Some historical account of Guinea, : its situation, produce, and the general disposition of its inhabitants, with an inquiry into the rise and progress of the slave trade, its nature and lamentable effects

1<~*£- 0~LlZZOZ \*l-c--i-< <CL^ Y^--^ (<J~£-*-f a «•'«-- ftr-e-s £/£***> tisi~i /.^r^«»- /«a^

£-*i«£— \^lc<- oLcff£ — A/is./ h& tmcSu^

9C

Ccsz^., cl_ & h>i Cr~ U a- lt**v«J «=• J3Jt>aDK&£.C/_, ULZ to^b

y^uc^M , t^»- &*.'~j - f&Jl-$ , itfLti-UvKj ^y^iu/wwf ?-cy,^fer_

- -<- a^ fLZy U.t.G-'f L~6<SI^ &. C-J c^c^^{_P / ifZZy C^<^ t<.<r<^ £:-&&__>

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

Associates of the Boston Public Library / The Boston Foundation

http://www.archive.org/details/somehistoricalac1788bene

-

SOME

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

o p

GUINEA,

SOME f\j) ■ J

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

O F

GUINEA,

ITS

Situation, Produce, and the General
Disposition of its Inhabitants.

WITH

An Inquiry into the Rise and Progress

OF THE

SLAVE TRADE,

Its Nature, and Lamentable Effects.

By ANTHONY BENEZET.

Acts xvii. 24. 26. God, that made the 'world — hath made
of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face
tf the earth, and hath determined the — bounds of their habi-
tation.

A NEW EDITION.

LONDON:

Printed and Sold by J. Phillips, George Yard, Lombard-ftreek
M. OCC. LXXXVUI,

-

Qfc

LOt !' ' «$ S)j *

XH
.710

•"fe43£jb

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

GENERAL account of Guinea ; particularly
thofe parts on the rivers Senegal and Gambia.

Page i

CHAP. II.

Account of the Ivory-Coaft, the Gold-Coaft, and
the Slave- Coaft, 14

CHAP. III.

Of the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo and Angola.

CHAP. IV.

Guinea, firft difcovered and fubdued by the Arabi-
ans. The Portuguefe make def cents on the coaft*
and carry off the natives. Oppreffion of the In-
dians: De la Qafa pleads their caufe* 3 5

CHAP. V.

tfhefirji trade of the Englifh to the coafi <?/Guinea :
Violently tarry offfome of the Negroes, -45

a 3 CHAP.

CONTENTS.

CHAP. VI.

Slavery more tolerable under Pagans and Turks
than in the colonies. As Chrijiianity prevailed^
ancient fiavery declined. 54

CHAP. VII,

Montefquieu' sfentiments of Jlavery. Morgan God-
wyn advocates the caufe of the Negroes and
Indians, &c, 62

CHAP. VIII.

Grievous treatment of the Negroes in the colonies*
&c. 72

CHAP, IX.

Defire of gain the true motive of the Slave trade,
Mifreprefentation of the fate of the Negroes in
Guinea. %t

CHAP. X.

State of the Government in Guinea, &c. 88

CHAP. XI.

Accounts of the cruel methods ufed in carrying on
the Slave trade, &c. 93

CHAP,

CON TENTS,

CHAP. XII.

Mxtrafis of fevered voyages to the coaft 0/Guinea3

CHAP. XIH.

Numbers of Negroes yearly brought from Guinea
by the Englilh, &c. 107

CHAP. XIV.

Observations on the fituation and difpojition of the
Negroes in the Northern colonies, &c. 1 1 1

CHAP. XV.

fthe expediency of a general freedom being granted,
to the Negroes conjidered. 1 1.6

CHAP. XVI.

Europeans capable of bearing reafonabk labour in
the Weft Indies, &c6 x 19

a 4 ADVER'

ADVERTISEMENT.

rpHE Author of the following Account of
1 Guinea having been one of the earlieft:
and mod diftinguifhed advocates for the unfor-
tunate Africans, a fhort account of him may
not be unacceptable.

Anthony Benezet was of a refpectable family,
and was born at St. Quintin, in Picardy, in
1 713. His father was one of the many Pro-
teftants who, in confequence of the perfecutions
which followed the revocation of the edict of
Nantz, fought an afylum in foreign countries.
After a fhort ftay in Holland, he fettled with
his wife and feveral children in London, in

Our Author having received a liberal educa-
tion, ferved an apprenticelhip in an eminent
mercantile houfe in London. In 173 1, the
whole family removed to Philadelphia. His
three brothers followed trade fuccefsfully ; but
he, whofe purfuits were directed to worthier
objects than the attainment of wealth, and whofe
higheft gratification confided in promoting the
welfare of mankind, chofe the humble, but
ufeful, occupation of inftructing young people
in the paths of knowledge and virtue.

Soon

t X ]

Soon after his arrival in America, he joined
in profefiion with the people called Quakers,
The exertions of that fociety to annihilate the
unchriftian practice of holding negroes in flavery,
are well known : In thefe endeavours, it is pre-
fumed that no individual took a more active
part than this worthy citizen of the world. His
writings on this fubjecl: were numerous : befides
feveral fmaller traces, which were generally dif-
perfed, he publifhed, in the year 1762, the fol-
lowing Account, of which this is the fourth
edition •, and in 1767, he alfo publilhed his " Cau-
tion and Warning to Great Britain and her
Colonies." With the fame benevolent views?
he not only availed himfelf of every opportunity
>of perfonal application, but alfo correfponded
-with many perfons in Europe, America, and the
Weft Indies. Though mean in his perfonal
.appearance, fuch was the courtefy of his man-
ners, and fo evident the purity of his intentions^
that he had ready accefs to people of all defcrip-
tions, and obtained the reipect of the few whom,
he failed to influence.

About 1756, a confiderable number of French
families were removed from Acadia to Pennfyl-
vania, on account of fome political fufpicions.
Towards thefe unfortunate people he manifefted
his ufual philanthropy, and exerted himfelf
much in their behalf -, and it was generally to
his care that the many contributions, raifed to
alleviate their diltreffes, were entrufted. In a
country where few understood their language,
they were wretched and helplefs : circumftances
which infured them his^ cheerful afliftance.

Appro-

[ xi ]

Apprehending that much advantage would
arife, both to the individuals and the publick,
from instructing the black people in common
learning, he zealoufly promoted the eftablifh-
ment of a fchool in Philadelphia for that purpofe.
His endeavours were fuccefsful, and a fchool
for negroes was instituted, and has been fup-
ported ever fince, principally by the religious
ibciety of which he was a member; in which
however they have been liberally affifted by
well-difpofed perfons of other denominations.*
The two laft years of his life he devoted to a
perfonal attendance of this fchool, being ear-
nestly defirous that the black people might be
better qualified for the enjoyment of that free-
dom to which great numbers of them had then
been reftored. To this, which he conceived to be
a religious duty, he facrificed the fuperior emo-
luments of his former fchool, and his bodily-
cafe, although the weaknefs of his constitution
feemed to demand indulgence. By his laft will
he directed, that after the deceafe of his widow,
his whole little fortune (the favings of fifty years
induftry) mould, except a few fmall legacies,
be applied to the fupport of this Negroe fchool,
which had been fo much indebted to his care
and benevolence: fome Striking proofs of theNe-
groe-children's advancement in learning in this
fchool have lately been transmitted to England.

* Dr. Wilfon, the late Redtor of St. Stephens, Wal-
brook, a fhort time before his deceafe, fent 50I. fterling
to him, to be applied to the fupport of this fchool, intend-
ing to have doubled the benefaction : but he died before he
effected his benevolent purpofe.

The

[ xii ]

The year preceding his deceafe, obferving
that the flave-trade (which during the war then
recently concluded had much declined) was re-
viving, he addrelTed a pathetic letter on the
fubjedt to our amiable Queen, who, on hearing
the writer's character, received it with marks
of peculiar condefcenfion.

After a few days illnefs, this excellent man
died at Philadelphia, in the fpring 1784. The
interment of his remains was attended by feveral
thoufands of all ranks, profefiions, and parties,
who appeared fincerely to unite in deploring the
lofsofthis friend of mankind. The mournful
procefiion was clofed by fome hundreds of thofe
poor Negroes, who had been perfonally bene-
fited by his labours, and whofe behaviour on
the occafion affectingly evinced their gratitude
$nd affection for their indefatigable benefactor,

INTRO^

INTRODUCTION,

"^ H E flavery of the Negroes
having, of late, drawn the
attention of many ferious minded
people, feveral tracts have been pub-
limed fetting forth its inconfiftency
with every Chriftian and moral vir-
tue, which it is hoped will have
weight with the judicious ; efpeci-
ally at a time when the liberties of
mankind are become fo much the
fubjecl: of general attention. For the
fatisfaction of the ferious inquirer,
who may not have the opportunity
of feeing thofe tracts, and fuch
others who are fincerely defirous that
the iniquity of this practice may be-
come apparent to thofe in whofe
power it may be to put a flop to any
farther progrefs therein ; and in or-
der to enable the reader to form a

true

[

XIV

true judgment of this matter, which ,
though fo very important, is gene-
rally disregarded, or fo artfully mif-
reprefented by thofe whofe intereft
leads them to vindicate it, as to
bias the opinions of people other-
wife upright, it is propofed to give
fome account of the different parts
of Africa, from which the Ne-
groes are brought to America ; with
an impartial relation from what mo-
tives the Europeans were firft indu-
ced to undertake, and havefince con-
tinued this iniquitous traffick. And
here it will not be improper to pre-
mife, that though wars, ariiing from
the common depravity of human na-
ture, have happened, as well among
the Negroes as other nations, and the
weak fometimes been made captives
to the ftrong; yet nothing appears in
the various relations of the inter-
courfe and trade for a long time car-
ried on by the Europeans on that
coaft, which would induce us to be-

lieve3

[ xv )

lieve, that there is any real founda*
tion for the argument, fo common-
ly advanced in vindication of the
trade, viz. Ci That the flavery of the
Negroes took its rife from a defire^
in the pur chafers^ tofave the lives
of fuch of them as were taken cap-
tives in wary who would otherwife
have been facrificed to the impla-
cable revenge of their conquerors"
A plea which, when compared with
the hiftory of thofe times, will ap-
pear to be deftitute of truth ; and
to have been advanced, and urged,
principally by fuch as were concerned
in reaping the gain of this infamous
traffick, as a palliation of that, againft
which their own reafon and confci-
ence rauft have raifed fearful objec-
tions.

cc

cc

cc

CC

cc

Some

SOME

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

O F

GUINEA.

CHAP. I.

