MOST REV. J. B. SALPOINTE, D, D.,
ARCHBISHOP OF TOMI,
FORMERLY ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE , NEW MEXICO.
I Soldiers of the Cross, t
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I Notes on the Ecclesiastical History ^
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S NEW=nEXICO, ARIZONA AND COLORADO S
f by 5dJ
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Most Rev. J. B, SALPOIJ\'TE, iX D,,
ARCHBISHOP OF TOMI,
FOMy>£RL.Y ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE, NEW 'MEXICO. 1
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g BANNING, CflLlFORNm, |
,^ ST. BONIFACE'S INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL. f
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i 1898. ^
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Copyright 1898, Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1898 in the otiice
of the Librarian of Congress at Washington , D, ('.
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PREFACE.
Within the memory of persons yet living, the present
territories of Arizona and New Mexico, with part of Colorado,
and other districts beyond the scope of this volume formed
portion of the colonial empire of Spain. Then, within less
than thirty years, various influences changed Mexico from a
colony to an independent empire, and again to a republic, and
afterwards led to the acquisition by the United States of the
central district above referred to.
An account of this district, now the Archdiocese of Santa
Fe with the dioceses of Denver and Tucson, is the subject of
the present volume, which deals less with matters belonging
to civil government, than with the religious interests of the
population of the district. How the first missionaries came
among the Indian tribes ; how the early missions were estab-
lished and maintained in spite of difficulties of many kinds ;
how the good work has been continued, with growing success,
down to our own days — these are the subjects that have been
of most interest to the wTiter, as a missionary priest to whom
it was given to tread in the footsteps of the early Franciscans
and Jesuits of the Southwest. His desire has been to place on
record something, at least, of the lives of those missionaries,
28G106
VI PREFACK,
who lived a life of peril, and died, often at the hands of savage
men, where the reader ma^' now worship in a quiet and peace-
ful sanctuar}'.
Living, as the writer did in his early missionary life,
among people who had just witnessed man}' transitions and
were still affected by them, it was natural that he should be led
to speak of the contrast between the present and the past. We
have the Indian tribes still with us, and we recognize, as the
Spanish did, that the Indian does not take readilj' to civilized
life. The treatment of the Indians adopted by the Spanish
government was founded on Christian and humane methods,
which were found bj^ experience to lead to the gradual settle-
ment and civilization of the Indians; while we, although we are
now at the end of the nineteenth century, formally recognize a
S3'stem which ignores all religious influences and has for its
avowed object the gradual extinction of the Indian race.
Under the present system, during the half century since it came
into operation, more lives have been sacrificed than during
three centuries of Spanish rule. *)
On the other hand, it must be evident to the reader that
the connection of the missionaries with the earlj^ Spanish mili-
tary explorers and governors, although a decided advantage to
the civil power, was a great obstacle to the full success of the
work of the missionaries. While admiring the spirit in which
the Church and its work were sustained by the Spanish civil
power, the author is convinced, that under the Constitution of
the United States, guaranteeing full liberty of conscience and
worship to every individual, a wider and more fruitful field is
thrown open to the missionar^^ of the present time,
"The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church,"
and we may well hope, that this beautiful land of the Southwest,
*) The only serious loss of life recorded in Spanish times is the slaughter of
4,000 Apaches by a Huguenot colony in 1696. See page 87.
Prkface. VII
the first portion of the United States territorj^ to receive the
faith of Christ to any extent, will, as it continues to advance
in population and prosperity, alwa^^s recognize the supreme
importance of its religious interests.
The author, since his retirement from the active duties of
missionary life, has found much pleasure in the records, as far
as these were accessible to him, of early times in the districts
familiar to him for the past forty years. Some of these records
are difficult to procure, and some are in Latin or Spanish. It
has been the aim of the writer to place before the general
reader an account of those interesting events of which people
at present have little more than a vague tradition. He is
deeply indebted to the Rev. B. Florian Hahn, who super-
intended the printing of the book by the Indian boys under
his charge at St. Boniface's Industrial School, Banning, Cal. ;
and to another priest, who kindly read the proof sheets, as
the}- came from the printer.
CONTENTS.
The Colonial Period from 1538 to 1821.
PRELIMINARY CHAPTER.
The Aborigines. Universality of the flood, at least in respect to man-
kind.— The unity of race for all men. — Tradition among the
Indians, alluding to a universal deluge. — The same existing
among the Pima and Papago tribes. — How the Aborigines, pos-
sibly came to this country Page 1 to 6
CHAPTER I.
Ethics and Customs of the Indians. — Marriages. — Burials. — Medicine
Men. — Religion Page 7 to 15
CHAPTER 11.
What Was the Condition of the Indians of New Mexico at the Time
OF the Expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado into that
Country, a. d. 1540 ? — Religion. — The Dance of Entertainment.
— The War Dance. — Religious Dances. — Government of the
Indians Page 16 to 24
CHAPTER III.
The Explorations of the Spaniards From Mexico Towards the North.
What were th'e Reasons of three successive Expeditions, between
the Years 1530 and 1540 to New Mexico or Cibola, the Country of
the vSeven Cities, as it was then Called ? (1) The expedition of
Nuno deGusman in 1630, (2) The Naval expedition of Fernando
Cortez in 1528. (3) The expedition of Fray Marcos de Niza
in 1539. (4) The Expedition of Francisco Yasquez de Coronado
in 1540. (5) The Naval Expedition of Fernando Alarcon. (6)
Some Remarks of the Writer, Explaining the Expedition of
Coronado Page 25 to 40
X Contexts.
CHAPTER IV.
The First Missioxary Work in thePi-eblos of New Mexico. — (1) Mar-
tyrdom of Fray Juan de Padilla, Luis de Escalona, Juan de
Santa Maria, Francisco de Loi)ez and Augustin Ruiz. (2) The
Expedition of Don Antonio de Espejo Page 41 to 46
CHAPTER V.
Thk Expedition of Don Juan de OSate, Bringing CoLO^^zERs and
Christianizers To New Mexico. The first Spanish Colony
established in New Mexico. — First Church built for the Colony
and for the Indians the of San Juan Pueblo 1598. — The City of
Santa Fe founded in 1605. — Building of several other Churches,
and great success of the missionaries among the Indians of the
Pueblos Page 47 to 53
CHAPTER V^I.
The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. (1) The
Nation or People who live on the way to New INIexico. (2) The
Nation called "The Manzos," Peaceable Indians on Rio del
Norte. (3) The Beginning of the Apache. (4) Province and
Nation of the Piros, Senecu, Socorro, formerly Pelabo, and
Sevilleta, to-day La Joya. (5) Teoa (Tigua) Nation. (6) The
Nation of the Que res. (7) The Nation of the Tompiros. (8) The
Nation of the Tanos. (9) The Nation of the Pecos. (10) La
Villa de Santa Fe. (11) The Nation Toas (Tegua). (12) The
Nation of the Hemes (Jemes). (13) The Nation of the Pecuries.
(14) The Nation of the Taos. (15) The Rock of Acoma. (16)
The Zufii Nation. (17) The Moqui Nation. (18) An attempted
Conversion of the Apache. (19) Coming in Contact with the
the Apache Navajo. (20) The Xumana Nation. (21) How did
the Religious Employ Particularly their Time? Page 54 to 63
CHAPTER VII.
The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of Otermin. Eighteen
Priests, Three Lay Brothers and Three Hundred and Eighty
Spaniards killed. — Flight of Gov. Otermin leaving Santa Fe in
the Power of the Rebellious Indians. — A Human Sacrifice, the
only one recorded in the Annals of the North. — King Traquillo
establishing his residence in the Moqui Villages. — Establishment
of the 'Presidio' Military Post, of El Paso del Norte and founda-
tion of the Pueblos of Senecu, Isleta and Socorro (Teocas)
Page 64 to 72
CHAPTER VIII.
The Government of Vargas and the Reconquest of New Mexico
. .' Page 73 to 77
Contents. , XI
CHAPTER IX.
Government of Vargas Coxtinded. (1) Resettlement of Santa Fe
authorized in 1693. (2) War against the Tanos and other Pueblos
at Santa Fe. (3) Trouble again with the Pueblos. (4) The Missions
Provided with new Priests. (5) Foundation of the Villa de Santa
Cruz, 1695. (6) New Revolt of the Indians, 1695. . Page 78 to 88
CHAPTER X.
The SrccESSiON of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. (1) The Admin-
istration of Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero. (2) Vargas, Governor
of New Mexico for the Second Time, 1703. (3) Don Francisco
Cuervo y Valdez made Governor, 1705. (i) The Foundation of
the Villa of Albuquerque, 1706. (5) Don Jose Chacon Medina
Salazar, 1707. (6) Don Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, 1712. (7)
Don Felix Martinez, October, 1715. (8) Governors J. Domingo
Bustamante, Gervasio Crusat y Goryira. (9) Governors Olvide,
Domingo and Codallos. (10) Governors Tomas Veles Capuchin,
Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle. (11) Governors Portillo,
Capuchin, Mendinueta, Anza. (12) Governors Fernando de la
Concha and Fernando Chacon Page 89 to 103
CHAPTER XI.
Impending Diffici'lties between Mexico and the United States.
Governor Alencaster and his vSuccessors Manrique, Mainez and
Allande. The Trade with the Western Provinces of the United
States Assuming Large Proportions. (1) The Fall of the Spanish
Rule in the Mexican Colonies. (2) The Trade Between New
Mexico and the Western Cities of the United States. (3) Fall of
the Spanish Rule in Mexico Page 104 to 111
CHAPTER XIL
Some Remarks on the Period of Colonization and the Government of
Spain in Mexico. Objections Answered. (1) Was the Govern-
ment of Spain a Tyrannical One in the Possessions of New Spain?
(2) Fanaticism for the Extension of the Catholic Religion. (3)
The Greediness of the Spaniards for Gold and Riches .. P. 112 to 121
CHAPTER XIII.
Priests who Worked in the Missions op New Mexico. (1) Names of
the Priests who worked in the Missions of New Mexico from
1540, when this Country was Explored by Coronado, to 1821, the
Date of the Mexican Independence. (2) How Did the Missionaries
Introduce Themselves to the Tribes to Establish Jlissions for
Them ? — Visits of the Bishops of Durango to the Missions of New
Mexico, in the years 1737 and 1760 Page 122 to 128
XII Contexts.
CHAPTER XIY.
The Work of the Missionaries in What is Now Arizona During the
Period of Colonization. (1) Explorations. (2) The Jesuit
Missionaries. (3) The Franciscan Fathers Succeed the Jesuits
in the Missions of the Province of Sonora. (4) Names of the
Missionaries who Worked Among the Tribes of the Country now
Called Arizona Page 129 to 144
CHAPTER XV.
A Last Glance at the Indians. (1) Were the Aborigines Very
Numerous at that Epoch? (2) The Hostile Tribes. (3) The
Pueblo Indians of To-day Page 145 to 150
PART TWO.
Period of the Mexican Rule,
chapter i.
The First Mexican Empire. The Independence of Mexico recognized
by the United States. — The Monroe Doctrine Accepted by the
United States. — Emperor Iturbide Resigns. — His Death
Page 153 to 158
CHAPTER II.
La Republica de Mexico Page 159 to 165
CHAPTER III.
The New Mexico People Rebel Against the Government P. 166 to 170
CHAPTER IV.
The Independence of Texas and its Annexation to the United States.
The Invasion of New Mexico. (1) The Independence of Texas
and its Annexation to the United States. (2) The Invasion of
New Mexico. (3) The New Mexicans Revolt.— Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo. (4) Names of the Priests who Administered the Mis-
sions of New Mexico Under the Mexican Rule Page 171 to 179
CHAPTER V.
The Missions of Arizona Under the Mexican Rule. Secularization
of the Church Property. — Description of the Church of San
Xavier Page 180 to 188
Contents. XIII
part three.
Period of the United StatEvS Government.
chapter i.
The Beginning of the American Rule Page 191 to 193
CHAPTER II.
The Creation of the Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico ... P. 194 to 201
CHAPTER III.
The Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico Goes East in Search of Sisters
TO Conduct a Girls' School in Santa Fe Page 202 to 205
CHAPTER IV.
The Vicariate of New Mexico Raised to the Rank of an Episcopal
See. The Vicar Apostolic Goes to Europe for Priests. .P. 206 to 209
CHAPTER V.
More Priests and More Teachers Needed in the Diocese. (1) The
Bishop of Santa Fe Early in 1859, sends His Vicar General, Rev.
Peter Eguillon to Europe for Christian Brothers and New Mis-
sionaries. (2) The Start of the Missionaries for Santa Fe. (3)
The Caravan Moves on From Kansas City. (4) Buffalo Chasing.
(5) The End of the Journey Page 210 to 223
CHAPTER VI.
The Territories of Arizona and of Colorado Annexed to the
Diocese OF Santa Fe. (1) Arizona. (2) Colorado; Right Rev.
Joseph Machebeuf; Rev. John Baptist Raverdy P. 224 to 233
CHAPTER VII.
The First Schools Established Outside of Santa Fe. . .Page 234 to 241
CHAPTER VIII.
Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona Page 242 to 249
CHAPTER IX.
The Missionaries Commence Their Work in Arizona. . .Page 250 to 254
CHAPTER X.
What Means of Support Had the Priests in Arizona? . . . Page 255 to 258
XIV Contexts.
CHAPTER XI.
The Territory of Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. . . Page 259 to 264
CHAPTER XII.
Santa Fe made an Archdiocese Page 2t>5 to 271
CHAPTER XIII.
Archbishop Halpointe in Santa Fe. Archbishop Cliapelle in Santa
Fe. — Cardinal Gibbons and Cardinal Satolli in Santa Fe. — List
of Priests Page 272 to 283
CHAPTER XIV.
The Sisters of Mercy in New Mexico and Arizona. . .Page 284 to 285
CHAPT^^R XV.
Summary of the Ietroduction of the Catholic Religion and Build-
ing OF Churches in New Mexico During the Colonial Period
Page 286 to 288
Appendix Page 289 to 296
Index Page 297
SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS,
PART FIRST.
THE COLONIAL PERIOD.
PART I,
THE COLONIAL PERIOD.
PRELIMINARY CHAPTER.
The Aborigines, (i)
Without passing any judgment on the opinions, either of
ethnologists or of some serious students of the sacred books, as
to the origin of the American Indians, we simply follow the
text of the book of Genesis, and hold that the deluge destro3^ed
all men, Noah and the members of his family excepted ; and
also all kinds of living animals, save those which, by order of
God, had been enclosed in the ark ; no matter whether the
flood was universal or only partial in regard to the earth. In
other words, we admit the universality of the deluge, at least,
as far as required by the purpose God had in view, viz. : The
destruction of all animated creation. "He said : I will destroy
man, whom I have created, from the face of the earth, from
man even to beasts, from the creeping things even to the fowls
of the air" (Gen. vi, 7). As a consequence, we believe that
all men now living on the surface of the earth, have come from
Noah and his descendants. To these it was said by God when
they came out of the ark: "Increase and multipl^^ and fill
(1) Beginning with the year 1538, the date of the first missions in the hmd now
■called Arizona.
1
2 Prelimi.vary Chapter. — The Aborigixes.
the earth" (Gen. ix, i) and in the same chapter, verse 19, it is
said of Sem, Cham and Japhet, the sons of Noah: "These
three are the sons of Noah, and from these was all mankind
spread over the whole earth." These words admit no excep-
tion of any other people who would not have perished in the
deluge. Similarh', all animals have been propagated from those
which Noah, by order of God, had enclosed in the ark.
This interpretation of the book of Genesis is the most
generally accepted, both by Catholics and non-Catholics.
Among the latter, we can refer to W. Fraser, G. Rawlinson,
Karl Ritter and others as quoted b}' Herbert W. Morris. ( i )
"The very first historical sections of the Bible," sa^'s Fraser,
"so long held in contempt, have, of late, not only attracted the
attention of the greatest scholars, but have won their homage.
No unbiased scholar will now dare to scoff at the tenth chapter
of Genesis. It sheds so much light on the first movements
of different people and on the foundation of empires, that it
cannot be repudiated without injur>^ to historical science."
Sir H. Rawlinson adds : "The tenth chapter of Genesis, is
the most authentic record that we possess for the afl&liation of
nations."
Dr. W. H. Morris establishes the universality of the flood
in respect to mankind and the unity of the human race by the
authority of Geo. Rawlinson, Baron de Humboldt, John Kitto
and others.
"To den}^ the occurrence of a deluge," says Rawlinson,
"or to conclude that in respect to mankind, it was partial,
because some of the great divisions of the human family- had
no tradition on the subject, is to draw a conclusion directly in
the teeth of the evidence. ' ' And he gives the proofs of a con-
sentient belief on the matter. More particularly on the unity
of race, Humboldt wrote: "The different races of man are
forms of one sole species the recognition of this bond of
humanity becomes one of the noblest leading principles in the
histor}^ of mankind." John Kitto, on the same subject, says :
"That all the tribes and nations of mankind have a common
origin, is the doctrine of Scripture, and that doctrine has been
(1) "Testimony of the Ages," Deluge and Unity of Race. (A. L. Bancroft, San
Francisco. )
Prelimixary Chapter. — The Aborigines. 3
abundantly confirmed by the most learned and able researches
into the ph^'sical history- of man."
According to Francisco lyOpez Gomora, Antonio de Her-
rera and others mentioned by Juan de Solorzano, ( i ) it was
found at the time of the conquest of Mexico, that the aborig-
ines had some traditions alluding to a universal deluge. The
same is asserted of the Pimas by Professor John A. Spring (2),
who has recorded their tradition on the subject. Their chiefs,
they say, received timely notification of the coming flood from
the eagle and the 'coyote' (prairie wolf) ; So-Ho, one of the
chiefs, prepared a boat for himself and family. The boat
floated around during the storm and landed on the Santa
Rosa mountain (Arizona) when the flood subsided. Every-
thing on earth, as the^^ say, was destroyed and all the Pimas
perished, except the good So-Ho, who had listened to the
advice of the great spirit transmitted to him by the 'Coj'ote.'
This is substantially what can be made out of the extensive
fabulous details given by the Indians to Mr. Spring, but this
is enough to show that this tradition of the Pimas is in con-
formity with Moses about the fact of a universal deluge, if not
about its real circumstances.
Here arises the question: If all men have descended from
Noah, where did they start from to come to the New World,
and which way did they take to come to it?
To answer this twofold question, we will follow the
opinion of Antonio de Herrera, Torquemada, Joseph Acosta
and others named by Solorzano already mentioned, and say,
that the inhabitants of the New World came from different
parts of the Old world, and from difierent branches of Noah's
posterit}'. When it became evident that men were too numer-
ous to live together in the lands settled by their ancestors, it
w^as felt necessary' to look for other countries where the surplus
population could extend itself and find more facilities for life.
A division of this kind, but perhaps not the first among the
descendants of Noah, took place after the confusion of the
languages, when God distributed them all over the world,
scattered "abroad into all lands." (Gen. xi, 4.)
(1) Solorzano, "De Indiarum Jure."
(2) Arizona Enterprise, Jan. 12, 1893.
4 PRELiirixARv Chapter, — The Aborigixes.
As to the possibility for men to have come from the
Ancient World to the New, it must be surmised that it was
provided for by God, even without any miracle, either by land
or by water, for those whom He had destined to disseminate
the human race all over the earth. By land, north and south,
where the continents are not very far apart from each other,
and many have been formerly in communication by promon-
tories or islands, which may have been cut since by the steady
beating of the billows, or by subterranean commotions, which
may have changed the level of the seas. This has been the
case with the strait of Gibraltar which formerly was obstructed
b}^ reefs which now remain far below the surface of the water.
As the Indians of the New World had no letters, as stated by
Solorzano ( i ) but only some pictures to keep the remembrance
of some particular events, it has been almost impossible to have
from them an^^ reliable information about the migration of
their forefathers to this continent. Some of them, however,
have kept the tradition, that they have come from a land,
which was separated from this one onty by some not considera-
ble extent of water.
As an instance, here is what we were told, in 1866, by one
of the San Xavier Papago Indians, Juan Solorza, who was
tolerably conversant with the Spanish language, and by no
means inclined to believe most of the fabulous tales of his
people. Having asked him, one day, whether he knew where
the Papagos had come from, and how they had reached this
country', he said he heard several times the old men telling in
the "platicas de noche" (night conversations) that their
fathers, long ago, had come from a far away countr\' to this
one ; that they had to wade a river, which was neither very
deep nor ver>' wide ; but that, during the process of crossing,
which could not be effected in a short time as they were many,
the water commenced to rise and became so deep, that many
of those who intended to leave their country-, could not do so.
The same Indian added : ' "It is the opinion of the old men
that we have many parientes (kinsfolks) in the country' we
have come from.
(1) "De Indiarum Jure."
Prelimixary Chapter. — The Aborigines. 5
This tradition favors well enough the possibility of a way
b}- land, no matter if we place it north or south. But in the
supposition that the descendants of Noah would have had to
cross over some extent of water, could we reasonably imagine
that they had no idea of navigation, and could not have
fashioned canoes or rafts of some kind, no matter how
primitive, in which thej^ could cross some stretches of water,
especially if the^^ had in sight lands to guide them? This
cannot be thought of. Nature, indeed, is a good teacher, and
the Indians who, as is known, take notice of all natural
facts, must have always profited by her lessons. They have
seen, at all times, dry sticks or logs of wood floating on the
surface of the water, and very likel)^ have used them of old,
as the Yumas do to-day, to cross the Colorado or to follow its
course down as far as required. For a Yuma, to ride a stick
on the river, and to carrv^ on it his little luggage, is of common
occurrence, and it seems to the bystander the easiest thing to
be done. In fact, what is required for a voyage of that kind,
is to pick up a convenient stick or pole from among the many
that generally lie on the shore, and to tie at one end of it the
bundle of garments and some food, if necessary', for they
consider it easier to return by land, than by water up the
river. After the tying of the baggage, the man sitting on
the other end, sets out, breast deep in the water, rowing with
his hands, while the package, which, of course, must be
lighter than the man, goes ahead of him, protruding above the
surface of the river, high enough to be protected against
moisture. In case it be necessary to carr}^ heavy loads, then
a raft is built by tying or coupling logs together with ropes
or strips of raw hide, until the desired space for the cargo is
obtained. In regard to the Yuma Indian women, who can
cross the river swimming as well as the men, they use another
kind of embarkation for their young children, when they want
to pass them from one side to the other of the river. The
process is ver\' simple; the papoose is placed in a rather flat
earthen 'olla' (jug), which is put afloat, and then pushed
ahead in the desired direction by the swimming mother.
This is what the Yumas do to-daj'- and what they did in
1538) when, for the first time, the}' were visited by the
6 Preliminary Chapter. — The Aborigines.
Franciscan Fathers, Fray Juan de la Asuncion and Fra}- Pedro
Nadal. ( i ) The Fathers, unable to find out the name of the
river, called it "El Rio de las Balsas," the river of the rafts, on
account of the floating apparatus the Indians used to cross it.
From this it can be inferred that the aborigines, who came
first to the New World, must have had, at least, a similar
knowledge of the art of navigation.
If these remarks, which we have ventured on the authority
of many good historians, are not acceptable to those who may
come across them, we will say, with Joseph Acosta, that on a
matter like the primitive history of the Indians, it is easier to
disapprove of what has been said, than to state something
better.
(1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro (lulroductiou).
CHAPTER I.
Ethics and Customs of the Indians.
As regards the ethical condition of the Indians when
found on this continent, it would be very difficult, not to say
impossible, to give a general idea of the morality which
prevailed in all the different tribes. As stated in the previous
chapter, the first inhabitants of the New World must have
come from different branches of Noah's descendants; hence,
it must be admitted that customs and morals cannot have
been exactly identical in all the families or tribes. The extent
of the country, the different climates, the chiefs who com-
manded and many other circumstances must be taken into
account in speaking of the variety of rules of conduct of the
different agglomerations of people. Among the "conquista-
dores," some would take notice of facts which were unnoticed
or overlooked by others ; and this explains the contradictions
which are found between writer and writer, especially on the
ethics of the aborigines.
Polygamy, it seems, was in use among the Indians of
this continent, at least among their chiefs and those who
could support several wives ; it is stated, however, that in
some tribes, there existed certain rules of morality which
had to be observed by married people, and by women
especially. Fernando Alarcon, who explored the Colorado
river in 1540, sa3^s, that he found a tribe in which, as he
was told by his interpreter, polygamy was unknown. He
learned also, through the same man, that these Indians
8 Ethics axd Customs of the Indian's.
punished adulten' with death ; that a girl \vho 3-ielded to
seduction was never asked in marriage, and that union between
brother and sister was never thought of; still, in the same
tribe, sin against nature was tolerated, and even sodomy was
sanctioned by the chiefs. This abominable practice was so
widely spread among the aborigines first discovered, that
it caused the monarchs of Spain to issue schedules in 1523
and 1543, ordering those in authority in their new possessions,
and the missionaries, to do all in their power to stop the evil
at once.
We have it from Rev. John Chaucot, who was the parish
priest of Yuma for over twentj^ years, that the chiefs of the
Yuma Indians, at least some of them, are poh-gamists.
Whether it was so with other Indians of the same tribe, the
priest could not ascertain, as all lived out of his jurisdiction on
the right bank of the river, which is taken as the line of divis-
ion between Arizona and California.
According to Prof. Spring, already mentioned, the chiefs
of the Pimas and the individual Indians of the tribe, who can
support more than one wife, are also polygamists. ( i ) The
same author states on the authority of Captain Gossmann, who
had been agent of the Pimas for three j^-ears, and was conver-
sant with the language of the tribe, that modesty is unknown
to those Indians ; that their conversations, even in the presence
of their children, are extremely vulgar and offensive ; that
these people were a health}^ race formerly, the men brave and
honest, the women chaste, while to-day, they suffer from foul
diseases, owing to the advent of the white men among them.
The same opinion has been expressed by several Indian Agents
in their reports to the government, as also by old residents of
Arizona. This is the reason why the chief of the Papago In-
dians of Santa Rosa said years ago, that as long as he would
have authorit3% he would never permit, that an American
should live among his people.
Of the Pimas Mr. Spring sa^^s : ' 'They believe in the
existence of a supreme Being or Creator whom they call
"Prophet of the Earth," and also in an evil spirit, "che-a-vurl."
(1) The Pimas, as mostly all the Yumas, are yet in the state of paganism.
Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 9
They believe that their spirits will pass to another world when
the}' die, and that there they will meet those that have gone
before them. They say that whenever one dies, an owl carries
the soul of the departed away, and hence they fear owls (which
they never kill), and they consider the hooting of this bird as
a sure omen that some one is about to die The Pimas
have no form or religion whatever, and have neither idols nor
images Thej" care little or nothing for the life hereafter,
for their creed never promises rewards in the future for a life
well spent, nor does it threaten punishment after death to those
who, in this life, act badly."
The same author states that the Pimas have a confused
traditional knowledge that some French priests visited their
country, many long years ago, and attempted to convert them
to Christianity. We suppose the traditional remembrance
refers, not to French priests, but to Father Kino, one of the
Jesuit missionaries, who, as we shall see later, established two
missions on the Gila river in 1694. "But," continues Mr.
Spring, "all efforts to Christianize the Pimas would fail, not
because any of them would oppose any such attempts, but
because they all w'ould be indifferent to the new teachings. ' '
This is a mistake of Prof. Spring. From what we know of the
Pimas for a long time, we, on the contrary, believe that these
Indians would not only not oppose any attempt at their con-
version, but be very glad to have Catholic priests to instruct
them. A request to that effect was presented earnestly in 1866
to the priest ( i ) then in charge of the missions of Arizona, by
the chief, Antonio Azul, if we remember well, a man who had
great authority in his tribe. But what could this priest do ? He
had only another clergyman with him to attend to the spiritual
w^ants of the few, it is true, but sparsely located people of the
whole Territor}^ ; besides he had not the means to build either
church or school for the Indians, who could not contribute any-
thing for such buildings. Moved by the petition of the Pima
chieftain, which was repeated later on, the priest tried to find
some kind of room iii which he could gather the Indians at
least occasionally, and give them some instruction. He ex-
plained his views to an American, who was trading with the
(1) The priest here spoken of is the author of these Notes himself.
1*
10 Ethics and Custosis of the Ixdians.
Pimas, hoping that he might get some help from him, but he
was mistaken. "Oh no," said the man who made money of
the Indians, "what is the use of giving these people any in-
struction ? They are good enough for us as they are, and we
do not want to have them better." The same request for
Catholic priests was addressed several- times, in the year 1893,
to the parish priest of Phoenix, Rev. Francis X. Jouvenceau,
by the chief of the Pimas, who live on Salt River. The priest
was requested to go to the village and say mass for its inhabi-
tants. He gladly consented, and a day was appointed for the
desired sacred ceremony. Meanwhile, some pious persons were
sent in advance to teach the Indians some catechism and pray-
ers. When the priest arrived at the village, he was met by the
whole of the inhabitants, attired in their best garments, and
accompanied by them to a large temporary brush chapel, hastily
built for the purpose, and there he said mass and preached to
them. A grand day it was, but onl}^ too short for the good
Pimas, who would have wished to keep the priest with them,
at least a longer time. Indeed, this is a good proof that those
Indians are not so very indiflferent to religious instruction.
They are asking for it, they ask for the bread of spiritual life,
but circumstances have been, and are yet against their earnest
and just demands. The Church in Arizona is, as A^et, quite
unable to furnish the means to build churches and schools for
the Indians, nor can it hope to be able to do so, unless some
day it is enabled, by charitable donations, to begin a work so
badly needed.
Some might object by saying : But who can trust the
Indians ? Wh}' did they not keep the missionaries when they
had them ?
These queries can be answered in a very few words. We
may, of course, be deceived by any kind of people and none
can expect more good faith from the Indians, who are, as a
rule, fickle and inconstant, than from other people who often
stand by their word for considerations which are out of the
reach of the Indians. Still, when they of their own accord
ask a thing, there is some good reason to believe that they
are in earnest, and that they will not change their mind
wdthout a weighty cause for it. It is quite true that the Pimas
Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 11
did not profit b}^ the instructions of the first missionaries. But
to judge aright, we must refer to the circumstances in which
the missions were established on the Gila River. The mission-
aries made their explorations in the country' under the protec-
tion of military expeditions, which were generally very onerous
to the Indians, who, in man^^ instances, had to deprive them-
selves of their provisions to supply the wants of the soldiers ;
hence the hatred the Natives bore to the Spaniards and to the
missionaries connected with them. Had these been alone by
themselves in the country, the aborigines would not have mo-
lested them, because they could see that the religious did not
wish to command, but to do good to their fellow-men by instruct-
ing them.
Marriages, according to Mr. Spring, are entered into
without ceremony, and are never considered as binding, but
can be dissolved at will by either of the contracting parties.
The sole requisite for an intended union is the consent of the
girl and that of her father. The woman is the slave of the
husband, as far as hard labor is concerned, and this, we may
say, is also the condition of woman among the Papagos, who
claim to be of the same nation as the Pimas. With them she
carries water and food for the house, takes care of the children,
and does all the menial work. In her spare moments she
moulds the 'ollas,' earthen jugs, an article much appreciated
in the countr>^ on account of the property it has of keeping
the water cool in the summer time. ( i ) The Papago like the
Pima woman, makes also other kinds of pottery and earthen
ware, and when she wants to sell some of these articles she
has to carry them on foot to the market, whilst her husband
follows her lazily on horseback to receive the money she may
make. The Papago woman carries the water in a jug on her
head, and the wood, the pottery, and almost everything in
the 'kijo,' a kind of sack of strong net work, about twenty
eight inches high, narrow at the bottom, and about thirty inches
wide at the top, and conveniently tied to four sticks which
(1) This property must be attributed to a certain quantity of very fine straw
■which the Papago women mix with the clay to prevent the cracking of their
pottery during the process of drying it, and which disappears in the burning of the
vessels, giving tuem the porosity which permits transudation, and by it causes the
cooling of the liquid they contain.
12 Ethics and Customs of the Indians.
keep it open. This sack or dosser rests on the back, and is
supported by means of a strap on the head of the carrier.
Burials: The Yumas, up to the date of this writing
(1895), burn their dead, generally after dark, with manifesta-
tions of real grief. Like the Pimas, they believe that the souls
of the departed are taken away by an owl, and when they hear
this bird crjdng at night, they saj^ that it is the last dead mem-
ber of the tribe who is complaining. They burn their dead, as
they say, in order to free the soul from the body, and give it
an opportunity of going to another world. They fear the dead
and do not like to have the names of any of them mentioned.
If somebod}', by way of condolence, says Father Chaucot,
speaks to a Yuma of the loss he has sustained in the person of
some member of his family', he stoops down and does not an-
swer a word.
The Pimas, and those of the Papagos who have not been
converted to the Catholic religion, bur^^ their dead in a sitting
position. The former dig a grave in the hut of the deceased,
and, when the corpse has been covered, the hut itself is
destroyed and the debris left on the spot. The latter tumulate
the bodies of their departed ones in mounds of rocks, some
distance out of their towns. A number of these tumuli can be
seen yet about two miles southwest of the San Xavier mission,
between two hills. The pagan Papagos, as we were told by
the Indian Juan Solorza, already' mentioned, believe in
metempsychosis as a state of purification. According to their
belief, the soul of the person who has not been a good warrior,
or who has acted wrongly in his life, is sent into the body of
some animal, where it has to remain until it be ready to enter
the next world.
Prof. Spring calls the attention of his readers to a practice
observed among the Pimas, which seems similar to that of the
Mosaic law. He sa^-s: "Women during childbirth and during
the continuance of their menses, retire to a hut built for this
purpose in the vicinity of their dwelling place. Men never
enter these huts when occupied by women, and the latter, while
there, have separate blankets, and eat from dishes used by no
one else."
Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 13
From the same author we take the statement that the
Pima, whose arrow has killed an Apache, is considered unclean,
and must remain for sixteen days out of his village, entirely-
deprived of all communication with his people. During the
length of his purification nobody can approach him, except an
old woman, appointed by the tribe to carry food to him. The
Papagos, as we were told years ago, practiced as strictly the
same purification.
Medicine Men : Both the Pimas and the Papagos have
their Sahurines or medicine men, who pretend to have the
power or the science of curing diseases. The method they use
consists simpl}^ in singing, dancing and sweeping a\\';>^ the
malady or the bad spirit, as the case may be, with eagle
feathers. The cure process commences with the singing and
dancing of the medicine man, and is followed by the use of the
feathers, which are softly run over the patient from head to
foot, and then quickly taken out of the room and shaken, and
with them at least a part of the disease is taken off. If the
sick person does not feel the promised and desired relief, he has
to submit again and again to the same performance until he
dies or dismisses his "Sahurine." Indeed the patient must
be strong to stand the fatigue of the curative process. We
remember that; when we had to stop at San Xavier, we often
heard this singing during the night.
The Papagos, like the Pimas, fear the owl but have great
confidence in the sagacity of the coyote. Some of their men
pretend to understand the language of this animal, and to
have received from it many a good advice in critical
circumstances, especially when they had to start on a campaign
against the Apaches.
There are many other superstitions among the Indians of
all tribes. According to their belief, when the wind blows
heavy clouds of dust, as is common in this country, the
Apaches are to be feared. These must come with the wind
and dust. No doubt it may have happened in some instances
that the Apaches have availed themselves of the whirlwinds
and dust to make their attacks without being suspected, and
thence comes the conviction that the wind brings them.
14 Ethics and Customs of the Indians.
In the Indian countries, it is not unusual to see near
the road, particularly on some elevation of the ground, some
little piles of rocks, sticks, bones, etc. These, we are told
by one of the Papago Indians, mark the places where, in
former times, the Indians in their travels used to stop a
while before going any farther on their way, when they felt
tired, and it was believed that the surest wa}^ to obtain the
desired relief, was to throw some object on the resting-spot.
Thus these piles would have been formed.
Some people rather think, with more reason it seems,
that it was agreed between the Indians, that when they had
to gather from different directions to go warring, they were
to pass by these appointed places, and leave some traces of
their passage for those who would come after them. Be it as
it may, the piles are there, but do not grow any higher
in our days.
Eeliyion : According to the first historians of the con-
quest of Mexico by Herman Cortez, all the Indians were idola-
tors. They sacrificed to their idols, more or less in all the
provinces, innumerable human victims, not only of their
enemies and strangers, but even of their relatives and children.
Mention of this is made in the letters of Charles V. to Cortez
in 1543. Thomas Bocius, quoted by Solorzano (i), wrote that
in the City of Mexico, seventy thousand lives were sacrificed
every year to the idols.
All the primitive inhabitants of the New World were more
or less idolators. They had been taught to worship the true
God, but, as of old their fathers did, they neglected the true
and good God whom they could not see, to worship Belial,
under hideous forms of their own make. They forgot the
goodness of their Creator to think only of the bad spirit who
could injure them, and in order to propitiate him they sacrificed
to him human lives.
This form of religion was not in use in all the tribes,
especially those who lived north of Mexico. They had
ridiculous but not sanguinary gods, like those of the Teocali of
the City of Mexico. The Indians, scattered on the plains or
in the woods, made gods for themselves of everything extra-
(1) Solorzano, lib. II, No. 27 and 51.
Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 15
ordinary they might see for the first time. The conquerors,
who treated them kindly and gave them some medicines for
their diseases, were considered as celestial beings. Any mon-
ster or object whatever, which, on account of perfection or
defects would seem to them out of the common order of nature,
was considered as supernatural and worshipped as a good or
bad spirit.
J. S. Hittel (i) says of the Indians of California, that "they
had no religion, no conception of a deity or of a future life, no
idols, no form of worship, no priests, no philosophical concep-
tions, no historical traditions, no proverbs, no mode of recording
thought before the coming of the missionaries among them."
The same has been asserted by some writers with regard to some
Indian tribes in which no signs of religion could be found. The
fact, however, that some Indians are to be encountered now
without any religious practices, is not a proof that they never
had any religion. Moreover, it is very difiicult for an inquirer
to have, from the ever suspicious Indian, the expression of his
inner thoughts, if one does not enjoy his entire confidence.
(1) "History of San Francisco." (A. L. Bancroft & Co., San Francisco, 1878.)
CHAPTER 11.
What was the Condition of the Indians of New
Mexico at the Time of the Expedition of Francisco
Vasquez de Coronado into that Country, A. D. 1540?
From the relation of this expedition, as given b}^ Pedro
Castaiieda and by Juan Jaramillo, who both took part in it
under the command of Coronado, we learn : (a) That all the
Indians who were found in New Mexico lived in villages or
towns, the houses of which were built with mud and stones in
some places, or simply with mud (very likely the "adobe," or
moulded mud dried in the sun) according to local circum-
stances, and that all these houses were covered with terraces
and had, some of them, two or more stories ; (b) that the
Indians planted maize, beans, pumpkins and cultivated cotton
in some localities ; (c) that they knew how to weave cotton
and to prepare the skins of animals, which articles they used to
cover themselves.
According to Jaramillo, the sedentary Indians of New
Mexico were divided into six provinces, namety : Cibola,
Tiguex, Ouirix, Hemes, Acha and Tutahaco.
Cibola had seven villages ; Tiguex had twelve villages,
located along the river in a valley about two leagues in width
and bounded west by high mountains. Four of the villages
are built at the foot of the mountains and three on their top.
North of Tiguex is found the province of Quirix, comprising
seven villages. Seven leagues farther north is Hemes with
the same number of villages. Acha, fort)^ leagues in the same
'1
I. The Road to the Pueblo of Acoma in 1846.
Zr^i--
f'-f.X^CftV^
II. Papago Indians' Camp.
HI. iJwKLUNGS OF Papago Indians.
Conditions of the Indians of New Mexico, a. d. 1540. 17
direction and four leagues southeast of this is Tutahaco, with
eight villages.
Richard H. Kern of the Topographical Survey, quoted in
the Extra Sensus Bulletin, gives the names of Indian towns
used by Coronado, with the modern or present names, viz. :
Cibola, old Zuni ; Tusayan, Moqui pueblos ; Acuco, Acoma ;
Tiguex, Isleta or some pueblo in its vicinity ; Tutahaco' s position
can be identified, but not the places ; Quirix, San Felipe and
adjoining pueblos ; Cicuye, Pecos or Santa Fe ; Hemes (Jemes),
Agua Caliente, perhaps near the town of the same name ; Yuque
or Yunque, possibly Abiquiu ; Braba, Taos ; Chia, Silla or Zia.
From Castaiieda we translate the following : "These prov-
inces are governed each one by a council of the old men. The
houses are built in common. The walls are built up by the
women, who have to prepare the mortar they have to use.
They have no lime, but in its stead they make a mixture of
ashes, charcoal and earth, which has the same consistence, as
can be seen by the elevation of the great walls, though com-
paratively of a thin structure. As regards the necessary tim-
ber, this is procured from the mountains by the men, who shape
and place it conveniently where it is required."
"The unmarried young men work for the community.
They carry the wood the women need for the use of their
houses. The Indians have "estufas," subterranean rooms,
dug in the "plaza," public square. These rooms have their
roofs supported by strong wooden pillars placed on a level with
the outside ground. There is a passage down into them by a
trap door and a ladder. In the center of the room a fire is kept
burning in the cold season. The houses belong to the women
and the estufas to the men. It is forbidden to the \yomen to
enter the estufas, except when they have to carry food there to
their husbands or to their sons."
■"When a young man marries, it is by the order or with
the consent of the old men. He must then spin cotton, weave
a mantle, and this done, the young girl is brought to him ; he
covers her shoulders with the mantle, and she becomes his
wife."
Castaiieda says that these Indians did not sin against
nature, that they had no human sacrifices, and that they did
2
18 Co^JDITION OF THE IxDIAN'S Of Ne\\' MeXICO, A, D, 1540,
not eat human flesh. He sa^^s the}' had preachers, very likely '
the "Pregoneros" (proclaimers), who exist yet in the pueblos,
and whose office it is to communicate to the inhabitants of the
village the orders of the governor or even of the Catholic priest.
The proclaimer speaks from the top of the houses when these
are crowded, or from the plaza, if he can be heard b}' every-
body without going around the habitations, "They had,"
continues the author, "earthenware and vases ver\' elaborate
and varnished (painted). Their lands were rich and fertile, so
that the crops of one year could supply their wants for seven,
in case of necessity. When they planted in the spring, the
ground, in many places, was covered yet with the maize they
had not collected."
The houses were clean and well distributed- There was
a room for cooking and another for the grinding of the grain.
The grain was crushed between stones, prepared fpr that
purpose, by three women at a time. On the first stone the corn
was roughly cracked, on the second it was broken thinner, and
on the third it was made dust. During the process of this
work, the women had a man singing at the door, or they them-
selves did it to regulate and help the motion of the hands on
the stones, or "metates," as they have been called by the
Mexicans. The same process is yet resorted to by the Indians
to grind the seeds of certain plants, and by the Mexicans to pul-
verize the "chile," red pepper.
In another place Castaneda says, that the inhabitants of
Cibola had nearly the same customs, except that they had no
Caciques to govern them, but old men w^ho preached from the
tops of the houses, and were respectfully listened to when they
spoke, which they generally did at the rising of the sun. These
Indians burned their dead and, with them, the tools they had
used in their trade during life.
The cross, among them, was considered as a sj^mbol of
peace. We think the inhabitants of Cibola had taken the
cross and its meaning from the Sonora Indians, who had been
visited, the year before, by Fray Marcos de Niza,.who gave
them crosses as a sign that he and his companions would not
molest them in an 3' way.
■Condition of the Indians of New Mexico, a. d. 1540. 19
The men of the province wore round the loins a piece of
stuff adorned with tassels at the corners ; they had also mantles
of feathers, of cotton, and of hare skins. The women wore
also cotton mantles and prepared skins.
Religion : Nothing is said in the above mentioned details
about the religion of the Indians of New Mexico, but from
what has been said, on that subject, of those of Old Mexico,
by the historians and the first missionaries, we can safely infer
that our natives must have been idolaters. The superstitious
practices that even yet exist in some of our Catholic pueblos,
seem to indicate, if not an actual idolatrous worship, at least a
living remembrance of it. We do not mean to refer to the
hideous figures the Indians make in pottery and which are
bought as idols by the benign eastern tourists. The Indians
do not make those articles for their own use but for specula-
tion, and the uglier the objects they succeed in producing, the
better for the sale, as has been proven by experience.
Here is what a priest, (i) who has lived twelve years
among the Jemes Indians, says : "My opinion is that these
Indians, though openly Catholics, practice in secret all kind of
old superstitions and religious ceremonies. Whether they
worship several deities, I could not say, but certain it is for
me, that in their estimation, Moctezuma at least approaches
to the divine power, as some of them have told me that what
we call God is no other but Moctezuma, the difference being
only in the name. They have a kind of worship for the sun,
but I could not ascertain whether or not they consider it as a
divinity."
"More than other people they fear the rattlesnake but do
not pay to it any worship, nor do they keep it and feed it in a
cave, as it is believed by many. I have seen in their private
dances an imitation of the rattlesnake, as also I have heard an
imitation of this reptile's noise, which is used to regulate the
cadence of the dancing, but there were no living snakes. They
avoid killing this kind of snake on account of some superstition
very likely, and if they do kill one, as happens to those who
work in the fields when taken by surprise, they must purify
(1) Rev. Father Mariller.
20 Condition of the Indians of Kew Mexico, a. d, 1540,
the spade or hoe which has served for killing, before using it
again."
"The Jemes Indians have three kinds of dances or 'bailes' ;
the dance of amusement, that of war, and the religious dance.
"The Dance of Entertainment is practiced on feast days, and
publicly. It is generally monotonous in the singing and grave
in the motion, but there is nothing to blame. But the same
cannot always be said of the 'eutremeseros' or clowns, who
sometimes use ver^'' lewd language to provoke hilarity among
the audience who can understand it. "
**The War Dance is practiced only every twent^^-five or thirty
years, and for this reason, a long preparation has to take place
before the ceremonj^ can loe held publicl5^"
"The principal personages or heroes of the war dance are
those who have killed an enemy and have saved his scalp ;
these are called the 'matalotes,' the brave, and the 'malinche,'
the danceress, who is chosen to represent Moctezuma's wife at
the time of the conquest of Mexico. They dance one at a
time, in a particular dress, the bow in one hand and in the
other a lance, from the top of which hang the scalps of the
dead enemies. At his side dances the 'malinche,' richly
dressed and with much dignity. Meanwhile all the warriors
surround them, singing or firing off their arms. This dance is
repeated four or five days according to the number of the
'matalotes' who live in the pueblo."
' 'The cost of this dance is considerable, both on account of
the very many Indians who come from other pueblos and to
whom food has to be furnished, and on account of the presents
the relatives of the matalote have to give to the malinche dur-
ing the dance. Besides, they all make a generous distribution
of food and of all kinds of provisions, to the audience. This
dance is certainly the most interesting of those I have witnessed
in the Indian pueblos, and if I have anything to blame in it, it
is the loss of much time and the expense it entails on many
poor Indians ; but such is the old custom, and it must be kept
alive ; fortunately it is of rare occurrence. ' '
"Relifjiotis Dances: There are some of these which take
place regularly at the beginning of the four seasons of the year.
They are preceded by a fast of four days, which is obser^^ed by
CoNDlTtON OP THE IndIAKS OP NeW MeXICO, A. D> 1540. 21
a certain number of men and women of the pueblo. During
the four days men and women have to keep their separate
rooms, except at the time of singing and prajdng, when they
come together in the same room. After the prayer they trace
some strange figures of animals and men,, around which they
spread feathers and seeds. The meaning of this ceremony
nobody explained to me, but it looks very much like one of
their many superstitions. They receive food only once a day
and sleep on the bare dirt floor of their rooms. Many think
that these Indians practice abominable actions in this seclusion,
but it is my opinion that they are entirely mistaken. At the
end of the fasting days, or rather early on the fifth day, the
fasters come out of their rooms and participate in the dance
which takes place in the pueblo. This is conducted privately,
with no other spectators but the inhabitants of the pueblo, or
the Indians of the neighboring villages. There are other dances
accompanied by a fast, which are practiced in case of some
public calamity, or to obtain rain when needed for the crops."
Government of the Indians : Castafieda, as written above,
by saying that the inhabitants of Cibola had no Caciques to
govern them, seems to indicate that the other provinces he
spoke of, had them. He does not, it is true, mention them,
and says only that those provinces were governed by a council
of old men. But this does not exclude the Caciques, who in
any tribe, must have been counted among the wise, if not
always among the old men. The same author wrote also in
his book that Coronado was visited at Cibola by the Cacique of
Cicuye, one of the villages of New Mexico.
The word "Cacique" is not peculiar to New Mexico.
Cacique, as we take it from the work, "De Indiarum Jure,"
was the title of the first authority in Hispafiola Island, when
discovered by Columbus. This title was sanctioned and applied
by the discoverers to the chiefs of all the tribes which were
successively subjugated. Some of the nations, however, had
other special names to designate their first dignity. In Peru,
for instance, the chief men of the tribes were called "Curacas"
and "Tecles" in Mexico.
According to the same authority, the office of cacique was
hereditary among the Indians for the male, and even for the
22 Condition of the Indians of New Mexico, k, d. 1540.
female children of the incumbent, in case there should be no
male ; provided, however, that the heiress should be married
and her husband qualified for the charge. Without changing"
the custom, the representatives of the Spanish government
reserved to themselves the right to remove any Cacique who
might prove ineflficient, and to replace him by another of their
choice.
When it became known to the government of Spain, that
the Caciques were like little kings or potentates, who exacted,
almost at will, contributions from their subjects, over whom
they had great influence, it was thought advisable to do away
with such a power. Several schedules were expedited to that
effect from 1548 to 1577. The enforcement of the tenor of
these documents was not an easy task, and to urge it might
ver\- well have had no other result, but to make the Indians
discontented without any certaintj- of changing much in their
customs. It was considered also that the friendship of the
Caciques, if enjoyed by the government, would be of great ad-
vantage, both for its ow'ii support and extension, and for the
conversion of the Indians. These and other considerations
caused the government to reconsider its previous orders, and to
revoke them by new schedules of 1603 and 16 14.
As for the government of the Indians of New Mexico in
general, as we know that the Indians are a traditional people
who stand always by the old customs, we believe that, at the
time of Coronado's expedition, their government was what it had
been before and what it is now, with perhaps a few slight modi-
fications. The sedentary tribes are governed by the supreme
chief called Cacique, who has under him, a governor with some
officers at his command, for the execution of all orders refer-
ring to the ordinary- management of the affairs of the pueblo,
and by a council of the "Mayores," old men, for the discussion
of all important questions.
The authorit}' of the Caciques in our pueblos is ver^'
limited if compared to that of the Indian chiefs of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries in the large and rich tribes of Old
Mexico ; still it is yet the first in the government of our civi-
lized natives. The word ' 'Cacique' ' bears with itself the idea
of respect and obedience. The man vested with this title is like
Condition of the Indian^s oip New Mexico, a. d. 1540. ^3
a patriarch or a pontiff in his community. It is he who has
the charge of keeping alive the old customs, and of opposing
anything that would tend to their subversion. Without his
consent, no measure whatever, which would not be authorized
by tradition, can be taken by his subordinate officers or by the
council, were they all unanimous in their opinion. It must be
said however, that the Cacique has no authority, and most
likely never had, in the management of what is considered to
be the property either of the families or of private individuals.
We extract the following from a report written in 1858 by
Rev. Samuel Gorman, a Baptist missionary,' to the pueblos, and
sent to J. L. Collins, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at
Santa Fe.
Mr. Gorman says: "The Pueblo Indians hold their land
grants, church property, and all town houses in common ; all
other property is individual. Any person of the community
can take possession of and cultivate any of the common lands
not previously occupied or cultivated by others, and after he
once cultivates it, it belongs to him and descends to his heirs
as individual property. All the work that pertains to the
community as a whole, such as keeping in order the ditches for
irrigation, is done by the men of the pueblo at the call of the
officers. The officers are the cacique or head chief, who is
elected for life, a governor and two assistants, a fiscal mayor,
and the war captain and his two assistants. These officers
under the cacique are elected about the beginning of the year
for twelve months only."
"The right of inheritance is held by the females generally,
but is often claimed by the men also. Not having any written
laws, the will of the officers is the only rule of their courts. ' '
Mention must be made here of a pious custom, which
.prevails in the Catholic Indian pueblos of New Mexico, very
likely from the establishment of the missions by the Franciscan
Fathers. It consists in the blessing of the Governor's "Bara" —
the rod, which the governor has to hold in his hand, whenever
he must act publicly in the capacity of his office. At the
beginning of the year, or on the first visit of the priest, if he
does not reside in the pueblo, the newly elected governor goes
to the church with the inferior dignitaries, where, after mass,
24 CoxDinoN OF the Indians of Xew Mexico, a, d. 1540.
he asks the priest to bless and deliver to him the bara left by
his predecessor in office. Yielding to the request, the priest
blesses the rod, and gives it to the new governor, reminding
him and his officers of the obligations they solemnly take before
the altar of God and in the presence of their people, to faith-
fully discharge the duties of their respective offices. The bara,.
which was formerly a common stick, having perhaps some
particular mark, has been changed, of late years, into a fine
black cane presented to the Pueblos by the President of the
United States.
PUEBL,OS , Indian Villages in New Mexico,
IV. WOLPI.
.ii»m»iiiiw'ii>i.ii>! '<Hii si-imJHWii ^ .
V. Taos.
u
chapt:er in.
The Explorations of the Spaniards from Mexico to-^
WARDS THE North. What were the Reasons of ThreS
Successive Expeditions, between the Years 1530 and
1540 TO New Me^xico or Cibola, the Country of the
Seven Cities, as it was then Called?
( 1) The E.rpeditwn of Niulo de Gu'Swan in 1-530-.
The explorations in a northern direction, at an early date
after the conquest of Mexico, were justified by the voyages
that had been already made along the western coast of the
Pacific Ocean, and which had ascertained the existence of an
immense country lying north. It was then surmised that the
unexplored lands might be as rich as Mexico and Peru had
proved. This conjecture was corroborated by an Indian from
the valleys of 'Oxitipar\ Texas, who was in the service of
Nuno de Gusman, then President of New Spain in the absence
of Cortez, who had gene on a visit to Spain. This Indian,
who, as he said, had travelled with his father for business
purposes in the countrj^ of the Seven Cities, gave so brilliant a
description of it, that his master conceived at once the idea
of going, as scon as possible, to the land of the marv^elous
cities. ( I ) In a short time Gusman equipped an army of
four hundred rich Spaniards and 20,000 Indians, and left
Mexico for his expedition, going north according to the
instructions he had received from the Indian. Having reached
(1) For the description of the ihrce eX|ieditions we follow Pedro Castufieda de
Nagera and Juan Jaramillo, already mentioned aVjove.
2G E.Vl LOKAHON'S OF niK '-^TA-Vf AHDS ER,
the province of Culiacan, he found himself unable to make
any headway through the steep mountains he had to cross.
Much time was lost, wath no avail, in search of a pa^ and
meanwhile the Spaniards- of the party became discouraged,
and there ended the expedition,
(:2) The XarnI ErpffJition of Fernando Coricz in 1528.
This expedition , which was intended by the conqueror of
Mexico for theex ploration of the northern Pacific coast, had
besides for result ^ the discovery of California. It was com-
posed, sa3'S Padre Marcelino de Civessa (i) after Padre
Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron. of four vessels, and was
accompanied by four Franciscan Fathers, appointed by Padre
Antonio de Citta Rodrigo. the superior of the province of
Mexico, who at the same time sent two other religious by
land in the same direction, with a captain and twelve soldiers.
These religious were,, as can be inferred from the date of
their expedition, the Fathers de la Asuncion and Pedro
Nadal. One of the Fathers, accompanied b}' two Indians as
interpreters, turned directly to the north, in order to visit the
tribes he might find in that direction. There he was told
by the Indians he met with, of a very populous country
which extended along a large river, at about two hundred
leagues to the north. This w^as the first news ever received
about the land which, later on, was to be given the name
of New Mexico, and made a great impression on the minds
of the adventurous Spaniards of Mexico.
{3) The Expedition of Fray Mareo^ de Niza.
The report of the religious as to the existence of a largely
settled country towards the north, as he had been told by
the Indians living on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, was
substantiated by the information given by three Spaniards
just arrived from that country to the City of Mexico. These
men were Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado,
with a negro called Estevan or Estevanico, who had been
wrecked with the ships of Pamphilo de Narvaez on the Coast
(1) "Historia Generale delle Missioni Franciscane." Prato Tipogrnfia
Giachetti, Figlio & Co., 1891.
"Exf>'L0RAT10SS OF THE .SPANIARDS Etc. 27
Ol "Florida, and had come to the capital of New Spain b^^ the
province of Culiacan, after crossing the country from ocean
to ocean. Called by the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza,
they gave him the information they had personally acquired
about the countries they had gone through, as also what
they had learned from different sources about the seven great
cities and their houses of four and five stories.
According to Donaldson '( i ) , Cabeza de Vaca would
have been the first discoverer of New Mexico, passing in
his journey from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast by Taos,
Daguna, Acoma and Zufii or Cibola, and thence to the Gila,
touching almost all the now known pueblos. This opinion
•cannot be admitted without taking Vaca and his companions
either for enthusiastic men who, in case of having visited
the pueblos of New Mexico, would have seen wealth where
there was nothing but naked poverty, or for men who would
have intended to deceive the authorities for some personal
purpose; but neither view is consistent with what is known
■of them. They had been made slaves by the tribes, they
had suffered for ^'^ars from hunger, nakedness and privations
of all kinds, and what they wanted now w^as to regain some
strength, and start for their native countrj^ That they
were the first white men to cross the continent is admitted,
but, very likely, they did not go on the Rio Grande above
El Paso, nor is it probable that they struck the Rio Gila.
Looking for the Pacific Coast, as they did, they must have
taken the natural and shortest direction by the northern
part of Sonora, as soon as they could cross the Sierra
Madre. Thence to Sinaloa and Culiacan and from there
to Mexico. Their overland journey across the American
continent lasted from April 13th, 1528 to July 25th, 1536,
when they arrived at the city of Mexico with the negro
servant Estevan or Estevanico.
The details given by the great travelers made a strong
impression on the viceroy, w^ho transmitted the same to
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, then governor of Culiacan.
At the same time he suggested to him to prepare an
(1) The Extra Census Builetiu.
29 ExPLORATrcTNS OF rnE ^PASIARDS tTC,
expedition, which should l:>e entrusted to the leadership oS
three religious. Franciscans, for the journey to the far famed
cities. The idea was a good one., the expedition would be
ver>- inexpensive aiid besides, it was knc>^^^l that religious,
with their poor habit, and with crucifix in hand, could
penetrate ever>-where, l)etter than soldiers with war apparatus.
The religious selected for the purpose, were: Fray Marcos
de Xiza. and the lay Brothers, Daniel and Antonio de Santa
Maria, to whom was joined the negro of the Spaniards,
as a man of experience in travel and in the manner of
introducing himself to the Indian tribes.
The religious were duly authorized for this mission by
letters of obedience from their Superior, dated from Mexico
August 27, 1538, This document states that Fray Marcos
de Niza w^as a regular priest, pious, \4rtuous and devoted,
a good theologian, familiar with the science of cosmography
and of navigation.
At the same time Fray Marcos received from the viceroy
an instruction by which he was directed to encourage the
Spaniards who lived in the city of San Miguel of the province
of Culiacan, to deal fairly with the peaceable Indians and
to tell them that he had been sent by his Excellency in the
name of His Majesty the King, to see that they should be
well treated, and to tell them that the King had been sadly
grieved to hear that they had suffered at the hands of the
Spaniards, but that this should not occur again in the future.
Moreover, Fray Marcos was instructed by the viceroy,
in case he should think that, by the grace of God, he could
find a road to penetrate any farther into the interior of the
comitrj', to take as guide Estevan the negro, who had been
lent for the purpose by his master Dorantes, as a trusty
man who would obey him in ever^'thing, to travel cautiously
with regard for his own security, to study the character and
dispositions of the Indians, and to get from them as much
information as possible about the neighboring countries and
the districts about the sea; and in case he should find any
great citj-, to notify him whether it would be convenient to
found in it a monaster}-. The notification, however, had
to be sent secretly, in order to avoid difficulties, "because"
Explorations of the Spaniards etc. 29
he added, "in this conquest, we look only for the service of
Our Lord and the good of the Indians. ' '
We see by the report Fray Marcos sent to the viceroy
that the expedition started from San Miguel of Culiacan on
the seventh of March, 1539, and that it was back to
Temixtitlan, Mexico, on September 2d of the same 3'ear.
From Culiacan, Fray Marcos very likel}', followed the
coast of the Gulf of California as far as the Sonora Valley,
after crossing the Mayo and Yaqui rivers. There he met
several Indians who came from an island not far distant
from the land and who spoke to him of other Indians who
lived on the other isles more or less distant from the shore.
These, no doubt, were the Seris of the Tiburon Islands, a
tribe which later on gave great trouble to the Jesuit mission-
aries and caused the death of some of them, as we will say
in another place.
As to the exact point where Fray Marcos de Niza received
some information about the province of Cibola, it would be
difficult to speak now, as the names of the localities, which
were inhabited by the Indians he met on his way, have been
changed since, either by the moving of the tribes from one
place to another, or for other reasons.
According to Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita, as stated in
the introduction to his work "L,a Cronica Serafica del Collegio
de Santa Cruz de Queretaro" already mentioned and substan-
tialh' reproduced in the third chapter of this book, FraA'
Marcos de Niza with three other religious would have joined
in 1539 the military expedition, and reached the river which
had been visited the previous year by the two Fransiscans Juan
de la Asuncion and Pedro Nadal.
There must be a mistake on the part of Arricivita. In
1539 Fray Marcos was commissioned by the ViceroA', with the
consent of the Superior of the Fransiscan Order, as leader of
an expedition for the discovery of the province of Cibola
without any escort but what the religious might find in the
Indian tribes. The representative of the Spanish government
in New Spain ver>' judiciously thought that a poor Franciscan
could find admission among the Indian tribes better than a
regiment of armed soldiers.
30 KxPl.ORATIONS OF THK Si AXIAKD.s ETC,
Fray Marcos, as we have written, had been strongly
impressed by the report made by one of the two religious who,
in 1538, travelled by land from Mexico as far as the Colorado
River of California. The report had it, that in an excursion one
of the religious made from the coast of the Pacific directly to
the north, with two Indians as interpreters, some Indians told
him of a very populous country which extended along a large
river, at about two hundred leagues to the north. This
country was the one Fray Marcos was now looking for, and no
doubt he enquired for the place where he had to leave the
coast in order to find the tribe visited by his brother religious.
Nothing indicates that he had to go as far as the Colorado
River before turning north in search of Cibola.
In regard to this quotation we willingly accept the opinion
of A. F. Bandelier ( i ) who thinks it was the place where since
has been built the Mexican town of "Matape" in the district of
Ures, which ancienth' may have been ' ' Vacapa' ' and later on
"Matapa", where in 1629 the Jesuit Fathers founded the
mission of San Jose. The place was then occupied by the tribe
of the Eudeves who knew, some of them at least, where
Cibola was located, either as they had been there, or because
they had heard of it from some other Indians. This was
valuable information for Fray Marcos de Niza: if those people
had made seme excursions to the country of the seven cities,
they could indicate to him the best, shortest and safest road he
had to take to reach the end of the expedition entrusted to
him.
Thus far the religious had travelled with the lay brothers
Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria and the negro Estevan.
From this place he determined to send his guide Estevan, with
some Indians in advance to prepare the wa^^ for his coming and
prevent too much excitement in the villages at the sight of the
numerous body of Indians who accompanied him. The plan
answered the purpose for a while; Fray Marcos followed the
negro according to the indications agreed upon, for Estevan
was to leave on the road he would have taken crosses as a sign
that he had been kindly received by the Indians he met.
(1) Contributions to the History of the sonthwehttTu porlion of tlie U. S.
ExPLORATlOXS OF TIIK SPANIARDS ETC. 31
Fray Marcos who. in compliance with the orders he had
received from the Viceroy and from his superiors, had to look
for as much information as he could obtain from the Indians
he would meet, did not intend to travel hurriedl}*. For this
reason he told his ser\^ant from the start not to push forward
with precipitation, but rather to stop at some villages and there
wait for him for new orders before proceeding further.
But the negro, who found as many Indians as he wished
to guide him from tribe to tribe, thought he was the principal
man of the expedition, and accelerated his march in order very
likely to have the glor\' of being the first to reach the city
of Cibola. He came in fact near it, four or five days ahead of
Fra}' Marcos. He. at once, announced himself by some
messengers of his band who could speak the language of
the tribe, but the answer he received through his messengers
was far from encouraging. The chief of the city said to
the men of the delegation: "Tell your master that he must go
back to those who sent him; that, if they come, they shall be all
put to death." These words did not deter him; he presented
himself, but the chief accomplished what he had said. He had
him killed, and also those who had come with him, except
three of them who fled protected b}' the banks of the river, and
went back to apprise Fray Marcos and his part}' of what
had happened. This news was the cause of discouragement
and great sorrow in the camp of Fray Marcos. His Indians
mourned the loss of those of their kinsfolks who had followed
the negro, and thought of nothing but returning, as fast as
possible, to their homes. Cibola, how^ever, was now only two
da3-s march away, and the religious, though very' much afraid,
as he states in his report to the vicero}-. wished at least to see
it, if he could not take possession of it. By dint of
supplications he got a few men to accompany him, as far as
necessary, to show him the city and the size of its houses.
From there. Fray Marcos, thought he had really in sight
the great and rich city which had been described to him by
the Indians he had met on his way.
"It is built" says F. Marcos in his report "in a plain, on a
round hill, it looks very pretty, it is the most important I have
seen in these countries. Being mj-self on an elevated spot,
32 Explorations of the ^^PA^•IARDS etc.
wherefrom I could examine it, I saw that the houses were
built as the Indians told me. all constructed with stone, having
several stories and covered with terraces. This city is larger
than Mexico." ( i)
This large city, as it is known now, was no other than the
old pueblo of Zuni, whose ruins can be seen yet about three
miles east of the Zuni of to-day. As for the name of Cibola,
we think it came from the Indians of northern Sonora,
who used to come to Zuni to purchase the buffalo skins which
they called "cibolas."
The road followed by the expedition of Fray Marcos de
Niza was. according to Bandelier, who has sketched it in the
book already mentioned, from the starting point, be it Matapa
or any other Indian village in Sonora, up the Rio Sonora to
its head, among the Eudoves or the Opatas Indians. From this
river the expedition struck the head of the San Pedro River of
Arizona, which was inhabited by the Sobahipuris Indians, who
knew more about Cibola than the Eudeves or the Opatas.
Thence the expedition went on, crossing the Gila and the Salt
rivers and from there to Cibola by the White Mountains,
where the Apache reservation now is.
This road was certainly the most direct to the point to be
reached ; the best provided with water, and settled by peaceable
tribes in which Fary Marcos was kindly received and found
sure guides for his long journe}'.
The viceroy had it at heart to extend, as much as he
could, the explorations in the interior of the country. Thus
far, it is true, the expeditions of Xuno de Gusman and of
Fray Marcos de Niza had not been rich in results, still,
the latter had discovered inhabited districts, and probably
some others might be found in the same direction. This
he wrote to the emperor Charles V. on the 17th of April, 1540,
In his letter he spoke of the disposition ot the Indians to
receive the religious, while they fled terror-stricken at the
approach of the soldiers, and he asked earnestly His Majesty,
to .send some of those men who could convert these good
natured aborigines to Christianit5^
(1) This lii.>-t assertion, for which Fray >iurcos has been derided by nuiiiy. woiilii
only show that at that time Mexico was not a very large city.
Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. '33
[4) The Expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado.
It was then resolved by the viceroy to send another
expedition for the conquest of Cibola, and to make new
discoveries farther north. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado,
who was governor of the province of Culiacan, and who had
seen Fray Marcos on his return from Cibola, took so much
interest in the new expedition, that he was appointed its
general in chief.
As Coronado was w^ell known in New Spain, he had no
difficulty in collecting an army of three hundred Spaniards
and eight hundred Indians. He took also three Franciscan
Fathers, Fray Marcos de Niza, Fray Antonio Victoria, Fray
Juan de Padilla and Luis de Escalona, a lay brother. The
expedition followed the road already travelled by Fray Marcos
and went on steadily to the province of Cibola. At the
sight of its first village, which was pointed out to them as
the great city of that name, all the soldiers commenced to
deride, and even, says Pedro Jaramillo, to curse Fray Marcos.
This good religious realized then that he had given too
much credence to the tales of the Sonora Indians about
Cibola and ashamed of the mistake he had made by speaking
of what he knew not, begged that he might not remain
with the expedition, but be permitted to return to New
Spain by the first opportunit}-; a favor which was granted
to him. It w^as easy for the Spaniards to take possession
of Cibola, though, says Castaneda, they had to fight
about an hour to overcome the resistance made by the
Indians with their arrows and stones. Coronado was struck
on the head by a stone, and would have perished there,
had he not at once been protected b^^ some of his officers,
who exposed themselves to save him. An abundance of
provisions was found in the village.
After the submission of the Indians, the General learned
from them that at twent}^ five leagues, or five days' march,
there was another province, called Tusayan. Coronado sent
Pedro de Tobar, \\'ith seventeen mounted men and Fra^' Juan
de Padilla, to take possession of it. The Tusayan Indians
off"ered more resistance than those of Cibola; still, the}' also
34 ExpLORATroxs of the Spaxiards etc.
had to submit after losing a good number of their men.
Having made peace with their conquerors, the inhabitants of
Tusayan spoke to Captain de Tobar of a big river which ran
bej'ond a desert of four days' march in extent, and told
him that along this river, going down, there lived men of a
ver^- high stature. The Captain had received no orders to go
any farther, but on his return to headquarters, communicated
to the General what the Indians had told him of a big river
and of the inhabitants. Coronado then despatched Captain
Garci Lopez de Cardenas with twelve men for the exploration
of the river. Guides and provisions were furnished by the
Tusayans, and after twenty days of march, the expedition
reached the river, which was so deeply sunk that the soldiers,
sa3-s the chronicler, measuring by sight the distance from the
spot where the}' stood to the water below "believed themselves
to be four leagues in the air". They tried to find some
passage down, succeeded with great difficulty, and saw that
the river, which from the top of the bank looked very narrows
was really a large course of water. This was evidently' what
is called to-day the 'Great Caiion of the river Colorado.'
In the account Jaramillo gives of Coronado' s expedition,
he says that there were seven villages in the province of
Tusayan, that the houses were covered with terraces and that
the inhabitants had more provisions, were better clad, and
more numerous, than those of Cibola.
According to Bancroft, quoted b^' Donaldson, the ancient
names of Tusayan or of the Moqui villages were: Oraibe,
Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua.
The present names as given by Lieutenant Whipple are:
Mishongnavi, Oraibe, Shimopavi, Shipanlavi, Tewa and Walpi.
• Speaking of Cibola, Jaramillo remarks, that from this
village, or some distance south of it, the rivers turn towards
the northern sea, while before, all the streams ran in a
southern direction; which is true.
From Cibola, the expedition went to Acuco, a village of
difficult access, on the top of a very high rock. The Indians
did not avail themselves of their position, but submitted after
some parley-.
Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. 35
From Acuco, Fernando Alvarado, who was detailed by
fhe General with soldiers to go to Cicuye with two Indians of
that province as guides, reached in three days the province of
Tiguex. The inhabitants, who were well acquainted with the
guides, received the Spaniards with friendly demonstrations.
From here, the Captain sent a messenger to the General,
inviting him to ccme and spend the winter at Tiguex; mean-
while he proceeded to Cicuye. On his return he obliged the
Indians of Tiguex to abandon their houses, with the provisions
they contained, for the General, who was coming with his army
to make there his winter quarters.
This action, as can be easily understood, exasperated
the natives, who had been taken by surprise and saw
themselves deprived of all their provisions and of their homes at
the approach of the cold season ; still they had to submit to
brute force. But it became worse at the arrival of Coronado.
Among his soldiers he had a number of Indians recently
come from Sonora, who were not clad heavily enough to stand
the rigor of a cold climate. In order to provide them with the
most necessary bodily protection, the General called upon the
Indians of the province for an enormous contribution of cotton
mantles, which certainly could not be furnished. But the
order was peremptory', and to avoid punishment, the
inhabitants of twelve villages stripped themselves of the shirts
or 'mantas' they had on their bodies to give them to the
soldiers. Unfortunately it happened that at the same time the
soldiers mistook some peaceable Indians for rebels, and killed
them. This sad event was taken by the natives as a proof
that the Christians did not keep their word, and caused the
coalition of twelve Indian villages to make open opposition to
them. No need to say that the Indians were not able to
confront an army like that of Coronado, and all they gained
was to be cruelly treated, and to be destroA^ed almost entirely,
after a brave resistance of fifty days.
After the siege of Tiguex, or rather after the barbarous
assassination of the Indians of that province, the Spaniards
wished to start at once for Quivira, a province which had
been represented to them by an Indian as very rich in silver,
gold, and precious stones; but the river was frozen and it
36 Exploration's of the Sfa.viards etc.
became necessary to wait four months before it could be forded.
Meanwhile some explorations were made in the surrounding
country on the right bank of the river. Along this river, saj^s
Jaramillo, are found fifteen villages in a space of twenty
leagues, and he adds, that on the border of another course of
water, which comes into the same one, there are other
villages, among which three are remarkable for Indian villages.
These are: Chia, Urraba and Cicuique. He sa^^s that most of
the houses at Urraba have two stories; that there are maize,
beans and pumpkins in the three villages; that the Indians
plant some cotton, which they weave, sometimes mixed with
feathers, to make their 'mantas'. The river comes pretty nearly
from the northwest and runs towards the southeast. Castaneda
places the villages of Chia at four leagues west of the Cibola
river (Rio Grande).
At a distance of four days march northeast from Cicuique,
continues Jaramillo, we encountered two villages, the names of
which he cannot give. ( Perhaps Galisteo and Pecos, because
we see by what follows, that the Rio Grande had been crossed
and that the expedition was on its way in search of the
Quivira. ) In three days from the unknown villages, follow-
ing the same direction, the expedition struck a river, and going
farther, mostly to the east, reached the plains of the "Cibolos"
(buffalos), but it was only five days later that these animals
were seen.
Captain Jaramillo says the expedition went through vers'
rich lands in the prairies, which, he thought, could produce
good crops and support large agricultural populations. The
Captain was right, but he must have known that Coronado,
and the Spaniards who accompanied him, did not look so much
for lands, as for the Quivira, spoken of by the Indian their
guide, and for its gold and wealth. How far the expedition
may have gone through the plains is not clearly stated; we
learn onl3^ from the reports that the Indian villages which were
found there, even the Quivira, were poorer than those which
had been discovered before. The guide, as was then found out,
was a member of the Quivira tribe, who had been met in New
Mexico, and who told stories about the wealth of his country
in order to have a good escort to return to it. It was then
Explorations of the Spaniards etc. 37
resolved to put an end to the expedition; but before starting
back, the Spaniards strangled the Indian for having deceived
them so wantonly, and, some say, for the intention he had
manifested, in some way, of having them killed by the roaming
tribes. The compiler of the Extra Census Bulletin, Thomas
Donaldson, says the expedition reached Baxter Springs,
Kansas. Having returned to Tiguex, Coronado, who was not
enjoying good health, proposed to leave at once for New Spain,
and the proposition was gladly seconded by the whole army,
excepting Fray Juan de Padilla and the lay brother, Luis
de Escalona, who wished to remain in the country*, as they
were authorized to do by previous permission of their superior.
Brother L,uis chose to stay at Tiguex for the purpose of
baptizing children in danger of death. He obtained from
Captain Jaramillo permission to keep as a companion a young
Indian this officer had as a servant, and who. as the brother
said, would easily learn the language of the Tiguex Indians
and be of great service in instructing them.
As for Fray Juan de Padilla, he determined to return
to Quivira with the guides the expedition had brought from
there. He started with them, and with a Portuguese and
a negro who had already lived about a year in the country.
He took some sheep, mules and a horse, his church vestments
and some other objects of little value. "I do not know," saj's
Jaramillo ' 'whether it was for the interest of what the Father
had taken with him or for another cause, that the Indians
killed him." The same author insinuates that the murder
of the priest was committed at the instigation of some Indians
from Tiguex. At the end of his historical notes, the Captain
adds that several Indians from Culiacan and two negroes were
left b}' the army in the country, with the religious.
(5) The Naval Expedition of Fernando Alarcon.
At the time the viceroy was organizing Coronado' s
expedition for inland explorations, he ordered the start, from
Colima, of two vessels under the command of Fernando
Alarcon, for the reconnaissance of the sea coast in the same
direction. Alarcon went as far as the upper part of the
California Gulf, where he had to stand a severe storm. He
33 Explorations of the ^p^AynxKDif £TC^
found out there that, what had been called the Marquis Island
(Marquis del Valle, or Fernand Cortez) was not an island, but
an extension of land which forms the gulL On retracing his;
steps south, he found a river, which he followed against its-
course for a distance of fifteen leagues, but here he had to
moor, owing to the swiftness of the water and to the lack of an
available wind. He took then some men with canoes, which ^
in order to avoid the main stream, they had to tow from the
shore, and went up about eight}' leagues in fifteen and a half
days. At that point,, the Captain learned from the Indians
that the Spaniards were fighting with the inhabitants of
Cibola. He thought he could not safeh' trj- to go an}- farther
up the river, and took the stream down to return to his vessels,.
which he reached in two days. Before starting for New^
Spain, Alarcon car^-ed a cross in the bark of a big tree, and
wrote below: *'Alarcon has passed here.' ' This cross, as also
letters which the captain had buried at the foot of the tree,,
were found, a short time later, by Captain Melchior Diaz,. whO'
had come from Rio Sonora, where he had been left by Coronado
until further orders with a division of the army.
Alarcon says in his report, that the Indians he met along^
the river were tall and stronglj' built, that they received with
pleasure the crosses he gave them and venerated them, as they
were told to do, and asked to be taught how to bless them-
selves, as the Spaniards did, before the crosses. These Indians
were very numerous, but divided into small tribes, very
often at war with one another, which made it somewhat difficult
for the captain and his party to introduce themselves from one
tribe to another, as the interpreters refused to follow them into
the places occupied bj^ their enemies.
{6) Some Remarks of the Writer^ Explaining the Expedition of
Corona do.
We have given extended details on this important
expedition; we have followed it in its march and progress,
taking notice of its directions, of the distances it went over
between one settlement and another, of the rivers it crossed
and. of every indication that might give us some founded
Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. '39
"notion about the location of the present pueblos which were
visited and conquered by the expedition.
As regards the one which was first reached by the
'Spaniards, there can be no diversity of opinions. The
■description of Cibola as given by Marcos de Niza, and the
■division of the waters in its vicinity, as noted by Jaramillo,
■designate, evidently enough, the old pueblo of Zuni, a village
Tiot far from the eastern border of Arizona, and well known
to the Indians who guided Fray Marcos to it. We have
explained why it was called Cibola, a name which was used
Toy the Indians to designate the "Cibola' or Buffalo robes, and
which was applied to the village by the Indians of Sonora,
because it was from its inhabitants that they purchased the
buffalo skins.
At Zufii, as we call it now, Coronado heard of another
province named Tusayan or Tutahaco, which was at a distance
■of twenty five leagues, and sent Captain Pedro de Tobar to
take possession of it. That Tusayan was Moqui or one of its
Aallages, we can safely infer from the knowledge the Indians
bad of the Colorado River and its caiion, of which they spoke
to the soldiers. The Moqui villages, in fact, are nearer the
great Caiion of the Colorado River than any of the pueblos of
New Mexico.
From Zuiii or Cibola the first expedition in an eastern
direction met Acuco, a village so particularly located, that
from its description, any one acquainted with the country',
understands that it was the pueblo, which was called Acome
by the missionaries and which is designated now by the
name of Acoma.
According to Jaramillo, another village, the name of
which he does not give, was found, and from it the expedition
reached Tiguex in one day. The village not designated by a
name must have been Laguna, which stood on the road the
expedition had naturally to follow with the Indian guides who
intended to take the Spaniards to Cicuye, their province.
The word 'Tiguex' or 'Tigua' was the name of a province
and not of any particular village, but very likely for want of
any other, the Spaniards applied it to the place where they had
to fight with the Indians before they could take possession of
40 EXPLORATIOXS OF THE SPANIARDS ETC,
the province. There were, says Jaramillo, twelve or fifteen
villages scattered in a stretch of twent}' leagues on both sides
of a river which the soldiers called Cibola. The river got
frozen, and for fotir months could not be crossed. This
particular indicates plainly that this river could be no other
but the Rio Grande, with the villages which were, and are
yet some of them, along its course. As for the one which
was taken possession of by Fernando Alvarado^ when on
his wa}" to Cicuye, and where Coronado had to fight
afterwards, it would be difficult now to identify it by its
name. We can onl}' conjecture from the road the Indian guides
must have taken, and from the distance of one da^-'s m^rch
between the unknown village and the river, that it must
have been Isleta, or another one in its vicinit}-.
Prof. Charles F. lyummis in his book "The Spanish
Pioneers" sa5's that Coronado moved for the winter from
Zufli to Tiguex, where now stands the village of Bernalillo,
and "there had a serious and discreditable war with the
Tigua Pueblos." This statement of the learned ethnologist
can hardly be reconciled with the narrative of Jaramillo, who
sa^^s that the river, having become frozen, could not be
crossed for the length of four months. The expedition was
then encamped or quartered somewhere on the right bank of
the river, and not on the left, where now stands Bernalillo.
As regards the pueblos which were discovered (without
crossing the river) i. e. west of the river, during the time the
army had to remain at Tiguex, we easily recognize those
which were on the Jemes river, whether the}^ were different
from those we have to-day or not.
This is as much as we can consider as about correct
concerning the expedition of Coronado in New Mexico.
-^^^I^
CHAPITER IV.
Taji Wrs^t "Mr^sioN Work in the Pueblos of New Mexico.
(1) Martyrdom qf Fray Juan de Padilla^ Luis de Escalona,
Juan de Santa Marin, Francisco de I^opez and Augustin Ruiz-.
Coronado, as has been stated before, took with him^
\vhen starting for his expedition to the seven cities of Cibola,
the Franciscan Fathers, Marcos de Niza, who knew already
the road as far as the principal of the cities, Antonio
Victoria, and Juan de Padilla. Of these three religious,
Antonio Victoria broke his leg by a fall from his horse,
three da3"S after his start from Culiacan, and on this account
was sent back by the general to that city, where the main
body of the a.Tmy had been left and where he could receive
proper medical attendance. Another, Fray Marcos de Niza,
as also stated before, did not come an^^ farther than Zuiii,
and returned from there to New Spain. The third, Fray
Juan de Padilla, and the la^^ brother L,uis de Escalona are
the first missionaries who tried their zeal in the conversion
of the Indians in New Mexico, though for only a very short
time. Fray Juan de Padilla, who had followed the expedition
to Quivira, and who, it seems thought the Indians of that
■country would listen to his instructions better than those of
Tiguex, who had been very badly treated by the Spaniards,
started back for the plains when the army left Tiguex for New
Spain. Whether he did reach Quivira can hardly be ascertained.
John Gilmary Shea (i) thinks that the Father did, but found
. (1) History of the American Catholic Missions.
42 The First Missiox Work ix tie Pueblos of Xeiv INIexico.
out that the Quivira Indians were not wiUing to have him
among them; whereupon he determined to go to another tribe,
but was killed by the same Quiviras when on his way to it.
According to Castaneda, the missionary would have remained
at Quivira, without returning to Tiguex with the expedition.
"A religious," he writes, "named Fray Juan de Padilla, a
Portuguese, named do Campo, a negro, and some Indians from
Capetlan, Mexico, remained in that province. The natives
killed the religious, because he intended to visit the Guyas,
who were their enemies. The Portuguese fled on horseback,
upon the advice of the priest, and succeeded in reaching New
Spain b^?- wa}' of Panuco. The Indians from Capetlan buried
the priest with the permission of his murderers, and started
after the Portuguese, whom they overtook after a few da 3-5
march."
According to Jaramillo, as we have said before, the priest
ma}' have been killed bj' his guides, perhaps at- the instigation
of some Tiguex Indians, when leaving their village to return
to Quivira. This opinion would be supported, to some extent,
by a tradition yet current in New Mexico, which has it, that
the body of Fray Juan de Padilla is buried in the church of
Isleta.
As regards the end of Brother Luis de Escalona, or Juan
de la Cruz, as some call him, nothing certain is known. The
brother, as we have said before, had determined to remain at
Tiguex; but others state that he moved to Pecos, where he was
instructing the natives successfully', when he was killed by
them, at the instigation of the medicine men who thought he
was gaining too much popularity.
Coronado, before leaving Tiguex, gave to the priest and
to the brother a certain number of sheep, which he considered
he could spare to help the two religious, who were parting
from him to work for the glorj' of God, and for the salvation of
the Indians, not to say, to win the crown of mart^^dom which
was prepared for them.
As the expedition was not successful in finding large cities
and wealthy Indians, as was expected after the man}' fabu-
lous reports which had been made about the countr}^ of the'
seven cities, it was considered a complete failure. Coronado
The Fikst ^Mission Work in the Pueblos of New Mexico. 43
himself, who, as Jaramillo says, did not think much of any-
thing except of increasing the large fortune he possessed
already' in New Spain, had not a better opinion of what he had
achieved, and did not even speak of the country he had ex-
plored as worthy of great consideration. From the account he
gave to the emperor Charles V. of his explorations, and by
his description of the plains of the buffaloes, it seems that he
did not reach the Missouri river. The valiant General had
not only been disappointed in his expectations, but became
discouraged by the marked dissatisfaction of the rich Spaniards
whom he had induced to follow him.
Owing to the poor impression the expedition of Coronado
had made on the minds of the Spaniards who lived in New
Spain, no other expedition towards the north was thought of,
it seems, until the year 1581.
At this period, says Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron
(i),, God willed that another attempt at the conversion of the
Indians should be made by a lay brother of St. Francis, Fray
Agustin Ruiz. This religious was employed in the mission of
the Conchos Indians at Santa Barbara, in the southern part of
the State of Chihuahua. Having heard of man3^ tribes in the
north which remained without missionaries to instruct them in
the true faith, he volunteered to go to them as catechist,
provided two priests would go also and accept his services.
The superiors agreed to the proposition, and sent to him for
the northern missions the Fathers Fray Francisco Lopez and
Fray de Santa INIaria, with an escort of twelve soldiers, granted
by the vicero3^ After travelling about two hundred leagues
from Santa Barbara, they arrived in the province of the Tiguas
who lived on the Rio del Norte, about four hundred leagues
from Mexico.
On reaching the Pueblo of Puaray, (2) the soldiers got
afraid at the sight of the many Indians who lived there, and
went back. The religious remained, and were kindly received
(1) "Relaciones sobre El Nucvo Mexico, clesde el ano 15"8 liasta el de 1626."
(Mexico, 1656, impienta de Vicente de Garcia y Torl-es.— Documentos para la
hirtoria de Mexico.)
(2) I'uaray was located about half way between Sandia aud Alameda.
44 The First ilissiox Work ix the Pleblos of New Mexico,
bj' the natives, who had comfortable houses. They visited
several pueblos, and went as far as Galisteo, where the Tanos
lived. Seeing how docile were all these natives, the Fathers
thought they needed help to instruct them and determined
that one of their party should go back for some other
missionaries. Fra}- Juan de Santa Maria, who was acquainted
with astronomy, was selected for the purpose. He' very likely
started from Galisteo, and in order not to go back by Puaray,
thought he could go by the Salinas more directly to El Paso.
On the third day after leaving his companions, he w^as killed
by some roaming Tiguas at the foot of a tree, where he had
stopped to rest and take his direction. The same Indians
burned his body and buried the ashes in the same spot. From
Galisteo, the other two religious went back to Puaray.
Not knowing what had happened to Fray Juan de Santa
Maria, these two men of God who, as Davis says (i) "put
their faith and hope in things not of this world, remained with
cheerfulness among these heathen nations, to instruct them in
the knowledge of the living God." A few da^^s after, on one
evening, continues Zarate Salmeron, when Fray Francisco
lyopez was reading his office, at a short distance from the
pueblo, he was killed by an Indian with a 'macana', short
wooden stick, as was seen b}^ the marks left on his skull.
Brother Agustin gave his body a Christian sepulchre in the
pueblo. The chieftain of the tribe felt grieved for the death of
the Father, and in order to save the brother from a similar
fate, took him to the pueblo of Santiago where he lived, about
one league and a half up the river. In spite of tMs protection,
which could not be uninterrupted, the brother was killed also,
and his body thrown into the river at the time of a flood. In
this manner, the three religious were killed by the Tiguas,
and it has been asserted that in the same little corner, five
martyrs gave their lives for the glory of God, ( 2 )
At the time Father Zarate Salmeron was writing, that is
to say, in 1629, he remarked that the blood of the martyrs had
(1) History of the Conquest of New Mexico.
(2) By counting five martyrs killed by the Tiguas, Father Zarate Salmeron
takes the opinion of Jaramillo about Fray Juan de Padilla, who would have been
murdered at Tiguex and not at Quivira, as stated by Castafleda and others after
him.
The First ]\Iissiox Work ix the Pueblos of New Mexico. 45
brought forth good fruit, as he could see b^' the church records
that up to that time, 34,650 baptisms had been administered
in the pueblos, and fort3' three churches or chapels built, with-
out any help from the government.
"The body of Padre Fray Francisco Lopez" we quote
from Salmeron, "remained where it had been buried by brother
Agustin Ruiz until thirty three 3-ears later, when an Indian of
Puaray, who had witnessed the death and burial of the Father,
indicated to the commissan.' of the missions, Fra^' Estevan de
Perea, the place where the bod}' had been deposited. The
bones were unearthed and translated by the religious and many
people, arrayed in procession, to the church of Sandia about a
good league distant."
[2) The Expedition of Don Antonio Espejo.
When the soldiers who had fled from Puaray reached the
mission of Santa Barbara and told in what danger the^' had left
the missionaries, the Franciscan Fathers felt greatly alarmed.
They considered it their duty to see how the}' could send some
protection to their brothers or how to bring them back to their
former missions, Santa Barbara and San Bartolome.
Recourse to the viceroy required too much time, as the
distance between the missions just named and the Cit}' of
iVIexico, was two hundred leagues; but the difficulty was
avoided by the offer that Don Antonio de Espejo, a rich
Spaniard from Mexico, who happened to be at Santa Barbara,
made, to start at once, at his own expense, an expedition
towards the north, in search of the endangered missionaries.
As for the royal authorization which was needed for the
purpose, it was granted by the 'Alcalde Mayor', chief justice,
as a matter of urgency.
Antonio de Espejo hurried as much as he could to find the
soldiers and servants, and make the necessary' provisions for
the journej-. On the loth of November 1582, he left San
Bartolome with one hundred and fifteen men, pack mules and
plenty of arms and ammunition, (i) The chaplain of the
expedition was Fray Bernardino Beltran. On the second day
(1) MS. of Espejo"s journey, without name of the author, in possession of B. M.
Kead, Santa Fe.
<6 The First Mission- Work rs the Pueblos of Xew ^Iexico^
after the start, were reached the 'Rancherias', villages of the
Conchos, -vvho received the Spaniards with manifestations of
joy; from there the expedition came to Passaquates, and next
to the Tobosos, who fled to the mountains, and could not
be persuaded that they had no reason to be afraid. The
expedition followed up the river (Rio Grande) for a number of
days, finding villages with good houses, but their names
could not be had for want of an interpreter. Following
further they met a tribe in which they found some signs of the
true faith. '"'They spoke of God whom they called 'Apalito''
in their language, as living above, and considered Him as
Creator, who had given them natural life and to whom they
were indebted for all temporal goods. Many of them, men,,
women and children,, came to Father Beltran for his blessing."
On asking them by signs who had given them these
notions of the true religion, the answer they gave was, that
three christians and a negro who had spent some time among
them, had given them some religious instruction. These, no-
doubt, were Alvar Nunez, Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo
Maldonado and the negro we have spoken of before. By
these friendly and half-christian Indians, the Spaniards w^ere
introduced to some neighboring tribes where notice was given
them of the death of the three religious. At last they reached
the villages of the Tiguas, but their inhabitants, fearing to be
punished, as they rightly deserved, for the death of the mis-
sionaries, left their homes and took refuge in the moun-
tains, where the expedition could not follow them,
Espejo visited several parts of the country but did not dis-
cover anything that had not been explored by Coronado. The
chronicler says that the name of New Mexico was given to the
country by the soldiers of Espejo, who found it, in many things,
similar to the Mexico of New Spain.
The manuscript does not say that Espejo started any
Spanish settlement or built any churches. He had come only
for the purpose of helping the missionaries, had he found them
alive; and what he explored of the country, seems to have been
merely foi pleasure. The expedition was back to San Bar-
tolome, the place it had started from, in July, 1583.
tHAPTER V. ■
The Expedition of Don Juan de Onate, Bringing Cot<>
NIZERS AND ChRISTIANIZERS TO New MeXICO.
According to Fray Geronimo Zarate Salmeron, already
mentioned, Juan de Ofiate started from the City of Mexico in
the year 1596, not exactly to explore New Mexico, which was
already known, but to colonize and Christianize it, as far as
■circumstances would allow.
He secured first eight zealous priests and two lay brothers,
\vho would follow him to the far north, and work for the con-
version of the Indians, and at the same time would take care
of the Spanish colonies he might be able to found. These
priests, and the brothers, all religious of St. Francis, were :
Fray Alonzo Martinez, the commissary of the priests for the
journey ; Fray Francisco de San Miguel ; Fray Francisco de
Zamora ; Fray Juan de Rosas ; Fray Alonzo de Lugo ; Fray
Andres Corchado ; Fray Juan Claros ; Fray Cristoval de Salazar
and the lay brothers, Juan de Bustamante and Pedro de Vergara.
At the start Juan de Oiiate had seven hundred experienced
soldiers and a number of other distinguished persons, but for
reasons not given by Padre Salmeron, the march had soon to
be stopped for nearly three months. This contretemps had
for result the desertion of two hundred men from the camp.
When definitely permitted to resume its march, the expedition
was composed of four hundred Spanish soldiers, one hundred
married men with their families, and a number of faithful In-
dians. It had to travel slowly, on all kinds of roads, with poor
48 The ExrEDiiiox of Don Jvas de Os'xte,
facilities for the transportation of baggage and provisions ; and
this explains why it was only at the end of April, 1598, that it
reached the Rio del Norte, at 'el pueblo de Puaray.' Here,,
says Padre Zarate Salmeron followed by Padre Marcelino'
Civezza (i), after a solemn mass and sermon, was performed
the ceremony of planting the cross and taking possession of
New Mexico in the name of the King of Spain. For several
days the chiefs of the neighboring pueblos were summoned to
appear,, and asked to give their adhesion to what had been done,,
which they did not refuse.
As the General was anxious to find a suitable location for
the establishment of a Spanish colon}-, he did not stay long
among the Indians who occupied the Rio Grande valle}^ for a
long distance, but kept on going up the river as far as about
thirty miles above Santa Fe. Here he found good vacant lands-
with facilities for irrigation, and a place was selected for the
first Spanish settlement in New Mexico,
Here arises the difficulty of finding out where lay the
selected location. John Gilmar>^ Shea says t ' 'This first seat
of Spanish occupation in New Mexico was about two mileS'
west of the former Pueblo of Ojke, to which the Spaniards gave
the name of San Juan de los Caballeros, and the proposed city,,
instead of its intended name of San Francisco,, is referred to as
the 'Real de San Juan.' "
The same author .states that the selected site was on the
east side of the Rio Grande.
This opinion is contradicted by Charles F. lyummis (2)
who says the colony was located on the west side of the river,
at the place called 'El Yunque/ where now stand.s the railroad
station bearing the name of Chamita Station,
Be this as it ma3% as soon as the Spaniards knew where
they were to stop, they thought of building a house to the glory
of God, before doing anything in the shape of substantial habi-
tations for themselves. "On the 23d of August," saj's Shea
(3), "the erection of the first church in New Mexico was be-
(1) Historia Generale delle Missioni Franciscane. Prato-Tipografia Giaehetti..
Figlio & Co., I8al,
(2) Lummis, The Spanish Pioneer.s. (A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1893.>
C3) The Church i-n the Colonies, book ii., chapter 2.
VIII. The Crucifixion,
Taken from an ancient Spanish Crucifix, brought to Mexico
by the early missionaries, and presented to Major A. J. Dallas,
U. S. A., by Most Rev. J. B. Salpointe, D. D.
Despised, a iiiiin of sorrow and acquainted witli iuflrniity. Is. I, III, H.
He was wounded for our iniquities, He was bruised for our sins. Is I, III, 5.
IX. Old Cathedral of Santa Fe, N. Mex
X. Santa Cruz Church, Santa \<k Co., N. Mex.
The Expedition of Don Juan de Ox ate. 49
gun, and on the 7th of September, a building, a wooden
structure according to Fray de Givezza, large enough to ac-
commodate the settlers and garrison, was completed. The
next day, the feast of the Nativity of Our Lady, this church was
dedicated under the name of St. John the Baptist, the Father
Commissar}^, Alonzo Martinez, blessing it and consecrating the
altars and chalices. Father Christopher Salazar preached the
sermon, and the daj^ wound up with a general rejoicing."
"In this church" writes Fray Marcelino de Civezza,
already mentioned "were collected by the Padres all the memo-
rials they could find of the three of their Brothers who had
been killed in the country. Among other rer'cs was the paten
of the chalice which had been used by Padre lyOpez, and which
they obtained from a chief who had made it his own property,
and wore it hanging from his neck, as an ornamental breast
piece.
After the inauguration of this centre of religious action,
the Commissary, Fray Alonzo Martinez, assigned to the priests
the New Mexico provinces, as follows : To Fray Francisco
de San Miguel the province of Pecos; to F. Francisco de
Zamora, that of Picuries and Taos; to F. Juan de Rosas, that of
the Queres; to F. Alonzo de L,ugo, that of Jemes; to F. Andres
Corochado, the Zia misssion; toF. Juan Claros, the province of
the Tiguas and to F. Cristoforo Salazar, that of the Teguas;
the Commissary remaining at San Juan Bautista with the two
lay brothers.
The church spoken of was, as already stated, the first one
built in Nev/ Mexico, but the gospel had been preached in the
same country by the five religious who, as we have seen before,
were killed by the Indians. The date of the beginning of mis-
sion work among our Indian tribes must be assigned to the time
they were first visited by the expedition of Coronado, that is to
say, 1540.
The priests who had come with Onate having been ap-
pointed by their Superior to their respective fields of labor,
commenced to build churches which they designated, each of
them, by the name of a Patron Saint. "Thus Puary was
placed under the patronage of St. Anthony of Padua ; Santo
4
50 The Expedition of Dox Jl'an de OnaTe!,
Domingo was dedicated to Oiir Lad}^ of the Assumption }'
Picuries to St. Bonaventura and Galisteo to St. Anne." (i)
All through the summer of the same year, 1598, the chiefs
of the Pueblos came to the San Juan settlement and made their
submission to the Spanish authorit}'. In December, however,
news reached the General that the Acoma Indians had re-
belled and killed his Lieutenant and several of his men.
"Onate sent a detachment which stormed the height, captured
the town after a stubborn resistance, and gave it to the flames ;
soon after the Commander successfully repelled an Indian at-
tack on his camp at San Juan. " ( 2 )
At the beginning of 1599 (we take from Shea) Oiiate sent
to Mexico Captain Villagra with Fathers Martinez and Salazar
to give an account of his conquest. Father Salazar died on the
way, and the Commissary Martinez was so sick and exhausted
when he reached the Cit}' of Mexico that he could not return.
He was succeeded in office b^^ Father John de Escalona, who
came to New Mexico with six or eight new priests and about
two hundred soldiers. "Meanwhile," says our author, "Oiiate
had abandoned the site selected east of the Rio Grande and,
crossing that river, founded San Gabriel on the Chama, six
leagues north of the junction and near the Ojo Caliente." The
new colony having been established in the vicinity of several
villages of peaceful Indians, Oiiate, leaving his colony busily
engaged in preparing lands for the plantation of crops, set out
in October, 1599, with the Fathers Pedro Velasco and Pedro
Vergara and eighty soldiers, for the Quivira, a country already
explored by Coronado. The two mentioned Franciscan priests,
says Padre Marcelino Civezza after Shea, had for their chief
object to look for the remains of their brother, Juan de Padilla,
who had been killed b}' the Quivira Indians, After traveling
first northeast and then east a distance of about two hundred
leagues, the expedition reached Quivira, whose inhabitants
were at war with the Escanjaques, a nomadic tribe of the plains.
During the expedition, the Franciscans who had remained
in the colony, applied themselves to the studj^ of the languages
spoken by the neighboring tribes. As regards the religion of
(1) Shea.
(2) Shea.
The Expedition* of Box Jcan de OSate. 51
the Indians, they could obtain only some confused informa-
tion. They found out, however, that these aborigines wor-
shipped three divinities, named respective^, Cocapo, Cachina
and Homace. The first deity had a kind of oratory, where
stood its statue holding a bunch of grapes in one hand, and a
tuft of ears of corn in the other. There an old priestess had
the direction of the worship paid to the deity.
As the absence of Onate lasted longer than was expected,
the settlers and soldiers left at San Gabriel felt unprotected in
the new colony, and determined to go back to the mission of
Santa Barbara, State of Chihuahua, with the exception, says
Marcelino Civezza, of the Padres Francisco de San ISIiquele,
Zamora, two lay brothers and some Spaniards. The General
came shortly after the desertion of his colonists, who, in his
opinion, deserved no other punishment but that of death ; but
at the request of the priests and of those who remained with
them in the colony, he consented to oblige them only to come
back. When they started from Santa Barbara, six other priests,
already experienced in the work of the Indian missions, were
joined to them, and with this help it became easy for the San
Gabriel mission to make progress, and to extend the field of
labor of the missionaries.
According to Shea, in 1604, Oilate set out from San Ga-
briel for an exploration in the direction of the shores of the
Pacific. Accompanied by Father Escobar, one of the priests
who had been sent from Santa Barbara with the deserters from
San Gabriel, he visited Zuiii and the Moqui tow^is, then reached
the Colorado and Gila, and following the former to its mouth,
taking possession in the name of the King on the 25th of Janu-
ary, 1605, assigning, as far as he could, the whole extent of the
province he had explored to the Franciscans, who, in memory
of the day, made the Conversion of St. Paul the patronal feast
of the mission of New Mexico.
The city of Santa Fe was founded by Oiiate in 1605 or
1606, and San Gabriel was deserted at the same time. The
reason for suppressing this mission so soon after its foundation
seems to be because the Governor General had not sufficient
force to protect a settlement at San Gabriel and anoth-^r at
Santa Fe, and thought it better, for the present at least, to mass
52 The Expedition of Don* Juak de OSate,
all the white population where he had determined to locate the
seat of the government of the province. The new town hav-
ing been assigned its site, there cannot be any doubt but that
Oiiate and his people, faithful to the Spanish traditions, thought
at once of building a church for holding divine service. This,
we are inclined to believe, was that of San Miguel, which, as
we will see later on, was burned in the Pueblo revolt of 1680.
This church, of course, was a small structure, built for the use
of a very limited population. Meanwhile, as we take it from
Shea, the missionaries in the Pueblos worked successfulh^
and could report in the year 1 608 eight thousand baptisms that
they had already administered.
The same author writes that Pedro Geronimo de Zarate
Salmeron ( i ) was for eight 3^ears missionary to the Jemes, with
charge of the Pueblos of Zia, Santa Ana and Acoma. He be-
came so proficient in the languages of the tribes that he made
man}' converts among them, and wrote a catechism in the Jemes
language for the use of the priests who should succeed him in
the same mission.
We extract the following interesting details from a letter
written from Santa Fe in the j^ear 1778 by Fray Silvester Velez
de Escalante to one of his superiors in Mexico, the Rev. Padre
Lector, Fray Juan Agustin Mofi, about the historical docu-
ments to be found in the Archives of Santa Fe. ( 2 )
The Rev. Father Velez states at first that all the old man-
uscripts were destroyed in the general revolt of the pueblos in
1680, and that from this date to 1692, there are but few scat-
tered records, which, though posterior to the revolt, mention
occasionally some facts and names of the past. From these he
found out that in 1645 Don Fernando de Arguello had charge
of the government ; Don Fernando de Ugarte in 1659 ; and,
successively after this, General de la Concha, Don Fernando de
Nilla Nueva, Don Juan de IMedrano, Don Juan de Miranda,
Don Juan Francisco Trevino, who was succeeded by Antonio
de Otermin in the year 1678.
(1) Salmeron, to whom history is iudebted for "Las rehiciones de todas las
cosas que en el Nuevo Mexico se han vi&to y sabido desde el aiio 1538 hasta el de
i626."
(2) Velez de Escalante, Documentes para la historia de ilexico.
The Expedition of D<:)N Juax de OSate. 53
Before this time there were in the province forty-six Chris-
tian pueblos. "In 1617," says Lummis, (i) "(three years be.
fore Plymouth Rock) there were already eleven churches in
use in Nevv' Mexico. Santa Fe was the only Spanish town ;
but there were also churches at the dangerous Indian pueblos
of Galisteo and Pecos, two at Jemes (nearly one hundred miles
west of Santa Fe and in an appalling wilderness), Taos (as far
north), San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Sandia, San Felipe and
Santo Domingo. It was a wonderful achievement, for each
lonely missionary, for they had neither civil nor military assist-
ance in their parishes, so soon to have induced his barbarous
flock to build a big stone church and worship the new white
God."
Of the forty-six Christian pueblos spoken of by Father
Velez, seven were destroyed by the Apache Indians some time
before the 3'ear 1 680. These were : Jahuicu or Chianahue in
the province of Zuni, Chilili, Tajique and Quarac of the Teguas ;
Abo, Jumancas and Tabira (called to-day Gran Quivira) of the
Tompiros Indians, all located on the eastern slope of the Sandia
mountain, and two, more properly in the valley of the "Sa-
linas," salt lakes. At this time the Apaches surrounded New
Mexico, except on the northwest, which was occupied by the
Yutas. The Comanches were not known in the province until
they were introduced by the Yutas in the pueblo of Taos,
towards the beginning of the eighteenth century.
(I) The Spanish Pioneers, already mentioned.
CHAPITER VI,
The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico
IN 1626. (i)
The missions of New Mexico, which, thus far, had been
under the direction of the superior of the college of St. Francis
established in the City of Mexico, were erected June 10, 1626,
into a province of the Franciscan Order with the name of
"Conversion of St. Paul," and intrusted to the special care of
Fray Alphonso de Bernavides, as its first "Custodio," custodian
or guardian.
As soon as the Custodio had visited all the missions already
established in New Mexico, he made on them a full report or
memorial, which was presented the same 3^ear, 1626, to the
King of Spain, Philip IV., by Fray Juan de Santander, the
Commissary General of the Brothers Minor of the Indies.
As the report contains many interesting details on the
pueblos which were then visited bj' Fra}^ Bernavides, we take
pleasure in extracting or quoting largely from it.
(1) The Nation or Peovlc ivho Lire on the Way to Neiv Mexico.
The realm and provinces of New Mexico are situated at
four hundred leagues north of the Cit>^ of Mexico. Santa Bar-
bara (State of Chihuahua) is the last town of New Spain, whose
northern boundary' is given bj^ the Rio Conchos. From there,
traveling about one hundred leagues in the direction of the Rio
del Norte by a difiicult and dangerous road, are found the
(1) We extract the contents of this chapter from a memorial sent to the King
of Spain in 1626 by Fray Alfonso de Bernavides ou the conversion of New Mexico.
Published in French by Francois Vivien, 1631, Bruxelles.
Tme Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 55
tribes of the Tobosos, the Tarahum^res, the Tepeoanes, the
Tomites, the Sumas, the Hauos and others, all ver3^ wild and
often at war with one another.
(2) The Nation called ^'The Manzos,'' Peaceable Indians on
Rio del Norte.
This nation occupies one hundred leagues going up the
river. These Indians lived in small huts covered with foliage ;
they practiced no agriculture, and subsisted on game and fish.
The men wore no clothing of any kind, while the women were
decently covered with deer skins from the waist to the lower
part of the body. They did not cook their food ; they ate raw
meat, and had no other instruments to cut it but their teeth or
a fragment of obsidian. As to neatness in their manner of
eating, they knew it not ; they did not even take the trouble of
removing the intestines of the animals before devouring them.
The Manzos, sa3-s the Father, are robust and strong ; they
manifested the desire of having religious to instruct and baptize
them. This nation, it seemed to the Guardian, could be con-
verted to the true faith if the King could send four religious
with twent}^ soldiers to protect them, at least until thej^ should
have their missions established. As for himself, all he could
do at that time, was to plant the sign of our redemption in that
land and pray to God for the speedy conversion of its inhabi-
tants.
(J) The Beginning of the Apache.
At thirt}^ leagues north of the Manzos lived the Apaches,
called ' 'of the Perrillo' ' after the name of the spring w^hich sup-
plied them with water. These men are good warriors, with a
nobility of manners which . inspires more confidence than the
Indians of other tribes.
{4) Province and Nation of the Piros, Senecu, Socorro, formerly
Pilabo, and Sevilleta, today La Joya.
Going again to the Rio del Norte, one discovers the first
inhabitants of the Piros, forming several towns of houses, one
or two stories high, built with brick dried in the sun, and hav-
ing galleries looking on the streets. The people of this province
are clothed, and form a kind of republic or community governed
56 The Coxditiox of the Mission's of Xew Mexico in 1626.
by their chiefs or captains. The}- cultivate the soil, success-
full}' planting, not only their own seeds, but those they have
received from the missionaries. This province has not been
converted yet, but it seems that God wiUed that its hour should
have come this year of 1626, the first of m}- charge. I offered
myself to Our Lord for the conversion of its people, and there I
consecrated and dedicated to the Most High their principal town
under the title of "Our Lady of Socorro." God has been pleased
to help me in this work, as all these people were baptized dur-
ing the same year, and live today a true Christian life, I have
founded and established in the province three convents with
their churches, viz : That of St. Anthony of Padua in the town
of Senecu ( i ) , another at Pilabo, and the third at Sevilleta.
This last one is consecrated to St. Louis, bishop, of our Order.
According to A. F. Bandelier, Seneca was located at about
eighteen miles below the present town of Socorro, and it would
be in this pueblo that the first grapevines introduced in New
Mexico were planted in the first part of the seventeenth cen-
tury. The pueblo was abandoned about 1675.
In the mountains or hills of Socorro, says Padre Bernavides,
are found mines which extend from north to south a distance
of over fiftj^ leagues. The pro\'ince of the Piros, beginning
from the town of San Antonio (Senecu) extends about fifteen
leagues going up the Rio del Norte, as far as the town of St.
Louis de Sevilleta. Its villages, fifteen in number, are located
on both sides of the river and have a population of six thous-
and souls, all baptized. The religious, besides instructing their
people in our holy faith, have their schools in which they teach
reading, writing, music and several trades.
(o) Teoa {Tigua) Nation..
At seven leagues still farther to the north after leaving the
Piros, is found the Teoa nation, which comprises fifteen or six-
teen towns, located on the river and embracing a distance of
about thirteen leagues.
It has 7,000 inhabitants, all baptized, and the convents of
San Antonio de Sandia, and San Antonio de Isleta. There are
(I) Seuecu, according to A. F. Bandelier's final report of investigation among
the Indians of the Southwestern United States.
XI. Cathedral of vSanta Fe, N. Mex.
(When Finished.)
XII. Front of the Old San Miguel Church.
Santa Fe, X. Mex.
XIII. Church of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores.
Bernalillo. N. Nfex.
The Condition- of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 57
schools like those kept among the Piros ; the two convents have
good and elegant churches which are a credit to the religious
who built them. The other towns possess also good chapels.
{G) The Nation of the Queres.
Four leagues above the preceding begins the Queres Nation,
at San Felipe, its first town, and extends over ten leagues,
where 4,000 people, all baptized, form seven villages. There are
three convents with good churches and a chapel in each village.
The Queres Indians show a great aptitude for any branch of
learning they apply themselves to in their schools. The lands
of this nation are ver>' productive.
(7) The Nation of the Tompiros.
Lea\nng the Rio del Norte and going east ten leagues, we
find the Tompiros Nation, w-hich from Chilili, its first town, ■
extends over fifteen leagues in the same direction, comprising
fifteen or sixteen villages with an aggregate population of 10,000
souls, ha^^ng good churches and convents. The land is not
very fertile, owdng to the cold climate and to the scarcity of
water, but there are good salt lakes at ten leagues from Socorro.
(8) The Naiion of the Tanos.
Traveling north about ten leagues, one strikes the first
town of this nation, which extends over ten leagues, and com-
prises five villages, with convent and church. Each village is
provided with a chapel where mass is said at stated times by
the priests of the convent. The aggregate population of the
five villages amounts to 4,000 souls, all baptized. There also
are good schools.
{9) The Nation of the Pecos.
At four leagues north of the Tanos is found the town of
Pecos, which has over 2,000 inhabitants with convent and a
very elaborate church. Pecos is a cold countr^^, still it produces
corn enough for the use of its people. The Pecos mission has
also its schools.
{10) La Villa de Santa Fe.
At seven leagues w-est of Pecos stands the city of Santa Fe,
the capital of the realm. There reside the governor and the
. 4*
58 The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626.
Spaniards, numbering two hundred and fifty persons, of whom
onh' fifty are armed. By authority of the governor, the soldiers
are appointed chiefs of the Indian pueblos, from whom they
receive a tribute which is sufiicient for their maintenance, and
even for enabling them to help the needy among their country-
men. The tribute consists of one 'varade manta,' cotton cloth,
and a certain measure of corn, paid to them yearl^^ by each Indian
family. The army of the governor is composed of one thousand
men, between Spanish and Indian. There was no other church
in the city but a kind of barn, or an old house, entirely unfit for
the celebration of the holy mysteries. The religious, thus far,
had built churches for the Indians in the pueblos where they
resided, and left to the Spaniards the care of building a church
for themselves. This lack of the most decent place to hold
divine service impelled me, as soon as I came as Custodian, to
lay the foundation of a convent and church which are now
(1629) completed to the glor}^ of God, Here also, the religious
teach the Spaniards and the Indians how to read, write, and
work at several trades,
{11) The Nation Toas {f Tegua).
Going west from Santa Fe towards the Rio del Norte, we
reach the Toa Nation, which occupies the length of eleven or
twelve leagues, with eight towns, numbering in all about six
thousand souls. Toa is the first nation of this realm which '
embraced the Christian faith, a fact in which its inhabitants
glor}^ and which made them the friends of the Spaniards
This province has three convents and three churches of a nice
structure, especially that of San Ildefonso. Each town has also
its own church attended by the priests of the convents. The
Indians learn the sciences and arts in their schools. It was one
of the religious who taught the San Ildefonso Indians how to
irrigate their lands with the river water, by means of dams and
ditches,
{12) The Nation of the Hemes {Jemes).
Crossing the river we found the Hemes Nation after
traveling west a distance of seven leagues. We could see, in
1626, that the country had been devastated by wars, and that
The Cokditiox of the Missions of New Mexico ix 1626 59
famine had dispersed its people. By the care of the religious,
the scattered Indians were gathered together and placed, one
half in the town of St. Joseph, and the other in that of St. Didacus,
and soop after these two villages were provided with convents,
churches, and schools. The Hemes population amounted to the
number of 3,000 souls.
{13) The Nation of the Picuries.
Coming back from Hemes to the Toa nation, and going
north ten leagues up the Rio del Norte, we reached the town of
Picuries, numbering a population of 2, 000 souls, already- baptized
and provided with convent, church and school. The Picuries
Indians are a somewhat rough and wild people, among whom the
religious have received ill treatment, and succeeded in saving
their lives only owing to a particular providence of God. These
Indians, rightly speaking, belong to the nation of the Toas, but
are considered as of another race, as they constantly live by
themselves without keeping any close relation with their neigh-
bors of the Rio del Norte.
m) The Nation of the Taos.
The town of Taos is located at seven leagues north of
Picuries, it has a population of 1050 souls, all baptized, with
convent, church and school. There is some difference of lan-
guage between the Taos and Picuries, still they belong to the
same nation. The Taos Indians, sa^-s Padre Benavides, were
wavering in the faith owing to the doctrine of the religious on
the sanctit}^ and unity of the sacrament of marriage, which was
entirel}^ opposed to the Indian custom on the matter.
{15) The Rock of Acoma.
The rock of Acoma is located at twelve leagues from the
town of Santa Ana, in the Queres province. The inhabitants
of the town built on the rock and bearing the same name, were
visited by the religious in 1629, and the fact that an infant, be-
ing baptized at the time it was considered as dying, came
visibly to life at the moment the baptismal water touched its
forehead, had the effect of bringing the Indians to the mis-
sionaries to listen to their instructions.
60 The Condition* of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626.
{16) The Zuni Nation.
The pro\dnce of Zuni, which comprises eleven or twelve
villages, occupies the extent of ten leagues, at a distance of
thirty leagues west of Acoma. It has a population of io,ooo
souls already converted to the faith. There are two convents
and two churches where the religious had to suffer, and suffer
yet, from the mischief and opposition of the sorcerers. The
land produces all kinds of grains and fruits.
{17) The Moqui Nation.
This nation, as that of Zufii, from which it is separated by
thirty leagues in the direction of the west, has a population of
about io,ooo people distributed in several villages. The inhabi-
tants, at first joyfully received the religious, and listened to
their instructions. But here, as elsewhere, the sorcerers got
alarmed on seeing the confidence placed in the missionaries by the
Indians, and tried to destroy it by ridiculing it either publicly
or privately in all their speeches. As a consequence of this,
and perhaps at the instigation of the sorcerers themselves, a
large number of Indians, either Christians or infidels, presented
themselves to the priest who oftentimes spoke to them on the
power of the cross, and showing him a young man born blind,
made him this proposition : "Padre, if your cross has as much
power as ^-ou say, whj' do you not try to give by it his sight to
this young man ? If the trial proves successful, it will be for
us the proof that what you say to us is the truth, and we will
believe in your word. ' '
The missionary' thought it his dut}' to accept the challenge,
and relied on the grace of God for the resvdt of what he was
about to try for His greater glor}-. Having praj-ed a short
time on his knees before the cross, he applied it to the eyes of
the boy, who, at once, was by it made able to see. Struck by
the miracle, the Indians kept their word, and applied to the
religious for instruction, and for admission to Baptism, those
who had remained as yet in the state of infidelity.
These are, says Padre Benavides, the towns and localities
which we have visited in the countrj^ called New Mexico.
This kingdom commences at St. Anthonj^ de Senecu, the first
The Coxdition of the Missions op New Mexico in 1626. 61
town of the Piros, and embraces all the country up the river as
far as to San Geronimo of Taos, that is to sa^^, one hundred
leagues in length. The most of its towns are located on either
side of the river and some on other streams. The total popula-
tion of the towns or villages gives, the number of about 80,000
souls. All these nations we have spoken of, are each one
divided into two parties, the warriors and the sorcerers, who
are opposed to each other and who often come to an open fight
to settle their quarrels. There, says the Father, the devil makes
his harvest. As regards those who had been converted, it
seems, they generally were submissive to their priests concern-
ing the practice of Christian duties.
[18) An attevipfed Conversion of the Apaches.
This was tried in 1630 by Padre Benavides on the Apache
tribe of Perillo Springs, spoken of before. Owing 'to the assist-
ance of the chief, Sanaba, that fraction of the great Apache
nation yielded compliantly to the voice of the zealous Guardian.
{19) Coming in Contact with the Apache Navajo.
The word "Navajo" means a large family. These Indians
belong to the Apache nation, though they are governed by a
chief of their own, perfectly independent of the Apache nation
proper. Father Benavides says that [it was only by the help of
some captains of the Christian Indians, who knew the Navajos
and could explain to them who the missionaries were, and what
the purpose was they had in view, he was permitted to
approach them. What he proposed in the meeting was a treaty
of peace, to be effected between the Navajo nation and the Chris-
tian tribes, which he obtained after long parleys. Peace having
been secured, the Rev. Guardian founded in 1629 the Santa
Clara mission, in the Toa nation, which adjoins the Navajo
country, so that these Indians could be visited from the new
mission. This mission established in the village of Cappoo was
the tenth founded by Padre Benavides.
(20) The Xumana Nation.
Starting from Santa Fe, and going east 112 leagues through
the nation of the Vaqueros, one reaches the Xumana Indians.
62 The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 162&?
This nation was visited first by Padre Juan de Salas, missionary
to the Tompiros and Salmaros, and subsequently entrusted to
Fathers Estevan de Perea and Didaco Lopez. These religious,
after doing good work, by the grace of God, among the
Xumanas, went to the Quiviras and Aijaos, who desired also
to be instructed and baptized by the Fathers.
{SI) Hoiv did the Religions Employ Particularly their Time ?
Besides giving the greatest care to religious instruction,
the duty of the religious was to visit the sick, to help the poor
with the produce of the mission lands, to build convents and
churches and to teach schools for the natives.
The Memorial written by Fray Alfonso de Benavides was
presented, as stated before, to the King of Spain by Fray Juan
de Santander, Commissary General of the Brothers Minor of
the West Indies. The Commissary-, on presenting the Memor-
ial or report to the King, spoke himself on the actual condition
of the missions in New Mexico, on the rapid success they had
obtained thus far, but expressed the fear that their progress
might be stopped in the near future for lack of a sufficient
number of priests to attend to them properly. "For (said he)
of the twenty-seven religious who had been assigned to the
new "Conversion," (i) there remained now only sixteen, with
three assistant brothers, the other eight being already dead."
For this reason he earnestly requested His Majesty to send
thirty more religious to the said "Conversion," with the assur-
ance that they would be provided with necessaries for their
support ; which was granted and complied with in 1629.
"Zuiii, one of the principal towns of Cibola, had in 1632
for resident priest Fray Juan Letrado. He and Fray Martin
de Arbide perished in their attempt to convert the Cipias. " ( 2 )
In the beginning of the 5'ear 1662, the mission which was
called of the "Manzos", peaceable Indians, was established at
El Paso del Norte. This mission had for its first missionary
(1) "Conversion of St. Paul" was the name of the ecclesiastical province of the
Franciscan Fathers in New Mexico, as stated before.
(2) Ensayo Cronologico.
The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 63
Fray Francisco Garcia de San Francisco. The first marriage,
celebrated the same year on the 3d day of February in the new
mission, was that of Francisco Mutarama and Juana Mata.
The first ecclesiastical sepulture was that of Maria, daughter of
Tomas, the fiscal of the pueblo, and took place on the 28th of
March, 1663.
For a number of years, according to Shea, the pueblo In-
dians manifested a marked dissatisfaction against the Spanish
government and the missionaries, until they joined a general
revolt which took place on the loth of Augiist, 1680.
CHAPTER VII.
The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of
Otermin.
The general revolt of the Pueblos occurred hi the second
year of Otermin's administration. It was prepared, saj-s Padre
Velez, by an Indian from San Juan, named Pope. This man
was then a fugitive in the pueblo of Taos, not only for several
murders he had committed in complicity with forty-six Teguas
during the administration of Governor Trevino, but for new
similar crimes of his own. P'rom Taos he plotted the rebellion,
into which all the Pueblos entered except the Piros. The day
for the attack on the convents and houses of the Spaniards had
been fixed for the i8th of August, but the secret having trans-
pired from different sources. Pope ordered the execution of the
plot for the loth of the same month, before any strong measures
could be taken to suppress it. The attack was commenced b>^
the Taos, Picuries and Teguas Indians, in their respective pueb-
los, and their example was followed by the others who had not
refused to join in the work of bloodshed and destruction. On
that day, eighteen priests, three lay brothers and three hundred
and eighty Spaniards, between men, women and children, were
killed. ( I )
Davis (2) gives the names of several of the priests who
were put to death in the most cruel manner by the rebellious
Indians. These were : Fray Jesus Morador, who was in
charge of the Jemes pueblo ; Friars Cristobal Figueroa, Albino
Maldonado and Juan Mora at Acoma. The bodies of these
(1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Queretaro.
(2) Conquest of New Mexico.
The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of Otekmin. 65
three missionaries, according to the same author, were thrown
into a deep cave on the north side of the pueblo. The same
barbarous acts took place in Zuni about the same time. Here
also were stationed three missionaries whose names were : Lo-
renzo Analiza, Juan de Jesus. Espinosa and Sebastian Calzada.
Their bodies were buried in the church of the pueblo.
After relating the cruel death of two missionaries of the
Moqui pueblos (now in Arizona), Fray Juan de Vallada and
Jesus de Lombardi, Davis mentions the death of another priest
whose name is not given but whose office, according to the
records, was that of "Procurador," Procurator of the province.
"In this manner," adds the same author, "the priests stationed
in different pueblos were killed, mostly by their own flock, for
whose spiritual and temporal good they had been laboring for
years. ' '
Coming again to the report of Fray Velez to his superior,
we see that after the day of devastation, those of the religious
and of the Spaniards who had not perished, divided into two
parties, and gathered from San Felipe down to the pueblo of
Isleta, while the governor remained in Santa Fe with the Span-
ish families of the town and the Indians who had not taken
part in the rebellion. The few Spaniards who lived in the val-
ley of ha. Caiiada, fortified themselves in the house of the
Alcalde of that district, ( i ) and bravely kept their position,
until they received help from Otermin, and were enabled to go
and join him in Santa Fe. Meanwhile the section of the peo-
ple who had reached Isleta, started on the 14th of August for
El Paso, On the 1 5th the capital was surrounded by the Tanos
of San Marcos, San Cristobal and Galisteo (2). The "Quirix,"
Queres, of Ea Cienega took possession that same day of the
houses of the Tlastecas Indians (3) who lived on the left bank
of the Santa Fe river, at the place called j^et "El Barrio (suburb)
de Analco" and burned the chapel of San Miguel.
The aggressors were five hundred in number ; the Spaniards
came out of the town to meet them, and there ensued a bloody
(1) Very likely at the place called uow "La plaza del Alcalde," about four miles
above the pueblo of San Juan.
(2) These three pueblos, now abandoned, were aV out 30 miles south of Santa Fe.
(3) The members of a tribe who had been faithful to the Spauiards from the
time of Cortez aud who probably were brought to New Mexico by Juan de Oiiate.
G6 The Pueblo Revolt Fkder the Goverxmext of Otermix.
fight which lasted over six hours, when the Spaniards had to
retreat to their quarters on seeing the Taos, the Picuries and
the Teguas Indians coming from the north to reinforce the as-
sailants. The governor had not a sufficient number of men to
divide them and to front the enemy in two different places at
one time. Besides, he had to protect the "Casas Reales" gen-
eral quarters, in which the families of the town, those of San
Marcos, of La Canada and of the Tlastecas had taken refuge.
In five days, the aggressors succeeded in taking possession of
almost the whole of the town, leaving already to the Spaniards
no more ground than that occupied by the royal quarters. The
houses they did not take for their own use, they burned, as also
the church and the convent. The rebels numbered about 3,000,
while the Spaniards were hardly 150, between soldiers and
settlers. On the other hand, the besieged had no water, and
on this account were bound to die soon if they did not make an
effort at once to open their waj^ out through the ranks of the
enemy. To this supreme determination they were encouraged
by the three religious of the town and by the governor, and it
was successfull}' executed on the 20th of August, with onl}' a
hundred men fighting in the name of Maria Santisima. In
this action the rebellious Indians lost 343 men, some arms and
horses and had to take to flight. Of the Spaniards five were
killed and many wounded, among whom figured the governor
with an arrow in the forehead and another in the breast, but
neither one injured him fatally.
The governor realized then that the best he could do was
to try to save his life and that of the few people who remained
to him. For this purpose he started at once for El Paso, with
the three religious Fraj^ Francisco Gomez de la Cadena, the
minister of the mission in the town, Fray Andres Duran, the
Guardian, Fray Francisco Farfan and the other people of the
villa. At the "Paraje," station of Fray Cristobal, they met
seven reUgious waiting for them with the settlers of ' 'Rio Abajo, ' '
lower river, from Bernalillo down. Thence they proceeded to
the Paraje of La Salineta and from that place to a station about
ten or twelve miles below El Paso, which they called San Lo-
renzo, and where they made their "Real," the camp. There
they had to endure great privations, though they received every
The Pceblo Revolt Under the Governmext of Otermix. 67
day ten steers and ten fanegas of maize from the Royal Hacienda
through Padre Francisco de A^'eta, the Commissar}- General
for the Missions of New Spain.
The temporary retreat of Otermin left New Mexico in the
power of the rebellious Indians. Pope, the promoter of the re-
volt, ordered them at once, under penalty of death, to burn or
to destroy the crosses, the images and rosaries ; forbade the in-
vocation of the saints and commanded those who had been
married according to the rites of the Church, to dismiss their
wives and to take others after the old Indian fashion.
In the Annotations of Padre Juan Amando Niel, S. J. ( i )
on the "Relaciones," Historical data, left by Fray Gerouimo
Zarate Salmeron, we find that, twenty days after the start of
the governor for El Paso, the nine rebellious nations, viz. :
The Tigvias, Tanos, Jemes, Teguas, Pecos, Queres, Taos, Picur-
ies and Tampiros, went after him to attack him in his retreat.
They reached the El Paso crossing, but as the river was in
flood, they could not ford it.
On returning to their own district, they commenced to
quarrel as to which of the tribes would occupy Santa Fe, and
have the power to rule in the country'. (They thought they
had done once for all with the Spaniards. ) In order to settle
the question, they agreed to cast lots, and leave it to the issue of
a fight between two tribes, provided that the Tanos, who were
much more numerous than any other tribe, would send the half
of their people to settle somewhere out of the country. The con-
dition was accepted and complied with soon after. As regards
the mode of solution of the diflSculty by the test of a combat
between two tribes, it seems it was not resorted to, as agreed
upon ; but the contestants divided into two camps, each one
composed of an equal number of warriors selected by their re-
spective tribes. The war lasted a long time, says Rev. Father
Niel, and many died either on the battle fields or in the pueb-
los, owing to the lack of provisions, caused by the absence of
the able-bodied men from their homes, and by a drought which
prevailed in the country for seven years.
The victor)^, at last, remained with the Tanos, who, with
those of their party, entrenched themselves between the walls
(1) Documentos para ia historia de Mexico.
68 The Poeblo Revolt Uxder The Govern'Mext of OTERMiy*
and in the houses of the capital. After the quarrels had ceased,
the Indians of both parties, having come to their right senses
could realize how detrimental had been the wars for all the
tribes, and how poor all remained now, after the loss of all their
able-bodied men, and of all pro\nsions, owing to the drought,
which had dried up all the streams and even stopped the course
of the Rio Grande in several places. We quote the following
from Father Niel: "At last, seeing that the pueblos were
coming to an end, they resolved, on the advice of their wizards,
to join together and to offer in common to the devil the sacri-
fice of a young girl, in order to obtain from him the water they
so badly needed. They performed the bloody ceremony with
great pomp, and the same day the river commenced to resume
its course, and this fact was for the Indians a reason for perse-
vering in their apostas5^"
The Tanos, who had to emigrate pursuant to the condition
made b}^ the other pueblos and accepted by their own people,
were a thousand men, their families making a number of four
thousand persons, just as many as those who remained in their
pueblos. These emigrants were given by their people what
had been stolen from the churches and from the Spaniards, and
a proportional share of the horses, cows and sheep of their
pueblos. They went first to Zuiii, but finding that the country
was too much unprotected from the cold, they turned their way
towards the province of Moqui,
This province, which in 1710 was called by Father Niel
the most famous of the whole of Northern America, must have
been, it seems, rather unimportant at the time of the Pueblo
rebellion in 1680. Its inhabitants were very peaceable, the
men spinning cotton and wool and weaving mantas and blank'
ets, while the women cultivated the soil to plant corn and
pumpkins. When the Tanos arrived in their vicinity, they
asked permission to stop some time to rest their stock and
flocks before going any farther. Soon after, as they were all
armed and had many horses, they offered to protect the Moquis
against any invasion from their enemies. Their proposition
having been accepted, they at once imposed on each pueblo a
garrison of three hundred mounted men. Little by little, in-
fantry was added to the cavalry and, on a certain day, the
The PuebLo Revolt Under the Government of Otermin. 69
Moquis were notified that they were the subjects of those they
had received as friends. It was hard on them, but they could
not help it, as they were too inferior in numbers even to try
any kind of resistance. They had to be satisfied with being
permitted to remain in their houses.
We translate substantially the following from Father Niel :
"When the Tanos left their villages to emigrate, they took a boy,
not quite twelve years old, who had distinguished himself at the
first signal of the revolt, August lo, 1680, by killing Fray Simon
de Jesus, his benefactor and educator. His name was Traquillo,
and for the dastardly crime he had committed, the Tanos took
him for their king before starting on their errand. ' '
"King Traquillo made his residence with the ancients of
his nation in Oraibe, the last of the Moqui villages in the direc-
tion of the southeast. This pueblo is located on a hill, about
six miles long by three in width running from east to west. In
order to make it safe for him and his court, Traquillo had
Oraibe surrounded by three walls, which were provided with
holes for defense from the inside in case of an attack from with-
out. The pueblo was made a very large one, covering the whole
of the hill. He fortified also the other pueblos. The first to
be seen is Gualpi, which looks like a castle on the top of an
elevated hill ; the second, Aguatuvi, on a hill of a less abrupt
ascent, but without water within its walls ; the third one is
Xonganavi, located also on a hill and without water on its site ;
the fourth, Matevi, is in all pretty much like the others."
' 'When the Tanos left their country, they took along a good
number of people, (Indians of other tribes, no doubt) who had
been in the service of the Spaniards and of the religious and
knew different trades. Traquillo availed himself of their knowl-
edge to have others instructed by them, especially in the manner
of repairing and fabricating arms. From these men all the
warriors learned how to make gun powder and lead bullets."
"Traquillo was a good leader of men, he was liked by his
nation and dreaded by others. Fray Simon de Jesus educated
him, thinking he would make of him the first native priest
of the northern nations. For about twenty years the Moquis
have been asking for priests, others than the Franciscans, they
wish to be absolved from the excommunication the}' have in-
70 The Pueblo Revolt Under the Goverxmext of Otermix,
curred, their king is willing to resign his kingdom in favor of
the King of Spain, to be reconciled with the Church and die
like a Christian." (i)
From San Lorenzo, Governor Otermin sent to the viceroj'
a detailed account of what had occurred in New Mexico. At
the same time the 'Custodio' of the missions, Fray A^'eta, went
to the cit5' of Mexico and strongl}^ represented to His Excellency
the necessit}' of reducing the rebels as soon as possible to
obedience to the Church and to the King. Having considered
the matter with his counselors, the viceroy not only gave his per-
mission for a new attempt to reduce the rebellious Indians, but
ordered the necessar\' measures to provide for the wants of the
Spanish families and those of the Piros, Tompiros, Tiguas,
Jemez, Tanos and Tlascaltecas Indians, who had not abandoned
their faith and who had fled to El Paso with the governor.
It was during his stay at San Eorenzo that Otermin
established at El Paso, under the invocation of Nuestra Seiiora
del Pilar and of San Jose, the 'Presidio', militar}- Post, which
was later transferred to Carizal. He founded also the pueblos
of Senecu, of Isleta and Socorro (Texas) with the faithful
Indians who had followed him from New Mexico to El Paso.
On the 1 8th of November 1 68 1 , the governor started from
San Lorenzo with one hundred and forty six Spanish soldiers,
one hundred and twelve auxiliary- Indians, Father A^-eta and
other reUgious, to reduce the rebels of New Mexico. The first
pueblo he met, coming up the river, was Isleta, twelve miles
south of Albuquerque. The Indians, who were not prepared
for an attack, made only a feeble resistance. The old records
mention that the church and priests' residence had been burned,
but that the church vestments and sacred vessels were found
and delivered to Father Ayeta. This priest said mass the next
morning, December 7, 1681 on the 'Plaza', public square. He
preached to the Indians, showing them the wrong they had
committed by rebelling against the Church and asking them to
repent of their apostasy. After the sermon he absolved them.
Many children were baptized the same day, the first receiving
(1) Aonordiiia; to this last fact given by Father Niel, the Maqnis had remained
■without priests from 16S0 to 1710, when he wrote his "Anotaciones."
The Pueblo Revolt Under the Govern'men't oe Otermix. 71
the name of Charles, in honor of Charles II., then King of
Spain.
From Isleta, Otermin sent a detachment of his men to the
pueblo of Cochiti, while he, with the remainder of the army,
would visit the intermediary^ pueblos. Before reaching the
pueblo of Sandia, he burned those of Alameda and of Puaray,
because their inhabitants had fled to the mountains, leaving
good provisions of grain which were taken by the army and
other people of the expedition.
At San Felipe, the governor was told by an Indian named
Pedro Naranjo, that the reasons why the pueblos had rebelled
were : First, because the Indians would not abandon their
old customs and the idolatry which they could not practice now
as usual, since Governor Treviiio (the predecessor of Otermin)
had ordered the destruction of the "Estufas." Second, because
of the exactions and bad treatment they had received from the
Spaniards in many pueblos. Third, because of the persecution
waged against the wizards of the nation, and of the capital pun-
ishment that had been inflicted on many of them by order of
some former governors.
At Zia and Santa Ana the Indians make a kind of peace
with the governor ; according to the old records, their churches
and priests' residences existed at that period.
Rev. James H. Defouri ( i ) says Otermin did not return
to Santa Fe, but stopped about twelve miles from it at a place
called Palacios, where he received notice that a revolt was in
readiness to meet him at the capital. If this was the case, it is
certain that the governor had not a sufiicient force to meet an
organized attack, and nobody can blame him for having turned
back to El Paso for his own safety and that of his men. Meanwhile,
"the Commissar^' General, Padre Ayeta, left the City of Mexico
with as many priests and lay brothers as were necessary to re-
establish the missions. On arriving in the province of New
Mexico, the first settlements found were : Socorro, Alamillo,
Sevilleta, Sandia, Jongo, Pavi, Cuarac, Jijique, which had all
been abandoned, and their churches and convents pillaged and
destroyed. " ( 2 )
(1) "Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico.
(2) Padre Marcelino de Civezza.
72 The Pceblo Revolt Under the Goverxmext of Otermix.
All the Indians fled to the mountains for fear of some
well deserved punishment, but came back on the promise the
religious sent them that they would not be molested, provided
they would submit to the authority' of the King and repent
before the Church for the wrong they had committed. The
same pairdon was offered to the Indians of the other tribes, who
accepted it under the same conditions. By this means, Santa
Fe, Santa Cruz de la Caiiada, Tezuque, Nambe, San Ildefonso,
Santa Clara, San Juan de los Caballeros, Picuries, Taos, Pecos,
Galisteo, Santo Domingo, Jemes, Laguna, Cochiti, San Felipe,
Santa Ana, Zia, Acoma, Zuiii, Moqui, San Agustin de Isleta,
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe del Paso, San Lorenzo, San
Antonio de Senecu, San Antonio de Isleta and Nuestra Senora
del Socorro could be provided with priests and started again. ( i )
In 1684, Otermin was succeeded as governor and Captain
General, b}' Domingo Gironza Petris de Cruzati, who was sent
from New Spain to reconquer New Mexico. He remained in
charge for five or six 3^ears, but failed to reduce the Indians,
as he trusted more to persuasion than to physical force to
accomplish his mission among them. To his policy the Indians
did not object, but the}' changed not their ways on this account.
In 1688, Pedro Reneros Posada succeeded Domingo Gironza
Petris Cruzati as governor of New Mexico. He remained in
power onty a little over a year, fighting with no success against
the rebellious Oueres of the Zia pueblo.
In the 3'ear 1689, Don Domingo Gironza was appointed
governor for the second time. Like his predecessor, he waged
war on the rebels of Zia, who defended themselves with such
resolution, that many suffered to be burned alive on the terraces
of their houses, rather than surrender. Of those who
fought with the Zias, from Santa Ana and others of the Queres
pueblos, six hundred and four remained dead on the battle
field.
(1) Padre Marcelino de Civezza. Taken from ''Resumen de Doenmentos para
la historia del Kuevo Mexico. MS. de I'academia d'historia de Madrid.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Government of Vargas and the Reconquest of
New Mexico.
According to Padre Velez, Don Diego de Vargas Zapata de
I,iijan Ponce de I^eon was sent from Mexico, by the viceroy
Conde de Galves, to reconquer New Mexico. He was accorded
fifty soldiers, who had to come from the Presidio del Parral,
and met him at El Paso on the 21st of August 1692, with
as many men as he could find there, and three religious. Padres
Francisco Corvera, Miguel Mufiiz and Cristoval Alonzo Barroso.
In Santa Ee, where the governor arrived on the 13th of
September, he found the Tanos of Galisteo fortified in the
government houses of the capital. He surrounded them wdth his
troops and summoned them to evacuate the position. To this
demand they answered that they not only would not
move, but would kill all the Spaniards and prevent them
from flying to El Paso as they had done at the time of the
former revolt of the pueblos.
From the report of Vargas to the viceroy (i) we learn that
the rebels refused all the peaceable propositions he made to
them, from 4 o'clock a. m. of the 13th da^' of September until
3 p. m. ; that they 3aelded at last, owing to the obstacle the
governor, wdth forty soldiers and fifty Indians, put between
them and the Indians of Rio Arriba, who were coming to their
rescue. In the city of Santa Fe, and in the pueblos north of it,
969 baptisms were conferred on the children who had been
born since the revolt of 1680.
(1) Letter of the governor written on the 16th of October 1692 to the viceroy.
(Documentos para la historia de Mexico.)
74 The Reco.vquest op New Mexico.
The governor represented to the viceroy, that, for the good
of the CathoHc religion and for the authority of his Majesty the
King, he thought it was necessary' to have a force of one hun-
dred soldiers in the capital and fifty families to resettle it.
Of the Tanos who had surrendered Santa Fe, and of some
other Indians, he said he could not rely on the peace they made
when compelled to do so by force. He would try his best to
convince them by peaceful arguments, but in case he could not
succeed, he said he would destro3' them entirely, in order to
save those who had been brought to the faith, and to protect
the settlers against their attacks. These, he thought, would
have alwaj's enough to do to guard themselves against the in-
cursions of the Apaches.
