Full text of "Soldiers in King Philip's war; being a critical account of that war, with a concise history of the Indian wars of New England from 1620-1677, official lists of the soldiers of Massachusetts colony serving in Philip's war, and sketches of the principal officers, copies of ancient documents and records relating to the war, also lists of the Narraganset grantees of the united colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Conneticut; with an appendix, 3d ed., with additional appendix containing corrections and new material"

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REYNOLDS ^^^-■^fI>iS^
GENEALOGY COLLECTION

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 00857 7790

^M/:<T>-^ ^^ . I o £K^L^

SOLDIERS

KING PHILIP'S WAR

A CRITICAL ACCOUNT OF THAT WAR

A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS OF
NEW ENGLAND FROM 1620-1677

OFFICIAL LISTS OF THE SOLDIERS OF MASSACHUSETTS COLONY

SERVING IN PHILIP'S WAR, AND SKETCHES OF THE PRINCIPAL

OFFICERS, COPIES OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS AND

RECORDS RELATING TO THE WAR

LISTS OF THE NARRAGANSET GRANTEES OF THE UNIIED
COLONIES

MASSACHUSETTS, PLYMOUTH, AND CONNECTICUT

WITH AN APPENDIX
rHIRD EDITION

WITH ADDITIONAL APPENDIX CONTAINING CORRECTIONS AND NEW MA lERIAI
BY

GEORGE MADISON BODGE, A. B.

) EX-CHAPLAIN

^ ILLUSTRATED

77 J X ^

6 3 V 4^-

BOSTON, MASS.

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR

1906

GEORGE MADISON BODGE

Q 1146197

i^ MR. JOHN WARD DEAN,

1 AT WHOSE SUGGESTION THIS WORK WAS AT FIRST UNDERTAKEN,

AND TO WHOSE KINDLY ADVICE AND
HELPFUL INTEREST

|v^^ IS LARGELY DUE ITS MEASURE OF SUCCESS,

Z^xB (pofume

IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED

BY THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION.

The principal purpose of the author, in preparing this volume,
has been the presentation of a concise and accurate account of
the events of the Indian wars in New England, with lists of offi-
cers, soldiers, military committees, scouts, and others engaged
therein, as full and correct as possible. Material has been drawn
from all available sources, viz. : The official records of the
three colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut;
Rhode Island, as a non-combatant community, not being counted
into the league. In addition to these sources, the Colonial Ar-
chives have been diligently searched for unpublished documents, as
well as the Registry, Probate, and Court Records, and documents
of the several counties. I have consulted all known published
histories and accounts of the early times : Bradford, the Mortons,
Prince, and Winthrop ; with diaries and " personal accounts," —
like those published by Capt. John Mason, Capt. John Under-
bill, Lieut. Lion Gardener, P. Vincent, and others, together with
later historians, — Hubbard, the Mathers, father and son, and
later yet, and of less authority, those like Benjamin Church.
Then again Town and Church Records, family bibles, and local
traditions have all been noted, and brought to give evidence.

The basis, however, of the main body of the work, the services
of the soldiers in Philip's War, is drawn from the ancient account-
books of Mr. John Hull, Treasure r-at-war of Massachusetts
Colony, from 1675-1678.

A word of explanation concerning these precious old books may
be in order here. In former times the books and papers kept by
public officers were retained by them, at the close of their official
terms, as their private property. It is not known just how these
books were handed down, but the Journal, the most important,
was discovered in the possession of Dr. Daniel Gilbert, Boston,

by Mr. Isaac Child, and at his suggestion, kindly transferred
to the New England Historic Genealogical Society, about fifty
years ago. Two Ledgers, belonging to the same set of accounts,
were acquired by the same society later, and have since been pre-
served in their safe, with many other precious documents. The
old Journal was in a dilapidated condition when found by Mr.
Child, and the society employed him to repair and index the
volume, which he did with great patience and skill. Many parts
of the book are now almost illegible, and few except experts can
reconstruct the names ; while other parts are as plain as on the
day of writing. This Journal contains accounts of debt and
credit with everybody who had any dealing with the Colony of
Massachusetts in relation to the war of 1675-78. The pages of
the Journal, after the first and up to the fourteenth, are missing,
but the first Ledger, fortunately, covers these pages so that it
is possible to restore them entire. The first accounts show the
names of those who furnished money, means, and material for
the war. Then follow the individual accounts of the officers,
soldiers, and others of every class, who served the Colony in this
war, under the general account, " Military Service." These
credits show that every soldier, on presenting himself to the pay-
master, must produce a certificate of service, or "debenture,"
signed by his commanding officer. Mr. Hull's system of book-
keeping was a quaint sort of " double-entry," or " mixed-method."
It was very exhaustive, giving to every species of transaction a
separate ledger account, as well as to every individual mentioned
in the Journal. Some of these accounts are very curious and
suggestive, for instance : " Bisket," " Liquors," " Ammunission,"
" Wast-Coats and Drawers," " Tobaco & Pipes," " Wounded
Men," " Contingencies," " Woolves," " Quakers," " Captives,"
"• Distressed-Dutchmen," " Scalpes," " Perquisites," " Queries."
Many pages are lost from the last part of this book, while the
time covered by the part left is much the most important of the
war. The Journal accounts extend from June 25, 1675, to Sep-
tember 23, 1676. The first Ledger, beginning with the above
Journal, contains now two-hundred and twenty double pages, on
which is posted about half the matter in the Journal accounts.
Both these books must have been originally much larger than at
present. There is a later mixed Journal-Ledger, covering the
years 1677 and 1678, in part, and indicating a closing-up of the

PREFACE.

war accounts. Further explanation is given on page 446 of this
volume.

In searching these books for the name of one who served in the
Indian war, the present writer discovered the importance of the
accounts in the matter of the Indian war of 1675. Every soldier
who served in that war is credited with military service, and the
name of the officer under whom or the garrison at which he
served is given in the credit. The date at which payment is
made is given in the " Cash " account, but the time and place of
service is not designated, nor is the residence or any further
information about the soldier given. Some of the soldiers served
at different times and under different officers. The best method
therefore of arranging the men in companies was found to be that
of following the names of the officers as they occur in the credits.
The names were thus gathered from the Journal, and placed in
companies with their officers. Then the fortunes of each com-
pany were followed as carefully as possible throughout the sev-
eral campaigns of the war. But it was found that a great
amount of unpublished material is still preserved in our State
Archives, County and Town Records, and elsewhere ; and tliis,
in the light of the great number of names identified in these
credits as soldiers, becomes available and interesting as history.
Additional material has been gathered and incorporated here
from all sources, whenever it would add to the sum of knowledge
concerning the war.

The officers and soldiers, many of them, served in several,
some in all, the different campaigns ; and thus, in following their
fortunes, it was necessary to go over the same events many times,
so as to marshal the various companies in order in the military
operations.

It will be seen that by this method of arrangement a great
amount of important material has been massed together con-
veniently for the study of history, while the story of the war has
not been followed by consecutive events, but according to the
experience of individual officers and companies. This incon-
venience has been obviated by the preparation of the Introductory
Chapter, which presents the course of events in consecutive
order.

The first edition of the work was published in 1892, and soon
exhausted. By numerous applications for the book, and by the

PREFACE.

advice of many who knew the value of the work, I decided to
issue a second edition, though this involved the expense of
reprinting the volume entire. Contemplating at first only the
reissue of the former work, I expected that two months would
be sufficient time to complete the matter. I soon saw, however,
the opportunity to immensely increase the value of the book by
including, in the Introductory Chapter, an account of the Indian
wars of New England from the beginning. The time and labor
involved in this addition are not seen in the result, but my
readers will be saved much time and perplexity by the matter
here gathered.

In revising and recasting the former work, I corrected all proof
by original documents, and was delighted to find that very few
corrections were needed. Having in mind the new demand for
critical accuracy imposed by the growing interest in American
genealogy and biography, and especially in the patriotic societies,
like the " Society of Colonial Wars," I have spared no pains to
make my book absoluteh'' correct. I have tested the lists of
names, the dates, and other matter, from Hull's accounts, and am
confident that they are entirely accurate. I have realized the
importance of absolute accuracy here, since any one who can
trace descent from one of these who are credited with military
service, has an indisputable claim to membership in the above-
named society.

Much new material has been added in the body of the work,
besides the new chapters at the end. The footnotes from the
former edition have been mostly embodied in the text. The lists
of the Narraganset Grantees have been collected by me after a
diligent research extending over many years. The old Proprietors'
Records are widely scattered, and several are in private hands,
but, with one exception, my lists are copied directly from the
original, and that list, — " Narraganset No. 1," was copied and
published by such a careful hand, and is so fully confirmed by
Hull's credits, that I consider it of the highest authorit3^ These
lists form an entirely new department, while logically following
the previous story of the great war of 1675-7.

There is no doubt that Plj'-mouth and Connecticut Colonies
had treasurers' accounts, like these of Massachusetts, and it is an
irreparable loss to history that none are found preserved. In
order to remedy this defect in a slight degree I have tried to

gather items relating to the wars in those colonies from every
available source. The " Voluntown lists " of Connecticut, and
those of Numbers 4 and 7 of Massachusetts, relating to Plymouth
Colony, will be found important additions.

Into the Appendix, as well as the " list of later credits," I
have tried to crowd all items bearing directly upon the Indian
wars of New England, in order to make my volume complete in
itself. I have given the lists of governors and deputy-governors
of the three colonies from 1620 to 1687. The " triple alliance "
for war with the Indians shut out the Rhode Island Colony,
" on doctrinal grounds," so that she won no glory in the war
save that which crowns the " Good Samaritan."

The Indexes have been prepared with utmost care for the
convenience and help of the readers, but no extended analysis
of the relations of names has been attempted. Cross-references
have been made in cases where the relation might not be readily
noted.

My new volume has grown to nearly one hundred pages
beyond the first promise to my subscribers, with an added
expense of several hundred dollars and a delay of some six
months. I am consoled by the thought that my present loss is
to be a permanent gain to my readers.

In the course of my labors I have received encouragement and
kindly assistance from many, some of whose names are mentioned
in connection with special favors : To Mr. John Ward Dean and
Mr. W. P. Greenlaw, of the New England Historic Genealogical
Society ; Dr. Samuel A. Green, Mr. Charles J. Hoadly, Mr. J. C. J.
Brown, Hon. George Sheldon, Mr. H. E. Waite, Mr. Walter K.
Watkins, Capt. Philip Reade, Mr. Seymour Morris, Mr. Howland
Pell, and many others, I wish here to renew the assurance of my
appreciation of their courtesy and kindness. To the members
of my own family, too, for their continued patient help, my word
of appreciation may properly be spoken here ; and especially
along these pages I shall always find familiar traces of the faith-
ful " vanished hand " of my beloved daughter. May Alice Bodge,
whose loving earthly service closed just before this volume was
completed. And to the advance subscribers, who have responded
with such ready interest to my prospectus, I wish to say that my
own satisfaction with the volume will be measured largely by
the satisfaction and help which they receive from it.

PREPACK.

One other element of satisfaction will enter into my enjoyment
of the completed work : I have been able, in the course of it, to
settle some disputed questions by the discovery of new testi-
mony, to assign to their proper places of honor some of the old-
time leaders, and to do some measure of tardy justice to many a
brave and true but long-forgotten name, by summoning again,
from their two centuries of oblivion, these dusky battalions of
the "First American Army," and marshalling them, "roster,
rank, and file," upon the permanent page of American history.

GEORGE M. BODGE.

Leominster, Mass., August 10, 1896.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

PACK

Giving a Concise History of i"he Indian Wars in

New England, 1620-1677 1

CHAPTER I.
Beginning of Hostilities, Capt. Henchman's Company, 45

CHAPTER II.
Capt. Samuel Mosely and his Company .... 59

CHAPTER III.
Cavalry Companies, or " Troops," of Capt. Prentice,

Lieut. Oakes, and Capt. Nicholas Paige » . 79

CHAPTER IV.
Major Thomas Savage, his Forces and Operations . 87

CHAPTER V.

Capts. Thomas Wheeler and Edward Hutchinson, at

Brookfield 102

CHAPTER VI.
Major Simon Willard, his Military Operations and

Men 119

CHAPTER VII.
Capts. Richard Beers, Thomas Lathrop, and their

Companies 127

CHAPTER VIII.
Major Samuel Appleton, his Operations and Men . 142

Xll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IX. PAGE

Capt. Isaac Johnson and his Company .... 159

CHAPTER X.
Capt. Joseph Gardiner and his Company . . . 164

CHAPTER XL
Capt. Nathaniel Davenport and his Company . . 168

CHAPTER XII.
Capt. James Oliver and his Company . . . .173

CHAPTER XIII.

Narraganset Campaign ; The " Swamp Fort " Battle, 179

CHAPTER XIV.
Close of the Narraganset Campaign ; The " Hungry

March " 199

CHAPTER XV.
Capt. Brocklebank's Company; Marlborough Garrison, 206

CHAPTER XVI.
Capt. Samuel Wadsworth ; The Sudbury Fight . . 218

CHAPTER XVII.
Capt. William Turner; The Falls Fight . . . 232

CHAPTER XVIII. I
Capts. Jonathan Poole, Thomas Brattle, and Com-
panies 258

CHAPTER XIX.
Capt. Joseph Sill and his Company .... 266

CHAPTER XX.
Various Officers and Companies 27()

CHAPTER XXI.
Major Richard Walderne's Operations and Men . 293

CHAPTER XXII.
Capt. William Hathorne and his Men .... 318

CONTENTS. Xlli

CHAPTER XXIII. PAGE

Capt. Joshua Scottow and his Black Point Garrison, 325

CHAPTER XXIV.
Capts. Benjamin Swett and Michael Peirse . . . 342

CHAPTER XXV.

Lancaster and other Garrisons; "Assignment of

Wages " 351

CHAPTER XXVI.
Philip, Canonchet, and other Hostile Indians . . 377

CHAPTER XXVII.
The '' Christian Indians " of New England . . . 389

CHAPTER XXVIII.
Narraganset Townships, Additional Credits, etc. . 406

APPENDIX A.

Additional Matter relating to the Three Colonies :

Plymouth Colony 455

Governors, 1G20-1692. Capt. Myles Standish. List of Cap-
tains and Lieutenants of Militia. Organization of Militia, etc.
Active Military Service in 1637 and 1615. Military Supplies, 1645.
Additional Items concerning Philip's War, in Plymouth Colony.

Connecticut Colony 464

Governors and Lieutenant-Governors, 1639-1689. Military
Affairs in Connecticut Colony. Lists of Soldiers. First Con-
necticut Cavalry. Military Officers previous to and during
Philip's War. Windsor Troopers, 1676. Roster of Officers of
Connecticut Militia.

Massachusetts Colony 469

Governors and Deputy-Governors. Earliest Military Affairs.
Captains Underhill and Patrick. Arms and Ammunition. Official
Roster of Militia, 1630-1637. Ancient Manual of Arms. Major-
Generals of Massachusetts, 1641-1686. Organization of the
Colonial Militia, some Years previous to and during Philip's War.
Capt. Mosely's " Volunteers." Sale of Indian Captives by Massa-
chusetts Colony.
Appendix B of Third Edition with Special Index . . 481

Index of Names . 487

Index of Places 500

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait of Rev. George M. Bodge . Frontispiece

Scene of Brookfield Ambuscade, Aug. 4, 1675 . Facing 111

Indian Assault on Ayres' Inn . "112

Map, including Line of March of Colonial Forces, " 184

Map showing Location of Great Swamp Fight . " 186

Memorial of Great Swamp Fight , . . . " 190

INTRODUCTOET CHAPTER.

CONTAINING A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN
WARS OF NEW ENGLAND FROM 1620 TO 1677.

THE first event in the Indian wars of New England, as related
to its settlement by our forefathers, occurred on the 8th of
December, 1620, while a company of the Pilgrims were
coasting along the shores towards Plymouth Bay, in their shal-
lop. The story is briefly, but graphically, told by Nathaniel
Morton, for many years clerk of the Colony, and the author of
what he called " New England's Memorial."

After relating their experiences in Cape Cod Harbor, during the
month of November, he says :

" On the 6th of December they concluded to send out their
shallop again on a third discovery. The names of those who
went upon this discovery were

" Mr. John Carver, Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Wins-
low, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Howland, Mr. Richard
Warren, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, Mr. Edward Tilly, Mr. John
Tilly, Mr. Clark, Mr. Coppin, John Allerton, Thomas English,
and Edward Doten, with the master gunner of the sliip, and three
of the common seamen. These set sail on Wednesday, the sixth
day of December, 1620, intending to circulate the deep bay of
Cape Cod, the weather being very cold, so as the spray of the sea
lighting on the coats they were as if they had been glazed ; not-
withstanding, that night they got down into the bottom of the
bay, and as they drew near the shore, they saw some ten or
twelve Indians, and landed about a league off them (but with
some difficulty, by reason of the shoals in that place) where they
tarried that night. Next morning they divided their company to
coast along, some on shore and some in the boat, where they saw
the Indians had been the day before, cutting up a fish like a
grampus ; and so they ranged up and down all that day, but
found no people, nor any place they liked, as fit for their settle-
ment ; and that night, they on shore met their boat at a certain
creek where they made them a barricado of boughs and logs, for
their lodging that night, and, being weary, betook themselves to
rest.

THE PILGKIMS "WARS.

" The next morning about five o'clock (seeking guidance and
protection from God by prayer,) and refreshing themselves in
way of preparation, to persist on their intended expedition, some
of them carried their arms down to the boat, having laid them
up in their coats from the moisture of the weather ; but others
said they would not carry theirs until they went themselves.
But presently, all on a sudden, about the dawning of the day,
they heard a great and strange cry, and one of their company
being on board, came hastily in and cried, Indians ! Indians I
and withal, their arrows came flying amongst them ; on whicli
all their men ran with speed to recover their arms ; as by God's
good providence they did. In the meantime some of those that
were ready, discharged two muskets at them, and two more
stood ready at the entrance of their rendezvous, but were com-
manded not to shoot until they could take full aim at them; and
the other two charged again with all speed, for there were only
four that had arms there, and defended the barricado which was
first assaulted. The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially
when they saw the men run out of their rendezvous towards the
shallop, to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon
them ; but some running out with coats of mail and cuttle-axes
in their hands, they soon recovered their arms, and discharged
amongst them, and stayed their violence. Notwitlistanding there
was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within
half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly amongst them ; he was
seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided, and stood
three shot of musket, until one taking full aim at him, made the
bark or splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after which he gave
an extraordinary shriek, and away they went all of them ; and so
leaving some to keep the shallop, they followed them about a
quarter of a mile, that they might conceive that they were not
afraid of them, or any way discouraged.

"Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and to give
them deliverance, and by his special providence so to dispose, that
not any of them was either hurt or hit though their arrows came
close by them ; and sundry of their coats, which hung up in the
barricado, were shot through and through. For which salvation
and deliverance they rendered solemn thanksgiving unto the
Lord."

This was the first battle with the Indians, and the scene of it
was called by them at that time " Fii^st Encounter." This
spot is in the present town of Eastham. They picked up eigh-
teen of the Indian arrows and sent them home to England by
" Master Jones." Some of the arrows were headed with brass,
some with hart's horn, and some with eagle's claws. It was
late at night, and in a heavy storm, that they with much
difficulty made what is now Plymouth Harbor, and lay-to
under the lee of the Island, which they named " Clark's Island,"

THE PILGRIMS AND MASSASOIT. 3

because Mr. Clark of their company was the first to step ashore
next morning. Here they remained the next day, and here, on
the next, kept the memorable Sabbath.

The following Monday they explored Plymouth Bay and re-
solved on this locality for their settlement, and so returned to
their ship at Provincetown Harbor.

The Landing of the Pilgrims was made on Dec. 21, 1620, at
the place known to the Indians as Patuxit, noAv Plymouth.

During the terrible scenes of the following Winter, the Indians,
from time to time, showed themselves at a long distance watch-
ing their movements,but not troubling. In March, however, the
famous Samoset came boldly into their midst and addressed them
in broken English. He made them understand that he was from
the Eastern part of the coast, and had known certain English
fishermen, from whom he had learned the language. He was
veiy friendly and helpful to the Pilgrims ever aftervv'ar>]s, in
many ways. He told them of another Indian, Squanto or Tis-
quanto, of the tribes near this place, who had been iii England,
and could speak English better than himself. Kindly entertained
by the English, he came to them again shortly afterwards, bring-
ing some other Indians with him, and announced a visit to be
made in a few days by tlie great Sachem, Massasoit, who came
five days later, with the above-mentioned Squanto, and the chief
of his friends and attendants. Massasoit was Sachem of wliat
had been a large and powerful peojile, but now greatly weakened
by the fearfid devastations of a plague, which had swept away a
large part of his tribes along the coast, a few years only before
the English landed at Plymouth. His residence, at this time,
was at Sowams, or Sowamset (now a part of Barrington, K.I.).
His dominion extended over the Massachusetts tribes as far as
the Charles River, and it is supposed that the Pawtuclcet was
the boundary between his people, known as the Wampanoags,
and the Narragansets. The Cape Indians gave him allegiance,
and all that part of Rhode Island east of Narraganset Bay. One
residence of his was at Mount Hope, not far from the present
city of Fall River, which became afterwards the permanent resi-
dence of his son Philip, or Metacom. On the occasion of Massa-
soit's visit, a treaty of peace was ari'anged between him and the
English. This treaty was for help against other tribes and out-
side enemies : a league, indeed, for natural protection. It was
the first treaty ever made in New England, and was the most
important. The Wampanoags, in their present weakened condi-
tion, feared the power of the strong and warlike Narragansets, so
that this league of defence was as necessary to them as to the
English; and to the small band of Pilgrims it meant nothing less
than their salvation, since it threw their frontier fifty miles away
instead of one, and united their interests with a great tribe, who
were made strong by this league itself. After this treaty,

4: THE PILGKIMS WAKS.

Sqiianto remained at Plymouth as the interpreter and counsellor
of the English. The treaty was faithfully kept by Massasoit
while he lived. The dominion properly belonging to the Wam-
panoags was known as Pokanoket.

The next trouble had with the Indians, after this treaty, was
caused by an Indian chief named Corbitant, who lived near
Nemasket, now Middleborough. Squanto had been joined at
Plymouth by another friendly and influential Indian named
Hobomak, and the two were sent out as agents of the English,
among the tribes, to manage their trade in fur and other com-
modities. Corbitant provoked a quarrel, and attempted to stab
Hobomak, who escaped to Plymouth and reported the assault,
and his fears that Squanto had been slain. Immediately Capt.
Miles Standish and fourteen men marched to the Indian town
and beset the wigwam of Corbitant, but found him gone. But
they found Squanto had not been killed. In the attack upon
Corbitant's wigwam, two or three of the natives were unin-
tentionally wounded, and these were brought to Plymouth, and
kindly cared for by the English. After this, several of the sur-
rounding chiefs came in and declared their friendship, and
Corbitant himself, through Massasoit, sought to make peace with
them. In September of this year (1621) a shallop was fitted
out with ten men, and Squanto as guide and interpreter, and
explored Massachusetts Bay along the shores of Dorchester,
Boston, and the peninsula between the Mystic and the Charles
Rivers. They were welcomed to this vicinity by Obbatinewat,
the Sagamore of Shawmut. He accompanied them across the
Charles River, and they tried to find the Squaw-Sachem of the
remnants of the Massachusetts tribes, widow of the great Sachem,
Nanepashemet, but were unsuccessful.

During November, 1621, a messenger came from the Narra-
gansets, bearing a challenge to war, as Squanto explained it, —
a snake-skin filled with arrows. For answer, Gov. Bradford
filled the snake-skin with powder and bullets and sent it back to
the Sachem, Canonicus, with the word that he was ready for
either war or peace. Then the Pilgrims fortified their houses
with palisades and set a guard at night, and arranged their
fighting force in order for defence. During the Summer of 1622
they built a timber fort, " strong and comely, with flat roof and
battlements ; " upon this, ordnance was mounted, and a watch
kept. The fort also served as a place of worship. The
" unruly " company, which came in Robert Cushman's ship, in
1621, and had lived upon the hospitality of the Pilgrims through
the Winter and Spring, reducing their Colony to the verge of a
famine, went away in August, to form a new plantation at a place
since called Weymouth, under the grant to Mr. Thomas Weston.
These colonists proved to be an indolent and wayward set,
abused the confidence of the Indians, and finally caused a

CAPT. STANDISH AT WEYMOUTH.

threatened outbreak, which rumor having come to the ears of
the Governor, by a message from Massasoit, by Hobomak, Capt.
Miles Standish, with a company of eight men, with Hobomak as
guide, — for he woukl not excite tlie suspicions of tlie Indians
with a hxrger company, — marched to Wessaguscus (Weymouth),
whence a certain Phineas Prat had fled, half famished, and disclosed
a pitiful story of the destitution of Mr. Weston's colony. Capt.
Standish found these men in great suffering, but not suspecting
any plot of the Indians. Hobomak had discovered that the gen-
eral assault upon the settlers was to be begun here upon the
weakened and helpless men of Wessaguscus, and then this should
be the signal for a general attack of all the tribes in the league,
no less than seven distinct tribes being in the plot.

Soon after the arrival of the Captain and his men, an Indian
came into the settlement as if for trade, and soon went away
without molestation ; but the Captain suspected that he knew
the purpose of their coming. Soon after, Peksuot, a chief of
bold spirit, came in and told Hobomak that he understood that
Capt. Standish had come to kill him and the rest of the
Indians there, and dared him to begin. Then Wittuwamet and
other Indians, in increasing numbers, began to come amongst
them, growing more and more insulting, flourishing their knives
and boasting of their strength. Finally, after bearing with their
insults a long time, the Captain and his men managed to get
Peksuot and Wittuwamet into a room together, with a few
others, and then made a sudden attack upon them, disarmed and
killed them, Peksuot being slain with his own knife, in the hands
of the Captain, and Wittuwamet by the others. They then
gave orders to Weston's men to kill the Indians with them, of
whom they killed two. Then the Captain and his men began a
general hunt for all Indians about, intending to make a sweep
of all; but the Indians, getting news of the intention, fled.
Winslow and Standish have been blamed for this sanguinary
performance, but it was probably a question of killing or being
killed, with them.

The English believed that for their own safety they must try
to strike terror to the tribes, so they set the head of Wittuwamet
upon the battlements of their block-house. The terror inspired
by the English guns was so great, that many of the Indians fled
into the swamps and woods, and many perished from cold and
hunger, in their wanderings.

However harsh these measures may appear to us now, we have
to remember the precarious situation in which the Pilgrims were
placed, — a small hamlet on the shore of a vast unknown wilder-
ness, with countless hosts of savages swarming about, and only
restrained by a wholesome fear of the English firearms and the
sturdy courage of Standish and his "men-at-arms." The Pil-
grims themselves had hitherto treated all Indians who came in

b THE PEQUOD WAR.

a friendly manner, with kindness and justice. The roystering
sailors, who had spent a Winter in the Colony, and the unruly
elements of Weston's men, had cajoled, cheated, quarrelled with,
and abused the Indians who came to trade, and those Indians,
who were jealous of Hobomak and Squanto and Massasoit, took
these occasions to organize a revolt, by which there was good
evidence to show that they meant the total destruction of the
English settlements. Wary and prompt action was a necessity
at that time. The event proved the strategic wisdom of the
action, however unchristian it seems ; for such dread of the
English, and respect for their prowess, was inspired, that for
many years there were no notable revolts of the neighboring
Indians.

The Pequod Indians caused the next trouble for the Colonies,
and at one time seemed so formidable as to threaten their de-
struction. The Massachusetts Colony had been founded in
1630, and other flourishing plantations had been established at
Salem and in the vicinity of Boston. The Dutch had settled
at Manhattan, and made some attempts on the lower Connecticut
River. In a few years Massachusetts had grown to be recog-
nized as the leading Colony. In 1684 the Pequod Indians first
began to be troublesome. The}^ were a strong and warlike tribe,
who had come down the Connecticut River, years before, and
seized upon the best lands at its lower parts. They had, with
great cruelty, driven out the original tribes, and planted their
principal town on the river, " twelve miles to the Eastward of the
Connecticut River," which from them took the name of the
" Pequod River." They had committed depredations upon
the Dutch, and were at war with the great Narraganset nation.
The Sachems of the Pequods were Tatobam, and afterwards
Sassacus ; and of the Narragansets, Canonicus and Miantonomo.
The first overt act against the English was the killing of Capt.
Jolm Stone, whose vessel was coasting near the mouth of the
Connecticut River, in 1634. Capt. Stone was formerly of the
West Indies, but was known, rather unfavorably, both at Plym-
outh and Boston. He had committed some outrage against the
Dutch, and was accused of piracy. He started on a trading
voyage from Boston to the Eastward as far as York, where he
took on Capt. John Norton as an associate in trade, or as pas-
senger, and sailed towards Virginia ; but went into the Con-
necticut, and there, upon some trouble with the Pequods, was
overcome and slain with all his crew.

The Pequods, soon afterwards, sent messengers to the Massa-
chusetts Colony to engage in a treaty of peace and friendship.
Wlien the above crime was laid to their charge, they claimed
that it was done in self-defence. The magistrates demanded that
those who had part in the murder should be surrendered, but
were not very strenuous in pressing the claim, as the Indians told

OLDHAM KILLED AT BLOCK ISLAND. 7

them that only two of those who had part in the act were left.
The Indians made presents of "much wampum and beaver."
The treaty was concluded, and it was promised that the English
would send a ship to trade with them, and would negotiate a
treaty for them with the Narragansets, which they much desired,
hut were too proud to propose, but were willing the English
should offer their foes a part of the wampum and beaver which
they brought. The Pequods had, at first, and up to about
1633-4, held the Narragansets in subjection, but the latter were
now at war and asserting their independence. The Pequods
had, some time before, cut off a party of Indians who were on
their way to trade with the Dutch, at their trading-house upon
the Connecticut River, and in retaliation the Dutch had captured
their old Sachem, Tatobam, and a small party of IncUans with
him, whom they killed. Tatobam was killed after Capt. Stone's
death, and was succeeded by Sassacus. The promised vessel was
sent out to the Pequods to trade. There is reason to think that
this vessel was in charge of Mr. John Oldham, a man who had
formerly caused trouble at Plymouth, being concerned in the
revolt of Rev. John Lyford, and afterwards exiled from that
Colony, and located at Watertown. He was of turbulent temper,
but good ability. From some cause he did not succeed in making
any advantageous trade with tlie Pequods, but secured a load of
corn from the Indians nearer home, and excited the jealousy of
certain of the Narragansets, so tliat when, next year, he was
cruising about with but two Indians and two English lads in his
crew, and ran in at Block Island to trade, a large body of the
Island Indians came on board and killed him. They overpowered
his crew and took his vessel, which they were robbing, when dis-
covered by John Gallop, of Boston Harbor, a skipper and pilot,
who with his vessel, coasting along, discovered Oldham's vessel
near the shore, and hailed, but received no answer, and then
observed that the craft was in possession of the Indians, who
were trying to get her under sail. Gallop, perceiving that they
had stolen Oldham's vessel, immediately sailed up towards them,
though having oidy his two boys and a servant for a crew, and
but two guns and two pistols, with buckshot for bullets. Sail-
ing close alongside, he opened fire and drove the Indians below
deck ; and making fast, went on board and discovered the body
of Oldham, wrapped in fishing-nets. There are two different
stories of this affair by contemporary writers ; one is that told by
Gov. John Winthrop, and the other by Rev. Thomas Cobbet,
of Ipswich, who had it directly from John Gallop, Jr., who was
with his father in the affair ; and afterwards, as Captain of a
Connecticut company, on Dec. 19, 1675, was killed at the
great Swamp Fight with the Narragansets. Capt. Gallop
killed, or di'ove overboard, most of the Indians, captured four,
one of whom he killed, and carried one away. By stress of

THE PEQUOD WAK.

weather he was obliged to cut adrift the craft, wliich he strijDped
of her rigging, leaving the other two Indians in the hold alive.
He sailed to Saybrook Fort, just built, at the mouth of the Con-
necticut, and there delivered his prisoner. The two Narragan-
sets, who had been with Oldham, had already escaped and
reported to Canonicus, who was Sachem of the Block Island
Indians, and he dispatched these two with the prisoner, and a
letter of explanation, written by Roger Williams, of Providence,
his friend, to Gov. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, saying that
he had already sent Miantonomo, with a strong force, to punish
the Block Islanders, and bring the murderers to justice. The Massa-
chusetts magistrates demanded of Canonicus the restoration of the
goods taken from Oldham, the retui-n of the two lads taken with
him, and vengeance upon the murderers. They suspected one
of the messengers, who had been with Mr. Oldham, but respect-
ing the rights of a messenger, sent Mm back safely. It was
found, by those who came with the boys from Miantonomo, that
seven of the Indians who had been killed by Capt. Gallop
were chiefs, and that the others, except the prisoner sent to them,
had escaped to the Pequods, who now sheltered them.

An embassy, consisting of Lieut. Edward Gibbons and John
Higginson, of Boston, with the Sachem of Massachusetts, Cut-
shamakin, was sent to treat directly with Canonicus, about John
Oldham's murder. They reported favorably of the honest}^ and
kindness of the old Sachem, on their return, but the magistrates
determined to send out an expedition, and themselves wreak
vengeance upon the people of Block Island. This expedition
was raised from Massachusetts, by order of the new governor,
Henry Vane. The Colonial records do not contain the account
of its raising and outfit. But Gov. Winthrop tells the story.
The force to be raised was ninety men, to be divided into four
companies, under command of Capt. John Underbill, Nathaniel
Turner, Ensign William Jennison, and Ensign Richard Daven-
port, and over all Jolui Endecott, Esq., was appointed gen-
eral, to command the expedition. This force sailed in " three
pinnaces " and " two shallops." They took two Indians as guides.
They had commission to land at Block Island, and put all the
men they could find to death, but to spare the women and chil-
dren and bring them away captive, and take possession of the
Island, and thence go to the Pequods and require satisfaction of
them, and demand tlie surrender of the murderers of Capt. Stone
and other English victims, and a thousand fathom of wampum,
for damages, with some of their children as hostages, and if they
should refuse, to take these things by force. All who went in
this expedition were volunteers. They executed their commis-
sion in part. Setting sail on Aug. 24, 1636, they arrived at Block
Island on the 31st, where tliej^ landed with much difficulty, find-
ing about forty Indians on the shore waiting to receive them,

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PEQUODS. 9

with their bows and arrows, which were harmless, our men
having corselets. Two only were wounded, one in the neck
and another in the foot. As soon as the English made a landing,
the Indians all fled. The Island is described as about ten miles
long, four broad, " full of small hills and all overgrown with
brushwood of oak." They could only march single file, and it
was impossible to get at the savages. They found two large
plantations, some three miles apart, and about sixty wigwams,
some well-built and large. There were about two hundred acres
of corn, some gathered in heaps, some left standing. They
spent two days in a vain search for the inhabitants, and then
burnt their wigwams and all their " matts," destroyed what corn
they could, spoiled seven canoes, and killed one Indian, as was
afterwards reported. Then they sailed to the Connecticut, and
being reinforced at Saybrook Fort with Lieut. Gardener, with
twenty men and two shallops, they sailed to Pequod Harbor,
where an Indian came, in a canoe, to ask " who they were,
and what they wanted." The General told him that they came
from tlie Governor of Massachusetts to speak with their Sachems.
He said that their Sachem, Sassacus, had gone to Long Island,
and was told to go and summon the other Sachems. Then the
English landed upon a rough and rocky shore, and soon the mes-
senger returned, and great numbers of the savages began to gather
about them until there seemed to be some three hundred, and
still the Sachems did not appear. At last, after several hours,
the General saw that they were but dallying, and announced his
demands, and said if they were not complied with at once, he
would fight them, and bade them begone and take care of them-
selves, for he had come now to fight. But he would not allow any
shot to be fired until they had time to withdraw from the par-
ley. Then our forces followed them, but they did not make any
stand ; only they would turn and shoot their arrows from behind
rocks and trees, but did no harm, while some of the English
killed two of theirs. So the English marched up to their town,
and burnt all their wigwams and matts ; but the corn was still
standing in the field, and could not be readily destroyed.
Returning at night to their vessels, on the next day they went
ashore on the west side of the river, and having destroyed some
wigwams and canoes, but finding no Indians, sailed away home-
ward. They arrived at Boston in September, without the loss of
a single man in the whole expedition. Cutshamakin, a chief of
the Massachusetts tribe, early residing in that part of Dorchester
which became Milton, went in this expedition as an interpreter ;
and while scouting with the English, waylaid, killed, and scalped
a Pequod. He carried the scalp to Canonicus, who sent it about
to his chiefs, thus signifying his approval of the deed and his
loyalty to the English. To the Pequods this meant a declaration
of war, and threw them at once into active hostilities against the

10 THE PEQUOD "WAR.

English and their allies. Not more than a dozen of their men
had been killed in the raid into their country, which they under-
stood to be a search for " Block Island fugitives ; " but this exjjloit
of Cutshamakin's meant war. This whole expedition cost Mas-
sachusetts only two hundred pounds, as the officers and soldiers
served without pay.

The Pequods now tried to make peace with the Narragansets,
but in vain. They sought to break up the new English settle-
ments, now being established on the Connecticut by settlers from
Pljonouth and Massachusetts, at Windsor, Wethersfield, and
Hartford, and had shown their hostility to the garrison at Say-
brook ; and now, when the Massachusetts tr(3ops retired, these
new towns and the garrison were left in a very critical situation;
and Lieut. Gardener complained of the affair to the Colonies.
When the English had reenibarked at Pequod Harbor, two of
his soldiers harl, somehow, been left behind, and were severely
wounded. The Saybrook garrison were in a state of siege for
many months ; and whenever they ventured from the fort, were
followed by the savages, with intent to lure them into ambush.
The only safety of the English, here, lay in their possession of
firearms, which struck terror to their enemies, and even with
these the Saybrook men came near being cut off on several oc-
casions. The authorities at Plymouth did not approve of the
action of Massachusetts, and wrote them, stating that they had
not accomplished any advantage by this expedition, but rather
stirred up strife to no good end ; which letter was answered' by
Massachusetts justifying their course. Lieut. Gardener wrote
a full and straightforward account of this expedition, which was
published. One young man, of Saybrook, Samuel Butterfield,
was captured at a short distance above the fort, and the place was
long known as Butterfield's Meadow. Another small party, a
few days later, was beset by a great company, and two were cut
off. John Tilly, master of a ship, a very strong man, was capt-
ured and tortured to death by the savages. Li April, 1637, the
Indians waylaid some of the people of Wethersfield, near the fort,
as they were going to the fields, and killed six men and three
women, and at the same time made captive two girls. Some of
their victims were killed with tortures, which roused the Colonies
to plans of retaliation, as well as measures for their safety. The
two girls were redeemed and returned by the Dutch, through
Lieut. Gardener.

April 10, 1637, Capt. Underhill with a company of twenty
men was sent to strengthen the garrison at Saybrook Fort, then
in command of Lieut. Lion Gardener. This was done at the
charge of the " gentlemen of Saybrook," and for the protection of
their plantations, by a vote of the Massachusetts Colony. Nego-
tiations were begun between Massachusetts and Plymouth about
joining in war against the Pequods, while plantations upon the

MASON MARCHES AGAINST THE PEQUODS. 11

Connecticut were constantly increasing, by additions from Bos-
ion and surrounding towns. Capt. John Mason, who in 1632,
as a lieutenant, had been sent to the Eastward in search of the
noted pirate, Dixy Bull, was made captain of the militia, in No-
vember, of the same year; removed to Windsor, Conn., with
Mr. Warham, in 1635, and there became the captain of their
military company, and the hero of the " Pequod War."

The three Colonies, having agreed to unite in a war against the
Pequods, and having engaged the Narragansets and other minor
tribes to serve with them, took measures to carry out their plans.
Massachusetts agreed to raise one hundred and sixty men, under
the command of Capt. Daniel Patrick, of Watertown, and Capt.
William Trask, of Salem ; while Capt. Israel Stoughton, of Dor-
chester, was chosen commander-in-chief of the expedition, and
Rev. John Wilson, pastor of the church in Boston, went as chap-
lain. Plymouth agreed to send fifty men, under Lieut. William
Holmes, as commander, and Rev. Tliomas Prince, as chaplain and
counsellor. Thirty of these men were to be sent for land service,
and as many others as should be required to manage the barques.
The list of names, and further particulars about the preparations,
will be found in the Appendix. It may be said here that before
these were ready, the war was nearly finished, so they were not
sent.

The towns on the Connecticut River, Windsor, Hartford, and
Wethersfield, being most concerned in this war, were most for-
ward in its prosecution. May 1, 1637, the General Court at
Hartford voted "an offensive war against the Pequods." On
May 10, 1637, ninety men had been raised in these three towns, —
forty-two from Hartford, thirty from Windsor, and eighteen from
Wethersfield, — equipi)ed for war, and under the command of
Capt. John Mason, of Windsor, and Lieut. Robert Seely (Sealy), of
Wethersfield, embarked on board " one Pink, one Pinnace, and
one Shallop," with the Sachem Uncas and seventy of his Mohegan
Indians along as allies. The water of the river being low, the
vessels often ran aground, which made the progress so slow that
the Indians grew impatient and asked to be set ashore to go
on foot to Saybrook Fort, which was done. When the Indians
reported at the fort, Lieut. Gardener distrusted their hon-
esty, and demanded some proof of their good faith. So
Uncas sent out a war-party, who found six of the Pequods, four
of whom they killed, one escaped, and another they brought
captive to the fort, where he was put to death. This victim's
name was Kiswas. On Wednesday Capt. Mason with the Con-
necticut force arrived at the fort, and on Friday set sail for Nar-
raganset. At Saybrook Fort Lieut. Gardener had reinforced
their company with Lieut. Underbill and twenty of his best
men, with such supplies as they needed, and sent Mr. Thomas
Pell with them as surgeon. Twenty of the least serviceable of

12 THE PEQUOD WAR.

Capt. Mason's men were sent back to the plantations to
strengthen them. The Mohegans sailed with them. They ar-
rived at Narraganset on Saturday evening and there " kept the
Sabbath." They lay wind-bound off shore until Tuesday even-
ing, when they landed and marched about five miles inland to
the residence of the Narraganset Sachem, Canonicus, to whom
Capt. Mason apologized for marching into his country with an
armed force without giving him previous notice. He requested
permission of the Sachem to pass with his troops through his
dominions, and declared his purpose of making war on the
Pequods, on account of the outrages against the English. Canon-
icus received them kindly, but warned them that the Pequods
were strong and crafty warriors, many hundred in number,
and now securely entrenched in two great forts. Having gained
the permission desired, they marched, on Wednesday morning,
to a place called Niantick, on the Pequod frontier, where the
Narragansets had a fort. The Indians here appearing somewhat
inhospitable, Capt. Mason placed guards about their fort, so
that they might not be able to carry news of his design to the
enemy. Here they passed the night. In the meantime a mes-
senger had come from Capt. Patrick, who was at Providence,
with a company of forty men from Massachusetts, a part of the
force to be sent from that Colony upon the present expedition.
He requested Capt. Mason to wait for him to join his force,
but did not tell when he would come.

Capt. Mason and his officers in council decided that secrecy
and haste were more valuable than the additional numbers, and
so determined to push forward with their present force. In the
morning there came a party of the Narragansets from Mianto-
nomo, nephew and associate Sachem of Canonicus, who offered to
join and assist in their design. Then the Indians in the fort
came out and engaged with them for the same end. About eight
o'clock on Tuesday morning, with seventy-seven English and a
company of near five hundred Indians, they marched twelve
miles to a ford of the Pawcatuck River, where they halted for a
rest. Here many of the Narragansets turned back. The heat
being extreme, another halt was made about three miles farther
on, and a council was called to decide the method of attack.
Uncas, and the renegade Pequod " Wequash," their guide, were
consulted ; who told them of two strong forts of the Pequods,
several miles apart, and the}^ decided, at first, to attack both at
the same time ; but finding the farthest so distant, and the troops
so weary with the heat and the long march, that they could
hardly reach it before midnight, they were forced to choose the
nearest. This was a disappointment, as they heard tliat Sassa-
cus, the chief Sachem of the Pequods, was at the distant fort.
Marching silently towards the nearest fort, they halted, about
one hour after dark, in a small valley and there made their camp.

CAPTURE OF THE PEQUOD FOKT. 13

Posting their guards around the camp, and at some distance in
front, they rested upon their arms until dawn. Their outposts
reported that they could hear the Pequods, in their fort, shout-
ing and rejoicing after their manner, till past michiight ; the
cause being the supposed flight of the English, whose vessels
they had seen sailing to the Eastward. At break of day the
soldiers were mustered quickly and silently for the battle, the
Indians keeping far in the rear. After marching about two
miles, and not yet seeing signs of the fort, Capt. Mason called
Uncas and Wequash to him, and they pointed out the fort at the
top of a high hill close at hand. He told them to ask the
Indians not to fly and leave them until they had seen whether
Englishmen would fight. Then forming their line of battle, they
marched in two divisions, Capt. Mason intending with the first
to gain the entrance at the North-east, and Capt. Underhill that
at the South side. Capt. Mason's company approached within
one rod of the palisade, before any alarm was sounded from the
fort. Then, as he relates, they " heard a dog bark, and an Indian
crying Owanux ! Owanux ! which is. Englishmen ! English-
men ! " And now I will quote from Capt. Mason's own words :

We called up our Forces with all expedition, gave Fire through the
Pallizado upon them ; the Indians being iu a dead, indeed in their last
Sleep. Then we wheeling off fell upon the main Entrance, which was
blocked up with Bushes about Breast high, over which the Captain
passed, intending to make good the Entrance, encouraging the rest to
follow. Lieutenant Seeley endeavoured to enter ; but being somewhat
cumbred stepped back and pulled out the Bushes and so entered, and
with him about sixteen Men. We had formerly concluded to destroy
them by the Sword and save the Plunder.

Whereupon Captain Mason seeing no Indians entred a Wigwam ; where
he was beset with many Indians, waiting aU opportunities to lay Hands
on him, but could not prevail. At length WiUiam Heydon espying
the Breach in the Wigwam, supposing some English might be there,
entred ; but in his Entrance fell over a dead Indian ; but speedily
recovering himself, the Indians some fled, others crept under their
Beds : The Captain going out of the Wigwam saw many Indians in the
Lane or Street ; he making towards them, they fled, were pursued to the
End of the Lane, where they were met by Edward Pattison, Thomas
Barber, with some others ; where seven of them were Slain, as they
said. The Captain facing about, Marched at slow Pace up the Lane he
came down, perceiving himself very much out of Breath ; and coming
to the other End near the Place he first entred, saw two Soldiers stand-
ing close to the PalUzado with their Swords pointed to the Ground : The
Captain told them that We should never kill them after that manner :
The Captain also said, We must Burn them ; and immediately stepping
into the Wigwam where he had been before, brought out a Firebrand,
and putting it into the Matts with which they were covered, set the
Wigwams on Fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nicholas Omsted

14 THE PEQUOD WAR.

beholding, came up ; and when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians
ran about as most dreadfully Amazed.

And indeed such a dreadful Terror did the Almighty let fall upon
their Spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very Flames,
where many of them perished. And when the Fort was thoroughly
Fired, Command was given, that all should fall off and surround the
Fort ; which was readily atteudr'd by all ; only one Arthur Smith being
so wounded that he could not move out of the Place, who was happily
espied by Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued.

The Fire was kindled on the North East Side to windward ; which
did swiftly overrun the Fort, to the extream Amazement of the Enemy,
and great Rejoycing of our selves. Some of them climbing to the Top
of the Pallizado ; others of them running into the very Flames ; many
of them gathering to windward, lay pelting at us with their Arrows ;
and we repayed them with our small Shot : Others of the Stoutest
issued forth, as we did guess, to the Number of Forty, who perished
by the Sword.

Wliat I have formerly said, is according to my own Knowledge, there
being sufficient living Testimony to every Particular.

But in reference to Captain Underbill and his Parties acting in this
Assault, I can only intimate as we were informed by some of them-
selves immediately after the Fight. Thus, They Marching up to the
Entrance on the South West Side, there made some Pause; a valiant,
resolute Gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the Gate, say-
ing. If we may not Enter, wherefore came we here ; and immediately
endeavoured to Enter ; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian which did
impede his Entrance ; but the Indian being slain by himself and Ser-
geant Davis, Mr. Hedge Entred the Fort with some others ; but the
Fort being on Fire, the Smoak and Flames were so violent that they
were constrained to desert the Fort.

Capt. Underbill also wrote a full account of the battle,
which differs but little from that of Capt. Mason. He says
that they found the South entrance stopped up with " arms of
trees." It seems that the Indians had made a rude " abattis "
with the tops of trees turned outward, the trunks buried with
rocks and earth. This made a very effectual barrier to an attack
from without, when defended from within. Capt. Underbill
advanced to these and tried to pull them away, and then com-
manded his men to lay hold of them, which they did, and
removed them and entered the fort, without his command.
Among those first entering was " one Master Hedge," who was
attacked by a powerful savage, and was shot through both arms.
Capt. Mason speaks of this young man as having performed a
very brave act, and a contemporary writer, in London, gives
account of the battle, in which he rather slurs Capt. Underbill,
and makes this Hedge the leader of the attack at the South
entrance. Capt. Underbill resented tliis story bitterly, and
denied that he asked the question "Shall we enter? " as this last
writer reported. He says that with his soldiers he entered the

BURXING OF THE PEQUOD FORT. 15

fort, and with Capt. Mason entered the wigwam, and received
a wound from an arrow, in his left hip, though having on "a
sufficient buff coat." He describes the fight as very desperate
and brave on the part of the Indians. " Most courageously these
Pequeats behaved themselves," he says. And he declares that
their bows and arrows were by no means to be despised, as they
used them there. "Bat seeing the fort was too hot for us," he
says, '' we devised a way by which we might save ourselves, and
prejudice them." Capt. Mason set fire to the wigwams with
a firebrand, and he " with a train of powder," the two columns
of fire meeting in the centre of the fort. The fire was so hot
that it burnt the bowstrings of the Indians and left them defence-
less. If any escaped the English, they fell into the hands of the
Mohegans or Narragansets, to be cut down without mercy. He
says, "■ Many courageous fellows fought most desperately through
the palisadoes, while scorched and burnt by the flames ; mercy
did they deserve for their valor, could we have had opportunity
to bestow it." " It may be demanded, Should not Christians
huve more mercy and compassion? But I would refer you to
David's war. Sometimes the Scripture declareth women and
children must perish with tlieir })arents. We had sufficient light
from the word of God for our proceedings."

The number of the Pequods slain in this terrible fight has
been variously estimated. Cai)t. Mason thought six or seven
hundred. The Mohegans reported that there were four hundred
killed. Only seven escaped and seven taken captive. The whole
dreadful deed was completed in one hour from the beginning of
the attack.

Only two of the English were killed and about twenty
wounded. But after the fight, though victorious, the English
found themselves in trying conditions ; they were severely
oppressed with the heat, and thirsty, with no supply of water
and with scant su[)ply of food. They were told that Sassacus,
with a large force of Pequods, was hastening from the other fort,
and the Narragansets were in great trepidation to be gone.
They were uncertain about wluit time their vessels would appear,
or where. Just as the Pequods began to appear, and, maddened
by the awful calamity which had befallen their people, to attack
them with fury, they saw their vessels coming toward them with
a fair wind. The rear-guard, under Capt. Underbill, met the
enemy's attack so warmly, that they became more wary, and,
manoeuvring to outflank the English, came upon the Mohegans
and Narragansets, driving them to the shelter of the English
muskets. They kept up a fierce fight until within two miles of
the vessels in Pequod River, then withdrew.

Arriving at the shore, Capt. Mason and his little army, well-
nigh spent with their marching and fighting, were refreshed with
supplies from their vessels. Here they found Capt. Patrick, with

16 THE PEQUOD WAR.

his company of forty men, who had joined our vessels with his
own, a little before. He was evidently offended that he was not
waited for at Narraganset, and chagrined at the great success of
Capt. Mason. From Pequod Harbor the Narragansets were sent
home by sea, while Capt. Mason, with the few able-bodied men
of his company, marched overland to Saybrook Fort, with Capt.
Patrick and his company along. Capt. Underbill and liis men,
and the wounded, went by water. At the fort all were enter-
tained by Lieut. Gardener. Thence they returned to their homes
on the Connecticut, where they were received with great rejoicing.
Capt. Underbill, with his company of twenty men, whose term
at Saybrook had expired, sailed homeward to Massachusetts, and
on the voyage met the company of one hundred men, under Capt.
Israel Stoughton, sailing out to fight the Pequods. Capt. Patrick
awaited this force at Saybrook.

The Indian fort wliich was destroyed was at a place called
" Mistick," on a hill in the present town of Groton, Conn., known
since as " Pequot Hill." The battle was fought on Friday,
May 26, 1637.

It is said that the evening before the battle, a hundred and
fifty warriors from the other fort had come to this, in order
to start in force upon the war-path the next day ; either to follow
the English troops toward Narraganset, or to fall upon their set-
tlements on the Connecticut River. By this chance these had been
included in the general massacre. Capt. Mason relates that after
leaving their pursuit of the English near Pequod Harbor, the
Pequods returned in a body to the fort in which Sassacus re-
mained, where many of them began to upbraid him as the cause of
all their troubles, and demanded the destruction of himself and his
family. Wiser counsels prevailed, however, and they resolved to
leave their country, now encompassed by merciless, and, the}- con-
ceived, resistless, enemies. Burning their villages and everything
that could not be taken along with them, they retreated with
their main body to the Westward across the Connecticut River,
where they killed three Englishmen, after a stubborn fight, and
hung their bodies upon trees on the shore.

The main body under the Sachem, Sassacus, moved slowly
along the shore of the Sound, depending largely upon shell-fish
for food. Another division of the tribe, probably follo\^dng the
other Sachem, Mononotto, pushed farther into the country.
Mohegan and Narraganset scouts, at a safe distance, kept track of
them.

About one month after the battle, Capt. Stoughton, with
several vessels and one hundred and twenty men from Massachu-
setts Colony, arrived at Pequod Harbor, Here they were joined
by Capt. Patrick's company. While here, the Mohegans told
them of a large party of fugitives gathered at a place some twelve
miles up the river. The English marched up iu force, surrounded

stoughton's forces arrive. 17

these, and captured them without an attempt at resistance. The
number taken was about one hundred and four. Twenty-four of
these were men ; and twenty-two of these were taken on board the
vessel of the skipper, John Gallop, and " executed " just out-
side the harbor. Two were spared on condition of guiding the
English to the hiding-place of Sassacus. Proving unable or
unwilling to perform this service, they too, it is said, were put to
death. Of the eighty women and children, thirty-three were
allotted to their Indian allies, and the rest were sent home to
Boston, to be sold as slaves. In a written report of his progress,
made to Gov. Winthrop, Capt. Stoughton says :

By this Pinnace you shall receive forty-eight or fifty women and
children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, etc., concerning which
there is one, that is the fairest and hirgest that I saw amongst them, to
whom I have given a coat to cloatheher. It is my desire to have her for
a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, otherwise not. There
is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given
a coate. Lieut. Davenport desireth one, to wit, a small one. He de-
sireth her if it wiU stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the
Indian, desireth, a young little squaw, which I know not.

In closing his report Capt. Stoughton says :

At the present Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow, Capt. Mason, and thirty
men are with us in Pequot River ; and we shall next week join in seeing
what we can do against Sassacus, and another great sagamore,
Monowattuck. Here is yet good work to be done and how dear it will
cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other
with his company as dear as they can.

Capt. Mason writes that the Connecticut towns sent him in
command of forty men to cooperate with Capt. Stoughton, in the
further pursuit of the Pequods. From Pequod Harbor the Eng-
lish forces moved along the Sound, landing from time to time.
At " Quinnipiack " (New Haven) they saw a great smoke at
some distance in the woods, and landed, thinking that they had
discovered the enemy ; but their Indian scouts soon found that it
was only some friendly Indians burning brush. A Mohegan,
called Jack Eatow, going ashore, captured two Pequods, and
brought them on board.

There is a story that Uncas, on the way thither, captured a
small party of the enemy, one of whom, a sachem, he beheaded,
and lodged his head in a tree, where it hung for years. This
was upon a high bluff on the shore, a few miles below Guilford,
which has been known since as "Sachem's Head." Moving
westward, one of their Pequod spies proved faithful to them, and
faithless to his people. In token of his treachery, they named
this traitor " Luz " with grim humor ; and he guided them to a

18 THE PEQUOD WAR.

great company of the Indians, at a place called " Unquowa," now
within the town of Fairfield, Conn.

A large party of the fugitive Peqnods had imposed themselves
by force upon the local tribe, and were now with them at their
village, which was situated close to a great swamp. This swamp
is described as about one mile in circumference, and divided, by a
narrow strip of solid land, into two unequal parts. When the
advance-guard of the English approached, all the Indians with
one accord fled in dismay into the dense recesses of the swamp.
Seigt. Palmer, with a squad of the advance-guard, hastened
around by the smaller division of the swamp, to cut off escape by
that side. Lieut. Richard Davenport, of Salem, Capt. Trask's
company, with a few men rushed into the bushes, thinking to
push through to the wigwams which were on the other side, sud-
denly found themselves sinking in the miry ground, entangled in
the dense underbrush, and fiercely attacked by the savages.
Lieut. Davenport, Sergts. John Wedgewood and Thomas Sher-
man and others, were severely wounded, and only with the great-
est difficulty rescued from their perilous plight by the bravery of
Sergts. Edward Riggs, of Roxbury, and Thomas Jeffrey, of Dor-
chester. The main body of the troops then advancing, the whole
swamp was surrounded.

The line surrounding the swamp was, according to Capt.
Mason, a very long one, being formed at a wide distance from
the edge of the bushes ; but was soon lessened by cutting through
the narrow strip, thus shortening the "leaguer," and shutting the
Indians into the smaller swamp.

The brief skirmish at the beginning admonished the English
that they were now facing a brave and desperate foe, no longer
entirely at their mercy. There was a rumor also, brought back
by the two captive girls to Wethersfield, that the Pequods had
some sixteen muskets, which they might craftily discharge upon
their assailants unexpectedly. So they decided to hold a parley
with the foe. Thomas Stanton was sent to speak with them,
readily understanding their language, and offering to go upon
this service. He soon returned with about two hundred old men,
women, and children, including the local tribe. Then the war-
riors sent the challenge from the swamp, that they would fight it
out with the English to the end. And Stanton, going once more
to them, to urge terms of their surrender, was met with a fierce
volley of arrows so as scarcely to escape with his life. Then the
guards were set, and close watch kept all night with frequent
shooting on both sides. In the deepest darkness, about an hour
before the dawn, the savages massed their numbers, and, after
some desperate fighting, broke through Capt. Patrick's lines, and
escaped.

Capt. Mason speaks of Capts. Trask and Patrick, and also
Sergt. Stares, as having taken part in this fight, besides those

CLOSE OF THE PEQUOD WAR. 19

above named. On searching the swamp, they found but few-
slain. One hundred and eighty women and children were divided
between Massachusetts and Connecticut to be used as servants.
Two women and fifteen boys were sent to Bermuda, by Mr.
William Peirce, to be sold as slaves, but were carried by mistake
to " Providence Isle." Among the women taken was the wife of
the Sachem Mononotto, with her two children, whose demeanor and
behavior were such as to win the respect of even the most violent
Indian-haters. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, I
would suggest that Mononotto was in command of the Indians in
the swamp at Fairfield, and led the party, estimated by Capt.
Mason at seventy, which escaped. Sassacus and a party of his
warriors escaped to the Mohawks, but were set upon and killed
by them, and their scalps were brought to the authorities at Con-
necticut, from whom pieces were taken to Boston, by Mr. Pinchon
and Mr. Ludlow, who went hither to consult about the disposal
of the conquered remnants of the fallen tribe. They reported
the Pequods entirely dispersed and subdued, so as to be easily
managed by the people of Connecticut with the aid of the Mohe-
gans and Narragansets. Capt. Stoughton remained in the
Pequod country till near the last of August, and continued to
send his reports of proceedings, by which we see that they were
scouting, and destroying the enemy's crops and keeping the
wretched fugitives from returning to their former homes. Soon
after August 20th they sailed for home, landing at Block Island on
the way, and burning and destroying the poor homes and grow-
ing crops of the helpless Indians with useless cruelty. Then
they sailed homeward from their rather inglorious campaign, and
arrived in Boston on August 26.

This, in brief, is the story of the "Pequod War," gathered
from all available authorities known. To the comparatively
weak colonies of that day it threatened destruction. The prompt
and daring, though sanguinary work, of Capt. Mason and his
men, with the superiority of their arms, together with the hos-
tility of the other tribes for the Pequods, enabled them to strike
the crushing blow, which, practically, finished the war.

The result of this war was that the Indians of New England
were so dismayed at the resistless force of the English soldiers, that
for nearly forty years there was no further formidable outbreak,
though they knew that they were wronged, cheated, and oppressed
in many ways by the colonists. Some time after the war was
over, the actual number of the Pequods still surviving was found
to be about two hundred. In 1638, a treaty was concluded
between the Colonies, Narragansets, and Mohegans, by which
the surviving Pequods were equally distributed between the two
larger tribes, forced to adopt their names, and drop their own
forever.

The Pequod lands became the property of Connecticut Colony.

20 THE PEQUOD WAR.

These were hard conditions for a proud and warlike race to sub-
mit to. Especially hard was the case of those who were obliged
to submit to the rule of Uncas, whom they regarded as the real
cause of their downfall. They were a constant source of disturb-
ance between the two ruling tribes. At one time a party of them
withdrew from Uncas, and joining with a few Niantics, returned
to their old home and settled. Capt. Mason was sent out, and
with the aid of Uncas and his hundred Mohegans, and forty of
his own men, he despoiled them of their corn, newly harvested,
and drove them from their wigwams, which were burned.

The Pequods, about equally distributed between the Mohegans
and Narragansets, were a constant source of jealousy and trouble.
Canonicus and Miantonomo, as well as their ally, Ninigret, the
Niantic Sachem, distrusted Uncas as the pliant tool of the English,
and a constant spy upon themselves, reporting all their acts sus-
piciously and falsely. At last, in 1643, upon some special provo-
cation from Uncas, Miantonomo resolved to punish his enemy. He
led a large company of his warriors secretly into the Mohegan
country ; but the crafty Uncas was on his guard, having his spies
set as usual upon every move of the Narragansets. Selecting an
advantageous place, with his accustomed cunning, he concealed
a large number of his warriors behind rocks and bushes, and then
showed himself with a few, and signalled for Miantonomo to meet
him for a parley between the lines, pretending to propose a per-
sonal duel to settle the trouble. When he had lured his enemy
into the desired place, he gave his men the signal, by falling flat
upon the ground, and they at once leaped out from their coverts
and shot a furious volley of arrows at Miantonomo and rushed
forward to surround him. He, however, having on an English
corselet, was not harmed by their arrows, and turning fled towards
his own lines. His warriors did not withstand the furious charge
of the Mohegans, and in the flight he became separated from
them, and, cumbered by the heavy corselet, was overtaken and
overpowered by his foes.

Uncas would have administered punishment straightway, prob-
ably, had not a swift messenger come to him from Mr. Samuel
Gorton, of Warwick, threatening dire vengeance from the English
should he harm the captive Sachem in the least. While it is
probable that Mr. Gorton's threat saved the Narraganset Sachem
from immediate death, his friendship was harmful to the captive's
interests with the colonial authorities, who looked upon Gorton
as a heretic and outlaw. Uncas turned his captive over to the
custody of the court officers at Hartford, to await the session of
the United Commissioners in September, he being in the mean-
time committed to prison. Then this " Star Chamber " of the
Puritans took up the case, and by the most infamous decree which
blots the pages of New England historj^, condemned the brave
Sachem of the noblest of the native tribes to a cruel and shameful

ENGLISH PROTECT UKCAS, 21

death. Nothing can excuse the heartless prejudice and cold-
blooded injustice of the decision. He had been the faithful ally of
the English from the beginning. He had not truckled to them, like
the crafty and treacherous Uncas, but his course had been always
honorable and self-respecting. By the Court's decree Miantonomo
was given over, with cold brutality, to his mortal enemy to be
executed according to his will. And so he was led back into the
Mohegan limits, and near the scene of his capture, was killed with
a blow of the tomahawk, in the hands of a brother of Uncas. The
place of his execution is in the eastern part of the present town
of Norwich, Connecticut. The Narragansets never sought to
retaliate upon the English for this act of injustice. They under-
stood Uncas to be the author of their chief's overthrow, and bided
their time to mete out vengeance to him. There was always,
however, a feeling that the Narragansets had not forgotten nor
forgiven the death of their chief, and this suspicion was diligently
encouraged by the Mohegans. After the death of Miantonomo,
his young brother, Pessacus, succeeded him, and Ninigret, his
kinsman, and chief of the Niantics, became an influential leader
among the Narragansets ; and many of the Pequods assigned to
them had joined his tribe and added much to its warlike qualities.
While Miantonomo was in prison at Hartford, the Narragansets
had been encouraged by Uncas that he would liberate him upon
the payment of certain sums of wampum. These sums had been
gladly raised and paid to the crafty Uncas, who, in the end, repu-
diated the agreement, in which course he was afterwards supported
by the English, as in all other matters. In the spring of 1644,
Ninigret, having secured a number of guns and drilled some of
his men in their use, fell upon a large company of Mohegans and
slew a number, wounded many more, and so frightened Uncas that
he was obliged to call on his English friends to protect him.

He was shut up in his fort for a long time, fearing capture or
death from his foes. The English, nothing loath to find a pretext
for war against the Narragansets at any time, immediately began
to raise an armament to vindicate the cause of their favorite.
But Ninigret and Pessacus, the chief Sachems, now, of the Nar-
ragansets, appeared by their deputies at Hartford, and arranged to
cease hostilities until after planting next year. They promptly
renewed the war next year, or at least some slight acts were so
construed by Uncas in his report to the Colonies. Again the
Colonies advanced to his assistance, and promised to put forty
soldiers in the field at once for the defence of Uncas. These were
sent at once under the command of Lieut. Humphrey Atherton
and Sergt. John Davis. The commission of Atherton was simply
to protect Uncas in his fort, against his enemies. This company
was sent from Boston, and companies from Hartford and New
Haven were to join them in the Mohegan country. These were
only the advance of a much larger force which the Commissioners

22 THE PEQUOD WAK.

decided to raise. Great preparations were made, and officers com-
missioned for an invasion in force of the Narraganset country.

Major Edward Gibbons, of Charlestown, was appointed Com-
mander-in-chief, John Leverett, Captain of the Massachusetts
company ; Francis Loyal, Surgeon, and a levy of men was ordered
and companies were organizing and drilling in Boston, when a
delegation of Narraganset chiefs appeared before the Court to
explain matters and assert their friendship for the English, but
declaring their hostility to Uncas. Another partial treaty was
concluded by the Indians agreeing to pay a large indemnity for
the expenses of the preparation for war.

After the partial treaty of 1645, Pessacus withheld the Nar-
ragansets for several years, though Ninigret was constantly on the
alert to find cause and opportunity to strike the hated Mohegans.
Uncas, on his part, was constant in his comj^laints and rumors
of his enemy's evil designs. The smaller Colonies, Connecticut and
New Haven, were urgent in demanding the action of the United
Commissioners against the Niantics, and this, of course, involved
the other Narragansets. The payment of wampum to settle the
expense of the preparations of the Colonies against the Niantics
in 1645, to which Ninigret had agreed, was held over him as a
constant demand, severe, if not actually dishonest. Some of the
Pequods had escaped from servitude and taken refuge with him,
as a kinsman. The Long Island Indians, too, made complaints of
certain depredations against them ; and at last, in 1653, the Com-
missioners decided to declare war, and evidently meant to crush
the whole Narraganset people and reduce them to servitude as
they had the Pequods formerly. The Commissioners of Massa-
chusetts were in the minority, and were overborne by those of
the other three Colonies, who were strenuous for war. The Gen-
eral Court of Massachusetts supported their own Commissioners
in their decision that there was not a sufficient cause, as yet, for
war. As this Colony, on account of wealth and population, was
to furnish two-thirds of all means and men, her decision for the
time prevailed. Next year, however, September, 1654, the Massa-
chusetts Commissioners so far retracted as to join in sending for
Ninigret to attend them at Hartford and answer the complaints
against him. He refused to attend and declared his war against
the Long Island Indians to be just, as they had killed a Sachem's
son and sixty of his men. He demanded that the English "• let
him alone." It was, thereupon, voted to send a force of twenty
troopers and forty foot soldiers to enforce the Commissioners'
demands. It was also voted to levy two hundred and seventy
foot and forty horsemen out of the several colonies to prosecute
the war. Major Simon Willard, of Groton, was appointed to the
chief command of this force. The Massachusetts troops mustered
at Dedham October 9th and marched to Providence, and thence
along the westerly shore of Narraganset Bay to the Niantic

TROUBLE WITH NINIGRET. 23

country. The officers of the Troopers were Capt. Wm. Davis, of
Boston ; Lieut. Peter Oliver and Cornet John Stedman, while
Richard Waite was Commissary. The following officers were
appointed over such companies as were " to go out if neede should
require : " 1st. James Oliver, captain ; Roger Clap, lieutenant ;
John Hull, ensign ; and 2d, Sam'l Appleton, captain ; Rich.
Sprague, lieutenant ; Benjamin Sweet, ensign. Sergt. John
Barrell was commissary to the Foot Companies.

The New Haven and Connecticut contingent of forty men did
not reach them until the 16th, when Ninigret had had ample time
to retreat into his fastnesses, whence he could not be dislodged.

It seems by Major Willard's letter from " Paucatuck 19*^ of
8^^ Mo., 1654," that he was hampered by his lack of commission,
as it was taken for granted that Ninigret would be found at his
usual place ; he lacked information as to the charges against the
Sachem, the Connecticut men by Thomas Stanton being depended
upon to furnish details, who was unable. The Major, however,
acting with prudence and candor through friendly Pequods, suc-
ceeded in getting Ninigret to surrender all the Pequod subjects
who would leave him, and to permit them to set up an inde-
pendent tribal estate under the direction of the Commissioners.

Additional details of this affair, and the men engaged, will be
given in the Appendix. Major Willard secured a fairly satisfac-
tory covenant with Ninigret, and also an advantageous arrange-
ment with the subject Pequods, and returned to Boston and dis-
banded his forces on October 24th, being upon the service sixteen
days.

The Pequods were settled in separate communities, and rulers
appointed of their own, under the Colonial authorities. Cusha-
washett, alias Harmon Garrett, was appointed over the villages
at Paquatucke and Weguapeuge, and Robin, alias Casasinamon,
at Nemeacke and Naweacke. Later these were settled, the first
in Stonington, and the latter in what is now the town of Led-
yard. In 1850 the Ledyard settlement still retained 989 acres
of land, and twenty-eight persons of the greatly degenerated
Pequod stock ; in the Stonington, 240 acres and fifteen persons.

THE WAR WITH PHILIP OF MOUNT HOPE.

The next Indian war of New England, which claims attention,
is that of 1675-77, known as " King Philip's War ; " so called
from the name of the recognized leader of that war, whose
Indian name was Metacom or Pometacom, or Metacomet, but
whom the English called Philip. He was the second son of
Massasoit, who at the settlement of the English at Plymouth
and Boston seems to have been chief sachem of all the various
tribes and fragments of tribes living between the Charles
River and Narraganset Bay, and including that part of
Rhode Island east of the Bay, and also the Cape Cod tribes.
The rule of Massasoit was probably rather indefinite both as to
limits of territory and extent of authority over the subordinate
chiefs. While Massasoit seems to have been the acknowledged
head of the tribes within the limits above named, the league
between the chiefs of the tribes was evidently very loose, and held
mostly for convenience in defence, and perhaps for the settlement
of difficulties between individual tribes. The territory of this
Sachem was bounded upon the west by the Nipmucks and Narra-
gansets. But a very great proportion of this had been sold by
the Sachems before the opening of the war. Massasoit had sev-
eral children, three of whom are known to us by name : Wam-
sutta and Metacom, who came to Plymouth about 1656, and at
their own request received English names from the Governor,
who " christened " them " Alexander " and " Philip." A sister of
these was the wife of Tuspaquin, chief of the Namaskets ; she
was called by the English " Amie." Mention is made of another
son and also a daughter, but I have not proper authority for their
names. Alexander married a Sachem's daughter, or widow, of
the Pocasset tribe, and after his death, soon following Massasoit's,
1661 or '62, she returned to her own people, and ruled there with
influence and ability until the war ; when her second husband,
Petananuet, Petonowowett, or " Peter Nunnuit " (as he is some-
times called), took sides with the English, she, possibly reluc-
tantly, joined the fortunes of Philip, who had married her sister
Wootonekanuske, and had great influence with her.

Massasoit had always maintained a cordial and firm friendship
with the English ; and it would seem that Alexander also was
somewhat of his father's nature and disposition. The moment,
however, which saw Philip raised to the place of power, gave sig-
nal of a far different course of conduct on the part of the Wam-
panoag Sachem. The limits of his father's olden territory had
been greatly reduced before he came to power. The English had

SOME CAUSES OF PHILIP's WAR. 25

purchased and otherwise absorbed a large proportion of their
lands. Philip kept on selling and surrendering, till at last, as
early as 1670-1, he began to feel the pressure of civilization upon
their hunting and fishing grounds as well as cornfields. The
Court at Plymouth itself had interfered and forbidden the trans-
fer of certain parts of the Wampanoag territories, and thus
doubtless saved the Indians in various tribes a home. Pokano-
ket, tlie hereditary home, was thus saved to Philip's people ; and
here he lived at the time of the opening of the war. This place
was called by the English " Mount Hope," and it is now
embraced in the town of Bristol, R.I.

It will not be necessary to discuss the causes leading up to the
war. It is enough to say here, that the English had assumed the
government of the country, and followed their course of settle-
ment with small regard to the rights of the natives. In some of
the plantations, the settlers purchased their lands of the Indians,
as a matter of precaution ; partly that they might have that show
of title in case any other claim should be set up in opposition to
theirs, and partly to conciliate the savages, whose hostility they
feared, and whose friendship was profitable in the way of trade,
in furs and other products of the hunt. The Indians were always
at disadvantage with the English, in all the arts of civilized life.
The English paid no heed to Indian laws or customs or tradi-
tions ; and ruthlessly imposed their own laws, customs, and re-
ligious ideas, with no apparent thought of their intolerance and
injustice. They made treaties with the savages in the same
terms which they would have used had they been dealing with a
civilized nation. They made out deeds, in language which only
the learned framers themselves could understand. In brief, the
Pilgrims and Puritans mostly looked upon the Indians as heathen,
whose " inheritance " God meant to give to his people, as of old he
had dealt with Israel and their heathen. There were some, how-
ever, who, with Rev. John Eliot, believed that the Indians had
immortal souls, and that they were given to God's people to edu-
cate and save. But there was nothing which the rulers of the
Indians resented more persistently, nor complained of more fre-
quently, than the attempts of the Christians to convert their
people. Indirectly one of these converted Indians was the im-
mediate cause of the opening of hostilities. There were many
grievances of which the Indians complained ; but they had not
the foresight to see the inevitable result of the constantly increas-
ing power of the English, in their acquisition of land, and multi-
plying of settlements. It was only when they felt the pressure
of actual privation or persecution, that they began to think of
opposition or revenge. Their chiefs had been summoned fre-
quently before the English courts to answer for some breach of
law by their subjects ; several times the English had demanded
that whole tribes should give up their arms because of the fault

26 KING Philip's war.

of one or a few. The Indians lived mostly by hunting and fish-
ing, and at the time of the war used fire-arms almost wholly.
They had learned their use and bought the arms of the English,
nearly always at exorbitant prices. They were expert in the
use of their guns, and held them as the most precious of their
possessions. The order to give these over to the English, with
their stock of ammunition, was regarded by them as robbery, as
indeed in most cases it was, as they seldom regained their arms
when once given up. We can now see that from their standpoint
there were grievances enough to drive them to rebellion. But
our forefathers seem to have been unable to see any but their own
side. But now to the story.

John Sassamon (Mr. Hubbard says Sausaman) was the son of
a Wampanoag Indian who, with his wife and family, lived in Dor-
chester. They had been taught by Mr. Eliot, and professed the
Christian faith. The son John was the pupil of Mr. Eliot from
his early youth, and was made a teacher among the Christian
Indians at Natick. Mr. Hubbard sajs that " upon some misde-
meanor " there, he went to the Wamjjanoags, where he became
the secretary and interpreter of the chief, to whom he was a most
valuable assistant and trusted adviser. He was soon prevailed
upon by Mr. Eliot to return to Natick, where he became a
preacher, while still preserving friendly relations with Philip and
his tribe. In 1672-3 he was at Namasket as preacher among
the Indians, whose chief was Tuspaquin, whose daughter Sassa-
mon had married. While here he discovered that a plot was in
process, extending among many tribes, to exterminate or drive
away the English settlers from the country. This plot Sassamon
disclosed to the authorities at Plymouth, and afterwards the
story was told to tlie Massachusetts authorities ; and Philip was
summoned to answer to the charge. At the examination, where
nothing positive could be proved against Philip, he found by the
evidence that Sassamon had betrayed him, and he immediately
condemned him to death in his council. The sentence was car-
ried out January 29, 1674-5, while Sassamon was fishing through
the ice upon Assawomset Pond. His executioners were brought
to punishment, and it was discovered that the deed was done by
Philip's order. The trial was in March, 1675, and the principal
actor, Tobias, and his accomplice, Mattashunannamoo, were exe-
cuted as murderers, June 8, 1675 ; while Tobias's son, who was
present but took no part in the crime, was reprieved for one
month and then shot. After the execution of the two in June,
Philip threw off all disguise as to his plan, and pushed his
preparations as diligently as possible. The plan had been to com-
plete preparations and include all the tribes in New England, so
that a simultaneous assault could be made upon all the settle-
ments at once. This plan was spoiled, and probably the settle-
ments saved from destruction, by the impatience of the leader's

TROOPS MARCH TO MOUNT HOPE. 27

vengeance. Wliile Philip's preparations went forward, the
authorities thought best not to make any immediate military
demonstration further than the placing of a guard by the various
settlements to prevent a surprise. They thought Philip would
soon tire of holding his men in arms and training, so that they
could get him in their power. But his company increased, and
the younger warriors began to demand some open act of hostility.
At last they began not only to insult the English settlers in the
nearest settlements, by tlieir words of insolence and threats, but
to shoot their cattle and plunder their houses. The Indians in-
creased greatly in numbers, from the neighboring tribes, many
" strange Indians " appearing among them, and most of their
women and children being sent away to the Narraganset country.
At Swansy they appeared in considerable numbers, and used all
their ways of provocation to induce some act of resistance from
the settlers ; and at last, upon June 24th, one man was so en-
raged at the shooting of his cattle and the attempt to rifle his
house, that he shot at an Indian, wounding him. Upon this the
Indians began open and indiscriminate hostility, and on that day
eight or nine of the English at Swansy were killed and others
wounded. Two men were sent for a surgeon, but were waylaid
and slain, their bodies left upon the road. Messengers sent from
the English authorities to treat with Philip and prevent an out^
break, came upon the bodies of the men slain in the highway,
and speedily turned back. The Colonies awoke to the fact that
an Indian war was upon them, but supposed that a few companies
sent down to Swansy would at once overawe the savages and
reduce them to submission. A speedy muster was made, both at
Plymouth and Boston, and on the afternoon of June 26th, five
companies were mustering or on the march from the two colonies.
The details of the account of the war will be found in the body
of the f(jllowing chapters. Here only a brief outline of current
events can be given. The first company of infantry from Boston
was made up from the regular military companies of the town.
A company of cavalry, or '^ troopers," was gathered from the
regular organization in three counties. A third company, of
" volunteers," was raised about the town and vicinity, from all
sorts of adventurers, seafaring men and strangers, with a number
of prisoners who had been convicted of piracy and condemned
to death, but were now released to engage in fighting the In-
dians. Capt. Daniel Henchman commanded the first company,
Capt. Thomas Prentice the troopers, and Capt. Samuel Mosely
the "volunteers." These three companies marched out of
Boston on the 26th and 27th and arrived at Swansy on the 28th,
having formed a junction with the Plymouth forces under Major
James Cudworth and Capt. Fuller, these having been in the
field several days already. The forces quartered about the
house of Rev. John Miles, the minister at Swansy, whose

28 KING PHILIP'S WAK.

place was nearest the bridge leading over the river into Philip's
dominions. Some of the troopers that evening rode across the
bridge and had a slight skirmish with the enemy. On the 29th,
Major Thomas Savage arrived with another company of foot with
Capt. Nicholas Paige's troop. Major Savage took command of
the Massachusetts forces ; while, according to the custom in the
United Colonies, the senior officer of the colony in which the
forces were engaged at the time became commander-in-chief.
The present seat of war being in Plymouth Colony, Major Cud-
worth was thus the commander of the whole army. On June
30th, the troopers, supported by Mosely's company, charged
across the bridge for a mile into the woods, driving the enemy
before them into swamps, with a loss of five or six. Ensign Perez
Savage being severely wounded on the English side. This
charge so frightened the Indians that they fled, in the night, out
of their peninsula of Mount Hope, across the channel to Pocas-
set, now Tiverton, R.I., so that on the next day when the whole
force marched over into Mount Hope, and marched back and
forth sweeping the country with their lines, they found no
enemy. The forces were engaged several days in scouting the
neighboring country in search of the Indians, not yet knowing
that the main body were in Pocasset.

Then orders came from Boston for Major Savage's forces to
march into Narraganset, to enforce a treaty with that powerful
tribe, and prevent their junction with Philip. They found the
country apparently deserted, few except the very aged being left
in any of the villages. Neither Canonchet nor any of liis leading
Sachems could be found. The officers, however, spent several
days completing a very ceremonious treaty with some of the old
men whom they were able to bring together. Canonchet after-
wards treated the whole matter with scorn as being a farce.

In the meantime the Plymouth forces passed over to Pocasset
and found a body of Indians, and had a skirmish with them.
Capt. Fuller was in command, and Benjamin Church conducted
a part of the force, which became engaged with a much larger
force, and after hard fighting were drawn off with difficulty by
the tact and courage of Mr. Church, after inflicting serious
injury upon the enemy, and suffering little loss themselves.
After this the Indians retired into the swamps about Pocasset,
and were held at bay until the return of the Massachusetts
forces ; when all marched together for concerted action against
their enemies.

On July 18th the combined forces arrived at the Pocasset
swamp, and made a resolute attack upon the enemy concealed in
the thick underbrush, from whence at the first volley they killed
five and wounded seven of our men. After this voUe}^ the
enemy retreated deeper into the swamp, where it was impossible,
night coming on, to follow them. The commanders in council

PHILIP RETREATS TO POCASSET SWAMP. 29

concluded that they had the enemy now enclosed securely within
the swamp, whence it was impossible to escape, if a suitable
guard were left to watch. Major Savage and the Massachusetts
men returned to Boston, except Capt. Henchman's company of
one hundred men, who, with the Plymouth forces, remained at
Pocasset. Capt. Henchman began to build a fort there, which
might serve as a stronghold for the English and might guard
the entrance to the great swamp.

The English were deceived by the apparent easy conquest of
both the Wampanoags and Narragansets, and believed they had
overawed them and set their hostility at rest, and now might
take their own time in crushing Philip and thus finishing the
war.

Plymouth Colony had been engaged from the first in seeking
to conciliate the tribes, in their bounds, which were related to
Philip. Through the efforts of Mr. Benjamin Church, a resident
of Seconet, who was acquainted on pleasant terms with nearly
all the tribes in the colony, negotiations were held with Awa-
shonks the squaw-sachem of the Seconet Indians, and Weetamoo
the squaw-sachem or " queen " of the Pocasset tribe. Awashonks
and most of her people passed over into the Narraganset country
at the opening of active hostilities, and thus avoided joining
Philip ; but Weetamoo and her people were swept along with
him in his retreat towards the Nipmuck country. Plymouth
companies were abroad, too, scouting the country in the effort
to protect their settlements, exposed, like Dartmouth, Middle-
boro', etc. They also established a garrison at Mount Hope
after Philip retreated to Pocasset, to prevent his return. The
entrance of Philip into the Pocasset swamps compelled the
cooperation of the hesitating Weetamoo, and afforded him a safe
hiding-place to recruit and prepare for his flight northward.

In the meantime the Massachusetts authorities had begun
negotiations with the various Western tribes. Seven of the
principal towns had been visited and treaties made with each.
On July 16th Ephraim Curtis returned to Boston and reported
the Quabaugs gathered at a great island in a swamp beyond
Brookfield, and showing a defiant and hostile spirit. The
Council immediately sent Capt. Edward Hutchinson, escorted
by Capt. Thomas Wheeler and his mounted company, with
Curtis as guide, to find the Indians and bring them to terms.
The company, accompanied by some friendly Naticks, arrived at
Brookfield on August 1st, and immediately sent Curtis with the
guides to arrange for a meeting next day. The Quabaugs, whose
leader was the famous Muttaump, agreed to come next day to
a plain some three miles from Brookfield to meet the English.
The next morning, the company, with three of the chief men of
Brookfield, rode out to the appointed place, but found no
Indians. Urged by the Brookfield men, but against the earnest

30 KING Philip's war.

remonstrance of the Naticks, they rode forward towards the
place where Curtis met them the day before. But coming to a
narrow detile between a high rocky hill and an impenetrable
swamp, and riding single file, they found themselves caught in
a great ambuscade of the Indians, who let them pass along until
they were able to surround them, and then rose altogether and
fired into their column at close range. They killed eight men
outright and wounded five, including Capts. Hutchinson and
Wheeler, the former mortally. The English were forced to
retreat, fighting, up the hill ; and, under the skilful conduct of
their Indian guides, were able to make a safe retreat to Brook-
field, where they gathered the people and fortified a house just
before the Indians came sweeping furiously down upon the
village. Here they defended themselves against great numbers
for several days, till Major Willard and Capt. Parker came with
a company and reinforced the garrison, when the enemy retired.

At Pocasset, Capt. Henchman continued building his fort, and
Philip was making ready for his flight. The English seem not to
have contemplated the possibility of a general war, nor to have at
all appreciated the gravity of the present situation in the col-
onies. Philip with all his fighting-men and the greater part of
his own and Weetamoo's people, escaped across the river and
passed through the open plain in Rehoboth, where they were dis-
covered by some of the settlers. A scouting party from Taunton
made the discovery that it was Philip's Indians who were thus
escaping. The situation of affairs may be briefly stated. Capt.
Henchman was guarding the swamp wherein Philip and his
people were supposed to be securely trapped. Major Cudworth
and Capt. Fuller were at Dartmouth with a company of one hun-
dred and twelve men. Lieut. Nathaniel Thomas, of Marshfield,
was at the Mount Hope garrison with twenty men. At Rehoboth
a company of Mohegan Indians under Oneko, under convoy of
Corporal Thomas Swift, arrived from Boston on the 30th on their
way to Capt. Hencliman at Pocasset. Upon the alarm. Rev. Mr.
Newman, of Rehoboth, began to organize a company of volunteers
for the pursuit of the Indians. Lieut. Thomas, with a small de-
tachment, happened to come to Rohoboth on the 30th, and hear-
ing of the escape, hastened back to carry the news to Capt.
Henchman, and urge his cooperation. Lieut. Thomas then, on
the 31st, took eleven men of his Mount Hope garrison, and being
joined by Lieut. James Brown, of Swansy, with twelve men,
marched in the pursuit. The Rehoboth men, with some volun-
teers from Providence and Taunton, led by the Mohegans, had
started earlier upon the trail of the enemy, Lieut. Thomas and
his party overtook the others at sunset, and after a brief council-
of-war, sent out their scouts, Indian and English, to discover the
movements of the fugitives. Having found that they had en-
camped for the night, and apparently not suspecting pursuit, the

PHILIP ESCAPES TO THE NIPMUCKS. 31

English left their horses with a guard, and, with the Mohegans in
the van, marched silently forward to a field, at a place called
" Nipsachick " (said to be within the present town of Burrillville,
R.I.). The night being very dark, they were forced to wait for
light. At dawn they made their attack upon what proved to be
Weetamoo's camp. The Indians were taken by surprise and fled,
leaving everything behind them. But the Mohegans and English
rushing forward found themselves confronted with Philip's fight-
ing-men entrenched behind trees and rocks ready for battle.
Adopting the tactics of the enemy, the English and their allies
engaged them fiercely until 9 o'clock, when still fighting desper-
ately, but with powder nearly spent, the hostiles sullenly retired,
leaving many of their dead upon the field. Some twenty-three
of the enemy were killed, it is said, including a prominent chief,
Woonashura, called by the English, Nimrod. Of the English,
two were killed and one wounded.

Near the close of the fight. Rev. Mr. Newman and a party came
up, bringing supplies. Capt. Henchman arrived after the fight,
having sailed to Providence and marched up thence, with sixty-
eight soldiers and sixteen friendly Indians. He immediately took
command, but concluded not to push the pursuit until next day.
The Rehoboth and Providence men returned home, to bring up
supplies for the further pursuit. They hastened back next day
with all speed, but found to their great disappointment that Capt.
Henchman had not moved until that same day, giving the enemy
a full day's start ; and Lieut. Thomas and his party overtook him
on the evening of August 3d, at a place called by them in the
report, " Wapososhequash." The enemy were beyond pursuit, a
part (Weetamoo's people, except the fighting-men) having turned
off into the Narraganset country, while Philip and the rest passed
into the great forests beyond Quabaug. The Mohegans went to
their own country on August 4th, accompanied by Lieut. Brown
and a small party, to Norwich, to secure provisions and news of
the enemy. After awaiting the return of this party three days,
Capt. Henchman, on August 7th, marched back to Mendon, meet-
ing Capt. Mosely with a company of dragoons coming up from
Providence with supplies. Next day Capt. Henchman went up
to Boston, and the Rehoboth men returned home. Capt. Mosely
was left in command at Mendon. Capt. Henchman was relieved
of command in the field and was sent to bring off his men re-
maining at Pocasset. Mendon had been attacked July 14th, by a
party of Nipmucks, led by Matoonas, and six or more of the
settlers were killed while at work in their fields.

When the Indians returned from their siege of Brookfield, they
met Philip and his people in the woods and told him of their
exploit. He was greatly pleased, and gave some of the chiefs
presents of wampum, and promised them fresh supplies of ammu-
nition and arms. The Brookfield affair had the effect of bringing

32 KING Philip's war.

in the faltering tribes, and Philip's coming confirmed the plan to
clear the Connecticut Valley of English settlers. Massachusetts
Colony raised several companies to protect the frontiers. Capt.
Mosely with his own and Capt. Henchman's men marched from
Mendon, and Capts. Thomas Lathrop of Essex County with a fine
company, and Richard Beers of Watertown with another, marched
to Brookfield, where their forces were joined by Capt. Watts of
Connecticut with two companies of English and Indians. Major
Willard took command of this force, and broke it into several
parties in order to better protect the several settlements. These
companies were engaged in scouting the frontiers and guarding
supplies sent up to the various garrisons. The Springfield
Indians, hitherto pretending friendship, fled and joined the hostiles
on the night of August 24 ; and the English, pursuing, had a
sharp fight with them at a swamp near Mt. Wequomps, losing
nine of their own men. The English troops were concentrated
at Hadley under the general command of Major Pynchon. On
September 1st the Indians attacked Deerfield, burning most of
the houses and killing one of the garrison soldiers, and withdi'ew.
On the 2d they fell upon Northfield, where many of the people
were abroad at work in the fields, and the women and chikben
at the houses in the town. The assault was from all quarters at
once, and many were killed in the fields and as they escaped from
their houses to the garrison. The Indians burned most of their
houses and drove away their cattle. On the 3d, Capt. Beers,
with thirty mounted men and an ox-team, was sent to bring off
the garrison of Northfield, not knowing of this attack. This force
on the next day was ambushed at Saw-Mill Brook, near North-
field, and Capt. Beers and some twenty of his men were killed.
Next day Major Treat with a hundred men marched up to North-
field, finding and burying the dead of Capt. Beers' company, and
then bringing off the garrison. It was now decided to strengthen
the garrisons and act upon the defensive. Upon Septeml^er 18th
Capt. Lathrop with his company was sent to convoy teams bring-
ing loads of grain from Deerfield to Hadley. A strong ambuscade
was made at a place known since as " Bloody Brook," and there
the Indians encompassed and massacred nearly the whole company,
some eighty, incluchng the teamsters. Only eight or ten escaped.
The number killed was between sixt}^ and seventy. Capt. Mosely
came hastily from Deerfield upon hearing the shots, and engaged
the great company of several hundreds of Indians, charging in
amongst them with intrepid fury which drove them headlong
before him into the woods and swamps ; but, finding them gather-
ing in immense numbers and seeking to surround him, he threw
out his lines to prevent being flanked, and began a cautious
retreat ; when Major Treat coming upon the field, the Indians,
seeing the reinforcements, fled.

These terrible reverses threw a gloomy, superstitious fear over

THE NAKRAGANSET CAMPAIGN. 33

the Colonies. The English troops, hitherto despising the Indians
in war, now seemed helpless before them. On September 26th
the Indians assaulted Springfield, west of the river, burning the
houses and barns. On October 5th the enemy made some dem-
onstrations at Hadley; the soldiers were drawn from Spring-
field to strengthen the garrison ; the Indians fell upon the latter
village and destroyed it, before the companies could return to
save it. After this blow. Major Pynchon begged the Court to
appoint a commander of the forces on the river in his place, and
Major Samuel Appleton was appointed, and by advice of the
Council garrisoned the various towns not abandoned, and then
withdrew the other troops to Boston. The Connecticut troops
helped to garrison Northampton and Westfield, and the Indians
withdrew to their winter camps. Philip had long since gone into
winter quarters above Albany.

But now the Colonies determined to strike the Narragansets in
their own country before they should be able to join the hostiles.
A great muster was made in three colonies, and an army of one
thousand men was raised and equipped, half of which was sent
from Massachusetts. The Narragansets were entrenched in a
very strong position in a great swamp in what is now South
Kingston, R.I. It was claimed that great numbers of Wampan-
oags and other hostiles were among them finding refuge, and they
were defiant and threatening. The English forces under com-
mand of Gen. Winslow, of Plymouth, gathered at Wickford, and
on December 19th, 1675, marched some twenty miles through
intense cold and a heavy snow-storm, to the swamp ; the waters
had been frozen by the severe cold, and this fact made it possible
for the English to reach the rude fortifications. Without waiting
for any organized attack, the Massachusetts troops, being at the
front in the march, rushed forward across the ice in an impetuous
charge, and into the entrance, where the Indians had constructed
rude flankers, and placed a strong block-house in front, so that
the first to enter were met with a terrible enfilading fire from
front and flanks, and were forced back for a time ; but others
coming on pressed into the breach, and, though suffering severe
losses, at last stormed all the fortifications, di-ove the enemy fi'om
every line of entrenchments within the fort, and out into the
woods and swamps beyond. They set fire to the wigwams and
store-houses of the savages, in which were burned many of the
aged, women, and children. Then taking their wounded, the
English took up their march back thi'ough the deep snow to
Wickford, where they arrived the next morning.

The details of this fight, as well as the subsequent movements
of this campaign, are given at length in the chapters of which this
chapter is the compendium, and are briefly passed here. The
Narragansets kept well out of the way of the English army, and
made many pretences of negotiating peace ; but at last, about

34 KING Philip's war.

January 26th, having made several raids into the settlements, and
captured numbers of cattle and horses, Canonchet with his strong
rear-guard took up his line of retreat for the north, and two days
afterwards the army, some twelve hundred strong, marched in
pursuit. The Mohegans and Pequots, among the Connecticut
forces, led the pursuit, and had several sharp skirmishes with the
enemy, always retreating northward. This running fight was
kept up for several days, until provisions having failed and no
base of supplies possible, the General abandoned the pursuit and
marched his troops to Marlborough and thence to Boston. The
men suffered severely in this march, from hunger, and it was
known for several generations as the " hungry march."

The Connecticut forces separated from the others on February
3d, and the main body of the army arrived in Boston on the 8th
and were dismissed. A company under Capt. Wadsworth was
left at Marlborough to guard the frontiers and neighboring
towns. Canonchet and his great and warlike Narraganset tribe,
maddened by what they believed their wrongs, and thirsting for
vengeance, were now joined with Philip and the other hostile
tribes, and all within an easy day's call, except Philip and his
band, who still remained in their retreat beyond Albany. The
time was critical for the settlements ; prompt action was
necessary on the part of the Indian leaders, to keep their young
men in courage and training. Upon February 10th the Indians
in great force fell upon Lancaster, and nearl}^ destroyed the town.
They killed or took cai)tive fifty of the people. Among the
captives was Mrs. Rowlandson, wife of the minister. One
garrison-house was saved by the arrival of Capt. Wadsworth and
his company from Marlborough. On February 21st a strong
body of the enemy surprised Medfield, although a large force of
soldiers was then in the town. There were no guards set, nor
other precautions taken. The soldiers were scattered about in
the houses, and the Indians placed ambuscades in front of each
house, and shot them down as they rushed out upon the alarm.
The enemy were frightened away by the firing of a cannon, and
crossed the river, burning the bridge behind them. Another
army was now raised and sent to the Connecticut River towns,
to j)rotect them, and try to bring the enemy to battle. There
were said to be two great fortified camps : one near the
" Wachusett Hill," and the other at Menameset, beyond Brook-
field. The army was under command of Major Thomas Savage,
and consisted of three foot companies and a troop of horse from
Massachusetts. Connecticut sent several comi)anies of English
and friendly Indians. A number of Christian Indians from tlie
Naticks went with Major Savage. The army marched to Mena-
meset, March 2d-4tli, to find the enemy gone. They pursued
them to Miller's River, across which they escaped. It was
thought that this great body of the enemy would now fall upon

WAR IN THE BIVEK TOWNS, WEST. 35

the western towns, so that the army marched thither, abandoning
the design upon " Wachusett Hill " encampment. Major Savage
disposed his forces to guard the towns. On March 14th an
attack was made upon Northampton, but was repulsed with
severe loss to the enemy. On the 24th they appeared at Hatfield,
but finding it well garrisoned made no attack, though diiving off
some horses and cattle. The Indians began to prepare for plant-
ing fields along the river ; and Canonchet with a body of his men
went back to their country to bring up seed-corn, of which large
quantities were there stored. It is probable that a large company
went towards Plymouth Colony, a small party of whom destroyed
the house and family of Mr. Clarke at Plymouth village. March
17th they burned Warwick. Plymouth Colony sent out a com-
pany of fifty men under Capt. Michael Peirse, of Marshfield, to
protect its frontiers. A party of twenty friendly Indians under
" Capt. Amos " was joined with Capt. Peirse. This company
marched to Seekonk, and there had a sharp skirmish with the
Indians on the evening of March 25th. Next day, supposing
they had beaten the Indians, they pursued them and were drawn
into an ambush and surrounded, near Patuxit River, with great
numbers, so that they were obliged to fight to the death. The
whole company, including the officers, were killed, together with
eight out of the twenty Indians. The enemy, too, lost ver}^
heavily. March 28th and 29th the Indians burned seventy
houses and thirty barns at Providence.

In the meantime, in Massachusetts the enemy were not idle.
Lurking parties hovered about Groton, plundering the vacated
houses, and driving away any stray cattle within safe reach. On
March 13th they fell upon the town in force. The people were
gathered in five garrison-houses. One of the garrison-houses
was captured, but the people mostly escaped to another. The
other garrison-houses were stoutly defended. The Indians
burned the unfortified houses and withdrew. On March 26th,
the fatal day of Capt. Peirse's destruction, they burned sixteen
houses and thirteen barns at Marlborough. Capt. Brocklebank,
then in command at Marlborough, sent out a party in pursuit,
who overtook and surprised the enemy at night sleeping about
their fires, fired into their midst and put them to flight. On the
same day, at Longmeadow, a party going to Springfield to church
was ambushed by a small company of Indians, and several were
captured and killed.

Finding the campaign to have failed in its main object, the
Council ordered Major Savage to withdraw his troops, leaving
Capt. Wm. Turner, with a hundred and fifty men, to garrison
the towns. April 7th the army marched homeward.

But now the Connecticut authorities, fearing a return of the
Narragansets to their vicinity, in numbers such as overwhelmed
Capt. Peirse, mustered a mixed company of Ejiglish and Indians,

1146197

KING PHILIP S WAR.

and sent them into the Narraganset country under command of
Capts. Denison and Avery. These, guided by a captive whom
they had taken, surprised and captured Canonchet not far from
the Patuxit river, where he was encamped with a few of his
men, while the great body were scattered, scouting and foraging.
He was soon after executed by Oneko, by the judgment of the
English authorities. The death of Canonchet was really the
death-blow of the war, for he was the real leader of all active
operations at this time. Philip was still the chief instigator,
however, and now more than before, became, for the time, the
controlling mind of a larger number than ever before. There
were dissensions, however, and many of the chiefs began to mur-
mur and some to threaten against him as the cause of all their
troubles. Some of the river tribes began to show signs of
weakening, and proposed negotiations with the English. Philip
withdrew to the stronghold near Wachuset with such as adhered
to him, and with Quinnapin, and such of the Narragansets
as followed him. The Indians were still active, and watched
every chance to strike a blow. They came to Marlborough on
April 18th and burned the abandoned houses of the settlers.
Capt. Brocklebank commanded the garrison there and refused to
be drawn out into the ambuscades, which, before the burning,
the Indians had set. On April 20th they crept down and encom-
passed the town of Sudbury. On that day Capt. Wadsworth
marched up from Boston with a company of fifty men, passed
through Sudbury, and doubtless the lines of the enemy, without
any knowledge of their vicinity. He forced his march to the
garrison at Marlborough, where they arrived about midnight on
the 20th, and without delay, leaving their recruits, took those
relieved to come home, including Capt. Brocklebank, and came
back towards Sudbury. The great numbers of Indians had en-
compassed the town, and in the morning of the 21st began to
burn outlying houses, to draw out the inhabitants from the garri-
son. They soon made a furious and persistent attack on Haines'
garrison from morning till mid- day, but were beaten off, until
rumors of reinforcements from various quarters caused them to
withdraw to meet these. Edward Cowell and eighteen troopers
coming to the relief of Sudbury were attacked, but escaped with
only four killed ; they turned back, suspecting the ambush laid
for them. Capt. Wadsworth soon after arrived by another road,
and meeting with an outpost of the enemy, rushed forward to
engage them, and, as usual, they soon found themselves sur-
rounded by great numbers, and were forced to a position on a
hill, where most of the company fell fighting, including Capts.
Wadsworth, Brocklebank, and Lieut. Sliarpe. Some sixteen of
the company managed to escape to a mill, and there defended
themselves until relieved. A company from Watertown arrived
soon after Captain Wadsworth, and crossing the river, made a

WAR IN THE RIVER TOWNS, WEST. 37

brave attempt to get to the hill to join him in his desperate fight,
but were nearly surrounded themselves and forced to retire.
Capt. Hunting with a company of Christian Indians and a squad
of troopers arrived from Charlestown late in the afternoon, in
time to rescue the men at the mill. After this fight, in which
they struck such a terrible blow, and so close to Boston, too,
they seem to have retired to their several camps, and soon to
have gathered to their great fishing-places in order to take the
run of fish. Capt. Turner was still in command of the garrisons
at the west. From captives who had escaped, and scouts here
and there, came rumors of a great company of Indians fishing at
the " Upper Falls " of the Connecticut. Capt. Turner and his
officers were anxious to strike a blow against the enemy, and
Connecticut authorities were applied to, and promised speedy
reinforcements. On May 12th the Indians made a raid into
Deerfield meadows and stampeded some seventy head of cattle
belonging to the English. Roused by this fresh outrage, the
people urged retaliation, and Capt. Turner and his officers deter-
mined to attack the Indians at their great fishing-place at once.
On May 18th the whole company of soldiers and volunteers,
about one hundred and fifty, mustered at Hatfield, and marched
out at evening towards the " Falls." They eluded the outposts
of the enemy, and at daylight arrived undiscovered at the camp
of the Indians at the fishing-place. The savages were asleep in
their wigwams, and the English rushed down upon them and
shot them by scores, pointing their muskets in through the wig-
wam doors. No resistance was possible, and those who escaped
the first fire fled in terror to the river, pursued by the soldiers,
and were cut down or driven into the water without mercy;
many were drowned attempting to cross the river.

But it was soon found that there were several other great
bodies of the Indians, above and below the Falls on both sides of
the river, and these began to swarm towards the fight. Capt.
Turner now prudently began a retreat, having struck his blow.
As the soldiers retired the enemy gathered in great numbers upon
rear and flanks, seeking to force the English into narrow defiles
Capt. Holyoke commanded the rear-guard, and checked the
enemy by stout fighting, but for which, it is likely, the whole
command would have been lost. Capt. Turner led the advance,
and while crossing Green River was shot down by Indians lying
in wait. Capt. Holyoke then led the company back to Hatfield,
fighting nearly the whole way. There the killed and missing
numbered forty-five. A few came in afterwards, reducing the
number of the lost to about forty. It is estimated that some two
hundred Indians must have been destroyed.

The blow struck by Capt. Turner greatly intimidated the
enemy, though the retreat was so disastrous to the English.
The tribes became divided and demoralized. They seem to have

38 KING Philip's wap.

broken up into small wandering parties. Philip, with large num-
bers of his adherents, went down towards Plymouth. Massachu-
setts sent troops to the western frontiers again, and also to aid
Plymouth. The operations in the field were mostly the pursuit
of non-combatants, the aged, and women and children. Large
numbers of the Wampanoags and Narragansets had now returned
with Philip to their own country. Small parties from time to
time plundered and killed as opportunity offered. The colonists
were roused to new activity at the evident weakening of the
Indians. Aid was sent to Plymouth, under Capts. Brattle and
Mosely ; and Capt. Henchman did good service in the parts
about Brookfield. Major Talcott, with a mixed force of English
and Indians, about five handled in all, came up the river and
marched into Hadley about the 11th of June, and was quartered
there on the 12th, when the Western Indians, some seven hundred
strong, made their last great assault in force in these parts. The
town was quite strongly garrisoned besides this reinforcement, of
which probably the enemy knew nothing. The attack was alto-
gether unexpected and was furious and determined, but the
repulse was decided and sanguinary. Major Talcott then led his
force down into the Narraganset country, where, about the 2d
of July, he encountered a great body of Indians, and driving
them into the woods and swamps slew great numbers, and took
many captives. The plight of the savages was pitiful ; without
ammunition, without leadership, without country or hope of any
sort, they found no mercy now at the hands of their olden foes,
the Mohegans and Pequods, nor yet the English.

The remaining operations of the war in these parts were simply
the hunting down of almost defenceless enemies. The colonial
authorities issued a proclamation, calling all those Indians who
had been engaged in the war to come in and surrender, submitting
themselves to the judgment of the English courts. Many parties
sought to take advantage of this, but were captured upon their
approach by scouting parties, and treated as captives. Some of
those who had been prominent in the war and could not hope for
mercy, escaped to the eastward and put themselves under the
protection of Wannalancet and his Pennacooks, who had remained
neutral. Some fled farther to the east, and there incited war.

The constant success which the Connecticut troops had always
had after their use of the Mohegans and Pequods, was a plain
rebuke to the Massachusetts colonists for the numerous disasters
from which the Christian Indians might have saved them, if they
had trusted and employed them. As soon as Capt. Hunting and
his Indian company were put in the field, this appeared. The
Indians in small parties skulking in woods and swamps might
have eluded English soldiers for years, but as soon as other
Indians were employed, escape was impossible.

At the close of July, many of Philip's followers had been

DEATH OF PHILIP, AUGUST 12, 1676. 39

taken, and his wife and several of his chief men were captives or
had been killed. With a small band of his followers he was
hiding in the swamps at Mount Hope and Pocasset. English
scouting parties were active in all parts of the colonies hunting
down the trembling and unresisting fugitives, and especially
Philip, Benjamin Church was among the most active in hunting
and bringing in the Indians, and when one of Philip's men came
to betray his chief, he found Mr. Church at Major Sanford's in
Rhode Island, with his scouting party of English and Indians a
short distance away. Upon the news of Philip's hiding-place
and the offer of the Indian to lead thither, Mr. Church gathered
as many as he could enlist in addition to his party, and, under
the lead of the Indian deserter (who acted, it is said, from
motives of revenge for his brother's death, by Philip's hand,
because he advised him to make peace with the English), the
party inarched with great secrecy to Mount Hope. Mr. Church
arranged his attack with skill, and came upon Philip's party
unguarded and asleep, and Philip springing up and attempting
to escape to the swamp near by, was confronted with two of Mr.
Church's guards, an Englishman and an Indian. The English-
man's gun missed fire, but the Indian, named " Alderman," imme-
diately fired and shot the great chief through the breast, so that
he fell forward into the water of the swamp, upon his face, dead.
Philip was killed August 12th, 1676. Weetamoo's party, the sad
remnant of her tribe, had been captured on the 7th, and she,
trying to escape across a river, was drowned, and, her body being
found, her head was cut off and paraded in the public streets.

After Philip's death, his chief counsellor, Annawon, led the
rest of the party out of the swamp and escaped. With his party
he soon after surrendered to Mr. Church. The death of Philip
was practically the close of the war, thoagh hostilities continued
for some time after, and at the eastward for a year or more longer.
At Dover, Major Richard Walderne had held command of the
military interests and operations in those parts. He was a trusted
friend of Wannalancet and the neighboring Indians. Under the
proclamation the old chief and his people came in without fear,
as they had taken no part whatever in the war. There were
many Indians with them, however, it was suspected, who had
been among the hostiles, and now wished to come in with the
Pennacooks and secure the advantages of their influence in giving
themselves up. They began to come in at Dover about the first
of September, and when, on the 6th, the companies, sent to the
eastward under Capt. Hathorn, arrived at Dover, there were
some four hundred there, including the Pennacooks. In some
way the immediate surrender of all these was received, probably
by Major Walderne's great influence with them. They were
then disarmed, and as the Massachusetts officers insisted upon
treating them all as prisoners of war, Major Walderne was

40 KING Philip's war.

obliged to send all, save Wannalancet and his " relations," down
to Boston to be tried there by the Court. The number sent was
about two hundred.

Some of the Southern Indians, having lost all except their own
lives, passed to the Eastern tribes and were active in exciting to
hostility. The local Indians had been hostile the previous year,
committing depredations from the Kennebec to Portsmouth. In
the summer of 1676, it is thought that many who had been
among the Indians in the war, came to these tribes and caused
much of the trouble which ensued. The day before Philip's
death the Indians fell upon the settlers at Falmouth, and killed
or carried away some thirty-four persons and burned their houses.
Further eastward also the settlements were attacked. It was
upon these occasions that Capt. Hathorn's force was sent to these
parts. They marched on from Dover on September 8th, as far
as Falmouth, Capt. Hunting's Indians scouting the woods. This
expedition was not of much avail, as the Indians easily eluded
the troops, being only war parties without the encumbrance of
women and children.

In November, 1676, a company was sent up into the mountain
regions of New Hampshire to break up a winter encampment of
the Ammoscoggin and Pigwacket Indians, who had been active
in the hostile movements at the eastward settlements during
the summer and fall, and were now said to be gathering into
winter quarters in a great fort, near " Ossapy Lake."

After a severe march, the fort was discovered, but no signs of
Indians, and after scouting in small parties some twelve miles
beyond this fort, they burned the same, and marched back to
Berwick, having been gone nine days. In the meantime the
Penobscot sagamore, Mugg, or, as he was afterwards called, " Mogg
Hegone " (^and in Whittier's poem Mogg Megone), came to the
English in behalf of Madockawando, the sachem of Penobscot,
to treat for peace, and the return of the English captives. A
treaty was concluded at Boston, November 6th, 1676, by which
Mugg agreed to return all the captives and goods taken from the
English, and offered to remain with the English until the same
was done. Two vessels were fitted out, and sailed to Penobscot,
where they arrived the first week in December, and found the
great chief, Madockawando, who received and treated them
kindly. He delivered to them two captives, who were then with
him, and Mugg was allowed to go up into the country, to try to
bring down some others, who were said to be at another camp.
He did not return ; and the vessels, after a few days' waiting,
sailed to Pemaquid, where they received some more English
captives, and returned home. Among the captives received at
Pemaquid was Thomas Cobbet, son of Rev. Thomas, of Ipswich.
He had been among the savages for several months, and his
interesting story of his captivity gave much and correct informa-

WAR AT THE EASTWARD.

tion in regard to the strength, habits, temper, and intentions of
the Indians and their other captives.

Soon after that, another captive, Francis Card, escaped and
brought later news, and one item of great importance was that
Mugg had returned to the Indians on the Kennebec, who were
the real leaders in the war in those parts. He said that Mugg
boasted greatly of the trick he had played upon the English,
and threatened great things to be done against them in the
spring. He gave a minute description of the country, the con-
dition of the Indians, and the easiest approaches to their places
of encampment.

He said that the numbers of the Indians were not so large as
reported, their war-party, in full force, being not over a hundred
men. The captives with them were well, and not abused, except
they were made to work for their captors. Stirred up and
encouraged by this report, the Council at Boston raised a force
of two hundred men, of whom sixty were Natick Indians, and
sent them away by water, to the eastward, the first week in
February ; Major Waldron, of Dover, being Commander-in-chief
of the expedition. The forces were at Blackpoint on February
17th, and sailed eastward along the shore, landing in Maquoit
Bay, where Capt. Frost with his company had a skirmish with a
body of the savages, without much loss on either side, and fol-
lowed next day with an attempt at a treaty. Thence they sailed
around to the Kennebec, and landing at Arrowsick Island, left a
part of their force there, to build a fort and establish a garrison.
Major Waldron, with a part of the company under Capt. Frost,
went to Pemaquid and ransomed some captives there ; but, dis-
covering a plot to destroy himself and a small party who went
on shore to treat with the Indians, he called his soldiers ashore,
and attacking the enemy furiously, drove them to their canoes
which they had near by, killing some, among whom was the
sagamore Mattahando, leader in this affair. Sailing back to
Arrowsick, Major Waldron gathered his forces together, leaving
a small garrison at Kennebec, and went home to Boston, where
they arrived safely, without the loss of a man, on March 11th,
1677.

In April following an attempt was made by the Massachusetts
authorities to enlist the Mohawk Indians against the hostile
savages upon the North and Eastern borders. Major Pynchon,
of Springfield, with Mr. James Richards of Hartford, and twelve
men as a guard, made a journey to the Mohawk country to arrange
for their cooperation.

This action was taken with the advice of Gov. Andros, of New
York, and some of the Indians did really come into the borders
of New Hampshire and Maine ; but the distance was so great
from their country that little was achieved except by the terror
inspired among the Eastern tribes, by the rumor of their coming.

42 KING Philip's war.

This measure was questioned by many as to its lawfulness, in
employing heathen to fight the battles of the Lord ; but the Gen-
eral Court fell back upon the scriptural precedent of Abraham
employing the Amorites, and so justified its somewhat ques-
tionable proceeding. The Indians on the Kennebec were not
deterred from iKJstilities, which were renewed by the killing of
nine of the garrison left the year before, at that place. So the
Massachusetts Court at once called upon the other colonies to
assist them in raising a new force to send into those parts. Up
to the present time, Massachusetts had borne the whole expense
of the Eastern wars, but now call them to raise their proportional
part of one hundred English, and two hundred Indian soldiers, to
rendezvous at Blackpoint. But in the meantime Massachusetts
had acted with promptness in sending Capt. Hunting to bring
the remaining garrison at Kennebec, and strengthening the gar-
risons at Wells with a company under Capt. Benjamin Swett, and
at Blackpoint with another company under Lieut. Tippin. In
May, the Eastern tribes, elated by their success in driving the
English out of their country, gathered all their forces against
the above garrisons. The Indian leaders in this campaign were
Symon,a renegade Christian Indian, and Mugg, above mentioned,
both wary and skilful, and well acquainted with the country
around, and with the English people and their habits. The
Indian forces under these leadera at this time were well-tried
men from the Penobscot, Kennebec, and Ammoscoggin tribes of
the Tarratines, ranking as fighters next to the Pequods and
Mohawks. They were well equipped and supplied, probably by
the French in Canada.

