been alive, or if he himself had
been a Sikh) to create an insurrection which would
have shaken the British power more even than the
mutiny of 1857. All the protected Sikh States in
the Malwa — Nabha, Jhind, and Patiala — were
ready to envelop the British army in case of a
reverse.
When at last, after the defeat at Sobraon on
February 10, 1846, the remains of the Sikh army
passed Hari-ka Ghat, Gulab Singh moved frx>m
Jammu. I went to meet him. "How is her
Majesty?" said he, the first words. I went
with him to meet Major LawTcnce. I had about
500 men, Gulab Singh some 2000, and 20,000
or 30,000 men within hail. Now here were the
Sikhs crossing at Hari-ka Ghat, and the British
at Kussur, who were therefore in a most critical
position, as they were between the Sikh and
GARDNER AND SIR HBNRY LAWRENCE. 27 1
Dogra armies. Of course Gulab Singh had a
double move ; and Lawrence seemed to be anxious
at the military mistake of moving the British
army between one strong, though beaten, force,
and another fresh in body and of a doubtful
course of policy. Though Sir Henry tried to
pump me, I only said, and could say, as an
honest paid servant of my masters, " Keep up a
bold face, and look to your right: the Dogra
force may be secured to act as light infantry in
case of any further trouble."
A very dramatic and characteristic scene oc-
curred between the battles of Ferozeshah and
Sobraon. The unfortunate Sikhs were hurried
on to their fate, and were literally starved for
want of rations. They sent a deputation of 500
picked Sikhs to Lahore to urge the dire neces-
sities of the army — for three days they had
lived upon grain and raw carrots. The Kani
at first would not allow the deputation to enter
Lahore. She feared justly for her personal safety
at the hands of these desperate men. I there-
fore placed four battalions of infantry in guard
over the queen, and she at last consented to
hold a durbar and receive the deputation. They
272 THE FIRST SIKH WAR,
were told to come armed with swords only.
Under the pretence of this being a State oc-
casion, I turned out a very large personal guard
for the queen, who waited behind a screen the
arrival of the envoys. I was standing close
to the Rani, and could see the gesticulations
and movements of the deputation. In answer
to the urgent and loud complaints of the sacri-
fice to which the army was exposed, she said
that Gulab Singh had forwarded vast supplies.
"No, he has not," roared the deputation; "we
know the old fox : he has not sent breakfeist
for a bird {chiria-ki-haziri)." Further parley
ensued, the tempers of both parties waxing
wroth. At last the deputation said, "Give us
powder and shot." At this I saw some move-
ment behind the purdah (the little Dhulip was
seated in front of it). I could detect that the
Rani was shifting her petticoat; I could see
that she stepped out of it, and then rolling it up
rapidly into a ball, flung it over the screen at
the heads of the angry envoys, crying out,
" Wear that, you cowards I Til go in trousers
and tight myself ! " ^ The effect was electric.
^ Colonel Gardner has Anglicised this well-known story.
THE rani's stratagem. 2*73
After a moment's pause, during which the de-
putation seemed stunned, a unanimous shout
arose, "Dhulip Singh Maharaja, we will go and
die for his kingdom and the Khalsaji!" and
breaking up tumultuously and highly excited,
this dangerous deputation dispersed, and rejoined
the army. The courage and intuition displayed
by this extraordinary woman under such critical
circumstances filled us all with as much amaze-
ment as admiration.
The Kani Jindan was very vain of her attrac-
tions, and when I was showing Sir Henry
Lawrence and Sir Kobert (then Captain) Napier
round the Palace of Lahore, immediately upon
the occupation after the termination of the first
Sikh campaign, the latter ofl&cer asked me if I
could manage to procure him a sight of her.
Knowing that Rani Jindan possessed rather more
than ordinary female curiosity, I oflFered to
gratify her with a sight of the victorious Eng-
lish, and thus it was that her beautiful head
and neck appeared once or twice over a wall,
to the gratification of the officers.
The Kani used to wonder why a matrimonial
alliance was not at once formed for her with
274 THE FIRST SIKH WAR.
some officer of rauk, who would then manage
State affairs with her.
She used to send for portraits of all the
otfic^ers, and in one especially she took great
interest, and said that he must be a lord. This
fortunate individuals name has not transpired,
and, much to the Maharani's mortification, the
aifair w^ent no further. She considered that such
a marriage would have secured the future of
herself and her son.
• ••••• •
The British army had reached Lahore on the
20th February 1846, and on the 8th of the
following month a treaty of peace was ratified
between the British Government and the Lahore
durbar. Maharaja Dhulip Singh renounced all
claim to the territories south of the river Sutlej,
and recognised the independence of Gulab Singh
as Raja of Jammu and such other hill territories
as might be assigned to him. Colonel Sir Henry
Lawrence was appointed Resident at Lahore,
where furthermore a large British force was to
remain till the end of the year.
On the 15th March the Governor-General, Sir
Henry Hardinge, invested Gulab Singh with the
DEFEAT OF THE KHALSA. 275
title of Maharaja of Kashmir and JammUy and
Gulab Singh acknowledged the supremacy of the
British Government.
Thus, after a campaign of but sixty days, the
proud and fierce Khalsa army was eflFectually
defeated, though by no means disgraced, and
the kingdom of Ranjit Singh reduced to a
position of dependency and subjection.
276
CHAPTER XVI.
"port after stormy seas."
GARDNER EXILED FROM THE PANJAB — * HIHTORT OF THE RKIGNIHO
FAMILY OF LAHORE'— GARDNER ENTERS OULAB SINOH's BSBVICE
— HETTLK8 FOR LIFE IN KASHMIR — BIRTH OF HIS DAUGHTER
— IMPRESSION OF GARDNER — MR ANDREW WILSON — CAFTADI
SEGRAVE — THE RUSSIAN ADVANCE TOWARDS INDIA — GARDNER'S
ADVICE TO JOHN BULL — DEATH OF THE TRAVELLER — THE SUG-
GESTION OF HIS CAREER.
Colonel Gardner, as has been explained, was not
called upon to take an active part in either of the
wars between the Sikhs and the British. He took
the field on the outbreak of the first war, but was
almost immediately recalled to Lahore by the Rani
Jindan, mother of the young Maharaja, who de-
sired him to take command of her own guards.
On the conclusion of peace a council of regency
was appointed to administer the government of
the Panjab, and one of the leading members of
this council was Kaja Tej Singh, who was Gardner's
personal enemy.
AN EXILE ON BRITISH SOIL. 277
Tej Singh lost no time in taking advantage of
his position, and Gardner presently received an
order from the council to leave Lahore within
twenty-four hours. There was no disputing the
order, and Gardner was compelled to seek an
asylum on British soil. He went to the frontier
station of Ludhiana, where he had friends, and
during his brief residence there occupied his leisure
by giving to Colonel Carmichael-Smyth of the 3rd
Bengal Light Cavalry the information which the
latter embodied in a work entitled * The History of
the Reigning Family of Lahore.' Those who have
read that curious and little-known work will re-
cognise some of the incidents contained in the
foregoing pages.
Gardner's period of exile was very short : he
was soon afterwards permitted to enter the service
of Gulab Singh, now created an independent
sovereign as Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir.
The latter province was ceded to the Maharaja
for reasons which need not here be discussed, but
they did not commend themselves to Sheikh Imam-
ud-din, the governor of Kashmir under the Sikh
Government. Imam-ud-din declined to surrender
Kashmir to the new Maharaja, who was therefore
compelled to obtain possession of his kingdom by
278 " PORT AFTER STORMY SEAS."
force of arms. Gardner accompanied Gulab Singh
in the operations which ensued, and when Imam-
ud-din had been overthrown and the new sovereign
"had his own," Gardner received the reward of
his long and faithful services to the Maharaja and
his family. He received command of the "Ranbir"
regiment of infantry, and of all the Kashmir artil-
lery, with a salary of 500 rupees per mensem.
This income, with the revenues of some villages
bestowed upon him by the Maharaja, gave Gardner
a comfortable income for the remaining thirty years
of his long life. He lived in good style, after the
native fashion, being from long habit a complete
Oriental, and retained his activity of mind and
body to the very last.
Gardner was held in high respect by his native
neighbours, and more especially by the old soldiers
of the Khalsa who had settled in Jammu or
Kashmir. These veterans loved to meet one
who had enjoyed the confidence of Ranjit Singh ;
and those of them who live still, though now ex-
tremely old, are full of recollections of " Gordana
Sahib."
Colonel Gardner's last years were rendered in-
teresting to him by the birth of a daughter, who
received the name of Helena : there is pleasing
COLONEL Gardner's descendants. 279
evidence in his letters that the wellbeing of this
child of his old age occupied many of his thoughts.
This daughter, now Mrs Botha, has inherited much
of her father's adventurous and roving spirit, and
recently visited her birthplace. Many ancient Sikh
soldiers came from all directions to see her, and to
tell her of their attachment to her father. One
fact about Gardner they never failed to mention,
which was the curious habit that he had of clutch-
ing his neck with an iron pincer when about to
drink. This operation was rendered necessary
by the severe wound in his neck, which has
been mentioned elsewhere. His Highness, the
reigning Maharaja of Kashmir, also told Mrs
Botha of this peculiarity of her father, he having
been greatly impressed by it when a boy. Colonel
Gardner's daughter has two children, a son and
a daughter, on the former of whom she has be-
stowed the name of Alexander, in memory of his
grandfather.
It will be readily imagined that English visitors
to the vale of Kashmir lost no opportunity of
calling on the old adventurer, and of hearing the
strange story of bygone days which he was so
ready to tell. Some of those who delighted thus to
hear of ancient wars were famous soldiers, among
280 " PORT AFTER STORMY SEAS."
whom may be mentioned Lord Strathnaim, "a
first-class fighting-man," and Sir Henry Durand,
the hero of the Gate of Ghuzni.
Many of these English visitors have left on record
their impressions of Gardner, and the description
of him by Mr Andrew Wilson in his charming book,
* The Abode of Snow,' merits quotation. " Colonel
Gardner," he writes, " a soldier of fortune, ninety
years of age, was born on the shores of Lake
Superior, and had wandered into Central Asia at
an early period. It was something almost appal-
ling to hear this ancient warrior discourse of what
have now become almost prehistoric times, and
relate his experiences in the service of Kanjit
Singh and other kings and chiefs less known to
fiime. If (as I have no reason to believe) he
occasionally confused hearsay with his own ex-
periences, it could scarcely be wondered at con-
sidering his years, and there is no doubt as to the
general facts of his career. Listening to his graphic
narrations, Central Asia vividly appeared as it was
more than half a century ago, when Englishmen
could traverse it, not only with tolerable safety,
but usually as honoured guests."
Captain Segrave supplies a vi\dd portrait of
Colonel Gardner in his old age, which may ex-
GARDNER IN OLD AGE. 281
plain the costume in which he appears in the
frontispiece. In writing of his first meeting with
Gardner, Captain Segrave says : " I can perfectly
recollect my first interview with him. He walked
into Cooper's reception-room one morning, a most
peculiar and striking appearance, clothed from
head to foot in the 79th tartan, but fashioned
by a native tailor. Even his pagri was of tartan,
and it was adorned with the egret's plume, only
allowed to persons of high rank. I imagine he
lived entirely in native fashion : he was said to be
wealthy, and the owner of many villages."
Gardner took a keen interest in public affairs,
and wrote voluminously on the subject of the
Russian advance towards India. He was an ad-
vocate of the "forward policy," and perhaps
showed some want of tact in impressing his views
on this subject on Lord Lawrence during the
latter's viceroyalty.
Other opinions of Gardner's might have found
more favour with Lord Lawrence, and to those
interested in the future destiny of our Indian
empire there may appear to be something of value
in the following letter, which is obviously modelled
on the well-known ** Brahmin ee-Bull" letters. It
shows, at any rate, the impressions of a white
282 " PORT AFTER STORMY 8BA8."
resident in India who had had peculiar oppor-
tunities of ascertaining native opinions, and whose
sympathies were rather with the natives than
with their English conquerors. It may be deemed
worthy of note also in consideration of the great
age (ninety-one) of its writer.
"A few plain, simple, and brotherly words from
John Bull of India to his much beloved Aryan
brother, the Right Honourable Sir John Bull
of England.
" My dear John, — There is no occasion here to
call upon the great and erudite professor. Max
Mliller, or any other Max, to rise from his chair
to prove our relationship, as it has been so long
acknowledged both by ourselves and by all the
literati, antiquarians, and historians of Europe
and the East. Therefore, my dear John, let it
suffice, I say, that I and nearly all my brethren
and kindred here really and seriously believe that
the time has arrived when a true and sincere
community of feeling, thought, word, and deed
should exist between us for our mutual and
common interests ; and should by all possible
means be promoted for the future welfare and
happiness of the great Aryan family. But to
HOW TO GOVERN INDIA. 283
carry this design to its legitimate end, it is of
the greatest importance that all future corre-
spondence between us, as brothers, should be
conducted in a plain, open, and candid manner ;
that is, we must use plain, common English,
without any parliamentary beating around the
bush, or unmeaning and ambiguous phrases. This
is really so much a necessity, that I cannot believe
but that it has already been settled and agreed
between us. Therefore, to commence, I will first
make the simple remark that it is of little use
to remind you of the manner in which you
originally, about 250 or 300 years ago, became
acquainted with us ; nor to ask you whether you
then entered our house by the front door, the
back door, or the skylight.
" But, dear John, when you did enter, you very
soon succeeded by your wisdom and discretion in
making yourself completely and comfortably at
home, inducing us to believe that you had come
on a brotherly visit ; consequently we received
you as brothers should, and we respected you
both as a brother and a friend, although we had
previously neither seen you nor heard much of
you for five or six thousand years.
" But, dear John, you cannot but remember that
284 " PORT AFTER STORMY SEAs/'
when you had become a guest or lodger in our
house it was not long before you began to lay
claims on all our goods and chattels ; in fact you
seemed inclined (of course in a friendly and
brotherly way) to make everything your own;
and you next, very wisely, began to make laws
of your own l)y which you aptly and adroitly
made it appear that everything you had done
was right and inevitable, according to your laws,
will, and pleasure. At the same time, by the
magic aid of your Western talent and wisdom, the
various family feuds and internal broils, which
unfortunately always exist among us, afforded you
a fair opportunity of assisting one party against
another ; and thus it came about that while con-
fusion and warfiire stalked through the land, peace
seemed to be your will and your gift. So matters
continued until the great Lord Clive, Sahib
Bahadur, appeared upon the stage, and played
so distinguished and conspicuous a part in the
Indian drama; and although he came to India
with merely a humble kalamdan^ in his pocket,
such was his genius that he laid the sure founda-
tions of that glorious fabric, the British empire iu
the East.
^ Inkstand.
*' WHERE HAS THE MONEY GONE?" 285
" Aided as you were by the genius of Lord Clive
and his successors, is it not true, dear John, that it
was our folly and disunion that permitted— or, to
speak more politely, compelled — you to advance
from the Bay of Bengal to Peshawar, and from
Cape Comorin to the Himalayas.
" This, however, dear John, is ancient history,
and we might be content to forget it, but that it
is all written with our own records, and must
therefore at times come to our memory. Another
fact, too, is recorded, with which you, dear John,
must be familiar — namely, that India was famed
in ancient times as one of the richest countries
of the earth, the land of jewels and gold. Now
all this wealth has vanished, and India to-day is
actually impoverished, perhaps one of the poorest
of all countries.