The Tanos of Santa Fe having made their submission,
Vargas, says Davis, started to subdue the Taos Indians who
lived seventy-five miles north in a beautiful and fertile valley.
At thirt}^ miles from Santa Fe, in the same direction, he reached
San Juan, where he was well received, and there he stood god-
father to a daughter of the chief L,orenzo. In the same pueblo,
according to the old records, the Indians were absolved of
apostasy and ninety-six children baptized bj^ Father Corvera,
October 1692. The next day Vargas started for Taos through
the mountains, and succeeded by peaceable means in bringing
to order the Indians of that village. From Taos the governor
came to Picuries where he was given a friendly welcome.
On the return of the expedition from Taos to Santa Fe,
Vargas started for Pecos, where the Indians received him with
demonstration, of great joy. Here, the Fathers Corvera and
Barroso baptized 248 persons on the 17th of October. From
Pecos the governor went to the pueblos of Galisteo and of San
Marcos which he found almost in ruins. In these two pueblos,
says the author of the Cronica Serafica (i), the Indians, after
killing their priests and destroying their churches, fled in differ
ent directions.
Without losing any time, Vargas went to Santo Domingo,
where he had a part of his men waiting for him, and thence on
the 1 9th of the same month he marched up the river to Cochiti,
which he found deserted ; following the same direction by the
(1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Queretaro.
The Reconquest of New Mexico. 75
"Canada" valley of the pueblo for nine miles, he met a vil-
lage in which lived together the Indians of San Marcos, Cochiti
and San Felipe. These Indians received him without resist-
ance, they were absolved, and presented 103 children for bap-
tism. The same Indians promised to be back on the 29th of
the same month to their respective pueblos. On the 2 2d, the
governor arrived at the hacienda of Ana^^a, where he had an-
other camp for the care of the horses. There he took fresh
animals and set out for the pueblos of Zia and Santa Ana, who,
since the expedition of Gironza had moved, the former to Cerro
Colorado, and the latter about six miles southwest of the old
Jemes pueblo. The Indians made.no resistance, the}^ submitted
and, between the two pueblos, presented 123 children for bap-
tism on the 24th of October.
On the 25th of the same month Vargas climbed to the top
of the mountain, with the religious and five squadrons of sol-
diers, to the place where the Queres of Santo Domingo, the
Jemez and a number of auxiliary Apaches had joined together.
The expedition met on the "mesa," plateau, about 300 armed
men giving signs of hostilit3^ As they did not attack, the
governor and his men ignored them, and went directly to the
pueblo, which had four plazas and was surrounded by walls.
The}^ were received by the chief captain and the ancients of the
village, holding a cross as a sign of peace. These natives were
absolved and presented 117 children for baptism.
From there the governor sent to El Paso some forty women,
between Spanish and Indian, who had been made captives by
the rebellious pueblos, and started for the "Peiiol, " the rock of
Acoma, with eighty-nine soldiers, thirty Indians and the two
religious. The pueblo was reached on the 3d of November.
Its inhabitants made some resistance, but after the explanations
the governor gave them, through the medium of an interpreter
of their own pueblo, about his intentions, they became con-
vinced that the Spaniards did not come to destr03^ them, as they
had been told b}^ the Navajos. They made peace the next day,
received absolution, and had eighty-seven children baptized.
lycaving Acoma, the expedition went to Zuni, where the
Indians had built a new pueblo on the Peiiol, called Galisteo.
Before tr\'ing to ascend the rock Vargas sent to the In-
76 The Recoxqcest of Xew Mexico.
dians a certain Buenaventura, a man of their pueblo, to tell
them that the Spaniards were coming with peaceable intentions.
Reh'ing on the truthfulness of this assertion, the}' gladly sub-
mitted, and on the i ith of November they presented 294 children
to have them baptized by the religious. "The same day, (i)
they invited the governor to the house of an Indian woman
where he saw an altar with two tallow candles burning on it.
The altar was partly screened with pieces of church vestments.
Kneeling down, Vargas removed the screen and found carefulty
kept, three small crucifixes, two of brass and one painted on
wood, a picture of St. John the Baptist, a silver gold plated
ciborium, a remonstrance with its rock cr^-stal, and four silver
chalices with only three patens. There appeared also several
books which had been used by the priests who died there at the
time of the great revolt. These objects were taken by the gov-
ernor in order to transmit them to the Custodian of the province.
There remained two bells without hammers in the power of
the Zufiis."
Before leaving' the mountain on which the governor re-
ceived the submission of the Queres and Jemes, on the 25th of
October, he availed himself of the presence of a Moqui Indian
he met there, to use him as a messenger to his own people, to
inform them that the Spaniards were alwaj^s for peace when
they could avoid war, and begged to be received as friends by
the Moquis when they should go and visit them. Whether
they would have 3-ielded to the message or not, is not known,
but the fact was that, about the same time, the}- were advised
by their neighbors, the Navajos, not to believe one word of
what the Spaniards would sa3^ These people, they told them,
mean only to deceive, what they really intend to do, is to take
what belongs to others, to kill the men and make the women
and children captives. So the Moqui Indians removed their
animals far from the villages and prepared for defense, should
the Spaniards present themselves.
Having been apprised of this disposition, and also that
water was very scarce between Zuni and Moqui, the governor
picked the best horses he had and started for Moqui with
(1) According to the "Documentos para la hi&toria de Mexico.
The Recoxquest of New Mexico. 77
sixty-three soldiers and the reUgious, leaving twent^'-five men
with their captain at Zuni, to take care of the tired horses,
mules and other stock. On the 19th of November he arrived
at San Bernardo de Aguatuvi, the first pueblo of the province.
Leaving the half of his men at some distance, he presented
himself at the pueblo with only thirty soldiers. He was met
by 700 or 800 well-armed men, readj^ to fight and looking only
for a pretext to open the battle. For over an hour Vargas had
to speak to persuade them that his intentions were peaceable.
At last he was introduced into the pueblo by its chief, Miguel,
who gave obedience for all his subjects. These were absolved,
and 122 of their children baptized the next day.
The same day, November 20th, the expedition proceeded
to San Bernardino de Gualpi. There after some feeble resist-
ance the Indians made their submission ; they promised obedi-
ence and presented eighty-one children for baptism.
November 22nd the inhabitants of San Buenaventura de Mo-
songnavi and those of San Bernabe de Xomopavi submitted in
the same manner, were absolved of apostasy, and presented
seventy children for baptism from the two pueblos.
Being under the impression, on account of what he had
been told, that Oraibe was twenty-seven miles distant, though
it was only about seven, the governor did not go there, owing
to the bad condition of his horses. He turned then back
towards Zuni where he arrived on the 27th of the same month.
From Zuni, Vargas and his men left for El Paso, w^here they
arrived on the 20th of December, 1692. Previous to the expe-
dition of Zulii, says Davis, Vargas had completely brought to
submission in a short time, seventeen districts or provinces,
without a fight, and the missionaries who had traveled with
him had baptized 1570 persons.
CHAPTER IX.
Government of Vargas. (Continued.) — Resettlement
OF Santa Fe. — War Against the Tanos and Other
Pueblos at Santa Fe. — Troubles Again with the
Pueblos. — Missions Provided with Priests. — Founda-
tion OF Santa Cruz. — New Revolt of the Indians. —
Seven Priests Killed,
(i) Resettlement of Santa Fe Authorized in 1693. (i)
In the 3'ear 1693, the vicero}', with the advice of his royal
council, determined that Santa Fe should be resettled. For that
purpose he gave to Diego de Vargas one hundred soldiers, the
number he had asked for to protect the seat of his government,
and the necessary' means of subsistence for the families he would
locate in the villa.
Before the coming of the announced reinforcement, the
governor had to start for Xew Mexico, where the Tanos, Picur-
ies, Taos, Queres of Santo Domingo, Cochiti and Jemes Indians
were preparing a new general revolt. From El Paso and vicinity
he took seventy families, which, with their servants, made a
number of 800 persons, and seventeen Franciscan Fathers.
These were : Fray Salvador de San Antonio, Custodio ; Fray
Juan de Zavaleta, Fraj' Francisco Jesus ISIaria, Fray Juan de
Alpuente, Fray Juan Muiios de Castro, Fray Juan Diaz, Fray
Antonio Carbonela, Fray Francisco Cor\'era, Fray Geronimo
Prieto, Fray Juan Antonio del Corral, Fray Antonio Voho-
monde, Fray Antonio Obregon, Fray Jose Maria, Fray Buena-
(1) Documentos para la historia de Mexico.
Resettlement of Santa Fe Authorized in 1693. 79
Ventura Contreras, Fra}^ Jose Narvaez Valverde and Fray Diego
Zeinos, Secretario.
With these religious and the seventy famihes spoken of,
the governor left El Paso on the 13th of October, 1693. ^^'^
the 4th of November, with a small number of armed men, he
went ahead of his people from the hacienda of I^ouis Lopez,
four miles below Socorro, to secure provisions for them at Santo
Domingo where they would meet him. The Queres of San
Felipe, Zia and Santa Ana remained faithful to the peace thej'
had made. Those of Cochiti, of Santo Domingo and of Jemes
had joined hands with the Tanos, Tiguas and Teguas to fight
against the Spaniards, and were trying to gain the Pecos to their
cause. As to the Indians of San Felipe, Zia and Santa Ana,
who refused to join the revolt, they were declared enemies by the
rebels, who threatened to destro}^ them to the last man. Vargas
visited all the discontented pueblos, and in all he was given an
apparently friendly reception. When divided, the Indians knew
they could make no available resistance, and concealed their
true intentions, until they should feel strong enough to mani-
fest them.
The governor, with all his soldiers and the families he had
brought form El Paso, arrived at Santa Fe on the i6th of
December 1693. He went to the 'Plaza' or square of the
Presidio, on foot, preceded by the flag which had been used
by Juan de Oiiate when he conquered New Mexico, and
chanting, with the religious, different psalms and prayers of the
Church. Arrived in the centre of the square, and before a cross
which was held there by the Indians, they sang the "Te Deum",
the Eitanies of Our Eady and three times the canticle 'Benedictus.'
This being concluded the governor reinstated, as far as in his
power lay, the Rev. Custodio, Fray Salvador de San Antonio,
in the possession of the missions of the province. Then he
went with all his people, to establish his camp at a short distance
from the town, near the woods of Tesuque, (some say at the
place where now stands the chapel of the Rosario) until
provisions could be made to establish the families in the villa.
Meanwhile the rebels already mentioned were secretly
preparing an attack against the Spaniards, whom they intended
to take by surprise. This was made known by different parties,
80 War Against the Taxos axd Other Pueblos at Santa Fe.
but more particularly by Ye, the chief of the Pecos Indians.
The governor did not show how keenly he felt the secret
maneuvres of the rebels, but took his measures to meet the
aggressors should they present themselves.
Having visited the chapel of San Miguel, which had been
used before as a parochial church for the Tlescaltecas Indians
and which had been partly destroyed in the Pueblo rebellion of
1680, he gave orders to have it repaired and be made again the
parochial church for the Indians and the Spaniards. Owing
to the quantity of snow which had fallen in the mountains and
which precluded access to the places where timber could be found,
the intended repairs had to be postponed. Meanwhile the
religious services were held in a temporar^^ house fitted for the
purpose.
On the 1 8th of December 1693, the Picuries Indians
petitioned for a priest to be sent to them as soon as possible.
Indeed, priests had been already assigned to twelve missions,
but were detained by the Guardian on account of the threatened
revolt of the rebellious Pueblos. This religious asked the
governor what security would there be for the priests in their
missions, when it was known through a trusty Indian, Juan
Ye, the chief of the Pecos, that the Teguas, Tanos and Picuries,
with a band of Apaches, were about to attack the governor's
camp. Diego de Vargas answered he wculd see, as far as
God would enable and direct him, to the security of the mis-
sionaries, but he did not ask that these should be sent imme-
diately to their respective missions.
(3) War Against the Tanos and Other Pveblos at Santa Fe.
The same day the "Cabildo," men of the municipality,,
represented to the governor that the religious, as well as the
Spanish families, were getting sick and, in fact, that already a
number of children had died for want of protection against the
cold weather, and they thought it was not just that these peo-
ple should remain without shelter while the Tanos Indians were
lodged in the government houses of the villa. Consequently
they demanded that these Indians should be obliged at once to
vacate the premises they were now occupying.
CIV. Interior of the Church of ALBrorEROuE, N. Mex.
.V. Chkks'iia.x Bro'i auKfe' College,
Santa I-V, N. .Mt-.x. Kirili'd 1^7,S.
XVI. Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes, Erected
BY THE Rev. Camilas Leux.
Bless'nj of fhtpel. Ju le 19. 1S90.
TVar Agaisst the Taxos axd Other Pteblos at Savta Fe. 81
A'argas was reluctant to make use of any forcible means
against the Tanos who had taken refuge in the houses of Santa
Fe. because he thought they were now submissive. This was
also the opinion of Captain Madrid and of his men. who were
quartered near these Indians, and said they had noticed no
sign of revolt in them. At this time, a bUnd man of the town,
named Agustin Salazar, who was conversant with the language
of the Tanos, heard on the night of the 27th of December 1693,
that in tte 'Junta' (meeting) of the Indians, their chieftain
told the Indians not to be afraid of the Spaniards; that their
governor was only a liar, and that they should kill all the
Spaniards. On the testimony of this man, Vargas doubled the
number of the sentries to watch all the movements of the
Indians. The next day, December 28th. the Tanos declared war
by closing the gates of the plaza and placing armed men on the
Fcrt. on the terraces of the houses, and in the trenches.
Thereupon the governor moved all his camp to a place nearer
to the town, so that he could protect his people and besiege
the plaza. To the chief of the rebels, named Bolsas, who
presented himself on the trench, Vargas said he had better
submit and not expose his people to certain death. The
Indian repUed that he could not give an answer before taking
the advice of the ancients of the tribe. When he came back,
all he brought was a rough provocation, mixed with insults
to the Spaniards and blasphemies against God and His saints.
On this same day, December 29th, Vargas and all his
people knelt down to listen to a short address which was
delivered to them by the Father Lector: at the end of it they
received general absolution^ and then marched to attack the
plaza, foUcwing the flag on which was a picture of Our Lady
of Remedies. During the fight, the Teguas and the Tanos of
the upper river arrived to help the besieged. These were
repulsed by the cavalry of the governor and some Pecos
Indians, with a less of nine men. At night, there was a
suspension of hostilities on both sides. Early the next day,
the Indians were taken by siuprise within the square of the
buildings by the Spaniards, who had escaladed the walls from
different sides. There ended the siege but not the punishment
of the Tanos.
82 War Again'st the Tan'os as'd Other Pl-eblos at Sakta Fe,
When Vargas entered the plaza, he was provoked at seeing;
that the cross, which stood before in the middle of it, had been
broken to pieces, as also a statue of Our Lady which had been
entrusted to an Indian by one of the Spanish families while
camping out. There were gathered the women and children
of the Indians, and seventy of the warriors who had not been
able to make their escape. These men were put to death bj'
order of the governor for their relapse into rebellion. Adding
to these the nine who were killed out of the town, and two who
hung themselves when they saw that the Spaniards were win-
ning, we have the number of eighty -one Indians who died at
the siege of Santa Fe,
The author of the Cronica of the College of Queretaro says
that Fray Joseph Diez, who had been put in charge of Santa
Fe by the Rev- Custodio, took great pains to prepare those un-
fortunate men for death, and stood by them until they ceased
to live. As regards the women and children, they were given
by the governor as captives to the colonists until His Majesty
might order otherwise. This was executed under the following
conditions : First, That the captives might select their mas-
ters ; Second, That they should be well treated ; Third, That
they should be sent to the doctrine or religious instruction every
day, morning and evening ; Fourth, That nobody should have
the right to sell them, or even to send them out of the province.
The number of the captives was 400 persons.
The booty found in the plaza after the siege consisted of
some live stock and 4,000 fanegas of maize, which the gov-
ernor ordered to be distributed among the soldiers and settlers.
{3) Tronhlc Again with the Pueblos.
The war did not end with the taking of Santa Fe. Vargas
had yet to fight with almost all the pueblo's of the Teguas and
the Tanos until June, 1694.
In January of the same year, he was apprised b}- a letter
from the viceroy that seventy-six families had left the City of
Mexico with the Procurator, Fra}- Francisco Farfa.n, for
Santa Fe.
As it was now time for planting, Vargas distributed lands
and seeds to the settlers and gave them the protection of
Trouble Again- with the Pceblos. 83
■monnted soldiers during the time this work would keep them
in the fields. Notwithstanding the armed force watching on
them, the colonists were attacked by the united rebels from
Jemes, the Queres, Teguas, Tanos, Ficuries and Taos on the
2ist of May. The same daj- Vargas started after them, over-
took them at San Ildefonso, took from them forty-eight horses,
and made prisoners of five of the Jemes Indians. To one of
these he gave his life on condition that he would show the place
where the men of his pueblo had buried the body of Fray de
Jesus after killing him, and indicate where they had concealed
the church vessels and vestments, and to another one he granted
the same favor at the request of Juan Ye, the chieftain of the
Pecos Indians.
On the 23d of June, Fray Francisco Farfan reached Santa
Fe with the seventy-six families he had brought from Mexico.
The governor made arrangements to locate these people in the
villa until he could send them to some other locality, after he
should have pacified the Indians.
In the first days of August, using the information
given by the Indians of the Jemez about the place where they
had buried Fray Juan de Jesus, whom they had killed in 1680,
the governor had the earth removed ; and bones, which, from
the description given of the Father, seemed to be those of his
body, were then found and carefuU}- collected. These were
taken by the goverror, accompanied by the Fathers Juan de
Alpuente, Antonio Cbregon and Antonio Carbonel, and carried
to Santa Fe, where, en the nth of the same month, they were
interred at the gcspel side of the chapel which was then used
as the parochial church. (San Miguel, ver>' likely.)
As the Jemez had lost many men in the rebellion and re-
mained without their wives and children, who had been made
captives in Santa Fe, the}- offered this time to make peace for
good. For that purpcse the}- offered to deliver to the governor
the men who, among them, had induced the others to revolt
and had been the cause of their total ruin.
On the 1 7th of August, two of the Jemez Indians went to
Santa Fe to ask for peace in the name of the pueblo, and said
that, if they had been so Icng a time in rebellion, it had been
owing to the counsels of their chiefs, and more especially of the
84 Tkouble Again With the Pl'eblos,
Indian Diego. The governor was pleased with their disposi-
tions, and promised, if they brought the Indian Diego, and
were willing to return to their old pueblo and help him in the
war against the Teguas, that he would treat them as the other
Christians. Moreover, he promised to return to them the pris-
oners as soon as thej' would have complied with the conditions.
The Indian Diego was brought and sentenced to death, but, at
the request of the missionaries and of the friendh* Indians from
Pecos, the governor commuted the sentence into banishment
to the mines of Biscaya for ten years before he could come back
to his pueblo. As to the captives, they had to be kept until
the Jemez would have returned to their pueblo, and then de-
livered to them by Fraj- Francisco de Jesus, who was already
appointed their resident missionar}'.
As the Teguas were ^-et in rebellion, Vargas determined to
go and attack them on the hill of San Ildefonso where they had
entrenched themselves. One hundred and fifty men of the
friendly Queres, Jemes and Pecos joined the expedition. In
the first attack there were thirteen wounded on the side of the
Spaniards, as the rebels had onh' to roll rocks from the top of
the hill to injure their assailants without exposing themselves.
After several attacks the rebels, having lost six men and many
others being wounded, came down from their position and asked
for peace, which was made on the condition that they would all
be in their respective pueblos b}- the 9th of September.
(4) The Missions Provided uith Xew Priests.
As it seemed now that the Indians would remain quiet, at
least for some time, Vargas left Santa Fe on the 5th of October,
1694, with the Vice Custodio, Fray Juan Muiioz de Castro, to
go and leave missionaries in the pueblos. In San Ildefonso was
left Fray Francisco Corvera, who had to attend from there to
the pueblo of Jacona ; in San Juan, Fray Geronimo Prieto, with
the administration of Santa Clara ; in San Lorenzo and San
Cristobal, Fray Antonio Obregon, with residence at San Cristo-
bal. When these religious took possession of their missions
they had neither churches nor houses and were obliged to con-
tent themselves with some little huts, which had been hastil}^
prepared for them. In all these pueblos the governor explained
The Missions Provided with New Priests. 85
at length the reasons the Indians had to respect their priests,
to take good care of them, and to build as soon as possible
churches and residences for the missionaries.
On the 24th of October, Vargas and the Vice Custodio
started again from Santa Fe with four religious, who were to
take charge of the missions of the pueblos of Pecos, of the
Oueres and of the Jemes. Father Lector, Fray Diego Zeinos,
was assigned to the mission of Our Lad^^ of the Angels called
also "La Porciuncula" of Pecos. The Indians had prepared
already a residence for the priest and were read}^ to put the
roof on a chapel until they could build a church. In San Felipe
remained Fray Antonio Carbonel, without either residence or
church ; and Fra}' Juan de Alpuente was given the adminis-
tration of Zia and of Santa Ana. The name of the Father who
was put in charge of Jemes is not known.
In the pueblo of Santa Ana the governor was visited by
the chieftain of the Oueres of Santo Domingo, who had re-
mained in the mountains between Jemes and Cochiti since the
rebellion of 16S0, and who were now anxious to make peace
with the government and to have a priest among them.
On the first of November, the Rev. Custodio, Fra}' Salva-
dor de San Antonio, was succeeded by 'Fray Francisco Vargas,
who came from El Paso with four new missionaries. The gov-
ernor apprised him at once, that there were missions ready for
the religious he had brought with him. Whereupon the Cus-
todio distributed his priests in the following manner : Fathers
Juan Munoz de Castro and Antonio Moreno were kept in Santa
Fe, as also Fraj' Diaz who, from the cit}', had to attend the
pueblo of Tesuque.
On November 13th Vargas and the Custodio visited the
newl}^ established missions of the Teguas, Tanos and Queres.
They found the Indians perfectly satisfied and the Fathers mak-
ing progress in the teaching of the Christian doctrine. In the
pueblo of Santa Ana, Fray Jose Garcia Marin was placed as
minister of the mission, and Fra^- Antonio Carbonel was sent
from San Felipe to Cochiti, while Fray Miguel Tirso had to
take charge of Santo Domingo. There was neither chapel nor
residence for the priest.
86 The Missions Provided with Xfiw Priests,
On December 4th the Santo Domingo Indians petitioned
for the return of their people who had been made captives at
the siege of Santa Fe. Vargas granted the demand, and he did
the same with the Teguas and Tanos, despite the objections of
the municipality and of the residents of Santa Fe, who did not
like to be deprived of the services of the captive Indians. Var-
gas had said in another instance that he had not come to make
slaves, but to conquer the Indians for the Majest}' of God and
for his King, and he wanted to be truthful to his word.
{5) Foundation of the Villa de Santa Cruz, 1695.
In 1695, April i8th, Don Diego de Vargas founded, with
the seventy families brought from Mexico by Father Farfan,
the villa of Santa Cruz de la Canada, which he called "de los
Espanoles Mexicanos del Seiior Carlos." It was called the New
City, because the valley of la Canada had been settled by some
of the families Juan de Onate had brought in 1596. The same
da}"-, April 12th, the founders of the villa we're put in possession
of a certain extent of land, and swore they would keep it by all
possible means in their power under the domination of Spain.
These families made their residences in the houses the
Tanos had built on the north bank of the river of la Canada
since the rebellion, when they left Galisteo. These Indians
were ordered to go to the pueblo of San Juan, and those of San
Cristobal left also their lands and houses to the Spaniards. The
villa of Santa Cruz was given the title of second in the province,
Santa Fe keeping the priority of foundation. The first priest
appointed by the Custodio to administer the villa of Santa Cruz
was Fray Antonio Moreno.
After the establishment of the villa de Santa Cruz, Vargas
and the Padre Custodio went to San Francisco de Nambe where
they left Fray Antonio Azevedo as minister of that pueblo,
{0) New Revolt of the Indians, 1695.
In the same year, 1695, ^^e Indians who had only sub-
mitted to force, thought they had a good opportunity- to rebel
again, when they saw that the Spaniards had been distributed
between Santa Fe, Santa Cruz and several places on the Rio
New Revolt op the Indians, 1695. '87
Grande. The governor was notified of the danger b}' the
friendly pueblos and by the missionaries, but he did not heed
it, saying he did not see anything that could justify the rumor.
On the 4th of June of 1696, however, a revolt of the Picuries,
Taos, Teguas, Tanos, Queres of Santo Domingo and Cochiti
and of the Jemes broke out like that of 1680. Churches and
sacred vessels were destroyed, seven religious and a number of
Spaniards killed. In the pueblo of San Cristobal the Tanos
killed Fray Jose de Arvizu and Fray Antonio Garbonel, the
priest of Taos. In San Ildefonso, the Fathers Francisco Cor-
vera, the priest in charge of the pueblo, and Antonio Moreno
of the pueblo of Nambe, had the same fate. In San Diego de
Jemes the Indians took also the life of their priest. Fray Fran-
cisco de Jesus Abundo. This priest was called out as for a sick
person, and when on the plaza, was clubbed to death by the
interpreter and by the war captain. In San Ildefonso the
Fathers Corvera and Moreno were shut up in a room of the
convent, where they died suffocated by the burning of the house
and of the church, which was contiguous. In the same rebel-
lion twenty-one Spaniards lost their lives, Vargas started at
once for the rebellious pueblos, but too late, as the work of
blood and destruction was already done. He could only see
that he had placed too much confidence in the Indians, when
they came to him for peace and for the recovery of the captives
they had lost in the wars.
Padre Velez de Escalante, already mentioned, says in the
letter to his superior, that the Navajo Apaches used to come
every year in July from the upper Chama to New Nexico to
sell skins, dried meat and the captives taken from other
nations. If they could not sell or exchange their captives for
horses, grain or other provisions, they were in the habit of kill-
ing them before going back. The King having been apprised
of this ferocity gave orders to rescue, at his own expense, the
captives who might remain unsold and in danger of being killed.
The same author states that during the same year, 1696,
the French Huguenots, who lived on the frontier of the pro-
vince, killed 4,000 of the Apaches who made war on the tribes
of their neighborhood, which they had taken under their pro-
tection.
88 Xew Revolt of the Ixdiaxs, 1695.
In the year 1697, complaint was sent to the viceroy by the
municipality of Santa Fe against \'argas for bad management
of the governmetit funds, and for not giving due support to the
soldiers and to the colonists. Nothing of what he must have
spent in traveling all the time from pueblo to pueblo, in fight-
ing against all the tribes one after the other, and in conquer-
ing really the whole countrj-;, was taken into account. Whether
for these charges or because A''argas had finished his term of
oftce, he was succeeded by Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero.
Without any proof in support of the charges brought
against Vargas, the new governor had his predecessor put in
jail. There he kept him for a long time, deprived of all com-
munication with an^-body, even by writing. At last, Fray
Francisco Farfan, seeing him so unjustty treated, as he thought,
and prevented from doing anything for his justification, went
to Mexico and obtained from the viceroy- that the prisoner
should be permitted to leave Santa Fe for a journey to the
capital, where he could present his defense, provided he would
give the necessary- bonds before leaving the jail. To this con-
dition Vargas refused to submit, for the reason of his nobility,
and for the services he had rendered to the Crown of Spain.
For this refusal he remained a prisoner until the 20th of July,
1700, when, after three years of a severe imprisonment, he left
Santa Fe and started for the Cit^- of Mexico. There he had no
difficulty in justif^'ing himself against all the charges of his
enemies. This he did with so evident proofs, that the viceroy,
with the assent of his council, honored him with the title of
"Marquis de la Nava de Brazinas," of the Plain of Brazinas.
Father Velez adds in a note that in 1703, December 2d,
the members of the municipality' of Santa Fe made a juridical
retraction of all the charges thev- had presented against Vargas,
stating that the}^ had done it at the instigation of Governor
Cubero, whose chief aim it was to tarnish the reputation of his
predecessor.
XV'II. St. CAxaKRiNK's Industrial Indian School,
Santd Fe, N. Mex.
^''-^
XVIII. Chjrch of vSax Juan, N. Mex.
XIX. LoRETTA Academy of Our Lady of Light.
Srttitrt Fe, .V. Mex.
XX. St. Michael's College, Santa Fe, P^rected 1887.
CHAPTER X.
The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800.
{1) The Administration of Don Pedro Rodriguez Cuhero.
On the 4th of March, 1708, the Zufii Indians killed three
Spaniards who had been exiled there, and were the cause of
trouble in several families of the pueblo. The missionary priest.
Fray Juan Guaraycoechea, had previously written to Governor
Cubero that the presence of these men, as that of the soldiers
who had been given him as an escort, was very obnoxious to
the Indians and would not fail to create, sooner or later, some
serious difficulties. The governor did not pay any attention to
the advice, and at last the offended Indians took justice in their
hands and killed the three exiles. If the soldiers were not
treated in the same manner they owed it to the legs of their
horses, which they mounted without looking for saddles and
bridles. As for the priest, nobody molested him, as all knew
thai; he always blamed the conduct of these bad men in the
pueblo.
At the first notice of what had happened, Cubero started
with soldiers to go and punish the Zuiiis. This, in the opinion
of the priest of the pueblo and the one of Laguna, Vray Antonio
j Miranda, was not a wise step, as the Spaniards deserved noth-
I ing but the punishment inflicted upon them. The governor
' had not reached the pueblo, when, apprised of his coming, not
\ only those who had killed the Spaniards, but many others, in
\ order not to find themselves implicated in the crime, fled to the
] Tan OS and Moquis of Gualpi, taking along as many as they
could of the horses and sheep of their pueblo. There remained
6*
90 The SuccESSio>r of the Governors TROst 1700 to 1800,
no more reason to justify, even apparently, any penalty against
the Zuiiis, still the governor thought he must punish them.
He did so b}^ removing their beloved priest to Santa Fe, thus
leaving them exposed to the influence of the rebellious Moquis
and Apaches. Indeed, Cubero did not show more wisdom in
this campaign against the Zuiiis than in the way he treated the
governor, his predecessor.
In August, 1703, Cubero received official notification that
Diego de Vargas was coming again by appointment to take the
government of the province. He then left Santa Fe as if to go
against the Teguas Indians, but in reality to fly from them and
avoid the presence of a nobler man than himself.
{2) Vargas, Governor of New Mexico for the Second Time, 1703.
On the loth of November, 1703, Don Diego de Vargas,
now Marquis de la Nava de Brazinas, took possession again of the
government of New Mexico. There were then afloat rumors
of some brewing revolt on the part of the Moqui and Navajo
Indians, but as Vargas was watching all the time with armed
men ready for any emergency, these Indians, who were not
ignorant of his policy, kept quiet for the present.
In March, 1704, the governor started on a campaign against
the Apaches, who were invading the southeastern portion of
the province. He had reached the eastern side of the Sandia
mountain, when he felt sick and thought he could not go any
farther. From there, he turned towards the settlement of
Bernalillo, where he died April 7, 1704, after writing his testa-
ment, and receiving the sacraments of the Church. •
Don Juan Perez Hurtado, who had always enjoyed the
confidence of Vargas, was appointed acting governor pro tem.
Vargas, as we have seen, was charged at the end of his
first administration with having used the government funds for
his own benefit and thereby deprived the soldiers and the colo-
nists of what was due them. On the strength of the accusation
and without any legal test of the case, the accused was made
a prisoner by his successor and had to wait three years before
he had an opportunity of justifying himself before a competent
authority. At last his time came ; he could speak for himself
and show by stern figures that he had defraiided neither the
The Succession or the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 91
government nor any one of the people he had under his charge.
This he did in so successful a manner that, instead of being
reprehended, he was decorated with a title of distinction and
designated to be appointed again governor of New Mexico,
when the term of office of Cubero should expire.
Vargas may not have been a popular man, as he did not
show much interest in the advices he received daily from differ-
ent sources. He took notice of what was said to him, but
seldom made it the rule of his conduct. He was an active man
and a good soldier, and he kept always a number of his men
equipped for a start at the first notice. He was brave, but not
cruel towards his enemies. He knew the intentions of the
monarch of Spain towards the Indians, and never departed from
them, trying first, not only once but over and again, means of
persuasion before using the sword against the rebellious In-
dians. Indeed, it would have been easy for him to kill those
who opposed him only by their numbers, as they were as a rule
badly armed ; but, as we have already remarked, he said that
he had not come to kill the natives or to make them slaves,
but to conquer them for God and his King, by persuasive words,
as far as possible.
The tradition has it in Santa Fe, that Vargas carried always
with him a statue of the Blessed Virgin, which is yet preserved
in the cathedral as our Lady of the Rosary.
{3) Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdez made Governor, 1705,
In 1705, April 10, Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdez took
the government of New Mexico. He found the Apaches called
Faraones, the Navajos, and even the Christians of Acoma and
of Zuiii, preparing as it seemed some rebellion, which however
did not break out. He petitioned the viceroy for more soldiers,
arms, horses and provisions for the colonists, but owing to the
difficulties which the young king, Philip V., had to contend
with at that period, nothing could be obtained except a supply
of agricultural implements.
(4) The Foundation of the Villa of Albuquerque, 1706.
At the beginning of the year 1706, Governor Cuervo
founded the villa of Albuquerque with the title of St. Francis,
92 The Scccessiox of the Goveexors from 1700 to 1800.
in honor of the viceroy, who was then Don Francisco Fernandez
de la Cueva Enriques, Duke of Albuquerque. By letters of
June 1 3th and 1 8th of the same year, Cuervo notified the viceroy
that he had established this villa with thirty-five families of
Spaniards, who lived already along the Rio del Norte, (Rio
Grande) and asked chalices and vestments for the churches of
the new town and for that of Galisteo. The articles asked for
the churches were granted, but the governor was blamed for
having founded the villa without being authorized to do so.
Moreover, he was apprised that the king had manifested the
wish that the first new foundation should be placed under the
patronage of St. Philip and not under that of San Francisco
Xavier.
In the same j^ear Cuervo resettled the pueblo of Galisteo
with eighteen families of the Tanos who had remained some
3'ears with the Tesuque Indians. To the new pueblo he gave
for titular patron Santa Maria de Gracia, instead of Santa Cruz,
as the pueblo of Galisteo had been called before the revolt of
1 68o when it was destroyed and abandoned. Cuervo left the
government of the province on the ist of August, 1707.
(5) Don Jose Chacon Medina Salazar, 1707.
Cuervo was succeeded on the ist of August 1707 by Don
Jose Chacon Medina Salazar, Marquis de la Penuela. He tried
to subdue the Moqui Indians by persuasive arguments, but
failed in his attempt. As the chapel built by Vargas (San
Miguel chapel repaired by Vargas) could no more accommodate
the citizens and the soldiers of the town, the governor ojBfered
to rebuild, at his own cost, the parochial church which had
been demolished in the revolt of 1680, provided he should be
allowed to use the work of the Indians for the purpose. Per-
mission for the rebuilding of the church was granted by the
\nceroy, but not for forcing the Indians to work at it. In case
they should be willing to work without neglecting the care of
their crops, the governor could employ them, but should be
obliged to pay them a just compensation for their labor. The
Marquis commenced the church, but there is no proof that he
brought it to a conclusion. There is a tradition in Santa Fe
which attributes the building of the old adobe church, which
The Successiox of the Goyeenors from 1700 to 1800. 93
has been replaced by the new cathedral, to an influential
resident of the city, named Jose Ortiz.
Towards the end of the year 1708, the Apaches proper
broke the peace they had kept for long years with the Span-
iards, and in a short time murdered many people, made cap-
tives, and committed depredations in the settlements of the
frontier. On the 8th of June, 1709, they invaded the pueblo of
Jemes, destroyed the houses and the church and took the vest-
ments and sacred vessels, in spite of two squadrons of soldiers
who tried in vain to overpower them. The Marquis called then
on all the forces of the province, and followed these wild In-
dians into their own land and fastnesses, obliging them at last
to renew the peace in the year 17 10.
Besides the Tanos, Teguas and Jemes who had joined the
Moquis to live with them, there were several families of the
Teguas who remained in other pueblos, and even among the
Apaches. These were gathered by Fray Juan de la Pena, the
new Custodio, who, with permission of the governor, sent them
with sufficient provisions for a year, to repeople the old pueblo
of San Augustin de la Isleta, about fifteen miles below Albu-
querque. When notice was given to the viceroy of what had
been done, a petition was addressed to him for a chalice, a bell
and vestments for the church of Isleta. The petition was
granted and congratulations sent to the governor and to the
Custodio for their success in promoting the interest of religion
and of the Crown of Spain.
The Custodio visited all the missions in company with an
officer of the government, and succeeded in suppressing abuses,
superstitions, and idolatry in the pueblos, as also the dances of
the 'cabellera', (scalp dances), and the 'Estufas. '
On the 15th of Maj^ 1709, a charge was made b}' a certain
Antonio de Sierra Nieto, with official documents, against gover-
nor Marquis de la Penuela and the alcaldes may ores, that they
I had obliged the Indians to plant land for them, and the women
! to keep house for them, without any compensation. After the
; examination of the documents establishing the proofs of the
1 charges. His Excellency, the viceroy, condemned the governor
! to a fine of 2,000 pesos, the damages caused not included, and
I ordered him to stop the practice of all extortions from the natives.
94 The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to ISOO.
The Rev. Custodio, Fray Juan de la Pefia, died the same
year, and was succeeded ex oflEicio, by Fray I^opez de Haro,
the vice president of the missions, until a new Custodio should
be appointed.
{6) Don Juan Ignacio Flares MogoUon, 1712.
On the 5th of October, 17 12, Don Juan Ignacio Flores Mogol-
lon succeeded Marquis de la Peiiuela as governor of the province.
The new governor waged a successful war against the Yutas
and stopped their too frequent raids on the peaceable Indians.
He gave orders to the alcaldes of the pueblos to destroy the
Estufas which had been rebuilt.
In order to prevent the conquered Indians from meditating
revolts, and pursuant to royal orders, Mogollon called a meeting
of the soldiers, of the citizens of Santa Fe and of the religious
who could be conveniently present, to consider whether it would
be advisable or not to take all kind of arms from the submissive
Indians. The meeting took place on the 6th of July, 17 14.
The vote of the citizens and of the soldiers was in the affirma-
tive, while the religious objected. The majority had it, and all
the peaceable Indians, a few excepted by reason of their known
services and fidelity, were disarmed.
(7) Don Felix Martinez, October, 1715.
In 1715, Mogollon, already advanced in years and an in-
valid, resigned his charge.
Governor Martinez obtained through the exertions and
apostolic zeal of the missionary priests of Acoma, Fray Fran-
cisco Yrazaba, the return to their respective pueblos of 158
Indians, who had fled to the Moqui villages after the revolt of
1680, but there remained a far greater number who refused to
come back to their former homes. These were kept in rebellion
by the Tanos of Galisteo, who, as we have written before, had
fortified themselves in the Moqui villages and were determined
never to submit to the Spanish rule.
After several useless attempts to bring these Indians to
obedience by persuasive arguments, the governor resolved to
reduce them by force. For that purpose he prepared an expe-
The Succession of the Governors prosi 1700 to 1800. 95
dition composed of seventy mounted men and 150 Indians from
different pueblos, and went to the stronghold of the rebels,
thinking that the sight of his force would be enough to intimi-
date them, but this was not the case. Instead of wavering and
yielding to the peaceable propositions made by the governor,
the Moqui Indians answered by an attack on the troops. They
lost, it is true, eight men in the battle and had a good number
wounded, but owing to the fortifications in which they had
entrenched themselves on hills of difficult access, the victory
remained to them. All the governor could do, was to destroy''
their crops in punishment for their rebellion and retrace his
steps towards Santa Fe. This attack took place in the last part
of August, 1 716. (i)
The old documents state that during the year 17 16, An-
tonio Velarde Cosio was appointed by the vicero}^ the Marquis de
Valero, to take the place of Martinez as governor. Martinez
refused to leave the government of the province until he could
go to Mexico and have an interview with the viceroy on the
subject of his removal, as he thought he had given no reason
for such treatment during his administration. In the mean-
time, Velarde wrote to the viceroy and spent some time with
the old friends he met in the province, until he could get an
answer regulating his position.
In the year 17 17, August 2d, the viceroy sent to the Cus-
todian of the mission a copy of a royal schedule, ordering some
measures to be taken to insure means for the establishment of
schools in all the missions for the instruction of the youth.
Pursuant to the notification , the Guardian called all the religious
to a meeting to have their opinion on the matter. As to the
necessity of schools, not only for the Indians, but also for the
children of the Spanish settlers, all agreed without a dis-
senting vote, and the majority asked to have schools in
all the pueblos, instead of in the centers of missions only.
In regard to the means of support for the teachers, the
members of the meeting came to the conclusion that it
could be provided by a contribution of maize from the in-
habitants of each village, or by the product of "una milpa,"
(1) state Archives, No. 250.
96 The Succession of the Goterxors from 1700 to 1800,
a certain piece of land cultivated and planted in common, for
the benefit of the teacher, as the viceroy' might determine. ( i )
(8) Governors J. Domingo Biistamante, Gervasio Crusat y Gonjera.
1723 : By this time Governor Juan Domingo Bustamante
held a '^unta de guerra" to secure men and means for an ex-
pedition against the Comanche Indians, who, bj" their incessant
raids, had almost ruined the Jicaria Apaches, a tribe which,
thus far had ahvaj'S been friendly and faithful to the govern-
ment of the country. ( 2 )
1731 : Governor. Ger\^asio Crusat y Gonjera held also a
junta de guerra, to prepare an expedition against the Apaches
hostile to the government and the settlements of the province.
The same governor gave strict orders to the alcaldes to use their
influence and authorit3' to check immorality-, gambling and all
public offenses, and to oblige all the vagrants to work like other
people for their own support. (3) This was truly a good
measure, which ought to be enforced in all countries against so
many wanderers, be they called tramps, hobos or anj^ other
names, who, though young and able-bodied men, as a rule, go
around depending on public charity for their maintenance.
These ought to be taught, in some way, that they are not an
exception to the condition made by God to Adam and his pos-
terity after his sin, which obliges them to work for their daih'
bread. "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread. " (Gen.
iii, 19.)
In 1734 the church and conventual house of the Santa Ana
pueblo were rebuilt under the administration of Fray Diego
Arias de Espinosa. This priest had to paj- the Pecos Indians
for making eighty-four "canes," spouts, because there was
nobody in the pueblo of Santa Ana who knew how to make use
of carpenter' s tools. (4)
In the year 1736 the new church of San Felipe pueblo was
built through the exertions of the zealous missionary, Fraj^
Andres de Saballos.
(1) Old Church Documents.
(2) State Documents.
(3) Old State Documents.
(4) Church MS.
The Soccessiok of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 97
(9) Governors Olavide, Domingo and Codallos.
Governor Cruzat y Gonjera was succeeded in 1737 by-
Enrique de Olavide y Michilena, who occupied the position
until the year 1739, when Gaspar Domingo y Mendoza was
appointed to take charge of the government of the province,
which he kept until 1744. His successor was Don Joaquin
Codallos y Rabal.
During Codallos' administration, says Haines ( i ) , French
traders came from Louisiana to New Mexico, despite the jealous
watchfulness of the Mexican government.
In 1748, according to the same author, thirty-three French-
men went to the Jicarilla river and sold muskets to the Com-
anches. These Indians were good warriors, especially expert
in fighting on horseback, and for this reason they generally did
not turn their attacks against the settlements, but against the
people who traveled in caravans on the plains. Unlike the
Apaches, as we have been told by the old settlers of New
Mexico, the Comanches never tried to attack any considerable
party by surprise. On the contrary, they were wont to make
a show of their numbers by parading at a distance, sounding
the war whoop, sometimes for hours and even for da^^s before
attacking. They never committed themselves to a hand-to-
hand fight, but when they thought time and opportunity had
come for a trial, they gave the yell, starting their steeds at full
speed on a single line in the direction of the caravan. When
they thought they were near enough to hit somebod)', they
fired in succession passing by and turned back to take their rank
in the file and come again if necessary. If the first trial did
not give any apparent result, another one was resorted to from
a shorter distance, and if the Comanches lost some horses, it
was a proof for them that the attacked were good warriors, and
there ended the fight. This was in case they lost some
of their horses, because they knew how to protect themselves
when fighting by crouching on the safe side of their horses,
without dismounting, and making use of their arms, arrows or
muskets from below the neck of the animal. In case the ad-
(1) History of New Mexico, from which we borrow the succession of the gov-
ernors from 1737 to 1821, and valuable details on their administration.
98 The Scccessio.v of the Governors FRONf 1700 to 1800.
vantage seemed to be with the assailants, they pursued the
bloody work until they were at liberty for plundering.
At times, however, that is to say, when the Comanches-
lived in their ' 'rancherias' ' or villages, with their families, there
was trade between them and the inhabitants of New Mexico.
It consisted in the exchange of some provisions, like ' 'galletas,"
hard bread or corn meal, dry goods, red flannels and blankets
and some articles of little value, like knives, small looking
glasses, brass buttons, beads, etc. These articles were offered
by the Mexicans, each one for a stated price, which had to be
paid by the Indians in buffalo robes, prepared ' 'gamuzas, ' ' deer
skins, cured meat, horses and mules. This trade, which we
saw in existence in 1859 and subsequent 3'ears, afforded a means
of support to many poor Mexican families.
We see in an old document of the church of Sandia that
Governor Codallos was instrumental in the resettlement of the
pueblo of that name in 1 748. It seems that Sandia had remained
abandoned for more or less time after some rebellion of the
natives against Spanish rule. At the above mentioned date,
we take from the documents referred to that the Indians called
now the Sandias were brought by Fray Miguel Manchero from
different pueblos, and especially' from Acoma, Laguna and Zia.
where they had come from the Zuni villages in order to live
peaceably as Christians and subjects of the King of Spain. The
priest had previously secured permission from the viceroy to
gather those Indians where he should think proper. He selected
the old pueblo of Sandia, and there a very extensive tract of
land was granted to the new pueblo, with all the required for-
malities, by the actual governor of the province, Don Joaquin
Codallos y Rabal, on the 5th of April of the same year, 1748.
In document No. 489 of the Archives of Santa Fe, written
June 25th of the year 1748, we read that Governor Codallos de
Rabal, by order of the viceroy of New Spain, notified Don
Alonso Victoris Rubin de Celis, captain of the Real Presidio
del Paso, Rio del Norte, to send back to Santa Fe all the per-
sons who had previously left the province of New Mexico. ( i )
On the 22d of September, 1748, Padre Fray Juan Miguel
Menchero, the priest of the Sandia mission, made a visit to the
(1) See appendix No. 1.
The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 99
*'puesto," settlement of Cebolleta, where some peaceable
Apaches had established a rancheria, and baptized one hundred
of their children. (Archives of Santa Fe, Document No. 499.)
At the same time the church of Santa Fe was in course of
construction.
{10) Governors Tomas Veles Cachwpin — Francisco Antonio
Marin del Valle.
Tomas Veles Capuchin succeeded Codallos in 1749. All
that is known of his administration is that he made a campaign
against the Comanche Indians, who had pushed their incursions
into the interior of the province as far as Galisteo, and obliged
them to retreat to the plains of the buffalos with a loss of one
hundred and forty-five of their men, between dead and prisoners.
In 1 754 Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle became acting
governor. We find in a manuscript preserved in the Archives
of the Cathedral at Santa Fe that Governor Marin went per-
sonally, with some religious from Santa Fe and some citizens, to
Picuries and Quarac, to exhume the bones of two venerable
priests who had been interred in the two named missions, then
abandoned, in order to have them buried in consecrated ground.
According to the documents, the body of the venerable Fra}'
Ascencion Zarate was found in the ruins of the old church of
San Lorenzo of Picuries, and that of the venerable Fray Ger-
onimo de la Liana, in the ruins of the mission of Quarac, in a
place indicated by the old Indians. The remains of this mis-
sionary, as those of Padre Zarate, were carried to Santa Fe and
buried, August 31, 1759, in a coffin which was placed in the
wall of the gospel side in the old Cathedral church, where it can
be seen 3'et at the time of this writing. On the front side of
the coffin are engraved in plaster the following inscriptions :
I. — "Aqui yacen los huesos del venerable P. Fray Geron-
imo de la Liana, varon apostolico de la Orden de San Francisco,
los que se sacaron de la mision arruinada de Quarac, provincia
de las Salinas en imo Abril, 1759."
Translation : "Here rest the bones of Ven. Fray Geron-
imo de la Liana, apostolic man of the Order of St. Francis.
These bones were unearthed from the ruins of the old mission
of Quarac, in the province of las Salinas, on the i st day of April ,
I759-"
100 The SdccESsioy of tete Govern'ors prom 1700 to 1800,
2. — "Aqui 3'acen los huesos del venerable Fray Ascenciori
Zarate, varon apostolico de la Orden de San Francisco. Se
sacaron de las ruinas de la iglesia antigua de San Lorenzo de
Picuries el dia 8 de Mayo de 1759 y se trasladaron los restos de
estos dos varones a esta parroquia de Santa Fe, donde se sepul-
taron el dia 31 de Agosto de dicho alio de 1759, el Senor Dn,
Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle pagando por caridad el costo
del sepulcro."
Translation : "Here rest the bones of the Ven. Fray
Ascencion Zarate, apostolic man of the Order of St. Francis.
These bones were exhumed from the ruins of the church of San
Lorenzo of Picuries, on May the 8th, 1759, and the remains of
the two venerable missionaries were transferred to this parish of
Santa Fe and buried on August the 31st of the same year, 1759."
The same document gives the date 1659 as that of the
death of Fray Geronimo de la Liana, and states that he had
been held in veneration by the Indians of Quarac during his
stay among them. We read also in it that the burial of the
recovered remains was celebrated with great solemnity by the
religious of the Custodia, the governor, his officers and a large
crowd of people,
{11} Govemofs PortiUo, Cachicpin, Mendinii-e'td^ Anza.
Towards the end of the 5'ear 1761, Don Manuel Portilla
Urrizola was appointed governor of New Mexico. His admin-
istration, which lasted only five months, was noted for a suc-
cessful war against the Comanches, who, the year before, had
attacked the pueblo of Taos and prepared to enter again the
pro\'ince with an increased force. As soon as he heard of their
coming the governor started against them at the head of eighty
soldiers and routed them completely. The Utes, at the same
time, were raiding the province, avoiding fighting as much as
possible, but stealing cattle and horses, here at one time and
there at another, and driving them to their lands.
Tomas Veles Cachupin was appointed governor for the
second time on the ist of February, 1762. We quote from
Haines : ' 'Under his auspices an exploring party was sent out
to locate mines in that part of the country that afterwards be-
came Colorado. Silver was discovered in a sierra near the junc-
The Succkssion of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 101
tion of the Gunnison and Compahgre river which they named
I^a Plata, river of silver, because of the finding of the metal."
In 1767 Colonel Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta succeeded
Cachupin as governor of the province. He effected a treaty of
peace with the Comanches by which the incursions of these
Indians through the territory were suspended, at least for a
time. Mendinueta was succeeded ad interim in 1778 by
Francisco Trebol Navarro.
In the records of the Cathedral, mention is made at the
date of 1776 of the burial of nine men who had been killed by
the Comanches near Agua Fria.
In 1780, Juan Bautista de Anza was appointed political
and military governor. He conducted, says Haines, an ex-
ploring party to California, Colorado and Utah, two Franciscan
Fathers taking part in it. He had also to fight against the
Comanches, and was like his predecessor, Mendinueta, success-
ful enough to check their projects by killing four of their chiefs
and thirty of their warriors. Anza, as an old resident or may
be a native of Sonora, knew how to deal with the Indians, and
thought they could be managed better by persuasion and kind-
ness than by force, when this could be dispensed with.
In this persuasion he undertook the conversion of the
Moquis who had remained obstinately heathen since the rebel-
lion of 1680, He went to their villages with two Franciscan
Fathers and tried to establish a mission among them, but as
the chiefs objected, says Donaldson, he failed to accomplish it.
All he could do was to induce thirty families of these Indians to
follow him to the pueblos of New Mexico. Bancroft thinks that
these families may have been the founders of the Moquino
village in the Laguna region.
During his administration, Anza had to make a campaign
in pursuit of the Comanches, who had attacked the town of
Tome, inflicting a heavy material loss on its inhabitants. They
were pursued by a party of 250 men, between soldiers and
volunteers, under the command of Lieutenant Guerra, and en-
countered them at Rabbit Ear. After a fight of three hours
the Indians had to abandon the field with the loss of the spoils.
They came back unexpectedly, retook their horses and forced
the Spaniards to retreat.
102 The Successiox of the Goverxors from 1700 to 1800.
In the 3-ear 1746, two missions were established in the
province of Navajo under the administration of Governor Juan
Bautista de Anza. These were Sevilleta and Eacinal, distant
from each other about twelve leagues, and five or six from the
old missions of Acoma and Laguna, along the Cubero river.
Means of support and soldiers for protection were granted to the
missionaries by order of the viceroy, as well as church vest-
ments and agricultural implements. These missions were giving
well founded hopes for success when, on the 24th of June, 1750,
the Indians abandoned them to return to the woods, leaving
the church vestments in charge of the Laguna mission. (State
Archives No. 852.)
{13) Governors I'ernando de la Concha and Fernando Chacon.
Anza was succeeded in 1789 by Fernando de la Concha.
In the same year the new governor ordered the taking of
a census of the population of his province. ( i ) The docu-
ment reads as follows :
Indians Spaniards
Taos 479 308
Picuries 213 956
Abiquin 160 992
San Juan 205 1,398
Santa Cruz 3,303
Santa Clara 201
San Ildefonso 317
Pojnaque 77 479
Nambe 180
Cochiti 527 496
Jemes 265 118
Zia 222
Santa Ana 399
San Felipe 260
Santo Domingo 493
Sandia 252 730
Albuquerque 1,347
Isleta 383 676
Belen 2,030
Laguna 653
Acoma 783
Zuni 2,437
Socorro 425
Pecos 138
Tesuque 162
Santa Fe 2,901
Total 8,806 16,059
Grand total of population, 24,865.
(1) The copy of this census has come to us through the kindness of Benjamin
M. Read, Santa Fe.
The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 103
Dela Concha was succeeded in 1794 by Lieutenant Colonel
Fernando Chacon.
Owing to the activity of the former governors to prevent
or, at least, to lessen the number of the wild Indian raids, there
commenced between New Mexico and the provinces of Chi-
huahua and Sonora a trade which extended gradually in sub-
sequent years.
The administration of Chacon was protracted until the
year 1805. This period was one of an ominous calm, but
nobody could foresee what would come soon or late. It was in
1803 that the United States enlarged their Territory by the
purchase of the province of IvOuisiana, which they got from
Napoleon I. for fifteen million dollars.
During Chacon's administration, the Comanches kept
peaceable and friendly with the Mexican government, exercis-
ing a common yearly trade with the New Mexico people. The
trouble was only with the Navajos who were generally sneak-
ing in the mountains, watching for an opportunity to steal with
impunity.
We see in a pastoral letter of the bishop of Durango, Don
Benito Crespo, that in 1805, by disposition of the King of
Spain, a naval expedition was started for New Spain for the
introduction of vaccin in the Mexican possessions. This expe-
dition was accompanied by men experienced in the application
of the preservative against small-pox.
CHAPTER XI.
Impending Difficulties between Mexico and the
United States. Governor Alencaster and his Suc-
CESSSORS Manrique, Mainez and Aelande. The Trade
WITH THE Western Provinces of the United" States
Assuming Large Proportions.
{1) TJie Fall of the Spanish Rule in the Mexican Colonies.
Fernando Chacon had for successor as governor Colonel
Joaquin del Real Alencaster, in 1805. At this time there were
several parties of American soldiers sent north by their govern-
ment, apparently for a reconnaissance of the United States
limits, but in reality to ascertain how much protection had the
Spanish frontier. "These," says Haines, "were the scouts of
the great army of the Americans whose footsteps were soon to
echo through the streets of Santa Fe." This was exactly so
understood by the inhabitants of New Mexico, among whom it
was generally rumored that the Americans were stud^dng how
to invade their Territory. Governor Alencaster watched their
movements, and in 1806, he put four hundred men under the
command of Lieutenant Facundo Melgares, to explore the
northeastern frontier of his province and see whether the fear
of any danger had any foundation or not. Everj'thing seemed
to be quiet as yet. Meanwhile the American expeditions suc-
ceeded one another on the borders of New Mexico. One of
them, entrusted to Lieutenant Zebulon Pike with twenty-two
men, in the fall of 1806, had for its object the exploration
of the Arkansas and Red rivers. The men of the party very
The Fall op the Spanish Rcle in Mexican Colonies. 105
likel}^ went too far north, and entered the Spanish possessions,
when they turned west in search of the Red river, which they
had left, as they were already above its source. Following the
direction they had taken, they had to cross the Spanish peaks
through the snow, with great difficulty and suffering from want
of food and covering. At the end of three months spent in
crossing the mountains, they reached the Rio Grande, some-
where in the country' called now the "Conejos Valley," on the
30th of Januar^^, 1807.
Thinking that they had found at last the Red river, they
established there their camp in order to take a well needed rest
and send back for some of their party who had remained behind
with frozen feet. It was in crossing the mountains that the
attention of the Lieutenant was attracted by one of the peaks,
which he took for some time as a mark for his direction. This
has since been distinguished from the others by the name of
Pike's peak.
Governor Alencaster having been apprised of the presence
of American soldiers in his territory-, sent them an order to
report to Santa Fe without dela}^ and explain what their in-
tentions were. Great was the surprise of the Lieutenant when
he was told that he had come to the Rio Grande and was in
the province of New Mexico. He did not wdsh to go any
further w^hen he realized that he had made a mistake, but in
order not to compromise his government, he submitted and
followed the governor's messenger to Santa Fe.
The capital city was reached in four da^'S and the Lieuten-
ant himself, as quoted by Haines, explains in his journal the
poor impression their ragged accoutrements must have made on
the inhabitants. They were so shabbih' dressed, some with
pieces of blankets, others with the skins of the bufFalos they
had killed during their journe^^ that they were considered b)'
the good Spaniards of Santa Fe, as people vers' little different
from the Indians. Those Spaniards, however, took good
care of them, and especial^ of their sick men, and for this reason
the Lieutenant made grateful mention of them in his book.
The governor of Santa Fe confident^ gave credence to the
explanation of the mistake committed by Pike, but told him
that he would have to go to Chihuahua with an escort he would
106 The Fall of the Spanish Role ts Mexican Colonies.
furnish him and explain his positiou to General Salcedo, the
"Comandante militar" of that cit}'. At Chihuahua the Ameri-
cans were treated with as much courtesy as by Governor Alen-
caster at Santa Fe. They were permitted to return to their
country without fearing to be molested anywhere on Spanish
soil.
Alencaster had for successor as Governor Lieutenant Man-
rique in 1808. According to Haines, in 1810 New Mexico was
accorded the honor of having a representative in the Spanish
Cortes, and Don Pedro Bautista Pino was elected the delegate
for the province. While in Spain, Pino represented to the
Cortes the necessity of New Mexico having some militar3^ posts
for her protection, either against the wild tribes or against any
attack from a foreign nation. He asked also for a bishopric,
a college and schools for his province ; but owing to the diffi-
culties which then existed between France and Spain, and ex-
hausted all the resources of the latter, the petitions cf the
delegate from New Mexico remained without effect.
In 18 1 5 Don Alberto Mainez succceeded Manriqae and had
himself for successor Don Pedro Maria de Allande in 18 16,
AUande made a successful war against the Navajos, who %vere
raiding the populations of the province, and obliged them to
retreat to their countrj', at least for some time.
Allande was succeeded in 1 8 1 8 b^^ Facundo Melgares who
was the last governor for Spain,
In 18 1 7 the Visitor of the missions, Fray Juari Bautista
Guevara invited Governor Allande to be present at the escami-
nation of the schools of both sexes at Santa Fe which was to-
take place on the Sunday after mass in the church for more
publicity. All the teachers were to be present, each one at the
head of the division intrusted to him or her.
(S) The Trade Beticeen New Mexico and the Western Cities of
the United States.
It was in the last 3'ears of the Spanish government and
particularly from 1816, that the trade between the w^estern cities
of the United States and Santa Fe commenced to take the pro-
portions of a steady business-like industry. Communication
with Mexico was difficult, and the supplies which could be had
The Fall of the Spaxish Rule ix Mexican Colonies. 107
from there were very limited, while the^' were very complete in
the cities of the United States. This last consideration was the
chief reason why the New Mexico people accepted the condi-
tions which were offered to them by the business men of the
East for the trade in goods of all sorts.
The nearest emporium, or the one of easiest access from
New Mexico, was St. Louis, which for this reason was made
the center of the Santa Fe trade, and remained so almost ex-
clusively until communications b)' rail were established in all
directions. The trade was carried on, first with the help of
pack animals, and later of wagons from Lawrence, and later
from Kansas City to New Mexico. The distance to be trav-
eled was nine hundred miles of plain, at the risk of losing
everj'thing, even life, at the hands of the savage Indians who
roamed continually over the prairies, especially in the summer
time. During the cold season the Indians generall^^ retired to
the mountains or to places where the^^ could find wood for fuel
and trees for protection against the cold winds, thus leaving
the traders' trail comparatively safer ; still, there remained yet
the danger of intense cold and of frequent snow storms. On
the other hand, the caravans could hardh' make two trips from
New Mexico to Kansas City and back during the summer
season, and this was not enough to supply the wants of the
population of the territory. Then, in order to answer the de-
mand for imported provisions, and in consideration of the higher
compensation for freightage, several attemps were made to cross
the plains in the winter time, but generally with disastrous re-
sults for those who made the attempt.
To show how dangerous it was in former times to cross
the plains in the winter we have no better illustration than the
answer given in 1852 by J. L. Collins to Governor William Carr
Lane on the subject. The inquirj^ of the governor was about
the practicability of encouraging travel during the winter between
Santa Fe and the Missouri river through the plains. Collins
replied in wnriting pretty nearly in the following manner : ( i )
"The first attempt was made b^^ a small party from St.
Louis in the year 1824 or 1825, by Messrs. Faulkner and An-
(1) His letter is to be seen iu the appendix of the governor's message for the
•year 1852.
108 TnK Fall of the Spaxish Rule in Mexican Colonies.
derson. They were caught by a heavy fall of snow at Chau-
teaii's Island on the Arkansas river and lost nearly all their
horses and mules. They wintered on an island that has been
known since as "Log Island" on account of the many trees
they had to cut for the subsistance of their few remaining ani-
mals and for sheltering the men from the storm.
Subsequently the road, being better known, was traveled
frequently even in the winter, but often the attempt resulted in
loss of property and not unfrequentlj^ of human life.
In December 1841, Don Manuel Alvares, with a small
party, was caught in a storm on "Cottonwood Creek" near
"Council Grove." In a few hours two men and all the mules
were frozen to death. Alvares saved the remainder of his men
by forcing them into motion until the storm abated ; many of
them, however, were badly frozen.
About the same period another party under the charge of
Don Antonio Roubidoux had to stand a storm at the same
place. They lost in one night one or two men and over
four hundred horses and mules.
In 1844 Dr. H. Connelly and M. Spyre got into a storm near
the Arkansas river, and on October 12th lost a number of mules
and saved the remainder only by driving them into the timber
of the river, where they could be protected. The same party
encountered another rough storm on the Cimaron, in which
they lost over three hundred mules and were compelled to
remain until animals were sent from Santa Fe to their relief.
In 1848 Messrs. Waldo, McCoy & Co., government freight-
ers, in returning to Missouri, lost nearty all their cattle,
amounting to eight or nine hundred head. The wagons were
left on the spot until next spring.
In 1849, Messrs. Brown, Russell & Co., in crossing the
the Jornada from the Arkansas to Cimaron with some twenty
wagons, were caught by a terrific wind and snow storm. The
men took refuge in the wagons, leaving the cattle go where
they pleased. The animals would not leave, but gathered in
the enclosure formed by the wagons, where they perished in a
few hours. Fortunately provisions were plent}^ and the
wagons could be used for fuel. Thus the men could subsist
until succor arrived in the spring.
The Fall of the Spaxish Rule ix Mexican Coloxies. 109
In 1850 the same company' with government freight was
caught b}' another snow storm between Cimaron and San Miguel
and lost over a thousand head of cattle.
In 1851 Cottonwood Creek was again the scene of an awful
destruction of life. Colonel Sumner was overtaken by a storm
at that place and lost nearly' three hundred mules, one man
was lost and several others badly frozen. ' '
Mr. Collins after this expose of the above disastrous events,
which we have shortened of some of its details, refrains from
giving an estimate of the losses of life and property caused by
marauding tribes during thirt}' jxars.
In 1859, when the writer came to New Mexico, vers- few,
if any, dared to cross the plains in the winter time. Some
would start from New Mexico late in the fall, and stay near
Kansas City until next spring, thus avoiding the severe cold
and coming back to their homes early enough to effect a new
round trip before the coming of the winter. In this wa}^, those
who had good animals could make three freighting expeditions
in two years.
After this digression we return to our subject, to give a
succinct account of the causes of the fall of the Spanish rule in
the Mexican Colonies.
{3) The Fall of the Spanish Rule in Mexico.
For a long time, signs of discontent had manifested
themselves in the possessions of New Spain. The reason was
not only the distance from the head of the government, which
could not always give timely orders for the maintenance of
peace, but also the kind of men who had come, either of their
own accord or sent by the government, to settle in the Mexican
colonies. The former, including the explorers and conquerors,
had come to improve their fortunes, and in order to reach that
end, man^' of them, despite the rules and edicts of the monarchs
of Spain, ver^- often wronged the Indians and the race of mixed
blood, for their own benefit. The latter were a turbulent class
of people who had been exported from Spain because of their
revolutionary dispositions, and these, as might be expected,
did not behave any better, to sa}^ the least, in the colonies than
in their native country. To this reason must be added the lack
110 The Fall of the Spaxisii Rl'le ix Mexican Colonies.
of fusion between the Spanish element in the colonies and the
race of mixed blood. The marked and affected superiority^ of
the former weighed too heavily on the latter to pass unnoticed.
The Spanish population proper was a small minority, still, as
we read in Johnson's Cyclopaedia, it was the party "which
monopolized the posts of honor and influence, as well as the
large landed estates and the commercial wealth of the country. "
Thence followed the organized revolutions for independence.
The first started from Dolores on the i6th of September 1810,
at the call ot Cura Hidalgo, the parish priest of that place.
The appeal, though responded to by many people anxious for
libert}^, could not have the desired effect. After a triumphant
march through several sympathetic districts, Hidalgo was made
prisoner by the government force and shot on July 31st 18 11.
His work was taken up and continued in a more active manner
by another priest, Father Morelos, who proceeded victoriously
towards the capital but was defeated near it, at San Cristobal,
in the pueblo of Acatepec, where he was made prisoner and
shot on the 22d day of December 1815. Before dying Morelos
fell on his knees and exclaimed: "Sefior, Tu sabes si he obrado
bien, si no, imploro tu infinita misericordia." "O Lord, Thou
knowest whether I have done right; if not, I implore Thy infinite
mercy." Hidalgo and Morelos, it must be assumed, acted
under the impulse of a strong conviction and for the good of
their downtrodden race, though not in conformity with the
principles and duties of the priesthood to which the^^ belonged.
May God have taken their intention and we might add, their
ignorance of duty into account, for the shedding of human
blood w^hich was caused by the revolution they originated and
for which they were sacrificed. These two first leaders of the
revolution against the established government died before
effecting what they proposed, but the spirit of rebellion w^hich
they had stirred up and brought nearly to a complete success
despite the bad organization and poor equipment of their fol-
lowers, survived them.
From this time, several revolutions were started and
suppressed in succession until 1821, when the last one caused
the fall of the Spanish government in the possessions of New
Spain, and actually made an independent country-. The end of
The Fall of the Spavish Rcle ix Mexican Colonies. Ill
the Spanish rule in New Spain was accelerated by the govern-
ment of England which, at that time giving an interested
protection to Ferdinand VII. against the encroachments
of Emperor Napoleon on the Peninsula, had already its agents
in Mexico to foster the spirit of rebellion and to take hold of
the commerce of that country. ( i )
(1) Victor du Himiel, Hi&toire dEspagne. (Toui'5, 1850.}
CHAPTER XII.
Some Remarks on the Period of Coloxizatiox and
THE Government of Spain in Mexico. Objections
Answered.
It was in 1521 that what has been called New Spain was
practically acquired for the Crown of Spain b}' the conquest of
IMexico by the gallant Fernando Cortez, and it was governed
by the Spanish rule for three hundred years. Much has been
said and written, even by people who ought to know better,
against the Spanish government in the American possessions ;
against its tyranny and cruelt^^ its fanaticism for the exten-
sion of the Catholic religion and its greed for gold. These
charges are the points on which we will express our opinion in
this chapter, thereby refuting man}" objections with histori-
cal documents from good authorities.
(i) Was the Government of Spain a Tyrannical One in the
Possessions of New Spain f
To answer these specious charges we must make some
allowance for the circumstances of the time and for the kind of
people the Spaniards had to deal with, first to conquer and next
to govern. The first explorers who were sent from Spain to
America, were generally good soldiers, men who knew how to
make use of arms, and as a rule not accustomed to retreat be-
fore the enemy. No wonder then, if in many battlefields they
inflicted heavy losses on the aborigines who, though utterh'
ignorant of European tactics, relied on their numbers and
fought until they realized they were completely defeated. Was
XXI. Most Rev. J. B. Lamy, D. D.
Fir.st .\rehbisliop of Sauta Fe, N. Mox.
XXII. Most Rev. J. B. Salpointe, D. D.
Second Archbishop of Santa Fe , \.-Mex.
Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 113
there any cruelty on the part of the Spaniards, especially when
we know that the^^ never made use of their arms when not
obliged to do it ? No, we see nothing in their wars against the
natives but the consequences of fighting between nation and
nation, or even between the citizens of the same country, as
was the case, not so msLnj years ago, in these United States.
The Spaniards may have not unfrequently exceeded the
just limits in the repression of rebellions, but they had to assert
their superiority by enforcing obedience, otherwise they would
not have been the conquerors but the conquered, always subject
to the attacks of the rebellious natives. We will add that,
before pass'ing a hasty judgment on the deeds of men of a far
distant epoch, we ought to know its characteristics. Men of
over three centuries ago, we fancy, must have been rude in their
wa3^s, severe in the punishment of faults, and in all manners far
from our civilization and refined instincts. This is our opinion :
We think we have left far behind us the barbarous times.
Still, without mentioning how the first settlers in the United
States dealt with the aborigines, has not the government of
this country' treated the Indians with more severity, not to sa^'-
cruelty, than did the Spaniards of centuries ago? This the
United States government did, not to establish its authority,
but in many instances, to punish the misdeeds of some Indians.
What the government did in this nineteenth centur^^ private
citizens have done also on several occasions, kilHng Indians,
men, women and children, when taken by surprise in their
"rancherias" (camps), for stealing some cattle or horses.