It does not appear that either of the other colonies sent men to
assist in this campaign, and the force that was raised by Massa-
chusetts was too small, and the English part of it was mostly of
young and untried men and boys who had seen no service except
in garrisons. They seem also to have entirely underrated the
numbers and temper of the enemy. On the 13th of May, the
Blackpoint garrison had beaten off a large body of the Indians
after a lierce assault of three days, on the last of which Lieut.
Tippin had shot and killed the leader, Mugg ; when tlie Indians
had gone away towards Wells and York, as told above. On July
28th, Capt. Swett, with forty young English recruits, and a com-
pany of thirty-six Natick Indians, landed at Blackpoint garrison-
house, the Indians being under the command of Lieut. James
Richardson. Next morning the enemy with quite a large party
appeared not far from the fort, when Capt. Swett drew out his
whole force, with a number from the garrison, and pursued them
with headlong haste about two miles, when, at the edge of a hill,
with a dark swamp on each side, they found themselves am-
bushed, after the old fashion at Brookfield, Deerfield, Sudbur}--,
etc., whose lessons, after two centuries, the American soldiers

WAR AT THE EASTWARD. 43

have not fully learned. Half the English were shot down at the
first volley, and the raw young lads were completely panic-
stricken, and unable to make any defence. The Captain with a
few tried men rallied and attempted to bring off their wounded
and make good a retreat to the fort. The odds were too heavy
against him, and having received many wounds, he was at last
surrounded and overpowered by the foe, and fell not far from
the garrison, still fighting.

Lieut. Richardson fell near the first onset. Forty of the Eng-
lish and twelve of the Natick Indians were killed at the time.
It is not known how many the enemy lost ; but they made no
further attempt upon the garrison and soon retired. The next
hostile move of these Indians was in a new direction. They cap-
tured no less than thirteen fishing-vessels with their crews and
loads along the Eastern shores.

In August of this year (1677), Gov. Andros, of New York,
sent a ship with a force of men to Pemaquid, which, when the
Indians understood, they soon, for some reason, came to proper
terms of peace, returned the English captives and the captured
vessels into the hands of the New York soldiers, by whom they
were soon returned home.

Yet another act in this long tragedy was to come. The scene
changes to Hatfield, where, September 19th, the people of that
village were engaged in raising a house, having no thouglit of any
Indian hostility in the colony. Suddenly they were set upon by
a party of River Indians, forty or fifty in number, who had crept
about them so secretly that they were unarmed and utterly help-
less. Some were shot down from the frame of the building.
Twelve were killed outright, and some twenty more were made
captive and carried to Canada. The story of the captivity and
redemption of these last, by the two brave Hatfield men, Ben-
jamin Wait and Stephen Jennings, is one of the most heroic and
interesting of the whole war. The Indians killed one man and
captured three more at Deerfield that same day. This was the
last act of any considerable importance in the war known as
" King Philip's War," the particulars of which are to be related
in the following chapters.

THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES IN KING
PHILIP'S WAR.

CAPTAIN DANIEL HENCHMAN'S COMPANY.

AT the opening of the war, the colonial militia was quite
efi&ciently organized. Each county had its regiment of
" trained soldiers." The regiments of Suffolk and Middlesex
counties consisted of fifteen companies of Foot and one of Cavalry
each. The Essex regiment was of thirteen Foot and one Cavalry ;
the other counties smaller. There were seventy-three organized
companies in the Massachusetts Colony, besides an independent
cavalry company called the " Three County Troop," made up in
Suffolk, Middlesex and Essex. The highest military officer of the
colony was Major General Daniel Denison, of Ipswich. The
highest regimental officer at this time was Major, or Sergeant
Major. These local companies were not sent on active service out
of their towns, but men were impressed from the number and
placed under officers appointed for special service by the Council.
Each company of Foot had a Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, Clerk,
Sergeants, Corporals, and a Drummer. Cavalry had Cornett
instead of Ensign and a Trumpeter and Quartermaster. The
regular number of privates in foot companies was seventy, in
the cavalry fifty. On special service it was more. The pay
of soldiers was 6s. per week, and 5s. was paid for their " dyet."
There is no way of determining the rate of pay from Hull's
Journal, as all payments are "on acct" and do not specify time
of service. Plymouth Colony paid the private soldiers 2s. per
day, Drummers 2s. 6d., Sergeant 3s., Ensign 4s., " Lieftenant "
5s., Captain 6s. A " Chyrurgion " or doctor was attached to each
expedition. A chaplain also generally served with each expedi-
tion. The price paid for horses was 18d. per week. Prices of
Clothing, " Wastcoats," 6s., Drawers 5s. 6d., " Stockins " 2s.,
Shirts 6s., Shoes 4s.

On the Mount Hope expedition the soldiers used the Old
Matchlock musket, tne " Regulation " weapon of that time ; but
it was afterwards di ^carded as not so serviceable as the Flintlock

46 KING Philip's war.

or " Snaphance." There were no bayonets in use, but each com-
pany at first had a number of Pikeraen, soon found to be useless
in an Indian fight. The " Matchlock " was an exceedingly
cumbrous affair, and was too long and heavy to fire at arm's
length, so that each soldier was obliged to carry a " rest " (a
crotched staff pointed at the foot with iron, and attached to his
wrist by a string). No. 7 of the orders in musket drill, " Elton's
Tactics," was, " Put the string of your rest about your left wrist."
The Indians always used the Flintlock, and used slugs, or heavy
shot instead of bullets. The other equipments of a foot soldier
were a " Snapsack," six feet of match or fuse, a Bandoleer, which
was a leathern belt passing over the right shoulder and under the
left arm and containing a dozen or more round boxes each hold-
ing one charge of powder ; a bag of bullets and a horn of prim-
ing-powder was also attached to this belt. These matters will be
more fully treated in the Appendix.

BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES.

A brief survey of the state of affairs in Boston on June 24th,
1675, when news of the attack of the Indians on Swansea, and
Plymouth Colony's appeal for aid, arrived, may be in place here,
especially as in Massachusetts Records there is nothing relating
to the matter from the adjournment of the Court on May 12
until it was called together on July 19th. It is to be regretted
that the records are lost, as we know many important meetings
were held in this time. I insert the following fragments, pre-
served in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, as testimony of the energy which
the Court displayed in answering the appeal of the sister colony.

The following is a portion of a letter from the General Court
of Massachusetts Colony to Plymouth Colony, in answer to her
appeal for assistance:

June 24. 1675.

Hon'*^ S"' According to what I writ you yesterday we are now con-
vened in Council to Consider of your desire of a supply of some men
from hence and we have resolved to rayse one hundred foot and 50
horse that shall be speedily upon their march towards Swansey ....
and for the furtherance and better management &c we have commis-
sionated our faithful friend Major Thomas Savage &c. . . .

[June 24, 1675.] Att a meeting of the General Court on the 24.
June 1675. Ordered that the Secretary issue out a warrant to the Con-
stable of Boston to Impress forthwith five Able and Special horses for
the service of the country, and that Capt Sav:vge and Capt Oliver have
charge of them, and their men each of them one.

Capt Richard is voted to goe forth in this Expedition (who shame-
fully refused the Employment).^

1 Tliis parenthesis is added by another hand. This captai \ was John Richard, of the
6th Company, and as he was afterwards a trusted officer in the colony, probably the Court
did not agree with the remark of the anonymous writer.

BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. 47

Capt Daniel Henchman was chosen and voted to goe forth as Capt
of 100 men for the service of this Colony on y® designe to go to Plym-
outh CoF.

Capt Thomas Prentice is appointed to be Capt of the Horse.

To the Militia of the town of Boston, Cha. Camb. Watertown,
Roxbury, Dorchester, Dedham, Brantrey, Weymouth, Hingham,
Maulden — You are hereby requu-ed in his Majesty's name to take
notice that the Gov'' & Council have ordered 100 able souldjers forth-
with impressed out of the severall Towns according to the proportions
hereunder written for the aid and assistance of our confederate Plym-
outh in the designe afoote ag^' the Indians, and accordingly you are
to warne af"^ proportions to be ready at an hours warning from Capt
Daniel Henchman who is appointed Captain and Commander of the
Foote Company that each souldjer shal have his armes compleat and
Snapsack ready to march and not faile to be at the randevous.

To the Committee of -

The Council is adjourned till tomorrow at 8 of the clock at Rox-
bury.

E. R. Sec'y. (i.e. Edward Rawson, Secretary.)

The special commission of Capt. Henchman for this service is
also in the Archives, vol. 67.

To D. H. Capt. with the Consent of the Councill for the Colony of
Mass. in New England.

Whereas you are apoynted Capt of a foote Company to Serve in
this Expedition for the assistance of our neighbors of Plimouth against
the insolences and outrages of the natives, these are to wil and require
you to take charge of the said Company of foote, mounted as dragoons,
& you are to command and instruct your inferior officers and souldjers
according to military rules for the service and saftey of the Country,
and you to attend such orders from tyme to tyme as you shal receyve
from your superior Commanders or the Council of this Colony.
Past 25 June 1675

E. R. Secy
Signed by y^ Gov"''

Daniel Henchman appears in Boston as early as March, 1666,
when he was employed at a salary of ,£40 per annunj " to assist
Mr Woodmancy in the Grammar Schoole and teach the childere
to Wright ; " was on a committee with Capts. Gookin, Prentice
and Beers, to lay out " the new Plantation at Quansigamond
Ponds " (now Worcester), and settle its affairs, in 1667. He
was thereafter the chief manager in that settlement, and received
the largest number of acres in the first division. He was
admitted freeman in 1672 ; was appointed captain of 5th Boston
Company, Colonial Militia, May 12, 1675, and commissioned for
the special expedition, as above noted. He is seen to have been
one of the most trusted officers of the Court.

48 KING Philip's war.

Capt. Daniel Henchman m. (probably in England) Sarah, dan.
of Hezekiali Woodward, Gentleman, of Uxbridge, Middlesex,
England, who, in his will of the 22 : Feb'y 1674, gives " to the
five children of my daughter, Sarah Henchman deceased, by
Daniel Henchman of Boston in New England," the sum of
"twenty pounds apiece, to be paid at their respective ages of
twenty-one years." Then he gives all his lands and tenements
in Ireland, to the said Daniel Henchman, in trust for the said
children. Their five children whose names are known to us
were Richard, Hezekiah, Nathaniel, Susanna b. 7 : June : 1667,
and William, b. 28 : July : 1669, and died sometime before March
29 : 1673. Sarah, the wife, died ; and Capt. Henchman married,
26 : April, 1762, Mary, dau. of William Poole of Dorchester, by
whom he had William (2), b. 29; March, 1673; Jane, b. 25:
May : 1674 ; Daniel, b. 16 : June, 1677 ; and Mary, b. 1 : June,
1682. He died at Worcester, 15 : Oct. 1685. His Widow Mary,
and his sons Richard and Hezekiah administered upon liis estate,
which by inventory of 29: Apr. 1686, was rated £1381 : 13 : 09.
The surname appears in various forms, as Hinchman, Hincksman,
Hinksman, etc. Two of his descendants, through his son
Nathaniel, have graduated at Harvard.

CAPT. HENCHMAN INIARCHES FROM BOSTON TO MOUNT HOPE.

Pursuant to his commission, Capt. Henchman marshalled his
company, and, on the afternoon of June 26 : 1675, marched out
from Boston in company with the " troop of horse," under the com-
mand of Capt. Thomas Prentice, of Cambridge. At Dedham they
halted for an hour, during an eclipse of the moon, which occurred
on that evening. Then they marched on as far as " Woodcock's
Garrison " (Attleboro'), where they arrived in the morning,
and waited until the afternoon, when Capt. Mosely with his
company of "Volunteers" overtook them, and the three com-
panies then marched on together to Swansey. They arrived at
the house of Rev. John Miles, the minister of Swansey, where
they quartered for the night. This was on June 28. On the
29th, Major Thomas Savage, commander-in-chief of the Massa-
chusetts forces, arrived with his company and the Troop of Capt.
Nicholas Paige. Capt. Henchman's men were engaged in the
movements through Mount Hope, and scouting about the country
until July 4th, when they marched back to headquarters at
Swansey. At a council of war, July 5th, in consequence of
orders received from Boston by hand of Capt. Hutchinson, it
was determined to march all the Massachusetts forces into the
Narraganset country. Accordingly the next ten days were spent
in the march thither, and the treaty wuth the Sachems. During
this time the Plymouth forces under Major James Cudworth, Capt.
Matthew Fuller, and Benjamin Church were pursuing Philip
into Pocasset ; and Mr. Church " hasted over and ' borrowed '

HENCHMAN AT MOUNT HOPE. 49

three files of Henchman's men and his lieutenant," to assist in
the enterprise. On July 15th, all the Massachusetts forces
marched to Rehoboth, on the 16th to Mattapoisett, on the 17th
to Taunton, and on the 18th to Pocasset Swamp, where they
immediately attacked the Indians, and five English were killed
and seven wounded. Owing to the darkness the forces withdrew.
It was decided to withdi-aw all the Massachusetts troops except
Capt. Henchman's company, which remained with the Plymouth
forces at Pocasset. Maj. Savage, Capts. Paige and Mosely
marched back to Boston, and Capt. Prentice with his troop
scouted towards Mendon. It was determined to build a fort
at Pocasset and " starve Pliilip out." But near the end of July
Philip escaped by water, either wading at low tide, or " wafting "
on rafts, and passed into the Nipmuck country, abandoning
about one hundred of their women and children in the swamp.
Capt. Henchman appears not to have known of Philip's escape
until news was brought him from the mainland on July 29th,
30th, etc. Letters to him from Rev. Noah Newman and Peter
Hunt, of Rehoboth, were enclosed by him in one of his own to
the Governor (which I have copied here), and are preserved in
the Mass. Archives, vol. 67. In itself it is the best explana-
tion of this time at hand. Fort Leverett was at Pocasset,
built by Capt. Henchman's company and named for the
governor.

Letter of Capt. Daniel Henchman to the Governor.
Hon'' Sr. Fort Leverett, July 31, 1675.

Since my last (of the 28*) the General! the 29"' day landed here one
hundred men, his designe to releeve Dartmouth being as reported in
some distress ; Past nine of the clock last night Lt Thomas brought
me the two first enclosed letters from Rehoboth and Mr James Brown
with him to press my going thither, which with what sti'ength I could
was yeelded to, (I having just finished the South East flanker of the
fort so farr as to be a good defence for my men) drew my company
together by a false alarm in the night, some being at a distance get-
ting stockadoes ; and provided for our March before day taking six
files with me and the 17 Indians (all now left) and leaving five files
behind to be going on with the work, and the Brigaudine ; About
11 of the clock a second post came to acquaint me with the third
enclosed letter. Mr Brown and the L' being gon to endeavour the
giving of notice to the Gen" to Warwick and the Narragansett Indians
to head Philip, At break I shipped my men in a sloope for Seaconk
and while under sail Mr Almie brought word that one Dan. Stanton
of the Island at his retui-ue yesterday from Dartmouth affirmes that
severall parties of Indiaiis with their armes to the number of about
80 surrendered themselves to that garrison for mercie, who have
secured them in an Island by them. After my Company was landed
within two miles of Seaconk before all were on sliore an other letter
came to me from L' Thomas Advising to land at Pi'ovidence being

50 KING Philip's war.

nearer to the enemy, I strait remanded my men on bord, gave each
one 3 biscakes, a fish and a few raisons with ammunission which
may last two or three days, I make bould to encloss to coppies of
the letters sent least anything in my whurry might be omitted ; The
Lord preserve and spirite you still for this his worke ; my humble
service to all those worthies with you ; I would gladly know of y""
Hon" welfare ; and begg the prayers of all to God to qualifie me for
my present imploy ; being the unfittest of many yet pardon my con-
fused lines being begun at my Quarters and patched vp in several
places

Hon^i S--
y Hon" Humble Servant D. Henchman.

The above letter was written evidently on the passage to Sea-
konk and Providence. He landed at Providence next morning,
and marched twenty miles in pursuit of the Indians before he
came up with the Plymouth forces and the Mohegans, who had
been sent to him from Boston, but had been met by the Rehoboth
men and persuaded to join them in the pursuit of Philip ; these
had come up with Philip's rear, and had a sharp fight before Capt.
Henchman arrived. The Mohegans were now passed to his com-
mand, and the troops being wearied with the long march bivou-
acked till morning, and the Plymouth forces returned to
Rehoboth, leaving to Capt. Henchman the further pursuit of
Philip, which was renewed next morning. With his six files
(consisting of sixty-eight men), the fifty Mohegans and the
seventeen Naticks, Capt. Henchman marched into the Nip-
muck country as far as the "second fort," to a place called
Wapososhequish, August 3, but without finding Philip ; and hav-
ing continued the pursuit until provisions were exhausted and
all were tired out to no purpose, the Mohegans returned to their
home, and Capt. Henchman marched his force to Mendon,
meeting Capt. Mosely with sixty dragoons on the way with
supplies. August 8, Capt. Henchman went down to Boston
to get orders from the Governor and Council, and left most if not
all his men at Mendon. (August 16, a part of them were in
charge of Capt. Mosely, twelve of whom were detailed to Chelms-
ford garrison by him.) Capt. Henchman received his instruc-
tions for future proceedings in a letter from Gen. Daniel Denison,
commander-in-chief of Massachusetts Forces, given August 9th,
1675. This letter commanded him in brief to return to his men
left at Pocasset, to fetch them and the " provisions and ammuni-
sion " off. He was to advertise the Plymouth commander of this
design, and if said commander wished him to remain there, to
await further orders from the Council ; otherwise to turn over
the fort to the care of the Plymouth forces, and march his men
to Boston and disband them until again called out by the Coun-
cil. In his march to Pocasset he was given authority to press
horses and guides, or require them of the various constables of

HENCHMAN RETURNS TO BOSTON.

the towns passed, and on his return likewise. On his return he
was to draw off the Massachusetts " souldjers " at Woodcock's
garrison, and also at Mr. Hudson's house, unless he should deem
it unsafe, Hudson ' being of our colony whom we are to take care
of." Plymouth Colony preferred to take charge of the fort, and
Capt. Henchman brought his soldiers home to Boston as com-
manded.

"It will be understood that the Soldiers of Plymouth Colony
played an important part in this campaign, reaching the seat of
war before those of Massachusetts ; and the account of this will
be given in separate chapters, after Massachusetts is finished.
The letters of Rev. Noah Newman, Lieut. Nathaniel Thomas,
Peter Hunt, and Mr. James Brown's part are all of interest and
importance."

The following list, gathered from John Hull's Account-book,
from date to date, and here arranged together, doubtless shows
the Company which served under Capt. Henchman, in this
campaign.

As to the spelling of the names, I have not departed in the
least from the original. It must be remembered that the names
were entered in the Journal from " Debentures " made by the
clerks of companies, and the names at the first were entered on
the company rolls as each man was understood to pronounce his
own name, and unless the clerk was acquainted with the name,
he spelled it by the easiest method ; hence many strange varia-
tions appear. The Ledger account often has two forms for the
same name.

The list of Soldiers credited with Military Service under Capt. Daniel
Henchman.

August 20, 1675.

Thomas Burges.

06 02

Richard Gibson.

02 07 00

John Hills.

06 00

Thomas Williams.

02 07 00

John Lewis.

14 03

Joseph Ford,

00 06 10

John Angel

15 02

Samuel Walles.

01 06 06

Benjamin Negus

15 02

William Bently.

02 07 00

John Chapman.

02 00

Peter Edgerton.

01 15 00

Robert Smith.

02 00

John Bull.

00 16 02

William Manly.

08 00

Richard Brooks.

02 00 00

Thomas Irons.

07 00

John Barrett.

01 10 00

Samuel Perkins.

07 00

Joseph Fiske.

01 10 00

Hugh Taylor.

07 00

Joseph Tucker.

02 05 00

David Jones.

07 00

Israel Smith.

00 12 00

James Whippo.

07 00

Samuel Ireson.

01 10 00

Theophilus Thornton

07 00

Avgiist 21 167

Nathaniel Osborne.

07 00

James Dichetto.

00 15 00

Samuel Davis.

07 00

Jacob Gully.

01 14 06

Henry Kerby.

07 00

''Isaac Ratt.

02 04 06

Ephi'aim Hall.

07 00

>amuel Veze (als. Very) 02 07 00

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Samuel Daniel.

07 00

Richard Bennet.

07 00

John Kemble.

07 00

John Scopelin.

00 07 00

John Russell.

07 00

September S^ 16

Simon Groveling.

07 00

Josiah Arnold.

15 02

John Thorn.

07 00

W" Smallidge.

19 04

Charles Damport.

06 06

John Bucknam.

19 04

Benjamin Bishop.

07 00

Enoch Greenleaf , Lieut

.04

10 00

John Throp.

07 00

Samuel Johnson.

07 00

Solomon Watts.

07 00

William Drew.

07 00

Philip Coker.

07 00

William Hardin.

04 06

John Jeffries.

07 00

John Cray.

19 04

Robert Wills.

07 00

Nathaniel Fiske.

13 06

Isaac'Morris.

07 00

John Miller.

06 00

Nicholas Weymouth.

07 00

John King.

11 00

Nathaniel Jewell.

07 00

James Ogleby.

07 08

Samuel Miriek.

04 00

Rowland Soley.

19 04

William Parham.

08 00

Thomas Region.

19 04

Thomas Roberts.

04 06

Thomas Hincher.

04 00

August 27* or Ledger

date 23'»

Joseph Smith

19 04

John Hubbard.

07 00

Thomas Alistou

07 00

John Tebb.

07 00

George Burkback

19 04

Henry Timberlake. Sergt 02

00 00

Daniel Magenis.

19 04

ThomasHitchborn Drum'Ol

11 00

Henry Eliott.

04 10

John Taylor, Sergt.

01 10

Thomas Okerby

19 04

Thomas Bishop.

18 00

John Hastings

04 10

Peter Bennett, Marshall. 01

16 00

Edward Weeden

19 04

Simeon Messenger.

04 00

John Wiseman

03 06

John Polly.

04 00

Sept U^

John Essery.

07 00

Joseph Priest.

05 08

Henry Harwood. Sergt.

01 00

Nathaniel King.

02 10

Samuel Barber.

16 00

John Pemberton.

01 00

Phillip Jessop.

06 06

Osbel Morrison.

19 00

Charles Blincott. Sergt.

14 00

John Cross

06 06

Isaac Amsden.

07 00

Perez Savage. Ensigne

08 00

Henry Prentice.

07 00

Roger Procer.

04 10

John Streeter.

07 00

Robert Orchard. Sergt

01 00

Abraham Hathaway.

07 00

September 21, 1675

James Johnson. Sergt

03 00

David Church.

17 08

Isaac How.

11 08

Samuel Johnson, BwteAer 01

05 08

Thomas Parker.

04 00

Thomas Traine.

10 04

Joseph Peirce.

04 00

Ebenezer Owen.

05 00

John Oates.

00 00

Matthew Stone.

07 00

William Hopkins.

10 00

Nathaniel Kean.

04 10

Ralph Hall, Clark

10 00

Benjamin Tower

10 04

ThomsiBW i^f Si\\,Ensigne 03

02 04

Jonathan Dunning.

17 06

Further Service of Capt. Henchman.

There was intensely bitter feeling about this time in Boston
as to the way captive Indians should be treated. The interces-
sion of the venerable John Elio' and the strenuous advocacy of
Capt. Gookin in their behalf, .ad created great animosity not

henchman's further service. 53

only against themselves but all who advised moderate measures.
Capt. Henchman seems to have been of the moderate party, and
was therefore somewhat unpopular with most of the soldiers, and
doubtless his apparent lack of success in the pursuit of Philip at
Rehoboth added to this feeling with the people. But the court
sustained and trusted him, and immediately reappointed him
to service over one hundred men who met at Roxbury meeting-
house, but refused to march forth under his command, and
demanded Capt. Oliver. The council compromised the matter
and sent them Capt. Lake, but they are not credited with any
service under him. Capt. Henchman seems to have been em-
ployed in August and September in regulating affairs in some of
the outlying towns, and these men perhaps served as his patrol
or guard.

Oct 5 1675 Edward Dickinson. 02 07 00

Richard Wood. 00 10 04 Jacob Bullard. 01 18 06

Ephraim Wilier, Corp^ 02 05 00 Samuel Whitney. 01 18 06

Thomas May. 01 19 04 John Shattock 01 02 00

Michael Bearstow. 00 10 04 Daniel Keniday. 01 17 08

Thomas Webb. 01 19 04

September 27th we find him at Chelmsford garrison in com-
mand, as we see by the following letter of that date.

Capt. Henchman's Letter to the Governor.

Chelmsford Sept 27, '75. [This was Monday.]
Hon<^ S^

In pursuance of my instructions ; I and my Lieut, met at Major Wil-
lard's the last day of the week, with the Captaines of the severall
townes directed to ; as well for the drawing of the Souldiers, as to ad-
vise with them ; for the iii'st they promise they shall be sent to Chelms-
ford at an hours warning and so will be ready here by that time I have
provission for them ; and that of absolute necessity for them will be
powder shott biscake cheese and raisous, large and warme Wast-coats
and drawers tobaco, some hatchets and a Chirurgion ; for the later the
Major and rest of the officers will advise to no other motion than about
this and other towns ; but I understanding the intent of the Ho'^ Coun-
cil to be that I should march to Peunycooke although not named in my
instructions ; I think it need full to acquaint your Hon" there with, and
desire your express there unto. I have not farther at present but to
subscribe

S'' your Hon" humble Servant

(Mass. Archives, vol. 67, 269.) D. Henchman.

Major Willard was of Lancaster, but his house was in Groton,
at what is now Ayer Junction ; and the date was Saturday,
September 25th.

November 1st Capt. Henchman marched out of Boston towards
Hassanameset (Gr)fton) with a small body of men (20), and
arrived at Medfield at 3 P.M. on the same day. The next morn-
ing he writes the Governor from that place.

54 KING Philip's war.

Medfield Nov. 2^ 1675
Ho"'* S'

My orders directing me to the several places and times that my
souldiers were to be ready at, Speded my march accordingly; and
reached this place yesterday by three of the clock afternoon ; and had
with me only 20 men that marched from Boston with me — Since
divers are come up, and all that at present I am like to have by nine
of the clock last night. Several hear as well as myself have great
thoughts how it fareth with Mendam, having not heard since they sent
to Boston, I am hasting to march this morning but hoped if the men's
refreshments had not given check to have been gou by moon rising, I
cannot see by acct taken before I draw out that my number will amount
to above 75, some sending short of what ordered and 37 discharged by
order, I have not any officer but a Sergeant from Roxbury ; some men
and the armes of others not fit for service, notwithstanding the strikt
orders given by the Major. Our greatest danger (as I judged) if the
enemy designs upon us this day, will be at a pass six miles from
hence; the which I hope we shall look unto the Lord in the use of
means to avoid ; some being to returne home this morning I thought it
meet to give this acct. Begging your prayers for us I desire that all
our supplications may be accepted for the Country and the interest of
our Lord Jesus Christ therein ; and rest Hon*^ S""

Your humble Servant D. Henchman.

[This is in a P. S.]

When the Lord shall have brought us safe to Mendam I shall attend
the Major's orders there and wait for the recruits intended me.

As will be seen by the above letter, the captain expected
recruits to be ready and meet him at certain towns on the way,
and was disappointed in receiving none, and also with the unfit-
ness of those that came up afterwards, and in answer to this
letter, the Court, on November 3d, ordered the " Major of Suffolk
to send out of his regiment eighteen able men armed and
furnished with ammunition and provision for ten days under the
conduct of a fitt person to make Lieftenant," to recruit Capt.
Henchman's company and search out the enemy at Hassanameset.
The lieutenant chosen was probably Philip Curtis, of Roxbury,
who was killed before he received his formal commission, I pre-
sume, as no order for his commission is found.

Capt. Henchman marches to Mendon, arrives on the 2d at 4
P.M., and writes immediately that they " arrived all safe and
found the towne in like condition," and " pressed four horses for
Scouts to send to Hassanemeset." He found the inhabitants
" drawn into two houses," and " in a pestered condition," and
holds frequent meetings with them in order to prevail upon them
to remain at Mendon contented. This and frequent scouting
and reports took up his time until the arrival of the men from
Boston.

It seems also from this letter that he had not yet heard from
Capt. Sill, as it was proposed, and was preparing to send his

AT HASSANAMESET.

soldiers home to Boston ; was intending that morning sending all
his troopers, eight in number and three files of men ; but he gets
orders from the Council by messengers from Capt. Sill. In order
to meet Capt. Sill, fourteen miles away, he is forced to change a
file of men with the garrison on account of their destitution of
"clothes and shoes."'

On the 9th, with his lieutenant and twenty-two mounted men,
he rides to Hassanameset, and has a fight there, of which he
writes the details on the 10th. In his letter he relates that his
lieutenant, Philip Curtis, is killed, and Thomas Andrews also
(one of the Mendon garrison) ; and mentions that his corporal,
Abiell Lamb, outran himself in the attack, and that all his own
and the lieutenant's men ran away from him in the fight except
(one of his " old souldiers," as he thinks) Jonathan Dunning.

The fcjllowing list embraces those w?io served under Capt.
Henchman from November 2d, and were credited November 30,
as will be seen by the credits. The service was brief. Amongst
these were eight troopers, which may explain in part the differ-
ence in credits.

November 30"^

1675

William Price.

14 06

Edward Barton.

01 05

William Davenport.

17 02

Isaac Heath.

00 16

Thomas Smith.

17 02

Henry Kirby.

00 17

Joseph Bugby.

11 02

Jeremiah Wise.

01 00

Samuel Gardner.

17 02

Benjamin Negus.

00 17

Simon Rogers

17 02

John Leech.

01 19

Abiel Lamb.

19 02

James White.

00 17

Richard Woods.

17 02

John Good.

00 17

Degory Sargent.

17 02

Joseph Bateman.

00 17

Josiah Mann.

17 02

Edward Everet.

00 07

John Malony.

19 04

Richard Francis.

02 00

Francis Siddall.

19 04

John Kemble.

00 17

Hugh Price.

17 02

Experience Orris.

00 17

James Harrington.

17 02

Samuel Ryall.

00 10

Benjamin Gamhn.

00 00

Joseph Gridley.

01 05

Isaac Morris.

17 02

WilUam Bodkin.

00 17

Josiah Holland.

17 02

William Hooper.

00 17

Joseph Wilson.

17 02

John Tuckermau.

00 17

Samuel Ruggles.

17 02

John Cann.

01 00

Philip Curtis, Lieut.

17 03

On November the 12th the Council ordered Major Willard to
send forthwith twelve troopers to Capt. Henchman.

Many of the soldiers were now withdrawn and placed in garri-
son, and all available were pressed and mustered for the Narra-
ganset campaign. Capt. Henchman's men were many returned
home with him.

Among the soldiers impressed in Boston for the Narragansett
campaign, Dec. 3cl, 1675, were the following from Capt. Hench-
man's local company: James Whipple, Samuel Jenkins, Walter

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Cohone, James White, Thomas Jones, Thomas Stains, John
Dereing, Robert Emory, Ralph Powel for Mr. James Lloyd,
Francis Cooke for Mr. William Larrison. (Mass. Archives, vol.
68, 86.)

December 20* 1675

Onesiphorus Tilston

. 00 06 10

Joshua Silverwood.

01 18 06

Thomas Jones.

00 16 02

John Sherman.

01 18 06

Samuel Burnall.

00 16 02

John Corbin.

00 16 02

John Spurr.

00 16 10

Henry Tite.

01 16 02

Lawrence White.

00 16 02

Simon Yates.

00 10 00

Thomas Cheyney.

00 16 02

Thomas Birch.

00 06 10

Thomas Bridentine.

00 16 02

John Pierpont.

00 16 02

Robert Woodward.

01 02 03

John Necks.

01 14 02

February 29,

1675-6

John Griggs.

00 11 02

Joseph Bodmau.

00 08 09

Thomas Lawrence.

00 07 06

William Lyon.

00 10 04

Joshua Atherton.

00 07 06

John Parker.

00 16 02

William Briggs.

00 06 10

March 24,

1676

Nicholas Gray.

00 16 02

William Elliot.

00 16 02

Isaac Hubbard.

00 16 02

Joseph Clark.

00 09 04

James Draper.

00 16 02

April 24,

1676

January 25 1675.

(N.S. 1676.)

Hugh Clark.

00 07 00

William Goswell.

00 16 02

Thomas North.

01 13 04

Among the soldiers in the above lists were probably the twelve
troopers sent out by order of the Council on November 12, 1675,
and those who did not return to Boston until the later dates.
It was the custom, I find, to punish the men by fines, and some-
times their pay would be withheld for several months, until on
petition to the Council it would be paid, if the officer who com-
plained of their misconduct would recommend leniency and sign
their " debenture " or bill for service rendered. On the minutes
of the Council, of which a few fragments are preserved in the
Mass. Archives, I find several instances of this kind; one in the
case of Magnus White, whose name occurs later, and one in a
quaint letter from one Jonathan Adderton (Atherton), which
declares that Capt. Henchman wrongfully accused him of " profa-
nation of y* Sabbath," when his only offence was the cutting up
of an old hat and putting the pieces in his shoes to relieve his
galled foot, &c. Many of the above will be recognized as of
Roxbury and Dorchester.

On December 12, the Commissioners of the United Colonies
voted to strengthen the garrisons with such of the soldiers as
were able and willing to remain for that service during the
winter, and to dismiss others to their homes.

Jan. 11. " It was ordered by the Council that the Garrison
Souldjers at Chelmsford, Billerica, Groaten, Lancaster, Marl-
borough, and Sudbuiy, under Major Will.-rd, be discharged
forthwith, and sent home ; " and at the same time it was voted to

AT WASHAKOM PONDS. 57

pay them "two months' pay on their returne." This may have
been done at the request of the people in the above-named towns,
because we know that in many cases these garrison soldiers be-
came very obnoxious to the citizens, as will be seen when we
come to the lists at the garrisons, hereafter. I presume this ser-
vice of withdrawal and settlement of soldiers was under the
special charge of Capt. Henchman, who then, I think, retired
from active service until the 27th of the next April.

In the latter part of May, 1676, the forces under Capt. Hench-
man were called together again. These had been impressed by
order of the Council, April 27, and released to do their planting
until such time as wanted. They were mustered at Concord, at
this time, an important military post, whence he writes on June
2d, that " Tom Doublet went away soon after Mr. Clark, and
with him Jon\ Prescott, Daniel Champney & Josiah White,
carrying the pay for Goodman Moss, and 3 gallons of Rum."
They marched out towards Brookfield to join the Connecticut
forces on the 27th, but on information received from this same
Tom Doublet (an Indian), turned aside and had a fight with the
Indians at Washakom Ponds ; and this affair detained them so
that they did not reach Hadley until the 14th, when they joined
the Connecticut forces in the campaign on the Connecticut
River.

Capt. Henchman marched down towards Boston from Hadley
the last of June, and his letter, written on the way, describes the
homeward march.

Capt. Henchman's Letter of June 30th, 1676.
Our scouts brought intelligence that all the Indians were in a con-
tinual motion, some toward Narhaganset, others towards Watchuset,
shifting gradually, and taking up each others quarters, and lay not
above a night in a place. They brought in two Squaws, a Boy and a
Girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old
Fellow, Brother to a Sachem, six Squaws and Children, having killed
five men, and wounded others, if not killed them, as they supposed by
the Blood found in the Way, and a Hat shot through. These and the
other inform, that Philip and the Narhagausets were gone several Days
before to then- own Places. Philip's purpose being to do what Mischief
he could to the English. By advice I drew a commanded party under
the conduct of Capt. Sill, viz. Sixteen files of English, all my Troop,
and the Indians, excepting one File, being all we could make provision
for ; for what with the falling short of the Bread promised us, and a
great deal of what we had proving mouldy, the Rest of the Forces had
but one Bisket a Man, to bring them to this Place. This Party were
ordered towards Watchuset, and so to Nashaway and Washakom
Ponds, where we have notice Indians were and so to return to this
Place. Where by your Honour's Letter that came to me Yesterday
Morning, I understood that Provision was ordered for us ; and which
we found to our great Relief last Night, coming hither, Weary and
Hungry. The commanded Party we left at Quonsigumon, where
they intended to stay a while for the last Scouts we sent out : eleven

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Prisoners we had in all ; two of the oldest, by Counsel we put to Death,
the other Nine the Commissary is ordered to convey to Boston, with
Baggage, Horses and some of their Attendants for the Service.

Daniel Henchman.

On June 24 there seems to have been a general settlement
with all soldiers for service up to this summer campaign. Some
were paid in cash by the treasurer, but mostly they were paid
in part by the towns where they lived. The following lists
probably contain most of the names of those who marched out
and served in this campaign, with Capt. Henchman :

June 24, 1676

William Healy.

11 06

Magnus White.

'oi

SimonGroves (als .Grow) 03

12 10

Joseph Lyon.

John Polly.

11 08

July 24, 1676

John Kendall.

17 00

John Chub.

*02

Ephraim Regimant. 03

17 11

Daniel Hawes.

Benjamin Rice.

17 11

Hugh Taylor.

00 00

September

23-^ 1676.

Joseph Procter.

Joshuah Sawyer.

03 07 00

August 24* 1676

James Sawyer.

01 05

John Moore.

Jacob Willar.

05 08

Thomas Wheeler.

John Winter.

02 10

Richard Scott. Cornett

John Tolman.

07 00

George Stedman.

James Cutler.

04 03

Jonathan Atherton.

Nathaniel Adams

02 06

Jacob Hill.

James White.

15 08

James Cheevers.

Joseph Browne.

10 00

John Oyne.

John Browne.

05 08

William Keene.

Samuel Edmons.

11 05

James Franklin.

John Greenland.

02 08

Joseph Richeson.

John Finder.

00 00

Justinian Holding.

John Redman.

14 00

Denis Sihy.

Abraham Wilkinson. 01

10 10

Thomas North.

James Bayly.

11 03

Thomas Robinson.

Daniel Ruff.

17 00

Robert Ernes.

John Gibson.

11 00

Richard Browne.

Richard AYood.

17 00

Francis Woolfe.

Josiah White.

04 03

Joseph Garfield.

John Adams.

15 06

Jonn Floyd, Lieut.

Joseph Bucknam.

14 03

Jonathan Sprague.

John Stedman.

17 02

Benjamin Muzzye.

James Miller.

02 06

Thomas Adams

Jonathan Hill.

11 05

Francis Cooke. 2 items

James Patterson.

11 05

John Stone.

Thomas How.

11 05

Patrick Morren.

Richard Scott.

08 06

The Indians who served our side were not regularly credited,
and so, with few exceptions, their " debentures " are not found.
Their names and service will form a separate article.

Pocasset Swamp, where Fort Leverett was built, lies in the
present town of Tiverton, R.I.

II.

CAPT. SAMUEL MOSELY AND HIS COMPANY.

MANY will be interested to know something in the beginning,
of the remarkable character whose name stands at the head
of this company.

The family name was Maudesley, of Lancashire, England. In
the fall of 1635 Henry Maudesley came from England to Massa-
chusetts in the ship Hopewell, Capt. Babb, master.

Henry Maudesley was granted " about a quarter-acre of land "
in Dorchester " neere Goodman Munninge's," but lived at Brain-
tree, and had children born there — Mary, Sept. 29, 1638, and
Samuel, June 14, 1641. He had 12 acres of land at Mt. Wollas-
ton granted him "for three heads," February 24, 1639-40, was
of Artillery Co. 1643, and freeman in 1646. In 1652 he lived in
Boston, and had the lot on the corner of the present Union and
Hanover Streets.

The name Maudesley appears in some of the earliest records as
Modsley, Mosley, Mozley, Mosseley ; finally settling down to
Mosely. Samuel's signature, in every case known to me, is
Mosley, while Addington, Rawson, and other colonial officials
give it Mosely. I have adopted this last form.

Samuel Mosely married Ann Addington (born March 10, 1647,
daughter of the first Isaac and sister of the Hon. Isaac). They
were married previous to May 30, 1665, for on that date Samuel
Mosely and his wife Ann sign a deed to John Conney, conveying
a piece of land in " Windmill Field," which land Ann inherited
from her father, who had died in 1653. Samuel is designated
cooper, Conney also was a cooper ; and I judge from an old receipt
for a bill of cooperage, signed by Conney and Mosely together,
that they were in company in that business in 1673.

In 1668 he was one of the commissioners sent by the Court to
treat with the sachems of the Narragansets, in company with
Richard Wayt and Capt. Wright, and in the record is called
" Captain."

The author of " The Present State of New England," etc., says :
" This Capt. Mosely hath been an old Privateer at Jamaica, an
excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one whose memory
will be honorable in New England for his many eminent services

60 KING Philip's war.

he hath done the Public.'' This may have been the authority
upon which Mr. Savage bases his statement that Mosely " visited
Jamaica in the way of trade, and the adventurous spirit was
excited and schooled, perhaps by Sir Heniy Morgan and his
associate Buccaneers ; the result of which was his bringing home
to Boston two prizes taken from some unmentioned enemy."
From these hints and various other circumstances I am satisfied
that he was in command of some ship previous to 1668. I notice
that Isaac Addington, father of Mosely's wife, was commander
of the ship " Ann and Joane " in 1652.

I have found, after a long search, the following old account of
Treasurer Russell's estate, presented by James Russell, Executor,
October 20, 1676.

The Country is Debtor to

the huire of y'^ Katch Salsbury, Samuel Mosely Commd'' from

March 16. 1673 to Aprill 27, 1674 at 24£ pr moneth . £33 12s.

Pd for wages to the Salsbury 's M' & 47 men . 76 01

Pd Capt Mosely for disbursem" on the Salsbury . 23 10

Pd Capt Mosely for Water bucketts for y* Katch Swallow 00 19

These two " Katches," with the ship " Anthony," were fitted
out and sent forth by the colony to protect our commerce, and in
this time were engaged in cruising about Nantucket and vicinity.

He must have had notable experience from the facts of the
affair of the " two prizes," mentioned above, which from various
materials collected from the court files and archives, I am now
able to explain. This matter was fully set forth in an excellent
article published by the late C. W. Tuttle, Esq. For several
years previous to 1675, Boston merchants had been greatly
troubled b}^ " Dutch Pirates," as they were called. The mer-
chants had several times petitioned the Court for a " commission
of Order and Reprisal," which that cautious body had steadily
refused. Several times the merchants had armed their vessels
and taken the matter of " Reprisal " into their own hands, as in
the matter of the Dutch ship " Expectation ; " and upon complaint
made by the Dutch authorities, these merchants were called to
account by the Boston Court. At last, in December, 1674,
several small English vessels were captured at the Eastward by
the Dutch, joined with some English renegades from the Massa-
chusetts Colony. The place of the capture was " near Mt. Desart
Islles." One of these vessels belonged to John Freake of Boston,
the others to Wakb-on of Dover and Shapley of Kittery. Upon
the report of these depredations and the petition of the mer-
chants, a Commission of Reprisal was granted by the Court,
February 15, 1674-5, an expedition was immediately fitted out,
and by the request of the merchants Capt. Samuel Mosely was
put in command. Sailing out, his ship fell in with a French

THE DUTCH PIBATES. 61

vessel which he impressed into his service, and soon met the
Dutchmen. They had three vessels, the " Edward & Thomas,"
principal ship, of which the commander of the pirates, Peter
Roderigo, was captain. The second was called, in the appraisal,
the " Penobscot Shallopp that Roads went out in," and was com-
manded by Cornelius Anderson. The third was the vessel
captured from Mr. Freake, " The Shallopp called Philipp," and
now in charge of Peter Grant and its proper skipper, George
Manning, who had been wounded in its capture, and was about
to be turned adrift in his boat by the pirates, when in considera-
tion of his promise of good behavior he was reinstated and
allowed to sail his own craft in convoy of the others under
Dutch colors ; and now, when Capt. Mosely came to the attack,
Manning at once turns his arms upon his captors and assists in
their capture ; and in their defence before the Court the pirates
complain bitterly of the usage of Capt. Mosely in fighting them
under the three colors, English, French and Dutch all at once,
and the treachery of Manning. The pirates were captured, and
were brought into Boston April 2, 1675, Mr. Freake's vessel
restored to him, and the others confiscated by the Court for
expenses, etc. The pirates were imprisoned to await trial in
May, 1675. The prisoners were Peter Roderigo, commander ;
Cornelius Anderson, consort; John Rhodes, Thomas Mitchell,
Randall Judson, Edward Tourings, Richard Fowler, Peter Grant,
John Williams, John Thomas (Tomas or Tombs). A few words
more will explain who these men were.

In October, 1674, Capt. Jurian Aronson (Arnouson), com-
mander of the Dutch Privateer " Flying-Post-Horse, of Currassow,"
returning from the destruction of two French forts and settle-
ments at the Eastward, viz., " Penabskop " (Penobscott) and St.
John, came to Boston and asked of the Governor permission to
enter the harbor to " repaire," etc. When he sailed away he left
a part of his crew, viz. : " Peter Rodrigo, ' Flanderkin ' : Corne-
lius Anderson, Dutchman," three Englishmen who had belonged at
Boston, John Rhoades, Randall Judson, Peter Grant ; Richard
Fowler, who belonged at Muscongus ; and a *•' Cornishman "
named John Williams, who had been taken prisoner by the
Dutch and carried to '' Currisaw," and came hither with Capt.
Arnouson. Rhodes, " principal," Fowler, Grant and Judson,
hired Thomas Mitchell of Maiden, and a vessel of which he was
part owner, for a " trading voyage to the Eastward ; " and also
another, the Shallop. It would seem that the vessels went in at
Casco, and the crew captured some sheep at "■ Mountjoys Island "
(now Peak's), belonging to Mr. Mountjoy. (Fowler testified
that Mitchell approved this action, but he denied it, though con-
fessing that he " ate of the mutton."

Rodrigo commanded the " Edward and Thomas," and Anderson
the " Penobscott Shallopp." Rodrigo had some sort of commis-

62 KING Philip's war.

sion from Arnouson (which one of them testified was " written at
the ' Beare ' and had three seals on it "). Anderson had a copy of
this without seals. Mitchell testified that he opposed their acts of
piracy. Edward Youring testified that he went out with Mitchell
and had no part in piracy, and both these were discharged under
bonds for appearance. John Tomas was a boatswain who had come
to Boston formerly in the ship " William and Jane," and was with
Anderson, and was accused of shooting a Frenchman, but
denied, though admitting that he "shot at him." Tomas and
Williams were taken in Anderson's vessel. Manning's crew con-
sisted of James De Beck (who was a principal witness against
the pirates, and tells a pitiful story of their abuse), a Frenchman
and a boy.

Roderigo (often written Odrigoe), as will appear hereafter,
served a long time under Capt. Scottow at Black Point and at
the eastward. Anderson was the famous " Cornelius the Dutch-
man."

Great excitement prevailed in the colony during this trial.
The Dutchmen made an able defence, producing their commission
under William, Prince of Orange (but which was found to be
from their former skipper Arnouson), and alleging the infringe-
ment of the law of nations by our vessels in trading with the
French at the eastward, with whom the Dutch were at war.

There is evidence in the trial, as in the subsequent action of
the Court, of much popular sympathy for the Dutch prisoners,
while the most bitter hostility was expressed against the English
renegades. Five were convicted of piracy and condemned to
death ; but under the stress of the opening war execution was
deferred. Anderson was acquitted. Upon his petition, Rodrigo
was soon pardoned and released, and served faithfully against the
Indians. Fowler was pardoned in October. The sentence of
the others, Rhodes, Grant and Judson, after several months' im-
prisonment, was commuted to banishment out of the country on
condition of giving security for prison charges and transportation.

It will be easy to see that Capt. Mosely, the hero of the suc-
cessful enterprise, would naturally become at once the most
notable man in the colony, and when in the midst of his success
the Indian war broke out, he would be looked to at once as a
popular leader. But he held no military office, and not even his
success and popularity, and close family relation to Gov. Lev-
erett, could prevail to break the strict rule of official succession
in the colonial militia ; so that the only course left him was, per-
haps, that which suited him best, the organization of an indepen-
dent company of Volunteers. " Within three hours," says the
old historian, "there were enlisted 110 volunteers." Among
these were many of his old " privateers," i.e. those who had
served with him in his expedition, and several of the released
pirates.

CAPT. MOSELY'S VOLUNTEERS.

From a close comparison of these following lists with the Bos-
ton tax-lists for 1674, and from other sources, I find that many
of his soldiers were apprentices or servants, and probably many
boys not yet enrolled in the militia, and therefore not subject to
impressment. Several of the names would seem to indicate a
sprinkling of Frenchmen, and a contemporary writer relates that
the ten or twelve privateers had several dogs with them which
rendered valuable service in " finding out the enemy in their
swamps." By reason of the loss of the first thirteen pages of the
Journal, the names previous to August 21 have to be gathered
from the Ledger, and therefore I had to make a close study of
many of the names, but have no doubt of any set down below,
with the possible exception of Eph™ Regeman and Moses Knap,
and with these I deem the evidence sufficient to justify me in
putting them in under Mosely.

It will be noticed that only seventy-five men are credited
below for services in this campaign. There is no doubt that
more went with him, and we can readily see that many of tlie
transient adventurers, especially if sailors, would be gone before
the Court got ready to pay them off regularly. On August 4th
Capt. Mosely was paid X50 by the Court " for his souldiers," and
November 20th X50 more ; while up to December 10 he had only
accounted to the treasurer by receipts from his men for £27, but
in the meantime had made no charge for his own military service,
and I judge that he may have paid off many who followed him in
this brief service at Mount Hope, as their occasion demanded or
his convenience suited, without any formal " Debenter " or bill.
Thus Cornelius Anderson is not mentioned at all, and doubtless
many others were settled with by Capt. Mosely, and no account
rendered. There is no indication that he misappropriated the
colony's funds, but was probably free-handed with his soldiers
and careless in his accounts, and when Capt. Gookin and others
complained of his high-handed cruelty towards the Indians, there
was no hint of any indirection in regard to his conduct in money
matters. I doubt that he had one hundred and ten men, as
stated in the " Old Indian Chronicle," but think there may have
been many more than are here set down. From some indications
I am led to think that many of his men did not return with him
to Boston, but joined the Plymouth forces and remained in the
service there.

Names of those who were credited with miUtary Service under Capt
Mosely in June & July 1675 at M' Hope.

August 9. 1675

£ s. d.

£ 8. d.

Robert Webb.

01 07 06

Robert Miles.

01 07 06

John Bordecot.

01 07 06

Thomas Austin.

01 07 06

William Perry.

01 07 06

Moses Knap.

02 00 00

KING PHILIP'S

John Wilson.

s.
07

September S"*

s. d.

Robert Street.

Joshua Winslow, Lieut

06 06

Thomas Tidy.

Cusbe Ebitt.

01 00

August 14

Edward Reade.

07 06

William Pollard.

Thomas Woodmott.

07 06

Joseph Pollard.

Roger Keuicott.

12 00

John Hands.

September 14

William Harvey.

Roger Jones.

07 06

Samuel Gold. ,

Rowland Soley.

04 00

Joseph Souther.

William Smallidg.

04 00

Alexander Forbs.

John Pemberton.

01 00

William Green.

Robert Kenicott.

05 00

Joseph Plaisted.

Josiah Hilmau.

08 08

August 20"^

John Tombs.

06 00

Ephraim Regiman.

John Steeveus.

00 00

John Coke.

John Size.

12 00

Jonathan Nichols.

September 21

Richard Nevill.

Depon Frenchman.

00 06

Benjamin Phillips.

George Burbeck

00 06

John Brandon.

William Brookes

05 00

Joseph Sexton.

William Smith

15 06

Timothy Horton.

William Pasmore.

07 04

James Lendall.

September 28"

Samuel Lane

John Cross.

04 00

August 21.

George Cray.

01 06

Plandian Decro.

Sept 30">

Jacob AUin, Ensigne.

Jacob BuUard.

03 09

Thomas James, Sergt.

Oct 19"^

Aaron Stephens.

Timothy Horton

00 00

John Holman.

John Cross.

10 00

Samuel Peacock.

Rich*^ Barn am, Corp^

12 00

John Drury.

October 26* 16

Thomas Gross.

Richard Eyres

04 00

August 27"'

Robert Woodward

00 00

Robert Foster.

Derman Morris.

17 04

William Dean.

Robert Dawes

18 06

Manoah Bodman.

Isaac Sheffeild.

03 04

Francis Burges.

Daniel Matthewes.

00 00

William Jones.

John Baker

14 00

Thomas Clark.

Samuel Browne

18 06

Phillip Sandy.

07 06

Samuel Messey

07 06

In old Boston Tax-lists, 1674, the names Austin, Hands,
Horton, Decro and Woodmott appear as Alliston, Hams, Hort-
man, Splandy decro, Woodnet. A petition of John Stevens
(Archives, vol. 67) states that he was "shot in the arm " in this
service.

In the Archives, vol. 68, page 198, there is a petition from
Samuel Holman saying that his servant Edward Sampson went
out to Mt. Hope under Captain Mosely, and complains that

MOSELY MARCHES TO MOUNT HOPE. 65

"instruments of cliirurgery of his have been prest for the use
of Moseley's chirurgeon, and afterwards a whole box of the same
for Doctor Wells when he went to Narragansett, which are now
delivered to Dr. Gerrish." Then himself prest to go out under
Capt. Wads worth, had to send his said servant, costing him X14,
and then his servant was put under Capt. Turner.

I find that several of the names are credited with service
under other captains. Thus, John Cross has credit under
Henchman, September 14, George Burkback (Burbeck, Berbeck),
September 3 and October 19, under Lieut. Brattle. William
Brooks under Prentice, August 27. Several are credited as
" guards," and may have been in service as scouts and guides, and
so credited under the captains with whom each service was ren-
dered. With these exceptions I think the above, together with
some others whose names are now lost, undoubtedly made up
the motley company of " Volunteers " with which Capt. Mosely
marched out of Boston, probably early in the morning of June
27th, and overtook the troops of Henchman and Prentice, wait-
ing for them at " Woodcock's," in the afternoon ; and then all
marched on and arrived at Swanzy, and quartered at Mr. Miles's
Garrison-House close to the bridge leading to Mount Hope.
Gen. Cudworth of the Plymouth forces was commander-in-chief.
The reports of the events immediately following their arrival are
somewhat conflicting. Some account of the general movement
of the troops has been given in the former chapter. If any one
reads only the " Old Indian Chronicle" aforesaid, it will seem as
if Capt. Mosely was the only officer engaged, and that his men
did all the fighting ; but the accounts therein were the first un-
digested rumors that came back from the army, and are not con-
firmed by Hubbard, or Church, or Mather. The action of the
troopers on the afternoon of the 28th belongs to the next chapter.
on Capt. Prentice. The repulse they received greatly elated the
Indians, who appeared next morning shouting their defiaht chal-
lenge to ours to come across the bridge and fight them. Taking
the several accounts, the following is probably near the truth :
Capt. Mosely with his volunteers charged across the bridge and
pursued the Indians to the woods. The regular troops followed
and formed in line to sweep the neck by marching with both
wings of the line extended. This, Church says, was so clumsily
performed that the two wings encountered and fired upon each
other, and Perez Savage. Capt. Henchman's ensign, was wounded.
Philip fled before our troops, and with his people escaped across
the Mattapoisett River to Pocasset. The volunteers took a prom-
inent part in the scouting movements of the next few days, then
marched, July 5th, with the Massachusetts forces, to the Narra-
gansett country, and returned back with them on July 15th to
Rehoboth, and when on tlie 18th it was decided to withdraw
all the Massachusetts troops except Capt. Henchman's, they

66 KING PHILIP S WAR.

returned to Boston and were disbanded, probably about July
20th.

No further credits appear under Capt. Mosely until December
10, yet during all the time from his return from Mt. Hope he had
been in almost constant service, which it may be well for us to
follow, as it is probable that most of his men credited on that
date had served with him to the time. On August 7, with 60
dragoons he met Capt. Henchman's tired troops marching
towards Mendon, having been sent to them with supplies.
(Capt. Thomas's letter in Mather's Brief History says, " We met
Capt. Mosely marching from Providence up after us.") When
Capt. Henchman went next day to Boston for orders, Mosely
was left in command at Mendon, and most of Henchman's men
were left with him. Within a few days he was ordered to march to
Quaboag (Brookfield), where he continued awhile scouting, etc.
In a note endorsing a bill of William Locke, chirurgeon of the
Massachusetts forces in the Mount Hope campaign, Mosely says
that after Capt. Henchman went to Boston, " he took s"^ Locke
into his company, and from Mendon marched to Malbury and
thence to Quaboag." Capt. Lathrop being senior officer, with-
drew Locke to his forces; audi find a Court Order (vol. 67,
Archives) to Dr. William Hawkins, August 17, 1675, "to join
Mosely at Malbrow."

On August 16th he wrote a letter to the Governor, which
explains his movements, situation, etc.

ffrom Nashowah Allies Lankestor 16"" August 1675.
Honored Sir

Yesterday I spayred Capt. Beeres 26 our men to march with
him to Sprinkefeild & it was with Major Willard ordder and I have
also AccordiQge to my orders from Major General Denison Sentt to
Dunstable fort to Inlearge there gard 18 men & to Groatton 12 men
& to Chelmsford 12 men out of those y' ware under Capt Hinksmans
& of those y' Caime with me : Also last nightt about Seaven A clocke
we martched into Nashowah wheare we are Att present butt shall as
soon as the Constable haith prest us a dozen Horses proseed for
Groatton & so to Chensford : according to the order Major Willard
2;ave me yesterday Att Quoah-bawge ; The day before I came from
Quoahbaugh — I martched I(n) company with Capt Beeres & Capt
Laytrop to the Sw.ip where they left niee & tooke theire martch to
Sprinkfilld and a soone as they ware gon I tooke my martch Into the
woods about 8 mills beyond the Swape where Capt Huttcheinson and
the rest ware y' ware wounded & killed & so returned to follow the
enemy as above saide ; also we did find A prsell of wigwoms beyond
the Swainip about 20 which we burnt &c. our Maj"" having a Seartayne
Intelligence of a considerable party of Indians y' have gathered too-
gather a littell above Chensford which I hope wee shalbe up with this
night or toMorrough at furthest & if it pleese God I come up with them
God assisting me I will cloosely ingadge with them & God spearing my

MENDON TO " BLOODY BROOK." 67

life I shall as oppertunity gives leave Acquaint your hoiinor of my
Actions ; I have with me butt 60 men at present ; so desiring your
prosperity & y' it may please God to preserve your Honour in good
health and humbly beseach your prayers to God for my Good Suckses
in this my undertaking with My Humbell Searvis &c in all deuttyfuU-
ness I subscribe myself your Respective kinsman & Humble Searvantt

Samuell Mosley
my Cosson Leverett ppresents his
Deuty to yo'' Honour & my Antt.

Between Aug. 9th and 16th he had marched from Mendon to
Brookfield, where he distributed his men as above. On the 17th
he probably marched towards Chelmsford as proposed, but on the
22d some of the Nipmuck Indians fell upon Lancaster and killed
seven or nine inhabitants, and the next day the [people sent for
Capt. Mosely and told him of their suspicions of the Hassanemesit
Indians (friendly or Praying Indians) then living under supei-
vision in a sort of fort at Marlborough. Capt. Mosely hastily
marched to the fort and seized eleven (or according to Major
Gookin's account fifteen) of the Indians, "pinioned" them and
bound them neck to neck and sent them down to Boston for trial.
Of the fifteen only eleven were accused ; all were finally found
innocent & acquitted, and Capt. Mosely's proceeding severely
criticised by the Court and his superior officers. Maj' Gookin
believed that the people instigated suspicions " in order to secure
the land of the Indians." After sending these prisoners down
on August 30th, Capt. Mosely marched up the Merrimac as far
as Pennacook (Concord, N.H.) to the home of the peaceful
Wannalancet, where he was prepared to repeat the late trans-
action ; but the Pennacooks had quietly withdrawn and eluded
him. He burnt their village and stores of food, and marched
back. Capt. Mosely's course was not approved, and the Court
immediately sent messengers to win back the friendship of
Wannalancet.

The next we hear of Capt. Mosely is on September 14, when
he marched into Hadley with sixty Bay soldiers, and thence to
Deerfield, where he was quartered and scouting on the 18th,
when hearing the guns of the attack on Capt. Lathrop at
Bloody Brook, he hurried with seventy men to join the fight,
and though too late to prevent the terrible disaster, he and his
men attacked the great body and "charged them through and
through" several times, chasing them seven miles or moie.
Lieutenants Savage and Pickering especiall}^ distinguished
themselves for their daring. Finally, after long and severe
fighting, but strangely enough, with a loss of only two killed
and eight or nine wounded, they were being forced slowly back-
ward by great numbers, when Major Treat with a force of
Connecticut troops and Indians came up and joined them, and
before these united forces Philip retreated in haste.

68 KING Philip's war.

In regard to the killed and wounded I have the names. John
Gates, and Peter Barron. The will of the latter shows that he
was the servant of Elias Hendly of Marblehead, and was pressed
to go against the Indians. Will was probated Nov. 26, 1675.
A petition of Richard Russ, in the Mass. Archives, declares, " I
was just out in the Country's Service under Capt. Mosely, when
Capt° Lawtrop was slayne, and in that fight received a shott in
y* bottom of my belly, the bullet carryin in with it y^ ring of my
Bandoleer."

The English retired to Deerfield for the night, and next
morning returned to the battlefield and buried their dead.

It was thought best to abandon the garrison at Deerfield, and
so all removed to Hatfield, and Capt. Mosely was garrisoning that
town on October 5th, when he writes the Governor. Major
Pynchon, with Capts. Appleton and Sill, were on the opposite
side of the river at Hadley.

This letter is in another hand, but dictated and signed by
Mosely.

Hadfield y« 5. of 8"" 1675

Honoured Sir.

Your kind letter I have received bearing date y^ 30* of y^ last months
for which I render you many thanks and takes it very kindly, I confes,
y* I have written some things to that purpose as Concerning the hange-
ing of those Indians of Malbery, I desire to be Excuse if my tongue or
pen has out run my witt being in a passion and seeing what mischief
had beene done by the Indians which T have beene eye witness to, would
make a wiser person than I am, willing to have revenge of aney of
them, but notwithstanding what I have written there as to that purpose
it is fare from my heart to Doe, for I am willing to undertake aney
commands Imposed upon me to serve the country as farr as my life,
wee discover severall Indians about all these tounes, which causes
Allarm, and wee have mett ne'er of theire myne body as yett Butt wee
Doe Dayly Expect them wee never sended aney skoutes but weould
mett them onely last night they could not discover them although they
have been about Iladly mill which is the other side of a great River
Contrary to my quartes, Springfield Indians is thought of Certain to
bee ready att any times when the enemy comes to appose y^ touue to
fall upon the English along with Enemye, my service pray presented
to your Lady and not forgetting yourselfe and all the familye wishing
you and all of them much prosperity, health & happiness being all
att present from S' your Most Humble & Ready Servant

and loving Cousin Samuel Moslet.

[P. S.]

Last night we received some news from Springfield which gives us an
acct. y' Phillip with 500 men Laid in Springfield forte & resolved to fall
upon the toune this day, and to prevent his desigue Major Pinchon is
gone with Capt Apleton and Capt Sill, with a company of 190 Soulders,
two Quiuiticate companeys leaf t att Hadly to gard that toune I and my
company heare wheare I doe expect them every houre and att nightt as
well as in day for they have faired upon y"" Sentinell at night.

MOSELY S HATFIELD LETTER. 69

The blow fell as thi'eatened, and Major Pynchon and troops
came only to find the town in flames, and the Indians fled.
Major Pynchon, stricken sorely by this heavy loss of his beloved
town, begged earnestly to be relieved from the chief command,
and the Court reluctantly and very tenderly granted his
request, appointing Capt. Appleton major in his stead. The In-
dians retired to Coasset, about fifty miles above Hadley, and on
the 12th Major A. marched from Springfield and quartered his
troops at that place. The next few days we spent in scouting
and searching out the enemy, and on the 16th Capt. Mosely
writes the following letter to the Governor. The postscript is
written in his hand on the margin of the letter. It seems to us
too horrible to be conceived of as the act of Christians, The cap-
tive was the squaw taken at Springfield. Nothing further is
known of the affair. Some special act of outrage or treachery on
her part may have drawn upon her this fearful sentence.

Hatfield, 16"^ October 1675

I have skarse aney Strang news to acquaint y"" Honn"" withall at pres-
ent yesterday wee thought to go in pursuit of y'' Enemies at Hadly side
of the river and as wee marched out from Hadly Some Theinge better
than a mile, the Skoutes y' was send from this towne Did Speye some
Indians and thereupon we came this side of the river and did march out
last night y* whole body or strenght of men that we have heare ; but
at Last we took it to Consideration that it was very Dangerous to leave
the townes impteye without any Souldiers. This day being a very
blusterous and very high winds, I have sent out some skoutes and they
discover some Indians, some three nules ofif. And last night I have
send of my men 4 to Deerfield and some two miles from the towne
wheare thare was some railes ye enemy have weaged them up aiid
made them very fast. I know not whether it be to trapann the skoutes
or else to faight there if we go in pursueth of them ; but I intend to
bourn all their rails up, please God to grant me life and health.

Wee are told by an Indian that was taken at Springfeeld y' they in-
tended to set upon these 3 townes in one Day. The body of them y'
waites this exploite to do is about 600 Indians, as wee are informed
by the aforesaid Indian ; and farther wee are informed that they are
making a fort some 60 miles from this Place up in the woods, Pray sir
be pleased to present my humble service to your lady and all the rest
of the family.

I make no question but the enemys will make an tempt within a short
space of Time upon those Tonnes, having nothing else skarse worth
your reading I remaine Sir y'' most Humble &

Ready Servant, whilst [?]

Samuel Mosley.

" This aforesaid Indian was ordered to be torn in peeces by Doggs
and she was soe dealt with all."

70 KING Philip's war.

On the 19th, the Indians in great force fell upon the town, but
were soon " beaten off without doing much harm." Just before
the fight seven of Mosely's men and three others were sent out
to scout, and seven of the number were cut off and killed. The
Indians made no further general attack after this repulse, and
withdrew to winter quarters. Capt. Mosely's forces, however,
still remained in the western towns with other troops, under
Major Appleton, until as late as November 20th ; for, on the
16th, the Court authorized a letter to Appleton directing the
withdrawal of the main force, and urging especially the dismissal
of the troops of Capt. Mosely. The • United Colonies were now
in full preparation for the grand movement against the Narragan-
sets ; and the " Privateers " with their dashing leaders were
needed. The western and outlying towns were garrisoned as
securely as might be, and all available " veterans " hurried in to
swell the army of the three colonies to 1000 men, for this special
service to Narraganset. Much of great interest in the organiza-
tion of this army must be passed over here.

The quota of Massachusetts was to be 527 men, Plymouth 158,
and Connecticut 325. Rhode Island was not " counted in," for
reasons best known to our dear old Puritan fathers. Josiah Wins-
low, Esq., Governor of Plymouth Colony, was made Commander-
in-chief of the army, and under him Major Samuel Appleton
commanded the Massachusetts forces, consisting of six compa-
nies, viz. : Maj. Appleton's own, Capt. Mosely's, Capt. Joseph
Gardner's, Capt. Nathaniel Davenport's, Capt. James Oliver's,
and a troop under Capt. Thomas Prentice. Major Robert Treat
commanded the Connecticut forces, five companies under Capts.
Siely, Gallop, Mason, Wats ; and Major William Bradford two
Plymouth companies, his own and Capt. John Gorham's. The
Massachusetts forces mustered on Dedham Plain, where, on Dec.
9, Gen. Winslow assumed command. There were then "465
fighting men," besides Capt. Prentice's troop. It seems, from the
Journal, that no settlement had been made with Mosely's and
Appleton's troops for the campaign in the west, and on December
10th, twenty-seven pages of the book are entirely devoted to their
accounts, and few, if any, other items are given under that date
save such as relate to them. The captains had paid out small
sums at different times, and the towns of " Hadly," " Malbrow,"
" Mendam," " Lining" (Lynn), and many constables, merchants
and others, are credited by cash, clothing, etc., to these troops ;
and on that date Treasurer Hull pays them the balance of their
accounts. Among the few precious lists of names ])reserved in
the Massachusetts Archives is the " Muster Roll of Capt. Mosely's
company, taken at Dedham the 9 of Xber, 1675." I have
arranged this list and the credits of December 10-20 and Jan-
uary, alphabetically, and tested them carefully otherwise, and
find that the greater part of his company were his " veterans."
The following account may be of interest.

MOSELY S COMPANY AT DEDHAM PLAIN.

The town of Dunstable, per Constable Jona. Tyng, brings in a
bill of about £100 for billeting Mosely's men, ammunition, etc.

Billeting 18 men from 13th August to 10th Sept. 1675 . £16 16 00

-' 29 " " 11th Sept. " 17th Jauuary 1675-6 47 18 00

" 6 " " 18 Jan'y " 25 may 1676 . . 25 03 00

" 3 " " 3 may " 14 July " . .08 08 00

25 lbs Powder and 250 bullets, &c 01 15 00

2 horses 3 days to Pennacook 00 01 06

An Auditing Committee questioned the bill, but he was paid
120 on account, October 11, 1676. (Archives, vol. 68.)

Credited with Military Service under Capt Mosely.
December 10"' 1675

John Rice.

William Blake.^
Jonathan Freeman.
Samuel Guild.
John Buekman.
Richard Brine.
John Cooper.
Thomas Bull.
John Roberts.
Edward Weston.
Perez Savage, Lieut.
John Ireson.
John Brandon.
John Fuller, Corp^.
Benjamin Dyer.
James Johnson, Sergt.
Zachariah Crisp.
Peter Lane
John Turner.
Richard Rust.
John Leech.
Jonathan Nichols.
John Plympton.
Tho' Region.
John Cross.
Thomas Green.
Thomas Harris.
James Dickenden.
Richard Scott.
William Bateman.
Richard Adams.

04 16 00
04 16 00
04 16 00
04 16 00
04 19 02
04 19 02
04 19 04
04 19 04

04 19 04

05 16 00
12 00 00

04 16 00

02 14 00

05 12 00
04 19 04
04 11 00
04 00 00
04 19 04
04 16 00
04 16 00
04 19 04

03 10 02

04 16 00
04 12 06
02 02 00

04 19 04

05 02 00
04 04 00

06 10 00
01 07 06
04 16 00

Thomas Warren.
John Ramsey.
John Stebins.
Jonathan Wales.
Timothy Wales.
Jeremiah Stokes.
Joseph Twichell.
Samuel Veale.
Andrew Johnson.
Mathew Thomas.
Francis Siddall.
John Dunbar.
Edward Weeden.
Samuel Kemble.
Timothy Hortman.
John Corser.
Daniel Magenis, Corpl.
James Updike, Serg^.
Daniel Matthews.
Mathias Smith.
John Williston.
John Sherman.
William Phillips.
James Fraukling.
Bartholomew Flegge.
Benjamin Allen.
John Cantelberry.
Hugh CoUohue''
Jacob Willar
Valentine Harris.
James Mathews

06 11 02
04 19 04
02 10 06
04 19 04
04 19 04
02 14 00
04 19 04
04 19 04

04 19 04

05 02 00
04 19 04
04 16 00
04 19 04
04 19 00
02 16 04

04 19 02

05 10 00
04 09 04

07 09 00
04 16 00
04 16 00
04 13 60

04 19 02

05 04 06
04 19 04
02 08 00
04 16 00
04 19 04
13 11 00
02 14 00
01 18 06

' Variations not noted above are, Blacke (W" Blake, jr. for whose release his father, W"
Seur, petitions the Court) , Brien, Wesson, Ayrson (for Ireson), Dayer, Leane, Euss, Leigh,
Plimton, Dichetto, Stebence, Weals, Stokes, Cousier, McKennyes, Willingston, Cauter-
berry, and other minor changes.

^ Augnst, 1676. George Nowell petitions for the release of his servant " Hugh Gallo-
way that went as a Volunteer under Mosely neere the beginning of ye waiTC, and is now
in y« garrison at Hatfield under Capt. Sweane."

KING

Philip's war.

DanielJohnson Trumpeter

Dennis Sihy.

02 09

Dec. 20th

Thomas Bull.

03 00

John Mayo.

Richard Randall.

15 04

Thomas Okleby

Richard Brian.

14 00

John Casey

John Day.

14 00

John Langbury

10 00

Edward Weston.

11 00

Richard Jinkes

Richard Gibson.

14 00

Joshua Silverwood

Thomas Welch.

04 08 02

John Morse Commissary

John Ramsey.

14 00

1675-6 Jan'y 25.

Thomas Furbush.

18 00

Benjamin Norden

16 00

John Rosse.

14 00

Jonathan Gay.

William Philips.

14 00

George Manning.

John Rice.

14 00

Joseph Porter.

00 06

James Chadwick.

04 00

Josias Hillman.

Edward Weeden.

14 00

Thomas Jones.

June 24«> 1676

Edward Read.

Thomas Forbes.

12 00

Robert Parris.

John Pemerton.

03 00

John Langbury.

10 00

John Leech.

14 00

February 29, 1C75-6

WUliam Maderill.

14 10

Daniel Canada.

Peter Leane.

14 10

James Franklin.

William Smallage.

15 06

Jonathan Wales.

Richard Gibson.

14 10

George Grimes.

Thomas Ockerby.

14 10

John Provender.

Jonathan Wales.

14 10

John Leech.

Richard Randall.

02 00

Hugh Gollihu (CoUohue)

Joseph Wakefield.

14 10

William Bateman.

William Blake jr.

14 00

Joshuah Silverwood.

John Essery.

10 10

John Bucknam.

Thomas Warren

14 10

Edward Weston.

Philip Keane.

02 00

Benjamin Dyer.

Edward Weason.

02 00

March 24"^ 1675-6

Joseph Douse.

14 10

Daniel Mathews.

Stephen Fielder.

14 10

Samuel Colebourne.

Joseph Pratt.

14 00

John Stebbins.

Thomas Bishop.

18 06

John Brandon.

Joseph Deers.

02 00

Jonathan Freeman.

Richard Addams.

08 00

John Williston.

James Couch.

14 10

Daniel Matthews.

John Ramsey.

14 10

James Johnson.

Thomas Webb.

02 00

Richard Gibson.

Daniel Clow.

08 00

John Farmer.

.John Wilkins.

14 10

John Caiiterbery.

Matthew Thomas.

14 10

John Cooper.

Samuel Leman.

14 10

James Updike.

14 00

Richard Cowell.

02 00

AprU 24"^ 1676

Daniel East.

14 10

John Munge.

Thomas Hitchborn.

14 10

John Shepard.

Samuel Fosdike.

14 00

Thomas Davis.

John Hawkins.

14 00

Sam' Guile.

David Landon

14 10

James Mollard.

Seabread Taylor.

02 00

MOSELY AT NARRAGANSET.

John Long.

02 14 10

Joseph Graves.

01 04 00

Peter Bennett, Ldeut.

06 15 00

Roger Brown.

02 14 00

John Wensteed.

02 14 00

Thomas Bull.

03 03 00

Edmund Chamberlain.

00 12 00

Joseph Douse.

02 14 00

Jacob Cole.

03 00 00

James Smith.

05 08 00

Edward Walker.

02 14 00

Dennis Sihy.

04 00 00

Joseph Low.

04 10 10

It will be remembered that the credits for service were given
at the close of such service, or at regular monthly or bi-monthly
settlements. It often happened that the men would be separated
from their officers, at garrisons on special duties, and so waiting
the official signature the bill would be delayed sometimes for a
year. Many who were in the Narraganset campaign were not
paid off till the general settlement, June 24th, 1676. And though
many of the credits represent later service, yet I judge the oft-
repeated amount, <£02 14 00, represents the "Fort" campaign.
This will hold in nearly every case, though not all. Thomas
May was in that campaign and received no credit until Septem-
ber 23, 1676. The credits in other companies confirm this
theory.

The forces under Gen. Winslow marched on the afternoon of
December 9th to Woodcock's Garrison, and December 10th to
Seaconk. From thence Capt. Mosely and his men sailed with
Mr. Richard Smith across the bay, and then marched to his
Garrison-House at Wickford in Narraganset, arriving in the even-
ing, having taken a party of thirty-six Indians on the way.

Mr. Church relates that he went across to Wickford with Mr.
Smith, but omits any mention of Capt. Mosely and his company,
and their capture of 36 Indians in the march to Wickford, but tells
of 18 that himself took with the " Eldridges and some other brisk
hands." Church never omits to tell of his own exploits at full
length. Mosely was the most popular officer of the army, and un-
doubtedly excited Church's anger and perhaps jealousy by ignoring
and opposing him. Mosely, the successful captain at the head of
a strong company of veterans, would not readily accept commands
from one without title or company, whose best service hitherto
had been only in scouting and skirmishing with small irregular
parties. Church writes his own adventures. Mosely's can never
be known fully, but what we have shows him to be brave, popu-
lar with both the army and at home, and wonderfully successful.

Gen. Winslow with the other forces ferried over to Providence,
and marched through " Pomham's " territory, in hopes to capture
that sachem, to the rendezvous at Smith's Garrison, on the even-
ing of Dec. 12th. Mosely had captured one Peter, an Indian who
betrayed Philip, and became invaluable to the army as a faithful
guide, actuated ])robably by desire of revenge. On December
14th the General marched out with his forces to explore the

KING PHILIP'S WAK.

surrounding country, and Sergt. (Jolin) Bennet, with thirty men
of Capt. Oliver's company, went out scouting, and killed two
Indians and captured eight more.

On the 15th occurred a skirmish at a certain stone-wall, where
twenty or thirty Indians discharged their guns at Capt. Mosely
at once without effect. On the same evening the Garrison-House
of Jireh (Jerry) Bull at Petasquamscot was destroyed, and seven-
teen persons killed, of which news was brought next day by
Capt. Prentice's troop, and on the 17th the Connecticut forces,
three hundred English and one hundred and fifty Mohegans,
arrived at the same place, and on the 18th the whole force of
Massachusetts and Plymouth met them there about 5 P.M.

Bull's Garrison had been intended for the general rendezvous,
and its loss was severely felt, as the army was forced to spend
the entire night without shelter. At 5 A.M. the next morning,
December 19th, they took up the march towards the Fort.

The story of the march, and the great battle at the " Swamp
fort," is to be told in full in a subsequent chapter and so is
omitted here.

The following list of " Wounded and Slayne " in Capt.
Mosely's company, is in the Archives, vol. 68 :

John Farmer, Boston
Richard Barnam, "
Jerre Stockes, "

W" Bourle, Charlestown (probably Burt)
Edmund Chamberlain, Maulden
Richard Updick, Narragansett
9 Wounded / Lieut. Perez Savage Boston

Slayne

John Brandon "

John Sherman, Watertown.
James Updick, Boston.
James Chadwick, Maiden.
John Fuller, Dedham.
John Shepheard, Charlestovra.
Rich*^ Addams of Sudbury.
Jacob Coole, Charlestown.

men are

on 6 Jan'ry,

at Rhode Island

with 5 Souldg" •

to attend

the

wounded men

there
Samuel Fosdick.
Thomas Weales. I

James Dighenton. (Dichetto) L To attend
Joseph Low. I

Joshua Silverwood. j

Daniel Weld, chirurgeon, is credited .£10 ; is probably the Dr.
Wells referred to in petition of Holman above. He was " Chir-
urgeon General," and was of Salem. There is a credit to George
Thomas, Dec. 10, for " Chyrurgion Instruments for Dr. Weld
and Dr. Knott" (Richard Knott of Marblehead). These were
with the wounded probablj^ and also Dr. Pliilip Read, of Lynn,
and Dr. William Hawkins, Boston.

MOSELY AT NARRAGANSET.

Mr. Hubbard states the number of Mosely's men killed to be
nine, wounded ten. Whole number of English killed, above
eighty, and one huncbed and fifty wounded that recovered. He
puts the number of Indians killed at one thousand warriors, and
many of the aged and women and children. The troops returned
to Smith's Garrison that night, and cared for their wounded ; and
Church relates that Mr. Andrew Belcher arrived that evening at
Wickford with a vessel laden with supplies, without which there
must have been great suffering.

In a bill presented by Capt. Benjamin Gillam, dated Jan. 19,
1675, is the item, " To charges on men to cut out Andrew
Belcher's Sloop to goe to Narragansett, 14s."

The troops remained mostly inactive during the ensuing
month, seeking to bring the Indians to terms of a permanent
peace. There was some scouting and frequent captures, but no
general action. Jan. 10, new forces were sent down from Boston,
and the army was recruited to 1600 men, and on Jan. 27th began
to move in pursuit of the Indians, who had now renewed their
depredations. At last, in the early part of February, having
pursued them around as far as Marlborough and Brookfield, they
were forced to leave the pursuit for want of provisions and rest,
and marched into Boston. On the 5th of February the Major
was ordered to dismiss his soldiers to their several homes to await
further summons. On February 15th, Capt. Mosely was ordered
to march with his company to Sudbury, and there to abide till
further orders.

These credits cover various services from Dec. 10, 1675.

July 24th 1676

Samuel Clark.

03 04

Henry Swaine.

James Couch.

19 03

Richard Bennett.

Johii Hands.

15 00

Gilbert Eudecott.

Johu Dunbarr.

12 02

John Day.

Benjamin Lathrop.

08 00

Sam' Colborne.

John Salter.

14 02

Samuel Guild.

Ezekiel Hamblin.

12 10

Gilbert Forsith.

Roger Prosser.

19 03

Perez Savage, Lieut.

Andrew Johnson.

14 10

Samuel Measie.

Jonathan Sprague.

18 10

John Gates.

Johu Pitcher.

12 10

William Wainright.

Johu Harrison.

12 10

Jeffrey Jeffers.

John Auger.

12 10

Richard Silvester.

David Langdon.

12 11

Armstrong Horner.

John Sibly.

12 00

John Mousall.

Francis Earle.

10 02

August 24.

1676

Nathaniel Badcock.

10 02

Roger Prosser.

John Goff.

15 00

Peter Mellarcly.

Joseph Wakefield.

12 10

John Gilbert.

Perez Savage.

12 02

Joseph Saxton.

Johu Minds.

18 10

Jacob AUin.

Israel Howen (Howell)

10 02

KING PHILIP S WAR.

Joseph Butler. 00 10 02

Mark Round. 02 14 10

September 23S 1676.
John Prescott. 00 10 02

John Mudg. 02 14 10

James Marshall. 00 12 10

Samuel Davis.

William Bassly.

Thomas May.

Archibell Forrest,

John Gilbert, Senior.

James Wamsly

From Sudbury he soon after marched to Marlboro', where he
seems to have remained several weeks, taking a large part in the
negotiations concerning the redemption of captives, regulating (?)
the affairs of the friendly Indians, etc. It is evident that he
was always impatient of commands from his superior officers.
The " seniority " rule of precedence was strictly adhered to in
the colonial army, and in active service we find him constantly
either disregarding or avoiding it. It is evident, even from
Church's own account, that at the Fort fight, Gen. Winslow was
only nominally in command ; for when by Church's advice he
had resolved to hold the fort and remain, " a certain Captain"
threatened to shoot his horse under him if he attempted to enter
with his troops, and " in a great heat " declared that Church had
" lied " to him about the situation, and then a certain Doctor
" brusled up " and supported the said captain. There is little
doubt that this captain was Mosely. The exploits of Mr.
Church in this campaign seem not to have been known to any of
the early historians except himself. It is plain that the Massa-
chusetts officers, especially Mosely, at the head of his veterans,
popular, and flushed with the fresh victory in which Church had
no part, would regard his interference as that of an insolent up-
start. This popularity with the army, and the violent party of
Indian-haters, together with his eminent success in the field, and
probably his near relationship to the Governor's family, supported
him in many notorious acts of insubordination and insolence
towards his superiors, and even the Council. The hanging of
Indians, referred to in his letter, was probably his " tying up " of
the two Indian captives and extorting their evidence against the
eleven seized at Marlboro'. The affair of Job Kattenanit, a tried
and faithful " praying " Indian, whom, for his faithful service. Gen.
Denison, by the advice of Major Savage, had given liberty to seek
out his family held as captives by Philip's allies, shows Mosely's
influence ; for he came to the General's head-quarters and de-
nounced both officers, and raised such a storm of indignation that
they were obliged to send forthwith to bring Job back. And
although members of the Council were very indignant at his in-
solent conduct, he was not even reprimanded, either for this act,
or his high-handed proceeding at Concord ; where he entered the
congregation on the Sabbath, and harangued the people against
the peaceful Nashobah Indians, whom the Council had placed in
the charge of Mr. Hoare; and then seized the Indians, allowing

LAST SERVICES OF CAPT. MOSELY. 77

his soldiers to plunder all their possessions in spite of Mr. Hoare's
remonstrances, and marched them down to Boston, whence the
Court was constrained to send them to Deer Island, where with
many other friendly Indians they were subjected to fearful priva-
tions. A full account of all these transactions may be found in
the History of the Praying Indians by that upright and noble
man. Gen. Daniel Gookin ; a summary of which will be given in a
subsequent chapter.

Capt. Mosely marched with Major Savage from Marlborough
to Quaboag, March 1, 1676. They were there joined by the Con-
necticut troops, and all moved on towards Northampton, and he
was engaged in the succeeding campaign in the west. On May
6th he received an independent commission, and the wages
of his soldiers were to be raised by popular subscription, and
besides they were to have all the profits accruing from the
plunder or sale of captives, and if these resources failed, the Court
was to make up the balance ; and this irregular way of settling
may be the reason that no larger credits appear in the later
months. In June, Mosely and his men were sent in company
with Capt. Brattle and his troop to assist the people of Plymouth
Colony, and were still there after July 22d ; and they there took
part in the capture of one hundred and fifty captives, and prob-
ably soon after returned to Boston. The faithful services of the
friendly Indians in the later campaigns had caused a reaction of
popular feeling towards them. The fame of Church, who suc-
ceeded in destroying Philip at Mount Hope, August 12th, some-
what eclipsed that of Capt. Mosely, and we hear no more of his
military service thereafter, if he performed any. On August
24th, at a great sale of Indian captives, he is charged with " 1 boy
and girle 6£ ; & 13 squawes & papooses 20<£ " ; and this is the
last notice I find of him throwing light upon his subsequent
career.

The date and circumstances of Capt. Mosely's death are not, as
yet, definitely known. Savage says he died January, 1680. The
" Inventory of the Estate of Cap*" Sam' Mosely deceased," was
taken Jan. 26, 1679 (N. S. 1680), and may have been Mr.
Savage's authority. In Judge Sewall's Interleaved Almanac
Diary, this item appears : " 1677, Oct. 20, 7, Capt. S. Mosely."
But we are left in doubt as to its meaning. His final account is
found in Hull's 3d Ledger, under date of July, 1678, and
credits him with military service, X67 05 06, which I presume
was in full for his whole service. Sometime after, September
1678, £1 credit is given "per Isaac Addington," to balance
Mosely's account with the government. He died intestate. The
careful inventory, rendered by Sewall, of the worldly possessions
as produced by Ann Mosely the widow, who was admitted ad-
ministratrix January 30, 1679-80, makes no mention of any arms
or clothing except an old musket and sword in the " Garret."

78 KING Philip's war.

This circumstance, with some others, and a lack of any official
reference to his death, would seem to indicate that it happened
away from home.

Ann Mosely, thrown upon her own resources for maintenance,
was granted a license by the town authorities, in 1681 and 1682,
"To sell wine and stronge liquors out of dores." That she
prospered is proved by the deed of trust to her brothers, Isaac
Addington and Penn Townsend, 1684, in favor of her daughters,
"her only living children," just before she married Nehemiah
Pierce, " set-work-cooper." He died in 1691, leaving her again a
widow.

The son Samuel died young, doubtless. The daughter Rebecca
married January 22, 1694, James Townsend; and Mary mar-
ried William Webster, November 25, 1696. Rebecca married
again in 1708, Jonathan Williams, who in 1733 appears as the
Narraganset claimant in the "right of his wife's Father Capt
Maudesley."

Capt. Mosely's descendants were quite numerous in the
second and third generation, through Rebecca's children by
Townsend and Williams. Her daughter, Rebecca Williams,
married Thaddeus Mason, and their daughter, Rebecca Mason,
married, in 1767, William Harris, and their oldest son was Rev.
Thaddeus Mason Harris, D.D., b. July 7, 1768; grad. H. C,
1787, who was for forty-three years the Pastor of the First
Church in Dorchester, and died April 3, 1842.

in.

CAPT. THOMAS PRENTICE AND HIS TROOP, WITH
TROOPS OF LIEUT. OAKES AND CAPT. PAIGE.

IT may be in order here to recall attention to the very efficient
organization of the colonial militia, noted in Chapter I. We
have seen that Capt. Henchman's foot company was made up of
quotas of men from all the surrounding towns ; Capt. Mosely's
was of hastily collected volunteers, and we now come to the third
branch of the service, the " Troopers," in some respects the most
important. It seems to have been a matter of solicitude in the
colony for many years to increase the number of horses, and as
early as 1648 laws were passed encouraging the formation of
cavalry companies. Those who would enlist as troopers in local
companies and keep horses, were allowed five shilhngs per year,
and their head and horse-tax abated. It naturally followed that
the most thrifty and well-to-do in the colony would become
troopers, and the men of greatest ability and influence would be
made their officers. At the beginning of the war there were
five regular cavalry companies or " troops " in the colony. The
Suffolk County Troop was commanded by Capt. William Davis,
who died October, 1676, and was succeeded by Lieut. Thomas
Brattle. The Middlesex Troop was commanded by Capt. Thomas
Prentice. Essex County had two troops, one raised in Salem
and Lynn, of which George Corwin was captain; and another,
raised in Ipswich, Newbury and Rowley, of which John Appleton
was captain. In Hampshire and Norfolk the horsemen were
attached to the various companies in the regiment, eight or ten
to each company of foot. Besides these regulars, there was an
independent company raised at large in the counties of Suffolk,
Middlesex and Essex, called the " Three County Troop." Edward
Hutchinson had command of this up to October, 1674, but then
resigned, and the court had not found a suitable successor who
was willing to accept the appointment, and Lieut. William Haisy
was in command in June, 1675. Out of these "troops" quotas
were drawn to make up the company required for special service,
and officers were chosen at the option of the court. In this first
campaign the troopers were mostly from the towns immediately
around Boston; and, in addition to these, were a few Indians

80 KING Philip's war.

from Natick and Punckapoag. The Captain and Lieutenant
were from Cambridge, and the Cornet from Woburn.

The commander, Capt. Thomas Prentice, was born in England
about 1620. He came with wife Grace, and daughter Grace to
Cambridge, and settled on the south side of the river ; freeman
1652. He was a very active and influential man, and a trusted
officer both in civil and military service. He died July 7, 1709,
aged 89 years.

Capt. Prentice was appointed captain of the special Troop,
June 24, 1675, and sent out with Capt. Henchman, as has been
related. On arriving at Swansey, at Miles's garrison, the Indians
began firing from the bushes across the river at our guards, and
twelve of the troopers volunteered to go over the bridge and drive
them off. These were commanded by Quartermaster Joseph
Belcher and Corporal John Gill. Mr. Church went along with
them, and also a stranger, and William Hammond acted as pilot.
As they advanced across the bridge the Indians fired upon them
and wounded Mr. Belcher in the knee, killed his horse, and shot
Gill in the breast, but his buff coat and several thicknesses of
paper saved him from injury. They killed the pilot outright,
and the troopers were forced to retreat, bringing off Hammond
and his horse. On the renewal of the attack by the Indians next
morning, the troop, supported by Mosely's volunteers, charged
across the bridge and drove the Indians from the " Neck " and
across to Pocasset. June 30th was spent by the army traversing
Mount Hope neck, and at evening Capt. Prentice with his troop
rode to Rehoboth and quartered over night. On the morning of
July 1st he divided the troop, sending one division back under
command of Lieut. Edward Oakes. It is not certain whether
both divisions rode back by the same route, but it would seem
thus from the result. The captain's division came upon the
Indians burning a house, but could not get at them on account
of several fences which had to be torn down, giving the Indians
time to retreat to a swamp. Lieut. Oakes's force, however, dis-
covered them from a more advantageous quarter, and chasing
them over a plain killed two of Philip's chief men, but in the
fight lost one of their own men, John Druse of Roxbury, mortally
wounded. The next few days Capt. Prentice and his troop spent
in searching the swamps, and then went with the ami}- to Narra-
ganset, as has been related heretofore. Capt. Prentice's name
stands second of the signers to the treaty with the Indians, July
15, 1675.

After the return to Swansey and the news that Philip was shut
up in Pocasset Swamp, when the main body of Massachusetts
troops were sent away to Boston, Capt. Prentice and his troop
were ordered to scout towards Mendon, where the Indians had
lately made an assault upon the people, killing several. The
troopers met Capt. Johnson's company at Mendon, as will appear
from the following minutes of the Council :

CAPT. PRENTICE IN THE MT. HOPE CAMPAIGN.

(Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 226.)

July 26'^^ 1675 CouncU Mett.

The Council on perusing of y® letter of Capt Prentice & capt
Johnson, Dated July 23'' 1675, judged it meet to order that Capt
Prentice & his Troopers be presently called home & y*^ Capt. Johnson
with his Souldiers be also sent to Returne leaving ... of his
foot Souldiers the Scouts (?) to remayne as a Guard to Mendon and
. . . of his foote at "Wrentham as their Guard Referring it to
the sayd Captaine to consult with the Sarjant or other chiefe Officers
of each Towne how many to leave at each Towne with then- Armes
. . . ? Remayne till further order.

The letter referred to is now lost from the files.
The following are the soldiers who served in the first, or Mt.
Hope campaign, under Capt. Prentice :

August 27'^ 1675

Nehemiah Hayden.

01 07 00

John Needham.

James Whitehead.

02 00 00

Jonathan Fairbank.

John Wayman, Cornet

04 17 00

Samuel Pollard.

September S"*

1675

Fathergon Dinely.

John Bisco.

02 08 06

William Brooks.

Oliver Willington.

02 08 06

WilHam Agar.

John Mason.

02 03 00

Jabes Jackson.

William Bond.

02 00 00

Francis Wayman.

02 01

Thomas Boylston.

02 17 06

Samuel Culliver.

September 16''^

Thomas Woolson.

James Indian.

02 04 08

John Livermore.

Thomas Indian.

02 04 08

John Gibson.

September 21

William Read.

Matthew Bridge, Qt' Mr Q^ 13 00

Benjamin Moore.

Anthony Cooke.

01 00 00

William Brown.

John Druse.

00 11 06

Joseph Parmiter.

Edward Oakes, Lieut.

05 00 00

Joseph Curtice.

Thomas Oliver.

01 01 06

Daniel Dean.

John Clark.

02 03 00

Tiiomas Goble.

Thomas Hunter.

01 11 04

Ebenezer Prout.

Felix Indian.

01 00 06

James Miller.

Benjamin Ahaton.

00 10 00

Robert Evans.'

Harry Indian.

01 00 06

John Baxter.

John Adams.

01 00 00

Solomon Phips, Corp"

Jeremie Indian.

01 00 06

Benjamin Scott.

Zachary Phillips.

02 10 00

Christopher Grant.

Joseph Allin.

04 00 00

Nathaniel Howard.

Jonathan Orris.

01 18 06

Stephen Pain.

David Thomas.

01 10 00

Henry Summers.

Caleb Carter.

01 12 00

Jonathan Bunker.

Abraham Skinner.

01 08 06

James Lowden.

November 30"^ 1675

John Fowle.

Nathaniel Richards.

02 03 00

Joini Gill, Corp\

Samuel Payson.

02 03 00

Joseph Belcher, Qar*' M' 02

1 In the Cash Account t

he name is Eames.

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Dec. 3d, 1675, Capt. Prentice was appointed to command a troop
of horse in the Narraganset campaign, joined the army at Ded-
ham plain, and marched with it, as related heretofore, to Wick-
ford, whence on the 16th he rode with his troop to Petasquarascot,
and brought back the news of the destruction of Bull's garrison.
On the 19th took part in the battle at the fort.

In the Massachusetts Archives, vol. 68, page 104, I find that
John Wyman, of his troop, was killed, and Nathan Richardson
and Nathan Belins (Billings) of Woburn, and Samuel Stone of
Cambridge, were wounded.

After this battle Capt. Prentice was active in the subsequent
scouting raids into the adjoining country. On December 27 he
rode into Pomham's country (now Warwick, R.L) and destroyed
many wigwams of an Indian village, but found no Indians. On
January 21 he was again scouting, and met with a party of
Indians, of whom two were captured and nine killed. On the
27th the army started in pursuit of the enemy, and after several
days marching returned to Boston, and the Massachusetts men
were dismissed, for the time, to their homes.

The following is the list of credits for this campaign. Appended
is a list of the same, as returned from the various local companies
for this service, copied from Mass. Archives, vol. 68, showing the
localities from which they came.

February 29

1675-6

William Kent.

10 00

Joseph Peniman.

John Windham.

10 00

Joseph Weeden.

Jacob Nash.

10 00

Samuel Weeden.

John Elames.

10 00

Heury Kenney.

James Lowden.

10 00

John Spaford.

Samuel Pay son.

10 00

Joseph Moore.

William Shattock.

10 00

Thomas Brown.

John Bush.

10 00

James Bnrnam.

Thomas Goble.

08 00

Nathaniel Ballard.

John Pason.

10 GO

Thomas Putman.

Joseph Wright.

10 00

Edmond Potter.

Jmie 24"^ 167

Daniel Champnes.

John Willington.

08 06

WiUiam Delaway.

John Guppy.

10 GO

John Adams.

Samuel Chapman.

10 GO

.Joseph Plummer.

Joseph Grout.

10 GO

Charles Blinko.

Daniel Thurston.

10 00

William Miriam.

William Dodg.

16 00

John IMmonds.

John Acy.

02 GO

Thomas Johnson.

Joseph Parmiter.

10 GO

John Welcott.

Heury Ellitt.

10 00

March 24"^

1675-6

John Wyman, Lieut.

05 00

Richard Mather.

Thomas Prentice, Capt

GO 00

Nathaniel Billinge.

William Mingo.

10 00

John Andrews.

John Stern.

10 GO

Joseph Marshall.

10 00

Joseph Hutchinson.

05 08 00

CAPT. PRENTICE IN THE NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN.

John Richards.
Thomas Geery.
Francis Way man.
John Barrett.
Nath. Richardson.
Hugh Taylor.
Caleb Grant.
Thomas Peirce.
Thomas Hodgman
Benjamin Davis.

10 00

John Acy.
Stephen Cooke.
Isaac Brookes.
Increas Wing.
Henry Summers.
John Kendall.
Samuel Stone.
Samuel Whiting.
Nathaniel Cann.
John Wyman.

05 08 00
02 05 08

06 15 00
04 10 00
02 18 03
04 10 00
04 10 00
04 10 00
04 10 00
00 15 08

List of Cnpi. Prentice's Troopers. (Mass. Arch., vol, 68, p. 73.)
On the back of this list is written, " Capt. Prentise's 73 Troopers."

Troopers belonging to Capt. Appleton's Troope.
James Burnum, John Andrews, Edmond Potter, Samuel Chapman,
John Asee ( Acy), ^ John Spaford, Daniel Thurston, Joseph Plumer,
John Woollcock, Thomas Johnson. 10.

Troopers belonging to Capt. Curwin.

Steeven Hascull (Hasket), Charles Blincko (for Jon* Corwins)^
Thomas Howard (for Benj. Browne), William Dodge (Jr,) Thomas
Futman Juniour, John Richards, Nathaniel Ballard junr, John Ed-
monds, William Merriam, Thomas Flint (Sen'').

Troopers belonging to Capt. Hutchinson.

Mr. Eliakim Hutchason, Benjamin Muzzey. Sam' Weeden, Joseph
Weeden, John Guppie (Goopy), Daniel Greenland, John Barret,
Thomas Hodgman, Benj* Daveis. John Gooll (Gould), Joseph Mar-
shall, Thomas Geery (Grary), Thomas Hart, Isack Brooks, Joseph
Right (Wright), John Kiudall, Nath' Richardson, Thomas Pearce,
Increas Wing, Nath' Cann.

Troopers belonging to Captin Davis.
William Kent, John Ruggles, Sampson Chester, William Towers,
[John Miner erased], Henry Eliot, John Person (Pason), Richard
Mather Juniour, Martin Sanders, Crosby of Braintree (Joseph), Joseph
Penniman, Samuel Haidue (Haiden), Ebenezer Haidne (Haiden),
John Riplee, Samuel Whitney. 14.

Troopers belonging to Middlesex.

Mr. John Long, Mr. Joseph Line, James Lowdne (Lowden),
Thomas Browne, John Adams, Samuel Stone Juniour, Daniel Champ-
ney, John Earns, William Shattock, John Stearns, Caleb Grant, Joseph
Groute, Joseph Moore, Joseph Parmiter, David Stone, Nathaniel
Billing, Thomas Goble Juniour, Ebenezer Proute, John Wyman
Juniour, Francis Wyman Juniour. 19.

" 73 besides Peter Woodward & Joseph Proute."

1 The names in brackets are added from another list on page 100 of the same volume.

84 KINO Philip's war.

In an anonymous contemporary account published in England
July, 1676, it is related that Capt. Prentice with six troopers
went to the rescue of a portion of Capt. Wadsworth's ill-fated
company at Sudbury, and these three names may be of those
troopers.

Aug 24 1676 I John Cuttin. 00 18 06

Samuel Church. 00 11 05 I Samuel -Goff. 01 00 00

Capt. Prentice had charge of the impressment and equipment
of Middlesex men in the winter and spring of 1675-6, as shown
by various orders of the court to furnish troopers, guards and
scouts. He had much to do later in settling the affairs of the
friendly Indians, by whom he was greatly respected. After the
death of Philip, the Nipnet sachem John, accepting the court's
amnesty, came in with some of his men, and were kept in Capt.
Prentice's charge at his house. A credit of <£6 " for fetching y*
Natick Indians " refers to his conducting their removal in 1676,
to Deer Island. July, 1689, Capt. Prentice, with Mr. Noah
Wiswall, was sent to arrange matters with the uneasy Puncka-
poags and Naticks. When Sir Edmund Andros, on July 2,
escaped from prison in Boston and fled to Rhode Island, Capt.
Prentice was ordered to ride down with his troop and receive
him after he was arrested by the people at Rhode Island. This
order he obeys, and writes the Court from Bristol, July 8th, an
account of his reception of the prisoner, and his purpose to return
by way of Dorchester to the Castle, to avoid disturbance. (Mass.
Archives, vol. 107, page 256.) In the Archives, vol. 106, page
436, is a certificate from Capt. Prentice that he was billeted with
his troop on the journey to and return from Rhode Island, two
nights at Woodcock's tavern. On the death of Major Gookin,
the various tribes of " Praying " Indians petitioned the court in
1691 to appoint Capt. Prentice superintendent of their affairs in
the beloved Gookin's place.

LIEUT. EDWARD OAKES AND HIS TROOPERS.

Edward Oakes came from England before 1640; freeman at
Cambridge, May 18, 1642 ; brought from England wife Jane and
sons Urian and Edward ; had baptized at Cambridge Mary and
Thomas ; was selectman twenty -six years, from 1643 to 1678 ;
deputy to General Court from Cambridge fifteen years, between
1659 and 1681, and from Concord 1683, '4 and '6 ; Lieutenant of
Capt. Prentice's troop, June, 1675, and served in the summer
campaign at Mount Hope, of which account is given above. The
service for which the following credits are given was probably
rendered in the winter of 1675-6. From the letter of Rev. John
Wilson, of Medfield, February 14, 1675-6 (Archives, vol. 68,
page 134), it appears that Lieut. Oakes was at Lancaster after its

CAPT. PAIGE AT MT. HOPE.

destruction February 10th, and was afterwards scouting between
Marlborough and Medfield, and at the attack on February 21,
was quartered there with his troopers. Simon Crosby puts in a
small bill for billeting his troop at Billerica, but date of service
does not appear. He died at Concord, October 13, 1689, aged,
probably, 85 years.

Credits under Lieut. Edward Oakes.

March 24'" 1675-G
James Miller. 01 12

John Gibson. 01 12

Solo mon Phips, Qa^rJfr. 02 09
Thomas Creswell (Croswell)
01 12
April 24 'i', 1676
John Hastings. 00 19

Luke Perkins. 00 19

Stephen Cooledg. 00 19

Samuel Whiting.

June 24'\ 16

■6

Thomas Peirce.

Thomas Edmons.

WiUiam Reade.

Jonathan Bunker.

Stephen Paine.

Thomas Henshaw.

Stephen Richardson.

Christopher Grant.

Thomas Strait.

John Seers.
Timothy Simmes.

01 00 00
01 09 06
Matthew Griffin. 00 19 08

John Teed. 02 16 06

W^Auger (Agur,Alger)01 12 10
Timothy Hawkins. 01 12 10

John Mousall. 01 12 10

Capt Oakes. July 24''' 1676
Jacob Hill. 00 19 08

Samuel Hayward. 01 10 00

Henry Spring. 01 12 10

Thomas Mitchenson. 00 19 08
Joseph Cooke. 04 02 00

Thomas Frost. 01 00 06

Edward Oakes. 06 11 00

August 24* 1676.
John Streeter. 00 19 08

James Prentice. 00 18 00

Sept 23^ 1676
John Green. 01 12 10

John Fowle. 01 19 04

CAPT. NICHOLAS PAIGE AND HIS TROOP.

Capt. Nicholas Paige came from Plymouth, England. He was
in Boston as early as 1665. In 1675, June 27th, was appointed
captain of a troop to accompany Maj. Thomas Savage in the ex-
pedition to Mt. Hope ; took part in the movements there ; accom-
panied the army to Narraganset and back, and then returned to
Boston with Major Savage and disbanded his men, and there is
no farther account of any service in this war.

Capt. Paige was active in business, and in civil affairs later on ;
was of the Artillery Company, 1693 ; later its commander and a
colonel. He died in 1717. He left no children,^ and in the joint
will of Nicholas and wife Anna, made in 1703, after many small
legacies, gave the bulk of property, including the farm at Rum-
ney-Marsh, where they lived, to their kinswoman Martha Hobbs,
also made her executrix and gave her some good advice about
marrying into a godly family. (She married Capt. Nathaniel
Oliver, 1709, and had children, Paige and Martha.) Should she

1 See N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. 23, p. 267.

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

fail of issue, the property goes to his cousin William Paige, of
London, England. His wife Anna was a granddaughter of Capt.
Robert Keayne and a niece of Gov. Joseph Dudley. Her first
husband was Edward Lane.

The following are the credits for his men in this campaign :

August 23'^ 1675

John Ballard.
John Breid.
Samuel Moore.

Sept. 3"^
Samuel Giddings.
Joseph Proctor.
Nathaniel Engersell.
William Osborn.
Lawrence Hart.
Joseph Needham.
Nicholas Paige, Capt.
Francis Coard.
Enoch Lawrence.
Benjamin Wilkins.
Thomas Noyce, Cornet.
James Ford.
Ezekiel Mighill.
Thomas Tharly.

John Picard.

00 00

Daniel Wycom.

00 00

William Reeves.

00 00

Nicholas Manning.

08 00

John Whipple, Lieut.

00 00

Francis Young.

00 00

Ephraim Fellows.

00 00

James Hoult.

00 00

Joseph Safford.

00 00

Thomas Newman.

00 00

Uzall Wardall.

00 00

Daniel Wilkins.

00 00

Samuel Sillesbie.

00 00

William Due.

00 00

William Curtis.

00 00

Daniel Welcom.

00 00

Thomas Albey.

00 00

Mark Hescall.

00 00

Thomas Noyce, of Newbury, was chosen, 1683, Capt. of the
second Newbury company.

John Whipple, appointed Cornet of Ipswich Troop in 1663,
and then said to be " son of Elder Whiple." He was captain
of a special Troop, Feb. 1675-6.

ry.

MAJOR THOMAS SAVAGE AND THE FORCES
UNDER HIM.

MAJOR THOMAS SAVAGE was born in Taunton, Somer-
set Co., England, son of William Savage. Came in the
" Planter " to Boston, April, 1635, aged 27. Admitted freeman
in May following ; was an original member of the Artillery Com-
pany, and was chosen its captain in 1651, and several times
afterwards. He married Faith, daughter of William and Ann
Hutchinson, in 1637, and for sharing the views of Ann and her
brother-in-law, Rev. John Wheelwright, he was disarmed by the
Court, and joined with Coddington and others in the purchase of
Rhode Island, whither he removed in 1638, but returned the
same year. By his wife Faith he had seven children between
1638 and 1652. Faith died February 20, 1652, and the following
September he married Mary Symmes, daughter of Rev. Zechariah,
of Charlestown, by whom he had eleven more children. He was
almost constantly in public ofifice, and was especially prominent
in all the military affairs of the town from 1651 onward. He
was captain of 2d Boston militia company from 1652 to his death
in 1682.

It is the purpose, in this chapter, to give as fully as possible
the operations under Major Savage, and facts connected with this
Mt. Hope campaign, and the names of men serving with him not
previously mentioned, so that our account of the campaign may
be considered complete. Some details of the opening prepara-
tions are here given, as being rather connected with the move-
ments of the general force than separate companies.

It will be remembered that the first actual attack of Philip was
upon those people of Swansey who lived nearest to him. An
account of this attack was sent to the Massachusetts Council
by Gov. Josiah Winslow of Marshfield. His letter is in Mass.
Archives, vol. 67, page 202, dated June 21st, and says the attack
was made on the day before, and asks the Massachusetts Colony
for aid only in protecting them from the alliance of Philip with
the Narraganset and Nipmuck ^ Indians, which tribes are within

KING PHILIP S WAR.

the jurisdiction of Massachusetts ; says that if Plymouth can have
"fair play" with their own Indians he trusts they can take care
of themselves. On the same paper is a copy of the answer of the
Council, assuring him of immediate assistance, and that they will
send messengers with all speed to both Narragansets and Nip-
mucks. This answer is dated June 21, " at 5 o'clock."

On the same day an order was passed in the Council to Capt.
Edward Hutchinson, Seth Perry and William Towers, giving
commission and instruction for taking a warning message to the
Narragansets, and to leave a letter for Roger Williams at Provi-
dence. This message is in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, page 201,
in a paper directed to " Moosucke [Mootucke], Ninigret & Squa
Sachem, of the Narraganset & Nyantic Indians." A paper con-
taining the agreements of the Nipmuck chiefs is in vol. 30, page
169, of the Mass. Archives. Upon June 24th came news of the
general outbreak, and further appeal from Plymouth. The
Council hastily despatched two messengers to Philip, who, arriv-
ing at Swansey, discovered the two men who were slain that day
lying in the road, and thus warned of the futility of their peace-
ful mission, they returned to Boston without speaking with
Philip. I find by a letter from the Council to Gov. Winthrop of
Connecticut, that these two messengers were Capt. Savage and
Mr. Brattle.

This letter is of great importance in several respects in the
light it throws upon those few busy days. It is in the Mass.
Archives, vol. 67, page 209, and is the original draft, containing
many erasures and corrections. It is judged to be in the hand-
writing of Thomas Danforth, who was then First Commissioner
of the United Colonies. It is endorsed by Edw. Rawson, as
follows : " Rough draft of Council's letter to Connecticot Gov'.
Ent. June 28, 1675." The figure 8 in the date is somewhat
obscure, but the reference in the letter to the Fast appointed for
" to-morrow " (which fast we know to have been on the 29th)
proves the date of writing to have been on the 28th.

Extract of the Massachusetts Council's letter of June 28, 1675,
to the governor of Connecticut :

and dayly wee heare of the Increase of trouble the Gov"'
of y' Colony [Plymonth] liath frequently solicited us for Ayde w""'' as
scone as wee could possibly Raise wee have sent to y*^'". It's certified
from Plymouth and Swansey that both the Narragansets and Monhe-
gins have sent ayd to Phillip. We sent messengers to the Narragan-
sets & Nipniucks to warn & caution them not to Assist Phillip or if
any were Gon to command their returne, our messengers are returned
from both those places, the Nipmucks spcake faire and say that they
are faithful to the English and will not Assist Phillip, the Narragansets
say they will not medle but there is more reason to suspect the latter
and wee believe Uncas is not unconcerned in this matter, all our intelli-

council's letters to CONNECTICUT. 89

gence gives us ground to believe that the poore people in those parts
are in a very distressed condition in many respects, their houses
burned, their people kild & wounded they not able to make any
Attempt upon the Indians wanting both victuall ammunition and arms
w"'' hath occasioned us to send greatt forces for their reliefe, we have
sent above three hundred foot and about eighty horse besides several
carts laden with munition and with goods and provisions and armes,
moreover we are sending two vessels with provision and munition to
supply y^ forces, y*^ vessells to serve as there shall be cause. We sent
Capt. Savage and Mr. Brattle 4 days since to speake with Philip who
are returned but could not obtaine speech with him, The Council have
appointed a fast to-morrow to seek God in this matter and a blessing
upon our forces. How far his tribes may spread is with the Lord our
God to order. There is reason to concieve y' if Phillip be not soone
[suppressed?] he and his confederates may skulke into the woods and
greatly anoy the English & y' the confederacy of the Indians is larger
than yet we see. Maj. Gen" Denison was chosen for to goe General
of these forces, but he being taken ill Capt. Savage is sent Commander-
in-chief, Capt Prentis commanding y® horse, Capt. Henchman and
Capt Mosley, Capts of y*' foot. Our eyes are unto y"" Lord for his
presence w"^ y*"', & hope you will not be wanting in y"" prares and
watchfulness over the Indians, and particularly we request you to use
y"" utmost authority to restrain the Monhegins & Pequods.

E. R. Sec'y.

By inquiry I found that this letter, dated June 28th, is pre-
served in the Connecticut Archives, and also two others which
are not in our own. By the kind offices of Mr. Charles J. Hoadly,
State Librarian of Connecticut, I have been furnished complete
copies of both. One is of July 5th and the other July 10th.
Extracts of these letters are given below, from Conn. Arch., War
Docs., Vol. I. Doc. 5 :

Boston July 5"^ 1675

Hon^ Gent" By our former dat. the 3"^ of this instant wee gave you
a briefe account of the late outbreaking of the Indians in the Plimouth
Colony at Swanzie and p** adjac' and since y' wee received the enclosed
declaring the deplorable condition of those at Taunton in the same
Colony wee have at their request accomodated them with ammunition
and men, ie. ab' 80 troopers furnished with carbines & small musketts
ab' 100 dragoones & ab' 100 foote soldjers so that with their attendance
for waggons &c. y** whole may be neere 400 men also two vessells well
fitted with men provisions & ammunition we have sent ab' the Cape to
accomodate all their necessity es so far as wee could judge necessary,
&c.

The remainder of the letter discusses the affairs of the United
Colonies relating to the arming and management of the Indians
not yet engaged with Philip, and is signed by Edward Rawson,
Sec'y, on behalf of the Court, and is superscribed,

These to the Right Worshipf" John Winthrop Esq"^ Gov^n"^ of his

90 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Maj'y' Colony at Connecticot p''sent, To be communicated to the Coun-
cil there.