GUINEA affords an eafy living to its inha-
bitants, with but little toil. The climate
agrees well with the natives, but is extreme^
ly unhealthy to the Europeans. Produces
provifions in the greateft plenty. Simplicity
of their houfholdry. The coaft of Guinea de-
fcribed from the river Senegal to the kingdom
of Angola. The fruitfulnefs of that part ly-
ing on and between the two great rivers Sene-
gal and Gambia. Account of the different na-
tions fettled there. Order of Government
among the Jalofs. Good account of fome of
the Fulis. The Mandingos; their manage-
ment, government, &c. Their worfhip. M.
Adanfon's account of thofe countries. Sur-
prizing vegetation. Pleafant appearance of
the country. He found the natives very foci-
able and obliging.

WHEN the Negroes are confidered
barely in their prefent abject ftate of
flavery, broken-fpirited and dejected j and too
eafy credit is given to the accounts we frequently
hear or read of their barbarous and favage way
of living in their own country; we fhall be
naturally induced to look upon them as in-

B capable

[ * ]

capable of improvement, deftitute, miferable,
and infenfible of the benefits of life ; and that
our permitting them to live amongft us, even
on the molt oppreflive terms, is to them a favour.
But, on impartial enquiry, the cafe will appear
to be far otherwife; we fhall find that there is
fcarce a country in the whole world, that is bet-
ter calculated for affording the neceffary com-
forts of life to its inhabitants, with lefs folici-
tude and toil, than Guinea ; and that notwith-
flanding the long converfe of many of its in-
habitants with (often) the word of the Euro-
peans, they ftill retain a great deal of innocent
fimplicity ; and, when not ftirred up to revenge
from the frequent abufes they have received
from the Europeans in general, manifeft them-
felves to be a humane, ibciable people, whofe
faculties are as capable of improvement as thofe
of other men -, and that their ceconomy and
government is, in many refpe&s, commendable.
Hence it appears they might have lived happy,
if not disturbed by the Europeans; more efpeci-
ally, if thefe laft had ufed fuch endeavours as
theirchriflian profeflion requires, to communicate
to the ignorant Africans that fuperior know-
ledge which providence had favoured them with.
In order to fet this matter in its true light,
and for the information of thofe well-minded
people who are defirous of being fully ac-
quainted with the merits of a caufe, which is of
the utmoft confequence j as therein the lives and
happinefs of thoufands, and hundreds of thou-
fands, of our fellow Men have fallen, and are
daily falling, a facrifice to felfifh avarice and
ufurped power, I will here give fome account of
the feveral divifions of thofe parts of Africa

from

[ 3 ]

from whence the Negroes are brought, with
a fummary of their produce ; the diipofitiori
of their relpeclive inhabitants, their improve-
ments, &c. &c. extracted from authors of credits
moftly fuch as have been principal officers in the
Englifh, French, and Dutch factories, and who
refided many years in thofe countries. But
flrft it is neceflary to premife, as a remark
generally applicable to the whole coaft of Gui-
nea, " 'That the Almighty who has determined, and
u appointed the bounds of the habitation of men on
" the face of the earth" in the manner that is
moil conducive to the well-being of their
different natures and difpofitions, has fo ordered
it, that although Guinea is extremely unhealthy*
to the Europeans, of whom many thoufands
have met there with a miferable and untimely
B 2 end*

* Gentleman'* s Magazine, Supplement, 1763. ExtraB of a
letter nvrittenfrom the i(land of Senegal by Mr Boone, praiii J
tioner of phyjic there t to Dr> Brocklejby of London,

tc To form ajuft idea cf the unhealthinefs of the climate,
f< it will be neceflary to conceive a country extending three
** hundred leagues Eaft, and more to the North and South*
" Through this country feveral large rivers empty them-
" felves into the fea ; particularly the Sanaga, Gambia,,
*' and Sherbro ; thefe, during the rainy months, which
'* begin in July, and continue till Oclober, overflow their
'* banks, and lay the whole flat country under water; and
" indeed the very fudden rife of thefe rivers is incredible to
fe perfons who have never been within the tropicks, and
" are unacquainted with the violent rains that fall there,
" At Galem, nine hundred miles from the mouth of the
" Sanaga, I am informed that the waters rife one hun-
*' dred and fifty feet perpendicular from the bed of the
te river. This information I received from a gentleman^

Si Yfhet

C 4 ]

end, yet it is not fo with the Negroes, who
enjoy a good ftate of health*, and are able to pro-
cure to themfelves a comfortable fubfiftence,
with much lefs care and toil than is neceffary in
our more northern climate; which lafl: advan-
tage arifes not only from the warmth of the
climate, but alfo from the overflowing of the
rivers, whereby the land is regularly moiftened,

and

6< who was furgeon's mate to a party fent there, and the only
" furvivor of three captains command, each confifting of
" one captain, two lieutenants, one enfign, a furge-
" on's mate, three fergeants, three corporals, and fifty pri-
te vates.

*£ When the rains are at an end, which ufually hap-
** pens in Oclober, the intenie heat of the fun foon dries
&< up the waters which lie on the higher parts of the
«* earth, and the remainder forms lakes of ftagnated waters,
cc in which are found all forts of dead animals : Thefe
" waters every day decreafe, till at laft they are quite
s( exhaled, and. then the effluvia that arife are almofi: in-
*' fupportable. At this feafon, the winds blow fo very
se hot from off the land, that I can compare them to no-
** thing but the heat proceeding out of the mouth of an.
" oven. This occasions the Europeans to be forely vexed
fe with bilious and putrid fevers. From this account you
cc will not be furprized, that the total lofs of Britifh fub-
*' jefts in this ifland only, amounted to above two thou-
<c fand five hundred, in the fpace of three years that I
" was there, in fuch a putrid moift air as I have defcrib-
** ed."

* James Barbot, agent general to the French African
company, in his account of Africa, page 105, fays,
" The natives are feldom troubled with any diitempers,
«f being little affefted with the unhealthy air. In tem-
ft peftuous times they keep much within doors ; and when
<c expofed to the weather, their (kins being fuppled, and
" pores clofed by daily anointing with palm oil, the wea-
** ther can make but little impreflion on themi"

[ 5 ]

and rendered extremely fertile ; and being in
many places improved by culture, abounds with
grain and fruits, cattle, poultry, &c. The earth
yields all the year a freih fupply of food : Few
cloaths are requifite, and little art necefTary in
making them, or in the conflrudtion of their
houfes, which are very fimple, principally cal-
culated to defend them from the tempeftuous
feafons and wild beafts ; a few dry reeds cov-
ered with matts ferve for their beds. The
other furniture, except what belongs to cook-
ery, gives the women but little trouble; the
moveables of the greateft among them amount-
ing only to a few earthen pots, fome wooden
utenfils, and gourds or 'calabafh.es -, from thefe
laft, which grow almoft naturally over their
huts, to which they afford an agreeable lhade,
they are abundantly flocked with good clean vef-
fels for moil houfhold ufes, being of different
iizes, from half a pint to feveral gallons.

That part of Africa from which the Negroes
are fold to be carried into flavery, commonly
known by the name of Guinea, extends along
the coaft three or four thoufand miles. Begin-
ning at the river Senegal, fituate about the 17th
degree of North latitude, being the neareft part
of Guinea, as well to Europe as to North
America -, from thence to the river Gambia, and
in a foutherly courfe to Cape Sierra Leona, com-
prehends a coaft of about feven hundred miles ;
being the fame tract for which Queen Elizabeth
granted charters to the firft traders to that
coaft. From Sierra Leona, the land of Gui-
nea takes a turn to the eaftward, extending
that courfe about fifteen hundred miles, includ-
B 3 ing

[ 6 ]

ing thole feveral divifions known by the name of
the Grain Coaft9 the Ivory Coaft, the Gold CoaJi9
and the Slave Coafl, with the large kingdom of Benin.
From thence the land runs fouthward along the
coait about twelve hundred miles, which con-
tains the kingdoms of Congo and Angola ; there the
trade for flaves ends. From which to the fouth-
ermoft Cape of Africa, called the Cape of Good
Hope, the country is fettled by Caffres and Hot-
tentots, who have never been concerned in the
making or felling flaves.

Of the parts which are above defcribed, the
firft which prefents itfelf to view, is that fituate
en the great river Senegal, which is faid to be
navigable more than a thoufand miles, and is
by travellers defcribed to be very agreeable
and fruitful, Andrew Brue, principal factor to
the French African company, who lived fixteen
years in that country, after defcribing its
fruitfulnefs and plenty, near the fea, adds*,
f* The farther you go from the fea, the country
" on the river feems the moi/e fruitful and well
tf improved ; abounding with Indian corn,
<c pulfe, fruit, &c. Here are yaft meadows,
ec which feed large herds of great and fmall
<{ cattle, and poultry numerous. The villages
f that lie thick on the river, fhew the country
<c is well peopled." The fame author, in the
account of a voyage he made up the river Gam-
bia, the mouth of which lies about three hund-
red miles South of the Senegal, and is navig-
able about fix hundred miles up the country,

fays3

jAflley's College, vol. z, page 46.

[ 7 3

fays*, " That he was furprized to fee the land
u fo well cultivated; fcarce a fpot lay unim-
if proved ; the low lands, divided by fmall
" canals, were all fowed with rice, &c. the higher
u ground planted with millet, Indian corn, and
<c peafe of different forts; their beef excellent;
*c poultry plenty, and very cheap, as well as all
cc other neceffaries of life." Francis Moor, who
was fent from England about the year 1735, in
the fervice of the African company, and refid-
ed at James Fort, on the river Gambia, or in
other factories on that river, about five years,
confirms the above account of the fruitfulnefs
of the country. William- Smith, who was fent
in the year 1726, by the African Company> to
furvey their fettlements throughout the whole
coafl of Guinea, § fays, <f The country about
" the Gambia is pleafant and fruitful; provifions
" of all kinds being plenty, and exceeding
cc cheap." The country on and between the
two above-mentioned rivers is large and exten-
five, inhabited principally by thole three Negroe
nations known by the name of Jalofs, Fulis,
and Mandingos. The Jalofs poffefs the middle
of the country. The Fulis principal fettlement
is on both fides of the Senegal ; great numbers
of thefe people are alfo mixed with the Man-
dingos ; which lafl are moftly fettled on both
fides the Gambia. The government of the Jalofs
is reprefented as under a better regulation than
can be expected from the common opinion we
B 4 entertain

* Aftley's Colleftion of Voyages, vol. 2, page 86,
I William Smith's Voyage to Guinea^ page 3is 34,,

[ 8 ]

entertain of the Negroes. We are told in the
Collection, * " That the King has under him fe-
" veral minifters of ftate, who affifr him in the ex-
" ercife of juftice. The grand Jerafo is the chief
6C juftice through all the King's dominions, and
" goes in circuit from time to time to hear com-
*c plaints, and determine controverfies. The
11 King's treasurer exercifes the fame employment,
*c and has under him Alkairs, who are governors
*c of towns or villages. That the Kondi, or
ec Viceroy, goes the circuit with the chief juftice,
ffC both to hear caufes, and infpect into the be-
tf haviour of the Alkadi, or chief magiftrate of
*c every village in their feveral diftriits %.**
Vafconcelas, an author mentioned in the Col-
lection, fays, " the ancienteft are preferred to
*c be the Prince's counsellors, who keep always
€C about his perfon ; and the men ofmoft judg-
*' ment and experience are the judges." The
Jpulis are fettled on both fides of the river
Senegal: their country, which is very fruitful
and populous, extends near four hundred miles
from Eaft to Weft. They are generally of a
deep tawney complexion, appearing to bear fome
affinity with the Moors, whofe country they join
on the North. They are good farmers, and
make good harveft of corn, cotton, tobacco, &c„
and breed great numbers of cattle of all kinds.
Bartholomew Stibbs, (mentioned by Fr. Moor)
in his account of that country fays, * " They
were a cleanly, decent ', indujirious people, and very

" affable:*

a

* Aftley's Collection, vol 2. page 358,
§ Idem. 259.