" Now, my dear John, I shall ask you a plain
and simple question — Where has all this wealth
gone to? You surely do not consider us profli-
gates or spendthrifts, who have squandered all
our national belongings in frivolity and vanity ?
That, dear John, is not our traditional character.
We are well known throughout the world as a
thrifty and prudent race. You will hardly assert
that we have been so mad as to throw our wealth
286 " PORT AFTER STORMY SEAS."
into the sea ; nor have we sent it to the Emperor
of China, nor thrown it away on the dogs and
bears of the North Pole ; any more than we have
made a present of it to the woolly - headed
" Habshis " of Africa. Then, dear John, to what
quarter of the globe do you think it can have
gone but to the West? In fact, some of our
star-gazers and astrologers assert (though I can
hardly believe them) that you have been adroitly
milking the poor Indian milch cow to your heart's
content from the day you first entered the country
to the present time. If this be true, dear John,
all we can say is, that although you have always
loved us well, you seem to love the poor old milch
cow better ; and there is no doubt whatever that
she has now become so lean on it that she is now
only fit to be laid up in some humane and charit-
able hospital for worn-out animals. It is indeed a
fact, too, that while India has become one of the
poorest, England has become one of the richest,
countries on the earth.
" A few days since one of our promising youths
(I believe they call him " Young Bengal ") de-
clared at a debating club that it was a positive
and historical fact that, when you first entered
our house, you appeared so amiable that, in our
CHEAP "CHARLIES. 287
usual polite way, we frankly asked you to consider
the house your own, and you certainly lost no
time in taking us at our word ; for, very shortly,
you not only were quite at home in our house,
but actually took upon yourself the heavy re-
sponsibilities of paterfamilias. In this capacity,
he added, you went to great expense in dressing
us out in red coats, of which we were so proud
that we strutted about in them like peacocks on a
green. Seeing this, you kindly made cheap
" Charlies " of us, to watch the house and cry
aloud, the livelong night, "All's well"; and so
well did we do our duty that no robbers came to
rob the robber !
" Dear John, from the happy days of our revered
Shri Kam Chandra to the present time we never
heard of such a thing as a National Debt, but now
you have in some way placed upon our weak and
emaciated shoulders the Atlas-like burden of a
hundred and fifty millions of money ; but as you
say you have done it for our benefit, we must so
accept it. For the kind exertions you are making
for our education, thus placing us on the highroad
to enlightenment and civilisation, we beg to offer
you our sincere thanks ; for we are conscious that
knowledge is power, and that this is the only path
288 •• PORT AFTER STORMY SEAS."
by which we can in time attain to national great-
ness. But we must ask more immediate help.
You well know, dear John, the numerous occa-
sions on which ere now we have proved our loy-
alty to the throne, — how often we have fought,
and freely spilt our best blood, in your cause, not
only in India, but in Egypt, in China, in Persia,
in Burma, and other lands ; and in return you
surely will not think it too much if we ask you to
bestow on us three small favours. The first of
these is the full development of the natural re-
sources of India, both mineral and vegetable.
They are rich and varied, and can only be fully
developed by means of a hearty and full measure
of the necessary legislative initiation and encour-
agement : there is no doubt that you would soon
be proud to see the happy results of such action
on your part in an improved and modernised
system of agriculture, horticulture, husbandry in
general, and irrigation ; and I further undertake
that soon we should boast of our Manchesters,
Leeds, Sheffields, and Newcastles. Secondly, we
earnestly request you to open for our preferment
the door so long closed, and to give us access to
the higher grades in the civil and military services.
My dear John, it is mere folly, an unwise and
THE NATIVE AKMY. 289
unworthy subterfuge, to say, or aflFect to believe,
that we have not clever and trustworthy gentle-
men of high rank and proved respectability, fully
capable of acting as Deputy Commissioners, Pol-
itical Agents, Residents, or even Lieutenant-Gov-
ernors ; as well as Captains, Majors, Colonels, and
Generals in the army. I can assure you that we
have many scions of noble and princely birth, who,
with a fair meed of encouragement, would soon
qualify themselves for, and would prove a credit
to, your civil or military service.
" Our third and chief request is that, for the
future benefit of both India and England, we
should be allowed to have representatives both
in the House of Commons and the House of Lords,
as well as in the Indian Councils of London and
Calcutta.
" My dear John, you often say that you have won
India by the sword ; but I beg to assure you that
if you grant us these three requests you will fairly
and completely win the hearts of your three hun-
dred million, more or less, of Indian subjects.
**As to the native army, I beg to assure you
that you possess as good material as can be
found in any part of the world ; but I would sug-
gest that clan corps, or clan divisions, would be
T
290 "PORT AFTER STORMY BSAS."
the best system that you could adopt. For in-
stance, a Rajput, a Goorkha, an Oude, an Afghan,
or a Sikh division, of well-chosen men, organised
to suit their own national ideas (not yours), and
commanded by oflScers of their own clan or race,
would prove not only loyal to you, but of the
highest value in every respect. I assure you that
such officers, chosen from the chiefs and nobles of
the land, would not only be held to loyalty by
their high birth, high caBte, rank, and family
pride, but would by them be stimulated to a noble
ardour and desire to distinguish themselves in the
field as brave soldiers.
"As to the reigning princes of India, you have
only to treat them honourably, justly, and can-
didly, and they will assuredly prove the strongest
and truest pillars of the State, and the best sup-
porters of your empire in the East. — With kind
regards and best wishes, I beg to remain, dear
John, your affectionate Aryan brother,
* ' John Bull of India.
" 22nd July 1876/'
The story has been told. The long and event-
ful life came at last to a peaceful close, and
Alexander Gardner, one of the last of the Indian
GARDNER DIBS IN HIS BED. 291
adventurers, died in his bed at Jammu on the
22nd day of January 1877, being then in the
ninety-second year of his age. At the end Gardner
wished to Ue among Christian men, and he was
accordingly buried in the military cemetery at
Sialkot, the nearest English cantonment.
In that quiet nook he, who had seen men and
nature under such strange and varied circum-
stances, rests from his labours. The field of ad-
venture which attracted him has ceased to oflFer
inducements to the bold spirit of the wanderers,
but there are yet dark places on the earth where
they may do good work. To those who have in
them the divine spark of enterprise these pages
may not be without a suggestion and a lesson.
APPENDIX
CONTAtHIKO
SOME ACCOUNT OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH
AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS
Br Majob HUGH PEABSE
COLONEL GARDNER'S LIST OF RANJIT SINGH'S
OFFICERS.
1. General Ventura
Italian
Infantry.
2. .. Allard
French
Cavaliy.
3. II Avitabile
Italian
Infantry.
4. If Court
French
Artillery.
5. It Harlan
American
Infantry.
6. It Van Cortlandt.
English
If
7. Colonel Ford
II
II
8. II Foulkes
If
Cayaliy.
9. Captain Argoud
French
Infantry.
10. Colonel Canora
American
Artillery,
11. 11 Thomas
Anglo-Indian
Infantry.
12. Lient-CoL Leslie, alia$ Rattray
If
If
13. Colonel Monton
French
Cavalry.
14. II Hurbon
Spanish
Engineer.
15. 11 Steinbach
English (?)
Infantry.
16. Captain de la Font
French
tf
17. 11 MTherson
English
ff
18. Mr Campbell
Anglo-Indian (?)
ff
19. Mr Garron (Carron ?)
French
Cavaliy.
20. Gordon
Anglo-Indian.
If
21. )
* > De Fasheye (father and son)
22. )
French.
II
23. Alvarine
Italian
Infantry.
24. Hommus
Spaniard
If
25. Amise
French
If
26. Hest
Greek
II
27. De la Roche
French
If
28. Dubnignon
If
II
296
LIST OF BANJIT 8INOH 8 OFFICERS.
S8. John Holmes
30. Vochus
81. De rUst
38. Hnreleek
33. Fitzroy
34. Barlow
36. Martindale
36. Jexraii
37. McBviua
38. Bianchi
39. DottenweisB
Anglo-Indian
Runian
French
Qxeek
Infantzy.
Anglo-Indian
French
Russian
Italian
German
Engineer.
MEDICAL OFFICERS.
1. Dr Harvey
2. Dr Ben^t
English.
French Drew 500 rupees per mensem
in 1838.
3. Dr Martin Honigbeiger Austrian Drew 900 rupees per mensem
Bame year. A clever doctor, an
enterprising traveller, and an
amiable man ; author of an
interesting work, 'Thirty-five
Years in the East'
■«'
I . • 1 I
" T
GENEHAL ALLAKD,
RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
The Sikhs, who became eventually the most powerful
nation encountered by us during the conquest and con-
solidation of the Indian Empire, were in the beginning no
more than a weak and persecuted religious community.
Nanak, the founder of their religion, was bom in the
year 1469, and the name " Sikhs " — literally, learners or
disciples — given by him to his followers, became in time
the descriptive title of the whole people.
Nanak was succeeded by nine other prophets, the last
of whom, Govind Singh, was assassinated in 1708. At
the time of Govind Singh's death the Sikhs had become
a warlike and powerful people, but they had yet to await
the coming of the man who was to weld them into a
nation and bestow on them the gift of discipline.
At length, in the year 1780, Ranjit Singh, destined to
become a great leader of men, was bom at Gujrat, the son
of Mahan Singh, chief of one of the least important of
the twelve confederacies into which the Sikhs were at
that time formed.
Mahan Singh died in 1791, and the young Ranjit Singh,
only eleven years of age, would hardly have been per-
298 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBBS.
mitted to arrive at manhood but for the protection given
him by two remarkable women. These were his mother.
Raj Kour, daughter of Raja Glajpat Singh of Jind; and
his mother-in-law, Sada Kour,^ who had succeeded, as
widow and heiress of her husband, to the chie&hip of the
powerful Kanheya confederacy. This confederacy ranked
fourth in importance among the twelve, and Ranjit Singh,
having grown up under the protection of its chieftainess,
took no rest until he had dispossessed Sada Kour from
authority. She died in the year 1827 in the prison to
which her ungrateful proUgi had consigned her.
Ranjit Singh's treatment of the other cherisher of his
youth was yet more ungrateful, for, unless rumour fooUy
belies him, he killed his mother. Raj Kour, with his o?m
hands — following in this action the example left him by
his father and grandfather.
It would be wearisome to the reader to trace minutely
the measures, alternately violent and treacherous, by
which Ranjit Singh gradually brought confederacy after
confederacy under his rule, but some notice must be
taken of an eventful period in which the young chief
seized the golden opportunity of his lifetime.
The city of Lahore, the ancient capital of the Panjab,
had been occupied in the years 1797 and 1798 by Shah
Zaman, the Afghan invader of Northern India; but in
the latter year domestic troubles recalled him somewhat
suddenly to his own dominions, and while crossing the
river Jhelam in flood he lost twelve pieces of artillery
which were imbedded in quicksands. Not being able to
^ Ranjit Singh had married, after the oriental fashion, at the age of siz
years, Mahtab Kour, daughter of Sada Kour. The title "Kour" meana
princess.
RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS. 299
tarrj until the guns bad been extricated, Shah Zaman
promised Ranjit Singh, whose inherited territory lay near
Lahore, authority to take possession of that city and dis-
trict from its then rulers, if he would save the imperilled
guns (whose possession was at that period a matter of
importance) and send them to Afghanistan. Having ex-
tricated the guns, Banjit Singh made short work of
capturing Lahore, whereupon he assumed the title of
Maharaja, by which he is known in history: moreover,
he soon afterwards annexed Amritsar, the religious capital
of the Sikhs.
It will be understood that this rapid rise to power of
a competent and ambitious ruler, and the consequent
consolidation of the Sikhs, could not escape the notice of
the English Government ; and resulted, in fact, inevitably
in the development of political relations between the two
Powers, now become neighbours.
In 1809 a mission under Mr (afterwards Lord) Met-
calfe effected an alliance between the British and Ranjit
Singh, to which the latter honourably adhered during the
remainder of his life.
An incident occurred during the visit of Mr Metcalfe's
mission which brought home to Ranjit Singh's mind a
sense of the true value of discipline, and determined him
to form an army on the European system. Among the
Sikh troops of 1809 were a turbulent and fanatical set of
men known as the Akalis, or Immortals, whose headlong
valour had often served Ranjit Singh and turned the
fortunes of a doubtful battle. The Akalis, infuriated by
the sight of the religious observances of Mr Metcalfe's
Hindu escort, suddenly and without the slightest warning
made an attack in overwhelming numbers on the camp of
300 RANjrr sinoh and his white officers.
the British mission, which was defended only by two com-
panies of native infantry. Though taken by surprise, the
escort quickly rallied and repelled the attack of the
Akalis, who incurred the wrath of Ranjit Singh even more
for their ignominious defeat than for the inconvenience
caused by their misconduct in making the attack. Prof-«
iting by this experience, and vrith the object of raising
his own troops to a state of discipline similar to that of
the British-Indian army, the Maharaja gave employment
to certain deserters from our service, with whose assist-
ance considerable progress was made.
Finally, the absorption, in the year 1820, of the great
Kanheya confederacy, removed the last remaining faction
of any strength, and left Kanjit Singh free to devote his
attention in earnest to the formation of a disciplined
army for the now united Sikh nation. With a natural
prejudice against Englishmen, the Maharaja proceeded
with great caution in the selection of officers to assist him
in his task, and it was not until the spring of the year
1822 that the two pioneers of the band of adventurers
in the Panjab appeared on the scene. These were the
Chevalier Ventura and the Chevalier AUard, officers of
the great Napoleon's army, who had served the Emperor
with honour and credit, and who, after the fatfd day of
Waterloo, had wandered to Egypt, and thence successively
to Persia, Afghanistan, and the Panjab, in search of
fortune.
The arrival at Lahore of Ventura and Allard did not
put an immediate end to the difficulties which had
attended their journey; for Ranjit Singh was of an ex-
tremely suspicious turn of mind, and took some time to
assure himself that the two foreigners (who were in a
BANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFIGEBS. 301
state of extreme poverty) were really what they declared
themselves to be, and not secret emissaries of the dreaded
and suspected British Gk)vemment.
Before describing the careers of Ventura and his com-
panions in arms, a brief description must be given of the
old Sikh army — the " Dal Khalsa," or army of God, as it
was called — and of the Maharaja, its creator.
The army consisted for the most part of cavalry, raised
and paid under a feudal system. Each chief furnished
his followers with arms and horses, and the mounted
soldier alone was held in respect. The exceptional estima-
tion in which the Akalis (the fanatics already mentioned)
were held, was partly due to their religious character and
partly to the desperate courage which they showed in
action. They usually fought on foot, but all other Sikhs
mounted themselves before going on active service if
possible, or at any rate on the first opportunity that
oflfered itself.
The Sikh weapon was the sword, which, when mounted,
they used with great skill. Bows and arrows were used
by the infantry, and a few matchlocks ; but in the early
days of Eanjit Singh's career the Sikhs disliked firearms
and artillery of all descriptions, and possessed little or no
skill in their use.