Now, as far as tyranny is concerned, we have alread}^ ad-
mitted that it existed to some extent in certain districts of New
Spain, and that it was one of the chief causes which gave rise
to the revolutions which have brought about the independence
of Mexico ; but, as already suggested, this was due to unscrup-
ulous fortune seekers who speculated on the work of the Indians
in flagrant \nolation of the government orders.
From the beginning of the missions in the New World, we
see, by the history of that epoch, that the Dominicans Monte-
sino and Bartolome de las Casas, preached openly against the
oppressors of the natives, and advocated a law which would
protect them against any compulsory work. The Hieroniraites
114 Remarks on the Period of Colonization.
and the Franciscans, while deprecating any oppression of the
Indians, were of the opinion that moderate work could not but
be very beneficial to them, teaching them how to support them-
selves, and at the same time, beneficial to the commonwealth
by preventing them from preparing rebellions. This last opin-
ion prevailed, but called for royal edicts stating what kind of
labor could be required from the natives. These documents
show by evidence, how anxious ' the monarchs of Spain were
that the Indians should not be molested without good reasons,
and even in this case, there were provisions obliging the local
authorities to take into account the ignorance of the delinquents
and not to punish them with too much severity.
We could reproduce here, were it not too long, several in-
structions given by the Spanish Kings to their vicero^^s, in
regard to the government of the Indians, in which there is
always particular attention called to the necessity of treating
kindly the aborigines in order to make them good Christians
and good citizens. ( i )
From these and many other historical proofs which might
be given> it can be inferred that none of the wrongs committed
by the Spaniards against the Indians in New Spain can be im-
puted to the Spanish government. This government did not
order the destruction of the Indians, but their protection and
civilization, their instruction and elevation in the moral and
social order. They (the Indians) were left in full possession
of their lands, which by law were insured to them forever. ' 'It
is due," says Lummis, "to the generous and manly laws made
by Spain, three hundred years ago, that our most interesting
and advanced Indians, the pueblos, enjoy today full security
in their lands." Spanish colonists were sent to remain in the
conquered possessions, where they intermarried and brought
up a generation of mixed blood, the Mexican population which,
in numbers and qualities is far superior to the former Indian race.
{£) Fanaticism for the Extension of the Catholic Religion.
As regards what has been termed fanaticism, we will call
it by its true name the zeal for the extension of the Catholic
(I) Juande Solorzano Perlyia; "De Indiarum Jure."
Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 115
religion, and explain how it was exercised among the natives
of the New World. It was the main object of the Catholic
moiiarchs of Spain, in pushing their domination over the idola-
trous aborigines, to have these converted to the Catholic faith.
This object, which was encouraged and blest by the Supreme
Pontiffs, was never lost sight of by the valiant conquerors, but
never sought by force. Once subjugated, the Indians were
asked to accept among them missionaries who would instruct
them in the true religion ; but they were never obliged to do so,
nor punished for objecting to the proposition . But, says Governor
L. Bradford Prince in his history of New Mexico, as quoted by
Thomas Donaldson in the Extra Census Bulletin, "as time
passed the colonists became stronger, the priests resorted to
other means than pious example and persuasion to bring con-
verts to the Christian faith. Men whose zeal far outran their
discretion, took part in the work and the spirit of persecution
then dominant in Europe, began to exert its baneful influence
among the peaceful and kind hearted natives of New Mexico. ' '
We beg leave to say that Mr. Prince was badly informed
when he wrote the above lines. The priests preached the
Catholic religion, according to the rules of the Church, and in
conformity with the royal instructions, which required from
the missionaries patience and kindness in behalf of the Indians.
They preached with a zeal which indeed outran, as true history
has it, not against the Indians but against themselves, by ex-
cessive work and daily privations. To substantiate his asser-
tions, the governor says that "they (the Indians) were evidently
a religious people. The Estufas were the scenes of their more
public ceremonies and special intercourse with the higher power.
Religious rites were of frequent observance among them and
the •'Cachina," their favorite dance, had a connection with
supernatural things. ' ' So says His Honor the ex-governor of
Santa Fe. Others, with more reason, and even the Catholic
Indians of New Mexico, say, that the Indians of old were idola-
ters and that their ceremonies, especially those practiced in the
Estufas, were often very indecent and always grossly supersti-
tious. As regards the dance called Cachina, we hold from a
captive who has seen the said dance and very likely participated
in it, that it is utterly immoral. We suppress the name of the
116 Remarks on the Period of Colokization'-
tribe in order not to compromise the former captive, who in
fact is free now, but prefers to remain with the Indians.
We abstain from quoting more, after Donaldson, from the
vague criticisms of the work of the missionaries among the In-
dians. The opinion of Prince is that the religion of the Indians,
though very far from the truth, was intended to make them
better, and for this reason, ought to have been tolerated by the
priests. Indeed, the religion of the natives was not interfered
with by the Church in the tribes which refused to receive the
missionaries; nor by the conquerors, except when it admitted of
human sacrifices, as was the case in Mexico at the time of the
conquest by Cortez. As regards the destruction of the idols,
history says that the same conqueror had it practiced in the
first tribe which tried to stop his march. He was blamed for
this act by the priests who accompanied his expedition and
made to understand that the first thing to be done with the
Indians, before trying to suppress their religion, was to instruct
them in the knowledge of the true one. This was also the iH-
struction repeatedly given by the monarchs of Spain to the
soldiers and to the missionaries sent to this continent.
But what about the Inquisition ? Was it not a Church
institution to force the people to embrace and practice the
Catholic religion ?
The Inquisition was a royal and not a papal institution;
this is admitted by the historian Schroechk, a protestant, and
others whose testimony must be considered as impartial. It
was established in Spain by Ferdinand and Ysabella in 1477,
not directly to force the Catholic religion on anybody, but to
protect this religion, which was that of the State, against the
spread of heresy and apostasy in their dominions. In order to
prevent any unjust incrimination in the matter of injury done
to the CathoHc faith, there were two eminent theologians among
the members of the tribunal of the Inquisition, not to give any
sentence of punishment, but only to state whether in the case,
there had been or not, matter for charge of misdemeanor against
the faith. At the request of their Majesties, the tribunal was
sanctioned by Pope Sixtus IV. in 1482, and by Innocent VIII,
ill 1485. on the condition that, in matters of faith, the judges
instituted by the monarchs, could not act without the partici-
Remarks on the Period of Coloxizatiok. 117
pation of the bishops. It must be said that the sentence
pronounced by the judges, as regards the punishment for the
crimes against the faith, could be commuted to a milder one by
a public retraction of the wrong committed by the convicted
person. •
Rohrbacher (i) quotes from De Maistre, (L,ettres a un
gentilhomme russe sur 1' Inquisition d'Espagne) the following,
considered one of the severest judgments pronounced by the
ecclesiastical members of the Royal Inquisition : ' 'We have
declared and do declare N. N. guilty of heresy and apos-
tasy and of fostering heretics, that for these crimes he has
incurred the pain of excommunication and confiscation of all
his property to the profit of the Royal Chamber, and of the
fisc of His Majest}'. We declare moreover that the accused
must be abandoned to the secular arm which, we request and
most earnesth^ charge as best we can, to deal with him with
kindness and commiseration."
The Inquisition was established in New Spain, but, was
it there as has been represented by many a writer, like a dread-
ful nightmare, which weighed on the poor Indians during the
three hundred years of the colonial government ? To this we
will answer by the following quotation from A. F. Bandelier :
(2) "The Inquisition had no manner of swa^i- or jurisdiction
over the American Indians. References to "Autos da Fes" in
which the Indians are represented as being the victims, are
absolutely untrue, Not only the laws of the Indies, but the
official declarations of the Holy Office bear witness to this fact.
It never interfered nor was permitted to interfere in matter of
faith or belief of the aborigines. ' *
Did this tribunal really make the City of Mexico the
necropolis of the New World ? To this query Father Gerst,
the author of "L' Inquisition au Mexique," as appeared in the
Etudes Religieuses, answers: "To these declarations we will
oppose stern figures. Mr. Iscazbalceta, an honorable historian,
who spent forty years in researches of documents for the his-
tory of Mexico, had the good fortune to find, with few excep-
(1) Etudes Relijrieiises, published iu Paris hy the Jesuit Fathers.
(2) Final report of iDvestiga.ion among the Indians of the southwestern United
States, carried on mainly in the years 1880-1885. Part I.
118 Remarks on the Period of Colonization.
tions, the contemporaneous relations of all the "Autos da Fes,"
and these documents give, for a period of 277 years, from the
institution of the office, until 1795, a total of forty-one execu-
tions to death and of ninety-nine condemnations to burning
in effigy." (i)
The tribunal of the Inquisition was abolished in 181 3 by
the cortes with the approbation of King Fernando VII.
When the Indians, after having been duly instructed, em-
braced the Catholic religion, they had, as a matter of course,
to abandon their old superstitions and the practice of immoral
dances, because such abuses were inconsistent with the profes-
sion of the Catholic faith. As for the other Indian amusements,
which were not indecent, they were tolerated by the mission-
aries, and this is the reason of the yet existing strange dances,
publicly exhibited in all the Indian pueblos, at certain times
every year. There are some others which take place in the
estufas where the public is not admitted. On account of this
secrecy, many have been induced to beHeve that these dances
must be unbecoming. This, we will not deny, may be the case
in some instances, still if we believe what we have been told by
a reliable Indian from Jemes, there is at least one exception.
In his pueblo, he said, the dance of the Estufas has nothing
objectionable, and the only reason why the public is not ad-
mitted to witness it, is the narrow space of the room. The
man added that twice the Indians had invited their priest, Rev.
J. B. Mariller, to be present at the performance, but that he
declined the invitation on account of his occupations, as it was
during Holy Week. The priest does not contradict the testi-
mony.
For the benefit of all men prejudiced against the Church in
regard to the extension of the Catholic religion in the Spanish
colonies of America, we take pleasure in quoting from "The
Christian Missions" of T. W. M. Marshal, some opinions of
fair minded Protestant writers on the work of the missionaries
among the Indians :
(1) Just after writing the above quotation, December 28, 1894, we learn from
the papers that the good Catholic and great historian, Joaquin Garcia Iscazbalceta,
died in Mexico a few weeks before.
Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 119
"The Roman Catholic clergy in America," says Robertson,
" uniformly exerted their influence to protect the Indians and to
moderate the ferocit)' of their countrj^men. ' '
"We must express our admiration for the exalted piet}' of
the Roman Catholic missionaries, who, in these countries in-
habited by human beings in the lowest state of degradation,
endured poverty and misery in all forms, to win the Indians to
better habits and purer faith." (Berthold Seamann. )
"The learned and thoughtful men, for such the monks and
ecclesiastics must be held to be * * * are steadily arrayed
against the more conquering soldiers." (Helps.)
"It was the missionaries," as writes Mr. Marshal, "who
obtained from the H0I3' See the menace of excommunication
against the selfish oppressors of the Indians, and from the royal
authority such decrees as the following : 'That no Indian
should carry any burdens against his will, whether he was paid
for it or not'; that, 'when they (the Indians) were sent to the
mines, they were to be provided with clergy there' ; that 'their
protectors should cause that the Indians be well treated and
taught in secular things and instructed in the articles of the
Holy Catholic Faith.'"
*'The clergy," sa^'S also the careful and conscientious his-
torian Helps, "not only taught spiritual things but temporal
also. ' '
"The name of California is forever united with the un-
selfish devotion of the Franciscan Fathers." (Berthold Sea-
mann. )
' 'The Jesuits who had preceeded the Franciscans, ' ' observes
Sir George Simpson, "had covered the sterile rocks of Cali-
fornia with the monuments, agricultural, architectural and
economical, of their patience and aptitude. ' '
"Sometimes," as remarks Mr. Marshal, "the civil au-
thorities tried to obtain from the government orders to hinder
the influence of the missionaries in protecting the Indians
against excessive work, but they failed in their attempts. The
wish of the government was alwa^^s that the natives should be
fairly treated and protected against any kind of oppression."
"On the other hand," as observes the same author, "nota-
ble examples are found of active and generous co-operation
120 Remarks ox the Period of Colontzatiom,
with the clergy on the part of the lay auditors of Mexico. In
1 53 1, when there were only a hundred Dominicans and Fran-
ciscans in the whole country, the Auditor sent to the Emperor
a petition for more monks, 'being doubtless,' says Helps, 'of
the same mind with a subsequent viceroy, who, when there
was much question of building forts throughout the country,
replied that towers with soldiers were dens of thieves, but that
convents with monks were as good as walls and castles for
keeping the Indians in subjection.' "
But we may be asked in addition, what was the work of
the monks besides instructing the Indians in the Catholic doc-
trine, and protecting them against their oppressors ? A noble
work they did, which ought to be recorded in golden letters for
those, who so often charge the Church with trying to keep
nations in ignorance. This, at least, was not the case in
Mexico, as we see that as early as in 1524, one of those "lazy"
monks. Fray Pedro de Gante, says Lummis, had founded in
Mexico the first schools in the New World. "If Mexico had
printing presses before any other American city, it was owing
to the initiative of our fanatic (?) missionaries. In their anxiety
to spread instruction among the natives, Fray Juan de Zumar-
raga, the first bishop of Mexico and his colleagues in the
episcopate, spared no expense to procure typographers from
Europe. It was then that the celebrated Juan Cromberger
sent Juan Pablos with a complete outfit to found here a branch of
the house of Sevilla, to publish doctrinal and scientific works.
In 1538 and probably the year before, the presses were in full
operation. In 1540 we see them installed in a house of the
Archbishop, and from this date they put in circulation a series
of valuable books in the language of the Indians. " ( i )
We quote again from the book of Lummis already men-
tioned : ' 'The most striking thing of all as showing the schol-
arly attitude of the Spaniards towards the new continents, was
a result entirely unique. Not only did their intellectual activity
breed among themselves a galaxy of eminent writers, but in a
very few years, there was a school of important Indian authors.
It would be an irreparable loss to knowledge of the true history
(1) Translated from "The Etudes Religieuses" published in Paris by the Jesuit
Fathers. Vol. xliii., March 1888.
XXIII. Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, D. D.
First Bishop of Denver, Col.
Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 121
of America, if we were to lose the chronicles of such Indian
writers as Tezozomoc, Cumargo and Pomar, in Mexico ; Juan
de Santa Cruz, Pachacuti, Yamqui, Salcamayhua in Peru, and
many others ; and what a gain to science if we had taken pains
to raise up our own aborigines to such helpfulness to themselves
and to human knowledge."
{■3) The Greediness of the Spaniards for Gold and Riches.
In regard to the greediness of the Spaniards for gold and
riches, we will only saj' that this wish, if not pushed too far,
does not constitute matter for any blame, unless we condemn
all the men who, by honest work and industry, are trjdng to
better their condition in this world. But however it may have
been wnth the Spaniards in their colonies, we cannot deny that
their thirst for gold had a good result, namely the exploration
of the western part of this continent and the introduction of
civilization in it at an early date.
We close the remarks against the unjust accusations so
lavishly heaped by many writers on the government of Spain
in the colonies, with another quotation from I^ummis : "The
statements of close historians that the Spaniards enslaved the
Pueblos or any other Indians of New Mexico ; that they forced
them to choose between Christianity and death ; that they made
them w^ork in the mines and the like, are all entire!}^ untrue.
The whole policy of Spain toward the Indians of the New
World, w^as one of humanity, justice, education and moral
suasion ; and, though chefe were, of course, individual Spaniards
who broke the strict laws of their country as to the treatment
of the Indians, they were duly punished therefor. ' '
*8
CHAPTER Xiri.
Priests who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico.
{1) Names of the Priests toho Worked in the Missions of New
Mexico from 15^0, when this Country was Explored hy
Coronado, to 1821^ the Date of the Mexican Independence.
The list we give of the names of the venerable mission-
aries who preached the gospel in New Mexico, is far from be-
ing complete, as all the church documents, from the establish-
ment of the missions to the year i68i were destroyed in the
general revolt of the pueblos in i68o. As regards the remain-
ing period of time until the fall of Spanish rule in Mexico, we
must say that we have not, thus far, been able to explore all
the records yet in existence in the chyrches, and consequently
many names of the missionaries of our country will remain un-
mentioned in the pages of these notes, until a more complete
investigation. This list, however, gives us a pretty fair idea
of how numerous must have been the phalanx of the brave
soldiers of the Cross, the zealous Sons of St. Francis, who fol-
lowed and many times outstepped, in New Mexico and Arizona,
the march of the valorous Spanish Conquistadores. The sol-
dier looked to the conquest of lands and peoples for his king,
and the missionary to the conquest of souls for heaven. Both
advanced, now together and then apart from each other, but
both always facing to the right point, though with different
views and dififerently equipped. The soldier brilliantly clad,
mounted on his steed, with spear in hand to fight the Indian
Priests who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico. 123
if need be ; and the missionar^^, dressed in the poor habit of his
Order, walking on foot and bearing the cross, to console the
conquered native, and to show him that there was One who
had suffered before him and for him, in order to win his heart
and to make him happy in another world.
1540: (i) Fray Marcos de Niza. {2) Fray Juan de
Padilla and Brother L,ouis de Escalona. (Expedition of Coro-
nado. )
1581 : (3) Fray Francisco Eopez. (4) Fray Juan de
SJinta Maria, Brother Agustin Ruiz. (Ruiz expedition. )
15S2: (5) Fray Bernardino Beltran. (Espejo's expedi-
tion. )
1596: (6) Fray Alonzo Martinez. (7) Fray Francisco
de San Miguel. (8) Fray Francisco de Zamorro. (9) Fray
Juan de Rosas. (10) Fray Alonzo de Lugo, fii) Fray An-
dres Corchado. (12) Fray Juan Claros. (13) Fray Cristobal
Salazar, Brothers Pedro de Vergara and Juan de Buenaventura.
{ Juan de Oiiate's expedition.)
1608: (16) Fray Juan Ramirez.
1629 : (17) Fray Zarate Salmeron.
1632 : (18) Fray Juan Eetrado, Fray Martin Arbide.
1678-80: (Otermin being governor of the province.)
^19) Fray Juan de Jesus Morador. (20) Fray Cristobal Fig-
iieroa. (21) Fray Albido Maldonado. (22) Fray Juan Mora.
(23) Fray Juan Eorenzo Analiza. (24) Fra^'^ Juan de Jesus
Espinosa. (25) Fray Sebastian Calzada.
1681 : (26) Fray Francisco Gomez de la Cadena. (27)
Fray Andres Duran. (28) Fray Francisco Far fan. (29) Fray
N. Ayeta. (30) Fray Juan de Vallada. (31) Fray Jesus de
Eombardi. (32) Fray N. N., (his title) Procurador. (33)
Fray Juan de Jesus.
1692: (Vargas being governor. ) (34) Fray Francisco
Corvera. (35) Fray Miguel Muiiis. (36) Fray Cristobal Alonzo
Barroso.
1698: (37) Fray Salvador de San Antonio. (38) Fra^^Juan
de Zavaleta. (39) Fray Francisco Jesus Maria. (40) Fray
Juan de Alpuente. (41) Fray Juan Muilos de Castro. (42)
Fray Juan Daza. (43) Fray Jose Dies. (44) Fra^^ Antonio
Carbonel. (45) Fray Geronimo Prieto. (46) Fray Juan An-
124 Priests ^ho "Worked ix the Mission's or Xe^ Mexico-
tonio de Corral. (47) Fray Antonio Vahomonde. (48) Fray
Antonio Obregon. (49) Fray Domingo de Jesus Maria. (50)
Fray Buenaventura Con treras. (51) Fray Jose Navares Vel-
arde. (52) Fray Diego Zeinos.
1694: (53) Fray Francisco Vargas. (54) Fray Antonio
Morino. (55) Fray Jose Garcia Marin. (56) Fray Miguel
Tirso. (57) Fray Antonio Azevedo. (58) Fray Jose Arvizu.
(59) Fray Juan de la Pefia.
From this date we give the names of the priests alphabeti-
cally, omitting the time of their arrival in this country.
60.
61.
62.
63-
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71-
72.
73-
74-
75-
76.
77-
78.
79-
80.
81.
82.
83-
84.
85.
86.
87.
90.
91-
92.
93-
94
Fray Alvares Cristobal.
F. Aumatel Estevan.
F. de Arros Antonio.
F. de Arros Domingo.
F. de Arrenguas Jose.
F. Aparicio Antonio.
F. Alvarez Juan.
F. Alvarez Francisco.
F. Arivala Lucas.
F. de Abadiano Manuel.
F. Alvarez Sebastian.
F. Aguilar Pedro.
F. Anton Sebastian.
F. Alcina Teodoro.
F. A. Francisco de Jesus.
F. B. Francisco Manuel.
F. Brisuela Antonio.
F. Bermejo Juan.
F. Benavides Rafael.
F. B. de la Parra Francisco.
F. Brotone Francisco.
F. Burgos Joseph.
F. Barcenilla Isidoro.
F. Camargo Antonio.
F. Corral Jose.
F. Caballero Antonio.
F. de la Cruz Murciano.
F. Cellar Patricio.
F. de Castro Jose.
F. Correa Andres.
F. Chabarria Francisco.
F. deSta. Cruz M.Antonio.
F. de Colina Agustin.
F. Claramonte Andres.
F. C. Redondo Francisco.
F. Chabarria Diego.
F. Campos Miguel.
F. Celis Juan Antonio.
F. Castro Juan Joseph.
F. Diez de Aguilar Pedro,
F. Dominguez Antonio.
F. D. Francisco Xavier.
F. Dronzoso Joseph.
F. Delgado Carlos.
F. de Eguir Joseph.
F. E. Diego de los Monteros.
F. Esparagosa N.
F. F. de Sierra Santiago.
F. Farfan Francisco.
F. Fernandez Sebastian.
F. Flores Manuel,
F. Gavaldon Antonio.
F. Guerrera Antonio.
F. Gonzales Francisco.
F. Gonzales Manuel.
F. Garcia Andres.
F. Garcia Angel.
F. Garcia Jose.
F. Gusman N.
F. Gonzales Jacinto.
F. Gravino Joseph.
F. Guerra Ambrosio.
F. Gonzales Ramon.
F. Garaycoechea N.
24. F. Gomez Caynola N.
25. F. Hernandez Jose.
26. F. Hossio Francisco.
27. F. Hernandez Juan.
28. F. de Haro Joseph.
29. F. Hernandez J. Bautista.
95-
96.
97-
98.
99.
00.
01.
02.
03-
04.
05-
06.
07.
08.
09.
o.
I.
2.
3-
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
9-
20.
21.
22.
23
Priests who "Worked in the Missions of ^Xew Mexico. 125
130.
131-
132.
133-
134-
135-
136.
137-
138.
139-
140.
141.
142.
143-
144.
145-
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151-
152.
153-
154-
155-
156.
157-
158.
T59-
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
^73-
174.
F. Hernandez Juan Jose. 175.
F, Hermida Buenaventura 176.
F. Irizabal Francisco. 177.
F. de Ibares Antonio. 178.
F. Irigoiii J. Nepomuceno. 179.
F. Irigoin N. 180.
F. de Inojosa Juan. 181.
F. Iniesta Augustin. 182.
F. Junco y Juncoso. 183.
F. Laboreria Pedro. 184.
F. Llanos Juan Jose. 185.
F. de Lesoun N. 186.
F. Lopez Salvador. 187.
F. Lerchundi Francisco. 188.
F. de Lago Gabriel. 189.
F. de Linan Geronimo. 190.
F. Lerchundi Bravo N. 191.
F. Moreno Manuel. 192.
F. Medrano Jose. 193.
F. Memo Bueno N. 194.
F. Mufios Jurado Diego. 195.
F. Mingnez Juan. 196.
F. Miranda Antonio. 197.
F. Miraval Jose. 198.
F. de Matha Juan. 199.
F.deM.Estanislao Mariano20o.
F. Martinez Diego. 201.
F. M Ontario Pedro. 202.
F. Mestas Antonio. 203.
F. Mignagori Manuel. 204.
F. Martinez de la Vega N. 205.
F. Miguel N. 206.
F. Mestas Agustin. 207.
F. Monchero Juan Miguel. 208.
F. Moreno Antonio and 209.
two more whose names 210.
are not given. 211.
F. Noriega Jose. 212.
F. Orquera Pedro Antonio 213.
F. Oliden Gregorio. 214.
F. de Ortega Jose Vivian. 215.
F. Ortiz Rafael. 216.
F. de Otero Cayetano. 217.
F. Orongoroso Joseph. 218.
F. Oleata Joseph. 219.
F. Obregon Antonio. 220.
F. Padilla Diego. 221.
F. Palacios Jose.
F. de la Prada Jose,
F. Patero Severo.
F. de la Peiia Francisco>
F. del Pino Juan.
F. de la Pena Manuel.
F. Padilla Juan Jose.
F. Pino Ignacio.
F. P. Francisco Antonia
F. Perez Miraval Joseph.
F. PerejTO Jose.
F. dela Pena J. Francisco^
F. del Pino George.
F. Parral Joseph.
F. Pino Pedro Ignacio.
F. Polanco Jose Antonio.
F. de la Quintana Gabriel.
F. RoA'bal Santiago.
F. Roy Manuel.
F. Rodriguez Joseph.
F. Rod de laT orreMariano
F. Rubi Joseph.
F. Rosete Mariano.
F. Rodriguez Jose.
F. Rodriguez Ildefonzo.
F. Rodriguez Joaquin.
F. Romero Francisco.
F. Ruiz Joaquin de Jesus*
F. Sanchez Juan Antonio.
F. Saldivar Mariano.
F. Sospedra Pascual.
F. Sanchez Juan.
F. S. Leraun Buenaventura
F. S. Vergara Mariano.
F. Trigo Nepomuceno.
F. Toledo Joseph.
F. de Tagle Juan.
F. Trevino Joseph.
F. Torres Jose Antonio.
F. Urquijo Joseph.
F. Varo Andres.
F. Vermejo Juan.
F. Villa Nueva Andres.
F. Veles de Escalaute.
F. Silvestre.
F. Vega Manuel.
F. Velasco Carlos.
126
Priests who Worked i.v the Missions of New Mexico.
F. Zenallos Andres.
F. Zamora Antonio.
F. Zavaleta Juan.
F. de Zando Juan.
F. Zambrano Manuel.
F. Zeprano Francisco.
F. Zardo Jose.
F. Zeinos Diego.
Total 239 priests (brothers not being counted.)
Of these priests, thirty-two were killed by the Indians,
namely :
222.
F.
de Vera Joseph.
230,
223.
F.
Xardon Joseph.
231,
224.
F.
Xeres Joaquin.
232.
225.
F.
Ximenes Francisco.
233-
226.
F.
Ximenes Alonzo.
234.
227.
F.
Zarte Francisco.
235-
228.
F.
Yrizabal Francisco.
236.
229.
F.
Zepeda Miguel.
237-
i .
Fray Juan de Padilla.
17-
F. (his title) Procurador.
2.
Brother lyouis de Escalona.
18.
F. Juan de Jesus.
3-
F. Francisco Lopez.
19.
F. Francisco Corvera.
4-
F. de Santa Maria.
20.
F. Juan de Alpuante.
5-
Brother Agustin Ruiz.
21.
F. Antonio Carbonel.
6.
F. Juan Petredo.
22.
F. Antonio Morino.
7-
Martin de Arbide.
23-
F. Juan Arvisu.
8.
F. Juan de Jesus Morador.
24.
F. Fran, de Jesus Abundo.
9-
F. Cristobal Figueroa.
25-
F. Antonio Moreno.
10
. F. Albino Maldonado.
26.
F. Juan del Val.
II
. F. Juan de Mora.
27.
F. Jose Trujillo.
12
. F. Juan Lorenzo Analiza.
28.
F. Jose Espeleta.
13
. F. Juan de Jesus Espinosa.
29.
F. Agustin de Santa Maria.
14
. F. Sebastian Calzado.
30.
F. Louis de Baesa and two
15
. F. Juan de Vallada.
whose names are not
16
. F. Juan de Eombardi.
given.
(2) How Did the Missionaries Introduce Themselves in the
Tribes to Establish Missions for Them ?
As we have stated before, the Catholic religion was not
forced on the Indians. The first step to be made by the mis-
sionary for the conversion of the natives was to introduce
himself, cross in hand, and to explain as well as he could,
the meaning of this sign. The priest alone in the tribes, and
far from the soldiers was, as a rule, received without any sus-
picion of bad intentions, and surrounded, almost generally, by
people eager to catch the ideas he tried to convey to them. As
we gather from the ' 'Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Santa
Cruz de Queretaro, " a work already mentioned in these pages,
the first labor of the missionary among the natives of the New
World was reall^^ a tedious one. He could not learn the lan-
guage of the tribe by study, as this language, generally
-Priests "Who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico. 127
different from place to place, was not written, but had to be
learned by practice alone, and this required time. Meanwhile
preaching was given by the use of signs and pictures.
First of all, the naked cross was planted as the symbol oi
peace and salvation, before it knelt the missionary, crossing
himself with his hand and inviting the persons around
to do the same ; this is also what Nunez Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions did during their long journeying in 1528,
through the country we now call the United States of North
America, and Fernando Alarcon among the Indian tribes of
the Colorado river in 1540. After paying veneration to the
sign of the redemption of the world, the priest would unroll
some paintings representing the mysteries of the Catholic faith,
and conclude by the singing of some short Christian prayers in
order to impress them on the memory of his hearers. If the
Indians manifested a desire to keep the priest among them-
selves, and have him to repeat his religious representations, he
of course, very willingly acquiesced in their wish and remained,
trying to learn their language and making himself all to all, as
the Apostle says, to conquer souls for heaven.
As soon as the missionary could master the language suffi-
ciently to make himself understood and perform the functions
of the sacred ministry among the aborigines, he would think of
building his church or chapel, and this was the establishing of
the mission.
Each mission, from the day it was founded, depended for
its government on the nearest "Custodio," Guardian or Super-
ior of a mission alread^^ provided with several priests, forming
a community according to the rules of the Order of St. Francis.
The first "Custodio" for the missions of New Mexico or the
province of San Francisco, was established at El Paso del Norte,
now "Villa Juarez," where it remained until Santa Fe was
founded and made the capital of the province, with its own
Custodio. To the Custodio it belonged to appoint priests to
the different missions, and his duty it was to help them in their
difficulties, and to correspond with the Mother House of the
Order at Mexico, to secure the annuity made by the govern-
ment to ever^^ missionary, and to forward it to whom it was
due. The annuity which at first was $150, was, says Lummis,
12S Priests Who "Worked in" the Missions of New Mexico,
raised in 1665 to $330, payable every three years. Out of this
small amount the priest had to defray all the expenses of him-
self and his church and, not unfrequently, to save as much as
possible of it, to give to the Indians and attract them to his
instructions.
It was also from the Custodio that the missions were visited
at stated times either by the Superior, or by some other relig-
ious by him appointed for this office. Records of these visits
and of the royal mandates which referred to the temporal ad-
ministration of the Indians, were kept in the missions, as can
be seen yet by their books.
Besides the visits the missionaries received from their
Superior, thej^ had also those of the bishops of Durango, who
had jurisdiction over all the missions of New Mexico. We see
in the Church records that the province of New Mexico received
the pastoral visitation of the Rt. Rev. Bishop Martin Elizacochea
in the year 1737, and in 1760 that of his successor the Rt. Rev-
Pedro Tamaron. The former prelate, as stated in the records
of the mission of Acoma, confirmed 325 persons in that mission,
and the latter 545, which shows a good rate of increase of popu-
lation for a comparatively short length of time.
In 1 81 7 the province was visited by order of the bishop of
Durango, Juan Francisco de Castaniza, by his Vicar General,
J. B. Ladron del Nino de Guevarra. The Very Rev. Visitor
sent a petition to his Bishop for at least ten good priests, five
for the missions of El Paso, and the same number for those of
New Mexico, which needed priests at Belen, Abiquiu, Taos
and San Juan. He asked also that the limits of the missions
should be positively determined and all the churches provided
with secular priests, in which petition he was supported by
Bonavia, the Comandante General of the province.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Work of the Missionaries in What is Now Arizona
During the Period of Colonization.
(1) Explorations.
The Franciscan Fathers were the first missionaries who
trod the soil of the country now called Arizona, in its full
length from south to northwest. Two of these religious, Fray-
Juan de la Asuncion and Fray Pedro Nadal, whose names we
have given before, left Mexico in January of 1538, by commis-
sion of the Viceroy, and went as far as a large river which they
could not cross. There Fray Pedro Nadal took the latitude
and found it to be thirt>^-five degrees. The next year, 1539,
Fray Marcos de Niza with three other religious joined the
military' expedition, as we read in the Cronica Serafica of the
college of Queretaro, already mentioned, and traveling north
some 600 leagues, arrived at the same river, which they called
the "Rio de las Balsas," the river of the rafts, on account of
the floating apparatus on which the Indians used to cross it. The
same author adds that this river had been called since the "Rio
Colorado.' ' The latitude as they found it was thirty-four and a
half degrees. Nobody will doubt the identity' of the river on
account of the difference of latitude between the two experi-
ments, which can be accounted for by the diSerence of the in-
struments of that time and those of our day, as regards
precision. Another proof of that identity is that the Fathers,
on both occasions, found the same Indians, the Alquedunes,
perhaps the same as those we call now the Algodones, who, in
9
130 WOBK OF THE MlSSIOXARIES FN' ArIZON'A,
1780 yet lived at the junction of the Gila with the Colorado'
river. As to the time the Franciscan Fathers remained on the
Colorado, nothing is said, and this would, it seems, convey the
idea that they had come first to see the country, and ascertain
whether the time had come for the establishment of missions-
among its inhabitants.
{S) The Jesuit Missionaries.
Soon after establishing themselves in Mexico, as we
extract from the book of the priest Jose Ortega ( i ) , the Jesuit
Fathers extended progressive^ their missionary labors into the
vast extension of New Spain. At the request of the governor
of Durango, whose jurisdiction extended over Nueva Biscaya,
some of the Fathers came to that province in 1590 and fixed
their residence in the city of Sinaloa, and commenced to preach.
From Sinaloa they enlarged the field of their apostolic work as
far as the Ma3''o and Yaqui rivers and the coast of the Gulf of
California. Such was their success at converting the Indian
tribes, that in less than fifty years, they could commence to
evangelize the Indians living in the valley of the Sonora river.
In 1 68 1, Father Eusebio Kino was commissioned b}' his
superiors to work for the conversion of the tribes living in the
northern portion of the province of Sonora which, according to
the author of the Rudo Ensa^^o ( 2 ) was designated bj' the name
of Pimeria Alta. It comprised all the Indians who lived north
of a conventional line running from east to west from Cucurpe
to Caborca, and to the western sea, in all the extent of the land
which is embraced by this line, and the rivers Gila and Colo-
rado. The name Pimeria Alta was used in the history of the
missions in opposition to Pimeria Baja, which name designated
the tribes Uving in the southern part of the province.
With the help of two other Fathers, adds Padre
Ortega, Father Kino commenced to work in the field assigned
to his care. The first mission he founded was that of Dolores,
the second that of Caborca, with the name of San Ignacio, the
(1) Historia del Nayarit, Sonora, Sinaloa y ambas Californias, published ini
Mexico in 1887.
(2) Rudo Ensayo, o descripcion geografica de la Provincia de Sonora. The
book, which bears no author's name, was written by one of the Fathers, probably a
visitor of the missions in 1761 or 1762.
Work of the Missionaries in Arizona. 131
third of Imuris, with the name of San Jose, the fourth that of
Los Remedios at a short distance of the preceding. This was
done in 1687. From Dolores the Fathers attended to two other
pueblos, from San Ignacio de Caborca to two pueblos also, from
Tubutama to nine pueblos, from Santa Maria Suanca, the
Fathers extended their visits to the Sobahipuris, and later on
to Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac.
In 1690 Father Kino had already established several other
missions, which were visited at the same epoch by Father Juan
Maria Salvatierras, who had been sent by his superiors as Visi-
tor General. These two missionaries, says Francisco Velasco
( I ) , were followed by Indians asking to be instructed and ad-
mitted as members of the Catholic religion. Among them
were the Sobahipuris, who lived on the San Pedro, and had
come over a distance of 200 miles to ask the priests to follow
them to the place called Guevavi, where they had their villages.
Their petition was granted. The missionaries followed them
and founded for their tribe a mission which was given the
name of the place. This mission, now abandoned for a long
time, was the first established on the soil of Arizona. It is in
the same region that the missions of Tumacacuri and San
Xavier del Bac were subsequently founded, along the course
of the Santa Cruz river. According to the Rt. Rev. Thomas
O' Gorman, (2) the church of Guevavi and that of San Xavier
del Bac would have been built by Father Kino in 1687.
In 1694 Father Kino made a visit to the Pima Indians
who lived on the Gila river in the vicinity of 'Casas Grandes,'
the great houses. There he established two missions, that of
the Immaculate Conception, and that of St. Andrew. On the
7th of February 1699 the same missionary started on a second
journey to the Gila and visited, says Father Amando Niel, in
company with other religious, the tribes of the Yumas and of
the Cocomari Copas. These Indians spoke to them of different
other tribes, not far distant, and especially of the Iguanes, of
the Culganes and the Alquedunes, three tribes now extinct or
consolidated with the Yumas. Moreover, the missionaries
(1) Velasco, Noticias Estatistieas de la Provincia de Sonora.
(2) A history of the Roman Catholic Church iu the United States. New York,
The Christian Literature Co., 1895.
132 Work op the Missionaries in Arizona.
pushed their explorations as far as the Gulf of California^
preaching the Word of God to every nation they met on the
way.
But the prediction of persecution which the Savior had
made to His disciples, was to be verified, even in the
missions of this part of the New World, and this, shortly after
their establishment. The missionaries counted already a good
numter of Christian tribes; they hoped to gain many more yet
to the religion of Jesus Christ, when the Pimas rebelled
unexpectedly and killed the priest who administered their
mission at Caborca, in Sonora. Soon after, the missions of
the province had to suffer another very severe trial, though
independent from the will and action of man, in the death of
Father Kino, who was their chief Moderator and the soul of
the mission. These sad events were, it seems, the cause,
partially at least, of a marked decrease in the progress of the
missionary work until the year 1727.
At this period however, the Bishop of Durango, Don Benito
Crespo, whose jurisdiction at this time extended almost over
all the missions of the Jesuits, after visiting a part of the
province of Sonora, sent a report to King Philip V. on the
condition of its missions and obtained from His Majesty the
pecuniary help thej^^ needed to support themselves. It was with
this fund, says the author of the Noticias Estadisticas already
mentioned, that the missionaries were enabled to found three
new missions in the year 1731.
But the time of trial was not yet over. On November 21st
1 75 1, the Indians of the 'Pimeria Alta' that is to say, all the
Indians who lived in the northwest of the province, rebelled
against their missionaries. According to a book written by
one of the Fathers in 1762, under the title of "Rudo Ensayo, o
Descripcion Geografica de la provincia de Sonora", the Indians
of the Pimeria Alta were distinguished as follows : i , The
Pimas proper ; 2, those who lived together in pueblos ; 3, the
Papagos or Papootam and 4, the Sobahipuris, with the Pimas
who lived along the Gila river. ' 'This nation, ' ' says the author
of the book, ' 'being new in the faith and finding itself mixed
with the pagans of its own tribes, is for these reasons, unstable,
wild, stubborn and greatly attached to superstitious abuses."
WOEK OF THE MISSIONARIES IN ARIZONA. 135
This revolt, which lasted over two 3'ears, had for its result the
abandonment of all the churches, which remained thus until
1754, and the death of three zealous missionaries. These three
martyrs of the rebellion were: Father Francisco Xavier Saeta,
Enriques Ruen and Tomas Tello.
In 1752, as a protection for the missions and for that part
of the country, both against any new revolt of the Pimas and
against the forays of the Apaches, the government established
a Presidio at Tubac, or Tubaca, where previously stood the
pueblo of the same name, which was spiritually attended from
Guevavi. After the rebellion the Indians of Tubaca moved
about three miles south to Tumacacuri, where they had less
facilities for the irrigation of the land than at their former
pueblo.
In the country which had to be protected by the Presidio,
we translate from the Rudo Ensayo, existed the following now
deserted localities: "The Sopori Rancho, a little over two
leagues north of the Presidio ; that of Tucubabi, thirteen leagues
southwest of Las Estancias of Guevavi with some Spanish set-
tlers ; Arivaca, seven leagues west of the Presidio, and thirty
leagues southwest, the pueblo of San Luis Beltran.
The same author writes that the priest who had charge of
ministering to the Presidio in 1755, was the parish priest of
Nacosari, Don Joaquin Rodriguez Rey, who was killed by the
Apaches on his way to the Post, though he had an escort of
soldiers.
Towards the beginning of 1754, the missionaries were able
to resume their work in the churches that had escaped the
general destruction. Among these was that of San Xavier del
Bac, which we see the same year provided with a priest who
left the following words written in one of the church records :
"'November 21st, 1751, the Pima nation rebelled and deprived
this mission of its spiritual director until now, 1754, in which
year the Indians have returned to their pueblos, meaning as
they say, to live peaceably. And for the authority of this
writing I sign it." (Signed) "Francisco Paner."
The same priest had to administer from San Xavier the
missions of Tucson, Tubac and Tumacacuri, this last one
having been built the same year, 1754. These four missions
134 Work of the Missioxaries in Arizoxa,
were located in the Santa Cruz valley' over a stretch of about
sixty miles. As to the population of these missions, its num-
ber can be approximately calculated by that of the baptisms
the priest administered in them on his first visit after the quell-
ing of the rebellion. This was, for Tubac and Tumacacuri, 64 ;
for San Xavier, 61, and for Tucson 52, or a total of 157.
It did not take long after peace prevailed in the country,
to see the missions, one after the other, springing out of their
ruins. In 1762 the Jesuits counted twenty-nine missions con-
sisting of seventy-three Indian pueblos. Those located in the
province which afterwards became Arizona, were : San Xavier
del Bac, San Jose de Tumacacuri, San Miguel de Sonoitag (i),
Guevavi, San Cayetano de Calabazas and Santa Ana. In the
same 3'ear, how'ever, the missions were greatly disturbed by
the incessant attacks of the Apaches against the Sobahipuris of
the San Pedro valley-, which obliged these Indians to abandon
their fertile lands, and to distribute themselves in the missions
of San Xavier, Tucson and Santa Maria Soanca.
The missions of this period had no trouble on the part of
the aborigines who formed their population, but they had it
constantly from the Apaches, who lived along almost all the
length of the northern frontier of the province. On the other
hand, on account of the intrigues w'hich were plotted in Europe
against the Fathers, they were deprived ifor some years, if not
of the whole compensation they were entitled to receive from,
the government, of part of it, at least, being thus hindered in
their work, until at last, their expulsion was decreed in 1767.
As has been w-ritten before. Father Kino made a visit in
1694 to the tribes of the Gila river, as far as "Casas Grandes"
or the ruins of that name, which have been considered b)- many
a writer as the remams of the huge mansions of some prehis-
toric race of people. Some wTiter, whose name we cannot re-
member now, has stated that there is a tradition among the
Pimas purporting that the casas grandes had been built by In-
dians who came from the north. How long did they inhabit
these houses? Nobody know^s, but tradition has it that for
some reason they abandoned the places they had occupied and
(1) This mission, founded in May 1751, was ruined the same year by its own
people, who killed their priest, Father Henrique Ruen, as said before.
WOBK OF THE MiSSIOXARIES IN ArIZON'A. 1S5
"went south, whence they never returned. Certain it is that
thus far, nobody has been able to find any clew to the date of
the origin, either of these buildings or of the portions of aque-
ducts which exist yet in their vicinity on either side of the
river, and which are an unquestionable proof of a great and
intelligent work. The distance between the two houses is about
nine miles. At the time Father Kino visited the ruins of the
Casas Grandes, they could see that the one located on the left
side of the river had consisted of four stories fitted with moun-
tain cedar joists. The missionaries tried to have the history of
these buildings, but failed to get any reliable account of the
matter from the Indians. It ma^' be surmised that these houses
were built, no matter when, by a class of people different from
the natives now living on the Gila river. This conjecture
would seem to be supported by the difference that exists, as
regards the mode of construction between the Casas Grandes
and the house of the Indians now living in Arizona. The walls
of the former were made of a kind of clay, pressed in large
boxes or between planks, on the wall itself, at the time of its
building, while those of the latter are made of adobe or sun dried
brick. As far as we can judge by the remains of another old
-canal which are to be seen on the left side of the Salt river, not
far above Tempe, it would seem that there also may have ex-
isted some large houses, though no ruins of them can be traced
at present.
The immense houses of the past must not be considered as
a thing peculiar to Arizona. The ruins of such structures are
found in Mexico, especially at Palenque, in the State of Chiapas ;
the like of them were also found in New Mexico, at the time
of its conquest by Coronado in 1540, though smaller in propor-
tions and made of a poorer material. Two of them are yet in
existence in New Mexico, one in the pueblo of Taos, and the
other in the pueblo of Picuries, and both are inhabited at
present as they w^ere centuries ago.
The reason for these houses must have been the necessity
that the Indians, who intended to settle in one place, had of
protecting themselves against the wandering tribes. There
they lived in constant fear of some attack, but alwa3-s ready to
136 Work of the Missionaries in Arizona.
face the enemj^ from the terraces of the buildings, and protect
their families inside.
The Casas Grandes at Taos and Picuries, seen from a dis-
tance, look like old brown dismantled castles. They are com-
posed of adobe rooms, forming by their position a quadrangular
figure, whose inside square is filled up with earth and gravel.
This is the first or ground floor. The next one was built the
same way, retreating on the inside square so as to leave un-
covered the terraces of the lower rooms, and so on until the
building was completed in the shape of a graded pjTamid.
There, on the terraces of these buildings, are seen the families
who inhabit them, busy at their daily work and watching at
the same time over the fields below, where grow the corn and
the melons the}'- have planted. There it was also that, in olden
times, the warriors stood with quiver and bow, for the protec-
tion of the tribe when it was in danger of spme attack. It is
to be remarked that these dwellings, to-day as in times of dan-
ger, have only one single opening, on the terrace or roof of each
room, which serves as door and window. In order to penetrate
into the rooms, every family must be provided with two ladders,
one to climb up from the outside and another to go down inside.
In former times all the outside ladders of the first stor>' had to
be taken up to the terrace for the night, a precaution that has
been dispensed with for a long time. For reasons of safety,
the big houses were invariably built on elevated spots, some-
times far from the water, and this fact explains the existence
of the canals whose traces are found in the vicinity of the old
ruins in Arizona. Where water could not be had b}^ means of
canals, it had to be gathered in cisterns or in the natural hol-
lows of the rocks, w^hen these were conveniently near.
It is very likely, from the missions Father Kino had estab-
lished on the Gila river in 1694, as stated before, that the Jesuit
Fathers extended gradually their visits to the numerous tribes
which existed farther west on the same river, and penetrated
into California.
In 1697, says Cretineau Joly (i), the missions of Cali-
fornia were started by the Fathers Picolo and Salvatierra, with
(1) Crftineau Joly, Histoi re de la Compagnie de Jesus, chap, ii., vol.* v. Paris,
Jacques Lecoflre et Cie. 1859.
Work op the Missioxaries ix Arizoxa. 137
no other arms but the cross. Having collected a few catechu-
mens, the Fathers parted from each other, one going to the
north and the other to the south, in search of new tribes.
Father Ugarte, who joined them soon after, took charge of the
Trippue and of the Loppu Indians, and in a short time the
three religious men placed California under the direction of
four missions. Here, as everj^where the}^ had tried their hands
before, the missionaries civilized the savage aborigines by
Christianitv^ and taught them the secret of labor and agricul-
ture, in a countr^^ otherwise but ver}^ little favorable to the
purpose, owing to the frequent wind storms which destroj^ed
almost everj'thing that grew in the fields. ' 'At last persever-
ance triumphed over the insalubrity of the climate. Vines and
olive trees were planted on that ungrateful soil and the herds
w^ere seen living and multiplying themselves on it. By letters
patent from the King of Spain, the Jesuits, who create nations
and accustom them to social life, administered justice in Cali-
fornia. They obtained for the neophytes exemption from
working in the mines. ' '
"In a short time," writes Mr. de Alofres as quoted by
Cretineau, (i) "the Fathers converted the whole of California,
and the plan they adopted shall always be taken as a model to
be followed.' '
Robertson in his history of America, says Cretineau, con-
trary to his noted impartiality', pretends that the missionaries
to California "in order to keep an absolute authority over their
neophytes, took great care to prejudice them against the
insalubrity and sterility of the country, saying that the zeal
they had for the conversion of the Indians had been alone a
sufficient reason for them to reside in it.' '
On the other hand, Baron de Humboldt (2) quoted by
Cretineau Joly, speaks in high terms of the zeal of the Fathers,
and of the success they had in California. "The interesting
travels of three Jesuits, Eusebe Kiihn or Kino, Maria Salva-
tierra and Jesus Ugarte made known the physical situation of
the countr3^ The Loretto village had been founded in 1697
(1) Mofres, in his exploration of Oregon.
(2) Baron de Humboldt in his Political Essay on New Spain.
138 TVOBK OF THE MISSIONARIES IX ArIZOKA.
under the name of Presidio de San Dionisio. In a very few
3'ears they established sixteen villages in the peninsula."
The same author in the work above mentioned says:
"The malevolence and hatred that were attached to the name of
Jesuits gave rise to the suspicion that the priests of the Order
concealed from the government the treasures that were hidden
in a land so much praised of yore. These considerations
determined the Visitador, visitor, Don Jose de Gal van, who
had followed an expedition against the Indians of Sonora, to go
to California. There he found mountains without vegetable
soil, and hardly some scrubby bushes growing in the crevices
of the arid rocks. Nothing spoke of the gold and silver it was
thought the Jesuits had extracted from the ground, but everj'-
where could be seen the traces of their active industry and of
the laudable zeal they had employed to bring a desert and arid
land under cultivation."
The story of the rich mines owned by the Jesuits in the
missions of the New World got so much credit at the time it
was given out, that it has yet, at the present date, the authority
of a li\'ing tradition in the country which formerly composed
the province of Sonora. Indeed very often, when some old
mines are discovered, either in Sonora or in Arizona, we see
that they are called by the name of "minas de los Padres,"
mines of the Fathers, which is intended to convey the idea of
very rich mineral deposits. Be this as it ma}'-, we never read
of any mines, rich or poor, held in possession by the old mis-
sionaries, while history has it that from the establishment of
the missions their priests always tried to have the Indians
exempt from working in the mines. If we read the "Rudo
Ensaj'o o Descripcion Geografica de la provincia de Sonora' ' ( i ) ,
the author, probably one of the Visitors of the missions, speaks
of different places where, according to what the Indians say,
there are traces of rich mines, but of none owned or worked by
the Fathers.
The Jesuits were so successful in Christianizing and civiliz-
ing the aborigines that they were made the object of all sorts
of calumnies on the part of the enemies of the Spanish throne
(1) A work already mentioned.
Work of the jNIissionaries in Arizona. 139
and of religion. No real accusations could be brought against
them, but as complaints were increasing constantly every day
from different parts of the globe, the Fathers, little by little,
fell into discredit in the eyes of the government, until they
were sacrificed in France, Portugal and Spain by the respective
tninisters of these powers, Choiseul, Pombal and d'Aranda. It
was on the second of April, 1767, that the priests of the Society
of Jesus were expelled from all the Spanish possessions.
(3) The Franciscan Fathers Succeed the Jesuits in the Missions
of the Province of Sonora.
In 1667, the 3^ear when the Jesuit Fathers were expelled from
the Spanish possessions, the Marquis de Croix, viceroy of
Mexico, sent, by order of the King, a petition to the Superior
of the Franciscans of the college of Santa Cruz de Queretaro,
for fourteen or, at least, twelve priests of the Order to take
charge of the missions of Sonora. The petition was considered
an order, and the Superior, Fray Mariano Antonio de Buena
y Alcalde, selected the fourteen priests asked for, from among
the many who volunteered for the distant missions. Before
starting on their journey, these priests received from the Guar-
dian of the college instructions on the manner of dealing with
the Indians, in order the better to attract them and convert
them to the Catholic religion. They were also reminded of the
wish of the Catholic monarch, that the Indians should be
treated with paternal care, and, as much as possible, induced to
live in pueblos, where all the efforts apostolical zeal can in-
spire could be used with more facility and profit for their in-
struction. On the 5th of August, which had been appointed
for the start of the missionaries, all the community assembled
in the chapel, as we read in the Cronica Serafica, where, after
the adoration of the Blessed Sacrament, the ' 'Tota Pulchra es
Maria," "Thou art all beautiful, O Mary," was sung to im-
plore the protection of the mother of God for the new apostles
and their missions. These priests, having embraced their
brothers in religion and recommended themselves to their
prayers, set out on their journe3^ They had to stop nearl^^ five
m^onths in the province of Jalisco, waiting for an opportunity
to sail from San Bias for Guaymas. They reached at last this
140 "Work of the MissioxARfES ix Amzo^x.
point, after a painful voyage of one hundred and nineteen
days.
At Guaymas they took four days rest. There the^^ were
apprised that their destination was the Pimeria Alta, two hun-
dred leagues northward which distance the}' had to travel on foot.
They proceeded to the presidio of San Miguel de Horcasitas,
where the governor of the province resided, and where they
established themselves.
We quote, translating from Juan Domingues Arricivita ( i ) ,
the names of the missions the Franciscans found existing in the
Pimeria Alta in 1768, when they took possession of them.
These were : "The mission of San Ignacio, w^herefrom were
attended that of Magdalena, two leagues distant, and that of
Himuris, three leagues distant ; Suanca with the pueblo of Co-
cospera ; Guevavi with two more pueblos, and the presidio of
Tubac attended from it ; El Bac with the presidio of Tuyson,
three leagues distant ; Tubutama with Santa Teresa, two
leagues distant ; Saric ; Ati with the pueblo of Oquitoa, five
leagues distant, and two further, the presidio of Altar ; Ga-
borca, with two pueblos, Visani, two leagues, distant, and
Pitiqui, five leagues distant.
From the beginning the Franciscans, like the Jesuits their
predecessors, worked faithfully and zealously in the missions
assigned to them, which were the most arduous in the whole
province of Sonora, as being of comparativel}^ a more recent
creation.
The Pimas, we see in the Cronica, were inclined to the
practice of intercourse with the evil spirits, which they had
inherited from their ancestors, and which prevented the grow-
ing of the Evangelical seed in their hearts. There were many
among them who were considered to be Christians because they
had been baptized, but who knew more of deviltry than of
Catholic doctrine. The author justifies these plain assertions
in regard to the Pima Indians by what has been written of the
same in "Los Apostolicos Afanes", the painful Apostolic work
of the Jesuit Fathers in the missions of the New World.
(1) Cronica Serafica del Apostolico Colegio de Queretaro.
Work o)? the Misstonawes ik Arizona,. 141
The Jesuits said, that the infernal enemy availed himself
of the poor intellectual capacity of the Indians to entertain
them with the ideas and desires of worldly and visible things to
prevent them from thinking of things relating to the soul, and
to the future life ; that they practiced witchcraft to cause dam-
age not only to their enemies, but even to the missionaries who
iiever offended them, and who nevertheless suffered in their
liealth or even died, some of them, of the effect of diabolical
arts used against them.
The Franciscans, continues the author of the Cronica, had
to work verj' hard i'n Sonora but their work proved so fruit-
ful that in a comparatively short number of years, besides
instructing the Indians, they founded for them several missions^
These were the missions of Pitic, now Hermosillo, for the Seris,
that of Carrizal for the Tiburones, and the two missions of the
Colorado river for the Yumaa.
Under the direction of the zealous missionaries were reared
from the foundations the Church of Buena Vista and Ures»
Those of Tonichi, Opodepa, Cucurpe and Calabasas were com-
pleted and covered; those of Tumacacuri, Atil, Oquitoa and
Caborca were renovated, and those of San Ignacio, Tubutama
and Pitiquito were covered with arches built with lime and
bricks.
According to the same author, it was also under the ad-
ministration of the Franciscans that the pueblos of Oquitoa.,
Atil, Tubutama, Saric, Cocospera, Tumacacuri and San Xavier
del Bac and pueblito of Tucson were provided with adobe
houses and walls of protection against the Apaches.
From San Miguel de Horcacitas, Fray Francisco Garcez,
one of the missionaries, was sent to San Xavier with charge,
very likely, of the other missions which had survived the revolt
of the Pimas in that section of the countr}^ During his stay
at San Xavier, that is to say from 1768 to 1778, this zealous
priest visited several times the tribes of Arizona and prepared
almost all of them to receive missionaries, had these been sent
to them. In August, 1768, Father Garcez, says Aricivita
mentioned by Civezza, made his first journey' among the Pimas
and Yumas without other escort but some Indians he would
take as guides from one tribe to another. Everyv\'here he was
142 Work of the JIissionareets ix Arizox'a,
received with kindness by the Indians, who did not object to>
have their children baptized, but refused to have missions es-
tabhshed in their villages.
In 1 77 1 the same religious made a second visit to the tribes
living on the Gila and Colorado rivers, and this had for result
the removal of all objections against the establishment of two
missions on the Colorado. These were the Immaculate Con-
ception, which was built at the "Puerto de la Concepcion" and
St. Peter and St. Paul, which was erected at a distance af three
leagues from the first in a localit}^ called "Bicuner." The two
missions were completed and the churches opened in 1778.
We can easily surmise how hard Padre Garcez had to work
during seven 5''ears to instruct the Yumas, and prepare them
for the manner of living of the Christian pueblos.
These missions, which had given great hopes from the be-
ginning, did not reaUze them. On the 17th of July, 1781,'
which was Sunday', the Yuma Indians, under pretext of some
damage caused to their crops by the horses of the Spanish sol-
diers, went to the churches during mass and killed the priests
and the Spaniards they found in them. There the Rev. Fran-
cisco Garcez, Juan Diez, Jose Matias Moreno and Juan Antonio
Berenoche received the crown of martyrdom, the termination of
their apostolic labors.
At the news of the missionaries' death, soldiers were sent
from Presidio del Altar for their bodies, which they carried to
the Church of Tuhutama, as the nearest, and buried them at
the gospel side of the main altar. ( i )
That tne Indians must have been greatly benefited by the
presence of Fray Francisco Garcez and other Franciscan.
Fathers among them, nobody will doubt. These missionaries,
like their predecessors, the Jesuits, were all men of God, en-
tirely devoted to the duties of their vocation. By hard labor
and privations of all sorts they succeeded not only in teaching
the Indians the way of salvation, but also in bringing them
from the miserable condition in which they had been found to
the state of civilized life. A proof of the success the Francis-
cans had at San Xavier, is the church the^- built in that mission
(1) Marcelino de Civezza.
'Work of the Missionaries in Arizona, 143
instead of the old one left by the Jesuit Fathers. The San
Xavier Church, though now greatly injured b^'^ the time which
"has elapsed since its erection, is yet, however, a monument at'
tracting the attention of every stranger coming to Arizona.
The date 1797, which is seen on one of the doors of this church,
is, according to tradition, the date of the completion of the
edifice, the building of which had required fourteen years.
This is confirmed by the testimony of a few persons who,
asserted to us, about thirty 5^ears ago, that they had been
present at the dedication of the church. •
The missions prospered under the Franciscan administra-
tion until the year 18 10, when the desire of independence com-
menced to spread all over the territory of New Spain, and this
brought about, even among the Indians, a spirit of disquiet,
■which in many ways, proved detrimental to religion.
Very soon the government felt embarrassed financially, on
account of the expense it had to incur in order to sustain itself
against the revolution, and the annual help allowed to the
missionaries failed to come in due time, and in many instances,
was not paid_at all. The result to the missions was a hindrance
to their material progress. From this time, they had to suffer
more or less- every year, either from the revolution or from the
dearth of material resources until the last stroke was aimed at
them by the expulsion_of the missionaries, December 20th,
1827, six years after the fall of the Spanish Colonial Govern-
ment in Mexico.
The Jesuits and the Franciscans attended chiefly to the
missions of Guevavi, Sonoitag, Calabazas, Tumacacuri, San
Xavier, Tucson, Arivac, Tubac, Santa Barbara and Sopori.
These missions were visited in January, 182 1, bj^ the
Bishop of Sonora.
{4) Names of the Missionaries who Worked Among the Tribes
of the Country Now Called Arizona.
The priests of the Society of Jesus, as said before, were
intrusted with the care of the province of Sonora in the year
1636. These priests extended their missions into Arizona, be-
tween the years 1690 and 1692. The following are the names
of those of the missionaries who labored in Arizona from that
14-f Work of the MissroNAKiES ix Arizona,
date until 1767, as far as we can collect from two fragments' of
church records found in the mission of San Xavier del Bac :
(i) Aguirre, Manuel. (2) Diaz del Carpio, Manuel-
(3) Diaz, Joaquin Felix. (4) Espinosa, Alonzo. (5) Gar-
rucho, Manuel Joseph. (6) Gerstner, Miguel. {7) Keller,,
Ignacio Xa\der. (8) Kino, Francisco. (9) Dorasoain, Ignacio-
(10) Middendorf, Bernardo. (11) Nentivig, Juan. (12)
Paner, Francisco. (13) De la Pena, Ildefonso. (14) Rapuani,
Alexandro. (15) Saenz, Bartolomeo. (r6) Salvatierras, Juan
Maria, (17) De Torres, Perea Joseph. (18) Pfeffercom, N-
The Franciscan Fathers from 1767 to 1827 :
(19) Agorreta, Juan Joseph. (20) De Arriquibar, Pedro..
(21) F. de la Asuncion, (22) Belarde, Joaquin Antonio,
(23) Berenoche, Juan Antonio, (24) Bordoy, Mariano, (25)
Carillo, Baltazar, (26) De Clemente, Gaspar, (27) CorgoU,,
Juan. (28) Diaz, Rafael. (29) Diaz, Juan, (30) X. Eix-
arch, Tomas. (31) Estelric, Juan Bautista. (32) De Gam-
arra, Felix. (33) Garcez^ Francisco. (34) Garcia, Solano-
Francisco, (35) Gil de Bernabe, Crisqstomo. (36) Gil, Diego,
(37) Gutierres, Narcisco, (38) Eiberos, Ramon, (39)
Llorenz, Juan Bautista, (40) Lopez, Ramon, (41) Maldo-
nado, Juan. (42) Moreno, Matias Joseph, (43) Nadal, N,
(44) Neldarrain, Juan Bautista. (45) De Niza, Marcos. (46)
De Prada, Angel Alonzo. (47 ) Ramirez, Joseph Ignacio, (48)
Ruiz, Gregorio. (49) Saravial, Manuel, (50) Vario, Juan,
(51) Ximeno, Bartolome. (52) Ysanez, Florencio. (53)
Zumiga^ Francisco,
Of these Fathers Juan Antonio Berenoche, Juan Diaz.,
Francisco Garces and Jose Matias Moreno were killed in 1781
in the missions they had established on the Colorado river.
XXIV. Most Rev. Placide h. Chapelle, D. D.
Archbishop of Santa Fe, from 1893 lo 189S.
CHAPTER XV.
A Last Glance at the Indians.
It must be admitted that Vargas was really the conqueror
of New Mexico and the pacifier of its Indians, as far as one
could expect from them, considering their ignorance of a better
mode of living than that thej'' had inherited from their ancestors
and their unwillingness to abandon it for the civilization and
Christianization which were intended for them by the govern-
ment of Spain. From 1 540 they had submitted to the force of
arms but not from conviction or from the desire of a better and
nobler condition, as was evidentl}^ proved by the general revolt
of 1680 and its sad consequences. When Diego de Vargas was
appointed governor of New Mexico, he had not really to con-
quer the country but to reconquer it, and this is, very likely,
the reason why he tried to bring the rebellious Indians to sub-
mission by persuasion before using the military force Against
them. In that he followed the instructions given several
times by the authority ot the Spanish monarchs as to the wa^^
of dealing with the aborigines. This does not mean that after
the reconquest accomplished by Vargas the aborigines were en-
tirely submissive. Far froin it, they rebelled frequently after-
wards, as we have seen under the administration of the subsequent
governors of New Mexico, but their revolts were onl}^ the acts
of particular tribes which caused indeed serious troubles, but
which were soon subdued, when the}' had to face the soldiers
sent against them for redress.
We think it will not be outside the scope of our notes to give,
as far as we could obtain them from various sources, some par-
146 Last Glaxce at the Indians,
ticular information about the aborigines of New Mexico from
the time of the discover}' and exploration of this province.
(i) Were the Aborigines Very Nuvierous at that Epoch ?
If we judge by the villages occupied by the Indians in
New Mexico before the revolt of 1680, these must have been
very numerous, but it seems that their number was more or
less exaggerated by the first explorers of the countrj^ and espe-
cially by Fray Benavides, who, as we have seen above, was in
1626 the Custodian of the missions of the province. For this
priest, as for those who had come before in contact with the In-
dians in a peaceable manner, it was very easy to overrate, even
unintentionally, the number of the tribes they met separately
or sometimes mixed together. When there was no fear
of an attack from the strangers, the natives liked to approach
them and used to follow them from one place to another and
so made the number of several tribes appear what it was not in
reality.
Be it as it may about the exact number of the Indian pop-
ulation the conquerors met in New Mexico, certain it is that
many of them died, not only in the repeated wars of the con-
quest, but in their almost incessant difiiculties between tribe
and tribe, and especially in the quarrels and fighting the nine
rebellious nations had among themselves after their victory of
1 680, to decide which would have the right to occupy Santa Fe
and rule the others.
During these wars which, as we have written before, on the
authority of Father Amando Niel, S. J., lasted seven years,
many died either on the battle fields, or in the pueblos for want
of men to work for the support of the families, and owing to a
drought which prevailed in the country for the same length of
time. To these causes of the decrease of the Indians must be
added the epidemic diseases not infrequent at all times, in some
Indian populations.
Moreover, many of the tribes mentioned by Fray Bena-
vides have disappeared from New Mexico for reasons unknown
to us. Among these must be mentioned the Tompiros Indians,
who, according to the Custodian, occupied in 1626, east of Rio
Grande, an extent of fifteen leagues in the same direction with
Last Glance at the Indians. 147
fifteen or sixteen villages giving an aggregate population of
10,000 souls. The Indians, says the same author, lived in a
cold climate on lands not very productive owing to scarcity of
water for their irrigation. It may be that this was one of the *
reasons which determined these Indians to leave their villages
and their missions in the last part of the seventeenth century
to go to the province of Chihuahua, where, by joining some
other tribes, they lost their own name as a nation.
According to Bandelier ( i ) the Piros of Senecu, six miles
east of El Paso, now Villa Juarez, belonged formerly to the
pueblos of New Mexico and lived at another Senecu spoken of
by Benavides, eighteen miles below Socorro, at Pilabo and Abo,
and says this same author, ' 'as far as I can infer at Tabira or
Gran Quivira."
We quote again from the same : "Until the great upris-
ing of 16S0 the villages or pueblos extended or rather were
scattered on a line from Taos in the extreme north as far south
as where San Marcial now stands, or a length of nearly 250
miles." "In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the
aggregate population of the pueblos did not exceed twenty-five
thousand souls."
We come now to the date of 1789 and see by the census
taken this same year by order of Governor Fernando de la
Concha that the Pueblo Indians, the Moquis excluded, num-
bered only 8,806. This shows what had been the decrease of
the former Indian population either by the wars, by the migra-
tion of the tribes or other causes, at the date of the mentioned
census.
{2) The Hostile Tribes.
Abstracting from any reference to the wandering tribes of
of the plains of Kansas, whose members very often, as said be-
fore, stopped and destroyed the caravans of the Santa Fe trade
with the western cities of the United States, and made incursions
at times on the populations of New Mexico, we will speak only
of the Navajos and Apaches. These two tribes, since their
names are known, have been the terror of the pueblo Indians,
(1) Final report of investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern
United States.
148 Last Glance at the Indians.
and later of the Spanish settlers of New Mexico. Here also
we wall speak after Bandelier, who is a good authority as re-
gards the history of the Indian tribes. This author says the
♦Navajos and Apaches are of the same nation, the Navajos be-
ing more numerous than the Apaches. "The proportion is
to-day as three to one, the Navajos counting 2 1 ,000, the Apaches
hardly more than 6,000 or 7,000 souls." Both were to be
dreaded at all times, but more especialty the Apaches, who had no
fixed place of residence, and could be met wdth all over the coun-
try between New Mexico and Arizona, whilst the Navajos lived
as a nation, since they are known, in the fastnesses of the moun-
tains of the northwestern part of New Mexico. When they
made incursions on the settlements of the countrj^ they were
generally in large numbers, so as to be able to meet resistance
on the part of the people from whom they used to steal
their cattle, sheep and horses. Their inroads, though very
damaging some times, not only to property but to human life,
were not, as a rule, as frequently repeated as those of the
Apaches. These Indians seldom attacked in large numbers,
but almost incessantly here or there, and in this manner, says
Bandelier, harrassed in the end those who were the object of
their warfare, especially the pueblos.
As far as we have seen since we came to this countr}^, the
inhabitants cf the towns of New Mexico, at the first news of a
misdeed committed by the Navajos on their property, would
organize at once a band of armed and mounted men to pursue
them, especially if these Indians had killed anyone or stolen
some stock out of the pastures. This meant a race of more
or less distance for the recover}^ of the captives or stolen
animals, as might be the case, and as far as possible for a con-
dign punishment of the miscreants. If it happened that the
Mexicans had to follow the Indians to some of their rancherias,
they availed themselves of the opportunity to try and make
captives of the children of the Indians.
The attacks of these two tribes on the life and propert}^ of
the peaceable inhabitants of New Mexico, Arizona and Colo-
rado have been checked gradually by acts of the government
assigning to them reservations or limited lands, on which they
have been forced to live under the custody of militar>- posts.
Last Glance at the Indians, 149
At the beginning some bands rebelled against the law which
restrained their liberty, they fled from the reservations, and
continued under the leadership of some of their braves, like
Victoria, Geronimo and others, their former mode of living, and
brought desolation on the populations they visited.
These, as might be expected, were tracked and followed by
the government soldiers, who punished them and at last brought
them to peace, so that for the last quarter of a century they
do not give any more trouble to the citizens.
(3) The Pueblo Indians of To-Day.
As we have seen before (Chap. X), according to the census
taken in 1789, the pueblo Indians lived in twenty-one villages
and formed an aggregate population of 8,806. They occupy
to-day the same villages with the exception of Pecos, which
was abandoned by its few inhabitants in 1842, and x\biquiu,
whose population originally was formed of captives made in the
wars on different tribes or taken from them. These captives
were given the name of "Genisaros," but are now considered
as Mexicans. These two pueblos being out of existence as
such, there are only nineteen Indian villages in New Mexico.
As to their population, as far as could be ascertained by the
Indian agents from 1890 to 1896, it would be 8,536, or 270 less
than in 1789. This difference would not really prove that the
Indian population is decreasing as the pueblos are less in num-
ber, and as, for several years at least, their census has not been
seriously taken. The reason, as it appears by the report of
August 20th, 1895, of Captain John L. Bullis, acting Indian
Agent, to the Hon. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, is
the lack of an adequate appropriation from the government
for taking the census of the nineteen pueblos of New Mexico.