Extract of the letter of July lO^^" 1675. Conn. Arch., War
Docs., Vol. 1. Doc. 7 :

. . . Capt Hutchinson w"' ab' 100. of our forces went from
O"" headquarters upon Tuesday last to y*" Narrogansets to demand an
ace' of their actings wee expect hourely intelligence w' they have done
there which wUl be a great guide to us in our further motions.
Yesterday came six men sent from Uncas to assure his friendship &
offer his service ag' Phillip or other enemyes of y^ English with a I're
from Mr. Fitch to whorae wee have returned o"' answer declaring to
Uncas y' if he will send hostages to y*" English for the assurance of his
faithfulness wee shall accept his offer &c. &c.

Signed Edward Rawson, Sec'y
By order of the Council.

In Mass. Archives, vol. 67, page 207, is the Court's instruction
to Thomas Savage as major of the Massachusetts forces in this
expedition under Major Gen. Denison as commander-in-chief of
the colony, closing thus : " And in case the Lord should disenable
y'' General so as to take him of the service you shall take charge
and command of all according to the commission given unto him,"
etc.

Major Savage had been commissioned for this expedition on or
before June 24th, and the Court had then voted to raise one hun-
dred horse and fifty foot. These constituted the companies of
Henchman and Prentice, and together with Capt. Mosely's men,
made up the number to two hundred and sixty men, besides
officers and teamsters, etc., which force, estimated in round num-
bers at three hundred, marched out of Boston on June 26th. As
to the exact time of Major Savage's marching, or the force with
him, the accounts are somewhat vague and conflicting. I give
briefly the various references bearing upon this point ; and first,
it is certain that Capt. Paige's troop numbered, according to the
treasurer's credits, thirty-six men including officers. The state-
ment in the above letter claims over three hundred and eighty
men to have been sent, up to June 28th.

In Mather's " Indian War," strangely enough, no mention is
made of Major Savage in relation to this first campaign. And
Mr. Hubbard, the most reliable of all, relates in reference to this
particular, that Major Savage came up " with other supplies " on
the evening of June 29th. On the next day they moved forward
into Mount Hope neck, " with a troop of horse in each wing ; "
encamping that night (June 30th) " in the open field " in a heavy
rain. Next day (July 1st) they marched back to Swansey.
That night Capt. Prentice's troop rode to Seekonk, and Major
Savage appears to have remained at Swansey, July 2d, awaiting

;s, 22 00

02 00 00

01 04 00

03 04 00

16 00 00

00 15 00

01 10 00

MAJOR savage's STAFF, SUPPLIES, ETC. 91

their return. On July 3d Henchman and Prentice searched the
swamps between Swansey and Rehoboth, and Capt. Mosely " and
Capt. Paige with his ctragoons attending on Major Savage,"
marched back into Mount Hope. Mr. Church's account is ex-
tremely vague in reference to this campaign, especially in regard
to the Massachusetts forces, making no mention of Maj. Savage
by name. After a diligent search among published accounts and
unpublished sources of information, I am unable to find any fur-
ther reference giving light upon this point, except that the
Journal has no credits under Major Savage for this campaign,
save the following, viz. :

Sept 3'^ 1675
Thomas Savage for service as Major and other charges.
Sept. 28th.
John Paine.
John WilUams.

Theophilus Frary, Commissary
.... To ten, Cbirurgeon.
Jacob Eliott, Commissary.

Feby 29'*^ 1675-6
Peter Gennings.

William Locke was the regular surgeon who went out with the
army on June 26th (Mass. Archives, vol. 69, pages 58 and 60).
This "Toten" was Dr. John Touton, a Huguenot, who at this
time lived at Rehoboth, and his service may be inferred in part
by the following order in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, page 221 :

Order to Mr. John Toton to take " Peter Sympkins, Robert
Smith and Isaac Ratt, to attend " him and " go for the reliefe of
the wounded " . . . " and in case of their refusal you are
reqired by the Constables to send them forthwith to Capt. Hud-
son who is required to send them to Boston." Dated July 22,
1675. ^

Mr. Joseph Dudley also went out with Major Savage, and
received on Sept. 14th credit of 08 11 04, for salary as chaplain.

In regard to the two vessels, I find in Mass. Archives, vol. 67,
page 211, the following papers:

Committee imployed for this present Expedition against the
Indians, ordered to send the following provisions aboard the Sloope
Swanne, whereof Samuel Woodberj is master to be sent for the
supply of our forces. Viz' 2000 weight of Bisket, 40 barrells of pease
in casks, 10 Barrells of Pork, 10 Kintalls of drye fish, 1 hogshead of
Rumme, six jarrs of oyle, 4 barrells Raisins, 1 Barrell of sugar, 1
hogshead of salt, ^ cask of wine. Moreover you are to load aboard

the Brigaudine called the [Joseph] whereof Edward Winslow la

Master the like quantity of provisions as above expressed abating two
barrells of Raisings & with two barrels of powder one in each vessell.

. . You are also to take bills of lading of these goods and to bee

92 KING PHILIP S WAR.

delivered to the Commissaries of the Army Theopholus Frary and John
Moss or either of them.

Dated in Boston 28 June 1675

By the Council E. R. Sec'y.

And on page 211, same date :

Instructions to Edward Win slow, Master of the Joseph.

You are hereby ordered forthwith as wind and weather will permit
with your vessell to sail to Swansey or as near thereunto as you may
and there deliver to Left Theophilus Frary and John Morse, Commis-
saries for this Colony and the forces (dow) under the conduct of Major
Thomas Savage all such provisions Armes &c now on board you for
the use of the army.

Signed John Leveret, Gov^

It will be seen by this supply, that Massachuseetts then, as
always since, showed a generous appreciation of the appetites of
her soldiers. To the uninitiated the above bill of fare may not
seem particularly inviting ; but to any one who has been a soldier
and knows the meaning of " pea-porridge-hot," the item " 40 bar-
rels of pease" will carry its own convictions. "Bisket, stripped
fish and raisins," as marching rations, compare favorably, accord-
ing to my experience, with the " hard-tack " and " salt-horse "
furnished us by the U.S. Commissaries in 1861-5. I cannot
testify to the "Rumme," as I belonged to a Maine regiment; but
many times I have sat down by the camp-fire to a dipper of " pea-
porridge-hot " and a sop of bread, as to a royal feast.

In the line of the above information is this curious old paper
in vol. 68, page 135. A " Committee's estimate of what Provi-
sions &c will serve 500 souldiers one month." " Biskett 15", Porke
20 barrills, Beefe 30 barrills (or some think only Pork and send
salt). Bacon lOVt. Cheese 10" : Stockins & Shooes 200 p"' each,
Shirts & Draws 100 of each, Wastcoats 50, Walletts 100, 300
small baggs for each man to carry nokake, 300 bush oates, 100
bush barley, 50 bush Indian corne parched and beaten to nokake,
6 bar. powder, 12='' shott, Flints 20<='."

It appears from the letter above of July 5th, that these two
vessels had sailed before that date. From Hull's Journal, pages
10 and 11, which I have restored from the Ledger, the following
credits are obtained :

August 20, 1675

Maritime Disbursements Dr to Viz.

Samuel Woodbury.i 03 00 01 i Nath' Phillips. 0110 00

Robert Breck. 01 05 00 Henry Rock als. Cock 01 10 00

Joshua Matson. 01 10 00 I William Cantrell. 01 10 00

» In Vol. II. Colonial Hietory of New York, Holland Documents, I find by report of a council
held at Fort William Uendrick, May 26, 1674, that " Capt. Cornelie Ewoutse arrived here this day
with his Snow the Zehont, reports having captured three small New England prizes." One of
these was the Sloop Swan, of which Samuel Woodbury was master, who appeared and declared
that he lived at Svifansey and was part owner of the Sloop, and that John Dixy's widow of Swan-
sey owned the other part, and that he was captured " near Prudence Island." The vessel and
cargo were confiacaled by the New York Colony, but on June 29 following were released.

NAVAL CONTINGENT.

Nathaniel Gallop.

02 00 00

William Christian.

02 09 00

Thomas Alson.

01 10 00

Nathaniel. Huett.

02 09 00

William Hascall.

01 10 00

Redeemed. Scott.

02 09 00

Samuel Cross.

02 16 00

Simon Daniel.

02 09 00

John Kennedys Als.

Thomas Norton.

02 09 00

Cannede.

02 09 00

John Mane.

02 02 00

John BaU.

02 09 00

Edward Perkins.

03 19 GO

William Aldridg.

03 10 00

The first nine in the above list I presume to have been the
master and crew of the " Sloope Swanne ; " the rest were probably
on the " Brigandine " Joseph. Edward Winslow was master we
know, and Samuel Winslow was of the crew of this vessel, as I
find by this order of the Council, July 24th (Archives, vol. 67,
page 226) : " Ordered that Edward & Samuel Winslow, now on
board the Brigandine be released to come home." By the letter
of Capt. Henchman, published heretofore, it appears that he left
this vessel at Pocasset on July 31st, when he went in pursuit of
Philip, leaving five files of his men at Fort Leverett. And I
infer that the vessel had left that place before August 9, when
he was ordered by Gen. Denison to return and draw off the men,
since he was to leave there such provisions and ammunition as
" for want of carriage " he could not bring with him.

In regard to other matters referred to in the above letters, it
will be seen that the statement, in the letter of July 5th, of
forces sent, is simply a restatement of that in the former letter,
and not, as might appear at first, additional forces sent to Taun-
ton. No such additional forces and no other vessels were sent
at that time.

Capt. Edward Hutchinson was despatched to the forces at
Mount Hope on July 3d, and paid £5.00.00 on that day by the
Court's order. There went with him, as appears by the Journal
credits, the following men :

Edward Hutchinson jun-- 00 12 00 John Minott. 00 10 00

John Beniiet. 00 19 00 Nathaniel Holmes. 00 10 00

Sam> Williams. 00 10 00 John Ruggles. 00 12 00

Hugh Clark. 00 10 00 Dec^ 20. 1675

John Pason. 00 10 00 James Barrett 00 12 00

The explanation of the passage in the letter of July 10th,
relating that Capt. Hutchinson with about one hundred men
went from our headquarters to the Narragansets, etc., is probably
this : In their orders to Major Savage by Hutchinson, the Court
doubtless left the details of the embassy to the discretion of the
officers at Mount Hope, and they determined to march in full
force. Hubbard relates that Capt. Mosely crossed over by water
to attend Capt. Hutchinson in his despatch, the others going
around. It is likely that Capt. Hutchinson sent back some of

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

his own men with the message of his departure, and from this
the Court made their report to Connecticut Colony.

The negotiations with the Mohegans, of whom Uncas was
chief sachem, are of pecuUar interest, but must be deferred to a
separate chapter, with only brief allusion here. On the return
of the six Indians referred to in the letter, Ejihraim Curtis was
sent to conduct them, taking along three Natick Indians, who
volunteered to accompany him. They went by way of Marlbo-
rough, where, at the Indian fort, they were warned of the danger
of the journey by the friendly Indians gathered there, and Curtis
heard of the plundering of his own house at " Quansigamug "
(Worcester) and was shown some of the plunder which the
marauders, the Nipmucks, had brought thither, and thereupon
the Naticks declined to go on unless more men were added to
their force. Upon his application to the constables of Marlbo-
rough, two men with horses and arms were pressed for this ser-
vice. These were John and James Barnard, who receive credit
in the Journal under date of Sept. 14th, 1675. With this party
he conducted the Mohegans safely home, and on his return
sought out the Quabang sachems and had a romantic interview
with them. A full account of this journey may be found in his
long and interesting letter, of July 16th, to the Court, preserved
in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, page 215. The result of the negotia-
tions with Uncas was that he sent two of his sons to Boston as
hostages, and his eldest son and successor, Oneko, with fifty
men, to assist the English against Philip. These were sent to
Plymouth Colony under the conduct of " Quartermaster Swift
and a ply of horse," as Major Gookin relates. Their subsequent
proceedings, joining with the Rehoboth men in the pursuit and
battle with Philip, their brief service with Capt. Henchman and
return home, have been related in a former article. The Mohe-
gans got as wages the plunder they seized from Philip. Swift
and his " ply of horse " were credited as follows, Sept. 16th,
1675 :

Thomas Swift, Corporall. 00

Martin Sanders.

Samuel Hay den.

Ebenezer Hayden.

Benjamin Badcocke.

Samuel Whiting.

Nathaniel Bullard.

William Hawkins.

Thomas Toleman.

Joseph Pennemau.

07 06

Joseph Crosbey.

00 07

Thomas Smith.

00 07

Thomas Blighe.

00 07

Samuel Blighe.

00 07

Sept 28"^ 16

William Harris.

00 07

Asaph Elliott.

00 07

James Barrett.

00 07

March 25th 16'

'5-6

Moses Pain.

00 07

Thomas Swift was the son of Thomas the Emigrant, from
Yorkshire, Eng., who settled in that part of Dorchester which is
now Milton. Married Elizabeth Vose, daughter of Robert, 9th

ESTIMATE OF FORCES EMPLOYED. 95

Dec. 1657, and had Thomas, Elizabeth, William, John, and
Samuel. He died 31st Jan., 1718.

The other company of Indians that went out in this campaign
was enlisted by Major Gookin from the various friendly tribes
about Boston, agreeably to an order of the Court of July 2d, and
to the number of fifty-two marched out of Boston on July 6th,
under the conduct of Capt. Isaac Johnson, who delivered them
to Major Savage at Mt. Hope, and then " returned back."
Seventeen of these were with Capt. Henchman when he crossed
from Pocasset to Providence, July 31st, in pursuit of Philip.
Others were credited, as we have seen, under Capt. Prentice,
the rest returned to their homes " after 25 days," according to
Major Gookin. The popular prejudice against these Praying
Indians seems to have extended to our early historians, who,
except Gookin, seldom mention them or their service ; and since
they were not generally credited on the treasurer's book, it is
extremely difficult to give a correct account of them. According
to the testimony of Major Savage, Capts. Henchman and Pren-
tice, " most of them acquitted themselves courageously and
faithfully," and we know that the Mohegans, in company with
the Rehoboth men, did the most effective fighting of the whole
campaign.

We have noted the various elements that made up this expe-
dition under Major Savage, and now, counting the regular forces
that went out at first under Henchman, Prentice and Mosely as
250 men, and under Paige 35, we have but 285 men, 95 less than
the number stated in the letter of June 28th. This seems a large
number to allow as guards and attendants, but I think that some
twenty-five or thirty men besides Paige's troop went out with
Major Savage and joined the companies already there. It will be
remembered that 121 men were credited under Capt. Henchman,
nearly all of whom, after a diligent comparison of their credits
and subsequent service, I conclude must have joined him as early
as July 1st. And this reckoning still leaves a large margin for
attendants and guards. The round number of " about 400 " in
the letter of July 5th may have included the men of Capt. John-
son, who conducted the 52 " Gookin " Indians, but not, I think,
the Indians themselves. It is barely possible that the crews of
the two vessels were counted, making about twenty men addi-
tional. The reference to " dragoons " is explained by the fact
that Capt. Henchman's company was furnished with horses.

The " Guards and Carriage " account does not show an amount
of expense corresponding to the large number apparently em-
ployed for that service, the total amount for the several cam-
paigns up to January 25, 1675-6, being but X16.10.00. Some
of the guards in his first expedition were charged directly to
Plymouth Colony, those evidently who guarded the carts sent
with ammunition, etc., to supply their wants. The following

96 KING Philip's war.

were thus charged at <£00. 03s. OOd. apiece for guarding their
ammunition : Richard Smith, Thomas Lawrence, James Hoxly,
James Montt, Ebenezer Hill.

And these are all that I can find credited as guards for this expe-
dition, so that I must leave the discrepancy between the numbers
that plainly appear from the Journal credits and other various
sources, and the statement of the letter of June 28th, to be filled
in by the number of officers, doctors, quartermasters and their
attendants, and also allow for some who returned home sick or
disabled, or else deserted and received no credit on the books,
though reckoned in the statement of the Court. This campaign
closed, as concerned Major Savage, when he returned to Boston
about July 20th.

Major Savage appears not to have been actively engaged in the
war after this campaign until the following February, but in the
mean time as an enterprising merchant, a town commissioner,
captain of an important copapany of Boston militia, witli charge
of its training and the impressment of quotas for active service,
the latter a chfficult and trying matter, we can see that he was
not idle. The situation of affairs in the colonies at the beginning
of February, 1675-6, was somewhat as follows : The summer and
autumn campaigns in the west had not made any material gain
for the English except in experience ; the Narraganset campaign
had resulted in driving that tribe and the Mount Hope Indians
to the north and west ; their women, children and old people, that
survived the Fort fight, were scattered about amongst the various
tribes nearest them ; Philip and his fighting men were thus left
free to range up and down, overawing the smaller tribes, inciting
the stronger to hostility against the colonies ; his agents and
friends were active in all the tribes ; himself with a body of his
men had retired as far as the woods above Albany, where they
were supplied with abundance of arms and ammunition by the
Dutch ; as a wanderer and outlaw he had nothing further to lose
and everything to gain by the war ; the young men of the tribes
looked upon him as a great leader, and were eager to follow him ;
large bodies of Indians were drawn together in various places ;
most of the Nipmucks, with some Narragansets, were encamped
at Wenimesset (now New Brain tree) ; many others from different
tribes had gathered about Mount Wachuset ; another large
encampment was at Squakeag (Northfield) and beyond, whither
many of the tribes about Springfield and Hadley had withdrawn.
And all these made common cause with Philip, and were in an
attitude of warfare. Thus Philip, at bay, and with nearly the
whole force of the New England tribes in active sympathy with
Idm, was far more dangerous than at Mount Hope. The Eng-
lish, on the other hand, were weary of the war which they had
carried on for seven months, at immense expense of means and
men, without apparent gain. The people in the frontier towns

STATE OF AFFAIRS, MIDWINTER, 1675-6. 97

were mostly withdrawn into garrisons, their homes broken up,
farms laid waste, and they living in constant dread of the lurk-
ing enemy. Military skill and bravery could avail but little
against the tactics of a skulking foe, who came when and where
least expected, nearly always striking those least prepared, apply-
ing the torch, shooting from the safe covert of the woods, and,
before effective resistance could be offered, vanishing again to
the forests. The Indians were intimately acquainted with the
habits and plans of the colonists and knew just when to strike
and where, while the English knew nothing of their movements
except from the friendly Indians, whom they mostly distrusted.

The English had many of these friendly Indians acting as
spies and scouts, who circulated quite freely among Pliilip's
allies, and brought intelligence of their plans ; but their reports
were often received with distrust, and the Council was slow to
act upon them, and in many cases their neglect was followed by
disaster. One of these spies, James Quannapoliit, alias Rumney-
marsh, after visiting the Nipmucks at Wenimesset, near Brook-
field, brought word to Boston on January 24th, of the intended
attack upon Lancaster and other towns, but too little heed was
paid to his warning, and so these places were one by one attacked,
and several destroyed.

Such was the posture of affairs in February, 1675-6, when
Philip was preparing to strike an effectual blow against the
colonies. On February 6th, the army returning from the Nar-
raganset country to Boston, was disbanded. On the 8th the
Commissioners of the United Colonies voted to raise another
army of six hundred men for a campaign in the west. No quota
was required from Plymouth. On the 10th Lancaster was
attacked by the Nipmucks. On the 15th Mosely and his com-
pany were ordered to Sudbury, and about that time Capt. Oakes
with his troop was scouting from Lancaster to Medfield, and was
at the latter place when it was assaulted on the 21st. On that
day the Council voted to raise one hundred foot and seventy-two
troopers to fill the Massachusetts quota of the proposed army.
Major Savage was captain of this foot company, but when he was
commissioned as commander of the Massachusetts troops on the
25th, his lieutenant, Benjamin Gillam, succeeded to that com-
pany's command. Capt. John Whipple was appointed to com-
mand the troopers, and Capt. William Turner marched out with
another company of foot.

John Curtice and six friendly Indians from the Island were
to serve as guides. The Massachusetts forces were ordered to
march immediately to Brookfield, to join the Connecticut men
under Major Treat, and Major General Denison was appointed
commander-in-chief of the combined forces, and ordered to Marl-
borough to direct the movements of the army.

The Massachusetts forces joined those of Connecticut under

98 KING Philip's war.

Major Treat on the 2d or 3d of March at Brookfield, and advanced
to attack the Indians at Wenimesset, but the enemy, having
intelligence of the design, fled before our troops arrived. Our
dragoons, it is said, followed a part of these as far as Paquayag
(Athol), where they crossed the river and escaped towards
Northfield. Mrs. Rowlandson was with them a captive, in this
retreat, and gives an account of the affair. They arrived at
Northfield on March the 7th, went up the river and crossed to
the west bank, where on the 9th they joined Philip and a large
body of Indians encamped there. By this pursuit, and against
the earnest advice of the Natick scouts, our army was diverted
from the intention of attacking the Indians gathered near Mount
Wachuset, and instead maiched into Hadley on March 8th.
Their coming, however, seems to have been opportune, as the
evident design of the large force of Indians gathered near was
upon the towns on the river. On the 9th they attacked West-
field with a small force, and on the 14th assaulted Northampton
in full force, but were repulsed, Major Treat and the Connecticut
forces having entered the town the evening before, and Capt.
Turner's company being already stationed there. The further
details of this expedition must be deferred to the future accounts
of garrisons and the several captains and their companies.

In a letter of March 28tli Major Savage gives the Council some
account of his movements, of the attack upon the people at Long-
meadow, of the withdrawal of the Connecticut forces, of the
gathering of large numbers of Indians about Deerfield and North-
field, and the danger threatening those towns. This letter is in
the Mass. Archives, vol. 68, page 189.

The following letter of the Council to Major Savage shows
something of the closing movements of this campaign, and is
copied in full from the original in Mass. Archives, vol. 68, page
191. It is dated 1st April, '76.

Maj"" Savage,

Wee receved your letters by the post dated 28"" of march and perceve
both by yo" and Mr. Nowel's letters that Coneticut forces are drawne
of & that by reason of the numerousnes of the enimy (according to
yo'' information) you are not in a capacity to pursue y'", also you
intimate y'' feares of the people of these towues y' in case you bee
drawne of w"* y"' forces y' they wilbe in danger to be destroyed by the
enimy allso wee understand that the townes are un willing to attend our
advise to draw into a narrow compass whereby wee conceved they would
have been able to deffend themselves better, but Northampton desires
more soldiers to be added to y" former number, they offer to mayn-
tayne all soldiers both for wages and victuall the result of the CouncU
touching this matter is y' wee are willing for present that you leave
soldiers to assist those townes not exceeding 150 men choosing such
as are fittest for that service and as neare as you can All single men
Leaving Capt. Turner in Capt Poole place ; with the Rest of the Army
we exp'^" comand you to draw homeward & endeav^ in y' retume to viait

council's letter to major savage. 99

y* enimy about Bad quake & bee careful not to bee Deseved by y"^ lap-
wing stratagems : by drawing you of from v' nest to follow some men;
Butt if Maj' Treat and the Conetecut forces should returne & y' it be
advisable to march after y" enimy to Deurfeld &c. wee leave you to y"'
liberty to act as you shall judge Best; but if y*"
*and you are thereby Couetect men rcturnc uot or after a returne draw

Incapacitated to fur- . ■ ^ ^i r pssp -\ • j. \ or

theracc" by reason of of agam,* then o"^ exp*^'"" Order is to bee upon y""

flight'of ye*'enimy °^ march homcwards & in y""' returne to endevor to visit

the enimy as in o"^ past was exp''""''' ; If you should

not meet with the enimy then we order you to retreat to Marlborow

and wait their for further orders** ....

**from them sent in another letter Wee have latle Sent Capt. Gravs of Charles-

to him as news by order & both ^ -ji i . -n t on i 11

signed 1" April 76. towu With about oO men and 60 horses laden

^' ^" byword-- '^^^^ pro\isions & Ammunition to Qua-
bauge ordering him to take y"^ charge of y'
Garrison for p''sent and to returne y*" horses & men w"' S" Ingram, so
y' wee wilbe sufficiently recruited w"" ammunition at y*" fort at Qua-
bauge, touching that Rebuke of God upon Cap' Whiple and y" poore
people at Springfield it is matter of great shame and humbling to us.
The inteligence by the woonded woman of what y" enimy said to her ;
wee have reason to aprehend much of it is false & y' they have not
such numbers at Dearefield neither are the Narragausetts or Nipmucks
there ; o"" Reasons are because at this p''sent time & before y""' letter
were dated a great Boddy of Indians and wee conceive they are Nar-
ragausetts have done great mischeif at Secuncke and Providence neare
Secuncke upon last Lorday Capt Peirce with about 100 English &
Indians Ingaged with a great body of them about 5 miles from Secunke
neare Mr Blackston the consequent of w"*^ fight was y' Peirce was
slaine and 51 English more with him & 11 Indians y' Assisted him their
escaped of y'' whole company not above 7 or 8 English & y'' rest the
enimy tooke all y"" arms and two horse loads with provisions ; there was
a great body of indians as y*^ escaped report & environed y'" Round
Capt. Peirce with a smaler p'^ had a skirmish with about 50 of them y''
day before and did y'" mischeife & came of without loss w"' [•"'"'c] On
the same Lord day another party of indians assalted Malborow in y"
time of afternone execise they burnt 18 deserted houses & 11 barns at
y' time & '6 men were wounded. The towne of Lancaster is wholly
deserted Groton can abide no longer y° untill carts bee sent to bring y'"
w'^'' will bee next weeke, Chelmsford wee feare will bee soone nessecated
to do y"^ like & what Meadfeld and other fronters towns may shortly
bee put upon y'- Lord know, these things considered you may see the
Nessecity of having o"" Army nearer to us this day wee had intelligence
of y* enimies assaulting and burning Providence and Rehobath : They
earnestly sent for succor but we have y'" not we have now about 700
men out in those westward parts at Mavlboroh and o'' other fronters
and wee are at a plunge where to raise more & kepe the heart in any
competent safty. Thus committing you to God desiring his presence
with & protection over you wee Remaine

Wee have sent out a single Indian from ye Island to carry A letter
to y'^ enimy aboute redemption of Captives, hee [is] ordered to carry a
flag of truce if hee come into your Army let him bee returned in safty.

KING Philip's war.

The following are the credits given under Major Savage, whose
company in this campaign, from February, 1675-6, to May, was
under the immediate command of Lieut. Gillam :

AprU 24''' 1676

Phillip Bullis. 00 18 00

William Pasmore. 00 18 00

James Hughes. 00 18 00

June 24"^ 1676.

Joseph Pollard. 02 01 00

Jonathan Fairbanks. 03 07 00

Maurice Truelove. 01 16 00

Kichard Keates. 02 02 00

PhiUip Bullis. 01 09 00

Zibeon Letherland. 02 02 00

Joseph Shaw. 02 02 00

Joseph Gannett. 02 02 00

Thomas Clark. 01 12 06

Samuel Douse. 02 02 00

Zekery Fowle. 02 10 00

James Boone. 02 02 00

John Mulbery. 03 07 00

Gilbert Cole. 02 04 00

David Rainsford. 02 06 00

Joseph Andrews. 02 02 00

Richard Scott. 03 07 00

Henry Phillips. 02 02 00

Richard Woody. 02 09 06
Benjamin GUlam, Lieut. 05 15 00

Samuel Rust. 02 02 00

John Hand. 01 16 10

Samuel Meares. 02 09 00

John Hull. 09 06 00

James Hughes. 02 02 00

Nathaniel Richards. 03 07 00

Henry Cooke. 01 18 06

John Goff. 02 02 00

Thomas Read. 01 13 04

Moses Pain. 02 11 04

Benjamin Burges. 02 12 02

John Chapman. 02 02 00

Samuel Bill. 02 02 00

Edmund Gage. 02 02 00

Ezekiel Levitt. 02 01 00

Manasses Beck. 02 09 00

John Figg. 02 01 00

Benjamin Thurston. 03 03 00

Joseph Newell. 01 18 06

Richard Rogers. 06 17 00

Simon Rogers. 02 00 02

Thomas Simkins.
Theophilus Thornton.
Thomas Savage jr.
Joseph Bodman.
Thomas Williams.
Thomas Bridges.

01 10 00

02 02 00
04 02 04

01 12 06

02 02 00
02 02 00

Thomas Savage, Major. 28 00 00

John Williams. 02 02 00

James Chevers. 02 02 00

Daniel Landon . 02 02 00

Richard Beffer. 01 16 00

Joshuah Hughes. 03 03 00

Francis Shepheard. 02 08 00

Thomas Dure. 02 02 00

William Pollard. 02 02 00

John Marsh. 02 02 00

Robert Smith. 02 02 00

John Wiswall. 04 11 00

James Lowden. 03 07 00

John Sage. 01 13 04

Thomas Chapman. 01 19 04

July 24«> 1676:

Samuel Rigbey. 03 14 00

Richard Woods. 02 01 00

Joseph Pecke. 02 13 00

Benjamin Badcock. 03 07 00

John Alger. 01 03 04

William Gemsh. 06 11 00

George Abbott. 02 02 00

Christopher Cole. 01 16 00

Charles Bhnco 01 16 00

John Mansell. 01 17 08

Thomas Wright. 02 02 00

John Sargent. 01 17 08

August 24"^ 1676
John Wells, jr. (Weld) 01 16 00

Jonathan Barker. 02 02 00

James Brayley. 03 03 00

William Stratton. 02 02 00

Thomas Howard. 03 10 00
Thomas Emes,als. Fames. 01 08 04

Joseph Knight. 02 02 00

Sept. 23'!

Henry Willis. 01 16 10

Jolin Ra^illes. 02 07 00

Richard Snowden. 01 16 00

In accordance with his instructions Major Savage withdrew

CLOSE OF WESTERN CAMPAIGN. 101

his troops about April 7th, leaving one hundred and fifty-one
men with Capt, Turner to garrison the towns, and with four
companies under Capts. Mosely and Whipple, and Lieutenants
Gillam and Edward Drinker, marched homeward. On arriving
at Brookfield a council of war was held to consider the later
orders from the Council, advising an attack upon the Indians at
Mt. Wachuset, but it was decided not advisable. (The officers
had learned by experience the futility of pursuing the enemy
with an army.) The expedition of Major Savage thus closed.
The troops were either returned to Boston or engaged in other
service, and there appear no further credits under his name.
Accounts of Capts. Whipple and Turner are to be given here-
after, also of other officers mentioned in the letters. In Mass.
Archives, vol. 68, page 208, there is an order of the Council to
Gen. Denison to inspect the army returned under Major Savage,
and discharging those unfitted for service to dispose of the rest
as he shall judge best. The order was dated April 10, 1676.

It seems that Mr. Samuel Nowell, chaplain, was a member of
the council-of-war, and voted to march to Wachuset, but the
officers Mosely, Whipple, Gillam and Drinker voted against it
on the ground of insufficient supplies and sickness among the
troops. See Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 235,

CAPT. THOMAS WHEELER AND HIS MEN; WITH
CAPT. EDWARD HUTCHINSON AT BROOKFIELD.

THE genealogy of the Wheelers of Concord is a difficult
problem, from the fact that as early as 1640-1 no less than
seven heads of families of that name were in town, viz.,
George, Joseph and Obadiah among the first settlers. Ephraim,
Thomas and Timothy settled in 1639, and a second Thomas who
appears in 1640-1. All published accounts are defective, but
the long and careful research of Mr. George Tolman, of Con-
cord, has done much to clear up the mystery. By a diligent
comparison of Mr. Tolman's papers, kindly loaned me, with all
I am able to glean from other sources, I derive the following
account.

Thomas Wheeler, first mentioned, removed to Fairfield, Con-
necticut, in 1644: his son Thomas settled on the farm he left
in Concord, and married a wife Sarah before 1649. Mr. Savage
erroneously identifies this latter with the Captain. But of Capt.
Thomas, we know that he was the brother of Timothy, who
mentions in his will, probated Sept. 7th, 1687, "Joseph, Ephraim
and Deliverance my brother Thomas his sons." He married
Ruth, daughter of William Wood, and from the record of deaths
in Concord we find some account of their children. Alice died
March 17, 1641; Nathaniel died January 9, 1676-7; Thomas
died Jan. 17, 1676-7 ; Ephraim February 9, 1689. Joseph and
Deliverance, mentioned in Timothy's will, were probably the
sole survivors of the parents. It is possible that James Wheeler,
who married Sarah Randall in 1682 and settled in Stow, was a
son of Capt. Thomas and Ruth. " Capt. Thomas Wheeler, hus-
band of Ruth, died Dec. 10, 1676." Ruth the widow adminis-
tered upon his estate next year. Their son Joseph, in 1677,
administered upon the estates of his brothers Thomas and
Nathaniel. The estate of Thomas consisted of " a horse, pistols,
cutlash and gun," and was prized at £Q 12s. This was the Cap-
tain's son who saved his father's life at the fight in Brookfield.
The son Joseph married Mary Powers and settled in Stow, Mass.
Deliverance married Mary Davis, and also settled in Stow.
Capt. Thomas was admitted freeman in 1642, was sergeant
of the foot company of Concord in 1662, was appointed, at its
organization in 1669, captain of the horse company, made up of
troopers from several adjoining towns. He was in command of

''CAPT. wheeler's narkative." 103

this company in July, 1675, when it was called into the service
of which some account is to be given. Of this the main facts
are gathered from the very interesting " narrative " which he
published in 1675, within a few months after the service was
rendered. The title of this pimphlet has been transcribed by
the kindness of A. C. Goodell, Jr., Esq., from a copy of the
original edition belonging to the Essex Institute, which copy is
bound up with the Rev. Peter Bulkeley's Sermon, and was per-
haps published with it. It is as follows :

A True Narrative Of the Lord's Providences in various dispensations
towards Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and my self, and those
that went with us into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quabaitg, alias
Brookfield. TJie said Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from
the Honoured Council of this Colony to Treat with several Sachems in
those parts, in order to thepublick peace and wy self being also ordered
by the said Council to accompany him toith part of my Troop for Security
from any danger that might be from the Indians : and to Assist him in
the Transaction of matters committed to him.

Of this valuable publication contemporary historians availed
themselves. Mr. Hubbard evidently used it freely and followed
it fully in his account. Major Gookin refers to and quotes from
it in his " History of the Praying Indians." But Rev. Nathan
Fiske, pastor of the Third Church in Brookfield, who preached a
centennial historical sermon in 1775 (which was published in
1776), seems not to have known of it, but follows Gov. Hutchin-
son's history, who himself evidently had never seen it, at least
does not notice it. And Rev. Joseph I. Foot delivered a His-
torical Discourse on Thanksgiving Day, November 7, 1828 (pub-
lished first in the same year), which discourse (says the Editor
of the enlarged edition of 1843) was compiled by the author
"after much inquiry and laborious research," and yet Mr. Foot
seems to have been entirely ignorant of the existence of the " nar-
rative," and makes no mention of Capt. Wheeler, leaving the
natural inference that he could hardly have read either Hub-
bard's, Mather's or Gookin's History. The edition of 1843 con-
tains " Wheeler's narrative " in full ; and by the Editor's
statement and a letter from Lemuel Shattuck, of Concord, it
seems that Mr. Foot became aware of the existence of the pam-
phlet but did not receive it from Mr. Shattuck, who possessed
two copies, until July, 1829, some time after his discourse was
published, and even then Mr. Shattuck appears not to have
known that the N. H. Historical Society had published the
" Narrative " in their Collections two years before, with valuable
annotations. In the edition of 1843, however, the Editor plainly
used the publication of the N. H. Society, word for word —
title, introduction, notes and all, without addition or omission,
though omitting to make acknowledgment of the same. On July

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

4th, 1860, in his oration at the Bi-Centennial Anniversary of the
Settlement of Brookfield, Rev. Lyman Whiting gives a complete
and eloquent account of the fight and subsequent defence of the
garrison by Wheeler's troopers. And later Mr. H. E. Waite has
made valuable investigations and has kindly furnished assistance,
advice and material to the present writer, while the late Rev. J.
H. Temple has made exhaustive researches, going over the whole
ground and making a complete and detailed history of the whole
affair in his " History of North Brookfield ; " publishing this
account by Capt. Wheeler in full.

It may be in order here to recall the situation of affairs and
some of the circumstances that led up to this expedition to
Brookfield.

Having been twice warned of the designs of Philip, and his
efforts to stir up the various chiefs of the Nipmucks, by Waban,
the ruler of the Christian Indians at Natick, the Council at last
began to realize that something ought to be done. And so, on
June 13, 1675, an embassy was sent to the Quabaugs and the
Nipmuck tribes to discover their intentions.

The messengers visited the various Indian towns of Paka-
choog, Maanexit, Wabaquasset, Quantisset, Chabonokongkomun,
Manchaug and Hassanamesit, and received satisfactory promises
from all the rulers of these towns that they would remain faith-
ful to the interests of the English. From the Quabaugs they
received the following document, still preserved in the Archives.

The Ruler of Quabage being examined by us where his men were :
he said they were at home. Then we asked him whether there were
none of them gone to help King Philip to fight against the English of
Plymouth ; he said No ; and neither would he help him : for he has been
false to him already, and, therefore, Twill not help him : but I will still
continue our subjection unto the English of the Massachusetts Colony ;
neither wUl I suffer any of my men to go and help him ; and in con-
firmation of the same I do set my hand, 25 : 4 : 75.

Conkcascogau, alias Conkganasco.

The sachems who signed these agreements, for all were of the
same purport, meant doubtless, to keep them. They were not
aware that war had already begun at Mount Hope. And when
Philip with his war-party came amongst them, they were at
first inclined to stand aloof. But the war fever soon spread
among the young braves, and Philip's agents went about sowing
the seeds of disaffection, and making promises of great things to
be done by tlie general uprising of all the tribes. Philip made
presents of wampum to several of these chiefs ; and by the middle
of July, four at least of them were in the great general war
camp at Meminimisset, where Ephraim Curtis found them, on
his first visit. This Ephraim Curtis was an important personage
in the negotiations at this time and in the subsequent events.

REVOLT OF THE NIPMUCKS. 105

He was the son of Henry, of Sudbury, about thirty-three years
old at this time, a notable scout and hunter, well versed in Indian
ways, and intimately acquainted with many of these tribes. He
was also a trader, and had a house at Quansigamug (Worcester).

He gives a detailed and interesting account of this visit, to the
Council. This account was published in full, in the " History of
North Brookfield," by Rev. J. H. Temple. By this account it
appears that Curtis was employed by the Council to go into the
Indian country about Quabaug, and find out all he could about
their present condition and probable designs.

Three Christian Indians, from Natick, volunteered to go with
him, and when he arrived at Marlboro', the constable there fur-
nished him with two men, mounted and equipped, and there also
another Indian volunteered with him.

At Marlboro' he heard that his house at Quansigamug had been
plundered, and that Mattoonas, the Nipmuck chief, with a large
war-party, and some of Pliilip's men, was raiding the country to
the southward. Holding their course through Brookfield, they
came after several days to a place where the great body of the
Indians were gathered. He says " These Indians have newly
begun to settle themselves upon an Island containing about four
acres of ground, being compassed around with a broad mirey
swamp on the one side, and a muddy river with meadow on both
sides of it on the other side, but only one place that a horse could
possibly pass, and there with a great deal of difiiculty by reason
of the mire and dirt."

The savages were in an ugly temper, and it was with much
trouble that he finally prevailed upon them to listen to his mes-
sage, the Indians in his company pleading earnestly for him. At
last he gained speech with the Sachems and found them to be
Muttaump, Konkganasco, Willymachen, Upchattuck, Keehood,
and Noncatonsoo. Of these Muttaump, the Sachem of Quabaug,
was leader. Curtis judged that there were about two hundred
warriors at the place. His conference with these Indians was on
July 14th, and on that same day Mattoonas had attacked Mendon,
and killed five men at work in the fields. This report of Curtis
was made to the Council on July 16th, and greatly disturbed
them, so that Curtis was at once despatched back to the Indians,
with a message and with letters to Major Pynchon at Springfield.
He returned from this second trip on July 24th, and reported
that he was well received by the Indians who were at the same
place, and that they had promised to send Keehood and another
of the Sachems to Boston within four or five days to speak with
the Governor. The Council, however, did not wait for tliis time
to elapse, but determined to send a larger force to confer with
the Indians, so as to enforce their demands if necessary. But
they entirely misjudged the strength and temper of the savages,
and were deluded by their supposed knowledge that Philip was
securely shut up in the swamp at Pocasset.

106 KING Philip's war.

At a meeting of the Council on July 26th, Capt. Thomas
Wheeler, of Concord, was summoned to appear at Boston next
day at ten o'clock, with twenty of his troop, to receive further
orders.

Capt. Edward Hutchinson was also called into service again,
and on the 26th the following commission was issued to him.

(Mass. Arch., vol. 67, p. 228).

Boston 27. July 1675

The Council beeing iuformed y' the narraganset Indians are come
downe with about one hundred Armed men into the Nipmuck country.
Do order you Capt Edward Hutcheson, to take with you Capt Thomas
Wheler & his party of horse with Ephraim Curtis for a guide & a suffi-
cient interpreter, & forthwith to repaire into those parts & ther Laubour
to get a right understanding of the motions of the Narraganset Indians
& of y" indians of Nipmuck : and for that end to demand of the leaders
of y'' narraganset Indians an acc'ot of y*" grouns of y" marching in y'
country & require to understand the orders of their Sachems, And also
to demand an Account of the Nipmuck Indians why they have not sent
downe their Sagamore according to their promise unto o"^ messenger

Ephi-aim Curtis, And further let y'" know y' wee are informed that

there are some among them y^ have actually joyned with our enemies
in the murder & spoyle made upon the English by Philip, And that
Matoones & his Complices who have Robed & Murdered our people
about Mendon are now among y'" And y' wee require them to deliver
up to you or forthwith bring in to us those our enemies, otherwise wee
must Looke at them to bee no friends to us, but ayders and abettors
[sic] and unto all these things you shall require y" expr'sse answer;
& as soon as you have dispatched the affayre, you are to returne home
& give us an acct, so desiring the Lords pr''sence with you & in prose-
cution of this affayre if you should meet with any Indians that stand in
opposition to you or declare y'"selves to bee yo"" enemies then you are
ordered to ingage with them if you see reson for it & endeav"^ to reduce
y"" by force of Arms.

" Capt. Edward Hutchinson was the eldest son of William and
Ann, and came to this country from England with his uncle
Edward Hutchinson, probably in September, 1633, a year before
his parents came. His family were much interested in the civili-
zation of the Indians, and were widely known amongst them.
Capt. Edward owned a large farm in the Nipmuck country, and
had employed several of the sachems in tilling it. He was
popular with the Indians, experienced in military matters,
trusted by the colony, and had several times been sent to treat
with different tribes, and was but lately returned from the treaty
with the Narragansets."

Such was the situation when, as we learn from Capt. Wheeler's
narrative above mentioned, he, with about twenty of his troop,
reported to the Council as commanded, and with Capt. Hutchin-
son marched, on July 28th, from Cambridge to Sudbury, and
thence the next three days into the Nipmuck Country. They

EXTRACT FROM WHEELER's STORY. 107

marched to within two miles of New Norwich, and finding all
the Indians had fled from their towns, and meeting with but a
few stragglers here and there, who fled from them, they marched
back to Brookfield, arriving there Sunday, August 1st, and hear-
ing of Indians in great force about ten miles away, they sent out
four men to treat with them. One of these was Ephraim Curtis
(as I find by his testimony in the trial of the Wabaquassa Indian,
Poquahow, for being engaged in the assault upon Capt. Hutchin-
son and the rest), two I tliink were Brookfield men, and the
fourth was probably one of the Indian guides. They met the
Indians about eight miles from Brookfield in a swamp, and after
the young warriors had blustered and threatened a long time,
their sachems agreed to meet Capt. Hutchinson and his party
next day at 8 o'clock at a plain three miles from Brookfield.
Capt. Hutchinson, accompanied by the troopers, scouts and three
of the " chief men " of Brookfield went to the place appointed ;
but no Indians appeared. Whereupon the officers suspected
treachery, and were earnestly warned by the Indian guides not to
go on ; but the Brookfield men were so confident of the good
faith of the Nipmucks, and urged so hard, that at last they
prevailed, and the party marched on.

As Capt. Wheeler relates the story :

" The said Capt. Hutchinson, who was principally entrusted
with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged to
proceed and march forward towards a swamp where the Indians
then were. When we came near the said swamp, the way was
so very bad that we could march only in a single file, there being
a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the
left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty
heathen, who there waylaid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us
off ; there being also much brush on the side of the said hill,
where they lay in ambush to surprise us. When we had marched
there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians
sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being (as
was supposed) about two hundred men or more. We seeing
ourselves so beset, and not having room to fight, endeavored to
fly for the safety of our lives. In which flight we were in no
small danger to be all cut off, there being a very miry swamp,
into which we could not enter with our horses to go forwards,
and there being no safety the way we came, because many of their
company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by
them quietly ; when others had shot, they came out and stopt our
way back, so that we were forced as we could to get up the steep
and rocky hill ; but the greater our danger was, the greater was
God's mercy in the preservation of so many of us from sudden
destruction. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any
hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the enemies'
shot, I wheeled about upon the Indians not calling on my men

108 KING Philip's war.

who were left to accompany me, which they in all probability
would have done had they known of my return upon the enemy.
They fired violently from the swamp, and from behind the
bushes on the hillside and wounded me sorely, and shot my
horse under me, so that he faultering and falling, I was forced
to leave him, divers of the Indians being then but a few rods
distant from me. My son Thomas Wheeler flying with the rest
of the company missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was
either slain or much endangered, returned towards the swamp
again, though he had then received a dangerous wound in the.
reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. Whereupon he
endeavoured to rescue me showing himself therein a loving and
dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of liis life to
help me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about
me, my son set me on his own horse and so escaped awhile on
foot himself, until he caught a horse whose rider was slain, on
which he mounted, and so through God's great mercy we both
escaped. But in this attempt at my deliverance he received
another dangerous wound by their shot in liis left arm. There
were then slain to our great grief eight men, viz. : Zechariah
Phillips, of Boston, Timothy Farlow, of Billericay, Edward
Colborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedly, of Concord, Sydrach
Hapgood, of Sudbury, Serjeant Eyres, Serjeant Prichard, and
Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. . . .
There were also five persons wounded, viz. : Captain Hutchinson,
myself and my son Thomas, as aforesaid ; Corporal French, who
having killed an Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun) shot,
and part of liis thumb taken off, and also dangerously wounded
through the body near the shoulder ; the fifth was John Waldoe,
of Chelmsford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest.
They also then killed five of our horses, and wounded some
more, which soon died after they came to Brookfield."

Thus far Capt. Wheeler's account is quoted directly. He
then tells of their retreat back to the town, " as fast as the bad-
ness of the way and the weakness of our wounded would permit,
we being then ten miles from it." There is little doubt that in
this retreat the surviving members of the company were saved
by the sagacity and fidelity of the two Indian guides, Sampson
and Joseph Robin, sons of old Robin Petuhanit, a faithful
Christian Indian. These two led them around by a way they
knew, but unknown to any of the English, all the Brookfield
men being killed.

The popular prejudice against the Christian Indians is here
illustrated, in the fact, that Capt. Wheeler was fully aware of
the good service of these guides, and yet here gives them no
credit for this nor for the urgent warning agamst entering the
swamp. He afterwards gave them a certificate, testifying to this
service. These two were afterwards so unjustly used by some of

SIEGE OF BROOKFIELD, 109

the people that they were driven to join the fortunes of the hos-
tile Indians, to save their lives. Sampson was killed by some
English scouts near Wachuset, and Joseph was captured and sold
into slavery in the West Indies. George Memecho was the third
Indian guide with Capts. Wheeler and Hutchinson at Brookfield,
and he was captured and kept prisoner for some time but finally
returned and gave intelligent information of the condition of
affairs among the hostile Indians. From Capt. Wheeler's further
narration and from other authentic sources, we learn that after a
circuitous and difficult march of ten miles the company came into
Brookfield town, spreading the alarm among the inhabitants.
There they at once seized and hastily fortified one of the larg-
est and strongest houses, said to have been the Inn of Sergt.
John Ayres, just slain in the fight.

The alarm spread through the town, and the inhabitants im-
mediately left their own houses and fled to the house held by the
troopers ; in their fear, bringing very little with them, either of
food or clothing. Capt. Wheeler, finding himself, by reason of
his wound, unable to conduct the defence of the garrison,
appointed to that office Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richard-
son and John Fiske, of Chelmsford. Within two hours after they
returned to the town, the Captains sent out Ephraim Curtis, and
Henry Young of Concord, to carry news of the disaster to the
Council at Boston, but in this time the Indians had crept warily
about the town, and were found by the messengers pillaging the
outlying houses. Finding the way encompassed and the whole
force of the enemy closing in upon them, the messengers returned
to warn the garrison. Immediately the Indians came swarming
upon them with fierce volleys and loud shoutings, " sending in
their shots amongst us like hail through the walls." But one
man, Henry Young, above mentioned, was killed, and that in the
evening while looking out from the garret window ; and a son of
William Pritchard (slain at the fight in the morning), who had
ventured out of the garrison to fetch some things from his father's
house still standing near by, was killed just as he was leaving
the house to return, and his head was cut off and tossed about in
view of the English, and then set upon a pole against the door
of his father's house. All night they besieged the house fiercely,
till about three o'clock in the morning August 3d, when they
collected hay and other combustibles, and attempted to set the
house on fire at the corner. Under cover of their comrades'
muskets, a party promptly rushed out in the face of the enemies'
bullets, and put it out. Only two of these were wounded. At
this time, at Capt. Wheeler's request, Ephraim Curtis made an
attempt to get away through the lines to carry a message, but
failed ; but near morning he tried again and succeeded by creep-
ing a long distance on his hands and knees to elude the Indians,
and after a day and night, fainting with hunger and fatigue,

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

reached Marlborough on August 4th. But the news of the
destruction of Brookfield had preceded him, carried by some
people who were travelling towards Connecticut, and coming to
Brookfield and seeing the burning houses and the killing of some
cattle, turned back and spread the alarm at Marlborough, and a
post was immediately sent after Major Willard who was to march
that day from Lancaster to Groton. The messengers overtook
him already upon the march, and upon receipt of the message he
promptly turned his force of forty-six soldiers and five Indians
under Capt. James Parker of Groton, towards Brookfield.

In the mean time the Indians kept up their furious assault upon
the garrison, trying by every art to fire the house through all the
day and night, August 3d, which the English succeeded in pre-
venting, without injury, except to one Thomas Wilson, who was
wounded while venturing into the yard outside to draw water.
On August 4th, the enemy having received large reinforcements,
proceeded to fortify the meeting-house near by, and also the barn
belonging to the besieged house, to protect themselves from the
watchful aim of the English muskets. They filled a cart " with
flax, hay and candlewood, and set up planks fastened to the cart
against our shot." This they designed to wheel against the
house, under cover for the night. And later, tliey invented a
machine-of-war, of a style unheard of before or since in war-
fare. It was a sort of trundling wheel-barrow fourteen rods long,
a pole thrust through the heads of a barrel for a front wheel, and
for a body long poles spliced together at the ends and laid upon
short cross-poles, and lashed to the fore axle and truckle wheels
placed under at intervals. They constructed two of these centi-
pede-like carriages and loaded the fronts with quantities of com-
bustibles, such as hay, flax and " candle wood." These were
scarcely completed, however, when a heavy shower fell and wet
down their combustibles, so that they would not readily burn,
and in the mean time Major Willard and his force arrived, and so
intent were the Indians about the machines, that his company,
coming about an hour after dark, gained the yard of the gar-
risoned house before the enemy perceived them. There was a
large body of Indians posted about two miles away, on the road
by which the Major's company had come, and another party of
over one hundred in a house nearer the garrison. The outpost
had let tlie company pass unharmed, depending upon those
nearer to strike the blow ; and these latter depending upon the
others for an alarm, which either was not given, or else, in the
excitement of building the machines, they did not hear, both
missed the opportunity of attack. As soon as they saw their
mistake they attacked the Major's party with fury, but without
much avail, and all were soon safely within the house. The
Indians seeing their devices defeated and the garrison reinforced,
set fire to the barn and meeting-house, and in the early morning
of August 6th, withdrew.

SIEGE OF BROOKFIELD. HI

Such is Capt. Wheeler's account, in brief, of the famous
encounter at the Quabaug Swamp, and the subsequent defence
of Brookfield. And I have followed his account thus fully and
at some length, because most of the published accounts that I
have seen have either conflicted with his or have been otherwise
misleading.

As to the locality where the above surprise, and almost
massacre, took place, there has been much interesting discussion
within tlie last ten years. Two places seem to answer very
closely the conditions of the account of Capt. Wheeler and the
others, whose testimony has been used in the matter. One of
these places is situated in the north-westerly part of New Brain-
tree, where was an ancient Indian town called Meminimisset,
afterwards Wenimisset. Dr. L. R. Paige, D.D., of Cambridge,
advocates this location, and by an able and convincing array of
facts and arguments, in the " New England Historical and Gene-
alogical Register" of October, 1884, leads to the conclusion that
the scene of the tragic affair was just east of Wenimisset Meadows,
near what is now known as " Brookside Farm." The other
location mentioned, is the ravine near the New Braintree and
Brookfield line, some two and a half miles from Wickabaug Pond.

This location is advocated by the Rev. J. H. Temple, late of
Framingham, author of the History of North Brookfield, above
mentioned. In his volume he brings forward equally strong and
convincing proofs and arguments in favor of his location. Both
these gentlemen are eminent authorities in antiquarian research ;
both are equally earnest in their convictions ; both leason from
the same evidences in general, viz. " Wheeler's Narrative," the
testimony of the various reports of Ephraim Curtis, Mrs. Row-
landson, the Indian guide, George Memicho, and others, but each
interprets these witnesses as proving his own theory. I am free
to say that reading the arguments of both again and again, I am
unable to decide which is the most probable site of the encounter.

But fortunately there has been new light shed upon the affair
from an unexpected quarter. In 1893, an ancient map of a tract
of country, covering this very territory, was brought to light from
the unpublished manuscript treasures of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, by Dr. Samuel A. Green, and published in fac-
simile in the " Proceedings " of the Society for that year.

This map is entitled " A New Plan of Several Towns in the
County of Worcester," and bears date of March 30, 1785. It
was the work of General Rufus Putnam, at that time of Rutland,
but formerly of New Braintree, a distinguished surveyor, a skil-
ful and painstaking artist, as this plan proves. The feature about
this map of special interest to us here is the fact that it locates
" Meminimisset," and the swamp to the east, and here is found
the inscription, " Hutchinson & Troop Ambushed between Swamp
& Hill."

112 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

This evidence would seem to confirm definitely the conclusions
of Dr. Paige, and settle the location positively at Me mini miss et,
(Wenimisset). It certainly shows that in 1785, that spot was
known as the scene of the struggle. By the courtesy of the
Mass. Historical Society I am able to present this ancient plan in
part to my readers.

The Nipmuck tribes were alone concerned in this attack upon
Brookfield; the Quabaugs, Wabbaqu assets and Nashaways,
being the chief. Philip left Pocasset Swamp July 31st, and with
a small number of his warriors arrived at " Quabaug Old Fort " on
Thursday, August 5th. By a letter from Major John Pynchon,
of Springfield, to Gov. Winthrop of Connecticut, we learn that
Philip was settled with his band on August 7th, not far from
Meminimisset ; and that Philip's brother was there, and Mattaloos
(Mattoonas) also with some two hundred men. George Memicho,
the Indian captive taken at Brookfield, relates that Philip brought
about forty men with him, and " many more women and chil-
dren." About thirty of his men had guns, the rest bows and
arrows. On their return from Brookfield, the victorious Nip-
mucks told Philip of their exploit, and he gave three of the
Sagamores, Apequinash, Quanansit and Mattaump, about a peck
of unstrung wampum apiece. Philip told the Indians that when
he came from Pocasset he had about two hundred and fifty men
in his company, besides women and children, including Weetamoo
and her company ; but now they had gone by themselves, and
some were killed. He also said that if Capt. Henchman had
pursued him closely, he must have been taken with his whole
company. After this Philip and his company seem to have dis-
appeared from this vicinity. But the affair at Brookfield had
stirred up the Pocuraptucks and other River Indians so that they
were ripe for the scenes which ensued along those river towns,
in which Philip apparently had small part.

On August 7th fresh forces arrived from Boston, and all
remained at the garrison till the 10th day, when Capts. Hutchin-
son and Wheeier, with all of their company that were able to
travel, came away and arrived at Marlborough on August 14th.
Capt. Hutchinson died there of his wounds on the 19th, and was
buried the next day. Capt. Wheeler and the remnants of his
company remained there until the 21st, when they returned
home to Concord.

Of those who were engaged in this affair, the following re-
ceived credit for military service under Capt. Thomas Wheeler :

Sept. 15, 1675.

Simon Davis.

03 08 16

Samson Robin. 00

13 08

John Buttrick.

03 01 06

Joseph Robin. 00

13 08

Oct. 19'"^

Sept. 28"^

George Howard.

01 08 06

Benjamin Graves. 02

16 04

Johu Hartwell.

01 11 06

WHEELER S FURTHER SERVICE.

113

John French, Corp. 07 04 00 Sidrach Hopgood. 00 10 00

JohnKittery(Kitteridg).03 08 06 November 30"^

George Farly. 00 U 00 John Waldoe. 04 00 00

James Paddison. 01 14 08 John Fisk. 01 14 09

John Bates. 01 14 03 Jan'y 25, 1675-6.

Simon Howard. 01 10 00 James Richardson. 02 02 00

Samuel Smedly. 00 14 00

Besides these credited above, there are several mentioned in
the " Narrative " and elsewhere, who doubtless belonged to Cap-
tain Wheeler's troop — Zechariah Phillips, Timothy Farlow and
Edward Coleburn, killed at the ambuscade, and Henry Young
killed at the garrison. These with young Thomas Wheeler,
make up the number to twenty-one, besides the guides. In Rev.
John Russell's list of men killed in Hampshire County, I find the
name of James Hovey, killed at Brookfield, August 2. There is
no other authority for the statement. The name occurs after
that of Capt. Hutchinson, and it may be that he, like Capt. H.,
died of injuries received at the fight or garrison. Ephraim Cur-
tis was credited as directly in the service of the Council, £2
for his service. It will be noticed that neither Capt. Wheeler
nor his son receive credit in the treasurer's account, but it is seen
by two items in the Court Records first, October 13th, 1675, in
answer to his petition setting forth his necessities, that he receives
ten pounds, and again in October, 1676, for his own and his son's
service, he is credited fuU wages for both from the time they left
their own homes till they returned to them again, which was <£28
in addition to the XIO granted him the year before, which in the
Treasurer's Ledger, is put under the head of " Contingencies,"
and is in part remuneration for his losses and recognition of his
eminent services. The twenty-eight pounds must have included
subsequent service. He remained at home for some time, and
probably in that time wrote out his " Narrative." Together with
others of his troop, he celebrated the 21st of October, 1675, as a
day of thanksgiving for their safe return from Brookfield. Before
February 29th, as is evident from the credits following, he had
been out again in service. What or where that service was I
have not been able to find from any published reference-
There was, however, much quiet, though efiicient, service per-
formed in those times, that the chronicler passed over in giving
account of the more stirring events ; and such service is often only
revealed by these dim old pages of Hull's Journal, or the brief
business or official letters preserved in our precious Archives.
Such data may be helpful here. And first, the similarity of the
amounts of credit would indicate that nearly all in this list were
on the same service, and it would follow that the service was
rendered before February 29th, 1676. The reference to " Groton
Garrison " in the credit of a part of the men, seems to point to
Groton and the neighboring towns as the place of service. And

114

KING PHILIP S WAR.

again the letter to the Court from Groton, dated February 6th,
1675-6, and signed l)y James Parker, Thomas Wheeler and Henry
Woodhouse (Woodis), respectfully suggests that the mainten-
ance of a scout of " forty men, troopers and dragoons," to scout
between Groton, Lancaster and Marlboro', is unnecessary, the
garrison at Lancaster being sufficient for such purpose. More-
over, that such method, considering the distance, renders the
force unavailable in case of sudden surprise, and that such towns
as Billerica and Chelmsford are weakened by the withdrawal of
their troopers for this service, and that now in view of the sud-
den disappearance of the Weymesit Indians, the troopers from
those towns " demand a release," etc. I find that many of those
in the list were from Billerica and Chelmsford. The letter shows
this scouting service to have been going on, and I think it is safe
to conclude that most of these thirty-seven men were engaged in
it under Capt. Wheeler and Lieut. Woodhouse.

Credited

under

Capt. Wheeler :

Feb'y 29'^ 1675-

-6.

David Batchelor.

12 10

Simon Davis (two credits) 1

Simon Crosbe.

12 10

fNath. Hill.

Daniel Maginnis.

06 00

Jonathan Hill.

John Kitteridg.

12 10

Joseph Foster.

James Pattison.

12 10

John Waldo.

Jonathan Hide.

12 10

Francis Dudly.

Samuel Davis.

02 10

Samuel Fletcher Sen

.01

John Brown.

12 10

Samuel Fletcher Jun

.01

Joseph Hayward.

12 10

Eleazer Brown.

John Hayward.

12 10

Cyprian Stevens.

Stephen Hosmer.

12 10

Benjamin Graves.

John Gould.

12 10

John Bates.

Phiuias Sprague.

19 04

t Stephen Goble.

Heui'y Green.

12 10

March 24"^

Joseph Winn.

12 10

Simon Willard.

Sept. 23* 16'

■6.

Thomas Tarball.

Abraham Jaque.

11 00

Joseph Blood.

Joseph Fitch.

09 00

June 24"^ 1676.

Samuel Dunton.

09 00

Henrv Woodis, Lieut.

Jonathan Prescott.

14 03

ses Buckman.

Of the operations of the troops about Brookfield after the
retreat of the Indians, some explanation will be given in the
accounts of the various captains and their companies. In esti-
mating the number of inhabitants who were in the house and
took part in the defence, we may consider the following data.
The whole troop, including Capt. Wheeler and son, numbered
twenty-two ; Capt. Hutchinson, Ephraim Curtis and three
Indians made it twenty-seven. At the fight five were killed and
five wounded, one Indian guide captured, Henry Young killed

1 Under Wheeler at Groton garrison.

BROOKFIELD ABANDONED. iiO

at the house, and Curtis sent to Marlborough, leaving fourteen,
presumably, fit for duty. There were some sixteen families
gathered in the house, including fifty women and children. On
August 3d Capt. Wheeler reports that only twenty-six, counting
the men of the town and his soldiers, were capable of service.
Hence we may infer that twelve of the inhabitants were actively
engaged in the defence. Recurring now to the list of petitioners
of October, 1673, published by Mr. Waite (New England Hist,
and Genealogical Register, vol. xxxv. 336), and counting out
Ayres, Pritchard, and Coy, killed, and Wilson wounded, we shall
not be far out of the way in concluding that the others were
joined with the troopers in making up the twenty-six, allowing
for some changes by accessions to and removals from town
between 1673 and "75. The reported numbers of four or five
hundred Indians present, and eighty killed, will bear liberal
reduction, though the English carbines were bravely effective.

The following fragment may be of interest here as showing
the presence of the celebrated pirate here just after the assault
was over. It is taken from the Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 7.

Boston, October yM3, 1675.
To the honored Governor & Councell of the Massathusets Colony in
New England.

These are to siguyfie that Cornellius \^sic'] Consort the

Dutchman was uppon the Contryes Sei-vis Att quabauge and by the
Councle of Warre there was sent out Capt. of the for lorne And
Afterward marched to Grotton & Chemsfort According to my best
Advice continued in the Countryes Servis six weekes Cornellius being
Reddy to depart the Country & myself being here att boston the
Major Willard being Absent I granted this ticket.

Thoivias Wheller, Capt.

This was the famous Cornelius Anderson. In the great trial
of the pirates he was constantly referred to as Cornelius Consort,
i. e. Consort of Capt. Roderigo, the chief of the pirates. The
name " Consort " thus became his familiar cognomen among the
people and soldiers with whom he was very popular. I cannot
tell on what occasion he led the "forlorne," but it was after
Capt. Mosely came, Aug. 11th or 12th, and before the 15th when
he left. The Council of War was held after Capt. Wheeler had
gone, but now, Oct. 18th, being in Boston, Major Willard absent
at Groton, Mosely at Hatfield, Lathrop and Beers both slain, it
devolved upon him to " grant the ticket."

Brookfield after the Attack.

Capt. Wlieeler relates that soon after his own return from
Brookfield, "the inhabitants of the town also, men, women, and
children, removed safely with what they had left, to several

116 KING Philip's war.

places, either where they had lived before their planting or
settling down there, or where they had relations to receive and
entertain them," and " the Honored Major Willard stayed
several weeks after our coming away."

A small garrison was undoubtedly maintained at the fortified
house some time after the withdrawal of the inhabitants, prob-
ably up to the 12th of October, and it is likely that widow
Susannah Ayres remained during that time, as is indicated by
her petition and account presented the Court in October, 1677,
which charges supplies to soldiers under Ephraim Curtis, Major
Willard and Capt. Poole ; but some time before November 16th
the place was vacant, for the Council on that date instructs Capt.
Appleton in his march homeward from Connecticut River, if he
comes by way of Quaboag, to drive down some of the cattle and
swine which they have heard have gathered about the house, as
a relief to the " poore people that are concerned therein." There
is much material preserved in the Mass. Archives bearing upon
this point of the withdrawal of the garrison from Brookfield, in
numerous letters and orders of the Council to various officers,
all giving evidence of the complete desertion of the town about
Oct. 12th. See especially, correspondence with Capt. Appleton
and Lieut. John Ruddock, etc. ; also petition of John Ayres's
sons, Mass. Arch. vol. 10.

The town was doubtless wholly vacated before the middle of
October, and remained so, except for the frequent passage of the
troops to and from the west, up to the last of February following.
On the 21st of that month the Council ordered " Carpenters'
tooles for six men, nayles of all sorts with hooks and hinges for
doors and locks and of such sort as the chief carpenter shall
appoint, to build a quarter at Quabaog ; " and on the 25th the
committee was ordered to procure either John Brewer of Sud-
bury, or John Coolidge of Watertown to go up with the army
and build a house or houses for lodging and shelter of provisions,
etc. A small garrison was established there under Serg't William
Ingraham, who writes the Council on March 21st for relief,
" men few and discouraged, need ammunition," etc. In answer
the Council sent up Capt. Nathaniel Graves of Charlestown with
men and horses laden with supplies, as will be seen by the fol-
lowing order from Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 173 :

Att a Council held at Boston, 22. March 1675-6

It is ordered that Capt. Nathaniel Graves of Charlestown shall be
the Coinander of the Garrison at Brookfield & all Inferiour officers
aud Souldjers are requested to be obedjent to him :

As the said Capt. Graves is ordered to take ye Coinand of twenty
troopers and thirty horses & fiveteen men besides w''' the Carriage
horses to be Loaden w"' provision & Ammunition to be conveyed to
the Garrison at Brookfield and after the carriages are Lodged there he
then send backe the Troopers & Carriage horses, dismissing them to

BROOKFIELD REGARRISONED.

117

theire several homes, And that W™ Ingram now Comander of the
Garrison at Brookfield is dismissed after Capt Graves comes there who
is to returne with the Troopers & Carriages. It is further ordered
that Major Savage order ten Souldiers more to strengthen the Garrison
at Brookfield as soon as he Can Conveniently. And the said Capt.
Graves is ordered with all Convenient dispatch to march up to Brook-
field w'^ the sayd Carriages : dated in Boston as above.

pr. Edw" Rawson, Secret'y.

"Warrants issued forth to the Constables.

To Charlestowne for Carriage

horses, 4 and 2 men
besides a horse for Capt Graves.
" Cambridge, Car. hor. 4 and 2 men
"Watertown, " " 6 " 3 "
" Sudbury, " " 6 " 3 "
*' Wooburne " " 6 " 3 "

To Roxbury , Car. hor. 4 and 2 men

30 15
To Capt. Prentice for 7 Troopers.
To the Constable of Marlborough

for 6 Troopers.
To Capt. Davis for 6 Troopers.

The following letter is of interest both for the matter in hand
and to show that garrison life in idleness is much the same in
every age. From Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 237.

Honoured Governer &

Sir we are all In Indifferent helth we dayly are goeing forth but
cannot see any Indians : our provissions dus spend apace And if you
Intend to Continue y' place we must have more prouissions y' wee have
may Last about 8 or 10 days : for my owne partt I Can be Content w"*
Less y" many of y"" men heare : I have eatten but Littell of your pro-
vissions : I expect A release by y*" next y' Cum up : for I am not fit
for y' Employ being out of my way & know there are many men more
fit than I for y* Busines I do not Apprehend any danger to Ly heare
for I Beleave the Indians will nott Cum to our Garreson all my feare
is of our men y' go Abroad & are not so Careful! as they shud be we
have had no damage yet y' makes us Secure if you doe Continue y^
men heare they will wantt showes & Shurtts And Linin drawers and
Tobacco & A glace to Keap watch w'^ all our discontent Arises from
y' now afore it was want of meate now we have enough heare are
many would not care if they did stay there time out. they ow there
masters here is noething to doe but up to play And down to sleepe if
y*" Country Can Afoard to maynteyn them so : I am Content rather to
bare my partt of y*" Charge then to play heare where I Can do no good
w''' showes and other things we had was sent to hadly & I have a
Resayte for them from y*^ Commissarys w*^^^ I hoap w" discharge mee
w'^'' is all y' offers att present from

Sir, your Seruant In what I am abell & understand.
28*Aparell 1676 Nathaniel Graves.

On May 5th Serg't Ephraim Savage was chosen to go up to re-
lieve Capt. Graves with new supplies, and to send home those
that were sick or greatly needed at home, and to take command

118

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

of the garrison, thirty of the men at least to remain. Serg't
Savage was excused from the service on account of sickness, and
Thomas Walker, " the brickmaker," was chosen in his stead. It
would seem, however, that his health improved, for he went with
a lieutenant's commission and wages, and the credit below shows
him to have served, and not Walker. Of the subsequent history
of the garrison there is no definite account, but frequent refer-
ences to it as a base of supplies, etc., show it to have been main-
tained for some time.

The following names are credited with military service at the
garrison at Brookfield and " Quabaug."

June 24, 1676

Nathaniel Partridg.

08 00

John Rayman.

01 00

John Sargent.

02 06

James Kelling.

05 01

Charles Duckworth.

15 00

p:zekiel Levitt.

01 04

John Cromwell.

15 03

John Norton.

01 09

John Norton.

12 06

John Mansell.

01 18

William Bodkin.

12 06

July 24, 1676

John Jeffery.

19 04

Joseph Hide.

'oi 00

Joseph Swady.

12 06

Isaac Perkins.

01 01

Ebenezer Engellsbee.

12 06

Nicholas Rawlins.

00 07

Henry Pellington.

07 00

George Norton.

00 06

John Algar.

02 06

Benjamin Dunnage.

01 08

Thomas Stacie.

12 06

John Artsell.

01 08

Sylvester Haies.

10 00

Thomas Scott.

01 04

John Simple.

02 06

Thomas Cooper.

05 00

August 24«^ 1676

Thomas Philips.

05 03

John Cromwell.

09 06

Joseph Garfell.

00 17

Charles Duckworth.

09 06

Benjamin Pickerin.

04 10

Edward Blancher.

lU 00

John Glide.

05 08

David Crouch.

06 02

Benjamin Buckuall.

04 15

David Jones.

06 06

Ephraim Savage, Lt.

04 07

Philip Sandy.

08 00

Christopher Cole.

03 02

Thomas Phillips.

18 00

Charles Blinco.

03 13

John Cutler.

09 08

John Mansell.

01 10 00

There is no reliable evidence that the town of Brookfield was
resettled before 1686 or 7. Many families were there before
1693, and a garrison house had been built, when, on July 27th of
that year, a band of twenty-six Canadian Indians attacked the
town and killed and captured several of its inhabitants.

VI.

MAJOR SIMON WILLARD AND HIS MEN.

OF all the names that stand upon the pages of New England
history, none are more honored than that of Major Simon
Willard. His biography has been written in the " Willard
Memoir," and therefore only a brief outline will be necessary
here. He was born at Horsmonden, County of Kent, England,
baptized April 7, 1605. He was the son of Richard and his
second wife Margery. Simon married in England Mary Sharpe,
of Horsmonden, who bore him before leaving England (probably)
three children, and six in New England. He married for a
second wife Elizabeth Dunster, who died six months after her
marriage ; and a third wife, Mary Dunster, who bore him eight
children, between the years 1649 and 1669. Simon Willard ar-
rived in Boston in May, 1634, and settled soon after at Cam-
bridge. He was an enterprising merchant, and dealt extensively
in furs with the various Indian tribes, and was the " chiefe in-
strument in settling the towne " of Concord, whither he removed
at its first settlement in 1635-6, and remained for many years a
principal inhabitant of that town. On the organization of the
town he was chosen to the office of clerk, which he held by annual
election for nineteen years. It is said upon respectable authority
that he had held the rank of captain before leaving England, and
in Johnson's " Wonder Working Providences " he is referred to
as "Captain Simon Willard being a Kentish Soldier." In 1637
he was commissioned as the Lieutenant-Commandant of the first
military company in Concord. At the first election, December,
1636, he was chosen the town's representative to the General
Court, and was reelected and served constantly in that office till
1654, except three years. In that year he was reelected, but was
called to other more pressing duties ; and afterwards to his death
was Assistant of the Colony. In 1641 he was appointed super-
intendent of the company formed in the colony for promoting
trade in furs with the Indians, and held thereafter many other
positions of trust, either by the election of freemen or the appoint-
ment o£ the Court, too many to admit of separate mention here.
In 1646 he was chosen Captain of the military company which,
as Sergeant and Lieutenant, he had commanded from its orgauiza-

120 KING Philip's wak.

tion. For many years he was a celebrated surveyor, and in 1652
was appointed on the commission sent to establish the northern
bound of Massachusetts, at the head of Merrimac River, and the
letters S W upon the famous Bound-Rock (discovered many
years ago near Lake Winnepesaukee) were doubtless his initials,
cut at that time. In 1653 he was chosen Serjeant-Major, the
highest military officer of Middlesex County.

In October, 1654, Major Willard was appointed commander-in-
chief of the military expedition against Ninigret, Sachem of the
Nyanticks, as told heretofore, in the Introductory Chapter, p. 22.
In the settlement of the town of Lancaster Major Willard had
been of great service to the inhabitants, and their appreciation
was shown when, in 1658, the selectmen wrote him an earnest
invitation to come and settle among them, offering a generous
share in their lands as inducement. This invitation he accepted,
sold his large estate in Concord, and removed to Lancaster, prob-
ably in 1659, and thence to a large farm he had acquired in
Groton, about 1671, at a place called Nonacoicus.

At the opening of " Philip's War," Major Willard, as chief
military officer of Middlesex County, was in a station of great
responsibility, and was very active in the organization of the
colonial forces. His first actual participation in that war was in
the defence of Brookfield, the particulars of which have been
noted. We must admire this grand old man of seventy, mount-
ing to the saddle at the call of the Court, and riding forth at the
head of a frontier force for the protection of their towns. On
August 4th he marched out from Lancaster with Capt. Parker
and his company of forty-six men, "to. look after some Indians
to the westward of Lancaster and Groton," having five friendly
Indians along as scouts, and, receiving the message of the dis-
tressed garrison at Brookfield, promptly hastened thither to their
relief, which he accomplished, as we have seen in a former chapter.
Upon the alarm of the disaster at Brookfield, a considerable force
soon gathered there from various quarters. Two companies
were sent up by the Council at Boston, under Captains Thomas
Lathrop of Beverly and Richard Beers of Watertown, and
arrived at Brookfield on the 7th. Capt. Mosely, also, who was
at Mendon with sixty dragoons, marched with that force, and
most of Capt. Henchman's company, and arrived at Brookfield
probably about August. From Springfield came a Connecticut
company of forty dragoons under Capt. Thomas Watts, of Hart-
ford, with twenty-seven dragoons and ten Springfield Indians
under Lieut. Thomas Cooper, of Springfield. These forces for
several weeks scouted the surrounding country under Major
Willard; the details of which service belong properly to the
accounts of the several Captains. In addition to these were
forty " River Indians " from the vicinity of Hartford, and thirty
of Uncas's Indians under his son Joshua, who scouted with the

SOLDIERS CREDITED UNDER MAJOR WILLARD.

121

other forces. The Nipmucks could not be found, and it was
afterward learned from the Indian guide, George Meniecho, cap-
tured by the Nipmucks in Wheeler's fight, that on their retreat
from Brookfield on August 5th, Philip, with about forty warridrs
and many more women and children, had met them in a swamp
six miles beyond the battle ground, and by presents to their
Sachems and otherwise had engaged them further in his interest ;
and all, probably, hastened away towards Northfield and joined
the Pocomptucks, and thence began to threaten the plantations
on the Connecticut River. After several days diligent search-
ing, on August 16th, Captain Lathrop's and Beers's companies,
the latter reinforced by twenty-six men from Capt. Mosely,
together with most of the Connecticut, Springfield and Indian
forces, marched towards Hadley and the neighboring towns,
while Mosely went towards Lancaster and Chelmsford. Major
Willard remained for several weeks at the garrison. Mr. Hub-
bard and Capt. Wheeler make this statement, and further relate
that he soon after went up to Hadley on the service of the
country. I think the visit to Hadley was after August 24th, as
on that date I find a letter from Secretary Rawson to him, en-
closing one to Major Pynchon, and advising him to ride up to
Springfield and visit Major Pynchon "for the encouragement of
him and his people." The writer of the "Willard Memoir"
states that he was in command of the forces about Hadley for
some time in the absence of Major Pynchon, but I have been
unable to find any confirmation of this, unless it may be the
inference drawn from Hubbard, who states that when Major
Willard " returned back to his own place to order the affairs of
his own regiment, much needing his Presence," he left " the
Forces about Hadley under the Command of the Major of that
Regiment." The letter above contained directions about the
disposal of his forces, etc., which would naturally take several
weeks to accomplish, and although the precise date of Major
Willard's return from Brookfield is not given, some inference
may be drawn from circumstances noted further on. Following
is the list of those credited with service under Major Willard,
from August 7th to January 25th, 1675 :

August 7"^, 1675

Matthias Farnsworth.

00 12 06

Richard Keatts.

John Tarball.

02 03 00

Sept 17

Lot Johnson.

02 04 06

Thomas Hincher.

Onesiphorus Stanley.

02 04 06

Sept 21''

Josiah Parker.

00 11 00

Jonathan Prescott.

Samuel Davis.

00 11 00

John Divall.

James Nutting.

00 11 00

Sept 28'^

October S'''

James Parker, Capt.

Paul Fletcher.

02 10 00

James Knap, Serg^.

Edward Foster.

02 10 00

James Fisk.

John Barrett.

02 10 00

122

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Gershom Procter.

John Jefts (or Jeflfers).

02 03 04

Ephraim Hiklred.

07 00

Anthony Hancock.

01 01 06

Jonathan Chrisp.

Nov. 20*.

John Heale.

John Brookes.

02 04 06

John Hawes.

Simon Willard, Major.

10 00 00

James Smedly.

John Bateman.

03 00 00

Thomas Tally.

Paul Fletcher.

02 01 00

Josiah Wheeler.

John Coddiugton.

03 00 00

October 19'^ 1675

John Gleason.

02 03 00

Thomas Rogers.

Daniel Lincolne.

01 05 08

John Shead.

William Wade.

02 03 00

Benjamin Simmons.

William Kerby.

00 12 00

Simon Willard, Major.

Consider Atherton.

00 15 00

Humphrey Jones alias

Nov. 30">

Johnson.

John Brookes.

00 11 04

Josiah White.

Edward Wright.

00 10 00

Daniel Gaines.

Abraham Cousens.

01 05 02

Ephraim Sawyer.

Dec. 20

Daniel Adams.

John Severy.

00 10 02

Thomas Beamon.

January 25. 1675-6

Simon Willard. ^

Philip Read, Doctor.

09 07 04

Samuel Cleaveland.

John Smith.

02 06 04

John Bateman.

The foregoing list of credits I presume to embrace the company
of Capt. Parker, who marched with Major Willard to the relief of
Brookiield on August 4th. I judge that Capt. Parker, with some
sixteen or more of these men, returned to Groton before August
16th, as on that date Capt. Mosely had sent twelve men to Groton
to help secure the town ; and Capt. Parker writes the Council on
August 25th about their affairs, asking for arms and ammuni-
tion, as they are expecting an attack upon the town. Those that
went back with him were very likely Groton men, and it is prob-
able are represented by the smaller credits. Capt. Parker acknowl-
edges the receipt of twenty men from Capt. Mosely and Major
Willard, and these were, doubtless, in addition to the number of
his own men that returned with him. The rest of his company
remained with Major Willard, as may be shown by their larger
credits.

From a paper which was presented to the Court after Major
Willard's death, in statement of his unpaid services and expenses
for the government, it appears that

From the 20* of September (1675) till the 18* of April (1676), the
Major was employed about the country business. Settling of Garrisons
in towns, and settling of Indians at Concord and Chelmsford, and other
business, etc.

The paper is given in full in the " Willard Memoir," and shows

3 killed at Brookfield, for which the Court allowed £3 in

MAJOR WILLABD STRENGTHENS MIDDLESEX TOWNS. 123

that this was a time of constant anxiety and activity in those
towns, and that the Major's house at Nonacoicus (in the town of
Groton, now within the town of Ayer) was a place of frequent
rendezvous for the troops passing hither and thither, and of en-
tertainment to those who come to the Major on the countiy's
business.

On September 8th the Council issued an order to Cornet
Thomas Brattle and Lieut. Thomas Henchman to march to
Chelmsford with fifty men, collected, thirty from Norfolk and
twenty from Middlesex Counties, and distribute them in the gar-
risons in the frontier towns of Groton, Lancaster and Dunstable.
This order was probably in answer to Capt. Parker's appeal of
August 25th. The men were to be left under the command of
the chief officers in each town ; and as Major Willard is not
referred to at all, it would seem probable that he had not yet
returned from Brookfield ; but some time before September 20th
he was at home ; and when Capt. Henchman was sent, about that
date, to organize an expedition to Pennacook with orders to with-
draw eighty men from the several garrisons before mentioned, he
was instructed to meet Major Willard at his home, and consult
with him and the chief officers of the several garrisons as to the
expedition. This meeting took place on September 25th, and on
the same day Major Willard, together with officers Adams, Parker
and Kidder, addressed a remonstrance to the Council against the
withdrawal of so many of their soldiers. Capt. Henchman re-
ports the same meeting in his letter of Sept. 27th. The Council,
for various reasons, concurred with the Major, and the expedi-
tion was abandoned.

For the succeeding months Major Willard was busily engaged
in ordering the defences of the Middlesex frontier towns and
settling the various bodies of friendly Indians. Garrisons were
maintained at Lancaster, Chelmsford, Groton and Dunstable, and
the entire available force of the county was kept in a ''posture of
war." During the time that the army of the colony was absent
at Narraganset, there is evidence from frequent letters, petitions,
etc., from these frontier towns, that the people felt comparatively
secure ; but when Canonchet, after the Narraganset fight, fleeing
with his surviving warriors, came into the vicinity, their fears
were newly aroused, especially when, about February 6th, the
army abandoned the pursuit, leaving the Indians in the woods
about Brookfield, and, returning to Boston, were disbanded. The
Council, not insensible to the danger which thus threatened
these towns, immediately issued orders to Major Willard to raise
a large force of dragoons to scout in front of the towns of Groton,
Lancaster, etc., to Marlborougli. This plan met with immediate
remonstrance from the towns, and appeals were at once made to
the Council against the measure, as it withdrew many from the
garrisons to a great distance for days together, leaving them

124 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

exposed to sudden incursions from the prowling and watchful
enemy.

At this time Major Willard was so busy ordering the defences
of the towns that he was unable to take his seat in the Council,
and sent them a letter of explanation. This letter is not found
in the archives, but the answer of the Council is as follows, giv-
ing some idea of the contents :

Sir. The Council received your letter and are soiry for your
excuse for not coming to the Council by reason of the State of Lancas-
ter, which we desire you to endeavor to the utmost of your power to
relieve and succour. We are useiug our best endeavours to prepare
more forces to send to distress the enemy. You shall hear more from
us speedily, and in the interim we desire you to be in readiness if you
should have a full command over the forces to be sent forth from the
Colony. E R Secy

11 Feb. 1675.

The Council's letter was written the day after the attack upon
Lancaster, of which evidently they had not heard. Major Willard
was probably at this time at Groton or Chelmsford, where an
attack was daily expected, doing all in his power with the small
force at his command to protect these towns from surprisal.
After the attack upon Lancaster, a large party of the Indians
swept down towards Plymouth Colony, taking Medfield on the
way, February 21st, and for the time distracting attention from
the main body, which, as soon became evident, were still in
the vicinity of "Wachusett Hills." On February 19th Major
Willard and Capt. Parker, in behalf of the people of Groton, sent
an earnest appeal to the Council for help and advice. On the
21st the Major was present at the sitting of the Court at Boston,
and remained during the session. He was at Cambridge on
March 4th, and certainly did not return to Groton till after
March 7th, as on that day he was at the Court of Assistants. It
was probably by his endeavors that a levy was ordered to be
made on Norfolk and Essex Counties (forty-eight from Essex
and forty from Norfolk). These forces were hastily collected,
and under the stress of the news of the attack upon Groton were
placed under the command of Capt. Joseph Cook, of Cambridge,
and ordered to report to Major Willard at Groton at once. This
action was taken by Major Gookin and Thomas Danforth, two
members of the Council living at Cambridge, and was approved
by the Council at their next meeting, March 16th.

On March 9th the Indians again appeared at Groton, doing
some mischief, and again on the 13th in full force, and destroyed
all the houses in town except the garrison houses, and one even
of these, from which, however, the people had escaped. I think
that Major Willard marched up from Watertown with Capt.
Cook's force on the 12th or 13th, and arrived at Groton on the
14th, as the Indians retired on that day, apparently aware of the

INDIANS ASSAULT GROTON. 125

approaching force. The people got safely within their garrisons
before the attack, and but one man, probably John Nutting, was
killed. The town was abandoned within a few days, and the
inhabitants removed to the towns nearer the coast. Major Wil-
lard, with his family, removed to Charlestown. It is likely that he
had removed his family some time before the destruction of his
house, on the 13th, as that stood in an exposed position, and
his son Samuel Willard, the minister of Groton, had another of
the garrisoned houses.

The Indians were greatly elated at their success at Groton, and
threatened to attack and destroy all the towns, including even
Boston, and Major Willard's orders were, after relieving Groton,
to scout back and forth to protect the neighboring towns, espe-
cially Chelmsford and Marlborough. The business of the removal
of the people of Groton was committed to Capt. Joseph Sill, of
Cambridge, who went up with troops and some sixty carts for
that purpose. This design was successfully carried out, although
the force guarding the long line of carts was so small, and an
ambush was laid and an attack made upon the advance from a
very advantageous position. Two of the " vaunt Carriers " were
mortally wounded, but the English were promptly drawn up for
battle, and after a few shots the enemy retired before their well-
aimed volleys. In the mean time Major Willard, and his Essex
and Norfolk men, were not idle, as will be seen by the following
account, prepared by him, of his movements from March 21st to
the 29th. Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 186.

A short narrative of what I have attended unto by the Councill of
late, since I went to relieve Groattou. The 21:1: 75-76, I went to
Concord, and divided the troope committed unto me from Essex &
Norfolke into three pts one to garde the carte, pressed from Sudbury,
one pt for y*' carte pressed from concord, both to Lancaster, one pt for
y*^ carte that went from Charlestowne & Wattertowne that went vol-
iutiers or wear hiered when I had sent them to their severall places I
came downe being the 22 : 1 : 75-6 : & went to concord the 25 : 1 : 75,
when I came there & inquired how it was with Lancaster the answer
was they weare in distresse, I p'^sently sent 40 horse thither to fetch
awaye corne, and I went that night to Chellmsfoord to sc how it was
with them, they complayned, Billerikye Bridge, stood in great need of
beinge fortified, 1 ordered that to be don, allso they told me, that the
Indians made two great rafte of board & rayles, that they had gott,
that laye at the other syd of the river, I ordered 20 souldiers to go
<M^er & take them, & towe them downe the River, or p'"serve them as
tney se cause, the 27 of this instant I went from Chellmsford to con-
cord agayne when I came there, the troopers that I sent to Lancaster
last had brought away all the people there, ])ut had left about 80
bushells of wheat & Indian corne, yesterday I sent : 40 : horees or
more to fetch it away, & came down from concord, this day I ex-
pect they will be at concord. Some of the troope I relesed when this
last worke was don, the other I left order to scout abroad untill they
heare from me agayne, I thought it not meet to relese men, when we

126

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

stand in need of men, my desire is to know what I shall do herin in,
concord & chelmsford look every day to be fired, and wold have more
men but know not how to keepe them, nor paye them, your humble
servant. Simon Willard 29:1:76.

The troops that went up from Norfolk and Essex were credited
under their special officers, and will there appear. The following
are those who receive credit under Major Willard, and are those
probably who were employed in scouting with him in the early
part of the winter.

Credited under

Major Willard.

February 29«^

John Dexter.

00 07 00

Thomas Wheeler

02 16 08

Samuel Green.

00 07 00

June 24"'

Joseph Wilson.

00 07 00

Edward Young.

01 04 00

John Lind.

00 07 00

July 24'''

Thomas Newell.

00 07 00

John Bush

01 04 00

John Sprague.

00 07 00

Isaac Fellows.

01 05 06

Thomas Munge.

00 07 00

Samuel Ingolls.

01 10 10

Peter Towne.

00 07 06

Samuel Bishop.

01 10 00

Thomas Wheeler, jr.

04 00 00

August 24'''

William Price, jr.

01 07 04

William Green.

00 08 06

September 23'^

Phinias Sprague

00 07 00

Francis Whitmore.

00 10 00

John Green

00 07 00

Daniel Goweu.

01 17 04

On March 29th Major Willard was in his seat at the Court of
Assistants, and his family was then living at Charlestown. He
was also at the session of the County Court at Cambridge at its
session beginning April 4th. On the 11th he was reelected as
Assistant, having the highest number of votes cast for any magis-
trate except the governor and deputy governor. He was con-
stantly engaged in his public duties until April 18th, when he
retired to his home and was struck down it is thought by an
" epidemical cold " wliich was then raging, and on April 24th
" died in his bed in peace, though God had honoured him with
several signal victories over our enemies in war," says a con-
temporary historian. No man was ever more fully or more de-
servedly honored in life and death than Major Willard. His
funeral at Charlestown on April 27th was an occasion of great
pomp for that time, six military companies parading under com-
mand of Capt. Henchman ; and liis death created profound sorrow
far and wide. There are numerous references to his death and
funeral in the literature, records and MS. journals of that day. His
family was reimbursed for his great expense and services, in 1G77 ;
and again in 1681 a grant of land of one thousand acres was set
aside for his six youngest children when they should come of age.

He left a numerous posterity, many of whom have held honor-
able positions in succeeding generations. His widow married
Deacon Joseph Noyes of Sudbuiy, July 14, 1680, and died in
that town, December, 1715.

yn.

CAPT. RICHARD BEERS, CAPT. THOMAS LATHROP,
AND THEIR COMPANIES.

RICHARD BEERS was admitted freeman at Watertown,
March 9, 1637, was granted a license to "keep an ordinary"
in Watertown in 1654, and continued that business during
his life. He was representative to the General Court thirteen years,
and selectman of Watertown thirty-one years, holding both offices
at the time of his marching to Brookfield, August 6th, 1675.
Before leaving home on that day he made a nuncupatory will,
proved Oct. 5, 1675. He left a widow Elizabeth, and their chil-
dren were Sarah, 1st, died before Oct. 10, 1639; Sarah, 2d
(born probably about 1641) ; Mary, born March 10, 1643 ; Eliezur
administered jointly with Capt. Richard's widow Elizabeth upon
his estate in 1682, married, April 21, 1690, widow Susanna (Har-
rington) Cutting, and died without issue, Dec. 5, 1701 ; Judith,
born March 26, 1646 ; Jabez, born August 4, 1651 ; Elnathan,
married about 1681 Sarah Tainter ; Elizabeth ; Richard, born Oct.
22, 1659 ; and Abigail, born April, 1662. From Hull's Journal I
find that Eliezur served under Capt. Cutler in 1676. Elnathan
was sergeant in his father's company in the west, and afterwards
served under Capt. Sill. Capt. Beers's age was probably about 63.
A little light may be thrown upon the history of Capt. Beers
by the following petition in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, page 163 :

To the Governour, etc., etc. Humble Petition of Rich'* Beeres of
Watertown.
Whereas your petitioner hath bin an Inhabitant of this jurisdiction
ever since the first beginning thereof & according to his weake abilUties
served the same not only in times of peace But allsoe w"" his person in
pequod warr in two severall designes when the Lord delivered them into
our hands as allsoe uppon his returue such a weaknesse fell uppon his
boddy that for Eaight years Space he was disinabled to labor for his
ffamyly Spending a (grat) ? part of that little hee had uppon Phesitions
& having hitherto had not any land of the Country & of the Towne
but one Acre and a halfe besides that he hath purchased, Humbly desires
this Honoured Court to Grant him Such a parcell of land (where he

128 KING Philip's war,

can find it in this wilderness) as shall seem meet to this Honoured
Courte, and the rather Seeing he hath many children to share in the
Same which shall further ingage him for the future. As in duty hee is
bound to Ser\^e & Honor Y' in the Lord.
October 24, 1665.

It will be noted that in the first campaign to Mount Hope the
troops were drawn almost wholly from the vicinity of Boston, Suf-
folk and Middlesex counties. In the latter part of July a levy had
been made in Essex, and when on August 4th or 5th the news of
the disaster at Brookfield came to the Council, the company from
Salem and vicinity was summoned and sent up to the relief of the
distressed garrison, under the command of Capt. Lathrop, and
another company from Watertown under Capt. Beers. Accord-
ing to Capt. Wheeler, these troops arrived at Brookfield on Satur-
day afternoon, August 7th, and it is probable that the troops sent
up from Hartford and Springfield arrived later, perhaps the same
evening. It is possible that it was on Monday, 9th, or Tuesday,
that the troops in force marched out to " Meminimisset, where
Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler were assaulted," and having
found no signs of Indians in the vicinity, the company from Spring-
field left the others and marched northward and around to
Springfield again, while the rest returned to Brookfield. The
English were sorely puzzled as to the whereabouts of the Indians,
and continued scouting for several days in the vicinity of Brook-
field, probably as far as Hadley, knowing that Philip had now
joined the Nipmucks, and fearing that the main body of the Indians
were at no great distance. Gardiner's bill, given below, indicates
Lathrop's presence at Hadley, August 12, but within two days
he was again at Brookfield. There, being recruited by the large
force that came up with Capt. Mosely from Mendon, an advance
in force was resolved upon, and on Aug, 15tli, Capts. Lathrop
and Beers with their companies marched by way of Meminimisset
to Springfield. Capt. Mosely with his troops accompanied them
as far as the swamp, the scene of Wheeler's fight, where he sep-
arated from them and marched away towards Chelmsford and
Lancaster, leaving twenty -six of his men to recruit the company
of Capt. Beers. The troops under Capts. Lathrop and Beers,
joined at Springfield by the forces under Capt. Watts, together
with the Connecticut Indians, spent several days exploring the
country up along Swift River and the Connecticut, without find-
ing the Indians, and on Aug. 22d, as we learn from Major Pyn-
chon's letter to the Connecticut Council, the Massachusetts troops
had returned to Brookfield again, and Capt. Watts with his forces
was at Hadley.

On August 23d Lathrop and Beers had again joined Watts at
Hadley, and at a council of war held on that day it was resolved
to disarm the Hadley Indians who had gathered at their fort on

LATHEOP AND BEERS AT WEQUAMPS. 129

the west side of the river, about half-way between Hatfield and
Northampton. Preparations were made for carrying out this
design on the 24th. Messengers were despatched to Northamp-
ton to secure the cooperation of the force there, which was to
move as near to the Indian fort as possible, unperceived, while
Capts. Lathrop and Beers crossed the river to Hatfield, to
approach the fort from that side. In the meantime peaceful
demands had been made upon the Indians to deliver up their
arms, and one of their sachems had come before the council to
present their objections ; and it is probable that many of their old
men and others of their tribe were in favor of submission, but
were overruled, and before the English had completed their prep-
arations it was found that the Indians had all escaped, having
killed one old sachem, who, it is said, opposed the flight and
refused to join it.

The Indians fled on the night of the 24th, and on the morning
of the 25th, Capts. Lathrop and Beers, with one hundred men,
pursued them, coming upon them unexpectedly " at a place called
Sugar-Loaf Hill," "about ten miles above Hatfield," according to
Mr. Hubbard ; " at a swamp beyond Hatfield," says Mr. Russell of
Hadley, writing soon after. " The place is now unknown," says
the late eminent historian of Hadley, Mr. Judd ; while Messrs.
Temple and Sheldon, the careful historians of Northfield, locate
the scene "in a swamp just south of Mt. Wequamps, in the
present town of Whately." Here an engagement ensued, which
is most reliably described perhaps by the following extract from
a letter written by Rev. Solomon Stoddard of Northampton, on
Sept. 15th, 1675, to Rev. Increase Mather of Boston:

They (the English) intended to parley with the Indians, but on a
sudden the Indians let fly about forty guns at them, and were soon
answered with a volley from om men ; about forty ran down into the
swamp after them, poured in shot among them, made them throw down
much of their baggage, and after a while our men, after the Indian
manner, got behind trees and watched their opportunities to make shots
at them. The fight continued about three hours ; we lost six men upon
the ground, though one was shot in the back by our own men ; a
seventh died of his wound coming home, and two died the next night,
nine in all, of nine several towns, every one of these towns lost a man.
Of the Indians, as we hear since by a squaw that was taken, and by
three children that came to our town from them the day after, there
were slain twenty-six. . . .

From Mr. Russell's " List of the men slain in the County of
Hampshire," Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 33, from another list in
vol. 67, p. 254, and from various other sources, it is judged that
the following is a correct account of the killed at tliis fight
of August 25th:

130 KING PHILIP S WAR.

Samuel Mason of Northampton.
James Levins of Roxbury?
Azariah Dickinson of Hadley.
Richard Fellows of Hatfield.
*John Plainer of Newbury.

*Mark Pitman of Marblehead.

* Joseph Person of Lynn.

* Matthew Scales of Rowley.
William Cluffe of Charlestown.
Edward Jackson of Cambridge

(pei'haps).
[*Were of Capt. Lathrop's company.]

After this skirmish the Indians made good their escape and
probably joined the Pocomtuck tribe then living near Deerfield
river. The English marched back to Hatfield, and thence
crossed to Hadley, where other troops from Connecticut and
from the East were gathering, expecting a general attack from
the main body of the Indians, now believed to be concentrated
at Paquoag (Athol). Nothing, however, was done by the Indians
until Sept. 1st, when the Pocomtucks, now joined by the Nor-
wottucks (or Hadley Indians), fell upon Deerfield, where but a
small garrison was stationed, burned most of the houses, and
killed one of the garrison, James Eggleston, of Windsor, Conn.,
of Capt. Watts's Company. In Mr. Russell's list the name of
Nathaniel Cornberry is given also as slain at Deerfield, but it was
probably later, perhaps on the 12th, when Mr. Stoddard relates
another assault upon some of the people going to meeting, of
whom one was taken alive by the Indians.

Hadley was at this time the headquarters of the English, and
probably Capts. Lathrop and Beers, with their companies, were
there on September 1st. It is certain that they were there on
the 2d, and were organizing a force to bring off the garrison at
Northfield. But on that day (Thursday, Sept. 2d), while this
expedition was in preparation, and the Northfield people and
the garrison soldiers were abroad in the fields at work, a large
body of Indians suddenly fell upon that town, killed many of
the people as they fled from their homes and fields towards the
garrison, burned all their exposed houses and destroyed cattle
and crops. There were sixteen families in the town. The
English killed at this time, according to Russell's list, were eight:

Sergt. Samuel Write. (Wright)
Jonathan Jeans. (Janes)
Ebenezer Parsons.
Benjamin Dinwick. (Dunwich)

Ebeuezer Jeans. (Janes)
Nathaniel Curtis.
Thomas Scott.
John Peck.

In the history of Northfield (by Temple and Sheldon) is
additional information. Sergt. Wright, aged 45, the Janeses,
sons of Elder William Janes, aged respectively 16 and 14, were
all of Northfield ; Parsons, aged 20, and Curtis, were of North-
ampton ; Peck was of Hadley ; Scott, Ipswich ? and Dunwich,
residence unknown, perhaps identical with Benjamin Dunnage,

CAPT. beer's company AMBUSHED. 181

credited at Brookfield. But one Indian was known to have been
killed.

Hadley was thirty miles from Northfield, and, unaware of this
assault, Capt. Beers, on the next morning, Friday, Se})t. 3d, set
forth with thirty-six mounted men and one ox team, on his march
to bring off the garrison and people. The march was slow and
toilsome, and darkness came upon them when still three or four
miles from Northfield, and they were obliged to encamp for the
night. It is supposed that the camping was near the small stream
called " Four-mile brook." Early on the morning of Saturday
the 4th, Capt. Beers with most of his force started on foot, and
leaving the horses at the camp with a small guard, and taking
the team with stores and ammunition, advanced towards the
town, still ignorant of the previous day's assault, and, it seems,
entirely unsuspicious of an enemy in the vicinity. The best au-
thority for the scene and circumstances of the engagement is
probably the history of Northfield above mentioned, which I fol-
low. " He appears to have kept up on the high plain till he came
in sight of the little brook, now known as Saw-mill brook. The
ravine was now covered with a rank growth of grass and ferns,
and the leaves were thick on the young trees." It was at this
place that the Indians had placed their ambuscade. He advanced
across the brook by the accustomed fording place, and just at the
passage, and when his company was most exposed, was furiously
attacked in front and flank, and all were thrown into great con-
fusion, but soon rallied and fought bravely for their lives, but
were forced back by superior numbers some three-quarters of a
mile to a narrow ravine on the south of a hill now known as
" Beers's Hill." Here a stand was made, and here the little band
fought about their leader, with the courage of desperation, till
their ammunition was exhausted and the captain with nearly
every man had fallen ; only a few escaped, joined the guard left
behind with the horses, and made their way back to Hadley, thir-
teen in all. An undoubted tradition points out the grave of Capt.
Beers in the ravine where he fell. Hoyt, in his history, published
in 1824, says that the bones of the slain were still occasionally
found protruding from the sandy knoll where the battle began.
Mr. Hubbard relates that twenty men were killed with their
leader. Mr. Russell, in his list, says sixteen, and gives the names
of eleven. His list is as follows :

At Squakheage y^ 4 of Sept 16 men were Slayn.

Capt. Rich'' Beers.
John Chenary.
Ephraim Child.
Benjamin Crackbone.
Robert Pepper.
Joseph Dickinson.

William Markham.
George Lycuss.
Jolm Gatchell.
James Miller.
John Wilson.

132 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Another list in the Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 254, adds several
names and varies the spelling of several, thus :

List of Capt. Beeres and those slayn soldiers, 1675.

Capt. Beers.
John Getchell.
Benjamin Crackbon.
Ephra' Child.
George Lickens.
John Willson.
Thomas Cornish.
Robert Pepper.

John Genery.

Jeremiah Morrell.

Elisha "Woodward.

William Marcum. ) Hadley

Joseph Dickerson. ) men.

James Milliard.

James Egleston.

killed with Capt. Beeres.

8 killed at Squakheage with Capt. Beeres of whom there is no acco'.

It will be noticed that James Egleston, who was killed at Deer-
field, is set down here. Robert Pepper of Roxbmy was not killed,
but taken captive and returned home afterwards. Besides the
thirteen that escaped to Hadley that same night, three more
came in next day. It is said that several others counted as killed
were taken prisoners and afterwards tortured to death. One,
whose name is unknown, was reserved for torture, but was freed
by a friendly Natick Indian and made his escape. John Parke,
son of Thomas of Cambridge Village, was wounded in the fight
" in the elbow joint and the bone broken," etc. His petition says
it was "in the fight in which Capt. Beers was killed." He re-
mained at Hadley till Major Appleton's march home, Nov. 24.
(See Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 198.) Probably the Indians
engaged in the assault were less than one hundi'ed and fifty in
number, composed of the Squakeags, and parties of Nashaways,
and Quaboags, led by Monoco, alias " One-eyed John," and Saga-
more Sam. The number of Indians slain was said to be twenty-
five, which is probably too large an estimate.

On the next day, Sept. 5th, Major Treat, who had come from
Hartford to Hadley on the 3d with a company of Connecticut
men, one hundred strong, marched up to Northfield. At night
(Sunday, 5th) he camped, probably near the camp of Beers, and
on the 6th M^ent forward to the scene of the battle, finding a
ghastly sight, for many of the heads of the slain had been cut off
and set upon poles by the wayside. Pausing only long enough
to perform hasty funeral rites, he passed on to the garrison and
found all safe. Hurriedly collecting the people and all their
effects possible, but obliged to leave the cattle, he marched for
Hadley the same evening. Mr. Stoddard, in his letter, says " they
left the bodies unburied," which probably has reference to the
eight killed at Northfield in the attack on the 2d. Small bodies
of the enemy were still lurking in the vicinity of the village, and
a party of the English that ventured into the fields were attacked ;
they were probably engaged in burying the dead, and Major Treat

CREDITS UNDER CAPT. BEERS.

133

was slightly wounded in the thigh. It is said that many of the
cattle followed in the retreat of the English, and afterwards came
into Hadley. The following are the names in Hull's Journal :

Credited with Military Service

October, 5 1675.

John Shattuck, Sergt. 02 07 06

Edward Jackson. 00 18 00

Ephraim Beares. 00 12 10

November 9*'' 1675.
Joseph Sill, Ze/M«. 08 1106

Nathaniel Bright. 03 08 06

Elnathan Beeres, Sergt. 05 02 09
Nathaniel Sanger. 04 02 06

Samuel Prentis. 01 04 00

November 20'^ 1675.
Jacob Hurd. 03 14 06

Richard Beeres, Capt. 06 08 06
Joseph Fuller. 03 07 08

John Parkes. 03 07 08

Benjamin Crackbone. 02 18 00

under Capt: Richard Beeres.
WilUam Russell. 04 16 GO

George Licas. 01 05 08

December 20"^ 1675.
Richard Wood. 04 16 00

John Cooke. 02 14 00

John Harrington. 04 16 00

Nathaniel Peirce. 03 05 02

GustinJohn. 05 04 06

January 25"^ 1675-6.
John Wilson. 01 05 08

John Bowditch. 01 16 00

Ephraim Child. 01 05 08

Benjamin Taynter. 04 16 00

February 29'^ 1675-6.
Thomas Hastings. 02 05 00

Nathaniel King. 00 12 00

The probable reason that so few are credited under Capt. Beers
is the fact of his brief command, and also that the twenty-six
men delivered to him at Brookfield by Capt. Mosely would prob-
ably be returned to Mosely and be credited under him ; and I am
inclined to think that those who survived and continued in the
service would look to Capt. Joseph Sill, Beers's lieutenant, to sign
their vouchers, and would receive credit under him or the officer
that appeared afterwards in command. Shattuck escaped only
to be drowned shortly after, crossing Charlestown Ferry.

John Harrington of Watertown was badly wounded, but
escaped and lived to old age.

CAPT. THOMAS LATHROP AND HIS MEN.

Thomas Lathrop, or Lothrop, emigrated from England to
Salem. He was admitted freeman in 1634, and settled on the
"Bass River "side of the town, where he received a grant of
land near Mackerel Cove in 1636. He was lieutenant of the
Salem Train-Band in 1644 under Capt. Hathorn, and succeeded
him as captain of the Artillery Company in 1645. Mr. Felt
relates that he was a captain under Major Sedgwick in the expe-
dition of 1654-5 against Acadia, when St. Johns and Port Royal
were reduced. He was an active and influential citizen, repre-
sented Salem in the General Court in 1647, '53 and '64, and when
Beverly was set off in 1668 was chosen first selectman of the new
town, and thereafter, till his death, remained a leading actor
in all its affairs, civil, ecclesiastical and military. He married

134 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Bethia, daughter of Daniel Rea and sister of Joshua, who after
his death and before June, 1680, married Joseph Grafton, of
Salem, and again for her third husband, June 26, 1683, Dea.
William Goodhue, of Ipswich. She died Dec. 6, 1686. Capt.
Lathrop left no children, and his sister Ellen, who came with
him from England, and became the second wife of Ezekiel
Cheever, with her children, inherited his estate. The age of
Capt. Lathrop is put at 65 years by Mr. Stone in his history of
Beverly.

In the Mass. Archives, vol. xlv, p. Ill, there is a petition of
Capt. Lathrop, showing that he was in the expeditions against
the Pequods in 1636-7. This petition has the signature
" Thomas Lawthrop," and is dated 8 : 3mo. 62 ; and while I have
some doubt whether here the writing is his own, there can be no
doubt of his signature in vol. Ixvii, p. 50, where it appears in a
faltering hand as " Tho : Lawthropp."

In August, 1675, when the news of the disaster at Brookfield
came to the Council, Capt. Lathrop was placed in command of
the company raised in Essex County, with some men from Boston
and vicinity, and marched up to Brookfield, where he joined the
forces of Capt. Beers. Their companies acted mostly together
thereafter up to the time of the latter's march from Hadley on
September 3d.

Elated by recent successes, the Indians pressed more closely
about those western towns, watching warily that no opportunity
might pass to strike a safe and telling blow. Their leaders
constantly outgeneralled our officers, and in every engagement
took care to have the odds, in numbers, position, and method of
attack, on their side ; and while we are horrified at their atroci-
ties, we can but admire their adroitness and persistence. In the
meantime additional forces of the English were gathering at
Hadley and vicinity, and all were under the general direction of
Major John Pynchon, of Springfield, commander-in-chief in the
county of Hampshire. On the return of Major Treat from
Northfield with the garrison and people of that place, a council
of war was held, at which it was decided to strengthen the
various garrisons and hold the army for the present on the defen-
sive. The Commissioners of the United Colonies had agreed to
raise an army of five hundred men for this campaign on the Con-
necticut River. Besides the forces of Latlirop and Beers, Capt.
Appleton had arrived from the East early in September, and
Capt. Mosely with a company of sixty on Tuesday, Sept. 14th, at
evening, and probably on the 15th crossed the river and marched
up to Deerfield. There, on the Sunday before, the Indians had
made an assault on twenty-two men passing from one garrison to
another to meeting ; none of ours were killed, but one was taken
alive and probably afterwards killed, and Mr. Judd suggests that
this was Nathaniel Cornberry, noted by Mr. Russell as among

MASSACRE AT " BLOODY BROOK." 135

the slain. The Indians then burned two houses, secured several
horse-loads of beef and pork, killed many horses, and with their
plunder betook themselves to a hill in Deerfield meadow. On
the reception of this news at Northampton, the officers there
raised a body of volunteers, who with others from Hadley and a
part of Capt. Lathrop's company, marched up on Monday, 13th,
to Deerfield garrison, and on the next day went out with the
soldiers of the garrison to attack the Indians at the hill, but they
were all fled. Major Treat, on Sept. 9th, had returned to Hart-
ford, leaving a part of his force distributed in the various towns
in garrison. On the 15th or 16th he came to Northampton with
additional Connecticut troops, and Capt. John Mason, of Nor-
wich, came there soon after with a body of Mohegan and Pequod
Indians. I think it probable that the remainder of Capt.
Lathrop's company, except the sick and wounded, passed over
with Capt. Mosely.

Such was the position of affairs on Sept. 18th. At Deerfield
a large quantity of corn had been gathered from the fields and
loaded upon carts, teams and drivers provided, and Capt. Lathrop
with his company were appointed as a guard to Hadley, where it
was to be stored. The English evidently had no thought that
any considerable force of the enemy were in the vicinity, and
Capt. Mosely and his company remained behind and were scout-
ing in search of them through the woods about. But a large
body had crossed the river secretly, and, undiscovered, were
watching every motion of the English ; and now with their usual
tactics they placed a large ambuscade in a place which offered
unusual advantage, across the line of march. This place was
some five miles from the place of starting, at what is now South
Deerfield village, where a small stream, then known as " Muddy
Brook " (but ever since as '' Bloody Brook "), crossed the road.
The English seem to have taken no precaution whatever against
surprise, and many of the soldiers, it is said, had placed their arms
upon the carts to be carried, and were gathering wild grapes by
the roadside.

We can never know with certainty much of the details of the
battle, or rather massacre, that ensued. The survivors on this
occasion were few, and doubtless if questioned could give but
incoherent and exaggerated accounts. Moreover, contemporary
historians seem to have been indifferent to particulars, and to have
inclined rather to moralizing upon general events, and succeeding
historians have mainly repeated the stories of the first, and it is
only within the last few decades that our devoted historical
societies, with their increasing facilities, have made the methods
of intelligent criticism possible. Gen. Epaphras Hoyt, of Deer-
field, wrote a history of the Indian wars more than fifty years
ago, which seems to be the first effort at analysis. In that work
are many important questions raised and valuable suggestions

136 KING Philip's war.

presented. In regard to this affair he suggests that the main
part of the troops had passed over the brook and were waiting
the slow movements of the lumbering teams over the rough roads.
The Indians crept stealthily about and encompassed the whole
company and fell upon them with sudden and terrible fury, so
that many were shot down or disabled at the first volley, includ-
ing probably Capt. Lathrop. Doubtless a brave resistance was
made, but with little avail. The coming of Capt. Mosely upon
the scene after the disaster, his subsequent fight and opportune
reinforcement by Major Treat, have been previously related.

It may be noted that here again Major Treat and the Connecti-
cut soldiers opportunely, and as at Northfield, brought rescue,
it is likely, from destruction. Connecticut was wise in trusting
and employing the friendly Indians, who never allowed their
troops to be ambushed; while the prejudice of Massachusetts
brought upon their companies the dreadful massacres and unavail-
ing pursuits which excite our wonder and shame even to-day.

As to the number of the English killed in this encounter, early
accounts vary. In the postscript to a letter from the Massachu-
setts Council to Richard Smith, of Narraganset, dated Sept. 22,
1675, and still preserved in the Archives, vol. 67, p. 262, the
statement is made that " above forty of Capt. Lathrop's men with
himself were slain ; " and then it is further stated that Capt.
Mosely lost eleven men in the subsequent fight, which together
with many lost that were with the teams made up sixty-four in
all, who were buried the next day. Mr. Mather relates that
above threescore were slain. Mr. Hubbard reckons eighty as
the number in the company of the English, including, doubtless,
the teamsters, and says that not above seven or eight escaped.
In Rev. Mr. Russell's list, noticed above, the number of slain is
put at seventy-one. This last is probably nearly correct, as Mr.
Hull's credits, now for the first time published, after a lapse of
more than two hundred years, go far to prove. The list pertain-
ing to " Bloody Brook " is given below entire. It has been copied
from the original with the utmost care, and proved and tested
letter by letter till I feel sure of its accuracy. This list was
first copied by Mr. Coffin some fifteen years before he published
his " Newbury," and is the most nearly correct of any list that
has been published hitherto that I know of ; but a comparison of
his text with the original will show many mistakes. The follow-
ing is the list :

At Muddy-Brook bridge y'' 18 Sept. 71 men slane.

Capt. Thomas Lay tlirop Caleb Kemball George Ropes

Sergt. Thomas Smith Thomas Hobs Joseph Kinge

Samuel Stevens Robert Homes Thomas Alexander

John Hobs Edward Traske flfrancis ffrieude

Daniel Button Richard Lambert Abel Osyer

John Harrimau Josiah Dodge John Litleale

THE SLAIN AT "BLOODY BROOK.