The picture of a Sikh soldier of the unreformed army,
drawn for Bellasis by Chand Khan,^ is probably as accur-
ate as it is spirited, due allowance being made for the
supposed bias of the speaker : " Go to the bazaar, take any
dirty, naked scoundrel, twist up his hair, give him a lofty
turban and a clean vest; comb out and lengthen his
beard, and gird his loins with a yellow cummerbund ; put
^ In * Adventures of an Officer in the Panjab,' by Sir Henry Lawrence.
302 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITB OFFICERS.
a clumsy sword by bis side and a long spear in his
cowardly band; set bim on a strong bony two-year-old
borse, and you bave a passable Sikb." Omitting the
adjective "cowardly," tbe above description may be ac-
cepted ; but sucb men as tbose so unflatteringly described
bad done great things for Ranjit Singb. Tbe swords may
bave been clumsy, but tbey were wielded by no cowardly
bands wben Multan was captured by the Kbalsa from its
gallant Afghan defenders.
With the arrival of Ventura and AUard came the day
wben the Maharaja could put into execution bis long-
cherished design, and commence to form his undisciplined
hordes of horsemen into that Sikh army which in the end
faced, and for a time faced successfully, the conquerors of
Napoleon and his legions.
At the death of Kanjit Singh (1839) tbe strength of the
regular army of the Panjab is stated by Sir Lepel Griffin
to have been 29,000 men, with 192 guns. The monthly
cost was lis. 3,82,088, or say £500,000 per annum.
The irregular levies were estimated at about the same
strength, and, says Sir Lepel Griffin, "were the picturesque
elements in the Maharaja's reviews. Many of the men
were well-to-do country gentlemen, the sons, relations, or
clansmen of the chiefs who placed them in the field and
maintained them there, and whose personal credit was
concerned in their splendid appearance. There was no
uniformity in their dress. Some wore a shirt of mail, with
a helmet inlaid with gold and a kalji or heron's plume ;
others were gay with tbe many-coloured splendour of velvet
and silk, with pink or yellow muslin turbans, and gold-
embroidered belts carrying their sword and powder-bom.
All wore, at the back, the small, round shield of tough
RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBRS. 303
buffalo-hide. These magnificent horsemen were armed
some with bows and arrows, but the majority with match-
locks, with which they made excellent practice."
And what manner of man was the great Maharaja who
had welded together this valiant, powerful, and pictur-
esque army?
Of the many descriptions of him that have been handed
down to us, none is more vivid than that written by the
traveller. Baron von Hiigel : " In person he is short and
mean-looking, and had he not distinguished himself by his
great talents, he would be passed by without being thought
worthy of observation. Without exaggeration I must call
him the most ugly and unprepossessing man I saw through-
out the Panjab. His left eye, which is quite closed, dis-
figures him less than the other, which is always rolling
about wide open, and is much distorted by disease. The
scars of the smallpox on his face do not run into one
another, but form so many dark pits in his greyish-brown
skin ; his short straight nose is swollen at the tip ; the
skinny lips are stretched tight over his teeth, which are
still good ; his grizzled beard, very thin on the cheeks and
upper lip, meets under the chin in matted confusion ; and
his head, which is sunk very much on his broad shoulders,
is too large for his height, and does not seem to move
easily."
It must be remembered that this striking picture was
drawn late in the Maharaja's life, and Sir Lepel Griffin
tells us that in earlier days Ranjit Singh, though short of
stature and cruelly disfigured by smallpox, was the beau
icUal of a soldier, strong, spare, active, courageous, and
enduring. An excellent horseman, he would remain in
the saddle the whole day without showing any sign of
304 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBB&
fatigue. His love of horses amounted to a passion ; he
was a keen sportsman and an accomplished swordsman.
His dress was scrupulously simple, contrasting strongly
with the gorgeous costumes of the Sikh mrdars.
That Ranjit Singh was indeed a great man, a king of
men, cannot for a moment be doubted. He was a bom
ruler, with the natural genius of command. Men obeyed
him by instinct and because they had no power to disobey.
Yet his moral character was extremely low — selfish, false,
avaricious, grossly superstitious, shamelessly and openly
drunken and debauched. That a man with these char-
acteristics exercised an absolute control, even when
paralysed and indeed half dead, over the turbulent Sikh
people, testifies to his greatness.
Without attempting to present a complete picture of so
complex a character as that of Banjit Singh, two points
call for our special attention when considering the
Maharaja as a ruler and as the creator of an army : the
first, his appreciation of the value of European discipline ;
and the second, his discrimination in the choice of agents.
The sketches of the Maharaja's chief officers, which
follow, show how wisely they were chosen and how
judiciously they were employed. From these pages and
from the record of Colonel Gardner, some idea may be
derived of the Dal Khalsa, or Sikh army.
I. GENERAL VENTURA.
For several reasons the name of General Ventura
deserves to stand first in the roll of Ranjit Singh's white
officers. He stood second to none in the estimation of his
GENERAL VENTURA. 305
royal master, and was held in like respect by those British
officials, both civil and military, with whom he came in
contact. He was, moreover, with Allard, the first to
enter Ranjit Singh's service, and he remained in it faith-
fully until and after the end of the Maharaja's life.
The fact, however, which influences me most strongly
in according the place of honour to Ventura is his selection
by Sanjit Singh to command the " Fouj Khas," or model
brigade — the first in rank, discipline, and equipment in
the reformed army. The four infantry battalions of this
brigade were the models on which the remainder of the
army was formed, and it was by the conversion of his
main strength from indiflferent irregular cavalry to infantry
of a very high class that Banjit Singh effected the mar-
vellous results which establish his claim to be considered
a great military organiser. In this conversion Ventura
was his right-hand man, and the only thing to be regretted
is that the account of his career, that of an honourable and
brave soldier of fortune, is perhaps less entertaining than
those of some of his less reputable colleagues.
Of the early life of Ventura I have been able to ascer-
tain but little. It is usually stated (on the authority of
Henry Prinsep) that Ventura, an Italian by birth, had
held the rank of colonel of infantry in the army of the
Napoleonic Empire ; and there is no reason to doubt the
fact. There is, unfortunately, no record in the French
War Office of the services of individual members of the
Italian contingent of the army of the First Empire, nor
can information on the subject be obtained from the War
Office of the present Italian army.
Joseph Wolff, the heroic missionary-traveller, states that
Ventura was a Jew by birth, and that his name was
U
306 RAN JIT SINOH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
Beuben Ben-Toora. Be this as it may, Maharaja Kanjit
Singh, when his first distrust had worn off, rapidly took
Ventura into favour, gave him at first the command of
two battalions, and very shortly afterwards that of a
brigade. For a dwelling the Maharaja assigned to Ventura
the remarkable building close to Lahore known as the
tomb of Anarkali. This building had previously been
occupied by Prince Karak Singh, the heir-apparent — a
fact which shows the high social position accorded to
Ventura.
The Maharaja desired his officers to engage not to eat
beef, not to shave their beards, and not to smoke tobacco ;
but on Ventura and Allard agreeing to the first two
conditions, the third was dispensed with.
General Ventura had not long to wait before an op-
portimity offered itself to him to show the Maharaja
and the Sikh army the merits of his system of dis-
cipline, and also to illustrate his skill as a tactician.
In March 1823, only a year after Ventura's arrival at
Lahore, the Sikh army was engaged against the Afghans
in the battle of Kowshera or Theri. The Afghans were
in great strength— their regular troops holding a position
on the right bank of the Kabul river, while 20,000
mountaineers of the Elhatak and Yusufzai tribes occupied
a strong position on the left bank.
Maharaja Banjit Singh now showed his confidence in
Generals Ventura and Allard by sending them with a
small force of eight battalions and two batteries to keep
the regular Afghan troops in check, while he with his
main strength fell upon the Ghazis. The battle was
severely contested, but, thanks to the superior general-
ship of Banjit Singh, resulted in a complete victory for
GENERAL VENTURA. 307
the Sikhs. The loss of the victors was estimated by
Captain (afterwards Sir Claude) Wade^ at 2000 men
out of a total force present of 24,000.
The Afghan tribesmen had more than 3000 men killed,
but gallantly rallied on the day following the battle and
were ready to renew the fight. Muhammad Azim Khan,
however, who commanded the Afghan regular troops, fear-
ing lest his treasure and harem might fall into the hands of
the Sikhs, broke up his camp, and, crossing the Momand
hills with undignified haste, regained the valley of Jalala-
bad. He was pursued for a considerable distance by
Ventura and Allard, whose force had been increased by
a contingent under Prince Sher Singh — one of the
Maharaja's sons, and a brave soldier.
In consequence of this victory Sanjit Singh occupied
the city of Peshawar, and his troops plundered the whole
district up to the Khaibar Pass.
General Ventura was highly favoured by the Maharaja
in consequence of his services on this and subsequent
occasions, and was granted pay at the rate of 2500
rupees a -month. He also was at various times given
large jagirSy or feudal grants of land, by his royal
master; and towards the end of the Maharaja's life
Ventura received two villages as a special gift for his
young daughter Victorine.
In spite of this large income the General was not so
rich a man as might have been expected. He was too
honourable to add to his fortune by illicit means, and
his salary was usually in arrears to a very considerable
extent. For years the debt amounted to no less than
^ Sir Claude Wade held charge for many years of our political reUtions
with Ranjit Singh, and was on most intimate terms with the Maharaja.
308 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE 0FFICKR8.
150,000 rupees, or five years' income; and whenever
Ventura asked for the money dne to him the Maharaja
would say, " What do you require it for ? Is not all I
have yours?"
In 1825 General Ventura was married to a European
lady at Ludhiana, and in honour of the event a cere-
monial took place at Lahore, when the brid^room re-
ceived gifts of 10,000 rupees from the Maharaja and
30,000 from the courtiers.
The first campaign in the year 1826 was directed
again Kotler, the chief command being intrusted to
Jamadar Khushal Singh, a favourite officer of the Maha-
raja. In this campaign a number of Sikh sardars or
chiefs, and soldiers, refused to serve under Ventura and
Allard, and threatened to resist their authority by main
force. The two generals complained to the Maharaja,
who at once proceeded to the army, degraded the mutin-
ous officers, and severely punished the ringleaders of
inferior rank.
Later in the year General Ventura accompanied Sardar
Hari Singh Nalwa, one of the bravest and best educated
of the Sikh chieftains, in various small expeditions. A
rising at Gandgarh was quelled after a smart action,
the hill fortress of Srikot was captured ; and finally
Ventura took part in a demonstration under Prince Sher
Singh, the object of which was to exact payment of the
annual tribute from Yar Muhammad Khan, at that time
ruler of Peshawar. The tribute was paid without fighting,
and so ended a year of great military activity.
In the year 1827 occurred the curious incident of the
horse Laili, which has been so often dilated on by writers
of Sikh history. This horse was believed to be of sur-
GENERAL VENTURA. 309
passing beauty and excellence, and it is said that Fatteh
Ali Shah, of Persia, offered 75,000 rupees for the animal.
Maharaja Banjit Singh also set his heart on becoming the
owner of Laili. Yar Muhammad Khan of Peshawar, the
owner of the coveted horse, had it noised abroad that
Laili was dead; but this having been disproved, the
Maharaja sent an expeditionary force under the command
of his son, Prince Sher Singh, and General Ventura, and
at length obtained possession of Laili. The presence of
General Ventura, and subsequently of General Allard, at
Peshawar, in connection with this affair, proved to be
of material service to the Maharaja, as he was thereby
enabled to rescue that city and district from the fanatical
followers of Syad Ahmad the Reformer, who had defeated
the Afghan troops and slain Yar Muhammad Khan him-
self. Peshawar was for a time relinquished to the
Afghans and the Sikh army withdrawn. The ultimate
fate of Syad Ahmad is related by Colonel Gardner in
chap. ix. of this work.
To avoid undue repetition, it will suffice to say that,
from the time of his entering Eanjit Singh's service.
General Ventura took an active part in all the campaigns
and expeditions by means of which the Maharaja in-
creased year by year the extent of his dominions and
the efficiency of his army.
The confidence shown in Ventura, and the other foreign
officers who will next be introduced to the reader, aroused
so much jealousy among the Sikh princes and chieftains
that, in general, the leadership of those expeditions in
which the Maharaja himself did not exercise the com-
mand was bestowed on one of the reigning family, or
one of the few chiefs who could be trusted in independ-
310 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFIOSRS.
ent employment : thus in the year 1831, that of Goloiiel
Gardner's arrival in the Panjab, General Ventura shared
with Shahzada Sher Singh the command of the force sent
out from Peshawar against the reformer Syad Ahmad.
As is related in Gardner's narrative, this force completely
defeated Syad Ahmad's followers, and the prophet him-
self was slain, at a place called Balakot. Gardner was
just too late to take part in the action ; but it is probable
that Ventura became aware that Gardner had intended
to assist the insurgents, and that this fact, coupled with
Gardner's adherence to the Dogra faction, caused the
ill-will which is shown by Gardner's language to have
existed between them. The French and Italian officers
in Banjit Singh's service held much aloof from those of
other nationalities, and this also must have contributed
to the unfriendliness.
Later in the year 1831 General Ventura was sent to
Multan, in command of a force of 10,000 troops and
thirty pieces of artillery, for the purpose of collecting
the tribute of that province.
Space does not permit me to detail Ventura's military
achievements in the service of Maharaja Ranjit Singh:
suffice it to say that he served that exacting master faith-
fully to the end of his life, and after the Maharaja's
death he in like manner served his successors.
In addition to the rank of general, conferred on Ven-
tura soon after he entered the Sikh service, Eanjit Singh
created him kcud and governor of Lahore, which appoint-
ment gave him the third seat in durbar.
During the early years of his service in the Panjab
(Jeneral Ventura had lived with General Allard in a
large mosque near the Lahore cantonments. It is re-
GBNERAL ALLARD. 311
lated that when Ventura was absent in France for two
years (1838-1840), his family, together with forty or
fifty female slaves, lived during the whole period in
this mosque without once moving out of doors.
Greneral Ventura was a high-minded and honourable
soldier, much respected by the Sikhs, and also by all
the English officers with whom he was brought in con-
tact He eventually retired from the Panjab in 1843,
possessed of an ample fortune, and passed the remainder
of his life at Paris, where he lived in very good style.
II. GENERAL ALLARD.
The second of Maharaja Sanjit Singh's foreign generals
was Jean Franqois Allard, bom at Saint Tropez, a small
seaport on the Mediterranean coast of France, on March
8, 1785. Allard joined the French army on December
6, 1803, his first regiment being the 23rd Dragoons, in
which he passed through the various grades to the rank
of squadron quartermaster-sergeant.
Allard served in Italy during the years 1804 to 1806,
and was transferred in the latter year to the royal guard
of the army of the kingdom of Naples. In February
1807 he became quartermaster of the Neapolitan regi-
ment of light cavalry, and towards the end of the fol-
lowing year accompanied that corps to the theatre of
war in Spain.
Allard became sub-lieutenant on the 15th June 1809,
and lieutenant on the 10th July 1810. On the 3l8t
July 1813 he received two sword-cuts in the skirmish
of Aleazar, near Alcala, and a year later was transferred
312 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBBS.
to the 2nd regiment of dragoons of the Imperial Guard
of Franca In July 1814 he was again transferred to
the 2nd Hussars, and on 28th April 1815 he was pro-
moted captain in the 7th Hussars.