* Moor's Travels into diftant parts of Africa, page 198,

[ 9 ]

" affable" But the moll particular account we
have of thefe people, is from Francis Moor
himfelf, who fays*, " Some of thefe Fuli blacks,
f who dwell on both fides the river Gambia,
*f are in fubjection to the Mandingos, amongft
" whom they dwell, having been probably driven
<? out of their country by war or famine. They
(t have chiefs of their own, who rule with
" much moderation. Few of them will drink
ft brandy, or any thing ftronger than water
" and fugar, being drift Mahometans. Their
" form of government goes on eafy, becaufe
<f the people are of a good quiet difpofition,
<( and fo well inftructed in what is right, that a
" man who does ill, is the abomination of all,
" and none will fupport him again ft the chief.
" In thefe countries, the natives are not co-
<e vetous of land, defiling no more than what
ec they ufe ; and as they do not plough with
" horfes and cattle, they can ufe but very little,
s* therefore the Kings are willing to give the
(c Fulis leave to live in the country, and cul-
cc tivate their lands. If any of their people
<c are known to be made (laves, all the Fulis
" will join to redeem them •, they alfo fupport
" the old, the blind, and lame, amongft them-
*c felves; and as far as their abilities go, they
" fupply the neceffities of the Mandingos, great
" numbers of whom they have maintained in
" famine." The author, from his. own obfer-
vations, fays, cc They were rarely angry, and
" that he never heard them abufe one another.''

The

* Ibid, page 21,

[ "> ]

The Mandingos are faid by A. Brue before men-
tioned, " To be the moft numerous nation
" on the Gambia, befides which, numbers of
ff them are difperfed over all thefe countries;
" being the mofl rigid Mahometans among the
(t Negroes, they drink neither wine nor brandy,
ec and are politer than the other Negroes. The
ic chief of the trade goes through their hands.
6t Many are induftrious and laborious, keep-
cc ing their ground well cultivated, and breed-
*c ing a good ftock of cattle *. Every town
cc has an Alkadi, or Governor, who has great
cc power; for mofl of them having two com-
** mon fields of clear ground, one for corn,
" and the other for rice, the Alkadi appoints
4C the labour of all the people. The men
<e work the corn ground, and the women and
(C girls the rice ground; and as they all
tc equally labour, fo he equally divides the
<c corn among ft them ; and in cafe they are
cc in want, the others fupply them. This Al-
€{ kadi decides all quarrels, and has the firft
" voice in all conferences in town affairs.1'
Some of thefe Mandingos who are fettled at
Galem, far up the river Senegal, can read and
write Arabic tolerably, and are a good hofpitable
people, who carry on a trade with the inland
nations, " -j- They are extremely populous in
ct thofe parts, their women being fruitful, and
<c they not fuffering any perfon amongft them,
*c but fuch as are guilty of crimes, to be made

" flaves."

* Aftley's Colleft. vol. 2. page 269.
f Aftley's Colkft. vol. 2. page 73.

[ M ]

# tlaves." We are told from Jobfon, " J That
<c the Mahometan Negroes fay their prayers thrice
ff a day. Each village has aprieft who calls them
K( to their duty. It is furprizing (fays the author)
u as well as commendable, to fee the modefty, at-
<f tention and reverence they obferve during
6f their worfhip. He aiked fome of their priefts
" the purport of their prayers and ceremonies;
tc their anfwer always was, That they adored God
H ly prof rating themf elves before Mm-% that by
€< humbling themf elves 3 they acknowledged their
6S own infignificancy^ and farther intreated him to
€< forgive their faults, and to grant them all good
cc and neceffary things as well as deliverance from
<c evil." Jobfon takes notice of feveral good
qualities in thefe Negroe priefts, particularly
their great fobriety. They gain their livelihood
by keeping fchool for the education of the child-
ren. The boys are taught to read and write.
They not only teach fchool, but rove about the
country, teaching and inftru&ing, for which
the whole country is open to them j and they
have a free courfe through all places, though
the Kings may be at war with one another.

The three fore-mentioned nations practife fe-
veral trades, as fmiths, potters, fadlers, and
weavers. Their fmiths particularly work neatly
jn gold and filver, and make knives, hatchets,
reaping hooks, fpades and fhares to cut iron,
&c. &c. Their potters make neat tobacco
pipes, and pots to boil their food. Some au-
thors, fay that weaving is their principal trade ;

this

^ Ibid. 296.

[ 12 ]

this is done by the women and girls, who
fpin and weave very fine cotton cloth, which
they dye blue or black. * F. Moor fays, the
Jalofs particularly make great quantities of the
cotton cloth; their pieces are generally twenty -
feven yards long, and about nine inches broad,
their looms being very narrow ; thefe they few
neatly together, fo as to fupply the ufe of broad
cloth.

It was in thefe parts of Guinea, that M.
Adanfon, correfpondent of the Royal Academy
of Sciences at Paris, mentioned in fome for-
mer publications, was employed from the year
1749, to the year 1753, wholly in making natural
and fhilojophical obfervations on the country
about the rivers Senegal and Gambia. Speaking
of the great heats in Senegal, he fays, tc j- It is
is to them that they are partly indebted for the
" fertility of their lands-, which is fo great,
*f that, with little labour and care, there is
<e no fruit nor grain but grow in great plenty. "

Of the foil on the Gambia, he fays, " J It is
et rich and deep, and amazingly fertile; it pro-
*' duces fpontaneoufly, and almoft without cul-
" tivation, all the neceffaries of life, grain, fruit,
" herbs, and roots. Every thing matures to
" perfection, and is excellent in its kind.*'*
One thing which always furprized him, was the
prodigious rapidity with which the fap of trees

repairs

* F. Moor, 28.

f M. Adanfon's Voyage to Senegal, &C. page 308,
X Idem, page 164.

* M. Adanfon, page 162.

[ *3 ]

repairs any lofs they may happen to fuftain In that
country : " And I was never," fays he, <c more
Cf aftonifhed, than when landing four days after
" the locuftsThad devoured all the fruits and
c< leaves, and even the buds of the trees, to
<c find the trees covered with new leaves, and
" they did not feem to me to have fuffered
<c much." §fC It was then," fays the fame au-
thor, tc the fifh feafon ; you might fee them in
u fhoals approaching towards land. Some of
tc thofe fhoals were fifty fathom fquare, and
*c the fifh crouded together in fuch a manner,
rt as to roll upon one another, without being able
<c to fwim. As foon as the Negroes perceive
" them coming towards land, they jump into the
" water with a bafket in one hand, and fwim
" with the other. They need only to plunge
fC and to lift up their bafket, and they are fure
" to return loaded with fifh." Speaking of
the appearance of the country, and of the dif-
pofition of the people, he fays, |j " Which way
i( foever I turned mine eyes on this pleafant
<c fpot, I beheld a perfect image of pure nature;
<( an agreeable folitude, bounded on every fide
" by charming landscapes •, the rural fituation
" of cottages in the midft of trees; the eafe and
Cf indolence of the Negroes, reclined under the
€t fhade of their fpreading foliage-, the fimpli-
cc city of their drefs and manners j the whole
(C revived in my mind the idea of our firft
" parents, and I feemed to contemplate the
" world in its primitive ftate. They are, ge-

<c nerally

§ Idem, pagei7K J} Ibid, page 54.

[ 14 ]

ce nerally fpeaking, very good-natured, fociable^

<£ and obliging. I was not a little pleafed with

*c this my firft reception ; it convinced me$

*£ that there ought to be a considerable abate-

*' ment made in the accounts I had read and

<c heard every where of the favage character of

" the Africans. I obferved both in Negroes and

<c Moors, great humanity and fociablenefs, which

<c gave me flrong hopes that I fhould be very

t( fafe amongft them, and meet with the fuccefs

<c I defired in my enquiries after the curiofities

cc of the country*.5' He was agreeably a-

mufed with the converfation of the Negroes, their

fables, dialogues, and witty Jiories with which they

entertain each other alternately, according to

their cuflom. Speaking of the remarks which

the natives made to him, with relation to the

Jiars and planets, he fays, tc It is amazing, that

" fuch a rude and illiterate people, fhould reafon

" fo pertinently in regard to thofe heavenly

cc bodies; there is no manner of doubt, but that

ct with proper inflruments, and a good will,

6< they would become excellent ajlronomers"

CHAP. II.

^HE Ivory Coaft -, its foil and produce. The
charadter of the natives mifreprefented by fome
authors. Thefe mifreprefentations occafioned
by the Europeans having treacheroufly carried

off

• Adanfon, page 252, ibid.

[ '5 1

off many of their people. John Smith, fur-
veyor to the African company, his obfervations
thefeon. John Smelt s remarks. The Gold
Coaji and Slave Coaft have the mofl Eu-
ropean factories, and furnifh the greateft
number of flaves to the Europeans. Exceeding
fertile. The country of Axim, and of Ante,
Good account of the inland people. Great
fifhery. Extraordinary trade for flaves. The
Slave Coaft. The kingdom of Widah. Fruitful
and pleafant. The natives kind and oblig-
ing. Very populous. Keep regular markets
and fairs. Good order therein. Murder,
adultery, and theft feverely puniihed. The
King's revenues. The principal people have
an idea of the true God. Commendable care
of the poor. Several fmall governments depend
on plunder and the Jlave trade.