137

Thomas Bayley
Ezekiel Sawier
Jacob Kilborne
Thomas Manninge
Jacob Waynwritt
Benjamin Roper
John Bennett
Thomas Mentor

Peter Woodberry
Joseph Bolch
Samuel Whitteridge
William Duy
Serg' Samuel Stevens
Samuel Crumpton
John Plum
Thomas Buckley

Samuel Hudson
Adam Clarke
Ephraim ffarah
Robert Wilson
Steven Welman
Benjamin ffarnell
Solomon Alley
John Merrit

The forty-two above were evidently soldiers of Capt. Lathrop,
and the following were set down by Mr. Russell as including the
teamsters :

Robert Hinsdall
Samuel Hinsdall
Barnabas Hinsdall
John Hinsdall
Joseph Gillett
John AUin

Joshua Carter
John Barnard
James Tufts
Jonathan Plimpton
Philip Barsham
Thomas WeUer

William Smeade
Zebadiah Williams
Eliakim Marshall
James Mudge
George Cole

The Hinsdalls were the father and three sons. Most of the
others were Deerfield men. George Cole is credited under Capt.
L., and was probably of his company, perhaps of Lynn. The
following men are set down as of Deerfield, and credited by Hull
in the " Beefe " account : Richard Weller, William Pixly, Daniel
Weld, James Tufts, William Smeade, Joseph Gillett, Experience
Hinsdall, John Stebbin, John Hawkes. Nathaniel Sutlive is
credited for cattle. Others credited for cattle, billeting, etc., at
the same time, June 24, 1676, but of course for the year before :
Sarah Field, Ephraim Hinsdall, Solomon Stoddard, Thomas Mek-
ins, Barnabas Hinsdall, Joshuah Carter, John Plimpton, Thomas
Hastings, Samson Frary, Quentin Stockwell, John Allen, Moses
Crafts, Samuel Hinsdall, Peter and Jonathan Plimpton. Thomas
Weller was probably son of Richard, and Barnard was of Hadley,
son of Francis. Barsham and Williams were of Deerfield, Mar-
shall and Mudge were probably of Lathrop's company. Marshall,
sometime of Stratford, Conn., now perhaps of Boston, and Mudge,
of Maiden, son of Thomas and Sarah.

From sundry petitions preserved in the Archives, and from
casual references here and there, we find a few additional names.
Joseph Prince, of Salem, was pressed under Capt. Lathrop and
went as far as Quaboag, but was there given leave to go home to
his dying father, and did not return to tlie army. Mrs. Ruth
Bates had two sons, Clement and Solomon, who went out with
Lathrop and survived the fight, if they were in it, and spent the
winter in the garrison at Westfield ; Clement was killed there in
the spring, and the mother petitions in April, 1676, for the
release of Solomon. John Smith's petition. Archives, vol. 69, p.
23, shows that two servants of his had been pressed, and one of

138 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

them having been out some three months, was killed with Capt.
Lathiop ; his name is not given, but the other, Mungo Craford,
having been out near ten months, was left through the winter
as a garrison soldier at Hadley or near, and is still there. Smith
petitions for his release or pay for his service. Smith was of
Boston, and Craford returned and settled there ; Mrs. Bates was
the widow of Clement of Hingham.

In a note in the Appendix to Edward Everett's Bloody Brook
oration, Rev. Joseph B. Felt gives the above list, and adds the
place of residence of many. The following in Hull's Journal are

Credited under Capt. Thomas Lathrop.

October 19, 16

Andrew Stickney.

16 00

John Palmer, CorpL

11 00

George Ropps.

17 08

Nov^ 9, 1675

Benjamin Roper.

17 08

John Langbury.

08 00

Ephraim Farrar.

16 00

Edmond Bridges.

00 00

Solomon Ally.

16 00

Joseph Emons.

17 00

Benjamin Furnell.

16 00

Samuel Rust.

08 00

John Merrett.

17 08

John Plum.

17 08

February 29* 1675

-6

November 30"^ 1675

Edmond Moore.

03 12 00

Richard Lambard.

18 06

Eleazer Keyser.

12 00

Samuel Stevens.

13 10

Thomas Manning.

10 06

Robert Holmes.

08 00

Thomas Rose.

00 00

Joseph Balch.

18 06

Stephen Warman.

17 08

Thomas Lathrop, Capt. 09

13 00

John Littlehall.

17 08

Peter Woodbury.

18 06

John Andrews.

01 09

Paul Thorndike.

04 04

Samuel Crumpton.

18 06

John Plumraer.

18 00

Jacob Wainwright.

14 06

Edward Trask.

03 00

June 24* 1676

Thomas Buckly.

17 08

Thomas Mentor.

18 06

Dec. 20* 16

Zekeriah Davis.

04 00

Samuel Steevens.

17 08

Thomas Rose.

04 00

Samuel Chapman.

18 10

Thomas Smith.

18 06

Thomas Kemball.

12 00

George Cole.

11 06

Caleb Kemball.

16 00

Timothy Bray.

05 08

Thomas Hobbs.

16 00

John Denison.

16 02

Jan'y 25, 1675-6.

July 24* 1676

WiUiam Dew. (Due)

18 06

John Bullock.

08 00

Josiah Dodge.

18 06

Joseph King.

16 00

John Harriman.

18 06

August 24* 1676

Matthew Scales.

18 00

Mark Pitman.

16 10

Joseph Pearson.

18 00

Thomas Bayly.

16 10

Jacob Kilborn.

18 06

Abel Ozzier.

16 00

Thomas Baily.

18 06

John Bennett.

17 08

P2zekid Sawyer.

18 06

Moses Pengry.

19 04

Blaze Vinton.

05 08

John Bullock was " crippled " in the war, and his large credit
may be due to that. He was of Salem, and was afterwards favored

WOUNDED OF LATHROP's COMPANY. 139

by the Court and granted a license to keep a " victualling shop,"
January 9, 1680.

In addition to the above names and facts, we glean the follow-
ing from various sources. From Coffin's History of Newbury we
learn that on August 5th, 1675, were impressed at Newbury,

Steven Greenleaf Caleb Richardson Daniel Button

Thomas Smith Daniel Rolf John Wheeler

John Toppan John Hobbs Henry Bodwell

and fourteen days' provision supplied them by the town. John
Toppan at Bloody Brook was wounded in the shoulder, but con-
cealed himself in the bed of a brook nearly dry by pulling grass and
weeds over his body, and thus escaped, though several times the
Indians stepped over him. A similar story is told of a soldier who
escaped at Beers's fight. Henry Bodwell had his left arm broken,
but being of great strength and courage seized his gun in his right
hand and swinging it about his head charged furiously through the
Indians and got away. Greenleaf, Toppan, Richardson, Wheeler
and Bodwell were credited Dec. 10th, under Major Appleton, with
such large amounts that I think the service must have included
time under Capt. Lathrop. Rolf was credited at Marlborough
garrison. Thos. Vary (Very), under Capt. L., was wounded.
See his petition, Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 260. In Felt's Ipswich
it is stated that Thomas Scott (killed at Northfield) had been
of I{)swich, as also Thomas Manning, Jacob Wainwright, Caleb
Kimball, Samuel Whittridge. Robert Dutch, of whom Mr. Hub-
bard relates the wonderful recovery from apparent death, was also
of Ipswich. Mention is made also of James Bennet slain, and John
Fisher wounded.

The following bill of Jacob Gardiner, from Mass. Archives, vol.
69, p. 44, contains further names and suggestions.

An Amount of worke Done for Souldiers under y^ Commands of Capt :
Latherup by Jacob Gardner & by y" order John Coalman Comesary &
Daniel White Counstable of Hattfield 12* of August '75

Tho: Hobbes. a paire of shewes ..... 0. 6.

Sam: Hudson; A paire of Shewes & Leather . . 0. 9. 2

Tho: Bayleff ffor mending shewes . . . . 0. 1. 2

Josiah Bridges Scabert . . . . . . 0. 1. 3

Robert Leach a Scabert and mending His Shewes . 0. 2. 9

Tho: Tenne a pouch & Belt and Mending His Shewes . 0. 1. 3

Thomas Peckes a pouch . . . . . . 0. 1.

Capt. Latherup 3 belts 0. 3.

Daniel Ring a pouch & belt 0. 1. 6

Abiell Sadler a pouch & belt 0. 2.

ff ranees Young a pouch & belt . . . . . 0. 1. 9

Gershom Browne a pouch & belt . . . . 0. 1. 9

140 KING Philip's war.

JohnTapin; a pouch and belt 0. 1. 9

Steven Butler a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

John Presson a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

John Dauis a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

Samuel Hibbert a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

Tho: Hayson a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

Tho: Hobbs a pouch & belt 0. 1. 9

Walter Hickson a powder bage & belt . . . 0. 2. 9

John Boynton for mending Shewes . . . . 0. 2.

John Wicher a beh 0. 1. 3

Tho: Hayson a belt 0. 1. 3

TheTotall 2. 12. 1
To the Honnoured Comety This is to Certifie you that these goods
have been delivered to y' persons above written by y^ order of :

I think it may be fairly inferred from the above bill that nearly-
all, if not all, those mentioned were in Capt. Lathrop's company.
Fourteen of these were credited afterwards under Major Appleton,
and will there appear with names a little differently spelled ; for
instance, Whicher, Hazen, Toppan, Tenney, etc. Hobbs and Bay-
ley are in Russell's death-list, Hickson was credited under Capt.
Poole. Presson served under Gardner at Narraganset, and next
year under Capt. Turner. Hudson and Peckes appear in a later
Ledger, proving that they were not among the unknown slain.

Gen. Hoyt, before mentioned, writing in 1824, relates that,
" The place where this tragic affair happened is near the centre
of the village of Muddy-Brook, and about thirty rods southerly of
the meeting-house in that place. The stage road passes over the
ground and crosses the brook on a small bridge, precisely where
Lathrop passed. A rude monument was erected near the place
of attack sometime after the catastrophy. It stood in what is
now the front yard of the house of Stephen Whitney, Esq., on
the east side of the public way, but is now gone to decay, and two
plain stone flags, lying near the front of the house, are its only
remains. Several gentlemen have it in contemplation to repair
the old or erect a new monument, near the same spot, with ap-
propriate inscription." The " stone slab " spoken of below may
have been placed by the gentlemen referred to. See N. E. H. G.
Reg., vol. xxvi, p. 435.

On September 30, 1835, the Anniversary of Lathrop's defeat
was celebrated at Deerfield, and a monument was afterwards
erected there, bearing this inscription :

Erected August, 1838.
On this ground Capt. Thomas Lathrop and eighty men under his
command including eighteen teamsters from Deerfield, conveying
stores from that town to Hadley, were ambushed by about 700 Indians,
and the Captain and seventy-six men slain Sept. 18th, 1675.

SCENE OF THE MASSACRE. 141

Some twenty rods south of this monument the grave of the slain
is marked by a stone slab bearing the simple inscription, " Grave
of Capt. Lathrop and men slain by the Indians, 1675."

On the occasion of the celebration in 1835, Edward Everett
delivered the oration, and Miss Harriet Martineau was present,
and afterwards wrote a sharp criticism of it. ' Both address and
criticism were fine as literary productions, but equally faulty as
history.

I am indebted to the Hon. George Sheldon, of Deerfield, for
many valuable suggestions in preparing the above chapter.

Yin.

MAJOR SAMUEL APPLETON AND THE FORCES
UNDER HIM.

A FULL account of the Appleton family has been published
in the " Appleton Memorial " and various other works, and
renders a brief sketch sufficient for our purpose here.
Samuel Appleton, the ancestor of nearly all of the name in this
country, and the first to appear here, was descended from the
ancient family of Appulton of Waldingfield, Suffolk, England. He
was the son of Thomas, and was born at Little Waldingfield in
1586 ; married Judith Everard, by whom he had six children born
in England. John, born 1622; Samuel, born 1624; Sarah, born
1629 ; Mary, Judith and Martha. With his family he came to
New England in 1635 and settled at Ipswich, where he was ad-
mitted freeman. May 25, 1636. He was chosen deputy to the
General Court, May 17th, 1637, and was prominent in the affairs
of his town thereafter, and died at Rowley in June, 1670. The
eldest son John became an influential man in the colony. Was
successively lieutenant, captain and major, and deputy to the
General Court for fifteen years between 1656 and 1678, and was
honorably prominent in opposition to the Andros government.
He married Priscilla Glover, by whom he had a large family, and
died in 1699. Of the daughters above mentioned, Sarah married
Rev. Samuel Phillips, of Rowley, 1651. Judith married Samuel
Rogers, son of Rev. Nathaniel, of Ipswich. Martha married
Richard Jacob, of Ipswich.

Major Samuel Appleton, second son of Samuel first, and the
subject of this article, was born as noted above, at Waldingfield,
and came with his father to Ipswich at the age of eleven years.
His first wife was Hannah Paine, of Ipswich, by whom he had
Hannah, Judith and Samuel. By his second wife, Mary Oliver
(at marriage, Dec. 8, 1656, aged sixteen), he had John, Major
Isaac, Oliver and Joanna. He was chosen deput}^ to the General
Court in 1668, under the title Lieut. ; also in 1669 to 1671, in
company with his brother Capt. John, and again by himself in
1673 and 1675.

I have not been able to find the exact date on which Capt.
Appleton marched from the Bay up towards Hadley, but infer

APPLETON MARCHES TO HADLET. 14^

that it was about the first of September, and Mr. Hubbard relates
that when Major Treat (on Sept. 6th) marched down from the
rescue of Northfield, bringing the garrison, he met Capt. Apple-
ton going up, who strongly urged him to turn back and pursue
the Indians ; but the Major overruled his wishes, and all marched
back to the headquarters at Hadley. The course of events from
this time to September 18th has been previously related. In the
assignment of troops for the defence of the various towns, Capt-
Appleton seems to have remained at Hadley, and to have been
in close relation with Major Pynchon in the conduct of affairs.
His Lieutenant, John Pickering, and doubtless a part of his com-
pany, were with Capt. Mosely in the fight succeeding Lathrop's
defeat, and when a few days after it was decided to abandon
Deerfield, and the garrison and inhabitants were removed to Hat-
field, Capt. Mosely was stationed there with his force. Major
Treat and his men quartered at Northampton and Northfield, and
Capt. Appleton remained at Hadley busily employed in reorgan-
izing the Massachusetts forces, caring for the wounded, and pre-
paring for the next attack of the enemy.

Although Capt. Appleton had been in this service several weeks,
his commission as "• Capt. of a company of 100 men " was not
issued by the Council until September 24th. (He already held
the rank of Captain of the local company in Ipswich ; this was a
special commission for active service.) By the heavy losses
under Capts. Lathrop and Beers, the Massachusetts forces were
greatly reduced, and the survivors of their companies were much
demoralized by the loss of the captains, and gloom and discour-
agement prevailed throughout the colony. It was therefore with
great difificulty that the Council filled the quota of three hundred
assigned by the commissioners. Secretary Rawson wrote to
Major Pynchon, September 30th, "The slaughter in your parts has
much damped many spirits for the war. Some men escape away
from the press, and others hide away after they are impressed."

It will be seen by the following orders that the Council was
using every endeavor to push forward troops to repair their
losses. Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 265.

The Council do order & appoint Capt. John Wayte to conduct the
120 men appointed to rendevooze at Marlborough the 28"* day of this
instant September & to deliver them unto the order of Maio"^ John Pin-
cheon Commander in Cheefe in the County of Hampshire & it is fur-
ther ordered y' in case Capt. Samuel Appleton should be com away
from those parts then the said Capt. Wait is ordered to take the con-
duct and chardge of a Company of 1 00 men under Maio^ John Pincheon
but in case Capt Apleton do abide there then Capt. Wait is forthwith
to returne Backe unles Maio' Pincheon see cause to detyne him upon
y" service of the country

past. E. R. S. 24 Sept. 1675

144 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

On the same paper is the following :

It is ordered that there be a comission issued forth to Capt, Sam-
uel Appleton to Command a foot Company of 100 men In the sei'vice
of y* country. But in case hee should be com away from those parts
then that Capt. Waite is to have (a) like comission. past 24 Sept.
1675

By y Council E R S

Ordered y* y* Commissary Jn° Morse deliver Mr Thomas Welden
snaphant musket.

The Indians were gathered in great numbers on the west side
of the river. Small parties were constantly lurking near the
frontier towns, Hatfield, Northampton, and as far as Springfield,
where, on September 26th, they burned the farm-house and barns
of Major Pynchon on the west side of the river. Major Pynchon
says, in a letter to the Council, Sept. 30th :

We are endeavouring to discover the enemy and daily send out
scouts, but little is effected. Our English are somewhat awk and fear-
ful in scouting and spying, though we do the best we can. We have
no Indian friends here to help us. We find the Indians have their
scouts out. Two days ago two Englishmen at Northampton being
gone out in the morning to cut wood, and but a short distance from
the house, were both shot down dead, having two bullets apiece shot
into each of their breasts. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their
arms and were off in a trice.

According to Russell's list of killed, these men were Praisever
Turner and Uzacaby Shakspeer. Up to this time the Springfield
Indians had been friendly and remained quietly in their large
fort on the east side of the river towards Longmeadow. Some
uneasiness had been felt of late in regard to them, and Major
Pynchon had consulted the commissioners about disarming them.
The Connecticut Council advised against the measure, and rec-
ommended rather to receive hostages from them, to be sent to
Hartford for security. This plan was adopted and the hostages
sent; but the Indians, excited by the successes of the hostiles,
and probably urged by secret agents of Philip, resolved to join
the war against the English. They managed the escaj)e of their
hostages, and waited the opportunity to strike their blow. On
Monday, Oct. 4th, a large body of the enemy had been reported
some five or six miles from Hadley, and immediately all the
soldiers were withdrawn from Springfield to Hadley, and were
preparing to go out against the Indians the next morning ; but
during the night a messenger arrived from Hartford or Windsor,
reporting that Toto, a friendly Windsor Indian, had disclosed a
plot of the Springfield Indians to destroy that town next day,
and that five hundred of Philip's Indians were in the Springfield
fort, ready to fall upon the town. Thereupon, early on the

DEFENCE OF THE RIVER TOWNS, 145

morning of Tuesday, October 5th, Major Pynchon, with Capts.
Appleton and Sill, and a force of one hundred and ninety men,
marched for Springfield, arriving there to find the town in flames
and the Indians jastfled. Major Treat had also received news of
the intended attack, and hastened from Westfield with his com-
pany, arriving on the west side of the river some hours before the
Massachusetts forces came, but was unable to cross, though five
Springfield men escaped through the enemy's lines, hotly pur-
sued, and carried over a boat in which a party attempted to cross,
but the Indians gathered upon the east shore and fired upon
them so fiercely that the attempt was abandoned until Major
Pynchon came. The Indians burned some thirty dwelling-houses
and twenty-five barns with their contents, Major Pynchon's mills,
and several of his houses and barns, occupied by tenants. Fif-
teen houses in the "town-plat," and some sixty more in the out-
skirts and on the west side were left unharmed. The people
had taken refuge in the garrison-houses, which were not attacked.
Two men and women were killed, viz., Lieut. Thomas Cooper,
who before the assault rode out towards the fort to treat with
the Indians, having two or three men with him, and was shot by
an enemy concealed in the bushes a short distance from the town,
but managed to ride to the nearest garrison-house, where he
died. His companion, Thomas Miller, was killed on the spot.
During the assault, Pentecost, wife of John Matthews, was
killed, and Nathaniel Browne and Edmund Pringridays were
mortally wounded.

The above account is the substance of letters written by Major
Pynchon and Rev. John Russell, October 5th and 6th. The
number of Indians engaged has probably been much over-esti-
mated. The Springfield squaw captured at the time reported
the whole number at two hundred and seventy. Mr. Russell
said the Springfield people thought there were not " above 100
Indians, of whom their own were the chief." Rev. Pelatiah
Glover, the minister of Springfield, lost his house, goods and pro-
visions, together with a valuable library which he had lately
removed to his house from the garrison-house where it had been
stored for some time.

On October 8th Major Pynchon writes to the Council an
official account of the situation, telling of the great discourage-
ment of the people and their sad state ; the loss of their mills
makes a scarcity of bread, and the many houseless families
throng the houses that remain. The Major advises to garrison
all the towns, and abandon the useless and hazardous method
of hunting the Indians in their swamps and thickets. The com-
missioners were opposed to this course, especially those of Con-
necticut, who insisted that the purpose of the array in the field
was to pursue and destroy the enemy instead of simply protects
ing the towns. In this letter of the 8th, Major Pynchon says

146 KING Philip's war.

they are scouting to find which way the Indians have gone, and
also that on that day Major Treat is summoned away to Connecti-
cut by the news of a large body of the enemy near Wethersfield.
He then earnestly reiterates liis unfitness for the chief command,
and declares that he must devolve the authority upon Capt.
Appleton, with the permission of the Council, unless Major
Treat return, when he will await their orders. The Council had,
however, already granted his former request, and on Oct. 4th
had appointed Capt. Appleton to the chief command in his place.
His commission, together with letters and orders to Major
Pynchon, were sent up by Lieut. Phinehas Upham and his com-
pany of recruits, and did not reach them until October 12th,
when he immediately took command. The commission is as
follows :

Capt. Appleton.

The Couucill have seriously considered the earnest deshes of major
Pynchon & the great affliction upon him & his family, & have at last
consented to his request to dismiss him from the cheefe command over
the Army in those parts, and have thought meet upon mature thoughts to
comitt the cheefe coinand unto yourselfe, being perswaded that God
hath endeowed you with a spirit and ability to mannage that affayre ; and
for the Better inabling you to yo'' imploy, we have sent the Councills
order Inclosed to major Pynchon to bee given you ; and wee reffer you
to the Instructions given him for yo"" direction, ordering you from time
to time to give us advise of all occurences, & if you need any further
orders & instructions, they shall be given you as y*' matter shall require.
8o couiitting you to the Lord, desireing his presence with you and bless-
ing ui)on you, wee remaine : Your friends and Servants

Boston 4* of October

Capt. Samuel Appleton,

Commander in cheefe at the head quarters at Hadley.

The letter of October 4th, from the Massachusetts Council to
Major Pynchon, in which the orders above referred to were in-
closed, is in the Massachusetts Archives, vol. 67, p. 280, as
follows :

Mass. Council to Major Pynchon
Honoured S''

Your letter dat Sept. 29. wee received and although wee could have
desired your continuance in that trust committed to you as coiiiander
over o"" forces in y' p'% yet considering your great importunity y^ reasons
alledged wee cann but greatly simpathize with you in y'' present dispen-
sation of Divine Providence towards your family in your absence and
have ordered Capt. Apelton to take the charge as Comander in Cheife
over the united forces whiles in o"^ Colony, and uppon a removall of the
seat of Warr the Coinanders to take place according to (the) appoynt-
ment of y*^ Commissioners. We have considered (that) you will not
be wanting to afford the best advice & assistance you may, although
dismist from y** perticular charge. It is the Lord's holy will yet to

LETTERS FROM THE COUNCIL. 147

keep his poore people at a p'adventure and y' in this case wherein our
all is concerned and there is none to tell us how long, yet is it o"' duty
to wayte on him who hideth his face from the house of Israel, and to
say w*** y'' Ch: I will brave y*" indignation of God untill he pie (ad )e our

case, &c. Commending you & yours, & y low estate of his

people to y*" shepardly Care of him who hath made it one p' of his great
name, Mighty to Save ; wee take leave and remayne,

Y*"" assured ffreinds, E R S

Past y*" Council.

Boston 4*'' of Sept. (should be Oct.) 1675
S^

Wee have ordered L' Upham to lead up to you 30 men and do fur-
ther order that L' Scill be dismissed home to his family, and his sould-
jers to make up some of y*" companies as y* chiefe Coiiiander shall
order & y'' above named L' Upham to be L' under Capt Wayte. These
for Major John Pynchon.

S"" It is desired when the companies with you are filled up, such as
are fitted to be dismist be sent back with Lef Sill & Corporal Poole &
to send dowue what horses you cann, and as may be conveniently
spay red.

On assuming command on October 12th, Capt. Appleton writes
a long letter, expressing his sense of the honor conferred and the
great responsibility imposed by the appointment, and declaring
that he is led to accept by the urgency of the occasion and his
regard for the earnest wishes of Major Pynchon ; and while dep-
recating his own incapacity, promises to do his best until they
may find some abler officer for the position. He agrees with
Major Pynchon in regard to present methods, and asks that the
commissioners revise that part of their instructions which strictly
prohibits fixing soldiers in garrisons. He adds his account of the
condition of Springfield, and asks the Council to support him in
the step he has taken in stationing Capt. Sill and his company
there for the town's security. He complains of the prolonged
absence of Major Treat and his company at Hartford. He says
that " There being now come in sixty men under Capt. Poole and
Lieft. Upham, and we needing commanders, especially part of our
men being now at Springfield, & we not daring to send all
thither, we have retained Capt. Poole to coiSand these sixty men
untill further orders be given."

October 17th he writes an account of their movements up to
that date :

On Tuesday Octo: 12. we left Springfield & came y' night to Hadley
neer 30 mile. On y'' 13"* & 14"^ we used all diligence to make discovery
of y® enemy by Scouts, but by reason of y" distance of the way from
hence to Squakeage & y*" timorousnesse of y^ Scouts it turned to little
account ; thereupon I found it very difficult to know Avhat to doe.
Major Treat was gone from us, and when like to return we knew not.
Our orders were to leave no men in garrison, but keepe all for a field

148 KING Philip's war.

armye, w''' was to expose the Towns to manefest hazzard. To sitt still
and do nothinge is to tire o's [ourselves] and spoyle o"^ souldiers, and
to ruin y*" country by y*" insuppoi'table burden and charge. All things
layed together, I thought it best to goe forth after the enemy w"" o""
p''sent forces. This once resolved, I sent forth warrants, on y^ 14"^ in-
stant, early in the morning to Capt. Mosely & Capt. (as he is called)
Seely at Hatfeild and Northampton, to repair fourthw"" to y*' head-
quarters, y' we might be ready for service, etc.

Capt. Mosely came promptly, but Seely tardily and then with-
out his company, pleading his want of commission from Connecti-
cut authorities, but finally agreeing to return and bring his men.
Before he started from Northampton, however, he received orders
from Major Treat not to leave that town, and sends that word
to Capt. Appleton. The Captain much exercised by this seem-
ing insubordination, posts away letters of complaint to the Con-
necticut Council, and urges the return of Major Treat, whom
he highly commends as " a worthy Gentleman and discreete and
incouraging Coinander." After this he drew out his own men
and marched towards Northfield, but before proceeding two miles
intelligence came that the Indians were discovered in great num-
bers on the west side of the river. Thereupon he crossed to
Hatfield with the purpose of marching to Deerfield. Night came
on as they left Hatfield, and after marching some miles his officers
urged the exposed condition of the towns left without garrisons
and the uncertainty of the enemy's movements, and the night prom-
ising to be tempestuous, he yielded his purpose and returned,
against his inclination, to headquarters. On the evening of the 16th
an urgent request for reinforcement comes from Northampton,
which is threatened, and later, word from Capt. Mosely that the Ind-
ians are discovered within a mile of Hatfield ; and so at midnight
he crosses the river to Hatfield, leaving only about twenty men to
guard Hadley and their wounded men. In a postscript to this
letter, added on the afternoon of the 17th, he says that after " a
tedious night and morning's march " they had not succeeded in
finding the enemy.

It is supposed that Philip had an active part in the planning
of the various operations of this time, though there is no evidence
that he was personally present at any of the attacks.

Several letters in this time passed between Capt. Appleton and
the Council of Connecticut, which are full of interest as showing
the varying aspects of affairs at the time. Connecticut urges that
their own towns are threatened, and further that Plymouth Colony
has not sent its quota, and that there is no certain movement on
foot that demands the presence of their troops at Hadley, etc.
These letters are preserved in the Mass. Archives, vols. 67 and 68.
and have been published in the " Appleton Memorial." and certain
of them elsewhere.

It is unfortunate that no letters of Capt. Appleton relating to

APPLETON AT HADLEY AND HATFIELD. 149

the attack upon Hatfield on October 19th are preserved. There
can be no doubt that he wrote an official account of it ; but the
Massachusetts Council had not received the news on October 23d,
for on that day they wrote Capt. Appleton in answer to his of
the 17th, and make no reference to any attack. The next letter
to him from the Council, so far as known, is dated November 1st,
and refers to one from him of the 29th October, which would
seem to have been mainly taken up with a relation of the insub-
ordination of the Connecticut officers. Doubtless several letters
passed that are lost. The letters from a merchant of Boston to
his friend in London, published in Drake's " Old Indian Chron-
icle," give information of the beginning of the attack. The Ind-
ians built large fires north of Hatfield, and then lay in ambush
by the way leading thither. Ten horsemen were sent out as scouts
about noon, of whom nine were shot down or captured by the
Indians in ambush, and one escaped back to Hatfield, and im-
mediately the enemy came with fury about the town. But,
says Mr. Hubbard •

According to the Good Providence of Almighty God, Major Treat
was newly returned to North-Hampton, Capt. Mosely and Capt.
Poole were then garrisoning the said Hatfield, and Capt. Appleton for
the like end quartering at Hadley, when on a sudden 7 or 800 of the
enemy came upon the town in all quarters, having first taken or killed
two or three of the scouts belonging to the town and seven more
belonging to Capt. Mosely's company, but they were so well enter-
tained on all hands where they attempted to break in upon the town
that they found it too hot for them. Major Appleton with great courage
defending one end of the town, and Capt. Mosely as stoutly main-
taining the middle, and Capt. Poole the other end ; that they were by
the resolution of the English instantly beaten off without doing much
harm. Capt. Appleton's Serjeant was mortally wounded just by his
side, another bullet passing through his own hair, by that whisper tell-
ing him that death was very near but doing him no other harm.

Night came on, and in the darkness it was impossible to tell
the losses of the enemy ; numbers were seen to fall, some ran
through a small river, others cast away their guns, and as usual
they carried away their dead. Of the English slain at Hatfield,
Mr. Russell's list has the names of ten, viz. : Freegrace Norton
(Appleton's sergeant), of Ipswich, mortally wounded, and died
at Hadley soon after ; and of the scouts, Thomas Meekins, Jr.,
of Hatfield ; Nathaniel Collins, his servant, Richard Stone, Samuel
Clarke of Mosely's company, John Pocock of Captain Poole's,
Thomas Warner, Abram Quiddington, perhaps of Boston,
William Olverton (possibly Overton), John Petts. Three of
these are said to have been taken alive, of whom two were
redeemed by some gentlemen at Albany, and arrived at New
York the next February ; one of these belonged in Boston. The
third man was barbarously killed by the Indians. The Indians

150 KING Philip's war.

evinced a stubborn determination to destroy these river towns,
and a few days after the attack upon Hatfield prepared to
asault Northampton ; Major Treat's opportune arrival foiled
them again. They waylaid every road between the towns. On
the 27th a party with Major Pynchon were thus ambushed, and
John Dumbleton and John and William Brooks were killed.
About this time also a Mr. Granger was wounded.

In their letter of November 1st the Massachusetts Council
assure Capt. Appleton of speedy action in regard to his affairs at
the seat of war. They sustain him in his authority and position
towards Connecticut troops, and advise him that in case Major
Treat again withdraws, to improve his own trooj)S as best he may,
and await their further advice. They rebuke him for assuming
to appoint Cornet Poole captain without their authority, and
instruct him that it is his place to recommend any officer for pro-
motion to the Council to receive his commission at their behest.

On November 10th Capt. Appleton had not received any further
advices from the Council and writes them for orders, and gives ex-
planation of his action in regard to appointing Poole, that he acted
from necessity, and as is evident very wisely. He then details his
motions since October 29th, when two men and a boy at Northamp-
ton were attacked. (These were Joseph Baker, Joseph Baker, Jr.,
and Thomas Salmon, and Mr. Russell puts with them John Rob-
erts, a wounded soldier, who died there soon after.) On the 30th,
at night, upon an alarm from Hatfield, Capt. Appleton was called
out of his bed and pushed his troops across the river, where he re-
mained over the next day, Sunday. On Monday he marched ten
or twelve miles out through the " Chestnutt Mountains," scouting,
without avail. Tuesday he consulted with Major Treat, and agreed
to march on Wednesday night with their whole force towards
Deerfield, which they did without finding the enemy, and returned
late at night. On the 5th an alarm at Northampton, and another
fruitless search. Upon a request of Major Treat on the 6th for
permission to withdraw his soldiers from Westfield to seek the
enemy down the river, a council-of-war was appointed for Monday
the 8th, at which meeting Capt. Appleton took the ground that he
had no authority from the commissioners to grant them leave to
withdraw. Major Treat took a very frank and manly position,
by no means hostile to Capt. Appleton. The trouble seems to
have been the unwillingness of the Connecticut soldiers to remain
in garrison at Westfield. The report of the council-of-war is sub-
mitted to the Massachusetts Council for the orders of the commis-
sioners. He says they are at loss to find out the present location
or intention of the enemy, but fear they may be upon them in
force at any moment. He suggests that if the army be drawn off
for the winter and the towns garrisoned, Connecticut troops
might more conveniently be placed and supplied at Westfield and
Northampton, and the other three towns garrisoned mth Massa-

OFFENSIVE OR DEFENSIVE ? 151

chusetts men. He reports a council-at-war, at which David
Bennet, chirurgion, was expelled from the army for "quarrel-
some and rebellious Carriage," and submits the action for ratifi-
cation to the Council. He sends down as posts, Serg. James
Johnson, Serg. John Throp, and Nathaniel Warner of Hadley,
and with them Capt. Poole, to whom he refers them for a more
detailed account of matters.

While awaiting the long delayed instructions of the Council,
Capt. Appleton stood in a very difficult position, the Connecticut
officers and soldiers in great impatience and almost open mutiny
at being kept in garrison ; and the people, crowded into the gar-
rison-houses in fear that Philip's whole force might at any hour
fall upon them, were threatening to abandon their towns. The
Council of Connecticut, too, were apparently interfering with his
command of their troops. On the other hand were the authority
and orders of the United Commissioners, to which he adhered
with inflexible energy. On November 12th he issued a proclama-
tion (Archives, vol. 68, p. 54) to the inhabitants and soldiers of
all those towns under his charge, forbidding any one to with-
draw from his appointed i3lace without special permission "given
under his hand ; " giving his reasons for the step, and asserting
the authority of the commissioners. The Connecticut people
were very loud in their complaints against this measure, but he
rigidly held to it, daily expecting the further directions promised
by the Council of Massachusetts, till finally despairing of such
relief he reluctantly yielded to the importunities of Connecticut,
and on November 19th dismissed Major Treat and his forces at
Westfield to march downward to the Connecticut towns, accom-
panying the order of permission with an urgent request to the
Council there that Westfield and Springfield may be regarrisoned
by their forces. On the same day he writes to Governor Leverett,
complaining of the long neglect of the Council at home, and say-
ing that it has kept him in constant and tedious expectation until
obliged to yield to Connecticut's demands, and now necessity
forces him to dispose of his forces as best he may. He complains
of the condition of the horses ; many will soon be unfit for ser-
vice, and if put upon " dry meate " (i.e. hay), the cattle of the
people must perish during the winter, as hay is very scarce.
They have no certain intelligence of the enemy, but have received
word from Owenequo, son of Uncas, that Philip boasts himself
to be a thousand strong. He speaks of his proclamation and its
results, and encloses a copy of the same and his correspondence
with Connecticut Council also, and urges the Governor to send
him further directions speedily. He then proceeds to garrison the
several towns with the forces at his disposal, the details of which
will be given in a special chapter. The following orders of dis-
posal are dated November 19 and 20, and are preserved in fuU
in the Mass. Archives, vol. 58, pp. 65 and 66.

152 KING Philip's war.

Twenty-nine soldiers taken out of the companies of Capts.
Mosely and Poole and Lieut. Upham are left at Westfield in
charge of Sergt, Lamb, and all under the command of Capt. Aaron
Cooke. John Roote is appointed commissary of this garrison,
and orders are drawn upon James Richards, of Hartford, or Mr.
Blackleach, for whatever of clothing is necessary. Thirty-nine
men from Capt. Sill's company are left at Springfield with Lieut.
Niles, all to be under command of Major Pynchon. Twenty-six
men are left with Sergt. at Northampton, to be under com-
mand of Lieut. Clark ; and thirty men under command of Capt.
Poole are stationed at Hadley. Thirty-six are left at Hatfield
with Sergt. Graves, under command of Lieut. Allice.

Capt. Appleton appointed a council-of-war for the ordering of
military matters in the towns, consisting of the commissioned offi-
cers of the various garrisons, together with Dea. Peter Tilton, of
Hadley, and Sergt. Isaac Graves, of Hatfield, and Capt. Poole was
made president. These arrangements seem to have been made in
anticipation of the order of withdrawal of the army, which was
authorized by the Council on November 16th. — Mass. Archives,
vol. 68, p. 58. Their letter had not reached him on November 19th.
This letter gives a long account of the operations of Capts. Hench-
man and Syll now in theNipmuck country. Then " touching the
disposal of the Army," the direction is left at his discretion, and as
to the wounded men, those fit for garrison duty are to be left as part
of the garrison soldiery and the rest to be comfortably provided for.
The special instructions seem to have been in accordance with the
Major's own suggestions in his last letter to the Council. On the
march home it is suggested that he come by way of " Wabquisit "
(now in Woodstock, Conn.), and, if convenient, to form a
junction with Henchman and Syll and "distress the enemy"
gathered near there. This little plan, so easy to conceive in
the Council Chamber, for excellent reasons was never realized.
Capt. Appleton, with his forces, marched homeward probably
about November 24th. Very little is known of the march home-
ward. This campaign cost the colony very dearly in men and
means, but had saved from destruction five of the seven western
towns. For the first time since the war began, a competent com-
mander is at the head of the Massachusetts troops.

Upon the organization of the army for the expedition against
the Narraganset Fort, Major Appleton was appointed to the com-
mand of the Massachusetts forces. A partial account of that
expedition and its results has been given in a previous chapter
relating to Capt. Mosely. On December 9th the Massachusetts
force, consisting of six companies of foot under Capts. Mosely,
Gardiner, Davenport, Oliver and Johnson, and a troop of horse
under Capt. Prentice, mustered on Dedham Plain under com-
mand of Major Appleton, who himself led the first company.
They were joined by the Pl}Tnouth forces, two companies under

APPLETON S COMMAND AT NARRAGANSET. 153

Major William Bradford and Capt. John Gorham. The quota of
Plymouth Colony was one hundred and fifty-eight men. That
of Massachusetts five hundred and twenty-seven.

In the Mass. Arcliives, vol. 68, p. 91, I find this fragment rela-
tive to Major Appleton's division :

The full complement of the Massachusetts is 527, 13 under the im-
pressed men, so that if there should want 13 troopers and be but 62
troopers besides their officers there would be but 465 foote & if less
than 62 troopers they must be suplyed with so many foote soldjers.

These seem to be fragments of memoranda, the latter list being
on the back of the paper. This refers to the number in the six
companies, and gives an excess of 99 over the estimated quota of
465 foot. I doubt that this excess includes Capt. Prentice's
troopers as might at first appear, his company not being set down ;
but his lists and credits published hereinbefore give few if any
of the names included in Appleton's, Mosely's or Johnson's
lists, which were taken at Dedham, December 9th, and contain
exactly the numbers above. It is probable that the excess con-
sisted of volunteers, the regular quota being impressed men. In
this expedition Capt. Mosely took Capt. Hubbard's place, and
then his company was not made up wholly of volunteers.

Troopers — Boston 15 foote Major Appleton 136

Prentice 20 Capt. Johnson 75

Hasey 20 Capt. Ollivers 83

Corwine 10 Capt. Davenport 75

Appleton 1 Capt. Gardiner 95

— Capt. Mosely 92

75 465

540 556 465
099

Mr. Hubbard says that the force from the latter colony mus-
tered there four hundred and sixty-five " fighting men besides a
Troop of Horse " under Capt. Prentice. Gov. Josiah Winslow,
of Plymouth, was commander-in-chief of the army in this expe-
dition, and with this force marched to Woodcock's Garrison
(Attleboro'), that day, thence to Seaconck, where they arrived
on the night of the 11th, and on the 12th passed over Patuxet
River, and by way of Providence arrived at Wickford, at Smith's
Garrison, at night. After several days spent in scouting and
skirmishing, as previously related, on the 18th they all marched
out to Pettisquamscott and met the Connecticut forces, consist-
ing of five companies, three hundred and twenty-five men, under
Major Treat, and the whole army were forced to bivouac in the
open air in a driving snow-storm during the night. Bull's Garrison-
house at that place having been burned by the Indians but a few
days before. At daybreak next morning they took up their

154

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

march over the rough country through the deepening snow, each
man carrying liis own arms, rations, etc. In this march the Massa-
chusetts division led ; Plymouth held the centre and Connecticut
the rear. This array, the largest and best organized that had
ever been in the field in the American colonies, arrived about
1 o'clock, P.M., at the borders of the great swamp where the
Indians had gathered in great numbers and had built a strong
fortification and now awaited the attack. The full account of
the battle must be completed in several chapters, wherein the
names of those in the remaining companies of Major Appleton's
division are given. The conduct of the Major and his men here,
as elsewhere, was creditable. In May, 1676, the Court voted to
repay the losses of divers persons who were " damnified " by the
burning of Major Appleton's tent at Narraganset.

Credited under Capt.

December 10
Thomas Davis
John Ford
Israel Thorn
Thomas Waite
Francis Young, Corp^
Ezekiel Woodward
Samuel Rust
Sylvester Hayes
Stephen Gullifer
Thomas Hastings
Roger Vicar
Stephen Butler
Robert Sibly
William Knowlton
Thomas Brown
Thomas Ferman
Isaac lis ley
Samuel Brabrook
Arthur Neale
John Boynton
Israel Henerick
Robert Simson
Samuel Very
Philip Matoone
Philemon Dean
Gershora Browne
Andrew Hediug
Robert Downes
Robert Pease
Thomas Tenny
Thomas Hazen
William Webb
Solomon Watts
Nathaniel Masters

1675.

04 18 06
03 10 00
03 18 00

03 18 00

04 11 00

05 17 00

04 00 00

05 03 00
02 10 06
02 14 00

02 10 06

03 18 00
02 10 06

04 16 10
02 10 06
04 16 10
02 10 06
02 10 06

02 10 06

04 16 10

03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00

02 10 06

05 17 00

03 18 00

02 10 06

03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00

03 18 00
02 10 06
02 10 06

04 16 10

Samuel Appleton.
Isaac Ellery
Daniel Ringe, Corp^
John Pengilly, Corp^
Stephen Greenleaf
Richard Hancock
John Whicher, Serg^
William Williams
Joseph Blancher
George Stedman
Thomas Sparke
John Raymond
Samuel Foster
Henry Cooke
Samuel Hebard
John Davis
Samuel lerson
Joseph Eaton
James Brearly
Abial Sadler
WilUam Wainwright
Benjamin Webster
John Warner
Ephraim Cutter
Thomas Abbey
John Dennis
Josiah Bridg
Roger Markes
Timothy Breed
Thomas Chase
John Parker
John Wheeler
John Couant
Edmond Sheffeild
John Robins
Anthony Williams

02 10 06

04 11 00

02 19 00

08 16 10

03 18 00

05 17 00
03 18 00
02 14 10

02 10 06

03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00
03 18 00

03 18 00

02 10 06

04 16 00

03 18 00

04 16 10

02 10 06

03 04 06

03 18 00

04 18 06
07 16 00

02 10 06

03 18 00

03 18 00
01 10 00

09 12 00

04 16 10
04 16 00
03 18 00
03 18 00

CREDITED UNDER MAJOR APPLETON.

155

John Gamidg
Elias Tatingham
Eleazer Flagg
Samuel Pepar
Seth Story
Nathaniel Wood

04 16 10

03 18 00
02 10 06
02 10 06

04 16 00
02 10 06

Joseph Mansfield 03 18 00

Benjamin Chadwell 02 10 06

John Pikering, V 04 05 10

John Newell 03 18 00
Richard Sutton, Cor^^ 05 12 00

John Rily 02 10 06

Michael DeReeke 04 16 10
Jeremiah Swaine, i' 09 15 00

Benjamin Langdon 02 10 06

Richard Bryar 03 18 00

William Stanly 03 16 02

Joseph Richardson 03 18 00

Henry BedweU 04 16 10

John Tappin 04 16 10

Caleb Richardson 04 16 10

Edward Ardway 04 16 10

Thomas Parlor 03 18 00

Daniel Hawes 02 10 06

Robert Dutch 04 16 10

Samuel IngoUs 03 18 00

Jonathan Copp 02 10 06

William Bateman 04 16 00

Stephen Greenleaf 00 16 00

January 25, 1675-6
William Hawkins, Dr. 04 08 06

John Warner 01 16 00

Ralph Powell 01 12 06

Jonathan Copp 01 04 00

March 24, 1675-6

Thomas Kylam 02 15 06

Samuel Peirce 02 15 08

Edward Ardway 02 15 08

John Thomas 02 15 08

Samuel Foster 02 14 00

John Harvy 03 00 00

Edmund Brown 03 05 08

Samuel Tiler 03 07 08

Lewis Zacharius 02 15 08

Philemon Dane 05 11 04

William Hodgkin 02 15 08

John Perkins 03 05 00

Thomas Palmer 02 14 00

Joseph Bigsby 02 14 00

Robert Downes 02 15 08

John Lay ton 02 14 00

John Stickney 02 14 00

Thomas Hazon
Simon Gawin
Ephraim Cutter
William Brown
Thomas Waite
William Russell
William Sawyer

02 14 00
02 02 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 15 08

AprU 24, 1676

Francis Young 04 05 02

Samuel Browne | no i >i nn

Gershom Browne j ^^ ^^ ""

Solomon Watts 02 02 00

Stephen Gullipher 03 03 00
Manasseh Kempthorne 03 08 06

Thomas Abby 05 02 00

June 24'S 1676

John Thorp 08 18 00

Joseph Eaton 02 14 00
John Mors, Commisary 07 10 00

John Dodge 01 10 00

Edward Neland 02 00 00

Edward Marston 01 04 00

Ambros Dawes 03 06 06

Jonathan Emery 02 14 00

Jonathan Copp 04 19 06

Thomas Davis 02 14 00

Simon Adams 02 14 00

William Knowlton 02 16 06

Thomas Rogers 02 15 08

Jonathan Emery 01 00 00
Christopher Keniston 04 10 00

Thomas Dow 02 14 00

Eleazer Flagg 02 14 00

John Davis 02 14 00

George Stedman 02 14 00

Thomas French 02 15 08

James Butterick 02 14 00

Seth Story 03 06 00

Eliah Tottingham 01 15 02

John Pengilly 04 04 09

Henry Poore 02 15 08

John Raymant 02 16 06

Isaac Ashby 02 16 06

James Spike 00 18 00

Samuel Poore 02 16 06
John Cutler Chirurgion 10 00 00

Robert Simsou 04 04 00

Robert Leech 03 18 00

John Lovell 02 15 08

Abiell Sadler 02 15 08

Philip Matoon 02 15 08

Thomas Sparkes 02 14 00

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Jacob Wilier, Chirurgionlb

00 00

Richard Prior

02 15 08

Samuel Appleton, Major 30

00 00

David Bennett

13 00 00

July 24"^ 1676

John Lovitt

01 04 00

Richard Godfrey

16 00

Israel Blake

01 04 00

Morgon Jones

14 00

Abraham Drake

01 04 00

Joshuah Boynton

14 00

Morris Hobbs

01 04 00

Nicholas Rawlins

15 08

Francis Gennings

01 04 00

August 24* 1676

John Sleeper

01 04 00

Zacheus Newmarch

14 00

Israel Clifford

01 04 00

Richard Way

15 OU

Micael Towsely

01 04 00

Benjamin Newman

08 10

William Samborn

01 04 00

Abraham Fitch

14 00

Thomas Roby

01 04 00

Samuel Perkins

15 08

John Browne

01 04 00

4 men Slayne

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 104.

A List of Major Sam' Apletons Souldjers y' were slayne & wounded
The 19"" Decemb '75 at the Indian's fort at Narraganset

SamueU Taylor of Ipswich

Isaac Illery of Glocester

Daniel Rolfe of Newbery

Samuel Taylor of Rowley '

Leift. Jerrimyah Swayne of Redding

Roger Markes of Andiver

Isaac Ilsley of Newbery

W° Standley of Newbery

Dani. Somersby of Newbery

Jonathan Emery of Newbery

Jn" Dennison of Ipswich

Jn° Harvey of Newbery

George Timson of Ipswich

Tho: Dowe of Ipswich

Symon Gowen of Rowley

Benj. Webster of Salem

Ellja Thathan of Oborne

Tho: Abey of Wenham

Benj. Langdon of Boston

Solomon Watts of Roxbury

Jn" Warner of Charlestowne

SamueU Boutericke of Cambridge

The following paper, preserved in the Mass. Archives, vol. 68,
p. 97, is the roll of Major Appleton's company in the Narraganset
campaign. Jeremiah Swain of Reading was Lieutenant.

Serg't Ezek Woodward Steven Buttler
Serg't John Whicher Samuel! Verry

' In the list of killed appear two Samuel Taylors. In the credits is found Samuel Tiler. In a
list of men impressed at Rowley, Nov. 29,1675, I find Samuel Tiller. Among the wounded, Timson
undoubtedly meant Stimpson, and " Illja Thathan of Oborne," was what the clerk made out of
Elijah Tattingham of Woburn. The name appears elsewhere as Totenham and Totman. The
other changes are simple.

eighteen men wounded who
are at Road Island except y*
Left. &, Roger Marks

January 6 '75

Steven Gullever
Daniell Hall

OTHER LISTS OF APPLETON's MEN.

157

Serg't ffrancis Young
Serg't Daniel Ringe
Corp John Pengillie
Corp James Brarly
Clarke Phillemon Dean
Trump"" John Wheeler
Trump Josiah Bridges
Thomas Wayte
Thomas Sparkes
Abiell Saddler
Gershom Browne
Israel Henricks
Thomas Tennie
Thomas Hazon
Robert Downes
Richard Briar
Joseph Richardson
Thomas Chase
William Williams
Thomas Abbey
John Rayment
Robert Leach
Samuell Hebbert
Anthonie Williams

William Waynright
Samuell Foster
Henry Cooke ^
Robert Sim son
Israel Thorne
Samuell lerson
John Newhalle
Timothie Breed
Samuel Pipin
Phillip Mattoone
Nath Wood
Robert Sibbly
Will. Webb
Joseph Eaton
Roger Vicar
Arthur Neale
Isaac Ellirie
Ben Chadwell
John Davis
Samuel Brabrooke
Isack Ilsley
Roger Markes
Ben Leingdon
John Reylie

Solomon Watts
Eliezer Flagg
John Warner
Thomas Firman
Will Knowlton
Nath Masters
Michale Derrick
Thomas Davis
Calleb Richardson
John Boyenton
Seth Story
Ben Webbster
Edward Ardaway
Samuel Ruste
Silvester Haz
Will Russel
Sam, Peirce
Sam. Buttrick
Ephraim Cutter
George Stedman
Edmund Sheffeild
Roger Joans, 75

Those yt ai'e wanting

John Ford John Davis

Thomas Parlor Robert Peas

Mosses Pengrie
John Denison
John Perkins
Abraham Knowlton
Thomas ffossey ^
Lewis Zachriah
John Lovwell
Sam. Peirce
George Stimson
Thomas Dow
Thomas ffrensh
Sam. Hunt
John Thomas
Abraham Fitts
Richard Bedford
Thomas Killam
Isack Cummins
Richard Partsmore

The men yt are now listed

Samuel Perkins
Peter Emmons
Nath Emerson
Symond Adams
Zacheus Newmarsh
John Hobkins
John Sticknie
Joseph Jewett
Joshua Boyenton
John Leyton
John Jackson
Will Brown
Caleb Jackson
Sam. Tyler
Thomas Palmor
Joseph Bigsby
Simond Gowin
Daniell Somersby

Christopher Bartlet
Edmoud Browne
Jonathan Emerie
Christopher Kenniston
Christopher Cole
John Striiton
John Hai-vey
George Maier
Nicolaz Rollings
Thomas Roggers
Cornelius Davis
Jonathan Clarke
Will'm Sayward
William Warrin
John Shepard
John Guylie
Morgain Joanes

' Are scratched out in the MS. ffossey appears elsewhere as Fausee, Pipin as Pepar, Gnylie
ae Guild. Some twenty-flve on this list do not appear in Hull's credits under Major Appleton,
but 1 have found nearly all mentioned elsewhere.

158 KING PHILIP S WAR.

Richard Priar Samuell Love well 61 new men

Ben Newman Steven Swet 75 old souldjers

Will Hodskins Izrah Roff 136

Sam Taylor Sam. Poore

Amos Goddin Henry Poore

Soon after the battle of Narraganset Major Appleton retired
from his protracted and arduous service in the field. On the
19th of October, 1676, the Court appointed hira to command an
expedition to Pascataqua ; but he probably declined, as the order
was rescinded on October 23d. He was reelected deputy in
1676, and subsequently, except 1678, until 1681, when he was
chosen Assistant, and remained in that office till the coming in of
the Andros government in 1686. He was proscribed by Sir
Edmund's officer, Randolph, as one of the "factious." He was
arrested on the general complaint of being " evil disposed and
seditious," October 19th, 1687, and refusing to submit and give
bonds for his good behavior, was committed to Boston jail, where
he was kept many months till his age and increasing infirmities
forced a reluctant submission, and he was set at liberty, March 7,
1688, In the new charter of William and Mary, in 1691, he was
made one of the Council. He died May 15, 1696, leaving an
honored name which liis posterity have continued in honor to the
present day. " Of all the military commanders of this war I must
consider Major Appleton the ablest ; and the tide of warfare in
the western towns turned towards safe and successful methods
from the time of his appointment to the command. I should
place Major Treat, of Connecticut, next to him, and perhaps in
the same position he would have been equal."

IX.

CAPT. ISAAC JOHNSON AND HIS MEN.

ISAAC JOHNSON was the son of John, of Roxbury. He was
born in England and came to Massachusetts with his father's
family, probably in the company with Gov. Winthrop. He
was admitted freeman March 4, 1635.

He was of the Artillery Company in 1645, and was its captain
in 1667. He was ensign of the " Rocksberry " military company
previous to 1653, and on June 13th of that year was elected cap-
tain. He was representative 1671.

He married Elizabeth Porter, of Roxbury, January 20, 1637,
and had Elizabeth, born Dec. 24, 1637 ; John, born Nov. 3, 1639,
died 1661 ; Mary, born 24 April, 1642 ; Isaac, baptized 7 Jan'y,
1644 ; Joseph, baptized 9 Nov., 1645, died soon ; Nathaniel, born
1 May, 1647. The daughter Elizabeth married Henry Bowen,
who became lieutenant of his company and was in the Swamp
Fight. The Bowens, with many other Roxbury people, removed
sometime after 1686 to the township of New Roxbury, granted
them by Massachusetts Colony, but was afterwards found to
be within the Connecticut bounds and was renamed Woodstock.
The eldest son Isaac married Mary Harris and removed to Middle-
town, Conn. Isaac's son Joseph inherited his grandfather's
Narraganset claim, being then of Woodstock. The captain's
daughter Mary married, in 1663, William Bartholomew, and re-
moved to Branford, Conn. The youngest son, Nathl. Johnson,
married Mary Smith in 1667, and sometime after 1683 removed,
probably to Marlborough. Through these four surviving children
Capt. Johnson's descendants were quite numerous. His widow
died 13 Aug., 1683.

On the 6th of July, 1675, while the forces under Major Savage
were at Mount Hope, Capt. Johnson was sent with a small escort
to conduct the fifty-two friendly Indians, raised by Major Gookin,
to the army. From the fragment of a letter from Capt. Johnson
to the Court, dated at Boston, July 10, 1675, we learn that a
company of these Indians was sent back from Mount Hope with
him, and that some trouble occurred with one of the oldest, called
Tom, at Woodcock's Garrison, where they were resting on the
march. This is the letter as it remains. 1 am not sure that this
is not the whole of i he letter or statement :

160 KING Philip's war.

Upon the 4'*' day of this week being at Woodcockes house and the
Inglish and the Indians geting some refreshment and fixing their arms
there was one from the oldest of them indians that was sent backe with
us from the Army and withdrew himselfe from our Company under
the pretence of geting a helve for his hachet but staying long we sent
out 6 men to see if they could find him in their search they found his
hachet and a new knife : of his and returned without him we being de-
sirous if it might be to find what had becom of him sent againe 6 men
the}' could not yet find him, we went to super (that is we seaven Inglish)
before it was quite darke and while we were at super the said Tom did
make aproach towards the other indians and was deserned by them and
som of them called to him (sum say it was one or more of the Indian
Sentinells called to him) and bid him stand but he would not but fled
away upon the which there being sum stire or commosion amongst the
indians we rose from super and went out they telling us what was the
caus of the tumult amongst them ; there was an Indian seen as before and
now was run away telling of us which way he went I bad them follow
and see if they could each him and Woodcock sent out his doggs also
they did soone take him and one of the Indians laying hold of him this
Indian did strike him on the side of the necke with a hatchet which he
had borrowed to get a helve for his owue ; but the indian that was
strooke by sum indians preventing the force of the blow the hurt was
small which otherwise miglit have beene mortall for any thing we know ;
we Inglish making all the hast to them we could did rescue the man that
is that tom out of the rest of the indians hands as wee did apprehend
caus lest he should have beene pulled in peeces or killed by them ; we
had him in to Woodcocks hous ; I asked him the reson of his doing
after that maner as he did doing as though he intended mischeef e where
as he had promised the govenor of the bay he would doe faithful
service against phillip and his men ; he answered he was counseled to
doe as he did by Samson and another long Island indian they two
indians were called and I asking of them if they did give Tom counsell
to doe us hurt or to make trouble amongst us Samson first spake
dening to have given Tom any such counsell ; then the long Island
indian spook denieing any such thing : upon which said Tom laid two
peeces of mony in my hand and told me they each of them gave him
one of them peeces to hire hime to do what he did : they bothe denied
the giving of him any mony ; woodcoke being by desired he might se
the mony I gave it him ; he says Tom had that mony of him he having
soe much lickors of him as cam to 3'' he changed a shilling for the said
Tom & gave him a G'' & a 3" and that was the 6" & 3** which Tom did
not denie. I told Tom he pretending soe as he had done to the gover-
nor as before and marching with us now part of two dayes and serve
us thus he did acknowledg he had rebelld & deserved to dye only de-
sired he might die a quick . , . death by which I doe supose his
meaning was that he might not be delivered into the hands of the
Indians

boston 18"" July 1675 youer honnor" Servant

Isaac

Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 219. Johnson

Here we see the prejudice against the Indian blinding the

JOHNSON AT NARBAGANSET.

161

captain to the real culprit, Woodcock, whose "lickors" had
made the poor savage "crazy drunk."

On July 15th, on the news of the attack upon Mendon, Capt.
Johnson was sent out with a company to relieve that town, and
was joined there by Capt. Prentice and his troop about July 21st.
The two captains address letters to the Court July 23d, explain-
ing the situation of affairs at Mendon ; these letters are lost, but
notice of them occurs (Mass. Arch. vol. 67, p. 226) in a Court
Order of July 26th, commanding the return of both companies,
except a guard to be left at Mendon by Capt. Johnson.

Upon the mustering of forces for the Narraganset campaign,
Capt. Johnson was placed in command of a company made up of
men from Roxbury, Dorchester, Milton, Braintree, Weymouth,
Hingham and Hull, seventy-five all told. Eight more were im-
pressed, but did not appear. The company took part in the
memorable march and attack on the fort, as before related, and
the brave captain was among the first to fall while gallantly lead-
ing his men across the fallen tree-trunks at the entrance to the
fort.

Credited under Capt. Isaac Johnson.

August 27 1675

Sept. 14"^

Benjamin Wilson

12 00

John Whaley

09 00

John Gates

12 00

Thomas Wadduck

11 00

John Barnes

12 00

Nov. 30*

William Gemmison (alias

John Ireson

11 00

Jamison)

12 00

William Jaques

11 00

Thomas Hunt

12 00

Jan'y 25*'> 1675

-6

Experience Orris

12 00

Nathaniel Beale

17 00

Richard Cowell

12 00

February 29

Isaac Johnson Capt.

17 03

John Langley

00 00

James Couch

12 00

William Hasey

14 00

David Landon

11 02

Samuel Lincolne

01 00

John Rugles

12 00

Joshua Lazell

14 00

Sept. 3"*

March 24"^ 1675

Ephraim Child

12 00

Joseph Richards

16 00

George Walden

12 00

Allin Dugland

11 02

Nath' Toy

12 00

Thomas Thaxter

16 00

John Burrell

14 00

Under Capt Johnsc

)n and Capt Jacob

March 24'^ 1675

Isaac Prince

14 00

Francis Gardnett

14 00

George Vicary

09 00

Ephraim Lane

14 00

John Bosworth

14 00

James Read

14 00

Christopher Wheaton

08 00

William Mellowes

14 00

Joseph Benson

16 00

John Whitmarsh

14 00

Isaac Morris

14 00

John Read

14 00

April 24, 1676

James Humphreys

14 00

John Fenner

15 04

John Lovell

00 00

WiUiam Davenport

14 00

Isaac Cole

14 00

162

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Under Capt Johnson, June 24"^

John Scott 02 14 00 ! Hezekiah King 02 19 00

Benjamin Bates 05 02 00 Henry Bowen Lieut. 06 03 00

Samuel Gardner 02 16 00 Ebeuezer Hill 02 14 00

Joseph Goard 02 14 00 July 24

Nathaniel Wilson 02 14 00 John Plum 02 14 00

Samuel Basse 02 14 00 Zaehariah Gurny 02 14 00

Joseph Tucker 04 01 00 Charles Cahan 02 14 00

Ebenezer Owen 02 14 00 Onesiphorus Stanly 02 14 00

William Savell 03 1 2 00 John Spurr 02 14 00

Francis Nash 02 14 00 August 24

Thomas Copelane 02 14 00 Henry Bartlett 02 14 00

Martin Sakins 02 14 00 Hopestill Humphries 02 14 00

Jonathan Pitcher 00 12 00 Thomas Grant 02 14 00

James Atkins 02 14 10 John Watson 00 18 00

Isaac Johnson Cap^ 05 1100 Sept 23'>

William Lincolne 02 09 00 John Bull 00 18 00

John Watson 01 16 00 Thomas Davenport 00 10 02

John Langley 04 00 00

The following list of Capt. Johnson's company, made at Ded-
ham December 10th, 1675, is preserved in Massachusetts
Archives, vol. 67, p. 293.

List

Roxbury,
Henry Bowen
John Watson
W'" Lincolne
Abiel Lamb
John Scot
Onesiphorus Stanly
Isaack Morrice
W'" Danforth
Joseph Goad
Sam" Gardiner
Nath: Wilson
John Hubbard
Tho: Baker

wanting
Thom: Cheney
John Corbin
John Newel

Dorchester
Hen'^ Mare his man
Hopestill Humphrey
John Spurre
Ebenezer Hill
Nicholas Weymouth
John Pluramer
Charles Cahan

of Capt Johnson's
Tho: Grant
Tho: Davenport
Robert Stanton

wanting
Henry Withington
George Minot
Isaac Ryall

Milton
John Fennow
Obadiah Wheaten
Joseph Tucker
Benj. Crane

Braintry
Ebenezer Owen
Sam. Basse
W'" Sable
Tho: Holbrook
Rich Thayer
Martin Saunders
Francis Nash
Increase Niles
Henry Bartlet
Tho: Copeland
James Atkins
Jonathan Pitcher

Company

Weymouth
Hezek: King
Jonas Humphrey
Joseph Richards
Allin Dugland
John Whitmarsh
Peeter Gurnay
Edward Kingman
John Read
James Read
John Lovet
Will Mellis
John HoUis
John Burril

Hingham
Benj. Bates
John Jacob
John Langley
Edward Wilder
Tho: Thaxter
Ebenezer Lane
Sam: Lincolne
Ephraim Lane
Joshua Lazel
John Bull
W" Hearsey

THE WOUNDED AND SLAIN.

163

Francis Gardiner
Nath Beales
Nath Nicliols
Humphrey Johnson
wanting

W" "Woodcock

Hull
George Vicar
John Bosworth
Joseph Benson

W" Chamberlin
Christo: Wheaton
Isaack Prince
Isaack Cole
Henry Chamberlain
75 appeared
8 appeared not

The following is preserved in the Mass. Archives, vol. 68, page
104:

were slayne & wounded of Capt

John Spur of Dorchester
Benj. Crane of Milton
Jn° Langley of Hingham
Jn° faxton of Hingham
Isaack King of Weymouth
Left. Phineas Upham of Maiden
wounded eight, and were at
Road Island Jan. 6"' 1675-6

The names of those soldiers y'

Johnson's Comp* December 1675

Capt Isa: Johnson of Roxbury

Jonathan Pitcher, Bran ; (Brain-
tree)

Tho: Davenport Dr (Dorchester)

Allin Dugland of Weymouth,

4 slain

Jos° Watson of Roxbury

W" Linckorn of Roxbury

Upon the death of Capt. Johnson and the mortal wound of
Lieut. Upham, the command of that company devolved upon
Ensign, afterwards Lieut., Henry Bowen. After the battle, it
would appear that Capt. John Jacob of Hingham was appointed
to the command of the company, as many of the credits show his
vouchers in the account.

CAPT. JOSEPH GARDINER AND HIS MEN.

JOSEPH GARDINER (or Gardner) was the son of Thomas and
Margaret Gardner of Salem. He married, before August,
1656, Anne Downing, daughter of Emanuel Downing and
niece of the fii-st Gov. Winthrop.

He was a man of energy and ability, and held many positions
of honor and importance in Salem. In May, 1672, he was
appointed by the General Court of Massachusetts lieutenant of
the foot company under Capt. William Price of Salem.

On May 12, 1675, the militia of Salem was divided into two
companies by order of the Court, and by the same order the elec-
tion of Joseph Gardiner as captain of the First Company in Salem
was confirmed. When the expedition against Narraganset was
organized, Capt. Gardiner was appointed, November 3, 1675, to
command the company raised at Salem and the adjoining towns,
and mustered his men, ninety-five strong, at Dedham Plain De-
cember 10th, and marched with the army towards the rendezvous
at Wickford. During the march several skirmishes took place,
and Mr. Hubbard relates that some of Stone-wall-John's crew
"met with some of Capt. Gardiner's men that were stragling
about their own business contrary to order, and slew his Sergeant
with one or two more." In " Capt. Oliver's Narrative " it is re-
lated that on this occasion the Indians " killed two Salem men
within a mile of our quarters and wounded a third so that he is
dead." The names of these are given in the list below. The
fall of Capt. Gardner is thus related in Church's " Entertaining
History : "

Mr. Church spying Capt. Gardner of Salem amidst the Wigwams
in the East end of the Fort, made towards him ; but on a sudden while
they were looking each other in the face, Capt. Gardner settled down,
Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeing the blood run down his cheek
lifted up his cap and calling him by name, he looked up in his face but
spake not a word, being mortally Shot through the head.

After the death of Capt. Gardiner, the command of his com-
pany fell upon his lieutenant, William Hathorn, under whom

CAPT. GARDINER S COMPANY.

165

the men served during the campaign, until disbanded in Febru-
ary. It is thus that the men were credited sometimes under Gar-
diner, sometimes Hathorn, occasionally both ; the latter's name,
signed to the voucher or " debenter " which each soldier presented
to the paymaster, doubtless confused the clerk and caused this
appearance of double command. Capt. Hathorn's subsequent
career at the eastward will be given in its proper place.

Capt. Gardiner's widow, then aged about thirty-four, married
June 6, 1676, Gov. Simon Bradstreet, whose age was about
seventy-three. She died April 19, 1713, aged 79. Leaving no
children, Capt. Gardiner's Narraganset claim fell to the oldest
male heir of his eldest brother Thomas. This heir was Habakkuk
Gardiner, son of the Captain's nephew Thomas, who in the list
of claimants claims in the " right of his uncle, Capt. Joseph
Gardiner."

Capt. Joseph Gardiner and his men.

Amos Gurdon

Peter Emons

February 29"* 1675 & 6
£ 8.

WilliamHathorne, Cai)«. 11 09 08

Samuel Gray
Peter Cary
Jeremiah Neall
Peter Cole
Joseph Price
Samuel Tarbox
Sam. Beadle
Benjamin Hooper
Rice Husband
Marke Stacy
William Hollis
John Clark
Thomas Weymouth
WilUam Hutchins
Christopher Read
William Bassett
Samuel Graves
John Farrington
William Driver
Andrew Townsend
Jonathan Locke
Charles Knight
John Prince
Andrew Sargeant
Edward Haradine
John Trask
Joseph Houlton
Isaac Welman
William Pritchett
John Maston
Benjamin Chadwell
Stephen Greenleaf

03 06 07
02 14 00

04 18 00

02 14 00

01 13 00

03 09 03

04 01 00

02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 18 00

01 14 00

02 14 00
02 07 00
02 14 00

05 04 04
02 14 00
02 02 00
02 14 00
02 14 00

02 14 00

03 03 00
03 15 08
02 19 02
02 19 02
02 17 08
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00
01 10 00

William Webb
Robert Sibly
Andrew Ringe
Benjamin Langdon
James Briarly
Benjamin Webster
Freegrace Norton
Israel Thorne
Ezekiel Woodward
John Wheeler
William Wainwright
John Boutell
Jonathan Clark
William Williams
Samuel Rust

02 14 10
02 14 10
02 14 00

02 14 00
05 08 00

03 00 00

04 01 00

02 14 00

03 12 00
02 14 00
02 04 00

05 08 00
02 14 00
00 18 00
02 14 00
02 14 00

04 01 00

Benjamin Sweet, Lieut. 03 00 00

Henry Dow
Silvester Hayes
Thomas Tenney
Joseph Jewett
John Boynton
Peter Coomes
Jonathan Copp
John Mann

01 16 00
03 03 00

02 14 00
02 14 00

02 14 00

03 08 00

01 04 00

02 04 00

March 24"> 1675-6

John Vowden 02 14 00

Lawrence Majore 02 14 00

Thomas Flynt 02 16 00

Thomas Greene 02 14 00

John Read 02 14 00

Adam Gold 02 14 00

Zacheus Perkins 02 14 00

William Pabody 02 14 00

166

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Joseph Gardiner, Capt.

Amos Gourdin 01 04 00

James Fry

Daniel Johnson 03 10 00

Leonard Toser

Jeremiah Neale, Lieut. 03 00 00

April 24''> 1676.

August 24"^ 1676

Thomas Kenny

Edward Counter 02 14 00

John Stacy

Ebenezer Barker 02 02 00

June 24«^ 1676

Thomas Rpssell 02 14 00

Francis Jeflford

'02

Joseph Jeffords 01 09 00

Samuel Phelpes

Thomas Vely 02 05 00

John Piesson

Eleazer Linsey 01 16 00

Joseph Abbott

Thomas Bell 04 05 08

Samuel Pickworth

Sept 23^^1676

Abraham Snitchell

Mark Bacheler 00 14 00

Michael Towsley

Robert Cocks 02 02 00

Thomas Kemball

Moses Morgaine 02 14 00

Thomas Blashfield

William Allen

Credited under Capt. Hathorne.

Edward Whittington

Samuel Story 04 05 08

John Parker

Peter Ashamaway 04 05 08

Philip Butler

Jacob Knight 01 10 00

James Wall

William Waiuwright 04 16 06

John Ballard

Samuel Moulton 01 04 00

July 24, 1676

James Creeke 04 04 00

William Hathorne, Capt

07 03 09

James Cox 04 05 00

A list of y* names of Capt.Gardiner's

Souldiers for this p'sent Expedition

Salem.

James Wall

Serjeant Jeremiah Neall

Joseph Holton jun'

Serjeant William bassett

Tho. Reny

Ser' Samuel bradell

Joseph Dees — wounded

Corp. Samuell Pikworth

Abraham Switchell

Charls Knight

Samuell ffrail — not apearing

John boden

ffrances Jefford

William holess

Clem. Rumeall

Marck Stace

Adam Gold

Samuell Gray

Samuell Tarbox

Larance Magery

Marblehead.

John Polott

Petter Coll

Philip butteler

Henry Codner

Benimen Lemon

Auguster fferker

Edward Counter

David Shapligh

Lenard Tossier

Petter Cary

William Hind

Robertt Cooks

Joseph Price

Edward Severy

Th" Flint

Ephraim Jones

Pelter Prescote

Lenerd Belinger

Isack Read

Philip Brock

Tho. Buffingtog

Thomas Weymouth "| These men

John Stacey

Thomas Weymouth > wanting of

Henery Rich

Thomas Russell ) their Comp'y

Tho. Greene

CAPT. GARDINER'S COMPANY.

167

Topsfield,
William Peabody
Zacheus Curtis
Zacheus Perkins
Robertt Andrews
Isek burton

Andover.
Nathan Stevens
James Fry
Eben barker
John Parker
Joseph Abett
John balard
John Lovejoy
Edward Whittington
Samuell Philips
John P'ston

Gloster.
John Prince
Andrew Serjant
Joseph Somes
Vinesont Davis
Moses duday

Beverly.
Christopher Brown
John Trask
Thomas Blashfield

Lott Cunant
Christopher Read
William fferyman
Moses Morgine
John Clark
AVilliam Allen
William bath
Richard Hussband

Lyn.
Nicholas Huchin
John Linsey
Robert driver
Daniell Huchin
John Davis
Samuell Graves
Andrew townsend
Thomas baker
Johnathan Looke
Iseck Welman
Isaack Hartt
John Farington
Samul Rods
Mark Bacheler
Richard Hutten
Thomas Kemball
Philip Welsh
John Hunkens
Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 93.

A Lyst of Capt Joseph Gardiner Company y' were wounded and
Slayne of his Company, some yM6 Dec'' & Other 19'^ dec 75
Joseph Rice of Salem

Samuel Pikeworth of Salem
M'ke Batchiler of Wenham
Capt Joseph Gardiner of Salem
Abra. Switchell of Marblehead
Joseph Soames of Cape Anne
Robert Andrews of Topsfield
Charles Knight of Salem
Nicholas Huchins of Lynn
Thomas flint of Salem
Jn° Harrington of Lynne
Robert Cocks of Marblehead
Eben Baker (Barker) of Andiver
Edw** Mardin of Cape Ann
Joseph Read of Beverly
Joseph Abett of Andiver
Joseph Holeton of Salem

wch. 3 were slayne ....
abroad from y" garrison

4 men Slayne more

10 men wounded

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 104.

XI.

CAPT. NATHANIEL DAVENPORT AND HIS MEN.

CAPT. NATHANIEL DAVENPORT was bom in Salem,
Mass., and was the son of Richard Davenport and his wife
Elizabeth Hathorn. Richard came to Salem with Endicott
in 1628, from Weymouth in Dorsetshire, was admitted freeman
September 3, 1634, was ensign in the local militia same year, and
in 1637 served as lieutenant in the Pequod expedition, where he
was wounded. He was representative in 1637, and joined the
Artillery Company in 1639. Removed to Boston in 1642 and
was appointed captain of the Castle, which post he filled for
many years, and was there killed by lightning on July 15, 1665.
His children were Nathaniel ; Truecross, born 1634-5 ; Experi-
ence, baptized August 27, 1637 ; John, baptized September 19,
1641, at Salem ; and at Boston he had Samuel, baptized June
28, 1656 ; Sarah, September 30, 1649 ; Elizabeth, September 13,
1652 ; William, born May 11, 1656. The widow died June 28,
1678.

Nathaniel spent his boyhood and youth at Salem and at the
Castle. He was evidently a man of enterprise and ability, and
for some time was concerned with several Boston men in an ex-
tensive business between Boston and New York. He married
EHzabeth Thacher, daughter of Thomas.

From his early surroundings at the Castle he naturally ac-
quired experience of military matters, and his business pursuits
gave him wide acquaintance with the affairs of the colonies in
their commercial relations. In the difficulties with the Dutch
at New York he was evidently a trusted agent of Massachusetts,
his residence for some time in New York giving him great
advantage. In volume II. " New York Colonial History " are
found letters passing between Edward Rawson, Secretary of
Massachusetts, and N. Bayard, Secretary of " New Netherlands,"
showing that in 1673 Mr. Nathaniel Davenport and Mr. Arthur
Mason were sent by the Massachusetts Colony to demand the
restoration of some vessels which had been seized by the N. N.
government, and they threatened reprisal, etc., if the vessels
were not given up. In a later letter of Bayard to Rawson in

DAVENPORT AT NARRAGANSET. 169

regard to this demand, he refers to Mr. Davenport as a " spy."
His experience and prominence would thus seem to mark him as
a leader in the war, but it is evident that his residence abroad
had precluded his holding military office in the colony, where
the choice was made by the people of each town, and was made
a matter of confirmation by the Court. Capt. Davenport had
returned to Boston in 1673, and at the time of the fitting out of
the Narraganset Expedition in December, 1675, was serving on
the jury at the Court of Assistants, whence he was summoned to
take command of the 5th Company in the Massachusetts Regi-
ment. This company was made up chiefly of men from Cam-
bridge and Watertown, to most of whom Captain Davenport was
a stranger ; but it is said that he, on the occasion of " taking pos-
session of his company, made a very civil speech to them, and
also gave them free Liberty to choose their own Serjeants them-
selves, which pleased them very well, and accordingly did so."
The company joined the rest of the forces at Dedham plain, and
marched to Narraganset with the army. In " Oliver's Narra-
tive," one item concerning Capt. Davenport appears, mentioned
with characteristic brevity. " Dec. 17"" That Day we sold Capt.
Davenport forty-seven Indians young and old, for Eighty Pounds
in money." I have found nothing to solve the doubt as to
whether it was the enterprise of the merchant or the humanity
of the man that prompted the purchase. I find no mention of
such sale on the treasurer's books. On December 19th, at the
great Fort fight, Mr. Hubbard relates that " Capt. Mosely and
Capt. Davenport led the van."

The death of Capt. Davenport is thus related in the " Old
Indian Chronicle" above mentioned, p. 181:

Before our men came up to take possession of the Fort, the Indians
had shot three Bullets through Capt. Davenport, whereupon he bled ex-
treamly, and immediately called for his Lieutenant, Mr. Edward Ting,
and committed the charge of the Company to him, and desired him to
take care of his Gun, and deliver it according to Order and immediately
died in his Place. . . . And it is very probable the Indians
might think Capt Davenport was the General because he had a very
good Buff Suit on at that Time and therefore might shoot at him.

Capt. Davenport left no children, and his nephew, Addington
Davenport, inherited his Narraganset claim.

Lieutenant Edward Ting (or Tyng) commanded the company
during the rest of this campaign, and many of the credits are
given under him as Captain. He was the son of Capt. Edward
Tyng of Boston, and was born March 26th, 1649. He removed to
Falmouth in 1680, and soon after married Elizabeth, daughter of
Thaddeus Clark and great-granddaughter of George Cleeves. He
was in command of Fort Loyal 1680 and 1681 ; was a counsellor
and magistrate for Maine under Presid^iut Danforth, and in 1686

170

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

was appointed by the King one of the council of his brother-in-
law Joseph Dudley, and afterward under Andros, who made him
lieutenant-colonel and placed him in command in the province of
Sagadahoc in 1688 and 1689, and after the reduction of Nova
Scotia was appointed governor of Annapolis, but on his way to
that place his vessel was captured by the French, and he was
taken to France, where he died. He was a man of great energy
and ability, and was a large land-owner in Maine ; but as he
favored and served the Andros party, became very unpopular with
the people.

Credited under Capt. Nath' Davenport & Capt. Ting, February 29"*
1675-6

Timothy Rice 02 14 00

James Smith 02 14 00

Jacob Bullard 02 14 00

Matthew Gibbs 02 14 00

June 24* 1676
Joshuah Woods 02 14 00
Daniel Woodward 02 14 00
James Haughton 00 19 08
Abraham Temple 02 02 00
David Batchelor 01 18 06
Ambros Mackfassett 02 14 00
Jonathan Remington 10 18 08
Peter Bateman 02 08 00
Samuel Dymon 02 14 00
John Taylor 02 14 00
John Wood 02 14 00
Zachariah Snow 02 02 00
Isaac Emsden " als Alms-
den " 03 06 06
William Gleson 02 14 00
Samuel How 02 12 02
Thomas Brown 02 02 00
John Salter 02 14 00
Jacob Amsden 02 14 00
Jeremiah Toy 02 14 00
George Hay ward 00 12 00
Dennis Hedly 02 14 00

July 24''^ 1676

Joseph Wheeler 02 09 00

John Baker 05 05 00

John Parker 02 14 00

James Mathewes 01 09 00

August 24"* 1676

John Priest 03 10 00

Nicholas Lunn 02 12 00

Jonathan Lawrence 02 14 00

Nathaniel Sanger

02 14 00

Thomas Hall

02 14 00

John Cutler

02 14 00

Caleb Simons

02 02 00

William Peirce

02 14 00

John Baldwin

00 10 03

Nathaniel Damport Capt. 05 07 00

Theoder Atkins

00 15 00

Edward Ting Capt.

11 13 06

Gershom Cutler (Cutter) 02 14 00

Thomas [Nichojls

02 14 00

Stephen Farr

02 14 00

Samuel Lamson

03 07 00

John Shelden

04 13 00

Moses Whitny

02 14 00

Jonathan Smith

02 14 00

Joseph Smith

02 14 00

Daniel Wamn

03 03 00

Isaac Lerned

01 15 02

Thomas Parker

00 18 00

John Polly

02 14 00

William Roberts

02 14 00

John Baker

00 10 03

Joshua Bigalo

02 14 00

March 24"^ 1675-6

Joseph Buss

03 03 00

John Wheeler

02 14 00

Nathaniel Healy

02 02 00

George Herington

02 14 00

William Wade

02 14 00

Thomas Rutter

02 14 00

John Haws

00 18 00

Samuel Swan

03 00 00

John Drury 1>

04 05 10

William Price

02 14 00

AprU 24th 1676

John White

02 14 00

CAPT. DAVENPORT S SOLDIERS.

171

The following is preserved in the Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p.
104;

The List of those y' were slayne & wounded of Cap Nath^ Daven-
port —

Capt. Nath: Davenport
Sarg' Theod' Atkinson
* George Howard of Concord
Jn" Hagar of Watertown
^ Sam. Swayn of Cambridge
Sam. Read of Cambridge
Sam. Stocker of Meadford
Nath Healy of Watertowne
Isaac Learned of Watertowne
Tho. Browne of Concord
Abra: Temple of Concord
David Batchelor of Redding
Caleb Symon* of Ooburne
John Backer of Wooborne
Zachary Snow of Woobom

The following lists of men impressed in several towns where
Capt. Davenport's company was raised will serve to identify
many of the names. Of course, many of those impressed were
either excused for disability or escaped from the service in some
other manner. See Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 100, and for
separate lists, pp. 67-100. The returns were dated from Nov. 25
to Dec. 3, 1675.

4 men Slayne

11 men wounded

From Cambridge.
Corp" Jonathan Remington
James Hubbart
Edward Winship juni"'
Isaack Kmsden
Nathaniel Patten
William Glesson
John Withe
Jacob Emsden
Jonathan Laurene
John Emsden
John Salter
Samuel Swan
Daniel Woodward
Samuel Read
Gershom Cutter 15

From Watertown.
Daniell Warrin, S'
John Bigulah, S""
Nathaniell Hely
Joseph Tayntor J'
John Whettney S'

George Herrington
James Cutting.
William Hagar Jr
John Parkhurst
Michaell Flegg
Jacob Bullard
Isaack Learned
Joseph Waight
George Dill
Jonathan Smith
Willyam Price Jr
Nathaniell Sangar
Moses Whettny
Enoch Sawtell
John Bright
John Hastings
John Bacon
John Chadwick
John Windam
Ben Douse
Nath Barsham
John Barnard

1 In the credite these appear as Hay ward and Swan.

172

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Ephraim GearflSeld
Joseph Smith 29

From Woburn.
John Carter
William Johnson
James Convars
John Cutler
TVilliam Peirce
John Baker
Zachariah Snow
John Polly
John Preist
John Berbeane
John Shilden
Thomas Hale
John Bolen
Caleb Simons
Peter Bateman
Jerimiah Hood 16

From Sudbury.
William Wade.
Samuell Bush
John White Jun""
Tho. Rutter
Peter Hopes Jr
James Smith
Dennis Hedley
Matthew Gibbs Ju'
Daniel Herrington 9

From Cambridge Village.
Samuell Hides Jr
Peter Henchet
Joshua Woods
Jonathan Bush 4

From Reading.
Samuel Lamson
David Bachelder
James Carr
Samuel Daman
Seabred Taylor
Thomas Nichols
William Robards
Nicholas Lunn 8

From Meadford.
James Stokes
Jeremiah Toy 2

From Concord.
Joseph Busse
Abraham Temple
Samuel How
John Wood
Joseph Wheeler
Thomas Browne
John Wheeler
Timothy Rice
George Hayward
Stephen Farre
John Taylor 11

Capt. Davenport's company numbered seventy-five men. Sub-
stitutes often appear instead of those impressed. Fifty-seven
in the above list, and three besides among the wounded and
killed, are thus accounted for. Some of the rest received credit
in a later Ledger.

XII.
CAPT. JAMES OLIVER AND HIS MEN.

JAMES OLIVER was the son of Thomas and Ann, who came
from England in the ship " William and Francis " (by another
account the Lion) 9 March, 1632, with their family of six
sons and two daughters. Bristol, Somersetshire, is said to have
been the old home of the family. They settled in Boston, where
the father became ruling elder and of wide influence in the affairs
of the new town. He died June 1, 1658, aged ninety years,
according to John Hull's Diary, leaving sons who held places of
honor and trust in the colony, and whose posterity, in successive
generations to the present, have held the name honorably.

James was admitted freeman 12 October, 1640. Was of the
Artillery Company, and chosen Ensign 1651, Lieutenant 1653,
Captain 1656 and again 1666. Was chosen selectman of the
town in 1653 and served several years ; was also an inspector of
the port and a merchant of eminence. He was of the First Mili-
tary Company of Boston, and was elected Captain probably in
1673. He was appointed to command a Boston company in the
Narraganset campaign. His appointment was dated November
17, 1675, and men to fill this company were impressed from the
several town companies, including his own, as is seen by the
second list below. Taking command of his company, he joined
the army at Dedham Plain and took part in the subsequent
movements of the campaign, being one of the few fortunate
officers who passed through the great Swamp Fight unscathed,
and remained in command of his company until the return and
dismissal at Boston February 5th, 1675-6.

While the army was at Narraganset, at the Garrison House of
Mr. Richard Smith (their rendezvous after the great fight, now
embraced in the town of Wickford, R.I.), Capt. Oliver wrote
the following account^ of the campaign, the original of which

1 The letter, as here given, is taken from the foot-notes of Gov. Hutchinson's History of Massa-
chusetts, vol. i. p. 300, of first and second editions, and 272 of the third edition. Mr. Hutchinson
said there was no signature, and attributes it to Major Bradford, but a simple comparison with
Hubbard's account shows the author to have been Capt. Oliver, and this conclusion is rendered
certain by Mr. Drake ("Book of the Indians," p. 219, foot-note), who had seen the original,
Bigned James Oliver, and found this, which appears in Mr. Hutchinson's notes "correct in the
main particulars," when compared with the original. He thought Mr. Hutchinson used a copy
without signature, as must have been the case ; and I would suggest that copy was made by Mr.
Hubbard for his own use in compiling his history, and was found among his papers which Mr.
Hutchinson used extensively in his work. It is to be regretted that Mr. Drake did not speak
more definitely about the original, or better still, publish it in some one of his many works. Mr.
Drake refers to it as " Capt. Oliver's Narrative." Is the original now in existence?

174 KING Philip's war.

I have failed to find trace of, after diligent search and in-
quiry.

The letter, as published by Gov. Hutchinson, is as follows :

Narraganset 26"^ ll'*^ month 1675
After a tedious march in a bitter cold night that followed Dec. 1 2*,
we hoped our pilot would have led us to Pomham by break of day, but
so it came to pass we wei*e misled and so missed a good opportunity.
Dec 13"\ we came to Mr. Smith's, and that day took 85 prisoners.
Dec. 14"*, our General went out with horse and foot, I with my com-
pany was left to keep garrison. I sent out 30 of my men to scout
abroad, who killed two Indians and brought in 4 prisoners, one of
which was beheaded. Our Army came home at night, killed 7 and
brought in 9 more, young and old. Dec. 15"*, came in John, a rogue,
with pretence of peace, and was dismissed with this errand, that we
might speak with Sachems. That evening, he not being gone a quarter
of an hour, his company that lay hid behind a hill killed two Salem
men within a mile of our quarters, and wounded a third that he is dead.
And at a house three miles off where I had 10 men, they killed 2 of
them. Instantly, Capt Mosely, myself and Capt Gardner were sent to
fetch in Major Appleton's company that kept 8 miles and an half off,
and coming, they lay behind a stone wall and fired on us in sight of
the garrison. We killed the captain that killed one of the Salem men,
and had his cap on. That night they burned Jerry Bull's house, and
killed 17. Dec. 16"" came that news. Dec. 17"" came news that Con-
necticut forces were at Petaquamscot, and had killed 4 Indians and
took 6 prisoners. That day we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young
and old for 80/. in money. Dec. 18"* we marched to Petaquamscot with
all our forces, only a garrison left ; that night was very stormy ; we
lay, one thousand, in the open field that long night. In the morning,
Dec. 19*, Lord's day, at 5 o'clock we marched. Between 12 and 1
we came up with the enemy, and had a sore fight three hours. We
lost, that are now dead, about 68, and had 150 wounded, many of
which are recovered. That long snowy cold night we had about 18
miles to our quarters, with about 210 dead and wounded. We left 8 dead
in the fort. We had but 12 dead when we came from the swamp, besides
the 8 we left. Many died by the way, and as soon as they were
brought in, so that Dec. 20"" we buried in a grave 34, next day 4, next day
2, and none since here. Eight died at Rhode Island, 1 at Petaquam-
scot, 2 lost in the woods and killed, Dec. 20, as we heard since ; some
say two more died. By the best intelligence, we killed 3(J0 fighting
men ; prisoners we took, say 350, and above 300 women and children.
We burnt above 500 houses, left but 9, burnt all their corn, that was
in baskets, great store. One signal mercy that night, not to be for-
gotten, viz. that when we drew off, with so many dead and wounded,
they did not pursue us, which the young men would have done, but the
sachems would not consent; they had but 10 pounds of powder left.
Our General, with about 40, lost our way, and wandered till 7 o'clock
in the morning, before we came to our quarters. We thought we were
within 2 miles of the enemy again, but God kept us ; to him be the
glory. We have killed now and then 1 since, and burnt 200 wigwams

CAPT. Oliver's letter. 175

more ; we killed 9 last Tuesday. We fetch in their corn daily and that
undoes them. This is, as nearly as I can, a true relation. I read the
narrative to my officers in my tent, who all assent to the truth of it.
Monhegins and Pequods proved very false, fired into the air, and sent
word before they came they would so, but got much plunder, guns and
kettles. A great part of what is written was attested by Joshua Teffe,
who married an Indian woman, a Wampanoag. He shot 20 times at
us in the swamp, was taken at Providence Jan'y 14, brought to us the
16"\ executed the 18'''. A sad wretch, he never heard a sermon but
once these 14 years. His father, going to recall him lost his head and
lies unburied.

This letter shows something of the ■well-known sympathy of
Capt. Oliver with the popular party which at that time so bitterly
opposed all concessions towards the Indians, and denounced even
their most trusted magistrates and ministers, like Major Gookin
and Rev. John Eliot, who sought to protect the friendly or
" Christian " Indians from persecution. On one occasion many
of these had been seized and imprisoned (by Capt. Mosely, as
has been related) at Boston, awaiting trial. On Sept. 10th, at
9 o'clock at night, a mob collected, and presuming upon Capt.
Oliver's sympathy, went to his house and proposed that he should
lead them and take one of the Indians out of the prison and hang
him ; but the Captain, boiling with rage at this insult to him-
self, " cudgelled them stoutly " with his cane from his house.
Capt. Oliver married, between 1641 and 1655, Mary, widow of
John Frend and daughter of Thomas Dexter, who died before
he did, and left no issue to him ; at his death in 1682, two of
his nephews, John and Nathaniel Oliver, administered upon
his estate, and his nephew, Daniel Oliver, Esq., inherited his
Narraganset claim.

In a petition to the Court, May 19, 1680, he states that he has
served town and country many years, at home and abroad, and
hath spent therein the prime of his strength and estate,
and later much of what was left to him was consumed by fire,
and now being aged and infirm in body, prays to be dismissed from
further service as captain of the town company, and also that
the Court, in view of his decay, grant to him "the Island whereon
the Indian Wianenset lately dwelt lying neer Dunstable," etc.

In answer to this the Deputies passed a vote : " Considering
the petitioner's present Incapacity of getting a livelyhud by Reson
of his Lameness," etc., and " y he dweling with his kinsman
Nathaniel Barns, Doe for the Relife of y" petitioner, give
and grant unto s*^ Barns, his heires and Assignes forever, a
small Island of upland Containing about twenty acres (more or
less) w'^'^ lyeth in Merimak River near to Mr Jonathan Tings
farme, w*''" Island hath been Commonly Caled & knowne by y
name of Tinker's Island," etc. Mass Archives, vol. 45, p. 174.
See also vol. 70, p. 47.

176

KING PHILIP S WAR.

The magistrates did not concur in the grant while consenting
to the dismissal, but appointed a committee, Capt. Samuel Adams
of Chelmsford and Lieut. William Johnson of Woburn, to see if
the Island was included in any former grant. I have not found
their report, but Barnes' was granted, " Oct. 1681 two hundred
acres of land where it is to be found not prejudiciall to any new
plantation." See Colonial Records, vol. v, pp. 278-9 and 331.

The following are in Hull's Journal :

Credited under Capt. James Oliver :

February 29"> 1675

Richard Barnam

12 04

Ezekiel Gilman

Joseph Bemish

14 00

Alexander Boyle

00 00

John Harwood

18 00

Richard Cowell

Aaron Steevens

15 06

Daniel East

Thomas Stanes

14 00

Thomas Hunt

April 24,

1676.

David Landon

William Backaway

14 00

James Couch

James Harrington

14 00

John Cann

William Dinsdell

14 00

Samuel Measy

Gamaliel Rogers

14 00

Richard Read

James Harris

10 06

Jeffery Jefferies

Henry Critchett

10 10

Patrick Moroone

Roger Brown

14 00

Thomas Warren

William MadriU

14 00

William Baker

Mark Round

14 00

Rowland Boulter

John Crooke

14 00

John Kendall

June 24,

1676.

Josiah Belcher

Daniel Clough

14 00

Robert Emaus

John Verin

14 00

Alexander McKenney

P^phraim Turner Lieut. 07

01 06

Samuel Jenkins

Benjamin Pickering

14 00

Thomas Hansett

Hem-y Kerby

14 00

John Casey

Gilbert Foresight

14 00

John King

James Knott

14 00

James Lindall

Joseph Barber

14 00

Samuel Lane

John Wilkins

14 00

March 24"' 1675-6

July 24'^

1676

Thomas Bingly

William Kemball

14 00

Thomas Brown

Roger Prosser

14 00

Thomas Burch

August 24

1676

Richard Drue

Richard House

14 00

Joseph Knight

Sept. 23''

1676

Alexander Forbs

Ralph Powell

14 00

Henry Timberlake

12 00

Archabald Forrest

14 00

The following list, which contains the names of those impressed
out of the various Boston companies for this service, under Cap-
tain Oliver, will be found different in several respects from the
credit list above. In the credits but sixty-one names appear,
while among the slain and wounded are four more, making, with

CAPT. OLIVER'S SOLDIERS.

177

the Captain, sixty-six. In the second list there are seventynine
in all and thirty-one not credited in Hull. Many of these latter
are doubtless boys and substitutes, as appears in the list of slain
and wounded, where so many are " Servants " (i.e.) apprentices
probably.

There are fourteen names in Hull's list not found in the
second. In the official muster at Dedham Plain Capt. Oliver's
company numbers eighty-three. The discrepancy would doubt-
less be explained had we the later journal of Mr. Hull's
accounts.

The Boston companies are designated by the names of their
captains, and the numbers accompanying each denote the numbei
of men from each.

A List of the Souldiers and"" Command of Capt. James OUiver.

WiU'" DoUiver

Imprimis

Capt. Ullivers, 17
Capt. James Olliver
Lieut. Turner
Tho. Bingley
Serg' Bennitt
Serg' Ingram
Serg' Timberleys
Serg' Meares
Charles Lidgett
James Butler
James Couteh
Mr Symon Lynds
W" Midleton
Rich: Crispe
Will: Douglis
Natt: Ellkin
Rich: Burford
James LendaU

Major Savidge, 7
Will" Elliott
Jn° Brigs
Jo: Knight
Sam" Laine
Patraiek Moraine
Gilbert flforesyth
Jn° Kendall

Major Clark, 12
Will: Blackwell
Splande Decree

Mass. Archives,

Tho: Burch
Henry Timberley
Henry Kerbee
Joseph Wakfeild
Will'" Kemble
Will" Backua
Rich: Travis
Peter Ingsbee
Will: Drue
Jn° Allen

Cap' Hudson, 9
Gamaliell Rodgers
Tho: Brown
Dan" East
Roger Procer
Jn" ffeilder
James Thomas
David Landon
Will" Dinsdell
Jn° Wilkins

Cpt. Richards, 10
Ezekiell Gillman
Jn" Cann
Dan" Cluff
Eliezar Gilbert
Hugh Prize
Will: Madareell
Henry Crittchitt
Marke Rounds
Jo" Bevis
vol. 68, p. 95.

C. Hinchman, 6
James Whippo
Sam" Jenkins
Tho: Staines
Jn" Verin
Rob' Emins
Ralph Powell

Cp' Clark, 8
Rowland Bowlter
Tho. Hunt
Jefery Jeffers
Aron Stevens
Houell Davis
James Harrington
Rich: Drue
Rich: Cowell

Cp' Hull, 10
James Harris
Allexander BogeU
W" Baker
Archibell flforest
Josiah Bellcher
Dan" Harris
Henry Lizonby
J" Hudson
Jn" Case
Jn° Cleares

178 KING Philip's war.

A List of y' Slayne & wounded iu Capt OUiver's. 19"^ of December, 1675

Thomas Broune for Paul Bat of Boston ^

Alexander fiforbes I

Splende Decroe Sen^' to Dani, > 5 men Slayne.

James Thomas I

Hen: Hall, for Mr Ligett, lost )

Sarg' Peter Bennet \

Sarg* Timberley j

James Lendall / 7 men

W" Kemble Serv' to Jn° Cleere V wounded and

Ezekiel Oilman / are at

Marke Rounds Serv' to Hen: Kemble ( Road Hand.

Alexander Bogell J
John Casey Servant to Tho: Gardiner, Muddy River. /
Mass. Archives, vol. 68, pp. 103^

Besides these, many more were disabled from active service,
from the cold and exposure.

EPHRAIM TURNER, Capt. Oliver's lieutenant in this ex-
pedition, was the son of Robert Turner, who came to Boston,
September 4, 1633, in the ship Griffin, with Rev. John Cotton.
Robert is styled " Vintner " in the deed of April 1, 1652, from
Richard Fairbanks, conveying the estate upon which he rebuilt
or enlarged the house where he established the famous hostlery
known as the " Blue Anchor Tavern " for more than fifty years.
The " Boston Daily Globe," April 2, 1885, whose building now
occupies the site of the ancient hostlery, published a very interest-
ing account, by William R. Bagnell, of the successive buildings
and residents that have occupied the premises. Among the
occupants was Gen. Henry Knox. Of this Robert, the vintner and
innholder, and his wife Penelope, Ephraim, the eldest son, was
born December 13, 1639; of the Artillery Company 1663, freeman
1666, Ensign in Capt. Oliver's company at home from 1675 to
1680, when he was relieved of the office at his request. He
married Sarah Phillips, daughter of Major William, of Charles-
town, Boston and Saco, and through her came into possession of
large tracts of laud in what is now Sandford, Alfred and Water-
boro'. The children of Ephraim and Sarah, born in Boston, were
— Derlow, born Dec. 3, 1663 ; Robert, born June 17, 1665 ; Sarah,
born March 24, 1666-7 ; Abigail, born June 8, 1669 ; Epliraim,
born Nov. 23, 1670 ; Elizabeth, born August 19, 1672 ; Deliver-
ance, born August 1, 1673.

Mr. T. Larkin Turner, of North Weymouth, who has
thoroughly investigated the various branches of the Turner
family, and has kindly assisted in the above sketch, informs me
that he has found nothing relative to Ephraim Turner subsequent
to 1680-1, and thinks he must have removed from town.

XIII.

THE NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN TO THE CLOSE OF
THE "SWAMP FORT" BATTLE.

PREPAEATIONS AND MARCH AGAINST THE NARRAGANSETS.

AFTER their somewhat disastrous campaign of the autumn
of 1675 in the western parts of the colony of Massachusetts,
the United Colonies, upon information that the hostile
Indians with Philip were retiring towards the south and to winter
quarters amongst the Narragansets, determined to carry the war
against this powerful tribe, who for some time had shown them-
selves actively hostile. The veteran troops were recalled and
reorganized; small towns in various parts of the colonies were
garrisoned, and an army of one thousand men was equipped
for a winter campaign. General Josiah Winslow, Governor of
Plymouth Colony, was appointed commander-in-chief of this
Army ; Major Samuel Appleton to command the Massachusetts
Regiment, Major William Bradford that of Plymouth, and Major
Robert Treat that of Connecticut. War was formally declared
against the Narragansets on November 2d, 1675, in the meeting
of the Commissioners of the United Colonies held at Boston.

General Winslow, upon his appointment to the command of
the army in this expedition, went to Boston for consultation with
Gov. Leverett and the Council. Thence on Thursday, December
the 9th, he rode to Dedham, having Benjamin Church as aid, and
probably the gentlemen who constituted the Massachusetts part
of his staff or " guard," consisting of the ministers, among whom
was Mr. Joseph Dudley, and the surgeons, of whom the chief
was Daniel Weld, of Salem. I presume other general officers and
aids went along with hira, of whom we find no mention. Com-
missary John Morse was probably of this number. The General
assumed command of the Massachusetts forces drawn up on
Dedham Plain, and formally delivered to him by Major General
Denison of Massachusetts, on Thursday, December 9th. This
force consisted of six companies of foot, numbering four hundred
and sixty-five, besides Captain Prentice's troop of seventy-five.
The full quota of Massachusetts was five hundred and twenty-seven
soldiers, but there were doubtless many others along as servants

180 KING Philip's wak.

to the officers, scouts, and teamsters. To the soldiers a proclama-
tion was made at this time, on the part of the Massachusetts
Council, " that if they played the man, took the Fort, & Drove
the Enemy out of the Narragansett Country, which was their
great Seat, that they should have a gratuity in land besides their
wages." On the same afternoon they marched twenty-seven
miles to Woodcock's Garrison, now Attleboro'. In the evening
of Friday, December 10th, they arrived at Seekonk, where vessels
with supplies were in waiting. And here also Major Richard
Smith was waiting their arrival with his vessel, and took on
board Capt. Mosely and his company, to sail direct to his garrison-
house at Wickford. Some others, it is likely, went with them to
arrange for quartering the troops, and Benjamin Church was sent
to make ready for the General's coming. The rest of the forces
" ferried over the water to Providence," and probably formed a
junction with the main part of the Plymouth regiment at
Providence, on Saturday, I3ecember 11th. From Mr. Dudley's
letter of the 15th, it will be seen that an account had been sent
the Council of their movements to the time of arriving at Pau-
tuxet. This letter is now lost from the files. In the evening
of Sunday, December 12th, the whole body advanced " from
Mr. Carpenter's," crossed the Pautuxet River and marched a
long way into " Pomham's Country," now Warwick, R.I. ; but
from the unskilfulness of their Warwick scouts (probably Eng-
lishmen, for if they had been Indians their failure would have
been deemed treachery), their purpose of capturing Pomham
and his people was defeated, and after a whole night spent
in weary marching about, they arrived at Mr. Smith's garrison-
house at Wickford on the 13th, and found their vessels from
Seekonk already arrived. Capt. Mosely's company that day
captured thirty-six Indians, including Indian Peter, who proved
afterwards such an indispensable guide.

There were many doubtless at Smith's garrison, employed by
him and gathered thither for security. Church speaks of finding
" the Eldridges and some other brisk hands," and going out and
taking eighteen Indians, and finding the General arrived on his
return to the garrison next morning before sunrise. This would
seem from his story to have been on the morning of the 12th;
but the other accounts and his own reference to the General's
arrival settle the day as the 13th and the time as before daybreak.
This exploit of Mr. Church seems to have been unknown to
Messre. Dudley, Oliver and other contemporary writers. On
Monday, 13th, no movement was made, but on the 14th the Gen-
eral moved his whole force, except Capt. Oliver's company, which
kept garrison, out through the country to the westward, and
burned the town of the Sachem " Ahmus," of whom I can find
no mention except this of Mr. Dudley's, and the " Quarters " of
Quaiapen, Magnus, or Matantuck, as her Indian name was under-

THE AKMY AT NABKAGANSET. 181

stood by the English, " Old Queen " or " Sunke Squaw," as she
was called by them. She was the widow of Mriksah, or Makanno,
son of Canonicus. Her dominions were in the present towns of
South and North Kingston and Exeter, and near the line between
the latter, upon a high rocky hill, is still to be found the remains of
an old Indian fort, known from earliest times as the " Queen's
Fort," and probably near the place where her deserted " Quarters "
were raided. The army that day destroyed one hundred and fifty
wigwams, killed seven and captured nine Indians. In the mean
time Capt. Oliver had sent out " five files," i.e. thirty of his men,
under Sergeant (Peter) Bennet, who, scouting abroad, killed two
Indians, a man and woman, and captured four more.

Mr. Dudley, writing on the next day, Wednesday, December
15th, states that up to that time they had captured or killed, in all,
fifty persons, and their prisoners in hand were forty. Capt. Oliver's
account makes the number fifty-seven " young and old." Adding
Mr. Church's eighteen, and we swell the number to seventy-five.
From a careful survey of the matter in all its relations, I am
inclined to think that Church was acting in conjunction with,
and under the command of Capt. Mosely, to whom the official re-
turns accredit the capture of the whole body, eighteen of whom
Church claims to have been his own captives.

Wednesday, December 15th, the army seems to have been held
in parley most of the day by the pretended negotiations of
" Stone-wall," or " Stone-layer," John, an Indian who had lived
much with the English, and had learned the trade of stone-mason,
but was now hostile, and very serviceable to the Indians in many
ways. Whether he was treacherous or not, the Indians were
gathering and skulking about the English quarters while he was
negotiating, and when he was safely away they began to pick off
our men wherever they found opportunity, and later lay in ambush
behind a stone wall and fired upon several companies of the
English sent out to bring in Major Appleton's company, quartered
some miles away. They were quickly repulsed with the loss of
one of their leaders, and seem to have gone towards the general
rendezvous at the great fort, and on the way they assaulted and
burned the garrison of Jireh, or " Jerry " Bull at Pettisquamscot
(Tower Hill, S. Kingston, R.I."), killing fifteen of those at the
garrison, two only escaping.

Thursday, December 16th, Capt. Prentice with his troop rode
out, probably following the trail to Pettisquamscot, where he
found the garrison-house in ruins. This is said to have been a
very strong stone house, easily defended by a small number, and
its destruction, of which there is no detailed account, must have
been accomplished by either surprise or treachery. The news
had a very depressing effect upon the army, who had hoped that
the Connecticut forces had already arrived there.

Friday, December 17th, came the news of the arrival of the

IHJ KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Connecticut regiment at Pettisquamscot. Our army seems to
have been disposing of the captives and preparing for the march.
Forty-seven of the captives were sold to Capt. Davenport on
this day, Saturday, Dec. 18th. The General, leaving a small
garrison at Wickford, pushed his army forward to Pettisquamscot,
and about 5 P.M. joined the Connecticut troops consisting of
about tliree hundred English and one hundred and fifty Mohegan
Indians. In a severe snow-storm, the whole force, about one
thousand men, encamped in the open field through that bitter cold
night. Sunday, Dec. 19th, before daybreak (Capt. Oliver says,
" at five o'clock "), the whole force marched away towards the
enemy's great rendezvous.

The following, gleaned from all available sources, may be of
interest at this point :

ROSTER OF THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY OF THE
UNITED COLONIES,

AS ORGANIZED FOB THE NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN, AND MUSTERED AT
PETTISQUAMSCOT, DECEMBER 19, 1675.

General Josiah Winslow, Governor of Plymouth Colony,
Commander-in-chief.

General Staff.
Daniel Weld, of Salem, Chief Surgeon.
Joseph Dudley, of Boston, Chaplain.
Benjamin Church, of Little Compton, R.I., Aid.

MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT.

Samuel Appleton, of Ipswich, Major and Captain of First Company.

Regimental Staff.
Richard Knott, of Marblehead, Surgeon.
Samuel Nowell, of Boston, Chaplain.
John Morse, of Ipswich, Commissai-y.

Officers of the Line.
First Company : Jeremiah Swain, Lieutenant.

Ezekiel Woodward, Sergeant (Acting Ensign).

Second Company : Samuel Mosely, Captain.
Perez Savage, Lieutenant.

Third Company : James Oliver, Captain.

Ephiaim Turner, Lieutenant.

Peter Bennett, Sergeant (Acting Ensign) .

ROSTER OF ARMY AT NARRAGANSET. 183

Fourth Company : Isaac Johnson, Captain.

Phineas Upham, Lieutenant.
Henry Bowen, Ensign.

Fifth Company : Nathaniel Davenport, Captain.
Edward Tyng, Lieutenant.
John Drury, Ensign.

Sixth Company : Joseph Gardiner, Captain.

William Hathorne, Lieutenant.

Benjamin Sweet, Ensign (promoted Lieutenant).

Jeremiah Neal, Sergeant (promoted Ensign).

Cavalry Company ( " Troop " ) : Thomas Prentice, Captain.
John Wyman, Cornet (promoted Lieutenant).

PLYMOUTH REGIMENT.

William Bradford, of Marshfield, Major and Captain of First Company.

Regimental Staff.
Mathew Fuller, of Barnstable, Surgeon.
Thomas Huckins, of Barnstable, Commissary.

Officers of the Line.
First Company : Robert Barker, of Duxbury, Lieutenant.

Second Company : John Gorham, of Barnstable, Captain.

Jonathan Sparrow, of Eastham, Lieutenant
William Wetherell, Sergeant.

CONNECTICUT REGIMENT.

Robert Treat, of Milford, Major.

Regimental Staff.
Gershora Bulkely, Surgeon.
Rev. Nicholas Noyes, Chaplain.
Stephen Barrett, Commissary.

Off-cers of the Line.
First Company : John Gallop, of Stonington, Captain.
Second Company : Samuel Marshall, of Windsor, Captain.
Third Company : Nathaniel Seely, of Stratford, Captain.
Fourth Company: Thomas Watts, of Hartford, Captain.
Fifth Company : John Mason, of Norwich, Captain.
To the First and Fifth Connecticut Companies were attached Indian
Scouting Companies, numbering seventy- five to each.

AFTER THE BATTLE.

The following officers were sent out from Massachusetts, with
recruits, to reorganize their Regiment, and fill the vacancies caused by

184 KING Philip's war.

the losses at the " Fort Fight." I do not attempt to assign the special
commands.

Surgeons : Dr. Jacob "Willard, of Newton.

Dr. John Cutler, of Hingham.

Dr. John Clark, of Boston.

Captains :
Samuel Wadsworth. Joseph Sill.

Samuel Brocklebank. Thomas Brattle.

Jonathan Remington (promoted) . John Jacob.
Nicholas Manning.

Lieutenants: Stephen Greenleaf (promoted).
Daniel Ring (promoted) .

Several of the above officers were in the " Fort Fight " as subor-
dinate officers, and afterwards promoted.

FROM CONNECTICUT.

There were several new companies and the following officers sent :

Rev. James Fitch, of Saybrook.
Rev. John Wise, of Branford.
Capt. John Standley, "]

S:: Se.'LtArSenr., H-"-^ ^^-'^ Soldier..

Zachary Sanford, Serg'., J

St. Sores^M^nkeld, } '^^ Haveo Company.

Capt John SiUick, I Fairfield Company.

Lieut. Stephen Barrett, j ^ "^

Of the forces of Massachusetts, the quota was 527 ; the number
actually impressed was 540, including troopers, 75. The returns
made at Dedham Plain give 465 foot, troopers, 73. The Connecti-
cut quota was 315, and there were also two companies of Indians,
150. Plymouth's quota was 158.

The scene of the battle is well identified. It is situated in
West Kingston, R.I., and belongs to the estate of the late Hon.
J. G. Clark, whose residence was about one mile north-easterly
from the old battlefield. Many relics of the battle are in posses-
sion of Mr. Clarke's family. Saving the changes incident upon the
clearing and cultivation of contiguous land, the place could be
easily identified as the battlefield, even if its location were not put
beyond question by traditions and also by relics found from time
to time upon the place. It is now, as then, aji " island of four or
five acres," surrounded by swampy land, overflowed except in
the dryest part of the year. The island was cleared and plowed
about 1775, and at that time many bullets were found deeply

THE SWAMP FORT BATTLE. 185

bedded in the large trees ; quantities of charred corn were plowed
up in different places, and it is said that Dutch spoons and Indian
arrow-heads, etc., have been found here at different times.

The accompanying map is a section — slightly reduced — of the
large map of Rhode Island, made from surveys under the direction
of H. F. Walling, Esq., and published by him in 1862. It takes
in the line of march from Pettisquamscot (Tower-Hill) to the
Fort. There is no " scale of miles " upon the large map, but by a
careful comparison of known distances it appears that it is about
seven miles in a bee line, nearly west, from Tower-Hill to the
battlefield ; by way of McSparran Hill in direct courses, about
ten miles. The army, following the higher land, with frequent
halts and probably much uncertain wandering and careful scout-
ing, consumed the time from five o'clock in the morning to about
one o'clock P.M. ; and it is likely that in this roundabout march
they made about fifteen or sixteen miles, the distance reported.

In the retreat, the army probably followed back upon their
morning track as far as McSparran Hill, and thence to Wickford
to their quarters at Mr. Richard Smith's garrison-house, arriving
there about two o'clock in the morning, after a march of about
eighteen miles, as was reported at the time. Mr. Smith, called
Captain and Major by contemporary writers, was a person of wide
influence in this part of the country, and held in high esteem in
all the colonies. He was the son of Richard Smith, Senior, who
came from " Gloster Shire," in England, and in 1641 bought a
large tract of land, including the present town of Wickford, and
there built the first English house in Narraganset, and set up a
trading station and offered free entertainment to all travellers.

THE BATTLE AT THE GREAT SWAMP FORT.