This means that we do not know the exact number of our In-
dians. We would say, however, that if there is an increase in
their population, as there ought to be, considering that the
pueblos have not to fight now against the Navajos or Apaches,
or are not exposed as before to lose some of their men in wars
against their enemies, this increase, we believe, cannot be very
considerable. As we have said above, epidemic diseases are
not infrequent in the pueblos, and the Indians relying more on
150 Last Glance at the Ixdia^ts.
the science of their medicine men than on that of our phj^si-
cians, take ver>^ little care of their sick persons, and as a conse-
quence they lose many of them, especially young- children. We
have been told that about two years ago, the pueblo of Santo
Domingo was afBicted with a fearful kind of fever, which kept
many persons sick at a time. Apprised of the case, Agent
Captain Bullis, pursuant to a consultation with the doctors of
Santa Fe, offered to procure medicines, and the Sisters of the
Blessed Sacrament volunteered to go to the pueblo and prepare
them for the sick Indians, but their services were positively re-
fused. One of the ancients of the tribe said to them : "L,as
hermanas pueden hacer mas por nuestros enfermos con sus
oraciones que con sus medecinas." "The Sisters can do more
for our sick persons by their pra3^ers than bj' their medicines. ' '
The epidemic diseases of one kind or another are sufficient to
prevent much increase of the Indian population.
To this cause of decrease of population, Bandelier, in the
work already mentioned, adds another one, in some pueblos
like Santa Clara, Nambe and Zia, viz, the practice of witch-
craft, creating among the Indians suspicions and enmities
which end in crimes, secretly committed it is true, but repeated
often enough to depopulate the village.
According to the same author, "the pueblo system still
rules the New Mexican village Indians and the Pimas and
Maricopas of Arizona." The pueblo Indians elect their gov-
ernor and other officers on the ist of January since 1620.
The pueblo grants in New Mexico were conceded b}^ order of
the king in 1682. From the same we quote further: "The
total number of the Indians of Arizona, excluding the Navajos
who are constantly shifting over the extensive reservation from
New Mexico to Arizona and back, is given at 18,000. Among
these appear the Papagos, with 6,000, but this includes cer-
tainly some if not all of the Papagos living across the Mexican
border in Sonora. The Pagagos of Arizona are Pimas by
language, although with a dialectical variation."
SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS.
PART TWO.
PERIOD OF THE MEXICAN RULE.
XXV. Right Rev. X. Ch. Matz. I). I).
Bishop (if DfiiVfr, t'ol.
PHRT II.
PERIOD OF THE MEXICAN RULE,
CHAPTER I.
The First Mexican Empire.
The Mexican government over the extent of the territory
we are treating of in these pages, lasted only from September
27th, 1821, the date of its independence from Spain and of its
beginning as a separate government, to 1848, when the limits
between Mexico and the United States were definitely agreed
upon by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, a short period, which
cannot be called one of quiet possession.
The Mexican population, at the time of effecting their in^
dependence, did not intend to institute for themselves a new
system of government ; what they wanted to have was a gov-
ernment of their own, and this independent of that of Spain.
Agustin Iturbide, who, for a 3'ear had fought valiantly for the
independence of Mexico, and who had secured it, almost with-
out effusion of blood, by the taking of the capital on the above
mentioned date of September 27th, was the first to suggest the
creation of an imperial government for the now independent
country. Whether or not he had, at this time, the ambition of
becoming emperor, the fact is that he proposed to make the
10*
154 The First Mexican Empire.
king of Spain the offer that this form of government be in-
trusted to one of the princes of the Bourbon family', on the
basis of a plan he had studied at Iguala before reaching the
capital. This plan contained in substance what was called the
"Tres Garantias," the three guarantees, viz. : The mainte-
nance of the Catholic religion as that of the country ; equalit}^
of rights between Spaniards and Mexicans ; the independ-
ence, with a monarch^' under a prince of the Spanish Bourbon
dynasty. These preliminary points as a basis of a national
constitution were read by Iturbide to the committee appointed
to give him a reception when he entered the capital. The next
day, September 28th, 182 1, a meeting of the men Iturbide had
designated to constitute "L,a Junta Soberana Provisional," the
Sovereign Provisional Body, was held in the hall of the vice-
roy's palace. There the hero of the day gave the members of
the meeting a compendious expose of their duties, which he
offered to make as easj' as possible for them by his own services
and those of his soldiers. This being accomplished, all pro-
ceeded to the Cathedral, where the men of the Junta, after
taking the oath of fidelit)' in the discharge of their duties and
in supporting the plan of Iguala, elected Iturbide as their pres-
ident. The first work of the Junta Soberana was the wording
of the Declaration of Independence of their country'. We
translate this document from the original copy which was sent
to Santa Fe for publication in all the churches of the province.
"Acta de Independencia del Imperio:
"The Mexican Nation, which for three hundred years, has
had neither its own will nor the free use of speech, emerges to-
day from the oppression in which it has lived."
"The heroic efforts of its sons have been crowned and
perfected by the never-to-be-forgotten attempt which a genius
superior to all admiration and encomium, the love and the
glory of his countr>% started from Iguala, and urged through
almost insuperable difficulties to a successful termination."
' 'This northern portion of the land on which we live being
then reinstated in the exercise of all the rights the author of
the world conceded to it, and which are acknowledged as
inalienable and sacred by the civilized nations of the earth, as
that of constituting itself, as best it ma^-- deem convenient for
The First Mexican Empire. 155
its own felicit}', with representatives who can manifest its will
and intentions, commences to make use of these precious gifts,
and solemnly declares through the official action of the Junta
Suprema del Imperio, that it is a sovereign Nation, independent
of Old Spain, with which, in the future, it will keep no other
bond of union but that of a friendship regulated by the nature
of the treaties that may exist; that our Nation will establish a
friendly intercourse with the other powers, as is customary
between sovereign nations; that it constitutes itself in conformity
with the bases w^hich were wisely established in the Plan of
Iguala and the treat}' of Cordova by the first commandant of
the imperial arm^^ of the Three Guarantees; and finally, that it
will support, at all risk and with the sacrifice of the property
and lives of the individuals, if need be, this solemn declaration ,
made in the Capital of the Empire, this 28th day of September
of the year 1821, the first of the Mexican Independence."
(Signed b}') :
Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio, Obispo de la Puebla, Juan
O'Donoju, Manuel de la Barcena, Matias Monteagudo, Isidro
Yailez, lyic. Juan Fransisco de Azcarate, Juan Jose Espinosa
de los Monteros, Jose Maria Fagoaga, Jose Miguel Guridix
Alcozar, El Marques de Salvatierra, El Conde de Casa de Heras
Soto, Juan Bautista Eobo, Fransisco Manuel Sanchez de Tagle,
Antonio de Gama}^ Cordova, Jose Manuel Sartorio, Manuel
Velasquez de Eeon, Manuel Montes Arguelles, Manuel de la
Soto Riva, El Marques de San Juan de Rayas, Jose Ignacio
Garcia Illueca, Jose Maria de Bustamante, Jose Maria Cervantes y
Velasco, Juan Cerv^antesy Padilla, Jose Manuel Velasquez de la
Cadena, Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolas Campero, El Conda de
Jala y de Regla, Jose Maria de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel
Martinez Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Gusman, Jose Maria
Jauredi, Jose Rafael Suarez Pereda, Anastasio Bustamante,
Isidro Ignacio de Icaza, Juan Jose Espinosa de los Monteros,
Vocal Secretario.
After this declaration orders were given by the Junta
Soberana del Imperio for its publication, and for receiving
the oath from all the authorities, civil or ecclesiastical, in all
the principal populations of the independent country. The
oath was administered by the Jefe politico, political chief, where
156 The First Mexican Empire,
this official existed, or in defect of this official by the alcalde, in
the following manner : "Do you acknowledge the sovereignty-
of this empire represented by the Junta Gubernativa?" "I
do." "Do you swear obedience to its decrees and adherence
to the guarantees proclaimed at Iguala b}^ the army of the
Mexican Empire, and to the treaties celebrated in the city of
Cordova, and to faithfulty give 3'our services to the Nation?"
"I do swear." "If so, so help you God."
The Spaniards refused to take the oath and begged to
leave the country, which favor was refused to them for fear
they might promote some counter revolution, while in Spain,
against the new^ empire, before it could be sufficiently established
to protect itself. There appeared then three different political
parties among the people of the capital as to the form of govern-
ment that should be definitely accepted. The Bourbonists were
discountenanced by the decree rendered on the 1 3th of February
1822, by the Cortes of Spain, declaring null and void the treaties
of Cordova, in regard to the government and its subjects.
Then remained the Republican and Iturbidist parties, between
which the Bourbonists distributed themselves. The last men-
tioned had the support of the army, and that of the majority
of the people, who were anxious to see the question brought to
an end and repeatedl}^ manifested their choice by the ciy of:
"Viva Agustin !"
This took place on the i8th of May, 1822, and Iturbide
was crowned the 21st of the same month in the Cathedral with
an immense concourse of people and splendid ceremonies. At
the end of the Pontifical mass and of the consecration, the
bishop exclaimed: "Vivat Imperator, vivat in aetenium !"
"Long live the Emperor," which was echoed by the audience
in the w^ords : "Vivan por muchos aflos el Emperador y la
Emperatiz !"
The following decree was promtdgated the same year bj^
order of the Emperor :
"Imperial Decree : Agustin, bj^ Divine Providence and
the Congress of the Nation, constitutional Emperor of Mexico,
to all who may see these letters or may be apprised of their
contents, be it known that the Sovereign Constituent Mexican
Congress has decreed as foUows :
The First Mexican Empire. 157
The Sovereign Constituent Mexican Congress, in order to
duly comply with the requirements of Article 12 of the Plan
of Iguala, which is one of those constituting the social basis of
our Independence, has come to decree, and has decreed : ( i )
That in the records, public or private documents, there be no
mention of classes attached to the names of the citizens of this
Empire. (2) That the same rule be observed in the church regis-
ters, though the tributes already established, according to the
classes af the people, for the support of the priests and of divine
worship, shall be followed as they are, until more satisfactory
provision can be made for the maintenance of religious ser\dce.
Mexico, September 17th, of the year 1822, and the second
of the Independence of this Empire. Signed :
Jose Cirilo Gomez Anaya, Presidente.
pRECiLiANO Sanchez, Secretario Diputado."
The same year the independence of Mexico was recognized
by the United States, whose Congress, in 1823, accepted the
"Monroe doctrine" which declared that any attempt on the
part of the European powers to extend their authority to the
Western Hemisphere, should be considered dangerous to the
welfare of the United States Government. This declaration was
made in the proper time to put an obstacle to the projects the
King of Spain might have entertained to bring the separated
colonies again under his authority.
A short time after Iturbide had ascended the throne of
Mexico, the rumor spread of a revolution brewing all over the
country. The Emperor did not take notice of it. Moreover,
the Congress of the Nation could not agree about supplying the
expenses which the imperial administration required, and this
was a potent reason for the poor people to embrace the cause
of the republican government. Meanwhile, this party was
gaining ground every day, and when the Emperor realized his
position and thought of making resistance, he found out that
the army had already, in great part, deserted his flag. He
then offered his resignation in order to avoid a useless effusion
of blood.
The matter having been considered by a committee ap-
pointed for the purpose, the resignation was accepted and an
annual pension of ^25,000 was accorded to Iturbide in consid-
158 The First Mexican E>rpnrE-.
eration of his services to the cause of the revolution, as long: as
he should remain in Itah', where he was ordered to go. The
same committee declared that the nomination of Iturbide as
Emperor of Mexico was null, as having been imposed by force^
and null also the Plan of Iguala and the treaties of Cordova as
opposed to the rights of the Nation in regard to selecting the
form of its government.
This took place in the beginning of May, 1S23. From
Livorno, where the Emperor had taken his residence, he went
to England in January, 1824, where he heard that a revolution
was prepared in Spain against Mexico. This he wrote to the
Mexican Congress, offering, at the same time, his services for
the protection of his countn,'. The ans^ver was not only a re-
fusal of the offer, but a decree by which Iturbide was declared
an outlaw. In his anxiety to find an opportunity to exert his
natural activity, and perhaps, trusting that his country-men
would call him again to take the reins of government, he-
started at once, without waiting for an answer to his letter,
and reached the port of Soto la Marina on the r4tb of May,
1824, There he was apprised by General Garza that he was
proscribed, and on the 17th, was notified bj" an adjutant that
he should prepare for death, as he was to be shot at three
o'clock of the same day. Without showing an}' emotion,.
Iturbide replied : "Tell General Garza that I am ready to die,,
if he only gives me three da^'S to make m}^ peace \\ith God."
H. H. Bancroft (i), from whom we have taken our in-
formation about the fall of the Mexican Empire, does not state
whether the short delay asked for b}^ the doomed great patriot
was accorded to him or not, but be this as it may, it is well
known that the Emperor submitted to the unmerited sentence
and died Like a brave soldier and a good Christian.
(1) Historia de Mexico.
'CHAPTER It.
Xa Republica de Mexico.
The short lived Mexican Empire was succeeded by thfe
IblepubHc, which had been prematurely proclaimed by General
Santa Ana in Decembet 1822 ; but it did not take the shape
-of a government until 1824, when a constitution^ much like
■that of the United States of America, was adopted under the
presidency of Guadalupe Victoria. The name which was given
the new republic was : "La Republica Federal de los Estados
Unidos de Mexico." Its fundamental chart was published on
the 4th of October 1824. This same day ^ as also the i6th af
September, which marked in 1810 the beginning of revolution
■against the government of .Spain, have been since kept as
national holidays.
The presidential term of Victoria, though opened under
favorable auspices, and greeted by the majority of the people^
was far from being free from troubles. Two political parties,
supported by the masonic lodges of England and of Scotland,
tried to overthrow the established government, but failed in
their attempts owing to the vigilant activity of the President in
repressing rebellious movements. These party divisions
opposing the 3'oung Mexican republic were the prelude of the
almost numberless revolutions which were to desolate the
country for half a century.
For a period of ten years from the fall of the Spanish
government in Mexico, the Church had not to suffer, except
from the revolutions, which alienated from her many influential
citizens by placing them in contact wdth party leaders connected
160 La Eepcblica de Mexico.
with the lodges. It was to remedy this evil that the ecclesi-
astical authority made new efforts to propagate civil and
rehgious instructions among the clergy and among the masses of
the people.
This commendable movement, as w^e see by the Church
records, reached Xew Mexico in the year 1826, when on the
19th of May, a college was opened in Santa Fe under the pro-
tection and direction of the Vicario General, for the instruction
of the young men. The same daj' permission was received
from Durango for the erection of a chapel in the town of San
Jose del Bado. It was also in 1826 that the missions of Taos,
San Juan, Abiquin, Belen and San Miguel del Bado were made
parishes and provided with secular priests. The capilla of our
Lady in Guadalupe in San Fernando de Taos was declared at
the same time an annex to the Church of San Geronimo.
At the same epoch, b}- order of the Vicar Capitular of
Durango, the See being vacant, the Vicar General of the diocese,
Don Augustin Fernandez, made the pastoral visitation of the
missions of New Mexico. In his report, a copj' of which has
been kept in the church records, he describes the old St. Francis
Church, Santa Fe, thus : "An adobe building 54 yards long by
9^ in width, with two small towers not provided with crosses,
one containing two bells and the other empt}'; the church being
covered with a flat clay terrace. Inside, communicating mth the
'crucero' (the place where a church takes the form of a cross by
the side chapels) are two large separate chapels, the one on the
north side dedicated to our Lady of the Rosar>', called also 'la
Conquistadora', and on the south side the other dedicated to St.
Joseph." ( I ) The chapel of Our Lady of Light, known also by
the name of 'La Castrense', military' church, that of our Lady of
the Rosar>^ some distance north out of the city, and that of our
Lady of Guadalupe were visited at the same time. After the
visit of the parochial church and public chapels of the city, the
Vicar General visited the following private oratories : One in
the house of Don Antonio Ortiz, that of the Holy Trinitj' in
the house of Juan Bautista Virgil, and that of San Jose in the
(1) This church was demolished, with the exception of two large chapels
and the old sanctuary, to build the new stone Cathedral which was commenced in
1870.
La Eepublica de Mexico. 161
house of Pablo Montoya, which were found to be in all the
conditions which had been required for their concession from
the ecclesiastical authority.
The last chapel visited in the city was that of the Third
Order of St. Francis, adjoining the parochial church on its
southern side. As it was found lacking everything required
for the celebration of the mass, the document of its concession
was annulled by the Vicar General, and orders given to the parish
priest, the Rev. Juan Tomas Terrazas, not to celebrate any
more in it.
The Vicar General at the end of his report complains, as
did Visitor Guevara in 1817, that the Regulars refused to give
obedience to the decrees and dispositions of the bishop, induced
to it by the Father Custodio of Santa Fe, Fray Sebastian Al-
varez, and by the Political Chief, Don Antonio Narbona. As
regards the Third Order of St. Francis just spoken of, it will
not be out of the way to give here about it some details which we
extract from one of the old manuscripts of the Cathedral. Ac-
cording to this document, this Order, which was known also by
the name of "I/a Tercera Orden de Penitencia," was established
in Santa Fe and in Santa Cruz de la Canada, between the dates
1692 and 1695, under the administration of Governor Vargas.
As it was a Franciscan institution which, by its constitution,
could be governed only by priests of the Order, it ceased to
have a canonical existence in New Mexico when the Francis-
can Fathers were succeeded by secular priests in the missions.
Besides the devotions practiced by the members of the Order,
privately or under the direction of some of the religious, they
had festivities and processions which were publicly celebrated.
These were the feast of St. L,ouis, King of France, and of the
Immaculate Conception, which were their patronal feasts.
Moreover, they had a special high mass sung on every second
Sunday of the month for their particular intention ; this was fol-
lowed by a procession at which they marched wearing the habit
of the Franciscan Order, which they were allowed also to use
in the chiurch during the exercises of Holy Week. ( i )
There is now in New Mexico a society of men who call
themselves "IvOS Penitentes" or "Los Miembrosde la Herman-
(1) The original document will be given in full in the appendix.
11
162 La Repcblica de Mexico.
dad," which must have come from the Third Order of St.
Francis, but so different from it that no relationship can be
traced between the two. The first was a true religious Order
authorized by the Church, and one whose members were placed
under the direction of the Franciscan Fathers, while the second,
though an offshoot of the same, has so degenerated that it is
nothing to-day but an anomalous body of simple credulous
men, under the guidance of some unscrupulous politicians.
Their leaders encourage them, despite the admonitions of the
Church, in the practice of their unbecoming so-called devotions,
in order to secure their votes for the times of political elections.
As we had, a few j^ears ago, the opportunity of traveling
with an old resident of Santa Fe, who had been a member of
the Third Order under the administration of the Franciscan
Fathers, we asked him if the "Penitentes" we had now in Xew
Mexico were the remnants of the Terciarios. "Estos diablos
(these devils)," said the old gentleman, indignantly, (his name
we remember was N de la Pena) "I disown them as mem-
bers of the Order to which I was aflEiliated as long as it lasted
in this country, w^hen I was a 3^oung man. The Penitentes, it
is true, have framed a constitution somewhat resembling that
of the Third Order, but entirely suited to their own political
views. In fact, they have but self-constituted superiors ; they
do what they please and accomplish nothing good. ' '
The Penitentes, who w^ere formerly' distributed mostly over
the whole territory of New Mexico, have, since 1850, retreated
towards the north, especially in the counties of San Miguel, Mora,
Rio Arriba and Taos, where they have the darkness of the woods
to add more myster)'^ to their nocturnal performances. The^^ were
divided into two classes of members : Those of "La Luz," The
Light, consisting of the "Hermano Mayor," Chief Brother, and
other directors with particular titles, and the common
brothers called "De Las Tinieblas, " or Of The Darkness. The
men of the light wore their dress, w^hile those of the darkness
had their faces covered and no other clothing but light trousers.
This arrangement made in the "morada," the private meeting
hall of the Penitentes, the roles to be performed publicly were
distributed ; these were the flagellation, the carrying of the
crosses, the singing, etc. Those who had to flagellate them-
La Republica de Mexico. 163
selves were furnished with a scourge terminating sometimes in
a prickly pear articulation (cactus opuntia), or some pad of
heavy and coarse stuff. The cross bearers were furnished with
heavy and rude crosses. Another preparation, and the pro-
cession was ready to start. It consisted of the rubbing with a
piece of flint of the skin of the flagellants at the place the lash
would strike, in order to have some flowing of blood without too
much inj ury to the body. This operation was performed by the
"Hermano Caritativo," Charitable Brother of the association.
At this time the procession emerged from the ' 'morada' '
to go to a designated place where a cross had been planted for
the occasion. The order of the procession was the following :
First, the "flagellantes," next the cross beartrs and the direc-
tors .chanting in a low tone the psalm "Miserere" with accom-
paniment of the rattling of iron chains dragged on the grovmd,
and of a cracked flute, all this producing a kind of infernal
harmon}'. We have seen and heard it a couple of times, and
the most astonishing feature of the ceremony was to see it fol-
lowed by numerous good old women devoutly sa3'ing their
beads.
We will overlook in this wTiting many strange accounts
that the newspapers give from time to time of the cere-
monies and performances of the Penitentes, like the crucifixion
of one of the brothers, which on certain occasions have,
they say, caused the death of the victim. From 1859 until 1866
when we lived in New Mexico, we never heard of such criminal
extravagances.
The processions of the Penitentes took place on everj' Fri-
day in L,ent, and on the three last days of Holy Week,
and these were never countenanced by the Church ; on the
contrary', since there have been bishops in New Mexico, they
have denounced the practice and made of it the subject of some
very strong circulars. Little by little, heed has been given to
the voice of the ecclesiastical authority, and at the present date,
there are only a few interested men who are trying to keep
alive yet the old association.
The governors of New^ Mexico took the name of Political
Chiefs under the Mexican rule. The first one, Francisco Xavier
Chavez, was appointed on the 5th of July, 1822. In 1823 he
164 La Republica de Mexico.
was succeeded by Bartolome Vaca. In 1824 New Mexico was?
made a territorj^ and governed in 1825 and 1826 by Antonia
Narbona, who had Manuel Armijo as successor in 1827, In
1828 Armijo was succeeded by Jose Antonio Chavez. It was
during the administration of Chavez that the Spaniards were
expelled from the territory, pursuant to the law of proscription
enacted against them, the year before, by the Congress of
Mexico. This was the cause of serious troubles and difficulties
for the old settlers of the country, who were given the alterna-
tive either of losing the homes they had acquired by their
swords and their blood, or of accepting Mexican citizenship in
order to save them. As regards the Church, the same law de-
prived her of almost all the Spanish missionaries. As a means
of filling the vacancies made in the missions b}^ the expulsion
of the Spanish priests, who refused to register as Mexican citi-
zens, the Vicar Capit^ar, Jose Ignacio Iturribarra, convoked,
sede vacante, the priests of the diocese of Durango to a theolog-
ical concursus, to fill the vacant churches.
In 1829, as we quote from Haines, already mentioned in
these pages : "Bent's Fort, one of the first examples of Ameri-
can enterprise in New Mexico, was built on the Arkansas ; it
was 180 feet long and 30 feet wnde, the walls, which w^ere of
adobe, were 15 feet high and 4 feet thick. This fort became
one of the most celebrated trading posts on the frontier, the
gathering place of hunters, trappers, traders, and team-
sters."
It was indeed a profitable enterprise to the Americans, but
a very detrimental one to the Mexicans, as it caused the
slaughtering on a large scale of the buffalo herds, on which,
not only the Indians, but many poor Mexican families were
living. Neither the Indians nor the Mexicans who killed by
the wholesale the animals of the prairies, to sell the hides to
the Americans, thought, at that time, that for some whisky, or
clothing of the poorest quality, they were working for the de-
struction of one of their best means of support.
In 1 83 1 permission was given by the bishop of Durango
for the construction of a chapel in the tow^n of la Cuesta, on
the Pecos river, and of another at Pena Blanca, at the re-
quest of Juan Antonio Cabeza de Vaca.
La Republica de Mexico. 165
The same year, Don Santiago Abreu was appointed Politi-
cal Chief of the territory.
In 1832 the Rev. Juan Felipe Ortiz, a native of Santa Fe,
and descendant of the old Spanish family of that name, was
appointed Vicar General Forane of the territory.
In 1833 Francisco Saracino succeeded Abreu as Political
Chief. In the same year the Congress of Mexico, under the
influence of the Masonic element that prevailed in the higher
classes of the people, enacted laws abolishing convents and cur-
tailing the means of support for the churches and clergy.
Then commenced the work of a system which, restricting the in-
fluence of the clergy, was to destroy the institutions of the
former government, instead of improving them, as was promised
and loudly announced.
In the same year, the bishop of Durango, Don Jose An-
tonio Zubiria, visited the parishes of New Mexico. His lyord-
ship, while in the villa of Santa Fe, found that the parochial
church, though the first established in the city, and the head
of all the others in the territory, was entirely destitute of suitable
vestments for the celebration of the holy sacrifice, and intimated
iiis wish of a contribution from the faithful to provide for this
want
CHAPTER irr.
The New Mexico People Rebel Against the Govern-
ment.
In 1837 Xew Mexico was made a department instead of a
territory'-, as before, and Don Albino Perez was appointed its
governor. The administration of Perez was opposed at once
by the people, and especially' b}- the inhabitants of the northern
part of the territory. Their dissatisfaction was caused by the
taxes required for the support of the department, and which
it was the duty of the governor to see paid. Hence arose a bad
feeling which manifested itself all over the territory', and cul-
minated in an open insurrection on the ist of August of the
same year. The discontented people gathered at Santa Cruz
wnth the Indians of the surrounding pueblos.
On the 3d of August they issued and circulated the follow-
ing declaration, which we quote from Governor Prince : ( i )
"For God and the Nation and the Faith of Jesus Christ !
The principal points we defend are the following : i . To
be with God and the Nation and the Faith of Jesus Christ. 2.
To defend our countr>^ until we shed every drop of our blood
in order to obtain the %nctor3' we have in view. 3. Not to
admit the Department Plan. 4. Not to admit any tax. 5. Not
to admit any disorder desired by those who are attempting to
procure it. God and the Nation ! Encampment Santa Cruz
de la Canada, August 3d, 1837."
(1) Historical Sketches of New Mexico. Laggats Bros., Chambers street, Mew
York, 1883.
1!?EW Mexico Hebels Against Mexico. 167
As soon as Governor Perez heard of the rebellion, he tried
to raise as many militia and volunteers as could be had to
swell the scanty number of his troops, but his call did not
meet with an encouraging answer. He started, however, with
the force he had at his command, and met the rebels near San
Ildefonso. At this point the governor was abandoned by nearly
all his men, who passed over to the ranks of his opponents ; and
all he could do was to retrace his steps toward Santa Fe with
the few men who had remained faithful to him. Among these
were lyieutenant Miguel Sena, Sergeant Sais and lyoreto
Romero, w^ho were killed in their flight near the "Puertecito" of
Pohuaque, by the revolutionists. Not finding security in the
capital, Governor Perez left the city by night to go south, but
was met by the Santo Domingo Indians, who killed him near
Agua Fria, in the house of Salvador Martinez where he had
sought refuge. The rebels cut off his head, and carried it to
their headquarters near the chapel of the Rosario, north of Santa
Fe. On the same day, Jesus Maria Alarid, secretary of the
department, and Santiago Abreu, formerly governor ad interim,
were killed on the "Mesa" a few miles south of Agua Fria.
The place where their dead bodies were found is still marked
by two mounds of rocks, called the ' 'decansos," the resting place,
of Los Abreus. Ramon Abreu and his brother Marcelino, with
Lieutenant Madrigal, met also the end of their career at Pala-
cios, on the same road from Agua Fria to Santo Domingo.
These bloody operations took place on the 9th day of August.
The insurgents entered the capital the same day, and placed
Jose Gonzales, a Mexican from Taos, in possession of the palace,
as governor of the territory.
At this period Manuel Armijo organized a counter-revolu-
tion in the southern counties and marched toward Santa Fe
with a considerable force. "There," said to us Juan Ramon
Pacheco, an old man who lives at the present time a short dis-
tance above the pueblo de San Juan, "Armijo had not to fight
to take possession of the palace, as Gonzales had gone to Taos
to visit his family and see about his crops." While in Santa Fe
Armijo wrote to Mexico, stating what he had done in support
of the government, and asking for troops to complete his vic-
tory and re-establish peace in the department. His petition
168 New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico.
ha\'ing been granted, troops were sent to him from Zacatecas
and Chihuahua, and in January of 1838 he marched to Santa
Cruz, where Gonzales was gathering his forces to come again
to Santa Fe. Here Juan Ramon Pacheco j^et recalls that "the
two armies met between Santa Cruz and the Puertecito of
Pohuaque. There Armijo lost eight of his soldiers, while on
the other side only one man, an Indian of Ildefonso, was killed.
The fight, however, commenced again, and at last the victory
remained with Armijo. Gonzales fled to Santa Cruz where,
by order of the victor, he was hanged with Antonio Lopez.
The execution took place in the public square in front of the
Church."
"Those who had promoted the rebellion were Juan Jose
Esquivel, the Alcalde of Santa Cruz, Juan Vigil, the two broth-
ers Antonio and Desiderio Montoya, who were shot at the
"Garita," guard house of Santa Fe, and Antonio Virgil, who
was hanged at the junction of the Nambe road with that of
Santa Fe going to Santa Cruz." Thus ended the rebellion,
and in turn for his services, Armijo was made governor for the
second time.
This, the second term of Armijo, was several times made
one of anxiety and fears by the presence of Americans in the
territory, and by the expeditions through it of several parties
of Texans who tried to induce the New Mexicans to revolt
against their government. The governor took some appro-
priate measures to stop these stealthy incursions into his terri-
tory, and, at the same time, sent an appeal to the people to
warn them against the false promises of the adventurers from
Texas, and to show them that they had no reason for complaint
against their government. We translate from the original
document :
' 'The Governor and Commandant of New Mexico to its
inhabitants :
"New Mexicans : The well-known benignity which, in all
times and circumstances, has characterized the Mexican gov-
ernment, and which he who has the honor to address you
as Governor and Commandant General of this department, has
taken for the rule of his conduct, makes me firmly believe
that, if some of you, giving credence to false promises, have en-
New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico. 169
gaged themselves to support those who govern in Texas, in any
attempt against Mexico, they will remember what they owe to
their government, no matter in what form it may have been taken.
By so doing they will assert anew their patriotism and fealty to
the paternal government of the Republic, in the name of which,
and under my word of honor, I promise to pardon them and to
reinstate them in the full enjoyment of all their rights as citi-
zens and heirs to the patrimony left to them by their ancestors. ' '
"No, my dear countrymen, there is no reason for us to'
fear, and less to believe that any of us, at the risk of losing our
religion, our native land and property, would hesitate even
for an instant to surround our national flag and fight for it,
no matter at what cost, rather than to take part with those am-
bitious traitors, the Texans and their supporters."
Your Countryman and Chief,
(Signed) Manuel Armijo.
NuEVO Mexico, Setiembre 13 de 1841." (i)
Whether the appeal of Governor Armijo had much effect
or not on the Mexican population of the department, is not
known, but the fact is that the Americans had trading posts on
its borders and that parties of their people were, almost daily,
examining New Mexico in all directions.
In 1843, on November 28, the priest of Taos, Rev. Antonio
Jose Martinez, wrote to Governor Don Antonio Lopez de Santa
Ana, expressing his opinion about the depredations of the In-
dians and their cause. The hostilities of the barbarous nations
against the quiet and laborious citizens of the territory, it
seemed to the priest, required prompt attention from the com-
manding ofiicer of the department. The mode he would sug-
gest to pacify the troublesome tribes was to assign to them some
determined lands which they could cultivate and try to live on
their produce as civilized people do.
The cause, he said in his letter, of the attacks made
by the Indians, was the scarcity of game, which they were
gradually destroying more and more every year, owing to the
cupidity of the Americans for the purchase of the skins of the
buffalo or other wild animals, which they got from the Indians,
(1) The original is given in the appendix No. 5.
11*
170 New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico,
and also from some Mexicans, in exchange for dr\' goods and
strong liquors. This traffic, conducted by the Americans on
the borders of our department, has caused great destruction
in the herds of the cibolo, on which formerly many Mexican
families as well as Indians lived. The failing of this resource
must now be accounted for, in a great measure, by the incur-
sions of the Indians, w'ho are reduced to the necessity of steal-
ing the property ot the Mexicans in order to find a means of
living. ( I )
Under the administration of Mariano Martinez who suc-
ceeded Antonio I,opez de Santa Ana (ad interim), in the year
1844, the Yutas caused considerable damages to the inhabitants
of Rio Arriba, especially in Abiquiu. The governor having
been apprised of the fact by the prefect of the district, Colonel
Juan Andres Archuleta, was preparing an expedition against
these Indians when he was himself attacked by them in his
own palace. Fortunately there were men inside and outside
the building to protect the governor and to disperse the aggres-
sors, who lost eight of their men, while there was only one
wounded among the citizens. This attack caused the governor
to make an appeal to the inhabitants of New Mexico for volun-
teers to organize an expedition against the treacherous Yutas, (2)
(1) Father Martinez started in Taos in 1840 the first printing press known id
New Mexico.
(2) State manuscript.
CHAPTER IV.
The Independence of Texas and Its Annexation to
THE United States. — The Invasion of New Mexico.
{1) The Independence of Texas and its Annexation to the
United States.
Here commenced a period of difficulties between Mexico
and the United States, a brief account of which, we think,
will not be amiss to give as an explanation of the invasion of
New Mexico by the American soldiers in 1846.
The State of Texas comprised a great extent of lands
which were only very sparsely settled by some small Mexican
populations. This country, otherwise rich in soil for agricul-
tural and cattle-raising purposes, attracted the attention of
American colonists, who, it may be said, were rather too easily
admitted by the Mexican government early after its institution.
In 1 82 1, Moses Austin, a native of Connecticut who had be-
come a Spanish subject as a resident of Louisiana, when that
country was under the Spanish rule, obtained from the "Re-
gencia gubernativa del Imperio," the grant of a large tract of
land extending a good distance into the interior of Texas. The
consideration received by the government for the concession
W'as the obligation Austin took on himself to establish, in a
stated time, large colonies on the granted lands, but he died a
short time without having done anything yet in fullfilment of the
condition. Stephen Austin, his son, after going to Mexico
and attending there a series of formalities, was at last confirmed
172 INDEPENDENCE AND ANNEXATION OF TeXAS/
in the rights of his father by the Republic, which was then the
government of Mexico.
On his return to Texas, Stephen laid out the town of Sati
Felipe de Austin, which has become since the capital of the
State, with the name of its founder.
The conditions of the contract having been fulfilled in 1825,
Austin secured others in the three subsequent years and succeeded
in introducing over 1,500 colonists into the countrj^ Mean-
while, numerous other people, either of their own accord or
called b}' different leaders, had flocked to Texas, so that in 1 830
the white population of the State was estimated at 40,000.
This population, as may be safely surmised, included many
adventurers, and probably too, escaped convicts from the United
States who did not like the Mexican regime, and constantly
agitated for their independence from that government. The
main reason alleged was the difference of language between the
American and the Mexican populations, and to this were added
from either side real or supposed offenses, which brought about
several encounters, which at first had no other result but the
effusion of blood and the fostering of bad feeling between the
two races. In 1836, April 21st, a battle fought on the San
Jacinto river turned entirely to the advantage of the Texans,
Santa Ana, who commanded the Mexican force against the
rebels, was made prisoner, and though he had no authority
from his government for the settling of the difficulty, still, in
order to receive his liberty, he acknowledged the independence
of Texas, which was soon recognized by the United States, and
by some European powers.
Eight years later, in 1844, Texas was admitted into the
American Union. By what right this annexation was effected,
nobody can tell, says Hubert Howe Bancroft, (i) as the United
States had formally declared that the dividing line between
them and Mexico was the Rio Sabinas. Nevertheless, at this
time, the Government of Washington claimed a great part of
New Mexico for Texas, while Mexico limited that State b}^ the
Rio Nueces on the northern side. As can be easily understood,
the former was interested in extending as far as possible the
(1) Higtoria de Mexico.
Invasion of New Mexico. 173
limits of the newl}' acquired territory, and as the latter were not
disposed either to give or even to sell any part of what they
considered to be their property, their refusal to do either
was taken as a sufficient cause for a declaration of war against
them.
Just or unjust, the war was waged against Mexico from
different points at a time. Everywhere, except in New
Mexico and California, where the Americans had prepared the
Mexicans to betray their government, the United States troops
met with a noble and brave resistance, but being better provided
with arms and ammunition, they fought their way, step by step,
until they planted the American flag on the capitol of
Mexico.
(^) The Invasion of New Mexico.
In 1846, at the time the war was being vigorously pushed
into the interior of the Mexican Territory, General S. W.
Kearney was starting with 800 soldiers from Fort Leavenworth
to go to California through New Mexico. When the news
reached Santa Fe, General Armijo, who had bfeen reappointed
governor at the end of the previous year, called the most
influential men of the Territory to a meeting to be held in
Santa Fe, to have their opinion about the measures to be taken
to save their country from an invasion.
From what we learned from Dn. Pablo Gallegos, an old,
intelligent, and honest citizen of New Mexico, who was at that
time a justice of the peace in Rio Arriba, the meeting was as
large as could have been expected. After the governor had
explained the object of the meeting, the first who spoke was
Padre I,eiva, one of the priests of the Territory. While admit-
ting it was the duty of every man to protect his home and sup-
port his own government against unjust aggressors, he thought
his countrymen were not prepared to meet the American force.
The New Mexicans, with the exception of their few soldiers,
were not acquainted with military tactics, and moreover, could
not even be suitably equipped to make any available resistance.
On the other hand, Mexico was too far, and time too short, to
apply to the headquarters of the government, either for soldiers
or for ammunition. On account of these considerations, the
174 Invasion of New Mexico.
Padre concluded by saying, that, in his opinion, it would he
better not to try useless opposition to a superior force.
A young lawyer from Chihuahua, named Palacios, as far
as Dn. Pablo can remember, who happened to be in Santa Fe
at that time, spoke after the priest and blamed him vehemently
for the fear he tried to create in the hearts of his countrymen.
He thought the apprehensions of the Father were founded on
no other reason but his own aversion to the dangers of a war,
and his lack of knowledge of Mexican patriotism. Turning
then to the audience, he expressed the hope that the inhabitants
of New Mexico would not be deterred to expose their lives,
were this necessary, for the defense of their country.
After hearing different opinions on the matter, the votes
were taken for yes or no in regard to the defense of the countrj^
The result of the voting gave a large majority in favor of
opposing the foreign invasion at any cost. It was then re-
solved that the governor should call on the alcaldes and other
authorities to gather soldiers, who should be equipped by the
rich men of the territory-. Soldiers flocked from all the districts
in such numbers that, when thc}^ reported to the plain of Galis-
teo on the day they were to start from there for "El Caiioncito
de los Apaches," the governor had to make a selection from
them and send the others back to their homes. Here ended
the details given by Dn. Pablo.
Canoncito was the most suitable place for resistance by the
Mexicans to the American soldiers. The caiion is a narrow,
deep cut between the mountains, and was the only practicable
pass from Glorieta to Santa Fe ; the way very Hkely to be
followed b}^ Kearney and his troops. The question was
whether the Americans would engage in the narrow gap or
avoid it by crossing the mountains ; but in any case, it was
thought that the American soldiers could be not only stopped
but defeated there. Governor Armijo, it seems, thought dif-
ferently. He contented himself with going to the canon in
order to close its exit towards Santa Fe. From there, as we
have been told by a soldier of the Mexican army stationed at
Caiioncito, the governor would dispatch some of his men in
advance to reconnoitre the road from the heights and bring
back the news of any discovery they might make. Some parties
lmrASio>f OF New Mexico. 175
came "back without having noticed an^'thing unusual. Later
on, others brought the news of a cloud of dust, far distant 3^et,
but coming, as they judged, in their direction. At last, the
report of the scouts was that the glitter of bayonets could be
perceived at intervals through the dust and that the Americans
were very numerous. Nothing of the kind had been seen yet,
except through the prism of fear and imagination, as was found
out after, but this was enough for Governor Armijo to cause
him to abandon the post and leave it to his soldiers to do what
they pleased. These, of course, took their way homeward, while
the commandant set out in all haste for Chihuahua.
Why did the governor take to flight before seeing the
enemy ? Some say that when he went to the caiion with his
men he did not intend to fight, as he had been interviewed
several times in Santa Fe b}^ an agent for the Americans, Jas.
Magoffin, an old resident of New Mexico, and very likely had
promised not to oppose the invasion of the territor>^ Others
say that he thought his army was too much inferior to that of
the enemy, and others maintain, perhaps wdth more probability,
that Armijo discovered a division of opinions among the officers
under his command, which, he thought, would render the
result of the battle uncertain.
Be it as it may as regards the conduct of General Armijo,
General Kearney, at the head of his soldiers, entered Santa Fe
on the 1 8th of August, 1846, without one single gunshot from
either side. The Santa Fe people, seeing that their governor
had fled before the invaders, had only to submit in amazement,
as they were not prepared to make any resistance. General
Kearney made a speech on the Plaza and told his hearers that
the}"^ were no longer subjects of the Mexican government but of
the United States, and at once proceeded to administer the
oath of allegiance to the men in charge of offices. Among the
influential men of Santa Fe there were some who had been
prepared by the Americans, who were residents of the
town, to believe that annexation to the United States was the
only means of having the mines of the country developed, and
the forays of the wild tribes brought to an end. These did not
object to taking the oath ; but there were many who, abstract-
ing from Siuy consideration, w^ere opposed to a change of gov-
176 The New Mexicans Revolt.
ernment, but they could not then express their opinion because
they knew they could not make it prevail against armed force.
Accordingly everything seemed to be quiet in the old capital,
and Kearney gave orders for the fortification of one of the
heights of Santa Fe, which was to be Fort Marcy.
On the 2 2d of August the General signed a proclamation
by which he promised, in the name of the United States Gov-
ernment, to protect the New Mexicans in holding their prop-
erty against their enemies, the Yutas, the Navajos and others.
Pursuant to his promise, KearncA' had to organize at once a
strong expedition against the Navajos, who were then raiding
different settlements of the territory. As usual, the Indians,
who did not like to try their force against that of the United
States, agreed to a treaty of peace w^hich, of course they in-
tended to break at the first opportunity. Meanwhile there was
some hope that those Indians would remain quiet for some time
at least, and the General was credited with having fulfilled his
promise, though he found no resistance on the part of the
Navajos.
(S) The New Mexicans Revolt.
As already mentioned, the change of government had not
been unanimously accepted by the New Mexico people, and
while it was thought that the change was an accompUshed fact,
about half of the population entertained bad feelings against
the invaders of their country. This disposition w^as greatly in-
creased when it became known that those who were of a diflfer-
ent opinion had already joined themselves to the United States,
Hence a complete dissatisfaction manifested itself in 1847
by an open revolution against the "Gringos," the strangers,
and their abettors. It originated in the northern part of the
territory" at the instigation of two men, who withdrew when
they saw that their plan had been discovered too soon. But
they were succeeded by a Mexican named Pablo Montoya and
an Indian called "El Tomasito." The last named leaders,
with the Indians of the pueblo of Taos, made a merciless at-
tack on the town of San Fernando early in the morning of the
19th of January of the year above mentioned. There they
killed the military governor, Charles Bent, appointed by Gen-
XXVI. Right Rev. P. Bourgade, D. D.
Hishop of Tiu'son, Ariz.
The Xew Mexicans Revolt. 177
eral Kearney and who happened to be visiting his family ;
James Blair, a young attorney from Missouri, and Narciso
Beaubien, the son of Judge Beaubien, a French Canadian es-
tablished in San Fernando, and a good friend to both the Mexi-
cans and the Indians of the pueblo. At about the same time
some other Americans were killed in different towns of the
territor3^
As soon as the news of the murder of Charles Bent reached
Santa Fe, Colonel Sterling, whom General Kearney when pro-
ceeding to California had left in command of Santa Fe with a
few companies of soldiers^ marched at once against the rebels,
whom he met, Mexicans and Indians, near Santa Cruz de la
Caiiada. There he had to stop with part of his troops, but
detached Captain Burgwin with two companies for Taos. The
captain reached the town of San Fernando early on the 3d of
February, where he met with no opposition and marched early
the next day to the pueblo about four miles distant. There his
opponents had concentrated their forces and fortified themselves
in the church. The attack commenced at that point, and the
fight lasted until the old adobe church was broken open by the
bullets of a six-pounder. Then ensued what has been termed
the "Taos Massacre," Many Indians were killed on the spot,
among whom were the two leaders of the revolt, the Mexican
Pablo Montoya and the Indian Tomasito. Others, in large
numbers, rushed to the mountains under the fire of the soldiers,
and many of them were killed in their flight. According to
Haines, the loss of life on the side of the Indians was calculated
at about 150, while the Americans had only seven men killed,
among whom was Captain Dunifan, and forty-six wounded.
The old church, almost destroyed by the battle, has been re-
placed by a smaller one which stands at some distance out of
the pueblo.
At Caiiada, where Colonel Sterling had encountered the
rebels, the latter were defeated with a loss of thirty-six men and
many wounded, while the Americans had only two men killed
and six wounded.
At Mora, we take from Haines, L,. L. Waldo, Louis Ca-
bano, Ben Praett, R. Culver, Noyes and three more were killed
by the Mexicans. These murders, says the same author, were
178 The New Mexicans Revolt,
punished on February ist (we suppose in 1848) by Captain N.^
who drove the inhabitants to the mountains and burned their
houses, which were all built with logs.
The last part of the above statement is contradicted b}' an
old Mexican, Jose Ramon Pacheco, alreadj^ mentioned in these
pages. According to the testimony of this man, Captain N.
had not to drive the inhabitants of the Mora valley to the
mountains. As the}' lived all scattered in their fields, they joined
together as soon as the}^ were apprised that they would be at-
tacked by the American soldiers, and fortified themselves with
whatever kind of logs the}^ could find ready, at the foot of the
mountain on the road going from Mora to Cebolla. There the^^
were attacked by the soldiers, who killed one of their men,
Manuel Gallego, and wounded another named Juan Guillen.
After this attack the soldiers turned to the houses and destroyed
them by fire before leaving the valley.
This is the manner in which the people of New Mexico
were treated b}^ the Americans for their attachment to their
own government, before there was an^^ final settlement of diffi-
culties between Mexico and the United States. But then came
the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which was signed on the 2d
of Februarj^ 1848, by which New Mexico and Upper California
were ceded to the United States, in consideration of the can-
cellation of all claims whatever, and the payment of $15,000,000
in cash, and thus ended the war.
"This war," says Arthur Howard Noll, from whom we
have borrowed many details on this question ( i ) , ' 'has been
recently pronounced on high authorit}^ one of the most unjust
ever waged by a stronger against a weak nation." The same
opinion is thus expressed bj^H. H. Bancroft, already mentioned
(we translate from the Spanish) : ' 'In the beginning of the diffi-
cult}', the United States had a brilliant opportunit}^ to show mag-
nanimity toward a weak neighbor, and to help her (the Mexican
Republic) in the arduous task of establishing her republican
institutions. Instead of doing so, the President, while simula-
ting a great wish for the maintenance of peace, was giving
orders for a destructive war ; and the press, at the same time.
(1) Short history of Mexico. (Chicago, A. C. McClurg & Co., 1890.)
Names of Priests Under Mexican Rule. 179
was openly advocating the destruction of the Mexican cities.
These barbarous sentiments were supported by the false im-
pression that Mexico had provoked hostilities. The fact is that
President Polk sent troops to invade the Mexican territory,
arrogating to himself a power which had not been vested in
him by the law, and for this reason his conduct was censured
by the House of Representatives."
"After the conclusion of the war, the President boastingly
dwelt in his message on the great moderation which he had
used towards Mexico. But the truth of the case is, that it was
not magnanimity but prudence, which induced him and his
colleagues to paj^ a sum of money, so as to give a semblance of
title to what, otherwise, would have been considered and
termed the stealing of a territory. ' '
{4) Names of the Priests who Administered the Missions of
Neiv Mexico Under the Mexican Rule.
(i) Fray Teodoro Alcina. (2) Rev. Manuel Bellido. (3)
F. Joseph Castro. (4) Rev. Juan Caballero. f5) Rev. Vicente
Chavez. (6) Rev. Jose Manuel Gallegos. (7) Rev. Ramon
Antonio Gonzales. (8) Rev. Francisco Hurtado. (9) Rev.
Mariano de Jesus Lopez. ( 10) Rev. Jose de Jesus Leiva. (11)
Rev. Jose de Jesus Lujan. (12) Rev. Francisco Ignacio
Madariaga. (13) Fray Diego Martinez. (14) Rev. Jose
Vicente Montaiio. (15) Rev. Antonio Jose Marin. (16) Rev.
Manuel Martinez. (17) Rev. Antonio Jose Martinez. (18)
Rev. Francisco Minguez. (19) Very Rev. Juan Felipe Ortiz.
(20) Rev. Fernando Ortiz. (21) Rev. Jose Antonio Otero.
(22) Fray Rafael Ortiz. (23) Rev. Jose de la Padra. (24)
Rev. Manuel de Jesus Rada. (25) Rev. Geronimo Riega.
(26) Fray Jose Francisco Rodriguez. (27) Fray Joseph Rubi.
(28) Rev. Ramon Salazar. (29) Rev. Antonio Jesus Salazar.
(30) Fray Vergara Jose Mariano Sanchez. (31) Rev. Mariano
Jose Sanchez. (32) Rev. Juan Tomas Terrasas. (33) Rev.
Juan de Jesus Trujillo. (34) Rev. Manuel del Valle. (35)
Eulogio Valdez.
Total number thirty-five, including seven whose names
figure on a list of the Colonial period.
CHAPTER V.
The Missions of Arizona Under the Mexican RutE.
As stated before, (i) it must have been between the years
1687 and 1690 that the mission of Guevavi, the first in
what has become the Territory of Arizona, was founded by the
Jesuit Fathers. Those of Tumacacuri, San Xavier, Tubac,
Tucson and others were estabHshed successive^ as circum-
stances permitted where it seemed the}^ would have good
results for the Chrdstianization and civilization of the natives.
They were tried in different ways and at different periods, either
by the wild Apache nation, or by those very Indians for whom
they had been founded. Priests were killed and churches de-
stroyed ; still the work was not abandoned. The perseverance
of the missionaries, whether Jesuits or Franciscans, was above all
reverses, as long as they were permitted to follow their voca-
tion and work for the Indians. The losses were heay>' on
them, but they ever tried to make up for them by renewed zeal
and activity, and alwa5^s succeeded to some extent at least,
until they were expelled from the country' with the Spaniards
by the decree of December 20th, 1827.
With this decree and that of May 10th 1829, by which
"L,as Temporalidades," the goods of the missions were confis-
cated, there remained no possibility of the continuance of the
missions as such. By the expulsion of the Franciscans, the
Indians remained without any protection. They could not but
miss at once the moral and material support they were wont
(1) Chapter xrv. of the Colonial period.
The Missions op Arizona Under Mexicax Rule. 181
to receive from the Church, and, as a consequence, man}' of
them, finding themselves very soon without resources, com-
menced to scatter here and there, and to return gradually to
the customs of their former Indian life. Then followed the
destruction of the live stock left by the missionaries, and of the
churches, except that of San Xavier, which was preserved by
the Indians who did not leave their pueblo. San_ Xavier and
Tumacacuri were ^he rnost important missions of Arizona at
the time of the expulsion of the Franciscans. Their priests
visited Tubac, Tucson and other pueblos of the Papagos at
stated times. The priests who administered in the mission of
San Xavier since 1767 to 1827 were sixteen in number, as far
as we can see by the records left in the church. Of those who
resided at Tumacacuri, we have only the names of Baltazar
Garillo, Narciso Gutierres and Ramon Liberos, who was the
minister of that mission in 1822, as we see by the following,
taken from the records of the mission: "I, Ramon Liberos,
minister of the mission of San Jose de Tumacacuri, transferred
on the 13th of December 1822, the bones of the Rev. Baltazar
Carillo and of the Rev. Narciso Gutierres from the old church
to the new one, and buried them in the sanctuary at the gospel
side." For authority the paragraph bore the signature:
"Ramon Liberos."
The Church of Tumacacuri, though of a comparatively
recent date, does not show anything now but ruins of a very
regular structure, much similar in shape to that of San Xavier,
but an adobe building onl}', while San .Xavier was built with
brick and stone.
Who were the priests who built the churches such as those,
the remains of which are seen at San Xavier, Tumacacuri
and other places, and what were the means they had at their
disposal for the erection of these structures ?
These are questions not unfrequently asked by visitors of
the old missions of Arizona. The answer we can give to the
first is, that the church of San Xavier and that of Tumacacuri
were built by the Franciscans, the former, which had been
commenced in 1783, being completed in 1797, and the latter,
as we have seen already, was completed in 1822 and was called
the "new church."" As regards the names of the religious
182 The Missions of Arizona Under ^Iexican Rule,
who superintended the building of these churches, no mention
is made of them in any of the records we have met with,
nor did these true sons of the humble St. Francis put on the
walls any mark that could manifest their personal merit to
future generations. What the}' did was to place the coat-of-
arms of their Order on the frontispiece of the churches they
built, as if to sa^- to us : ' 'We, unknown to you, poor religious of
St. Francis, have built this for you ; pray for us." Neverthe-
less, if the tradition be right about the time spent in building the
church of San Xavier, we can raise the veil of humilit}- by look-
ing at the names of the missionaries of whom mention is made
in the church records during this period, extending, as above
written, from 1783 to 1797. The priest in charge, as Superior
of the San Xavier mission from May 22d 1780 to 1794, was the
Rev. Baltazar Carillo. He was succeeded in the charge of
Superior by Fray Narciso Gutierres, who kept the position
until 1799. From these authentic data, we can safely say that
it was under the administration of these two religious that the
beautiful church of San Xavier was built. The same can be
said of that of Tumacacuri, which was administered by these
two priests in succession before 1822, when its new church was
put in charge of Fray Ramon lyiberos.
The tradition goes among the old people of the territory
that the builders of the above named churches, as also that of
Cavorca in Sonora, were two brothers, members of the Gauna
family, yet in existence in the countr3^
As regards the second question, viz. : What were the
means the missionaries had at their disposal for the erection of
substantial and rich churches ?
Leaving apart the marvelous products of the rich mines,
which are supposed to have been held in possession by the an-
cient missionaries, and which probably, never existed realty,
as no mention of them is made either in the records or in the
historical books which we have read on the old missions, we
have the following to answer : According to the writers of
two of the works which have contributed to our little knowl-
edge about the past ecclesiastical histor}^ of Arizona, the "Rudo
Ensayo" and the "Noticias Estadisticas, " the churches were
built by the missionaries solety from the produce of the land as-
The Missions of Arizona Under Mexican Rule. 183
signed by the government to each one of the missions, which
land was cultivated by the Indians under the direction of their
respective ministers. To this resource we tnight add the pro-
duct of the live stock, which was considerable at times in
several of the missions, and also what the missionaries were
able to spare of the scant allowance they received in money
from the government for their yearly support. This explains
why the building of the churches required a long time, and
also why some of them remained unfinished in some of their
parts. ( I )
Deeming it will not be out of place, we will saj^ a few
words about the dealing of the missionaries with the Indians,
and about the way the}^ taught them, little by little, the man-
ners of civilized life. According to details we received in 1 866
from men who had seen the Fathers at work and who had been
employed by them as foremen in the different labors carried on
in the mission of San Xavier, the Indians were perfectly free
to work for themselves or for the church, to cultivate their own
fields or the church land, with the difference that the former
had to look for their maintenance, while the latter were sup-
ported b}^ the mission. Those who worked for the mission
were dependent on it for food and clothing, not only for them-
selves but for their families. For that purpose provisions were
stored in the mission house, or convent, and distributed in
due time.
Early in the morning the inhabitants of the pueblo had to
go to church for morning prayers and to hear mass. Breakfast
followed this exercise. Soon after a peculiar bell called the
workmen. They assembled in the atrium, a little place in
front of and adjoining the church, where they were counted by
one of the priests and assigned to the different places where
work was to be done. When the priests were in sufficient
number they used to superintend the work, laboring them-
selves, otherwise they employed some trustworthy Mexicans to
represent them. During the season of planting and harvest-
(1) Some clever Americans say, that this incompleteness of the churches, where
it exists, is due to the shrewdness of the missionaries, who, by keeping them un-
finished avoided the obligation of paying tribute lo the Pope ! Those tricky
monks ! (?)
184 The Missions of Arizona Under Mexican Rule.
ing, the workmen had their dinner prepared in the farmhouse.
Towards the evening, a little before sun down, the work
was stopped and the men permitted to go home. On their ar-
rival in the houses which were located round the plaza, one of
the priests, standing in the middle of this plaza, said the even-
ing prayers in a loud voice in the language of the tribe. Every
word he pronounced was repeated by some selected Indians
who stood between him and the houses, and lastl}^ by all the
Indians present in the pueblo. Notwithstanding these orderly
measures, many of the Indians fled every day, as is reported in
the "Rudo Ensayo," from their respective squads, before they
reached the place where they had to work, and tried to be
present onty at meals. Nevertheless, taken on the whole, these
are the men who, by their work, enabled the missionaries to
build their churches and houses, learning at the same time how
to earn their living in the future. That these Indians must
have been happy under such a rule nobody can doubt, and San
Xavier, owing perhaps to the vicinity of the Presidio of Tucson
( I ) , became afterwards one of the most flourishing missions
under the administration of the Franciscan Fathers.
The missions of the southern part of Arizona were all
composed of members of that portion of the Pima nation desig-
nated by the name of Papago. According to the testimony of
the authors we have mentioned several times, the Papagos,
though barbarous in their customs, and very much inclined to
the use of intoxicating liquors, which thej^ made from several
kinds of wild fruit (2), were industrious, thrifty and more
sociable than those of other tribes. Their moral character was
excellent. Previous to the establishment of the missions
amongst them, they had already, it seems, a knowledge of the
sacredness of marriage, as they kept it always in its unity and
perpetuity. They were so strict on that point, that the woman
who committed adultery was punished with death. The num-
ber of Papagos living at San Xavier can only be approximately
calculated, as many of them do not remain in the pueblo after
(1) This Presidio was established some time after the revolt of the Pimas,
either to prevent any subsequent rebellion on the part of these Indians, or to pro-
tect them against their cruel enemies, the Apaches.
(2) The most noxious of these liquors was that made of the elder tree berry.
(Rudo Ensayo.)
XXVII. Old Cathedral op Tucson, Ariz.
XXVIII. New Cathedral of Tucson, Ariz.
in
XXIX. Old Mission at Tucson, Ariz.
XXX. Church of the Immaculate Heart of Ma
RY.
Phoenix, Ariz.
Church of San Xavier. 185
tlie harvesting of the wheat, but go to the mountains where
they find more facilities for the tending of their animals.
Those who reside constantly are about five hundred in number.
As for the total number of Papagos living in Arizona, it is
estimated to be about 5,000.
As we have seen before, the expulsion of the religious,
and the confiscation of the missions' property were the cause
why the Indians of the southern part of Arizona, except those
who lived at San Xavier, abandoned their pueblos, leaving
their churches at Tumacacuri, Tubac and Tucson to go grad-
ually to ruin, as they are seen at the present da5\ The mis-
sions, it is true, were not abandoned by the Church, as the
bishop of Sonora had them put in charge of the parish priests
of Magdalena, but owing to the distance and the danger from
the Apaches who, at all times, were infesting the country, the
visits of the priests were only on rare occasions. We have
been told when the people of Tucson wanted to be visited by a
priest for some festival or during Easter time, they had to send
eighteen or twent}^ mounted and well armed men for him and
give him the same escort to take him back to Magdalena.
This arrangement was nothing but what was necessar}% but, as
can be easily imagined, could not be resorted to as often as the
spiritual needs of the people required. On the other hand, the
priests, after the expulsion of the Franciscans, were too scarce
in Sonora, to permit the bishop to assign one for the missions
of Arizona.
Description of the Church of San Xavier.
This church, as can be seen by its arches exceeding the
semicircle in height, and the ornamental work in half relief
which covers the flat surface of some parts of its inside walls,
belongs to the Moorish style.
The first thing to be noticed is the space formerly occupied
by the atrium, a little square 66 by 33 feet, which was enclosed
in front of the church, and was used, as we have seen, for hold-
ing meetings relating to matters not directly connected with
religion. The walls of this place crumbled down a few years
ago. On the front, which shows the width of the church
with its two towers, is placed in relief the coat-of-arms of the
12*
188 CurRCH OF San Xavier.
Order of St. Fraicis of Assisi, the founder of the Franciscans.
It consists of an escatchaon, with a white ground filled in with
a twisted cord, a part of the Franciscan dress, and a cross on
which are nailed one arm of Our Savior and one of St. Francis,
representing the union of the disciple with the divine Master,
in charity and the love of suffering. The arm of Our Lord is
bare, while that of St. Francis is covered. On the right side of
the escutcheon is the monogram of Jesus the Savior of man,
and on the left that of the Blessed Virgin Mar>\ The front
was surmouiited by a life size statue of St. Francis, which
has now almost gone to pieces, under the action of time.
The church, which is built of stone and brick, is 105 by 27
feet clear inside the walls. Its form is that of a cross, the tran-
sept forming on each side of the nave a chapel of 2 1 feet square.
The edifice has only one nave, which is divided into six portions
marked b}^ as many arches, each one resting on two pillars set
against the walls. Above the transept is a cupola of about fifty
feet in elevation, the remainder of the vaults in the cTiurch be-
ing only about thirty feet high.
Going from the front door to the main altar, there is on
the right hand side wall a fresco representing the coming of
the Holy Ghost upon the disciples ; opposite to it is the picture,
also in fresco, of the Last Supper. Both paintings measure
about 9 by 5 feet. In the first chapel to the right hand are
two altars, one facing the nave with- the image of Our Lady of
Sorrows standing at the foot of a large cross, which is deeply
engraved in the wall, and the other one with the image of the
Immaculate Conception. In the same chapel are two frescoes
representing Our Lad}^ of the Rosary and the hidden life of
Our "Savior. The opposite chapel is also adorned with two
altars. One of them is dedicated to the Passion of our Lord,
and the other to St. Joseph. There are also two paintings, the
subjects of which are : Our Lady of the Pillar (i) and the
Presentation of Our Lord in the Temple.
The main altar, which stands at the head of the church
facing the nave, is dedicated to St. Francis Xavier, the patron
saint the Jesuits had chosen for the first church they had es-
(1) An apparition of the Mother of God at Saragossa.
Church op San Xavier. 187
tablished in the mission. Above the image of St. Francis
Xavier is that of the Holy Virgin, between the statues ot St.
Peter and St. Paul, and at the summit of the altar piece, a
bust meant to represent God the Creator. The pictures on the
walls near this altar are : On the right hand side "The Ador-
ation of the Wise Men" with "The Flight into Egypt," and
on the left "The Adoration of the Shepherds" with "The
Annunciation."
The altars, and especially the principal one, are decorated
with columns and a great profusion of arabesques in low relief,
all gilded or painted in different colors, according to the re-
quirements of the Moorish style.
Besides the images we have mentioned, there were yet in
1866, when we visited the mission for the first time, the
statues of the twelve apostles, placed in the niches cut in the
pillars of the church, and other statues representing saints,
most of them of the Order of St. Francis. Manj^ of them have
since been broken, and the pieces removed to the vestr}' room.
There are in the dome of the cupola the pictures in fresco of
several personages of the Order, who occupied high rank in the
Church.
Going again to the front door, there are two small doors
communicating with the towers. The first room on the right,
in the inside of the tower, is about twelve feet square and
contains the baptismal font. A similar room, of no par-
ticular use now, but which corresponds to the mortuary
chapel of the old basilicas, is formed by the inside square of the
opposite tower. From each of these rooms commence the
stairs, cut in the thickness of the walls and leading to the upper
stories. Starting from the baptistery, the second flight reaches
the choir of the church. A good view of the upper part of the
church can be had from that place. There are also some fres-
coes worth noticing. These are the Holy Family, facing the
main altar ; St. Francis represented as rapt up by heavenly love,
in a fiery chariot ; St. Dominic, receiving from the Blessed Vir-
gin the mission of promoting the devotion of the Rosars* in the
world ; and the four EvangeHsts, with their characteristic at-
tributes. Two flights more lead to the belfry where there
are four home-made bells, of small size but very harmonious.
188 Chukch of San Xavter.
Twenty-two steps more bring the visitor to the top story and
under the little dome covering the tower, an elevation about
seventy-five feet above the ground. Here a glance can be cast
on the beautiful and extensive valley of the Santa Cruz River
and on the surrounding countn,'.
On the east side of the church are the remains of the mis-
sion buildings, which formerly occupied a somewhat extensive
space, but which in 1866 were all in a ruinous condition^ with
the exception of two rooms adjoining the church, (i)
(1) Most of the details given iu this chapter are reproduced from {he "Bnef
Stetch of the Mission of San Xavier dtl Bar," ^yhich we gave to the public iu l.sSO
under the name of "A Missionary of Arizona."
SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS,
PART THREE.
Period of the United States Govercment.
PHRT III,
PERIOD OF THE UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT.
CHAPTER I.
The Beginning of the American Rule.
New Mexico, as stated before, was ceded to the United
States in 1848 by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Its pres-
ent territorial government dates from March 3d, 1851, when
the acts of its organization passed Congress. The same year
James Calhoun was appointed its governor. On December 30th,
1853, the whole of Arizona and a portion of what has since
become the State of Colorado, which had been purchased by
General James Gadsden, then Minister of the United States to
Mexico, were added to the Territory of New Mexico. This
contract, which was called "The Gadsden Purchase," was en-
tered into for the settlement of claims on the part of Mexico,
which were withdrawn in consideration of $10,000,000 paid by
the United States. In 1863, Arizona was separated from New
Mexico, as also, in 1865, the portion of Colorado spoken of
above. ( i )
(1) Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia.
192 The Begixning of the American- Rcle.
The succession of the governors of New Mexico under the
United States rule has been as follows : After the death of
Calhoun, which occurred June 30th 1852, Secretan,- John- Grei-
ner served by virtue of his ofiSce ; 1852-53, William Carr Lane ;
1853, Solon Borland ; 1853-57, David Merriwether ; 1857-61,
Abraham Rencher ; 1861-66, Henr>' Connolh' ; 1866-69, Robert
B. Mitchell; 1869-71, William A. Pile; 1871-75, Marsh Gid-
dings, who died June 3d, 1875, and Secretary W. G. Ritch
served by virtue of his office; 1875-78, Samuel B. Axtell;
1878-81, Louis Wallace ; 1881-85, Lionel A. Sheldon ; 1885,
L. G. Ross; 1885-89, L. Bradford Prince ; 1889-93, Thornton ;
1893-97
It seems that the Jicaria Apaches, who had been alway s
strongly attached to the Spanish and Mexican governments,
caused some kind of trouble in Rio Arriba. These Indians, as
we learned from Juan Ramon Pacheco, alreadj' mentioned in
the details given about the revolution of 1837, did not like the
Amerians, and lived wandering in the mountains, instead of
around the populated districts as they were wont to do before.
Be it as it may about the wrong they might have committed,
the fact is that a military' expedition was sent from Santa Fe
against them. At Taos, information was given to the com-
mander that the Indians had their "Rancheria," stopping place,
at Cieneguilla, on the trail leading to Pecuries. A guide, Juan
Chiquito, was procured and the soldiers under his direction
proceeded to the place indicated. When they reached the
rancheria, they saw no Indians in the huts, but there were
some dogs tied up near by which barked at the strangers. It
was evident that the occupants of the houses were not far off,
but the^' could not be seen, as they had scattered in the thicket
where they remained concealed. On the other hand, the sol-
diers could not safely go on horseback through the trees in
search of the Indians. At this critical juncture, two old In-
dians, a man and a woman, emerged from the surrounding
sabinos, (juniperus occidentalis), holding each a small,
wooden cross in their hands, as a sign of peace. Whether the
captain took this offenseless deputation as an insult to his
authority and braver>', is not known ; but the tradition has it
that he was coward enough to order the killing of the two poor
The Beginning op the American Rule. 193
creatures. This bloody action at once brought on an attack
which did not turn to the advantage of the Americans. The In-
dians, justly incensed, came rushing out from all sides, yelling and
beating their "tombes," drums, in full earnest. At the sound
of such music, the soldiers' horses got wild and ran in all direc-
tions, throwing most of the riders, either on the lower limbs
of the trees or on the rocks of the ravines. These men, of
course, were picked up by the Indians and discharged at once
from all military duty. The expedition consisted of forty sol-
diers. Of these the Captain, five soldiers, and seven wounded,
escaped with life, but left 27 of their number killed by the In-
dians. Juan Ramon Pacheco .said he had received these details
from the guide Juan Chiquito, the day after the encounter.
The action took place on the 15th of April 1853.
As regards church affairs in New Mexico under the Amer-
ican rule, they remained perfectly undisturbed. The Constitu-
tion of the United States, giving full liberty of conscience
to those who should abide by it and support it, was more
in favor of the Catholic religion than the nominal protection it
received from the Mexican Republic. Still, the Church could
not avail herself at once of her liberty to effect as much good
as was desired, owing to the scarcity of the priests remaining
in the territory. The Franciscans had been expelled, and of
the secular priests, some had returned to Mexico before the
change of government, despite the appeal of the Vicario, Juan
Felipe Ortiz, entreating them not to abandon their parishes.
On the other hand, it was impossible for the Bishop of Durango
to find, in a limited space of time, a sufficient number of priests
to supply the wants of all the parts of his extensive diocese.
This was the reason which, after the annexation of New Mexico
to the United States, moved the Fathers of the VII. Council of
Baltimore to petition for the erection of a Vicariate Apostolic
in New Mexico.
CHAPTER n.
The Creation of the Vicariate Apostolic of NfiW
Mexico.
By decree of July igtli, 1850, Pope Pius IX- made New
Mexico a Vicariate Apostolic, and on the 23d of the same
month, appointed for it as Vicar Apostolic, with the title of Bishop
of Agathonica, the Rev. John B. Lamy, in partibus, from the
diocese of Cincinnati.
Father Lamy received episcopal consecration in St.
Peter's Church, the Cathedral of Cincinnati, on the 24th of
November, 1850, this being the 24th Sunday after Pentecost.
The consecrator was the Right Rev. Martin John Spalding,
Bishop of lyouisville, assisted bj^ the Right Rev. Amedeo Rappe,
Bishop of Cleveland, Maurice de Saint Plalais, Bishop of Vin-
cennes, and John B. Purcell, the Archbishop-elect of Cincin-
nati, who delivered the sermon on the occasion. ( i )
The Right Rev. B. I^amy was born on the nth of October,
1 8 14, at lycmpdes, in the diocese of Clermont Ferrand, Depart-
ment of Puj'-de-Dome, France. His parents, John L,amy and
Marie Di^, were the representatives of an old and respected
family of the locality. He made his classical studies in the
preparatory seminary of Clermont, and his theological course
in the grand seminary of Mont Ferrand, where he was raised to
the priesthood on Saturday of Ember week, December, 1838.
After a few months spent as assistant priest in a parish of
his native diocese, he asked for and obtained in 1839 permission
(1) Taken from the record of the ceremony.
Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico. 195
from his Ordinary to answer the call of the Right. Rev. Bishop
Purcell, of Cincinnati, and enlisted himself as one of the new mis-
sionaries the Prelate was in quest of for the missions of his
diocese. The young priest, full of zeal and strength, labored
faithfully and successfully in several missions of Ohio and Ken-
tucky vintil, to his great surprise and amazement, he was
notified of his appointment as Bishop of the recently created
Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico.
The limits of the Vicariate were those of the territory con-
ceded in 1848 by the Mexican government to the United States
by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, with the exception of the
towns of Doila Ana and Las Cruces, whose names were not
mentioned in the brief of erection. It was only in 1858, by decree
of March 21st, that those localities were annexed to the Vicar-
iate. Until then the two places remained under the jurisdic-
tion of the Bishop of Durango, Mexico, as the whole territory
of New Mexico w^as before.
The young Bishop, after his consecration, was anxious to
start for the field of his labors, but the Far West was yet very
little known to most of the inhabitants of Cincinnati, and still
less did they know what route would safely lead to New Mexico.
What was called * 'the traders* trail," started from St. L,ouis
by steamboat to Independence, and from that place, by wagon
to Santa Fe, about 900 miles, led through prairies without
any settlements. This w^as the most direct route for New
Mexico. As we have seen before, it was rather dangerous for
small parties on account of the roving Comanche Indians, and
during the winter season on account of the snow storms ; but
the dangers could ahva3^s be avoided to some extent, by joining
the Santa Fe trade caravans at Independence Landing. This
road not being well enough known to be recommended from
Cincinnati, the Bishop took that of New Orleans, which was the
longest, and one not entirely exempt from danger after all.
From New^ Orleans Bishop hs-my took a boat, which was
wrecked on reaching the shore in the port of Galveston.. The
lives were saved, the cargo only was almost entirely lost, still
the Vicar Apostolic was able to save his books, w^hich were the
most valuable part of his baggage. From Galveston through
Texas, in the direction of New Mexico, there were not to be
19(5 VicAKrATi': Apostolic of Xeu' Mkxico,
found more facilities for transportation than some wagons or
carts going occasionally to San Antonio. The Right Reverend
traveler had not to wait long for such an opportunity, and he
took it at once. The journej' was long and painful, on account
of the lack of water, sometimes for great distances, and the
poor accommodations of the conveyance. Still the distance
ahead was made a little shorter every day. When not far from
San Antonio the missionary, fearing that the cart on which he
was sitting might get u.pset in the crossing of a deep muddy
place it had to go over, jumped down and seriously sprained
his ankle. He was taken to the town, where he had to remain
several months in the house of a good Irish family before he
could resume his journey towards New Mexico. He. at last,
reached Santa Fe in the summer of 185 1.
On his arrival at Santa Fe, the Right Rev. Bishop found
that the priests in New Mexico had received no communi-
cation from their Ordinar>^ about any change of administration,
Ver}'' naturally they refused to acknowledge the authority of
the Vicar Apostolic. This was certainly a disappointment for
Dr. Lamy, but not as serious a difficulty as has been repre-
sented by some men who have written on the matter. Neither
the Bishop of Durango can be blamed, as he had not received
any official notification concerning the dismemberment of his
diocese, nor the priests, as they continued the exercise of the
jurisdiction they had received from their own Diocesan Prelate
until it should be taken from them by the same authority.
Moreover, since the Americans had come to New Mexico, people
and priests had noticed that among the new comers were many
Protestants, Jews, and "quien sabe que," who knows what
else, so that when they heard that a new bishop had come,
without having been previously announced, their first impres-
sion was that he might very well be anything but a Catholic
dignitary.
The Vicar Apostolic realized his position at once, and set
out with no more delay for Durango, in order to show his cre-
dentials to the Bishop of that city. He left in Santa Fe the
Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf, who had come with him from Ohio
for the missions of New Mexico. The Rev. gentleman was
invited by the parish priest of Santa Fe, Rev. Lujan, to sing
Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico. 197
mass on the next Sunday, and tried to address the congrega-
tion, after the priest had introduced him not at all very warmly.
It must be taken as a matter of course that the new missionary
spoke good words for the glory of God and in behalf of his
Bishop, but the fact is that nobody understood much of what
he said, as he did not speak the language of the country.
Hence it was that a controversy arose among the people on the
plaza, after mass, as to what religion the stranger might belong
to. "He must be a Jew or a Protestant," said some, "because he
does not speak as Christians do." "Quiensabe?" (Who can
tell?) replied others. "Still he said mass in Latin, and like a
priest who knows how to do it, and be it said en pas.sant, he
sings better than our priests." At last, a good woman, who like
other women, always anxious to know what is the matter, had
stopped and listened to the running conversation, stepped
bravely forward and pertinently said : "What reason have you
to be perplexed about the religion of this man ? Did he not
give a good proof that he is a Catholic by the way he made the
sign of the cross before giving his sermon ?' ' This sensible re-
mark ended the question and removed great suspicions in
regard to the religion of the Rev. Joseph B. Machebeuf.
Father Machebeuf was born in the city of Riom in the
Department of Puy-de-Dome. France, on the nth of August,
1812. Having lo.st his mother w^hen he was only nine years
old, his first education was intrusted to two good ladies who
conducted a school for young children in a portion of his
father's house. When a little older, he was sent to the school
of the Christian Brothers, and later, for his classical course, to
the college of the same city. Having then determined to be-
come a priest, he entered in 1831 the seminary of Mont Ferrand
for the study of philosophy and theology, which he completed
in 1836, when he was raised to the priesthood on Saturday of
Christmas Ember week.
After his ordination he was assigned to the parish of Le
Cendre as assistant to a venerable priest who, on account of his
infirmities, was unable to attend any more to the duties of his
charge. He was in that position in 1838, when he heard that
Bishop Purcell, recently consecrated Bishop of Cincinnati, was
in Rome and intended to come to Clermont Ferrand in search
198 Vicariate Apostolic of Xew Mexico.
of missionaries for his diocese. The opportunity seemed to
Father Machebeuf ver>' favorable for carrying out the idea he had
entertained for years, of devoting himself to the work of foreign
missions. He spoke on the subject to some priests, country-
men and friends of his, the Revs. John B. Lamy, Gacon, Chey-
mol and Navaron, and the five made the necessar}^ arrange-
ments to be ready to enlist themselves for the missions of Ohio,
when the Rt. Rev. Bishop Purcell should present himself in the
city of Clermont on his return from the Eternal City.
Soon after their arrival at Cincinnati the new missionaries
were sent to different country places of the diocese for mission
work. The Rev. Machebeuf gave himself to the task, body
and soul, and succeeded in accomplishing a great amount of
good wherever he went. In 1850 he received a visit from his
friend Father Lamy, the newly appointed Vicar Apostolic of
New Mexico, who requested him to follow him to the far west.
Then arose in the heart of Father Machebeuf a strong fight be-
tween the love he had for the missions of Ohio and the devoted-
ness he had always professed for Father Lam}'. Friendship
prevailed at last, and consent was given. Bishop Lamy, after
his consecration, set out for New Orleans, where Father Mache-
beuf was to meet him a few days later. Thence they started
together for Santa Fe. During the time Bishop Lamy had to
stay in San Antonio on account of the accident spoken of be-
fore, Father Machebeuf, at the request of Bishop Odin, gave
several successful missions in Texas.
The Right Rev. Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico was
kindly received by the Bishop of Durango, the Right Rev.
Zubiria, who at seeing the decree of the Holy See establishing
the Vicariate of New Mexico, said : "I knew nothing about it
officially, but this document is sufficient authority for me and I
submit to it." The Vicar Apostolic spent some days with good
Bishop Zubiria and left Durango for New Mexico, having then
all the papers necessary to show that jurisdiction was claimed
no longer by the Prelate of Durango over the territory' assigned
to the new Vicariate.
Dr. Lamy, it is said, made the long journey from Santa Fe
to Durango on horseback, having only a servant as companion,
and it is estimated that he had traveled 1,900 miles when he
Vicariate Apostolic of Xew IMexico. 199
got back to his mission. The first care of the Prelate, after
publishing all the documents which assigned to him the
Vicariate, was to organize its missions. He and his "alter ego,' *
the Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf, whom he made his Vicar Gen-
eral, multiplied themselves as much as it was in their power
to help the priests residing in the territory, and to meet the
spiritual wants of the scattered population. In his visits
through the missions of the Vicariate, the Bishop convinced
himself that the education of the people, except in some rich
families, had been very limited, if not entirely neglected in
many instances. There was, however, a branch of learning
and this indeed, the first among all others, the teaching of
catechism and of the Christian prayers, which had been kept
alive in the Mexican families since the time of the Franciscan
missionaries. Still this instruction, though very creditable,
was generally far from being complete.
The writer of these pages, who came to New Mexico nine
years after Bishop Lamy, remembers yet with pleasure and
edification, the Christian customs he noticed in existence in
many of the Mexican families, where he had occasionally to
stop, when visiting the scattered towns and settlements of his
parish. In the first place, prayers and catechism were taught
orally to the 3^oung children by some member of the family or
by some trusty person of the neighborhood, and repeated word
for w^ord, question after question, until some part of the lesson
would remain in the memory of the hearers. This was a hard
work, but a meritorious one, and one of great valiie to the mis-
sionar>^ who had only to explain the mysteries and the chief
points of our religion to the children thus instructed at home,
when he had to prepare them for their first communion. This
teaching is now mostly left to the parochial schools, where
they exist, but at the time we refer to there were no parochial
schools except in the city of Santa Fe, and, in our opinion,
th^se schools can accomplish vers' little in inculcating religion
in the hearts of the 3'oung, if this work has not been commenced
at home.
Every evening it was customary to make the children
say some pra3'ers which always terminated with the words :
"Bendito y alabado sea el Santisimo Sacramento del Altar,"
200 Vicariate Apostolic of Xew ^Iexico,
"Blessed and hallowed be the most hol^' Sacrament of the
Altar." After this, the innocent creatures, still kneeling, had
to kiss the hand of their parents and receive their blessing be-
fore going to bed. The same blessing had also to be asked,
even by the grown children of the house, when they were com-
ing from their confession.
The way to introduce oneself in a house was to say, on
opening the door : "Deo gratias," (Thanks be to God,) or
"Ave Maria Purisima," (Hail Mary Immaculate,) and the
answer received was: "Para siempre bendito sea Dios y la
siempre Virgin Maria; pase adelante," (for ever blessed be
God and the holy Virgin Mary ; come in. )
The salutation "good morning" or "good evening" had to
be given in the name of God and returned in the same manner.
"Buenos dias, (buenas tardes) le de Dios," which was re-
sponded by : "Que Dios se los de buenos a Vd. " (May God
give them good to you. )
Another kind of a pious and interesting salutation was used
by persons at a distance from each other. The one who could
first address the other by the words "Ave Maria" had the right
to be answered by the recitation of the whole Hail Mary, for
his intention. These and many other manifestations of a
Christian spirit were very common among the people of New
Mexico when Bishop L/amy took possession of his Vicariate.
Two years later the governor of New Mexico, William
Carr Lane, wrote the following words in his message to the
Legislative Assembly, December 7, 1852 :
" I also urge upon all to learn the English lan-
guage and to adopt all the customs of the United States, that
are suitable and proper for this countr>^ But I do not advise
them (the Mexican people) to change any of their beneficial or
praiseworthy customs, nor do I advise them to forget their
parent stock, and the proud recollections that cluster around
Castilian history. I do not advise them to disuse their beauti-
ful language, to lay aside their dignified manners and puncti-
lious attention to the proprieties of social life, and I sincerely
hope that the profound deference that is now paid to age by
the young will undergo no change." "True it is, that the
Mexican people have been always noted for their distinguished
Vicariate Apostolic op ]New Mexico. 201
manners and Christian customs, it is only to be regretted to see
that some of their good usages are disappearing little by little
before what is called progress in our days."
Churches existed in some localities, but those that had re-
mained without resident priests for long years had gone to ruin,
or were approaching it. Almost everything, so to speak,
needed to be created, but as everything could not be started at
the same time, the Bishop rightly determined to leave for an-
other time the building or repairing of churches, and to give his
attention first to the adornment of the living temples of God,
by securing a good education for the 3^outh of his Vicariate.
13*
CHAPTER in.
The Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico Goes East iisr
Search of Sisters to Conduct a Girl's School i^
Santa Fe.
In 1852, Bishop Lamy, when coming back from the
Provincial Council of Baltimore, availed himself of the oppor-
tunity to see if he could find some Sisters who would take
charge of the direction of a school in his poor Vicariate. The
first door he went to knock at for the purpose he had in view,
was that of the convent of the Sisters of Loretto, at Bardstown.
There he represented the sad condition of the people entrusted
to his care, in regard to education ; their povert3% and the need
in which they stood of some help to bring them up in civiliza-
tion and the knowledge of their Christian duties. Indeed it
can easil}' be surmised by those who have known the scrupu-
lous sincerity' of the Bishop and the country he had to speak of
at that time, that the picture he drew of his Vicariate, could
not be a very attractive one for ordinary listeners. But he
spoke to a society of Sisters who called themselves "The Friends
of Mary at the Foot of the Cross, ' ' and the more he spok eof the
difficulties, trials and hardships he could foresee awaiting any re-
ligious community coming at that time to his diocese, the
more clearly the Sisters saw they could there carrj' out the spirit*
of their name and the rules of their constitution. His petition
w^as granted at once, and six Sisters, out of those who volun-
teered for the new mission, were designated by the council of
the house for the founding of a school in Santa Fe. These
The Vicar Apostolic Calls Sisters to Santa Fe. 203
•were : Sisters Matilda, the Superior of the colony, Catherine,
Mary Magdalen, Monica, Hilaria and Ruperta. As the Bishop
had to go to New Orleans on some particular business, the
Sisters were sent to St. Louis, where His Lordship would meet
them on his return from Louisiana.
Here we extract from a letter written by Mother Mary
Magdalen on the 12th of July 1854, to one of her school mates,
then in the cit}^ of Mexico, the following interesting details :
" On the 26th of June 1852, I left Loretto for Santa
Fe, with five other Sisters. One of them died of the cholera
on the steamboat from St. Louis to Independence. Another one
felt so sick and feeble on account of the same disease, that it
was necessary' to send her back for her convalescence, and your
humble servant was also severely attacked by the dreadful
scourge, but stopped, with the help of God, at the gates of
death and could pursue her journey with the remaining Sisters.
We left Independence on the first of August and reached Santa
Fe on the 27 th of September.
During the joume^^ on the plains we had mass said under
a tent every Sunday by the Bishop, w^e went to confession and
had the happiness to receive the Holy Communion as many
times What we saw in our travels was almost entirely
new to us, and impressed us in many different ways. Those
immense plains with their meandering creeks and rivers, those
numberless ferocious looking animals, called cibolos or buffaloes
told us of the power and greatness of the Creator, and the fear-
ful storms of wind, rain, lightening and thunder, reminded us
also of our nothingness before God, but nothing frightened us
more than the Indians. For a time, we were surrounded by
hundreds of these sons of the forests The reception the
citizens of Santa Fe gave to their Bishop and to us as his com-
panions, was such as we never saw before. This is a proof of
the veneration the Mexicans have for their religion."
The Sister who died on the boat had been, as we have
seen, sent as Superior of the house to be opened in Santa Fe.
She w^as replaced by Sister Mar)' Magdalen, w^ho received the
news of her appointment on her arrival at Santa Fe.
Having reached their destination, the Sisters were given a
residence in a portion of a large building vacated for them
204 The Vicar AposTolic Calls Sisters to Saota Fe,
by the Bishop, who confined himself to the use of the other
side. There they opened a school, but the next year the house
proved too small for the accommodation of the pupils applying'
for admission from all parts of the Territor>\ The Bishop
then moved to another place, leaving the whole building to the
Sisters, on November i8th, 1853,
Soon after it became necessary to purchase another prop-
erty, extensive enough to answ^er the purpose of the Sisters'
growing institution. This lies on the right bank of the Santa
Fe river, onl^' a few steps from the cathedral. There the
Sisters have remained since, making it the Convent of Our Lady
of Light, thus called after the name of an old church which
was built in Santa Fe, under the Spanish government, for the
special use of the soldiers, and which, for this reason, was com-
monly called "La Castrense" or the church of the military
camp. Slowly but steadily the Sisters have improved their
property all the time. The grounds, once without any trees,
have taken the shape of a rich orchard ; the adobe buildings
which had been built successively as need required, have now
gradually retreated to make room for the elegant gothic chapel
built in 1873 ; next, in 1880, for the three-story academy build-
ing, and in 1892, for the new convent, also a three-story brick
structure.
Mother Magdalen, who died on October 27th, 1894, at
the age of 81 years, acted as Superior from September, 1852,
until August 28, 1 88 1, when on account of a painful rheuma-
tism she had to resign her charge. She was succeeded by
Mother Francisca Lamy, who is yet in office at the present
time. These two superiors have acted in the same spirit of self
abnegation and charity for the good of religion and for their
pupils. As to the change for the better w^hich has been effected
in New Mexico by the teachings and example of the Sisters,
this is known only to God and, to some extent, to those who
lived in the Territory before the coming of these zealous and
devoted "Friends of Mary at the Foot of the Cross."
The church of Our Lady of Light, above mentioned, was
used as the 'parochial church of Santa Fe when Bishop Lamy
took possession of the Vicariate. It was located on the south
side of the plaza, in the center of the town, between business
The Vicar Apostolic Calls Sisters to Santa Fe. 205
houses, which made it too much of a pubHc place for the con-
venient holding of religious services. It was, moreover, in a
bad state of preservation and too small for the population. The
Bishop ver>' wisely thought it was better to sell it with the
consent of the Hol^^ See, and use the proceeds of the sale for>
repairing the old church of St. Francis, which was a great deal
larger and apart from the noisy business places.
The altar piece of the Castrense church can yet be seen
standing in the sanctuary of the old St. Francis church in the
rear of the main altar of the new cathedral. It is a stone mon-
ument, about forty feet high by eighteen in width, representing
some scenes of missionary life among the Indians. It had been
erected in the Castrense, it is said, by order of Governor An-
tonio Marin del Valle and his wife, and was transferred to the
cathedral in 1859, after the sale of the Castrense.
On the base of the monument are engraved the following
inscriptions :
1. A devocion del Sefior Dn. Francisco Antonio Marin
del Valle, Gobernador y Capitan General de este reino,
2. y de su Esposa Dona Maria Ignacia Martinez de
Ugarte, Auo D. 1761.
Translation :
1. By devotedness of Dn. Francisco Antonio Marin del
Valle, Governor and Captain General of this province,
2. and of his wife. Dona Maria Ignacia Martinez de
TJgarte, A. D. 1761.
There was also in the same church a representation of Our
Lady of lyight, carved in low relief, on a piece, five by three
feet, of fine white stone. This other reHc of the past, which
adorned the entrance of the old Sisters* house since 1853, but
which could not conveniently be placed on the front of the new
convent, is now kept in the San Francisco Museum, adjoining
the cathedral.
CHAPTER IV.
The Vicariate of New Mexico Raised to The Rank
OF an Episcopal See.— The Vicar Apostolic Goes to
Europe for Priests.
At the request of the Fathers assembled in Synod at Bal-
timore, the Holy Father Pius IX., by decree of July 29th 1853,
raised the Vicariate of New Mexico to the rank of an Episcopal
See, attached to the city of Santa Fe.
When Bishop Lamy arrived in New Mexico, he found
nine priests residing in as man}' Indian pueblos, and a few
others who had charge of Mexican parishes. They wefe alto-
gether unable to meet the spiritual wants of all the population,
scattered over the Territory. This made it necessary for the
Bishop and his Vicar General to work as missionary' priests.
Both were young, active and good horseriders ; they traveled
from one settlement to another, and preached the Word of God
to many who were not accustomed to hear it in the Ibcalities
where they lived.
The Bishop had already visited the whole of his diocese,
he knew all its wants and seeing that the Sisters' school at
Santa Fe was properly established, he thought it was now time
for him to see how he could increase the number of his priests
in the missions.
For that purpose he left Santa Fe early in 1854 for a
journey to Europe, where he rightty believed he would find
some priests or ecclesiastical students for his diocese. This
time, he took the road known as the Mexican trader's trail,
The: Bishop Calls Priests to Saxta Ffi. 207
g^oiiig with a caravan through the plains extending from Las
Vegas to Independence, on the Missouri river. From Inde-
pendence he went rapidly through the States, sailed from New
York across the Atlantic ocean, and hastened toward Clermont,
the capital of his native department in France. There he
found himself at home, both with the Bishop who had con-
ferred on him all the sacred orders, and in the seminars', where
he had made his philosophical and theological studies. He
had only to explain the object of his visit and it was soon shown
that the diocese which had already given the saintly Bishop
Flaget, the Revs. Gacon, Cheymol and others to the missions
of the United States, would also have some apostolic men for
the poor missions of New Mexico.
The first one who responded to the call of the 3'oung BishoJD
of Santa Fe was the Rev. Peter Eguillon, then the first assis-
tant priest of one of the principal churches of the city. This
priest was kept about a year in Santa Fe to teach theology to
some seminarians, and to prepare them for their ordination.
In October, 1855, he was sent as parish priest to Socorro, where
he remained until November 4th, 1858, when he was appointed
parish priest of the Cathedral and Vicar General of the diocese.
Father Eguillon died on the 21st of Juty, 1892, in the seventy-
fourth year of his age, after thirty years of meritorious and
fruitful work in the missions of New Mexico.
The second one was the Rev. Anthony Juillard, a zealous
priest, who remained only a few years in the diocese owing to
bad health, and returned to France, where he died in 1888.
The third was Rev. Stephen Avel who, on the 3d of August, 1858,
died as parish priest of Mora. These three priests came from the
diocese of Clermont. With them came also the Revs. Damazo
Taladrid and C. Martin, whom the Bishop had met in Rome.
Of the same party were three seminarians, viz. : The
Revs. John Guerin, a deacon, who was ordained priest on the
23d of December of the year 1854, and who died as parish priest
of Mora, June loth, 1885 ; Eugene Paulet, a sub-deacon, or-
dained priest December 22d, 1855, who died in France in 1887,
having been the parish priest of Belen for over thirty years,
and Xavier Vaure, a deacon, who died on the day of his arrival
at Santa Fe of a disease he had contracted on the plains. It
208 The Bishop Calls Priests to Sakta Fe.
was on the i8th of November, 1854, after an absence of teu
months, that Bishop lyamy and his party reached Santa Fe.
During the Prelate's absence, a young priest by the name
of Carlos Brun, who had been raised to the priesthood in De-
cember, 1853, and who was left in charge of the Cathedral,
built a house, which for a time was made the episcopal residence,
and a school for boys. This building is now included in the
premises of St. Vincent's Hospital.
The Bishop had already increased the number of his priests,
but not enough yet to supply the population of his diocese with
a complete spiritual administration. The Sisters' school at
Santa Fe required also an additional number of teachers, as the
pupils were becoming more numerous every year. He then
determined in 1856, to send the Very Rev. Machebeuf to France
for new missionaries, with the understanding that on coming
back, he should procure at Loretto some Sisters ready to follow
him to New Mexico.
The journey of the Vicar General was not in vain, as it
procured six new subjects for the diocese. These were : The
Revs. Gabriel Ussel, Joseph M. Coudert, Agustin Truchard,
John B. Ralliere, John B. Fa3^et and Joseph Fialon, The four
first named received the priesthood on the 12th of December of
the same year, and were assigned at once to different missions,
the Revs. Coudert and Ralliere have bravely toiled since for
the good of souls in the diocese. The Revs. Ussel and Truch-
ard left New Mexico a number of years since, the first for the
diocese of Denver, and the other for France, his native countr^^
on account of ill health. Both are yet living.
The same year, 1856, on the i6th of February, Rev. Ray-
mund Medina, a native of New Mexico, who had made his
studies in the diocese, was ordained priest and is now the parish
priest of Penasco.
In 1857, on Saturday of Ember week in I^ent, were raised
to the priesthood the Revs. J. B. Fayet, Joseph Fialon, who,
owing to bad health, left the diocese in 1870, and Thomas
Hayes, who for the same reason went to Ireland, his native
country, in 1889, and died there in May, 1892.
Rev. Fayet, after his ordination, was sent to San Miguel
as assistant priest and soon after to Antonchico, where he
XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School,
PRESCOTT, Ariz.
XXXII. Church of Flagstaff, Ariz.
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XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix, Ariz.
XXXIV. Franciscan Fathers, Phcenix, Ariz.
XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School,
PRESCOTT, Ariz.
XXXII. Church of Flagstaff, Ariz.
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XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix, Ariz.
XXXIV. Franciscan Fathers, Phcenix, Ariz.
The Bishop Calls Priests to Santa Fe. 209
founded a parish and remained until the beginning of January,
1866, when he was appointed the parish priest of San Miguel.
There the Rev. Father Fayet had not to build church and resi-
dence, as had been the case for him at Antonchico ; still he found
room for improvements in both church and house. He fur-
nished first the church with good sacerdotal vestments and had
it adorned with two new towers. Not long after, he estab-
lished, mostly at his own expense as we suppose, schools for
boys and girls in the town of San Miguel. These schools have
been ably conducted since by the Sisters of Charity from St.
Joseph, Ohio. The writer of these pages happened to be pres-
ent on the 22d of July, 1893, at the commencements of the San
Miguel schools, and was highly pleased with the teaching
method of the Sisters, and with the proficiency of the pupils.
In 1858, Rev. Michael Welby was ordained priest and put
in charge of the parish of Isleta, with residence in the pueblo
of that name, but remained there only a short time and left the
diocese. The same must be said of Rev. Peter Hart, a priest
who had come from Cincinnati, and who returned to his diocese
after a short trial of the Santa Fe missions. As a matter of
course, at the time w^e speak of, the New Mexico missions, in
w^hich the Spanish language was almost exclusively spoken,
were not attractive to nor could they be usefully administered
by merely English speaking priests.
In 1859, September 24th, on Saturday of Ember week,
were raised to the priesthood the Revs. Miguel Vigil, Manuel
Chavez, and Sembran Tafoya, three native Mexicans, who had
been educated in the diocese and who died in its missions, the
last being killed by the upsetting of his vehicle when on a visit
to his chapels in Eincoln county.
CHAPTER V.
More Priests and More Teachers Needed in the
Diocese.
{1) The Bishop of Santa Fe, Early in 1859, Sends His Vicar
General, Rev. Peter Eguillon, to Europe for Christian Brothers
and New Missionaries.
Provision had been made, as we have seen before, for the
education of 3'oung girls in Santa Fe ; the principal parishes of
the diocese had been also provided with priests ; this was al-
ready a great change for the better in New Mexico in a period
of seven years, but it was not enough to satisfy the pastoral
ambition of good Bishop lyamy. He was anxious to have also
a good institution in the capital of the territory for the instruc-
tion of the young men, and were it possible, an additional
number of priests for the missions of his diocese. In order to
secure both priests and teachers, he sent his second Vicar Gen-
eral, the Very Rev. P. Eguillon, to look for them in Europe.
This priest, like his Bishop and the Very Rev. Machebeuf, had
come from Clermont, where he had left a splendid record, and
thither he hastened to repair before going anywhere else, if
need might require. He stopped first in the preparatory sem-
inary, where, by wa^^ of conversation, and to answer the many
questions addressed to him by the professors of the institution,
he explained the object of his presence in his native country.
He spoke of the impossibility of the priests of the diocese of
Santa Fe visiting their congregations even once a month ; of
the long distances they had to travel on horseback, almost
More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 211
"daily, in all kinds of weather and, in many instances on roads
infested by hostile Indians. These priests, he said, worked
very hard, and still failed to give a regular administration to
the whole of the faithful entrusted to their care. He said
enough in a few days to make an impression on his hearers and
especially on two of them, the Revs. J. B. Salpointe and Francis
Jouvenceau, who, from the beginning, oflfered to follow him
provided the^^ could get the consent of their Bishop.
From the theological seminary of MontFerrand, the Vicar
General obtained also a subdeacon, the Rev. Benedict Bernard,
and Peter Martin, w^ho had received the minor orders. These
were joined, soon after, b3' Rev. John B. Theobald Raverdy, a
subdeacon from the diocese of Reims.
On the other hand, the Superior General of the Christian
Brothers, the most honored Brother Philip, very kindly con-
descended to send five members of his Society for the founda-
tion of a college in Santa Fe. These were : Brothers Hilarian,
Gondulph, Geramius and Galmier from the house of Clermont,
and Brother Agustin of New York. To this number were
added four young men still at the stud}^ of the classics, who
gave hopes of a vocation to the priesthood. Of these four one
onty, the Rev. Peter Bernal, persevered in the ecclesiastical vo-
cation. The colony brought together by the Very Rev. P.
Eguillon for New Mexico consisted of fourteen persons.
(3) The Start of the Missio^iaries for Santa Fe.
The start was determined for the 17th of August, 1859,
from Havre. All except Brother Agustin, who was already in
New York, were at the rendezvous for the stated day. The
boat which was to take them across the ocean was the "Ariel,"
an old American steamer which was nearing the end of its
services, as we learned since. It must be said, however, that
it reached New York safely in fourteen days.
From New York the missionaries had the railroads, and
experienced no other inconveniences but those inherent to
all long travels. In St. Louis they were offered the hospitality
of the Christian Brothers' college by Brother Patrick, the direc-
tor of the institution, who became afterwards the assistant to
212 More Priests axd Teachers fob Sas'ta Fe.
the Superior General in Paris, and who died in this position in
1891, April 27th.
From St. Louis we went by boat up the Missouri river as
far as Kansas City, which was then only a small \nllage-
Then commenced the extensive plains spoken of before, which
had to be crossed before reaching the first settlement of New
Mexico. ( I ) These plains, which are now inhabited almost
all along the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe and other railroad
lines which traverse them in different directions, were, with
the exception of two or three places, frequented only by nomadic
Indian tribes, and especially by the Comanches, who were good
warriors justly dreaded by the travelers.
There w^ere now neither steamboats nor railroad trains to
avail ourselves of to continue our journey. The only way to
advance further in our direction was to equip a caravan of our
own, or to wait for the opportunity of another one. Indeed
we thought at first that we could go by ourselves, as Bishop
Lamy had sent two men to meet us with two wagons for the
transportation of our baggage, which, added to three traveling
spring wagons, that the Very Rev. Eguillon had procured for
the use of his men, suggested by their number a large propor-
tionate strength of armed men. We were, besides, anxious to
try the life of the plains, which had been represented to us as
indeed very rough and tedious, but which, we fancied, we might
find very poetical and agreeable after all. We had, however,
to moderate our impatience. The news came that the Coman-
ches were on the war path, and that only large caravans could
attempt to go through the desert with any safety. Ours not
being so very large, as we were only seventeen men, badly
provided with arms, and utterly unprepared to make use of
them against human life, even in case of necessity, we bravely
determined to keep aloof from the danger and wait for some
reinforcement. This w^e were told would come before long, as
freighters for New Mexico expected, day by day, to receive
wherewith to load their wagons, and would start at once with us.
(1) The long description we giye here is from our own experience and calculated
to convey to the minds of those who may chance to read It, an idea of the difficulties
people, who had to cross the plains or prairies of Kansas, were liable to meet witii,
even in the good season, during their long journey.
More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 213
In the meantime we pitched our tents on the top of the hiU
on which Rev. Father Donnellj^ had already built a little frame
house and small chapel of the same material, foreseeing some
increase in population in the near future. The good father was
right. In a couple of years he saw new houses grouped around
his modest residence, and others gradually spreading in all di-
rections. This was the start of the Kansas City of to-day, and
the spot on which the Rev. Father had erected first a frame,
and next a brick church, is the one on which now stands the
Cathedral of the diocese.
Coming to our subject after this short digression, we find
ourselves in the camp we had just established. The tents were
good, and spacious enough to furnish a shelter for the men of
the party. Besides, the weather was splendid, and those
who felt like it could freely wander in the surrounding woods,
where hardly anything could be heard except the chirping of
the many birds which lived in them, and which by shrieking
and flying at our approach, seemed to give us a warning that
we trespassed on their right of property. It must be said
though that very little heed was lent to the notification, as we
killed as many as we could of these lively, innocent creatures,
either for their flesh or for the brilliant colors of their plumage.
In the morning after fixing the camp, we had taken a cold
breakfast, which consisted of canned provisions brought from
the forwarding store of Messrs. Chick, Browne & Co., already
established at the Kansas landing, but it was now time to think
of something warm for the evening repast. It was already un-
derstood that during the crossing of the plains, we should only
have two meals a da^^, more or less apart from each other, ac-
cording to the distances the caravan would have to travel to
reach water. We were notified also that custom required we
should cook for ourselves. lyittle by little our situation was
made known to us in definite terms and the present question
was of practical importance. Who amongst us would be daring
enough to offer himself for the culinary administration ? Every
one, it is true, was willing to contribute his share to the neces-
sary menial labor, but none could state what were his peculiar
abilities. The situation looked rather perplexed for a while,
but it was soon made clear and satisfactory to all by a few
214 More Priests Axn Teachers for Santa Fe,
words of the Vicar General, who assigned to each one what he
should have to do ever>^ day during the journey. Two cooks,
bad or good, were designated, two purveyors of fuel, two of
water, and the other men of the caravan, two by two, were to
watch two hours by turns every night over the safety- of the
camp and of the animals. Such were the orders, and thej^ were
accepted \vithout objection.
There was plent}^ of fuel around the camp while we were
yet in the woods, but as soon as we found ourselves on the
plains, this article became ver>^ scarce, so much so that in some
places and for long stretches, the only combustible we could
find available was the dried manure of the animals. We had a
fair supply of provisions and even fresh meat for the present,
but bread we had none except hard biscuits which we did not
relish, and how to bake light bread in the open country was
the question. A man of experience in traveling who, a few
days after our installment in the camp, came ahead of his cara-
van, which was to join ours, taught us how to bake bread, but
meanwhile we had to eat it as made by our Reverend cooks
(both were priests) and it must be said that it had neither the
appearance nor the savor of any common homemade bread.
It was simply dough, half dried, half burned on the embers.
Nothing however is easier, as we were shown, than to make
good bread, even in the camp and in a short time, by using the
portable oven, or a saucepan in which loaves are baked one
after the other. We had the oven, but did not know what use
to make of it. More than once we gratefully remembered the
service we had received from the new comer. Moreover, as
we had to travel with him, we could easilj" complete our camp-
ing culinary instruction by looking at the way he had his meals
prepared. From him and his men we learned also how to
make the "tortillas," little loaf, a kind of thin unleavened
bread, which can be baked on an iron plate or on a flat stone in
a very short time. This kind of bread is yet in use, not only
in the camp, but even in many families of the countr>\
(J) The Caravan Moves on From Kansas City.
As soon as the caravan was deemed strong enough, the
start was decided upon for a place called the White House, about
More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 215
six miles from our camp. It did not take long to pack up the
baggage, to put the mules to the wagons, and to make a move.
There commenced our troubles ; the mules had enjoyed a good
rest, and did not like to change their mode of living. On the
other hand, besides the two Mexicans who had been sent by-
Bishop Lam}', we had as drivers only the young students, who
knew very little, if anything, of that trade. The march was
interrupted at ever^^ moment, so we had to work hard the good
half of the day to reach the White House. With the night came
a heavy rain, which obliged us to sleep in the carriages and
wagons, as it was impossible to fix the tents.
The next day was bright and clear, but the ground was
wet and the wind sharp enough to make us feel that we were
too lightly clad for the season. Things looked rather un-
pleasant, and we thought of going back to Kansas City for
heavy clothing when, to our agreeable surprise, we saw that
the Vicar General had provided in due time for this emergency.
After an inspection of the cases packed in the w^agons, he had
two of them taken out and opened. One of the boxes contained
hea\^ common overcoats for all the men of the party, and the
other was filled up with rough monumental boots. Neither
coats nor boots had been made to order, nor selected to suit any
particular size, but all these articles had the advantage of not
being too small for any one of us. When we had donned our
new dress, we thought we might well be taken for good Yankee
farmers. This, for a while, furnished matter for laughing, but
the important thing was that we were all equipped either to walk
in the mud or to stand the cold weather, as might be our case.
After the trial we had made of our animals, it was almost
evident that we could not cross the plains without looking for
some others. For that purpose the Ver>' Rev. Vicar General
went back to the settlement and bought four good mules. We
had onl}^ a few days more to remain in the same camp. Not
all the men we expected were yet on the spot, but knowing
that there was no danger for some distance ahead, we started
by ourselves in order to accustom our animals to the work, and
have them ready to keep up with the caravan when it should
be completed. There we entered the desert proper. After a
few hours' march, w^hich this time was steady and rather
216 More Priests and Teachers for Saxta Fe,
fast, we lost sight of the trees of the Missouri river, and there
was nothing all around us, as far as the eye could reach, but
the green prairie undulated by the accidents of the ground, and
representing well enough a sea becoming swollen by a rising
wind.
For two days we went on without difficulty, but early in
the morning of the third day we found out that our new mules
were missing. Should we stop and send somebody after them ?
Nothing indicated to us the direction they had taken. On the
grass, no tracks could be followed, and on the road there was
no possible way to distinguish the footprints of our mules from
those of many others which had traveled in both directions.
Besides, if these animals had turned back to the place they had
come from, we might hope they would be brought to us b}^ the
caravans which were coming behind. And so it happened, but
only some time after our arrival in Santa Fe. Still, we intended
to proceed on our way, and in order to do so, we had to hitch
up some saddle horses we kept for reconnoitering the country
in places haunted by the Indians. In a few days we were
overtaken by the caravan of Mr. Moore, a rich merchant of
New Mexico, and with this reinforcement we had twenty
wagons together and eighty men, between drivers and mounted
men, for protection. As a matter of course, the strongest cara-
van took the lead and we followed it.
With loaded wagons it was necessary to go slowly, travel-
ing only twenty or twenty-five miles a day on an average.
During the crossing of the plains, all the days were much alike.
To take breakfast before starting in the morning, and supper
when we reached the water where w^e w^ere to stop for the night,
was the rule. The routine was only broken by the celebration
of the mass early every Sunday, the priest officiating in an
open tent and the men of the caravan assisting from the out-
side. Mention must be made here of the herds of buffaloes,
which we met in some places. Seen from a distance, these
animals, more or less sparsely scattered on the prairie, had the
appearance of an irregular plantation of bushy, dark trees, but
as we approached we could see them, first gathering together,
and next starting at full speed on a line, one after the other,
until we lost sight of them. The mounted men of the caravan
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Buffalo Chasixg. 217
killed one of them occasioiialh^ and brought fresh meat to the
camp. The buffalo, which has been almost totally- exterminated,
as we have seen before, for the sake of its fleec}'- skin, afforded
former^ a great source of subsistence to the inhabitants of New
Mexico, who ate its flesh and made an article of commerce of
its hide, tanned with the hair.
(4) Buffalo Chasing, (i)
The buffalo chase was practiced in the autumn, or early in
the spring. For this campaign it was necessary to have an ex-
perienced hunter with a fast horse, and men in proportion to
the wagons which it was intended to load with meat. Upon
arriving at the places where the buffaloes were wont to graze, the
first thing to be done was to look for water, where the camp
could be established. In the meantime the hunter, arfaed with
a rifle and a revolver, or simply with a spear, if he belonged to
the old school, and mounted on his steed, started in search of
the herd. On discovering it, he would go slowly in its direc-
tion until he saw it forming in line for flight. Then he com-
menced to run in a direction parallel to that followed by his
game until he reached the head of the line. He then moderated
the speed of his horse without stopping entirely', and inspected
the animals as they passed near bj-, and fired at those which
seemed to be the best, until he had secured eight or ten. This
was the work of one daj^ for the man and his horse. When the
hunter returned to the camp, a sufficient number of men would
start with wagons and go where the buffaloes had just been
killed, to skin them and bring the quarters of meat to the ' 'real, ' '
or camping place. There the flesh was separated from the bones
and cut in thin slices, which, after having been suitably salted,
were placed on ropes, stretched between the wagons, where
they remained until they were drj' enough to be packed and
loaded.
The work of slicing and salting the meat required one da}'
at least. Meanwhile the hunter took care of and prepared his
horse for another race against the same herd or any other he
might first encounter, and so on until he had procured meat
(1) We insert some details on tlie cliasing of the buflfalo, not as related to the
subject of these notes, but to preserve the memory of a thing of the past In Xew
Mexico .
14*
218 Buffalo Chasixg.
enough to load the wagons, each one of which held the dried meat
of twenty cows. Sometimes the buffaloes would go to another
place, either to shun their greedy pursuers or to look for better
pasturage, before the desired provision was completed. In this
case the camp had to be moved, and this entailed a loss of time
and additional work on the men of the hunting party. When
the buffalo hunters returned to their homes, the meat they had
brought was sold at a good price and in a ver^^ short time. It
was preferred b}' many to fresh meat, as it could be kept as long
as desirable, provided it was not exposed to moisture. It was
especially useful on long journeys on which, many times, it
was impossible to find any supply of provisions.
The buffalo is gone now, almost entirety. It is ^ true
that it was bound to disappear sooner or later, as it is
known this animal could not be profitably domesticated nor
freety live in the vicinit}' of an3' settlements ; still, had it not
been exterminated bj' cupidity' for the money which the Anglo-
Saxon wanderers sought to make at once by its fur, it could
have found room enough in this western country to live and
propagate for long 3'ears to come. The buffalo, at the present
time, is to be seen only, and very different too from what it was
when feeding on the plains, in Lincoln Park, Chicago, and in
some other similar places.
(a) The End of the Journey.
At last we reached the first settlements of New^ IMexico,
which commenced for us at La Junta, where now stands the
little town of Watrous. We had to travel only four days more
to arrive at the end of our journey. From there we had the
pleasure of meeting a priest of the neighborhood who came to
welcome us and to offer us fresh teams to make it easier for us
to reach Santa Fe. Leaving La Junta we made for Las Vegas,
only about eighteen miles distant, and got there just in time to
take dinner with Father Pinard, the parish priest of the town.
The Rev. gentleman was an ex-officer of the French armj- ,
who, after his ordination to the priesthood, had come to New
Mexico to devote himself to the work of the missions. He
offered to keep us for the night, but as we considered his house
too small to accommodate the whole part}^, we divided, one half
More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 219
remaining with him, and the other following the Rev. J. B.
Guerin to San Miguel del Vado, his parish. Father Guerin,
like Father Pinard. was a Frenchman, and he did all he could
to make it pleasatit for us in his house. The next day, when
we were joined by those of the party we had left in Las Vegas,
we moved to Pajarito, the last camping night we were to enjoy
before reaching Santa Fe.
On the 27th of October, in the afternoon, seventy-one daj'S
since we had sailed from Havre, we made our modest entry
into the old capital of New Mexico. The good Bishop, Right
Rev. Lamy, who had been notified of our coming, was waiting
for us. His Lordship received us with an affable simplicit}',
which surprised us at first, but which, as we saw later, was an
habitual qualit>^ of the missionary' Prelate. A frugal but sub-
stantial supper was soon served for us. Sitting at the table,
and feeling like at home, we commenced to speak like French-
men, and of course, exclusive^ in French, as we were all but
one of this nationalitA'. "Gentlemen," said the Bishop sternly,
"you do not know, it seems, that two languages only are of
necessit^^ here, the Spanish, which is spoken general^ by the
people of this Territor}^ and the English, which is the language
of the Government. ]Make 5-our choice between the two, for
the present, but leave your French parley for the countr}^ 5'ou
have come from." Among the Brothers there was one who
spoke nothing but English, which was his mother tongue, and
another who mastered some Spanish, but neither the one nor
the other tried to keep up the conversation, and so a perfect
silence ensued. We then proceeded eating with as little noise
as possible, and with a kind of lost appetite. This uneasy sit-
uation however did not last long. The Bishop himself put
an end to it, by bursting into laughter, and by reopening the
conversation in French. Still, he explained to us the necessity
of applying ourselves, at once, to the study of the languages.
Supper over, we would have wished to visit the town, but it
was already late, and we had to make some arrangements for
the night. A large room was assigned to us as a common
dormitory for the present. There were matresses which we
had only to spread on the floor and cover them with our travel-
ing blankets, to be provided with missionaries' beds.
220 More PRiESts axd Teachers for SaXta F"e.
The next da}-, after breakfast, we hurried for a walk in
the streets of Santa Fe. It was then called, as to-day, "la
villa, ' ' the cit}^, though the number of its inhabitants was not
much over four thousand. Two other towns in the Territory,
as we have seen before, had also the honor of being called cities
or villas. These were : Albuquerque, of less importance than
Santa Fe, and Santa Cruz, which was only a small village.
The title of city was giyen by the Government to the first and
most important Spanish settlements in New Mexico, to put
them, by the ver>' name, above the level of the Indian pueblos.
The houses of Santa Fe had generally a poor and strange
appearance, built as they were with "adobe" or sun dried
bricks. They were all low, with flat roofs, and most of them
without an}^ outside plastering, which gave them, when seen
from a distance, the semblance of a stretch of a barren land,
washed out and cut bj' some mountain flood. The churches,
four in number, viz. : San Francisco (the Cathedral), San
Miguel, Our L,ady of Guadalupe and Our Lady of the Rosary,
called also Nuestra Senora la Conquistadora, Our Lad^^ of the
Victor^^, were built with the same material as the houses, and
could be distinguished from these only by their larger structure
and their rudimentary towers. As a matter of course, like
man}' strangers who would find and see everywhere what the^'
had seen in their own country', we found ample matter for criti-
cism about the houses and churches of the capital. In this
case, it was with us as it is with man 5^ others who judge of
what they see, before looking for the reason of its being so and
not otherwise. We have seen since that we had been wrong
in our appreciation of the adobe buildings. A great number of
them have disappeared since we saw them for the first time,
and have been replaced by others, more in keeping with the
ideas and tastes of people who have come from other countries,
but not exactly as advantageous in every respect. The adobe
houses are very inexpensive, and can be put up in a few weeks ;
they are durable in dr>' climates, warm in the winter and cool
in the summer, not only on account of the thickness of their
walls, but by reason of the material they are made with, which,
owing to its lack of compactness, is but little subject to the
influence of the external temperature. As regards durability
More Priests and Teachers for Saxta Fe. 221
the adobe will last for centuries ; we have the proof of this
in a number of the old mission Churches in New Mexico and
in Santa Fe, where are to be seen ^^et, in the vicinity of St.
Michael's College, houses which existed in 1694, at the time of
Vargas' expedition, and which are still inhabited in the present
year, 1895.
The Santa Fe people seemed to be polite and affable. The
costume of the men varied in form and colors, the rich being
noticeable only by the qualit}' and the better assortment of their
apparel. The "zarape," or colored blanket, was considered as
indispensable among the working class of the people, as we were
told, either as a protection against the cold weather, or at all
times to make a decent appearance in the churches or in society.
The women were generally dressed in black, and did not go out
of their houses without the "rebozo," or veil in the shape of a
wide scarf, which covered the head and shoulders and gave
them a look of modest dignity. It reminded us of the costumes
which Christian painters were wont to give to the women of
old in their pictures.
The citizens of the villa were devout people, as we could
judge from the first Sunda}' we spent in the cit3', by the large
congregation at the services in the Cathedral and by the re-
spectful manner they listened to the instructions that were given
them. It seemed they intended to show b^^ their behavior that
they understood the meaning of the name of their city, and
tried to keep the Santa Fe, or the Holy Faith, always alive in
their hearts. To do this was only their duty, because the holy
faith was the heritage the^^ had received from their ancestors,
the first Spanish conquerors, and this faith had been kept sacred
among them by an almost uninterrupted succession of priests,
at least, from the year 1605, the date of the foundation of the
city of Santa Fe.
After a couple of days, the Brothers were put in possession
of a house, in which they opened classes as soon as circum-
stances allowed. Those of the party who had come for mis-
sionarj- work remained in the parish residence, having to study
the languages of the countr^^ as far as they were able to do so.
The Rev. J. B. Salpointe had to take charge of the young
men who had come from France before completing their classi-
222 Moke Priest's and Teachers eor Santa Fe;
cal studies, and to visit, once a week, the chapels of the Pecos,
Galisteo and Tesuque pueblos.
The Brothers, having made the necessary- arrangements in
their house, opened their schools on the 1 5th of November with
twenty boarders and fifty day scholars. Their building, which
stood on a good sized plot of ground, adjoined the old San
Miguel chapel, which gave its name to the new college. It
was one of the largest houses of Santa Fe, but in a very short
time it proved unequal to the purpose. It had to be altered
and enlarged, year after year, until Brother Botulph was made
president of the college and substituted for the old house a
large and substantial three-stor>' building, sufficient to accom-
modate the pupils who might be expected from the Territory
for years to come. St. jMichael's, or the San Miguel College,
like all the institutions which have to be estabHshed in new
countries, had to go through trials of many kinds for a number
of years, but owing to the perseverance and devotedness of the
Brothers, it has accomplished a great amount of good all the
while, and to-day it must be considered an institution of learn-,
ing inferior to none other of the kind in the country.
Rev. Francis X. Jouvenceau was sent, a few days after his
arrival from France, to San Miguel, where, as assistant priest,
he could have an opportunity to learn the Spanish language ;
but ver^' soon necessity obliged his Bishop to send him to Sa-
pello to found a parish. The limits given to the. new parish
comprised the farming populations of Sapello, Monton de Ala-
mos, Loma Parda, Golondrinas, Fort Union, Manuelitas, Teco-
loteilos. La Junta and Rincon de Tecolote, all taken from L,as
Vegas parish. These towns gave an aggregate number of pop-
ulation sufficient for a good parish, but there was no church
except at Golondrinas and Monton de Alamos, where chapels
existed. The priest selected vSapello for his residence as a cen-
tral point, and commenced to ask contributions from the faith-
ful for the building of a church. His call was fairly responded
to, and in less than two years, a large church and the priest's
residence reached their completion under the direction and
through the exertions of the ^-oung missionary. The inhabi-
tants of the Sapello parish are still noted for their generosity
towards what concerns religious worship, and their church is
Moke Pkiests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 223
one of the best supplied with good vestments. Father Jouven-
ceau administered the parish to the satisfaction of all good
Catholics until 1867, when he volunteered, with the consent of
his Bishop, for Arizona, where the priests were ver\^ scarce.
There were in 1859, eighteen parishes or heads of missions
in the diocese of Santa Fe. These were : St. Francis Cathe-
dral, attended by the Bishop and his vicars, Very Rev. Mache-
beuf and Ver>^ Rev. Eguillon ; Las Vegas, parish priest, Rev.
Pinard ; San Miguel, parish priest. Rev. Guerin ; Antonchico,
parish priest, Rev. Fayet ; Mora, parish priest, Rev. Taladrid ;
Taos, parish priest. Rev. Ussel ; Picuries Indian pueblo, parish
priest, Rev. Tafoya ; Abiquiu, parish priest, Rev. Salazar ;
San Juan, Indian pueblo, parish priest. Rev. Ortiz ; Santa Cruz,
parish priest. Rev. Trujillo ; San Ildefonso, Indian pueblo,
parish priest. Rev. Medina ; Tome, parish priest, Rev. Ral-
liere ; Bernalillo, parish priest. Rev. Hayes ; Albuquerque,
parish priest. Rev. Coudert ; Belen, parish priest. Rev. Paulet :
Socorro, parish priest. Rev. Truchard ; L,as Cruces, parish
priest. Rev. Donato ; Santo Domingo Indian pueblo, parish
priest, Rev. Chavez.
Ever}'' one of these parishes had a certain number of
chapels, more or less distant from the principal church. In
most of them, the priest could visit the chapels without being
obliged to camp out for the night, but in some instances he had
to travel three or four days, between one settlement and an-
other, and, in this case it was necessary for him to take
blankets and "bastimento, " provisions of food, before leaving
his residence, according to the number of days he contemplated
being out of his habitation. If he could afford to have a vehi-
cle, which was a costly luxurs' in those already remote times,
he could easity' manage to make it comfortable to a certain ex-
tent, but, when he was obliged to travel on horseback he had
to reduce the bulk and weight of his baggage as much as pos-
sible. In an3^ case, some ground coffee, a tin cup, bread and
meat, fresh or dry, were articles not to be forgotten. The cup
could be used to make the coffee and to drink it. As regard
the cooking of meat, this was done with the help of a stick
planted in the ground and holding the piece of meat to be
roasted at a proper distance from the fire.
CHAPTER VI.
The Territories of Arizona and of Colorado Annexed
TO THE Diocese of Santa Fe.
(i) Arizona.
In 1859 the Territory of Arizona, which had become part
of the United States since 1854 by the Gadsen purchase, was
annexed, bj' decree of the Holy See, to the diocese of Santa
Fe. In order to ascertain what was the condition of Arizona
and to find out, whether or not some missions could be estab-
lished there at once, the Bishop sent the Very Rev. Machebeuf
to visit that countr^^ His Lordship could not have made a
better choice for the purpose. The Very Rev. Vicar General
was a zealous and energetic missionary, never to be deterred by
any difficulty when he thought he could do something for the
glory of God and the good of souls. The distance from Santa
Fe to Tucson was 600 miles, with danger from the Apache In-
dians on one-half of the road to be traveled.
Tucson, the most important town of Arizona at that time,
numbered about six hundred inhabitants, mostly Mexicans.
The origin of the population must be assigned to the establish-
ment of the presidio, militar>^ post, which, according to Fran-
cisco Velasco (i) took place in 1781. It is true that Father
Juan Domingo Arricivita (2) states that the presidio del Tuc-
son existed in 1768, when the Franciscan Fathers took charge
(1) Noticias Estadisticas de la Provincia de Souora.
(2) Cronica Serafica del colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro.
Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe. 225
of tlie missions of Sonora, and this is the reason why some peo-
ple think that the town of Tucson is so very ancient. That
may be, but certain it is that it had no existence in 1762, as
we collect from what is said, at this date, by the author of the
Rudo Ensa3^o ( i ) , that ' 'there existed at Tucson a number of
Indians, considerable enough to call for the presence of a
priest, but that the nearest was the one at San Xavier del Bac,
who had already more than he could do to take care of his own
Catholic Indians." Frora these words we conclude that in 1762
there were no other people living at Tucson but Indians, and
believe for w^ant of any proof to the contrary' that the popula-
tion of Tucson was yet the same in 1768. The Indians spoken
of lived at the foot of the hill called "El Cerro del Tucson," and
these were gathered in 1772 by Fr. Francisco Garcez in a pueblo
in adobe houses, with a church, a mission house and a protec-
tion wall against the attacks of the Apaches. This pueblo,
which was designated by the name of "Pueblito del Tucson,"
stood about half a mile west of the present town of Tucson, as
can be seen by what remains of its ruins. It was first attended
hy the Franciscans from San Xavier, but when it had a church
■and priest's residence, it was benefited by the permanent presence
of one or more missionaries. Its church was dedicated to Our
Lord of Esquipula, w^hose picture, according to the living tradi-
tion among the residents of Tucson, was taken to Imuris, with
■several church objects, after the expulsion of the Franciscan
Fathers, December 20th, 1827.
After stating what Father Garcez did for the pueblo of
Tucson, Arricivita says again : "Y hoy es Presidio de los Es-
pafioles," (and to-day it is Presidio of the Spaniards,) To-day
means 1792, the date at which the historian of the Franciscans
wrote his book. But refraining from giving as exact date of
its establishment, the Presidio de los Espanoles existed certainly,
not at the pueblito of the Indians, but at the place called now
the city of Tucson. The presidio had its own church, with
two patron saints, Our Lady of Guadalupe for the soldiers, and
St. Augustine for the people who, Httle by little had agglom-
merated around the post.
(1) Rudo Ensayo o descripcion geografica de la provincia de Sonora, by one of
the Jesuit missiouaries.
la
226 Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe.
The centers of population of Arizona, besides Tucson,
were San Xa\'ier del Bac, an old Papago mission with about
two hundred Indians ; Tubac, with a military post and some
thirty Mexican famiHes, and Gila Cit}'-, now Yuma, which had
only a small population. The missionary found the inhabitants
almost all Catholics, and well disposed to avail themselves of
his presence to receive the sacraments of the Church, a benefit
they had been deprived of for a long time. Indeed, since the
expulsion of the Franciscan Fathers (1827), they had onlj^ re-
ceived here and there some visits from the priests of Magdalena
(Sonora), when the}^ could find or were furnished a good escort
to protect them against the Indians.
The Very Rev. Machebeuf had enough to occupy him for
a period of time, in performing marriages, baptizing and hear-
ing confessions at Tucson, San Xavier and Tubac. Tucson, as
the most important town of the Territory, was selected by the
missionary- as the place best suited for the center of his labors.
He had work here for the da^^ and part of the night for several
weeks. The old church, which had been built when Tucson
was made a "Presidio," militar}- post, was in such a condition
that it could be neither used nor repaired. It was however
necessar^^ to have a church, no matter how poor it might be,
for the present, provided it could hold the Catholic population
of the locality. Father Machebeuf, always equal to the cir-
cumstances, contrived to have it in a very short time. A little
house, composed of two small rooms, was given to him for the
purpose by Don Francisco Solano Leon, one of the prominent
citizens of the town. The building was really too limited in
proportions, but at the request of the Vicar General, it was en-
larged by the voluntar\' work of the faithful by adding a good
sized, rough wooden porch to one of the rooms. This, poor as
it was, was the first church used in Tucson since the Territory
of Arizona had been attached to the diocese of Santa Fe. Many
people remember yet the instructions they received from the
"Seiior Vicario" in this provisional church ; they remember in
particular, how forcibly he spoke one morning at mass, against
murder, \vithout knowing that the night before, an American
had killed a man in self defense, and how seriously the priest
was called to ansAver for his words. After some explanations,
Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe, 227
tlie offended man was satisfied that the preacher knew nothing of
what had happened during the night, and had spoken in a gen-
eral way against those who take unjustly the life of their fellow
men. Nevertheless, from this day, the priest was not allowed
by the Catholics of Tucson to travel alone, and even in town,
when he had to hear confessions at night, there were, without his
being aware of it, some men standing around the church until he
would come out, when they accompanied him to his residence.
The San Xavier mission had a great attraction for the
Very Rev. Machebeuf, not only because he had there a good
church, but on account of the good dispositions he found in the
Indians of the pueblo. He had only to send somebody to ring
the bells to have all the people in the church for mass. These
Indians had not forgotten the prayers they had been taught by
the Franciscan Fathers, and they were ready to say them
rather in Spanish than in their own language. Some of them
could sing at mass in a very tolerable manner, which is prac-
ticed yet by some Mexicans who lived in the pueblo and learned
it from the Indians. Wlfen the Vicar General made his first
visit to San Xavier, he was agreeably surprised when the gov-
ernor or chief of the tribes, Jose, told him that he had kept in
his house, since the expulsion of the Franciscan Fathers, the
sacred vessels, for fear that they might be stolen if they had been
left in the church. The objects saved were : four silver chal-
ices, a gold plated silver monstrance, two gold cruets with a
silver plate, two small silver candlesticks, two silver censers
and a sanctuary carpet. All this was enough to justify the
good words the missionary had always for San Xavier when he
had to speak about Arizona.
The most pressing work having been attended to in Tuc-
son, San Xavier and Tubac, the Vicar General had already
made arrangements for a journey to the Pima villages and to
Yuma when he was called back to Santa Fe by his Bishop,
who stated only that he needed his services at some other place.
It must be said that before doing anything in the missions of
Arizona, the Vicar General of Santa Fe, went to Sonora to
settle the question of jurisdiction with the Bishop of that coun-
try, the Rt. Rev. Loza, now the Archbishop of Guadalajara.
He was kindly received by this Prelate, who transferred to him,
228 Colorado Annexed to Santa Fe,
as representative of the Bishop of Santa Fe, jurisdiction over
the population of Arizona, which, b}^ decree of the Holy See,
was taken from the diocese of Sonora to be attached to that of
Santa Fe.
(2) Colorado.
The reason why the Bishop unexpectedly called his Vicar
from Arizona, was because the Territory of Colorado had been
also annexed, of late, to the Santa Fe diocese, and because the
prelate had no other priest he could conveniently send for a
visit to that country'. Father Machebeuf started at once from
Tucson, but had to stop at Dona Ana, on account of sickness,
and could not reach Santa Fe before the end of November 1859,
after an absence of about four months. Had he been given his
choice, he would have started again for Arizona, a countr}' he
liked for its climate and for the many good qualities of its
inhabitants, but he knew his duty was to obey, and he sub-
mitted. Obedience, however, was made lighter on him, when,
at his request, the Bishop promised he would send another
priest to Arizona, as soon as possible.
In the latter part of December of the same year, the Very
Rev. Machebeuf set out for Colorado. He stopped at Denver,
which was hardly started as a town. There he enquired, as
he knew how to do, about ever>' corner of the Territory,
about the new mines which were reported from all sides for
record, and understood that the country' was bound to come up
and progress rapidl}'. There were only a few Catholics in
Denver at that time, and consequently ver\' little to do for the
Vicar General, who returned to Santa Fe in order to make the
necessary arrangements for the establishment of a mission in
Colorado when the time should come for it. Meanwhile the
immigrants were rushing to Colorado, and Father Machel:>euf
was kept 'au courant' of the progress of the Territory bj- the
friends he had made there. Verj^ soon they urged upon him to
come back to Denver without delay. Indeed he was ready and
waited only for the time his Bishop would be able to give him
a priest who would help him in Colorado. He had him at last
in the person of Rev. J. B. Raverd3', recently ordained a priest,
and both started in the fall of 1S60 for Colorado, where they were
to spend the remainder of their lives. Thej^ fixed their residence
Colorado An'xexed to Saxta Fe. 229
in Denver, where, in a short time, they had a little church
which has been enlarged several times and which is now used
as the cathedral of the diocese, though by far too small for the
Catholic population of the parish.
We give here some details of the apostolic life of Right
Rev. Joseph Machebeuf and his friend Rev. John Baptist
Raverdy, quoting freely from the "History of the Catholic
Church in Colorado," by Father O'Rj-an and Father Ma-
lone : ( I )
Right Eev. Joseph Machebkuf, first Catholic Bishop of Denver,
Avas born at Riom, France, August 11, 1812, He was ordained to the
priesthood on Christmas, 1836, Three years later he left his native
land for America and offered his services to Bishop Purcell, of Cincin-
nati, Ohio. While laboring in that diocese, his simplicity, piety and
earnestness — those qualities which particularly shone in him until his
death — made him beloved wherever he went,
"In 1844," writes to us Eev. P. A. Phillips (2), "Father Machebeuf
visited his home in France, and it was on this occasion that he brought
back with him ten Sisters of the Ursuline order and established them
in Brown County, Ohio, where they now have a most flourishing and
well-appointed convent. This was the introdutibn in the United States
of a teaching community unrivaled in the Catholic Church.
In 1850, Father Lamy, a comrade and friend of Father Machebeuf
Avho had coiue to this country with him, was made Bishop of Santa Fe,
IS^. M., taking Father Machebeuf with him. Thej^ reached Santa Fein
1851, after spending several months giving missions through Texas.
Upon arriving at Santa Fe Father Machebeuf was created Vicar-General
of the diocese.
All through New Mexico and Arizona for years he traveled up and
down, building up the Church and leaving everywhere the imprint of
bis zeal. On the 29th of October, 1860, he arrived in Denver, accom-
panied by his faithful friend. Rev. J. B. Raverdy, whom Bishop Lamy
had appointed to assist him. Here he begins the real work of his life
and we regret that space will not allow more than a cursory view of it.
Upon his arrival here he immediately started the building of the Cath-
olic church of St. Mary's which still stands on Stout Street, between
Fifteenth and Sixteenth Streets, as the first brick edifice reared in Col-
orado to the service of God. During its construction the Kev. Father
offered up the holy sacrifice of mass in a small frame building next door
to the present Metropolitan Hotel at Sixteenth and Market Streets.
Father Machebeuf continued his labors in Colorado and in his ceaseless
journeying from place to place, he sowed the seed of the gospel of Christ
(1) History of the Church in Colorado. (E. J. Kelley, Art Printing, Denver.)
(2) Rev. P. A. Phillips has been for several years and is yet the Chancellor of
the diocese of Denver.
230 CoLORADa,
wherever th^re wasr soil to receive it. But the Churcli waff growing- ancE
Catholics were pouring into Coloratlo with tlie tide of immigration. Ire
1864, feeling tlic need of u school, he called to his assistance the Sisters
of Loretto (Kentucky J A band of a few noble women hearkened to
his call and in humble beginnings they planted the seed which has
grown to the proportions of a magnificent and stately educational insti-
tution called Ft. Mary's Academy, on California Street between Four-
teenth and Fifteenth Streets. On February 5, 1868, Colorado and Utah
were erected in a Vicariate Apostolic and Father Machebeuf was ap-
pointed its Vicar Apostolic by the Holy See.
On February 12, 1871, Utah was placed under jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of San Francisco, Cal. On August 16, 1868, Father Mache-
beuf was consecrated bishop in St, Peter'^s Cathedral, Cincinnati, Ohio^
by Archbishop Purcell. A short time later he returned to Denver,,
where he found Catholic interests growing rapidly and requiring his
constant presence. Meanwhile Bishop Machebeuf had been calling to
his assistance a few zealous and hard-working missionaries, among
whom Father Raverdy stands first and foremost.
With their aid, missions were established, chapels erected and
schools built almost everywhere, where cii'cumstances allowed. Since
1870 the diocese of Denver has been growing so rapidly that it would be
impossible to give an adequate idea of its building and of its present
state without the aid of dry statistics. At this writing (as a result of
Bishop Machebeuf's zealous and untiring work) there are in Denver
nine parishes, with each a parochial school attached except one ' two
hospitals ; the House of Good Shepherd ; two orphan asylums ; an acad-
emy and a fine convent of the Sisters of Loretto at Loretto Heights,
Last, })ut not least, we can mention the College of the Sacred Hearty
conducted by the Jesuit Fathers. No betterappointed institution exists
west of the Missouri river. In the diocese there are about eighty
priests — regular and secular — who attend about ninety churches and
chapels and over one hundred and ten stations ; eight academies with
over nineteen parochial schools having an attendance of over four
thousand pupils, ten hospitals, and a total Catholic population of about
sixty or seventy thousand.
Bishop Joseph P. Machebexif died August 10, 1889, leaving his won-
drous works for his monument. His body rests in Mount Olivet Cem-
etery, and his soul with God."
When in the diocese of Santa Fe, Bishop Machebeuf worked
constantly for the glory of God and for the good of souls. As
Vicar General he had no charge of any particular parish and
for this reason, he used to go from one mission to another,
preaching ever^^vhere, and helping the priests as much as he
could in the discharge of their duties and cheering them in
leisure hour by his pleasant and witty conversation.
C!0L0RAD0. 23l«
Eegging liad T^ecome a habit with Father Machebeuf, so
•:tnuch so that he could not visit a priest without asking him for
something, in the way of books or church vestments, before
lea\nng the house ■; but it must be said to his credit, that he
liked to give of what he had, and sometimes, he gave more than
lie received. Though very plain and unpretending in his man-
ner of living, he did not approve of too much parsimony on the
part of the priests. This he manifested one day to a priest he
liappened to take supper with. The priest, as usual, had for
Ms evening meal "atole," corn mush and milk, and as it was too
late to look for other provisions, it was all he could offer to the
Vicar General. The latter, before leaving the next day, said
to his host, that a priest, either for his own convenient comfort
or to command consideration from other people, ought to have
always a plain but good table. The priest alluding to the
table itself, answered : ' 'Yes, Senor Vicario, my table is old
and shaky, and this is the reason why I cannot put heavy
■dishes on it ; but never mind, I will try to have a good solid
one for the next time I may be honored with your visit." The
Very Rev. Vicar could only laugh heartily and go. The priest
tept his word ; he had a new table made, and he feels proud
yet to show it to his guests, asking them if it is not a good sub-
stantial piece of furniture.
Eev. John Baptist Raverdy, Catholic priest, was born in the old
city of Rheims, France, June 24, 1831.
His early education was received in his native town j philosophy
and theology he studied at the college at Chalons. It is well to notice
here that the young man was materially aided in his arduous studies,
and encouraged in the attainments of his holy vocation to the priest-
hood by Mr. Charles Heidsieck, St., whose death occurred February 13,
1893, when seventy-one years old, and whose son is still a prosperous
and respectable wine merchant of Rheims.
Here he was ordained sub-deacon in 1850. In 1859, hearing of the
new missionary field in the far-off West, he offered his services to
Bishop Lamy of Santa Fe, who accepted him as one of his, and ordained
him a priest.
Soon after he cheerfully obeyed the order he received from Bishop
Lamy to go to the Rocky Mountain region with Father Machebeuf.
After a long and tedious journey, weary and weak, he finally ar-
rived in Denver late in the evening of the 29th of October, 1860. At
this time Denver's chief architectural beauties were three or four low
brick houses, and here and there a pretentious frame building. For
•232 Colorado,
the rest, it was made up of liurriedly constructed frame or log cabins,
and outside the limits the smoke gaily curled around the wigwams of
the Indians. Catholics were very few then, numbering about thirty or
forty individuals in Denver. Notwithstanding, Father Raverdy urged
Bishop ^lachebeuf to build the little church which is now called St,
Mary's Cathedral, on Stout and Fifteenth Streets. One thing, however,
grieved Father Raverdy ; it was that this church should be built on the
prairie. On Christmas Day, 1860, he sang in it the first mass at mid-
night.
While Father ]Machebeuf was building the church, and his little
house, which now forms part of the present vestry of St. Mary's, Father
Raverdy started on horseback for Southern Colorado, carrying with him
the necessary paraphernalia in which to say mass.
He first visited Heurfano, arriving there November 15, 1860, and
remained some days, visiting Mexican families, saying mass for them,
baptizing their children, performing marriages, etc. In connection
with his work in Colorado, it may be interesting to mention that the
first Catholic baptism was performed by Bishop ^lieje, during his visit in
1860. Here is the record taken from the register of St. Mary's Cathedral :
"On the 3d of June, 1860, by the Rt. Rev. J. B. Mieje, Bishop of Leaven-
worth, was baptized George Eckbet, son of George Eckbet and Margaret
Thornton, born the 11th of March, I860; godmother, Mary Yank."
The second baptism was performed the same da)' ; the child was named
John Edward, and was the son of John and Catherine Doyle; sponsors,
Wm. Dunn and Mary King; baby born April 28th, 1860. The first
marriage of Catholics in Denver took place February 11, 1861. The
contracting parties were Abner Davidson and Anna Moran. Father
Machebeuf officiated. Golden City had then several Catholics. In
1860 three children of Catholics were bom there. Their names were
Murphy, Truby and Kean. INIartin Murphy was born on New Year's
Day 1860 in Golden.
Up and down went Fathers Raverdy and Machebeuf, finding here
and there a few Catholic families, whose needs they attended and faith
they consoled. Hard work and poor fare, such was the lot of both
priest and people. He lived with his companion from hand to mouth.