THAT part of Guinea known by the name
of the Grain, and Ivory Coaft, comes next
in courfe. This coaft extends about five hundred
miles. The foil appears by account, to be in
general fertile, producing abundance of rice and
roots j indigo and cotton thrive without culti-
vation, and tobacco would be excellent, if care-
fully manufactured •, they have fiih in plenty ;
their flocks greatly increafe, and their trees are
loaded with fruit. They make a cotton cloth,
which fells well on the coail. In a word, the
country is rich, and the commerce advantage-
ous, and might be greatly augmented by fuch as
would cultivate the friendfhip of the natives.
Thefe are reprefented by fome writers as a rude,
treacherous people^ whilit'feveral c*her authors of

credic

[ »6 ]

credit give them a very different character, re-
prefenting them ^Jenfible, courteous, and the fair eft
traders on the coaft of Guinea. In the Collection,
they are faid * to be averfe to drinking to excefs,
and fuch as do, are feverely punifhed by theKing's
order : On enquiry why there is fuch a dif-
agreement in the character given of thefe people,
it appears, that though they are naturally inclin-
ed to be kind to ftrangers, with whom they
are fond of trading, yet the frequent injuries done
them by Europeans, have occafioned their being
fufpicious and floy : The fame caufe has been the
occafion of the ill treatment they have fbmetimes
given to innocent ftrangers, who have attempted
to trade with them. As the Europeans have
no fettlement on this part of Guinea, the trade
is carried on by fignals from the fhips, on the
appearance of which the natives ufually come
on board in their canoes, bringing their gold-
duft, ivory, &c. which has given opportunity
to fome villainous Europeans to carry them off
with their effects, or retain them on board till
a ranfom is paid. It is noted by fome, that fince
the European voyagers have carried away feveral
of thefe people, their miilruft is fo great, that
it is very difficult to prevail on them to come
on board. William Smith remarks, "fAs we paffed
f( along this coaft, we very often lay before
*c a town, and fired a gun for the natives
<f to come off, but no foul came near us ;
*c at length we learnt by fome fhips that were

trading

* Colleftion, vol 2. page 560;
f W. Sjnith, page ux.

[ 17 ]

*f trading down the coaft, that the natives
«' came feldom on board an Englifh fhip, for
*< fear of being detained or carried off; yet
cf at laft fome ventured on board ; but if theie
<c chanced to fpy any arms, they would all im-
ft mediately take to their canoes, and make the
Cf beft of their way home. They had then in
<c their pofTeflion one Benjamin Crofs, the mate
i( of an Englifh veffel, who was detained by
" them to make reprifals for fome of their
" men, who had formerly been carried away
" by fome Englifh vefTcl." In the Collection we
are told, § This villainous cujlom is too often
pracJifed, chiefly by the Brijiol ana Liverpool Jhips,
and is a great detriment to the Jlave trade on the
windward coaft. "John Snock, mentioned in Bofman\y
when on that coaft, wrote, " We caft anchor,
" but not one Negroe coming on board, I went
" on fhore, and after having (laid awhile on the
" ftrand, fome Negroes came to me; and being
<c defirous to be informed why they did not
" come on board, I was anfwered, that about
<f two months before, the Englifh had been
" there with two large vefTels, and had ravaged
<c the country, deftroyed all their canoes, plun-
<c dered their houfes, and carried off fome of
" their people, upon which the remainder fled
" to the inland country, where moil of them
(e were at that time; fo that there not being
4f much to be done by us, we were obliged to
iC return on board. * When I enquired afrer

C " their

§ Aftley's Collection, vol. 2. page 475.

U W. Bofman's Defcription of Guinea, page 440.

* W. Bofman's Defcription of Guinea, page 439.

[ i8 ]

ec their wars with other countries, they told me
C£ they were not often troubled with them; but
et if any difference happened, they chofe rather
" to end the difpute amicably, than come to
" arms. §" He found the inhabitants civil and
good natured. Speaking of the King of Rio Seftro,
lower down the coaft, he fays, cc He was a very
<c agreeable, obliging man, and all his fubjects
ec civil, as well as very laborious in agricul-
u ture, and the purfuits of trade." Marchais
fays, f " That though the country is very popu-
•$* lous, yet none of the natives except criminals
" are fold for Haves." Vaillant never heard of
any fettlement being made by the Europeans
on this part of Guinea ; and Smith remarks,
* tc That thefe coafts, which are divided into
6C feveral little kingdoms, have feldom any wars,
<c which is the reaibn the flave trade is not fo
«e good here as on the Gold and Slave Coafts
sc where the Europeans have feveral forts and
6C factories." A plain evidence this, that it is
the intercourfe with the Europeans, and their
fettlements on the coaft, which give life to the
iiave trade.

Next adjoining to the Ivory Coaft, are thofe
called the Gold Coaft, and the Slave Coaft ; au-
thors are not agreed about their bounds, but
their extent together along the coaft may be
about five hundred miles. And as the policy,
produce, and ceconomy of thefe two kingdoms

of

§ Ibid. 441. f Aftley's Colleftion, vol. 2. page 565.°
* Smith's voyage to Guinea, page 112,

t "9 3

of Guinea are much the fame, I mall defcribc
them together.

Here the Europeans have the greater! number
of forts and factories, from whence, by means
of the Negro factors, a trade is carried on about
feven hundred miles back in the inland country;
whereby great numbers of (laves are procured
as well by means of the wars which arife amongft
the Negroes, or are fomented by the Europeans,
as thole brought from the back country. Here
we find the natives more reconciled to the European
manners and trade ; but, at the fame time, much
more inured to war, and ready to aflift the Eu-
ropean traders in procuring loadings for the
great number of veffels which come yearly on
thofe coafts for ilaves. This part of Guinea is
agreed by hiftorians to be, in general, extraor-
dinary fruitful and agreeable -, producing (accord-
ing to the difference of the foil) vaft quantities
of rice and other grain ; plenty of fruit and
roots; palm wine and oil, and fifh in great
abundance, with much tame and wild cattle*
Bofman, principal fa6lor for the Dutch at
D'Elmina, fpeaking of the country of Axim6
which is fituate near the beginning of the Gold
Coaft, fays*, " The Negro inhabitants are
" generally very rich, driving a great trade with
'* the Europeans for gold : That they are in-
" duftrioufly employed either in trade, fifhing>
" or agriculture; but chiefly in the culture of
" rice, which grows here in an incredible
€C abundance, and is tranfported hence all over
C 2 « the

* Bofman's Defcription of the Coaft of Guinea, p. 5-

[ *o ]

€c the Gold Coaft. The inhabitants, in lieu,
*f returning full fraught with millet, yams,
cc potatoes, and palm oil." The fame author
fpeaking of the country of Ante, fays j- ,
<f This country,, as well as the Gold Coaft,
6C abounds with hills, enriched with extra-
c< ordinary high and beautiful trees; its valleys,
sc betwixt the hills, are wide and extenfive, pro-
<c during in great abundance very good rice,
f£ millet, yams, potatoes, and other fruits, all
€C good in their kind." He adds, " In fhort, it
" is a land that yields its manurers as plentiful
" a crop as they can wifh, with great quantities
" of palm wine and oil, belides being well fur-
" nifhed with all forts of tame, as well as wild
" beafts -, but that the laft fatal wars had re-
(c duced it to a miferable condition, and ftrip-
tc ped it of moft of its inhabitants." The ad-
joining country of Fetu, he fays *, cc was
fc formerly fo powerful and populous, that it
ct {truck terror into all the neighbouring na-
Sf tions 5 but it is at prefent fo drained by con-
ft tinual wars, that it is entirely ruined •, there
tc does not remain inhabitants fufRcient to till
c' the country, though it is fo fruitful and plea-
«f fant that it may be compared to the country
*f of Ante juft before defcribed. Frequently,
il fays that author, when walking through it
" before the laft war, I have feen it abound
<c with fine well built and populous towns,
<f agreeably enriched with vaft quantities of

<c corn,

•f- Bofman's Defcription of the Coaft of Guinea, p. 14;
• Bofman, page 4.1.

E « ]

fc corn, cattle, palm-wine, and oil. The inha-
" bitants all applying themielves without any
<c diftinction to agriculture; fome fow corn,
es others prefs oil, and draw wine from palm
*' trees, with both which it is plentifully ftored."
William Smith gives much the fame account
of the before-mentioned parts of the Gold Coaft3
and adds, f< The country about D'Elmina and
" Cape Coaft, is much the fame for beauty and
" goodnefs, but more populous; and the nearer
cc we come towards the Slave Coaft, the more
fs delightful and rich all the countries are, pro-
<£ ducing all forts of trees, fruits, roots, and
" herbs, that grow within the Torrid Zone."
J. Barbot alfo remarks*, with refpecl: to the
countries of Ante and Adorn, <c That the foil is
4C very good, and fruitful in corn and other
i( produce, which it affords in fuch plenty, that
c< befides what ferves for their own ufe, they
" always export great quantities for fale; they
" have a competent number of cattle, both
ct tame and wild, and the rivers are abundantly
<c ftored with fifh, fo that nothing is wantino-
" for the fupport of life, and to make it eafy."
In the Colleftion it is laid f, " That the inland
<c people on that part of the coail, employ
,c themielves in tillage and trade, and fupply
Sf the market with corn, fruit, and palm wine;
" the country producing fuch vaft plenty of
" Indian corn, that abundance is daily exported,
" as well by Europeans as Blacks reibrting thi-

C 3 <£ ther

* John Barbot's Defcription of Guinea, page 154,
f Aftley's Colled, vol. 2. page 535.

[ M ]

s* ther from other parts." " Thefe inland peo-
*c pie are faid to live in great union and friend-
*f fhip, being generally well tempered, civil,
*c and tractable ; not apt to Hied human blood,
ec (except when much provoked,) and ready to
cc afiift one another." In the Collection * it is
faid, <c That the fifhing bufinefs is efteemed
«c on the Gold Coaft next to trading ; that thofe
" who profefs it are more numerous than thofe
cc of other employments. That the greater!
tc number of thefe are at Kommendo, Mina,
<f and Kormantin ; from each of which places,
<f there go out every morning, (Tuefday ex-
" cepted, which is the Fetifh day, or day of reft)
cc five, fix, and fometimes eight hundred canoes,
*e from thirteen to fourteen feet long, which
<c fpread themfelves two leagues at fea, each
€t fifherman carrying in his canoe a fword, with
«f bread, water, and a little fire on a large ftone
<f to roaft fim. Thus they labour till noon,
" when the fea breeze blowing frefh, they re-
«c turn to the fhore, generally laden with fifhj
« a quantity of which the inland inhabitants
cc come down to buy, which they fell again at
«6 the country markets."

"William Smith fays J, ic The country about
*c Acra, where the Englifh and Dutch have
l* each a flrong fort, is very delightful, and
*c the natives courteous and civil to ft-rangers."
He adds, " That this place feldom fails of an
J* extraordinary good trade from the inland

" country,

# Colledtion, vol. 2. page 640,,
I "William Smith, page 135, '

C 23 ]

Qi country, efpecially for flaves, whereof feveral
" are fuppofed to come from very remote parts,
<f becaufe it is not uncommon to find a Malayan
<£ or two amongft a parcel of other Haves : The
" Malaya people are generally natives of Ma-
cf lacca, in the Eaft Indies, fituate feveral thou-
" fand miles from the Gold Coaft." They dif-
fer very much from the Guinea Negroes, being
of a tawny complexion, with long black hair.