About one o'clock, P.M., the army came upon the enemy at the
edge of the swamp, in the midst of which the Indian fortress was
built, the Massachusetts regiment leading in the march, Plymouth
next, and Connecticut bringing up the rear. Of the Massachusetts
troops Capts. Mosely and Davenport led the van and came first
upon the Indians, and immediately opened fire upon them, — thus
at the beginning gaining the important advantage of the first fire,
which the Indians had almost always gained and made so deadly
by deliberate volleys from ambush, as they doubtless purposed now.
The Indians returned the fire with an ineffectual volley, and then
fled into the swamp closely pursued by the foremost companies,
who did not wait for the word of command, or stand much upon
the " order of their going," until they reached the fortifications
within which the Indians hastily betook themselves. This fort
was situated upon an island of some five or six acres in the midst
of a cedar swamp, which was impassable except to the Indians by
their accustomed paths, and now made passable only by the severe
cold of the previous day and night. It is probable that the Indians

186 KING Philip's war.

depended chiefly upon the swamp to protect them, though their
defences are described as having been of considerable strength.
A portion of the liigh ground had been enclosed, and from a careful
comparison of the most reliable accounts, it seems that the forti-
fications were well planned, probably by the Englishman Joshua
Teffe, or Tift, as Mr. Dudley calls him. Mr. Hubbard says : " The
Fort was raised upon a Kind of Island of five or six acres of
rising Land in the midst of a swamp ; the sides of it were made
of Palisadoes set upright, the which was compassed about with a
Hedg of almost a rod Thickness." A contemporary writer (whose
account was published at the time in London, and is reprinted in
Mr. Drake's publication called the " Old Indian Chronicle " ) says :
" In the midst of the Swamp was a Piece of firm Land, of about
three or four Acres, whereon the Indians had built a kind of Fort,
being palisadoed round, and within that a clay Wall, as also felled
down abundance of Trees to lay quite round the said Fort, but they
had not quite finished the said Work." It is evident from these,
the only detailed accounts, and from some casual references, that
the works were rude and incomplete, but would have been almost
impregnable to our troops had not the swamp been frozen.
At the corners and exposed portions, rude block-houses and
flankers had been built, from which a raking fire could be poured
upon any attacking force. Either by chance, or the skill of Peter,
their Indian guide, the English seem to have come upon a point
of the fort where the Indians did not expect them. Mr. Church,
in relating the circumstances of Capt. Gardiner's death, says that
he was shot from that side " next the upland where the English
entered the swamp." The place where he fell was at the ^ east
end of the fort." The tradition that the English approached the
swamp by the rising land in front of the " Judge Marchant "
house, thus seems confirmed. This " upland " lies about north
of the battlefield.

Our van pursued those of the enemy who first met them so
closely that they were led straight to the entrance used by the
Indians themselves, perhaps by their design then to attract atten-
tion from an exposed part of theu* works a short distance away.
The passage left by the Indians for their own use, as before men-
tioned, was by a long tree over a " place of water," across which
but one might pass at a time, " and which was so waylaid that they
would have been cut off that had ventured." Mr. Hubbard counts
among the fortunate circumstances of that day that the troops
did not attempt to carry this point, and that they discovered the
only assailable point a little farther on. This was at a corner of
the fort where was a large unfinished gap, where neither palisades
nor the abattis, or " hedge," had been placed, but only a long
tree had been laid across about five feet from the ground, to fill
the gap, and might be easily passed ; only that the block-house
right opposite this gap and the flankers at the sides were finished,

186 KING PHIUP'S WAR.

depended chiefly upon the swamp to protect them, though their
defences are described as having been of considerable strength.
A portion of the high ground had been enclosed, and from a careful
comparison of the most reliable accounts, it seems that the forti-
fications were well planned, probably by the Englishman Joshua
Teffe, or Tift, as Mr. Dudley calls him. Mr. Hubbard says : " The
Fort was raised upon a Kind of Island of five or six acres of
rising Land in the midst of a swamp ; the sides of it were made
of Palisadoes set upright, the wliich was compassed about with a
Hedg of almost a rod Thickness." A contemporary writer (whose
account was published at the time in London, and is reprinted in
Mr. Drake's publication called the " Old Indian Chronicle " ) says :
" In the midst of the Swamp was a Piece of firm Land, of about
three or four Acres, whereon the Indians had built a kind of Fort,
being palisadoed round, and within that a clay Wall, as also felled
down abundance of Trees to lay quite round the said Fort, but they
had not quite finished the said Work." It is evident from these,
the only detailed accounts, and from some casual references, that
the works were rude and incomplete, but would have been almost
impregnable to our troops had not the swamp been frozen.
At the corners and exposed portions, rude block-houses and
flankers had been built, from which a raking fire could be poured
upon any attacking force. Either by chance, or the skill of Peter,
their Indian guide, the English seem to have come upon a point
of the fort where the Indians did not expect them. Mr. Church,
in relating the circumstances of Capt. Gardiner's death, says that
he was shot from that side " next the upland where the English
entered the swamp." The place where he fell was at the " east
end of the fort." The tradition that the English approached the
swamp by the rising land in front of the " Judge Marchant "
house, thus seems confirmed. This " upland " lies about north
of the battlefield.

Our van pursued those of the enemy who first met them so
closely that they were led straight to the entrance used by the
Indians themselves, perhaps by their design then to attract atten-
tion from an exposed part of then- works a short distance away.
The passage left by the Indians for their own use, as before men-
tioned, was by a long tree over a " place of water," across which
but one might pass at a time, "• and which was so waylaid that they
would have been cut off that had ventured." Mr. Hubbard counts
among the fortunate circumstances of that day that the troops
did nut attempt to carry this point, and that they discovered the
only assailable point a little farther on. This was at a corner of
the fort where was a large unfinished gap, where neither palisades
nor the abattis, or " hedge," had been placed, but only a long
tree had been laid across about five feet from the ground, to fill
the gap, and might be easily passed ; only that the block-house
right opposite this gap and the flankers at the sides were finished,

^ %k!^ X^ I (www

^PM^S^^^S^

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SCALE / MILC TO AM y^CJ/

SOUTH KINGSTON, R.I,

By courtesy of the MASSACHUSETTS SOCIETY OF COLONIAL WARS,

FORT TAKEN AND BURNED. 187

from which a galling fire might sweep and enfilade the passage.
Mr. Hubbard's account is very clear about this, yet several writers
have sadly confused matters and described the first as the point
of assault.

The companies of Capts. Davenport and Johnson came first ^ to
this place, and those officers at once charged through the gap and
over the log at the head of their companies, but Johnson fell
dead at the log, and Davenport a little within the fort, and their
men were met with so fierce a fire that they were forced to retire
again and fall upon their faces to avoid the fury of the musketry
till it should somewhat abate. Mosely and Gardiner, pressing to
their assistance, met a similar reception, losing heavily, till they
too fell back with the others, until Major Appleton coming up
with his own and Capt. Oliver's men, massed his entire force as a
storming column, and it is said that the shout of one of the com-
manders that the Indians were running, so inspired the soldiers
that they made an impetuous assault, carried the entrance amain,
beat the enemy from one of his flankers at the left, which afforded
them a temporary shelter from the Indians still holding the block-
house opposite the entrance. In the mean time, the General,
holding the Plymouth forces in reserve, pushed forward the Con-
necticut troops, who not being aware of the extent of the danger
from the block-house, suffered fearfully at their first entrance, but
charged forward gallantly, though some of their brave officers and
many of their comrades lay dead behind them, and unknown
numbers and dangers before. The forces now joining, beat the
enemy step by step, and with the fierce fighting, out of their
block-houses and various fortifications. Many of the Indians,
driven from their works, fled outside, some doubtless to the wig-
wams inside, of which there were said to be upward of five hun-
dred, many of them large and rendered bullet-proof by large
quantities of grain in tubs and bags, placed along the sides. In
these many of their old people and their women and children had
gathered for safety, and behind and within these as defences the
Indians still kept up a skulking fight, picking off our men.
After three hours hard fighting, with many of the officers and
men wounded or dead, a treacherous enemy of unknown numbers
and resources lurking in the surrounding forests, and the night
coming on, word comes to fire the wigwams, and the battle be-
comes a fearful holocaust, great numbers of those who had taken
refuge therein being burned.

The fight had now raged for nearly three hours, with dreadful
carnage in proportion to the numbers engaged. It is not certain
at just what point the Plymouth forces were pushed forward, but
most likely after the works were carried, and the foremost, ex-
hausted, retired for a time, bearing their dead and wounded to the
rear ; but we are assured that all took part in the engagement,

1 John Raymond (Raymeut) cluimed to have been the firet soldier to enter the fort.

188 KING Philip's war.

coming on in turn as needed. It is doubtful if the cavalry
crossed the swamp, but were rather held in reserve and as scouts
to cover the rear and prevent surprises from any outside parties.

When now the fortress and all its contents were burning, and
destruction assured, our soldiers hastily gathered their wounded
and as many as possible of their dead, and formed their shattered
column for the long and weary march back to Wickford.

Reliable details of this battle are few, and only gleaned from
casual references here and there, and thus many, who have sought
to write upon the matter, have quoted in full the story of Ben-
jamin Church, who relates his own experience, and draws out his
personal reminiscences with all an old man's fondness for his
deeds of " long ago." The very small part he took in this battle
is evident even from his own story, and from the utter silence of
other writers, especially Mr. Hubbard, who knew Church and
commends him highly for his exploits in the Mount Hope cam-
paign. No one can doubt the ability or courage of Mr. Church,
but his part in this battle was simply that when the fort was
carried and the fighting nearly over, he went, with some thirty
others, into and through the fort and out into the swamp upon
the trail of the retreating foe, discovered, ambushed and scattered
a skulking party of them returning to the attack, chased a few of
them into the fort amongst the huts, and was himself severely
wounded by them thus brought to bay.

I wish here to record my protest against the unjust, often
weak, and always inconsiderate, criticism bestowed upon our
leaders in this campaign, and especially in this battle, for their
lack of foresight in abandoning the shelter and provisions of the
fort, their sacrifice of the lives of our wounded men through their
removal and the dangers and fatigues of the long march, and
their inhumanity in burning the helpless and innocent in their
huts and wigwams.

It is well to remember at the start that many of the wisest,
ablest and bravest men of the three colonies were the leaders in
this affair. A noble commander, wise and brave ; reverend
ministers, by no means backward with their opinions ; the most
prominent and skilful surgeons the country afforded; veteran
majors and captains of Massachusetts and Connecticut, with
their veteran soldiers fresh from the severe experiences in the
western campaign, inured to danger and experienced in Indian
wiles and deceits : against all these we have recorded only the
remonstrance of Mr. Church, who up to that time, at least, had
experience in Indian warfare only as a scout, and the only record
we have of any protest by him was made many years after the
affair. And again, from the standpoint of their conditions as
nearly as we can now judge, it seems that their hasty retreat
was wise. They were some sixteen miles from their base of
supplies (it is doubtful if they had noted the Indian supplies
until the burning began). There was no way of reaching their

MARCH BACK TO WICKFORD.

provisions and ammunition at Wickford except by detaching a
portion of their force now reduced greatly by death, wounds and
exposure. The numbers of Indians that had escaped, and were
still in the woods close at hand, were unknown, but supposed to
be several thousand, with report of a thousand in reserve about
a mile distant. These were now scattered and demoralized, but
in a few hours might rally and fall upon the fort, put our troops,
in their weakened condition, upon the defensive, and make their
retreat from the swamp extremely difficult if not utterly impos-
sible, encumbered as they would be by the wounded, whose
swollen and stiffened wounds in a few hours would render
removal doubly painful and dangerous. Added to this was the
chance of an attack upon the garrison at Wickford, and the
di'cad of the midnight ambuscade, which every hour's delay made
more likely and would render more dangerous. Thus it seems
to me that from the standpoint of military strategy, the immediate
retreat to Wickford was best. As to humanity, we must remem-
ber the harsh times in which they were living, the contempt in
which the Indians were held — first, as heathen, against whom
war was righteous ; second, as idle and treacherous vagabonds,
with no rights which honest industry was bound to respect;
third, as deadly enemies lying in wait to plunder, burn and
destroy. Moreover, the very life of the colonies was threatened
by this war; many thriving hamlets were already in ashes;
hundreds of families were broken up and scattered up and down,
with loss of all ; fathers, husbands and brothers slain or in cap-
tivity, farms and homes laid waste, whole communities huddled
in wretched block-houses, while the "reign of terror" swept
about them. Brookfield, "Beers's Plain," and "Bloody-Brook,"
with their outrage and carnage, were fresh in mind, and, a few
days before, the destruction and massacre at Pettisquamscot ;
while even here at their feet were their dead and dying comrades
and beloved officers. Is it strange that they were cruel, when
now for the first time they came face to face with the authors of
all their troubles in a fair fight? By any candid student of
history I believe this must be classed as one of the most glorious
victories ever achieved in our history, and considering conditions,
as displaying heroism, both in stubborn patience and dashing
intrepidity, never excelled in American warfare.

Of the details of the march to Wickford very little is known ;
through a bitter cold winter's night, in a blinding snow-storm,
carrying two hundred and ten of their wounded and dead, these
soldiers, who had marched from dawn till high noon, had engaged
in a desperate life-and-death struggle from noon till sunset, now
plodded sturdily back to their quarters of the day before, through
deepening snows and over unbroken roads.^ By the letters below,
it will be seen that the General and staff, with their escort, got

' There Ib a tradition (mentioned in a note in Hon. Elisha R. Potter, Jr.'s "Early History of
Narraganeett ") that the Englieb feared an ambuBcade in force on the line of march by which they
had come, and so marched by way of McSparran Hill on their return.

190 KING Philip's war.

separated from the main column, lost their way and wandered
about till 7 o'clock next morning, while the main body reached
their quarters at 2 o'clock.

DEAD AND WOUNDED.

The names of those officers and soldiers of Massachusetts killed
and wounded in this battle have been given heretofore in the
sketches of the companies to which they belonged.

By Capt. Oliver's letter, written a little more than a month
afterwards from the seat of war, and considered official, we learn
that up to that time the dead numbered about sixty-eight, and
the wounded one hundred and fifty, in the whole army. Eight of
the dead were left in the fort, and twelve more were dead when
they started back to Wickford. Twenty-two died on the march,
and before the next day, Monday, Dec. 20th, when they buried
thirty-four in one grave, and six more within two days, eight
died at Rhode Island, and three others, making in all but fifty-
nine, if we reckon the twelve carried from the fort as a part of
the thirty-four buried Dec. 20th; otherwise, seventy-one. But
the first estimate of sixty-eight is satisfied if we add the twenty
killed at the fort to those buried at Wickford and Rhode Island,
and conclude that the twelve taken from the fort were buried
somewhere on the march.

Ninigret, sachem of the Nianticks, sent to General Winslow
word that his people had buried the dead of the English left at
the Fort, and that the number was twenty-four, and he asked for
a charge of powder for each. This information was given in a
letter from Major Bradford to Rev. Mr. Cotton of Pl3rmouth.

Of the losses of Massachusetts we are not left in doubt, since
there is still preserved in our archives a full and official return,
which Mr. Hubbard gives substantiall3^ adding to the wounded
probably those whose wounds were slight and not reported at the
time, and with some modifications of the list of dead, though with
the same total.

The official list of those killed and wounded in the battle,
including three of Capt. Gardiner's men killed previous to the
battle, is dated January 6, 1675, and entitled,

A list of Major Sam' Apleton souldjers y' were slayne & wounded
the 19"* Decemb. '75, at the Indians fort at Narraganset.

Killed. Wounded.

Major Appleton, 4 18

Capt. Mosely, 6 9

Capt. GUver, 5 8

In the Company of \ Capt. Davenport, 4 11

Capt. Johnson, 4 8

Capt. Gardiner, 7 10

. Capt. Prentice, 1 3

PMass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 104. "1 — —

31 67

o 2? g ^

LOSSES IN THE BATTLE. 191

Of the officers, Capts. Davenport, Johnson and Gardiner were
killed, and Lieutenants Upham, Savage, Swain, and Ting were
wounded.

Of the Connecticut troops, seventy-one were killed and
wounded according to Hubbard ; and according to the eminent
historian of Connecticut, Dr. Benjamin Trumbull, seventy.

Capt. Gallop, 10 Mr. Hubbard's Account.

Capt. Marshall, 14 Of New Haven Company, 20

Capt. Seely, 20 Of Capt. Siely his Company, 20

Capt. Mason, 9 Of Capt. Watt his Company, 17

Capt. Watts, 17 — 70 Of Capt. Marshall his Company, 14 — 71

Major Treat, by tradition, is said to have been the last man to
have left the fort, commanding the rear guard of the army ; and
of his captains, Gallop, Marshall and Seely were killed, and Capt.
Mason mortally wounded.

Of the Plymouth forces, Major Bradford, commander, and
Benjamin Church of the General's staff were severely wounded,
and of the soldiers the killed and wounded in both companies
were twenty, by best accounts.

The grave of the forty buried at Wickford was marked by a
tree called the " grave appletree," which was blown down in the
gale of September, 1815. The wounded were sent in vessels to
Rhode Island, and well cared for.

Of the losses of the enemy there can be no reliable account.
Capt. Oliver says, " By the best intelligence we killed 300 fight-
ing men, and took say 350 and above 300 women and children."
Mr. Dudley, two days after the fight, reckons about two hundred ;
Capt. Mosely counted sixty-four in one corner of the fort ; and
Capt. Gorham made an estimate of at least one hundred and fifty.
The desperate strait of the Indians is shown by their leaving the
dead in their flight. Indian prisoners afterward reported seven
hundred killed.

The conduct of the Mohegan and Pequod allies is represented
by Capt. Oliver as false, they firing in the air, but securing much
plunder. I have found no other notice of their part in the battle.

CORRESPONDENCE.

The following letters, written by Joseph Dudley, who was with
Gen. Winslow as one of his staiJ or " Guard," and also served as
chaplain to the army, are perhaps the most reliable official reports
of the campaign that remain. The letter of the fifteenth is still
preserved, as noted below. That of the twenty-first was pub-
lished by Governor Hutchinson in his " History of the Colony of
Massachusetts Bay," London edition (1765), page 302. I have
not been able to find the original of this last. The letter of the
Council to Gen. Winslow, in answer to Dudley's first, is pre-

192 KING Philip's war.

served, as below noted, and in two copies — the first a rough
draft, the second a carefully written copy in Secretary Rawson's
own hand.

Letter of Joseph Dudley.

May it please your Honn' Mr Smiths 15, 10, 75

I am commanded by the Generall to give your Honn'' account of our
proceeding since our last fr"' Pautuxet in the Sabath evening we
advanced the whole body from Mr Carpenters with Intent to surprise
i'omham «fe his Party at about 10 or 12 Miles Distance having infor-
mation by our Warwick Scouts of his seat but the darkness of y^ Night
Difficulty of our passage & unskilf ulness of Pilots we passed the whole
Night & found ourselves at such Distance yet from y™ y' we Diverted
& Marched to Mr. Smiths, found our Sloops from Seaconk arrived
since which by y*" help of Indian Peter by whom your Honuor had the
Information formerly of y* Number & resolution of y'' Naragansets, we
have burned two of their Towns viz : Ahmus who is this summer come
down amongst them & y*' old Queens quartei's consisting of about 150
Many of them large wigwams & seized & slayn 50 Persons in all our
prisoners being about 40 Concerning whom the generall prayes your
advice concerning their transportation or Disposall all which was per-
formed without any loss save a slight wound by an Arrow in Lieut.
Wayman's face, the whole body of them we find removed into their
great swamp at Canonicus his quarters where we hope with the addition
of Connecticut, when arrived we hope to Coop them up, this day we
Intend the removall or spoyle of y' Corn & hope to Morrow a March
toward them, our soldiers being very chearful are forward notwithstand-
ing great Difficulty by weather & otherwise, abovs** Peter whom we
have found very faithfuU will Make us believe y' y"" are 3000 fighting
Men though Many unarmed Many well fitted with lances we hope by
cutting off their forage to force them to a fayr battle In y^ Mean
time I have only to present the Generalls humble service to your \_sic]
«fe to beg your Intense prayers for this so great Concern and remayn
your

Honnors Humble Servant Jos: Dudley.

Goodale nor Moor arrived we fear want of shot.
My humble service to Madam Leveret Brother and Sister Hubbard &
Dudley.

Amongst our Prison" & Slayn we find 10 or 12 Wampanoags.
[Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 101.]

Answer of the Council to Gen. Winslow.

S' y' Intelligences and Advices subjected by Mr. Dudley the 15 & 16
Ins' wee received this Morning being the 18"* at eight of the clock. Wee
desire to blesse God y' hee hath smiled upon you in y' first Attempts &
hath delivered some of o' enemys into yo' hands & also to Acknowledge
Gods favou' in the supporting y* hearts of yo' souldiers in such a severe
season & keeping up their spirits w"* courage and that you have received
uo more losse of men : But yet also according to God's wonted manner

CORRESPONDENCE AFTER THE BATTLE. 193

of dealing hee hath mixed the Cup w* some bitternes ; in the losse
susteyned in yo" soldiers especially Mr Bulls house & y^ people y'* also
y' the forces of Conecticut are not joyned w* you nor the vessell w'^
supplys of Ammunition & provision then arrived ; Wee hope by this
time both the vessell may be arrived & the Conecticut men conjoined
w"" you but least that should f aile wee have sent a cart w"" Ammunition ;
and an order from Gou°^ Winthrop for their forces to March speedily ;
Concerning the disposall of y'^ Indian prisoners ; Our Advice is if any
present to buy them, they may be sould there & delivered by your Orders
or if that cannot bee then to secure them at the Island or els-where at
yo' best discretion ; Wee have no more to add at present but our hearty
prayers unto the Lord of Hoasts to appear w'^ & for you & all w"" you,
in all yo"^ enterprises, for the Lord & his people and cover all yo"" heads
in the day of Battle, So w* our particular respects & love to y''self &
all y® Command" & Ministers ; wee remajne

Yo'' respective friends & servants
Boston 18: December 1675 Edward Rawson Secref" in the name

at one of the clock. & by y*" order of the Council.

[Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 102.]

Second Letter of Joseph Dudley}

Mr Smith's, 21, 10, 1675 (Dec. 21, 1675).
May it please your honour.

The coming in of Connecticut force to Petaquamscot, and surprisal
of six and slaughter of 5 on Friday night, Saturday we marched towards
Petaquamscot, though in the snow, and in conjunction a)) >ut midnight
or later, we advanced ; Capt. Mosely led the van, after him Massachu-
sets, and Plimouth and Connecticut in the rear ; a tedious march in the
snow, without intermission, brought us about two of the clock after-
noon, to the entrance of the swamp, by the help of Indian Peter, who
dealt faithfully with us ; our men, with great courage, entered the swamp
about twenty rods ; within the cedar swamp we found some hundreds of
wigwams, forted in with a breastwork and Hankered, and many small
blockhouses up and down, round about; they entertained us with a
fierce fight, and many thousand shot, for about an hour, when our men
valiantly scaled the fort, beat them thence, and from the blockhouses.
In which action we lost Capt. Johnson, Capt Danforth, and Capt Gar-
diner, and their lieutenants disabled, Capt. Marshall also slain ; Capt.
Seely, Capt. Mason, disabled, and many other of our officers, insomuch
that, by a fresh assault and recruit of powder from their store, the
Indians fell on again, recarried and beat us out of, the fort, but by the
great resolution and courage of the General and Major, we reinforced,
and very hardly entered the fort again, and fired the wigwams, with
many living and dead persons in them, great piles of meat and heaps
of corn, the ground not admitting burial of their store, were consumed ;
the number of their dead, we generally suppose the enemy lost at least
two hundred men ; Capt. Mosely counted in one corner of the fort sixty
four men ; Capt. Goram reckoned 150 at least ; But, O ! Sir, mine heart
bleeds to give your honor an account of our lost men, but especially
our resolute Captains, as by account inclosed, and yet not so many,

1 This letter is copied from the note in Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. page 273.

194 KING Philip's war.

but we admire there remained any to return, a captive woman, well
known to Mr Smith, informing that there were three thousand five hun-
dred men engaging us and about a mile distant a thousand in reserve,
to whom if God had so pleased, we had been but a morsel, after so
much disablement : she informeth, that one of their sagamores was slain
and their powder spent, causing their retreat, and that they are in a
distressed condition for food and houses, that one Joshua Tift, an
Englishman, is their encourager and conductor. Philip was seen by
one, credibly informing us, under a strong guard.

After our wounds were dressed, we drew up for a march, not able to
abide the field in the storm, and weary, about two of the clock, obtained
our quarters, with our dead and wounded, only the General, Ministers,
and some other persons of the guard, going to head a small swamp,
lost our way, and returned again to the evening's quarters, a wonder
we were not a prey to them, and, after at least thirty miles marching
up and down, in the morning recovered our quarters, and had it not
been for the arrival of Goodale next morning, the whole camp had
perished ; The whole array, especially Connecticut, is much disabled
and unwilling to march, with tedious storms, and no lodgings, and
frozen and swollen limbs, Major Treat importunate to return at least
to Stonington; Our dead and wounded are about two hundred, disabled
as many ; the want of officers, the consideration whereof the General
commends to your honor, forbids any action at present, and we fear
whether Connecticut will comply, at last, to any action. We are en-
deavoring, by good keeping and billetting our men at several quarters,
and, if possible removal of our wounded to Rhode-Island, to recover
the spirit of our soldiers, and shall be diligent to find and understand
the removals on other action of the enemy, if God please to give us
advantage against them.

As we compleat the account of our dead, now in doing, the Council
is of the mind, without recruit of men we shall not be able to engage
the main body.

I give your honour hearty thanks I am Sir, your honor's

for your kind lines, of which humble servant,

I am not worthy Joseph Dudley.

Since the writing of these lines, the General and Council have jointly
concluded to abide on the place, notwithstanding the desire of Con-
necticut, only entreat that a supply of 200 may be sent us, with supply
of commanders ; and, whereas we are forced to garrison our quarters
with at least one hundred, three hundred men, upon joint account of
the colonies, will serve, and no less, to effect the design. This is by
order of the council.

Blunderbusses, and hand grenadoes, and armour, if it may, and at
least two armourers to mend arms.

COMiVnSSARY DEPARTMENT.

The following accounts are inserted in this place as showing
somewhat the method and material of the commissary de-
partment at that time. The accounts, as will be noticed, relate
largely to the early part of the war, and the Mount Hope
campaign under General Cudworth. The preliminary accounts

SUPPLIES TO PLYMOUTH. 195

having been squared by Mr. Southward (Southworth), all the rest

were gathered in the general settlement in January, 1675-6. —

In Hull's Journal.

27 August 1675

Plymouth Colony Dr. to Cash for severalls as followeth.
To Phillip Curtis for five men to guard

powder and shott 00, 17, 00

To the Guard for expence at Roxbury 00, 08, 06 ) 02, 05, 09

for i bb' of biskett 00, 05, 09

for l"" of powder besides what they brought 00, 01, 90
Expense of s'^ Guard at Dedham 00, 13, 00 ,

September 14"^ 1675
Richard Smith for guarding Ammunition 00, 03, 00 ^
John Lawrence ditto. 00, 03, 00

James Hosly ditto. 00, 03, 00 I 00, 15, 00

James Montt ditto. 00, 03, 00 |

Ebenezer Hill ditto. 00, 03, 00

November 23"^. Cr. By Received of Mr. Southward

for disbursements 03, 00, 09

January 25"^ 1675
Plimouth Colony Dr. to Sundry ace" as hear stated in p'per
p'cells, for severlls dd'. by sundry persons for the use of s Colony at
divers times from the 29 "" June last to this moneth inclusive as per
the acc'% receipts, & orders relating thereunto filed as p No. 1269
& 1270 £285, 14, 10

Armes for a muskett to Gen' Cudworth . . . .00, 18, 00
Liqors for Rum to viz.

Mr. James Brown 9^ Gall . . . 2, 5, ) „- „, „„

Their forces at Naragansett 12J gall 3, 0, J ^^' "^' ^^

Apparel for severalls viz 32, 11, 00

To Nathaniel Gunny 1 pr shoes . . 0, 4,
Ditto Benjamin Peirce . . . . 0, 4,

To Capt Coruelius,Wastcoat, Shoes & Stokins 0, 14,
To Josiah Joslin, shoes and stockins . 0, 7,

To Gen' Cudworth 6 pr. shoes and 13 p.stockins3, 0,
Delivered by the Commissioners to their forces at
Narragansett viz.
26— shirts at 7, 16, 0^

6— Wastcoats 2, 14,

9 — pr drawers 1, 4,

1 — pr breeches 0, 18,

2 — lined coats 3, 0,

10-pr shoes | ^ j- ^

5 — pr stockms )
6 y**' of canvas for neckcloaths ) ^ ^ ^

shott pouch and calicoe j ' '
180 y'*' sale cloth at y^' 6, 15,

28, 2,

(32, 11, 0)

196

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

(103,08, 10)

02, (

Ammunition Id' viz 103,

To the officers a bagg with 35^"^' powder 2, 14,

Ditto to Benjamin Church with 18"" and 50 bullets 2, 13, 6

To the Gen" 1 cask bullets qr 1'" or better 2, 16,

To Mr. James Brown 5^ bbl powder at 7'^ pr bbl. 38, 10,

Ditto 9 cask & 1 chest bullets qr. 11'" 25, 13, 4

More dd'. by the Commissaries 480 flints 0, 10,

124 bullets 2, 12,

8 half barrells of powder of the Mattachusetts '\

detained by the Governor of Rhoad Island >- 28, 0,

for 4 barrells lent to Plimouth

Tobacco, for IS'" to Nathaniel Gunny
Tooles, dd' to the officers viz 3 spades

2 Mattucks
4 Axes
Biskett dd' viz. To the Officers 150 cakes
To Mr. James Brown 9 hhds.
To Gen^" Cud worth 3^ hhds.
Grocery for 26'" Raisons solis to ditto Brown
Fish for 1 hhd. ditto ....
Porke ditto for 5 bb' at 4'" pr bb' .

2 bb' ditt
Miscellanies, for severalls viz

To Benjamin Church 1 hh** biscake
2 bb' porke
2 bsh. pease & 1 sack
20'" tobacoe
To Capt. Goram l'*""* biskett & pease
wanting 200 cakes
1'" raisons solis
4 large peeces of porke
To Gen'^" Cudworth 1 kittle
To ditto Church 1 jarr oyle
2 galls wine
10'" raisons solis
To L' Tanner 1""' pease
(4?)""' biscake
I""' porke
To John Cobleigh for ditt. Ch(urch) ?

1""' salt
At Narragansett 2 qire p(aper)

0,
1,
1,

0,
31,
12,

20,

0, 07, 06

, 00

y 44, 04, 00

. 01, 06, 00
. 04, 00, 00

««;0^}28,00,00

. 24, 19, 06

Ul, 10, 00
I 01, 02, 00

yOS, 17, 06

01, 10, 00
f 01, 03, 00

16,00
01, 00

(24, 19, 06)
Billetings, for quartering 12 souldiers at M' Miles hous
Alsoe Gen"" Cudworth's and Capt Bradfords Companies
the 17"^ 18'" & 19'" dayes of July with bread, pease,
pork tobaco and liq°"
Pease viz

To dit. Browne 3'^'>'i with Cask 9, 00, 00 "
To dit. Cudworth §""" 1, 15, 00
Cask for 9'""' to ditto Browne '

10, 00, 00

10, 15, 00

2, 01,

' DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY."

197

, 00

Maritim — disbursements viz ....

for the f rait of 4'^'^ bisket and 2'''" of tobaco | j qO (

at guess j ' '

Ditto to J p* of the hii-e of Vessells 10, 00, 00

Salt dd'. viz

To Ditto Browne l'^'^ qr. 12"='^ & Cash 2, 00, 00 )

By Ditto Commissaries 1^ bsh 0, 06, 00 )

Thomas Terry for 1^ firkins of sope \

j^bsh meale, 10 wooden boules and 1 cann j

(285, 14, 10)

11, 00, 00

02, 06, 00
02, 05, 00

69, 18, 04

June 24* 1676.
Plymouth Colony Cr By Viz.

Ammunission for powder & ball retui-ned ).. ^^ ^^ i

as p No 3185 I ' ' I

Biskett dit. 22, 00, 00 |

Graine for pease dit. 03, 00, 00 J
By Disbursements for Ballance as p bond 11535 fo'544 215, 16, 06

The account is thus carried to a later Ledger, which is lost.

MARITIME DEPABTMENT.

The following may show somewhat of the " naval " power of
that day, and the methods and means of transporting supplies.

1675 Maritime Disbursements Dr.

Nov 20 To Peter Treby for frait of the Sloope Pi-imrose £09, 06, 00

Dec 10 To Israel Nichols for wood for Goodall's Vessel 00, 05, 00
" " To Stephen Hascott for dammage of the Sloope Swan 03, 10, 00

Feby 29 To Anthony Low for frait . . . .05, 00, 00

1676

June 24 " Richard Goodall for frait . . . . 22, 00 00

" Nehemiah Goodall for Service . . . 05, lO' 00

" Pilgrim Simpkin " " . . . 02, 08' 00

" James TwisdeU " " ... 02, 08» 00

" Richard Earle " " . . . 02, 08, 00

" Ezekiel Gardner " " . . . 02, 02, 00

" William Woodbery " " . . . 05, 10, 00

" Anthony Haywood " " ... 04, 00, 00

" Thomas Moore u c; ... 10, 00, 00

" John Baker u u ... 02, 08, 00

Andrew Belcher, of Cambridge, a prominent merchant, with
vessels operating between Boston and Connecticut ports, was
active in these affairs, but his accounts doubtless fall into a
later Ledger.

In the State Archives, in some Bills of Benjamin Gillam against
the colony, I find the item, Jan'y 10, 1675 :

To charges on men to cut out Andrew Belcher's Sloop to go to Nar-
ragansett, 14s.

198 KING Philip's war.

Mr. Church speaks of the arrival of Andrew Belcher as oppor-
tune in saving the army ; Mr. Dudley says Goodale. Mr. Hub-
bard's reference to the vessels " frozen in at Cape Cod," causing
distress, was, I think, to a later time.

After the return of the army to Mr. Smith's Garrison, the
burial of the dead and removal of their wounded to Rhode
Island, they spent several weeks parleying with the enemy, watch-
ing and recruiting. Major Treat withdrew with his Connecticut
forces, against the wishes, it appears, of the General and the
other officers, and was later called to account for insubordination.
Additional troops were sent down from Boston, and Massachu-
setts and Plymouth held the field for a month longer ; but their
operations and the closing part of this winter campaign, and the
new forces engaged, must fall into the next chapter.

Massachusetts afterwards redeemed the promise made to the
soldiers at Dedham Plain, and granted to eight hundred and
forty claimants, including those of Plymouth, the seven Nar-
raganset townships. Connecticut to her volunteers in the Narra-
ganset wars granted the township of Voluntown.

XIV.

CLOSE OF THE NARRAGANSET CAMPAIGN; THE
" HUNGRY MARCH."

AFTER the battle at the Narraganset Fort, several weeks of
partial inactivity ensued, while both the English and the
Indians were seeking to recover somewhat from the severe
blow each had received. The forces of Massachusetts and Ply-
mouth remained at Smith's garrison at Narraganset, while Major
Treat with the Connecticut regiment returned to Stonington about
December 28th. In the treasurer's account with Connecticut
colony there is a charge "' For billiting 40 wounded men 7 days,"
and as there is no other occasion on which so many were wounded,
it is fair to assume that the Connecticut forces did not retire
before tlie 28th.

On January 14'^ the Council of Connecticut issued orders to
Mr. John Brackett of Wallingford, and Serg'. William Ward,
" to go to New London, to care for the wounded there, while Mr.
Buckley goetli forth with the army." So it would seem that
many of their wounded had been carried as far as New London.

From various sources, the accounts of the most reliable histo-
rians of the time, from contemporary letters and notices, we are
able to glean some few items indicating the situation of affairs
at the seat of war.

The Indians were greatly demoralized and evidently very solic-
itous as to the immediate future action of our army, as they sent
in a delegation to the General on Thursday, December 23d, four
days after the fight, ostensibly to negotiate in regard to peace, but
in reality, doubtless, to ascertain the strength and intentions of
the English. Some of the Indians had returned to their fort
upon the retreat of the troops, and it is likely were able to rescue
a part of their provisions from the flames, but the main body was
gathered into a swamp some three miles distant, while those who
had joined the Narragansets from neighboring tribes returned
home. Mr. Dudley wrote that Philip was seen by one of ours
with a strong body guard during or after the battle. If so he
must have made a rapid march between that and January 6th,

200 KING Philip's war.

upon which date Governor Andros, of the New York Colony,
writes to the Connecticut Governor :

This is to acquaint you that late last night I had intelligence that
Philip & 4 or 500 North Indians fighting men, were come within 40 or
50 miles of Albany northerly, where they talk of continuing this winter ;
that Phi: is sick, and one Sahamoshuha the Comander in chief. Where-
upon I have despatched orders theither.

I have found no reliable proof that Philip or his Wampanoag
warriors, as a body, had any part in the Narraganset fight, while
there is some direct testimony that they did not. Indian captives
refer the command of the Indians to other chiefs, and a contem-
porary writer in the series of letters published in London under
the title, " Present State of New England, with respect to the
Indian War," says positively, " King Philip hath not yet been at
Narraganset, as we feared, but is retired with his Men near
Albany where he hath kept liis Winter Quarters." This place is
since known as Scattacook, and is situated in Rensselaer County,
about twenty miles north of Albany.

The great snow-storm that began at the time of the battle and
lasted for several days rendered any movement of the infantry
impossible, even if they had been in condition ; and then suddenly
there came a great mid-winter thaw, which further prevented their
motion. Capt. Prentice's troop kept scouting and watching to
guard against surprise, and to gather in whatever was possible of
their enemy's supplies of corn, of which they obtained quantities,
but the provisioning of this large body of men had to be done
chiefly by vessels sent from Boston, and by some, at this time,
gathering corn along the port towns of Connecticut, as we learn
from their archives and from other sources.

On the 27th of December Capt. Prentice with his troop made a
march into Pomham's country (now Warwick) and destroyed near
a hundred wigwams. December 28th, a squaw captured at the
fort was sent to the Indians with an offer of peace, if they would
agree to the terms of the former treaty, and such other conditions
as the English might impose, and give up all " Philip's Indians."
The squaw did not return, but on December 30th a message came
from the sachems proffering their thanks for the offer, but com-
plained that the English made war upon them without notice.
This Indian owned, as did the squaw, that the Indians lost three
hundred of their best fighting men. January 4th, two prisoners
were taken, of whom one, being a Wampanoag, was put to death.
January 5th, the Indians sent in a captive child, three or four jenrs
of age, belonging at Warwick. On the 7th, messengers came
from them laying the blame upon Canonchet, who when he had
visited Boston and made liis treaty with the English, liad returned
and deceived his people as to the terms ; but all these overtures

RECRUITING AFTER THE BATTLE. 201

were evidently practised to gain time and take the attention of the
English from the real movements of the Indians while they were
making ready for their flight to the north-west. On the 8th these
were sent back with positive instructions as to terms of peace.
On the same day Ninigret, sachem of the Niantics, sent in decla-
ration and evidence of the reality of his friendship and of the
dire straits to which the hostile Indians were reduced. In the
meantime the Commissioners of the United Colonies were making
every exertion to put a fresh army into the field. As early as
December 25th it had been voted to raise one thousand men to
recruit the army in the field, and the first of these were sent out
about Jan. 6th ^ under Capt. Samuel Brocklebank of Rowley (I
think). The weather was extremely cold, and they suffered
severely on the march, part of the way through a fierce snow-
storm " that bit some of them by the heels with the frost," accord-
ing to Mr. Hubbard. The writer of " The Present State of New
England," the letters above mentioned, says that eleven of the
men were " frozen to death, and many others were sick and dis-
heartened." Januar}^ 10th, these recruits arrived at headquarters
and were joyfully received.

An order of the Council of Massachusetts, given January 14th,
directs Major Gookin " to order the Eastern Souldiers with Horse
and Foot, as soon as they come to Cambridge, to march to the
army and to put them under such conduct as he sees right, until
they get to Narraganset to Major Appleton, sending away with
them the Armorer that is there already." On Jan. 17th the
Council ordered the Committee of the Army to " forthwith fur-
nish James Foord of Ipswich, a Souldjer under Capt. Brockle-
bank, now going up under Lieut. Swett to Narraganset, with one
pr. of good shoos and on good Coate and place it to his acco'."
Ephraim Sawyer and Walter Davis, also, " now going forth to y"
Narraganset," were furnished with apparel. These referred to in
the above orders were a second body of recruits that were sent
by the Massachusetts Council ; the Commissioners having voted^
on January 6th, that the colonies should have recruits at head-
quarters at Smith's Garrison on or before January 20th.

January 12th, a proposition came from the sachems for a cessa-
tion of hostilities for a month, which so stirred General Winslow's
indignation and convinced him of their treachery, that he deter-
mined on a forward move at once, but still he felt his force to be
too weak in the absence of the promised troops of Connecticut.
He fears the foe is escaping, and sends frequent messages to the
Commissioners and to Major Treat and the Connecticut Council,
to hurry up their preparations.

The Connecticut Colony meanwhile was making every

» Capt. Brocklebank and the main part of his company probably entered the service January let,
but did not march to the seat of war until other recruits were ready. January 18th, Capt. Daniel
Fisher, of Dedham, has an order from the Council to send all " Horse and foote " that come into
Dedham under Lieut. Benja. Swett, " away to y' Enemy; " and the order shows Dedham to be the
common rendezvous of the four counties.

202 KING Philip's war.

endeavor, the while however being somewhat impatient of the
urgency of the General, feeling that their own borders were threat-
ened by the Indians quite as much as the other colonies. Their
archives afford ample proof of the thorough and energetic man-
ner of their preparation. Major Treat's reorganized army ren-
dezvoused at New London. From all the settlements recruits and
arms and supplies were gathered as speedily as possible, and yet
it was not until the 26th of January that their troops started for
the field. The following extract relating to the occasion is from
a " Letter of Major Palmer of New London to the Governor and
Council of Connecticut."

New London y^ 26th Janua: 1675-6

I having this opportunity by Mr. Plom. could not omitt acquainting
you of Maj"^ Treat's departure this day, with all his forces, who is
accompanied with Mr Fitch, Mr Buckley & Mr. Wise. They expected
to reach Badcock's this night and so get to Mr. Smith's tomorrow :
For Major Treate hath had two late ord" from the Generall one rece^
on Lord's day, the other this morning, to hasten his coming ; the
Indyans being seated 8 or 10 miles northwest of Providence, and
about 25 miles from Mr. Smith's. The information was gayned by
two Indyans taken by a party of Capt Prentis' troope, which killed
nyne more one escaped there being 12 in that party.

The Barke with the Provitions went out last night and hath had a
fayre wind to carry her in today. They have added tenn baiTels of
meate to the twenty you ordered from Milford : weich doth afflict our
people more than the trouble of quartering both well and wounded
men, which have so impoverished them that sundry will much suffer,
without y'' speedy supply of corne for then releife.

Li the margin of this letter is added the item,

Unkas has gone forth in person.

It will be seen by the letter that the march from headquarters
was begun on the 26th of January. James Babcock's place was
in what is now Westerly, R.I. By good marching they could
have reached Smith's Garrison and joined the main army on the
evening of the 27th ; and thus January 28th must be the earliest
date at which we can place the general forward movement of the
whole army. The Council orders and references and letters in
the Connecticut Colonial Records serve to confirm the account of
Mr. Hubbard, although derived from independent sources, and as
they give very few items besides, it seems evident that we have
all of importance that happened. On January 23d Major Treat
wrote to the Connecticut Council, quoting a letter from General
Winslow, which he says he has lost, but which contained nothing
of importance except to hasten their coming and " grateing on
our disorderly retreat," and the good news of the taking of
Joshua Tift by Capt. Fenner, of Providence. From some Indian

JOSHUA tift's testimony. 203

prisoners which the Connecticut scouts had taken, it was found
that the Narragansets were lying in small parties along the way
leading into the Nipmuck country, and with scouting parties so
posted that our army could not surprise their main body.

From a letter of Roger Williams to Governor Leverett, dated
Providence, 14 January, 1675, and published in the " Winthrop
Papers," vol. 36, p. 307, Coll. Mass. Hist. Society, we learn much
about this Joshua Tift, different from the accounts of contempo-
rary historians. Mr. Williams was called upon to take down the
examination of Joshua Tift, and afterwards reports the answers
to the Governor.

Being questioned by Capt. Fenner, who had captured him,
Tift answered that he had been with the Narragansets about
twenty-seven days ; that he was captured by Canonchet and
his property destroyed, but his life saved on condition that he
would become the slave of Canonchet ; he accepted the con-
ditions, and was taken to their fort and there compelled to
work for the Indians. He testifies that the Mohegans and
Pequots with our troops made terms with the Narragansets at the
beginning, and shot over their heads. After the English entered
the fort, Canonchet and other sachems fled and halted beside a
spruce swamp after crossing a plain. When night came the word
was brought to the chiefs of the English retreat, and they sent
back to the fort to ascertain their losses, and found ninety-seven
dead and forty-eight wounded, and five or six bodies of the
English. He said that the Narragansets' powder was mostly
gone, but that Philip had sent word that he will furnish them
enough from the French, who have sent Philip a present, "a
brass gun and bandaliers sutable." The sachems are now about
ten miles northwest from Mr. Smith's ; speaks of the squaw that
was sent by the English, but that the sachems believed that the
proposals of the English were merely a trap to catch them. Ca-
nonicus was for peace, and would not consent to lie to the English ;
but his nephew, the young sachem Canonchet (or Nanunteno)
was fierce for war, and the young warriors were with him, so that
it was impossible to curb them. He speaks of Quaquackis as
Canouchet's chief captain, " a midling thick-set man of a very stout
fierce countenance." " He saith that Philip is about Quawpaug,
amongst a great many rocks by a Swampeside ; that the Nahi-
gonsiks have bene these 3 days on their march & flight to Philip,
that he knows not what number Philip hath with him, & that
this day the last and rear of the company departed, that they
heard that the Gen: was pursueing after them, & therefore several
parties, to the number of 400 were ordered to lie in ambuscadoes,
that several parties were left behind to get and drive cattell."
He also testified that Ninigret's men fought the English in the
fort, and that some of the Mohegans have joined the Narra-

204 KING Philip's war.

At last, the army, being in readiness, began the pursuit of the
Indians towards the Nipmuck country, in the somewhat famous
march known to the succeeding generations as the "Long
March," or the " Hungry March," but of the details of which we
have very meagre accounts.

Mr. Hubbard relates that on January 21st Capt. Prentice sur-
prised a party of the Indians, killed nine and captured two, and
within two or three days, the weather changing, our forces were
very anxious to take the field, hearing, as they did, that the
Indians were in full flight. " But so many diiftculties were cast
in the way that they could not be ready in time to prevent the
mischief the Indians did at Warwick. For, January 27, they
despoiled Mr. Carpenter of two hundred sheep, fifty head of neat
cattle and fifteen horses, drove them all away safely and escaped
before our forces set out." They wounded two of Mr. Car-
penter's people, and one of theirs was slain.

They also drove away cattle from a Mr. Harris, and killed a
negro servant of his. Mr. Church was at Rhode Island, wounded,
and his son made the mistake, in publishing his story, of making
his stay there three months instead of three weeks. When he
was partly recovered from his wound, he went over to take leave
of General Winslow, but was induced by him to go with the army,
then about to march in pursuit of the enemy. He relates a battle
at an " Indian town of many wigwams," which was surrounded
by an " icy swamp," and when the English succeeded in passing
over this, " after much firing," the enemy made good their retreat.
It is evident that the Mohegans did most of the effective fighting
here ; and very little execution was done besides in the pursuit,
except that by Capt. Fenner's party from Providence.

It seems to have been the popular idea that the army of the
united colonies, after the junction of the Connecticut troops,
numbered about sixteen hundred, horse and foot. I have not
been able to find any definite official statement, but as nearly as
can be determined from available data, Massachusetts sent out
about three hundred fresh troops in January ; Connecticut, includ-
ing her veterans and Indian allies, about five hundred ; and
Plymouth probably about one huncbed. With allowance for the
dead, wounded and disabled of Massachusetts and Plymouth,
about two hundred ; sixty left in garrison at Wickford, and there
would be, at a rough estimate, fourteen hundred serviceable men
at Narraganset on January 28.

It will be noticed that Tift's evidence is that Philip is " about
Quawpaug amongst a great many rocks by a Swampeside," and
this may be taken as the supposed objective point or rendezvous
of the Indians. The rear guard of the Indians were, at the date
of his trial, or when he was captured, prowling about the settle-
ments at Patuxit and Providence for an opportunity to drive off
cattle, which purpose they succeeded in carrying out, some days

" THE HUNGRY MARCH." 205

later, when the witness, who in this matter at least had given
true testimony, had been " hung and quartered." The route of
the main body of the Indians was in a northwest direction towards
Quaboag, probably though the Wabbequasset country (now Wood-
stock) to the old Quaboag fort. Capt. Henchman, in the Mount
Hope campaign, August, 1675, had marched into the Nipmuck
country as far as the " second fort," at a place called " Waposo-
shequish" (probably Wabbaquasset), and then turned aside and
marched to Mendon. In a direct line Woodstock is about forty
miles from Wickford; by the regular trail it was doubtless
much farther. In midwinter, with their scant knowledge of the
country, with swollen streams to cross, an alert foe forever van-
ishing into the great wilderness, and eluding attack or luring to
ambuscade, with provisions which the long waiting for Connecti-
cut had served to reduce, their march was a hazardous undertak-
ing, and probably was inspired by the hope of striking a final blow
against their enemies, already reduced to great straits for pro-
visions, arms and ammunition. They found " more than sixty
horses' heads " at one place, probably at the late rendezvous of
the Indians, " 25 miles north of Mr. Smith's and 10 miles north
of Providence."

Finding his provisions growing short, and his men worn with
their long march and severe exposure, and seeing no prospect of
bringing the enemy to a battle, General Winslow determined to
abandon the pursuit, when the Indians betook themselves to the
wilderness beyond Quaboag. I think the march commenced from
Wickford on January 28, and it was probably on February 2d or
3d that the skirmish took place. It seems that the Connecticut
and Indian forces were dismissed as early as February 3d, as they
arrived home on the 5th, while the cavalry of Massachusetts and
Plymouth reached Boston on the same day, the infantry remaining
over at Marlborough, but a part of them marching down to Bos-
ton the next day. They were reduced to such straits that they
killed and ate many of their horses, and the march was thence
called by the people " the Hungry March."

XY.

CAPT. SAMUEL BROCKLEBANK'S COMPANY AND
MARLBOROUGH GARRISON.

SAMUEL BROCKLEBANK, of Rowley, is said to have been
born in England about 1630, and to have come to this
country with his mother Jane, a widow, and his brother
John. Samuel Brocklebank and his wife Hannah had children —
Samuel, born 1653 ; Francis, born 1655 ; Hannah, Mary, Elizabeth,
Sarah, and Joseph who was born in 1674. He was appointed
deacon of the first church in Rowley in 1665. Elected captain
of the Foot Company of Rowley in 1673. Was active in recruit-
ing for the Narraganset campaign, and after the fort fight, on
the second call for recruits, went out with a company about Jan-
uary 1st, as I judge from his credits, and those corresponding credits
of iris men, which according to my best estimates were for five
weeks, up to February 5th, when they returned to Boston, and
reckoned from the time they left Rowley. These are only infer-
ences, however, drawn from the Journal and varioua casual ref-
erences, and I have yet found no direct statement as to the officers
and men who went out to Narraganset at the second call, and
I have not found any mention of Capt. Brocklebank or other
officers whom I shall credit with such service. After the return
to Boston, Capt. Brocklebank, with his company, within one week
was called to Marlborough, where he was placed in command of
the garrisons and military operations, and remained until April
21st, when he marched to Sudbury, with Capt. Wads worth and
his company, where they were ambushed by the Indians, and
both captains, with most of their men, were slain. The account
of this battle is in the Capt. Wadsworth chapter, as he was in
command.

After tlie death of Capt. Brocklebank, his widow married
Richard Dole, of Newbury. His descendants of the name are
quite numerous by his son Samuel and Elizabeth Platts his wife ;
by his daughters Mary and Sarah, who married William and
Henry, sons of Richard Dole ; and by his daughter Hannah, who
married John Stickney.

Soldiers credited under Capt. Samuel Brocklebank :
February 29^^ 1675-6 I Rowland Ravensbee 01 07 04

Samuel Mower 01 08 04 John Abbott 01 10 00

Joseph Parker 01 10 00 '

CAPT. BKOCKLEBANK'S COMPANY.

207

March 24"' 1675-6

Simon Groe

03 09 04

Thomas Stamford

Nicholas Richardson

03 09 04

John Wilson

10 00

Robert Rand

01 10 00

Philip Butler

Richard Haven

01 10 00

John Linsy

James Day

01 17 08

John Hunikins

Daniel Hutchins

03 10 00

SamuelBrocklebankCapt. 07

10 00

SamuelBrocklebankCapt. 14 11 00

John Hobson

July 24'^ 1676

John Wood in

John Brown

02 08 00

Benjamin Peirson

Nathaniel Stephens

02 09 06

Daniel Tenny

Zechariah Ayres

01 10 00

John Jackson

Richard Bryan

08 11 00

John Wood

Thomas Kemball

02 08 00

AprU 24"' 1676

Philip Kertland

01 12 06

James Ford

John Stanwood

01 02 00

John Giddings

Philip Stanwood

03 08 06

Peter Jennings

Robert Pease

03 12 00

John Pollard

Thomas Baker

05 09 06

June 24,

1676

Benjamin Jones

01 16 00

Richard Potter

Joseph Fellows

01 17 00

Peter Jennings

John Lynd

05 09 06

John Lovejoy

Joshuah Boynton

05 10 04

Jonathan Emery

August 24"> 1676.

Josiah Clark

Jonathan Fantom

05 10 12

Henry Cooke

Peter Chever

03 04 00

Samuel Ireson

Samuel Perkins

03 18 00

Simon Adams

Richard Jacob

14 15 10

Moses Bennett

Sept 23<» 16'

John Burrell

Richard Prince

02 11 04

Thomas Brown

Samuel Peirce

00 18 00

John Wood

James Chafe

01 12 06

Francis Gefford

18 00

Edward Sewery

02 02 00

Nath. Pease

Michael Derick

10 00 00

Samuel Hills

Capt. Brocklebank wrote from Marlborough to Gen. Denison,
March 27, 1676, asking that he and his company may be relieved
to go home, giving his reason that they had been in the country's
service " since the first of January at Narraganset, and within one
week after their returne were sent out again, having neither time
nor money (save a fortnight's pay upon the march) to recruite
themselves."

THE GAREISON AT MARLBOROUGH.

Okkokonimesit was what Major Daniel Gookin called, and
Ognonikongquamesit was the name by which Mr. Eliot knew,
the " Praying Indian Village," situated within the limits of what
became the town of Marlborough. The first English settlers
went from the parent plantation of Sudbury. The Court's grant
to the Indians through Mr. Eliot, in 1654, being prior to that

208 . KING Philip's war.

made to the English, the latter found to their disappointment
that this Indian reserve, right in the midst of their own grant,
must be respected by them if they wished to retain their own rights ;
for it is to the credit of the Massachusetts Council, that its mem-
bers were, almost without exception, in favor of upright and
humane dealing with the friendly Indians. These Indians above,
were a branch of the Wamesit tribe, it is said, and had submitted
to the Massachusetts Colony as early as 1643, and had received
assurance of its protection of their rights. In 1674 this Indian
town contained ten families, and about fifty souls. They were
self-supporting, peaceable, and were becoming industrious and
thrifty, but were evidently regarded with contempt and distrust
by many of the neighboring English, who grudged them the posses-
sion of their grant of six thousand acres, including some of the
best land in the township.

The Indian name of the locality was something like Whipsup-
penick, but this became corrupted with the English settlers to
" Whipsufferage."

The town was incorporated as Marlborough in 1660. The
first actual English settler was John Howe, who settled in 1657-
8 ; and at the division of land, in 1660, there were thirty-eight
who were then, or soon after, residents.

Rev. Wm. Brimsmead was settled as their minister, and the
new plantation flourished fairly until the breaking out of Philip's
War. At this time, being a frontier town, it was exposed to
attacks from all directions, and being situated upon the road
to Connecticut, it had been regarded by the General Court as a
point of military advantage, and a fort had been built, and a small
garrison was kept there. Upon the outbreak of Philip's War,
the retreat of Philip and his followers to the Nipmucks, and the
consequent disturbance of the neighboring tribes, the people of
Marlborough, under the lead of their minister, met early in Octo-
ber, and adopted measures of defence in addition to that afforded
by the garrison which was under the command of Lieut. John
Ruddock, of whose conduct of their military affairs, his towns-
men, it seems, were jealous ; and the people, as was the case gener-
ally, were averse to the presence of the soldiers in their houses.
After hostilities began, the Praying Indians, who had lived so
long beside the settlers, became objects of suspicion and, in many
instances, of unreasoning persecutions, in spite of the constant
remonstrances of their friends. Rev. John Eliot, Major Gookin and
the magistrates and leading men generally. Philip used all his
powers of persuasion and intimidation to draw these Praying or
Christian Indians to his side ; but in spite of his arts, and the
bitter popular prejudices of the English, and although forced
to suffer great injustice and hardships, they were nearly all
faithful to their engagements with the Colonists. The " new
praying villages," which under Mr. Eliot's efforts were established,

FRIENDLY INDIANS PERSECUTED. 209

ill the way of missionary stations, in the vicinity of several neigh-
boring tribes, were broken up by the " rumors of war," and the
real converts came with their families into the older villages
under the protection of the Colony. The Indian village at
Marlborough was increased to about forty men, besides women
and children, and under the direction of the English, they built a
fort of considerable strength for themselves, and were furnished
with ammunition and some with arms by the government, and
others had suitable arms of their own. There is no doubt that
these Indians were well disposed and faithful with very few excep-
tions, and might have been of very great help in all the subsequent
movements of the war, if the headstrong prejudices of the people
had not frightened and antagonized them in manifold ways.
The hostile Indians sought to fix the stigma of their own depre-
dations, often committed for that very purpose, upon the Christian
Indians ; and the attack upon Lancaster, Aug. 22, 1675, in which
seven persons were killed, was attributed to them by " Indian
David," who was tied up to a tree and forced to implicate somebody,
himself having fallen under suspicion of shooting the Irish shep-
herd boy at Marlborough just before this. Those whom David
particularly accused were the Hassanemesit Indians, now gathered
into the Indian fort at Marlborough ; and the popular clamor was
so loud against them that Lieut. John Ruddock, in command of the
garrison at Marlborough, demanded the arms and ammunition of
the whole body of Indians to be given up. This demand was
quietly acceded to, although there was no evidence against the
Indians, and the act was entirely without the sanction of the
Court ; but the prejudices of the people were so strong, and their
clamors so persistent, that Capt. Mosely, then in the vicinity with
his company of sixty men, was appealed to, and nothing loth,
under cover of his authority, gave the Indian fort up to the
plunder and abuse of his soldiery. Fifteen of the Indians were
arrested and sent down to Boston, tied neck to neck like galley-
slaves, and the integrity of the Council was sorely taxed to keep
the rage of the populace from executing these poor creatures
without trial ; but the law did prevail, and after a long trial and
imprisonment at Boston of the eleven(outof the fifteen) who were
accused, all were fully acquitted except their first accuser, David,
who was condemned for the suspicion as to the shepherd boy, and
also for his false accusations, and also the Indian Joseph Spoonant,
tried by another jury ; these two were condemned to be sold
out of the country as slaves. This persecution seems to have
broken up the Indian settlement at Marlborough.

In the meantime the garrison at Marlborough became a ren-
dezvous for the troops going and coming to and from the
western towns, and while it was occupied by soldiers the people
felt some degree of security in their homes ; but when the com-
panies were drawn off they felt the danger of their exposed con-

210 KING Philip's war.

dition, and after the disasters of Captains Beers and Lothrop,
and the experiences of Springfield, Deerfield, etc., they resolved
upon measures for better security. Upon October 1st they were
called together, and took action as shown in the following paper
preserved in the Massachusetts Archives, vol. 67, p. 277.

Marlborough the : 1 : of October : 1675.
At a meeting of the inhabetants in order to take care for the safty
of our town these following proposals were Agreed upon And volen-
taryly chosen unto that in case of asalt these places heare After men-
tioned should be defended by the persons that are expressed by name
that is in

William Kerly's hous. of the town soulders : 2 : or soulders allowed
to the town

John How senior John ffay Thomas Marten

Thomas How Joseph Wait Thomas King

John Wetherbe John Mainard John Brigham

In Sei'jant Woods his hous of the town Souldeers-2 — 6 of the New-
tons, or solders Allowed to the town

John Woods Junior Isack How

James Woods John Bellows

Isack Woods Samuel Bellows

At Joseph Rices

Samuel Stow John Barret Samuel Rice

In John Johnson's hous : 9 : and of the town Souldears 3 :
In Deacon Wards hous of the town soulders-3 — or soulders allowed
the towne his own family 3

Abraham How Gershom Yeams

William Taylor Samuel Ward

In Abraham Williams his house of the town soulders-3 — or soulders
allowed the towne

Richard Barnes John Rediat Junior

John Rideat Senior Samuel Brigham

John Rooks
In Thomas Rices hous of the town soulders — 2 — or soulders allowed
to the town

John Brown John Bowser Peter Rice

Increas AVard Thomas Rice Junior And three men of Peter Bents
To the Lef tenant him self and the magazeen: 13 : of the soulders
that weare allowed to the town

to John Johnson : 3 : to Deacon Ward 3

to Serjant Woods ) , to Abraham Williams 3

And William Kerly j" to Thomas Rice 3

All these men to be maintained in their respective percels by the fam-
ilyes In the several fortifications where they are placed.

Also that the ammunition of the town hould be proportioned to the
soulders of the town in these fortifications ; this Above written is that
which Acted and Assented unto by the persons whos names are sub-
scribed.

Mr Brensmead Thomas Rice Josias How

Deacon Ward John Johnson John Mainard

LIEUT. RUDDUCk's LETTERS. 211

Thomas King Samuel Rice John Rediat

Solomon Johnson John Bellows John ffay

Abraham How Nathaniel Johnson Moses Newton

John How senior John Woods Junior Richard Barnes

John Woods senior Joseph Newton James Taylor

Richard Newton Thomas Barnes William Kerly

Abraham Williams
This Above writen was the Act of the town Agreeing with the Act
of the Comettee of melecti as Attest William Kerly — clarke

That this action was somewhat in opposition to the wishes of
the military officer of the garrison, Lieut. John Rudduck, is
proved by his letter below, from the Archives, vol. 68, p. 4 :

Letter of Lieut. John Rudduck to the Council.
For the honored Councell

Honored Sirs. After my humble Duty p""esented these are to in-
forme the honored Councill that Capt. Pool have sent to me four times
for things spesefied in the note inclosed which I had none of but bread
and liquors w''*' he have had but the other things I have none of and
now the Rum is all gon he have had several gallons of Rum all Redy
and the souldirs and posts passinge to and agen and the army have
had the Rest alsoe our men at the garison want shoos and stockins and
shurts very much they complaine to me dayly to goe home and suply
themselves but I dare not let them goe becaus sum have gon on that
acount and Com not againe namly John Bondage of Roxbury and
John Orres a smeth of Boston and on Samuell Castin is Run away I
sent to M'' Davison to aquaint athority with it but I heare noe more
of it heare is but littell of anythinge Left in the Magaseen and if it
please the hono'^d Councell to give me order to remove what is left to
my hous it would be less trouble to me and if anything be sent I may
have it heare at my own hous I have set the garison soulders to fortify
about my hous now they have fortified the Magaseen all Ready by my
order and soe I intend to imply them for the defense of the Town I
humbly pray this honored Councell to send a suply for the soulders
heare and at quoboag or derection how they shall be suplyed. Capt.
Wayt commanded me to returne James Cheavers for absenting himself
after he had prest him whom I have sent to make his own defence.
Your humble servant,

Marlborough Octob : y" 1'*, 1675. John Rudduck

Sum of the gareson souldii'S Informed me when I was geting to scale
my letter that the Constable had been this morning and warned the soul-
ders to com to me for theire vectls for the Town would diet them no
longer I desire derection in this case and allsoe that he had warned them
that did quarter them to quarter them no more John Rudduck.

I am of Nesessity constrained to provid victles for them till I heare
from the Councell how they will order it.

Capt. Poole's requisition^ enclosed in the above letter.
To the Comisary at Malbery Sur we want drawers and wastcots and
I am forsed to let men goe home to fetch clothing becas they want and

212 KING Philip's war.

have no supply Sur I pray send sum soft tobacow and bred by thos
persons I pray send me the runUt of lickours for the army will drene us
doutles not els but rest yours

date .'30 : 7"' : '75 Jonathan Poole Capt.

Another letter from him is in Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 279:

Second Letter of Lieut. John Rudduck to the Coxincil.
For the honoured Governor & Council.

Honored Sir After my humble Duty p'sented these are to signify to
this honored Councel that upon hearinge the Councell was Informed the
Constable had forbed the men that were quarteered in the town and sent
them to me for quarter sum cam to me this morninge and threatened me
if the men were taken away I should Answer it and many threateninge
words and many were gathered together about it I understand great
Complaints are like to be made against me to the Councell but I hope
the honoured Councell will have Charity for me till I can com to Answer
for myself : in Regard to the charge of the town and of the Country.
I cannot with convenience come down the charge of the mageseen
beinge committed to me troubles me very much they are offended that I
bringe the souldiers to meetinge with me and say 1 must have soe many
men to gard me it well known to many that it have bene my practise
ever since I have had a family I use to have them to meetinge with me
I thiuke it my duty having a garison of Souldiers to have them to meet-
ing with mee allsoe I seet sum of them the on half to gard the Town
in the forenoon and the other in the Afternoon and them that do not
ward I have to meeting with me : when we met together to apoynt
houses to be ffortified I would have had houses apoynted and men
apoynted to these houses but the Insign would not yeald to that but
would have the town caled together to see what houses they were will-
inge to goe to and to fortify soe the designe was that my house should
not be ffortified nor have any gard if danger be they themselves will
have the Inhabitants to gard theire houses but if I have any I must
have of the soulders and be at Charges to maiutaine them myself I have
propounded to them that the Inhabitants be equally devided to the
houses that are to be garded and the garison soulders divided like-
wise but they would not yeld to that soe unless the honoured Councell
be plesed to determin this thinge it will not be determined sum have
manedged theire maters soe that I have Leetle or noe comaud of the
Inhabitants of the town the sum of all is there are that cannot swolow
that pill that I should have so much trust and pour commeted to me soe
I desire to leve myself with God and this honored Councell The pore
leve themselves with God Your humble Seruaut

Marlborough this 4 Octo 1675 John Rudduck.

When the army returned from the Narraganset campaign, and
most of the troops were discharged at Boston, Feb. 5, 1675-6, we
learn from Gen. Gookin's " History of the Christian Indians " that
Capt. Wadsworth with his company was left at Marlborough " to
strengthen that frontier." He remained there until early in
March, when the newly levied army was gathered there under the

GEN. DENISON AND CAPT. BROCKLEBANK. 213

command of Major Thomas Savage, and was organized under the
immediate personal inspection of Maj. Gen. Daniel Denison. It
was at this time that Capt. Mosely's haughty and an rebuked
insubordination, backed up by the lawless, Indian-hating element
of the army, occurred, and gave the commanders so much diffi-
culty ; for when Job Kattenanit, a friendly Indian, whose fidelity
had been proved by successful and faithful report of the condition
of the hostile Indians, to whom he with James Quannapohit had
been sent as a spy, and, in order to keep faith with the English,
had left his wife and children in the hands of the hostiles and
returned to our army, bringing information which, if it had been
heeded, would have saved great destruction and suffering, — when
this man had been given a permit to go and bring in his family,
who were to meet him on a certain day, Capt. Mosely raised such
a hue and cry that the commanders were obliged to submit, and
sent after him at once.

The course of events in the town, including the attack, is shown
in the following letters :

Capt. BrocMebank's Letter to the Council.
Much Honnored sirs. Malborough 28 of : 1 : 1676

After the duty I owe unto your Honnor this may let you understand
that the assault the enemy made upon the towne of Malborough upon
sabbath day did much dammage as the inhabbitants say, to the burning
of 16 dwelling houses besides about 13 barnes and seemingly did
indeaver to draw out the men out of the garisons but we not knowing
ther numbers and our charge of the Countries ammunition and provis-
sion dm-st not goe out then on Sabbath day night there came about 20
men from Sudbury and we out of the severall garrison drew out about
twenty more and in the night they went out to see if they could discover
the enemy and give theme some checke in ther proceeding who found
them laid by ther fires and fired on them and they run away at present
but the number being few and not knowing the number of the enemie
but aprehending by ther noyse and fireing at them they indeavored to
compass them in the returne home without any losse of any man or
wound from the enemie only one of my men by the breaking of his gun
his hand is sorely shattered which for want of helpe here I have sent to
Charlestowne or elsewhere in the bay where your honnors may thinke
best for his helpe : we have great cause to acknowledge the goodnesse
of God toward us for his gracious preservation of us the enemye is gone
at the p^sent as we aprehend by the scouts that went out yesterday the
which we may expect eare long will fall on us with greater strength and
rage by reason of the breakfast that they had on Monday morning the
scouts found only one indian dead thus in briefe your honnors will under-
stand how it is with us : from him who is your honnors servant

Samuell Brocklebanke Capt

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 180.

214 KING Philip's war.

General Daniel Denison's Letter.
S^

Yesterday I received a letter from Capt. Brocklebanck at Marl-
borough signifying his desire of being dismissed with his company the
reasons he alleadges are 1. their necessities & wants having beene in
the country es service ever since the first of January at Narriganset &
within one weeke after their return were sent out againe having neither
time nor money (save a fortnights paye upon their mai'ch) to recruite
themselves 2. he saith they doe little where they are : & he under-
stands they are called off by the Council. I shall make bould to request
the like favor in the behalf e of those (at least) some of those troopers
& dragoons of Essex that went out last, intended for Hadley but by
reason of the disaster at Groton diverted to Concord &c. to beate of
& prosecute the enemy in those parts and I directed orders to Major
Willard, that with those he first tooke up w"" him & then sent, together
with the garrisons at Marlborough Lancaster & Chelmsford (if need
more) in all above 200 men he might not only defend the townes but
might prosecute the enemy there, being within 2 dayes march, but I
heare of no such attempt nor indeed of any considerable improvement of
them that hath beene, or is like to be. I am therefore sollicitous for
many of them that out of a respect to myself went willingly, hoping of
a speedy returne to their families and occasions some of them more
than ordinary great and urgent I intreate therefore they may be
p'sently considered & eased to attend the seed time &c. and if there be
necessity that others may be sent in their roomes, who m'ay with far less
detriment be spared. The stockade from Watertowne to Wamesit,
might better be from Watertowne to Sudbury river 9 miles taking in
more country, & that river being as good a stop as the stockade the
greatest objection is Merrimack river though broad yet I understand is
fordable in 20 places betweene Wamesit & Haveril, & cannot be safe
without guards w'''' must be kept upon it, for hast I Jumble many
things, w'^'' be pleased to pardon The Lord Look in mercy upon his
poore distressed people upon your selves in particular so prayes
your humble Servant

Ips March 27 : 1676 Daniel Denison.

The inclosed are certificates of delinquents on the last press in
Norfolk & of the troopers that should have gone with Capt. Whipple
to Hadley

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 179.

First Letter of the Council to Lieut. Jacob.
Left Jacob. The Council having lately receaved Information of
Gods further frowne upon us in taking and depriving the Country both
of y"" Captaine and Capt Wadsworth w'^ severall others by permitting
the enemy to destroy them yesterday so y' y"" Capt. Brocklebanke's
chardge is devolved on y'self The Councel judge meet to leave the
souldiers under his ciiarge to yo' care and chardge, and doe order you
to take the care and chardge of the sayd Company that you be vigilant
& diligent in that place & as seasonably and speedily as you cann to
give Information to y" Councel of the state, numbers & condition of

LIEUT. JACOB AT MARLBOROUGH. 215

y'' souldiers in that Garrison under y'' command desiring God's Grace
& blessing to be w"' you. Remayne

yo'' loving freinds

Edw. Rawson, Secretary.
Boston 22 Aprill 1676 by Order of the Council

Postscript, you are alike ordered to take care & command of the
place (ie) Marlborrow to preserve it what in you lyes.

Edw. Rawson, Secretary
Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 222. like order

Lieut. Richard Jacob's First Letter.

from Malbary y*" 22 April 1676.

Hono'd Sirs This morning aboute Sun two hours high y* Enimie
Alarmed us by firing & Shooting towards y*^ Lowermost Garason Next
Sudbury, which made us feare y' Garason to be in Danger which shoot-
ing we afterward understood was y** Enimie killing off Cattle. Some
after they gave a shout & Came in sight upon y*" Indian hill great
Numbers of them & one as their accustomed maner is after a fight,
began to signifie to us how many were slaine. They Cohoop'd seventy-
four times, which we hoped was only to affright us seing we have had
no intelegence of any such thing, yet we have Reason to feare the
worst Considering Theire Numbers which we aprehended to be five
hundred at y'' least others Thinke a thousand y*" most of y*^™ hasted
toward y^ ISorthwest side of y^ towne firing y*" Remainder of y^ Garason
houses & others y' were deserted as they went : they have been 1) unt-
ing in al quarters of y*' towne to kill & take what Cattle were without
Comand of y*" four Garasons That yet Remain. Severall of y^ further-
most houses of this town next Sudbury have bin fired now toward
Night which gives Reason to Thinke that y'' Enimie is not yet De-
parted from us : Thus I thought it my Duty to give a briefe account
of y* present proceedings of y*' Enimie : to your Honuours Leaving itt
with your wisdoms Consideration.

Beging pardon for This my Bouldness I Remaine your Honoures
Humble Servant Richard Jacob.

Attached to the above letter is Secretary Rawson's Copy of
an Order of the Council, as follows :

Leftenant Jacob, yesterday upon the Councils having the sad intel-
egence of y°'' Capt. & Capt. Wadsworth death ordered your taking
the charge of the souldgers at Malborough since w'''' I received your
of 22 Apr. giving intelegence of the enemyes infesting y°'' quarters &,
apearance in a boddy of at least 500 & these wasting by fyers what
they can come at so driving cattle, yesterday was ordered eighty
troopers to advance to observe the motions of the enemy y""" twoe
souldgers returne w"' a p'^ of horse to Sudbei-y & so with these to you
I desyer youi- vigilance & care for the preserving your men & what is
under your charge & you shal have ffurther orders so soone as the
Councell meete, desyriug Gods presence with and assistance of you,
23, 2, 76.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 223.

216 KIXG PHILIP';

Lieutenant Richard Jacob's Second Letter.

Marlborough 24, Aprill 1676.

Honoured Sirs, Having now Received Information of God's ffurther
frowns on y^ Country In Suffering two Such worthy Captaines to fall
before y*^ Enimie whome we might have hop' to have bin Instruments
of more good in these troublous times : But In this God's will is Done.

Receiving an Order from your Honours wherein your Honours are
pleased to Devolve y*^ charge and betrustmeut of our late Capt. Brockle-
banke upon me, for which I am sensible of my Inefficiency &. Incapacity,
yet Since tis your Honours pleasure, to Require me to Certifie your
Honours of y'' state of y'' soldeirs & of y^ place. That I shall Readyly,
here is Remaining of our Company about fourty-six. Several whereofe
are young soldiers left here by Capt Wadsworth being unable to march.
The Towne is wholy consumed Excepting four Garasons that were
man'd when the Enimie was last with us, all y*" cattle without Reach of
The garasons are Lost : one of y" Garason Houses which was Judg'd
to be most fitt by our Captaine : who your Honours did apoynt to order
according to his Discretion for a stated garason now burnt by Reason
off y" Inhabitants not attending thereunto Every one being Carful to
Secure his private Interest, here is only Remaining These two houses
where the Magazine Lyes That are in a Capacity to assist each other.
y*" other two Lying att a greater Distance with other Inconveniences.
May it please your Honours further to Order of y*^ state of our Com-
pany being Generally such as live upon Husbandry & seed time being
now far spent which may be prejudicial! to ourselves & others if y*
season so slipt. But I shall leave that to your Honours Consideration
only begging pardon for my bouldnes I Rest your Honours Servant
to my utmost ability Richard Jacob

Postscript : Some of y'' principle of y'^ Towns men In the behalf e of
y^ Rest y' are yet Remaining which are but few Would Desire your Hon-
ours to Consider their present Condition being altogether incapable for
Remaining without assistance both with Carts & a Guard They are
destitute of Carts Their Teames being at Sudburie & not Daring to
Returne. Removing of theire goods if your Honours see meete to
Grant it or otherwise willing to refer their loss to your Honours further
Consideration.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 227.

Most of the inhabitants deserted their farms after the destruc-
tion of the town on March 26, 1676, and with the exception of
a few families who remained for a time in the garrisoned houses,
the families came to the towns nearer Boston, and returned only
after the war was over. The garrison was maintained until the
close of the war, and was an important rendezvous for the forces.

Soldiers Credited with Military Service at the Garrison at Marlborough

September 21" 1675 i William Turner 01 19 04

Darby Morris 01 13 04 Thomas Owen 04 13 04

John Dunster 02 00 00 I Joseph Barber 02 14 00

LIEUT. JACOB AT MARLBOROUGH.

217

October 19'^

1675

Daniel Davison,

James Cheevers

14 00

Commissary, 05 14 00

Thomas Turner

12 00

Jonathan Orris 03 12 00

William Blaekwell

02 06

Richard Roberts 02 16 06

Henry Gibbs

07 00

William Turner 04 16 00

Richard Roberts

04 04 00

February 29, 1675-6

November 20 1675

Robert Rownden 07 04 00

Timothy Laskin

13 04

Thomas Owen 02 18 02

William Ferman

08 00

William Farman 03 17 00

Samuel French

00 00

Gustin John 01 19 04

Richard Young

12 00

March 24'»^ 1675-6

Daniel Roff

02 00

Richard Young 00 13 00

Jacob Adams

13 04

April 24'»» 1676

Jonathan Jackson

13 04

Thomas Hopkins 00 09 00

Daniel Weight

13 04

Benjamin Parmater 02 03 08

John Figg

10 00

June 24"> 1676

John Broughton

12 02

Daniel Weight 02 09 08

January 25"> 1675-6

Thomas Dennis 01 05 06

John Baker

08 06

July 24"' 1676

Richard Young

06 00

Timothy Laskin 02 09 08

Henry Gibbs

19 00

John Burges 03 00 10

John Nash

18 00

September 23'^ 1676

Jonathan Jackson

05 08

Morgan Jones 08 02 00

Obadiah Searle

06 08 00

Joseph Davis 06 00 00

XVI.

CAPT. SAMUEL WADSWORTH AND THE SUDBURY
FIGHTo

THE last chapter closed the account of affairs at the garrison
at Marlborough during and immediately after the fight at
Sudbury, with the lettere of Lieut. Richard Jacob, upon
whom the command of the garrison devolved after Captain
Brocklebank's death. And it is well to bear in mind that^ be-
tween the time of the requests of Gen. Denison and Capt. Brockle-
bank, that the garrison might be relieved to go home, etc., and
these letters of Lieut. Jacob, the new army under Major Savage
had marched out from Marlborough to the Connecticut River,
driving the main body of the hostile Indians beyond that river,
as was supposed, but, as was found afterwards, leaving a great
number gathered near Mount Wachuset. After operating till
about March 28th in defence of the western towns, he was
ordered to leave one hundred and fifty men under command of
Capt. Turner, and return home as far as Marlborough, and await
further orders. By an order of the Council, passed April 10,
1676, Major-Gen. Denison was to meet and dispose the returning
troops at Marlborough.

In the meantime the Indians, closely watching the movements
of our forces, and alert to strike at every exposed point, on Sun-
day, March 26th, attacked Marlborough, as we see by Capt.
Brocklebank's letter, and burned a large part of the town. The
garrisons were unable, or feared, to attack them in force ; but
that night, Lieut. Jacob of Captain Brocklebank's company, with
twenty of his men and twenty volunteers, coming up from
Sudbury, followed and surprised the Indians sleeping by their
fires, and killed some of them, though it is not known how many.
Mr. Hubbard says they wounded thirty, fourteen of whom died
the same day or soon after, and popular rumor, as usual, exag-
gerated the number, and in this case made it seventy. It is nec-
essary now to go back and bring the personal account of Capt.
Wadsworth up even with the general matters related above.

Capt. Samuel Wadsworth was the son of Christopher, who
came from England in the ship Lion, it is said ; was settled in
Duxbury in 1632 with wife Grace (Cole), and had four children,

CAPT. WADSWORTH's FAMILY. 219

who, in their mother's will, 1688, are named in order, viz., Joseph,
Samuel, Mary and John, and the last was born 1638.

Capt. Samuel moved to Milton about 1656 and selected a large
tract of land in the centre of that town, and settled there with
his wife Abigail, daughter of James Lindall, of Duxbury. Their
children, born between 1659 and 1674, were Ebenezer, (yhris-
topher, Timothy, Joseph, Benjamin, Abigail, and John, whose
descendants have honored the name in their generations.

Of these, Ebenezer and Christopher settled in Milton, where
the latter died in 1687, aged about 24 years. Benjamin, born 1670,
graduated. Harvard College, 1690; ordained minister of First
Church in Boston, September 8, 1696 ; elected president of
Harvard College in 1725, and died 1737.

John Wadsworth, youngest son of Capt. Samuel, was born in
1674 ; became a prominent citizen of Milton ; had a family of
twelve children, of whom his second son, Benjamin, built a house
now standing in Milton. Ca2ot. E. D. Wadsworth, a lineal de-
scendant, now lives on a part of the original estate of Capt.
Samuel.

Agreeably to the order of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies to raise one thousand men to continue the war against
the Indians, passed at Boston, December 25th, Massachusetts, on
the 28th, issued orders for impressing three hundred men forth-
with; Essex 105, Middlesex 83, Suffolk 112; the time and
place of rendezvous being January 5th, at Dedham.

Of the recruits that were sent out at this time, Capt. Samuel
Wadsworth, the subject of the present chapter, commanded one
company. There is no published reference to such service, and
only the casual mention in Gen. Gookin's account of the " Pray-
ing Indians," and by the writer of the pamphlet " News from New
England," to the effect that, when the army returned to Marl-
borough, and the rest of the forces were dismissed, " Capt.
Wadsworth with his company was left at Marlborough."
The garrisons from all the frontier towns, save such as the
inhabitants furnished, had been withdrawn by an order of the
Council, January 14th. There is no mention of Capt. Wads-
worth until the return to Marlborough, and therefore our
account of him and his company must begin there ; they, having
taken part in the " Hungry March " from Narraganset, were now
left to bear the brunt of any attack the Indians might make upon
the frontiers.

On February 6th the Council issued an order to Major Appleton,
then at Marlborough with the returned army, to dismiss the
soldiers to their several homes, "as soone as the Sabbath is past."
But it will be remembered that Gen. Winslow, now in command
of the army, and under the pressure of the lack of provisions,
would scarcely wait for this order, and probably marched to Bos-
ton on February 5th, with at least a large proportion of his army.

220 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Rev. Increase Mather, living in Boston at the time, and deeply
interested in all these affairs, writes in his history : " Feb. 5th,
the Army returned to Boston not having obtained the end of
their going forth ; " while the anonymous contemporary writer of
the pamphlet above mentioned, states that " Major Gen. Wins-
low only wdth his Troops (marched) to Boston, leaving the Foot
at Malbury and South-bury, who came home on Munday follow-
ing and were all dismist to their several Habitations except Capt.
Wads worth, who was left at Malbury in pursuit of the Enemy of
whom he destroyed about 70 Old Men Women and Children, who
wanted strength to follow the fugitive Army." ^ Hull's treasury
accounts agree with this date of the disbanding of the army, so
that Capt. Wadsworth's operations on the frontiers, with his head-
quarters at Marlborough, began doubtless on the same day.

On February 10th a large bod}"- of Indians fell upon Lancaster
and burned near half the town, consisting of about fifty families,
but succeeded in capturing only one of the garrison houses, of
which there were several. The one captured was that of Rev.
Joseph Rowlandson, who was himself absent at the time in
Boston, seeking assistance from the Council for the threatened
town. The house was sufficiently garrisoned, but the enemy
succeeded in setting fire to the rear portion, and forced all within
to surrender or die, as the house was quickly burned to the
ground. Forty-two persons were thus made prisoners, most of
whom were women and children. As soon as the news of this
attack upon Lancaster reached Marlborough, Capt. Wads worth
mustered a company of about forty men of his garrison and
hastened to the rescue of the remaining part of the town. On
one side the Indians had cut off the approach of assistance, as
they supposed, by tearing off the planks from the bridge ; but the
English readily repaired this and passed over, and by a secret
way were led into the town, where they succeeded in driving off
the enemy.

During the rest of this month Capt. Wadsworth and his men
were employed scouting along the frontier, with headquarters
chiefly at Marlborough, I think, where Capt. Brocklebank was in
command, whose company, dismissed on February 5th, had been
called again into service upon the news of the assault upon Lan-
caster. An order of the Council, dated February 11th, appoints
Capt. Samuel Wadsworth ; Robert Badcocke, Sergeant ; and
" those that are at present selectmen " a council of militia for

1 This writer is unreliable in his account of the war, and in attributing this last exploit to Capt.
Wadsworth undoubtedly confuses things in mixing the rescue of Lancaster by him with the mid-
night surprise of Indians March 27th, by Lieut. Jacob. IBut while his direct statements are to be
received with caution, his casual references are valuable as hints of existing facts which others do
not mention, and many of which, confirmed by evidence gleaned from the Archives, throw light
upon things which have hitherto been entirely unknown in history ; for instance, this reference to
dapt. Wadsworth, together with Major Gookin's mention, is the only hint, in published accounts,
that connects him with the Narraganset campaign, and in these references there is only inferential
evidence, and in regard to Capt. Brocklebank there is absolutely no reference until the present
Investigations based upon Treasurer Hull's accounts; but following up the clues, there is plenty
of evidence in the Archives of these oflicere and others having had part in this campaign, that have
never been mentioned in connection with It.

CAPT. WADSWORTH AND SOLDIERS.

221

Milton ; and this would seem to indicate the design of the Coun-
cil to keep Capt. Wadsworth upon the home frontiers, as will
further appear.

When, on the first of March, the newly levied army was being
organized at Marlborough for operations in the west, Capt. Wads-
worth was there with his company, and was sent out by the Gen-
eral to recall Job Kattenanit upon the occasion detailed in the
last chapter.

In making up the army the General made a selection of the best
soldiers out of all at his disposal, and among other changes, trans-
ferred a part of Capt. Wadsworth's company to Capt. William
Turner, who led out a company in this expedition to the west.

A letter from William Torrey to the Council, dated March 7th,
expresses gratitude for the assistance rendered by the Council in
defence of the towns of Milton, Braintree, Weymouth and Hing-
ham, and says that the Major General has " ordered the remaynder
of Capt. Wadsworth and Capt. Jacobs forces to be a guard to our
townes," etc. ; and that Capt. Wadsworth and his men shall be a
guard to Milton, Braintree, etc.

The credits in Hull's account indicate the discharge of the
remainder of the company about the 7th or 8th of March, and
thereafter they were employed as home-guards, and supported by
their respective towns, and there is no further mention of service
by Capt. Wadsworth during the next month, the operations in the
western towns engrossing all the energies of the colonies and all
the attention of the people. The soldiers are credited with service
up to this time, and thus properly the names and credits are
given in this place.

Credited under Capt. Samuel Wadsworth.

February 29,

1675-6.

James Stuart

03 15 09

Henry Pellington

12 00

Thomas Woods

02 10 06

Robert Miller

01 04

AprU 24"^

1676.

John Rowlston

01 04

James Dalvine

02 07 02

Stephen Fielder

01 04

Jacob Leonard

02 09 08

March 24*

1675-6.

Robert Braine

02 14 00

John Starr

08 00

Samuel Wadsworth

Cap' 15 00 00

Nathaniel Jewett

02 02

James Ford

02 15 08

John Hunt

02 03

Peter Roberts

01 18 06

James Hadlock

04 00

Robert Corbett

02 06 02

Thomas Vos, Lieut

10 00

Henry Ledebetter

02 11 00

Ebenezer Williams

11 00

Robert Parker

02 14 10

Richard Evans

14 10

Timothy Tilston

02 05 00

William Scant

14 10

John Sharp

03 15 00

John Horsington

14 10

June 24"^ 1676.

John Trescott

18 10

George Ripley

02 06 02

Timothy Wales

04 06

Robert Munson

03 06 00

William Deane

12 00

Robert Judd

01 11 06

Mortho Hurley

02 07 02

John Hands

02 07 00

222

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

John Adis
Ephraim Pond
Jonathan Gray
Abraham Hathaway
Richard Evans
John Redman
James Badcock
Thomas Beetle
Thomas Mory
Thomas Laurence
John Baker
Thomas Williams
John Poole
Joseph Bosworth
Robert Milton
Isaac Lobdell
William Hooper
William Lyon

02 08 00
02 08 00
02 08 00
02 08 00

01 14 02

02 14 10

03 03 00
02 04 10

02 08 00

03 13 08
03 18 08
02 08 10
02 09 08
02 15 08
02 15 08

02 15 08

03 13 08
01 10 00

James Badcock 00 09 00

JohnThare 02 14 10

July 24"^ 1676.
Paul Gilford 02 09 06

Joshuah Lane 05 14 00

John Alger 02 08 00

Jeremiah Hood 02 08 00

Robert Mutson 02 08 00

Samuel Gill 02 09 06

August 24"^ 1676.
John Angell 03 12 00

Jonathan Dunning 08 19 00

Edward Mortmore 02 08 00

Samuel Nicholson 01 07 04

Edward Samson 02 08 00

Sept. 23-1 1676.
John Tuckerman 00 12 00

THE SUDBURY FIGHT.

Upon the disbanding of the army under Gen. Winslow, as noted
in the first of this chapter, the Indians began to gather in towards
the frontier towns in hirge numbers, evidently elated at the
apparent inability and supposed discouragement of the English.
Upon April 18th they came upon Marlborough again, and burned
the houses they had left in the former attack. They hovered
about the town for two days, evidently seeking to draw out the
soldiers from the garrisons and away into an ambush, according
to their usual mode of warfare. They did not dare to engage the
garrisons, however, or to come within range of the guns, but
having invested the town with small parties set in ambush to
guard the roads and prevent messengers or relief passing to and
fro, they began to creep slowly in about Sudbury upon Thursday,
April 20th. In the meantime, according to the best evidence of
the best accounts from contemporary sources, Capt. Wadsworth,
with a company of some fifty or more men, marched out of Boston
towards Marlborough upon the same day, expecting to make up
the company to one hundred with the quotas of the Middlesex
towns, but did not have over seventy probably on his arrival at
Marlborough, which it was the design that he should relieve with
the company of one hundred men impressed ^ for the purpose, of
whom not more than seventy appeared, and these, many of them,
mere boys. Tliey marched through Sudbury in the evening of
the 20th, and witliout any sign of attack from the great body of
Indians lying about the town and its approaches, arrived in Marl-

1 All kinds of pretexts were used to avoid the drafts at this time. For instance, an impressment
of men in the militia company of Capt. Clarke of Boston, on the 18th and 19th, for this service,
resulted as follows:

Aaron Stephens, Philip Cain, James Burges, Thomas Wats, John Pittam and Robert Miller, hid
away and could not be found except the two last, who declared they would rather " be hanged,
drawne and quartered thangoe;" and only one, Thomas Smith, c'— ■
Francis Hudson, Jacob Ferniside.

THE FIGHT AT SUDBURY. 223

borough near midnight, where, learning that the enemy had gone
towards Sudbury, Capt. Wadsworth, after a brief stop and slight
reorganization of his company, leaving some of the boys that were
unable to march, at the garrison, and doubtless taking some fitter
men in their places, and being joined by Capt. Brocklebank, who
apparently started for Boston, being relieved of his charge at the
garrison by the coming of Capt. Wadsworth, with this company
he marched hastily back towards Sudbury.

While this company were thus marching to and from Marlbor-
ough, the enemy were gathering more closely about Sudbury, as
the following account, contained in the petition of the inhabitants
who suffered loss in the attack, shows. The paper has been
buried in the old court files for more than two hundred years, and
was discovered by the writer opportunely for insertion in this
chapter. This paper gives much new material in regard to the
fight, and incontrovertible contemporary testimony that the fight
occurred on the 21st of April.

To y'' Hon'''^ Governou'' Dept Govern'' Magistrates and Deputies of y*
Gen'i Court assembled at Boston y' 11"> October 1676

The hum'''"' Petition of y^ poore distressed Inhabitants of Sudbury
Humbly Sheweth. That Whereas yo"" impoverished Petition" of Sud-
bury have received intelligence of a large contribution sent out of
Ireland by some pious & well affected p'sons for y^ releife of their
brethren in New England distressed by y^ hostile intrusion of y'^ Indian
Enemy, and that upon this divers distressed townes have presented a
list of theire losses sustained by fireing and plundering of their Estates.
Let it not seeme presumption in yo"^ poore petitioners to p''sent a list of
what damages we sustained by y*" P^nemyes attempts hopeing that o''
lott will be to be considered among our brethren of the tribe of Joseph
being encouraged by an act of our Hon''''^ Gen" Court that those who
have sustained considerable damage should make address to this p''sent
Session. And is there not a reason for our releife? Not only by reason
of Our great losses but alsoe for Our Sei-vice p''formed in repelling y*
Enemy ! Let y" Most High have y*' high praise due unto him ; but let
not y® unworthy Instruments be forgotten. Was there with us any
towne so beset since y" warre began, with twelve or fourteen hundred
fighting men various Sagamores from all Parts with their men of Armes
& they resolved by our ruin to revenge y*" releife which Our Sudbury
volunteers afforded to distressed Marlborough in slaying many of y^
Enemy and repelling y^ rest. The strength of our towne upon y® Ene-
my's Approaching it consisted of Eighty fighting men. True many
houses were fortified & Garrison'd, & tymously after y^ Enemy's inva-
sion, and fireing some Volunteers from Watertowne, & Concord &
deserving Capt : Wadsworth with his force came to Our releife, which
speedy & noble service is not to be forgotten. The Enemy well know-
ing our Grounds, passes, avenues, and Scituations had neare sur-
rounded Our towne in y® Morning early (wee not knowing of it) till
discovered by fireing severall disserted houses : the Enemy with greate
force & fury assaulted Deacon Haines House well fortified yet badly

224 KING Philip's war.

scituated, as advantageous to y" Enemy s approach & dangerous to y*
Kepellant, yet (by y*" help of God) y'' garrison not onely defended y*
place from betweene five or sLs of y'^ clock in y^ Morning till about One
in y* Afternoon but forced y*' Enemy with Considerable slaughter to
draw-off.

Many Observables worthy of Record hapned in this assault, Viz'
That noe man or woman seemed to be possessed with feare ; Our Gar-
rison men kept not within their garrisons, but issued forth to fight y*
Enemy in theire sculking approaches : Wee had but two of our townes-
men slaine, & y' by indiscretion, none wounded ; The Enemy was by
few beaten out of houses which they iiad entered and were plun-
dering ; And by a few hands were forced to a running flight which way
they would ; The spoyle taken by them on y*" East side of y^ river was
in greate p** recovered.

Furthermore p'mitte yo'' humble Petition" to present a second Motion,
And let it be acceptable in y'' eyes of this our Grand Court Vizt.

That whereas by an Act of Our late Gen" Court Tax rates are leavied
upon Our towue amouuting to £200 (as appeareth p"" Warrant from Our
Treasurer, which said suih was leavied by Our Invoice taken in y^
yeare before Our greate damage susteyned. It is y^ humble & earnest
request of yo'' Petition''^ to commiserate Our Condition in granting to us
some abatement of y'' said suin, for y*^ ensueing considerations. Viz'
ffirst Our towne to pay full for their Rates then taken, which in greate
p'*^ they have now lost by the Enemys invasion may seeme not to
savour of pitty no not of equity. Secondly if y" Service p'formed at
Sudbury (by y*" help of y" Almighty) whereby y*^ Enemy lost some say
100, some 105, some 120, and by that service much damage prevented
from hap'ning to other places whereby y*^ Country in generall was
advantaged, reason requires some favorable consideration to yo"" Ser-
vants of Sudbury. For if it be considered wiiat it hath cost Our
Country in sending out some forces some of which p""^ have not
returned with y° certaine newes of such a number slaine as with us, is
it not reasonable that this sei'vice soe beneficiall should not be con-
sidered with some reward which may most easily be effected by issue-
ing forth an Act of your grace in a sutable abate m' of y" said Sum
leavied, with y'^ conferring of a Barril of Powder & sutable shott in
regaurd that yo'' Petitioners have spent not onely theire owne stock of
either, but much of y" Towne stock. To which humble and Equitable
Motions if Our hon''''' Court shall benignely condescend. You will
deeply oblidge yo'' humble petitioners not onely to pray for y'" p'^sence
of y*" Lord to be •with yo" in all yo' arduous affaires with the blessing of
The Almighty upon all yo^ Undertakings but shall for Ever remaine

Yo"" humble servants
Edm: Browne Benjamin Crane John Blanford

Edm: Goodnow Zacriah Maynord John Allen

John Groutt Joseph Moore Henry Curtis

John Haines John Parminter John Brewer

Josiah Haynes Joseph Parmenter James Ross

Thomas Veal Peter Noyes Richard Burk

Peter King Jonathan Stanhope John Smith

John Loker Sen"" Edward Wright Thomas Brewes?

ACCOUNT OF SUDBURY S LOSSES.

225

Joseph Noyes
John Goodenow
Mathew Gibs
Thomas Wedge

Jabez Browne
John Grout jun'
Joseph Graves
Tho: Walker

Samuell How
Henry Loker

In Ans' to the Petion" for Abatement in their last Ten Country
Rates by reason of their losses in Estates by the Common Enemy ;
Wee uppon examination finde y' in their last Assm' their estates falls
short 4'. 9'. in their single County Rate, doe therefore judge meet,
s*^ Towne of Sudbury be Allowed 44, 10, out of their whole sum to
them pr Rates & Referring to their request for a Barrell of Powder
&c wee refer it to y^ Courts determination. William Parker?

Hugh Mason
John Wayte

The deputyes approve of the ret. of this Committee in answer to this p'=
O"" Hono"^** Magis"' Consenting thereto William Torrey, Cleric

25 October 1676 Consented to by y*' Magis'' Edw** Rawson, Sect'y.

An Accompt of Losse sustained by several Inhabitants of y^ towne of
Sudbury by y*' Indian Enemy y^ 21" Aprill 1676.

100 00 00
024 00 00
200 00 00
120 00 00
050 00 00
100 00 00
080 00 00
060 00 00
040 00 00
020 00 00
020 00 00
015 00 00
010 00 00
010 00 00
010 00 00
003 00 00

Mary Bacon formerly y^ Relict

of Ensigne Noyes £140 00 00
Thomas Plympton 130 00 00

Deacon John Haines 130 00 00
Serj: Josiah Haines 190 00 00
Capt: James Pendleton 060 00 00

John Goodenow
William Moores
Edward Wright
Elias Keyes
John Smith
Samuell How
Mr Pelham
Mr Thomas Steevens
Corporall Henry Rice
John Allen
James Rosse
John Grout Jun"^

150 00 00
180 00 00
100 00 00
060 00 00
080 00 00
140 00 00
050 00 00
015 00 00
180 00 00
060 00 00
070 00 00
060 00 00

Thomas Rice
Widd. Whale
Henry Curtice
John Brewer
Jacob Moores
Henry Loker
Joseph ffreeman
Joseph Graves
Peter King
Widd. Habgood
Benjamin Crane
Thomas Wedge
John Blanford
Thomas Brewes
Richard Burt
Thomas Reade

Totall Sum 2707 00 00

Besides y^ uncovering of many houses & Barnes & some hundreds of
Acres of land which lay unimproved for feare of y^ Enemy to our
greate loss and Damage.

(Endorsed)
Sudbury's Accompt of Losses (and also) Sudbury's Losses — 76

This paper, never before published, gives a new phase of the
fight. (Mass. Arch., vol. 30, p. 205.)

The deposittion of Edward Cowell Aged About years —

This deponantt upon oath testifieth that I being upon the Counteries

226 KING PHILIP'S WAPv.

Searvis in Aprill last and haveint^ under my Conduct Eighteen men ;
Upon our Returning from Mallberough to Boston ; and About three
Milles From Sudbeury Wee ware surprised with divers Hundred of In-
dians; Wheere of this Indian Tom was one ( — ) by a grombling signe
or Noyse thatt hee Mayde ; as in My Judgement was the Cause of our
being ffiored upon ; at which tyme f ower of my Company was killed and
one Wounded ; beside fRve horses ware disenabled they Being Shott
upon Capt. "Wadsworths Ingadgine with the Indian I weutt Backe and
Beuryed the fower men which were killed whereof (Lt. ?) Thomas Haw-
[le]y, and Hopkinsies sou both of Roxbeury; [Edmund Rice'] Good-
man [Baker's?] son and Robert "Wayle[s] of Dorchister,
Sworn to before the Council 19 June 1676.

Edward Rawson, Secretary.

OTHER CORRESPONDENCE, ETC., ABOUT THE SUDBURY FIGHT.

Letter of the Massachusetts Council to the Governor of Plymouth.

Hon*^ S"^ Since o"" last to you It pleaseth the holy God to give still
further successe to the Euemye in this Colony by killing two men the
one in Hingham, & the other in Weymouth aboute the same tyme At
Marlborough also upon Tuesday and Wednesday last they burned the
remainder of the Houses, so that now but three are standing that we
know of but two or three garrisons ; This day we have intelligence in
the general that Sudbury was this morning assaulted and many houses
burnt down, particulars and the more full certainty of things is not yet
come to hand whilest we are consulting what to doe, earnestly we are
moved to settle some of o'' faithful Indians at Meadfield or Punqua-
poag, & others at Woodcocks & we desire that yo"" Colony would send
such a number of yo"" Indians as may be convenient to be joyned
in the same service whose work shall be constantly to scout abroad
between Seaconck and Meadfield & Dedham w*^'' is thought to be a
very probable way Either to prevent the enemies coming in upon yo'
Colony and ours that way, or at least to give speedy notice of their
motions and dissapoynt theire mischievous designes. This motion pro-
ceeds from some of the cheef of our Indians William Ahaton & Capt.
John who are very willing to be imployed and much persuaded, that
there may be good therein, o"" present thoughts are to indeavor and
incourage this matter with all speed and in order hereto we have sent
our Corporall Swift the bearer hereof to yo'^selfe from whome you may
understand things more fully & by him acquaint us with yo"^ view of
t!ie matter and further advise for the better perfecting of the designe
& that we mny also know whether you can furnish out any sufficient
number of Indians from yo"" parts & how soone.

O"" General Court of Elections is to sit upon Wednesday come seven-
night, & then full order may be taken.

Commending you to the God of Councell & Protection

we remain E. R. S :
past & signed 21 Ap"" 76

Directed to the Hon'''*" Josia Winslow Gov''

of his maj^'y Colony at New Plymouth. (Mass. Arch., Vol. 68, p.
220)

' The name Edmund Rice is in the margin. lie wag probably one of those of Sudbury killed, and
his name was inserted by some one in the margin of Cowell's note. Only the letter a In Baker is
present. The paper is badly torn.

CONCERNING SUDBURY FIGHT.

Petition of Daniel Warren and Joseph Pnrce.

To Inform the Hououred Counsel of the Service don at Sudbury by
sc'verall of the Inhabatauce of Watertown as our honoured Captain
Mason hath AUready informed a part thereof in the petion : but we
who wear thear can moer largely inform this honoured Councel : that
as it is said in the petion that we drove two hundred Indians, over the
River ; wee followed the enimie over the river and joyned with som
others and went to see if wee could relieve Captain Wads worth upon
the hill and thear we had a fight with the Indians but they beinge soe
many of them and we stayed soe long that we wear allmost incompassed
by them which cased us to retreat to Captain Goodanous Garrison ;
and their we stayed it being ner night till it was dark and then w^e went
to Mr Noices Mill to see if we could find any that were escaped to that
place all though they wear noe persons dwelling there ; but thear we
found : 13:or :14:of Captain Wadsworths men who wear escaped some
of them wounded and brought them to Sudbury towne ;

On the next day in the morning soe soon as it was light we went to
looke for — Concord men who wear slain in the River middow and thear
we went in the colld water up to the knees whei'e we fouud five and we
brought them in Conus to the Bridge fut and buried them thear ; and
then we joyned ourselves to Captain Hunton with as many others as
we could procuer and went over the River to look for Captain Wads-
worth and Captain Brattlebank and the soldiers that wear slain ; and
we gathered them up and Buried them ; and then it was agreed that we
should goe up to Nobscot to bring the Carts from thence into Sudiiury-
Towne and soe returned Hom againe ; to what is above written we whos
nams are subscribed can testifi:

dated the :6: of march :78: Daniel Warrin

:79: Josep Peirce

Our request is to the much Honoured Counsel that they would be
pleased to consider us in reference to our Request ; their being 2
troops of hors appointed to bury the dead as we wear informed whos
charg was spared and we as yet not allowed for what we did ;

Your most Ilumb'*' Servants to Command to the utmost of our poor
S for our selves and in the behalf of the rest Daniel Warrin

Mass. Arch., vol. 68, p. 224. Josef Peirce

Of other contemporary accounts of the fight and its conse-
quences there are several from eminently reliable authorities.
Treasurer John Hull wrote a letter on April 29, 1676, concern-
ing the sad state of affairs in the colony, giving details of suc-
cessive casualties, and says : " On y^ 21*' valiant Captains Wads-
worth and Brocklebank w"' about 50 valiant souldiers were slain
by y'' Indians."

The letters of the " Anonymous writer," published in London,
which have been several times referred to above, give a very con-
cise account, as follows : " April 20"" Capt. Wadsworth of Dor-
chester, ])eing designed with an 100 men to repair to Marlborough
to strengthen the garrison, and remove the goods &c. there ; did

228 KINO PHILIP'S WAR.

accordingly this evening march with about 70 men from Sudbury,
the rest of his men not appearing. The Enemy who were about
1000 strong lay near his Passage, but kept themselves undiscov-
ered and permitted him to passe them in the night but in the
morning assaulted and burned most of the Houses in Sudbury
(save those that were ingarrisoned)." The writer goes on to tell
that twelve volunteers from Concord came down to lend assist-
ance, and eleven of the number were slain, and that Capt. Wads-
worth, with his tired troops that had marched all the day and
night before, marched promptly back from Marlborough, being
joined by Capt. Brocklebank and a few of the garrison soldiers,
making a company of not more than eighty men miserably tired
for want of rest and sleep. This company was drawn into am-
bush and encompassed by many hundred Indians, — our authori-
ties say a thousand or more, — fought them from a hill for four
hours with the loss of only five men, till the Indians set fire to
the woods at the windward of them, and thus forced them from
their strong position, and in their retreat waylaid and destroyed
all but a few of the men, who escaped to a mill, where they
defended themselves till night, when rescued by Capt. Prentice's
troopers, who themselves had just been rescued by Capt. Cowell
and his dragoons.

Rev. Increase Mather, of Boston, who published a history of
this Indian war at about the same time with Mr. Hubbard, writes
— " April 20th, a day of humiliation was observed at Boston.
The next day sad tidings came to us. For the enemy set upon
Sudbury and burnt a great part of the town ; and whereas Capt.
Wadsworth and his Lieutenant Sharp, also Capt. Brocklebank (a
godly and choice spirited man) was killed at the time."

Major Daniel Gookin, the commanding officer of Middlesex
forces and superintendent of the " Praying Indians " in the
colony, writes :

Upon April 21, about midday tidings came by many messengers
that a great body of the enemy not less as was judged than fifteen
hundred . . . had assaulted a town called Sudbury that morn-
ing. . . . Indeed (thro' God's favor) some small assistance had
already been sent from Watertown by Capt. Hugh Mason, which was
the next town to Sudbury. These with some of the inhabitants joined
and with some others that came in to their help, there was vigorous
resistance made and a check given to the enemy. . . . But these
particulars were not known when the tidings came to Charlestown.

Major Gookin gives a very full account in his histoiy of the
" Praying Indians," his object being to vindicate the Indians from
the charges of treachery and inefficiency made against them by
popular clamor. His account was necessarily accurate, and it
agrees closely with the records. From him, and also from the
Archives, we learn that a company of Indians was being organ-

CONCERNING SUDBURY FIGHT. 229

ized at this time, and the letters of the Council show that the
design of this company was to fortify the fishing places upon the
Merrimac, in conjunction with a company of English, and under
command of Capt. Samuel Hunting, of Charlestown. This Indian
company, it seems, was at Charlestown when the news of the
attack upon Sudbury came, and without waiting for particulars.
Major Gookin immediately despatched " a ply of horse " from
Capt. Prentice's troop under Corporal Phipps, and forty Indians
under Capt. Hunting, which force arrived at Sudbury that even-
ing, the troopers in time to rescue the remnants of Capt. Wads-
worth's company from the mill, where they had taken refuge and
had defended themselves against the enemy.

All the above accounts are of contemporaries, and all agree in
the main particulars and confirm each other in the matter of the
date. Rev. Mr. Hubbard, of Ipswich, whose history of this war
is most complete, and, in the main, the most reliable, agrees
mostly with the others, but seems to have known less of this fight
than usual, and less of the details than the others, and in the
matter of the date was unquestionably wrong.

From all the above authorities, the true account in brief, seems
to be, that the English had no suspicion of the great numbers of
the Indians that were gathering about Marlborough and Sudbury,
or of the vicinity of any until early in the morning of the 21st,
when several deserted houses were burnt with the evident pur-
pose of drawing out the garrisons into an ambuscade. Then
Deacon Haines's garrison-house was attacked with fury by large
numbers, but was successfully defended from six o'clock in the
morning until one o'clock, P.M., when the assault was abandoned.
Twelve volunteers coming from Concord upon the alarm, to aid
the garrison, were lured into the river meadow, and all slain save
one. Mr. Edward Cowell, with a body of eighteen mounted
men, coming from Brookfield by way of Marlborough, and by a
different way from that taken by Capt. Wadsworth, became
sharply engaged with an outlying party of the enemy, and lost
four men killed, one wounded, and had five of his horses
disabled.

While the attack upon Cowell's party was still going on. Cap-
tain Wadsworth and his company came upon the scene, and
seeing a small party of Indians, rushed forward with the usual
impetuous haste, and were caught in the usual ambuscade, for
when within about a mile of Sudbury they were induced to pur-
sue a body of not more than one hundred, and soon found them-
selves drawn away about one mile into the woods, where on a
sudden they were encompassed by more than five hundred, and
forced to a retreating fight towards a hill where they made a
brave stand for a while (one authority says four hours), and did
heavy execution upon the enemy, until (Mr. Hubbard says) the
oight coming on and some of the company beginning to scatter

230 KING Philip's war.

from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them, and thus
being encompassed in the chase by numbers, the Captains and
most of the company were slain. The anonymous writer above
referred to, says the Indians set fire to the woods and thus
forced the disastrous retreat. Thirteen only out of the company
escaped to " Noyes's mill," and there held the enemy in check.
In the meantime Cowell withdrew his party from their danger-
ous situation, went back and buried their dead comrades, and
then rode around into the town by another way in time to rescue
Capt. Prentice's troopers, and afterwards, with others in com-
pany, the men at the mill. It was probably about noon when
Capt. Wadsworth became actively engaged with the Indians, and
thus withdrew their attention from both Cowell and Haines's
garrison. The Watertown company arrived at about the same
time, followed the Indians over the river, and made a brave fight
to get to the hill, where Capt. Wadsworth was engaged in his des-
perate struggle, but such fearful odds were against them that
they were forced to fall back to Goodnow's garrison, " it being
ner night." After dark they went to the " mill," probably with
the troopers and Cowell's men, and brought off the soldiers there.
The troopers sent from Charlestown, with the Indian company
under Capt. Hunting, must have arrived quite late in the after-
noon. These are the main facts, in brief, of the Sudbury fight.
The next day the Watertown company, with Capt. Hunting's
Indians, buried the dead. The site of the battle-field, where Capt.
Wadsworth so long held the Indians at bay, is upon what is now
called " Green Hill." Here, in 1730, fifty-four years after the
battle. Rev. Benjamin Wadsworth, fifth son of Capt. Samuel, and
at that time president of Harvard College, erected a monument
to the memory of his father, and those that fell with liim. It is
to be regretted that President Wadsworth accepted the erroneous
date given by Mr. Hubbard, which has been perpetuated upon
the new monument erected in 1852.

It is a regret that we are unable to know positively the numbers
of English engaged. The number with Capt. Wadswortli upon
the " Hill " was probably near fifty. The most definite statement

' The investigations of Mr. Drake first exposed the error which Mr. Hubbard made in his his-
lory (see New Eng. Hist, and Genealogical Register, vol. \'ii. p. 221). Gov. George S.
Boutwell, who delivered the historical discourse at the dedication of the new monument, Nov. 23,
1852, and at that time assigned the date April 18, replied in 1866 (see Register, vol. xx. p. 135) to
Mr. Drake's article, and contended that the date given in his discourse was the true one. The
Historic Genealogical Society then took the matter in hand, and appointed a committee. Gen. A.
B. Underwood and Frederic Kidder, who made a thorough and exhaustive report at the society's
meeting, October, 1866, which was published in the Register, vol. xx. p. 341, proving beyond ques-
tion that the date April 21st is the true date of the fight. Contemporary Official Records, the
highest evidence of all, testify in every case to this date, while the evidence for the 18th is only
found in Mr. Hubbard's history and in several books of remarkable events, kept by some promi-
nent men of the colony, who, it is evident, not unfrequently made their entries some lime after
the occurrence of the events, and who, in this case, probably adopted the date from Hubbard.
John Hull, for instance, whose letter-extract above, written within a few days, gives the date the
2lBt, in his diary of notable events puts it down as on the 18th. Major Daniel Gookin, Rev.
Increase Mather, the writer of the "Present State of New England," and other authorities,
agree with the Official Records in giving the 2l8t. Subsequent historians, until Mr. Drake, simply
quote Hubbard's date.

It is a great satisfaction to the present writer to add the new testimony of the petition of the
inhabitants of Sudbury.

SOME OF THOSE SLAIN AT SUDBURY. 231

is that of Major Gookin, who puts the number of those slain,
besides the two Captains, as " about thirty-two private soldiers."
Cowell had eighteen, and the Concord men were twelve. The
Watertown company was not probably over forty, while the
garrisons of Sudbury amounted to but eighty. Thus about two
hundred men were actively engaged with, and holding in play,
probably more than a thousand Indians one whole day, and
finally defeated their intention of capturing the town, sending
them away with fearful loss.

Unfortunately we are not as yet able to find any list of the
names of those killed on that day, and Mr. Hull's accounts do
not show any credits referable to that service ; only here and
there are we able to glean from probate and town and church
records, a few names of those killed.

From the Roxbury Records we find that

Samuel Gardner, son of Peter
Thomas Baker
John Roberts
Nathaniel Sever
Thomas Hawley S"^

William Cleaves
Joseph Pepper
John Sharpe
Thomas Hopkins
Lieut Samuel Gardner

were all slain att Sudbury under command of Capt. Sam" Wads-
worth upon 21 Aprill 1676.

Of the Concord men killed in the meadow near " Haynes's
Garrison," but five bodies were recovered, and but seven names
of the killed are preserved in the records :

James Hosmer Samuel Potter John Barnes

Daniel Comy Joseph Buttrick Josiah Wheeler

William Heywood

Three of Cowell's men, that were killed, are in the Roxbury
list above. The fourth was Robert Wayles, of Dorchester. The
Suffolk Probate Records give an additional name, Eliazer Hawes,
of Dorchester. These, with Capts. Wads worth and Brocklebank,
make in all but twenty-one.

XVII.

CAPT. WILLIAM TURNER AND HIS MEN, AND THE
"FALLS FIGHT."

WILLIAM TURNER came from Dartmouth in South Devon-
shire to Dorchester, Massachusetts ; admitted to the
church in 1642 ; freeman May 10th, 1643. Is in list of
owners of certain pasture lands there in 1646. Was chosen bailiff
of the town in 1661 ; signed a petition of the inhabitants of Dor-
chester in 1664. He probably moved to Boston in the latter
part of 1664, as he was one of the original members of the First
Baptist Church gathered in Boston May 28th, 1665.