His services had been rewarded with the crosses of
the Sojal Spanish Order and of the Legion of Honour,
and he held the appointment of aide-de-camp to Mar6-
chal Brune. Fortune appeared, therefore, to smile on the
young soldier, and a successful career in the military
service of France seemed fairly within his reach. The
fatal day of Waterloo, and the murder of his patron,
Mar^chal Brune, dashed his hopes to the earth, and after
four years of hesitation and of half-hearted attempts to
make a fresh start in the royal army, Allard decided to
seek his fortune abroad. His first intention was to visit
the United States, but a communication from his friend
Colonel Ventura caused him to change his plans and
accompany the latter to Persia, where they entered the
service of Abbas Mirza, the heir -apparent Here the
friends were treated with kindness and respect, but their
aspirations in the matter of salary were very far from
satisfied ; so in the fulness of time they took leave of
Abbas Mirza and passed through Afghanistan into Uie
Panjab.
Their early troubles in this kingdom have been related
in the account of Ventura, and on that subject it need
only be stated that at the same time that Ventura re-
ceived command of a body of infantry, Allard was com-
missioned to raise a corps of dragoons, who were to be
armed and disciplined like the cavalry of European
armies. Into this task Allard entered with unbounded
enthusiasm, and with a considerable amount of success.
GENERAL ALLARD. 313
lieutenant William Barr, of the Bengal Horse Artil-
lery, who accompanied Sir Claude Wade in his successful
operations in the Elhaibar Pass, gives an excellent de-
scription of the Sikh cavalry at the time of Allard's death.
After an unfavourable review of the artillery (who were,
however, much better than they looked), Barr writes : —
" We then reached the cavalry, the dragoons occupying
the left. These were well mounted, and form a fine body
of men and horses. On their right were two regiments
of Allard's cuirassiers, the most noble - looking troops
on parade. The men and horses were all picked, and
amongst the former are to be seen many stalwart fellows,
who appear to advantage under their cuirasses and steel
casques. Particular attention seems to have been paid
to setting them well up, and their accoutrements are
kept in the highest order. Many of the officers wear
brass cuirasses, and their commandant is perhaps the
finest man of the whole body, and looks extremely well
in front of his superb regiment. ... It used to be poor
Allard's pride and amusement to review these men, and
their present martial appearance is no doubt owing to
that officer's constant care and superintendence."
Barr goes on to say that in marching past, the regular-
ity and order of the cuirassiers could scarcely be exceeded
by the Company's cavalry.
Barr and his companions had previously been much
struck by the excellent way in which Allard's dragoons
were mounted. This was the corps mentioned above as
taking the left of the line of cavalry. The dress of these
dragoons consisted of a jacket of a dull red with broad
facings of buff, crossed in front by a pair of black belts,
one of which supported a pouch and the other a bayonet,
314 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE 0FFICBR8.
— genuine dragoon equipment, in which the Sikh caTaliy
fought, as the old quip has it, indifferently on horseback
or on foot Sound the waist the dragoons wore a com-
merbund, partially concealed by a sword-belt, from which
hung a sabre with a brass hilt and leathern scabbard.
The carbine was so attached as to give it the appearance
of being slung across the back of the dragoon, but rested,
in fact, in a bucket fastened to the saddle. The trousers
were of dark-blue cloth with a red stripe, and the turbans
of crimson silk, brought somewhat into a peak in fronts
and ornamented in the centre with a small brass half-
moon, from which sprang a glittering sprig about two
inches in height.
The officers were attired from top to toe in bright
crimson silk, and were armed with a sabre only.
Like General Ventura, Allard took part in all the cam-
paigns of the Sikh army from the date of his arrival in
the Panjab. It is related that very soon after Allard had
begun to form his regular cavalry Ranjit Singh ordered
his Ghorcharas, or irregular cavalry, to cross the Indus.
The order was immediately obeyed, but no discipline was
observed and no precautions were taken. No less than
500 men are said to have been swept away by the torrent
and drowned. Allard then mounted an elephant, and
directed his cavalry by trumpet-sounds, and moving them
in a suitable formation, succeeded in conveying them
across the Indus without loss. Allard was immediately
given the rank of general, and received the same pay as
Ventura — viz., £3000 per annum.
General Allard, like his friend Ventura, was a man of
high character, of polished manners, and of a most amiable
disposition. Frequent mention is made of him in Uie
GBNERAL ALLARD. 315
writings of travellers in the Panjab, and, almost without
exception, he is spoken of in terms of respect and liking.
He showed a princely hospitality to Europeans of all
ranks, and a gentleness to the natives of India which
earned him the contempt of Avitabile — a fact on which
he is surely to be congratulated.
Sanjit Singh seems to have felt a genuine affection for
Allard, and it is even said that the Maharaja's death was
hastened by the loss of his friend.
General Allard*s death occurred at Peshawar on Janu-
ary 23, 1839, and his body was taken to Lahore for burial :
the cause of death was heart disease. The Maharaja was
in bad health, and his attendants were long afraid to tell
him of Allard*s death. Genentl Allard was nearly fifty-
four years old, and left a wife and large family, to whom
he was greatly attached. He was perhaps the most
amiable and attractive of soldiers of fortune.
It is worth mentioning that Allard, together with
Ventura, Avitabile, and Court, received from King Louis
Philippe the rank of general in the French army and the
Cross of the Legion of Honour. Allard was also appointed
Political Agent of the French Government at the Court of
Lahore. In appearance he was said to have been a hand-
some man, of a benevolent cast of countenance ; and Miss
Eden amusingly describes the impression made on her by
his remarkable beard. "Allard," she writes in a letter
from Calcutta dated December 5, 1836, "wears an im-
mensely long beard that he is always stroking and making
much of ; and I was dead absent all the time he was there
because his wings are beautiful white hair, and his mou-
stachios and the middle of his beard quite black. He
looks like a piebald horse."
316 KANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
III. GENERAL AVITABILK
In marked contrast to Allard was Avitabile, the third of
Sanjit Singh's white generals, who is even better known
to us than are Ventura and Allard, as it fell to his lot
to occupy a position for many years in which he, was able
to render signal services to the British Indian Grovem-
ment. This position was that of governor of Peshawar,
which city and province were ruled by Avitabile with
remorseless cruelty, shameless rapacity, and signal skill
and success.
Of the early life which fitted a Neapolitan peasant for
such a position but little can be ascertained with certainty,
but that little discloses a very remarkable personality.
" Paolo di Bartolomeo Avitabile — a general in the armies
of the Panjab and of France; Chevalier of the Legion
of Honour; of the Orders of Merit and of Saint Ferdi-
nand (of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies) ; Commander
of the Durani Order (of Afghanistan) ; Grand Commander
of the Lion and Sun and of the Two Lions and Crown (of
Persia); and of the Star of the Panjab" — was bom at
Agerolo in the kingdom of Naples on the 25th October
1791, and served in the local levies of his native State
during the years 1807 to 1809.
Avitabile then entered the artillery of the army of King
Joseph Buonaparte, and served that sovereign and his
successor Murat. Avitabile served several campaigns
under Murat in the Italian contingent of the imperial
army, and rose to the rank of lieutenant, receiving also
the command of the 15th Battery.
When the kingdom of Naples was restored to the Bour-
bons by the fall of Napoleon, Avitabile retained his rank
GENERAL AVITABILB. 317
and command, and served under the Austrian General
Delayer at the siege of Gaeta. On this occasion he
showed distinguished gallantry, and was twice wounded.
General Delaver recommended him for promotion to the
rank of captain and for a decoration, but for some un-
explained reason Avitabile was removed in the same rank
of lieutenant to a light infantry regiment. Disgusted by
this treatment, Avitabile determined to seek his fortunes
abroad, and embarked for Philadelphia : his voyage was,
however, disastrous, and ended in a shipwreck near Mar-
seilles. Here Avitabile was kindly treated, and advised to
turn his steps eastward rather than westward : he accord-
ingly took ship for Constantinople, where he found an
envoy of Futteh Ali Shah of Persia charged with the duty
of obtaining European officers for the Persian army.
Avitabile arrived at Teheran in the year 1820, and
served the Shah and his heir-apparent for a period of six
years, during which he performed signal services, and was
rewarded with the rank of "khan" and the grade of
colonel He also received two of the highest Persian
decorations.^ Discontented with his remuneration, and
hearing favourable reports from Ventura of his service in
the Panjab, Avitabile and Court (a brother-officer of the
Napoleonic army who was in Persia with him) set out for
India. After an adventurous journey through Afghan-
istan, they arrived in the Panjab and were quickly given
employment Eanjit Singh soon discovered that Avi-
tabile's talents lay in the direction of civil government,
^ This statement is derived from an account of Qeneral Avitabile in the
' Livre des C6[6hnt6B Contemporaines,' published in 1846. It must, how-
ever, be mentioned that Sir George Russell Clerk, who knew Avitabile
well, mentions in his Diary that the latter held no military rank in Persia,
and, in fact, made his living in that country as a pedlar.
318 RANJIT SINOH AND HIS WHIT£ OFFICSRS.
and made him governor of the town and provinoe of
Wazirabad.
Avitabile showed great ability in this office, and ruled
his subjects, Sikhs and Muhammadans alike, with im-
partial severity. In so doing he undonbtedly pleased
Banjit Singh, who had all the instincts of a great ruler,
but gave great dissatisfaction to the Sikhs, who desired
and expected to be treated as the ruling race. In addition
to his duties as governor, Avitabile exercised military
command over the troops at Wazirabad, and succeeded
in impressing something of his own stem character on
his infantry regiment.
The Eev. Joseph Wolff, on his arrival in the Panjab
(in 1832), found Avitabile at Wazirabad, and gives the
following interesting account of him: —
"This famous Neapolitan spoke Italian, French, Per-
sian, and Hindustani with equal facility. He had im-
proved the town of Wazirabad to a remarkable extent.
He kept the streets of the city clean, and had a fine
palace and a beautiful carriage for himself. He was a
clever, cheerful man, and full of fun. He told Wolflf at
once that he would show to him his angdi eustodes, and
then took him to his bedroom, the walls of which were
covered with pictures of dancing-girls.
" He and Wolff one day rode out together on elephants,
and he said to him, * Now I will show you the marks of
the civilisation which I have introduced into this country.'
They rode outside the town, and there Wolfif saw before
him about six gibbets, upon which a great number of
malefactors were hanging. Though Avitabile was full of
fun, yet whenever the conversation was directed to im-
portant subjects, he became most serious. Though he had
GENERAL AVITABILB. 319
amassed in India a fortune of £50,000, he was always
panting after a return to his native country, Naples ; and
he said to Wolff, * For the love of God, help me to leave
this place 1 ' "
Avitabile continued to govern Wazirabad wisely, and
on the whole well, until he was removed in the year 1834
to Peshawar. The government of this new conquest of
the Maharaja's had proved too arduous a task for the
various Sikh princes and sardars who had tried their
hands at it.
Peshawar is, as has been well said, a fragment of
Central Asia that has accidentally become, geographically
and politically, part of India. Of all the cities of the
plains its inhabitants have been and are the most savage
and unruly. The ruthless Avitabile was the first man
who ever held Peshawar in subjection. In the opinion of
Sir Henry Lawrence, a man who must have held Avita-
bile's methods in horror, " the most lenient view of him
that can be taken is, to consider him as set in authority
over savage animals — not as a ruler over reasonable
beings — as one appointed to grind down a race, who bear
the yoke with about as good a grace as ' a wild bull in a
net,' and who, catching the ruler for one moment asleep,
would soon cease to be governed. But the ground of
complaint alleged against him is that he acts as a savage
among savage men, instead of showing them that a
Christian can wield the iron sceptre without staining it
by needless cruelty, — without following some of the worst
fashions of his worst neighbours. Under his rule sum-
mary hangings have been added to the native catalogue
of punishments, and not a bad one either, when properly
used ; but the ostentation of adding two or three to the
320 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHTTB OFFICERS.
string suspended from the gibbet, on special days and
festivals, added to a very evident habitual carelessness of
life, lead one to fear that small pains are taken to dis-
tinguish between innocence and guilty and that many a
man, ignorant of the alleged crime, pays for it with his
blood. . .
" Still, General Avitabile has many of the attributes of
a good ruler: he is bold, active, and intelligent, seeing
everything with his own eyes ; up early and late. He has,
at the expense of his own character for humanity, by the
terror of his name, saved much life. It is but just to state
that the peaceful and well-disposed inhabitants of Pesha-
war, both Hindu and Muhammadan, united in praise of
his administration, though all with one voice declared
that mercy seldom mingled in his decrees. Believed to
fear neither man nor devil, Avitabile keeps down by grim
fear what nothing else would keep down, the unruly
spirits around him, who, if let slip, would riot in carnage :
his severity may therefore be extenuated as the least of
two evils."
This is not an unfavourable picture, and it is worth
studying, for Avitabile was one of the very few Euro-
peans who has governed an Eastern province on oriental
principles.
Avitabile was in appearance " a tall stout man, of sensual
countenance, with large nose and lips, something of the
Jewish type, and well whiskered and bearded. He wore
a laced blue jacket, not unlike that of our horse-artillery,
capacious crimson trousers of the Turkish fashion, and a
rich sword." The blade of this sword had belonged to the
Emperor Akbar, and was a superb one : it cost Avitabile
2000 rupees, and the setting cost him another thousand.
GENERAL AVITABILE. 321
The hilt was of gold, studded with very valuable jewels,
as was the scabbard, a very small portion of green velvet
being visible in the middle of the latter. It would be
interesting to know what has become of this costly relic.
The following anecdote, told by a German traveller in
the Panjab at the time of Avitabile's governorship of
Peshawar, illustrates the Generars ready wit and know-
ledge of native character : —
"A certain Mohammedan woman of Peshawar had a
son and a daughter. Both married, and the daughter and
daughter-in-law gave birth, at the same time, to two
children, one a boy, the other a girl. Some time after-
wards a serious dispute arose between the two ladies.
The daughter's child was a girl, that of the daughter-in-
law a boy, but the former maintained that the boy was
hers and had been stolen from her. The daughter-in-law
denied the charge, and was supported in her denial by her
husband's mother. The strife became serious, and the
contending parties brought the aflTair before the judge.
This magistrate, being no Solomon, was unable to elicit
the truth, and dismissed the complainants. The latter
were not satisfied, and appealed to the High Court, over
which General Avitabile presided. The case was brought
before him, and public curiosity was strained to the high-
est pitch, each eagerly asking his neighbour, *How will
the judge decide ? ' The statements upon both sides having
been gone through. General Avitabile ordered two goats
to be brought, one having a male, the other a female kid.
This being done, he sent for two sheep that had each a
lamb, one a male, the other a female. In like manner he
commanded two cows to be brought, of which one had a
male, the other a female calf. These different quadrupeds
X
322 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITB OFFICERS.
being introduced, he ordered that the goats, the sheep, and
the cows should be milked, and the milk of each animal
placed in a separate vessel, which should be marked.