Moft parts of the Slave Coafts are reprefented
as equally fertile and pleafant with the Gold
Coaft : The kingdom of Whidah has been par-
ticularly noted by travellers. * William Smith
and Bofman agree, tc That it is one of the mofb
ic delightful countries in the world. The great
tf number and variety of tall, beautiful, and
" fhady trees, which feem planted in groves ;
<f the verdant fields everywhere cultivated, and
<c no otherwife divided than by thofe groves,
fC and in fome places a fmall foot-path, to-
<c gether with a great number of villages, con-
*6 tribute to afford the moft delightful profpeft;
<c the whole country being a fine, eafy, and
•" almoft imperceptible afcent, for the fpace of
cc forty or fifty miles from the fea. That the
<c farther you go from the fea, the more beau-
(i tiful and populous the country appears. That
■<f the natives were kind and obliging, and fo
" induftrious, that no place which was thought
*f fertile, could efcape being planted, even
*c within the hedges which inclofe their villages.

C 4 6f And

Smith, page 194, Bofman, page 310,

[ 24 ]

sc And that the next day after they had reaped,
<c they (owed again."

Snelgrave alio fays, li The country appears
" full of towns and villages ; and being a rich
et foil, and well cultivated, looks like an entire
** garden." In the Collection*, the hufbandry of
the Negroes is defcribed to be carried on with
great regularity : " The rainy feafon approach-
si ing, they go into the fields and woods, to fix
ee on a proper place for fowing ; and as here is
cc no property in ground, the King's licence be-
tc ing obtained, the people go out in troops, and
*c firir. clear the ground from bufhes and weeds,
*c which they burn. The field thus cleared,
*■* they dig it up a foot deep, and fo let it
c< remain for eight or ten days, till the reft of
*f their neighbours have difpofed their ground
cc in the fame manner. They then confult about
" fowing, and for that end affemble at the
" King's Court the next Fetifh day. The King's
*c grain muft be fown hrft. They then go again
" to the field, and give the ground a fecond
cc digging, and fow their feed. Whilft the King
ct or Governor's land is fowing, he fends out
4C wine and flefh ready dreffed, enough to ferve
<f the labourers. Afterwards, they in like man-
tf ner fow the ground allotted for their neigh-
bours, as diligently as that of the King's, by
whom they are alfo feafted ; and fo continue
to work in a body for the public benefit, till
every man's ground is tilled and fowed. None
<6 but the King, and a few great men, are ex-

" empted

* Colle&ion, vol. 2. page 651.

[ *5 ]

ec empted from this labour. Their grain Toon
l< fprouts out of the ground. When it is about
" a man's height, and begins to ear, they raife a
" wooden houie in the centre of the field,
" covered with ftraw, in which they fet their
" children to watch their corn, and fright away
" the birds."

Bolman * fpeaks in commendation of the
civility, kindnefs, and great induftry of the
natives of Whidah; this is confirmed by Smith f,
who fays, <c The natives here feem to be the moft
" gentlemen-like Negroes in Guinea, abound-
ing with good manners and ceremony to each
other. The inferior pay the utmoft deference
and refpecl: to the fuperior, as do wives to
their hufbands, and children to their parents.
" All here are naturally induftrious, and find
*c conftant employment; the men in agriculture,
te and the women in fpinning and weaving cot-
" ton. The men, v/hofe chief talent lies in
f( husbandry, are unacquainted with arms*
" otherwife, being a numerous people, they
" could have made a better defence againft the
" King of Dahome, who fubdued them without
" much trouble." " * Throughout the Gold
ft Coaft, there are regular markets in all villages,
<c furnifhed with provifions and merchandize,
" held every day in the week, except Tuefday,
" whence they fupply not only the inhabitants,
<e but the European (hips. The Negroe women
cc are very expert in buying and felling, and ex-
tc tremely induftrious i for they will repair daily

" to

* Bofman, page 317. f Smith, page IC7.
* Collea. vol. 2. p. 657/

[ 26 ]

w to market from a confiderable diftance, load-'
" ed like pack horfes, with a child, perhaps, at
sr their back, and a heav/y burthen on their heads.
" After felling their wares, they buy fifh and
c' other neceffaries, and return home loaded as
** they came.

11 -f There is a market held at Sabi every
€t fourth day, alfo a weekly one in the province
'* of Aplogua, which is fo reforted to, that there
€C are ufually five or fix thoufand merchants.
ei Their markets are fo well regulated and
cs governed, that feldom any diforder happens ;
Cf each fpecies of merchandize and merchants
" have a feparate place allotted them by them-
" felves. The buyers may haggle as much as
lc they will, but it muft be without noife or
(f fraud. To keep order, the King appoints a
tc judge, who, with four officers well armed,
(C infpects the markets, hears all complaints,
" and, in a fummary way, decides all differ-
<f ences ; he has power to feize, and fell as
ct flaves, all who are catched in ftealing, or dif-
cc turbing the peace. In thefe markets are to be
" fold men, women, children, oxen, llieep,
" goats, and fowls of all kinds; European cloths,
fC linen and woollen j printed callicoes, filk,
" grocery ware, china, gold-duft, iron in bars,
Cf &c. in a word, mod: forts of European goods,
cc as well as the produce of Africa and Afia.
tc They have other markets, refembling our
11 fairs, once or twice a year, to which all the
tc country repair ; for they take care to order the

" day

' f Collett. vol. 3. p. ii,

[ V ]

cs day fo in different governments, as not to in-
tc terfere with each other."

With refpect to government, William Smith
fays *, f< That the Gold Coail and Slave Coaft
" are divided into different diftricls, fome of
<c which are governed by their Chiefs, or Kings;
" the others, being more of the nature of a
iC commonwealth, are governed by fome of the
tc principal men, called Caboceros, who, Bofman
tc fays, are properly denominated civil fathers,
cc whofe province is to take care of the welfare
fi of the city or village, and to appeafe tu-
" mults." But this order of government has
been much broken fince the coming of the Euro-
peans. Both Bofman and Barbot mention mur-
der and adultery to befeverely punijhed on the Coaji,
frequently by death ; and robbery by a fine propor-
tionable to the goods Jlolen.

The income of fome of the Kings is large.
Bofman fays, " That the King of Whidah's re-
" venues and duties on things bought and fold
" are confiderable ; he having the tithe of all
" things fold in the market, or imported in the
" country." * Both the above-mentioned au-
thors fay, 'The tax on JIaves fljipped off in this King's
dominions, in fome years, amounts to near twenty
thoufand pounds.

Bofman tells us, cc The Whidah Negroes have
cc a faint idea of a true God, afcribing to him
" the attributes of almighty power and omni-
« prefence -3 but God, they lay, is too high to
*c condefcend to think of mankind ; wherefore

tc he

* Smith, page 193.
* Bofman, page 337. Barbot, page 335.

I 28 ]

C( he commits the government of the world to
ct thofe inferior deities which they worlhip."
Some authors fay, the wifeft of thefe Negroes
are fenfible of their miftake in this opinion, but
dare not forfake their own religion, for fear of
the populace rifing and killing them. This is
confirmed by William Smith, who fays, " That
" all the natives of this coaft believe there is
<c one true God, the author of them and all
" things j that they have fome apprehenfions of
" a future ftate ; and that almoft every village
<c has a grove, or public place of worfhip, to
cc which the principal inhabitants, on a {et day,
" refort to make their offerings.'*

In the Collection * it is remarked as an ex-
cellency in the Guinea government, €< That
" however poor they may be in general, yet
«s there are no beggars to be found amongft
*c them ; which is owing to the care of their
" chief men, whole province it is to take care
*c of the welfare of the city or village j it be-
<c ing part of their office, to fee that fuch peo-
<f pie may earn their bread by their labour -s
" fome are fet to blow the fmith's bellows,
£S others to prefs palm oil, or grind colours for
** their mats, and fell provifions in the markets.
" The young men are lifted to ferve as foldiers,
" fo that they fuffer no common beggar."
Bofman afcribes a further reafon for this good
order, viz. " That when a Negroe finds he
tc cannot fubfift, he binds himfelf for a certain
" fum of money, and the mafler to whom he is

" bound

Aflley's Collection, vol. 2. page 619.

[ 29 ]

" bound is obliged to find him neceflariesj that
ec the mailer fets him a fort of talk, which is
" not in the leafl flavifh, being chiefly to defend
<f his matter on occafions ; or in fowing time to
" work as much as he himfelf pleafes *."

Adjoining to the kingdom of Whidah, are
feveral fmall governments, as Goto, Great and
Small Popo, Ardrah, &c. all fituate on the
Slave Coaft, where the chief trade for (laves is
carried on. Thefe are governed by their re-
fpeclive Kings, and follow much the fame
cuftoms with thofe of Whidah, except that their
principal living is on plunder, and the flave trade.

* Bofman, page 119,

CHAf.

C 3° 3

C H A P. III.

THE km'guOQi of Benin ; Irs extent. Efteemed
the molt potent in Guinea. Fruitfulnefs of
the foil. Good difpofition of the people.
Order of .government. Punifhment of
crimes. Larg-e extent of the town of Great
Benin, Order maintained. The Natives hon-
ed and charitable. Their religion. The
kingdoms of Kongo and Angola. Many of
the natives profefs Chriftianity. The country
fruitful. Difpofition of the people. The ad-

• miniftration of juftice. The town of Loango.
Slave trade carried on by the Portugueze,
Here the fiave trade ends,

'EXT adjoining to the Slave Coafl, is the
kingdom of Benin, which, though it ex-
tends but about 170 miles on the fea, yet fpreads
fo far inland, as to be efteemed the moft potent
kingdom in Guinea. By accounts, the foil and
produce appear to be in a great meafure like
thofe before defcribed, and the natives are re-
prefented as a reafonable good-natured people.
Artus lays §, <c They are a fmcere, inoffeniive
ci people, and do no injuftice either to one
<c another, or to ftrangers.5' William Smith*
confirms this account, and fays, ccThat the in-
" habitants are generally very good-natured,
" and exceeding courteous and civil. When the

" Europeans

§ Colleftion, vol. 3. page 228,
* Smith, page 22b.

( 3> )

<c Europeans make them prefents, which in their
<c coming thither to trade they always do, they
tc endeavour to return them doubly."

Bofman tells usf, " That his countrymen the
cc Dutch, who were often obliged to truft them
<c till they returned the next year, were fure to
*c be paid honeftly their whole debts."