The earlier members of this church, with Capt. Turner, were,
Thomas Gould, elder and preacher, Thomas Osborne and his wife
Mary, Edward Drinker, John George, Robert Lambert, Richard
Goodall and Mary his wife, Mary Newell, John Farnham, Isaac
Hull, Jacob Barney, John Russell, Jr., John Johnson, George
Farlovv, Seth Sweetsir, Benjamin Sweetsir and his wife.

During the next few years the pressure of religious intolerance
began to be exercised against the Baptists, and the General
Court took action against the leaders, as " turbulent Anabaptists,"
disfranchised such as were freemen, and expelled Gould, Turner
and Farnham from the colony, on pain of imprisonment, charging
that they had " combined themselves with others in a pretended
church estate, without the knowledge or approbation of the
authority here established, to the great grief and offence of the
godly orthodox," etc. The men, failing to leave the colony,
were duly imprisoned. A petition for release, from these tluree,
to the Court, dated Oct. 14, 1668, states that it is the twelfth
week of their imprisonment. Popular feeling, the majority of
the deputies, and influential friends of the colonies in England,
favored the Baptists, but the magistrates were inflexible, and
when a great number of influential citizens signed a popular
petition in their behalf, the Council summoned many to appear
and answer for " contempt of authority," in signing the petition.
I think the prisoners were liberated during the winter, probably
on condition of " good behavior." Capt. Turner was imprisoned
again, evidently under the old sentence, and it is likely for
breaking the conditions of his release. Several complaints were

ANABAPTIST PERSECUTION. 233

brought up against him, the chief of which seems to have been,
in this last case, that he would not present his child at church
for baptism. The following letter gives some idea of the man
and his condition :

Letter of William Turner to the General Court.

To the honored General Court now sitting at boston the humble
address of Will: Turner now prisoner at boston humbly sheweth

That whereas it hath pleased some of the honored maistrates to
issue out A warrant for the apprehending of my body and Committing
mee to prison, and there to remayne according to A sentence of A
general Court the 29'^ of April 1668 your poore prisoner doth therefore
humbly beseech you to consider that by vertue of that sentence I have
already suffered Above thirty weekes imprisonment and that A whole
winter season which was a greate prejudice to my health and distraction
to my poore family & which I hope this honored [Court] will consider
with the weaknes of my body and the extremity of lying in prison in
A cold winter whitch may be to the utter mine of my headles family :
And withal to consider my readines to serve this Country to the utter-
most of my ability in all civil things : The maine difference being only
in faith and order of which God only can satisfie A poore soul : Thus
hoping this honored Court will take it unto their serious Consideration
and extend their mercy as becomes the sei*vauts of Christ I shal leave
both my state and condition and honored Court to the wise disposing
of the Almighty, remaining yours to serve you in all faithfulness to my
power. Will : Turner.

boston prison this 27 of 8"^ mo: 1670
Mass. Archives, vol. x. p. 228.

The deputies submitted this to the magistrates, who were
unyielding.

It is not known whether any action resulted from this letter,
but at a Court held at Boston, March 2d, 1669, a petition was
presented from Gould and Turner, then in prison, for release, and
they were allowed " three days " to visit their families, and then
to be returned to prison. Soon after this many and very earnest
letters were received from prominent orthodox ministers in Eng-
land, deprecating these rigorous measures of the magistrates, as
against the scriptures and directly prejudicial to the interests of
the church in America, and to dissenting churches everywhere.
The prisoners were probably released some time in the summer
of 1669, and soon after Mr. Gould took up his residence perma-
nently at " Noddle's Island," and there the Baptists thereafter
held their meetings. On November 30th, 1670, Mr. Edward
Drinker, in a letter to Mr. Clarke and his church at Newport,
says : " At this present our dear brother William Turner,
prisoner for the Lord's cause in Boston has some good experience ;
both he and brother Gould were to be taken up but only brother
Turner is yet taken and has been about a month in prison."

234 KiKG Philip's war.

Gould was not yet taken because the magistrates waited to take
him in Boston, " and he came not over." He speaks bitterly
of Gov. Bellingham and the magistrates, but in terms of grati-
tude of Messrs. Oxenbridge and Allen of the First Church in
Boston, for their earnest endeavors to help the Baptists in their
troubles, and says that all the deputies voted to release the pris-
oners, but that the magistrates " carry all before them." He says
in the closing part of his letter, " Brother Turner's family is very
weakly and himself too. I fear he will not trouble them long ;
only this is our comfort, we hear if he dies in prison, they say they
will bury him," etc. The reply to this letter was addressed
" Unto the Church of Jesus Christ, meeting on Noddle's Island
in New England." In December, 1671, Benjamin Sweetser, of
Charlestown, writes to Newport that " brother Turner has been
near to death but through mercy is revived, and so is our pastor
Gould." The letter indicates that they are now at liberty, but
that the persecution is being stirred up again, etc.

Upon the death of Gov. Bellingham, December 7, 1672, active
hostilities ceased, and the election of John Leverett as governor
in May, 1673, secured them from public persecution so long as
he remained in office.

This digression may be justified by Capt. Turner's connection
with it, and by its evidence of the relations of magistrates,
deputies and people in the times just preceding the Indian war.
Capt. Turner was a tailor by trade, and he plied that vocation
in Boston during these years, 1664-75.

Mr. Backus, in the first volume of his history of the Baptists,
page 335, has a note, of which he says : " The copy of Mr. Rus-
sell's Narrative that I am favored with came out of his (i.e. Mr.
Callender's) family, and in it is a manuscript note in the margin,
against Mr. Russell's account of Mr. Turner, which says : "

In the beginning of the war, "William Turner gathered a company of
volunteers, but was denied a commission and discouraged, because the
chief of the company were Anabaptists. Afterwards, when the war
grew more general and destructive, and the country in very great dis-
tress, having divers towns burnt, and many men slain, then he was
desired to accept a commission. He complained it was too late, his
men on whom he could confide being scattered ; however, was moved
to accept.

I have found no official record or notice of the organization of
Capt. Turner's company, but below are his own official lists, the
first taken at Medfield on February 22d (the next day after the
partial destruction of that town), and he reports this list of the
company, " as they came out of Boston," showing February 21st
as the most probable date of his marching. It is evident that his
men were not all volunteers, as many were "cleared" upon their

CAPT. TURNER AT NORTHAMPTON. 235

arrival at Marlborough, and some were on the list of " impressed "
men.

From Medfield his company marched to Marlborough, whither
all the English troops were now ordered for the organization of
the army about to take the field. The lists of the company are
below and explain themselves, and also show that the army
marched from Marlborough, February 29th, to Quabaog (Brook-
field), and thence, on March 4th. The movements of the army
under Major Savage are related above. Capt. Turner received
at Marlborough, from the companies of Capts. Wadsworth and
Reynolds, thirty-five men, giving him about eighty in his com-
pany. March 4th, Capt. Turner marched from Quabaog with a
company of seventy men, as he left ten men at that garrison on
that day.

It will be remembered that on the retreat of the Narragansets
in January, many of them were scattered among the Nipmucks
in various places, and two large bodies of these, mingled with
local tribes, were gathered, one at Meminimisset (the chief town
and stronghold of the Nipmucks) and another near "Wachuset
Hill." At Quabaog the army was reinforced by the Connecticut
companies under Major Treat, and, after several days spent in
vain search for the Indians, at last struck the trail of a large body
of the enemy, but too late to prevent their escape beyond the
Paquayag River, to which our cavalry pursued them. Thus the
army was led to pass by undisturbed, and leave behind it a great
body of the enemy at Wachuset. This was contrary to their
purpose and against the urgent advice of their friendly Indian
scouts, but it seemed best to their commanders (after they had
been led so far from Quabaog, and with such large numbers of
the Indians driven beff.re them, who might form a junction with
the western Indians aiid fall upon the valley plantations at once)
to march forward to the towns upon the River, where they arrived
on March 8th. Major Savage found that there were intlications
of large numbers of Indians in the vicinity, and immediately dis-
posed his forces for the defence of the several towns. Capt.
Turner was sent across the river to Northampton for the defence
of that town. The inhabitants had placed " palisadoes " about
their village " for their better security," and two companies of
Connecticut men under Major Treat joined Capt. Turner's com-
pany probably on the 13th, as the Indians were amazed to find
the town full of English soldiers, when, early in the morning
of March 14th, they made a vigorous and combined assault.
Gathering about the town in the darkness undiscovered, and
breaking through the palisades in three places, they crept in and
close about the houses ; and there seem to have been no guards or
night-watch, and the first intimation of the enemies' presence was
their furious attack upon several houses. They succeeded in
setting fire to ten before the sleeping garrison could be roused;

236 KING Philip's war.

but when the Indians realized their situation, and found them-
selves confronted with three strong companies instead of a
defenceless hamlet, they turned and rushed headlong to the
breaches they had made in the palisades, panic-stricken to find
themselves in a trap, and in their frantic crowding to get out
were confronted with the troops, and many were shot down by
ours, at the gaps, inside. Eleven of their dead were left. Five
of the English known to have been killed were Robert Bartlett,
Thomas Holton, and Mary Earle of Northampton, James
McRenell (or Macranell) and Increas Whetstone of Capt.
Turner's company. The following extract from a letter of Rev.
John Russell, of Hadley, is of interest here. It is dated at
Hadley, March 16th, 1675-6:

Although the Lord hath granted us an intervaU of quiet this winter
yet since y" coming on of y^ Spring the warr here is renewed with more
strength and violence here than in any other part while we remaine for
as we had intellegence by the captain who is returned (commonly called
" Speckled Tom "), Philip intended with his whole power to come upon
these Towns and taking them to make his planting place a fort this
year at Deerfield so on y'' 14* instant the enemy to the number of a
1000** as judged made a sudden and violent iruption upon Northampton
brake through their works in three places & had in reason taken the
whole Town had not Providence so ordered it y' Maj"" Treate was come
in with his men within y* night y* same evening yet they burned five
houses and fiive barns, one within the fortification, slew five persons
wounded five. There are s"* to be found about a dozen of the enemy
slain. Here allso above Deerfield a few miles is the great place of
their fishing w'^'' must be expected to afford them their provisions for
the yere, So that the swarme of them being here and like to continue
here we must look to f eele their utmost rage except the Lord be pleased
to breake their power. My desire is we may be willing to do or suffer
live or dy ; remaine in or be driven out from o' habitations as the Lord
o' God would have us and as may be Conducible to y*" glory of his
name and y* publike weale of his people, etc. etc.

The Indians, meeting this unexpected repulse at Northampton,
hastened away for an assault upon Hatfield, but finding it also
defended by Capt. Mosely and his men, they hastily withdrew
and again attempted to surprise Northampton, hoping, it is
likely, that the vigilance of the English was relaxed, or a part of
the troops were drawn off, but finding a ready reception awaiting,
they retired completely foiled of what was expected to be an easy
prey. With the exception of an attack upon Wes field a short
time after, the killing of Moses Cook and Clement Ba'-.es, and the
assault of a small party upon the people of Longmeadcw going to
Springfield to attend church, there was no further den-onstration
in force while the army remained. In the mean time these dis-
asters and their extreme want of food began to cause disaffection

MART turner's PETITION. 237

among the local tribes who had no immediate quarrel against the
English, and to this was added the discouraging fact of the capt-
ure and death of Canonchet, chief of the Narragansets, and the
real leader, now, of the confederated tribes. The English took
advantage of this discouragement and opened negotiations look-
ing to a peace, while a price was offered for the head of Philip,
who promptly retired out of harm's way.

Capt. Turner and his company were engaged at Northampton
and the neighboring towns in guarding and fortifying against the
expected attack of the great body of Indians gathered in the
vicinity, our troops as well as those of Connecticut being under
the general command of Major Savage, for an account of whose
operations and the condition of affairs at this time, see Chap, IV.
of this volume, a very interesting letter of the Council to Mr.
Savage, dated April 1st. In accordance with these instructions
Major Savage marched home with most of the soldiers that came
with him, leaving Capt. Turner in charge of the defence of these
towns in Captain Poole's place, and leaving him one hundred
and fifty-one men in regular service. These were mostly single
men, and very largely boys and servants, or apprentices.

These troops were designed for the defence of the towns, and
were for garrison duty only. Hadley was made headquarters,
and a garrison of fifty-one men was detailed there. Forty-five
were stationed at Hatfield, nine were sent to Springfield, and
forty-six at Northampton. The following petition and letter
explain themselves :

Petition of Mrs. Mary Turner.
To the Honoured Gouvernour and Councill Now Assembled in Boston.

The Humble petition of Mary Turner wife to W™ Turner now in the
Service of the Country Under Comand of your Honours, Humbly
Sheweth,

That whereas your poor petitioners husband Voluntarily & frely
offered hira selfe unto & now Is In your Service far from home
together with his son & servants leaving onely one servant with me
which God by his Providence hath bereaved me off soe that I Am at
present wholy Almost left destitute of maintenance for myselfe which
calls uppon me to crave of your honours Consideration of my present
Condition And order the payment to me of the whole or whatt part
your honours think fitt of wages due for the time my husband son &,
servants have bene In the Service of the Country which shall further
Ingage your poor petitioner to pray for As In duty Am Bound : the
future peace & prosperity of your honours & AU the people of God In
this poor Country. Mary Turner.

In Ans' to the petion. It is ordered that the Committee of the Army
forthwith order the petitioner be payd Seven pounds on y° Account
exprest therein.

Dated at Boston the 24"> of Aprill 1676

By y*^ Council Edw*^ Rawson, Sec'^.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 225.

KING PHILIP S WAR.

Letter of Capt. William Turner.
Honored Sirs.

Since the army marcht hence under the Command of major general
Savage and left mee here by order from your honours : I have not had
any thing worth sending downe A post : And now having an opportu-
nify I thought meete to acquaint your honours that the souldiers here
are in greate distresse for want of clothing both Linen and Woollen :
So I desired the Commissaries here to send down to quabouge to see if
there any supplies : So they brought from thence A few Shirts Stock-
ings Shoes and drawers : but not an eighth of what wee want : So that
I shall beseech your honours to take some speedy Course for a supply
to be sent to the Commissaries here for thei[r] [rele]eafe: here will

want much as the enclosed note will show you : , forasmuch as

it hath pleased your honours to commit the care of [these] townes to
my charge : So I shall beseech your honours that my [wi] f e may have
my wages due to mee for to supply the wants of my family : for
whome I am bound by the lawes of god sxud nature to make provision :
And I should be glad if there might be some fitter person found for
this imployment : for I much doubt my weaknes of body and my often
infirmities will hardly Sufer mee to doe my duty as I ought in this
imployment : And it would grieve me to be negligent in anything that
might be for the good of this yeare country in this day of their dis-
tress : Therefore shal leave it to your honours Consideration : whether
some other man may not be fitter to be imployed in this place by
reason of my weaknes of body : 1 have here sent you those Lists of
my Company as they came from boston and afterwards from marlbo-
rough as they Continued to the seventh instant : also an account from
the Commissary of northamton to that day : I have also sent A List of
those Left the 7'^ instant under my Command in these 3 townes : most
of them having beene here long before my time : Thus hoping your
honours will Consider so as to send some speedy supply for the soul-
diers here and also order something for the supply of my family in my
absence : I shall beg the Lord to be your Counsellour and guide in this
time of distracktion and sore trouble : And remaine yours to serve
your honours to the uttmost of my power wherein I may.

Will: Turner.

I beseech your honours deliver these lists to whome they may con-
ceme : And command the souldiers to make hast backe to their quar-
ters :

Your honours since y" close of this there is come in a young man
taken from Springfield at the beginning of last month who informes
that the enemy is drawing up all their forces towards these townes :
and their head quarters to be at (Deere) field alias pegunkugg.

Dated 25 April, 1G76.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 228.

Following are the lists referred to in the letter. The first
shows the organization of his company until April 7th ; the
second list shows the disposal of his force for the defence of the
towns uj) to April 25th.

CAPT. turner's lists.

239

A List of Capt. William Turner's men as they came from Boston and
taken at Medfield 1675-6.
"William Turner, Capt.
Edward Drinker, Lieut.
William Parsons, ) .>
Ezekiel Gilman, \ ^^^Qeants.
Phellip Squire, ^
Thomas Elliot,

Corporalls.

Thomas Barnard, |
James Knott, J

James Verin

Thomas Chard

Henry Dawson

Samuel Davies

Mark Wood

Robert Miller

Jo" Cunneball

Richard Staines

Joseph Gallop

Jo" Roberts

Hoo: Steward

James Burges
John Newton, cleared by the Councill at Medfield.
Nathan Addams, sick at Medfield.
Robert Briant, wounded at Dedham.

A List of them Cleared at Marlborough.

Jonathan Orris
W"' Turner jr.
Ephraim Roper
Jo" Sawdy
Richard Cheevers
Josiah Man
Elias Tyffe
Robert Scares
Sam" Rawlins
Samuel Brisantine
Isaiah Toy
Roger Jones

Matthias Smith
Samuel Gallop
Barthol. Whittwell
Samuel Judkins
Richard Knight
Joseph Preist
Peaceful Clarke
Henery Kerby
Edward Wright
Phellip Jessop
Thomas Skinner, Clerk

Henry Timberleggs,

Ensigne
William Wade
Clement Hamblinge
Jacob Hanson
Jo" Brackenbery
Nathaniel Badcock

Jo" Carthew
Thomas Bendy
Jo" Smith
Joseph Dindy
Amos ....
Henerie Wright

Samuell Holmes
James Parker
ffearnott Shaw
Wiir" Robbins
James Travis
Jo" Jay

This is a true List of such as came out of Boston w"" me as witnesse
my hand ffeb. the 22*^ 1675-6. Will: Turner.

Another list follows upon the same paper and is headed, " A
List of men as they came from Marlborough ffeb; 29, '75-6."
This list is identical with the one above except that Edward
Crick (Creek) is Ensign in place of Henry Timberleggs (Tim-
berlake) cleared as above.

In the same paper also the following :

Rec*^ these men whose names follow, from Captaine Wadsworth & fro'.
Capt. Reynolds.

Phillip Mattoone, for whome I tooke in exchange John Thropp at
Hampton.

Jo" Newman made Corporall 17 March 75-6.

240

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

John Sympole
Jo° Chappie
Henery Beresford
James Burnell
Jo° Walker
Joseph Lamson
Joseph Bickner
William Clow
William Twing
Joseph Lyon
Richard Francis
William Hartford

Solomon Lowd '
WUliam Bosway
John Glide
Josiah Lane
James Hewes
Jonath: Dunninge
William Jaques
William Manley
George Ripley
Phill: Sandy
Diggory Sargent

Jo" Broughton
Jo° Rolestone
William Jemmison
Edward Samson
John A^^s
Joseph Griffin
Henery Smith
Sam" Phesy (Vesey)
Joseph Bateman
James Machrenell kild
at Hampton March 14*

These were left at Quabaug the 4* of March 1675-6.
Henery Pellington Tho: Brisanton Thomas Chapman

David Crouter Thomas Stacy Augustine John

John Gromwell Charles Duckworth James Callen

Richard Sutton

The Rest continued under my Command till y'' 7* of Aprill att
which time 4 were left in Hadly by order of y"^ Councell and part of
the Companie marched under the conduct off Lieut. Drinker with Maj.
Savage, some by order staying with me. Will: Turner.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 158.

A Liste off Souldjers und"" the Command off Capt. Will" Turner ffro.
the 7*'^ of ApriU 1676

Hadley Souldjers : Jo° Chambeiiin
Capt. William Turner Jo° Luddon
Serg' John Throppe John Presson
Serg' John Newman Jo" Bill
Corp' Joseph HartshorneWill'" Chubb
Corp' Robert Sympson Moses Morgan

W" Armes
John Strowbridge
Sam" Sybly
Thomas Jones
Robert Coates
David Hartshorne
Benj. Poole
John Uppum
Simon Grover
Stephen Grover
John Pratt
Thomas Briant
Triall Newbury
Josuah Phillips
Benjamin Chamb''lin
John Rolestone
John Longbury
John ffoster
John Wattson

Roger Jones

Jo" Wiseman

Phillip Jessop

Joseph Griffin

Josiah Man

Thomas Chard

John Sheapheard

Ephraim Roper

Nicholas Duerell

Phellep Cattlin

Joseph Chamb^in

Richard Snodin

Joseph Smith

Joseph Bodman

JohnChai)ple,Z)rMmwier John Ashdowne

William Hunt John Cooke

Samu" Tyly John Hix

James Barrell John Salter

William Hartforde Jeremiah Cloather

William Torner

Souldjers sent to the
Mill.
Robert Seares
Sam" Rawlins
John Sawdy
Jonathan Dunninge
Samuell Da^aes
John ffisher
Thomas Cobbett
Thomas Sympkins
Richard Lever

Hampton Souldjers
Serg' Esaiah Toy
Corp" John Wilde
John Smith
John Babson
John Whiterage

FIGHT AT " turner's FALLS.

John Chaplin
John Belcher
John Stukely
John Boyde
John Walker
John Roberts
Martin Smith
Abraham Shaw
Thomas Roberts
Richard Hudson
Samuel Ransford
Joseph ffowler
Solomon Lowde
William Jaques
Jacob Burton
William Smith
Nicholas Mason
Phellip Mattoon
Samuel Soutch
Thomas Lyon
Robert Price
Thomas Poore
Peter Bushrodd
Samuel Phesy
William Willis
Thomas Harris
George Bewly
William Howard
Phellip Lewes
Will"^ Hopkins
Mass. Archives,

Ephraim Beeres John Arnold

Richard Bever Simon Williams

John ffiske, left wounded Daniel Clow

by Capt. Lathroppe Edward Bishoppe
Henry Raynor

Hattfielde Souldjers Samuell Neale
Serg' Robert Bardwell Jeffery Jeffers
Corp" Samuell Laine Hugh Price
Benjamin Barrett

Hugh Goliko
Anthony Baker
Jo" Largin
Richard Staines
Nicholas Gray
Jo" Allen
Richard Smith
William Elliott
Jo" Wilkins
John Jones
Thomas Staines
Gilbert fforsith
Benjamin Lathroppe
Robert Dawes
Hugh Pike
Daniel Stearlin
John Verin
Jonathan Nichols
James Verin
John Downinge
Joseph Moring
Vol. 68, p. 212.

Archebold fiforest
Jabesh Duncan
John Hughes
William Batt
Wallter Hixon
Jabesh Musgrove
Matthew Groves
Anthony Ravenscraft
James Molt

Sent to Springfield
Serg' Roger Prosser
Ely Crow
Will'" Briggs
Jeremiah Norcrosse
WUl'" Mitchell
Timothy fifroglie
Onesephorus Stanly
William Crane
Henery Willis

Richard ffrancis. Clerk.

The last list shows the organization of Capt. Turner's force
until

THE " FALLS FIGHT," MAY 19, 1676.

The disposal of Capt. Turner's forces, from April 7th up to the
25th, is indicated in the above letter. In the closing clause it
will be noticed that he speaks of the news which a young man
brings in just before he sends the letter away. This was prob-
ably John Gilbert, who with Edward Stebbins had been taken
captive at Springfield about a month before and carried up the
river by the Indians, where Mrs. Rowlandson, in her narrative,
speaks of meeting him. Capt. Turner makes note of his infor-
mation to the effect that the Indians are gathering in great
numbers about these towns. Mr. Hubbard, on the otiier hand,
speaks of two "English lads," who give information of the
unguarded state of the Indians, referring doubtless to Gilbert
and Stebbins above mentioned, but confusing with theirs the
testimony of another captive named Thomas Reed, who escaped
and came in some weeks later. Some idea of the state of feeling

242 KING Philip's war.

among the English inhabitants and soldiers may be gained from
this letter of some of the chief actors at the front.

Letter of Rev. John Russell, Capt. Turner and others to the
General Court:

Hadly Ap^ 29, 1676
Right Woi-p'f"

This morning we received from Hartford these inclosed w*^*" we
were desired to post away; and have accordingly effected with all
speed. Its matter of thankfulnesse and incouragement to hear that
the Lord is in any place going forth w* o"' armies ; and delivering o""
enemies into o"" hands.

We hope if o"' sins hinder not it is a pledge of future & greater m"^.
It is strange to see how much spirit (more than formerly) appears in
our men to be out against the enemy. A great part of the inhabitants
here would our committees of militia but permitt ; would be going
forth : They are daily moving for it and would fain have liberty to be
going forth this night. The enemy is now come so near us, that we
count we might go forth in the evening, and come upon them in the
darkness of the same night. We understand from Hartford some
inclination to allow some volunteers to come from them up hither,
should that be I doubt not but many of o" would joyne w"* them. It
is the generall voyce of the people here y' now is the time to distresse
the enemy ; and that could we drive them from their fishing and keep
out though but lesser parties against them famine would subdue them.
All intelligence give us cause to hope that the Mohawks do still retain
their old friendship for us and enmity against our enemies. Some
proofe of it they have of late in those they slew higher up this River.
Two of whom as the Indian messengers relate were of o'' known
Indians ; and one a Quabaog Indian. And further proof its thought
they would soon give ; were the obstructions (y' some English have or
may putt in their way) removed and the remembrance of the ancient
amity and good terms between them and these colonies renewed by
some letters & if it might be by some English messengers. We would
not tho. out so good an end as love and zeale for the weal publique,
that we should be transported beyond o"' line. We crave pardon for
©'■ reaching so farr, and with many prayers do desire to beseech the
father of mercies and God of all counsell to direct you in the right
way ; & so praying we remaine

S"' Your Worships most Humble & devoted Serv'"

John Russell John Lyman

Will: Turner Isack Graves

David Wilton John King

Samuel Smith Daniel Warner

From a diligent study of all available autliorities, from all
accessible sources, supplemented by many new hints and evi-
dences afforded by documents preserved in the State Archives
and elsewhere, I think the following is a fairly accurate account

CONDITION OF THE INDIANS, MAY, 1676. 243

of the campaign of Capt. Turner in May, 1676, closing with the
Falls Fight on the 18th.

After the withdrawal of the army under Major Savage, the
Indians seem to have relaxed much of their vigilance, watching
mainly for opportunities for plunder wherever the English became
careless and exposed themselves or cattle to the chance of capt-
ure. In the mean time the situation of the Indians was becom-
ing desperate. The Narragansets with their allies and many of
the Wampanoags had been forced in an almost destitute condi-
tion upon the Nipmuck and Pocomtuck tribes for support.
These unwonted numbers soon exhausted the never abundant
resources of the local tribes, and when Philip's promises of a
speedy victory over all the river towns with plunder of their
goods were not realized, when the great chieftain Canonchet was
taken and slain, and having met the repulses at Northampton and
Hatfield, they were reduced almost to starvation, these river and
northern Indians began to realize the folly of their too ready
alliance with Philip, and put themselves into communication
with the authorities at Connecticut, either with a view to real
peace, or for the purpose of gaining time bj'- a pretence of peace-
ful negotiations ; at any rate the English entered into the nego-
tiations with great zeal, and sought to turn the home tribes
against Philip and the Narragansets. A price was set upon
Philip's head, whereupon that chieftain betook himself with his
faithful followers to safer solitudes up the river ; and now, pend-
ing these negotiations, the Indians gathered to the fishing places
upon the river in large numbers, hoping here to supply their
wants and secure a stock of provisions till they could accomplish "
the destruction of the towns and secure the corn and cattle of
the English. Knowing that the garrisons were small, and feeling
secure from attack both by numbers and distance, they grew
careless in sending scouts or placing guards. They had no sus-
picion of the growing resolution of the English to take the offen-
sive, nor any information of their preparations. A large body of
the Indians were gathered near the " Upper Falls " of the Con-
necticut, divided into several parties, one of which was located
on the high ground on the right bank at the head of the Fall,
another on the opposite bank, and a third at what is known now
as " Smead's Island," about a mile below, and all were intent
upon their fishing. Hearing, however, that the English had
turned some of their cattle out into Hatfield meadows, a detach-
ment was sent out upon May 12th, and succeeded in "stamped-
ing " about seventy head of these cattle, and driving them safely
into the woods. This fresh outrage was carried out with impu-
nity, and so enraged the English that they urged to be led out
against their enemies at once, and when Reed, above mentioned,
came in on May 15th, and disclosed the carelessness of the
Indians, it was resolved to wait no longer, but to gather the

244 KiyiG Philip's war.

forces and strike a blow, and on that day Rev. John Russell
writes a letter to the Council at Connecticut, informing them of
their situation and giving general news. He speaks of their
" visitation " by the epidemic distemper or malignant cold which
had prevailed at Connecticut (and of which Mr. Mather wrote
that he could not hear of a family in New England that wholly
escaped) ; of the peaceful election at Boston on May 3d, and the
return of Mrs. Rowlandson from captivity on that day, and letters
from Philip, the " Old Queen " and other sachems, proposing
terms of peace. He gives the news from Europe, the sufferings
of non-conformists, and of a great naval battle between the
French and Dutch. Only an extract is here given, being the
closing part which relates to the Indian war. The letter is dated
Hadley, May 15th. The postscript is by the military officers.

. . . This morDing about sunrise came into Hatfield one
Thomas Reede a soldier who was taken captive when Deacon Good-
man was slain. He relates that they are now planting at Deerfield and
have been so these three or four days or more, saith further that they
dwell at the Falls on both sides the river, are a considerable number,
yet most of them old men and women. He cannot judge that there
are on both sides of the river above 60 or 70 fighting-men. They are
secure and scornful, boasting of great things they have done and wiU
do. There is Thomas Eames his daughter and child hardly used ; one
or two belonging to Medfleld and I think two children belonging to
Lancaster. The night before last they came down to Hatfield upper
meadow, and have driven away many horses and cattle to the number
of fourscore and upwards as they judge. Many of these this man saw
in Deerfield meadow, and found the bars put up to keep them iu. This
being the state of things, we think the Lord calls us to make some
trial what may be done against them suddenly without further delay ;
and therefore the concurring resolution of men here seems to be to go
out against them tomorrow night, so as to be with them, the Lord
assisting, before break of day. We need guidance and help from
heaven. We humbly beg your prayers, advice and help if it may be.
And therewith committing you to the guidance and blessing of the
most High, Remain Your Worship's in all humble service.

John Russell.

Although this man speaks of their number as he judgeth yet they
may be many more, for we perceive their number varies, and they are
going and coming, so that there is no trust to his guess.

William Turner,
John Lyman,
Isaac Graves.

Preparations had been completed for several days, and the men,
gathered from the inhabitants and soldiers of the several towns
and garrisons, were appointed to meet at Hatfield at the summons
of the commander. Day after day passed, while they waited
impatiently the company which Connecticut authorities had

THE MARCH AGAINST THE INDIANS. 245

ordered to march to their assistance. These, delayed in turn by
the failure of the Sachems to appear at a promised meeting, and
fearing to make any hostile movement while English captives
were held by the Indians, did not move, and so on May 18th Capt.
Turner gathered all his available force at Hatfield, numbering up-
wards of one hundred and fifty rank and file. Of the garrison
soldiers I think only volunteers were taken in this expedition, as
it would not be safe to weaken the garrison by withdrawing a
large number of the men away from the defence of the towns,
which was their proper service. A comparison of the lists below
will show that a very small number of eastern soldiers are among
the claimants, though the list of killed has many names not rep-
resented there. A very large part of Capt. Turner's original com-
pany had marched home to Boston on April 7th, leaving him with
a company of single men, boys and servants, selected from Major
Savage's forces, for garrison duty. Of this expedition the offi-
cers were William Turner, Captain ; Samuel Holyoke, Lieut. ;
Isaiah Toy (or Tay) and John Lyman, Ensigns ; Rev. Hope Ath-
erton, Chaplain ; John Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg, Sergeants ;
Experience Hinsdell and Benjamin Wait were guides.

This company of volunteers, thus officered, and more than one
half inhabitants of the several river towns, mounted upon their
own horses, and armed as each might be able, or from the gar-
risons, took up the line of march in the evening of May 18th,
from Hatfield towards the Falls, twenty miles away, through the
woods. Taking their way northward through Hatfield meadows
and on by the road where both Lathrop and Beers had met dis-
aster and death, past the ruins of Deerfield, they crossed the river
at the northerly part of the meadow (a late high authority says
"at the mouth of Sheldon's brook"), and thus eluded the
Indian outpost stationed at a place " now called Cheapside," to
guard the usual place of crossing. These Indians, it is said, over-
heard the crossing of the troops and turned out with torches, and
examined the usual ford, but finding no traces there and hearing
no further disturbance, concluded that the noise was made by
moose, crossing, and so went back to their sleep. A heavy
thunder shower during the night greatly aided the secrecy of the
march, while it drove the Indians to their wigwams and pre-
vented any suspicion of an attack. This danger safely passed,
the troops rode forward through Greenfield meadow, and, crossing
Green river " at the mouth of Ash-swamp brook to the eastward,
skirting the greot swamjj " (says Mr. Sheldon), they at length,
about daybreak, reached the high land just south of Mount
Adams, where the men dismounted, and leaving the horses under
a small guard, pushed on tlirough Fall river and up a steep hill,
and halted and silently awaited daylight upon the slope (now on
the farm of Mr. Stoughton, it is said), above the sleeping Indian
camp. Here all was wrapped in profound sleep. It is said a

246 KING Philip's war.

great feast had been celebrated the night before by the Indians,
at which they had gorged themselves with fresh salmon from the
river, and beef and new milk from the Hatfield cattle. Not a
guard had been set, and no precaution had been made, so secure
were they and unsuspicious of an English raid. And now with
advancing daylight the sturdy settlers gather silently down and
about their unconscious foes, to whom the first warning of danger
was the crashing of a hundred muskets, dealing death in at their
wigwam doors. Many were killed at the first fire, and scarcely a
show of resistance was made. The savages who escaped the first
fire were terrified at the thought that their old enemy was upon
them, and fled towards the river, yelling " Mohawks ! Mohawks ! "
and wildly threw themselves into the canoes along the banks,
but many of these, overcrowding the canoes, were thrown into
the river and carried over the falls to certain death ; others were
shot in attempting to reach the other side ; others were chased to
the shelving rocks along the banks and there shot down. It is
said that Capt. Holyoke there despatched five with his own hand.
Very few of the Indians escaped, and their loss was computed by
contemporary writers at three hundred. One only of the English
was killed, and he by mistake, by one of his comrades, and an-
other was wounded in this attack. The soldiers burned all the
wigwams and their contents, captured the tools of the Indian
blacksmiths who had set up two forges for mending arms, and
threw " two great Piggs of lead (intended for making bullets)
into the river." But while this was being accomplished, the
several larger bodies of Indians upon the river above and below
rallied, and from various quarters gathered in and about the
English. A small party as decoys showed themselves crossing
the river above, and succeeded in drawing a portion of our force
away from the main body only to meet a large force and to re-
gain the command with difliculty. Capt. Turner, enfeebled as he
was by his disease, collected and drew off his troops towards the
horses, where the guards were about this time attacked by the
enemy, who hastily withdrew at the coming of the main body.
Mounting their horses, the English began the march for Hatfield.
The Indians in increasing numbers gathered upon flank and rear.
Capt. Turner led the van, though so weak from long sickness as
scarcely able to manage his horse. The intrepid Capt. Holyoke
commanded the rear guard, but in effect conducted the retreat.
The Indians advanced upon the left and rear, and several sharp
skirmishes ensued while they tried to separate the rear guard
from the main. Once Capt. Holyoke's horse was shot down, and
he narrowly escaped capture by the Indians, who rushed forward
to seize him, by shooting down the foremost with his pistols, till
his men came to his aid. On the left of the line of march, nearly
all the way to Green river, was a swamp in which the Indians
found safe cover. A rumor was started (by an escaped captive,

SLAIN AT THE " FALLS FIGHT/

it is said) that Philip with a thousand warriors was at hand, and
a panic ensued. The guides differed as to the course, and some
following one and some another, disorder prevailed, and the com-
mand was broken up. Two parties leaving the main body were
cut off and lost. Capt. Turner pushed forward with the advance
as far as Green river, and was shot by the Indians while crossing
the stream, near the mouth of the brook upon which afterwards
stood " Nash's " Mill. His body was found near the place by a
scouting party a short time afterwards.

The whole command now devolved upon Capt. Holyoke, who
led his shattered force, fighting every rod of the way, to the south
side of Deerfield meadow to the place known as the " Bars."
That the retreat did not end in a general massacre is doubtless
due to the skill and bravery of Capt. Holyoke in keeping the
main body together, and in protecting flank and rear while push-
ing forward to avoid the chance of ambuscades. As it was, they
found, on arriving at Hatfield, tliat some forty-five or more of
their men were missing. Rev. Mr. Russell's letter of May 22d
gives some account of the losses, and says that six of the missing
have come in, reducing the number of the lost to thirty-eight or
thirty-nine. Of the Indian losses he gives the report of Sergt.
Bardwell that he counted upwards of one hundred in and about
the wigwams and along the river banks, and the testimony of
William Drew and others that they counted some " six-score and
ten." " Hence we cannot but judge that there were above 200
of them slain."

Of the slain of our soldiers the following list is taken from the
best available authorities. The battle and the leader are perpetu-
ated in the name " Turner's Falls," applied to the scene of the
fight.

Capt. William Turner, Boston.
Serg' John Dickinson, Hatfield.
William Allis, "

John Colfax, "

Samuel Gillet, "

Experience Hinsdell, Hadley.
John Church, "

Samuel Crow, "

Thomas Elgar, "

Isaac Harrison, "

John Taylor, Hadley.
Edward Hodgman, Springfield.
George Hewes, "

Joseph Pike, "

James Bennet, Northampton.
John Miller, "

John Walker, "

Jabez Duncan, Worcester.
John Ashdowne, Weymouth.

The residence of the last thirteen

Nathaniel Sutliff, Deerfield.
John Hadlock, Roxbury.
Samuel Veze, Braintree.
Josiah Mann, Boston.
John Whitteridge, Salem.
George Buckley.
Jacob Burton.
John Foster.
Joseph Fowler.
Peter Gerin.
John Langbury.
Thomas Lyon.
Samuel Rainsford.
Thomas Roberts.
George Ruggles.
John Symms.
John Watson.
William Howard.

not known.

248

KING PHILIP S WAR.

The two servants meutioned in the following petition were
doubtless apprentices whose service was needed by widow Turner
about the Captain's business, now left to her management.
Buckman (or Bucknam) may have been of Chaiiestown, son of
William. His name appears in a later ledger of John Hull, and
John Sawdy was probably son of John of Boston.

To the Honourable Gouvener And Councill Now Assembled In Boston.
The Humble petition of Mary Tumor

Humbly showeth that whereas your poor petitioner hath lost her
husband in the Services of the Country Ingaging Against the Barbarious
& Cruell Heathen the Enemy thereof And having now still two servants
named John Sawdy And Samuell Buckman who went out with him in
the Country's service att hadley my widowhood estate & Condition for
want of Convenient supply of maintenances makes me Bold to supli-
cate your honours for An order for theire Releas & discharge from the
place to which att present they do belong & that your honom-s will so
far Consider my Condition as to order me pay for whatt Is In your
honours Judgment my Just : & Consider me In Respect of the Loss of
my Husband as your honours shall see mette which shall further
Ingage your poor petitioner to pray for your hon°" & this Countries
peace & prosperity.

[Endorsed] — Mrs. Turners petition, 26 June 1676.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 21.

Soldiers credited under Capt. William Turner
April 24'!' 1676
John Cunneball

June 24"^ 1676

John Coniball
John Broughton
Samuel Judkins
Isaiah Toy
William Parsons
Joseph Gallop
WiUiam Jameson
James Knott
Matthias Smith
William Clough
P^dward Wright
Joseph Lamson
Joseph Bicknell
William Turner
Joseph Priest
Henry Dason
Thomas Barnard
Philip Squire
Ephraim Roper
Joseph Bateman

02 04

10 06

Edward Drinker
Samuel Holmes
Samuel Davis
Richard Cheever
Robert Seares
William Turner, Capt.
Ezekiel Gilman
Hoo Steward
Robert Bryan
Elias Stiff
Henry Beresford
Jonathan Orris
Edward Creek "^
Henry Finch V
John Avis )

Henry Kerby
Thomas Elliott
Henry Wright
Bartholomew Whitwell
Tliomas Skinner
Richard Knight
Percivall Clark
Mark Wood

05 11 06

00 08 06

01 17 08
03 12 10
03 06 00
07 00 00
03 08 00

02 04 06
02 04 06
02 04 06
02 10 06
02 04 06

10 02 00

02 04 06
02 12 00
00 06 00

02 04 06

03 04 09
02 04 06
02 04 06
02 04 06

SOLDIERS IN THE " FALLS FIGHT/'

July 24 1676.
Thomas Brissenden 04 16 00

John Newman 05 03 09

John Simple 02 04 06

August 24*^ 1676.
William Turner, Gapl. 06 06 06
Samuel Gallop 02 03 08

Philip Jessop 03 13 08

WUliam Turner 05 08 06

John Sherly 05 14 00

Edward Samson 01 17 08

Josiah Mann 03 13 08

John Smith 00 10 02

Sept. 23«* 1676.

Thomas Bond 00 06 00

Thomas Lyon 10 04 00

Roger Jones 08 08 00

The credits above mostly represent those soldiers who served
under Capt. Turner from February 20th until April 7th, and the
sum £02 04s. 06d. covers the time until their arrival home,
about seven weeks and five days from their marching away.
After April 7th, those of his soldiers who remained in the West
received credit at the several garrisons at which they were
located, and their names will appear in that connection ; and this
is the reason that so few who were in the "Falls Fight" are
credited as serving under Capt. Turner. After his death the
officers of the garrison signed their vouchers.

The following list is the most important of all these that are
preserved pertaining to the soldiers of Capt. Turner, as it con-
tains the names of all the soldiers of whom the committee could
find any trace. The grant was made of a township of land, as
near as might be to the scene of the " Falls Fight," to all officers
and soldiers who were engaged therein. This alphabetical list
was evidently kept in the hands of the committee, and new
names are added in different hands through several years. A
few fragmentary papers are preserved in the archives in connec-
tion with this list, that show the methods of proving and identi-
fying claims. A certificate from John Bradshaw, still alive in
February, 1735, declares that liimself, Mr. Isaiah Tay, late of
Boston, deceased, who was a lieutenant under Capt. Turner,
and Nathaniel Pierce, of Woburn, were in the fight. John
Dunkin, of Worcester, certifies, April 1st, 1735, that his uncle
Jabez Dunkin was killed in the fight, and applies as his proper
heir. John Chase, of Newbury, certifies that he was in the
expedition with Capt. Turner, and helped to bury him, and that
Samuel Coieby, late of Almsbury, deceased, was with him.
Some other papers of like tenor are preserved, and several frag-
ments of evidence from town and church records, showing that
the committee demanded proofs before granting the claims. The
residences of the soldiers were given according to the best knowl-
edge of the committee, very often at loss For any information
after the lapse of sixty years. Many of the soldiers, after the
war, had removed to interior towns, and their descendants to dif-
ferent States, and sometimes the present residence of the claimant
would be given as the supposed home of the soldier ancestor.
Very many of the soldiers from the East were single men, boys

250

KING Philip's war.

and apprentices, and when these were killed their names were
soon lost, unless some record was made. At Northampton a
record of the death of thirteen of the soldiers, who had been in
garrison there, together with that of Capt. Turner, is found upon
the town books under date of May 19, 1676, with the comment,
" all slain by Indians." The committee finding this record, and
not knowing otherwise, assigned Northampton, or " North," as
their residence. It will be seen that one hundred and thirty-five
names appear, while up to 1741 only ninety-nine claimants had
been admitted. This may be explained by the fact that so many
of those engaged in the affair were strangers in the colony, or
mere boys, who left no legal claimants in this country. In other
cases it would be difficult to prove relationship such as would
entitle to a claim, especially when the soldier ancestor had
removed to a distant part of the country.

Fall PMght under Capt. W" Turner,
f Gen. Court. (Dated June, 1736.)

Hadlock, John.

Hoit, David, Hadley.

Hawks, John, Hadley.

Hawks, Eleaz"^, Hadley.

Howard, William, North.

Harrison, Isaac, Hadley.

Hughs, George, Spring.

Hinsdell, Experience, Hadley.

Hodgman, Edward, Spring.

Hunt, Sam", Billerica.

Harwood, James.

Ingram, John, Hadley.

Jones, Sam'.

Jones, Robertt.

Jilett, Sam", Hatfield.

James, Abell, North.

King, John, North.

Keett, Franc. Northamton.

Kellogg, Joseph, Hadley.

Lee, John, Westfield.

Lyman, John, North.

Leeds, Joseph, Dorchester.

Leonard, Josiah, Spi'ing.

Langbury, John, North.

Lyon, Thomas, North.

Miller, John, North.

Merry, Cornelius. North.

Morgan, Isaac, Springfield.

Morgan, Jonathan, Spring.

Miller, Thomas, Spring.

A List of y* Soldiers y' were in y"
approved off by y*^ Committee of

Allexander, Nath", N. Hamp'.
Alvard, Thom% Hadfield.
Atherton, Hope, Hatfield.
Ashdown, John.
Arms, William, Hadley.
Baker, Timothy, North Hampt.
Bedortha, Sam", Springfield.
Bennett, James, South Hampt.
Barber, John, Springfield.
Burnap, John.
Bradshaw, John, Medford.
Burnitt, John, Windham.
Bushrod, Peter, Northampton.
Boultwood, Sam", Hadley.
Bard well, Robt', Hatfield.
Ball, Sam", Springfield.
Burton, Jacob, North.
Beers, Richard, of Watertown, eld-
est son of Elnathan Beers.
Belding, Sam".

Clap, Presented, Northampton.
Fowler, Joseph, North.
Flanders, John.
Foot, Nath", Hatfield.
Gleason, Isaac, Spring.
Grover, Simon, Boston.
Gerriu,' Peter, North.
Grirtin, Joseph, Roxbury.
Hitchcock, John, Springfield.
Hitchcock, Luke, Springfield.

' In the Northampton records Peter Jerrin. In Hull's accounts two [persons appear in different
places, Peter Jennings and Peter Gennings. This may be one of the t-vo.

LIST OF turner's MEN.

251

Mun, James, Alive : Colchester.
Mun, John, Deerfleld.
Monteague, Peter, Hadley.
Mattoon, Phillip, Hadley.
Man, Josiah.
Nims, Godfrey, North.
Newbury, Tryall, Boston.
Old, Robert, Spring.
Chapin, Japhett, Springfield.
Crow, Sam", Hadley.
Crowfott, Joseph, Springfield.
Clark, William, Northampton.
Church, John, Hadley.
Coleman, Noah, Hadley.
Chamberlain, Benja., Hadley.
Chamberlain, Joseph.
Colfax, John, Hatfield.
Cunnaball, John, Boston.
Chase, John, Almsbury.
Coleby, John, Almsbury.
Dickenson, John, Hadley.
Drew, W", Hadley.
Dickenson, Nehemiah, Hadley.
Dunkin, Jabez, Worcester.
Edwards, Benj% North.
Elgar, Thomas, Hadley.
Fuller, Joseph, Newtown.
FeUd, Samuel, Hatfield.
Forster, John, North.
Pumroy, Medad, North.
Price, Robert, North.
Pike, Joseph, Spring.
Pumroy, Caleb, North.
Preston, John, Hadley.
Pratt, John, Maiden.
Pressey, John, Almsbury.
Pearse, Nath', Woburn.
Rogers, Henery, Spring.

Endorsement of the committee :

By y* best Acco" we can come at y" foregoing is a true list of y* Sol-
diers y' were in y^ falls fight w'** y^ Indians under Capt. Turner & for
ought appears to us at present y^"" Descendants accoi'ding to y" acts of
y** General Court are to be admitted to share in y'' Grant of y*' town-
ship above Deerfield granted them.

The following list of claimants was admitted June 23d, 1736,
and the name of John Scott, of Elbows, was added, doubtless
before the re^jort was accepted, and the figures also were changed.
Thos. Wells, of Deerfield, was then appointed agent for the pro-

1 This name is in the margin, and was added after the list was made out.

Roberts, Thomas, North.

Ransford, Sam", North.

Ruggles, George, North.

Read, Thomas, Westford.

Roper, Ephr*.

Siky, Nath".

Suttleife, Nath", Hadley.

Stebins, Sam", Springfield.

Stebins, Benoni, North.

Stebins, Thomas, Springfield.

Smeade, W", Northampton.

Smith, John, Hadley.

Stephenson, James, Springf.

Seldin, Joseph, Hadley.

Scott, W", Hatfield.

Salter, John, Charlestown.

Simonds, John.

(Smith, Rich<i.)i

Turner, Capt. W™, now Swan'y.

Tay, Isaiah, L'., Boston.

Thomas, Benj% Spring.

Taylor, John.

Taylor, Jonathan, Spring**.

Tyley, Sam".

Veazy, Sam", Brantrey.

Wright, James, North.

Webb, John, North.

Webb, Richard, North.

Waite, Benjamin, Hatfield.

Witteridge, John, North.

Walker, John, North.

Webber, Eleaz^

Wattson, John.

Wells, Thomas, Hadley.

White, Henry, Hadley.

Warriner, Joseph, Hadley.

Wells, Jonathan, Hadley.

Worthington, W™.

252 KING Philip's war.

prietors. Lots were drawn to the claimants according to the
above list, and the settlement progressed. A previous grant to
Mr. Fairweather of five hundred acres, together with much moun-
tainous and waste land, reduced the original grant of six miles
square to a tract of far less value, so that in 1741, when new
claimants began to appear, the proprietors petitioned for and
obtained another tract lying contiguous, a " gore " not yet covered
by any previous grant. Two new claimants, Samuel Coleby,
eldest son of Samuel Coleby, of Almsbury, and Tryall Newbury,
of Maiden, were admitted to first choice of lots on the new tract,
by act of the Court August 1, 1741. Perhaps later claimants
were admitted. The grant embraced the present town of Ber-
nardston (at first called " Falltown " ), Colraine, Leyden, etc.
The names of descendants stand first in the list.

A list of Soldiers and Descndts of such as are Deceased that were in
the fight called the falls fight above Dearfield who are intituled to
the township granted by the Generall Court, as follows :

Joseph Atherton, Deerfield, only son of Hope Atherton.

Nath' Allexander, Northampton, Nath Alexander.

Thomas Alward, Middleton, eldest son of Thom: Alvard.

John Arms, Dearfield, son William Arms.

John Baker, Northampton, son of Timothy Baker.

Samuel Bedortha, Springfield, son of Sam: Bedortha.

John Field, Dearfield, Dsc'nd' James Bennett.

John Barbur, Springfield, son John Barbur.

John Bradshaw, Medford, John Bradshaw.

Isaac Burnap, Windham, son John Burnap.

Sam' Clesson, Northampton, Desc* Peter Bushrod.

Sam' Boltwood, Hadley, son Sam: Boltwood.

Sam' Bardwell, Dearf, son Rob' Bardwell.

John Hitchcock, Springfield, Descend. Samll: Ball.

Stephen Beldin, No^ampton, son Stephen Beldin.

Richard Beers, Watertown, son Elnathan Beers.

Samuell Beldin, Hatf^ Sam" Beldin.

Preserved Clap, N^'ampton, son Preserved Clap.

Thomas Chapin, Springfield, son Japheth Chapin.

Samuell Crow, Hadley, son Samuell Crow.

Joseph Crowfoot, Wethersfield, Descend' Joseph Crowfoot.

William Clark, Lebanon, son WiUiam Clark.

Noah Cook, Hadley, Descend' Noah Coleman,

Benj" Chamberlain, Colchester, Benj'' Chamberlain.

Nath"^ Chamberlain, Descend' Joseph Chamberlaiui

Sam" Cunniball, Boston, son John Cunniball.

John Chase, Newbury, John Chase.

William Dickeson, Hadley, sou Nehemiah Dickeson.

Samuell Jellet, Hatfield, Descen' John Dickeson.

Benj" Edwards, N. Hampton, son Benj^ Edwards.

Joseph Fuller, Newtown, Joseph Fuller.

Sara" Feild, Dearfeild, son Sam" Feild.

GRANTEES AND DESCENDANTS. 253

Nath" Foot, Colchester, son Nath: Foot.

John Fhxnders, Kingston, son John Flanders.

Isaac Gleeson, endfield, sou Isaac Gleason.

Richard Church, Hadley, Desc' Isaac Hanison.

Simon Grover, Maiden, son of Simon Grover.

Samuell Griffen, Roxbury, sou Joseph Griffen.

John Hitchcock, Springf, sou John Hitclicock.

Luke Hitchcock, Springf^, son Luke Hitchcock.

Jonathan Hoit, Dearf, son David Hoit.

Jonathan Scott, Waterbury, Descend' John Hawks.

Eleaser Hawks, Dearf'', son Eleaser Hawks.

James Harwood, Concord, son James Harwood.

John Doud, Middleton, Descend' Experience Hinsdell.

Samuell Hunt, Tewsbury, Samuell Hunt.

William James, Lebanon, son Abell James.

John Ingram, Hadley, son John ingram.

Sam" Jellet, Hatfield, son Sam" Jellett.

William Jones, Almsbury, son Robert Jones.

Medad King, N hampton, son John King.

Francis Keet, N hampton, son Francis Keet.

Martin Kellog, Suftield, son Joseph Kellog.

John Lee, Westfield, son John Lee.

John Lyman, N hampton, son John Lyman.

Joseph Leeds, Dorchester, sou Joseph Leeds.

Josiah Leonard, Springf , son Josiah Leonard.

John Merry, Long Island, son Cornelius Merry.

Stephen Noble, formerly of endfield, Des"' Isaac Morgan.

Jonathan Morgan, Springf^, son Jonathan Morgan.

Thomas Miller, Springf^, son Thomas Miller.

James Mun, Colchester, James Mun.

Benj'' Mun, Dearfield, son John Mun.

John Mattoon, Wallingford, son Phillip Mattoon.

John Nims, Dearf**, son Godfrey Nims.

Ebenezer Pumroy, N hampton. son Medad Punn:oy.

Sam" Pumroy, N. H., son Caleb Pumroy.

Samuell Price, Glassenbury, sou Robert Price.

Sam" Preston, Hadley, Des' John Preston.

Thomas Pratt, Maiden, son John Pratt.

John Pressey, Almsbury, son John Pressey.

Henry Rogers, Springf^, sou Henry Rogers.

John Reed, Westford, son Thomas Reed.

Nath" Sikes, Spriugf^ son Nath" Sikes.

Nath" Sutliff, Durham, son Nath: Sutliff.

Sam" Stebbins, Springf , son of Samuel Stebbins.

Luke Noble, Westfield, Des' of Thomas Stebbins.

Ebenezer Smeed, Dearfield, son of William Smeed.

Joseph Smith, Hatfield, son of John Smith.

James Stephenson, Springf^, son of James Stephenson.

Thomas Selden, Haddam, son of Joseph Selden.

Josiah Scott, Hatfield, son of William Scott.

John Salter, Charlestown, son of John Salter.

William Turner, Swansey, Grandson of Capt. Turner.

254 KING Philip's war.

Benjamen Thomas, Stafford, son of Benjamen Thomas.

Joseph Winchall, jr. Suffield, Descend' Jonathan Taiier.

Samuell Tyley, Boston, son of Samuell Tyley.

Preserved Wright, N. H. son of James Wright.

Cornelius Webb, Springf^, son of John Webb.

Jonathan Webb, Stamford, son of Richard Webb.

John Wait, Hatfield, son of Benjamen Wait.

Eleaser Webber, Westfield, sou of Eleaser Webber.

Thomas Wells, Dearfield, son of Thomas Wells.

Ebenezer Wariner, P^udfield, son of Joseph Wariner.

Jonathan Wells, Dearfield, Jonathan Wells.

William Worthington, Colchester, son of Nicho Worthington.

John Scott, elbows, Grandson John Scott.

1 The Committee appointed to inlist the oflficers and Souldiers

96 in in the fight called the falls fight under the Command of
number Capt. William Turner then Slain and the Descend'' of such as

97 in are Deceased and that are intituled to the grant of this great
all and generall Court made them of a towneship, have attended

many times that service & returne the list above & afore-
said which contains the persons names claiming & from
whome and which the Committee have accordingly allowed
all which is Submitted.

W** Dudley
Boston June 1736. Eze. Lewis

John Stoddard
In Council June 23, 1736 Joseph Dwight

Eead and ordered that this Report be accepted. John Wainwright.
Sent down for concurrence.

Simon Frost, Dep'y Secretary.
Archives, vol. 114, p. 610.

Quite a number of the soldiers, as will be noticed, were alive,
and presented their claims in their own persons ; for instance,
Nathaniel Alexander, John Bradshaw, Samuel Beldin, John
Chase, Joseph Fuller, Samuel Hunt, James Mun, Jonathan
Wells, and very likely many others.

CAPT. WILLIAM TURNER'S FAMILY.

Notwithstanding the notable career of Capt. Turner, all the
results of efforts to trace his posterity so far amount to a few
accidental clues and inferences, and the following attempt to
arrange these is little more than a summary of probabilities.
William Turner was of Dorchester from 1642-1664, but no record
of marriage or birth of cliildren is yet found. On Boston Town
Records, under date of July 31st, 1665, " Sargt Will: Turner was
ordered to p'vide for himselfe and family in some other place,
having carried it ofencively here." He was again admonished
August 28th, and, not complying, was, on Sept. 25th, ordered
to be presented to the next county court. Of his further perse-

CAPT. turner's family. 255

cution, account is given above. On Boston Town Records is
found, " Prudence, dau. of William and Frances Turner born
October 12th 1665." In Suffolk Registry of Deeds, vol. x. p.
318, William Turner and Mary his wife, relict and executrix to
the Will of John Pratt, her former husband, dec'd ( Vide His-
torical and Genealogical Register, vol. vii. p. 36), convey to Jacob
He wins a dwelling-house and three-and-a-half acres of land, etc.
This lot was bounded on the south very nearly by what is now
Howard Avenue, and lay not very far to the west from the corner
of what are now Dudley Street and Howard Avenue in Ward 20.
The deed was made April 1st, 1671, and shows that the wife
Frances was dead and the second wife Mary, widow of John
Pratt, had been married. Their home was doubtless in Boston
after 1665. No record is found of the death of this second wife,
but in his will above mentioned, dated February 16th, 1675-6, he
mentions Mary his wife, formerly wife of Key Alsop. Now Key
Alsop died April 30th, 1672, and she married Capt. Turner prob-
ably in 1673-4 as his third wife. Frances, the first, was probably
the mother of all liis children, but of the place and date of
their births no record is found save of Prudence, above men-
tioned, and William, of his company, who is identified as his son,
by reference to him in the petition of Mary Turner above given.
His will, however, proves that he had sons and daughters living
in 1676, and it would seem that the son William was under
twenty-one years, as his mother-in-law petitions for his wages as
appears above. Thomas and William Turner were serving in the
garrison at Marlborough in the summer and fall of 1675, and in
the trouble which Lieut. John Ruddock had with the Marlborough
townspeople, Thomas was first on the list of soldiers, who gave
evidence in favor of the Lieutenant, and then disappears from
view, but reappears in 1678 at Bridgewater, where, with Joseph
Howard, he is appointed surveyor. In 1680 he is at Scituate,
where he settles and has children, of whom the second son,
William, born Jan. 13th, 1683-4, furnishes the clue which con-
nects this family with Capt. William of the Falls Fight ; for this
William, son of Thomas, was the same who in 1736 drew Capt.
Turner's right in the grant above mentioned, and is styled his
" grandson ; " he died in Newport, R.I., " Oct. 4th, 1759, in the
77th year of his age," and the correspondence of birth, grant and
death, affords the clue. Dr. T. Larkin Turner, of Boston, has
worked out this theory, and following it up I find many other
points. From Bristol County Registry I find that in 1710 Josiah
Turner, of Swansey, sold to his "brother Thomas Turner, of
Scituate, shipwright," a farm in Swansey. Both were inhabitants
of Swansey in 1711. The Province law enacted that the eldest
male heir of a soldier-grantee should have the choice of taking
the grant and paying off the other heirs their proportional part
of j£10, which was the established valuation of a share.

zoo KING PHILIP'S WAR.

The various clues and inferences above seem to point to the
following as a fair approximation to the family of

Capt. William Turner and wife Frances.
Patience,^ bapt. in Dorchester, Nov. 10, 1644. Thomas,^ soldier at
Marlborough, 1675; at Bridgewater, vScituate and Swansey, a
shipwright, 1678-1715; at latter date he pm'chased land in Free-
town of Constant Church. William,^ the soldier in the army
with bis father as noted above, settled in Boston. Joshua,^ joined
1st Baptist Church in Boston, 1669. Josiah,^ of Swansey, in
1706, with wife Hannah and children. Elizabeth,- joined Bap-
tist Church 1676 ; perhaps m. Alexander Dunkan, July 6, 1698,
" married by Mr. Miles." Prudence^ b. in Boston, Oct. 12, 1665.
Joseph,^ who (perhaps) married Sarah Wyman, dau. of Thomas,
a " TaUor," 1704.

Second Generation. Line of Thomas,^ of Scituate, etc.

Thomas,'' b. Sept. 18, 1682. Probably settled in Rochester, Mass.,
and had family there ; perhaps died before 1736, or waived his
right or sold it to William his brother, of Swansey.

William,^ m. Patience Hale, of Swansey, in 1711. Settled in
Swansey, and was quite a large land-owner and a ship-builder. He
succeeded to the Indian- War claim of his grandfather, as above-
said. He was one of the non-resident proprietors who agreed to
pay £23 each to carry forward the settlement of the Township.
He was of Swansey as late as 1748, but later removed to New-
port, R.I., where he died Oct. 4, 1759, in his 77th year. His chil-
dren, born in Swansey, were: William, b. April 27, 1713, became
a physician in New Jersey ; and his other children, born between
1714 and 1734, were : Lillis, Nathaniel, Patience, Caleb, and Hale.

ii. Rebecca.^ iv. Joshua.'' v. Caleb.'' vi. David.^ vii. Joseph.^
viii. Benjamin.^ The descendants of these six are scattered
through various parts of New England ; and Dr. T. L. Turner,
of Boston, has in preparation a genealogy of this whole branch
of the Turner family, and has furnished much of the material
above, for my use in this article.

Second Generation. Line of William.^
William - Turner, son of Capt. William, a soldier at Marlborough Gar-
rison in the summer and fall of 1675, in the Army with his father
from February 21, 1675-6, until the Captain's death, but was not
in the " Falls Fight." He served sometime after that, as the
accounts of service indicate. Married before 1679, and settled in
Boston. Is in a list of handy-craftsmen later. In 1691 was
among those who returned from the West Indies, bringing an
account of the great earthquake there; 1695, chosen constable in
Boston; 1698, tythingman ; 1699, clerk of the market; 1701,
licensed to sell wine, etc. ; 1708, his wife Hannah is licensed to
sell wine. His first wife was Ruth, by whom he bad Joshua, b.
Sept. 28, 1679, and again Joshua, b. Aug. 20, 1687. He married

CAPT. turner's family. 257

Hannah Jacklin, Aug. 28, 1689, and had Mercy, b. Feb. 19, 1691 ;
Hannah, b. Feb. 25, 1693; William, b. Dec. 12, 1699. Mary, b.
March 29, 1696, and Mary, b. Feb. 28, 1697, are assigned to
parents '* William and Mary," but probably is a mistake and
should be William and Hannah.
JosiAH 2 Turner, son of Capt. William, settled in Swansey with wife
Hannah, and had there John,^ b. Nov. 11, 1706; Nathaniel,^ b.
March 19, 1709-10.

Thanks are due to Dr. T. Larkin Turner and Messrs. W. B.
Trask, J. W. D. HaU, H. O. Wood, and G. H. Tilton, for help-
ful assistance in the above account of Capt. Turner's family, the
results of which do not at all represent the amount of work
done.

XVIII.

CAPT. JONATHAN POOLE, CAPT. THOMAS
BRATTLE, AND THEIR COMPANIES.

JONATHAN POOLE, of Reading, was the son of John and
Margaret, and was born (probably at Cambridge) in 1634.
His father was one of the first settlei'S of Reading, a hirge
hind-owner, and doubtless was the wealthiest of the settlers. The
family homestead was on the present site of the " Wakefield
l^attan Works," and to this and other large tracts of land Jona-
than succeeded upon the death of his father in 1667.

His wife's name was Judith, and their children, born in Read-
ing, were — Sarah, born 1656, married, 1673, Thomas Bancroft;
Judith, born 1658 ; Mary, born 1660, died 1661 ; Mary, 2d, born
1662, married, 1682, James Nichols ; John, born 1665 ; Jonathan,
born 1667, married Bridget Fitch, 1691-2 ; Thomas, born 1673 ;
William, born 1677 ; Elizabeth, born 1678.

Capt. Poole died in 1678 ; aged 44 years. His widow, Judith,
married, 1681, Capt. Wm. Hasey, and third, Lieut. Robt. Gould, of
Hull, and died, in Hull, 1704.

In October, 1671, he was appointed Quartermaster, and in
May, 1674, Cornet of the " Three County Troop," and still held
that office when the war broke out in 1675. In the summer he
was in service under Lieut Hasey, serving as Cornet, and will
appear in Hasey's list. In the campaign under Major Appleton,
in the fall of 1675, we find him in important positions. Sept.
30th he was in command of the garrison at Quabaog. He proba-
bly marched his troops, about October 10th, to Hadley, whence
he was assigned by Major Appleton to the defence of Hatfield.
On October 19th, when that town was attacked, Capt. Poole was
in command of a company, and gallantly and successfully de-
fended the north side of the town, account of which is given
above. In this defence, John Pocock, of Capt. Poole's company,
was killed. When Major Appleton had the command of this army
of the west suddenly thrust upon him by the Council, he ap-
j-ninted Cornet WhAq to a captaincy, and sent word to the Coun-
cil of his actiou, but the Council in reply rebuked this assumption
of authority on his i)art, instructing him that it is his ])lace to
recommend a deserving officer, but the Council's place to pro-

CAPT. POOLE'S SOLDIERS.

259

mote. Upon the necessity to consult the Council more fully
than by letters, he sends Capt. Poole personally in charge of his
messengers, who evidently made so good an impression upon the
wortliy magistrates that they recognized the wisdom of Major
Appleton, and upon his withdrawal of the main army for the
campaign at Narraganset, Captain Poole was placed in command
of the garrison forces in the Connecticut towns, and remained at
his post until, at the earnest solicitation of his friends and family,
he was relieved by the appointment of Capt. Turner, April 7th,
1676. Of his service during the winter some idea may be gained
from the following extract from a letter of Rev. John Russell to
the Council :

Capt. Poole who hath been last here for y® governm' of y*^ souldiers &
as president of y* Council of warr here doth earnestly iutreate for a
liberty to repaire to his own very much suffering family at least fcr
a while. We may not be so selvish as to be unsensible to kinduesse to
us in his stay here or losse to him thereby so as to hinder y^ promoting
of any rational! request consisting w'^ o"' publike safety : We are
thankfull for what blessing G-od hath made him to us ; desirous to
retaine him while not to much to his p'^judice. He signifies to us y'
there is now here in the army a man' of y*^ same Town viz. Redding by
Name Mr. John Brown whom he judgeth very fitt to oversee the
souldiers, etc., etc.

Hadley March 16"^ 1675-6 Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 163.

Credited under Capt. Poole.

October 19"^ 1675

Richard Silvester

05 00 00

Benjamin Hurd 01

10 00

John Arnold

02 14 00

Thomas Lasel 02

John Jones

06 18 00

November 20**' 1675

April 24"^ 1676

Simon Burr 01

Anthony Ravinscroft '

pr Sam

Joseph Hartshorne 03

Allin "

01 06 00

Jacob Hurd 01

John Dunster

07 06 06

William Arnold 04

June 24"^ 1676

James Pike 0-1

Richard Silvester

03 03 00

Phineas Upham, Lieut. 06

Thomas Bishop

09 00 00

Abraham Staples 00

Benjamin Norden

06 00 00

Samuel Read 01

John Wild

09 05 08

December 20* 1675

John Knight

11 02 08

Benjamin Chamberlain 03

John Hall

11 09 00

Walter Hickson 04

George Ebern

01 04 0.)

John Pemberton 04

Edward Bishop

07 03 02

January 25"^ 1675

Jonathan Poole, Capt.

05 00 00

.John Pocock 01

Joseph Hartshorn

05 06 08

Joshuah Fuller 03

Samuel Neal

08 00 00

Joseph Charaberlaine 01

John French

10 15 00

February 29, 1675

Increas Whetston

07 03 02

George Eborne 01

Thomas Purges

07 19 02

March 24, 1675.

William Chubb

07 18 06

John Laiue 09

00 00

Jonathan Poole, Capt.

44 05 04

260

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

William Rayment

Thomas Eaton

Thomas Sparks

Samuel Gatchell

Zechariah Herrick

Isaac Foster

John Clark

Benony Mactonell

William Elliot

James Carr

Benjamin Collins

10 00

John Dunton

Uzall Wardall

John Dethsidy

July 24* 1676

Joseph Norman

Thomas Cooke

P'rancis Cooke

Joshuah Boynton

John Prescott

William Bond

00 00

Nehemiah Tottingham

Daniel Smith

Joseph Peu'ce

August 24"^

William Duty

Robert Simpson

Joshuah Sawyer

Samuel Nicholson

Jonathan Poole

Thomas Smith

Humphrey Willard als.

John Pengilly

Millard

Joseph Jacobs

Benjamin Merifield

George Crosse

14 00

Thomas Hoppin

Elisha Fuller

Joseph Hartshorn

John Randall

Timothy Hewitt

James Miller

18 06

Israel Howing

Samuel Graves

William Pashly

John Hascall

Josiah White

John Day

AVilliam Deane

William Day

John Parker

Joseph Burrell

Henry Duen

John Smith

Nathaniel Bray

John Fitch

Richard Wood

John Ellitt

James Chute

Jonathan Moss

Thomas Woolson

Moses Chadwell

Sebius Jackson

Samuel Fisk

Thomas Browne

Samuel Stainwood

Henry Spring

John Long

Joseph Sherman

Jacob Pudenter

John Stone

James Atkeson

John Graves

Richard Hall

Stephen Pain

John Elsmore

Josiah Jones

Caleb Ray

Robert Mann

Thomas Vely

John Sterns

William Stacey

John Oyne

September 23"^ ]

676

Nathaniel Robins

John Flanders

Thomas Chamberlaine

Henry Bragg

Worke done ffor y'^ Soulders by y*' order of Capt: Poole & Commesary
Coaleman of Hattfeild December y* 10"" 1675 by Jacob Gardener

William Arnall — Imprimis. 1 paire of Shewes & )

Vamping a paire of bootes j

John Watson — 2 paire of Shewes . . . . 0: 16: 00

Anthoney Ravenscraft — 1 pair of Bootes . . . 1: 00: 00

0: 17:

CAPT. BRATTLE'S FAMILY.

John Downing — 1 paire of Shewes
Javish Musgrove — 1 paire of Shewes
Hue Pike — 1 paire of Shewes
Robert Symson — 2 paire of Shewes
Epheram Rigman — 1 paire of Shewes
John Arnall — 1 paire of Shewes & Stockins
Thomas Bux-ges — 1 paire of Shewes .
William Briggs — 1 paire of Shewes
Jeremy Clothier — 1 paire of Bootes .
Richard Silvester — 1 pair of Shewes .
John Hall — 1 paire of Shewes
Mosses Knapp — 1 paire of Shewes
Richard Smith — 1 paire of Shewes
Robert Coates — 1 paire of Shewes
Joseph Hartshorne — 1 paire of Shewes
Tho: Brian — 1 paire of Shewes and pouch
Will: Chub — 1 paire of Shewes .
John Hues — 1 paire of Shewes .
Benjamine Barret — 1 pake of Shewes .

08:

06:

16:

08:

14:

08:

05:

00:

08:

09:

08:

These is to Sertiffle y^ Honoured Commetty ; that these two bills was
delivered by y* order of Capt. Poole & my Self ffor y® use of the soul-
ders and Rec** by the solgers,

by me John Coaleman comisarey of Hatfield.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 83.

CAPT. THOMAS BRATTLE AND HIS MEN.

Thomas Brattle was born about 1624. Was a merchant of
good standing in Boston in 1656 ; was of the Artillery Company
in 1675. He was an enterprising land-purchaser, and bought
large tracts on the Kennebec and the Merrimac, the latter of the
Indians. He owned valuable iron works at Concord, and was
deputy from that town from 1678-1681 ; also from Lancaster, 1671-
2. Was one of the founders of the Old South Church, and in 1671
one of the commissioners sent to treat with Philip at Taunton ;
and in nearly all the relations of public life he appears as one of
the most active and influential men of the colony. He married,
probably in 1656, Elizabeth Tyng, daughter of Capt. William and
Elizabeth (Coytemore) Tyng, whose tragic death, Nov. 9th,
1682, is recorded in Judge Sewall's Diary. Their children, born
in Boston, were — Thomas, born Sept. 5, 1657, died same day;
Thomas, born June 20, 1658; Elizabeth, born Nov. 30th, 1660;
William, born Nov. 22, 1662 ; Katharine, born Sept. 26, 1664 ;
Bethiah, born Aug. 13, 1666 ; Mary, born Aug. 10, 1668 ; Edward,
born Dec. 18, 1670. Thomas Brattle was appointed Cornet of
the Suffolk troop. May 30th, 1670 ; Lieutenant, Oct. 13, 1675 ;
Captain, May 5, 1676. When the war broke out, Capt. Brattle
was an immediate and important friend of the colony. He loaned
the colony two hundred pounds, and in the first few months of

262 KING Philip's war.

the war he is personally credited with cash, supplies and service
to the amount of fifteen hundred pounds upon the treasurer's
accounts.

Sept. 8, 1675, the Council orders Cornet Thomas Brattle, with
a party of horsemen under his command, to take fifty soldiers
who are appointed to meet him at Leftenant Thomas Hench-
man's, in Groton, and distribute them according to his discretion
in the towns of Dunstable, Groton and Lancaster ; and to
arrange with the inhabitants for the support and aid of their
garrisons ; also to settle affairs, so far as possible, with the
friendly Indians at Wamesit, Nashoba and Marlborough, to
induce" the chief Wannalancet to return and live quietly at
Wamesit, giving his son as a hostage into the hands of the
English, etc. The issue of this affair will appear in the account
of the Pennacooks. Capt. Brattle was engaged in the organization
and supply of the several expeditions west and south. He was
personally with the forces at Narraganset, in the reorganization
of the army after the Swamp Fight. On May 15th, 1676, in the
expedition to Hassanamesit under Capt. Henchman, Capt.
Brattle, with a party of horse, fell upon the Indians between
Mendon and Hassanamesit and killed about twenty, of whom
four were squaws. The enemy dispersed into the swamps, and
the main body escaped.

On May 24th, Capt. Brattle " with a troope of horse," about
fifty, went in pursuit of the Indians "that had newly done
spoyle at Seaconcke." With a small party of foot, he arrived at
the Falls of " Pocatuck River," being on the Seaconck side.
The Indians appeared on the opposite side in force. Leaving
the foot behind, Capt. Brattle led the troopers up the river,
where they crossed with great difficulty, and soon came down
upon the Indians and put them to a disastrous flight, capturing
large store of their fish and other supplies, killing several.
One of the English was killed, and Cornet Elliot was wounded
in the hand. The dead soldier was carried to Seaconck and
buried. An Indian boy was captured who testified that these
Indians were three or four hundred, and belonged to "Nep-
sachuit." See Col. Records, vol. v. p. 96, the full letter of the
General Court.

June 30th, 1676, Capt. Brattle is sent on an expedition towards
Mount Hope with instructious as follows :

Instructions for Capt. Thomas Brattle.
You are to take twenty of your Troope with such officers as you
shall see meete, together with an officer & ten Troop" of Left.
Hassey's Troope and with them to march with all expedition to Ded-
ham where are ordered to be an officer with eighteen foote souldiers
mounted from Dorchester, sixe from Roxbury and twenty from
Dedham with an officer. All appointed to be at Dedham the Reude-

CAPT. brattle's instructions. 263

vous this day at fower of the clock this afternoone, whom you are to
take under your Conduct and the officers and souldiers are Required to
obey you as theire Commander for this Service of the Country. You
are to march with your Troopers & Dragoons to be at John Wood-
cocks by midnight wliere you shall meete with an Indian Pylot
and two files of musketeers which Pylot hath engaged to bring
you upon Phillip and his Company who are not above thirty men as he
saith & not ten miles from Woodcocks ; be sure to secure your Pylot
to prevent falsehood and escape. You are to endeavour with your
utmost diligence to Come up with the enemy and Coming up with
him, or any other of them, you are to subdue kill and destroy, in your
marches take heed of Ambushments and see you keepe your souldiers
in Comand and that they moove with as much sylence as may be, that
you be not prevented. In case the ennimy should be past to Mount
Hope and that you Can meete with Plymouth forces you are to Joyne
with them. If upon Intelligence you may probably Come up with
ennemy to fight subdue & destroy them.

ffor that you are victualled onely for sixe days, you are to order
that your march out may be proportionably thereto for your Returne
unless by the longer stay you shall see you have very probable ad-
vantage against the enemy & you may have Recruite of proper
officers from our Confederates or cann give timely notice to us to send
you supply.

In case you meete not with a Pylot at Woodcoks you are to send
to Mr. Newman at Rehoboth and lett him know of your being there,
and wayting to endeavour to surprise Phillip ; And In case that faile,
if upon Intelligence you have oppertunity to fall upon any other of the
ennemy you are to attend that ; Upon all occasions & opportunity you
are to Advise us of your motions and of Gods dealings with you ; for
your so doing these are your order and warrant. Given at Boston the
thirtieth day of June 1676

By the Gouvernour & Council of the Massachusetts.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, pp. 24, 25. J. L. G.

In this expedition Capt. Mosely was joined, as related by Mr.
Hubbard. The plan was carried out, but when they arrived at
the swamp they found the wily chief and his bodyguard " newly
gone." They, however, joined with the Plymouth forces under
command of Major Bradford, and succeeded, before their return
home in the latter part of July, in securing the Plymouth and
southern towns, and in killing or capturing one hundred and
fifty of the enemy.

Capt. Thomas Brattle died April 5th, 1683. He left, it is
said, the largest estate ^ in New England at that time. His son

> In the old Court ftleB, Book 8, is preserved the following, which may be of interest as describ-
ing Capt. Brattle's Kennebec grant:

" Thomas Brattle in behalf of himself & other the Heirs of Capt. Thomas Brattle, Mr. Antipas
Boyes, Mr. Edward Tyng & John Winslow claims a certain Tract of Land in America in or
between & extending from the utmoit Bounds of Cobbeseconte which adjoineth to the Kiver of
Kennebeck towards the Western Ocean, and a Place called the Falls at Nequambeek .Sc a Place
of fifteen English Miles on both Sides the River called Kennebeck River & all the Haid River that
lyeth within the said I>iraits ^t bounds Eastward, Westward, Northward .^ Southward as per
Deed from the Govern™' of i'liuiouth Colony dated 27 Octo' 1661 & Orderly recorded.

" A true copy Examined pr Tho' Clabke Dept» Sec'ty."

264

KING Philip's war.

Thomas administered upon the estate. This son Thomas gradu-
ated at Harvard, 1676, and was eminent for his scholarship,
especially in mathematics. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal
Society of London, which was a mark of great distinction to an
American. He was celebrated for his opulence, talents and
benevolence ; was treasurer of Harvard College from 1693 to his
death. May 18, 1713. He was never married. William Brattle,
second son of Capt. Thomas, graduated at Harvard College in
1780, and received degree of B.D. in 1692, and in 1696 was
ordained pastor of the church in Cambridge. He was a celebrated
scholar and preacher, being especially liberal for his time. He
married Elizabeth, daughter of Nathaniel Hayman, of Charles-
town, Nov. 3, 1697, and by her had two sons, of whom William,
the eldest, inherited his grandfather's Narraganset claim.

Soldiers Credited under Capt. Thomas Brattle.

October 19, 1675

Hugh Taylor

00 15 08

George Berbeck

10 00

Jonathan Atherton

01 10 00

Dec. 20">

Ebenezer Heiden

01 11 05

John Paison

10 00

John Bennett

02 02 09

Caleb Graunt

10 00

Richard Francis

01 00 00

Samuel Thacher

10 00

Denis Syhy

02 17 09

Thomas Brattle, LieuU

05 00

Moses Paine

01 08 07

John Bennet

10 00

John Smith

00 12 09

John Willington

10 00

Richard Hall

01 18 10

Solomon Phips

10 00

Paltiel Grover

01 12 10

Samuel Williams

10 00

Thomas Adams

00 15 08

Samuel Minott

10 00

Francis Cooke

01 00 00

William Kent

10 00

Samuel Williams

01 17 06

Samuel Payson

17 00

John Wells

02 17 00

March 24'^ 1676

John Needham

01 12 10

John Needham

14 02

John Long

01 05 06

John Bennitt

14 02

Elisha Foster

01 04 08

August 24 1676

Samuel Maxfield

01 04 08

Ebenezer Williams

12 10

Evan Jones

01 04 08

Joshuah Henshaw

07 06

Wm. Harsey als. Hasye

01 12 10

William Kent

11 00

John Needham

00 07 00

John Newell

19 08

David Freeman

01 03 06

Richard Scott

02 00

Benjamin Mills

01 03 06

John Pinder

15 08

John Pason

00 10 00

James Chevers

18 09

Samuel Church

01 07 00

James Francklin

15 08

John Stearnes

01 07 00

John Oynes

15 08

Josiah Jones

01 02 00

John Barrett

12 10

lucreasTwiugals.WinneOl 12 10

Justinian Holden

15 08

Patrick MoiTeue

01 00 00

Joseph Bhch

12 10

Timothy Dwight

00 15 04

Thomas Leonard

15 08

Heurv Spring

01 07 00

Moses Paine

11 05

JohuKendall

01 12 10

John Waiard als. Ware

14 03

Ephraim Regimant

01 00 00

Obediah Wood

15 08

Thomas Holman

02 02 10

CAPT. BRATTLE'S COMPANY.

265

Timothy Dwight
Joshuah Lambe
Francis Coard
Thomas Robinson

September 2
Thomas Browne
Samuel Gary
John Winter
James Bird
Timothy Hawkins
Daniel Smith
John Tolman
Edward Couch
John Turtle
Samuel Stone
Thomas Peirce
Zechariah Fowle
John Blackman
James White
Samuel Parker

00 08 08
02 02 10

01 00 00

00 18 08
11676

01 02 10

00 19 08

01 02 10

00 12 09

01 00 00

01 02 10

02 01 05
01 04 06
01 12 10
01 02 10
01 12 10
00 08 06

00 10 02

01 02 08
01 03 06

James Pemerton
Daniel Greenland
Anthony Howard
Daniel Champney
Joseph Sherman
William Bond
James Baker
Daniel Ruff
William Ager
John Allice
Richard Wood
Joshuah Sayer
Thomas Pemberton
John Mason
Nathaniel Rowleston
James Miller
Charles Davenport
Jonathan Gilbert
Samuel Sumner

00 14 03

01 12 10
01 08 06
01 02 10
01 07 00
01 02 10
01 04 06
01 04 00
01 05 08
01 02 02
01 17 00
01 14 03
03 05 08
01 12 10
01 02 10

01 00 00
00 13 00

02 00 00
00 19 08

XIX.

CAPT. JOSEPH SILL AND HIS MEN.

JOSEPH SILL (or as it is variously spelled, Syll, Scill and
Scyll) was the son of John and his wife Joanna, of Cam-
bridge, 1637-8, and was born there about 1639. He
married, December 5, 1660, Jemima, daughter of Andrew and
Elizabeth (Danf orth) Belcher, of Cambridge, and had children —
Andrew, born February 5, 1665-6, died June 12, 1666 ; Joseph,
bpt. 11 Mar. 1666, d. young ; Jemima, born September 21, 1667,
who married, December 21, 1687, John Hall, of Medford, and
inherited for him her father's Narraganset claim ; Elizabeth, born
September 12, married, November 12, 1685, Samuel Green, Jr. ;
Andrew and Thomas, of whose births no record is found. Mr.
Savage says that he removed to Lyme, Conn., at the close of
Philip's war, and there married, February 12, 1678, his second
wife, Sarah Marvin, widow of Reynold, and daughter of George
Clark, by whom he had Joseph, born January 6, 1679 ; Zachariah,
born January 1, 1682 ; perhaps others.

Capt. Sill was called into military life early in the war, and
served almost continually, in important times and places, till its
close. When Capt. Richard Beers marched with his company up
to relieve the garrison at Brookfield, Aug. 5th, 1675, Sill was his
lieutenant, and shared the fortunes of the company in that cam-
paign ; was probably in the fight at " Sugar-Loaf Hill " on
August 25th ; but was probably left at Hadley in command of
the rest of the company when Capt. Beers, and his twenty-six
men, marched to the relief of Northfield on September 3d, and
were ambushed and nearly all slain on the 4th, on what is since
known as " Beers's Plain." After that disaster he remained in
command of the remnant of the company for the rest of the cam-
paign, and up to October 5th, when he is mentioned in Capt.
Mosely's letter as having gone with Captain Appleton and a com-
pany of one hundred and ninety men to protect Springfield. On
October 4th a letter from the Council to Major Pynchon directs
that " Lieut. Scill be dismissed home to his family," and his
soldiers to make up some of the other companies as the Major
thinks best.

In a letter from Capt. Appleton at Hadley, October 17th, Capt.

CAPT. sill's instructions. 267

Sill is mentioned as being still in command of a company of sixty-
men ; but he had evidently returned home before November Ist,
as upon the 2d he was called out again and given commission
with the following instructions :

Orders and Instructions for Capt. Joseph Syll.

By virtue of An order pr. Council impowring mee to give you Instruc-
tions &c.

1] You are to Take charge of the soldiers raised from Charlestown,
Wattertown & Cambridge ; which are about sixty men ; & being fitted &
furnished with Arms, Ammunition & provision for a weeke ; you are to
march away ; forthwith to Naticke & there take such trusty indian
guides with you (as Corporall watson hath p''pared for that purpose)
& then march away w"* all conv'nt speed to Hassanamesitt (an indian
plantation neare nipmuck River) from whence you are to send intelli-
gence unto Captain Daniel Henchman who with his company is mai'ched
to Mendon ; informing him y' you are ordered to joyne with him to pursue
the enimy, whom we heare is come down to a place called Packachooge
about 7 miles from Hassanamesit Norwest, & hath killed and surprised
some of o"" neighbour Indians that were gathering corne there ; and as
wee have ground to feare hath lately Attacked marlborow.

2] 15eing joyned with Capt. Henchman you are to be under his
order and joyntly to seeke out for the enimy at y^ said place or any
other place where you can understand hee is ; and if you meet the
enimy you are to use your best skill & force to surprise, sease kill and
destroy the enimy ; and to receive and release any of our friends either
English or Indians y' are taken or injured by him ;

3] You are to be very careful to send forth scouts ; before you to
discou"^ the enimies quarters & if it may bee to com upon him in the
night.

4] You are carefully so to march y"' men in the woods so y' if it be
possible to avoide or shunne or well serch before you com to neare all
thick places as swamps or thicketts wher the enimy uses with subtility
to lurk in Ambushments.

5] You are in allyo"" Attempts & enterprises to have yo'' harts lifted
up to God in Ch* Jesus ; who is the Lord of hosts & God of armies that
hee will give his p''sence with you & assistance unto you & yo' Company
in all yo'' undertakings not trusting or relying upon the Arme of flesh
but upon the Lord alone from whose greatness Blessing & p'"sence all
good comes.

6] And you are carefully so to demeane yo'"selfe in yo'' conv'sation
y' you may give yo'' soldiers a good example in piety & vertue & so
govern the soldiers under yo'' command y' yo' campe may bee holynes
to y*' Lord & to this end you have y^ military laws printed and pub-
lished, which are for yo"' rule & direction in that matter.

7] If you finde a considerable quantity of corne at Packachooge if
yu can save it wee give it you and yo' soldiers together w"' Capt.
Henchman and his soldiers for plunder.

So desiring the ever living Lord God to accompany you & yo"" com-
pany with his gratious conduct and presence, And that he will for
Chts sake approve in all the mounts of diflSculty ; & cover all yo'' heads

268 KING Philip's wak.

in the day of Battle & deliver; the blood-thirsty & cruel enimy of
God & his people into yo"" hands, & make you executioners of his just
Indignation upon them and returne you victorious unto us We comitt
you & yo'' company unto God & remaine Yo'' very Loving freind

Daniel Gookin, Sen^^
November the 2'^ 1675.
These orders & Instructions past by the Councill November 2, 1675.

E. R. S.
[Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 40.]

The account of this expedition has been given in part in
connection with Capt. Henchman's company, but many addi-
tional particulars, and, indeed, the most reliable account attain-
able now is given in Gen. Daniel Gookin's account of the
" Praying Indians." It would seem by his account that
the chief cause of this expedition of Henchman and Sill was
the capture by the hostile Indians of three of the villages of the
"Praying" or "Christian" Indians, viz.: Magunkog (Hopkin-
ton), Hassanamesit (Grafton) and Chobonokonomum (Dudley).
Capt. Sill was at Hassanamesit on November 6th, having with
him as guides six of the Natick " Praying Indians," of whom
the principal were James Quannapohit and Eleazer Pegin.
These two, with about a dozen of the company, went out to
scout, and discovered seven hostile Indians leading away a white
boy captive. The hostiles fled, but were so closely pursued by
the Natick scouts that they were forced to abandon the boy, who
was taken by our Indians and brought back to Capt. Sill. This
boy's name was Christopher Muchin, a servant or apprentice of
Peter Bent, a miller at Marlborough ; and he told the Captain
that he was seized the day before at Bent's mill, and that Bent's
son, a lad of about nine years, was taken at the same time,
scalped and left for dead — who, however, recovered. After
this Capt. Sill's company joined with Capt. Henchman's, and
under the latter's command all marched to a place called Packa-
chooge (southerly part of Worcester), and there encamped for
one night in two large wigwams recently left by the Indians.
In this place, as well as in others on the way, quantities of corn
were discovered, and much of it burned, but no Indians were
found except by the small scouting parties led by the Naticks.
The companies marched back to Hassanamesit and there sepa-
rated before November 10th, and Capt. Sill marched with his
company to Marlborough and Sudbury, where he was located on
November 16th, but marched to Springfield immediately, and on
the 20th, in the disposal of the troops by Major Appleton into
the garrisons for the winter, thirty-nine of his men were left at
Springfield under command of Lieut. Niles. Capt. Sill was
thereafter employed in guarding the supplies and conducting

AT GROTON AND VICINITY. 269

affairs, under Major Willard's orders, at the various garrisons as
there was need, and was with the army at Narraganset after the
Swamp Fight. He was sent with a company of dragoons, with
some sixty carts, to bring off the inhabitants of Groton. The
line of carts was said to be over two miles long, and the convoy
of some fifty men very inadequate when stretched out to that
length. This line was ambushed and attacked, but either the
Indians were too few in number, or the long line of carts, with
their guard, was too formidable or awkward to handle, so that
having killed two of the advance guard at their first fire, and the
guards not being thrown into confusion by the attack, but
quickly rallying under their captain and preparing for defence,
the Indians, after a few desultory shots from their safe covert,
retired.

The following paper will show something of the kind of service
in which Capt. Sill was engaged during this time.

At a Councill held at Boston the 21^' of 1 : Month, 1675-6
It is ordered that Capt. Syll give forth his orders to the several
Constables of Charlestowne, Cambridge, Watterton, Sudbury & Marl-
boro forthwith to send in to him the horses & men y' were under his
command formerly for the carriage of Ammunition and provision from
Northbrow to Brookfield (or in default y'"of to impresse so many) &
Maj"' Willard is ordered forthwith to appoynt said Capt. Syll : twenty
troopers & Dragooues of Essex & Norfolke men to guard the said to
the place appointed ; and after the delivery of the said provisions &
Ammunition at the Garrison there the said Syll is ordered to returne
home and dismiss the said Horses & men & Returne the troopers &
dragoones to Maj'' Willard & attend his further orders.

It is further ordered y' Capt. Syll cause the Coopers at Cambridge &
Charlestowne to make so many 4 gallon runletts to put powder in as
may suffice to carry 200* powder from Marlborow to Brookfeild for
the Country service. Past E. R. S.

It is ordered by the Council, That the Commissary of Marlborow
deliver to Capt. Syll such Ammunition and Provisions as his horses
and Company can carry to Brookfield & after y* delivery of y'' same
to him, the said Commissary is to returne home, comitting what is
remaining of the magazine at Marlborough unto Decon William Ward's
care. E. R. S.

[Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 170.]

Mr. Hubbard, in his History, says :

After this April 17. Capt. Sill being appointed to keep Garrison at
Groton, some Indians coming to hunt for Swine, three Indians drew
near the Garrison-house supposing it to have been deserted; two of
them were slain by one single shot made by the Captain's own Hands,
and the third by another Shot made from the Garrison.

270 KING Philip's war.

On April 27th six companies were raised, three of foot under
Capts. Sill, Cutler and Holbrook, the horse under Capts. Brattle,
Prentice and Henchman, and sent to repress certain " Insolen-
cies " of the enemy, and to range the woods towards Hassana-
mesit. There, guided by the Natick scouts, our horsemen fell
upon quite a large party of the enemy and captured or killed
sixteen, account of which has heretofore been given in the
chapter devoted to Capt. Henchman.

These forces were released on May 10th, owing to the trouble-
some distempers resulting from an "epidemical cold" at that
time prevalent throughout the country ; but the release was only
till such time as the troops had generally recovered and were
needed. The occasion came, and on May 30th the same forces
were called out again and marched to Brookfield, where they
were to meet the forces of Connecticut ; but they came upon a
body of Indians, " fishing in Weshacom Ponds towards Lancaster,"
of whom they killed seven, and captured twenty-nine, the latter
mostly women and children. This affair occurred on May 7th,
and necessitated delay and a return to Marlborough for supplies,
so that when they arrived at Brookfield the Connecticut forces
had marched to Hadley, where ours joined them on the 14th,
two days after that place had been attacked by a large body of
the enemy, who, busily watching the advance of our forces from
Marlborough, seemed to have missed the Connecticut companies
coming into the town, and were surprised at their presence, and
fled precipitately when a shot from a small cannon struck an out-
lying house which some of them were plundering. The Con-
necticut soldiers pursued them for some miles up the river, and
killed several, but could not overtake or flank them. The Massa-
chusetts troops arrived on May 14th, and the united forces, with
the Mohegans, amounted to about one thousand men. Major
Talcott, with the Connecticut troops, on the IGth, marched up on
the west side of the river, and Capt. Henchman with those of
Massachusetts on the east side. A heavy rain-storm prevailed
during several days, drenching them, and spoiling most of their
ammunition and provision. They returned to Hadley on the
18th, and Major Talcott two days later marched homeward with
his force, while Capt. Henchman with his troops remained several
days diligently searching for the enemy; but not finding them,
and fearing they were gathering towards the eastern towns, he
marched homeward about June 24th. Capt. Henchman's letter
(ante, page 57) gives an account of the experiences on this
march home. Capt. Sill was selected to command a force con-
sisting of about one hundred foot, a troop of horse and the com-
pany of friendly Natick Indians, and to scout from Quonsigamon
pond towards Wachuset and thence to " Nashaway a;id the
Weshakem Ponds," and join the main force, awaiting probably at
Brookfield or Marlborough. The result of this scouting expedi-

CAPT. SILL AT THE EASTWARD. 271

tion under Capt. Sill is not found recorded. The enemy were
now scattered towards Plymouth Colony and into the eastern parts,
about Dover, Wells, and as far as Casco Bay.

The main part of the troops in this campaign was dismissed
early in July, but about the first of September we find Capt. Sill
again in command of a company and marching to the eastward
to protect the frontier settlements now threatened by the many
hostile Indians who had taken refuge with the tribes in those
parts. At Dover, on September 6th, his company, together with
that of Capt. Hathorne, found four hundred Indians who were
gathered at Dover at Major Waldron's, with whom the neighbor-
ing tribes had made peace. The Captains Hathorne and Sill were
commissioned to seize and kill all Indians who had been con-
cerned in the war, and there were many of these mixed in with
the peaceful tribes and had come hither under their protection
and pledge. The Captains urged their commission, and Major
Waldron urged his duty and pledge of hospitality ; but find-
ing them determined he compromised the matter by planning a
stratagem by which some two hundred of the hostile Indians were
made prisoners, while Wannalancet and his Pennacooks, Ossipees
and Pequakets were allowed to depart unharmed. The account
of this transaction will properly fall under the chapter concerning
Major Waldron.

Two days after this affair these companies, together with some
of Major Waldron's and Capt. Frost's men, marched on to the
eastward as far probably as Falmouth, but, finding no enemy
and all the settlements deserted or destroyed, they returned
to Piscataqua, and were in these parts on October 3d, as men-
tioned in a letter of Gen. Denison to the Council. Capts.
Sill, Hunting and Frost are said to be there under com-
mand of Capt. Hathorne. It was there, about this time, that
some insubordination or other objectionable conduct occurred,
which occasioned the following action of the Court on October
17th, 1676 :

Whereas Capt. Joseph Scyll hath therefore binn imployed iu the
couutrys service, as commander of a company, & that information is
given that of late he hath carried himself offencively in that place, this
Court doth the''fore order, that the said Scyll be forthwith dischardged
from that imploy, & some other meet person appointed in his room.

[Colony Records, vol. vi. p. 126.]

I find no explanation of this in any other place, and no subse-
quent action by the Court concerning Capt. Sill, save that
indicated in the answer to the })etition below, which appears also
in Colony Records, vol. v. p. 506. Mr. Hubbard's account indi-
cates that Capt. Sill still held his command, and went with Capt.
Hathorne on the march in November, 1676, to Ossipee and

272

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Pequaket. Sometime before November 7, 1681, Capt. Sill
removed to Lyme, Conn., where he was living at that date. He
died at Lyme, August 6, 1696. His son Thomas was a ship-
master, lived in Boston in 1699, and was probably the Capt. Sill
who died there in May, 1709.

Credited under Capt. Joseph Syll.

November 30^ 1675

Benjamin Dowse 00 14 06

Joshua Begalow 00 14 06

John Bond 00 14 06

James Kellon 00 14 06

Samuel Cutler 00 14 06

George DeU 00 14 06

Jonathan Smith 00 14 06

Isaac Larned 00 14 02

Paul Wilson 00 14 06

Nathaniel Hely 00 14 06

John Chadwick 00 14 06

Gershom Swan 03 00 00

Nath Sanger 00 14 06

Samuel Peirce 04 16 00

Samuel Butterick 04 16 00

Roger Jones 04 16 00

Joseph Syll 03 06 09

December 20"» 1675

Daniel Warrm 00 10 04

Joseph Waite 00 14 06

William Sheaf 01 03 08
Nathaniel Frothingham 00 17 00

William Bodman 00 14 06

Peter Frothingham 00 14 06

Amos Marrett 00 14 06

Zachariah Brigden 00 14 06

Samuel Cooke 00 14 06

William Brown 00 14 06

John Bicknell 00 14 06

Thomas Moussell 01 04 03

Timothy Cutler 00 02 06

James Smith 00 02 06

Elnathan Beeres 00 14 06

Nathaniel Bersham 00 14 06

John Oyne 00 14 06

Thomas Hamond 00 14 06

John Barnard 00 14 06

William Richardson 00 17 06

Thomas Rand 00 14 06

Joseph Dana 00 14 06

Thomas White 01 04 09

January 25"^ 1675-6

Andrew Stimson 00 14 06

Samuel Gibson 00 17 00

William Barret, Lt. 01 03 08

John Craig 00 16 02

John Hastings 00 17 00

Jason Russell 00 14 06

John Squire 00 14 06

Samuel Buck 00 14 06

Samuel Robins 00 14 06

Abraham Spencer 01 19 00

Solomon Prentis 00 09 06

John Simpull 00 14 06

John Melven 00 14 06

JohnCrumwell 00 14 06

John Bradshaw 01 05 08

James Holland 00 09 04

Benjamin Rice 00 12 00

William Crouch 01 19 04

Thomas Foster 01 04 05

Josuah Eaton 00 14 06

February 29"* 1675-6

Joseph Syll, Capt. 07 10 00

Thomas Hovey 02 00 00

Benjamin Russell 01 10 00

Robert Burdall 01 10 00

John Foskett 00 18 00

Obadiah Searl 01 10 00

March 24*^' 1675-6

Zachariah SawteU 02 05 04

John Barrett 01 10 00

Abraham Cosens 01 08 02

James Wheeler 01 08 02

John Gleeson 01 08 02

April 24«' 1676

Daniel Magennis 02 08 00

Thomas Adams 01 08 02

Thomas Talley 01 06 06

WilUam Pashly 01 12 06

Thomas Polly 00 15 04

Samuel Cleaveland 02 04 06

William Vines 01 09 02

Daniel Hudson 02 02 00

Richard Taylor 00 14 10

Jonathan Crisp 01 13 00

Thomas Whitney 03 11 00

CREDITS UNDER CAPT, SILL.

273

Philip Jones

July 24"^ 1676

June 24"> 1676

Joseph Clark

11 05 03

George Adams

08 02

Moses Whitney

03 05 00

Samuel Lampson

John Goodwin

02 18 00

Thomas Adams

Samuel Damman

00 17 00

Joseph Peiree

John Fisk

03 12 00

James Bernard

Hopewell Davis

01 09 00

Francis Shepheard

Nathaniel Kettle

00 18 00

Ephraim Bemish

Jonathan Cary

01 05 00

Josiah Hobbs

03 06

Thomas Mitchinson

02 13 00

Josiah Clarson

Richard Woods

01 06 06

Joseph Simons

Henry Salter

01 10 10

Sebread Taylor

August 24"^ 1676

Henry Harris

John Chapman

02 08 10

Jonathan Laurence

Jonathan Barker

01 06 06

Joseph Lambson

Jonathan Remmington

09 08 08

Zachariah Brigden

William Stephens

03 13 08

Joseph Bickner

Ambros Mackfassett

02 18 00

Jacob Amsden

00 00

John Tarball

03 13 10

Paul Wilson

Mathew Griffin

04 08 09

William Twing

Thomas Hall

01 10 00

John Chapman

Edward Smith

03 13 00

John Figg

Samuel Scripture

02 04 06

WUliam Gill

Ambros Mackfassett

00 04 02

Simon Rogers

William Tarball

02 04 06

Joseph Smith

Joseph Harris

01 10 00

Theophilus Thornton

John Salter

00 16 02

Nicholas Bullis

Thomas Whitney

00 04 02

Joseph Bateman

Thomas Chadwick

01 10 10

Ambros Mackfassett

Samuel Lord

01 15 10

Moses Wheat

Cornelius Church

03 13 00

Jeremiah Mosse

John Walker

01 10 10

Samuel Lewis

Theophilus Philips

03 12 06

John Barnard

Jacob Waters

00 07 08

Humphrey Miller

Thomas Parker

04 19 09

Thomas Region

Ephraim Philips

02 04 06

Timothy Cutler

Thomas Farmer

02 04 06

Richard Griffin

John Barbeene

02 15 00

Zechariah Brigden

Jonathan Whitney

03 13 08

Joseph Needham

John Eliott

02 07 00

Samuel Taylor

03 06

Joseph Symons

01 18 06

Samuel Parry

Jonathan Smith

02 04 06

James Barnard

Ellis Barron

03 18 00

John Gale

John Cutler

01 11 08

Simon Stone

Samuel Perry

01 18 06

John Clary

Benony Macktonnell

03' 06 00

Joseph Blanchard

Benjamin Symons

03 00 00

Isaac Emsden

Samuel Gallup

01 06 06

Jonathan Kettle

Jonathan Parker

01 09 00

Samuel Bickner

Zechariah Cuttm

02 14 10

Hopewell Davis

Henry Prentice

03 10 00

John Miriek

02 03

John Streeter

03 06 09

274

KING PHILIP'S WAR,

Jonathan Parker
Nathaniel Greene
John Weld jn"'
Benjamin Barges
Zechariah Padlefoot
James Atkesson
John Sanders
Joseph Lowe
Zacharius Brigden
John Bateman
Joseph Waight
Thomas Frost
William Ball
Caleb Ray als. Rey
William Butter
Zechariah Hicks
Peter Edgerton
Joseph Mayo

September 23^
John Dun ton
Nehemiah Tatingham
Thomas Chamberlain
Stephen Francis
Justinian Moulding
Joseph Holland

14 06 1

1676

John Barnard
Humphrey Millard
Benjamin Merifield
George Dill
John Mudg
James MUler
John Salter
Daniel Woodward
Hopewell Davis
Isaac Laurence
James Wallis
John Robey
Alexander Steward
John Parker
John Knight
Abraham Whitaker
Mathew Clark
Nicholas Browne
John Hartshorn
Joseph Syll, Capt.
Jacob Bullard
Philip Gleson
Daniel Maginis
Thomas Dawby

00 18 00
03 01 08

00 11 00

01 16 10

03 12 10
00 04 02
00 09 04
00 15 04

02 08 00
02 14 00

00 14 06

01 16 00
00 04 02
00 14 06

02 14 00
02 15 08
02 15 08
02 15 08
02 15 08
06 00 00
02 04 06
00 17 00

04 13 00
00 14 10

The names of those who served under Capt. Sill after Septem-
ber 23d, 1676, were credited in a later Journal, now lost. The
following interesting document explains itself :

To the honored Generall Court assembled at Boston the Petition of
Joseph Sill,
humbly sheweth
That your petitioner accounts it a great priviledge that from his child-
hood he hath bin trained up, and hath spent so many of his dayes
under your government, and cannot without singular content and com-
placency call to minde, that he hath bin honoured to be called forth
under your commission, to appear in the field against your enemies, in
pursuance of which he did according to his mean ability serve you
faithfully, and for length of time and number of expeditions, may
(without ostentation be it spoken) compare with most if not any who
were listed in your service ; and accounts noe part of his dayes, next
to those which have bin unproved in the immediate service of God, so
well spent as those which have bin imployed in the service of his
country and the government, remaining still devoted, in all that he
hath and is, unto your service, without any selfish aimes. Yet being
well assured that your noble and generous inclinations are not infeinor,
to his who accounted that day lost in which some or other were not
benefited by him, nor to his, who was displeased with such as asked
no kindness from him, he must confess that he hath some ambition that
it may be manifested that he is not forgotten amongst those that have

PETITION OF CAPT. SILL IN 1685. 275

tasted of your beneficence, and humbly craves of the honoured court
that you would please to grant to him a small number of acres of that
land which hath bin recovered from the enimy, that so a little part of
what he hath seen with his eyes and trod with his feet, in your service,
may be committed into his hands, and that so he may the more com-
fortably share in the blessings of these peaceful days wherein men may
beat theyr swords into plow shares, and your petitioner shall pray, &e.

Joseph Sill.

The magis*^' judg meet to grant the petitioner
two hundred acres of Land where he can find
it free ; their brethren the Deputys hereto consenting.
Edward Rawson, Sec'y.

The deputyes consent not upon the consideration that this Court hath
already granted a plantation of eight miles square in the nepmug coun-
trey for the Accommodating such as were souldiers in the Late Warr
with whom the petitioner may have his liberty to come in for a settle-
ment if hee thinke good.

Richard Sprague, pr order.

November y« 19th 1685.

[Mass. Archives, vol. 70, p. 148.]

XX.

VARIOUS OFFICERS AND COMPANIES.

LIEUT. WILLIAM HASEY AND HIS COMPANY.

WILLIAM HASEY, Boston, as early as 1652, lived at " Pull-
ing Point ; " afterwards a large land-owner at Rumney-
Marsh; Artillery Company, 1652; freeman (Hazzey),
1665. By wife Sarah had Esther, born about 1650, married
Lieut. Henry Green of Maiden, January 11, 1671, and died Feb-
ruary 26, 1747 ; William, born Sept. 15, 1652 ; Asa, born Janu-
ary 1, 1655 ; Joseph, May 29, 1657 ; Susanna, May 30, 1660 ;
Martha, baptized April 24, 1665. Lieut. Hasey married, second,
May 16, 1681, Mrs. Judith, widow of Capt. Jonathan Poole. He
died at Reading, May 30, 1689, aged about 70 years.

Cornet William Hasey (or Haisy), May 27, 1674, was ap-
pointed Lieutenant of the " Three County Troop," of which
Edward Hutchinson was Captain and Jonathan Poole was made
at same time Cornet; in Philip's war commanded a company in
the summer of 1675. I find no connection between this family
and William Hearsy of Hingham.

William, the son, married Judith, and had William, born De-
cember 21, 1679; Jacob, born August 26, 1684; Judith, Abi-
gail, Martha; Nathaniel, March 13, 1693; and died June 7th,
1695, aged 43, leaving widow Judith, who died November 17,
1718, aged 68 years.

Credited under Lieut. William Hasey.

October 5"^ 16

Phineas Sprague

18 06

Benjamin Barrett

GO 18 GO

John Green, Corpr.

02 03

James Barrett

GG 18 G6

John Brown, Corpr.

02 03

Samuel Weeden

GG 18 G6

John Eaton

18 06

Daniel Greenland

GG 18 G6

Henry Greene

18 06

Edward Tattle

GG 18 G6

Samuel Richarson

18 06

Joseph Weeden

GG G8 06

Thomas Pehee

18 06

Thomas Wheeler

Gl G2 G3

John Gould

18 06

Thomas Wilson

GG 18 G6

Joseph Wright

18 06

John Greenland

GG 13 OG

John Batchelor

18 06

Thomas Brinknoll

GG 18 G6

John Kendall

18 06

John Greet)

GG 18 G6

Thomas Hodgman

18 06

William Green, Corpr.

GG 15 G6

Josias Brown

18 06

CAPT. MANNING AND HIS MEN.

277

Joseph Wing

00 18 06

August 24"^ 1676

Increas Wiog

00 18 06

Thomas Wheeler

00 17 00

John Brown

00 18 06

John Barrett

00 14 03

Richard Middleton

00 18 06

Increas Wing

00 14 03

Joseph Richardson

00 18 06

John Richeson

00 17 00

William Hasey, Lieut.

02 06 06

Thomas Hodgman

00 14 00

Jonathan Poole, Cornt.

01 17 02

William Greene

00 17 00

Isaac Brookes

00 18 06

Phineas Sprague

00 17 00

July 24'^ 1676

Joseph Winn

00 14 03

Nathaniel Richesson

00 14 03

Thomas Brintnall

00 14 03

Samuel Richeson

00 05 09

William Hasey, Lieut.

01 15 09

Stephen Richeson

00 04 03

John Kendall

00 07 00

Isaac Brooks

00 01 06

September 23^ 1676

John Eaton

00 14 03

John Waite

00 14 GO

Thomas Peu-ce

00 14 03

John Greene

00 14 00

Thomas Gery

00 14 03

CAPT. NICHOLAS MANNING, OF IPSWICH, AND HIS MEN.

Capt. Nicholas Manning was the son of Richard Manning, of
Dartmouth, co. Devon, England, and Anstiss (Galley), and was
born there June 23d, 1644. He came to Salem (perhaps as
mariner) and married Elizabeth, widow of Robert Gray, June
23d, 1663, and had children — Thomas, Nicholas, Margaret,
John, born between 1664 and 1668, and all died young. His
mother Anstiss, then a widow, came to Salem in 1679, with six
children, of whom Thomas, born February 11, 1664 (the young-
est brother of Nicholas), was the ancestor (gr. grandfather) of
Elizabeth Clarke Manning, mother of Nathaniel Hawthorne, the
eminent author. Nicholas served in the Mount Hope campaign,
June, 1675, in Capt. Paige's Troop, was also in command of a
company that marched out to Narraganset to recruit the army
after the Great Swamp Fight. His nephew Samuel inherited his
Narraganset claim.

He was an adherent of the Andros government, and under that
was appointed to a judgeship on the Kennebec River, and upon
Andros's overthrow he was arrested and imprisoned as one of his
followers.

Credited under Capt

. Nicholas Manning.

February 29'^^ 1675-6

Samuel Smith

10 00

Richard Scott 04 10 00

Ezekiel MihiU

10 00

John Ballard 01 16 00

Daniel Gobeley

10 00

AnthonyNeedham,iieM«.10 10 00

Beckett

10 00

Stephen Heurick 01 10 00

April 24"^ 16^

Thomas Raymond 01 10 00

Samuel "Varnam

00 00

Richard George 04 10 00

John Uugles

16 00

March 24"> 1675

"June 24* 1676

Abiel Lamb 04 10 00

John Wheeler

10 00

John Pickard 01 10 00

Resolved White

10 00

278

KING Philip's war.

John Chapman

10 00

Robert Kinsman 01

10 00

Edward Colcord

00 00

Nicholas Manning, CapLlS

00 00

Richard Norman

10 00

Jonathan Fairbanks 04

10 00

Thomas Fuller

10 00

Alwin Breed 01

10 00

Ebenezer Prout

10 00

Caleb Kemball 01

10 00

John Spauldin

00 00

Elihu Wardall 01

10 00

William Rayment

16 00

July 24"^ 1676

Christopher Palmer

08 07

James Kidd 01

14 00

Jonathan Moore

12 10

Henry Farrar 02

10 00

John Lewis

16 00

August 24* 1676

Samuel Johnson

10 00

Benjamin White 04

10 00

Nathaniel Kirkland

16 00

Palmer 02

08 00

Joseph Collins

10 00

Joseph Smith 02

00 00

Samuel Hartwell

10 00

CAPT. JONATHAN REMINGTON AND HIS MEN.

Jonathan Remington was the son of John of Newbury, 1637,
and was born February 12, 1639 ; settled in Cambridge and
married Martha Belcher, daughter of Andrew, July 13th, 1664,
and had Martha, born February 18, 1666-7, died April 23, 1669 ;
Jonathan, born March 17, 1668-9, died April 16, 1669 ; Martha,
born October 28, 1674, married Capt. Nicholas Bowes of Boston,
January 19, 1718-19 ; Jonathan, born September 25, 1677 ; Sam-
uel, born July 11, 1679, died June 3d, 1680 ; Anna, born January
30, 1680-81, married John Hill, June 24th, 1708; John and
Mary, who died 1689 and 1690 ; Elizabeth, had a share in the
estate ; Sarah, born May 10, 1688, married John Biscoe of Water-
town, February 1, 1710-11. Was prominent in public and
especially in military affairs, and from 1682 till his death kept
the original " Blue Anchor Tavern," Cambridge. He held the
position of corporal in the local military company at Cambridge,
and was in command of a company during the winter and spring
of 1675-6. He was active in the later Indian war, in 1689 at
Groton, and in 1691 at Wells and in the eastward parts. He
died April 21, 1700, leaving his widow Martha, who died July
16, 1711, and through his son Jonathan left a notable and numer-
ous posterity. He served with the Cambridge men under Capt.
Davenport in the Narraganset campaign, and was in the Swamp
fight. In the winter following he was active in the command
and supply of some of the garrisons in the interior towns, and
was ordered, March 11, 1675-6, to leave " the garrison " and
march his soldiers home. His son Jonathan inherited his Narra-
ganset claim.

Credited under Captain Jonathan Remington

April 24* 1676

John King 03 15 00

Aaron Jaques 03 06 GO

Joseph Gridley 03 17 00

William Bishop

06 00

Peter Ilanchett

10 10

William Haywood

10 10

Caleb Jackson

10 00

CAPT. REYNOLDS' MEN.

279

Tobiah Redman

02 07 02

Richard Higinbottom

03 06 00

William Brown

01 16 00

Richard Sawtell

03 06 00

Robert Wills

04 17 06

Thomas Thorp

03 06 00

John Burrows

02 07 02

June 24"^ 1676

Jeremiah Hood

04 10 10

John HoUis

04 10 10

Francis Cooke

04 09 10

Samuel Williams ")
and his man |

05 01 00

William Smith

02 07 02

John Parrum

03 06 00

LIEUT. NATHANIEL REYNOLDS AZsTD HIS MEN.