* Now/ said the General, ' let this milk be examined, and
it will be found that that which belongs to the animals
that have male young is stronger than the milk which has
been taken from the others/ Upon inspection this was
found to be correct. 'Now,* said the judge, 'bring me
some milk from the mothers of the children.' The milk
was brought, and General Avitabile declared that the
milk of the daughter-in-law was stronger than that of the
daughter, and that consequently she must be the mother
of the boy. The wisdom of the judge astonished every
one, and his decision was imiversally admired/'
It is also related that on one occasion General Avitabile
quelled a mutiny among his troops by releasing and arm-
ing a number of prisoners, by which means he took his
troops by surprise and reduced them to subjection.
It is an interesting fact that the best account of Avita-
bile, after that of Sir Henry Lawrence, is contained in
the 'History of the War in Afghanistan' of Captain
(afterwards Sir) Henry Havelock. Captain Havelock had
marched to Kabul in 1839 with the * army of the Indus/
in the capacity of aide-de-camp to Sir Willoughby Cotton,
and in November of that year arrived at Peshawar on his
return to India.
Havelock confirms all that is written by others concern-
ing the lavish hospitality shown to all comers by Avita-
bile, and his description is worth transcribing, giving, as it
does, a curious picture of the life of the adventurer in
high plfices : —
" In the * Serai,' mentioned by Elphinstone as one of the
GENERAL AVITABILE. 323
glories of Peshawar in 1809, the present governor of the
city has established his military headquarters, and his
civil and fiscal tribunals. It is called the *Gorkhatra/
and is a vast quadrangle, the length of each side being
250 yards. This has been rendered habitable, first by
building a suite of apartments over the gateway nearest
to the country, and next by erecting a very handsome
dwelling in the Persian fashion, consisting of three storeys
and a rez-de-chatiss^, on the side nearer the city.
" The governor is a man of princely habits. His dress,
chargers, and equipages all partake of a splendour well
calculated to uphold his authority amongst a people like
the Afghans. He particularly, and very justly, piques
himself on the excellence of his table, and keeps an
establishment of not fewer than eight cooks, who are
well versed in all the mysteries of Persian, English, and
French gastronomy. He is, moreover, a frank, gay, and
good-humoured person, as well as an excellent ruler and
skilful officer."
As Captain Havelock passed a complete month in close
association with Avitabile, this very favourable picture
of the redoubtable Italian possesses much value.
On the occasion of the advance of the British army in
1842, under General Pollock, to avenge the destruction of
Elphinstone's army in Afghanistan, Avitabile was again
brought in contact with a large number of English officers.
From what motives he acted it would perhaps be un-
gracious to inquire too closely, but it is undeniable that
General Avitabile rendered very important services to
England at that critical juncture. No stone was left
unturned by him to facilitate the movement of our troops
through the Peshawar province, and the Greneral also
324 BANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBBS.
lavished personal kindnesses and hospitality on the Eng-
lish officers.
Among other friendly actions of AvitabUe may be
mentioned the advance of large sums of money to the
British field - treasury. This, however, was at least as
convenient to the lender as to the borrower, for Avitabile
was thus enabled to transmit to England a considerable
portion of his fortune. No less than ten lakhs of rupees
were advanced in this manner by the GreneraL
After Avitabile's return to Europe he asked for some
mark of the satisfaction of the East Indian Company, and
in due course the Court of Directors resolved (27th August
1845) "that the eminent services of Greneral Avitabile,
while governor of Peshawar, in co-operation with the
British troops during the Afghanistan campaign, fully
entitle him to some enduring testimonial of the Court's
grateful sense of his conduct." Avitabile was subse-
quently presented by the Court with a sword worth 300
guineas.
Eeference has already been made to Avitabile's kindness
to European travellers. Like Generals Ventura and Al-
lard, he ever received such wanderers with princely hos-
pitality, and he behaved generously also to those natives
of the Panjab whom he ruled with such iron severity.
Sir Bichard Burton relates that, when passing through
Egypt on his celebrated pilgrimage to Mecca, he was in
some way mistaken for Avitabile; and that a party of
Indian Muhammadan pilgrims travelled a long distance
to see him, relying on the well-known liberality of " Abu-
Tabile " for assistance.
Avitabile's government of Peshawar came to an end
during the disturbed year of 1843. He was compelled to
GENERAL COURT. 325
leave the city and to take refuge at Jalalabad. Eventually
he retired to British India, and thence made his way to
his native Naples.
General Avitabile received the same rate of pay as
General Ventura — ^viz., £3000 per annum, in addition to
dijagir worth £2000 per annum, as governor of Peshawar.
His further emoluments are supposed to have been very
great, more particularly after the death of Maharaja
Banjit Singh, when all business fell into confusion.
After his retirement from the Sikh service General
Avitabile built a fine house at Gastellamare near Naples,
but did not long live to enjoy it. An over-devotion to
champt^ne carried him o£f, and his large fortune soon
found its way into the pockets of the lawyers — so many
soi-disant relations asserting their claims to a share of
the General's goods as to make "Avitabile's cousins"
a byword in Italy. Thus for the hundredth time did the
pen profit by that which the sword had earned.
IV. GENERAL COURT.
The fourth and last of Banjit Singh's white generals is
less known to history than the three whose record has
been briefly sketched.
It appears from the official records of the French War
Office that Claude Auguste Court was bom on the 26th
September 1793, and entered the £cole Polytechnique of
Paris on the 24th April 1812. He was appointed sub-
lieutenant in the 151st Begiment of the Line in 1813, and
was transferred to the 68th Begiment in the following
year. He was permitted to resign his commission in
326 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
July 1818 ; but his service in the French armj, though
short, had not been undistinguished, for he served the
campaign of 1813 in Saxony, of 1814 and of 1815, and
was wounded by a musket-shot in the left leg on the
28th March 1813 at the skirmish at Halle.
Court next took service in Persia, when he made the
acquaintance of Avitabile, and finally travelled to the
Panjab in company with him. This journey to Kabul
was performed in the autumn of 1826, and in the spring
of 1827 Court and Avitabile entered the service of Maha-
raja Banjit Singh. The Maharaja was anxious to im-
prove and increase his artillery, and appointed Court to
the command of that arm — a duty for which his very
considerable talents and scientific attainments fitted him.
The striking improvement in the Sikh artillery which
was effected in the twelve remaining years of the Maha-
raja's life must be largely attributed to Court's exertions,
for all accounts of the Sikh army agree in stating that
he was an excellent oflBcer, and entirely devoted to his
professional duties.
It would probably be wearisome to the readers to give
a long description of the artillery of the Khalsa army as
perfected by (Jeneral Court. It may be found by the
curious in Barr's 'Journal of a March through the
Punjab.' Barr, an officer of the Bengal Horse Artillery,
concludes his remarks with the following words : " When
it is considered that all we saw was the work of the
General's own knowledge, and when we reflect on the
difficulties he had to surmount, it is a matter almost of
wonder to behold the perfection to which he has brought
his artillery." How staunchly this artillery fought against
us is well known.
GENERAL COURT. 327
As an instance of Maharaja Banjit Singh's fitful gener-
osity, it is stated that the first shell constructed by Greneral
Court was worth 30,000 rupees to him — probably a record
reward to an artillery ofl&cer.
In the agreements signed by Court and the other
European officers it was stipulated that they should
abstain from eating beef, should grow their beards, and
should marry native wives. This last clause was not
insisted on in the case of Ventura, who married a
European lady ; but Allard, Avitabile, and Court fell in
with their master's wishes. Avitabile, indeed, married
with oriental profusion ; Allard married a charming lady
of Kashmir, by whom he had a large family ; and Court
twice married natives of India.
In addition to his domestic amenities Greneral Court
took much interest in archaeology. The results of his
researches in the antiquities of the Panjab frequently
adorned the pages of the Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal, and his cabinet of coins and other treasures
is said to have been superb. ** He is at all times," says
M'Gregor the historian, "ready to exhibit them with a
politeness which reflects equal credit on him as a
gentleman and a savant."
Barr describes Court as a short, thick-set man, pitted
with smallpox, and with the appearance of a rough-and-
ready sailor. His uniform consisted of an open horse-
artillery jacket, displaying beneath it a red waistcoat
profusely ornamented with lace. Like Avitabile, he wore
a handsome sabre attached to an embroidered belt ; but,
unlike him, Court was a man of very simple habits. He
was accustomed to live in a smaU house in the garden
of the larger building occupied by his family.
328 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFIGfEBa
General Court received £2400 a-year in paj, in addition
to Sijaffir worth £100 a-year.
During the lifetime of Ranjit Singh the foreign generals
were enabled to keep clear of the conflicting factions of
the Court, but after the Maharaja's death such conduct
was impossible. All who served Karrak Singh and his
successors were compelled to form part of one faction or
the other. Thus when Prince Sher Singh was about to
march to Lahore in January 1841, to assert his claim to
the throne, he called General Ventura to his side. Ven-
tura's influence was great, and over none was it stronger
than his friend Court. The two Generals therefore ac-
companied Sher Singh to Lahore, and took part in the
siege of the fort of Lahore, in the defence of which
Colonel Gardner took so prominent a share.
As has been related by Gardner, the accession of Sher
Singh to the throne was followed by an outburst of
violence on the part of the Sikh army which threatened
to wreck the great fabric which had been created by the
genius of Eanjit Singh. A large number of officers who
had incurred the enmity of the soldiery were murdered in
cold blood ; and General Court, for some reason, was
among those held to be most obnoxious. Court's house
was attacked by his own troops, and the Greneral was
compelled to seek refuge in the camp of General Ventura,
who had to use his artillery to protect himself and his
friend.
General Court subsequently left Lahore and took up his
abode on the British side of the Sutlej, where he remained
for several montlis, repeatedly claiming his discharge
from the Sikh Government. It was refused. So, disdain-
ing to decamp without leave, he returned to Lahore ; but
DB HARLAN. 329
foreseeing the probability of some such hotdeversemerU as
afterwards took place, the General wisely left his zenana
in safe quarters at Ludiana.
General Court eventually returned to France, where
his wife was formally christened and remarried to him,
according to Catholic ceremonies, by the Archbishop of
Marseilles. After General Court's death a joffi''' worth
£480 a-year was settled on Madame Court. The General
appears to have been an honourable and highly amiable
man, and a good soldier.
V. DH HARLAN.
In addition to General Ventura, Allard, Avitabile, and
Court, whose claims to the rank of general are indubit-
able, that position is also claimed bj^ one Josiah Harlan,
usually described by historians as Dr Harlan. The doctor
himself prefers the rank of general, a fancy in which he is
followed by some of his profession at the present day;
and although his claim to that title may be doubtful, it is
a positive fact that Maharaja Eanjit Singh not only made
him governor of an important province, but conferred on
him the command of a body of troops.
Those whose good fortune it is to have read that truly
delectable book * The Travels and Adventures of Dr WolflF,'
may remember that when Wolff entered the Panjab he
arrived " at Attock, when he crossed a suspension bridge
on the back of an elephant. According to his custom,
whenever he crosses water, Wolff screamed out, which he
did on this occasion in crossing the Indus."
Then, journeying on, this most valiant of cowards (for
330 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITB OFFICEBS.
a right brave man he was, as all who know his history
will testify) proceeded to the pleasant city of Gujrat,
''a considerable town, which also belonged to Sanjit
Singh." He arrived there late at night, and was brought
to the palace of the governor, who had expected him;
when, " to his great surprise, he heard some one singing
" Yankee Doodle," vdth all the American snuffle. It was
his Excellency the Governor himself. He was a fine tali
gentleman, dressed in European clothing, and with an
Indian hookah in his mouth." Wol£f asked how he came
to know "Yankee Doodle." He answered, in nasal
tones, " I am a free citizen of the United States, from the
State of Pennsylvania, city of Philadelphia. I am the
son of a Quaker. My name is Josiah Harlan." As this
man's history seemed romantic to Wolff, he recorded it
(as far as it then went) with sufficient accuracy in the
following words: —
" Harlan," he said, " had in his early life studied sur-
gery, but he went out as supercargo in a ship to Canton.
He then returned to America, where he had intended to
marry a lady to whom he was engaged; but she had
played him false. He then went to India, and came to
Calcutta, whence Lord Amherst, at that time Governor-
General of India, sent him as assistant-surgeon with the
British army to the Burmese empire. Afterwards he
quitted the British army, and tried to make himself king of
Afghanistan ; but, although he actually took a fortress, he
was defeated at last by a force sent against him by Sanjit
Singh, which made him a prisoner. Eanjit Singh, seeing
his talents, said to him, *I will make you governor of
Gujrat, and give you 3000 rupees a-month. If you behave
well I will increase your salary ; if not, I will cut off your
DR HARLAN. 381
nose.' So Wolflf found him, and his nose being entire
was evidence that he had behaved well"
Such was the story told by Harlan to Wolflf, and
recorded by the latter with his inimitable simplicity of
manner, and it was fairly accurate. It is worth mention-
ing that Harlan's service in the first Burmese war was in
the capacity of assistant-surgeon to the battery of artillery
commanded by Major (afterwards Field - Marshal Sir)
George Pollock.
Harlan did not distinguish himself in the British ser-
vice, and soon left it, finding his way eventually to the
Panjab frontier. It was not in Afghanistan (as he told
Dr Wolff, or as the latter wrongly understood him) that
Harlan set up the star-spangled banner, but on the
debatable land south of the river Sutlej, over which
Banjit Singh claimed sovereignty and the British Indian
Government exercise protection.
Whether or not Harlan crossed the Sutlej is doubtful,
but he fell into the hands of Banjit Singh, who took him
into favour and gave him employment. Harlan now
entered on the dangerous career of a secret agent— doubly
dangerous in his case ; for not only did he act as envoy
from Banjit Singh to Dost Muhammad, visiting Afghanis-
tan twice at least in that capacity, but he also was the
agent in the Panjab of the exiled Shah Shuja, the
legitimate king of Afghanistan.
In 1828 Harlan visited Kabul, travelling in the disguise
of a dervish, and while ostensibly employed by Banjit
Singh, secretly intriguing in the interests of Shah Shuja.
His mission was, in fact, to revolutionise Afghanistan,
and with that object Harlan took up his abode in the
house of one of the Amir's brothers.
332 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
Harlan evidently feels that some apology for his con-
duct is required, and exclaimed : " Let no Christian be
deceived by the fraternal appellation. Amongst the
customs of Orientals we meet with strange perversions of
our commonest received principles, and the term 'brother'
in a community which springs from a system of polygamy
means a natural enemy, a domestic adversary, expectant
heir of a capricious parent, contending for mastery in the
disturbed arena of family feuds."
Harlan found Dost Muhammad too firmly established
in power for his intrigues to meet with success, but his
visit to Kabul was by no means wasted. He obtained
the confidence of Dost Muhammad, who admitted him to
great intimacy. Harlan seems to have understood the
greatness of his host's character, and in his 'Memoir'
describes the Amir's manner of life in a most interesting
way ; indeed his sketch of Dost Muhammad's daily
round is the most vivid that has been recorded. Harlan's
style is turgid, but by no means devoid of power, and in
his pages we see described Dost Muhammad's neglected
childhood and dissolute youth ; his unexpected rise to
power ; his public renunciation of the follies and crimes
which had hitherto marked him ; his wisdom, strength,
justice, and moderation when in power; and his calm
endurance in the day of adversity.
While thus observing and admiring the qualities of a
great ruler, Harlan felt that life in the Panjab was more
lucrative as well as more congenial than a precarious
existence in Afghanistan. He returned, therefore, to
Lahore, with a mission to act there as the agent of Dost
Muhammad. His life at this time must indeed have been
somewhat complicated.