The weary rides from station to station, the many nights spent with no
canopy but God's grand spangled arch of blue, and no bed except the
cold and often snow-covered ground, the buffalo robe wrapped close
to keep the cold out : such were their comforts. Yet withal they were
cheery. Who of the old residents from Heurfano to Denver, in Cali-
fornia Gulch, in Central City, ever found them complaining day or
night, wherever duty called them ? But the Christian spirit, the spirit
that led their Master, was in them. The life of these two priests was
purely missionary as that of St. Paul in his travels. In 1864 Father
Raverdy visited Utah. General Connors received him kindly at the
Fort in Salt Lake, where he stayed some weeks administering to the
Colorado. 233
■wants of the Catholicg there. From Salt Lake he went to Montana,
Avhere the gold fever was raging. He was there one month and did
much good.
In 1866 he took charge of Central City and from Central City he at-
tended Georgetown, Empire, Idaho Springs, Boulder and several other
small settlements. He remained pastor of Central City until 1871. In 1868
Bishop Machebeuf appointed Father Raverdy his Vicar-General, "a
post (to use Bishop Machebeuf's words when he was dying) which he
has held honorably ever since." Grand and simple epitaph for a priest.
If ever a monument is raised over his grave, let these words te carved
on its marble.
Father Raverdy died on the 18th of November, 1889, at Denver.
The shock produced by Bishop Machebeuf's death which he learned on
his way home from France, certainly hastened his own. Perhaps it
was as well that, as they had been "lovely and pleasant in their lives,
in their death they were not divided," that together they received peace.
The Church they built up in Colorado remains as their monument.
15*
CHAPTER VII.
The First Schools Established Outside of Santa Ee,
On the 28th of October, i860, the Rev. John B. Salpointe
left Santa Ee for Mora, where he was sent as parish priest to
succeed Rev. Damazo Talarid, called to take another mission.
The parish of Mora comprised then only the towns and settle-
ments of CeboUa, Cueva, Agua Negra, Guadalupita, Coyote,
Rayado and Cimaron, all with chapels except the three last
mentioned. In 1863, in order to give some relief to Eather
Machebeuf and to his assistant priest, Eather Raverdy, the
Bishop of Santa Ee extended the jurisdiction of Mora as far as
to embrace the rivers of L,as Animas, Huerfano, and San Carlos
near the place where now stands Pueblo City. Thus enlarged,
the extension of the parish was about two hundred miles from
north to south. There was more than enough work for the
parish priest and his assistant, especially on account of the
Raton Range, which, to go to L,as Animas river, had to be
crossed for a couple of years by a trail hardly perceptible in
many places, and everywhere as bad as a brook, which in its
course cut it often at short distances, could make it. Later on,
the road was improved and bridges put on the brook by the
well known old pioneer Richard Hooton, who made his residence
about half way in the canon of the mountain.
At the foot of the Raton Range on the north side, was
Trinidad, on the Animas river, with a few adobe houses, and
at a short distance, on the left side of the river, a small log
room, the property of Dn. Eelipe Vaca, which was used as a
chapel. The name of the river "Las Animas," means "the
Schools Outside the City op Santa Fe. 235
souls," on account of the first explorers who, it is said, were
killed by the Indians in the vicinity of the space now occupied
by the rapidly growing city of Trinidad. Among the first set-
tlers may be mentioned Felipe Vaca, George Simpson, Juan
Ignacio Alire, Henry Biernbaum and Marcos Tafoya.
The church at Mora was found in an almost ruinous con-
dition. Part of the roof had given way under the weight of
the mud it was covered with, and the whole of it was threaten-
ing to fall down in the near future. Was this the fault of the
Rev. D. Taladrid ? It is what he plainly admitted when he
introduced his successor to some of the influential citizens of
the town. These men, he said, and many others in the parish
will help their priest to repair the church ; if they have not
done it before, it is only because, owing to my age and to my
lack of knowledge in the art of building anything, I did not
request them to do so. As assent was given to these words by
those present; it was an encouragement for the new priest, who
first, with the help of his parishioners, provided for the security
of his people as well as could be done at that time. Early the
next spring, a more thorough repairing which amounted almost
to complete rebuilding, was given to the church, leaving it with
a board ceiling and a shingle roof instead of the mud one it had
before. True it is the priest had to put all his savings in this
work, but he really found the people of Mora alwa^'S disposed
to help him in the measure of the means in their power. The
church was 3^et by no means elegant or rich ; still it was decent
and sufficient for the actual population, and has not been re-
placed yet by a better one, though it has been embellished by a
frame tower and a new vestry during the administration of the
Rev. John B. Guerin. The church having been put in a good
condition, the Rev. Salpointe turned his attention towards estab-
lishing schools in his parish, and for this purpose, as well as
for the church, he received material help from his parishioners.
In those not very remote days, it was rather difficult to have a
church or a school house built in a regular and attractive shape.
The only material that could be conveniently had, was the
adobe, and the masons who emplo3^ed it, had, as a rule, a very
limited knowledge of proportions, and less taste in their work.
In such circumstances it devolved on the priest who intended
236 Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe.
to rear some building for public use, to make his plans and
superintend the work from beginning to end, as much as possi-
ble, in order to prevent the mistakes of his mechanics. We
remember that on one occasion our chief mason in setting some
window frames for the church, had only in his mind to put
them in the place they were to occupj'-, without pa^'ing much
attention to the position they had to keep as to level and per-
pendicularity. We came in time to call his attention to the
defect, and his answer to our remark was this : "You are ver^^
strict about every^thing, just as if those who will come to the
church would carry their level and plumb in their pocket."
As to the carpenter work, it was generally done with less diffi-
culty, as there were alread^^ in the country American carpenters
who understood their trade well enough to make doors and
windows, and to cover a building.
In the summer of 1863, the Bishop of Santa Fe received
notification that his good friend, Father Machebeuf, had met
with a serious accident on coming from Central City^ to Denver,
The buggy on which he rode upset, leaving him with a broken
leg and little hope of recovery-. The Bishop, fearing his friend
might die from the shock, made haste for a journey to Denver,
and left Santa Fe without taking any pro\dsions for the road.
The next day at about noon he reached IVIora and invited us
to join him on the trip to Denver, but peremptorily objected to
stop over a couple of hours to prepare some suitable provi-
sions. He took what was left of the dinner, about enough for
one meal, and we started at once to make Ocate cailon for the
night. The next day at noon, the small party was in the vicin-
ity of Rayado, where a good supply was obtained from the
house of Mr. J. Abreu, next from Trinidad, and farther on
from Jose Doyle's place on the Huerfano river. The Bishop,
who could do with one meal a day even at home, provided he
had a cup of black coffee and a piece of bread morning and
evening, always objected to making ample provision of victuals
for travehng and this is the reason why, from Huerfano to
Denver, about one hundred and forty miles, the travelers had
to live mostly on game. The prelate was not much of a hunt-
er, but he could build a fire, while his servant was taking care
of the horses, and as game was abundant it did not take a
Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. 237
long time before the companion from Mora would come with a
rabbit or something else. To roast it at the end of a stick was
the matter of only a short while, but salt was wanting, and
without it, this kind of meat is unsavorj^ and hard to swallow.
Still nobody complained much about it, so good a cook is
hunger. We must not forget that a couple of days before
reaching Denver, we met on Plum creek a little farm started
by Mr. Bug, who was acquainted with Bishop Lamy, and there
we found an agreeable reception and a good dintier. The jour-
ney lasted ten days of quick travel, at the end of which the
Bishop and the priest of Mora had the pleasure of finding
Father Machebeuf on the wa^^ to convalescence, and cheerful as
ever, though he knew he would remain lame for life.
In 1864, April 4th, the Rev. J. B. Salpointe, parish priest
of Mora, had the pleasure of receiving three Sisters of I,oretto
coming from Santa Fe, at his request, to take charge of a
school for girls in the vicinity of his residence on the church
plaza. These were Sisters Mary Borja, Cecilia and Ynes.
Soon after there was opened in the same town a school for boys
under the direction of the Christian Brothers. A few months
before, the Rev. Gabriel Ussel, parish priest of Taos, had
founded two similar institutions in his parish. The Brothers
and the Sisters who took charge of these schools were the first
who left Santa Fe to extend the blessings of their work to the
parishes of the diocese. At Mora, as at Taos, the Brothers re-
mained only a few jxars, owing to the poor attendance of pupils
and thereby the lack of means for their support. The Sisters
have persevered residing in both places notwithstanding the
difficulties they have met with on several occasions ; the sever-
est trial the Sisters had to stand at Mora was the burning of
their house at the end of 1888. It was also in 1864 that the
Sisters of lyoretto were called to Denver by Father Machebeuf
to found St. Mar3''s Academy.
As we have seen before (Chap. III.), the Sisters of Dor-
retto suffered from the cholera, which, when they first started
for New Mexico, deprived them of one of their number and
obUged another to stop on her way and go back from Indepen-
dence to the Mother House for her convalescence. This was a
severe trial, but not the last they had to undergo in extending
238 Schools Outside the City of Saxta Fe.
their beneficial work to the missions of Santa Fe before there
were facilities for transportation as we have them at the present
time. We speak here of October 31, 1864.
At this date we were coming from Santa Fe with some
Sisters as an addition to those already established at Mora. We
passed Sapello late in the afternoon, and with aU appearances of
bad weather for the night, but the Sisters had a good covered
wagon, and we intended to reach Mora for the feast of All Saints,
even by traveling at night. The distance was twenty-seven
miles. We started against the good advice of the priest of
Sapello, the Rev. Francis Jouvenceau, who offered us the hos-
pitality of his house. For about an hour the weather was good,
when on a sudden it commenced to rain hard, and soon after,
to snow in great abundance. Before long the night became
dark, and the road hardly visible, when the horses stopped in a
ravine, and could not move ahead on account either of the deep
snow or of the slipper}' ground they had under their feet. This
had to be the end of the journey. After tying up our animals
to the surrounding trees we and our boy commenced to feel the
surrounding ground with our feet in order to find some sticks
of dry wood to build a fire. We succeeded, not without diffi-
culty, but the Sisters wrapped with blankets in their convey-
ance, refused to avail themselves of our fire. Our supper con-
sisted of some biscuits and apples which the Sisters furnished
us from their basket.
At this juncture we were summoned imperatively' to clear
the way, by Father Machebeuf, who was also going to Santa
Fe for a colony of Sisters for Denver. Great was the surprise
for both to meet in such a predicament, and more so for the
Father when he saw that he could not attempt to pursue his
way before da^'light, without exposing himself to the danger of
missing the road and going over some precipice. At last he
understood that he could not fight against the elements and de-
termined to accept the hospitality we could offer him. He had
room for us in his wagon, and the boys, with the blankets we
could spare, made it as comfortable as they could near the fire.
We had just commenced to slumber when we were startled by
a tremendous crash which was repeated several times by the
echo of the mountains. What was it ? It was nothing but the
Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. 239
snow whose weight had despoiled a large pine tree of all its
branches from top to bottom. Then commenced our fear for
the Sisters, whose wagon was between two or three of the same
trees. Fortunately, or rather providentially, the night went
on without any repetition of the dreadful noise.
The next morning early we started, not for Mora, our des-
tination, but for Sapello, in order to keep the feast of All
Saints. The snow had stopped falling, but we had it so deep
on the ground that, at every three or four steps, the horses re-
fused to pull as the snow became piled up in front of the axles,
and at ever>^ time we had to use a stick to remove the obstruc-
tion before we could make another start. It was, as can be
understood, a rather slow and painful way of traveling ; still
towards the evening we reached the house of Dn. Fernando
Nolan, about four miles from the starting point. This gentle-
man, a friend of ours, gave the best room he had to the Sisters
and treated us not as ordinary guests, but as we needed after a
long fast. We spent the night there, and the next day in the
afternoon, with the help of Mr. Nolan and some of his neigh-
bors on horseback, we made for Sapello, and the day after for
Mora by another road, out of the woods and less obstructed by
the snow.
When a priest was appointed to a parish, he was, at his
first appearance in it, given a reception, not very brilliant in
every case, but always cordial, and as good as circumstances
could afford. In the country places, the ceremony took place
generally in front of the chapel on the first occasion the priest
had to say mass in it. The principal actors were the fiddlers,
the guitar players, the drummer, some men with fire arms
and a poet whose duty it was to extemporize some crude com-
plimentary verses which did not always bear the stamp of
novelty. After this performance the priest might return the
compliment on the spot, and then proceed into the chapel for the
celebration of mass.
In some chapels, there were no bells to call the people ; in
these cases guns were fired oflf at the hour for mass. When
the chapel was too. far for the priest to go home for his
breakfast, he was always invited by some one of the inhabitants
of the place to a cup of coffee or something to eat, as might be
240 Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe.
preferred. The Mexican people have ahva3^s distinguished
themselves by their hospitality, not only to their priests, but to
any stranger who might come to their houses, even if they had
to beg from their neighbors to accommodate their guests.
On the 26th of October, 1863, the Right Rev. Bishop
Lamy, who had alread}' procured two Jesuit Fathers from Cali-
fornia for the missions of Arizona, started from Santa Fe with
one of his priests, the Rev. J. M. Coudert, in order to pay a
visit to these missionaries and to see the principal settlements
of the Territory'. From Albuquerque he took the northwestern
direction for Prescott, visiting at the same time the parish of
Cebolleta, the pueblo of Zuiii and other places of western New
Mexico. His Lordship reached Prescott toward the middle of
December, and remained in the neighborhood until after Christ-
mas day. From there he went b^^ Fort Mohave to Los Angeles,
where he spent a few days with the Right Rev. Bishop Amat,
and thence started for Tucson b}^ the way of La Paz, Weaver,
Salt River and Maricopa Wells.
The inhabited districts of what has since become the grow-
ing city of Prescott were then only small mining camps ; Wea-
ver was a gold placer worked by a few Mexican men ; still
there was activity ever3^where, and the miners looked contented
and entertained great hopes for the near future. The Bishop
and his priest reached Tucson on the 19th of March, just in
time to spend H0I5' Week in that tow-n. They found generous
hospitality, the Bishop in the house of W. S. Oury, and Father
Coudert in that of Dn. Juan Fernandez.
The two Jesuit Fathers, already mentioned, were the Revs.
Mesea and Bosco, the former residing in Tucson and the latter
in the San Xavier pueblo. They had succeeded Father Donato
Rogieri, an ex-Franciscan, who was killed, with two of his
companions, by the Apache Indians, at the hot springs of Vado
de Bigas in the State of Chihuahua, Mexico. This priest
worked faithfully for about three years in Tucson and San
Xavier del Bac. He laid in Tucson the foundations of the
church which was afterwards the pro-cathedral of the Vicar-
iate Apostolic of Arizona.
As the Jesuit Fathers had neither church nor residence of
their own in Tucson, they remained only a short time after the
--^'•^?^^
XXXVIII. Very Rev. E. Gerard, Vicar General,
Tucson, Ariz.
XXXIX & XL. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson, Ariz.
Schools Outside the City of Saxta Fe. 241
f
Bishop's visit. The people have kept a good remembrance of
their sta^^ among them ; the San Xavier Indians especially
were formerly fond of speaking of Father Mesea, as a man who
pleaded their cause with their agent, to get from him the agri-
cultural implements the}' needed, besides caring zealously for
their spiritual welfare.
In August, 1864, the Right Rev. Bishop of Santa Fe was
informed that the Jesuit Fathers had been recalled b^' their Su-
perior, and that Arizona was left without priests to care for the
spiritual wants of its people. As the mission was considered a
ver>' dangerous one on account of the Apache Indians scattered
all over its territory, the good Prelate felt reluctant to send to
it any of his priests authoritatively. What he did was to ex-
press his desire that some of them would volunteer for it. Out
of three who offered themselves for the distant and dangerous
mission, two were accepted, viz. : Rev. Peter Lassaigne and
Rev. Peter Bernal. The third was kept back on account of two
schools he was actualty engaged in building in the parish of
Mora and which had not yet reached their completion. It took
onh' a few da3'S to have the two priests ready for their joiirne}'.
The distance between Santa Fe and Tucson was six hundred
miles. The half of it was traveled in stage without difficult}',
but from Las Cruces, where they left the stage, the mission-
aries could not find any facilitv' for going farther in the direc-
tion of Arizona. All travel had been stopped for fear of the
Apaches who were reported to be roaming in that portion of
the country-. The priests offered a good sum of money for
horses and a guide, but nobody would risk his life for the sake
of any money. At last, after three weeks' waiting for an op-
portunity- which did not present itself, the Rev. gentlemen had
to return to Santa Fe.
16
CHAPTER Vlir.
Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona.
The danger from the Indians between Santa Fe and TuC'
son was ahvaj-s the same ; but time was going rapidly bj- and
the Bishop growing more and more anxious ever}' day for the
portion of his flock which remained without priests. At this
juncture the parish priest of Mora was reminded of the promise
he had made, the year previous, of his services for the missions
of Arizona. Bishop Lamy joined to him the Revds. Francis
Boucard and Patrick Birmingham, and Mr. Vincent, a young
man as school teacher. The four were provided with saddle
horses and a four horse wagon driven by a Mexican man to
carry the baggage and provisions. Thus equipped, the small
party started on their long journey in the afternoon of the 6th
of January 1866.
Measures had been taken, as far as possible, for the safety'
of the missionaries. At the request of the Rt. Rev. Bishop,
General Carleton, commanding Fort Marcy at Santa Fe, was
kind enough to furnish an escort to the missionaries as far aS
Bowie, the Hmit of his department. The first day, the party
went to Juana L,opez ranch, about eighteen miles from Santa
Fe, where they stopped for the night at Dn. Nicolas Pino's
house. The next day, January' the 7th, they reached near
Algodones when it was already dark. There they were caught
by a heavy rainstorm accompanied by continuous flashes of
lightning and peals of thunder. It was necessar>^ then, to
hurry up for the houses where we stopped for the night, though
we had intended to reach Bernalillo, some eight miles further
Missionaries Sext From Santa Fe to Arizona. 243
on. Such a storm in January' looked rather uniisual, and still
more unusual looked the long aigrettes of electricity which
shone without interruption on the ears of the horses, a thing
which occurs sometimes in the dr>' climate of New Mexico, but
which was unknown to us thus far. Adding to that the dark-
ness of the night and the roaring of the swollen Rio Grande,
whose w-aves ran close by, everj'thing contributed to make it
seem weird and ominous. Was not all that enough to remind
travelers of what their friends had told them, to prevent them
from going to Arizona, namely, that they were going to certain
death ? Indeed the elements seemed to be against us. It was
perhaps what ever>^ one said to himself, but none had much op-
portunity to express at the time his inmost impressions, as it was
necessarv^ to make haste for a shelter. Having found a good
house where to stop, we had a fair night's rest, and the next
da}^ the sun rose radiant as if to sa^' to us : *'Do not fear,
timid men, trials have onty their time."
January' the 8th was really a beautiful da}', which was
employed in going to Tome, where the Rev. J. B. Ralliere,
gave us generous and cordial hospitality. It was at Pinos, in
the parish of Tome, that we could procure the first escort, but
on the advice of Father Ralliere, we determined not to take it
as there were for a long distance along the river settlements
enough to make it safe for us. The Rev. J. B. Ralliere, who
had been notified of the coming part}', had already made ar-
rangements to join it, with Rev. Benedict Bernard, the parish
priest of Socorro, and go with it as far as Fort Selden.
Socorro was made the station for the night of January' 9th.
and that night was found very short owing to the joviality of
the Revds. Ralliere and Bernard, who kept us pleasantly awake
until nearly midnight. In those old days, when some priests
met together, it was made the occasion of a fraternal festival.
On the loth, after breakfast, the little caravan, to which
Rev. Bernard joined himself, started for Paraje, about thirty five
miles down the river. There it was customar}^ for travelers to
stop twenty-four hours, to feed their animals and prepare them
for the crossing of the "Jornada del Muerto", a distance of
ninety miles without water, except when it rained for some time.
Jornada in Spanish means a day's travel, but required the
244 Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Akizova.
night also. Muerto means dead, ven^ likely somebody was
found dead on the way through the Jornada. There was, how-
ever, a possibility of having water bj^ going for it to Camp
McRae, which made the road easier for the horses, though about
twenty-five miles longer. This plan we accepted as the safest.
McRae was on the Rio Grande, about twenty miles below
Fort Craig. There we arrived on the 1 2th of January, in the
afternoon, and were given a cordial reception by the commanding
officer. Captain French, who supplied us with choice fresh
provisions before we left the Post.
January 13th early the caravan was marching again. Late
at night we stopped for a few hours without water, in the
Jornada, in order to rest the horses. The next morning be-
fore daybreak, the camp was raised and the march resumed for
Fort Selden, at the end of the Jornada, where a good rest for
men and horses was contemplated before going any farther.
Those of the party who traveled on horseback pushed ahead
at daylight, leaving behind their wagon with the driver and a
few men who had arrived at the camp during the night. No-
body suspected any danger, as nothing could be seen on the
plain, as far as the eye could reach. Still, the missionaries had
hardly traveled a couple of hours, when they discovered five
mounted Indians coming to them rapidly in an oblique direction.
The Rev. Gentlemen were badlj' prepared to resist an attack,
and what they instinctively did was to gallop for their lives,
keeping to the trail. The Indians, probably, considered they
had been noticed too soon to be able to accomplish what they
intended, that is to say, to take bj^ surprise, and turned back,
to the great satisfaction of the missionaries. They in fact, had
only two firearms, and in their hurry to make good time in
their flight, did not even think of making use of them.
The danger over, they admitted the^^ had been very imprudent
in leaving their w^agon and men behind, and resolved to profit
by the lesson for another time. Thej^ judged by the direction
the Indians had taken, that there would be no danger for those
who came after them, and went on quietly to Selden, which
they reached onlj^ a few hours ahead of their wagon.
Undoubtedly the missionaries would have been kindly re-
ceived at the Post without any recommendation, but still warmer
MissioxARiES Sext From Saxta Fe to Arizoxa. 245
was their reception on account of the letters they had to present
from General Carleton. Having to spend Sunday at the Post,
one of the priests said mass, at which assisted at least the Cath-
olic soldiers who were not prevented by actual duty.
An escort was ready for the travelers on the 17th. It con-
sisted of twenty men, who were detailed to reconnoitre the road
as far as Fort Commins. The missionaries could not wish for
any better, as it was exactly the road they had to follow. It took
some time to cross the river at Selden ; still the Magdalena camp,
about thirty miles distant, was made before dark. A station
has been established since at that place, where water can be had ;
while before, it was only in the rainy season that traveling
people could hope to find any water. For the time being,
the soldiers had brought an ample supply of it, not only for the
men but also for the animals. The missionaries had to cook for
themselves, but their horses were taken care of with those of
the soldiers at night.
The next day, January i8th, it was only at 10 o'clock p.
m. that the party arrived at Fort Commins at the foot of Cook's
Peak. As it was too late to look for Shelter in the houses of
the Post, the whole party camped near an abundant spring
called Cook's Spring, after the name of an American ofQcer,
Captain Cook, who in 1846 was sent from Santa Fe by General
Kearney to join the American troops in California, and who
was the first to make his way through the mountains.
On the 19th the missionaries started from Commins with a
new escort for Rio Mimbres, a distance of eighteen miles
through Cook's Mountains. There commenced the real danger
from the Indians on the whole of the road from this point to
Tucson, a distance of about 260 miles. The soldiers of the
escort were visibly afraid to go through the mountains by a nar-
row craggy cafion about ten miles in length. They spoke of
several people having been killed of late by the Indians on that
same road, but their fears were greatly increased when they
discovered on the sand some footprints which they took for
Indian tracks. All went ahead, however, with caution, and
their eyes scanned every bush and rock along the road until
the dreaded caiion was left behind without accident or notable
incident. Early in the afternoon the caravan arrived in the
246 ' MissioxARiES Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona.
vicinit}- of the Rio Mimbres, where some soldiers had been
temporaril}' stationed for the protection of traveling people who
had to camp there for water. Near the soldier's tent was a
merchant from El Paso, Mexico, Mr. Davis, who was going to
Arizona with some wagons loaded with merchandise. This
man had crossed Cook's Mountain the night before, and the
tracks the men of our escort saw on the road were no others
but those of the men who drove Mr. Davis' wagons. It was
like a stroke of good fortune for the missionaries to see their
number increased by five or six men for the remainder of their
journey'.
January' 20, the start was made for "Ojo de la Vaca," Cow
Spring, eighteen miles distant, without any kind of trees on
the trail, which made it so much more pleasant for the travel-
ers, as they could see far enough to avoid an3' surprise from the
Indians.
On the 2ist the caravan made toward Soldiers' Farewell,
an old station of the overland mail, in the "Sierra de las Bur-
ras, ' ' Burro Mountain. The place is a dangerous one on account
of the many ravines bj' which it is cut and the brush in which
the Indians can easily hide themselves. Still it had to be made
the station for the night, as the next water was at least twenty
miles farther on.
January 2 2d the caravan reached "Las Playas," the shores,
another abandaned station of the overland mail route where no
water could be had except from some low places where rain
water remained for want of an outlet. The name of Playas, or
shores, comes evidently from the long stretches of bare argilla-
ceous land which lie around the place and which, seen from a
distance under the rays of the sun, represent either lakes or
sand}' shores. The semblance of the lakes is produced by an
effect of the mirage.
From Las Pla3^as the journey was made, on the 23d, to
San Simon, by the way of Stein's Peaks, a road which was
opened in 1857 or '58 by Major Stein, going from New Mexico
to Arizona. The canon to be followed between the peaks was
shorter than Cook's but deeper, and for this reason more dan-
gerous ; still it was passed without an^- trouble. San Simon is
the name of a verj- long valley lying between Stein's Peak and
Missionaries Sent Fkom Santa Fe to Arizona. 247
the Chiricahua mountains. There is plent}^ of rich land, but
not water enough to irrigate it.
January 24th the missionaries went to Fort Bowie, called
also Apache Pass, Mr. Davis remaining with his wagons outside
the limits of the Post. The garrison was composed mostly of
Mexican volunteers who had been stationed there after the
war, under the command of Major O' Gorman. The escort
given b}^ General Carleton could not go an}^ farther, as it had
reached the limit of the Santa Fe military department, but the
Major kindly extended the same favor to the missionaries, pro-
vided thej^ would Wait until the saine men could escort at the
same time a freighter who had come from Tucson with provis-
ions for the Post, and was preparing to return home with his
wagons. The delay was only three days. Meanwhile the
commanding officer kept the travelers as his own guests, and
though not a Catholic himself, he was full of attentions for
them, and gave them the use of the hospital tent to say mass
for the soldiers. During the stay at Bowie the Rev. J. B. Sal-
pointe was able to assist a dying man. Captain Tapia from
Santa Fe, and give him the last sacraments of the Church.
On the 27th the escort was read}^ and the start was de-
termined for I o'clock p. m. , just early enough to get out of
the mountain with the wagons before dark and to select a place
for the camp. On that occasion no fire was lit in order not to
attract the attention of the Indians who were supposed to be in
the neighborhood. The caravan had become now a strong one,
with the addition of the freighters from Tucson and his men ;
the size of the wagons was also for the party a protection against
an attack from the Indians in case they might come.
The next day, January 28th, the drive was an easy one,
about twenty-five miles of hard road and down hill to Sulphur
Spring. This was another dangerous place, as on account of
its permanent water the Indians, traveling between Sonora and
New Mexico, would always come to it. It was necessary^ to
watch closely the whole night, though there were in the camp
men in sufficient number to inspire some respect in a small
band of Indians.
On the 29th, the camp for the night was made at Dragoon
Mountain, without water for the animals, and for this reason
I
248 ^IissiONARiES Sent From Santa Fe to Arizoxa,
the start from this place was effected early the next mornmg in
order to reach the San Pedro river so much sooner. At the
crossing of the river there was a small adobe house, used at
times by a picket of soldiers, and when vacant by travelers, who
could spend a few hours in the shade of its roof. The same
place has become one of the S. P. R. R. stations, taking the
name of Benson. From there starts a branch of the A. T. R.
R. for Sonora, Mexico.
As there were grass and water, the animals were given a
good rest, as also at Cienega de los Pimas, about thirtA'-two
miles from San Pedro. Cienega is now another station of the
S. P. R. R. , and is known b3' the name of Pantano, which,
like Cienega, means a swampy place. It is at Cienega that the
missionaries saw for the first time the "Sahuaro" or Giant
Cactus, which grows very abundantlj^ in all the Southern part
of Arizona. In fact, from the Dragoon Mountain going to the
San Pedro river, there could be noticed a change of flora in
the country. The Mesquite, Prosopis Juliflora, which in the
Southern part of New Mexico very seldom leaves the shape of
a scrubby small tree, was seen a robust large tree in the valley
of Cienega de los Pimas. On the dry rocky hills, which bor-
dered the valle)^ appeared here and there, the "Ocotillo,"
Touqueria Splendens, consisting of a number of thorn j- branches
from six to ten feet high, without any leaves, except in March,
when its tops are ornamented with pinnacles of very brilliant
red flowers. Here and there appears also the "Palo Verde,"
Cercidium Floridum, and ever3^where a large quantity of varied
low cacti and yucas.
From Cienega, on the 6th day of Februar^^ the march was
resumed only for thirteen miles through a bad canon of about
five miles, where a few weeks before, a traveling German family
had been killed b}^ the Apaches.
The next day, February 7th, at about 10 a. m., the cara-
van reached Tucson. The soldiers went to the military' post of
the town, and the missionaries left their wagon and horses in
charge of their servant, at some distance from the houses, until
they should ascertain where they could stop. They called on
W. S. Oury, for whom they had a letter of recommendation
from the Bishop of Santa Fe. This gentleman had no room to
1
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CHAPTER IX.
The Missionaries Commence Their Work in Arizona.
On their arrival at Tucson, the priests sent from Santa Fe
took their destinations according to what had been determined
by their Bishop, Right Rev. J. B. Lamy. The Rev. J. B. Sal-
pointe had been sent as parish priest of Tucson, with the facul-
ties of Vicar Forane for the Territory ; the Rev. Francis
Boucard, as assistant priest of Tucson, and the Rev. Patrick
Birmingham as parish priest of Gila City, whose name has been
changed since into that of Yuma. After a couple of weeks
spent in Tucson, the Rev. J. B. Salpointe started for Yuma in
order to put Father Birmingham in possession of the parish as-
signed to him by the Bishop. Meanwhile Rev. Boucard re-
mained in Tucson, having at the same time, to attend to the
San Xavier Mission. The journey to Yuma was made on
horseback, and mostly by night, in order to avoid the heat
of the day. The distance was 300 miles. At about eighty
miles from Tucson were seen numerous small villages of the
Pima Indians, at a short distance from the Gila river.
In 1866 Tucson numbered about six hundred inhabitants,
almost all Mexicans. There was no other church but the small
house spoken of before, which Father Machebeuf had used as a
chapel at the time of his visit to Arizona in 1859. As already
stated also, a church had been commenced in the town by
Father Donate Reghieri. The two Jesuit Fathers who suc-
ceeded this priest had some work done on the same building,
but left it unfinished, the walls being only eight or nine feet
MissioxARiES IN Arizoxa. 251
high. The first care of the priest recently- put in charge of the
parish was to see how he could have the church completed.
He found in the inhabitants a truly good disposition to help
him in this work. Contributions w^ere asked again and again,
and what they brought was enough to have the walls of the
structure raised to a suitable height. This was only the easiest
part of the work. The real difficulty consisted in providing
the building with a roof, and to think of purchasing the neces-
sary quantity of lumber at 25 cents a foot, would have been
simply thinking of an impossibility, as the people had already
overtaxed themselves for the building of the walls.
At the request of the priest a few men volunteered to go
with their wagons to the Santa Rita mountain, about twenty-
five miles southeast of Tucson, to ascertain whether good tim-
ber could be had from there or not. On the appointed day,
five men, having the parish priest at their head, started for the
mountain. The next day, they reached as far as the road
would permit, and from this point it could be seen that there
were plenty of good pine trees, but all far up on the tops of
the peaks, and no practicable way could be found to bring
them down to where they could be loaded on the wagons. For
this reason the expedition failed almost entirely, though it was
thought that another trial, with a suitable force of men, might
prove successful. The wagons were loaded with whatever
pieces of lumber could be cut in the vicinity of the camp, and
the party moved at once for the return to Tucson. After con-
sideration, the project of a new attempt in the Santa Rita moun-
tain had to be abandoned, as it would be too expensive to build
practicable roads.
In the meantime, the warm season had broken out, and it
was felt that the house thus far used as a church, was untena-
ble during the holy offices. It became then necessary' to have
a kind of temporary roof laid on the sanctuary of the new
church, so that masses could be said early on Sundays with
more comfort for the priests and for the faithful.
On his return from Gila City the Rev. Salpointe went to
San Xavier to install Mr. Vincent in the functions of teacher
for the Papago Indians. The school lasted only a few months,
owing to the carelessness of the Indians in regards to the edu-
252 Mission ARIES in Arizona.
cation of their children. The teacher was then removed to
Tucson, where there appeared better prospects for a good school.
Indeed, Mr. Vincent found there pupils enough to occup3^ his
time. The onty difficulty was that the school had to be taught,
for a time, in the priests' house, which consisted of but one
room 15 b)' 22 feet and a little alcove. For about six months
the room had to be used alternately as parlor and school room,
and sometimes as dormitor^^ when the weather did not allow
sleeping out doors. The furniture of the priests' house com-
prised three chairs, a writing table and a pigeon hole case for
papers, the w'hole of which had been left in care of W. S. Our^^
by Father Bosco, for his successors. The bedding articles of
the missionaries were as 3'et the blankets they had brought for
camping out, and these could be easily rolled up and placed in
the alcove for the day time.
Four months had elapsed since Rev. Birmingham had been
stationed at Gila City and nothing had been heard of him.
The lack of a regular mail service was thought to be the explana-
tion of this protracted silence ; but at last, news came that the
priest had left his mission on account of sickness and gone to
California in order to improve his health. This was a reason
for the Rev. Salpointe to look for the first opportunity of a
caravan and to start for Gila Citj^ leaving, as before, the Rev.
Boucard in charge of Tucson and of San Xavier. He reached
the mission on Sunday morning after seven days of travel,
mostly on horseback. He said mass and preached as usual,
but felt sick in the afternoon with chills and fever, a disease
which verj' likely he had brought from Tucson, where it pre-
vailed, and which kept him four months in the localit5\ Dur-
ing this length of time, the priest was given hospitalit}^ and all
possible care in the house of Joseph M. Redondo, one of the
principal citizens of the place. The missionary- thought seri-
ously that he could not get over the sickness, which was in-
creasing in him every day, and had no desire but an opportun-
ity for making his confession and receiving the last sacraments
of the Church before departing from this world ; but he could
not even entertain any hope for such a blessing, as he was sepa-
rated from all priests by 300 miles of dangerous roads, almost
without communications.
Missionaries ix Arizona. 253
At last the fever subsided, and after a short convalescence,
the priest was able to leave on horseback for a visit to L,a Paz,
an inhabited place about 75 miles above Gila City, on the
Colorado river. During his stay at Gila City the Rev.
Salpointe had a flat roof put on a small chapel, the walls of
which had been built by the people at the request and under
the direction of the Rev. Birmingham. The population of
this localit}^ was about 1,000 inhabitants; the town owed its
start to the discover^' of gold placers made in May 1854 at
Laguna and at Picacho, fifteen and twenty miles respectively
from the town. The first settlers of this part of the countrj^
after the discovery of the placers, were the Redondo and the
Contreras families, who had already worked in the California
mines.
La Paz, which was founded at about the same time as
Gila Cit}', counted in 1866 a little over 400 inhabitants. It had
been a prosperous mining town, but, at the date just mentioned,
the mines and placers were exhausted, and the people who
remained there yet had to depend for their living mostly on
cattle raising and cutting wood for the steam boats, which ran
on the Colorado by the place, down to the Gulf of California.
In 1867 was commenced, on the church block at Tuc-
son, a school house which was to be occupied bj' the Sisters
of St. Joseph. This building, as far as the walls were concerned,
was put up in a short time with no more difficulty than
for the walls of the church. Everyone contributed willingly
either money or work for the school, as they had done for the
church. But the trouble was, as for the church, to find means
for the roofing of the house. Here, however, the church was
greatly benefited by the school, as the inhabitants, irrespective
of religious convictions, were all desirous of having the Sisters'
school started as soon as possible. Nobody objected to the taking
up of a new collection for the purpose of procuring lumber for
the covering of church and school. This work was entrusted
to a gang of eighteen men, who, for a stated price took on
themselves to go to the mountain and cut the necessary lumber
wherever they could find it.
The lumber was prepared in the Huachuca mountain, about
eighty miles from Tucson, where there was an easier access to
254 Missionaries in Arizona.
the pine woods than there was at Santa Rita. But, as a proof
that the works of God must be tried in many different ways
before success can be reached for them, there also arose an-
other trouble. The lumber was ready, but wagons could not
be easil}^ procured to send at once for it, and the Apaches
were only waiting for the departure of the workmen from their
camp to burn the lumber that had been prepared. It became
then necessary to look for wagons, and to send them before the
coming of the workmen, to move the lumber a distance of
twelve or fifteen miles to Camp Wallen, where it would be put
under the care of the soldiers until some good opportunity could
be found to have it brought to Tucson. This opportunity was
offered by the firm of Tully & Ochoa, as soon as they had to
carry provisions to Camp Wallen. The so long wished for
material was at last brought to Tucson towards the end of 1868
and delivered, free of charge, where it was needed. The church
was covered first ; as for the school, the Sisters who were to
take charge of it could not come before May, 1870, and this
delay gave plenty of time to complete their house before their
commg.
CHAPTER X.
What Means of Support Had the Priests in Arizona ?
The life of the priests in Arizona, for some 3'ears from
1866, was one of hard work and privation. The frequent and
long journeA'S in a country infested by wild Indians made it
dangerous for them even to go a few miles out of their resi-
dence. Whenever the mail came in, it brought invaria-
bly the news of people having been murdered here or there
by the Apaches, so that, when a journey had to be undertaken,
one would think of it for days and weeks in advance, fearing
that he might not come back to his home. This was expressed
by a missionarj' who used to saj^ : ' 'When I have to leave my
house for a visit to the distant settlements of my missions, I
write to my mother as if it were for the last time. ' '
Speaking for himself, the writer of these notes, who, dur-
ing the nineteen 3'ears he spent in Arizona, had to travel in all
directions through the Territory', alwa)"S experienced a kind of
painful apprehension for a few da^'s before starting on a long
journey ; though he must say, he had never an}- trouble from
the Indians in Arizona. He saw their tracks on the roads ;
he was told once by a mail carrier that he (the missionary') had
been followed bj' the Apaches two nights and one day, but was
not attacked, ver^' likely because he was known to the savages,
who did not wish to kill him, but were looking for an oppor-
tunity to steal his horses without being noticed. Other mis-
sionaries, and especialty Rev. Boucard, found themselves in
great danger ; still none of them had to suffer by it since 1866.
256 What Support Had the Arizona Priests ?
Indeed they must acknowledge that there has been a special
Providence watching over them.
At home the priests were safe as regards attacks from the
Apache Indians, but thej^ had sometimes to fight against pov-
erty. The country was ver)^ sparseh' settled, poor, and desola-
ted by the incessant raids of the savages, and in man}^ localities,
by the scourging shaking fever.
This disease was not new in the country ; it was mentioned
in 1762 b}^ the author of the "Rudo Ensa^'o" under the name
of the "vomito amarillo, " 3^ellow vomit, as the plague of the
province of Sonora, except along the Gila and Colorado rivers.
This, says the same missionary', must not be assigned to the
climate, which is dry and good, "but to the bad condition of
the water the inhabitants had to make use of for drinking pur-
poses, which comes generally from swampj' places and runs by
shady bottom lands where it must take noxious substances."
Against the disease Father Och used with success the bark of
the orange tree made dust and taken in a cup of "atole," or
corn meal.
This disease, or the shaking fever as it was called later,
was brought and propagated into Arizona in 1866 by the com-
ing from Sonora of many poor people who fled from their coun-
try on account of the war after the intervention of France. The
places which suffered most from this fever were Tucson,
San Xavier, Tubac and the San Pedro settlements. From
1869 the plague abated sensibly, so that in 1870 there were only
some scattered cases of it. It is useless to say that during the
three 5'ears of the disease, the work of the priests was almost
incessant, either for sick calls or for accompanj'ing the dead to
the graveyard.
The people were generally inclined to help their priests,
but knowing the circumstances in which they were, the mis-
sionaries refrained from asking anj'thing for themselves, except
when it was absolutely necessary. Those located at Tucson
had for two years to depend for their personal expenses mostly
on what they had saved of the money they had received from
their Bishop for their journey to Arizona. It must be said,
though, that these priests were not extravagant in their way of
living. Very often they cooked for themselves ; for beds they
What Support Had the Arizona Priests ? 257
had the clay floor of their room or of the 3'ard, and the blankets
they had brought from New Mexico. When they had to visit
the scattered settlements, it was necessary for them to wait until
some other people would have to travel in the same direction,
as they could not afford, many times, to hire a man to accom-
pany them. The scarcity of material resources was felt espe-
cialty, even later, by the priests who had to start new missions.
In 1866 the Bishop of Santa Fe, after the Second Plenary
Council of Baltimore, started from that city with his secretary
Rev. J. M. Coudert, for a journey to Rome. There he had an
interview with the General Prefect of the Society of Jesus, Rev.
Father Beckx, and obtained from him three Fathers and two
Brothers for the missions of New Mexico. These were Fathers
Livio Viligante, Rafael Bianchi and Conato AI. Gaspari ; Broth-
ers Prisco Casso and Rafael Vezza. The Bishop brought at the
same time some secular priests and students for the priesthood
from Europe. He took also some Sisters of L,oretto from Ken-
tucky for the house of Santa Fe.
The Bishop looked for a good caravan before attempting
to cross the plains of Kansas, because it was known that several
parties of hostile Indians were along the road. Before long he
found one, strong enough in appearance, to stand all attacks
from the Indians. In fact, for a number of days the journey
was effected without any trouble, though some Indians with
signs of hostilit3% could be seen at times, not far from the road.
Meantime news reached the caravan that another traveling
party, some distance ahead, had been attacked and had suffered
a pretty heavy loss at the hands of the roaming savages. On
the 2 2d of July 1867, the caravan arrived at the crossing of the
Arkansas river, where it was surrounded by a great number of
Indians and had to resist their attack. Fortunately the wagons
were yet moving and could be arranged so as to form a ' 'corral,
or enclosure in which men and animals could be protected.
The Comanche Indians, as customars' with them, did not
rush on the camp, but ran swiftly around in a line one after
the other, shooting at the same time as closely as they could.
As a matter of course, the compliment was duly returned by
the men of the caravan, who were better supplied than their
aggressors with guns of precision and far reaching range. Dur-
258 What Support Had the Arizoxa Priests ?
ing the fight, which lasted about three hours, the Sisters were
in a wagon, pra3''ing and taking care of one of their number
who had been for some daj^s before too sick to notice what was
going on. The Indians roamed for some time around the camp,
but at last went back, when they saw that they could not have
the advantage. The sick Sister died on the 24th, after the
crossing of the Arkansas river, and was buried on the evening
of the same daj^ as it was impossible to take her remains to
Santa Fe.
On their arrival at Santa Fe, the Jesuit Fathers were given
for their residence BernaHUo, which was considered one of the
best parishes in the diocese, but they remained there only until
1869, when they obtained the Bishop's consent to exchange
Bernalillo for Albuquerque, where they have resided since.
CHAPTER XI.
The Territory of Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostoi^ic.
In 1868, September 25th, the Territory of Arizona was made
a Vicariate Apostolic. The Bishop-elect, Rev. J. B. Salpointe,
determined to go to Europe for his episcopal consecration, and
had in view, at the same time, to look for some missionaries, so
badly needed in the missions which were assigned to him. As
stated before, there was only another priest, the Rev. F.
Jouvenceau, who resided at Gila City. This was the reason
why the Bishop-elect had to postpone his journey to Europe,
until he could secure another priest who would remain in
Arizona with Rev. Jouvenceau during his absence. Early in
1869 he received one from New Mexico, the Rev. Francis
Eestra, whom he sent to Gila Cit}' in the stead of Rev.
Jouvenceau, called to take charge of the parish of Tucson.
The Bishop-elect was then read}'' to start on his journey.
He went from Tucson to Eas Cruces, where he met the Right
Rev. Bishop Eamy, who was there engaged on a pastoral
visitation, and who took him to Santa Fe in his carriage. From
Santa Fe he went by stage to Sheridan, on the plains, then the
western terminus of the A. T. R. R. Staging was, in one way,
preferable to the slow moving caravans, as it saved time ; but
to endure its jerkings for seven consecutive da3's and
nights was rather trjdng even on strong constitutions. The
next day the travelers took the cars and no longer remembered
their past fatigue.
On his arrival in France, the Bishop-elect went directly to
the Bishop of his native diocese, the Right Rev. and Venerable
260 Akizoxa 3Iade a Vic.vriate Apostolic.
Louis C. Feron, Bishop of Clermont Ferrand, to ask him to be
his cotisecrator. The in\'itation was prompted by a sense of
gratitude on the part of the Bishop-elect, as he had received
the sacrament of confirmation and all the sacred orders fromi
Monseigneur Feron, and the Prelate accepted it as a great
honor. The day selected for the ceremony was the 20th of
June, which was Sunday. The assistant Bishops were Right
Rev. Lebreton, Bishop of Le Puy, France, and Right Rev. Du-
buis, Bishop of Galveston. Texas. There is no need to say
that after the religious celebration, good Bishop Feron had a
grand dinner at which assisted all the ecclesiastical, ci\-il and
military' dignitaries of the city.
The newly consecrated Bishop, ha\-ing enjoyed the hospital-
its' of the Bishop of Clermont at different times during his stay in
Europe, had spoken of the scarcity of priests in his missions.
After his consecration he told his consecrator that six seminar-
ians of the diocese had volunteered for the far awaj' missions
of Arizona, pro\nded the Bishop would not oppose the project.
Indeed the venerable Prelate was too much of a gentleman to
oppose the project in which his honored guest was interested
and he gave his consent at once.
Ha\-ing secured these subjects, the \'icar Apostolic left
them in the seminan,' at their studies until he should come back
from his visit "ad limina Apostolorum. " He had the pleasure
of making his journey to Rome with the \'icar ApostoUc of
Colorado, Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, who had just arrived in
France, also for the purpose of procuring priests for his mis-
sions. The}- asked a common audience from Pope Pius IX.,
who received them kindly, and inquired about the extent
of the territor\-, the population, and many things concerning
religion in the new Vicariates. In the same audience the Holy
Father, ha\-ing been apprised of the scarcity* of priests in
Arizona as in Colorado, ver\' wiUingly dispensed the two new
Bishops from the obligation of remaining in Rome for the
Vatican Council.
It was not until the end of 1S69 that Bishop Salpointe
could leave France with his six missionaries from Clermont Fer-
rand. These were : the Revds. Peter Bourgade, now the
Bishop of Tucson diocese, Anthony Jouvenceau, Agustin
Arizon-a Made a Vicariate Apostolic. 261
Morin, Agustiti Baraard, John Chaucot and Andrew Escallier.
At the same time Rev. Peter Lassaigne came from New Mexico,
with permission of the ecclesiastical authority', to join the clergy
of Arizona. The Vicar Apostolic had been absent about eleven
months when he returned to Tucson in January 1870. During
his absence the parish priest of Tucson, Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau,
had the Sisters' school-house roofed and plastered inside, and
another house, for a bo^-s' school, built on a good corner
lot, which he had purchased near the church. Rev. F. X.
Jouvenceau, who is now the chaplain of St. Mar\-'s hospital
and Orphan As^-lum of Tucson, has been always a great worker
and has effected much good in Arizona as he had done before
at Sapello in New Mexico. It was in 1869 that, while in
France, the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona procured for the Bishop
of Santa Fe the architect P. Monly, who came to New Mexico
with some experienced stone cutters to begin building the
cathedral of Santa Fe. As Bishop Lamy had made it a rule
not to spend for his church more than what he could get every
year, either from the Propagation of the Faith or from contri-
butions collected in the diocese, the work of building this
church, unfinished as it was left, was interrupted several times,
until in 1885 it was entirety stopped for want of means to com-
plete it. The structure, built entireh* with dressed stone in
the pure Roman st3'le, lacks the cupola, the sanctuary' and
chapels, as also the top of the towers ; still it is used for di\4ne
sen-ices and proves to be large enough to accommodate the
present Catholic population of the cit\-,
The Vicariate of Arizona at the time of its creation com-
prised the Territorj' of that name and the parish of Las Cruces
in New Mexico. Soon after the parish of Mesilla, also in New
Mexico, and those of Isleta and San Elzeario of El Paso
Counts', Texas, were added to the Vicariate by decision of the
Holy See. These parishes, with the exception of Las Cruces,
had been under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Durango. Mexico.
The Decree ordering the change had come from Rome to the
Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, but nothing was heard from Durango
to make it effective. After waiting several months, the Vicar
started for Durango in order to settle the matter with the Bishop
of that city. His Lordship happened to be absent for an in-
262 Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic.
definite length of time over 400 miles from his residence and,
owing to the difficult}^ of traveling in Mexico, and the lack of
regular facilities of communication b^'mail, the journey became
of no avail. The Vicar Apostolic returned to his missions,
thinking that the Mexican Prelate would find the papers from
Rome on his coming back to Durango, and dismiss the parishes
mentioned in the Pontifical Decree.
In the meantime the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona stopped at
Las Cruces, where he expected the Sisters of Loretto for the
opening of a school in that town. The school was started in a
rented house, which very soon proved too small for the
accommodation of the number of pupils attending. It then
became necessary' to look for another property. The best that
could be found had not the required buildings but admitted of
easy alterations for the purpose in view. It was bought by the
Vicar Apostolic, and it is on it that little by little, the Sisters
have built a large house, one of the best in the town.
In the same year 1870, Tularosa w^as made the center of a
parish, with Rev. P. Lassaigne as its pastor. The Rev. priest
succeeded in a few years in building there a good church and
a pastoral residence.
On Ascension day of the same 3^ear, the Sisters of St.
Joseph, to the great satisfaction of the clerg}' and citizens of
Tucson, arrived at that place, to open a school in the house
that had been built for them near the church, as stated before.
From the beginning the Sisters made their school a success, as it
was largely attended, and justty appreciated b}- eveiy^body.
The day these pious and devoted ladies came to Tucson was
considered with reason, by all the friends of education and
civilization, as the opening of a new era for Arizona. Indeed,
it has been easy for any impartial observer to notice the change
for the better that has been brought about gradual^ in the
country by their teachings and example.
As the Vicar Apostolic did not receive any letters from the
Bishop of Durango in regard to the decree of Rome enlarging
the limits of his Vicariate, he set out in 1871 for a second
journey to Durango, but again with no avail, as the Bishop had
received no direct information from the Holy See on the matter.
A few months later, however, the Mexican Prelate wrote that
Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. 263
the pontifical decree had been received at last, and transferred
the jurisdiction over the parishes already mentioned to the Vicar
Apostolic of Arizona toward the end of the year.
It was prett3^ hard on the Vicar Apostolic to have to go
twice to Durango to make good the limits of his jurisdiction,
and to keep in the meantime almost tnioccupied some of the
missionaries he had brought from France the j'ear before.
Still he could not actually blame the Bishop of Durango, who,
owing to the revolution which then existed in Mexico and
stopped all mail communications, had not received the letters
from Rome. There were at that time neither railroads nor
public stages running from Arizona or New Mexico to the in-
terior of the Mexican Republic. The only way to travel was
on horseback or in private conveyances. The country was
sparsely settled, and dangerous to go through on account of the
two political parties then at war against each other, and roam-
ing in bands, here and there around the settlements or ranches,
rather in search of something to eat than of their foes.
The Vicar Apostolic made his two journeys, about 3,200
miles, going and returning, in company with one of his priests
and a servant. It seemed to many Mexican people that it was
not safe to travel with so small a number ; still the travelers,
though scared enough on two occasions, went through without
any accident. Their means of transportation consisted of a
buggy for the Bishop and his priest, and a light spring wagon
to carry the little baggage and the victuals. No need to sa}^
that they had to cook for themselves and to camp out the most
of the nights. At some places, if they happened to meet the
landlord, "Dueno de Hacienda," they were invariably treated
as Senores, and sometimes with attentions which were onerous
as they obliged them to retard their progress. The round trip,
for each time, required fifty days for traveling alone.
The priests who were assigned to the parishes taken from
the diocese of Durango were : Rev. Agustin Morin, sent to La
Messilla, and Rev. Ruellan, a priest who had lately come from
Denver, to Isleta with charge of San Elzeario, both in El Paso
County, Texas.
In 1873 the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona bought at Las
Cruces a house in which he established a parochial school for
264 Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic.
bo3's under the direction of a priest, the Rev. N. Dommergue,
with a lay teacher, Dn. Clemente Ortiz. The house was after-
wards considerably enlarged with the view of making it a col-
lege for boarders, but it was almost entirely destroyed by a
waterspout flood in 1875. The Vicar Apostolic lost at the same
time a number of books which he had in the school house for
his own use when he had to staj^ in that part of his Vicariate.
In 1S74, the Sisters of St. Joseph were called by Agent R.
Wilbur, with permission from the Department of the Interior,
to teach a school at San Xavier for the Papago Indians. This
school, which at the beginning had to be taught through the
medium of an interpreter, was giving surprising results when,
on the ist of April, 1876, it was closed by order of the govern-
ment owing to the consoHdation of the Papago agency with
that of the Pimas.
In 1876, the Sisters of St. Joseph founded a novitiate of
their order at Mount St. Joseph, near Tucson. In a few years
it was ascertained that the number of vocations for the religious
life in this countrj^ was not sufficient to justify the existence of
the institution, and that it would be more advantageous to send
the postulants who might offer themselves, to the novitiate of
the Mother House at Carondelet, South St. Louis, for their
novitiate. The building was then turned to the use of the in-
valid Sisters of the community, as a retreat for rest. Later on,
under the administration of the Rt. Rev. P. Bourgade, the ex-
novitiate property has been made an orphan asj'lum, with about
thirty children cared for by the Sisters at their own expense.
The place is a very appropriate one, out of the town, and very
health^', with extensive play grounds and gardens, and what
astonishes the visitors is, that no State aid whatever is furnished
to the Sisters to extend the benefit of their institution and of
their kind attention to a greater number of poor destitute chil-
dren .
At about the same date (1876), the Sisters of St. Joseph
opened a school at Yuma in a good house built in that town
by the parish priest. Rev. J. Chaucot, and another one in Pres-
cott, built mostly at their own expense.
CHAPTER XIL
Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese.
By decree of Pope Pius IXv of February 12, 1875, Santa
Fe was erected into a Metropolitan See, and Bishop J. B. Lamy
made its Archbishop, with the Vicars Apostolic of Colorado
and of Arizona as suffragans. The Pallium was brought to
New York by His Excellence Monsignore Roncetti, who had
been delegated by the Holy Father to carry the cardinalistic
insignia to the Most Rev. Archbishop of New York, John Mc
Closkey, recently elevated to the cardinalate. As the illustrious
Ablegate, alread}'^ fatigued by his long journey from Rome, did
not care much about coming to Santa Fe to invest Archbishop
Lamy with the sacred Pallium, he availed himself of the pres-
ence of the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona in New York to subdel-
egate him^ with permission from Rome to that effect, for the
Santa Fe ceremony. This took place on the i6th of June, 1875,
in the house of the Christian Brothers, St. Michael's College,
where better accommodation for the people could be found
than in the old St. Francis' Cathedral. During mass, which
was celebrated by Bishop Machebeuf, two short addresses were
given, one by the Vicar General, Very Rev. Peter Eguillon in
Spanish, and one by the Vicar Apostolic of Denver in English.
Both were explanatory of the ceremony of the day, and were
listened to with great satisfaction by the large congregation.
When the time came, according to the rubrics, for the imposi-
tion of the Pallium, the Archbishop, kneeling before the altar,
had it placed on his shoulders while the proper formula was
266 Santa Fe Made an Archdiocesit^
read by the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, delegated for t&e
purpose.
It would take too long to describe the order of the proces-
sions, either before or after the ceremony ; the different Catho-
lic associations, the Brothers' and Sisters' schools with their
banners : suflBce it to say that the inhabitants of Santa Fe with
many people from all parts of the diocese worthily celebrated a
day never to be forgotten, a daj'^ marking a new epoch in the
histor>' of their venerable Church and making it a glorious
one. After the ceremony the people, headed by the college
bandr accompanied their Archbishop to his residence in the
same order as they had taken him to the college for the cere-
mony of the Pallium. A splendid dinner was served in the
Archbishop's garden, by the inhabitants of Santa Fe, to the
clergy and a large number of guests from among the laity of
the diocese.
In the same j'ear the Sisters of Loretto opened a school at
BernaUllo, in a house which was donated to them b)' Dn. Jose
Leandro Perea, a good Catholic and the leading man of the
locality.
The parish of La Mesa, twenty miles below Mesilla was
established in the same year 1875 with Rev. John Grange as
pastor, and that of San Elzeario, an old parish which, for a
time, had been consolidated with that of Isleta, was re-estab-
lished and entrusted to Rev. P. Bourgade, now the Bishop of
Tucson.
In 1876 the parochial school of San Agustin for boys at
Tucson, which had been kept in different houses from 1866,
was transferred to Stone Avenue, to a building bought by the
Vicar Apostolic for the sum of $3,000. The first repairs of the
building and the furniture of the school rooms were mostly
paid for by P. R. Tully, a merchant of the town, who has
always been a friend and a protector of Catholic education.
The school was entrusted to two experienced teachers.
In 1877 the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona started for a visit
to Colorado Chiquito, accompanied by Octaviano A. Larrasolo,
a young and brave bo}^ who was always ready to travel with
the Bishop, to help him in the camp and to serve mass where-
ever it could be said. There was hardly any possibility of
SxNTA Fe Made an Archdiocese. 267
going directly from Tucson to Colorado Chiquito. In order to
make it easier and safer, it was determined to go by the Rio
Grande road, which was at least three times longer, but which
■gave the Vicar Apostolic opportunity to visit the missions he
"had in the southern part of New Mexico and in El Paso County,
Texas. He started with his own conveyance and reached Rio
Grande in due time, not without good reasons for being afraid
of the Indians (when he got to Fort Bowie, he was told that
the Apaches had attacked the mail carrier near Shakespeare
the night before), but without being molested. After a visit
to the missions just mentioned, the Bishop and his young com-
panion took the road up the river about 240 miles as far as
Sabinal, where a guide had to be hired for the remainder of the
distance through the Navajo country. The Indians whom the
travelers met between Sabinal and Colorado Chiquito were
peaceable Navajos who had left the reserv^ation assigned by the
■government to their tribe and were taking care of their horses
and sheep outside of it. They had quite a long conversation
with the Bishop and promised to come in large numbers to the
same place for the day he told them he would return from Col-
orado Chiquito. The Bishop was faithful to the rendezvous,
but the Indians failed to be present for the reason, as it was as-
certained later, that the water having become too scarce, it had
been necessar^^ for them to move to another place. After visit-
ing the mission, which comprised only St. John's town and
Round Valley, thirty' miles up the river on the north side of
the White Mountain, the small party started back for Sabinal
by the same road. The only incident the travelers met with
was a water spout, which occasioned the breaking of their
buggv' pole and detained them the whole night in a canon, until
they could see how to repair their conveyance at daylight and
resume their march.
From Sabinal the \^icar Apostolic took the shortest road
for Silver City, where Rev. Anthony Jouvenceau, coming from
Las Cruces, was to meet him for the joiu-ney to Tucson. The
priest was there, and the first news he had to communicate to
his Bishop was, that the day before, he had helped the parish
priest to bury eleven persons who had been killed by the
Apaches in the Burro Mountain. This was the road the Bishop
268 Santa Fe Mace an ArcaDIOCESB,
and his party had to take. Inquiries were made to asceftaiil
whether any other people were to travel the same way, and it
was found out that a few men, well armed, would try to cross
the mountain b^- night the next day. It was thought that no
better opportunity^ could be expected, but these men had fresh
horses and from the start traveled so fast that the Bishop, who
had no previous understanding with them, was obliged to drop
behind with his small party. Still the mountain was crossed
without accident. From there the road went through an open
country and if there would have been any danger, it could be
seen in advance and precautions timely taken to avoid it.
April 25, 1878, the new chapel of the Sisters of Loretto at
Santa Fe was blessed b}' the Vicar General P. Eguillon, as-
sisted by the Revs. Truchard, parish priest of the Cathedral,
and Fathers Courbon, Seux, Valezy and Remuson.
The next year, July 2.3d, a colony of the Loretto Sisters
went to San Elzeario with Sister Mary Kostka as Superior, to
to open a school in a house built for the purpose by the zeal-
ous pastor of the parish, Rev. P. Bourgade.
In the same year, September i8th, the Sisters of the same
Order opened another school at Socorro, N. M., in a building
which was donated to them by the parish priest, Rev- Benedict
Bernard.
On the 15th of February 1879, was commenced the build-
ing of St. Mar>''s Hospital, near the novitiate of the Sisters of
St. Joseph, about a mile and a half from Tucson.
From 1866 to 1880 the population of Arizona had many
fluctuations. Ever^^ revolution that took place in the neigh-
boring States of the Mexican Republic would send to this country
a considerable number of people; but these, most of them at
least; had no intention of remaining, and moved back again as
soon as peace and order were re-established in their native
country. Some of them, however, settled here and there in
the Territor>'. It was, as of yore, for the settlers a war of Hfe
and death with the Apaches, and this condition lasted until the
Mexicans and the colonists prevailed bj^ their numbers over
the wild tribes. From 1880 immigration from the Eastern
states commenced, slowly, it is true, but steadily ; some mines
!^ANT\ Pe Made av ARcrrwocESE. 269
gave good results, and a new population sprung up in diflferent
sections of the country'.
On the 27th of January, 1880, Tucson had four or five
inches of snow on the ground. The case was so unusual that
it was made the occasion of a few hours' vacation for the j'oung
clerks of the stores. They also were entitled to have their
share in the throwing of snow balls at the passers-by, and es-
pecially at those who tried to object to the fun. March 17th,
1880, the first train of the S. P. R. R. arrived at Tucson.
The same 3'ear, 1880, the San Xavier Church was robbed of
two massive silver chalices, two gold cruets and a silver censer.
Value estimated at $270.
On April the 2 2d the church of Tucson was made the
theater of a wanton profanation by a crazy fanatic Helvetian.
In his madness the man threw the tabernacle on the floor of
the sanctuary, but fortunately its door stood the shock without
breaking open, the Via Crucis pictures were destroyed, the
candlesticks thrown here and there were broken or greatly
damaged, the relics scattered and the statue of St. Augustine,
the diocesan patron saint, entirely broken to pieces. The man
W^as arrested and found laboring under complete mental aberra-
tion. A collection was taken up the same day by some ladies
of the towai to make up, as far as possible, for the damage caused.
On the 24th of April took place the blessing of St. Marj-'s
Hospital, the Vicar Apostolic officiating, assisted by the priests
of the parish, Revs. Francis and Anthony Jouvenceau. The
same day the Sisters of St. Joseph, Mother Basil being the
Superioress, took charge of the institution. On the ist of May,
the county patients w^ere brought to St. Mary's by Dr. J. C.
Handy who had charge of them. The doctor was also the
railroad physician and he took also the patients of the company
between Yuma and El Paso to St. Marj^'s Hospital.
On the 14th of June, 1880, Rev. Pedro Badilla, a priest
from Costa Rica, was received and sent to St. John's
on the Colorado River, where he has built a good church and a
modest rector}^
On the night of the same day, June 14, 1880, the parochial
church of Tucson was robbed oftwo silver chalices, one brass cen-
ser, two silver cruets and a little silver hand bell. Loss about $145.
270 Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese,
October 24th, President Hayes, coming from California^
stopped over at Tucson. Two hundred and seventy-five chil-
dren of the Catholic schools were present at the depot when
the train arrived, and were the first to greet the chief of the
Nation, who very kindly manifested a desire of seeing them at
the place where he was to stop. As a matter of course, the
President's wish was complied with. At the same place, the
house of Dr, Lord, of the firm of Lord & William, some thirty
Papago Indians, all mounted, were presented by the Rev. An-
thony Jouvenceau to the President, who addressed them through,
the medium of their introducer.
In 1 88 1, March loth, the chapel of Tempe on Salt River
was blessed bj' the Vicar Apostolic, and dedicated to Our Lady
of Mount Carmel.
In the same month, Archbishop Lamy and Bishop Mache-
beuf, accompanied by Rev. Phillips, paid a visit of a few days
to the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona. The Vicar and his distin-
guished guests were agreeably entertained one day at Fort
Lowell by General Carr.
In the same year, June 24th, took place the dedication of
the church of Phoenix to the Immaculate Heart of IVIary.
This church and that of Tempe were built under the adminis-
tration of Rev. Ed. Gerard, the parish priest of Florence. The
church was blessed by the Bishop having for assistants the
Revs. Gerard, the priest in charge, Deraches from Prescott,
Chaucot from Yuma, and A. Jouvenceau from Tucson. After
the ceremony, a resident of Phoenix, Thomas Hopkins, was
presented to the Bishop by the priest as a gentleman who had
helped a great deal in the building of the church.
June 27th, at about midnight, the population of Tucson
was started by the explosion of a powder store, which greatly
injured many buildings in the town.
July 15th, Rev. J. B. Stagnon died at Silver City, where he
had been exercising the sacred ministry as parish priest since
May 1879.
In September, 1881, were built the towers of the church
in Tucson. In 1883, some ornamental stone work was put on
the front of the same building.
Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese. 271
February i8th, 1883, the church of Tombstone was blessed
:And dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, by the Vicar Apo-
:stolic, assisted by the parish priest. Rev. Patrick Gallagher.
The town had been started three or four years before, owing
to the recent discovery of rich silver mines in the place and in
the vicinity. Before it was made a parish it was attended from
Tucson.
On the 29th of April of the same year, the laying of the
•corner stone of the church of the Immaculate Conception in
Tucson was performed by the Bishop, having for assistants the
Revds. Francis and Anthony Jouvenceau. This church, a
good stone building, remained unfinished owing to the failure
of a bank in which it lost $800, which had been contributed by
the people for its roofing. The ground on which the walls of
this church are standing was donated by Andrew Cronly, a
Catholic citizen of the town. Bishop Bourgade since 1885 has
tried to have the structure completed, but has failed thus far for
the lack of means, as he had to take on himself to support,
every year, his parochial schools in Tucson, since he was made
the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona,
On the 4th of April, 1884, the Vicar Apostolic, Right Rev.
J. B. Salpointe, returned from Rome, where he had ^ne at the
request of the Archbishop of Santa Fe for the meeting there of
the Archbishops of the United States, before the Third Plenary
Council of Baltimore,
On the 25th of May, 1884, the Vicar Apostolic blessed a
new church in Florence, having as assistants the parish priests
Rev. Ed, Gerard, Rev. Joseph Bloise of Phoenix, and Rev. An-
thony Jouvenceau from Tucson. This church was destroyed
by fire August 15th, 1893.
On the 2 2d of April of the same year, the Vicar Apostolic
of Arizona was appointed coadjutor to the Most Rev. Arch-
bishop of Santa Fe, but remained as administrator of the Vicar-
iate of Arizona, until the appointment of his successor, which
was effected at the beginning of 1885 when the Right Rev. P.
Bourgade, who was then the parish priest of Silver City, became
the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, with the title of Bishop of
Thaumacum, i. p.
CHAPTER XIIL
Archbishops Salpointe and Chapelle in San^A Fe.
Visit of Cardinal Satolli. — List of Priests.
On the 19th of February, 1885, the Right Rev. J, B, Sal-
pointe came to Santa Fe as coadjutor to the Most Rev. Arch-
bishop I,aniy. He was promoted to the Archiepiscopal See of
Anazarba on October 11 of the same year, and succeeded to the
See of Santa Fe Jul}^ i8th, 1885, by the resignation of his pre-
decessor. The new Archbishop, knowing that his beloved
predecessor had failed to get any support from the government
for the education of the Indians in his diocese during the ad-
ministration of President Grant, thought it was his duty to try
whether he could get for the same purpose some appropriation
from the Democratic government- He had not much hope for
greater sticcess ; still for the satisfaction of his conscience he
started for Washington in the first month of 1886. There, ac-
companied by Mr. Charles S, Lusk, then Secretary of the Bu-
reau of Catholic Indian Missions, he paid a visit to Mr. OberW,
the Commissioner of Indian Aifairs, and obtained from him
contracts for four day schools, to be established in as many
designated pueblos of New Mexico, with the promise of four
more, as soon as he should have money enough at his disposal
to enable him to have contracts issued for them.
This gentleman fulfilled his promise, and shortly after sent
through the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions contracts for
seven day schools and one for a boarding industrial school for
Indian boys. The day schools were for the pueblos of Isleta,
Acoma, Pahuate, the village of Laguna, Santo Domingo, Jemez,
San Juan and Taos.
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TICSON , AKIZONA.
Rt. Rev. Henky Graxjon, D. D.,
HISIIOI' OK Tl CSOX, AlilZONA.
Archbishop Salpointe in Santa Fe. 273
The boarding school for boys was started at Bernalillo in a
rented house, with the view of purchasing in that locality a
suitable piece of land for the school buildings and for agricul-
tural purposes. Meanwhile the Archbishop had a large build-
ing erected near the chapel of Our I^ady of the Rosary, a short
distance north of Santa Fe, intended for a boarding school for
Indian girls. The cost of this building, which amounted to
$14,000, besides its furniture, was paid by the Rev. Mother
Catharine Drexel and for this reason it is known by the name
of St. Catharine's School.
The corner stone of St. Catharine's was blessed June 17th,
1886, by the Archbishop. Its dedication took place on the nth
of April, 1887. The ceremony was performed by Most Rev.
Archbishop L^amy, and there were present His Grace Arch-
bishop J. B. Salpointe, Vicar General Rev. E. P. Eguillon,
Michael Rolty, assistant priest of the Cathedral ; Rev. Anthony
Jouvenceau, Superintendent of the Indian schools of the diocese;
Rev. Julius Deraches, chaplain of St. Vincent's Hospital ; James
H. Defouri, parish priest of Guadalupe ; Rev J. W. Coudert,
parish priest of I^as Vegas ; Rev. Leon Mailhuchet, parish
priest of Pecos, and Rev. Father Brochman, priest of the diocese
of Detroit.
As no convenient location for an industrial school for boys
could be found for sale at Bernalillo, the Indian school, after
having been kept for about seven months in that place, was
transferred to Santa Fe to the building of the Guadalupe
church, and on the 26th of April, to St. Catherine's new build-
ing, with a number of sixty pupils under the care of W. Cos-
tello. The management of the house was for a time entrusted
to the Sisters of Loretto. A few years later, a contract was
obtained from the Department of the Interior by the Bureau of
CathoHc Indian Missions for a boarding school for Indian girls,
and this was entrusted to the branch of the Loretto Sisters
estabHshed at Bernalillo. No better selection of teachers could
have been made for the purpose. From the beginning the
Sisters have spared no pains to give to their Indian pupils a
solid education, and the manners of civilized people. They
have also used the money they made by the Indian school to
give it ample new buildings, substantial and neatly furnishd, so
18
274 AftcHBisaop Salpoimte tn Sakta Fir.
that this establishment ma}^ be considered inferior to none of
the good educational houses of this Territory'.