Nathaniel Reynolds, born in England, was the son of Robert
and Mary, of Boston as early as 1632. He married Sarah D wight
of Dedham, November 30, 1657. She died July 8, 1663, and he
married Priscilla Brackett, of Boston, before February 21, 1666.
Children of Sarah, first wife, — Sarah, born July 26, 1659, married
John Fosdick ; Mary, born November 20, 1660, died aged 2 years,
2 months ; Nathaniel, born March 3, 1662-3. By second wife —
John, born August 4, 1668, died 1757, aged 88 years ; Peter,
born January 26, 1670 ; Philip, born September 15, 1672, died
young; Joseph, born January 9, 1677, died January 16, 1759,
aged 82 years 7 days ; Hannah, born January 15, 1682, married
Samuel Royall ; Mary, born 1684 ? married Nathaniel Woodbury ;
Benjamin, born May 10, 1686 (in Bristol) ; Ruth, born Dec. 9,
1688, married Josiah Gary.

He was of the Artillery Company 1658, and admitted freeman
1665. He was in command of the garrison at Chelmsford in the
fall and winter of 1675-6, and on February 25th the inhabitants
petition the Court that he be allowed to remain, with his soldiers,
for their protection. He removed to Bristol, R.I., after the war,
and was prominent in the organization and development of that
town.

Credited under Lieut. Nath' Reynolds.

April 24"^ 1676

Thomas Stacy 03

15 04

Thomas Wiborn

00 18 00

David Couch 03

15 04

June 24"^ 1676

Joseph Bicknell 00

12 00

Michael Bastow

00 18 00

Joseph Bateman 00

12 00

Humphrey Miller

02 18 00

William Twing 02

08 00

John Sergeant

00 12 00

James Burrell 02

03 08

Zibeon Leatherland

00 12 00

Robert Mason 00

12 04

Digory Sergeant

02 10 06

Ephraim Mosse 01

04 00

Joseph Saxton

00 12 00

July 24"' 1676

Azbin Morris

00 12 00

Samuel Peacock 00

14 00

James Mecranell

01 04 00

August 24"> 1676

Joseph Lamson

00 12 00

Nath'l Reynolds, Lieut. 04

05 00

280 KING Philip's war.

CAPT. JOHN HOLBROOKE, OF "WEYMOTJTH, AND HIS MEN.

Capt. John Holbrooke was the son of Thomas, and the follow-
ing list from the N. England Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol.
XXV. p. 14, serves to fix the date of the family's arrival at Wey-
mouth, Mass.

Waymouth [England] y^ 20"^ of March 1635 [-6]
Bound for New England
[No] 66 Thomas Holbrooke of Broadway aged 34: yeare

67 Jane Holbrooke his wife aged 34 Yeare

68 John Holbrooke his Sonne aged 11 yeare

69 Thomas Holbrooke his sonne aged 10 yeare

70 Anne Holbrooke his daughf aged 5 yeare

71 Elizabeth Holbrooke his daughf aged 1 yeare.

All the data we have concerning Capt. John show the above
age to have been some six years less than that given upon his
gravestone, and to have been incompatible with many points in
his history. He married Elizabeth Stream, who died June 25th,
1688, aged 64 years ; and second, widow Mary Loring, who sur-
vived him. His cliildren were — John, married Abigail Pierce,
daughter of Capt. Michael ; a daughter, married Simon Whit-
marsh ; Abiezer ; Hannah, married Ephraim Pierce, son of Capt.
Michael ; Grace, married Joseph Nash of Boston ; Samuel ; Lois
and Eunice, twins ; Eunice, married Benjamin Ludden ; Ex-
perience, married Joseph Edson ; Ichabod, married Sarah Turner.

Capt. Holbrooke was a very enterprising man of business, and
his real estate operations were quite extensive for his day. He
was also prominent in military affairs, was Lieutenant of the
local company, and, August 8th, 1664, was chosen to go upon
some service as Lieutenant in the company of Capt. Hudson,
but his wife and family being sick at the time, Ensign John
Thurston, of Hingham, was appointed in liis stead. In the time
of Philip's war he was in command of the local company, and in
the spring of 1676 was appointed to command one of the com-
panies raised and sent out to suppress the ^' Lisolencies " of the
Indians and to "range the woods towards Hassanamesit." The
following papers pertain to that service. Capt. Holbrooke died
November 23, 1699, leaving a large estate to his numerous heirs.

Concord y"* 29"^ of Aprill 1676
Hon^'' Sirs,

According to orders I have obtained here to Concord & this Day
have mustered my Company, And have here send the list of those that
not appear according to order likewise the names of them y' are here
now of my Companey, which are but very Small which is a great Dis-
couragement to me, therefore my humble request is that I may have
my Company made up accordinge to my order of 80 men or else y' I

CAPT. HOLBROOKE'S MEN.

281

may be Dismissed which I have mention to yo"" Honno" alreadye Iff I
should not have a full Company. Some nessarys, I want for the
Company I have neither Drume nor Collors, which I Desire that If you
thinke it fitt to send me Either houe-boye or a Drumpiter which is very
requisitt, having nothing Else att present & remaine

Your Honn°" Most humble Servant

John Holbrook.
Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 239.

The following paper is doubtless the list referred to :

These are to Certifie y^ Hon*^ Major Generall Denison or whome it
may Conserne Being ordered to take 82 men under my Command to-
gether with 28 horses & 14 men to tend them, viz. being order by
Major Clarke

39 men from Boston 4 horses 2 men
9 men from Roxbury 4 horses 2 men
9 men from Dorchester 4 horses 2 men

6 men from Dedham 4 horses 2 men

7 men from Brantry 4 horses 2 men

6 men from Weymouth 4 horses 2 men
6 men from Hingbam 4 horses 2 men

Defects from Boston for non-appearance Jn° Pemerton, Jn° Porter &
Richard Knight From Dorchester non-appearance. Consider Atherton,
Henry Wedarton [Withington] , Ebezar Clape. From Waymouth,
Zachary Gorney. From Hingham, Jn° Feres & Arthur Sherman,
p me John Holbrooke Cap"

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 12.

Credited under Capt. John Holbrooke.

June 24"^ 1676

Jeremiah Conah

03 02 06

Daniel Adams

16 00

Benjamin Molton

03 02 06

Samuel Adams

04 00

Benjamin Bates

05 15 10

Denis Sihy

10 00

James Atkins

01 15 00

August

24"^ 1676

Samuel Blake

03 10 08

Samuel Davis

00 00

Thomas William

01 10 00

Joseph Lyon

11 08

Isaac How

01 01 04

Moses Knapp

10 00

Samuel Spencer

01 01 04

Roger Prosser

13 08

Caleb Rev

01 14 02

Paul Gilford

19 00

John Whitney

00 18 00

Daniel Adams

12 01

John Ellenworth

01 11 08

Joseph Walters

10 00

Sept 23'^ 1676

John Scott

14 06

Joseph Tucker

03 05 00

John Plum

10 00

Thomas Hoppen

01 12 06

John Harker

12 00

James Hadlock

02 08 00

John Randall

11 08

Thomas Bull

04 07 06

Samuel Wales

12 06

John Craft

02 14 10

James Sinkler

02 06

Benjamin Merifield

03 01 08

282

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Joshuah Child

10 00

Richard Puffer

01 00

John Parker

01 08

Benjamin Phillips

10 10

William Deane

15 08

Daniel Harris 01 11 08

William Field 03 00 00

Thomas Betell 04 02 00

John Holbrooke, Capt. 16 01 03

CAPT. JOHN WHIPPLE, OF IPSWICH, AND HIS MEN.

The Whipple family in this country undoubtedly descended
from Matthew Whipple of Booking, co. Essex, England, a
clothier. Will of December 19th, 1616, probated January 28th,
1618, mentions son Matthew, son John, daughters Jane, Eliza-
beth, Mary, Anne, Johane, Amye ; " my sister, wife of Richard
Rathbone ; Hercules Stephens, grandchildren Hercules and
Margaret Arthur and Henry and Anne Coldham."

The two brothers Matthew and John, who were settled at
Ipswich some time before 1638, were probably the sons men-
tioned above. They settled at the " Hamlet," now the town of
Hamilton. John was a deacon or ruling elder of the First
Church. He was freeman 1640, and representative for eight
years between that and 1653. By first wife he had children
— Mary, John, Susanna, Sarah, and probably others.

Capt. John, son of "Elder" John, as above, born in Essex,
England, about 1626, married, first, Martha Reyner, daughter
of Humphrey, who died February 24, 1679 ; married, second, Eliza-
beth Paine, June 28th, 1680. By first wife had children — John,
born July 15, 1657 ; Matthew, born 1658 ; Joseph, born June 8,
1666 ; Susan, Sarah and Anna. He was appointed Cornet of
the Ipswich troop before 1675, and Captain in 1683 in place of
Capt. John Apple ton. He was Lieutenant in Capt. Paige's
Troop at Mount Hope, June, 1675, and was appointed Captain
of a troop raised for service under Major Savage in March, 1676 ;
was with the army in the unsuccessful manoeuvring of that
campaign. In the letter of the Council to Mayor Savage, dated
April 1st, 1676, is found the passage, "Touching that Rebuke
of God upon Cap' Whiple and y* poore people at Springfield it
is a matter of great shame and humbling to us." This was in
answer to one from Major Savage of March 28th, dated at
Hadley, in which he says that they have had advice from Spring-
field that eight Indians assaulted sixteen or eighteen men,
besides women and children, as they were going to meeting from
a place called Long Meadow, " and killed a man and a maid,
wounded two men, and carried away captive two women and
two children." One of the men killed was John Keep. Mrs.
Sarah Keep, his wife, was one of those captured with her child, and
died soon from her wounds. Major Savage says, further, that
being apprised of that affair and the way the Indians \vent, he
sent out sixteen men in pursuit, who came up with the Indians,
who, as soon as they found the English in close pursuit, killed

CAPT. JOHN WHIPPLE, OF IPSWICH, AND HIS MEN,

the two children, and striking the women with their hatchets upon
the head, left them for dead and fled. The horsemen brought
back the four bodies, the women being yet alive ; one recovered ;
and this disaster was a severe reproach to the guard, who in a
popular rhyme of the day are remembered thus :

" Seven Indians, and one without a gun,
Caused Capt. Nixon and forty men to run."

I am inclined to think that by the Council, Capt. Whipple, as
commander of the troop, and perhaps at that time with them, was
held responsible for the disaster. I know nothing of Capt. " Nixon."

Credited under Capt. John Whipple of Ipswich.

June 24"^

1676

Samuel Chapman 03

John Dodge

July 24* 1676

Marke Hascall

Joseph Taylor 03

William Smith

James Hobbs 03

Richard Child

Timothy Bread 03

Thomas Leaver

William Dellow 03

Samuel Smith

Henry Kenny 03

Daniel Wycome, Qr

. Mr.05

James Lowden 00

Joseph Cask

Joseph Eaton 03

John Rayment

August 24«' 1676

Thadeus Berry

Thomas Brintnall 03

Moses Cleaveland

Thomas Hodgman 00

John Sawin

John Whipple, Capt. 13

John Stone

Edward Neland 03

Samuel Stearnes

Samuel Giddings 09

John Wait

Thomas Andrews 03

Samuel Cooper

Ephraim Fellows 03

James Tenney

September 23<* 1676

Samuel Ladd

John Browne 04

Christopher Palmer

07 02

08 06
10 00
08 06
08 06
08 06
10 00
08 06

08 06
17 00
14 03
08 06
16 05
06 08
19 00

02 00

CAPT. JOHN JACOB, OF HINGHAM, AKD HIS MEN.

Capt. John Jacob was the son of Nicholas, who came from Old
Hingham, England, to Hingham, Mass., in 1633, with wife Mary
and children John and Elizabeth ; and there had Josiah, Joseph,
born May 10, 1646, and four daughters. Nicholas was representa-
tive in 1648 and 1649, and died June 5th, 1657.

Capt. John, born in England, married Margery Eames, Octo-
ber 20, 1653, and had children— John, born October 20, 1654,
who, April 19, 1676, was killed by the Indians near his father's
house, in what is now South Hingham ; Mary, born March 21,
1656; Sarah, born Sept. 29, 1657; Benjamin, April 2, 1659.
First wife died April 7, 1659, and he married, second, October 3,
1661, Mary Russell, daughter of George, and had Jael, born
September 7, 1662 ; David, born June 20, 1664 ; Elizabeth, born
April 11, 1666; Peter, born February 12, 1668; Hannah, born

284 KING Philip's war,

December 26, 1669 ; Samuel, born November 30, 1671 ; Deborah,
born May 15, 1674, died soon ; Deborah, 2d, born August 8, 1677 ;
John, 2d, born July 31, 1679; Lydia, born April 18, 1681;
Abigail, born Nov. 13, 1683. His will, probated Dec. 31, 1693,
names his twelve living children, four sons and eight daughters.
He was very active and influential. His house was fortified as a
garrison by order of the General Court, Feb. 25, 1676. He was
in command of a foot-company of about eighty men at Medfield,
when, on Feb. 21, 1676-7, the town was attacked by a large
body of Indians and partially destroyed. There were, besides
this company of Capt. Jacob, a detachment of twenty troopers
under command of Lieut. Edward Oakes, and the " train-band "
of the town, about one hundred in number. These were
quartered about the town in the various houses, and there were
no scouts about the town to keep watch and ward, and the enemy
crept in and about the houses, and just before daylight, at a
given signal, fired the detached houses, near which they had
placed ambuscades, and when the people and the soldiers
quartered there, rushed out, they were shot down. The main
guard, stationed near the meeting-house, had a cannon which
they fired several times, which alarmed the inhabitants and prob-
ably frightened the enemy, who fled across the river towards
Sherburne, burning the bridge behind them, thus cutting off the
slow and clumsy pursuit of the scattered troops. The fullest
account of this affair is given by Major Daniel Gookin in his
" History of the Christian Indians." He says the Indians burnt
about forty houses, near half the town, and killed and wounded
about twenty people. Among the killed was Lieut. Henry
Adams, the military officer of the town. After the lieutenant's
death, his widow Elizabeth had been taken to the house of the
minister, the Rev. Mr. Wilson, near the meeting-house, and here
a very sad and strange accident occurred ; for Mrs. Adams, who
had retired to the chamber, and was lying upon a bed just over
the room below, in which Capt. Jacob and some of the officers
and guards were gathered, was killed by the accidental discharge
of a gun in the hand of Capt. Jacob, just as he was passing out
of the house to his quarters, and having his gun " half-bent," i.e.
at half-cock, the muzzle pointing upward, the bullet piercing
through " the floor and mat through and through the body of the
lieutenant's widow." He was with Capt. Johnson in the Narra-
ganset campaign, and, on the Captain's death, was appointed to
the command of the company.' He was afterwards engaged
during the winter, with Capt. Wadsworth, in guarding the fron-
tiers from Milton to the Plymouth Colony bounds, Weymouth,
Hingham and Hull being assigned in particular to Capt. Jacob,
John, 2d, inherited his Narraganset claim.

1 It is probable that in the " Fort Fight " Lieut. Henry Bowen, if present, took the command
after the Captain fell, as was proper, but Capt. Jacob was appointed to fill the place afterward,
as wore other senior officers, in the other companies.

CREDITS UNDER CAPT. JOHN JACOB, OF HINGHAM.

Credited under Capt. John Jacob, of Hiugham.^

March 24"^ 1675-6

John Sibly

17 04

Nathaniel Beales

July 24"^ 1676

April 24'*^ 16

John Taylor

16 09

William Williams

Ebenezer Inglesby

10 02

James Taylor

William Bodkin

10 02

June 24'^ 167

August 24"^

1676

Thomas Davis

Elisha Foster

10 02

William Field

Anthony Hancock

10 02

Benjamin Bignall

Edward Blancher

10 02

John Battle

John Howen

10 03

Jeremiah Fisher

John Plumb

10 02

Benjamin Wight

Samuel Paule

15 02

Ephraim Wilson

David Fawkner

10 02

John Thnrston

John Wells, Jr.

10 02

Nathaniel Farrington

Henry Bowen

15 00

Edward Segwell

John Jacobs

17 00

John Gray

William Paine

10 02

John Cuckow

Thomas Hoppin

18 02

John Herring

Gilbert Endicott

10 02

John Richardson

Joseph Swady

10 02

Alexander Mecanny

September 23<* 1676

John Nowell

00 09

Isaac Jones

10 02

Humphrey Richards

CAPT. JOHN CUTLER AND HIS MEN.

Capt. John Cutler was the son of Robert (of Charlestown in
1637, freeman 1638) and Rebecca his wife. John was probably
born in England about 1628. He married, first, Anna Wood-
mansey, daughter of Robert and Anna. She died August 20,
1683, in her 57th year, and he married, second, Mehitable Hilton,
October 29, 1684. She died September 29, 1711, having survived
the captain, who died September 12th, 1694, in his 66th year.
His children, all by his first wife, were — John ; Timothy ; Sarah,
born October 20, 1655, married Eleazer Phillips, 1695-6 ; Samuel,
born March 6, 1658 ; Hannah, married Daniel Willard, 1683 ;
Robert, born November 15, 1663, died in Barbadoes August 30,
1683 ; Rebecca, born November 5, 1666, married Josiah Bennett ;
Mary, born November 20, 1669, died 1703.

Capt. Cutler was engaged during the war, on various occasions,
in conducting supply trains to the garrisons, and at the time of
Capt. Wadsworth's destruction at Sudbury, April 21, 1676, nar-
rowly escaped being cut off with his company returning from
Marlborough. He was in command of a company under Capt.
Henchman the next month at Hassanamesit.

i See also credits of March and April, 1676, under Capt. Johnson.

286

KING PHILIPS WAK.

Credited under Capt. John Cutler.

June 24 1676
Zachariab Feres 00
William Green 00
John Wilson 00
Joseph Pratt 00
Daniel Edmunds 02
John Watson 00
Josiah Wood 01
John Dows 00
William Whiting 01
Samuel Blancher 00
Timothy Philips 01
Giles Fifield 00
John Fosdicke 00
Samuel Peirce 00
Samuel Cutler 01
Joshuah als. Josiah Ben-
jamin 00
Daniel Baldwin 00
John Cutler, Leiut. 03
Nathaniel Rand 01
Matthew Griffin 00
Samuel Frothingham 00
Nathaniel Douse 01
Thomas Rand 01
George Polly 00
Edward Wilson 00
Josiah Smith 00
James Smith 00
John Smith 00
William Clough 00
Nathaniel Frothingham 00

John Call (2 credits)
Munning Sawin
Eleazer Beares
Joseph Parker
John Barrett

July 24 1676
John Begello
Isaac Fowl
John Dickson
Robert Robin
Stephen Coolidg
John Edes
Phillip Russell
Daniel Warren
John Jones
Nathaniel Kittle
Samuel Gibson

18 08 1

03 04 1

Thomas Micheson
Henry Philips
Thomas White
William Browne
Christopher Goodwin
Zeckeriah Johnson
Isaac Johnson
Joseph Frost
Samuel Hay ward
John Martin
Robert Carter
James Nichols
John Winslade
William Laroby
Jonathan Stimpson
George Woodward
Thomas Whitney
William Goddard
Samuel Prentice
Joshuah Edmands

August 24"^ 1676

Edward Smith
John Lee
Edward Goflf
Hugh Taylor
Isaac Beech
David Mead
John Dowgin
John Whitney
Nathaniel Fisk
Ephraim Phillips
William Rider
Daniel Willard
Christopher Muschin
Samuel Cooper
William Price

September 23'' 1676

Aaron Cleaveland
Thomas Hammond
John Kemball
John Stedman
David Alexander
Alexander Wait
John Melviu
Thomas Fiske
Samuel Peirce
John Brookes
John Walker
Jonathan Smith

04 10

04 00

14 00

15 04

16 02
18 10

05 02
10 00
09 04
09 04
09 04

08 06

09 04
09 04
02 06
07 08
02 06
09 04
09 04

06 10

06 10
02 06

13 04
18 00
09 04
09 04
09 04
02 06
02 06

09 04

10 02

14 06
09 04
12 00

09 04

02 06

10 02

02 06

03 09
10 02

09 04

10 02
10 02
12 00

15 06
09 04
09 04

FEOM LIEUT. UPHAM TO THE COUNCIL. 287

LIEUT. PHINEAS UPHAM AND HIS COMMAND.

Lieut. Phineas Upham was the son of John Upham, who,
about the year 1635, settled in Weymouth, having wife Elizabeth
and several children. Phineas was born in 1635 or 1636. About
1648 his father removed to Maiden, and there the son grew up ;
and there he married, April 14, 1658, Ruth Wood ; and they had
children : Phineas, Nathaniel, Ruth, John, Elizabeth and prob-
ably Richard and Thomas. Lieut. Upham was a man of more
than ordinary ability and influence, as the records, and references
to his public services in places of trust, prove. At the breaking
out of the war he held the rank of Lieutenant in the local com-
pany.

He was in command of men, and in service during the latter
part of the summer; and in September, 1675, led a company of
thirty-eight men out to Mendon to meet Capt. John Gorham of
Plymouth Colony, and the account of their service on that
occasion is explained in the following letters :

Letter of Lt. Phineas Upham to the Governer and Council.

From Mendum, y« 1": OctoV: 1675.
Honer*^ Gou'ne'' & Counsill.

These are to certify your worships that Cap'. Gorum with myselfe
& our Souldiers of both Company' are in good health at pres" through
mercy ;

And to give your honor an account of our seaverell marches ; first we
Came to Mendum one the 25* day of the weeke at nightt being the
24"* day of September and one the 25"" day we marched from Mendum
unto Hassanemisett hoping there to have had an Indian for our guide ;
butt the Indians were all gone from thence ; and were thereby dis-
apoynted of our expecttation & one the next day we marched unto
Packachoug where we found a feild of good corn and well fenced :
which we did think convenient not to destroy : Concluding that for
ought we Knew Sum of the neeriest of our Inhabitance would be will-
ing to save itt ; butt we could not finde any Indians neither the signe
of any being there of late and we marched from thence unto Manchoag
and Chobanamagungamung where we found sum cornfeilds and sum
wigwams, which Corn and wigwams we burnt and destroyed butt (we
did not) finde any of our enimies which was a greate discouragement
to us, having taken soe much paynes to finde them ; then we Returned
and marched to an Indian Plantation called Shockebogue where we
Could not finde any Indians butt found a Considerable quantity of
Good Corne which we did not destroy butt Reserved itt at the Request
of Sum of Mendum who thinke to fetch itt home for there use ; and
from thence we Came to Mendum one the 30'*' of Sept'"': now seeing
in all our marches we finde noe Indians verily thinke thatt thay are
drawne together into greate bodyes far Remote from those pai'tes :

If your honers please to send us one any further Service I hope we
shall nott be unwilling butt forwarde to doe our uttermost ludeavours
with all desiring that you would be pleased to add unto our number

288 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

seeing that besides the Garrison men which must be left heere in
garrison we have butt 30 men besides my Selfe, Capt. Gorum being
now in his march to Mounthope and If we goe further we desir thatt
we may have a Surgeon and some other thatt may be acquainted with
the woodes where you Sende us the want of w'^*' hath beeue a dis-
couragement to our men: And as for the town of Mendum I am
desired to Commend the desolate condition of y™ unto you' honers :
Severall of there Inhabitance being removed from them : and those in
garrison being butt poore helps in divers respects and in number but
12 men, with theire armes very defecttive.

The plantation is very Kemotte & therefore soe much the more
stands in neede of helpe ; itt is very Likely to be a prosperous place if
itt please God to putt an Ishue to thes troubles and therefore it is the
more pitty to have itt deserted by there people : who think it must be
If they have nott sum assistance they hope : 20 : men well fitted with
this one Returned might be sufishent If your honers se Causs ; and
further they desired to acquainte your honers that y^ Indians of
Hassanamisett which your honers apoynted to set down with them
have desertted there one town and come nott to that at Mendum And
soe nott havening any more to troublee your honers with
I Rest your Hon"

To Command

Phinehas Upham,

Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 275. Liftenantt.

Letter of Capt John Gorum to Gov"'' & Councill.

Mendum Octob : th : 1 : 1675.

Much Hon'"'' my servis with all due Respeckts humbly presented to
yourselfe and the rest of the Counsill hoping of your helths I have
made bold to troble you with these few lines to give your honnors an
account of our progi'ess in your Jurisdiction : According unto your
honers order and detirmination I arived at Mendum with fifty men and
the next day Leftennaut Upham arived with thirty-eight men and the
day following wee joyned our forces together and marched in pesuite
to ffind our Ennimy ; but God hath bin pleased to denigh us any op-
pertunity tharein ; though with much Labor and travill we have indeav-
ored to find them out which Left. Upham hath given you a more
particular acount : our Solders being much worne out having bin in the
ffeeld this foretene weeks and little hoops of finding the P2nimy, we
are this day Returning towards our Genrall : but as for my one part I
shall be Redy to sarve God and the Country in this just warr soe long
as I have life and helth. Not Else to troble you I Rest yours to Sarve
in what I am able.

Mass. Archives, vol. 67. John Gorum.

From Mendon Lieut. Upham marched his company to Brook-
field, towards Springfield, where he was ordered by the Court to
report to Capt. Wayte, who was expected to command a com-
pany in the service under Major John Pynchon, and that arrange-
ment failing, he was assigned to the command of Capt. Jonathan

FATALLY WOUNDED. 289

Poole, with whom he joined forces and marched to Hadley be-
fore October 12th. He was formally placed under command of
Capt. Poole in the organization of the army under Major Apple-
ton, and served thus, in the stirring events of the weeks following.
November 20th, he was credited as Lieutenant under Capt.
Poole, <£06. 19. 04. He returned home when the army withdrew
from the west ; but joined the forces at Narraganset, probably
after the muster at Dedham, December 10th. He was assigned
to Capt. Johnson's company, and after that gallant officer's fall,
was himself fatally wounded, at the head of the company, inside
the fort. He was among the wounded at Rhode Island, January
6, 1675-6. He died at Boston, October, 1676, and October 12,
1676, the court issued the following order:

Order of the General Court.
October 12, 1676. In answer to the peticon of Ruth Upham, wid-
dow & relict of the late Left, Phiueas Upham, the Court Judgeth it
meet to order, that the bills of charges to chirurgeons, doct" &, diet,
mentioned in sajd peticon, be p'' by the Treasurer of the country ; and
in consideration of the long and good service hir husband did for the
country, & the greate losse the widdow susteynes in his death, being
left with seven small children, & not able to carry on their affaires for
the support of hirself & family, doe further order the Treasurer to pay
unto the sajd widdow tenn pounds in or as money.

Items, Treasurer to pay, £ s d

Mr. Chickering bill 2 14 08

Edward EUis, Chh 2 10 00

Mr. Addington 1 03 05

Dr. Cooke 1 05 00

Mrs. Peirc for diet 4 18 00

To y« Widdow 10 00 00

Secretary Allowance 40 00 00
Col. Records, Vol. V. p. 122.

Credited under Lieut. Upham.
December 20'*^ 1675 I June 24* 1676

John Hall 01 00 00

August 24"^ 1676
Thomas Hoppin 00 07 08

I have found that the men who served under him were mostly
paid off under the vouchers of Capt Poole ; and after the fight at
Narraganset he was never again able to take command.

CAPT. SAMUEL HUNTING.

He was the son of John Hunting of Dedham, and was born
July 22, 1640. He settled first at Chelmsford and later at
Charlestown. Married Hannah Hackburne of Roxbury Dec. 24,
1662. They had ten children born at Charlestown between 1662

rt Skelton

01 01 04

rt BardaU

02 02 00

Shaw

00 10 02

290 KING Philip's war.

and 1687, of whom all but three died in childhood. Those who
lived were Samuel, born July 15, 1666, married, and settled in
Charlestown and had a family ; Mercy, baptized March 13,
1681-2, married Benjamin Frothingham, 1704 ; Hannah, baptized
Dec. 3, 1682, married Samuel Frothingham, 1704. Captain
Hunting was killed by the accidental discharge of his gun August
19, 1701, aged sixty years.

We have seen that there was in the Massachusetts Colony great
o]3position to the employment of friendly Indians in the war,
while Connecticut, constantly making use of them, had been
spared the terrible losses which had befallen the others.

At last, grown wise by bitter experience, the Massachusetts
Council determined to stem the tide of popular opposition, and
equip and send forth a company of Christian Indians, to try if
the devastations of the enemy along the frontiers could be
checked. In pursuance of this order, April 21, 1676, Capt.
Samuel Hunting and Lieut. James Richardson drew up and fur-
nished their company of forty Indians at Charlestown. They
were ordered first to march up the Merrimac to near Chelms-
ford, and there to build a fort and settle a garrison at the great
falls, which was a famous fishing-place : they were to scout and
guard, etc. ; but before they marched, and about mid-day, came
the news of the attack of the great body of Indians upon Sud-
bury. Captain Hunting with his company marched away to
Sudbury and rendered service, as has been related in the chapter
relating to the Sudbury fight. The sei'vice here rendered did
much to abate the hostility against the Christian Indians, and
they were thenceforward in constant service in all the expeditions
while the war lasted, and Captain Hunting's company was soon
made up to eighty men, who were furnished with arms sent over
from England.

From the time that Captain Hunting's company took the field,
the enemy lost heart, evidently fearing them more than the whole
armies of English, which they could easily elude, or ambush
or mislead. In the summer of 1676 this company took captive or
killed about four hundred of the enemy, and did nearly all the
effective work against the enemy in the closing operations of
the war. The services of Captain Hunting and his company at
the eastward and elsewhere have been incidentally related.

Credited under Capt. Hunting.
Samuel Hunting, Capt. 21 00 00
James Richeson, Lieut. 10 10 00
Nathaniel Dunklin 05 05 00

Sept. 23, 1676
Benjamin Collins 01 08 06

John Devericks 01 08 06 I

h\ general, accounts were not kept with the Indians.

William Browne

05 08

Andrew Robinson

15 06

Thomas Frost

01 08

Jacob Farar

18 00

Thomas Peach

07 00

CAPT. GEOEGE CORWIN.

LIEUT. EDWARD CREEKE.

Lieut. Creeke was of Boston, of the Artillery Co., 1674.
Served with Capt. Turner in the west, and led home the remnant
of his company after that officer's death.

In October, 1676, he was in command of a force of thirty-four
men at a garrison in Wells. No credit is found for these, but
one of the soldiei-s in the western campaign secured his credit
under Lieut. Creeke, viz. :

August 24, 1676
John Gitbert 05 09 08

CAPT. GEORGE CORWm, OR CURWEN.

Capt. Corwin came from England with wife Elizabeth (White,
widow of John), and settled at Salem in 1638. Their children
were : Abigail, b. Aug. 1, 1637 ; John, b. July 26, 1638 ; Jonathan,
b. Nov. 14, 1640; Abigail 2d, b. Nov. 30, 1643; Hannah,
bapt. Jan. 4, 1646; and Elizabeth, July 2, 1648. This wife
Elizabeth died July 15, 1668, and he married, 2d, July 22, 1669,
Mrs. Elizabeth Brooks, widow of Robert, of Plymouth, and
daughter of Gov. Edward Winslow, and by her had : Penelope,
b. Aug. 7, 1670 ; Susannah, b. Oct. 10, 1672 ; George, b. 1674.
Capt. Corwin was a deputy from Salem many times, was a man
of ability and influence, and was very popular. He was chosen
to the command of the troop raised at Salem and Lynn, and
was commissioned October 8, 1662.

In Philip's war, the only active service which I have found
referred to him appears in the Colonial Records, Vol. V. p. 90.
At the session of the Court May 5, 1676, Capt. Corwin was
presented for the " evil example of his demeanor and carriage "
towards Capt. Henchman, under whose command he was serving,
with his troop, in the spring of 1677. He was reduced from his
command with a severe reprimand, and fined one hundred
pounds. The following September he was, upon the petition
of his troopers, reinstated in his command ; and in 1679-80 the
court remitted his fine. He died in Salem, January 3, 1684-5.

Credited under Capt. George Corwin.

.July 24, 1676 1 Sept. 23, 1676.

John Dodge 00 10 00 ' Benjamin Collins 00 11 05

WilUam Dodge 00 h> 00 | John Putnam 01 08 07

Zechariah Henrick 00 10 00 i Henry Kenney 00 11 05

1 Geo. Corwin, C<ipt. 02 05 00

Capt. EzEKiEL GiLMAN of Bostou, 1675, served under Capt.
Oliver as Sergt. in the Narraganset campaign ; was wounded at
the fight ; was at Rhode Island January 6th, 1675-6. He was

John Johnson

00 02 06

Robert Swann

00 11 10

Daniel Lad, Jr.

06 05 00

292 KING Philip's war.

out again under Capt. Turner in the spring, serving as Sergt.
In the Settlement he is styled " Capt."

Credits under Capt. Gilman.

June 24, 1676

Amos Singleterry 00 05 00

Nathaniel Lad 00 05 00

George Brown 00 13 00

Capt. Aaron Cooke, of Hadley, was left in command of some
of the men taken out of Mosely's, Poole's and Upham's com-
panies, at Westfield, November, 1675. He married, May 30,
1661, Sarah Westwood, and had a large family. A man of in-
fluence ; Capt. of the militia for thirty-five years. Died in 1716.

Credited under Capt. Aaron Cooke.
August 24, 1676 i Sept. 23, 1676

John Stedman 01 17 00 Thomas Hart 01 02 02

John Parneer 01 00 06 I

Edward Cowell, of Boston, was employed in the war in various
ways ; was in command of a small body of horsemen on the day
of the Sudbury fight, as we have seen. He furnished supplies
of various kinds to the Colony in the war ; but one credit is
given under him, viz. :

August 24, 1676
John Scant 00 16 00

Some miscellaneous credits follow :

August 24, 1676
Benjamin Switzer, under Lieut. (John) Floyd 00 04 02
Ephraim Fowlsham Capt. (Benj.) Gillam 00 19 08

The two following were credited without officer or place

March 24, 1675-6
EUas Peckworth 04 02 00 I Thomas North 02 12 00

XXI.
MAJOR RICHARD WALDERNE AND HIS MEN.

THE Walderne * family, to which the subject of this chapter,
Richard Walderne, belonged, is of ancient lineage, as seen
in the Pedigree, found by H. G. Somerby in England, and
published by him in the New England Historical and Genealogi-
cal Register, vol. viii. p. 78. This shows descent from Edward
Walderne and Joan his wife, of Alcester, in Warwickshire,
through George Walderne and Joan Shallarde, married July 8,
1576, who had William, baptized July 25, 1577, married Catherine
Raven at Alcester, November 26, 1600, and had nine sons and two
daughters. The seventh son was Richard, baptized January 6,
1616.

This Richard f Walderne came to America, it is said, in 1635,
" to See the Country. He stayed about two Years and returned
to England and there Marryed a Gentlewoman of a very good
family (whose parents were very unwilling She Should come
away) her names are not remembered nor of w' place."

The matter above quoted is from the fragment of a letter from
James Jeffrey to Councillor Richard^ Waldron, the Major's
grandson.

Major Walderne came to America with his young wife about
1637. After her death he married Anne Scammon, sister of
Richard. His children were — Paul,'* who died in Algiers about
1669 (probably on board one of his father's vessels). Timothy ,2
who died while a student in Harvard College. Richard,^ born
1650. Anna,2 married Rev. Joseph Gerrish. Elnathan,^ born
July 6, 1659, in Boston, died Dec. 10, 1659. Esther,2 born Dec.
1, 1660, in Boston ; married (1) Henry Elkins, (2) Abraham

Lee, June 21, 1686, (3) Richard Jose, and (4) . She

died in the Isle of Jersey. Mary ,2 born Sept. 14, 1663, in Boston,
died young. Eleazer,^ born May 1, 1665. Elizabeth,^ born Oct.

* I have thought beet, in this present chapter, to adopt the spelling of the Major's own signature,
which agrees with his English ancestors and was used by his contemporaries. His son Richard
changed it in his own signature, and wrote of his father as Waldron, and all historians since have
referred to the family by that name.

> t Rev. A. H. Quint, D.D., the eminent antiquarian, has furnished an account of the Waldron
(Walderne) family in America, and that account is here followed. See N. E. Hist, and &en.
Register, vol. ix. p. 55, and Historical Memoranda in " Dover Enquirer," Nos. 10-i to 111, April 19
to June 7, 1853; and Nob. 175 to 178, Aug. 6 to Aug. 22, 1857.

294 KING Philip's war.

8, 1666 ; married John Gerrish, of Dover. Maria,^ born July 17,
1668 ; died about the age of fourteen.

Richard,^ the son of Major Waklerne, changed the surname to
Waldron, and the family has since been known as Waldron. He
married (1) Hannah Cutt, Feb. 16, 1681, who died Feb. 11, 1682,
at the birth of her first child ; (2) Eleanor Vaughan, who died
September, 1727. He died Nov. 3, 1730. His children (by his
first wife) were Richard,^ born 1682, who died aged about
eleven months ; Richard ^ (2d), born Feb. 21, 1693-4 ; Margaret,^
born Nov. 16,1695; WilHam,^ born 1697; Annie,^ born 1699;
Abigail,'^ born 1702; Eleanor,'^ born 1704.

It is supposed that Major Waklerne was a man of some property
when he came to this country, as he purchased a large tract of
land at Cocheco (Dover, N.H.), where he settled about 1640,
erected saw-mills, established his business, and made his home.
He was a man of remarkable enterprise and ability, and by wise
investment and diligent use of his opportunities acquired a large
property for his time. He established a truck-house for the ac-
commodation of the Indians and his own gain at Pennacook, in
1668 ; and it was there that an Englishman, Thomas Dickinson,
was killed by an Indian who was drunk, and whom the Indians
immediately punished with death. An investigation ensued, and
Major Walderne was accused of selling or furnishing liquors at
his truck-house, which made the Indian di-unk, contrary to the
laws and the special terms of the treaty. The papers in this case
are preserved in the Mass. Archives, vol. 30, pp. 154-161. The
liquors were said to be sold by the hand of Paul Walderne, son
of the Major, and Peter Coffin. During the investigation, the
Major was suspended from his office by his brother magistrates,
but upon his own oath as to his entire innocence of complicity,
either direct or indirect, in the affair, and upon the evidence, he
was acquitted as well as his son, and was restored to his office
and power, while Peter Coffin was convicted and fined fifty
pounds. He was much in public life, and exerted a wide influence
in various ways. He was representative to the General Court for
thirteen years, and was Speaker of the House for seven years ;
was appointed to be a magistrate for the North Circuit of old
Norfolk County, consisting of Portsmouth and Dover, and also
of the County of York.

Major Walderne seems to have been in full sympathy with the
strictest Puritans of Massachusetts Colony, and a sturdy champion
of colonial rights and ecclesiastical authority, if we regard liis
severe treatment of the Quakers within his jurisdiction, as zeal for
the church. His wide influence among the people is seen to have
been due to general popularity, by his large vote at elections in
the times when people dared to put their will, and meant to put
their conscience, into their votes. In his extensive trade with the
Indians and in constant communication with them, he seemed to

MAJOR WALDERNE's COMMISSION. 295

have kept their confidence, and to have had very little trouble
with them in the thi]-ty-five years that he had lived near them.
There had been provocations doubtless on the part of the English
as well as the Indians, and the Major, in common with other
magistrates, was obstinate and stupidly severe in the administra-
tion of English law upon a wild, heathen people, who had no
more idea of its meaning than of Sanskrit. The Indians knew
the meaning of gratitude as well as vengeance ; the}^ could bide
their time and dissemble submission, but they did not forget.
Dover was a frontier town, and, several years before the war,
houses had been fortified and a stockade set up about the meet-
ing-house to prevent a surprise. Large numbers of Indians were
coming and going amoug the settlers, were received and enter-
tained in their houses, were well acquainted with the habits and
peculiarities of their home-life and ways of business and worship,
and it is probable that there was no other place in the Colony
where the relations of settlers and Indians were more free and
kindly than in this settlement at Dover. At the same time, here
as elsewhere, the English regarded the Indians with ill-concealed
contempt as inferior beings, and not really worth conciliating in
permanent friendship, but to be tolerated till such time as they
could be conveniently driven away.

It is probable that in military matters, as in all others, the
direction had been in the hands of Major Walderne. The first
record I have found relating to this is the following commission
from the General Court, Oct. 7, 1674 :

Capt. Richard Walderne having had the command of the militia in
Yorkshire, by authority from this Court, for the last two yeares past, &
hath this summer draune forth the regiment of foote & troope of horse
there, exercised them in mihtary discipUne, this Court doth heereby
appoint him, the said Richard Walderne, to be the sarjant majo'' of
the forces in Yorkshire, and doe order, that he have commission as
other major's have for authorizing him to that service.

Col. Rec, vol. v. p. 22.

When the alarm of the attack upon Swansea reached the people,
measures were at once taken to secure these frontier towns, and
the colonial authorities took steps to assist the more exposed and
weaker settlements. The following letter will show the Council
alert also to secure active cooperation of forces all along the lines :

ffor Maj^ Rich*^ Waldern.
Having Acquainted the Council what I advised you the fifteenth
Inst. I am commanded by them to order you forthwith w"' 50 or 60
souldiers under your owne or Mr. Plaisteds or some other sufficient
conduct you march to Pennicooke supposed to be y'' great Raudevous
of y'^ enemy, where you may expect to meet Capt. Mosely, who is
ordered thither and hath sufficient commission, to pursue kill & destroy

296 KING Philip's war.

them w'^'' also you must attend as y' work unless such as shall willingly
deliver up their armes & themselves or sufficient hostages to secure
their peaceable behaviour you had need to take along with you a Chi-
rurgeon & make all possible expedition. A great part of our forces are
at present at Hadley.

Daniel Denison, Maj' Gen^
Boston, August 17, 1675.

By order of y^ Council.
Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 241.

An account of the expedition referred to in the letter, has been
given in a former chapter relating to Capt. Mosely. The Penna-
cooks and their allied families took no part in the war, but they
did not, and perhaps could not, prevent the hostile or " strange "
Indians from passing from tribe to tribe ; and occasionally small
war parties, going back and forth from the East to the West,
found entertainment in these tribes, but were not joined by them
in their hostile movements, though some of their young men may
have been enticed to join the hostiles on occasions.

In the beginning, the Indians, bent mostly upon plunder, seem
to have broken up into small parties, which could easily find out
and strike exposed points here and there, and, when necessary
for some large enterprise, could swiftly concentrate their forces
at any given time and place.

The first depredations of these Indians upon these Northeastern
frontiers, began in September, 1675, at Oyster River (now Dur-
ham, N.H.) ; they burnt two houses of " the Cheslies," killed
two men in a canoe upon the river, captured an old Irishman and
a young man, both of whom escaped in a few weeks by the help
of a friendly Indian. Three Indians, viz., John Sampson, Crom-
wel and John Linde, waylaid Goodman Robinson and his son, of
Exeter, on their way to Hampton, and killed the father, the
young man escaping to Hampton. These same Indians captured
Charles Randlet, of Exeter, who soon after escaped. The house
of Richard Tozer at Salmon Falls, wherein were fifteen women
and children, was attacked by two Indians, " Andrew " and
" Hope-Hood," but was valiantly defended by a young woman,
who held fast the door till all the others escaped, and till it was
hewn in pieces by the Indians, who then entering, struck her
down, leaving her for dead, while they followed the others to the
next house, which, being better fortified, the Indians did not
attack. Two children were captured who were of this company,
and could not keep up with the others ; one of three years
was killed, the other of seven was carried into captivity, but
afterwards was returned. The brave girl who defended the
house revived after the Indians left her, and escaped to her
friends and was restored to perfect health ; and it is to be
regretted that Mr. Hubbard, who relates this, did not record the
name of the heroine, as he doubtless could have easily done.

WAR AT THE EASTWARD. 297

Small parties prowled in the woods in every direction, burning
and shooting. Six more houses were burned at Oyster River,
and William Roberts and his son-in-law were killed. Under
these provocations the English were goaded almost to despera-
tion, and yet, if they drew out in force to pursue, the Indians
easily escaped to the woods and could not be overtaken. Several
parties of volunteers went out from the garrisons in pursuit, but
without avail, except that one party discovered five Indians,
three gathering corn in a field, while two were building a fire to
roast it. Two of the English crept up to these latter, and sud-
denly rushing to close quarters killed them both, knocking them
on the head with the butts of their muskets. The rest escaped.

Capt. John Wincoll, who lived at Berwick, seems to have been
in active service under Major Walderne, and was absent upon
some service when his house and barn, with several of his
neighbors' buildings, were burned by the Indians. It is possible
that he was with Major Walderne at the Eastward when this took
place. The following letter takes us further to the Eastward,
and gives a glimpse of what was going on there, while towns
upon the Connecticut were battling for life with the allies of
PhiHp.

Doner 25"^ September 1675
Much Hon^''

My Absence from home (being this Week at Eastw"^^) hath Ocation'd
yo*^ hearing nothing from mee Soe long but being Just now returned
this evening thought it my Duty w""' all expedition to giue Ace" of the
state of y" Place Since I sent away Cap Dauis w* about 50 men at
y^ enemies ffirst Assault of those places (haueing ffurther Information
of theu* killing & Burning) According to yo' direction raised a p'y of
Souldiers out of Douer and Portsmo"" & w"* an Addition of Some from
Kittery I did my selfe Aduance eastw"^ for y® ffurther Succour of those
places but before I came Soe flfarr as Sawco Capt Dauis being gone to
Falm'^ where the first damage was done by the enemy I had Aduice of
y* enemies Marching Westward flfalling upon Scarbrough & Sawco
killing and burning on Saturday and Sabbath day last at Scarbrough
they killed an old man and Woman & burnt their house & at M"^ Fox-
wells two young men were killed being att y'' barn about y"' Cattle The
enemy y" Aduanced tow**' Sawco riuer w''*' is nott aboue 4 miles distant
from y' Part of Scarbrough & there fell to burning of houses y* People
before haueing Intelligence ffrom an Indian called Scossaway of y'' time
w° they Would come deserted their houses most of y™ repairing to
Maj'' Pendletons but M"' Bonighteu & some other ffamilies to Maj'
Phillips on Saturday Morning y*" Indians rifled and burnt Seueiall houses
on y'' north Side y" riuer & among w*^'' M^ Bonightens was one he being
the night before fled to Maj'' Phillips while said houses were burning a
pty of y'" Judged about 36 Ind"' came oner y^ riuer in english canooes
& w" come Ashore cutt holes in y'" and turned y"^ Adrift but all this
time finding noe men they went to Maj' Phillips Saw mill & P' Set it
goeing then on fire & burnt it & afterwards did y*" like to his corn mill
it being Judged to be their design thereby to draw y™ out of y^ house,

298 KING Philip's war.

and soe to Surprise both y™ & itt but Maj' Phillips being fforwarned
of their coming made Some Small defense about his house haueing w"*
him of his own ffamilies & neighbors to y" number of 15 men besides
women & Ciiildren in all about 50 the bushes being thick witliin shott
of his house could not att fflrst See an Ind" but one of y'' men Per-
ceiueing a Stirring Among y'^ ffearues Maj' Phillips looked out of his
Chamber Window y' Way and ffrom y"'''' was Imediately shott att
and slightly ^^ ouuded in y*^ slioukr (2 more were alsoe Wounded
Afterwar*^ y' being all the harm done there) Afterw"' y"" Shott eame
thick w*^'' was Accordingly Answeied ffrom within Butt noe Indians as
yet apeared but onely Creeping deckt with ffearns and boughs till
some time after they gott a p' of old truck wheels and ffitted y'" up w*
boards and Slabs ffor a barricadoe to Safe guard y*" Driuers thereby
Endeavouring to burn y'^ house haueing prepared combustible matter
as bu-ch rinds pitchwood Turpentine and powd"^ ffor y' end but they in
y"" house pceiueing their Intention Plyed their shott against itt and
ffound Afterw''' their shott went through A little before they Came at
y** house th^re was a little wett ground into w'^'' y*" Wheels Sunk and y'
obstructed their driueing it fforw"* they Endeauouring to gett it out of
y" dirt again by turning a little on one Side thereby layeiug y'"selues
open to y'" in y"' house w'^'' oportunity they improued & made y'" quitt
their work and ffly but Continued fireing at y*" house all night till Sabbath
day morning about 9 a clock and then they saw y^ Indians at a distance
Maich away they Judged between 20 & -iO & some of y'" w"' 2 guns
but before "^they went they set fire on a little out house & in itt burnt
seuerail hogs Since w'^'' Maj' Phillips is remoued down to Winter harbour
to Maj' Pendletons where I found him — After this y" Same or another
Party of Indians went to Scarbrough to a Place called Dunstan where
L' Alger being abroad w* 6 men more well arm'd being about their
Ocations mett 14 Ind"' compleat in Amies in 2 ranks He retreating a
little towar''' his house y'' Ind" Aduanced and ffoUowed whereupon he
faced y'" y" P' rank of y*" Ind'" fired & orderly fell in y'' rear of y*
others Lt Alger w"" his (i men tired & Primed they Struck some of y*"
whereupon they Imediately flfled they being at a Considerable Distance
none of y"' Rec'* any harm but notw^'stauding all this neither my Selfe
nor Cap' Dauis nor any pty I sent out tho I had y" in those pts 120
souldiers could euer see an Ind"" Therefore Considering y*" Weaknesse
I left our pts in nearer homew'^ by takeing soe many thence & the little
hopes wee had of meeting w"^ y" enemy who As soon as euer they dis-
couered a pty of Souldiers in one place fled to another & by Reason of
y'' Vast luconueniences Attending a March in y' Country ocationed by
many riuers Marshes &c. I thought it most prudente to Contract y*
people into as small a Compasse as may be in those towns & tliere
make some fortifications to defend y'"selves haueing left about 60
Souldiers in garrison at Sawco Scarbrough and Falni"* ffor y'^ defence
of those places & ftor their help in gathering their corn & Secureing
their prouitions bringing y*" Remaining forces back w"' mee to their
seuerail towns again haueing likewise ordered Wells York & Kittery to
garrison y"'selues for y' own defence y'' Distractions of those places by
Reason of psons being ff'orced to fforsake y"" Plantations & leaue their
Corn & Cattle to y'' enemy dotli poitend Ineuitable want &c to ensue
unlesse god by his extraordinary prouidenee doe preuent their case

PENXACOOKS AND PEQUAKETS. 299

being Considered beg yo"" Thoughts & direction aboutt it w"** w° Rec**
shall be readily Attended hy

Hon^** s"^ yo' Humble Seru" Richard Walderne

Mass. Archives, vol. 67, p. 26-7.

The above letter of Major Walderne sufficiently explains the
situation of affairs at the Eastward. The entire population with-
drew into their fortified houses, which were garrisoned as well as
possible with the inhabitants of the towns, Major Walderne hold-
ing a small reserve force at Portsmouth and Dover to assist
whenever one settlement was more threatened than another.
The great tribes which confronted the Eastward settlements and
had the controlling influence in the war in these parts were the
Ammoscoggins, who lived upon what is now called the Andros-
coggin River; the Pequakets, whose chief rendezvous was at the
head waters of the Saco in the present town of Fryeburg ; the
Ossipees, near the lake of that name ; the Pennacooks, who held
a large tract of country in the vicinity of Concord, N.H. These
larger tribes had gathered the remnants of several once powerful
tribes which had held the lands along the coast from Kennebec to
the Piscataqua, but which had been almost annihilated by the inter-
nal wars which raged after the overthrow of the great " Bashaba,"
who had lived on the Penobscot, and had held all these eastern
tribes in subjection. In the struggle for supremacy which suc-
ceeded, a great part of the fighting men in all the tribes were
destroyed. This was at its height when Sir Richard Hawkins
visited the coast in 1615. A great plague followed this war,
which nearly depopulated the whole region along the shores
before the Pilgrims came to Plymouth in 1620. The Ammos-
coggins and Pequakets were hostile to the English, and it was
their depredations, assisted by the restless tribes on the Kennebec
and beyond, that so troubled this eastern frontier in the war of
1675-7.

The Pennacooks had always been peaceful towards the English
since the first settlement. Passaconoway was their chief at the
earliest mention we have of them, and was still alive and active
for the welfare of his tribe in 1663, though at great age, for it
was probably about this time that Major Gookin saw him (as he
writes in 1677) " alive at Pawtucket when he was about a hun-
dred and twenty years old." He seems to have been a chief of
remarkable ability and wisdom, and had some sort of dominion
over many tribes, and there is some evidence that he bore the
sway of a " Bashaba," or Great Sagamore. He was reputed by
the Indians to be a great " Powow " and to possess supernatural
powers, and was held to be a "sorcerer" by the English, and
doubtless had some arts of the juggler by which he gained this
renown.

He had several sons and daughters, one of whom married Win-

300 KING Philip's war.

nepurkitt, sachem of Saugus, whom the English called George
Ruraneymarsh, upon the story of whose marriage, found in Mor-
ton's " New Canaan," the poet Whittier based the legend of his
poem, "The Bridal of Pennacook." There is evidence that
another of his daughters married "Numphow," ruler of the
Wamesits and father of " Sam" Numphow."

A petition to the General Court, October 10, 1665, shows the
names of those who petitioned several years before for permission
" to redeeme our pore brother and cuntryman" "out of prison
and bondage, whose Name is Nanamocomuck the eldest son of
Passaconewa." He is said to have gone to the Ammoscoggins
soon after, and it is probable that he died there. The celebrated
Kankamagus was, it is supposed, his son, and was sachem of the
Pennacooks after Wannalancet retired ; he will be mentioned
later on. The English called him John Hogkins.

It is said that near the close of his life Passaconaway called
his people together and gave them his farewell charge, recount-
ing his own early struggles against the English, which had proved
in vain, and, showing the steady increase of the white people
everywhere in spite of all opposition, he urged upon them their
only safe policy, peaceful submission to and friendship with the
English.

Upon Wannalancet's succession to his father's title and station,
he kept faith with the English as his father had done and advised,
and notwithstanding the many wrongs and provocations received
by his people, and the urgent appeals of hostile tribes, he
remained true, and was held in high esteem by the authorities of
the colony. It is probable, however, that most of the power
of his father over other tribes fell away from him, for he seems to
have had little influence with the Ammoscoggins or Pequakets
when war was once begun.

When he saw that it was to become a general war, and foresaw
that, remaining in the vicinity of the English settlements, his
people could hardly fail to be drawn into some active participa-
tion in it, either for or against the English, he prudently with-
drew to safe retreats whenever the hostile forces approached his
country ; and he displayed not only prudence, but, in the case
when Capt. Mosely marched to Pennacook and burnt his village
and destroyed the property and stored food of his people, great
patience and power ; for he restrained his warriors, who pressed
him earnestly for permission to ambush and cut off Mosely's
company, which they were in capacity, both of numbers and
opportunity, to do.

To the friendlj^ intercourse which Dover kept up with Wan-
nalancet was due, probably in some measure, its immunity from
repeated assults. The Wamesits, living at what is now Lowell,
formerly Chelmsford, were under the supervision of Lieut. Rich-
ardson of that town, and were a quiet, reputable " praying

SQUANDO OF SACO. 301

village " under the immediate rule of " Numphow," who, as has
been intimated, was probably the brother-in-law of Wannalancet.
These Indians suffered a great outrage at the hands of some
English Indian-haters, who upon the burning of a barn of Lieut.
Richardson at Chelmsford by some skulking hostile Indians, im-
mediately and without authority assaulted these helpless Wame-
sits, wounding five women and children, and killing outright a
lad, wounding his mother, daughter of Sagamore John and widow
of another sagamore, " Tohatoonee," a tried friend of the English.
Numphow, with his praying village, fled to Pennacook to Wanna-
lancet, and wrote to Lieut. Henchman, commanding at Chelmsford
garrison, a letter explaining their flight.

It was by such outrages as these that those Indians who
inclined to peace were alienated, and those already inclined to
war embittered, and many of the young men of the Wamesits
undoubtedly joined the hostile Indians, and passed to the East-
ward to swell the ranks and increase the efficiency of those bands
of Ammoscoggins and Pequakets, who, with the "strange
Indians " from the Nipmucks and western tribes, were carrying
destruction to the Eastward settlements. The Indians were said
to be led in general by "Squando," sagamore of Saco, formerly
a great friend of the English, but, outraged by the treatment of
his wife and child by some English sailors, became filled with
vengeful hatred towards all the English. These sailors, it is said,
seeking to test the common report that Indian cliildren could
swim naturally, like the young of beasts, maliciously upset the
canoe containing the woman and child; the child sank in the
river, but the mother diving to the bottom saved it, which, how-
ever, soon after dying, its death was imputed to this treatment.
Squando was said to be a great powow or wizard, and was
probably the most influential chief from the Penobscot to the
Piscataqua. It was not Philip's, but his own war that he was
fighting against these eastern settlements. Major Walderne's
letter and Gen. Denison's appeals seem to have moved the United
Commissioners to the following action :

Boston Octob: 1^' 1675
The Commissioners understanding that the Inhabitants of Pasca-
taque, and so Eastward, are under great Distress, by Reason of the
Rage of the Common Enemy, Doe commend it to the honourable Gov-
ernor and Councill of the Mattachusets, that some present Releife may
be sent unto them according to the present Exigent ; the charges
whereof shall be allowed in the general Account of the Colonyes.

Thomas Danforth, Presid'.
In the name and by the order of the Commissioners.

As the people gathered more and more into the garrisons, the
Indians gathered into larger bodies, with the evident design to
reduce these garrisons one by one, while they warily watched to

302 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

cut off all stragglers who attempted to pass from one to another.
October 7th was observed as a day of public humiliation, and on
that day three men were killed near Newichewannock, and soon
after a garrison was assaulted and an old man named Beard was
killed just outside the house, and other houses were burnt. On
October 16th a large body of Indians, said to be a hundred,
gathered towards the settlement of Salmon Falls, and surprising
Richard Tozer at his house half a mile from the garrison, killed
him and captured his son. Lieut. Roger Plaisted, who was in
command at the garrison, hearing the guns of this attack, imme-
diately sent seven men to find out the cause, when they were
ambushed, and two or three were killed, and the others barely
escaped back to their garrison. Lieut. Plaisted at once despatched
a messenger with the following letter to Major Walderne, which
Mr. Hubbard, believing it to have been '■'■ the last Time that ever
that good and useful Man set Pen to Paper," inserted in his
history, and probably obtained the letter for that purpose from
Major Walderne.

Salmon Falls October 16, 1675.
Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, These are to inform you,
that just now the Indians are engaging us with at least one hundred
Men, and have slain four of our men already, Richard Tozer, James
Barney, Isaack Bottes, and Tozer's son and burnt Benoni Hodsden's
House ; Sir, if ever you have any love for us, and the Countiy, now
shew yourself with Men to help us, or else we are all in great Danger
to be slain, unless our God wonderfully appear for our Deliverance.
They that cannot fight, let them pray; Nought else, but I rest,
Yours to serve you

Signed by Roger Plaisted,

George Broughton.

Major Walderne was in no condition now to weaken his own
garrisons, and had not the valor of Lieut. Plaisted outrun his
discretion, his garrison as well as himself and family would have
been safe in their defence ; but venturing out with an ox-team
guarded by twenty men, to bring in their dead for burial, they
fell nito an ambush after they had recovered the body of Tozer,
and had returned to the swamp near the garrison where the others
lay dead. It was the old story, a total surprise, a brave but vain
defence, a sullen retreat, and Lieut. Plaisted with his sons, bravely
covering the retreat, was surrounded and overwhelmed, but with
proud defiance choosing death rather than capture, was at last
overpowered by numbers and slain. His eldest son was also
killed in this retreat, and another younger son wounded so that
he died within a few weeks. The desperate fighting of the Plais-
teds probably cost the Indians quite dearly, as they did not appear
the next day when Capt. Charles Frost came up from his garri-
son at Sturgeon Creek (now Eliot, Me.) and buried the dead.
Within a few weeks, hoAvever, they returned and began depreda-

OPERATIONS IN YORK COUNTY, 303

tions in the same places, and ventured as far as Sturgeon Creek,
where Capt. Frost had relaxed his vigilance and was working on
his farm near his house, in which it is probable his boys were set
to watch. The Indians crept up and fired a volley at him before
he was aware of their presence ; but he escaped unharmed to his
own house, where he began to issue orders in a loud voice as
though he had a large company of soldiers, which so frightened
the Indians that they passed on and left him unmolested, though
his entire force was but three boys, possibly his sons. The Indians
then passed down on the Kittery side of the river, killed one man
and burnt his house, "just over against Portsmouth ; " but when
a small cannon was fired thence and the shot fell not far from
them, they were so frightened thereat that they fled, leaving
much of their plunder. They were pursued by the English at
this time and tracked far into the woods by means of a light snow,
but finally escaped into a swamp. This latter service was prob-
ably under the direction of Major Walderne, although we have
no record of its details. For some time after this they continued
to harass the settlements, but near the end of November, when it
is said that they had killed or captured one hundred and fifty
people from the Kennebec to the Piscataqua, they withdrew to
their winter quarters, mostly at Ossipee and Pequaket. Gen.
Denison designed, and had given orders to the officers in those
parts to draw out all available men in their command to pursue
the enemy to their homes and there attack and destroy them.
This design fell through on account of the early and severe set-
ting in of winter and the lack of proper snow-shoes in sufficient
numbers. But the fierceness of the season, and the unusual num-
bers huddled together, with the probable neglect to secure their
usual supply of food from harvests, hunting and fishing, so pinched
them by famine, that they were forced to attempt a reconciliation,
and came to Major Walderne and expressed sorrow for all the evil
that had been done, and with him concluded a treaty ^ of peace,
earl}^ in January, which remained unbroken until August, 1676.
Before June, 1676, the southern Indians, scattered and pursued
from their tribes and homes, and fearing extermination, had
hidden themselves amongst these Eastern Indians, and hoped to
escape thus the vengeance of the English. In the mean time the
Eastern tribes themselves, through the mediation of Wannalancet
and Major Walderne, were trying in various ways to atone for
past crimes. June 3, 1676, Wannalancet came in with several
others of his sachems and brought some English captives, and
also the Indians who had been engaged in the killing of Thomas
Kembal of Bradford, a month before, and the capture of his
family. This Indian was called " Symon " in the [)etition of
Kembal's widow for redress, August 1, 1676. Two others were
taken and delivered up at this time, " Andrew " who was implicated

1 Bee Council Minutes, Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p, 122.

304 KING Philip's war.

with Symon, and Peter, engaged in another crime ; these were
delivered by Wannalancet and his chiefs, and the captives, among
them Kembal's family, were offered as a token of their repentance
and as an atonement for their crime. But our magistrates, a
little doubtful that the price was sufficient, threw these three
Indians into prison at Dover for the time, from which they soon
escaped, and going to the Eastward joined the Kennebec and
Ammoscoggins in the renewed hostilities later on.
The following is the treaty of July 3d, 1676 :

Pascataqua River, Cochecho 3: July [1676]

At a meeting of y*" Committee appointed by y^ Hono''** Gen^ Court for
to treat y^ Indians of the Eastern Parts in order for y'' procuring an
Hon^'^ Peace with them, Wee w"" y*^ mutuall consent of y^ Sagamores
Underwritten in behalfe of themselves & the Men — Indians belonging
to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as followeth :

I'y That henceforwards none of y^ said Indians shall offer any
Violence to y" persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to theyr
Estates in any kind whatsoever. And if any Indian or Indians shall
offend herein they shall bring or cause to bee brought y'= offender to
some English authority, there to be prosecuted by y^ English Lawes
according to y^ Nature of y'^ Offence.

2'y That none of said Indians shall entertain at any Time any of
our Enemies, but shall give psent notice to y^ Comittee when any come
among them, Ingaging to goe forth w'^ y" English against them (if
desired) in order to y'' seizing of them. And if any of s*^ Indians
shall themselves at any time bring such o"" Enemies unto us, they shall
for their Reward have £3, for each they shall so bring in.

3'y The Indians performing on theyr part, as is before expressed,
wee y** Committee doe ingage in y'' behalfe of y*" English not to offer
any Violence to any of their persons or estates, and if any injury be
offered to said Indians by any English, they complain!"^ to Authority,
y* offender shall be prosecuted by English Lawes according to y*' nature
of y* offence. In witnes to each & all y* pmises we have mutually
shaken hands and subscribed o' Names.

The mark -(- Wannalanset ' Sagam''

5 Richard Waldern The mark -f- Sampson Aboquacemoka
Nic: Shapleigh The mark -j- Mr. W" Sagamore
Tho: Daniel The mark -j- Squando, Sagamore

The mark -j- Dony
The mark -j- Serogumba

Sam'-'- Numphow
The mark -|- Warockomee
Mass. Arch., vol. 30, p. 206.

It is not known how much influence the captive Indians, who

1 Each of these made his own mark before his name, which was written by a clerk. The orig-
inal paper is preserved in Mass. Archives, vol. 30. Of tho Indians here signing, except Wanna-
lanset and Bquando, not much is known. Sampson is supposed to have been from the East as far
as Kennebec. Mr. W" Sagamore was probably a teacher of the " Praying Indians." Dony was
of the Ammoscoggins; Serogumba perhaps of the Ossipees, and Warockomee of the Pequakets,
though the assignment of these two last is scarcely more than a guess. Sam" Numphow was a
ruler of the Wamesits, a Christian Indian.

THE " CONTRIVEMENT " AT DOVER. 305

escaped from Dover, exercised on the Kennebec Indians in the
renewal of hostilities, but it is certain that " Simon " was at the
head of those who struck the first blow at Casco (now Portland,
Me.), in which attack the Brackets and others to the number of
thirty-four were killed or captured. And this party immediately
after joined those who had surprised Arrowsick and the settle-
ments adjoining ; and subsequent events showed that both parties
were acting in conjunction.

These hostilities were renewed August 11th, 1676, a little more
than a month after the treaty at Cocheco, which had included all
the tribes as far as the Kennebec. None of the tribes whose
representatives signed that treaty were implicated in these attacks
upon Casco and Arrowsick, and therefore considered themselves
upon a peace footing ; so that, when at the beginning of Septem-
ber some four hundred of these, the men of the tribes, came in to
Major Walderne's at Dover, under the leadership of Wannalancet,
it was, perhaps, to prove themselves not engaged in the hostilities
at the eastward, since they were present now with the Penna-
cooks and the others who had kept the peace since the winter
before. It was known, however, to the General Court that many
of the Indians of the south and west who had been engaged with
Philip formerly had now found a retreat with these peaceful
tribes. It is not probable that Wannalancet and his chiefs under-
stood the treaty to impose upon them the duty of investigating
the previous career of those Indians who might wish to join them-
selves to his tribe, nor to have considered themselves responsible
for hostile acts done at Narraganset or on the Connecticut River.
But the authorities determined upon the immediate suppression
of these Eastern Indians, and sent Capts. Sill and Hathorne, as
related in a previous chapter, with two companies and full com-
mission to " kill and destroy " all hostile Indians wherever found.
These companies, as above related, came to Dover in September,
and there found the great gathering of Indians at Major Wal-
derne's house. I have not found anywhere any attempt at an
explanation of the presence of so many Indians at Dover, other
than that which has been intimated above. It was known to all
the Indians that the English had made overtures to the Mohawks
to make war upon the Eastern and other hostile Indians. The
Mohawks were regarded by all the Indians of the New England
colonies with a dread which was almost insane ; there seems to
have been no thought of resistance to these dreaded foes. Many
tribes and remnants of tribes began to sue for terms of peace ; and
a general proclamation was issued about this time in answer :

That treacherous Persons who began the War and those that have
been barbourously bloody must not expect to have their lives spared ;
but others that have been drawn into the War, and acting only as
Souldiers, submitting to be without Arms, and to Uve quietly and
peaceably for the Future, shall have their Lives spared.

306 KING Philip's war.

A contemporary writer of a pamphlet (written in Boston and
published in London, 1676), who signs himself " R. H. " (perhaps
Richard Hutchinson), and gives a " True Account of the most con-
siderable occurrences " in the war, from May 5th to August 4th,
1676, publishes the above decree of the Council, and evidently
confounds the treaty of July 3d with the affair of September 7th ;
as he says, that " upon the 10th day of July there were about 300
Indians at the Eastward, that surrendered themselves to the Eng-
lisii and their sachems with them." He mentions Wannalancet
and Squando, and says the dread of the Mohawks drove them in.
He says nothing of a "sham-fight," or of a capture. Mr. Hub-
bard is silent as to the " sham-fight ; " but says that the Indians,
" hoping to shrowd themselves under the Wings of some honester
Indians about Quechecho, under Pretence of a Declaration sent
out by the Governour and Council of the Massachusetts in July
last;" and in this mention relates that our forces under Capts.
Hathorne and Sill, with the help of Major Walderne and Capt.
Frost, and others residing in those parts " being then in Readi-
ness," separated the vile and wicked from the rest and sent them
down to the Governour at Boston. And in the other mention,
in the account of the war with these Eastern Indians, he says
that these ofiticers mentioned above mutually agree to seize upon
all those Indians that were gathered " about Major Waldern's
Dwelling in Quechecho," and that " the contrivement suc-
ceeded."

Lacking proof contrary, it would seem that the Indians were
gathered, through the influence of Major Walderne and Wanna-
lancet, to accept the terms of the General Court's proclamation
of amnesty. The forcible capture of four hundred Indians even
by the stratagem of a sham-fight seems highly improbable ; and
it is far likelier that the surrender was full and entirely peaceful,
while the separation of the bad from the good was made after all
were quietly surrounded by the English, possibly under the pre-
tence of a " training." Mr. Belknap, the eminent historian of
New Hampshire, many years minister at Dover, gives some detail
of the sham-figlit, and says that Major Walderne planned this
method to secure the " bad " Indians without bloodshed. The
Indians were set on one side the field and the English on the
other, and after considerable manoeuvring, the Indians were in-
duced to fire the first volley, after which the four companies of
Walderne, Sill, Hathorne, Frost, and probably Capt. Hunting's
company of friendly Indians, surrounded and disarmed them.
Whatever the method, it is certain that the Indians captured on
September 6th, to the number of some two hundred, were sent
down to Boston in vessels. September 10th a letter was sent
by Major Walderne, Nicholas Shapleigh and Thomas Daniel,
containing some explanations in regard to the prisoners and the
charges against certain of them. The following is the letter :

THE CAPTIVE INDIANS.

Dover, 10*^ SeptemV 1676
Much Hon*

The Ind°' being now on board & Comeing towards you "Wee y'
have been Soe far Improv'd about y" Thought it Convenient to Inform
how flfar they have kept the Pease made with us & who of those are
Concerned therein viz' Penicooks Wonolansets Waymesits & Piscataq
Ind"' there being not any belonging further Eastw'' come in nor any
other of those belonging to y'' South Side of Mirimack ever Included
in our Pease ; those of y" y' had made y*^ Pease comeing in to Comply
w* y' the others to get Shelter under y™ but y' they should be all
treated alike as here they were wee humbly Conceived no Reason wee
not being able to Charge those that had made y" Pease w"' any breach
of Articles Save only y' of entertaining our Southern Enemies but by
y' meanes wee came to Surprise Soe many of y"" There are Several of
Piscataq Ind"' here who before y** Pease had been very Active Against
us but since have lived quietly & Attended Order but yo"" Pleasures
being to have all sent down to determine their Case at Boston, hath
been Attended keeping here about 10 young men of y™ to Serve in y®
Army with their families & Some old men and theirs with Wonolansets
Relations. Yesterday came in 2 Squawes informing y' one eyed Jn° &
Jethro were designing y'^ Surprizing of Canonicus & bringing in desire-
ing Some of our old Men to come to Advise with him about it. I
forthwith sent out there to further y^ design. Wee have information
from Jewels Island y' the former newes is not Soe bad being not above
10 in all killed and wounded being unexpectedly surprised If y'^ be
Any obstruction in y^ ffurther Prosecution of y^ enemy now by y*
Army, our People will quickly desert their Country, Shall Add no more
at P''sent but Remain in much Hon^ Yo"" Humble Serv°''

Richard "Waldern
Nic: Shapleigh
Mass. Archives, vol. 30, p. 218. Tho: Daniel

This letter shows that orders had come from the Council for
all the Indians taken to be sent to Boston. There is no doubt
that very many of those sent down considered themselves,
and were considered by the above committee, as having accepted
and fulfilled the terms of peace agreed upon in the treaty with
Major Walderne the winter before. The Pennacooks and
the Wamesits were the only tribes mentioned as included in
the treaty, south of the Merrimac. It is evident that some
of the " Praying " Indians were sent down also, as we find Mr.
Eliot and Major Gookin at once advocating their cause and the
claims of those who had accepted the terms of the treaty and
supposed it covered and condoned past offences.

A good view of the condition of affairs at this Eastern part,
where the war was now being waged, is gained from this
letter from the chief citizens of " Northfolk and Yorkshire "
Counties.

308 KING Philip's war.

Portsm°: ]9: 8"^ 1676
Much Hon^'*

Being upon occasion of y^ Alarms lately rec*^ fro y^ Enemy mett
togeth"' at Portsm" thought meet to give yo"" Hon" our sense of Matt" in
y" p' of y'^ Country in y^ best Mann' y' upon y'' place in y'^ p''sent Hurry
we are able to get. How things are now at Wells & York wee know
not, but p'"sume yo'selves will be informed ere y' comes to yo'' hand p
ye Post sent fro: y'= Comand'' in cheefe w'^'' (as wee understand) went
thro, y' Towne y^ Morning. Only thus m'^'^ we have learnt y' y*^^ Enemy
is Numerous & about those p'% having carried all clear before him so
far as Wells. That hee is pceediug towards us & so on toward yo""
Selves y*" Enemy intimates & y" thing itself speaks. What is meet to
be now don is w"" yo'"selves to say rather than for us to suggest, how-
ever being so deeply and nextly concerned humbly crave leave to offer
to Consider" whether y" securing of what is left bee not o"" next Work
rather than -y^ Attempting to regain what is lost unless there were
strength enough to doe both. It seemes little available to endeavor
ought in y^ More Eastern places y' are already conquered unless there
bee several Garrisons made & kept with provision & Amunition & what
may be suitable for a Recruit upon all Occasions, w'"'* to do (at least y'
Winter) cannot say y' y'^ profit will make amends for y'' charge. Sure
wee are y' o'selves (y' is y'^ County of Northfolk with Dover & Portsm")
are so far from being capeable of Spareiug any fforces for y' Expedi-
tion y' we find o'"selves so thinned and weakened by those y' are out
already y' there is nothing but y*" singular Providence of God hath pre-
vented our being utterly run down. The Enemy obsen^es o"" motions
& knows o' strength (weaknes rather) bett y" wee are willing hee
should & pbably had been with us ere this had not y*" Highest Power
overruled him. And that Haver-hill, Extt% &c. are in like P''dicam'
w* Dover, &c. seems apparent, & hence as uncapeable of spareing
Men. In true [sic] there is an Army out in Yorkshire w*"*^ will doubtle^
doe what may be done, yet there is room enough for y*" Enemy to slipp
by them unobserved & if so what a Condition we are in is evident.
Our own men are not enough to maintain o' own places if any Assault
be made & yet many of o" are now on the other side of the Pascataq""
River. AYee expect an Onsett in one place or other every day, & can
expect no Relief e fro those that are so far fro home. If it should bee
thought meet y' all y^ Men y' are come to us & other parts of y' Juris-
diction from y*" deserted & conquered Eastern Country should be
ordered to y*" Places y' are left on theyr own side of y"" River, y' so o"
may be recalled to theyr severall towns, it might possibly bee not una-
vailable to ye Ends ; Especially if w"' all some Indians might be ordered
to these parts to bee upon a perpetuall scout fro place to place.
We design not a lessening or discouragm' of y*' Army who rather need
strengthening & Incouragm', for we verily think y' if by y" Good Hand
of Providence y'' Army had not been there all y*" Parts on y'" other side
of y" River had been possest by the Enemy & perhaps o'"selves too ere
y" Time. But what we aim at is that o'^selves also may be put into
Capacity to defend o'"selves. Wee are apt to fear we have been too
bold with your Honors, but wee are sure our Intentions are good, &
o"" Condition very bad except y'^ Lord of Hosts appear for us speedily,
& wee would be found in y'^ Use of Meanes, commendmg o'' case to him

REPORT FROM THE EASTWARD TOWNS. 309

y' is able to protect us and direct yo''selves in order thereunto, &
remain

M"*^ Hon<i Yo^ Humble Serv"

Rob'^ Pike, Richard Walderne,

Richard Martyn, John Cutt,

W" Vaughan, Tho: Daniel.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 71.

A reference in Major Gookin's history of the "Praying
Indians " proves the intimation in the following letter that a sec-
ond company of Indians was sent down, including those who
came in after the army had passed to the Eastward, and also that
Major Walderne himself went to Boston to assist in the " dis-
posal," and sold some of them ; and probably Waiinalancet and
his men, and the Wamesits, went with the Major, by the require-
ment of the General Court. Major Gookin complains that some
of his most trusted praying Indians, and especially Sam Num-
phow, with difficulty cleared themselves from the accusations of
English who had been captives and swore against them, when, he
says, it is not easy to identify Indians under even the most favor-
able conditions.

Cochecha, 2. 9^" 1676
Maj'' Gookin,

Hon'-^ Sr.

I rec** yo" of 25"* S**" concerning Some Ind"° w"** you Say it is
AUedged I promised life & liberty to ; time pmits mee not at p^'sent to
inlarge but for Answer in Short yo" may Please to know I Promised
neither Peter Jethro nor any other of y' comp* life or liberty it not
being in my Power to doe it ; all y' I promised was to Peter Jethro
viz' that if he would use his Endeavo"^ & be Instrumental ffor y'' bring-
ing in one eyed Jn° &c. I would acquaint y* Gov'^n'' w"" w' service
he had done & Improve my Interest in his behalfe this I Acquainted
y*" Hon''' Council w"" if it had been their Pleasures to have Saved more
of y'" it would not have troubled mee, as to y*^ Squaw^ you Mention
belonging to one of Capt. Hunting's Souldiers, there was Such a one
left of y*^ first Great Comp* of Ind°' P' [sent] down w'='' Capt. Hunting
desired might Stay here til himselfe & her husband Came back from
Eastw*^ w''*' I consented to & how she came among y' comp" I know not
I requiring none to goe y" to Boston but those that came in after y''
Armies departure neither Knew I a word of it at Boston w" I disposed
of y'" soe twas her own fanlt in not Acquainting mee with it but if Said
Squaw be not sent of I shall be freely willing to reimburse those Gen'
w' they gave mee for her y' she may be sett at liberty being wholy ino-
cent as to w' I'me charged w'^ I intend ere long to be at Boston w" I
doubt not but shall give you full satisfaction thereabout.

I am S"" yo"" Humble Sei'v" Richard "Waldern.

Mass. Archives, vol. 30, p. 226.

• The Indian woman referred to in Major Walderne's letter was Mary NeraaHit, wife of John,
•who had been in the army with the Knglish under Capt. Hunting during tli<' Hinmiicr, and now
comes armed with a letter from Major Gookin and demands his wife and cliihi, uiiu were in
Boston Prison , and liad been bought by Messrs. Tho: Deane and James Wlu'tcomb. Xov. '2M,
1676, the Council gives order to the prison-keeper to deliver the woman and child to her husband.
See Mass. Archives, vol. 30, p. 228.

310

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

There is no doubt that the general voice of the colony highly-
applauded the action of Major Walderne, and gave him the credit
of the capture, while Major Gookin questioned the method
sharply.

The following list of credits is all that appears in Hull's Treas-
ury accounts ; and these men were those who served under him
personally, the others being credited under their respective
captains, and those after August 24th placed in a later journal
now lost.

Credited under Major Walderne.

January 25 1675

Joseph Pillsbery 01

Lawrence Clinton

02 15 08

Richard Jones 02

James Ford

02 15 00

Thomas Baker 02

"William Delamore

02 02 00

John Smith 02

February 29,

1675

Edward Fuller 02

Thomas Rowlinson

02 02 00

March 24* 1675-6

Joseph Fowler

03 12 00

Daniel Tenney 01

Henry Ducker

03 12 00

April 24'*^ 1676

Jeremiah Neale

01 13 09

Richard Freind 01

John Line

03 06 00

June 24"^ 1676

Samuel Stanwood

02 02 00

Mark Hascall 02

Nathaniel Bray

02 02 00

August 24«» 1676

George Cross

02 02 00

Edmund Henfield 01

THE WnSTTER EXPEDITION OP MAJOR WALDERNE TO THE
EASTWARD.

In following the career of Major Walderne, it will be necessary
to pass over a detailed account of affairs at the Eastward, in
which, however, he bore no small part, being magistrate as well
as military commander of this quarter of the colony. All the
Eastern settlements were broken up, and the people who were
neither killed nor made captive fled to the Westward towns for
safety. Desolation lay over all, from Pemaquid as far as Wells.
Capt. Hathorne's forces availed but little except to keep the
Indians from any general gathering and organized attack. Small
parties of the enemy were scattered along the frontiers, ready to
fall upon any exposed settlement. The alarms, attacks and use-
less pursuits were many ; till at last, about the middle of October,
the celebrated " Mog," or " Mugg," came in to Major Walderne
and announced himself as empowered to negotiate peace with the
English on behalf of " Madockawando and Cheberrina, Sachems
of Penobscot." Mog came to Boston under safe conduct from
the governor, and between Nov. 6th and 13th a treaty was con-
cluded between the colony and the Eastward Indians, not includ-
ing the " Ammoscoggins " and " Pequakets." During this time
Capt. Hathorne, upon information received of Mog, marched his
troops up to Ossipee, expecting to find there a large body of

MAJOR WALUERNE VISITS MADOCKAWANDO. 311

Indians and English captives, but found nothing but the empty
fort, which they burnt, and returned to Berwick on November
9th. Upon the issue of the treaty the Council sent vessels to the
Penobscot with Mog, held as voluntary hostage, to act as agent
and interpreter. Madockawando was found and confirmed the
treaty made with Mog, and delivered the few prisoners which he
held. Mog himself was permitted to go up into the woods to
another plantation to persuade other Indians to join in the treaty,
and to bring in some captives which they held ; but not returning,
they supposed he was either killed or detained as prisoner by the
Indians, as he told them when he left them might be the result.
They waited more than a week, and then came home, arriving at
Boston December 25th, 1676. Nothing more was heard of the
captives at the Eastward or of Mog until January 5th, when one
Francis Card, a captive, escaped, and made his way to Blackpoint
and thence to Boston, where he made an interesting statement of
the condition of things at the Eastward ; told the story of his
escape, stated the location and strength of the enemy, putting
their entire fighting force at not above one hundred and fifty
fighting men ; he described the country and explained the best
places to land a force, and urged that an expedition be sent at
once before they removed higher up the river. The details of
all the matters referred to above are to be given in another
chapter. The statement made by Card, and especially his im-
plication of Mog as a " Rogue " who came back among the
Indians, and laughed at the English and their " kinde Entertain-
ment," and saying he had found a way to burn Boston, seems to
have renewed the determination of the Council to send an expe-
dition immediately to attempt the recovery of their forts and the
captive English. Other things also moved them, such as the dis-
covery that the Narraganset Indians were abroad in these East-
ward parts, three being captured by Major Walderne's Indians
in the woods near Dover ; and when several of the chief men
about Portsmouth, etc., came to Boston advising the expedition,
it was determined, and Major Walderne was made commander-in-
chief.

The expedition consisted of two companies of sixty men from
Boston and Salem ; the first, sixty Natick Indians under Capt.
Samuel Hunting ; the second, sixty men under Lieut. Thomas
Fiske of Wenham, whose commission for this service is preserved
in the Massachusetts Archives, vol. 69, p. 106, and is dated Feb-
ruary 5th, 1676. These sailed from Salem the first week in Feb-
ruary, directly to Blackpoint, where Major Walderne met them
with the forces raised by him and Capt. Frost in their parts. The
Council gave Major Walderne instruction and commission as
follows :

312 KING Philip's war.

Instructions for Major Rich. Walderne.

You shal repaire to Blacke point w"' the 60 souldiers under capt.
frost that you are authorized by y^ Council to raise in Dover Ports-
mouth & yorkshire by y* 8 of feb"^ where you are to take under yoiir
command the other forces from Boston & Salem under the command
of Capt. Hunting & Leiftenant Fiske & other sea officers, from whence
w"' all expedition w"" the advice of your commanders you shall advance
towards the enemy at Kinnebeck or elsewhere, & according to the pro-
posed designe, endeavour w"* all silence & secresy to surprize them in
their quarters wherein if it please God to succeed you, you shall do
your utmost endeavour to save and secure the English prisoners. If
you fail in this designe you shall assay by alle means in your power to
disturb & destroy the enemy unless you have such overtures from them
as may give some competent assurance that an honorable and safe
peace may be concluded with them wherein you must avoyd all trifling
& delayes & w"* all possible speed make despatch of the affaire not
trusting them without first delivery of all the Captives & vessels in
their hands. If you should in conclusion find it necessary to leave a
garrison in Kinnebeck, wee must leave it to your discretion. You
shall use utmost expedition as winds & other advantages will permit
lest y^ season be lost and charges seem without profitt.

Praying God to be with you E. R. S.

24 Janu'y 1676

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 101.

The commission of Major Walderne :

J. L. G. W* the Consent of the Council.
To Major Richard Walden.

whereas you are apoynted Cor-in-chief of the forces Now to be
raised ag' the enemy the pagans in the East for the assaulting them at
Kinnebeck, we have ordered the rendevous of the S*^ forces at Black
point the 8 ""feb next doe hereby order & authorize you to take under
your command and conduct the S*^ forces w'^'' you are to require to
obey & attend your orders & Commands as their Commander-in-chiefe
& you to leade conduct & order the S*^ forces for the best service of
the country against the Common enemy whom you are to endeavour to
surprize kill & destroy by all means in your power & al Com'd",
Officers & soulders under you are required to yeild obedience to
endeavour to recover the English prisoners from out of their possession,
you are also to govern the forces under your Command according to
the laws enacted by the Gener''" C to attend to all such orders & com-
mands as you shall receive from time to time from the general Court
Councill or other Superior authority.

Given in Boston 29 jan, 1676. Past E. R. S.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 101.

A journal account of this expedition was kept by Major Wal-
derne, which Mr. Hubbard published in his History, from the
original copy. Only an abstract can find place here.

ON THE KENNEBEC. 313

On February 17th Major Walderne, with his whole command,
sailed from Blackpoint for " Portland." ^ On the east side of
Cape Elizabeth one of their scouts, John Pain (former keeper of
the Major's Pennacook truck-house, probably), appeared and re-
ported the way clear of ice and Indians. They sailed across to
" Mary Point " (Mare-point) , arriving late at night. On the 18th
the scouts found a birch canoe and the tracks of three Indians at
" Muckquet " (Maquoit). Just as the companies were drawn up
for the march, five canoes of Indians landed on an island opposite
(probably Birch Island) and signalled for a parley ; John Pain
was sent, and they promised to bring the captives in the morning.
Pain returned to the Indians, and " Simon," one of their leaders,
came as a hostage in his place, who being questioned by the
Major, declared that " Blind Will " stirred up late trouble ; that
they desired peace ; that Squando was over at the island and
would return the captives to Major Walderne. Squando was
summoned, and replied that he would meet the Major if he would
come half way alone in a canoe. Major Walderne refused, and
the Indian promised to come in the morning. On the 19th they
appeared in fourteen canoes. They landed upon a point where
there was a house which was set on fire, and their scouts seemed
to challenge our men to fight, upon which our troops marched
against them as secretly as possible, when they fled, but Capt.
Frost came upon their main body and had a sharp skirmish, kill-
ing and wounding several without any loss to his own. But
anxious for the captives, the Major immediately hung out a flag
of truce, which was immediately answered with one by them.
John Pain and " Simon " therefore met and had an explanation
half way between the Hues. The house was fired accidentally,
and their scouts did not mean to challenge ours, but hailed them
according to their custom ; said the captives were a great way off
and had not yet arrived, but promised them next day. On the
20th they were weather-bound. On the 21st they sailed for
Arrowsick. On the 22d they sailed up the river till stopped by
the ice, and then landed their forces about twelve miles from
Abbigadassit Fort, at which they arrived after a six-hours' march,
and found the fort empty. On the 23d, at a council-of-war, it was
decided that Major Walderne should sail with some part of his
forces for the Penobscot, while the rest should remain and build
a garrison. On the 24th the Major located a site opposite the
lower end of Arrowsick Island, "at John Baker's house." Sun-
day, February 25th, they rested at this place. On the 26th Major
Walderne with sixty men in two vessels sailed for Penobscot
River. On the way two Indians signalled them from a canoe off
" Gyobscot Point," and John Pain and Walt. Gendal were sent
to speak with them, and were told that many Indians and some
English captives were at Pemaquid. The whole force immediately

1 Falmouth, this probably the first mention as " Portland."

314 KING PHILIP'S WAR.

set sail and came to that place about four o'clock that same day,
and were immediately hailed by Indians from " Mr. Gardner's
Fort." John Pain was sent ashore to them and found the chief
sagamore Mattahando with other sachems and " sundry sorts of
Indians." The chief wished to speak with Capt. Davis, and was
very desirous of peace, promising to deliver the captives then at
Penobscot next morning. Capt. Davis with John Pain went
ashore and stayed, while three sagamores went aboard to talk
with Major Walderne, who soon after went ashore with six men
unarmed, and was promised that the captives should be delivered
next morning. On the 27th, after a long negotiation and a ran-
som of twelve skins to each captive, they delivered William Chad-
burne, John Whinnick (Winnock) and John Wormwood, these
being all they would own that they had, or that it could be proved
that they had. Some of the old sagamores seemed to be sincere,
and declared that they were against the war, but could not rule
their young men. Our officers, however, had little confidence in
them, and in council decided to get all the captives and then to
try to surprise their whole company. In pursuance of this design
the Major with five others went ashore bearing a part of the
ransom and carefully providing against surprise. While looking
about to discover if the Indians were as wisely provided against
Christian treachery as they against heathen treachery, he found
a lance-head partly concealed under a board, seizing which he
immediately advanced upon the Indians, charging them with
treachery, swung his cap above his head as a signal to his men to
come ashore, as was agreed, while those who were with the Major
immediately rallied about to defend him from the Indians who
advanced to seize him, and also to secure the goods which he had
brought ashore. Some squaws seized a bundle of muskets that
were hidden close by, and fled with them. Capt. Frost and Lieut.
Nutter captured Megunnaway, " a notorious rogue," and carried
him on board their vessel. As soon as the English got on shore
they pursued the Indians to their canoes so closely that they were
able to kill seven before they reached their boats, and as many
more probably afterwards. Four were taken prisoners, of whom
one was the sister of Madockawando. The old chief Mattahando
was among the killed. Not more than twenty-five warriors were
present in this engagement. The English secured a large amount
of plunder, about a thousand pounds of dried beef with the rest.
Meguunaway was next day executed by shooting, it being de-
clared by witnesses that he was concerned in the killing of Thomas
Bracket at Falmouth. On February 28th they sailed back to
Kennebec, where Lieut. Fiske with a party of forty men secured
some forty bushels of wheat, several cannon, some anchors, and a
great quantity of boards from Arrowsick, a part of which they
loaded upon their vessels. They killed two Indians upon Arrow-
sick Island, where they discovered the body of the lamented

AFTEK THE WAR. 315

Capt. Lake, which was wonderfully preserved. This was brought
home to Boston, where they arrived March 11th, 1676-7.

This expedition was the closing active military service of Major
Walderne, although he still retained his office as Major, and was
constantly concerned as such, and held his place as magistrate
and leading citizen during his life. In the spring of 1678 this
war with the Indians closed. Major Walderne, however, became
involved in the strife of the factions that claimed the government
of New Hampshire, and his Itfe thus continued in turbulence,
even to its tragic close, the manner of which requires here some
notice, even though many years had passed after Philip's War.

For about eleven years there had been peace with the Indians.
The Pennacooks had long ago returned, and Kankamagus above
mentioned had by his energy and wisdom restored them to some-
thing of their former prosperity. But this chief was somewhat
impatient under the constant unjust encroachments and wrongs
of the English, and their constant threats that they would bring
the Mohawks upon them, and at last, involved in some new
occasion of complaint, he fled to his relatives among the Andros-
coggins some time in the year 1686, where, finding some others
with like wrongs and resentments, he became a nucleus of dis-
content. There were many also scattered among the Eastern
tribes who had been captured at Dover in 1676 and sold into
slavery, and had made their way back to find their tribes scat-
tered, their families broken up and lost. To many of these
nothing was left but hate and vengeance upon the English, and
especially against the one man whom they believed responsible
for the transaction; the man was Major Walderne. Other causes
were doubtless at work at the Eastward by the designs of the
French and the Jesuit missionaries in the zeal for their religion ;
but the resentment seems to have centred upon Cocheco and Major
Walderne. In June, 1689, the people began to be aware of large
numbers of strange Indians among those who came in to trade,
and many did not seem to come for that purpose, but were ob-
served carefully scrutinizing the defences and approaches. The
people became alarmed, and one after another many came and
urged Major Walderne to take some precautions of defence. He,
however, would not hearken, laughed at their fears, and told them
to " go and plant their pumpkins," and he would tell them when
the Indians should attack them. There were many old friends
of the Major and of the English of Dover among the neighboring
Indians, and some of these tried to warn them of their danger.
A squaw came through the town, and here and there significantly
recited the words which have been handed down in the rhyme,

" O Major Waldron, you great sagamore,
What will you do, Indians at your door."

Capt. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford also was apprized of

316 KING Philip's war.

the plot against Dover, and sent down a letter of warning to
the Council at Boston, as follows :

Hon-i Sir

This day 2 Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand
and Peter Muckamug, who report y' damage will undoubtedly be done
within a few days at Piscataqua, and y' Major Waldrons, in particular,
is threatened ; and Intimates fears y' mischief quickly will be done at
Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your
honor. They say iff damage be done, the blame shall not be on them,
having given a faithful account of what they hear ; and are upon that
report moved to leave y'' habitation and corn at Pennacook. S"', I was
verry loth to trouble you and to expose myself to the Censure and de-
rision of some of the confident people, that ware pleased to make sport
of what I sent down by Capt. Tom. I am constrained from a sense of
my duty and from love of my countrymen to give the acct. as above.
So with my humble service to your Honor, and prayers for the safety
of an Indangered people,

I am, S', your humble servant Tho: Hinchman.

June 22 [1689]

Mass. Archives, vol. 107, p. 139.

This letter was received by Mr. Danforth, and on the 27th laid
before Gov. Bradstreet and the Council, and a messenger was
sent to Dover the same day with this warning to Major Wal-
derne :

Boston: 27. : June: 1689
Honor"* Sir

The Governor and Councill haveing this day received a Letter
from Major Henchman of Chelmsford, that some Indians are come
unto them, who report that there is a gathering of some Indians in or
about Penecooke with designe of mischiefe to the English, amongst
the said Indians is one Hawkins [Hogkins or Kaukamagus] is said to
be a principle designer, and that they have a particular designe against
yourselfe and Mr. Peter Coffin which the Councill thought it necessary
presently to dispatch Advice thereof to give you notice that you take
care of yo' own Safeguard, they intending endeavour to to betray you
on a pretention of Trade. Please forthwith to Signify import hereof
to Mr. Coffin and others as you shall think necessary, and Advise of
what Information you may receive at any time of the Indians motions.
By Order in Councill,

Isa: Addington, Sec'y.
For Major Rich"* Walden and Mr. Peter Coffin
or either of them at Cocheca with all
possible [haste]

Mass. Archives, vol. 107, p. 144.

The messengers made all possible speed for Dover, but were
detained at the Ferry at Newbury, and did not arrive until June
28th, the day after the blow had fallen. On the evening of the
27th two squaws applied at eacli of the garrison houses for per-
mission to sleep inside, as was often done, and two were admitted
into each of the garrisons, Walderne's, Heard's and Otis's, and

DEATH OF MAJOR WALDERNE. 317

were shown how to unfasten the gates if they wished to go away
during the night. There was a report of a great number of
Indians coming to trade next day, and the sachem Wesandowit,
who had taken supper at the Major's, asked him pointedly,
" Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians
should come ? " " I could assemble a hunched men by lifting up
my finger," replied the Major, in careless indifference. And thus
all retired to rest ; no watch was placed and no precautions taken.

After midnight the gates were opened by the squaws. The
Indians waiting outside rushed in and took possession without
any alarm and rushed into the Major's rooms. Aroused from
sleep, the old man sprang up, seized his sword, and despite his
eighty years, drove them before him through several rooms, but
turning to secure other arms, they sprang upon him from behind
and struck him down with a hatchet ; they bound him into his
arm-chair and placed him upon a long table ; they mocked him,
and asked, " Who shall judge Indians now ? " They compelled
the family of tlie Major to prepare them supper, after which they
drew their knives, and slashed the helpless old man across the
breast, saying " I cross out my account." They then cut off his
ears and nose and forced them into his mouth, till at last, when
fainting with the loss of blood he was about to fall, one of them
held his sword beneath him, upon which falhng he expired.

The following letter was written by his son, who was then at
Portsmouth, as is seen :

Portsm": 28*: June 1689 ab' 8 a clock morning
Just now came ashore here From Cocheca Jn" Ham & his wife who
went hence last night home wo'^(they living w^'iu a mile of Maj"" Waldron)
& ab' break of the day goeing up the river in a cannoo they heard guns
fired but notw"'stauding proceeded to Land at Maj"^ Waldrons landing
place by w*^*^ time it began to be light & then they Saw ab' twenty
Ind°' near Mr. CoflSns Garrison Shooting & Shouting as many more
about Richard Otis's & Tho: Pains but Saw their way clear to Maj''
Waldrons where they Intended Imediately to secure themselves but
comeing to the gate & calling & knocking could receive noe answer yet
saw a light in one of y'^ Chambers & one of y™ say (looking through a
crack of the gate) that he saw Sundry Ind°^ w'^in y^ Garrison w'^'' sup-
pose had murther'd Maj"" Waldron & his Familie & thereupon they
betook y^selves to make an escape w''^ they did & mett w"^ one of Otis
sons who alsoe escaped from his Fathers garrison Informing y' his
Father and y*" rest of the Family were killed. Quickly after [they]
set sundry houses afire this is all the Ace" wee have at p'^seut w'''' being
given in a Surprize may adniitt of some alteration but Doubtlesse the
most of those Families at or ab' Cochecha are destroyed.

The above Ace" was related to mee. Richard Waldron, jun"'.
Mass. Archives, Hutchinson Papers, vol. 3, p. 376.

Thus tragically closed the eventful life of Major Richard Wal-
derne, in the opinion of many the most notable of the early
settlers of New Hampshire.

xxn.

CAPTAIN WILLIAM HATHORNE.

XrriLLIAM HATHORNE, the father of Captain William
▼ T Hathorne, was the son of William and Sara, of Binfield,
Berkshire Co., England, born about 1607, and came to
this country with Winthrop, in the Arbella, in 1630, and settled
first at Dorchester, where he was a land holder, and appears
prominently in affairs in the earliest days of the settlement, and
until 1636, when he removed to Salem. He was admitted free-
man in 1634, and was chosen deputy in 1635 and 1637, and from
Salem many times afterwards ; and when, in 1644, the " House
of Deputies " elected a Speaker for the first time, he was elected,
and served in that position for several years afterwards. He was
elected Assistant in 1662, which ofiice he retained until 1679, and
the history of the times in which he lived shows him to have been
one of the most able, energetic, and widely influential men in
New England, in his day. He was mentioned as present at the
great " training " at Boston, 1639 ; was commissioned Captain of
the company at Salem, May 1, 1646, and Major before 1656.
See also " Wonder-working Providence," p. 109. While he was
evidently narrow and bigoted in his religious theories, and arbi-
trary and intolerant in the administration of affairs, both of
church and state, he was the zealous and fearless advocate of the
personal rights of freemen as against royal emissaries and agents.
The investigations of our Mr. Waters, in the English Archives,
have revealed the Hathorne ancestry in England as given above,
and from additional data gathered by him and others, we have
room for the following brief statement, tracing the descent of the
distinguished Nathaniel Hawthorne of our own day from this
eminent ancestor.

William ^ Hathorne brought with him to this country his wife
Anne, by whom he had children :

i. A daughter.^

ii, Sarah,- b. March 11, 1634-5; m. Joseph Coker, of Newbury,

iii. Eleazer,- b. Aug. 1, 1637 ; m. Abigail, dau. of George Cm-wen.

iv. Nathaniel,^ b. Aug. 11, 1639.

v. JoHN,^ b. Aug. 5, 1641 ; m. Ruth Gardner, dau. of George.

THE HATHORNE FAMILY. 319

vi. Anna,^ b. Dec. 12, 1643 ; m. Joseph Porter.

vii. William,^ b. April 1, 1645; m. Sarah .

viii. Elizabeth,^ b. 1649 ; m. Israel Porter.

Major William Hathorne died in 1681, in his 74th year. Will
probated June 28, 1681 ; mentions son William lately deceased,
and Sarah the widow of the same, and her heirs ; appoints wife
Anne sole executrix.

John ^ Hathorne, distinguished both in civil and military af-
fairs, serving as Captain in the war with the Eastern Indians,
the Colonel of a regiment, and in the expedition of 1696 chief
commander ; admitted freeman 1677 ; Deputy, 1683 ; Assistant,
1684-1711 (except in Andros's brief rule), and is remembered
unhappily as the most intolerant and cruel of the judges in the
witchcraft delusion. He had, by his wife Ruth (Gardner) :

i. John.' ii. Nathaniel.' iii. Ebenezer.'

iv. Joseph,' bapt. June, 1691 ; m. Sarah, dau. of William Bowditch.
V. Kuth.' vi. Benjamin,'

Joseph' and Sarah (Bowditch) had children: — 1. William.^
2. Joseph.* 3. John.* 4. Sarah.* 5. Ebenezer.* 6. Daniel.*
7. Ruth.*

Daniel,* m. Rachel Phelps, and had children: — 1. Daniel,^
died soon. 2. Sarah.^ 3. Eunice.^ 4. Daniel,^ 2d. 5. Judith."
6. Nathaniel," b. May 19, 1775; he was a sea captain and
died in Surinam in 1808 ; married Elizabeth Clark Man-
ning and had two children: — 1. Elizabeth Manning," b.
Mar. 7, 1802. 2. Nathaniel," b. July 4, 1804 ; m. Sophia
Peabody, at Salem, July, 1842, and died at Plymouth, N.
H., May 19, 1864. He changed the old surname to Haw-
thorne, and by his genius placed it in the front rank of the
world's great authors. The apology for this digression is
the eminence of this Nathaniel Hawthorne.

Other descendants of Major William,^ through other lines of
descent than John and William, Jr., are scattered over the whole
country, and bear both forms of the surname,

Capt. William 2 Hathorne, son of Major William, and the
subject of this sketch, has, in all published accounts known to me,
been very strangely overlooked by being identified as one with
his father. My attention was first called to the error of that sup-
position by the mention of his " father " in his letter from Casco,
Sept. 22, 1676. I found that he was engaged at the Eastward
from September 6th up to November 10th, and that his father.
Major William, Assistant, was present in his place in the General
Court at Boston most of that time ; that administration upon the
estate of Capt. William was granted to his widow Sarah, February
4, 1678-9, Daniel Gookin and William Hathorne (Major) being
the Magistrates. Major William died 1681, and in his will men-

SjH) king PHILIP'S WAR.

tions having given his son William land at Groton which he
confirms to his widow Sarah and her heirs.

In the expedition of December, 1675, against the Narragansets,
as has been previously noted, Capt. Hathorne was appointed lieu-
tenant of the company under Capt. Joseph Gardiner, and when
that brave officer fell, at the great " Fort Fight," he succeeded to
the command of the company, which he held during the remainder
of that campaign, and, as we have seen in that chapter, most of
that company were paid off as having served under him.

In August, 1676, Capt. Hathorne was again called into service
(as has been noted in several previous chapters), to take com-
mand of the forces sent to the Eastward.

After the surrender of the great body of Indians at Cochecho
was accomplished in September, Capt. Hathorne immediately
pushed forward with his forces towards the East. He had a
force of four companies besides his own, numbering, probably, in
all, nearly four hundred men ; his own and Capt. Sill's men
numbered one hundred and thirty, and, together with Capt.
Hunting's company of forty Indians, made up the Massachusetts
quota, to which Major Walderne was expected to add about as
many more of his own men and recruits in Yorkshire, these last
two companies to be under Capt. Charles Frost of Kittery, and
the whole force under Capt. Hathorne as Major. This " army "
marched from Berwick to Wells on Sept. 8th, where they prob-
ably were delayed for a day or two, organizing for the march and
deliberating as to the marching to Ossipee, where it was rumored
that a large force of Indians with their women and children were
gathered in an old fort which some traders had built them as
against the Mohawks, and where were a good many English
captives taken just before from the plantations, from Kennebec to
Casco. This expedition was the plan of General Denison, but
discretionary power had been given Capt. Hathorne, and as
rumors of large bodies of Indians still threatened the people that
remained shut up in their garrisons in some of the seaside towns,
who would perhaps fall upon these nearer places if they should
withdraw, it was finally decided to go to the relief of the threat-
ened towns. They accordingly marched from Wells to Winter
Harbor, and thence by water passed to Blackpoint, and thence to
Casco, where they arrived on the 19th, and on the 22d the Cap-
tain sends the following letter :

Cascho 22^* Sept. 1676.
Hon'' Sir Att 9 a clock at night.

I have not had anything to wi'itte nor auythinge woorth luforma-
tion, wee came luto these parts y** 19"" Instant when we catched an
Indian ; Sagamore of Peggwakick (and took y*" gun of another) who
informed us that Kennebec Indians were to come Into these parts that
night or the next day he told us that y* Indians In these parts are not
above 30 or 40 fighting men & that these keep upp at Orsybee or Peg-
gwackick, which is :60: myles from us, he saith he knows of no

CAPT. HATHORNE AT CASCO BAY. 321

French men among them as y^ Inhabitants Informed us, wee found
him in many lyes, & so ordered him to be put to death, & y" Cochecho
Indians to be his executioners ; which was redily done by them, this
day, going over a River wee were Ambuscaded, but soon gott over
and putt them to flight, killed dead In y'' Place but one Named Jn"
Sampson, who was well acquainted with Maj. Waldens Indians, they
say he was a Captaine, but such are all y*" Ennemyes they kUl (he was
double Armed which wee took) wee find itt very difficult to come neire
them there is soe many Rivers & soe much broken land, that they soon
Escape by canoes ; y^ country being full of them, I would Inti'eat your
Hon" to Order something Concerning y^ State of affaires here. Many
Inhabitants of y^ place being come to take off, these Come and kill
there Cattle only they want some helpe from us, I know not whether it
may be for y* Interest of y^ Country for all to stay ; & If wee goe into
y^ Country to Peggwackick we can leave none, I desire your Hon"
Advise and commands concerning this Also, Wee have had noe bread
these three dayes I suppose y* reason is y' contrary Winds, because I
have sent to Mr. Martin twice ; have had one returne but noe bread,
wee can do well without unless we goe up into y^ country while our
people are in health as they are generally praysed be y* Lord for itt, I
Humbly Request your Honour to Remmember my duty to my father
& Love to Rest of Friends, If you have an opportunity & soe I Rest
your Hon" Humble Servant

William Hathorne.

The Indian that was taken told us that there be 20 English Captives
at Peggwackick 2 of them men, & that Capt. Lake was killed, they
say that Kennebeck Indians kill all.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 61.

I have found no reference to the place which Capt. Hathorne's
troops occupied during their stay at Falmouth, but as it appears
that the Neck had been .deserted, and the outlying residents
driven away and their homes destroyed, it seems probable that
those who had fled to Blackpoint and vicinity for safety, mostly
returned with the troops to Munjoy's Garrison, and among these
were probably George Felt and those others who, on Sept. 23d,
ventured in boats upon " Munjoy's Island " (to secure some sheep
left there in their flight), and were all cut off by the Indians who
were concealed there, lying in wait. Felt and his companions
made a desperate resistance, having fled to the ruins of an old
" Stone House," but were overpowered and destroyed. This was
in plain sight of our forces, who lacking boats sufficient, were
entirely unable to prevent the sad issue of this attempt, against
which Capt. Hathorne had earnestly protested, there being no
sufficient vessel to carry over an adequate guard, and a large body
of the enemy known to be in the vicinity. Our Indian scouts
were out after the enemy constantly, and captured those referred
to in the letter, and evidently did nearly all the really effective
work, for which, however, but little credit was given them by
the English, except suspicion of carelessness or treachery and

322 KING Philip's war.

cowardice ; and yet Capt. Hathorne's next letter protests against
the withdrawal of these same Indians. It was very hard for the
English to learn that their unwieldy troops and clumsy methods
were no match for the quick-moving and wary enemy, who fled
before the advance of the troops, and then dodging around them,
struck a blow in the rear. Two days after the tragedy at Mun-
joy's Island, another party struck a sudden blow at Wells, and
anon at Cape Neddick, which occasioned the immediate return
of the forces to that place, as will appear by the following letter :

Wells: 2:8: 1676
Hon'"'^ Senat" Att 9 clock morning

I received your Ord'' of y* 16"' of Sept"" on y^ 25'^ of y*" same. In
Answare to w''", I have sent Capt. Hunting from here to Maj"^ Walden ;
y^ occation of our Returne was y*' sad news of y" Enimy, burning Cape
nettick & destroying y^ people to y" number of 6 or 7 persons besids
those of this towne which are : 3 : two of them y^ 24"" y*" other :27"' :
of the month ; In our Returne wee mett with divers things of concern-
ment w'^'' I Ingadged to Aquaint your Hon" with; Imp""', att black-
point, the people there are in great distraction and disorder ; I know
not of former Neglects but now they are a people uugoverued, &
Attend little to y*" Government there established soe that y" most of y*
towne desert y*" place, though we told them of a law they were Ignorant
of w"'' we think we doe perfectly remember of 20'^ penalty for any that
desert y^ frontiers, w''*' we thinke is most Rationall, y'^ Inhabittants
there having little to doe ; we are ready to thinke they might better be
Imployed there than many of ours, who have famillys att home and a
considerable charge, to be briefe Capt. Joslin & Capt. Scottow desire
an Expresse from your Hon" they having had noe knowledge of y^ law.

2'^'^ Major Pembleton att Winter Harbour w"^ Whome I would have
left some men ; as Also w"' Mr. Warrin they made these objections ;
The Maj'" were these : That he could not subsist long, & he had as
good remove while he had something as to stay while all was spent.
Therefore unlesse Country sends a supply or Maintaine y^ Garrison
there ; he cannot hold out, Mr. Warrin is otherwise minded but I can-
not Enlarge, supposing Maj"' Clarke can Inform your Hon", Since our
Comming Heither we have consulted y*" Millitia, who Informe us that
the mind of this towne In Gen" is to leave the place, & though y^ Hon"^*^
Court or Councell have formerly given an Ord"^ concerning them ; In
paticul'" yett yy now begg that itt might be renewed & that j'our Hon"
would Ord'' as to these Numb" of Garrison Souldiers, Soe to maintaiu-
ance, they being poore yet many of them willing According to Abillity,
The next thing I shall trouble your Hon" w"' is y^ disatisfactiou that is
among"' our selves, about y'^ drawing y'' Indians off, & Maj'' Waldens
libberty to Command off Capt. Frost, w*^'' he pretends to have, the w*^^
are two thirds and more of y^ Army, Capt. Sells Company & myne
being not above .1). or .10. fyles now who are judged here not more
then is necessary to Garrison this towne & York, we would be bold to
speak our minds further, & Crave that your Hon" may not be offended
at us, or Receive from others false Information, The Indians thus
drawne off by themselvcB as long as they have only Ind" Speritts, will

CLOSING SERVICE OF CAPT. HATHORNE. 323

doe little or noe service for y* Country who In tyme of Ingadgment
ever took y* English for there bullwark, & will not Charge to Any pur-
pose until y" Enimy ftly, I think some of us have had tyme to be
Aquaiuted w"" there manners As to my selfe I would Humbly Request
your Hon" to call me home ; though I have An Earnest desu'e to doe
god & y*" Country service, yett there is a Straing Antypathy in me
Against lying in Garrison, Here is many of our Company sick of
violent distemp" one of myne is dead & two others I much feare. The
Lord derect your Hon" & give us your servants prudence to Act by
your Ord" According to his good will and pleasure.
I remaine
Your Hon" Humble Servant

William Hathorne.
Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 65.

After the return to Wells there was delay and uncertainty
about preparations for the march to Ossipee, until the news of the
capture of Black point and the threatened approach of the vic-
torious Indians put the troops upon the guard of the towns near
at hand. Capt. Hathorne and his forces remained in these parts
in service until November 1st, when in company with Capt. Sill
he set forth upon the long delayed march to Ossipee, where they
arrived after a very hard march of four days, finding never an
Indian on the way or at the Great Fort. The Captain sent a
party of his men up some twenty miles farther, but without
result, and having burnt the fort, the companies returned to Ber-
wick, where they arrived on November 9th. In the meantime,
the treaty with Sachem Mugghad been concluded, and the troops
under Capt. Hathorne were soon dismissed.

It will be remembered that the latest credits contained in Hull's
accounts are September 23, 1676, so that the men serving under
the Captain in this expedition had credit in a later Journal, which
is now lost. For earlier credits see ante, p. 166.

The following petition explains itself :

To the Hon*^ Generall Court now Assembled in Boston ; 1679 ;
The humble peticon of Sarah Hathorne widdow to Capt. William
Hathorne deceased
Humbly Showeth

That your peticoners late husband, being employed in the
Countreyes service against the Indians, was not satisfyed the arrears
due to him for his said service ; the bill not being delivered to the
Treasurer in time, through the negligence of the constable ; which
caused the Treasurer to refuse payment ; and your peticoners husband,
being deceased, hath left your peticoner in a meane condition, as to
her outward estate, being indebted to severall persons and not in a
capacitye to make payment, without receiving her late husbands arrears
from the country.

The p''misses considered your peticoner humbly craves, this hon**

324 KING Philip's war.

Court would be pleased to order speedy payment of the arrears due to
her late husband, in such proportion as yo'^ hon°" in wisdom shall judge
convenient.

And yo' peticoner (as in duty bound) shall pray
for you*^ Hono" prosperity.

Saeiah Hathorke.
Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 237.

This was granted. See also Coll. Records, Vol. V., p. 282.

XXIII.
CAPT. JOSHUA SCOTTOW AND HIS MEN.

JOSHUA SCOTTOW came to Boston with his mother Thoma-
sine, who joined the church September 21, 1634. He with
his brother Thomas joined the church May 19, 1639. He

married Lydia , and had Joshua, b. Sept. 30, 1641, and

died soon ; Joshua, b. Aug. 12, 1643 ; Lydia, bapt. June 29, 1645 ;
Elizabeth, b. July 29, 1647 ; Rebecca, b. October 10, 1652 ; Mary,
b. May 11, 1656 ; Thomas, June 30, 1659, grad. H. C. 1677.
Capt. Scottow was of the Artillery Company in 1645, Ensign in
1656, and Captain afterwards. Elizabeth Scottow m. Thomas, son
of Major Thomas Savage, and had a large family. Rebecca m.
Benjamin Blackman, April 1, 1675, and Mary m. Samuel Checkley.

Capt. Scottow was a very energetic man, an enterprising and
eminently prosperous merchant. He was largely engaged in
foreign commercial transactions, and from 1654-7 was the con-
fidential agent of La Tour in his business with our colony.

In 1660 Mr. Scottow bought of Abraham Jocelyn, of Black-
point, two hundred acres of land, including the hill since known
as " Scottoway's Hill ; " and in 1666 he purchased of Henry
Jocelyn the " Cammock Patent," which at the granting to
Thomas Cammock in 1631 consisted of fifteen hundred acres of
land lying between the Blackpoint and Spurwink rivers. Cam-
mock left his entire estate to his friend Henry Jocelyn, with the
care of his widow during her life. Jocelyn married the widow
Margaret, and some twenty years afterwards conveyed the
property as above, together with seven hundred and fifty acres
outside the Patent, remaining upon it, however, as agent for Mr.
Scottow. Capt. Scottow removed to Blackpoint settlement about
1670, and engaged with great energy in improving his property
there, and in his fishing and commercial transactions.