DR HARLAN. 333
For the next seven years Harlan was governor of
Jasrata and Nurpore, and subsequently of Gujrat, gain-
ing the confidence of Maharaja Banjit Singh, and serving
him for a time with zeal and ability ; but at the end of
this period, it is stated by Sir Henry Lawrence that " any
regard that may have obtained between them was con-
verted into hate."
In 1835 Harlan was removed from his governorship.
It is stated that Eanjit Singh found that Harlan was
coining base money under the pretence of studying
alchemy. Be this as it may, the Maharaja considered
Harlan an eminently suitable person to act as his am-
bassador to Dost Muhammad, who was now threatening
the town and province of Peshawar, so long in dispute
between the Sikhs and Afghans. Harlan was sent with
Fakir Azizuddin, the confidential barber and minister
(oriental combination) of the Maharaja, with instructions
to delay the Afghans until the Maharaja had gained
sufficient time to assemble the Sikh army on the northern
frontier.
Harlan states, with evident pride, that while ostensibly
an ambassador, his real mission was to corrupt the Amir's
chiefs, and sow distrust and disloyalty among them. An
excuse for Harlan may be found in the conduct of Dost
Muhammad, who, with all his merits as a ruler, was a
consummate scoundrel if judged by the European standard
of honour. He proposed on this occasion to seize Harlan
and Azizuddin, the latter being known to be indispensable
to the Maharaja (as he alone could prepare the mysteri-
ously compounded cordial which gave the paralysed
monarch fictitious strength), and to make use of them
to compel Banjit Singh to abandon Peshawar. This
334 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICBRS.
intended treachery towards the sacred persons of am-
bassadors perhaps justified Harlan's line of conduct : he
knew the man he had to deal vrith.
To escape the odium which, even in the East, would
have followed on the seizure of the envoys, the Amir
made his brother, Sultan Muhammad E^n, swear many
oaths on the Koran to make Harlan and the fakir
prisoners. Harlan, however, found means to induce
Sultan Muhammad Khan, who was the Afghan governor
of the Peshawar province, to come to terms with Banjit
Singh and desert Dost Muhammad ; and the prince was
the more readily led to that course of conduct by the
feeling that the Amir would reap the benefit if the envoys
were seized, while the odium would fall on himself, they
being his guests.
Sultan Muhammad Khan, therefore, marched his fol-
lowers, amounting to some 10,000 men, to the vicinity of
the Sikh forces (which now confronted the Afghan army),
and wrote to the Amir to announce his defection.
Masson, another adventurer, who was with Dost
Muliammad at the time, gives a most amusing account
of the transaction ; and states that Sultan Muhammad's
letter to his brother was couched in such abusive terms
that when it was read in open durbar before the Amir
many of those who heard it were obliged to go out from
" the presence " to conceal their mirth. It was a case of
"the biter bit"; but it is somewhat humiliating to find
that the most successful knave in so choice a collection
was the white man. In consequence of this diplomatic
success of Harlan, the Afghan army shortly melted away,
Dost Muhammad was compelled to return to Kabul, and
Peshawar was finally lost to the Afghans.
DR HARLAN. 335
Harlan, however, had lost Banjit Singh's favour, and
soon left his service, whether by resignation or dismissal
is not quite clear. Harlan himself writes : " Monarch as
he was, absolute and luxurious, and voluptuous in the
possession of treasured wealth and military power, I
resolved to avenge myself and cause him to tremble
in the midst of his magnificence." With this benevolent
intention he left the Panjab and entered Dost Muhammad's
service towards the end of the year 1836. He states that
the Aniir " received him with much the same feeling of
exultation that the King of Persia is known to have
indulged when his Court was visited by Themistocles."
Dost Muhammad, he states, received him as a brother
and addressed him by that title, seated him in durbar at
his side, gave him the command of his regular troops, and
at his instigation again declared war against the Sikhs,
who had recently annoyed him by erecting a fort at Jam-
rud, which commanded the mouth of the Elhaibar Pass.
In the battle which took place before this fort in April
1837 the Sikh general, Hari Singh, was slain, and, as
Harlan puts it, " the proud King of Lahore quailed on his
threatened throne, as he exclaimed with terror and de-
spair, ' Harlan has avenged himself — this is all his work.' "
However, as a matter of history, the Afghans shortly
afterwards retreated from the frontier without again
giving battle.
In the following year (1838) Harlan was sent in charge
of a military expedition, despatched by Dost Muhammad
against the Prince of Kunduz. His account of his ex-
ploits is too good to lose. "In the execution of this
enterprise," he writes, " I surmounted the Indian Caucasus,
and there upon the mountain heights unfurled my coun-
336 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITB OFFICEBS.
try's banner to the breeze under a salute of twenty-six
guns. On the highest pass of the frosty Caucasus, that of
Kharzar, 12,500 feet above the sea, the star-spangled
banner gracefully waved amid the icy peaks and soil-
less rugged rocks of a sterile region, seemingly sacred to
the solitude of an undisturbed eternity. We ascended
passes through regions where glaciers and silent dells, and
frowning rocks, blackened by ages of weather-beaten
fame, preserved the quiet domain of remotest time,
shrouded in perennial snow. We struggled on amidst
the heights of these alpine ranges — until now supposed
inaccessible to the labour of man, — infantry and cavalry,
artillery, camp-followers, and beasts of burden" — and so
forth. The General was, in fact, a poet as well as a doctor
and a soldier.
During this expedition he became also a sovereign
prince, the crown of Ghor having been secured to him
and his heirs by a voluntary act of the then prince,
Muhammad Beffi Bey, although, as he writes, he " looked
upon kingdoms and principalities as of frivolous import,
when weighed in the balance of the more honourable and
estimable title of American citizen."
It is not recorded that the General met vrith any strik-
ing military successes ; but there is some interest for us in
the personality of a youthful prince, who was intrusted to
his care and tuition, and who was the nominal commander
of the expedition. This was Akram Elhan, son of the
Amir "by a Highland lassie, whom he married to
strengthen his authority in the Kohistan," or hill
country. Akram Khan subsequently commanded the
contingent sent by Dost Muhammad to strengthen the
Sikhs against us in 1848.
DR HARLAN. 337
Harlan made his last appearance as a n^otiator in
August 1839, when Lord Keane's army approached Elabul.
The General tells us that Dost Muhammad and his chiefs
unanimously decided to depute him to meet Sir Alexander
Bumes, with absolute power to make any settlement that
he might think advisable. An ofBcial was, he says, de-
spatched to Bumes's secretary (the worthy Mohan Lai),
conveying an intimation of the appointment of Harlan
as plenipotentiary, and by return of the messenger an
ofBcial response was received, indirectly declining the
proposition by deferring the measure to a more con-
venient opportunity.
Eventufidly Bumes, or more probably the envoy, Sir
William M'Naughton, declined to treat in any way with
the Amir, who consequently withdrew from the neighbour-
hood of Kabul
Harlan gives a dramatic account of the abandonment of
Dost Muhammad by all his principal followers, which, in
the words of Kaye, only wants a conviction of its entire
truth to be most interesting and valuable.
Harlan's last appearance at Kabul is eminently char-
acteristic. On the arrival of the British army at that city
Dost Muhammad fled to the mountain country in the
north, and was promptly deserted by Harlan, who is
last mentioned as having breakfast with Sir Alexander
Bumes on the morning after the latter arrived at the
capital.
Of how Harlan found his way to India, and thence to
Philadelphia, we axe told nothing, yet we cannot but ad-
mire the adroitness with which he must have managed
his journey through the Panjab. Doubtless the death of
Eanjit Singh, who had expired on the 27th June, spared
Y
338 RANJIT SINOH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
the Greneral an awkward meeting. As to the later days
of this strange character history is silent.
VI. GENERAL VAN CORTLANDT.
Henry Charles Van Cortlandt was-the son of Lieutenant-
Colonel Henry Clinton Van Cortlandt of the 31st Regiment.
He was educated in England, and entered the service of
Maharaja Banjit Singh in 1832. He served in the various
frontier campaigns that occurred yearly during the life-
time of the Maharaja, and was present at the battle of
Jamrud, in which the Sikh general, Hari Singh Nalwa,
was killed.
Van Cortlandt, then a colonel, served with the Sikh
contingent which shared in Sir George Pollock's operations
in the Khaibar Pass, and he was also present (as is men-
tioned by Colonel Gardner) at the siege of Lahore by
Maharaja Sher Singh.
Sher Singh gave Colonel Van Cortlandt charge of his
eldest son. Prince Partab Singh ; but Van Cortlandt was
shortly afterwards sent away from Lahore on military
duty, and during his absence the Maharaja and Partab
Singh were murdered by the Sindhanwalia sardars, as is
related by Colonel Gardner.
When the first Sikh war with the British broke out
Van Cortlandt was on leave at Mussoorie, and not being
allowed to return to Lahore, proceeded to Ferozepur.
Finally he was employed with the British army as Poli-
tical Agent, and in that capacity was present at the
battles of Ferozeshah and Sobraon. After the war Van
Cortlandt returned to the Sikh service with the rank of
GENERAL VAN CORTLANDT. 339
general, and was made governor of the province of Dera
Ishmail Khan.
On the outbreak at Multan^ which was the first symptom
of the second Sikh war. General Van Cortlandt loyally
supported Lieutenant (afterwards Sir) Herbert Edwardes,
and took an honourable part in the gallantly fought
actions of Kinari and Sadusam. It deserves mention
that Mrs Van Cortlandt showed herself on this, as on
other occasions, the fit wife of a soldier — suppressing by
her own vigour and courage an incipient mutiny.
On the annexation of the Panjab in 1849 General Van
Cortlandt was transferred to the British service, and was
employed in a civil capacity ; but on the outbreak of the
Indian Mutiny the General again drew the sword, raised a
field force in the district in which he was employed, and
with it rendered valuable service, fighting several suc-
cessful actions with the rebels. For this service General
Van Cortlandt was made a Companion of the Bath.
Particular importance was attached to the conduct of
Van Cortlandt's force, as it was then considered doubtful
if the Sikhs, so recently conquered, were to be trusted.
However, the old soldiers of the two regiments (the Suruj
Mukhi and Katur Mukhi) which Van Cortlandt had long
commanded in the Panjab remained staunch.
General Van Cortlandt's last civil post was that of
Commissioner of Multan, where he remained till his
retirement in March 1868.
He survived his retirement twenty years, dying in
London on March 15, 1888, at the age of seventy-four.
340 RAN JIT SINOH AND HIS WHITE OFFIGBRS.
VII. COLONEL FORD.
Colonel Matthew William Ford, whose melancholy fate
will presently be related, entered the English army as
ensign in the 8th West India Regiment in the year 1803.
He became a lieutenant in the 70th Regiment in the fol-
lowing year, and captain in the same regiment in 1812.
He remained eleven years in this rank, serving succes-
sively in the 70th, 7th Fusiliers, and 1st Royals, from
which regiment he exchanged to the half-pay list of the
24th Light Dragoons.
In 1823 he became paymaster of the 16th Regiment,
and leaving the British service in 1837, entered the Sikh
army towards the end of that year or early in 1838. He
is shown by the Khalsa Durbar Acquittance RoUs to
have drawn pay at 800 rupees per mensem, in the latter
year.
There are occasional references to Colonel Ford in
books and magazines of the period, and it is recorded that
the regiment of the Khalsa army which he commanded
was one of those which lined the streets of Lahore at the
funeral of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
On the occasion of the mutiny of the Sikh army during
the reign of Maharaja Sher Singh, recorded by Gardner,
Colonel Matthew Ford was one of the victims. He was
plundered by his men of everything that he possessed,
even to the ring on his finger, and so maltreated that he
died at Peshawar, which place he barely contrived to
reach alive. He is said to have been an estimable and
very amiable man.
COLONEL FOULKBS — CAPTAIN ARGOUD. 341
VIII. COLONEL FOULKES.
The fate of this ofBcer was even worse than that of
Colonel Ford. I have been able to discover nothing
concerning his antecedents, and but a brief statement that
he entered the Sikh service in the year 1835. The Khalsa
Durbar Acquittance Soils bear that his pay was 500
rupees per mensem, and he is shown in Gardner's list of
the European ofBcers as employed in the infantry brancL
At the time of the mutiny of the Sikh army under
Maharaja Sher Singh, Colonel Foulkes was, however (it is
stated by Steinbach), stationed at Mandi, in command of
a large body of cavalry, where he fell a victim to the
ferocity of his men.
Colonel Foulkes, who was universally beloved, was
warned of his peril and urged to escape, but, with a spirit
worthy of his English birth, he resolved to remain at his
post and take the consequences. During the night he was
attacked by the Sikh soldiers, who cut him down, and
with demoniacal ferocity threw him on a blazing fire
before life was extinct.
IX. CAPTAIN ARGOUD.
This ofBcer, who is said to have been the best drill-
instructor in the Sikh army, was for a considerable time
in the service of Ranjit Singh, but unfortunately quar-
relied with both Sikhs and Europeans, and being also of
very intemperate habits, was eventually compelled to
leave the Panjab and seek employment in Afghanistan.
While travelling thither, by way of Sind, Argoud fell
342 RANJIT SINOH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
in with a small party of wayfarers, who afterwards became
famous. These were Alexander Bumes and his com-
panions Wood and Lord, who were proceeding from
Bombay to Kabul, and had reached Bhawalpur on the 2nd
May 1837. Captain Wood, in his delightful 'Journey to
the Source of the Oxus,' tells the tale of the encounter so
amusingly that I present the narrative precisely as he
¥nx)te it: —
" While here, we had an amusing visitor in the person
of a Monsieur Argoud. He had quarrelled with Sanjit
Singh and his countrymen in the Panjab, and was pro-
ceeding to join Dost Muhammad Khan of Kabul
"We were at dinner when the Frenchman arrived,
but no sooner was a European announced than Captain
Bumes ran out to bring him in, and before many minutes
had elapsed Monsieur Argoud had taken wine with eveiy
one at table.
"The poor man's failing was soon apparent, for he
proceeded to beat the tattoo with his elbows on the table,
and as a tenor accompaniment he made a knife vibrate
between its under surface and his thumb. It was really
done very cleverly, and the performance being highly
applauded, the complaisant Frenchman knew not when
to desist. Fatigue, sleep, and wine at length got the
mastery, and we saw him safely to bed.
"Next morning at an early hour our guest was astir,
roaming up and down the courtyard till he chanced to
stumble on Lord, engaged in dissecting and stuffing birds.
"Watching him for some time, he exclaimed, 'Quelle
patience!' and with a shrug of the shoulders passed
into Captain Burnes's room.
" That officer was not yet dressed, on which Monsieur
CAPTAIN ARGOUD. 343
Argoud called out, * Why, sare, the battle of Wagram was
fought before this hour, and you are still in d^shabilU.
Vill you take vine vith me ? ' * No,' replied Captain
Bumes ; * I never take wine before breakfast, but I shall
order you some claret, as your countrymen, I am aware,
like light wine in the morning/ 'Then, sare,' replied
Argoud, ' you insult me, you refuse to take vine vith me,
and I demand de satisfaction/
** He ran out, and soon reappeared armed with a rapier,
and asked Captain Burnes to send for his small-sword;
but the latter thought that, considering the shortness of
their acquaintance, he had already sufficiently humoured
this fiery little Frenchman, and Monsieur Argoud was
politely requested to continue his journey, which he ac-
cordingly did that same evening.