There is in Benin a confiderable order in
government. Theft, murder, and adultery, being
ieverely punifhed. Barbot fays J, cc If a man and
" a woman of any quality be fin-prized in a-
cc dultery, they are both put to death: and their
cc bodies are thrown on a dunghill, and left there
" a prey to wild beafts." He adds, cc The fe-
(< verity of the laws in Benin again ft adultery-j~,

" amongft

f W. Bofman, page 405.

j Barbot, page 237.

f By this account of the punifhment infiicled on adulterers
In this and other parts of Guinea, it appears the Negroes
are not infenfibie of the finfulnefs of fuch pra&ices. How
ftrange muft it then appear to the ferious minded amongft
thefe people, (nay, how inconfiilent is it with every divine
and moral law amongft ourfelves) that thofe Chriftian laws,
which prohibit fornication and adultery, are in none of the
Englim governments extended to them, but that they are
allowed to cohabit and feparate at pleafure ? And that even
their matters think fo lightly of their marriage engagements,
that, when it fuits with their intereft, they will feparate man
from wife, and children from both, to be fold into different
and even diibaat parts, without regard to their (fometimes)
grievous lamentations; whence it has happened, that fuch of
thofe people who are truly united in their marriage covenant,
and in afre&ion to one another, have been driven to fuch def-
peration, as either violently to deftroy themfelves, or gra-
dually to pine away, and die with mere grief. It is amaz-
ing, that whilft the clergy of the eftablifhed church are pub-
licly

( P )

*s amongft all orders of people, deters them from
cc venturing, fo that it is but very feldom any
" perfons are punifhed for that crime." Smith
fays, " Their towns are governed by officers
" appointed by the King, who have power to
tc decide in civil cafes, and to raife the public
" taxes ; but in criminal cafes, they muft fend
ct to the King's court, which is held at the town
" of Oedo, or Great Benin. This town, which
" covers a large extent of ground, is about fixty
" miles from the fea." * Barbot tells us,
" That it contains thirty ftreets, twenty fathom
" wide, and almoft two miles long, commonly
" extending in a ftraight line from one gate to
ct another j that the gates are guarded by foldi-
iC ers; that in thefe ftreets markets are held every
" day, for cattle, ivory, cotton, and many forts
fC of European goods. This large town is di-
tc vided into feveral wards, or diftricls, each
<c governed by its refpective king of a (Ireet, as
" they call them, to adminiiler juftice, and to
" keep good order. The inhabitants are very
" civil and good natured, condefcending to what
" the Europeans require of them in a civil way."
The fame author confirms what has been faid by
others of their jufcice in the payment of their
debts; and adds, Cf That they, above all other
*c Guineans, are very honefl and juft in their

<{ dealings ;

licly expreffing a concern, that thefe opprefled people fhould
be made acquainted with the Chriftian religion, they mould
be thus buffered, and even forced, fo flagrantly to infringe
one of the principal injunctions of our holy religion !
* J. Barbot, page 358, 359.

[ 33 J

ec dealings ; and they have fuch an averfion
** for theft, that by the law of the country it is
" punifhed with death." We are told by the
fame author ||, " That the King of Benin is able
" upon occafion to maintain an army of one
fc hundred thoufand men ; but that for the mod
" part he does not keep thirty thoufand." Wil-
liam Smith fays, " The natives are all free men 3
<c none but foreigners can be bought and fold
Cf theref. They are very charitable, the King
" as well as his fubjects." Bofman confirms
this^I, and fays, <c The king and great lords fub*
ec fift feveral poor at their place of refidence on
cc charity, employing thofe who are fit for any
c* work, and the reft they keep for God's fake 3
ct fo that here are no beggars."

As to religion, thefe people believe there is a
God, the efficient caufe of all things ; but like
the reft of the Guineans, they are fuperftitioufly
and idolatroufly inclined.

The laft divifion of Guinea from which flaves
are imported, are the kingdoms of Kongo and
Angola; thefe lie to the fouth of Benin, extend-
ing with the intermediate land about twelve
hundred miles on the coaft. Great numbers of
the natives of both thefe kingdoms profefs the
Chriftian religion, which was long fince intro-
duced by the Portugueze, who made early fettle-
ments in that country.

In the Collection it is faid, that both in Kongo

and Angola, the foil is in general fruitful, pro-

D ducing

|| J. Barbot, page 569. f W. Smith, gage 369,

% Bolman, page 40^.

[ 34 3

during great plenty of grain, Indian corn, and
fuch quantities of rice, that it hardly bears any
price, with fruit, roots, and palm oil in plenty.

The natives are generally a quiet people, who
difcover a good underftanding, and behave in a
friendly manner to ftrangers, being of a mild
converfation, affable, and eafily overcome with
reafon.

In the government of Kongo, the King appoints
ajudge in every particular divifion, to hear and
determine difputes and civil caufes ; the judges
imprifon and releafe, or impofe fines, according
to the rule of cuftom ; but in weighty matters,
every one may appeal to the King, before whom
all criminal caufes are brought, in which he
giveth fentence; but feldom condemneth to
death.

The town of Leango Hands in the midft of
four Lordlhips, which abound in corn, fruit, &c.
Here they make great quantities of cloth of di-
vers kinds, very fine and curious; the inhabitants
are feldom idle 5 they even make needle- work
caps as they walk in theftreets.

The flave trade is here principally managed by
the Portugueze, who carry it far up into the
inland countries. They are faid to fend off from
thefe parts fifteen thoufand flaves each year.

At Angola, about the 10th degree of South
latitude, ends the trade for flaves.

CHAP,

[ 35 1

CHAP. IV.

THE antienteft accounts of the Negroes are from
the Nubian Geography, and the writings of
Leo the African. Some account of thofe au-
thors. The Arabians pafs into Guinea. The
innocency and fimplicity of the natives. They
are fubdued by the Moors. Heli Ifchai fhakes
off the Moorifh yoke. The Portugueze make
the firft defcent in Guinea, from whence they
carry off fome of the natives : More incurfions
of the like kind. The Portugueze ere& the
firft fort at D'Elwina : They begin the flave
trade. Cada Motto's teftimony. Anderfon'S'
account to the fame purport. De la Caza's
concern for the relief of the oppreffed Indians:
Goes over into Spain to plead their caufe: His
fpeech before Charles the Fifth.

TH E moll antient account we have of the
country of the Negroes, particularly that
part fituate on and between the two great rivers of
Senegal and Gambia, is from the writings of two
antient authors, one an Arabian, and the other
a Moor. The firft § wrote in Arabic, about
the twelfth century. His works, printed in that
language at Rome, were afterwards translated
into Latin, and printed at Paris, under the pa-
tronage of the famous Thuanus, chancellor of
France, with the title of Geographic® Nubienfis,
D 2 containing

§ See Travels into different parts of Africa, by Francis
Moor, with a letter to the publisher.

I 36 3

containing an account of all the nations lying or*
the Senegal and Gambia. The other written by
John Leo§, a Moor, born at Granada, in Spain,,
before the Moors were totally expelled from that
kingdom. He refided in Africa ; but being
on a voyage from Tripoli to Tunis, was taken
by fome Italian Corfairs, who finding him pof-
feffed of feveral Arabian books, befides his own
manufcripts, apprehended him to be a man of
learning, and as fuchprefented him to Pope Lea
the Tenth. This Pope encouraging him, he em-
braced the Romiili religion, and his defcription
of Africa was publifhed in Italian. From thefe
writings we gather, that after the Mahometan
religion had extended to the kingdom of Mo-
rocco, fome of the promoters of it crolfing the
fandy defarts of Numidia, which feparate that
country from Guinea, found it inhabited by
men, who, though under no regular government,
and deftitute of that knowledge the Arabians
were favoured with, lived in content and peace.
The firft author particularly remarks, 'c That
" they never made war, or travelled abroad,
" but employed themfelves in tending their
*c herds, or labouring in the ground.3' J. Leo
fays, page 6$, " That they lived in common,
tc having no property in land, no tyrant nor fu-
tc perior lord, but fupported themfelves in an
sc equal ftate, upon the natural produce of
6i the country, which afforded plenty of roots,
sc game, and honey. That ambition or avarice
" never drove them into foreign countries to

" fubdue

§ Ibid,

[ 37 3

ef fubdueor cheat their neighbours. Thus they
*f lived without toil or fuperfiuities." " The
" antient inhabitants of Morocco, who wore
" coats of mail, and ufed fwords and fpears head-
(C ed with iron, coming amongftthofe harmlefs
cc and naked people, foon brought them under
<c 'fubjeclion, and divided that part of Guinea
*c which lies on the rivers Senegal and Gambia
cc into fifteen parts ; thofe were the fifteen king-
cc doms of the Negroes, over which the Moors
€C prefided, and the common people were Ne-
" groes. Thefe Moors taught the Negroes the
" Mahometan religion, and arts of life ; parti-
*c cularly the ufe of iron, before unknown to
*s them. About the 14th century, a native Ne-
*f groe, called Heli Ifchia, expelled the Mooriih
" conquerors j but though the Negroes threw
cs off the yoke of a foreign nation, they only
€t changed a Libyan for aNegroe matter. Heli
*c Ifchia himfelf becoming King, led the Negroes
<s on to foreign wars, and eftablifhed himfelf in
cc power over a very large extent of country."
Since Leo's time, the Europeans have had very
little knowledge of thofe parts of Africa, nor do
they know what became of this great empire. It
is highly probable that it broke into pieces, and
that the natives again refumed many of their an-
tient cuftoms ; for in the account publiflied by
Francis Moor, in his travels on the river Gambia,
we find a mixture of the Moorifli and Mahometan
cuftoms, joined with the original fimplicity
of the Negroes. It appears by accounts of antient
voyages, collected by Hackluit, Purchas, and
others, that it was about fifty years before the
difcoveryof America, that the Portugueze at-
D 3 tempted

[ 38 ]

tempted to fail round Cape Bojador, which lies
between their country and Guinea; this, after
divers repuifes occafioned by the violent currents2
they effected ; when landing on the weftern coafts
of Africa, they foon began to make incurfions
into the country, and to feize and carry off the
native inhabitants. As early as the year 1434, A-
lonzo Gonzales, the firfl who is recorded to have
met with the natives, on that coaft, purfued ancf
attacked a number of them, when fome were
\vounded, as was alfo one of the Portugueze 3
which the author records as the firft blood fpik
by Chriftians in thofe parts. Six years after, the
fame Gonzales again attacked the natives, and
took twelve prifoners, with whom he returned
to his vefTels ; he afterwards put a woman on,
fhore, in order to induce the natives to redeem
the prifoners; but the next day 150 of the in-
habitants appeared on horfes and camels provok-
ing the Portugueze to land ; which they not dar-
ing to venture, the natives difcharged a volley
of Hones at them, and went off, After this, the
Portugueze Hill continued to fend veffels on
the coaft of Africa ; particularly we read of
their falling on a village, whence the inhabi-
tants fled, and being purfued, twenty-five were
taken : <c He that ran beft" fays the author, tf tak-
tf ing the mofi. In their way home they killed
ec fome of the natives, and took fifty-five more
<f prifoners. * Afterwards Dinifanes Dagrama,
<c with two other veffels, landed on the ifland of
fC Arguin, where they took fifty-four Moors;

then

* Collettion, vol. 1. page 13.

[ 39 ]

w then running along the coaft eighty leagues
* farther, they at feveral times took fifty flaves ;
" but here fevenof the Portngueze were killed.
" Then being joined by feveral other veffels,
" Dinifanes propofed to deftroy the ifland to re-
** venge the lofs of the feven Portugueze ; of
<f which the Moors being apprized, fled, fo that
<c no more than twelve were found, whereof only
cc four could be taken, the reft being killed, as
*c alfo one of the Portugueze." Many more cap-
tures of this kind on the coaft of BarbaryandGui-
nea, are recorded to have been made in thofe early
times by the Portugueze ; who, in the year 1481,
erected their firft fort D'Elmina on that coaft,
from whence they foon opened a trade for flaves
with the inland parts of Guinea.