The first mention I have found connecting Capt. Scottow with
the Indian war is in the Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 57,^ at the
session of the Court convened October 13, 1675, as follows :

Upon the sad intelligence from Saco & the great danger of all those
parts, it is ordered, that there be 50 soldiers immediately from Boston
and Charls Toune sent away in some vessel or vessells for the releife

326 KING Philip's war.

of those parts, and that they be under the command of Leiftenn' Scot-
toway, and that Major Clarke take care that this order be effected as
to the dispatch of the men, & furnishing ammunition and prouission
for the voyage.

The " sad intelligence " was connected with the attack upon
Saco, the details of which are in Major Walderne's letter of Sep-
tember 25, 1G75, given heretofore ; Robert Nichols and his wife
were killed just before this by the Indians who had made an
unsuccessful assault upon Major Phillips's garrison at Saco.

But previous to these occurrences, Capt. Scottow had fortified
and provisioned his house and gathered into it as many of the
people as would come. His garrison was the Jocelyn House on
the " Neck," distant from the farms of many of the inhabitants,
who reluctantly abandoned their homes, cattle and crops to the
ruin wliich was daily threatened. It seems evident that Capt.
Scottow, with the small number of undisciplined men under his
command, mostly inhabitants, and those employed by him, was
in no capacity to send out a relief party to other parts of the
town ; and when the Indians attacked some of these still remain-
ing on their farms, it was plainly imprudent to risk any small
party such only as he could have sent, to the almost certain
ambushment and destruction, to which the burning, and firing of
guns seemed to invite them. His enemies sometime afterwards
sought to injure him by bringing charges of neglect to help his
neighbors, among other charges preferred against him. The
Alger brothers, Andrew and Arthur, had a large estate at that
part of Scarborough known as Danstan, and so named by them
for their old English home, and they had there a fortified house,
but upon the opening of hostilities evidently withdrew their
families into Sheldon's garrison at Blackpoint. When Major
Walderne had returned home he left sixty of his soldiers to gar-
rison the different settlements, Saco, Falmouth and Scarborough,
and these were distributed according to the need, at Scottow's,
Sheldon's and Foxwell's garrison-houses. Capt. John Wincoll
was posted at Foxwell's with a company of soldiers, and in Octo-
ber was assisting the settlers to harvest their corn. One of Capt.
Wincoll's soldiers, Peter Witham, was detailed to help the Algers
get their grain, and said that a few days after, as they with some
of their relations were getting their goods from their houses, they
were attacked by the Indians, when Andrew was killed and
Arthur mortally wounded ; and the said Witham, fifty-three years
afterwards, being then seventy-two years old, testified that he
helped to bury both the Algers. Mr. Hubbard gives the date
of the attack upon the Algers October 9th, 1675.

The events of the war in Scarborough immediately following
the above, are shown in the following letter from Capt. Scottow :

CAPT. SCOTTOW AT BLACKPOINT. 327

Honoured S'.

After all due submission to y"' self w"" the Honoured Council!, these
are to declare y*" state of y" affaires at p'sent, since y' sent by Jo: Short
o' men being sent up y" riv"" to secure those barnes of corne left w'^''
accordingly they applyed y™ selves to doe and to repaire o"" water-mill
(being o"^ onely relief for grinding) they met w"" no opposition nor
could have sight for 3 dales of above one Indian upon the 3*^ of this
curr' they having finished one mans corne & upon landing of it in
canoes 19 of o'' p'^tie being there were assaulted and surrounded by at
least 60 or 80 Indians & had bin all cut of had not S^ Tippet come in
with his p''tie to their timous relief who was on y*" other side river to
help wheat &c. out of another barne whereupon the enimy retreated
into the bushes it being a foggy day could not soe well discerne w' ex-
ecution they did upon y™ disinabling one Indian soe as to leave his
speare behind him, much firing on both sides, one of us wounded one
di'owned by hasting into a cano, next day a country souldier of his own
accord went downe y** marsh & hollowed & an Indian came up to him
being of Piscataquay & his acquaintance they pUied and smok' a pipe
of tobacco together y'= Indian having laid down his gun & he seemingly
did y*^ same, a small riv"" p''ting y'".

(y*" larger narrative C. Winkall & myself have sent to Maj"" Walden
to be conveyed unto y*" Maj'' Gen'^ I refer y'" Honours unto) y^ sub-
stance of y'' discourse was they willingly would have peace, & kept 2
women two casco children, foure men prisoners to dd'"^ up if it might be
&c. if not let time and place be appointed & they would fight y*" english
& as it was misreported to C. Wiukoll & myself they would stay 48
hours for an answer but it seeme it was y" next day the Indian put his
signall next day but none having an order to treat him, o"^ men there-
fore secure the wheat threshed out & a shallop being there to fetch it
of they sent none to discourse him, upon w*^'' they y*^ enemy as they had
done y*" day before & y' during the parlee fired stacks of hay and some
houses ; o"^ men y' afternoon being pinched for want of bread and of
victualls, could not be prevailed with by their officers to continue in y*
farme house which they had fortified until further order w'^'' was designed
a retreating place upon fighting y'" though a small rev'' pted y™ & y^
Indians rendezvouze, in order to fighting y™ I had visited y'' next gar-
rison and drawn of w' I durst to assist o"' soldiers up y'' riv% but
towards y*" evening understanding o"" mens resolves, sent y™ up bread
&c. with an express charge not to desert y*" place w'^'out further order,
but it could not come to y™ soe as to hinder their moving downe w*"'' was
upon the o"* day curr' in the night next morning we designed y*" sending
y™ all up as sooue as y*^ tide would p'mit, & had ordered all to y' end
but upon y'^ sight of theire enemies burning of y' house w*^'' they had
fortified & of my barne of corne which was left unburnt there w"' ad-
vice of Cap"^ Winkoll & the rest of y'' officers, we altered o"" designe &
this day purpose w"' all o' strength to fetch in the inhabitants corne left
in their deserted houses, the enemy firing all before y'" in w' '^ doing an
opportunity of fighting y" may also psent w'^'' o"" souldiers long for but
we want fixed armes divers of these sent, not sei'vicable & two or three
disenabled in o'' last ingagement, please to dispatch o' supply of flints
&c. sent for in my last to Maj' Clark we are in distress for want of
y"', especially bread not having but two dayes bread left at a cake a

328 KING Philip's war.

day w* y^ allowance I reduced o'' souldiers unto at first coming, w^"*
bread is borrowed from fishermen and myself we have no grinding
nearer than Piscataquay, not else but begging prayers and y' y'^ deluge
of sin w'^'' I grieve is among o"^ souldiers as well as inhabitants may be
stopped by reason whereof this overflowing scourge pursueth us (this
place being now y*" seat & center of y'' Eastward war) Casco & Kenebec
being all quiet & peace as by yesterdies intelligence I understand,

I humbly subscribe myself
ffrom y* Head quarters at Blackpoint y" & y* Countries

at 3 : o :clock in y^ morning this 6"^ most humble serv'

9*^' 1675 Josh: Scottow.

(Postscript.)

May it please you to take notice that instead of the 50 designed here
are but 38 sent div"" of y'" insufficient for service & some soe mutinous
that we cant with safety inflict y*" punishment they deserve, for the
pursueing of my comition hei'e is need of 100 men completely armed
and bread sent, for flesh I hope we have enough.

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, pp. 44-5.

The following letter is evidently in answer to the above from
Capt. Scottow :

council's letter to capt. scottow.
Capt. Scottow. We received yo"^ lett" & saw another sent by you to
Maj' Walderne ; we j^ceive y" Indians do sometimes allarum you and
obstruct y^ getting in of provisions & corne if such another overture as
that Indian made y' met y'' soldier in y" marsh for a treaty of peace to
deliver y" english prisoners should be made againe wee advise order &
som of you there to treat w"' y"' & see what termes you can come to &
Apoint a cessation of armes untill their offers may be considered by us
& endeavour to procure y" delivery of prisoners & wee will deliver as
many of theirs y' are at Boston, peace is better if it can be obtained
upon good termes & som pledges or hostages given ; for security ; as
for a supply of more men we cannot comply w"" you therein ; wee have
so many places to strengthen y' wee cannot doe alle ; wee are sure you
have as great a proportion as most places of y*^ like concernemeut, we
here you want neither corne, flesh nor fish & so long you be in straits &
though yo'' mills ly at a distance yet a samp morter or two will make a
supply to pvent any great sufferings as for sending of Bisket we dare
not give y' p'sedent, for all other places garrisoned by the countiy
soldiers are p'vided for with victualls by y'' people they secure ; it is
enough for y'' Country to pay wages & find ammunition ; our armies y'
are in motion require more y" the Country is well able to beare especilly
yo'' easterne parts are concerned to ease the publicke purse what they
may because they know of nothing y' was ever put into it from theuse.
Therefore wee desire you to make the best Improvement you can w""
the strength you have fo"" your owne defl'ense & offense of the enimy
until God send beter times ; wee have inclosed the printed laws to
restrayne mutinous soldiers let y'" be read to y*" soldiers. And notice
taken of y'" y' transgresse ; & if you find yourself too weeke to deale
w"* them let y* ringleaders bee sent to prison w"* evidense of y^ fact ;

CAPT. SCOTTOW'S JOURNAL. 329

wee have not more at jpsent but desire the Lords psence blessing &
protection to be w"' & over you

alle remaine your loving friends

postscript if you find our soldiers any Burden or inconvenience to
you you are Authorized hereby to dismise y™ or any of y" either thither
or to Maj'^ Waldeme Past this letter by the councill the IS'*'

Endorsed — " Councills letter to Capt. Scottow 16:9 mo. 1675."

Mass. Archives, vol. 68, p. 59.

Details of the service from October 25, 1675, to May 1676, are
given in the following Journal which is preserved in manuscript
in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The
manuscript is evidently a copy, made probably in 1676, when his
use of the troops was called in question. This shows that much
of the damage done in Scarborough was effected either before he
had men or means to prevent it, and afterwards in spite of his
best endeavors. These extracts contain the substance of the
journal.

EXTRACTS FROM A MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL OP CAPT. SCOTTOW.

Narrative of a Journall of the diverse marches & improvement of
Boston souldiers sent to Black Point.

1676.^ (8) 25. Siev^ Serg' landed 15 men. I disposed 6 of y-" to
ffoxwell's garrison at Bluepoint, 6 to Shelden's garrison, and retayned
3 of y™, received a l''^ from Major Pendleton and answered it.

26 and 27, no disturbance. I went and viewed the fortifications at
the several garrisons, and discharged Mr. fifoxwell from his charge at
Bluepoint, being a quarreling, discontented p'°°.

29, Tho: MicheU arrived with 23 soldiers who landed two houres
before day.

30, sent y^ 6 scouts up y^ river to discover y* enemy and view a
house w*^** y'' enemy ordinarily possessed, returned seeing 3 Indians,

31, that night two hours before day sent up 60 men under the con-
duct of Capt. Winkall who landed before day to save w' corne they
could of our Inhabit'^ & fight y^ enemy if found, they having appeared
not long before at ffoxwell's Garrison and shot a scout as appe"' pr C.
Winkolls 1'" No. 2. Answered Maj. Pendleton's 1"''' No. 3.

(9) 1 ,|dispatched a shallop to Boston w"" 1'"' to Hon: Gou"" and coun-
cil for flints, bread &c.

2, .... In the afternoon about 29 inhabitants were set upon by
70 or 80 Indians and had almost surrounded y™ had they not been
timously relieved by Serg* Tipping who came to their relief, beat y™
into y* swampes and gagned an Indian Speare.

3, Serg* Tipping sent down for recruit of powder &c. w''^ I sent up by

y' two carpenters and others who were come down I sent up

28 lbs of powder in a box and 90 lbs shot &c. that day there fell out
a parlee betweene a country soldier & an Indian

of 1676. The Jour-

330 KING Philip's war.

Cap°* Winkoll came down y' night, we gave advice of the whole to
Maj. Walden and y' we intended to fight y*^ Indians.

4, they fell firing barnes of neer houses, haystacks and all

before y". Y'' souldiers having got about 100 bush: wheat and other
graiue, and a shallop sent to bring it downe they could not be prevailed
upon w"^ all by their 8erg' (as I was informed) to continue any longer
being pinched for want of bread by an unworthy planter, though they
wanted no flesh.

5, As soon as I heard of their intention I sent up ^ of all the biskit
I had with tobacco and rum for their incouragem', and an expresse
charge to fight y^ enemy as appe'"' by the witnes of John Libby, Bouden
and Howell No. 1 and the order delivered ffoxwell to carry up ; but no
Cano could be got though I used my utmost indeav'', they came down
about 10 o'clock in the night

6, o"" men went up headed by Cap""" Winkoll to secure what corne of
o' inhabitants was left in the N. East side in the deserted houses, and
of barnes, hoping to meet y^ enemy in y*" march, w'^'' accordingly fell
out, dividing themselves into 2 parties one of them was first ingaged
by a party of Indians, not above 12 shewing themselves, and the other
by about 16, they were engaged also and had 2 skulking skirmishes,
beat y™ into y^ swampes. One of the Boston souldiers was mortally
wounded in y* breast. O'' men retreated carrying off their wounded
man

November 7, Being Lord's day, the enemy, early in the morning burnt
those houses and barnes our Cap"'= saved the day before — they burnt
also 8 or 9 deserted houses belonging to Jo : Libby and children. As
soon as these fires were discovered all the souldiers and Inhabitants
hasted to next garrison which was little above musket shot of them :
the tyde being up and spryng tyde the bridge was overflowed which
obstructed their passage witness Willet and Tydy &c. As soon as
they could pass being headed by Cap'"' Winkoll and Topping they scour
the round of the towne on the N. East supposing y*" enemy was gone
that way to fire those houses they being only left unburnt, they
met with no Indians in the march the wholeday ; met Lieut. Ingersoll
and 12 Casco men who came to joyn with our men to search out and
fight the Indians — that night there fell a small flight of snow.

8, We staid in our quarter till midnight got 2 shallops.

9, Landed 70 men 3 hours before day at Blue Point to find out y*
enemy, they had a tedious march the whole day through swampes
marshes and creeks sometimes to the knees, others to the waist in snow
and salt-water — saw some Indian tracts but could find no Indians ;
Lieut. Ingersoll and all his men returned discouraged home.

10, Our men returned to their quarters.

11 , A mysty wet day, no handling arms nor marching.

12, Much wind at N. West, no gittiug over rivers, y*" canos on y*
other side imployed to git in Cummins corne of Sacho to Bluepoint.

13, Cap"* Winkoll, Sg' Tipping and our company got over y*' river
and marched to find Indians and drive cattell; the enemy fired two
deserted houses at Sacho while o' men were on this side and bro' home
between 20 and 30 head of Sacho cattell.

14, Sabbath day — no disturbance — bury* Sam: Kyall wounded a
week before. 15, no mocion. 16, marched to drive in cattell, were

THE GARRISON AT BLACKPOINT. 331

disappointed by a Quaker who drove them into the woods from us,
17, Indians came — from across y" water. 18, Cap"*' Winkoll and the
country souldiers w'''' was attending drove cattell for Cummins and
Rogers inhabitants of Sacho. 19, drove cattell for Macshawin, inhab-
itant of Sachc. 20, 1 received orders from Maj"" Walden to fit out
Lieut. Ingersol to Maj' Pendleton w'^'' I wrote to him I was upon
doing. 21, No disturbance being Sabbath day. 22, Serg' Topping
and o' men went to Dunsten to drive in cattell. 23, Lieut. lugersoU
came to y* head quarters with 1 2 men and w"" orders from o'' Major
to make them up to 60 or 70.

24, I made up his number to 60 men, supplying them with 8 biskit
cake a man of mine own store . . . . L' Ingersoll went up in the
night to Bluepoint, landed before day with 2 shallopes, marched up the
country to the head of Sacho Falls.

25-27, Continued out one night, returned to y^ headquarters and he
dismissed our souldiers ; L' Ingersoll returning to Casco ; sent me a
F", to send him up 45 souldiers &c. towards his towne of Casco it
being alarumed in his absence by one house burning and a man
wounded. L' Ingersoll came himself to our headquarters to demand
the p'^y .... he was satisfied with 20 men, and 1 made up Maj.
Pendletons relief 20 w'^'' were dispatched with all speed — great wind
at N. West. 28, Mr. Neales house burnt at Casco. 30, Serg' and
his comp^ returned from Casco.

(10) 5, Tho: Michell arrived from Boston with a license to myself
to come to Boston, and order to send y*" Boston souldiers home if care
was not taken to pro%ade for y'".

The rest of the Journal gives account of his arrangement to
leave home for Boston, taking one half the Boston soldiers with
him, and disposing the remainder, numbering nineteen, at various
fortified houses where needed : seven at William Sheldon's ; six
at Mr. Foxwell's ; four at Scottow's, being " the Serg', Steward,
drum and a cooke to provide for them when they should all draw
up to their head-quarters." Capt. Scottow sailed with the
soldiers, from Blackpoint, on January 8th, and arrived in Boston
on the 11th.

He returned to his charge at Blackpoint April 9th, 1676, and a
treaty being in progress by Major Walderne, with the Indians,
he arranged with his soldiers to go into his woods and cut
" palisado pines," for fortifying his garrison house.

There can be no doubt that Capt. Scottow was of great help in
promoting the interests and assuring the safety of the people at
Blackpoint ; and yet he experienced the most bitter hostility and
opposition from many of the inhabitants, among whom were some
of the most reliable and respectable. Richard Fox well was
doubtless jealous of the large interest and influence which his
extensive property gave him, as well as his loyal adhesion to the
Massachusetts Court. In common with many others of the early
settlers, Foxwell looked upon Scottow as a new comer, who with
his Boston ideas and manners came to usurp the rightful position

332 KING Philip's war.

of those who had held the settlement from the beginning ; and it
is probable that jealousy and envy largely induced the bitter
hostility and the very serious charges that were preferred against
Capt. Scottow.

No further trouble with the Indians seems to have disturbed
Blackpoint until August, 1676. Capt. Scottow busied himself
settling his accounts and strengthening his garrison ; but upon
presenting his accounts for settlement by the court, he found
that several of his enemies had presented complaints against
his management, and a remonstrance against the payment of his
accounts, as follows :

PETITION AGAINST CAPT. SCOTTOW.

Wee whose names wee have underwritten, doe declare that we were
never in y*^ least privie to y** sending for y*^ souldiers which came from
Boston to Blackpoint, neither during y^ time of theii' stay did we in any
sort receive advantage by them ; but y' they were maintained upon y'^
acct. of Mr. Scottow : for all the while his fishermen were thereby capa-
citated to keep at sea for the whole season ; and much worke was done
by them which was greatlie turned to his profit ; as removing of a great
barn, paving before his house and cutting of Palisado stuff for a pre-
tended fortification where there is no occasion nor need. And many
more such courtesies Mr. Scottow (got) by the soldiers. And that
other men should pay for his work, done under pretence of defending
y^ country, wee hope in behalf of the rest of y*" sufferers in these sad
times, you will please to take it into your serious consideration, and
heape no more upon us than wee are able to beare, but where the
benefit has been received, there order y^ charge to be levied.

Richard Foxwell, Giles Barge,

Rol: Allanson, Joseph Oliver,

William Sheldon, John Cocke,

John Tinney.

Upon the above representations, several of the prominent men
of York County carried the matter to the General Court ; among
these Major Pendleton, Mr. Munjoy and Mr. Foxwell were the
chief complainants, and their complaints were submitted, by the
auditors of York County, to the General Court August 9th, 1676
(see Colonial Records, Vol. V. p. 102). The auditing committee
were Nicholas Shapleigh, Edward Rishworth, Samuel Wheel-
wright.

The complaints were :

1st, That Mr. Scottow got the soldiers from Boston upon his own
responsibility.

2nd, That he refused to use or have others use the soldiers to pre-
serve the lives and estates of others.

3d, That he used the soldiers mostly for his own particular security
and advantage ; attending and strengthening his garrison, paving his
yard, moving his barn, " cleaving" his wood, &c.

CAPT. SCOTTOW ACCUSED. 333

A note of Mr. Drake's in his edition (1865) of Mr. Hubbard's
history, cites original papers, then in his possession, as testimony
against Capt. Scottow. The deposition of Michael Edgecombe,
aged about 25 years, declares that he was at Blackpoint when the
" nine Winter-harbour men were fighting the Indians upon the
Sands opposite said Place, and saw sundrie men come to Mr. Scot-
tow importuning that he would send some Ayde over to those poore
distressed men," etc., and that Capt. Scottow, though seeing the
English were far outnumbered by the Indians, and must be over-
come soon without releif, yet would not suffer a man to go to
help them ; and one John Lux came and reproached the Captain
and offered to take men in his shallop across the river and land
them "on shoare in Little River," near where the men were
fighting, and where all were found slain next day. This was
sworn to before Brian Pendleton, July 20th, 1676. Lux declared
that nothing would move Capt. Scottow, although he could see
the men being overpowered by greatly outnumbering savages.

Mr. Foxwell also deposed against Capt. Scottow's inhumanity
in the affair of the burning of Dunstan, etc. Walter Gendall,
who served as Sergeant under Capt. Scottow, and had charge of a
body of soldiers at Spurwink in 1675, made a similar deposition.

The Court referred this case to the October session, and
then gave judgment, that.

This Court, having heard the complaint of M^ Rishworth exhibbeted
against Captaine Scottow, &c. . . . uppon a full hearing of both par-
ties, see no reason for the aforesaid complaint, and doe judge that the
said Capt. Scottow (for aught doth appeare) hath faithfully dischardged
his trust, and is therefore acquitted from the chardge endeavo''d to be
put on him, but that the same be borne by the county and that Mr.
Rushworth do pay Capt. Scottow his costs and damage. The Court
granted and determined the costs to be nine pounds, thirteen shillings
& eight pence.

In the evidence favorable to this decision, the following paper,
found in the old files of Suffolk County Court, was probably
offered :

PETITION OF INHABITANTS OF SCARBOROUGH.

The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Scarborough. Whereas
Mr. Scottow of Boston Stood by us in all our streights and distresses
during the late Warr with the Indians and not only encouraged us with
his presence from April until January last, but alsoe releived us with a
barrell of powder and all sorts of ammunition as it cost him in Boston
near to twenty pounds for which he is not yet paid, yea, then when as
there was no town Stock nor a pound of powder in the Town that we
know of without which supply we and our famUyes must either have
been destroyed or our town deserted as Casco and Saco were, we being
then for divers months the seat of war and having more houses than
one of the Townes and above double the other burnt and consumed :

334 KING Philip's war.

and to keep us together since he hath this Spring helped us more with
nere two hundred bushells of Indian and other Grain without which
some of us could neither have planted nor sowne, some had ben pincht
and others might have starved, in all things to our weak understanding
he hath carryed it faithfully and carefully to the publicke interest, he
being now unjustly and as far as we can deserne maliciously perse-
cuted by some especially one Mr. Foxwell a man noted for contention
and whereas there be diverse oaths taken against s*^ Scottow some of
them to the knowledge of some of us false, and others covered with
fraude and fallacy we being much troubled that for his good he should
receive a bill humbly crave that he may have all right and due encour-
agement and vindication, and your petitioners shall further humblie
pray for your honors peace and prosperity.

Henry Jocelyn Richard X Willing Thomas X Wasgate

Ambrose Bouden Francis X White John X Makenny

John X Libby, senior, John X Ficket Edward X Hounsell

Sam X Oakman Richard X Bassen Richard X Barret

John X Libby jun' Richard Moore Christopher X Picket

Anthony Row Peter X Hinxen Thomas Cleverly

Thomas X Bigford Henry X Elkins John X Vicars

John Howell Henry X Brookins Dunken X Teshmond

William X Champlin William X Burrage John X Simson

ADDITIONAL FAVOURABLE TESTIMONY.

These are to testifie before whom it may concern, that M^ Scottow

of Boston, being w"* us when y" men were killed upon Sacho Sands

at the first heering of the guns fired there w'** consent of M^ Josselin
gave y^ Alarum all over garrison to y** whole town, drew up such of us
on our armes as were at home, dispatcht our Corporall to call in such
as were abroad, as also the said Scottow was very Angry with Mack-
shawine for saying that Captaine Wincoll and his Company were all
cut off, telling him though some might be killed and the rest flfled yett
it might be to gain y^ advantage of ground as it proved, as also at the
same time Scottow seartcht the armes and ammunition of us which
were drawne up exchanging y" armes which were insufficient for his
owne fflxed armes, and that hee supplied every man of all those that
were sent forth, and wanted, both with powder, buletts, swan shott,
biskett, and a dram of y'' bottle out of his owne store, there not being
at the same time one pound of powder in y*" town, that wee know of
but what they rec"'' from Scottow & that the said Scottow, upon the
first alarum enquire whether some of us might not bee sent in a shallop
or in Canows to goe to y*^ releif of those men, it was answered that
they could not be sent with safety neither for the men nor for their
armes because of the gulf of y^ sea, the wind blowing ffresh upon the
shore. The said Scottow with the consent of Mr. Heuery Josselin, did
with as much possible speed as they could, dispatch away about twenty
men over our fterry to march by land to the relief of that pty under y*
charge of Serjeant Olliver, yea so many men did they send away that
some of us complained against them saying they did not doe well to
send out so many of their husbands and children, supposeing that if
they should have been cutt ofl" wee had not strength left at the garrison

CAPT. SCOTTOW VINDICATED. 335

sufficient to defend o"'selves if assaulted, Yea, wee doe farther testifie
that the said Scottow Acted therein to the utmost of his power soe that
when some of the company manifested a backwardness to the relief
above in vexation hee through his Kane upon the ground saying he
would through up his Commission and never meddle more with it, and
alsoe that wee could not answer to god, men, nor our owne consciences
unless wee used the utmost of our endeavour to relieve those men, in
testimony of the truth of what is above written we have hereunto signed
and shall to the substance of the whole depose if called thereunto by
lawful! Authority.

Blackpoint, July y" 15"* 1676. The pmises above written, I

John X Libby Sen"" Rich. Willing attest to be truth given under
Tomas X Bigford Andrew Browne my hand this 18 July 1676

Anthony row ffrancis X White Henry Jocelyn.

Thomas Cleverly Peter X Hinxen

Hen: X Elkins Henry X Nookins

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 28.

During August of 1676, Capt. Scottow was evident!}' at Boston,
leaving the conduct of affairs to Jocelyn and Tippen with Walter
Gendal as a third on the " committee of the militia." Sergeant
Tippen, who appears to have been a very efficient officer, being
called away also, the others found themselves unable to control
the inhabitants who were acting as garrison soldiers, and they
wrote this letter to Capt. Scottow :

Capt, Joshua Scottow.
We underwritten being of y'^ committee with Serjeant Tippen, and
both of you now being absent, shall desire you to acquaint y** Governor
& Councill of y** averseness of the generality of y*-" Inhabitants to obey
Military orders ; y' they would be pleased to direct some especial order
to such in this town as may bring y'' Inhabitants to y*^ obedience of y*
Military Laws of the Government y' we may be in some capacity to
defend ourselves against y^ common enemy ; and we shall remain,
Y"" fi-iends to serve you
Black Point, Aug. 9'*^, 1676. Henry J£>celyn,

Walter Gendall.

The Blackpoint garrison was recognized by the Indians as the
strongest fortification in the Eastern Towns, and it had therefore
escaped any assault in the general destruction which fell upon
Casco and the Kennebec towns. In the letter of Capt. Hathorne
in the last cha))ter, we find some account of the discontent of
the people at Blackpoint and their determination to abandon the
garrison and betake themselves to the safer towns to the West.
The letter indicates also that Capt. Scottow was there when
Capt. Hathorne visited the place, but evidently withdrew soon
after ; as upon October 12th the Indians appeared at the garri-
son, a hundred strong, with the chief " Mugg " (or Mog Hegon,
Whittier's Mog Megone) at their head ; they found the inhabi-
tants all within the fort and Mr. Jocelyn in command. The

336

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Indians did not attack, knowing that even a small number could
liold it against any assault they could make. Mugg was well
acquainted with all the affairs of the English, and immediately
sought a parley with Mr. Jocelyn, which lasted a long time. In
the meantime all the inhabitants had taken the opportunity to
get out of the house and to their boats and away to the West-
ward towns, — Wells, Portsmouth, etc. How they could have
thus effected their escape in the presence of so large a body of
the enemy must be explained by the advantageous position of
the garrison, and the overconfidence of the Indians. Mr, Jocelyn
and his family were taken with the house and its contents, which
was at once surrendered, when Mr. Jocelyn found only his own
family left within. Mugg was highly elated with this great and
easy success, and Jocelyn was treated kindly, and with his family
soon restored to their friends. It is said that he afterwards
removed to Plymouth, where he spent the rest of his days. Black-
point garrison was not destroyed, perhaps because Mugg, in the
flush of his success, believed the English would soon be driven from
the country, and this would serve the Indians as a stronghold.
The following paper, the original of which is preserved among
the papers of the late Mr. Lemuel Shattuck, gives the list of those
who were at Blackpoint just before the surrender :

A list of y* names of y* Inhabitants at Blackpoint Garison
Octo: 12* 1676.

Daniell Moore
John Tenney
In y Garison. Henry Brookin

Nathaniell Willett
Charles Browne
Edward Hounsell

Hampton and Sals-
be ry Soldiers
fifrancis Sholet
Iny«hutt8w"> Anthony Roe

ing to it.

Robert Tydey
Richard Moore
James Lybbey
John Lybbey
Samuell Lybbey
Anthony Lybbey
George Taylor
James Ogleby
Duuken Chessom
William Sheildin
John Vickers
R'** Basson

Ro" Eliott
ffrancis White
Richard Honywell
John Howell
Living muB- Ralphe Heison

fr% Gar- Matthew Heyson

ieon. Joseph Oliver

Christopher Edgeeome
John Edgeeome
Micael Edgeeome
Robert Edgeeome
Living three Heni'y Elkins

rho«fr.V John Ashden

Garison. Johne Warrick

Goodman Luscome
Tymothy Collins
Andrew Browne, Senior
Andrew Browne
John Browne
Joseph Browne
William Burrage
Ambrose Bouden, Con-
stable
Tho: Camming

BLACKPOINT REGARRISONED. 337

John Herman

Samuell Okeman, Senior

Samuell Okeman

John Elson

Peter Hincson

Symond Hincson

m'" Willin

John Symson

Tho: Cleauerly

John Cocke

U"^ Burrough

A list of ye names of those y« ware prest by
Vertue of Capt. Harthomes order to be for
... :_. jjj yg Garison of y« Inhabitants

ffrancis Shealett
Edward Hounslow
James Oglebey
John Cocke
Daniell Moore
Dunken Chesson
Richard Burrough
William Burrage

It is probable that the surrender of the fort at Blackpoint was
a great surprise to Capt. Scottow, as it was considered by all
absolutely secure, and was at the time well supplied and amply
garrisoned ; doubtless the cause of the desertion was the long-
suppressed discontent of the people, and their panic at the
approach of the large body of Indians which their fears magnified
to an army. Capt. Scottow did not rest content with his defeat,
however, as we see by the following item at the session of the
General Court, October 25, 1676, some twelve days after the
disaster.

Whereas Joshua Scottow is now sending forth a smale vessell or two
w"" company for the discovery of the state of the fort at Black Point,
and transport of what may be there recoverable either of his or any
of the inhabitants, it is ordered, that the said vessells and persons by
him sent shall be & hereby are exempted from impresse upon any of
the country' imploy ; and Bartholomew Tipping being commended as a
fitt person to take the charge of such as are to land, in case he shall
judge the place tenable, he shallbe & hereby is impowersd to impresse
the company now sent, and any other of the inhabitants, or any other
persons which maybe there found, to looke after plunder or their owne
estates, and to defend & keepe the place from the enemy untill further
order ; and the said Scottow hath liberty to impresse some inhabitants
of Black Point who lye latent, he, the said Scottow, carrying it on at
his oune charge.

Sometime in November, Mugg having surrendered himself and
the Indians having withdrawn, Capt. Scottow regained his fort,
and Sergt. Bartholomew Tippen and soldiers, and many of the
inhabitants, remained tliere, and more returned in the Spring.
While our eastern towns from Portsmouth to Saco were kept in
constant fear by frequent attacks by skulking bands, Blackpoint
was not troubled until May 13th, 1677, when a great body of the
enemy appeared before the garrison, and at once made a resolute
onset upon it, apparently feeling assured of victory. But they
had now to deal with a different man than before ; Sergt. Barthol-

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

omew Tippen was now in command, and conducted a gallant de-
fence during three days, in which time but three of his soldiers
were killed ; on the 16th the Sergeant himself made a tine shot, by
which one of the leaders (supposed, at the time, to be " Simon, "
but afterwards found to be the celebrated " Mugg ") fell, by
which loss of their chief they were so disheartened that they
withdrew, part towards the Kennebec, the rest toward Piscataqua
and York, where they did some injury, of which and their next
attack upon Blackpoint, the next chapter, taking up the opera-
tions of Capt. Benjamin Swett, will give some account.

Credited under Capt. Scottow.

January 25 1675-6

Timothy Cunnell

08 00

Samuel Ryall

01 04

John Lowell

08 00

Daniel Lancton, Corp'l

04 00

Ezekiel Hamlin

08 00

Eben Ingolsby

12 00

Peter Mallandy

08 00

George Gregory

12 00

Thomas Maddis

08 00

Moses Richardson

12 00

James Ogleby

08 00

John Newman

12 00

James Barber

08 00

Henry Berrisford

12 00

Richard Huneywell

08 00

Roger Jones

12 00

William Darby

08 00

Charles Duckworth

12 00

Samuel Baker

08 00

Andrew Cload

12 00

March 24"^ 1675-6

Owen Jones

12 00

Samuel Johnson

14 00

Thomas Hobson

12 00

April 24, 1676

William Howard

12 00

Thomas Barber

18 00

John Slead

12 00

Peter Malardino

09 04

Benjamin Wardall

12 00

June 24, 1676

Thomas Skellito

12 00

John Baker

16 00

Thomas Hawes

12 00

Bartholomew Tippin

09 09 00

John Newton

12 00

Thomas Barber

02 00

Samuel Walker

12 00

Peter Odrego

04 00

Alexander Johnson

12 00

Francis Sholett

00 00

February 19, 1675-6

Timothy Conhill

00 00

Bartholomew Tippiu

12 00

Nathaniel WiUet

00 00

Thomas Barber

08 00

Edward Milton

03 08

Nathaniel Willett

08 00

James Barber

00 00

Edward Milton

08 00

Peter Odrego

12 00

Robert Tydye

08 00

James Ogleby

00 00

Ebenezer Winter

08 00

Thomas Maddis

06 00

Peter Odrigoe

08 00

William Darby

00 00

Samuel Johnson

08 00

Robert Tidy

00 00

John Baker

08 00

Ebenezer Winter

06 00

There were doubtless many names credited during the autumn
and winter of 1676-7, but the accounts covering that period are
now lost. It will be noted, however, that many of the same
names appear in this following list from a later book that are in
the former. The accounts between these dates are lost.

CAPT. SCOTTOW S SOLDIERS.

339

July 24, 1677.
Edward Cowle
Sam. Libby
John Starts

August r' 1677
Henry Libby

September
John Gibson
Will: Burridg
Nath' Willet
John Robin
John Starts
James Ogleby
Richard Barrett
Christopher Edgecomb
Robert Edgecomb
Sam' Jordan
John Markany
John Churchill

Michael Edgecomb
Thos: Cumminga
Thos: Irons
Anthony Libby
October.
John Courser
Lewis Price
Andrew Brown
John Brown
John Augur
John Lewis
Thos: Rogers
John Bezoon

November.
Edward Hounsel

December.
Job Tooky
Joseph Hide

January 1677-8
David Middle ton
Andrew Johnson

February 1677-8
William Milles
Henery Libby

March 1677-8
Thos: Bull
Sam' Jordan
Richard Honywell
Nathaniell Willitt
John Browne
Stephen Wolfe
Ambross Bowden
Michael Edgecomb
John Tinuey
Rich'^ Honywell
Will: Smith

In October, 1677, upon the petition of Capt. Scottow and
others of his townsmen, all the arms and ammunition then in the
fort at Blackpoint were granted them for their proper defence,
the same or like amount to be returned upon the order of the
Court, and the inhabitants, while engaged in the defence of the
garrison, were freed from all country rates.

After the close of the war Capt. Scottow returned and engaged
in the development of his estate, and in building up the interests
of the settlement. In 1679 he was chosen an Associate for York
County. In 1681 the inhabitants at Blackpoint accepted his
offer to give the town a hundred acres of land " upon the Plains
between Moors Brook and the South East end of the Great Pond,"
as a site for the building of a fortification for the defence of the
town. The land about this fort was to be laid out in lots con-
venient for the most compact settlement of the people, all of
whom were to build upon these and pay to Capt. Scottow one
shilling yearly for ever as being their " demesne Lord." The
people took hold with a will, and all working together soon
erected a very large and strong fortification. Here the people lived,
apparently in harmony, until 1686, when for some reason they
declared their agreement with Capt. Scottow " null and void,"
but at the same time were ready enough to use the protection of
his garrison in times of danger ; and their opposition to him, on
this as well as former occasions, is strange from our standpoint,
and must probably remain unaccounted for, except for the reasons
above noted, and perhaps arbitrary and eccentric manners, of
which some intimations may be gathered from the petitions of his
fi-iends noted above, as well as from his writings. The people
never forgot the old charge of his being the indirect cause of the

340 KING Philip's war.

death of the Nicholses in 1675 ; and in 1681 he was accused of
the murder of one Nathan Bedford, who was shown at the inquest
to have been drowned, and the charge was probably due to the
hostility of his enemies. He still held his leading jDosition at
Blackpoint until the evacuation in May, 1690, when he retired
to Boston where he probably spent the rest of his days. He died
January 20th, 1698, aged 83 j^ears. His gravestone was found,
October, 1850, in the tower of " The Old South Church," by
workmen making repairs upon tlie wall under the north dial,
some fifty feet from the ground. How it came there is not, I be-
lieve, yet explained. Another stone, that of William Middleton,
died 1699, was found at the same time and place. Mr. Sewall, in
his Journal, Jan. 21^* and 22^ 1697-8, writes:

' ' It seems Capt Scottow died last night. Thus the New England
men drop away." Jan. 22; "Capt Joshua Scottow is buried in the
old burying place : Bearers Maj""" Gen' Winthrop, Mr. Cook, Col.
Hutchinson, Sewall, Sergeant, Walley : 'Extream Cold. No Minister at
Capt. Scottow's Funeral nor wife nor daughter."

Capt. Scottow was the author of two very curious tracts, one
in 1691, entitled, " Old Men's Tears for their own Declensions
mixed with Fears of their and posterities further falling off from
New England''s Primitive Constitution. Published by some of Bos-
ton's Old Planters and some others."" Another tract, published in
1694, has a title similar in character, but too long for insertion
here except the first part, " A Narrative of the Planting of the
Massachusetts Colony Anno 1628," etc. Besides these tracts there
are many intimations of eccentricity in the character of Mr.
Scottow. See " Memoir of Joshua Scottow," by Hon. Hamilton
A. Hill, A.M. Also Sibley's " Harvard Graduates."

The accounts of Capt. Scottow for disbursements during the
war were still unsettled in 1685, when the amount claimed was
over two hundred jDounds ; the Court that year voted him a grant
of five hundred acres of land in the " Province of Mayne in any
free place ; " and in 1686, some delay and trouble about this
former grant having arisen, he was granted five hundred acres in
addition in same place and under the same conditions.

Capt. Scottow left numerous descendants, by his daughters ; in
his will, probated March 3d, 1698, he mentions sixteen grand-
children. Thomas Scottow, only surviving son of the Captain,
after graduating at Harvard in 1677, seems to have associated
himself with his father ; he was Recorder of York County in
1686, and signs as Deputy Register, after that until 1688. In his
father's will he is bequeathed a double portion, which, if he dies
without issue, shall go to his sister Elizabeth Savage. In Mr.
Waters's " Genealogical Gleanings," Part I., page 210, is found
Thomas Scottow's will, which declares him to be " of Boston,

THOMAS SCOTTOW.

341

Chirurgeon, now bound forth to sea in the Ship Gerrard of Lon-
don, Capt. William Dennis, commander, 14 November 1698,"
proved 4 September, 1699. Gives his sister, Elizabeth Savage,
of New England, all his real and personal estate in New Eng-
land. To his " loving friend Margaret Softley of the Parish of
St. Paul, Shadwell, in the County of Middlesex, widow," all his
goods and chattels and estate in the said ship, and all wages that
may be due him for service on the said ship at the time of his
death, in satisfaction of what he shall owe her, at his death. He
appoints her executrix.

XXIV.

CAPT. BENJAMIN SWETT AND HIS MEN, AND CAPT.
MICHAEL PEIRSE OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

JOHN 1 SWETT, admitted freeman of Massachusetts Colony
May 18, 1642, was one of the ninety-one freeholders who
were declared to be the proprietors of all commons, waste-
lands and rivers undisposed of in the town of Newbury.

Capt. Benjamin ^ Swett, son of John,i was born in England
about 1626 ; came to Newbury with his father ; married there,
November, 1647, Hester, daughter of Peter Weare. They settled
first in Newbury, and from 1655 to 1662, in company with
his brother-in-law, Nathaniel Weare, he carried on the farm of
Mr. John Woodbridge of Newbury. His children, born in New-
bury, were Hester,^ 7 June, 1648, m. Abin Greene, 1668 ; Sarah,^
7 November, 1650, m. Morris Hobbs, 1678 ; Mary,^ 7 January,
1652, died soon ; Mary,^ 2 May, 1654 ; Benjamin,^ 5 August, 1656 ;
Joseph,^ 21 January, 1659 ; Moses,^ 16 September, 1661. And in
Hampton, whither he removed about 1663, were born, Hannah,^
16 May, 1664 ; Elizabeth,^ 2 July, 1667 ; John,^ 17 May, 1670 ;
Stephen,^ 13 September, 1672 ; and perhaps another.

Capt. Swett was active and energetic. He was early chosen
to fill places of trust in town and county. But he was inclined
to military exercises, and was chosen Ensign of the military com-
pany in Newbury as early as 1651.

After removing to Hampton, he became prominent and influ-
ential in both civil and military affairs in Old Norfolk County ;
and in the well preserved and finely written document (Mass.
Archives, vol. 67, p. 57) presented to the General Court, May
31, 1671, remonstrating against the Court's appointment of
Robert Pike, as Sergeant-Major of Norfolk County, — instead of
leaving the choice to the people, — we doubtless see Capt. Swett's
elegant handwriting ; and he seems to be the recognized leader
among the prominent men of the various towns of Norfolk.

In 1675 he held the rank of Lieutenant, and is mentioned thus
bj'' Mr. Hubbard, as marching up with a small company into the
woods to recover the body of Goodman Robinson of Exeter,
killed by the Indians. And the first official notice I have found
is the order of Council, January 17, 1675-6, mentioned hereto-

CAPT. swett's commission. 343

fore, showing that he was in charge of recruits then being sent
out to Narraganset. February 1, 1675-6, the Council by special
order granted him three pounds for the time he had been in the
service ; this was probably for his services in recruiting. Feb-
ruary 29, 1675-6, he was credited under Capt. Gardiner with
X3. 00s. OOd. on the treasurer s book, possibly the same item.

More than half the men credited under him assigned their
credits to the town of Haverhill, and I find were nearly all in-
habitants of that town. The service for which these credits are
given was probably rendered in the spring of 1676, upon the
frontier towns of Essex County. Captain Swett was then en-
gaged at home, and was in command of the military at Hampton
and vicinity until the next year, when he was called into the
public service at the Eastward, which the following Order and
Commission of the Council will explain :

Ordered that Leif tenant Benjamin Swett have a Commission for a
Captains place & that he be the Conduct & chiefe of Commanders of
the English & Indian forces now raysed & to Coe forth on the Service
of the Country ag' the Eastern Indian Ennemy as also to order and
dispose of the masters & marines & vessels now Going to said service
for the better management of that affayre.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 132.

CAPT. swett's commission.

Capt. Swett, You are ordered with the forces now raysed & by your
Commission put under your Command to repayr to Blackpoynt & there
use all possible diligence by searching & otherwise to understand the
state & motions of the enemy & with your force to assayle & annoy
them as much as in you lyeth. If y*^ Headquarters of the Enemy by
advice of Major Clark & those upon the place be possible to be
assaulted you are ordered to march thither with all your force ; if any
other small quarter of the enemy lye near & your force be in any
Measure Capable in a short time to visit and fall upon them you are
accordingly with all y*^ force Indians & English to make your march
thither & assalt them ; if otherwise no service against the enemy offer
advising with Major Clark to whom the Councill doth refer you for
advice, you shall with your whole force march down towards Pascataq,
on the Backside of winter Harbor, Wels, york &c, if possible to dis-
cover the lurking places of y" enemy & fall upon them after which you
shall supply, out of your company y* places of y^ old garrison soldiers
which went out under C. Swayne or other dismissing them home &
lodge y*^ remayners in most convenient and necessary places for the
Countryes Service & in such Companyes that upon prime exigent or
order you may call y™ again forth on further excursion or expedition
keeping good correspondence giving account to ye Governor & Council
of all occurrences.

Dated at Charlestown y'' 22*^ of June, 1677
pr. Council. E. R. S'-''.

To be released, Sam". Clark, Isaak How, W™. Hopkins, W"*.
Stanley, Moses Whitney.

344 KING Philip's war.

This final service of Capt. Swett is best told by Mr. Hubbard,
the historian of the war, who, after telling of the late depreda-
tions whicli had been made at York, Wells and Hampton, where
Edward Colcord, Jr., and three others (probably Abraham Per-
kins, Jr., Benjamin Hillard and Caleb Towle) were killed, con-
tinues :

The Indians thus making daily Inroads upon these weak, unfenced
places, the Governor and Council resolved to raise new Forces, and
having had good Experience of the Faithfulness and Valor of the
Christian Indians about Natick, armed two huudi'ed of them and sent
them together with forty English, to prosecute the Quarrel against
those Eastward Indians to the full; but not judging aright of the
Number of the Enemy, they much underdid their Business, for besides
that the Number they sent of the English was a great deal too small,
those that were chosen this Bout to take their Turns in the Service
Abroad, were many of them young, raw, and unexperienced Soldiers,
who wei*e not able to look Danger, much less Death, in the Face, in
cool Blood, by which means it came to pass that the Enterprise suc-
ceeded so ill ; for Captain Swett with Lieutenant Richardson, that was
sent with him to command the friendly Indians, coming to Black Point,
June 28th, he began to try the Valor and Courage of his Company
before he had disciplined them, or had any Experience of their Ability
to fight. The very next moining after he had landed his men, under-
standing by his Scouts that many of the Enemies were up and down
upon the Place, he made too much Haste to fall upon them, and not
mistrusting their Number, while he was marching up the Edge of an
Hill with one Party, and his Lieutenant with another, the Indians,
that had hid themselves in the Swamp on each Side of the Hill, suddenly
fired upon the English on both Sides, which not a little discouraged
his young and undisciplined Company, so as they could not, or did not
keep their Ranks, but while some were ready to run and shift for them-
selves, the Captain strived to keep them together, to bring off the
dead and wounded men, so long that he brought himself and all the
Company in Danger of an utter Overthrow, which soon after took
place ; for the poor unskilful Soldiers, being scattered, were shifting
for themselves, while a few resolute Men of Courage bore the Brunt
of the Service till they were in a Manner all knocked down. The
Lieutenant was killed soon after the first Onset ; the Captain having
received near twenty Wounds, yet still held out defending and encourag-
ing his Men, till he was surrounded with more of his enemies than he
was able to grapple with, and so was at the last barbarously murdered
by them within a little of the Garrison-house. There were slain at
this Time somewhat above forty of the English, and twelve of the
friendly Indians that assisted, very few escaping but were either killed
right out or dangerously wounded.

It is to be regretted that the names of very few of all who fell
in this disastrous encounter have been preserved. Besides Capt.
Swett and Lieut. Richardson, the records of Andover give the
names of four who went from that town who were killed, John

CAPT. SWETT AT BLACKPOINT. 345

Parker, James Parker, John Phelps and Daniel Blanchard; and
I have not been able to find any further names elsewhere. Mr.
G. A. Churchill, in his researches, has found that Benjamin Rock-
wood was of this company, and still living in 1742. The journal
of the treasurer covering this period is lost. It seems from all
available references that about ninety English and Indians, under
Capt. Swett and Lieut. James Richardson, were engaged in the
fight at Blackpoint; but the number of Indians given by Mr.
Hubbard as in the expedition is not confirmed by other evidence.
In Major Daniel Gookin's " History of the Christian Indians,"
he says :

In Jane, 1677, another expedition into the Eastern parts, among
whom were about 36 of our Christian Indians, who were in a fight near
Black point ; the English lost about forty men whereof were eight of
our friendly Indians, the greatest loss our [Christian] Indians sus-
tained all the war.

This seems to imply that the eight Indians are a part of the
forty that were slain, and also that but thirty-six Indians were in
the command.

The instructions given in making up the force of his Lieutenant
also give additional light.

Order of the Council, June 15th, 1677.

It is reffered to Major Gookin forthwith to Suply Leift. Richardson
& his p'y at Chelmsford with provision Ammunition & app' necessary
& to order him to scout & range y" woods between Merrimack & Pas-
catawq River & endeavour to kill and sease y** Lurking enemy in those
parts for w*^*^ the Major is ordered to encourage y"" w"" a reward of
twenty shillings for every scalpe & forty shillings for every prisoner or
y* prisoner. And also to make up in number 25 men, & to order y™
after some time spent there, to m''ch to Blackpoint garison & Their to
bee at y^ ordering of Liftenant Tipping until further order from the
Council the time of Randevous at Blackpoint is to bee the 26 of this
Instant June if possible.

Past. Edwd Rawson, Secretary.

Mass. Archives, vol. 69, p. 129.

If these instructions were carried out, Lieut. Richardson and
his Indians from Chelmsford marched overland to Blackpoint,
and evidently arrived there before the hostile Indians had come
from the Kennebec and Androscoggin. The vessels were a day
behind the appointed time in arriving. In making up his force
for scouting the woods from Blackpoint to Saco, and in the
vicinity, Capt. Swett had no thought of the large numbers
of the enemy that were actually near them ; so that when he
had drawn out his English to the number of forty, and his Lieu-
tenant's force of thirty-six, and some of the Blackpoint men of
Sergt. Tippen's command joined, he mustered in all a com-

346 KING Philip's war.

pany of ninety. It is said that a large decoy body of the enemy
showed themselves and succeeded in drawing both the commands
into an ambush contrived with their usual cunning, and blindly
walked into, m the usual manner of the English from tlie first;
and the story of " Bloody-Brook," " Beers Plain," " Brookfield "
and "Sudbury," is again repeated, and the simple old Indian de-
vice of decoy and ambush again overwhelms our forces and sends
dismay tln-ough all the colonies. But the Indians never risked a
battle on any other chance ; and if their device had not succeeded
here, would doubtless have disappeared, and the report would have
been that our forces "could not come up with them." As it was,
the Indians made no further attempt at that time, and probably
suffered severely in the running fight, of wliich no details have
been handed down. The Indians withdrew at the time, but in
July following began the depredations upon the fishermen along
the Eastern coast, and by midsummer had captured no less than
thirteen vessels from Salem alone. They soon abandoned this
enterprise, however, as they could not manage any craft that
could not be worked with paddles. About this time, Governor
Andros, of New York, interfered, and sent a vessel with a force
to Pemaquid and vicinity and effected a cessation of hostiUties.
Lieut. Jajvies Richardson was first of Woburn, but in 1659
removed to Chelmsford, and there married, November 28, 1660,
Bridget Henchman, daughter of Thomas, and by her had eight
children or more. He was with Capt. Wheeler in the defence of
Brookfield, and with Simon Davis, of Concord, and John Fiske,
was appointed by the Captain, who was disabled by his wounds,
to manage the defence. He was afterwards active in the war;
removed to Charlestown, May 1, 1676, and served as Lieutenant
with Capt. Samuel Hunting in his mixed English and Indian
company in the summer and fall of that year at Pawtucket Falls
(now Lowell), where they built a fortification and maintained a
garrison, of which Lieut. Richardson was left in charge as well as
of the Christian Indians at Chelmsford. He was well acquainted
with Indian ways, and had great influence with them.

Credited under Lieut. Benjamin Swett.

June 24t\ 1676.

Thomas Allin

01 17 06

Thomas Hartshorn

00 12 00

Henry Kemball

01 09 04

Samuel Hutchius

02 04 06

Benjamin Greely

01 00 06

Nathaniel Hazeltine

01 00 06

eTouathan Hemick

00 15 04

Samuel Ahes

00 08 06

John Corly

00 15 04

John Keizer

00 08 06

John Roby

00 08 06

John Clement

00 08 06

Thomas Kingsby

02 04 04

Philip Esman

00 15 04

Robert Swan

01 04 00

Benjamin Singleterry

00 15 04

John Hazletine

01 04 00

Thomas Durston

00 17 10

Samuel Watts

00 13 06

Thomas Eastman

01 04 00

Joseph Bond

00 13 06

CAPT. MICHAEL PEIRSE, OF SCITUATE.

347

James Smith

05 08 00

William Burt

00 09 04

Denis Sihy

04 01 00

John Norton

02 07 00

John Cann

02 14 00

Rich. Hawkins

02 14 10

Benjamin Allin

02 00 10

John Veales

02 01 00

John Winslow

02 14 10

William Philips

02 14 00

Benjamin Dyer

02 14 00

James Franklin

02 14 00

John Coarser

02 14 00

Thomas Davis

02 14 00

John Hicks

01 00 06

Samuel Davis

03 03 00

John Plimpton

02 14 00

James Wamsly

02 14 00

John Ross

02 14 00

Frances Burges

02 14 00

It will be noticed that the above credits are given a year
before this final service, for which I have not as yet found any
credit anywhere recorded.

CAPT. MICHAEL PEIRSE AND HIS COMPANY, OF PLYIVIOUTH
COLONY.

Michael Peirse, or Peirce, was of Hingham from 1646 to 1663,
but removed to Scituate soon after. His children, named in his
will of 1675, just before going to the war, were Persis, Benjamin,
John, Ephraim, Elizabeth, Deborah, Ann, Abia and Ruth. His
first wife died in 1662, and he married a second wife, Ann, at
Scituate. Hon. Henry B. Peirce, late Secretary of State of Mas-
sachusetts, is a lineal descendant of Capt. Michael Peirse.
Michael Peirse was appointed ensign of a company raised in
Plymouth Colony to go against the Dutch, in December, 1673,
and captain of the company raised in the spring of 1675-6 as
hereinafter told. It may be said here that as this was a Plymouth
Colony Company, the lists of credits of the Treasurer, which are
nearly complete for Massachusetts Colony, are not found as yet
in Plymouth or Connecticut, so that we have to depend upon
chance lists found here and there, and the lists of " Narraganset
Grantees," published in full for the first time in this volume-
We have learned above of the general situation of affairs in Mas-
sachusetts Colony, in March, 1676.

The intention of the Indians was evidently to distract the at-
tention of the English by striking heavy blows in distant parts of
the colonies. Connecticut was protected by the presence of the
Mohegins and Pequods, whom the hostile Indians dreaded far
more than the English, as they were their equals in woodcraft
and Indian tactics. After the attack upon Medfield, the attack-
ing party advanced into Plymouth Colony, and probably formed
a junction with another body, doubtless with the purpose of con-
centrating a great force upon some of the larger towns, while
smaller bodies kept making demonstrations here and there upon
some smaller places. On February 25th, they assaulted Wey-
mouth, and burned seven or eight houses and barns. On March
12th they pushed even into Plymouth town, and destroyed

348 KING Philip's war.

Clark's Garrison House, about two miles from Plymouth village,
with eleven persons within it, plundered the provisions, a quan-
tity of ammunition, and quite a sum of money, without a single
man lost or wounded. Another party suddenly assaulted War-
wick on March 16th or 17th, and destroyed nearly all the houses,
though the people escaped. Nearly all the detached houses in
the Narraganset country were attacked and destroyed within a
few weeks, and many of the large towns were threatened.

Plymouth Colony, on February 8, 1675-6, had ordered a com-
pany of men to be impressed from the southern towns of the
colony, and on the 29th the Council ordered " that the Souldiers
now under Presse, from the Southern Towns, be at Plymouth on
Wednesday the 8th of this Instant (March) in order unto a
further March, and with them 20 or 30 of the Southern Indians,
whoe together with the other whoe are under Presse to goe forth
under the Command of Captain Michael Peirse and Lieftenant
Samuell Fuller." The force probably got ready sometime in the
middle of March. " Capt. Amos," a Wampanoag Indian who
refused to follow with Philip and joined the friendly Indians,
was in command of the Cape Indians in Capt. Peirse's company,
and also acted as guide to the whole force. The command
marched to Seekonk, where they arrived March 25th, and that
day had a skirmish with a party of Indians in the vicinity, whom
they pursued until night and supposed they had seriously dam-
aged. Retiring to the Garrison House at Seekonk that night,
early on the next day, Sunday, March 26th, the forces, increased
by several from Seekonk as guides, started again in pursuit of
the enemy ; and soon came across a few Indians who showed
themselves in the distance and seemed to be trying to get away,
but to be impeded by lameness. The English as usual were lured
to rush forward, and in spite of former experiences and the
warnings of the Indian allies, they soon found themselves in an
ambuscade. Though not taken entirely by surprise by the old
trick, which he believed his company was strong enough to fight
through, Capt. Peirse was entirely deceived by the numbers of
the Indians. He was a brave officer, and supposing he had a
large body, perhaps twice his own number, at bay, he fearlessly
attacked them even at great disadvantage. The Indians did not
discover their full numbers until they had drawn the English
across a small river, to some distance, when the attempt was
evidently made to surround him. This forced him back upon
the bank of the river, where he found himself attacked in the
rear by a large party sent to cut him off. There is no doubt
that Capt. Peirse was out-generalled, as well as vastly out-
numbered, and, like the brave man that he was, he fought it out
till he fell, with his brave men around him. Before leaving the
garrison in the morning Capt. Peirse had sent a messenger to
Capt. Edmunds of Providence, asking him to cooperate in an

CAPT. PEIKSE'S company DESTROYED. 349

attack upon a large body of Indians then at Pawtucket Falls ;
the messenger, however, did not deliver his message until after
the morning service (it being Sunday), when Capt. Edmunds
indignantly berated him, declaring that it was then too late, as it
proved. It is doubtful if a company from Providence could have
saved Capt. Peirse and his men after they crossed the river, as
with their great numbers the Indians were able to beset every
approach to the battle-field, and choose their ground.

It is doubtful if during the war the English had come face to
face in the open field with so large and so well-organized a force
of the Indians. Canonchet doubtless directed the operations in
this campaign in person, and was assisted by the ablest chiefs
and the best warriors, picked from all the tribes. It was a signal
victory for the Indians, and it confirmed Canonchet as the mili-
tary leader before all others. Great stores of corn had been
opened up and sent northward, with the plunder from the
assaulted towns ; heavy blows had been struck against the towns ;
the non-combatants, the infirm and helpless were safe in the vast
forests stretching from beyond Quabaog to Canada, and were
guarded by a strong reserve. He with his stout chiefs and their
bands of loyal warriors were therefore free to carry the war into
all parts of the colonies ; the great expedition under Major Savage
against Menameset, etc., had been completely frustrated, and
now this brilliant victory, as they counted it, had carried terror
and dismay to the southern towns. Canonchet may well have
dreamed of reconquering his native dominions, and doubtless
believed that he could now reestablish his people there. Fearless
by nature, and feeling secure from invasion, he was waiting, at
his headquarters not far from Pawtucket, with but few guards,
having out large scouting parties scouring the country ; and a
very large part of his force had doubtless gone to the northward,
with forage, plunder, and the dead and wounded from the battle
with Capt. Peirse, of whom the number was probably more
than one hundred. The loss on the part of the English was fifty-
two of the English and eleven of the friendly Indians. From
the letter of Rev. Noah Newman, of Rehoboth, written the day
after the battle, we get the names of those killed of Capt.
Peirse's company.

From Scituate, 15 Slain.
Capt. Pierce, Samuel Russell, Benjamin Chittenden,
John Lothrope, Gershom Dodson, Samuel Pratt,
Thomas Savery, Joseph Wade, William Wilcome,
Jeremiah Barstow, John Ensign, Joseph Co wen,
Joseph Perry, John Rowse, ?

Marshfield, 9 Slain.

Thomas Little, John Eams, Joseph White,

John Bun'ows, Joseph PhUlips, Samuel Bump,

John Low, More ? John Brance.

360 KING Philip's war.

Duxbury, 4 Slain.
John Sprague, Benjamin Soal, Thomas Hunt,

Joshua Fobes.

Sandwich, 5 Slain.
Benjamin Nye, Daniel Bessey, Caleb Blake,

John Gibbs, Stephen Wing.

Barnstable, 6 Slain.
Lieut. Fuller, John Lewis, Eleazer Clapp,

Samuel Linnet, Samuel Childs, Samuel Bereman.

Yarmouth, 5 Slain.
John Mathews, John Gage, William Gage,

Henry Gage, Henry Gold.

Eastham, 3 Slain.
Joseph Nessefield, John Walker, John M .

[Rehoboth?], 2 Slain.
John Fitz, Jr., John Miller, Jr.

The paper is much worn and mutilated, so that the names of
several are lost. It is said that Miller and Fitz were of Reho-
both, and probably others. Seven or eight names are needed, in
addition, to make up the fifty-five.

In a chart of the descendants of John Read of Rehoboth, pub-
lished by Orin Read of Providence in 1859, it is stated that John
Read's second son, John Read, Jr., was one of the Rehoboth sol-
diers killed in this tight.

XXV,

BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE DESTRUCTION OF LAN-
CASTER, AND NAMES CREDITED WITH MILITARY
SERVICE AT THE VARIOUS OTHER GARRISONS.

OF the many garrisons occupied by the English during the
war, the importance varied according to the movements of
the army. Marlborough, for instance, was, during the
most of the war, a rendezvous and general headquarters, and
thus it was necessary to devote an entire chapter to that, and the
operations thereabout. Mendon, Brookfield, Hadley, Northamp-
ton and several others later, like Scarborough and Wells, became
prominent by their position as frontiers, or as supply and recruit-
ing stations. It will be understood that these items of credit
occur in the Treasurer's book mixed with other credits under the
various officers, etc., and not consecutively, as presented here.
These garrisons are arranged alphabetically by names of places,
for the convenience of the reader ; and for the same reason, two
lists already given in previous chapters are reprinted here. The
Lancaster garrison is an exception to the above rule, as it seems
to demand a fuller notice.

The Nashaway Indians were the native inhabitants of the
country bordering upon the Nashua river. The name of the
sachem of this tribe, at the first settlement by the English, was
Nashacowam, alias Nashoonan, alias Sholan. The bounds of his
dominion are not exactly defined. His death is recorded in 1654.
The first settlement by the English was begun with the estab-
lishment of a trucking-house, in 1643, by Henry Symonds and
Thomas King. In 1675 it was one of the most prosperous of the
inland plantations. Up to the opening of Philip's war, there
had never been any serious trouble with the Nashaway Indians.
In common with other tribes they were stirred up by the agents
of Philip, and during the fall and winter of 1675 and '76 were
doubtless actively engaged with the hostiles. Shoshanim, whom
the English called " Sam Sachem," was sagamore of the tribe at
this time. The story of the attacks upon Lancaster has been told
elsewhere, except the first, which occurred on Sunday, August
20, 1675. This was five days after Capt. Mosely had marched
his company into the town. This attack was a sudden raid of a

352 KING Philip's war.

large party of Indians, led by a Nipmuck chief named Monoco,
or "One-eyed John." The point of attack was the house of a
Scotch settler, Mordecai Macloud, at the North end of the town,
near what is now the North Cemetery. Seven persons were
killed at this time, viz., Mordecai Macloud and his wife Lydia,
a daughter Hannah, aged four years, and an infant child ; also
George Bennet, who left a widow and five small children ; Jacob
Farrar, Jr., who left a widow and four children ; and two men,
Joseph Wheeler and William Flagg, probably detailed as guards
to the house. After this bloody affair, the people were gathered
into garrison-houses, and strong guards placed about for a time.
Several friendly Indians, in the employ of the Council at Boston,
went among the hostile Indians about Brookfield and Wachuset
as spies, and one of these, James Quanapohit, January 24, 1675-
6, brought home to the Council a full and detailed report of the
plan of the hostiles for the destruction of Lancaster, and even
the day apjjointed. But the authorities paid little heed to his
story. The Lancaster people, however, became alarmed, and
appealed to the Council for assistance, which was being tardily
attended to when the blow fell, just as predicted by James, and
told by Job Kattenanit, another Christian Indian spy, who suc-
ceeded in escaping from the hostiles at Meminimisset, and,
travelling upon snow-shoes eighty miles, came to Major Gookin's
house, on January 9th, in a nearly famished condition, and re-
ported that a party of four hundred Indians were already on the
way to destroy Lancaster. Major Gookin immediately arose upon
this alarm, and consulting with Mr. Danforth, a member of the
council, messengers were at once despatched to Marlborough,
Concord and Lancaster, to fortify the town with all speed. The
messenger reached Marlborough at daybreak, and Capt. Wads-
worth marched away with a company of forty men. Before they
arrived at Lancaster, the enemy had burned the bridge, by the
regular road ; but the guides conducted them by another way so
that they were able to escape the ambush laid for them by the
enemy, and hastily repairing a partially burned bridge, they suc-
ceeded in driving off a party already attacking the garrison-
house of Mr. Cyprian Stevens, and in saving that, and a part of
the town from destruction, as heretofore mentioned. Another
garrison-house, that of Rev. Joseph Rowlandson, the minister,
was assaulted and burned, and of all the thirty -seven persons with-
in it, only one escaped death or captivity ; some authorities at the
time gave the number as forty-two, but the most reliable says
thirty-seven. Rev. Mr. Rowlandson was at Boston, trying to
secure a force sufficient to protect the town from the threatened
attack.

From Mr. H. S. Nourse's " Early Records of Lancaster " I take
the following list, wliich is probably the most complete and cor-
rect now obtainable :

CAPTIVES AND SLAIN AT LANCASTER. 353

A List of those killed and made captive at the Rowlandson garrison-
house in Lancaster, Feb'y 10, 1675-6.

KILLED IN THE ASSAULT.

Ensign John Divoll, Josiah Divoll, John's son, aged 7. Daniel Gains.
Abraham Joslin, aged 26. John MacLoud. Thomas Rowlandson,

aged 19.
John Kettle, aged 36. John Kettle jr. Joseph Kettle, son of John,

aged 10.
Mrs. Elizabeth Kerley, wife of Lieut. Henry. William Kerley, son of

Lieut. Henry, aged 17. Joseph Kerley, son of Lieut. Henry, aged 7.
Mrs. Priscilla Roper, wife of Ephriam. Priscilla, child of Ephriam,

aged 3.

CARRIED AWAY CAPTIVE.

Mrs. Mary Rowlandson, wife of the minister, ransomed.

Mary Rowlandson, daughter of the minister, aged 10, ransomed.

Sarah Rowlandson, " " " " " 6, wounded & died

Feb. 18.
Joseph Rowlandson, son " " <' " 13, ransomed.

Mrs. Hannah Divoll, wife of Ensign John, ransomed.
John Divoll, son of Ensign John, aged 12, died in captivity?
William Divoll, son of " " " 4, ransomed.
Hannah Divoll, daughter of" " " 9, died in captivity?
Mrs. Ann Joslin, wife of Abraham, killed in captivity.
Beatrice Joslin, dau. " " " " "

Joseph Joslin, brother of " aged 18.

Henry Kerley, son of Lieut. Henry, aged 18.
Hannah Kerley, dau. " " " " 13.

Mary Kerley, " " " " " 10.

Martha Kerley, " " " " " 4,

A Kerley child, " " " name and age unknown.

Mrs. Elizabeth Kettle, wife of John, ransomed.
Sarah Kettle, daughter " " aged 14, escaped.

Jonathan Kettle, sou " " aged 5.

A Kettle child, a daughter " "
Ephraim Roper escaped during the assault.

OTHERS KILLED OR TAKEN OUTSIDE THE GARRISON, IN THE SOUTH PART
OF THE TOWN.

John Ball, Elizabeth his wife, and their infant child.
Jonas Fairbank, and Joshua his son, aged 15.
Henry Farrar, Ephraim Sawyer, aged 26, and Richard Wheeler.
A man mentioned by Mrs. Rowlandson, but no name given.

TAKEN CAPTIVE.

Two of the family of John Ball, names unknown.

Mrs. Rowlandson says that " of thirty-seven persons who were

354 KING Philip's war.

in this one house, none escaped either present death or a bitter
captivity, save only one." This one was Ephraim Roper, above-
mentioned.

Mrs. Rowlandson must be considered the very highest au-
thority, as she was a part of the story, which she afterwards
published, and which affords almost the only reliable information
we have of the condition, plans and movements of the hostile
Indians, during that dreadful winter of 1675-6. Her story is
simply, yet graphically, told, and we learn many things about
the habits and customs of the Indians, their ways of subsisting,
treatment of captives, manners, dress, diversions, etc., which is
nowhere else given.

Rev. Mr. Rowlandson sought the aid of the Council in his
efforts to redeem the captives, many of whom were his own
kindred. At first it was impossible to find any one of the friendly
Indians willing to venture as messengers among the hostiles,
mainly because they had been so cruelly and shamefully abused
by the English and were now confined at Deer Island, where
they could not be accused or placed under suspicion. At last,
however, one Tom Dublet, or Nepanet, consented to go, and was
fitted and instructed by Major Gookin, and upon April 3d started
from Cambridge, and returned with the answer of the Sachems
on April 12th. The correspondence between the Council and
the Sachems is still preserved, in part, though the original
letters are lost. The messenger brought back word from Sam
Sachem, Kutquen and Quanohit, Samuel Uskatuhgun and Gun-
rashit, Sagamores, and owners of the captives, that all the cap-
tives taken at Lancaster were well except the youngest of Mr.
Rowlandson, who was dead. At last, after many negotiations by
the faithful Nepanet, Mr. John Hoar, of Concord, who, more
than any man in the colony, had the confidence of the Indians,
accompanied by Nepanet, and another friendly Indian, " Peter
Conway," and bearing the ransom, twenty pounds in money and
goods, raised by several gentlemen for the redemption of Mrs.
Rowlandson, met the Sachems near Wachusett Hill, and on May
2d received and conducted that lady to Lancaster, and the next
day to Boston. The other captives were redeemed at various
times and places afterwards.

The place where Mr. Hoar met the Sachems is well identified,
being marked by a large rock called " Redemption Rock," a noble
landmark near the ancient Indian trail, between Lancaster and
Mount Wachusett, and in the present town of Princeton, on
the easterly side of a beautiful valley, across which, in the dis-
tance, towers Mount Wachusett. The locality is known as
" Everettville," from the name of an ancient family who have
lived here for generations. In 1880, Hon. Geo. F. Hoar, of
Worcester, a lineal descendant of the chief actor in this transac-
tion, for the English, purchased the land containing this site, and

"REDEMPTION ROCK." 355

set it apart for memorial purposes, and caused the following
inscription to be placed upon the face of the rock :

UPON THIS ROCK MAY 2d 1676

WAS MADE THE AGREEMENT FOR THE RANSOM

OF MRS. MARY ROWLANDSON OF LANCASTER

BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND JOHN HOAR OF CONCORD.

KING PHILIP WAS WITH THE INDIANS BUT

REFUSED HIS CONSENT.

The writer visited this rock and copied this inscription, May
13, 1896, in company with Mr. Edward G. Davis of Leominster,
who secured several fine photographs of the rock and sur-
roundings. The inhabitants of Lancaster fled from their town
after its destruction, and were scattered among their friends in
various towns nearer to Boston, but within a few years many had
returned and begun the resettlement.

CREDITED AT LANCASTER GARRISON.

October 19, 1675.

Peter Jennings
Joseph French
Walter Davis
John Nash
George Wiatt
Edward Young

Michael Berstow
Stephen Parker
Palsgrave Wellington
Henry Salter

Thomas Wenmon
Walter Davis

John Roberts
Stephen Fish
Nathaniel Hadlock
John Fitch
John Stanwood
Zacharia Eyres
Stephen Parker

Francis Nichols
Thomas Marble

00 18 00

01 03 03

00 18 00

01 04 00
01 04 00
01 04 00

Thomas Wenmon
Richard Grotis
Thomas Whitney
Henry Elliott
Joseph Birch

November ZO, 1675.

16 00

14 02

16 00

John Beare
Mannings Sawyer
George Wyatt

December 20, 1675.

01 16 00 I Peter Jennings
01 16 00 I Thomas Whitney

January 25, 1675-6.

Francis Nichols
Thomas Woods
Walter Davis
Henry Salter
Manning Sawen
Palsgrave Willington
Michael Bairstow

February 29, 1675-6.

00 18 00 I Edward Young

01 18 06 I John Nash

01 04 00
01 04 00
01 10 00
03 00 00
00 06 00

01 16 00
01 16 00
01 04 00

03 07 08
00 12 00

01 10 00

00 18 00

01 03 02
01 08 02
01 15 02
01 15 02
00 19 08

01 18 06
01 18 06

356

KING PHILIP S WAK.

William Pashle

Henry Sparkes

John Boyd
James Poply
Thomas Welch

John Gale
John Essery
Joseph Dowse
Joseph Low
James Poply
John Boyde
James Barnard

Apnl 24, 1676.
04 16 00

June 24, 1676.

01 16 10

AT THE GARRISON AT BILLERICA.

November 30, 1675.

03 00 00 I Joseph Dowse
03 00 00 William Chapman

02 14 00 I David Jones

December 20, 1675.

James Smith
Daniel Baldwin
John Fisk
Richard Satell
Stephen Coolidg
Nathaniel Livermore

00 06

02 14 00

03 06 00
03 00 00

00 07 08
03 00 00
03 06 00
03 12 00
03 06 00
02 14 00

Humphry Millard
Daniel Baldwin

Francis Wainwright
Howell Davis

Richard Sautill
Francis Nichols
William Chapman

Francis Bond

Francis Wainwright

John Lowell

January 25, 1675-6.

03 18 00 I Stephen Coolidg
01 19 04 I

Apnl 24, 1676.

01 04 00

June 24, 1676.

02 11 04

July 24, 1676.
GO 19 08 I John Fisk

04 16 00 Edward Bishop
01 10 00 I Ephraun Jones

August 24, 1676,
06 11 00 I George Wyatt

September 23, 1676.
06 12 00

"at blackpoynt."

July 24, 1676.
06 02 06 I Ezekiell Hamlin

02 01 00

01 06 06
00 16 00
05 14 00

05 14 00

GARRISONS AT BROOKFIELD AND CHELMSFORD.

Edward Milton

August 24, 1676.
03 05 02

AT THE GARRISON AT BROOKFIELD, OR " QUAD AUG."

February 29, 1675-6.

John Weld

00 08 06

John Rayman
James Kelling
Ezekiel Levitt

Ju7ie 24, 1676.
01 00 00 I John Norton
05 01 00 JohnMansell
01 04 00 I

01 09 00
01 18 00

Joseph Hide
Isaac Perkins
George Norton
Nicholas Rawlins
Benjamin Dunnage
John Artsell
Benjamin Dunnage
Thomas Scott
Thomas Cooper
Thomas Philips
Joseph Garfell
Benjamin Pickerin
Charles Duckworth
John Cromwell
John Norton
William Bodkin

John Cromwell
Charles Duckworth
Edward Blancher
David Crouch

July 24,
01 00 06
01 01 04
00 06 04
00 07 00

00 04 03

01 08 00
01 04 00
01 04 00
05 00 00
05 03 06

00 17 00
04 10 00
03 15 00

03 15 03

01 12 06

04 12 06

1676.

John Jeffery
Joseph Swady
Ebenezer Engellsbee
Henry Pellington
John Algar
Thomas Stacie
Silvester Haies
John Simple
John Glide
Benjamin Bucknall
Ephraime Savage Lt.
Christopher Cole
Charles Blinco
John Mansell
Nathaniel Partridge
John Sargent

August 24, 1676.

09 06

David Jones
Philip Sandy
Thomas PhUlips
John Cutler

04 19 04
04 12 06

04 12 06

05 07 00

03 02 06
01 12 06

04 10 00

03 02 06

05 08 00

04 15 00

04 07 09
03 02 06
03 13 00
01 10 00

05 08 00
03 02 06

07 06 06
05 08 00
00 18 00
05 09 08

AT THE GARRISON AT CHELMSFORD.

November 20, 1675.
Moses Cleaveland 02 12 08 | Samuel Parris

Zachariah Shedd
John Ellis
Richard Nevers
Joseph Samson
Thomas Sawin
Thomas Train

November 30, 1675.

03 00 00

04 10 00

03 00 00

04 10 00
03 00 00
03 00 00

Joseph Simons
John Roby
John George
Hopewell Davis
William Fisher
Henry Harris

02 12 08

03 00 00
01 04 00

04 16 00
04 16 00
04 16 00
04 16 00

358

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

December 20, 1675.

Francis Nichols
Hezekiah Pilsbury
Joseph Estman
John Martin
Benjamin Allin
Amos Singlater
Nathaniel Ladd

02 11 04
01 04 00
01 04 00
01 04 00
01 04 00
01 04 00
01 04 00

Thomas Estman
Richard Beach
William Foster
Henry Harris
Joseph Lamson
Hopewell Davis

01 04 00
03 08 06
00 06 00
00 06 00
00 12 00
00 10 00

John Bear
John Darling
George Wyatt
Samuel Parry
Robert Shelston
Walter Davis
Thomas Wenmore
Benjamin Lernett
Moses Cleaveland

John Welch

Thomas Henchman
Joseph Parker Sen'

Daniel Woodward
Josiah Clarson
Henry Harris
Samuel Cleveland
John Clark
Henry Sparkes
John Mirecke

January
00 09 04
00 09 04

00 09 04

01 00 06

02 09 08
00 09 04
00 09 04
04 16 00
02 08 10

25, 1675-6.
John Eliot
Joseph Simons
John Salendine
Arthure Crouch
William Ballard
Moses Cleaveland
Richard Nevers
John George
Thomas Train

June 24, 1676.

01 17 08

01 15 02

02 14 00
02 14 00
02 08 00
00 06 00
02 08 00
02 04 06
02 08 00

01 04 00

February 29, 1675-6.

00 07 08 I Ephraim Matson

March 24, 1675-6.
01 10 00 I Joseph Parker .Jun^ 00 12 00
00 12 00 I

Robert Parker 00 10 00

NathanielGraves, Capt. 12 01 00
Timothy Day 04 16 00

George Stedman 02 12 02

John Polly 02 18 00

George Parson 01 16 00

John Solinden
William Fisher
Arthure Crouch
John George
Thomas Traine
Samuel French
John Elliot

Nicholas Lunn
John Mirick
John Barbene
Joseph Simons

July 24,
06 12 00
06 12 00
06 12 00
06 12 00
06 12 00
03 08 06
03 18 00

1676.

John Priest
George Sowder
Samuel Damman
Suball Stearnes
Samuel Heberd
George Person
Alexander Alhort

Atigust 24, 1676.

18 00

Henry Harris
Samuel Perry
John Polly
John Barbene

05 02 00
04 03 00
03 10 00

03 05 00

04 00 06
04 00 06
02 10 06

03 00 10
03 18 00
00 18 10
05 04 06

GARRISONS AT DUNSTABLE AND GROTON.

John Priest
William Peirce

September 23, 1676.

02 08 00 I John Bateman

07 12 06

David Falkner Sen'.

Andrew Lewis

"AT DEDHAM.

July 24, 1676.
04 09 06 I David Falkner Jun'.

September 23, 1675.
02 14 00

03 03 06

Richard Hawkins
John Gary
Thomas Webb

Anthony Baker
John Carv

Samuel Selsby
John Gary
John Maloone

Robert Parris

John Maloone
Robert Parris
Abraham Parker

Samuel Read
John Bush
Samuell Bull

Thomas Ghamberlain
Jeremiah Morse
Thomas Bancroft

AT THE GARRISON AT DUNSTABLE.

December 20, 1675.
03 06 00 I James Matthews
03 06 00 John Maloone
05 02 00 I Richard Hawkms

January 25, 1675-6.
06 15 04

February 29, 1675-6.
03 03 04

June 24, 1676.
01 04 00 I Jonathan Crisp

05 12 02
08 15 08

James Mathews
Thomas Webb

August 24, 1676.
04 10 10 I Abraham Parker

September 23, 1676.

03 18 00 I James Gar

04 12 06 John Barnard
04 12 06 ' Ephraim Sawyer

AT THE GARRISON AT GROTON.

November 9, 1675.

01 16 00 j John Largin

03 07 08 Timothy Forgley

02 04 06 ' Samuel Whitney

November 30, 1675.
02 09 08 I John Wood
02 02 00 Josiah Wheeler
00 10 00 ' Hugh Taylor

04 13 04
04 08 04
02 00 00

02 07 00

03 18 00
05 10 00

02 14 00
02 14 00
02 14 00

02 04 06
02 02 00
00 04 04

01 13 04

02 12 02

03 01 08

360

KING PHILIP'S

Jacob Dane
David Church
Shuball Steraes
Thomas Wood
William GiU
John Hawes
Onesiphorus Stanly

John Codington
Jonathan Parker
P^phraim Bemish
Timothy Frogly
John Tedd
Samuel Hagar
Israel HiU

03 00 00

04 10 00
03 00 00
03 01 08
03 07 08
01 10 00
03 05 02

John Dammon
Daniel Starling
Jonathan Sprague
Thomas Dunnell
Jacob Winslow
Pelatiah Smith
Thomas Micheson

December 20, 1675.

01 15 02 Daniel Canada

03 08 00 Nathaniel Domton

03 08 04 Sebread Taylor

01 16 00 Thomas Frost
03 06 00 Samuel Allin
03 06 00 William Doule

02 06 02 William Halford

03 01 08
03 03 04
03 00 00
03 00 00
03 06 00
03 00 00
03 05 02

04 10 00
03 00 00
03 00 00
03 12 00
03 09 04
03 00 00
03 18 00

January 25, 1675-6.

Benjamin Simons
Lot Johnson
Samuel Bull
Samuel Cleaveland
Daniel Canada
Jacob Dane
Jeremiah Moss

03 00 00 1

18 00 1

00 1

Simon Stone
Samuel Hager
Ephraim Bemis
Subaell Stearnes
Thomas Frost
Timothy Frogly
David Church

03 18 00
00 18 00

00 12 00

01 10 00
00 07 08

00 07 08

01 06 06

February 29, 1675-6.

' UNDER CAPT. WHEELER AND AT GROTON GARRISON.'

Nath Hill
Jonathan Hill
Joseph Foster
John Waldo
Francis Dudly
Samuel Fletcher Sen''

Thomas Foster
Eleazer Ball

Zachary Crisp

Mathias Smith
Nathaniel Green
William Clough
John Goff
James Chever
Edmund Gage
William Bordman
Benjamin Graves

01 12 10
01 12 10
01 12 10
01 12 10
01 12 10
01 04 05

Samuel Fletcher Jun' 01 12 10

Eleazer Brown 01 19 04

Cyprian Stevens 00 14 03

Benjamin Graves 01 19 04

John Bates 01 12 10

Stephen Goble 01 12 10

April 24, 1676.
03 00 00 I Jonath Crisp
00 06 00 ! Daniel Adams

June 24, 1676.

02 15 08
01 06 06
01 12 06
01 06 06
01 11 00
01 11 00
01 06 06
01 02 03
00 10 00

John Hands
Morris Truelove
Joseph Pollard
Moses Wheat
Humphry Millard
Thomas Region
Timothy Cutler
Richard Griffeth

02 10 06
00 06 10

01 06 06
01 06 06

01 11 00

02 08 00

00 06 10
02 14 00
02 08 08

01 16 10

HADLET AND MARLBOROUGH GARRISONS.

361

July 24, 1676.
Richard Pasmore 04 04 00 i John Potter 01 04 00

John Bush 01 02 00 | Symon WiUard 00 19 03

AT THE GARRISON AT HADLEY.

June 24, 1676.
Benjamin Chamberlain 06 12 00

John Chub
John Records
Joshuah Phillips
Isaiah Toy
Tryall Newbury

Jacob Hewens
Thomas North
Benjamin Poole
Robert Coates
Nicholas Dourell

Thomas Bryant
Richard Snowden
John Strabridg
Joseph Griffin
Robert Bardell
James Moult
Thomas Pore
John Whitteridge
Stephen Grover
Moses Morgan
John Prat
James Verin

July 24, 1676.

13 04

14 08

Joseph Smith
PhUip Kertland
Thomas Chard
John Upham
John Chamberlain

August 24, 1676o

07 05

14 06 1

08 02

00 1

10 00

02 00 00

Ephraim Regiman
John Hadlock
Thomas Staines
John Largin

23, 1676.
Jeremiah Clothar
Benjamin Lathropp
Hugh Pike
John Tucker
John Fisher
WUliam Chub
Joseph Hovey
Moses Dudee
Henry "White
Thomas Jones
John BiU
Archebell Forest

12 03 04
03 17 00
05 17 00

12 06 00

13 06 00

07 09 02
11 04 00
04 01 04
04 00 00

12 06 00

03 18 00
14 11 00
06 00 00
08 06 00
06 04 00
00 08 06

04 04 00
14 14 00
14 12 00
11 15 00

05 18 00

William Batt

AT HATFIELD.

July 24, 1676.
03 00 00

September 23, 1676.
Robert Dawes 08 18 00 I Jabez Musgrove 14 12 00

Edward Bishop 06 17 00 I Richard Smith 14 15 00

Darby Morris
John Dunster
William Turner

AT THE GARRISON OF MARLBROW.

September 21, 1675.

01 13 04 I Thomas Owen

02 00 00 Joseph Barber
01 19 04 I

04 13 04
02 14 00

KING Philip's wab.

James Cheevers
Thomas Turner
William Blockwell

Timothy Laskin
William Ferman
Samuel French
Richard Young
David Roff

John Baker
Richard Young
Henry Gibbs
John Nash
Jonathan Jackson
Obadiah Searle

Robert Rownden
Thomas Owen

Richard Young
Thomas Hopkins
Daniel Wright
Timothy Laskin
Morgan Jones

October 19, 1675.
02 14 00 I Henry Gibbs

02 12 02

03 02 06

Richard Roberts

November 30, 1675.

Jacob Adams
Jonathan Jackson
Daniel Wright
John Figg
John Broughton

January 25, 1675-6.

03 08 06
03 06 00
02 19 00

00 18 00

01 05 08
06 08 00

Daniel Davison

" Commiss.'
Jonathan Orris
Richard Roberts
William Turner

February 29, 1675-6.

07 04 00 I William Farman
02 18 02 I Gustin John

March 24, 1675-6.
00 13 00

April 24, 1676.
00 09 00 I Benjamin Parmater

June 24, 1676.
02 09 08 I Thomas Dennis

July 24, 1676.
02 09 08 I John Burges

September 23, 1676.

08 02 00 I Joseph Davis

AT THE GARRISON AT MEDFIELD.

April 24, 1676.
Thomas Davis 02 02 00 I John Howell

Humphrey Richards 01 16 00 |

June 24, 1676.

Clement Maxfield
James Parker
Thomas Davis
Vincent Shuttleworth

00 18 00
02 08 00

01 15 00

02 11 04

Thomas Sherman
Elisha HoUaway
Charles Cohon
Thomas Jones

03 07 00

04 04 00

04 13 04
04 13 04
04 13 04

01 10 00

02 12 02

05 06 00

03 12 00
02 16 06

04 16 00

03 17 00
01 19 04

02 03 08

01 05 06

03 00 10
06 00 00

02 02 00

02 11 04
05 04 06

03 18 10
03 04 02

MEDFIELD AND MENDON GARRISONS.

363

James Hamngton
Charles Cahan
James Parker
Moses Hubbard

July 24, 1676.

11 04

10 00

10 10

18 00

Edward Goose
John Belcher
Darby Morris
Samuel Smith

02 16 06
00 10 02

03 03 00
03 06 00

Samuel Procter
Alexander Mackenny

Daniel Meginny
Thomas Sherrard
Edward Goose
Darby Morris
James Harrington

August 24, 1676.

01 08 00 I Anthony Hancock

02 02 00 I Samuel Smith

September 2^, 1676.

John Richardson
Israel HUl
James Marshall
Vincent Shuttleworth

18 00

12 00

16 10

17 08

12 02

AT THE GARRISON AT MENDAM (mENDON) .

September 14, 1675.
John Harrison, Serg* 02 06 06 I David Landon
Henry Tite 01 10 10 | Thomas Hansett

Jonathan Dunning
John Tuckerman
Samuel Moore
Joseph Griffin
John Gosse

William Bosway
Jonathan Dunning
John Roulstone
William Jaques
Richard House
Richard Godfrey
Jonathan Torry
Thomas Beedle
John Weld
Thomas Hanchat
Israel Leavitt
Brian Morphy
Joseph Griffin
Gilbert Foresight

Thomas Andrews
Henry Pellington
Thomas Jones
Thomas Brideltine

October 19, 1675.

December
04 14 02
04 04 00
04 04 00

04 16 00

05 06 10
02 02 10

01 14 02

02 02 10
01 10 00

01 13 04

02 08 00
02 08 00
04 07 00
04 01 00

Thomas Pinly
Henry Pettington

(Pellington)
John Starr
Edward Barton

20, 1675.
John Andrews
John Sawen
Simon Stone
John Stearnes
John Willington
Samuel Goff
John Gepson
Samuel Thacher
Stephen Cooke
Thomas Browne
James Waumesly
John Long
Thomas Crassell
John Ellis

January 25, 1675-6.

04 04 00
04 04 00
00 13 04
00 18 00

John Low
Theophilus Cushing
William Cole

06 13 08
01 17 08

04 04 00
02 14 10
02 05 04
02 01 00

00 18 00

01 03 00

01 12 06
00 11 00
05 02 06

04 11 06
00 10 00
00 10 00
00 10 00
00 10 00
00 12 00
00 10 00
00 10 00
00 10 00

00 10 00

01 07 04
00 10 00
00 10 00

05 06 03

02 02 10
02 02 10
01 16 00

KING PHILIP S WAR.

February 29, 1675-6.

William Cole

01 10 00

John Tuckerman

00 06 00

June 24, 1676.

John Rowlstone

01 10 00

1 Benjamin Dyer

00 12 00

THE GARRISON

AT NORTHAM^PTON.

September

23, 1676.

Samuel Souch

14 11 00

John Rowlston

08 13 00

Philip Matoon

08 02 00

Samuel Tiley

08 02 00

WilUam Halford

10 16 00

John Roberts

08 19 06

AT PDNCKAPAUGE.

March 24

, 1675-6.

John Paison

00 13 00

April 24, 1676.

James Pemerton

00 09 03

Benjamin Badcock

00 09 00

John Clark

00 09 03

Robert Parker

00 09 00

Samuel Trescott

00 09 00

George Witty

00 09 00

Joseph Adams

00 09 00

Samuel Maxfield

00 09 00

John Basse

00 09 00

Clement Maxfield

00 09 00

Joseph Long

00 09 00

Samuel Gulliver

00 13 00

John Spurr

00 09 00

Jeremiah Hall

00 09 00

Joseph Holmes

00 09 00

John Daniel

00 09 00

Thomas Swift

00 15 00

Henry Roberts

00 09 00

Robert Braine

00 09 00

Samuel Clap

00 12 00

Thomas Holman

00 13 00

George Lyon

00 09 00

John Winchester

00 09 03

Samuel Picher

00 09 00

Stephen Gulliver

00 09 00

Thomas Lawrence

00 09 00

Samuel Wadsworth

01 16 00

Jonathan Picher

00 09 00

June 24

, 1676.

John Riply

00 13 00

Joseph Crosby

00 13 00

Martin Sanders

00 13 00

Samuel Hall

00 09 00

John Thare

00 09 00

Christopher Webb

00 09 00

Thomas Drake

00 13 00

John Mills

00 13 00

Jacob Nash

00 13 00

John Belcher

00 06 04

Joseph Penniman

00 13 00

Ebenezer Williams

00 09 00

Isaac Griffin

00 09 00

Thomas Modsly

00 09 00

Moses Pain

00 09 00

John Ripley

04 10 00

Samuel Pain

00 09 00

Martin Sanders

04 10 00

August 2

4, 1676.

David Walsbery

00 09 00

John Minott

00 13 00

Isaac Umpphre als

Ephraim Newton

00 09 00

Humphrey

00 09 00

Israel Meade

00 09 00

Hopestill Clapp

00 09 00

John Herse

00 13 00

John Wells

00 09 03

Roger Bulling

00 13 00

SPRINGFIELD GARRISON.

Edward Brinkford als

Linsford
Thomas Berd

00 06 04
00 07 06

Hopestill Humphry
Joshuah Hinsher
Robert Willts

John Lowden

AT THE GARRISON AT SPRINGFIELD.

February 29, 1675-6.
01 10 00

Jonathan Tainter

Samuel Irons
John Pitcher
Joseph Holmes
Josiah Rockwood
Joseph Willington
John Pinchon Maj'
William Pilsbery
John White

John Bradshaw
Samuel Jewell

Daniel Galusha
Jeremiah Norcross

Nathaniel Lyon
Thomas Elliott
Isaac Cakebread
Thomas Friend

March 24, 1675-6.
01 04 00

June 24,

09 01 16

10 15 00
10 07 04
10 16 00
13 17 00
21 14 03

10 07 00

11 18 00

1676.

John Cragge
George Seddon
Isaac Gleson
Joseph Pike
John Smith
Gershom Swan
John Lowden

July 24, 1676.
10 14 04 I Matthew Abdee

13 05 00 I

August 24, 1676.

14 05 00 I Roger Prosser

12 03 00 I

September 23, 1676.

13 16 00 I Benjamin Knowlton
16 16 00 Thomas Bond

16 16 00 John Mirick
08 08 00 I

00 09 00
00 09 00
00 09 00

September 23, 1676.
James White 00 13 00 i Charles Davenport 00 09 00

Joseph Tucker 00 09 00 | Thomas Davinport 00 09 00

08 13 00
11 09 08
17 04 09

10 01 04

09 01 06

11 06 00

12 09 00

12 02 00

03 02 06

16 12 00

13 10 00

14 12 00

AT THE GARRISON AT WESTFIELD.

July 24, 1676.
John Langworthy 13 01 00 1 Joseph Dudly, Chap^

Samuel Alcock, Doct'. 04 05 00 I

Solomon Bates
Abraham Kingston
Joseph Chamberlain

August 24, 1676.
12 06 00 I John Lamb
12 06 00 Nathaniel Osborn
14 08 00 I

17 02 08

12 13 09
16 05 08

KING Philip's war.

George Manning
James Hadlock
William Rogers
Thomas Norton

September 23, 1676.

Robert Hastings
Thomas Watts
William Peacock
Fearnot King

Daniel East

AT THE GARRISON AT WOODCOCK S

August 23, 1675.
00 11 02

Jonathan Freeman

Daniel Wight
William Arnold
Daniel Hawes

Samuel Colbron

Nathaniel Weare

Ellis Barron

Richard Benner

September 3, 1675.
00 10 04

September 14, 1675.
00 10 04 I Samuel G-uUd
00 12 08 John Fuller
00 10 04 1

June 24, 1676.
00 10 02

July 24, 1676.
00 19 04 I Henry Chamberlain

August 24, 1676.
00 16 02

September 23, 1676.
00 10 00

06 09 00

07 10 00

14 14 00

15 16 00

00 10 04
00 10 04

03 18 00

Thomas Mudg
Simon Grover

James Kidder

AT THE GARRISON AT WADING RIVER.

September 14, 1675.
02 10 06 I John Leroby
02 10 06 I Benjamin Bridgham

AT WAMESICK.

January 25, 1675.
00 12 00

02 10 06
00 18 00

John Starr
John Mason
John AUin
Thomas Phinly
John Goflf

GARRISON AT WRENTHAM.

November 20, 1675.

04 16 00

05 06 03
05 06 03
04 16 00
04 16 00

John Hammon
Thomas Wadduck
John Ellis
Edward Gross

05 06 03

04 19 04

05 06 03
01 11 08

ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES.

Anthony Hancock
John Ellis
John Mason

Isaac Heath

John Stan-
John Hammon
Clement Hamlm

John Bacon

John Allin
Robert Ware
Mark Baker

January 25, 1675-6.
01 18 06 I Thomas Hoppin

02 02 00
01 16 10

Israel Hill
John Hammon

February 29, 1675-6.
02 08 00

April 24, 1676.
00 07 08 I John EUice

June 24, 1676,
02 01 00
02 08 00
04 04 00

David Faukner
John Parker

July 24, 1676.
00 12 00

September 23, 1676.
05 02 00 I Peter Buckly, of the

04 16 10
00 12 00

Traine

02 14 00
02 01 00
02 02 00

02 19 00

01 04 00

02 07 00

00 18 00

ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES.

The following lists show the custom of the times. The towns
assumed the payment of the wages of their own soldiers, to their
families left at home, the families thus receiving sure and im-
mediate aid, and the towns being credited to that amount upon
their colonial " rates," or taxes. It was doubtless a means of
great help to the families, and of saving to the towns, as it
secured at once the support of the families without public
charge, and at the same time the prompt payment of taxes.

The value of these lists to the historical and genealogical
student will appear in the evidence they afford as to each man's
residence at that time. The proof might not be positive in
every case, yet in general it may be concluded that where a man
assigns his wages to a town, it is because he considers that his
place of residence.

August 24, 1676.

Braintree-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp'^ Viz,
Edward Bishop p'' him as per

Assignment 06 09 02

Richard Evens " 01 14 02

George Witty 00 09 UO

s. d.

accp'' Viz.

17 06

Joseph Adams

00 09

John Bass

00 09

Jonathan Pitcher

00 09

John Belcher

00 10

KING Philip's war.

Samuel Irons
Robert Parker
James Franklin
John Lamb
Abraham Kingston

01 09 01
03 09 10
03 18 06
10 18 10
09 03 09

James Atkins
Caleb Raye
Samuel Spencer
Martin Sanders

Dorchester-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp'' Viz.

£
37

James Haughton p^ as per

Assignment
Samuel Maxfield
Clement Maxfield
Benjamin Allin
Jeremiah Hall
Henry Leadbetter
Samuel Rigby
John Spurr

00 09

03 06 08 1

18 00 1

John Pason
Samuel Triscot
Timothy Tilston
Jonathan Atherton
Samuel Blake
Thomas North
John Smith
John Minot

Dedham-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp" Viz.

Timothy Dwite p*^ him as

per Assignment 17 00 00

Samuel Guile
Daniel Wight
David Falkner
David Falkner Jr.
John Day

John Day
John Bacon
Ephraim Pond
Daniel Hawes
Jonathan Gay
Samuel Colborn
Thomas Bishop
Nathaniel Weare
John Batle

06 08 04

02 09 08

03 17 06
02 15 06

01 13 06

02 14 09

00 12 00
02 08 00

01 06 06

02 08 00
02 04 09

07 06 09
00 19 04
00 12 00

Jeremiah Fisher
Benjamin Wight
Ephraim Wilson
John Thurston
Nathaniel Farington
Edward Sewell
John Groce
John Coockow
James Hening
Peter Woodward
Richard Bennett
John Ware
John Aldis
Benjamin Mills
David Freeman

01 03 06

00 16 04

01 01 04
00 06 10

s. d.

00 05
05 03 00
00 09 00

02 05 00
02 15 00

02 05 00
09 00 04
00 12 09
00 13 00

s. d.

07 02

00 12 00

00 04 02

00 05 00

00 17 02

03 11 00

01 14 03

02 08 00
01 03 06
01 03 06

Ditto.
Hingham-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp** Viz.
Paul Gilford pd. him as

per Assignment
John Chamberlaine

Samuel Gill
John Cutler
Thomas Thaxter
Samuel Nicholson

16 00 1

John Dunbarr
Paul Gilford
Richard Francis
Benjamin Bates
John Jacob
John Bull

18 02
02 03 11
02 19 00

01 00 00
05 15 02
07 17 00

02 12 06

August 24, 1676.
HuU-Towne Cr. by Sundry accp" Viz.

James Chever pd. him as

per Assignment 00 18 09

Henry Chamberlaine 03 18 00
James Chever 02 05 00

John Angell
John Jacob pr. Nath'
Bosworth

13 09
03 12 00

02 00 00

ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES.

369

Ditto.

Milton-Towne Cr

by Sundry Accp'' Viz. 47

11 09

George Lyon pd. him

John Daniel

00 09 00

Assignment

00 09 00

John Pitcher

00 12 10

John Redman

00 18 00

John Fenno

00 15 04

Samuel Wadsworth

Richard Silvester

00 18 00

per Abigail

16 15 06

John Pitcher

03 17 07

Henry Roberts

00 09 00

Thomas Voss

07 10 00

John Jourdan

00 07 00

Samuel Pitcher

00 09 00

Walter Mory

00 07 00

Thomas Holman

02 18 10

Richard Silvester

04 12 08

Ephraim Newton

00 09 00

Benjamin Badeock

03 09 06

Thomas Swift

01 02 06

Samuel Gullifer

00 13 00

Benjamin Badeock

00 09 00

August 24, 1676.

Medfield-Towne Cr. by Sundry Accp'' viz. 14 04 06

John Plimpton pd. as per I Josiah Rockwood 03 14 08

Assignment

02 14 00

Vincent Shuttleworth

02 11 04

John Hammon

02 08 00

Edward Grose

02 16 06

Ditto.

Roxbury-Towne Cr. by Sundry Accp'^ Viz.

17 01

William Davenport pd.

John Scott

00 10 09

per Assignment

02 10 00

John Weld

10 16 08

Samuel Williams

05 01 00

Henry Bowen

00 15 00

Joseph Smith

09 13 02

Samuel Williams

01 17 06

Isaac Johnson per his

John Weld

03 06 06

widow

01 05 00

John Watson

00 18 00

John Curtis

02 08 01

Richard Hall

05 10 06

Onesiphorus Stanly

01 11 03

John Newell

00 17 08

Jonathan Fairbanks

03 01 00

John Pason

00 10 00

John Clark

00 09 03

John Weld

01 11 00

Hugh Clark

01 05 00

Joshuah Lamb

02 02 10

Joseph Lyon

01 06 05

Andrew Levins

01 10 00

John Whitney

00 18 00

Robert Seaver

01 02 06

August 24, 1676.

Weighmouth-Towne Cr. by Sundry Accp'' viz.

01 10

Benjamin Poole pd. as

per

Joshua Philips

09 19 05

Assignment

09 18 00

John Record

04 00 00

Thomas Bayley

01 16 10

John Pinchon Esq'

10 00 00

John Pinchon Esq' pr.

Richard Adams

03 17 06

Samuel White

12 10 01 1

Ditto.

Bradford-Towne C

r. by Sundry Accp'' viz.

01 03

John Griffin pd. him as

per

WUliam Smith

03 02 00

370

KING PHILIP'S WAB.

Ditto.
Beverly-Towne Cr. By Sundry Accp'' viz.

John Dodge pd. as per

Assignment 01 10 00

William Dodge 01 00 00

Joseph Eaton 05 18 06

Jonathan Mosse 01 05 10

John Rayment
John Hull
John Clark
Samuel Hebert
Mark Hascall

01 06

03 11 00

04 14 02

03 08 00

04 00 06

05 13 06

Glocester-Town Cr. By Sundry Accp'' viz.

Benjamin Jones pd. as per

Assignment 01 04 00

John Fitch 02 15 10

John Stanwood 01 02 00

Philip Stanwood
Samuel Stanwood
John Day
John Hascall

05 10
03 08 06

02 11 06

03 15 00
02 09 00

August 24, 1676.

Hampton-Towne Cr. By Sundry Accp'' viz. 50 14 03

Edward Colcord pd. as per William Sanborn 01 04 00

Assignment 02 00 00 Thomas Roby 01 04 00

Joseph Cask 03 08 06 John Browne 01 04 00

Benjamm Molton 03 01 02 Palmer 01 08 06

Ephraim Matson 01 03 00 Joseph Smith 01 17 06

John Lovitt 00 14 00 James Hobbs 03 05 00

Israel Blake 01 00 00 John Palmer 04 19 04

Abraham Drake 00 13 08 Ebenezer Perkins 01 15 00

Mon-is Hobbs 01 04 00 John Browne 06 12 05

Francis Jennings 00 19 06 Benjamin Sweett 05 01 00

John Sleeper 00 18 00 Samuel Colcord 01 01 04

Isrel Clifford 00 00 00 Michael Towsly 01 15 00

Micael Tow»ly 00 17 00 Thomas Browne 03 08 04

Ditto.

Ipswich-Towne Cr.
John Chub pd. as per

Assignment
Alexander Alhor
Samuel Bishop
Joseph Fellows
Isaac Fellows
Simon Grow
Joseph Marshall
Samuel Ingols
Amos Gourd ine
Edward Neland
Josiah Clark
Simon Adams

By Sundry

02 07

04 00 00 1

accp" viz.
Joseph Proctor
John Browne
John Potter
Richard Pasmore
Jonathan Wade
Thomas Smith
Thomas Dennis
John Line
John Peugilly
Joseph Jacob
Isaac Perkins
Thomas Philips
Jacob Wainwright

67 15 09

00 17 00
02 08 00

01 04 00

02 12 05
06 00 10
01 13 04

01 05 06
04 02 06

03 18 03

02 09 10
00 15 04

04 11 06
02 14 00

ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES.

Linn-Towne Cr.

Samuel Ireson pd. as

Assignment
John Linsly
Philip Cartland
John Man
John Burrell
John Moore
Thadeus Berry
Thomas Browne
Isaac Wellman
Samuel Graves
Eliazer Linsey

August 24, 1676.
By Sundry Accp" viz.

per

03 06

Isaac Lewis
Thomas Barker
Robert Coates
William Dellow
Joseph Burrell
Samuel Fisk
Elisha Fuller
Thomas Leonard
Moses Chadwell
Daniel Johnson
Timothy Bread
James Robinson

A^igust 24, 1676.
Marblehead-Towne Cr. By Sundry Accp" viz.

Gregory Sowder pd as per

Assignment 04 03 00

Ephraim Jones 05 14 00

Rowland Ravensbee 01 07 04
Enoch Lawrence 03 00 00

Thomas Russell 01 14 00

George Cross
Walter Emmett
Augustine Ferker
John Parmer
Mark Pitman
Thomas Stanford

03 02 00

04 16 09
07 08 00
03 03 06

01 04 00
00 16 06

02 02 04

00 15 08

01 01 00

03 04 00
03 03 06
00 11 03

10 10

01 16 08

02 10 00
01 04 00
01 00 06
01 16 10
01 04 06

Ditto.
Newbury -Towne Cr. By Sundry Accp" viz.
Jonathan Emery pd as per John Wilcott

Assignment 05 09 00 Richard Browne

Edmond Browne 03 01 08 Edward Ordway

Henry Sparkes 03 12 00

Ditto.
Rowly-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp" viz.

John Wood pd. as per

Assignment 03 15 08

Samuel Smith 03 03 06

Samuel Wicomb

Samuel Cooper
Thomas Lever
Robert Eames

Salem-Towne Cr.
Thomas Fuller pd. as

Assignment
John Dodge
Edward Bishop
William Wainwright
William Pilsbury
Henry Kenny
Joseph Deares
Abraham Suitchell

04 17 09 Joshuah Boynton

August 24, 1676.
By Sundry

05 02
04 10 00
03 03 04
01 09 02

02 10
01 16 00

03 03 06

04 17 05

05 09 00

per

accep" viz. 151 19

William Woodbury p''

John Higinson 05 10 00

John Bullock 14 03 00

Symon Broadstreet Esq' 04 10 00
Nathaniel Pease 04 06 00

WilUam Hathorn 07 05 09

Jeremiah Neale 03 00 00

John Richards p'. Bar-
tholmew Gidney

28 17 00

372

KING Philip's war.

George Wyat
Thomas Robinson p^

Jonathan Curwin
Edward Counter
John Smith
Jacob Pudenter
Thomas Howard
Joseph Jeffords
Nicholas Deurell
Francis Jeflford
Henry Cooke

05 14 00

05 06 00

02 01 00
01 10 10
01 04 00

03 02 00

01 09 00
07 18 00
05 16 09

02 03 00

Peter Jennings
Samuel Pickworth
Richard Norman
Joseph King
Robert Pease
Francis Nichols
Francis Bond
William Stacie
Abel Oazier
Thomas Bell
Thomas Veasie

Ditto.

04 02 00

00 11 06

01 10 00
01 16 00

03 16 06

04 16 00
06 11 00

00 12 00

01 16 00

01 16 04

02 18 10

John Wild

Topsfield-Towne Cr. By pd. as per Assignment
06 15 06

August 24, 1676.
Wenham-Towe Cr. By pd. as per Assignment
Thomas KembaU 02 07 03

Ditto.

Haverell-Towne Cr. By Sundry

Samuel Huchins pd,

Assignment
Nathaniel Haseltine
Samuel Aires
John Keisar
John Clements
Amos Singletons
Nathaniel Lad
Daniel Lad
George Brown
John Johnson
Philip Esman
Benjamin Singleterry
Thomas Durston
Thomas Eastman

as per

00 15 06

01 00 06
00 08 06
00 08 06
00 08 06
00 05 00
00 05 00
00 05 00
00 13 00
00 02 06
00 15 04
00 15 04

00 17 10

01 04 00

Accp'' viz. 24

Thomas Hartshorn
Richard Allin
Robert Swan
Henry Kemball
Benjamin Grealy
Jonathan Henrick
John Corly
John Roby
Samuel Ladd
Thomas Kinsbury
Robert Swan
John Haseltine
Samuel Watts
Joseph Bond

16 08

00 12 00

01 17 06

00 11 10

01 06 10
01 00 06
00 15 04
00 15 04

00 08 06
03 17 00

01 12 04
01 04 00
01 04 00
00 13 06
00 13 06

Ditto.
Andover-Towne Cr. By Sundry Accp'^ viz.

John Love joy pd. as per

Assignment 01 10 00

Stephen Johnson 01 02 06

Samuel Phelpes 02 14 00

JohnPreson 02 10 00

Zechariah Ayres 01 10 00

Joseph Abbott 02 14 00

Roger Mark
John Matson
Joseph Parker
Nathaniel Stephens
Ebenezer Barker
James Fry

19 00
02 09 00
02 14 00

01 10 00

02 09 06
02 02 00
02 14 00

ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES.

373

August 24, 1676.

Billerrica-Towne

Cr. By Sundry accp*' viz. 05

06 04

Nathaniel Hill pd. as

per

John Saunders

02 14 00

Assignment

00 12

Thomas Farmer

01 19 00

Ditto.

Cambridge-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp" viz. 113

04 01

Thomas Frost pd. as

per

David Mead

00 09 04

Assignment

01 00

John Dowgin

00 09 04

Jonathan Lawrence

01 14

Justinian Holding

00 07 06

Crackbone

00 06

Isaac Beech

00 09 04

Samuel Prentice

00 09

William Rider

00 10 02

John Gibson

01 12

John Streeter

03 17 05

Philip Russell

02 06

Samuel Goflf

01 00 00

William Bordman

01 02

Edward Goflf

01 13 04

John Dickson

01 01

Daniel Woodward

02 05 00

Nathaniel Green

01 12

John Stedman

01 17 00

Mathew Abdee

05 16

Joseph Cooke

04 02 00

Thomas Eams

01 08

Peter Towne

00 07 06

Thomas Frost

00 09

John Cragg

04 17 00

John Jones

00 09

Ephraim Philips

01 15 06

Christopher Muskins

02 06

Robert Robins

00 09 04

Justinian Houldin

00 15

Samuel Gibson

00 03 04

John Salter

02 10

Joseph Pratt

00 15 04

John Bradshaw

06 11

Nathaniel Green

01 08 06

Joseph Holmes

04 06

Isaac Gleson

06 18 10

Zechariah Paddlefoot

01 02

Jacob Hill

05 12 00

Daniel Woodward

03 08

Justinian Houlding

01 15 06

John Watson

00 14

Edward Mitchensonn

03 15 00

James Chevers

01 16

Samuel Green

01 17 06

William Hely

02 07

Abraham How

02 10 00

Ambros Mackfassett

02 13

Samuel Green

03 15 00

Samuel Cooper

02 17

Daniel Gookin Esq'

03 07 06

Jonathan Remington

05 17

August 24, 1676.
Chelmsford-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp*' viz. 05 05 06
Joseph Hide pd. as per I Jacob Wilier per Jerath-

01 00 06 mell Bowers 02 15 00

I John Barrett 01 10 00

Ditto.
Concord-Towne Cr. By Sundry accp'' viz.

John Wheeler pd. as per

Assignment
Joseph Wheeler
Abraham Temple
Thomas Wheeler Jun'.
Daniel Gobely
Benjamin Graves
James Sawyer

r
01

Nathaniel Billing
William Kean
John Hadlock
Joseph Chamberlain
Stephen Goble

06 04
04 10 00
04 14 06
06 12 03
08 06 11
01 12 10

Benjamin Chamberlain 06 00 00

John Lakin
Richard Blood

00 15 00
00 12 00

374

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

Charles-Towne Cr. By Sundry
Cornelius Church pd. as

per Assignment 02 15 09

Benjamin Switzer 00 04 02

John Upham 10 03 05

Charles Duckworth 02 09 06

John Prescott Sen^ 05 00 00

John Mirecke 03 09 08

Giles Fifield 00 16 10

Daniel Baldwin 00 03 04

John Newman 04 07 02

Zechariah Brigden 00 15 06

John Walker 01 06 10

Hugh Taylor 04 05 06

Joseph Lowe 01 06 11

Samuel Lord 01 14 10

Nathan DunkUn 03 09 10

John Rosse 01 14 00

James Miller 01 12 10

John Mirick 06 00 00

David Crouch 01 05 00

Solomon Phips 02 09 04

Jonathan Cary 01 01 00

Hopewell Davis 01 09 00

Edward Smith 00 14 06

Richard Scott 02 02 00

Obadiah Wood 00 15 08
William Vines per Jacob

Greene 01 09 02

Thomas White 00 14 00

David Crouch 03 10 08

Samuel Blaincher 00 08 10

Joseph Douss 02 09 06

Samuel Cutler 00 16 10

James Kelling 04 09 06

JosiahWood 01 03 04

John Cromwell 02 18 00

Thomas Rand 01 04 10

Thomas Henchman 06 15 10

Henry Harris 02 01 02

Nathaniel Douse 01 07 04

Richard Scott 03 10 06

Francis Earle 00 10 02

Samuel Dalton 01 00 07

John Mousall 00 02 04

David Jones 05 15 06

James Lowden 00 10 00

Thomas How 01 00 00

John Barrett 02 07 01

Thomas Da^ns 02 05 00

accp'' viz. 308 15 06

Zechariah Jones 00 05 04

Thomas Wheeler 01 03 04

James Richardson 10 10 00

John Spaulden 02 00 00

Zechariah Fowle 02 10 00

Josiah Hobbs 03 01 00

John Sellenden 06 12 00

John Eliot 01 18 00

Thomas Croswell 01 12 10

John Eliot 01 13 06

WiUiam Chapman 01 10 00

Isaac Fowl 00 08 00

Jonathan Johnson 02 05 04

Richard Scott 04 00 00

John Shepheard 03 12 00

Howell Davis 02 06 04

Daniel Smith 03 00 06

JohnTarbaU 03 04 10
William Ward, De