" This unfortunate gentleman had many good points in
his character, but they were unknown to us at the time
of his first visit. As a soldier and drill-officer he was
the first in the Panjab; but his drunken habits and
violent temper made him disliked by his brother-
officers.
" At Kabul in October following we fell in with him
a second time, so that his journey from the Indus
had occupied him fully five months. Whilst on the
road his dislike to Mussulmans had nearly cost him his
life. It was only spared on his repeating the Kulmah
or Mahomedan creed.
"Immediately on his arrival being known to us,
Captain Bumes sent him a kind note, inquiring if
he could be of any service to him; but the good-
hearted Frenchman was so ashamed of his conduct
at Bhawalpur, and so oppressed by this unexpected
344 RANjrr smoH and his white officers.
return, that he could not be persuaded to visit us, and
on his failing to obtain emploTment from Dost Muham-
mad Khan, he set out for Peshawar without our having
met him.
"We, however, learned that the day previous to his
departure he had been employed in moulding leaden
bullets, and that he had sworn to be revenged on
the Mussulmans for the ill-treatment on his former
journey.
" The cause of Monsieur Argoud's failure in obtaining
service was his ignorance of the Persian language.
"Dost Muhammad Khan was partial to him, and
though regretting his attachment to the bottle, offered
him a regiment.
" Unfortunately for the Frenchman, the interpreter
took advantage of his ignorance of the language, and in
reply to a question on Argoud's qualifications for com-
mand, reported as his answer that if the Amir wanted a
drummer^ he could not suit himself better. The French-
man required but little pressing to beat a tattoo, and the
result was that he got his discharge that evening, and
next day the interpreter (a brother adventurer) obtained
the regiment."
Sir Alexander Burnes adds to the above account that
"Benoit Argoud was a red-hot Republican; his father
had been killed at the battle of Wagram. He reached
Kabul by way of the Bolan Pass and Kandahar — no easy
feat"
I can only add to the above the information that
Argoud not only found his way back to the Panjab from
Afghanistan in 1838, but that he actually returned to
Kabul in 1839, as appears from the following letter to
COLONEL CANORA. 345
Sir Claude Wade, which has been kindly lent tx) me by
Mr C. F. Wade :—
(Translation,)
Kabul, 12th August 1889.
TBi:s AiMABLE CoLONEL, — ^A terrible destiny has again
brought me to this savage country, and no better off than
on the first occasion.
I found myself at Calcutta quite without money, and it
was therefore impossible for me to return to France. I
returned to Kurnal, where I was deceived by false
rumours. I set out for Kandahar, but on arriving there
I found that King Shuja-al-Mulk was prevented, by
treaty with Great Britain, from employing foreigners.
Colonel Bumes truly treated me more like a father than
a stranger ; he is a most worthy man, and I shall never
forget him.
I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you soon.
Agr^ez, Monsieur le Colonel, Tassurance de la parfaite
consideration avec laquelle j'ai Thonneur de vous saluer,
Argoud.
We may hope that the generosity of Bumes and Wade
provided Argoud with a passage to " la belle France," — at
any rate, he appears no more in Afghanistan or the
Panjab.
X. COLONEL CANORA
When Colonel Canora entered the service of Kanjit
Singh I do not know, nor is there any record of the early
days of his service in the Panjab, nor of his previous life.
The story of his death is, however, an honourable one.
346 RAN JIT SINGH AND HIS WHITB OFFICEBS.
In the year 1848 Canora was serving in the province of
Hazara, in command of a battery of artillery. The troops
in this province were notoriously mutinous, and Saidar
Chattar Singh, the governor, shared in their disaffection,
and even encouraged it. On the 6th of August Colonel
Canora, an American by birth, described to me by
General Sir James Abbott as '' a rude, uncultured man,
but brave and loyal," was ordered by Chattar Singh to
bring his guns out of the fort of Harripur, and to encamp
on the open ground outside the city. This, Colonel
Canora, who suspected the treasonable intentions of
Chattar Singh, refused to do, unless with the sanction of
Captain Abbott, the British Commissioner in Hazara.
Sir James Abbott, in a letter to me, thus relates the
sequel : —
" Canora replied that the guns had been posted by me,
and begged permission to refer to me previous to altering
their position ; and immediately despatched a letter to me,
asking what he was to do.
" The sardar sent a company of infantry to storm his
guns. Canora ordered his men to load them with double
charges of grape, and to fire. The men, overawed, refused.
He seized and applied the port-fire; the guns burnt
priming — they had not been loaded. Canora stood at
bay, pistol in hand. An armed servant of the sardar
crept behind him and shot him through the back ; then,
cutting off his head, carried it to Chattar Singh and
received from him a reward of £100.
" The Resident, Sir Frederick Currie, declared that it
served him right; but I pronounced it murder, and the
Governor-General and his Council backed my verdict
" I raised a rude monument to Canora*s memory, with
COLONEL THOMAS. 347
an inscription, on the spot where he fell. A small pension
was allotted to his family."
So died a brave and determined soldier in the perform-
ance of his duty.
The rebellion of Chattar Singh was followed by that of
his son Sher Singh, and the results were the second Sikh
war and the consequent annexation of the Panjab.
XI. COLONEL THOMAS.
All who love to read romances of real life should know
the strange story of George Thomas, the Irish sailor who
by sheer courage and enterprise rose to be a reigning
sovereign. His story may be found in the work by Mr
Herbert Compton, ' The European Military Adventurers
of Hindostan.'
Colonel Jacob Thomas, who commanded a najib, or
foreign (t.e., non-Panjabi) regiment in Banjit Singh's army,
was the son of George Thomas, but a man of a very
different character.
Sir Claude Wade and his ofBcers found Jacob Thomas
and his regiment at Peshawar in March 1839, and Barr,
the historian of the party, describes Thomas as " a dull
and heavy man." Thomas was quite unable to exercise
authority over his regiment, which mutinied on the 14th
April, and turned Thomas and his adjutant out of their
camp. As a mark of contempt for Thomas they inverted
his chair on the spot where he usually sat. Sir Claude
Wade informed the regiment that they could no longer
remain with his troops ; but how the matter ended is not
recorded, nor have I found any further mention of Colonel
Thomas.
348 RAKJIT SINGH AND HIS WHTTB OFFICERS.
XIL LESLIE OR RATTRAY.
This individual is mentioned by Gardner as one of
Banjit Singh's officers, but I have found no other mention
of him in connection with the Panjab. Sir Alexander
Bumes and his companions found him, however, serving
under the name of Battray, as commandant of Fort Ali
Masjid in the Khaibar Pass. This was in September
1837, soon after the battle at Jamrud, a few miles distant^
in which the Sikhs had been defeated by the Afghans.
Captain Wood describes Battray as " an ill-conditioned,
dissipated-looking Englishman, slipshod, turbaned and
robed in a sort of Afghan cUshdbilU — having more the
look of a dissipated priest than a military man. His
abode was a cave in the mountain, from which he
and his hungry followers levied blackmail on the passing
ka/Uas.
" The Sikh fortress of Jamrud depended for water on
the stream that runs through the Khaibar, and the chief
occupation of the young lieutenant - colonel, for so he
styled himself, was to stop the supply, and again to permit
it to flow on being bribed to do so."
Wood amusingly describes Battray's attempt to man-
oeuvre his corps, which speedily resulted in a cudgel
attack by the lieutenant-colonel on his men. Before the
day was over he had modestly requested a loan of £50
to defray the expenses of the march to Kabul, and, by the
simple process of dividing his men into guards on the
mission, succeeded in inducing Bumes to supply them all
with food.
Soon afterwards, during the stay of the mission at
Kabul, Colonel Leslie, alias Battray, changed his name
COLONEL MOUTON. 349
for the second time and his religion with it. He de-
clared himself a convert to the Muhammadan faith,
and took the name of Fida Muhammad Khan, much
against the wish of Dost Muhammad Khan, who thought
him a disgrace to any creed, and expressed in strong
terms the contempt he felt for men who could change
their religion to improve their fortune.
The Khaibar commandant, says Wood, was altogether
a singular character, void of all principle, but clever
and well informed.
His biography, which he wrote at the request of Sir
Alexander Bumes, is said to have afforded another proof
of how often the real events of life exceed in interest
the wildest conceptions of fiction. I have not been able
to discover this biography, if it ever was published, but
some of my readers may possibly be able to inform me
about it.
XIII. COLONEL MOUTON.
An ofiBcer of a very different stamp was Colonel
Francois Henri Mouton, who was bom on the 17th
August 1804, and entered a French cavalry regiment
as a volunteer at the age of eighteen. Four years later
Mouton was a ''garde de troisi^me classe," ranking as
a sub -lieutenant in the royal body-guard. In October
1838 Mouton was a captain of Spahis of three years'
standing, and finding himself unemployed, obtained per-
mission to live in India for three years. This he did
at the suggestion of General Ventura, who was about
to return to the Panjab from leave of absence. Captain
Mouton, who was accompanied by his charming and
350 RANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICERS.
courageous wife, accompanied Greneral Ventura to India,
travelling from Bombay by the most direct road to
Lahore, that by Ajmir and HansL
Colonel Mouton was employed as a commandant of
cavalry, and having entered on a second period of ser-
vice, he and Madame Mouton narrowly escaped death
in the mutiny of the Sikh army during the reign of
Maharaja Sher Singh. Nothing deterred, Colonel Mouton,
who had visited France in 1844, returned to India in the
month of September of that year, and remained in the
Panjab until the outbreak of the first Sikh war.
The official record of his services states that Colonel
Mouton returned to France in July 1846, and in the
April following was restored to full pay.
Colonel Mouton received the decoration of the Legion
of Honour in 1848, and was promoted to the grade of
"officer" in 1856 for services in the Crimean campaign,
for which he received also the Order of the Medjidis of
the 4th class. The gallant colonel was finally placed en
retraite on account of length of service in January 1865,
and died in Algiers in November 1876.
XIV. COLONEL HURBON.
Another gallant soldier was Colonel Hurbon, a Spanish
officer, who was employed as an engineer. He is said to
have been the first man in the assaults on the fortress of
Lahore during its siege by Maharaja Sher Singh, and
Gardner states that Hurbon planned the earthworks at
Sobraon. Cunningham, the historian of the Sikhs, who
was himself an engineer, says that the lines showed no
COLONEL STEINBACH — CAPTAIN DE LA FONT. 351
trace whatever of scientific skill or of unity of design. In
his opinion Colonel Hurbon's influence and authority did
not extend beyond a regiment or a brigade.
Colonel Hurbon is chiefly interesting as having been
the only European officer who actually served with the
Sikh army against the British.
XV. COLONEL STEINBACH.
lieutenant-Colonel Henry Steinbach commanded an
infantry regiment in the Sikh army, and wrote a little
book about the Panjab. In the mutiny of the Sikh army
in 1843 Colonel Steinbach narrowly escaped with his life.
It is related that the men of his regiment adopted a most
unpleasant method of showing their dislike and contempt
for him.
He subsequently entered the service of Maharaja Gulab
Singh, and commanded his army at the time of the second
Sikh war.
XVI. CAPTAIN DE LA FONT.
Auguste de la Font was aide-de-camp to General
Ventura, and in that capacity was in attendance on the
Greneral at Peshawar in 1839. When Ventura was pre-
vented by the intrigues which followed the death of Eanjit
Singh from proceeding to Kabul in command of the
Muhammadan contingent of the Khalsa army. Captain
de la Font acted as staff officer to Colonel Wade. In this
capacity he rendered good service both in action at the
taking of Fort Ali Masjid, and subsequently in aiding to
352 BANJIT SINGH AND HIS WHITE OFFICEBS.
keep the peace between the Khalsa contingent and
Colonel Wade's somewhat unruly force.
At the siege of Lahore (described by Colonel Grardner)
De la Font is said to have nearly gained access to the
fortress by mining, when the operations were brought to
a termination by Dhyan Singh.
XVII. CAPTAIN MTHERSON.
This gentleman, described as " a respectable officer,"
after serving in Banjit Singh's army, entered the service
of the Nawab of Bhawalpur, who gave him command of
a regiment of regular infantry.
Captain M*Pherson served with the Bhawalpur con-
tingent in Sir Herbert Edwardes's campaign against
Multan, and was killed at the head of his regiment at the
battle of Sadusam on July 1, 1848. He was buried on
the following morning with military honours.
XVIII. AND XIX. MESSRS CAMPBELL and GARRON.
These gentlemen are mentioned by Masson the traveller
as commanding regiments in the Sikh army. They are
included in Gardner's list, but there is no further infor-
mation concerning them.
Mr Campbell is very probably identical with the gal-
lant officer of that name who raised Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk's
Hindustani regiment, and was deserted by the Shah at
Kandahar on the occasion of his defeat by Dost Mu-
hammad. Mr Campbell's conduct was most gallant:
OTHER OFFICERS. 353
he was severely wounded, and was succoured by Dost
Muhammad, whose service he entered. It is stated that
his daughter is still living at Kabul.
Mr Garron may stand for Carron, a secret agent of the
British Government, and a man of strange adventures.
Of the remaining officers but few particulars are to be
gleaned.
Messrs Alvarine (23), Hommus (24), and Amise (25)
died at Lahore at different periods. Hest (26), the Greek
officer, was murdered in the streets of the same city.
Captain De la Eoche (27) was killed there by a fall from
his horse.
Dubuignon (28), described as an estimable young man,
was in the service of the Begum Sumroo. There he was
picked up by General Ventura, who was visiting India for
the good of his health. Ventura treated him with great
kindness, and eventually married him to his own sister-
in-law.
John Holmes, No. 29 on the list, and the last of whom
any particulars were given, was a man of mixed parentage.
He was a worthy old soldier, and passed for a Christian,
at Peshawar, when Sir Herbert Edwardes was there, though
he had more than one wife. John Holmes did good ser-
vice with Edwardes and Van Cortlandt in the advance on
Multan in 1848, and was eventually murdered by some of
his own men. His family sent in a claim for compensa-
tion to the Indian Government, in which were specified,
among other dependants, tioo mothers.
Z
364
LIST OF CHARACTERS IN PANJAB HISTORY, from this
Death of Ranjit Singh to the Britibh Annexation.
SOVEREIGNS.
No.
1. Maharaja Ranjit Singh, died June 27, 1839.
2. II Kharrak Singh (son of No. 1), deposed, and subse-
quently poisoned, November 5, 1840.
3. If Nao Nihal Singh (son of No. 2), killed, Nov. 5, 1840.
4. Maharani Chand Kour (widow of No. 2 and Regent), murdered
by order of No. 6, June 1842.
5. Maharaja Sher Singh (son of No. 1), murdered by No. 15, Sep-
tember 15, 1843.
6. Maharaja Dhulip Singh (son of No. 1), deposed, March 29, 1849.
PRINCES, MINISTERS, Era
7. Kashmira Singh (son of No. 1), killed by the Sikh army, July
1843.
8. Peshora Singh (son of No. 1), murdered, August 1844.
9. Partab Singh (son of No. 5), murdered by No. 15, Sept 15, 1843.
10. Chet Singh (Minister to Kharrak Singh), murdered by Na 11,
October 8, 1839.