As for St. Catherine's as a school for boj^s, it was not
advantageousl}- located, as Santa Fe has not water enough for
irrigation. The school, especially on account of its location at
the foot of the hills, could not have a sufficient quantity of
water to work with success at an^^ kind of agriculture, and this
was the reason why its contract was suppressed for the year
1893-94. The contract has not been renewed since, but the
school was taken up in September 1894, by Mother Catherine
Drexel who had it well conducted by the Sisters of her Order,
without any compensation from the Government thus far.
In 1888, the Archbishop, with the allocations he received
from the collections taken up in the Catholic churches of the
United States for the education of the Indians and of the Ne-
groes, established day schools in the pueblos of Cochiti, San
Felipe, Santa Clara and Zia. These schools lasted for three
3'ears in the three first mentioned pueblos, and only one 3'ear
in the' last owing to the lack of means of obtaining the
monthly salars' for teachers in some of the contract schools, on
account of short average of pupils.
Before leaving the subject of the New Mexico Pueblo In-
dian schools, we must acknowledge the services we received
from the members of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions
and especially from its director, Monseigneur J. A. Stephan,
for their support during our administration of the Archdiocese
of Santa Fe. To the \"enerable Stephan we are indebted for
the encouragement he gave to the pupils and teachers of these
schools b}^ visiting them several times and, when needed, by
procuring the means of enlarging or repairing the school build-
ings.
In 1888, the college of Las Vegas, known by the name of
Lasalle Institute, and conducted by the Christian Brothers
since September 1 1 of the same year, was built at the expense
of the diocese without any contribution, except from Felix
Martinez, who of his own accord made a donation of a lot of
ground which was included in the site selected for the institu-
tion. The cost of this college, including the purchase of the
grounds, the building of the house, the school furniture, means
Archbishop Salpointe in Santa Fe. 275
of support furnished to the Brothers during two years, besides
the little income the payment from the pupils could bring,
amounted to an aggregate sum of over twelve thousand dollars.
Owing to the rather poor condition of many Mexicans in the
town of L,as Vegas and the depression of business which had
been felt all over this country and especiall}- in the poor popula-
tions of New Mexico, the L,as Vegas college has not progressed
as much as expected ; still, by dint of zeal and devotedness
to their vocation, the Brothers have made it from the be-
ginning a good common school. We wish for it and for the
Brothers better times than those they have had to go through
thus far.
After his resignation, July, 1885, the Most Rev. J. B.
I,amy retired to a small countr>^ place he had purchased in 1853
in the vicinity of the Tesuque River. This place, which the
Prelate designated b}'^ the name of "Villa Pintoresca," was
commonly called "El Cajoncito de Tuseque. " Early after the
purchase of the premises, the Archbishop had a modest house
and a small chapel built on it, and w^hen he felt the weight of
years added to that of the administration of his vast diocese, it
w^as there that he was wont to go at times, for some days of
rest. He could not expect to have visitors in a place so remote;
still, when any strangers happened to make their way to the
solitary picturesque spot, he always cheerfully entertained them
in the best possible manner.
Early in Januarys 1888, Mgr. L,amy sent word to his suc-
cessor that he felt sick from a bad cold, and desired to be
brought to the city. His wish was complied with at once. In
Santa Fe the Prelate had good medical attendance and the
assiduous care of the vSisters of I/sretto, For some time he
lingered on, giving hopes of recovery, until on the 14th of Feb-
ruar>^ he passed away without agony and almost unexpectedly.
As for himself, the Archbishop was not taken by surprise.
He had been given the Holy Viaticum in due time at his own
request, and at the last moment Extreme Unction was ad-
ministered to him.
The remains of the deceased first Bishop and Archbishop
of Santa Fe were deposited, on the i6th of February 1888, in a
vault which is now covered by the main altar of the cathedral.
276 Archbishop Salpoi.vte in' Sajjta Vk.
The funeral service was conducted by Archbishop Salpointe and
and his Vicar General, Very Rev. P. Eguillon, the latter offi-
ciating at mass. Present : Very Rev. J. Defouri, Revds. Roily,
Deraches, Jouvenceau, most of the priests of the diocese and the
faithful who had come from almost all parts of the Territory to
do honor to the saintty Bishop who had spent thirty-six j'ears
of his life, fostering the interests of religion and education
among them.
The life of the Mo.^t Rev, John B, Lamy in New Mexico
was that of an apostle. As we have seen, he found only a very
limited number of priests in the extensive Vicariate that was
assigned to him. On the first visit he made in the districts
entrusted to his care, he saw that not onl}- more priests were
badly needed for the spiritual administration of the parishes
and missions, but also good teachers for the instruction of the
youth. Hence the journey to Europe which the Vicar Apos-
tolic undertook a short time after taking possession of his Vic-
ariate to look for priests and religious teachers. The Prov-
idence of God blessed his projects bj- directing him to find good
missionaries and a colony of the devoted Sisters of Loretto-
Such journeys abroad had to be repeated time and again, as
need required, either b^' the Vicar Apostolic or by some of his
priests, no matter how dangerous it was in those days to travel
far, or even at all, in some parts of the Vicariate, on account of
the wild Indians. In any of these cases the Rt, Rev, Lamy,
unmindful of his own safet)', was always ready to go where he
thought he could do something for the glory of God and the
good of souls.
Bishop Lamy was pious, humble and charitable. Any-
body, poor or rich, found him always accessible and ready as
far as was in his power, to help the need}'. For long years he
looked for the means of having a good cathedral built in the
city of his episcopal See, and before dying he brought to a con-
clusion the main body of the intended structure.
While caring first for the interests and progress of religion
in his diocese the zealous Prelate did not neglect, when oppor-
tunity presented itself, to do what he could to better the con-
dition of his people. It was in this view that many times in
his instructions, he recommended work and thriftiness to his
Archbishop {^alpointe in Santa Pe. 277
hearers. When he came to New Mexico, there were but few
fruit trees, here and there, and in order to have that branch of
culture propagated in his diocese, he had his garden planted
with different kinds of cultivated trees, which he brought from
St. lyouis in his conveyance through the plains of Kansas and
the Rocky Mountains. The plan was not without success ; the
trees grew, giving good crops of fruit ; httle by little other peo-
ple planted orchards on their premises, and such was the be-
ginning of Santa Fe as a fruit land.
In 1888, the Rev. Camille Seux, rector of the parish of
San Juan, with residence in the pueblo of the same name, had
a life size statue of Our Lady of gourdes erected on a richly
carved stone pedestal, at the entrance of the church yard. By
this monument the zealous priest intended to promote in the
hearts of his parishioners and especially of the Indians of the
San Juan pueblo, devotion to the Mother of God, and he was
not frustrated in his pious desire. From the day the image
was unveiled before an immense concourse of people and priests,
by a Ceremony at which the diocesan Archbishop presided, it
attracted at once public veneration. Not only passers-b^^ would
stop awhile and pray, kneeling on the steps of the monu-
ment, but even the Indians when going to their work or look-
ing from their doors early in the morning when the statue was
visible for a long distance. The devotion spread rapidly and
brought often from different parts of the diocese families who
came to pray before the reproduction of the miraculous statue
of Ivourdes in France.
Encouraged by this visible progress in devotion to the
Mother of God, the priest thought of doing more to further it
by the building of a chapel in which the pilgrims could perform
their devotions without kneeling before the statue in all kinds of
weather. This project was accomplished by the Rev. Seux in
1890, without asking any help either from his parishioners or
from anybody else, as far as we know. The chapel stands on
the pubHc plaza, at about the same distance from the statue as
this is from the church. It is a nice little gothic structure of
stone, well finished inside with a rustic grotto in the sanctuan^
and furnished with rich sacred vessels and vestments. This
monument was also dedicated by the Archbishop of the diocese,
278 Archbishop Salpoixte in Sakta Fe.
assisted by the priests of Santa Fe, and of the Diocese of
Colorado, twenty-three in all. From that da}^ pilgrimages
from Santa Fe and from Conejos, diocese of Colorado, bringing
crowds of people who could avail themselves of the railroads,
have come faithfully every year for the eighth of September,
feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mar^', the day
selected for the general gathering at the shrine. Meanwhile,
families from different parts of the diocese of Santa Fe, and
from the southern part of that of Colorado, flock to San Juan
at their convenience, ever since the erection of the statue in
that place. How many graces have been received by the
devout pilgrims has not been put on record, but that many
graces have been given cannot be doubted, as following the
teaching of St. Bernard, it is the belief of the Church that no
one faithfully imploring the intercession of the Blessed Virgin,
has ever seen his prayer refused. Patent and public miracles
are reserved for places where unbelievers gather, but these are
not to be found generally among the Mexicans and the Indians
of New Mexico. Many of them may be poor practical Catholics,
but they all have faith in the religion of Jesus Christ, as is
proven by the care they take, even those who have been most
negligent about their religious duties while in health, to call for
the sacraments of the Church when the}^ feel themselves in
danger of death.
In 1890, June 25th, was commenced the new archiepiscopal
building. The same was blessed on the 19th of February
1891 , the ceremony was performed by the Very Rev. P. EguiUon,
Vicar General and Rector of the cathedral, and there were
present the priests of the city, and Rev. Parisis, parish priest of
Bernalillo. The Archbishop had his residence built wdthout
asking any contribution for it.
August 21, 1 89 1, at the request of Archbishop J. B. Sal-
pointe, the Rev. P. L. Chapelle, D. D., rector of St. Matthew's
church in the city of Washington, was appointed his coadjutor,
(cum jure successionis), with the title of Bishop of Arabissus.
November i, of. the same 3'ear he was consecrated by His
Eminence, Cardinal Gibbons, in the Cathedral of Baltimore.
December 7 , he arrived at Santa Fe accompanied by the writer,
his Archbishop, the Most Rev. Patrick W. Riordan, Arch-
Archbishop Chapelle in Banta Fr. 279
bishop of San Francisco, Right Rev. Nicholas Chtys. Matz,
Bishop of Denver, Right Rev. Peter Bourgade, Vicar Apostolic
of Arizona, now Bishop of Tucson, in the same Territory, also
the Rev. Thomas McSweeney, pastor of St. Francis de Sales'
Oakland, Cal. , and the Rev. D. J. McCaflfery of the diocese of
Chicago.
The party was met at the depot by the clergy of Santa Fe.
Owing to the severity of the weather, the inhabitants of the
city as well as those who had come from different parts of the
diocese did not succeed in carr^dng out their design of a grand
parade in honor of their new Bishop.
Bishop Chapelle celebrated his first Pontifical mass in
Santa Fe on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, Decem-
ber 8, in the presence of the three Bishops of the ecclesiastical
province, Archbishop Salpointe, Bishop P. Bourgade and
Bishop Matz, who delivered the sermon.
From this time Bishop Chapelle worked faithfully, helping
his Archbishop in the administration of the diocese, especially
by visiting the different parishes for the purpose of conferring
Confirmation.
Earty in 1S93, at our request, he sailed for Europe in
search of missionaries who were needed in several parishes,
particularly for the religious instruction of several Indian tribes,
who were without priests but ready to accept their services
when offered them. The Bishop availed himself of this voyage
to pay a visit to the Pope who, on the loth of May of the same
year, conferred upon him the title of the Archiepiscopal See of
Sebaste. Our coadjutor became the Archbishop of Santa Fe
January' 7, 1894, by our resignation, (i)
The conferring of the Pallium did not take place until
October 17, 1895. The occasion was made the most remarkable
of all solemnities, either civil or religious, ever witnessed in
Santa Fe. His Eminence, Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of
Baltimore, who was to preside at the festival, arrived at Santa
Fe by a special train on Tuesday, October 15, between the
hours of seven and eight. The entire population of the city
was at the depot to welcome the first Cardinal of the Holy
(1) For the following details on the administration of the diocese of Santa Fe
by Archbishop Chapelle, we are indebted mostly to the kiudnes of Rev. J. Deraches.
280 Abchpishop Chapelle rs Sa>T'a Fe.
Roman Church., who came to honor New Mexico with a visit.
All the school children, the sodalities and associations of the
city, even the National Guard, after His Eminence had been
received with the most enthusiastic hurrahs, formed in Hue and
proceeded through the principal streets, which were profusely
illuminated, to the residence of the Archbishop.
On the 17th, at 10 o'clock, an imposing procession of pre-
lates and priests formed at the residence of the Archbishop and
escorted Cardinal Gibbons to the Cathedral. The prelates were
Archbishop Kain of St. Louis, Bishop Donahue of WTieeling,
Bishop Hennessy of Wichita, Bishop Montgomery of Los An-
geles, Bishop Dunn of Dallas, Bishop Gabriels of Ogdensburg,
Bishop Beaven of Springfield. Bishop Bourgade of Tucson, and
the Archbishops Chapelle and Salpointe of Santa Fe, also
Monsignor Stephan of Washington. This beautiful line was
headed by seventy-five priests from different dioceses and almost
all those of New Mexico, all wearing cassock and surpHce.
After the gospel of the Pontifical Mass, Archbishop Kain
of St. Louis dehvered an eloquent sermon on the history' and
sacred meaning of the Pallium. Bishop Bourgade of Tucson,
at the end of the mass, read a very interesting paper, written
in Spanish by the Most Rev. Archbishop Salpointe, on the
history of the Church in the province of Santa Fe. Then the
Cardinal arose and after paying an eloquent tribute to the first
Bishop of Santa Fe, the late Archbishop Lamy. and to the
newly retired Archbishop Salpointe, he, at last, addressed him-
self, with evident high personal regard, to x\rchbishop Chapelle
before placing on his shoulders the Pallium, as required to
complete the dress of a new Archbishop.
Archbishop Chapelle returned his thanks to the Cardinal
in English and then spoke briefly in Spanish, explaining to
the crowd gathered in the church, the meaning of the brilliant
ceremonies of the day.
The public reception in the evening lasted from 8 until 1 1
o'clock and never before had its like been witnessed in Santa Fe.
The day after the reception of the Pallium, the consecra-
tion of the Cathedral of Santa Fe was performed by Archbishop
Chapelle, after which he celebrated a Pontifical Mass in the
presence of all the Bishops and priests who had assisted the
XLIV. Interior of San Xavier's CnrRCH ,
Tri.^S?<.»N , ARIZONA.
Rt. Rkv. Monstgxor J. A. Stkphan,
WHO lUTLT SKVKIiAL IXDJAX SCifdOI.S IX XEW MEXICO.
.Cardinal Satolli i.\ Santa Fe. 281
day before at the conferring of the Pallium. The church was
again crowded to its utmost, and before that immense audience,
Rt. Rev. Bishop Donahue preached a magnificent sermon on
the sacredness of our religious temples.
On Saturday, October 19, a special train of the Denver and
Rio Grande Railroad carried His Eminence, the Bishops, and
a number of priests, to the Indian pueblo of San Juan to see the
beautiful chapel the Rev. Camilo Seux, the pastor, had built
in honor of the Blessed Virgin of gourdes, for the benefit of
his parishioners and of all who would go there to pay their
devotions to the Mother of God. The Indians gave a charac-
teristic reception to the distinguished party, which was most
hospitably entertained by the Venerable Camilo Seux.
Visit of Cardinal Satolli to the Archbishop of Santa Fe.
lycss than six months after Cardinal Gibbons had visited
Santa Fe, another prince of the Church, His Eminence, Car-
dinal Satolli, Delegate Apostolic to the United States, arrived
at the capital of New Mexico and was for a few days the guest
of Archbishop Chapelle. Coming from El Paso, the Cardinal
reached Santa Fe on February 28, 1896, at about 2 o'clock p.
m. He was accompanied by his private secretary' pro tem.,
the Rev. A. Ortan, D. D., a prominent Sulpician, the librarian
of the Catholic University, Washington, D. C.
The next da}', which was the second Sunday of Lent,
Cardinal Satolli pontificated solemnly in the Cathedral, Arch-
bishop Chapelle preaching the sermon. On Monday all the
priests who had notice of the passage of the Cardinal came to
Santa Fe to pay their respects. His Eminence left Santa Fe
for Denver on Tuesday morning, March 3, 1896.
We can add to the above details, that though the time
that Archbishop Chapelle spent in the administration of the
diocese of Santa Fe, was but verj'- short, still, his work in
it as coadjutor and Archbishop has been ver>' noticeable. He
visited all parts of the diocese and administered Confirmation
to 28,000 candidates, besides bringing from Europe twenty-two
missionaries who are now working as parish priests or assis-
tants in the missions of the diocese.
18*
282
AEaiBisHOP Chapelle IK Santa Fe.
We are sorry to learn that Archbishop Chapelle has been
appointed to the See of New Orleans as successor to the late
Archbishop Janssens. It is our sincere wish that Archbishop
Chapelle may be replaced in Santa Fe by a learned and zealous
Bishop.
Lists of Priests who Have Been Laboring in the Missions of
New Mexico From the Beginning of the American Rule.
In the fall of 1851, when the Right Rev. J. B. Lamy came
to New Mexico as Vicar Apostolic, he found ten priests in the
Territor5^ These were the Reverend Fathers
Jose Manuel Gailegos.
Jose de Jesus I^eiva.
Lucero.
Jose de Jesus Lujan.
Antonio de Jesus Martinez.
6. Vincente Montano.
7. Fernando Ortiz.
8. Juan Felipe Ortiz.
9. Ramon Salazar.
10. Juan Trujillo.
To these were added successively the Reverend Fathers
1. Accorsini, Joseph.
2. Aelterman, Gillan.
3. Avel, Etienne.
4. Bernal, Pedro.
5. Bernard, Benito.
6. Birmingham, Patrick.
7. Boucard, Francisco.
8. Bourdier, N.
9. Brun, A.
ID. Brun, Carlos.
11. Brun, J. B.
12. Cabello, N.
13. Carpentier, N.
14. Chavez, Manuel.
15. Cooney, J. V.
16. Coudert, Jose Maria.
17. Courbon, Juan B.
18. Defouri, James.
19. Deraches, Jules.
20. Docher, Antonio.
21. Eguillon, Pedro.
22. Faure, J. B.
23. Fayet, J. B.
24. Fialon, Joseph.
25. Fleurant, Miguel.
26. Fourchegu, Antonio,
27. Francolon, J. B.
28. Garcia, Samuel.
29. Gamier, J. M.
30. Gatignol, Francisco.
31. Gilberton, Paul.
32. Gonrey, Joseph.
33. Gourbeyre, Alex.
34. Gregelowski, Alex.
35. Grom, Ignacio Maria.
36. Guerin, J. B.
37. Hayes, Thomas Ambrosio.
38. Jouvenceau, Antonio.
39. Jouvenceau, Francisco X.
40. Jouvet, N.
41. Juillard, George.
42. Lassaigne, Pedro.
List of Pkik.sts.
283
43. L,amy, Antonio.
44. Latour, Juan.
45. IvCStra, Francisco.
46. Machebeuf, Joseph.
47. Mariller, J. B.
48. Martin, Pedro.
49. Martin, Philiberto.
50. Mathonet, N.
51. Medina, Ramon.
52. Merle, N.
53. Monacum, Pedro.
54. Na^'roUes, H.
55. O'Keefe, Tim.
56. Ortiz, Eulogio.
57. Parisis, Etienne.
58. Paulet, Eugenio.
59. Picard, Juan.
60. Pinard, Francisco.
61. Peyron, Clemente.
62. Pouget, Henrico.
63. Ralliere, J. B.
64. Ribera, Manuel.
65. Ribera R.
66. Redon, Augustine.
67. Remuson, lyuciano.
68. Rodriguez, N.
69. Rogiers, Donate.
70. Rolli, Miguel.
71. Rousset, E- E.
72. Salpointe, J. B.
73. Seux, Camilo.
74. Splinters, J. G,
75. Tafoya, Sembrano.
76. Taladrid, Damasco.
77. Thowartz, N.
78. Truchard, Augustine.
79. Ussel, Gabriel.
80. Valezy, Joseph.
81. Vassal, Augustine.
82. Vermar, Antonio.
83. Vigil, Jose Miguel.
Total for the period mentioned, 83.
The names of the priests procured by Archbishop Chapelle
are as follows :
1. S. Alvernhe.
2. C. Balland.
C. Barrau.
A. Cazales.
A. Cellier.
F. Deshores.
N. Dumarest.
J. Gauthier.
J. Giraud.
10. F. Girma.
11. Alph. Haelterman.
In all from the beginning of the missionary work in the
Territory, 372 priests and 4 Eay Brothers, making in aU 376.
C. Eammert.
3. F. Ee Guillon.
4. A. Martin.
5. M. Mayeux.
6. F. Mombour.
7. T. Moog.
M. Olier.
Edw. Paulhan.
T. Pelzer.
A. Rabeyrolles.
9'
20.
21.
22. T. Roux.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Sisters of Mercy in New Mexico and Arizona.
The Sisters of Mercy first came to Arizona and New
Mexico in 1880, when, with the approval of the Vicar iVpos-
tolic, Rt. Rev. J. B. Salpointe, and at the invitation of Rev. A.
Morin, pastor of Messilla, four Sisters took up their residence
in a house purchased for them. The first superior was Mother
Josephine Brennan, who came from the convent of Mercy,
Moate, Ireland. To procure other Sisters to help in teaching
and carrying on the work of the Community-, two of the Sisters
proceeded to Ireland in 1881. There five postulants offered
themselves for the distant mission, and came to INIessilla.
Soon afterw^ards, at the invitation of Rev. A. Fourchegu
and with the approval of Most Rev. J. B. L,amy, four Sisters
went from Messilla to open a house with boarding and daj-
schools at Los Alamos, in the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. This
was in 1881, and in 1883, another house was opened at Sapello,
New Mexico, with schools in connection with it.
Mother Josephine had been succeeded, as Superior, by
Mother Bernard Connor, and it was during her term of office
that the Sisters were invited to Silver Cit}' by Rev. P. Bourgade,
who assisted them to build a fine convent, with which boarding
and day schools are connected. Mother Bernard died of the
small-pox, during an epidemic which broke out in ^^lessilla.
From 1883 until 1887, Mother Teresa Connor was Superior,
and was succeeded by Mother Paul O' Grady.
In 1887, a convent and school were opened in El Paso,
Texas, and were conducted by the Sisters until 1892, when
Tjie Sisters of Mkrcy. 285
that part of the Vicariate of Arizona was annexed to the diocese
of Dallas. The Sisters of Mercy, being connected with the
Arizona Vicariate, withdrew from El Paso and proceeded to
Phoenix, where they took charge of the parochial school, and
subsequently opened a school for boarders and select day
pupils.
In 1889, Mother Paul and Sister Peter McTernan went
to Ireland, and on this occasion eleven postulants offered them-
selves, and came out to Silver City. Owing to want of means,
the houses which were opened temporarily at Tucson, Yuma
and Florence had to be closed after a short period. Los Alamos
was also given up.
For the care of the sick, Mercy Hospitals were opened in
Silver City, Phoenix and Prescott. The Silver City hospital,
opened in 1887, receives the sick poor of the Territory of New
Mexico, which gives an annual grant to the hospital. The
Phoenix hospital was opened in 1895, and is conducted by four
Si-sters. In 1893, the Rev. A. Quetu opened a hospital at
Prescott, and engaged the Sisters of Mercy to conduct it ;
subsequently, in 1896, a fine Mercy Hospital was opened in
Prescott, owned and conducted by the Sisters.
The Sisters of Mere}', like other Sisters who first came to
the western territories to take their share in the arduous work
of education, had to fight against difficulties of different kinds,
and more especially against poverty* which prevailed almost
everj'w^here ; hence the^^ had to abandon many places when
they saw they could not make a success of them. They
tried other places pursuant to the advice of the ecclesiastical
authorit^^ and succeeded at last in locating the houses of
their Order in towns whose stability can be relied upon and
where there are pupils to teach and patients to be taken care of.
In the past three years great numbers of consumptives have
come to Arizona for that cure or relief which the magnificent
climate ensures, and many of them find a pleasant home in the
ISIercy Hospitals or in the Sisters of St. Joseph's Hospital at
Tucson.
CHAPTER XV.
Summary of the Introduction of the Catholic
Religion and Building of Churches in New Mexico
During the Colonial Period.
We take pleasure in reproducing, almost verbally, what
Professor Charles F. Lummis has stated under the title of this
chapter in his interesting book "The Spanish Pioneers", already
several times mentioned in these Notes :
The first church, saj's our author, in what is now the
United States, was founded in St. Augustine, Florida, by Fray
Francisco de Pareja, in 1560. Brave missionary' work was
done by the priests whom Coronado brought to New Mexico in
1540, and we maj^ add, in 1581, by Fray Francisco Lopez, Fray
Juan de Santa Maria and Brother Agustin Ruiz or Ramirez,
though these were soon killed by the Indians.
1 . San Gabriel de los Espafioles was founded in Septem-
ber 1598 by the ten missionaries who accompanied Juan Onate,
the Colonizer.
2. Santa Fe must have been provided with a church at
the time of its foundation, or about 1606, says our author.
This church not being able for a long time to meet the require-
ments of the colony, Fray Alonzo de Benavides laid in 1626
the foundation of another which was finished in 1629.
3. San Miguel, Santa Fe, was built after 1636. Partly
destroyed in 1680, it was restored in 17 10.
Summary. 287
In 1 617, three years before Plytaouth Rock, there were
already eleven churches in use in New Mexico. Santa Fe was
the only Spanish town, but there were also churches at the
dangerous pueblos of Galisteo and Pecos, two at Jemez and
Taos, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Sandia, San Felipe and
Santo Domingo. The churches in the Jemez pueblo had to
be abandoned about 1622, on account of incessant harassment
of the Navajos, but were occupied again in 1626.
4. Zuiii. This province had missionaries in 1629, and
soon after six churches in as many of its towns. The Moqui
villages had their churches about the same time.
5. San Antonio de Sinecu had a church founded in 1629
by Fray Antonio de Arteago "and the same brave man, in the
same year, founded another, at the pueblo of N. S. del
6. Socorro, now the American town of Socorro.
7. Picuries. "The church in the pueblo of Picuries was
built before 1632, for in that year. Fray Ascencion de Zarate
was buried in it."
8. Isleta. Its church was built before 1635.
9. Pecos. The walls of its church now in ruins "were
reared two hundred and seventy-five years ago. The pueblo,
orice the largest in New Mexico, was deserted in 1840." Its
inhabitants, then ver\' few, joined themselves to the pueblo of
Jemes, where some of them are living yet.
10. El Paso del Norte. In 1662, according to the church
records, a mission was founded at El Paso del Norte for the
"Indianos Manzos," the tame Indians, who from the beginning
.had been faithful to the Spanish Government.
11. Nambe. "There was a church at the pueblo of
Nambe in 1642."
12. Cuaray. East of the Rio Grande "F'ra}- Geronimo de
la Lana founded the church of Cuaray about 1642." Here,
according to the church MSS. at Santa Fe, he died in the year
1569.
13. "Soon after Cuaray, Aba, Tenabo and Tabira (Gran
(^uivira) had their churches which have gone to ruin by the
revolts or the dispersion of the Indians." The ruins now seen
288 Summary.
at Gran Quivira are what remains, according to Mr. lyummis,
of a second church built between 1660 and 1670 at about the
place occupied by the first one.
14. Tajique and Chilili "were probably built at the same
time as Gran Quivira for the Indians who had abandoned
Cuara3^ Abo, and Tenabo."
15. Acoma had its church built in 1629 "besides all those
the pueblos of Zia, Santa Ana, Tesuque, Pojuaque, San Juan,
San Marcos, San Lazaro, San Cristobal Alameda, Santa Cruz
and Cochiti had each a church in 1680."
16. Santa Fe, destroyed in 1680, was reestablished in
1693 by Vargas, with one hundred soldiers and seventy families
he brought from El Paso, eight hundred persons in all, count-
ing the members of the families and their servants.
In 1694, seventy-six families were sent to Vargas by order
of the Viceroy, and added to the Santa Fe colony.
17. Albuquerque. The plans for the building of a church
at Albuquerque were drawn in 1780, as has been seen by Rev.
J. M. Coudert in the papers of the church.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX No. I.
Principal Latitudes and Longitudes Astronomically Determined
in the Geographical Map Drawn in I864 Under the
Direction of Brigadier General Carlton.
LATITUDES. LONGITUDES.
Deg. Min. Sec. Deg. Min. Sec.
Albuquerque 35 15 51 105 37 52
Santa Fe 33 41 66
Dona Ana 32 23 14 100 48 33
El Paso del Norte 31 44 16 100 25 00
Antonchico 31 11 n 105 09 45
Peralta 34 50 57
Fort Stanton 33 29 37 105 38 19
Isleta, N. M 34 54 27 106 39 59
Fort Craig 33 38 11
Mouth of Salinas river 33 22 57 122 15 46
Copper mines, Santa Rita 32 47 53 108 04 40
Junction of Gila and Colorado 33 43 32 114 36 09
Tucson 32 12 55 no 52 55
Initial point of boundar^^ on par-
allel 31 deg. 47 min 31 37 00 106 31 21
Pueblo de Zuni 35 04 03 106 42 44
Cubero on San Jose river 35 05 22 107 26 14
Mouth of Williams Fork 34 17 47 114 00 00
Initial point 20 miles below Gila
river 32 29 44 114 48 45
292
AppENDrx No. rr.
APPENDIX No. II.
Names of the Persons who were Called to Santa Fe by Order GJ
the Viceroy.
1. Juan Lopez VigiL 32,
2. Thomas Duran. 33.
3. Joseph Duran. 34.
4. Domingo Ribera, 35.
5. Vicente Ribera. 36.
6. Joseph Salvador Samora. 37.
7. Alejandro Gallegos. 38.
8. Joseph Manuel Silva. 39,
9. Juan Garcia Polvora y su 40.
familia (and his family). 41.
10. Sebastian Maldonado, 42.
11. Francisco Griego, 43.
12. Miguel Lopez. 44.
13. Cristobal Serna, 45.
14. Pedro Serna. 46.
15. Francisco Garcia, 47.
16. Joseph Gomez;. 48,
17. Juan de Herrera. 49.
Juan Antonio de Herrera. 50.
Miguel de Herrera. 51.
Nicolas Gonzales. 52.
Juan Louis Vigil. 53.
18
19.
20.
21.
22.
23-
24.
25-
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31-
Bartolo Martin y su familia. 54.
Estevan Gonzales. 55.
Salvador Cassillas. 56.
Joaquin Gutierres. 57.
Juan Felipe Yaca. 58.
Baltazar Yigil y su familia. 59.
Vicente Vigil y su familia. 60.
Juan Leon y su familia. 61.
Francisco Benavides. 62.
Juan Tomas Benavides.
Raymundo Ledesma.
Juan Jaramillo.
Joseph Manuel Apodaca,
Mathias Duran.
Francisco Casados.
Joseph Pacheco, Poblano-
Joseph Martin.
Julian E. Padilla.
Francisco Padilla.
Juan Candido.
Joseph Marques,
Juan Marques.
Pedro Marques.
Asencio Archuleta,
Francisco Garduno,
Thomas Angel.
Juan Rael de Aguilar-
Joseph Toscala.
Anselmo Mexicano.
Joseph Laudnuberun,
Xavier Tapia.
Francisco Jiron.
J. Antonio de Vega y Coca-
Joseph Sanchez,
Ignacio Terna el Mozo.
Juan Bartolo Romero.
Diego Romero el Mozo,
Vicente Lucero Jorge.
Andres de Villalpando,
Juan Vallejo.
Pedro Valdes.
APPENDIX No. Iir.
Aeta de Independencia del Imperio,
La Nacion Mexicana que por trescientos anos lii ha tenido
voluntad propia, ni libre el uso de la voz, sale hoy de la opresion
en que ha vivido.
Appendix No. hi. 293
Los heroicos esfuerzos de sus hijos han sido coronados, y
esta consumada la empresa eternamente memorable, que un
genio superior a toda admiracion y elogio, amor y gloria de su
patria, principio en Iguala prosiguio y llevo al cabo arrollando
obstaculos casi insuperables.
Restituida pues esta parte del Septentrion al ejercicio de
cuantos derechos le concedio el Autor de la Naturaleza, y
reconocen por inaj enables y sagrados las Naciones cultas de
la tierra, en libertad del constituirse de modo que mas convenga
a su felicidad, y con representantes que puedan manifestar su
voluntad y sus designios, comienza a hacer uso de tan preciosos
dones, y declara solemnemente por medio de la Junta Suprema
del Imperio, que es Nacion Soberana e Independiente de la
antigua Espana con quien en lo succesivo no mantendra otra
union que la de una amistad estrecha en los terminos que
prescribieren los tradados : que entablara relaciones amistosas
con las demas potencias, ejecutando respecto de ellas cuantos
actos pueden estan en posesion de ejecutar las otras Naciones
Soberanas : que va a constituirse con arreglo a las bases que en
el plan de Iguala y tratado de Cordova establecio sabiamente el
primer Gefe del Ejercito Imperial de las tres garantias ; y en
fin, que sostendra a todo trance, y con el sacrificio de los hogares
y vidas de sus individuos (si fuere necesario) esta solemne
declaracion hecha en la Capital del Imperio a 28 de Septiembre
de 182 1, primero de la independencia Mexicana.
Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio Obispo de la Puebla,
Juan O-Donojii, Manuel de la Barcena, Matias Monteagudo,
Isidro Yaiiez , Lie. Juan Fransisco de Azcarate, Juan Jos^
Espinosa de los Monteros, Jose Maria Fagoaga, Jose Miguel
Guridi y Alcozer, El Marques de Salvatierra, El Conde de
Casa de Heras Soto, Juan Bautista Lobo, Fransisco Manuel
Sanchez de Tagle , Antonio de Gama y Cordova , Jose
Manuel Sartorio, Manuel Velazquez de Leon, Manuel
Montes Argiielles, Manuel de la Sota Riva, El Marques
de San Juan de Rayas, Jose Ignacio Garcia Illueca, Jose
Maria de Bustamante, Jose Maria Cervantes y Velasco, Juan
Cervantes y Padilla, Jose Manuel Velazquez de la Cadena,
Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolas Campero, El Conde de Jala y de
Regla, Jose Maria de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel Martinez
294 Appendix No. iv.
Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Guzman, Jose Maria de Jauregui,
Jose Rafael Suarez Bereda, Anastasio Bustamante, Isidro
Ignacio de Icaza. Juan Jose Espinosa de L,os Monteros, Vocal
Secretario.
APPENDIX No. IV.
Infonnacion dada al Gobernador Fernando Chacon por el
Rev. P. Custodio, F. Cayetano, Jose Bernal.
Santa Fe, 17 de Setiembre 1794-
En las dos referidas Villas (Santa Cruz de la Canada &
Santa Fe) esta fundada en cada una de ellas la Venerable Orden
Tercera de Penitencia, desde los principios de la Reconquista
de esta provincia con licencia de los Prelados de Nuestra Sera-
fica Religion como Superiores Legitimos immediatos de ella.
La Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia de N. S. P.
San Francisco. Casi desde los principios de la Reconquista,
(aunque no se sabe el ano fijo) con previa la licencia de los
Prelados de Nuestra Serafica Religion como Superiores legitimos
e inmediatos de ella, y a quienes solo pertenece su conocimiento
y gobierno como consta de las muchas Bulas, declaratorias y
confirmatorias de muchos Romanes Pontifices, por lo que la
pongo separada de las Cofradias por no tener nada de estas, y
por ser verdadera Orden como la primera que profesamos los
religiosos, aunque con distintas reglas y constituciones. Estos
solo existen y ban existido, y existen a esmero de la devocion
de Ics hermanos oos y asi su fondo es aquel que se paga en la
de la Canada la fiesta de San Louis Rey de Francia y la de la
Purisima Concepcion como a sus patrones, y cantar cada mes
una misa en uno de sus Domingos con procesion, pero siempre
esta empenada, o es necesario que el ministro haga las mas de
valde y de pura devocion por no alcanzar las limosnas por ser muy
pocos los 3os. La de la Villa de Santa Fe invierte sus limosnas
en pagar la Funcion de San Luis, las misas con procesion de los
Domingos segundos de todos los meses y el sermon de tres
caidas el Viernes Santo que lo paga por costumbre, y comprar
ceras de dichas funciones y aunque en esta santa 3^ Orden
hay bastantes hermanos siempre esta empeiiada como puede
verse.
Appfxdix Ko. v. 295
APPENDIX No. V.
El Gobernador y Comandante General de Nuevo Mejico, a sus
hahitantes.
NuEVO Mejicanos : La siempre acreditada lenidad que
en todas epocas y circunstancias han caracterisado la benignidad
del Gobierno Mejicano, cuyo norte ha seguido el que os dirije
la palabra, desde que tiene el honor de regiros, como Gober-
nador y Comandante General de este Departamento, satisfecho
de la docilidad de todos y cada uno de sus habitantes, no vacila
un solo momento en dirigiros la palabra por si acaso alguno o
varios, seducidos o engaiiados con promesas alagiienas, hubiesen,
sin prevision, abierto algun compromiso asegurando a los
gobernantes de Tejas, que seran en favor de ellos en la presente
lucha con Mejico ; y aunque haya sido esto, asegurado bajo de
firma, o de otra cualesquier manera, modo y forma, con tal que
al presente y de hoy para adelante, acrediten su patriotismo,
adhesion, lealtad y fidelidad a nuestro legitimo y paternal
Gobierno de la RepubHca Mejicana a que tenemos el honor de
pertenecer, a nombre del mismo es prometido solemnemente y
bajo mi palabra de honor, el perdon correspondiente, sin que
por tal hecho os pare perjuicio el mas leve, ni padezca el menor
menoscabo la nacionalidad y patriotismo a que por mil titulos
sois acredores, como patrimonio de lealtad que os dejaron de
herencia vuestros antepasados.
Si, mis caros conciudadanos y compatriotas , no es de
temerse y menos de creerse ! que con peligro de perder vuestra
religion, patria y propiedades, vacileis un solo momento en
estar a la sombra y derredor de la bandera nacional, >■ que
arrostrando todos los riesgos y ponderados peligros, tremolar-
emos los Nuevo Mejicanos, (a pesar de las tramas de aquellos
rivales y traidores los Tejanos y sus secuaces) cuyos leureles se
presentaran al nivel y parangon de las mas guerreras naciones
del orbe. Esto os promete, y con esto os briuda \niestro
conciudadano y Gefe.
MANUEL ARMIJO.
296 Appendix No. vt.
APPENDIX No. VI.
ARCHDIOCESE OF SANTA FE.
The Archdiocese of Santa Fe comprises the Territory of
New Mexico, Dona Ana, Grant and Sierra Counties excepted.
The Archbishop resides in Santa Fe. There are in the
Archdiocese : 47 secular priests, and 1 1 priests of religious
orders ; 38 churches with resident priests ; 340 missions ; 2 col-
leges for boys ; 6 academies : 8 parochial schools ; 2 Catholic
day schools for Indians ; 2 Catholic boarding schools for In-
dians ; I orphan asjdum ; 2 hospitals. The Catholic popula-
tion is estimated at 135,000, including 18,000 Indians.
DIOCESE OF TUCSON.
The Diocese of Tucson comprises Arizona Territory and
Doiia Ana, Grant and Sierra Counties in New Mexico.
The Bishop resides in Tucson. There are in the diocese :
17 secular priests; 3 priests of religious orders; 14 churches
with resident priests; 31 missions; 6 academies; 6 parochial
schools; I orphan asylum; 4 hospitals. The Catholic popu-
lation is estimated at about 40,000.
■'■■A
Girls of St. Boniface's Indian vSchool, Banning, California.
Boys of St. Bonifacp:'s Indian School, Banking, California.
."^ilirxvilijr to SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS. An eccleniaxtical liistory nj Arizima and
New Mexico, bi/ Must Riv. J. B. Salpointe, V. D.
■Wosl Rev. ,X Ji. SALPOIPUTE, TV D.-, Archbishop.
Q^)ied -July ]o, 1898
t)n Jnly is'ib, 1898, 'the Most Rev. Johti IBaptist Salpointes
titular Archbishop of Tomi, formerly Archbishop 'of Santa Fe,
-and previously Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, -died at Tucson,
• Arizona. Little knowti to the outside world, modest, simple,
;and unobtrttsive with the small circle of his friends, he *vas one
'of those devoted priests M'hom, year after >^ar, Catholic France
sends forth to carrj- the Gospel into distant lands. At the
time of his death, Archbishop Salpointe had spent forty years
'of constant, patient and almost mi not iced labor in t lie missions
«of Arizona and New -Mexico.
Jolin Baptist Salpointe was born in tlie 'diocese of Cler
mont, Francev about seventy yeats ago. He was educated for
the priesthood of his native diocese^ and afteV his ordination
was a professor in ttie seminary. Hete his life mi^ht have
been quietly passed^ were it not for the Visit in 1859 of Rev.
P'r, E-guillon, a native of Clermont and formet V'icar-Cieneral
•of Santa Fe, wbo 'came looking for priests and students for his
•distant mission. It was a great Change to leave the quiet
College and turn to the mountains of New Mexico still
infested by savage Indians, but Fr. vSalpointe volunteered, and
with him several others now all dead and gone.
The country west of the Missouri was at that time^ 1859,
almost unknown, and we are reminded of some events of the
present war when we hear that a few years previous to 1859,
aVi-knuix tio. Vli.
when Bi!*hop Laruy was sent to Santa Fe as its first bisHop\
neither the ckrgy of Santa Fe, no* the Mexican bishop in
\Vhose jurisdiction Santa' Fe Sad" previousi^^ been,. bad heard a
\X'or<i of the appointment-.
Tlir jioufiiey of Viear-GeneroA Egnfllon- witfi- Ris* orerical.
recruits-, acroj^S' the plailisj, is- well described in' thi^- hook. The
difficulties- of the jouiliey begair at Kansas- City,, then a- small,
village. The 6r3t diSficult-y v'as>on® that touched- evenv'body
Some one had to cook,- and who should it be? Two Re'';erend.
(.*ook's were duly appointed. Then they had- Co wait for a
caravai> so tliat tbeir numbers might keep* awasy the Indians -
Buflfalo bunts, loss of mules a-nd other incidents- kept the
tVaveleys- pretty bus^' mi til at last- they riea^^hed. Santa. Fe- after.'
.?even$y-on3e' dai^'S'' joufney fpom Havre.
Fat-hef Salpointe wa.^ hr3t engaged in feaefiing,. with several!
missions- to attend to at the same time- I« r'X6p)' he took
charge 6f t'he p^Ti.sh of Mora,, a* ^"^ery extensive missionary
district. CbuYch building, erection of sehool*^ for the Sisters-
of lyOr^tto,- and rtthei's' for tlie Chfi.'^tian Brothers^ occiipied his-
lime fn Mora In August. 1864,- a call was made for volun-
Eeers for the fni.^aions of Ari7;ona, \vhich was then without a:
isingle priest. Father Salpointe ^-a.s one of tho.se who volun-
teered, but circum'stance.s delayed the journey until 1866,, whetr
K'ifh tvt^O othef priests, affef a long and dangerou.s^ journey,.
F.lthef Salpointe affived iii Tvicnon . where he ^t to work
treetvng schools and cbiirrhe.s^.-
T\vo years later, in 1868, Arizona ceased to f)e part of
the Santa Fe dicCese,- ai'id became a Vicariate Apo»tolic,. witb
Father Salpointe as its first bishop.
In 1885, Bishop Salpoinlse tra:* appointed Coadjutor to the
Archbishop of Santa Fe, Dr. Lamy, and on his resignation I)r,
vSalpointe .-succeeded to the archV^ij^hopric. His first care wa.*?
(o provide .>cbool.«; for the Indian.s. and, at his in.^tance, the
(lOvernment gave contracts to .several Catholic schools, Manv
f»f these are conducted at the sole eXpen.se of Mother Catherine
i)rexel whoSe charity tcrwatd the friendlej^s Indian children may
C.od reward! In 1891 the weight of increasing years made the
.\rchbishop .seek a coadjutor, and Mgr. Chapelle was appoin-
AlM'KNDIX No. VII.
tttd, but Archbishop Salpoiiite froiitiimed to act until 1894.,
■>\vhen he retired.
After 'that date. Archbishop Selpoin'te ^resided Eiostly at
Tuc«oii where he had spetit-^o many yearfi of 'his laborious
• life. Hre 'occupied his leisure 'hours with the stud}' of 'the
" records of 'the early missions of the Southwest, and publisheH
his studies in this volume, pYinted at iBo.nning. California, by
•the Indian boys whe publish the MinrUm -Indian. Eqjoying
the respect and affection of all who kiaeu' liim, the venerable
Archbishop lix^ed at vSt Mary's Hospitfll, Tucson, Arizona,
■until July '15th., when be .passed away to 'his reward. His
funeral -took place Oft July iHth, when 'the Remains were in-
tter red beneath the high -altar oft h£ Cathedral, Tucson. At'va.
The Vener-able A>Tohbishop 'retained his mental powers un
• til he recmx'ed the -last proof-sheet of -this book. He w^rotetheti
'to the publisher: '^'There ought to be made some corrections.
Do it yourself, I cannot do anything more." Five months
-later .he died. -K. I. P
M(>)ST R^V. PEfER -Jii^URGAnE, D. >).
SV'rc'hbishdp lif SmYta F<» V(>^n- MpviiMi
As successor ot Arc^bisho'p Sal^6inte, the iRng'h't 'keV. Petet
^Boutgade has been raised to the dignity of Archbishop of SantS
)Fe. Bishop Bourgade is oi'ie of the pioneers of the Church
nn the southwest. He left his native lanxi, and -hi?; friends and
people., to come to Arizona in the year T869, when the territory
-had on>ly three ptiests. Archbishop Salpoiifite, with whonfj
Father Bourgade came to the west, had been ^appointed vicar-
;apostolic of Arizona, irt "t 868, and hkd at once >ieen the neeci
•of procuring missionaries. He tul^rted to FVanCe, and near hi.s
native placcv, he was fortunate in 4^ndin'g volunteers: Fathe'r
Bourgade,, Father Chaucot. now in Tucson, Father Moriii^ now
in Silver Cityv, FatheV Anthony JouX-enceau^ Father Bernard,
Father Escalier. They came of course overland from Kansas
City across the plains, and the Bishop tells how glad they were
<\Een tired and weary they came in sight of the old puehlo of
Tncson. Father Bourg-ade had charge of several missions in
succession; Yuma, San Elzeario, and Silver City,, and in 18S5.
on Archbishop Salpointe'» succession to Saiita Fe, Father
Bourgade was made Bishop of Thaumacum,- in ]iHrii}m< in-
Jidelium J with charge of the Vicariate Apostolic of Arizona
^including a considerable portion ©f New Mexico). In 189S
the Vicariate was erected into a regular diocese,, with the title-
of Tucson;, and with Bishop Bourgade as Its first Bishop..
During all- these years, the Bishop bad labored- laithfally and.
silently in the service of God, dischargijig the duties- of priest,
pastor and bishop with edifying care and fidelity. And now
Ihe words- are spoken %<y him, ami the reward given to him.,
which we read of in the Gospel: "Well done^ good and faith-
ful over a few things, I will place thee over many-'"
He is removed to a portion which brings with it honor,
but also very great labor and additional responsibility- That
the duties of the arch-episcopal office will be discharged by
His Grace tbene\v .\fcbbi»jbop needs no assurance to any one
who is personally acquainted with bis Lordship- Laborious,
patient, humble, the especial friend of the poor and lowly,.
zealous for souls, the Archbis-hop corresponds to the model
.'sketched b\' St. PauL Wherever the Bishop has made an ac-
quaintance he has made a friend, and his departure from Ari-
zona will be keenly regretted by many. That he may live
lid multos (innos in esteem and honor in the Archdioce.se of
Santa Fe is our sincere wi.sh to his Grace,
Mis Grace, the Most Rev. P. Bourgade, D, D., was offidalh-
tratisferred from the Episcopal See of Tucson, Arizona, to
the Metropolitan See of Santa Fe, N, Mex., by a Rescript
of His Holiness Pope Leo XIIl, dated January 7th 1899.
The appointment gave great joy to both the clergy and
the people of the Archdiocese, whose choice had been from
the beginning of the vacaiic>'. the preferred candidate.
The solemn installation did not take place however
i)efore the 6th of April of the same year, which was, in
1899. Easter Thursday, Besides the secular clergy of the
Appkn'dix No. VII.
diocese, there were present, on the occasion, His Lordship
the Right Rev. N. C. Matz, D. D., Bishop of Denver, a
delegation from Arizona, and a number of Jesuit P'athers
from Albuquerque and Las Vegas. A grand procession
was formed from the R. R. station to the Cathedral in
which the entire population took part. His Grace, escorted by
the Very Rev. A. F'ourchegu, late Vicar General of Archbishop
Chapelle, the Hon. G. W. Wallace, Lieutenant Governor of
New Mexico and a large number of prominent men, passed in.
state through the principal streets of the city, all crowded with
people, and went directly to the Cathedral. There, after the
liturgical prayers had been chanted. His Grace handed the
papal rescript of his nomination to the Ver)- Rev. Fourchegu,
administrator of the diocese, sede vacante, who in turn ordered
the Rev. Y. B. Fayer to read it aloud. When this was done, all
the clergy present at the ceremony, both secular and regular,
approached the throne, and kissing the ring, made their obedi-
ence. After that, Archbishop Bourgade, although very much
affected, addressed in a most impressive manner his priests
and the people; and his words were so touching that from that
moment he made himself loved and respected by all as a father
and sincere friend. The Te Deum was then intoned during
which the procession formed again, and amidst the singing of
the priests, the sound of the bells, and the harmony of a good
music band. His Grace was solemnly escorted to his residence.
Six months later, on October 4th of the same year, the
same being the feast of St. Francis, Patron of the cathedral
and of the diocese. Archbishop Bourgade was invested with
the sacred pallium, in his owti metropolitan church, by the
Right Rev. N. Matz, D. D., Bishop of Denver. There were
again, in addition to the diocesan clergy, special delegations of
priests from Arizona, headed by the Very Rev. Edw. Gerard,
administrator of the diocese ol Tucson, sede vacante, and
from Colorado. The deacons of honor to His Grace were
the Rev. J. M. Coudert, pastor of Bernalillo, and the Rev. J.
H. Defouri, pastor of Las Vegas; the assistant priest being the
Vicar General A. Fourchegu. The Bishop of Denver, cele-
brating Pontifical High Mass, was assisted by Very Rev. E.
Gerard of Tucson, Ariz., as assistant priest, and by the Revs.
Appendix So. Vfl.
S. Pefsone, S. J., of Trinidad (Colo.) and J. B. Ralliereof Tome,
as Deacon and Subdeacon. A special choir of male voice»
sang the Mass of Dumont, in plain-chant, which was de-
clared magnificent by the vast audience. Two sermons were
preached, one in Spanish by the Rev. A. Jouvenceau, of Park
View, New Mexico; the other by the Very Rev. P. Phillips,
Chancellor of the Denver Diocese, who spoke in English. Con-
spicuous among the clergy were three Franciscan Fathers, with
cowl and brown habit, whose presence, pleasing to all, meant
the return of the sons of St. F'rancis into the land assigned to
them, of old , b^' Ferdinand and Ysabel.
The civil authorities of Santa F'e, prominent among them,
the Governor Miguel Otero, the District Judge McFie and the
Mayor J. H. Sloan were present at the conferring of the Pal-
lium; and also at the banquet which followed, at which about
one hundred guests, both lay and clerical, partook of the hos-
pitality of His Grace, in the hall of .St. Michael's College-
At the end of the repast, toasts were called by the Very Rev.
Chancellor of Denver, and responded to b)' the following gentle-
men : In the name of the Territory, by His Exc, Governor M. A.
Otero; in the name of the City of Santa Fe, by His Honor, the
Mayor, J. H. Sloan; as a representative of the English speaking
Catholics, by the Hon. P. J. Victory, late Solicitor- General; in
behalf of the Spanish people, by Don Octaviano Larrazola; and
last, but not least, representing the ecclesiastical province, by
His Eordship, the Bishop of Denver.
May His Grace, the Most Rev. Archbishop Bourgade, set-
as a Metropolitan, the years of the Venerable Archbishop
Lamy by whom he was made a priest, and consecrated a
Bishop, and whose third successor in Santa Fe he is.
Right Rev. HENRY GRAN J ON, I). D.
iJisliop ol Thcsou, -Ariz.
His Holiness, Pope Leo XHI., appointed the Rt. Rev.
Henr^' Granjon Bishop of Tucson, Arizona. After the
departure of Archbishop Bourgade from Tucson, Very Rev.
E. Gerard was administrator of the diocese. The appointment
An KNDix No. VII.
of the new bishop occurred in March, 1900, and on June 17,
1900, Right Rev. Henr^^ Granjon was consecrated Bishop by
by His Eminence, Cardinal J. Gibbons, in the venerable
Cathedral of Baltimore.
The services of consecration began at 10 o'clock and lasted
about three hours. Owing to the inclement weather the pro-
cession from the Cardinal's residence to the Cathedral, 'Ahich
is customar}'^ on such occasions, had to be abandoned. Those
who were to take part in the ceremon}-, however, gathered in
the sacristy of the Cathedral and marched thence in procession
down the side aisle and up the main aisle into the sanctuary'.
When the procession entered, the pews in the Cathedral were
only partly filled, but after about half an hour they were rap-
idly occupied and it became necessary to place chairs in one of
the side aisles. A number of prominent people occupied the
pews nearest the sanctuary, in one of which sat the French
embassador, Mr. Jules Cambon, and Messrs. Jules Boentoe and
Olivier Taigny, of the French embassy's staff in Washington.
The Cardinal having proceeded from his throne to a seat at
the foot of the altar, which was brilliant with hundreds of
candles and heavily laden with white lilies, the services began.
The Bishop-elect, who was vested in stole, amice, cincture, alb
and cope, was led from his seat and was formally presented to
the Cardinal for consecration by the assistant Bishops Allen
and Monoghan, who were clothed in capes and wore mitres.
The Papal commission in Latin having been read by the
consecrator's notary, Rev. Dr. Magnien, presidentof St. Mary's
Seminary, the Cardinal received the required pledges of the
Bishop-elect, who stood before him with head uncovered.
Then followed a long examination on points of Catholic faith.
After the vesting of Bishop Granjon and the usual ceremonies,
performed by the Cardinal, the newly consecrated Bishop,
staff in hand, passed down the main aisle blessing the people.
On his return to the sanctuary he concluded the services by
blessing the people from the altar.
The sermon was preached by Rev. Dr. Joseph \'. Tracy.
professor of Scripture in Brighton Seminary, Boston, Mass.
In it he was short and to the point, dwelling upon the serious-
ness and surpassing interest of the ceremony of consecrating a
ArrK.NDix Ko. VII.
bishop. He also presented certain aspects of the episcopal
office and concluded by pajdng a high tribute to the honest
humilit}^ and simple devotion of Bishop Granjon.
The following priests from Arizona were present: Ver>'
Rev. Edward Gerard, administrator of the diocese, and Rev.
Peter Timmerman, of Clifton, Ariz.
Bishop Granjon reached Tucson on July 5th, taking
charge of his See.
Bishop Granjon was born in Lyons, France, in 1863 and is
of a distinguished famil}'. He studied philosophy and theology
in the Sulpician Seminaries of Paris and Issy, afterwards going
to Rome. He graduated there in divinity from the ApoUinare
University, and in canon law from the Minerva University. In
1887 he was ordained a priest. At the ceremony of his ordi-
nation he met Archbishop Bourgade, then Vicar Apostolic of
Arizona, who was in Europe recruiting missionaries for Ari-
zona. Bishop Granjon volunteered to go as a missionary to
Arizona, w^here he labored from 1890 to 1897. Three years
ago he was summoned to Baltimore and placed in charge of
the Association for the Propagation of the Faith, with residence
at St. Marj^'s Seminar^'. Bishop Granjon possesses a good
phj'sique and a hearty, genial manner, together with an un-
bounded apostolic zeal. May his episcopal career abound to
the greater glon,- of God, and the salvation of his flock !
VERY REV. FRANCIS JOUVENCEAU.
Died .July, 1900.
Very Rev. P'rancis Jouvenceau died in July, 1900, at the
St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson, Arizona. He came to New-
Mexico in 1859 and in 1866 he entered upon the missionary
territory of Arizona. He had been a priest for forty five years
when he died. Father Francis Jouvenceau was an unselfish,
zealous, pious, saintly, heroic pioneer priest.
(These notes, Appendix No. VII, were added in .September 1900. The Publisher.)
INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.
I. The Road to the Pueblo of Acoma, in 1846 opposite
II. Papago Indian Camp ,,
III. Dwelling of Papago Indians „
IV. Wolpi
V. Taos ,
VI. Opuntia Cholla
VII. Giant Cactus „
VIII. An ancient Spanish Crucifix ,
IX. Old Cathedral of Santa Fe
X. Santa Cruz Church ,,
XI. Cathedral of Santa Fe ,
XII. Old San Miguel Church
XIII. Church of Nuestia Seiiora de los Dolores
XIV. Interior of the Church of Albuquerque „
XV. Christian Brothers' College, Santa Fe
XVI. Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes ,,
XVII. St. Catherine's Industrial Indian School
XVIII. Church of San Juan
XIX. Loretta Academy of Our Lady of Light
XX. St. Michael's College, Santa Fe, erected 1887
XXI. Most Rev. J. B. Lamy, D. D
XXII. MostRev. J. B.Salpointe, DD., opposite title page.
XXIII. Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, D. D
XXIV. Most Rev. Placide L. Chapelle, D. D ,
XXV. Right Rev. N. Ch. Matz, D. D
XXVI. Right Rev. P. Bourgade, D. D
XXVII. Old Cathedral of Tucson
XXVIII. New Cathedral of Tucson
XXIX. Old Mission at Tucson
XXX. Church of the IniniHculate Heart of Jfary „
XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School, Pres(ott
XXXII. ('hurch of Flagstaff
XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix ,
XXXIV^ Franciscan Fathers, Phoenix ,,
XXXV. Casa Grande
XXXVI. Casa Grande
XXXVII. San Xavier Mission, near Tucson
XXXVIII. Very Rev. E. Gerard, Vicar General
XXXIX. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson
XL. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson
XLI. Indian Village, (Pueblo)
XLII. Indian Village, (Pueblo)
XLIII. Very Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau
XLIV. Interior of San Xavier's Church, Tucson, Ariz
XLV. Indian Girls of Wolpi
page 16
17
17
24
24
25
25
48
49
49
56
57
57
80
80
81
88
88
89
89
„ 112
„ 120
„ 144
,, 152
,, 176
,, 184
„ 184
„ I8.J
„ 185
,, 208
„ 208
„ 209
„ 209
„ 216
„ 216
,. 217
„ 240
„ 241
„ 241
„ 248
„ 249
„ 272
„ 280
., -W
5t. Boniface's Industrial Schnol. Rannint;. r'alifnrnia
INDEX.
fThe numbers indicate the pages referred to. Numbers like 246-7, 245, -7, refer to pages
U6 and 21,7.)
Archives of Santa Fe 52, 99.
Arizona (see also Nevv Mexico, Indians,
missionaries, schools, Indian legends)
3; early explorers 5, 6, 9, 27, 32, 129;
Grand Canon, Colorado and Gila in
1640 and 1604, p. 51; Moquis in 1680,
69; Jesuits come in 1687, 131, Indian
revolt —Jesuits retire and Francis-
cans arrive in 1767, 143; expulsion
of missionaries, 180, 226; purchased
by U. S. 191 ; becomes part of Santa
Fe diocese 224; Jesuit missionaries
come 240; French missionaries come
241; becomes Vicariate Apostolic, 259,
261; diocese of Tucson, 296.
Authorities quoted : Alarcon 1, Ban-
croft 2, Bandelier 30, 117, Benavides
64, Castaneda 16, Civezza 26, 71,
Cronica Seraphica 6, 64, 74, Defouri
71, Documentos etc. 78, Ensayo
Cronologico 62, J. Gilmary Shea 41,
Hittel 15 , Jaramillo 16, 34, 36, Joly
136, Lummis 40, 48, 114, 286, Kiel 67,
O'Gorman 131, O'Ryan and Malone
229, old church-documents 96, Ortega
130, Phillips 229, Rudo Ensayo 130,
Salmeron 43, 48, 52, Solorzano 3, State
Documents 96, Vargas 73, Velasco
131, Veles Escalante 52.
Bourgade, Right Rev, Bishop, 260,
266, 268, 271, 284,
California 101,
Casa Grande ruins 134.
Census taken in 1789, 102.
Chapelle , Archbishop, 278, -9, 281.
Christian Brothers 211, 221, 237, 274.
Churches first built in New Mexico
48, 50, 52. In 1617 there were eleven
churches, 53, in 1629 forty-three 44,
286. In Arizona 131, 13.3.
Churches, how built and maintained
182, -3.
Colorado 100, 105, 191, 228, 224.
Crossing the plains 107, 203, 212, 257.
Diocese of Santa Fe (see New Mexico)
223, 224, becomes Archdiocese 265,
statistics 296, 257.
Diocese of Denver 228.
Diocese of Tucson (see Arizona) 296.
Drexel, Mother Catherine, 273, -4.
Franciscans , (see missionaries) 51, 54,
127.
Franciscans, Third Order 161.
Hospitals, Sisters', 268, 285.
Huguenots and Apaches 87.
Indians : ethnology, early traditions
3, 4, villages, industries 16, 18, houses
17, mounds 14, ruins i34, 135, dress
19, methods of attack 97, 257, of cross-
ing ruins 5, burials, cremation, idea
of the soul, legends of owl, coyote,
eagle, 3, 9, 12, medicine-men 13,
witchcraft 140, 150, dances 20, 93, 115,
sun-worship 19, religious ideas, god
Moctezuma 8, 19, 46, 51, idols, human
sacrifices 14, 19, 68, 71, women 11,
morality 8, polygamy 7, marriage
and divorce 11, 17, 184, tribes' govern-
ment 17, 21, 22, 23, 150.
298
Index.
ludiau tribes and villages of Kew
Mexico and Arizona: Acoma 34, 59,
64, 75, 2&S, Aijaos 62, Algodones 329,
Apaches 13, 53, -5, 61, 87, 96, 133, -4, 147,
-8, 192, 267 , Comanches 53, 96, 101,
Cipias 62, Galisteo 36, 44, 50, 53, 72, 74,
92, Jemes 20, 49, 58, 64, 72, 75, 83,
Isleta (Tiguas) and Laguna 35, 39, 42,
49, 70, 72, 84, 287, Manzos 55, 62, Mari-
copas 131, Moquis 33, -4, 51, 60, 65, 68,
70, 72, 76, 90, 94, 101, Navajos 61, 76, 87,
i02, 106, 147, -8, 176, Papagos 4, 12, 13,
132, 150, Pecos 36, 49, 53, 57, 72, 74, 85,
149, 287, Picuries and Taos 49, 50, 53,
59, 72, -4, 99, 135, 177, 287, Pimas 3, 8, 9,
10, 13, 132, 140, 141, Piros 55, 65,
Queres 49, 57, 72, 75, Quivira 36, 50,
53, 287, Sandia 43, -5, Taos see Picuries,
Tanos 57, Tompiros 57, 146, Vaqueros
61, Xumana 61, Yumas 5, 7, 8, 12, 131,
141, -2, Yutas 53, 100, 170, Zia 49, 71,
72, 75, 85, Zuni 32, 33, 51, 60, 62, 65,
72, 75, 89, 287.
Indiana , conquered by Spanish (see
Spanish explorers) ; revolt 63 , 81,
86, in trade 98, treatment by Spanish
110, 113, dealings with missionaries
59, 118, 183, population 146, 9, towards
settlers 169, present Indian popula-
tion 150, 296, schools for 272, -4.
Jesuits in Sonera and Arizona (1681)
p. 130, 131, expelled (1767) 134, in
Arizona (1863) 240, in New Mexico
(1866) 257, in California 137, in
Colorado 230.
l.amy. Archbishop, 194, 206, 219, 229,
234, 265, 275.
Machebeuf, Right Rev. Bishop, 196,
224-9, 236, 260.
Matz , Right Rev. Bishop, 279.
Mexican Independence (1821) 110, ex-
pulsion of missionaries 143, Mex.
empire 153, -8, republic 159, war
with U. S. and cession of New
Mexico 172, -8.
Missionaries of New Mexico: Spanish
Franciscans (1538-1821) p. 26, 41, 42,
44, 45 ,} see complete list 123 , mar-
tyred by the Indians 123, expelled
by Mexican government 143, 161,
164, Mexican missionaries 160, 165,
179, 193, 196, 208, Vicar Apostolic
Lamy appointed (1850) 194, 195, and
missionaries come from France
196, 207, 211, see complete list 282,
-3, miissions become diocese of Santa
Fe 206, parishes 223, created an
archdiocese 265 , Archbishop Sal-
pointe 272, Archbishop Chapelle
279, Jesuit Fathers 257, -8.
Missionaries of Arizona: Spanish
Franciscans (1538) p. 5, (1604) p. 51,
(1680) p. 69, Spanish Jesuits (1687),
131, 134, 144, martyred 132, 133, 142,
Spanish Franciscans come (1767) 139:
and were expelled (1827) 143;
attended by Mexican priests 185,
226; annexed to Santa Fe 224, visited
by Fr. Machebeuf 224, Jesuit Fathers
240, French missionaries: Frs. Las-
saigne 241, 261, Bernai 241, Salpointe
Boucard, Birmingham 242. Vica-
riate Apostolic created 259, more
missionaries : Rev. F. Jouvenceau
259, Bourgade, A Jouvenceau, Morin,
Bernard, Chaucot, Escalier 260, -1,
Ruellan263, Dommergue 264, Grangs
266, Badilla 269; Gerard, Deraches,
Stagnon 270; Gallagher, Bloise, 271;
Quetu 285; Vicariate becomes diocese
of Tucson, Statistics 296.
Missions how supported 127, -8, 143,
182, -S; property confiscated 165, 180.
Missionaries and Indians 127, 118,
58, 69.
Missionary life 223, 238, -9, 255, -6.
Missions in 1617 p. 53, in 1626 p. 54,
at present 296.
New Mexico: first called Cibola 25,
why? 32, expedition of Spanish ex-
plorers (1530) 25, (1536) 26, (1540) 33,
(1582) 45, (1596) 47; named New
Mexico 46, Santa Fe founded (1605)
51, governors of New Mexico see
ofiBcials, Indian revolts 63, 81, 86,
coming of traders (1744) 97, Spanish
rule ends 109, Mexican rule 153,
159, New Mexico created a Mexican
Territory 164. revolts 166, invaded
by United States 176, revolts against
United States 176, ceded to United
States (1848) 178, becomes United
States territory 191, Arizona and
Colorado added 191, Vicariate Apos-
tolic 194, a diocese 206, (see Indians,
missions.)
Officials of New Mexico: Spanish gov-
ernors (1645-1822) 52, 72, 73, 89, 106;
Mexican governors (1822-1848) 163,
173; United States governors (1848-
1898) 192, 193.
Orphan asylum of Tucson 264,
Index.
299
Pallium conferred on Archbishops
Lamy and Chapelle 265, 279.
"Penitentes" of New Mexico, origin
of, condemned by the Church 161, -3.
Places in New Mexico mentioned
(see also Indian tribes and villages):
Alameda 71 , Albuquerque 91, 258,
288, Belen 160, 207, Bernalillo 40, 90,
258, 266, 273, CeboUeta 99, Chilili 57,
Cochiti, 71, 72, 75, Gran Quivira 53,
62, 287, Is! eta 70, 93, La Joya 55,
Las Vegas 274, Los Alamos 284, Mora
284, Pilabo 56, Puaray 43, 49, 71, Ouarac
99, San Felipe 53, 57, 71, 72, 75, 85,
96, San Gabriel 50, San Juan 84, 277,
281, San Ildefouso 53, 58, 72, 84, 87,
San Geronimo 61, Sandia 53, 56, 71,
98, Santa Ana 59, 71, 75, 85, 96, Santa
Clara 53, 61, 72, 84, Santa Cruz 86,
Santa Fe in 1605, 51, 52; in 1629, 57,
-8; beseiged in 1680, 65 ; and in 1692,
73; battle of 81, 83, 85; churches 99,
160; taken by General Kearney 173;
churches and schools 204; diocese
Of 205, -8, 220, 240, 261 , 278, 286, 296,
Santo Domingo 53, 75, 86, Senecu 56,
70, 72, 147, Sevilleta 56, Socorro 56,
72, Trinidad 235. In diocese of
Arizona Isleta 263, La Mesa 266, Las
Cruces 262, -3, Messilla 263, Sapello
222, S38, 2Si, Silver City ^70, SSI,,
Tularosa 262.
Places in Arizona mentioned (see
Indian tribes) : Arivaca 133, Benson
S/,0, Calabazas US, Casa Grande iS2,
Colorado river SA, 51, US, Florence
271, Gila river 51, 131, IM, Guevavi
131, La Paz 253, Phoenix 270, 27/, SS5,
Prescott 21,0, 270, 2S5, San Xavier 131,
133, Ul, W2, US, 181, 1S5-S, St. John's
S69, Tempe 270, Tombstone S71, Tubac
ISl, 185, Tucson 131, 133, wall built
by Franciscans Ul, presidio built
SU, churches etc. 225, 226, 2W, 21,8,
250, -A, 266, 271, Tumacucuri 133, Ul,
181, Yuma (see Yuma Indians) 1, 529,
SS6, 250, -S, 259, 26/,.
Plague in Arizona 256.
Population of the missions 102, 11,6,
-9, 296.
Pueblos see Indian villages.
Raverdy, "Very Rev. Father, 211, 228, 231.
Salpointe, Arjhbishop; comes from
France 211, 221; in Santa Fe 221, in
Mora 2:^4, -9, goes to Arizona 242,
258; Vicar Apostolic 259, 267; Arch-
bishop in Santa Fe 272, retires 279.
Salutations in Spanish 199.
ScUooIs in Mexico in J524, 120; in 1717,
95, 106; in 1717 in Santa Fe 160, 204;
San Xavier 251, 264; Tucson 251, -3,
262, 266; Yuma 264, Las Cruces 262,
Prescott 264, Phrenix, 285, Messilla,
Los Alamos, Sapello, Silver City,
284. See Sisters' Schools.
Sisters of Charity 209; of the Good
Shepherd 230; of Loretto 202, 230,
237, 238, 249, 257, 262, 266, 268, 273;
of Mercy 284, -5; of St. Joseph 262,
264, 268.
Spanish explorers (1530-1696) 25, 47;
adventurers 109; governments 112;
treatment of Indians 110, US;
Spanish and religious 115, 116, 118;
Spanish power ends 109; Spanish
refuse Mexican citizenship and
are expelled l6ii.
Texas 70, 73, 75, 77, 78, 98, 127, U7, 172,
263, 284, 287.
Traders with New Mexico 97, 103, 106,
-7, m.
Traveling in early days 195, 198, 241,
254.
United States purchase Louisiana lOS,
approach New Mexico lOU, traders
encroach on New Mexico 168, -9,
annex Texas 172, invade New Mexi-
co 173, purchase Arizona and
Colorado 191.
Vtsih, 230, 233. See Indians, Yutas.
CORRECTIONS ;
Page 26, line 6 for 1528 read 1538.
Page 123 line 17 after Buenaventura add : "who is called Bustamente on
page 47."
Page 139 line 11 for 1667 read 1767.
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