From the foregoing accounts, it is undoubted,
that the practice of making flaves of the Negroes,
owes its origin to the early incurfions of the Por-
tugueze on the coaft of Africa, folely from an in-
ordinate defire of gain. This is clearly evidenced
from their own hiftorians, particularly CadaMqf to s
about the year 1455, who writes*}-, " That before
•c the trade was fettled for purchasing flaves from
tc the Moors at Arguin, fometirnes four, and.
" fometirnes more Portugueze veffels, were
" ufed to come to that gulph, well armed j and
'• landing by night, would furprize lome fifher-
" men's villages ; that they even entered into
" the country, and carried away Arabs of both
" fexes, whom they fold in Portugal." And
alfo, tc That the Portugueze and Spaniards,
D 4 " fettled

f Colle&ion, vol-. 1. page 576.

[ 4° 1

^ fettled on four of the Canary iflands, would
*c go to the other iiland by night, and feize
*f Come of the natives of both fexes, whom they
€i fent to be fold in Spain,"

After the fettlement of America, thofe de-
variations, and the captivating the miferable
Africans, greatly increafed.

Anderfon, in his hiftory of trade and com-
merce, at page 336, fpeaking of what parTed in
the year 1508, writes, cc That the Spaniards
ts had by this time found that the miferable
<& Indian natives, whom they had made to work
cc in their mines and fields, were not fo robuft
fi and proper for thofe purpofes as Negroes
" brought from Africa ; wherefore they, about
«c that time, began to import Negroes for that
" end in Hifpaniola, from the Portugueze fet-
fC tlements on the Guinea coafts : and alfo after-
ts wards for their fugar works." This oppref-*
lion of the Indians had, even before this time,
rouzed the zeal, as well as it did the compaf-
fion, of fome of the truly pious of that day ;
particularly that of Bartholomew De las Cafas,
bifhop of Chapia ; whom a defire of being in-
ftrumental towards the converfion of the Indians,
had invited into America. It is generally agreed
by the writers of that age, that lie was a man
of perfect difintereftednefs, and ardent charity 5
being affected with this fad fpe&acle, he re-
turned to the court of Spain, and there made a
true report of the matter ; but not without
being flrongly oppofed by thofe mercenary
wretches, who had enflaved the Indians ; yet
being ftrong and indefatigable, he went to and
fro between Europe and America, firmly deter-
mined

[ 41 ]

mined not to give over his purfuit but with his
life. After long folicitation, and innumerable
repulfes, he obtained leave to lay the matter be-
fore the Emperor Charles the Fifth, then King
of Spain. As the contents of the fpeech he
made before the King in council, are very ap-
plicable to the cafe of the enflaved Africans,
and a lively evidence that the fpirit of true piety
fpeaks the fame language in the hearts of faithful
men in all ages, for the relief of their fellow
creatures from oppreffion of every kind, I think
it may not be improper here to tranfcribe. the
rnoft interefting parrs of it. il I was," fays
this pious bifhop, f£ one of the firft. who went
e4 to America ; neither curiofity nor interefl
*c prompted me to undertake fo long and dan-
*' gerous a voyage ; the faving the fouls of the
" heathen was my fole object. Why was I nop
<e permitted, even at the expenfe of my blood,
" to ranfom fo many thoufand fouls, who fell
cc unhappy victims to avarice or lull ? I have
" been an eye-witnefs to fuch cruel treatment
ft of the Indians, as is too horrid to be men-
" tioned at this time. — It is faid that barbarous
cc executions were neceffary to punifh or check

" the rebellion of the Americans ; but to

<c whom was this owing? Did not thofe people
ff receive the Spaniards, who firft came amongft
" them, with gentlenefs and humanity ? Did
fc they not (hew more joy, in proportion, in
fC lavifhing treafure upon them, than the Spa-
cf niards did greedinefs in receiving it ? But
ff our avarice was not yet fatisfied -, — though
" they gave up to us their land and their
«f riches, we would tear from them their wives,

" their

[ 42 3

■** their children, and their liberties. — To
re blacken thefe unhappy people, their enemies
*e afTert, that they are fcarce human creatures ;
f< —but it is we that ought to blufh, for having
<£ been lefs men, and more barbarous, than
*£ they.- — What right have we to enflave a peo-
ci pie who are born free, and whom we dif-
<c turbed, though they never offended us ? — s
4C They are reprefented as a flupid people, ad-
e< dieted to vice ; — -but have they not contracted
*f moil of their vices from the example of the
tc Chriftians ? And as to thole vices peculiar to
e< themfelves, have not the Chriftians quickly
ei exceeded them therein ? Neverthelefs it mil ft
*c be granted, that the Indians ftill remain un-
ct tainted with many vices ufual amongfb the
C£ Europeans ; fuch as ambition, blafphemy,
** treachery, and many like monfters, which
<c have not yet took place with them; they have
** fcarce an idea of them; fo that in effect, all
** the advantage we can claim, is to have more
cc elevated notions of things, and our natural
w faculties more unfolded and more cultivated
" than theirs. — Do not let us flatter our cor-
" ruptions, nor voluntarily blind ourfelves; all
<c nations are equally free ; one nation has no
'* right to infringe upon the freedom of any
" other ; let us do towards thefe people as we
" would have them to have done towards us,
*f if they had landed upon our ihore, with the
<f fame fuperiority of ftrength. And indeed,
« why mould not things be equal on both fides ?
*' How long has the right of the ftrongeft been
C{ allowed to be the balance of j-u it ice ? What
V part of the gofpel gives a fanction to fuch a

" doctrine ?

{ 43 ]

rc doctrine? In what part of the whole earth did
<f the apoflles and the firfb promulgators of the
t( gofpel ever claim a right over the lives, the
<( freedom, or the fubftance of the Gentiles ?
u What a flrange method this is of propagating
<c the gofpel, that holy law of grace, which, from
" being (laves to Satan, initiates us into the

<e freedom of the children of God. Will it

<c be pofiible for us to infpire them with a love to
c< its dictates, while they are fo exafperated at
" being difpoffefled of that invaluable bleffing
Ci Liberty ? The apoflles fubmitted to chains
<c themfelves, but loaded no man with them.
<f Chrift came to free, not to enilave us. — Sub-
(C minion to the faith he left us, ought to be a
<c voluntary act, and fhould be propagated by
" perfuafion, gentlenefs, and reaibn."

cc At my firfb arrival in Hifpaniola, (added
Cf the bifbop) it contained a million of inhabi-
" tants ; and now (viz. in the fpace of about
" twenty years) there remains fcarce the hun-
<f dredth part of them; thoufands have perifhed
tc through want, fatigue, mercilefs punifhment,
t{ cruelty, and barbarity. If the blood of one
<c man unjuftly ilied, calls loudly for vengeance,
(t how ftrong mufb be the cry of that of many
" unhappy creatures which is fhedding daily?'3 — .
The good bifhop concluded his fpeech, with im-
ploring the King's clemency for fubjects fo un-
juftly oppreffed 3 and bravely declared, that hea-
ven would one day call him to an account,
for the numberlefs acts of cruelty which he might
Jiave prevented. The King applauded the bi-

fliop's

t 44 3

{hop's zeal; promifed to fecond it; but fo many
of the great ones had an intereft in continuing
the oppreflion, that nothing was done ; fo that
all the Indians in Hifpaniola, except a few who
had hid themfelves in the moft inacceffibl?
mountains^ were deftroyed.

CHAP,

[ 45 ]

CHAP. V.

FIRST account of the Englifh trading to Gui-
nea. Thomas Windham and feveral others
go to that coaft. Some of the Negroes car-
ried off by the Englifh. Queen Elizabeth's
charge to Captain Hawkins refpecting the na-
tives : Neverthelefs he goes on the coaft, and
carries off fome of the Negroes. Patents are
granted. The King of France objects to the
Negroes being kept in flavery : As do the col-
lege of Cardinals at Rome. The natives, an
inoffenfive people ; corrupted by the Euro-
peans. The fentiments of the natives con-
cerning the Have trade, from William Smith:
Confirmed by Andrew Brew and James
Barbot.

IT was about the year 155 1, towards the lat-
ter end of the reign of King Edward the
Sixth, when fome London merchants lent out
the firft Englifh fhip, on a trading voyage to the
coaft of Guinea; this was foon followed by fe-
veral others to the fame parts j but the Englifh
not having then any plantations in the Weft In-
dies, and confequently no occafion for Negroes,
fuch fhips traded only for gold, elephant's teeth,
and Guinea pepper. This trade was carried on
at the hazard of lofing their fhips and cargoes, if
they had fallen into the hands of the Portugueze^
who claimed an exclufive right of trade, on ac-
count of the feveral fe&tlements they had made

there

I 46 3

there f. In the year 1553, we find Captairf
Thomas Windham trading along the coaft with
140 men, in three [hips, and failing as far as
Benin, which lies about 3000 miles down the
coaft, to take in a load of pepper.§ Next year
John Lock traded along the coaft of Guinea, as
far as D'Elmina, when he brought away confi-
derable quantities of gold and ivory. He fpeaks
well of the natives, and fays,J " That whoever
" will deal with them muft behave civilly, for they
*c will not traffic if ill ufed." In 1555, William
Towerfon traded in a peaceable manner with the
natives, who made complaint to him of the
Portugueze, who were then fettled in their caftle
at D'Elmina, faying, " They were bad men, who
" made them Jlaves if they could take them, putting
" irons on their legs."