11. Raja Dhyan Singh (Prime Minister), mui^'\
dered by No. 15, September 15, 1843,
12. Raja Gulab Singh, afterwards Maharaja
of Jammu and Kashmir,
13. Raja Suchet Singh, killed by the Sikh
army, March 1843, ^
14. Hira Singh (son of No. 11), killed by the Sikh army, December
21, 1844.
16. Ajit Singh, Sindhanwalia, ) brothers, killed by the Sikh army,
IG. Lehna Singh, Sindhanwalia, ) September 1843.
17. Pandit Julia (Secretary to No. 14), killed by the Sikh army,
December 21, 1844.
18. Jawahir Singh (uncle of No. 6), killed by the Sikh army, Sep-
tember 21, 1846.
19. Maharani Jindan (mother of No. 6), banished.
» the Dogra brothers.
INDEX.
* Abode of Snow, the,' by Andrew Barakzai chiefs of Peshawar, the
Wilson, quoted, 280. three, 179, 189, 190.
* Adventures of an Officer,* by Sir Barakzais, the, 55.
Henry Lawrence, referred to, Bhai Ram Singh, 263.
179. Bolor, 52 — note on the name, 90.
Afghanistan, the kingdom of, 54 Bolor Kash, 137.
et seq. Botha, Mrs, daughter of Colonel
Afghans or Pathans, the, 55. Gardner, 279.
Aga Beg, 47, 49, 51, 60. Bride, a race for a, 141.
Ahmad Khan, 54. British and Sikh armies, grand
Ajit Singh, 245 et ntq. review of, 243.
Akalis or Immortals, the, 171, 199 Bull, Sir John, of England, letter
ft fn., 23o fX fn., 257, 299. from John Bull of India to, 282
Akas, the, 147, 148. et seq,
Alai valley, the, 146. Burial, mode of, in Kafiristan,
Al-Biruni, 99. 89.
AUard, General, 185 et fn., 3U0, Bumes, Sir Alexander, 4, 159.
311-315.
Aral Sea, crossing the, 45. Campbell, Mr, one of Ranjit
Arb Shah, nom de voyage of Colonel Singh's white officers, 352.
Gardner, 37, 45. Canora, Colonel, 345.
Argoud, Captain, 341-345. Carmichael-Smyth, Colonel, 208,
Asp-i-Dheha, or flying horse, the, 277.
90 et neq. Cave, a wonderful, in Badakshan,
Astrakhan, 22, 43. 109.
Attar Singh, 245 H seq. Chet Singh, 215, 217.
Avitabile, General, 172 et fn., 176 Chitral, 7, 157.
et fn., 178 et fn., 185, 264, 316- Cockerell, Lieutenant, 101.
325. Cooper, Frederick, C.B., 1 — in-
Aylmer, Mr, Colonel Gardner's terviews Colonel Gardner at
fellow-traveller, 19. Srinagar, 2-4.
Court, General, 178 et fn., 180,
Badakshan, 7, 107. 108, 110. 185, 325-329.
Bajaur, 164, 166, 173, 177. Crystal hookah, incident of a, 60
Bannuite tribe, the, 184, 190, 196. fn., 161.
356
INDEX.
**IH1 KbilM," or army of God,
the, 30 1 . See also Khalia army.
Dallerwitz, M., 20, 24.
De la Foot, Captain, 351.
Defence of Lahore, the, 231 et neq.
Delaroche, M., 43.
Dhulip Singh, 259, 274.
Dhyan Singh. See Raja Dhyan
Singh.
Diwan Dina Nath, 263.
Dogra brothers, the, cruel scheme
of, 212 el seq. — terms of peace
arranged by, 237.
Dogras, the, 215 et fn., 228 et tteq.
Dost Muhammad Khan, 51, 53, 58,
62, 63 et aeg. pcLSsim.
Dnbuignan, M., 353.
Dunchu or Dunchai, 151, 154.
Dorand, Sir Henry, 10, 165, 280.
Elarthquake at Srinagar, effects of
a, 156.
Eastern justice, anecdotes of, 204
et seq.
Edgeworth, Mr, abstract of Colonel
Gardner's travels by, 6.
Edwardes, Sir Herbert, 191 fn.,
244.
Elias, Ney, 8, 99, 100.
Faizabad, 107, 108 fn.
Fakir Azizuddin, 186 tt fn., 187,
267.
Fathi Jang, 55.
Ferozeshah, the battle of, 266.
First Sikh war, the, 263 tt aeq.
Flying horse, tradition regarding
a, 91.
Ford, Colonel, 340.
" Fouj KhAs," or model brigade of
the Khalsa army, the, 178 fn.,
185 fn., 305.
Foulkes, Colonel, 341.
"Francesco Campo," or French
division of the Sikh army, the,
185, 217.
Gardner, Colonel Alexander, par-
entage and boyhood of, 13 ei
8eq. — sets out for Astrakhan,
19 — leaves Astrakhan for Herat,
24— proceeds to Khiva, 28 et
»eq. — returns to Astrakhan, 43
— enters the service of Habib-
ulla Khan, at Kabul, 59 et tq.
— marries an Afghan lady, 64—
murder of his wife, 74 — again
sets out on his wanderings, 81
tt »eq. — Joins the holy standard,
169— settles at Peshawar, 175
— enters the service of Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh at Lahore as
colonel of artillery, 182 e/ feq,
— becomes commander of artil-
lery to Raja Dhyan Singh, 191,
214 — marries a native wife, 191
fn., 244 fn. — transfers his ser-
vices to Gulab Singh, 256 et
^., 277— his kst years, 278.
Gardner, Dr, 13 et aeq. — death of,
18.
Garron, or Carron, Mr, one of
Ranjit Singh's white officers,
353.
Gateway of Lahore, defence of the,
235.
Gem, a remarkable, 132.
Ghakkar tribe, the, 188.
Ghaur-i-Pir Nimchu, 84.
Ghazis, prowess of the, 188.
Ghorian, 25, 26.
Gilgit valley, the, 7, 156.
Girishk, Colonel Gardner's im-
prisonment at, 162.
Gold, washing river-sand for, 126.
Golden fleeces, the value of, 127.
"Gordana," Sikh name for Col-
onel Gardner, 183, 278.
Govind Singh, 297.
Griffin, Sir Lepel, 4, 186 fn., 211,
302.
Grams, the tribe known as, 147. *
GuUb Singh, 193 et fn., 204, 208,
228, 242, 254 et seq. passim —
appointed Maharaja of Kashmir
and Jammu, 275, 277.
Gurkhas, forcing the Sepoy cap on
the, 200.
Habib-ulla Khan, 53, 56, 57, 59,
Hi et seq, passim,
Hardinge, Sir Henry, 274.
INDEX. 357
Harlan, Dr, 178 et fn., 183, 202, Khalzais, the, 31 H fn., 32 e< seq,
329-338. Kharrak Singh, 214, 220, 222—
Hazaras, the, 29. the cremation of, 223.
Hazrat Imam, 81. Khilti race, the, 85.
Herat, 25. Khiva, 40.
Hindu Kuflh, a journey over the, Kipchaks, a camp of the, 47, 51.
28 tt seq., 90. Kirghiz encampment, visit to a,
Hindustani fanatics, or Indian fol- 128.
lowers of Syad Ahmad, the, 172 Kirghiz tribes, the, 129, 130 et
et fn. fn., 136, 140, 153— beauty of
Hira Singh, 212. the women of, 130 et fn.
' History of the Reigning Family Kirghiz wedding, a, 135 e^ seq.
of Lahore,' by Colonel Car- " Koh-i-nur," the, 230, 237.
michael - Smyth, extract from, Kohistan campaign, the, 56 et 9eq,
regarding character of Gulab Kokcha river, the, 102, 105.
Singh, 208 et seq. — referred to, Koran, novel use for the, 173.
277. Kunduz, 28.
Holmes, John, one of Banjit
Singh's white officers, 353. Lahore, 178, 229, 265, 274, 298.
Honigberger, Dr, 202. Lai Singh, 263, 267.
Hurbon, Colonel, 268, 350. Lawrence, Sir Henry, 179, 241 et
Hwen-Thsang, 99. fn., 243, 245, 271, 273, 274,
281.
Imam-ud-din, 277, 278. Leh, 155.
Inderab, 9, 52, 88. Lehna Singh, 245 et seq.
Leslie, Lieut. -Colonel, alicui Rat-
Jalalabad, 240, 243. tray, 348.
Jammu, the army contingent of, * Life of a Soldier of the Olden
191, 214 — Gulab Singh ap- Time: An unwritten Page of
pointed Maharaja of Kashmir History,' by Sir Henry Durand,
and, 275, 277 — death of Col- quoted, 10.
onel Gardner at, 291. '* Lion of the Pan jab, the.*' See
Jawahir Singh, 252, 259 — murder Ranjit Singh.
of, 261.
Jey Ram, 105, 113, 138, 145, 156. Mahan Singh, 297.
Julien, M., 20. Maharaja Ranjit Singh. See
Ranjit Singh.
Kabul, 161, 163, 240, 244. Maharani Chand Kour, 227.
Kafir Ghesh Durrah Pass, the, 111. Maharani Jindan, 259, 261, 263,
Kafiristan, 111, 112, 159. 267.
Kafirs, the, 34, 110, 146. Mahmud Shah, 54.
Kameh or Kafir- Ab river, 160. ** Manjha " country, the, 230 et fh.
Kandahar, 161. Marriage ceremony, curious, among
Karakoram Pass, the, 155. the Keiaz, 149.
Kashgar, original inhabitants of, Metcalfe, Lord, 199, 299.
147. Mian Udam Singh, 194 et fn.
Kashmir, Gulab Singh made Ma- Mir Alam Khan, 164, 166, 168,
haraja of Jammu and, 275, 277. 177.
Keiaz tribe, the, 141, 150. Mir Ali Shah, or the Syad, 105,
Khalsa army, the, 199, 275, 278, 107, 114, 115, 119, 138, 145.
301. Misr Lai Singh, 263.
358
n^DEX.
* Monogrmph on the Oxqs,' by Sir
Henry RAwlineon, qnoted, 7,
156.
Monton, Colonel, 349.
M'Pherson, Captain, 352.
Nanak, 297.
Nao Nihal Singh, 194 fn., 195,
216, 222 €t M^.— tragic death
of, 225.
Napier, Sir Robert, 273.
Nimchu Kafirs, the, 82 et fn.
Oriental duplicity, a striking ex-
ample of, 269.
Paddle-boat, General Ventnra con-
structs a, for Maharaja Ranjit
Singh, 202 H tteq.
Paindah Khan, 177.
Pamir region, 5, 7, 8, 9 — cross-
ing the, into Elastem Turkestan,
123 €t seq.
Panchthar, 172.
Pandit Julia, 251 et a«^.— death
of, 257.
Panjab, the, 176 et fn. — Colonel
( Jardner^s journey to, 117 ct «eg.
— his settlement and adventures
in, 182 et wq. — the Lion of,
fitt Ranjit Singh.
Partab Singh, 245, 247.
Parwan, 66 et fn., 69, 73.
I'athans or Afghans, the, 55.
Teshawar, 175, 176 — final con-
quest of, by the Sikhs, 188.
Pir-i-Niincha, 104.
Polo, Marco, 100.
Raj Kour, 298.
Raja Dhyan Singh, 168, 179, 180,
181, 191 tt fn., 192 et seq. pas-
Him — murder of, 248.
Raja Gulab Singh. ^e Gulab
Singh.
** Ranbir" regiment, Colonel Gard-
ner receives command of the,
278.
Rani Jindan, 252, 263, 272, 273.
Ranjit Singh, 173, 176fc/fn., 180,
182, 199 e^ «eg. piissim — Euro-
pean officers of, 295 et mq. —
list of characters in Panjab his-
tory from the death of » to the
British annexation, 354.
Ranjit Suchet Singh, 194 ei In.,
195.
Raverty, Captain, 160.
Rawlinson, Sir Henry, 1^ 124 fis.,
156.
Robber gang, some members of a,
W^etseq.
Robertson, Sir Grooige, 160.
Rossaix, M., 20.
Ruby mines of Shighnan, a Tisit
to the, 134.
Russian service. Colonel Gardner's
experiences of, 22 tt aeq.
Sada Kour, 298 et fn.
Salt, value of, in Central Asia,
77.
Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa, 192.
Sardar Muhammad Akbsf Khan,
192.
Sati of Raja Dhyan Singh's widow,
the, 249.
Segrave, Captain, 281.
Shah Bahadur Beg, 142, 145.
Shah Duri Duran, 54.
Shah Shujah, 54.
Shah Zaman, 54.
Shakh Dara valley, the, 124.
Sheep-tails, snow - preserved, 76,
78.
Sheheid Ghaur-i-Zaruth, 110.
Sher Singh, 228, 234, 238, 246.
Shighnan valley, the, 123.
Siah Posh Kafirs, the, 33.
Sialkot, Colonel Gardner's grave
at, 291.
Sikh -Afghan war of 1836, the,
184 c/ seq.
Sikh deputation, remarkable re-
sults of a, 271 el seq.
Sikh war, the first, 263 ei seq.
Sindhanwalia family, the, alliance
of the Dogra family with, 217
— defection of, 234, 246.
Slave-dealers, a party of, 35.
Slave-markets of Turkestan, the,
103.
INDEX. 359
Smyth, Colonel Garmichael-, 208, Usbuk Beg, 87.
277. Uskumbak, 151.
Sobraon, events after the battle Ustum valley, the, 150.
of, 270.
Srinagar, 155, 156. Van Cortlandt, Oeneral, 338, 339,
StXavier, Oardner sent to a Jesnlt Ventora, General, 178 6/ fn., 180,
school at, 16. 183, 185, 202, 264, 300, 304-
Steinbach, Colonel, 351. 311.
Strathnairn, Lord, 280.
Sturzky, M., 24, 25, 41, 42, 44. Wazirabad, 178.
Snchet Singh, 254 — heroic death Waziris, the, 196.
of, 255. White officers, the, of Maharaja
Saltan Muhammad Khan, 173, Banjit Singh, list of, 295 —
175. some accoont of, 297 et aeq.
*< Swapping " news, an interesting Wholesale murder, a striking in-
case of, 244. stance of, 247.
Syad Ahmad, 166 et seq. Wild, Oeneral, 241.
Syad, the. See Mir AU Shah. Wilson, Andrew, author of < The
Abode of Snow,' 280.
** Talleyrand of the Panjab, the,** Wolves, attack by a pack of, 115.
263. Women of Kafiristan, beauty of
Tej Singh, 263, 267, 277. the, 124 et fn.
Therbah, the faithful servant of Wood, Captain John, 130 fn.
Colonel Gardner, 35, 42, 46,
96, 114, 156, 162, 164. Yak, herds of, 152, 153— taU of
Therbahs, the, 33 et seq. the, held in high estimation in
Therman Khan, 34. India, 153.
Thomas, Colonel, 347. Yamunyar river, the, 151, 154
Turkoman marauders, a party of, et fn.
38. Yarkand, 154.
Younghusband, Captain, 100.
Ura-tube, 46, 60. Yule, Sir Henry, 7, 100.
Urd Khan, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41,
45. Zaruth Nao, 106, 108.
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