This bad example of the Portugueze was foon
followed by fome evil difpofed Englifhmen ; for
the fame Captain Towerfon relates, " || That in
(i the courfe of his voyage, he perceived the
<e natives, near D'Elmina, unwilling to come to
" him, and that he was at laft attacked by them j
ft which he underftood was done in revenge for
<£ the wrong done them the year before, by one
tc Captain Gainfh, who had taken away the Ne-
" groe Captain's fon, and three others, with
« their gold, &c. This caufed them to join the
" Portugueze, notwithstanding their hatred of

" them

f Aftley's Colleftion, vol; I. page 139*
§ Collection, vol. 1 . p. 148.
X Ibid. 257.
|| Ibid. 148.

f 47 ]

w them againft the Englifn." The next year
Captain Towerfon brought thefe men back again;
whereupon the Negroes fhewed him much kind-
nefsf. Quickly after this, another inftance of
the fame kind occurred, in the cafe of Captain
George Fenner, who being on the coaft, with
three veiTels, was alio attacked by the Negroes,
who wounded feveral of his people, and vio-
lently carried three of his men to their town,
The Captain fent ameffenger, offering anything
they defired for the ranfom of his men ; but they
refufed to deliver them, letting him know,
" That three weeks before, an EngHJh Jhipt which
*f came in the road, had carried off three of their
st people ; and that till they were brought again, they
" they would not reftore his men, even though they
t£ Jhould give their three Jhips to releafe them" It
was probable the evil conduct of thefe, and fome
other Englifhmen, was the occafion of what is
mentioned in Hill's Naval Hiftory, viz. ''That
" when Captain Hawkins returned from his firft
ct voyage to Africa, Queen Elizabeth fent for
" him, when fhe expreffed her concern, led: any
Sf of the African Negroes Jhould be carried off
" without their free confent; which (lie declared
<c would be deteftable, and would call down the
£C vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers."
Hawkins made great promifes, which neverthe-
lefs he did not perform ; for his next voyage
to the coaft appears to have been principally cal-
culated to procure Negroe flaves, in order to fell
them to the Spaniards in the Weft indies ; which

occaftoned

f Collection, vol. I. page 157,

L 4§ 1

occafioned the fame author to ufe thefe remark-
able words : tc Here began the horrid pratlice of
"forcing the Africans into favery : an injuftice and
<c barbarity, which, fo fure as there is vengeance in
" heaven f&r the worft of crimes, will fome time be
<c the deftruklion of all who abl or who encourage
€i it." This Captain Hawkins, afterwards Sir
John Hawkins, feemstohave been the flrft Eng-
lifhman who gave public countenance to this
wicked trafHck : For Anderfon, before menti-
oned, at page 401, fays, " That in the year 1562,
*c Captain Hawkins, aflifted by fubfcription of
" fundry gentlemen, now fitted out three ihipsj
«e and having learnt that Negroes were a very
ec good commodity in Hifpaniola, he failed to
" the coait of Guinea, took in Negroes, and
fC failed with them for Hifpaniola, where he
€C fold them, and his Englifh commodities, and
fe loaded his three veffels with hides, fugar
<c and ginger, &c. with which he returned home
<s anno 1563, making a profperous- voyage."
As it proved a lucrative bufinefs, the trade was
continued both by Hawkins and others, as ap-
pears from the Naval Chronicle, page 55, where
it is faid, l( That on the 18 th of October, 1564,
*£ Captain John Hawkins, with two (hips- of 700
*e and 140 tons, failed for Africa; that on the
*c 8th of December they anchored to the South of
<c Cape Verd, where the Captain manned the
," boat, and lent eighty men in armour into the
«f country, to fee if they could take fame Ne-
« groes ; but the natives flying from them, they
*f returned to their mips, and proceeded farther
*c down the coaft. Here they ftaid certain days,
<c fending their men afhore, in order (as the

author

[ 49 ]

to aiithor fays) to burn and fpoil their towns
ki and take the inhabitants. The land they>
" obferved to be well cultivated, there being
*c plenty of grain, and fruit of feveral forts,
<c and the towns prettily laid out. On the i^xh,
*' being informed by the Portugueze of a town
*c of- Negroes called Bymba, where there was
<f not only a quantity of gold, but an hundred
*' and forty inhabitants, they refolved to attack
*4 it, having the Portugueze for their guides
*c but by mifmanagement they took but ten Ne-
*c groes, having feven of their own men killed,
<c and twenty-feven wounded. They then went
<c farther down the coaftj when, having procured
*f a number of Negroes, they proceeded to the
*c Weft-Indies^ where they ibid them to the
,*c Spaniards." And in the fame Naval Chronicle^
at page y6, it is faid, fC That in the year 15675,
*e Francis Drake, before performing his voyage
*f round the world, went with Sir John Haw-
*c kins in his expedition to the eoafr of Guinea^
£c where taking in a cargo of flaves, they deter-
si mined to (leer for the Caribbee iflands." How
Queen Elizabeth fuffered fo grievous an in-
fringement of the rights of mankind to be per-
petrated by her fubjedts, and how fhe was per-
fuaded, about the 30th year of her reign, to
grant patents for carrying on a trade from the
North part of the river Senegal, to an hundred
leagues beyond Sierra Leona, which gave rife to
the prefent African company/ is hard to account
for ; any otherwife than that it arofe from the
mifreprefentation made to her of the fituation
of the Negroes, and. of the advantages it was
pretended they would reap from being made

. E & I

acquainted with the Chriftian religion. This
was the cafe of Lewis the XHIth, King of
France, who, Labat, in his account of the ifles
of America, tells us, " Was extremely uneafy
<c at a law by which the Negroes of his colo-
" nies were to be made flaves ; but it being
cc ftrongly urged to him as the readieft means
(( for their converfion to Christianity, he ac-
" quiefced therewith." Neverthelefs, fome of
the Chriftian powers did not i~o eafily give way
in this matter ; for we find *, cc That Cardinal
8f Cibov one of the Pope's principal minifters
le of ftate, wrote a letter on behalf of the col-
<c lege of Cardinals, or great council at Rome,
" to the miffionaries in Congo, complaining
€f that the pernicious and abominable abufe of
*c felling flaves was yet continued, requiring
€C them to remedy the fame, if poffible ; but
cc this the miffionaries faw little hopes of ac-
<£ complifhing, by reafon that the trade of the
<f country lay wholly in (laves and ivory/*

From the foregoing accounts, as well as other
authentic publications of this kind, it appears
that it was the unwarrantable luft of gain,
which firft ftimulated the Portugueze, and af-
terwards other Europeans, to engage in this
horrid traffic. By the moft authentic relations
of thofe early times, the natives were an inof-
fenfive people, who, when civilly ufed, traded
amicably with the Europeans. It is recorded
of thofe of Benin, the largeft kingdom in Gui-
nea-]-, I'hat they were a gentle, loving people •, and

Reynold

* Colle&ion, vol. iii. page 164.
f Idem, vol, i. p. 202.

t *« J

Reynold lays f, Cf They found morejincere proofs
cc of love and good will from the natives , than they
u could find from the Spaniards and Portugueze,
" even though they had relieved them from the greatefi
cc mifery." And from the fame relations there
is no reafon to think otherwife, but that they
generally lived in peace amongft themfelves ;
for I do not find;, in the numerous publications
I have perufed on this fubje6t, relating to thefe
early times, of there being wars on that coaft,
nor of any fale of captives taken in battle, who
Would have been otherwife facrificed by the vic-
tors £ : notwithstanding fome modern authors,
in their publications relating to the Weft Indies,
defirous of throwing a veil over the iniquity of
the (lave trade, have been hardy enough, upon
mere fuppofition or report, to afTert the con-
trary.

It was long after the Portugueze had made a

practice of violently forcing the natives of Africa

into flaveryj that we read of the different Negroe

nations making war upon each other, and felling

E 2 their

f Colle&ion, vol.i. page 245.'

X Note, this plea falls of itfelf, for if die Negroes ap-
prehended they fhould be cruelly put to death, if they were
not fent away, why do they manifeft fuch reluftance and
dread as they generally do, at being brought from their na-
tive country? William Smith, at page 28, fays, Cl The
** Gambians abhor Jlavery, and will attempt any thing, though
*' never fo defperate, to avoid it," and Thomas Philips, in his
account of a voyage he performed to the coaft of G uinea, writes,
*'* They, the Negroes, are fo loth to leave their own country,
fC that they have often leaped out of the canoe, boat, or Jhip,
<c into the fea, and kept under vj at er till they were drowned \
" to avoid being taken uj>.'[

[ 52 1

their captives. And- probably this was not the
cafe, till thofe bordering on the coaft, who had
been ufed to fupply the veffels with necefTaries,
had become corrupted by their intercourfe with
the Europeans, and were excited by drunkennefs
and avarice to join them in carrying on thofe
wicked fchemes, by which thofe unnatural wars
were perpetrated ; the inhabitants kept in con-
tinual alarms; the country laidwafte; and, as
Francis Moor expreffes it, <c Infinite numbers
<f fold into flavery." But that the Europeans
<c are the principal caufe of thefe devalua-
tions, is particularly evidenced by one, whole
connexion with the trade would rather in-
duce him to reprefent it in the faireft co-
lours, to wit, William Smith, the perfon fent
in the year 1726 by the African company to fur-
vey their fettlements, who from the information
he received of one of the factors, who had refided
ten years in that country, lays-}-, tc 'That the dif-
" cerning natives account it their greatejl unhappi-
<s nefs, that they were ever vifited by the Europeans."
- — — " That we Chriflians introduced the traffic of
" Jlaves ; and that before our coming they lived in
(i peace/'

In the accounts relating to the African trade,
we find this melancholy truth farther afferted
by forne of the principal directors in the different
factories; particularly A. Brue fays§, " That the
ic Europeans were far from defiring to atJ as peace-
lQ makers amongfi the Negroes ; which would be

" a cling

f . William Smith, page 266.
§ Colle&ion, vol. 2, page yZ,

t S3 1

ce acling contrary to their inter eft, fince the greater
*' the war sy the more Jlaves were ■procured.''' And
William Bofman alfo remarks*, fC That one of
" the former commanders gave large fums of
<c money to the Negroes of one nation, to induce them
" to attack fome of the neighbouring nations, which
" occafioned a battle which was more bloody than the
ic wars of Negroes ufually are." This is confirmed
by J. Barbot, who fays, lc 'That the country of
*' D'Eltnina, which was formerly very powerful and
" populous, was in his time fo fnuch drained of its
" inhabitants by the inteftine wars fomented amongft
Sf the Negroes by the Dutchs that there did not re-
*c main inhabitants enough to till the country"

9 Bofman, page 31,

C H A P.

CHAP. VI.

THE conduct of the Europeans and Africans
compared. Slavery more tolerable amongft
the antients than in our colonies. As Chrifti-
anity prevailed amongft the barbarous nations,
the inconfiftency of flavery became more ap-
parent. The charters of manumiflion, granted
in the early times of Chriftianity, founded on
an apprehenfion of duty to God. The antient
Britons, and other European nations, in their
original ftate, no lefs barbarous than the Ne-
groes. Slaves in Guinea ufed with much
greater lenity than the Negroes are in the
colonies. — Note. How the ilaves are treated
in Algiers, as alfo in Turkey,

SUCH is the woeful corruption of human na-
ture, that-ever-y practice which flatters our
pride and covetoufnefs, will find its advocates !
This is manifeftly the cafe in the matter before
us •, the favagenefs of the Negroes in fome of
their cuftoms, and particularly their deviating fo
far from the feelings of humanity, as to join in
captivating and felling each other, gives their
interefted oppreffors a pretence for reprefenting
them as unworthy of liberty, and the natural
rights of mankind. But thefe fophifters turn
the argument full upon themfelves, when they
inftigate the poor creatures to fuch fliocking im-
piety, by every means that fantaftic fubtilty can
fuggeft j thereby fhewing in their own conduct^

a more

[ ss ]

a more glaring proof of the fame depravity, and,
if there was any reafon in the argument, a greater
unfitnefs for the fame precious enjoyment. For
though fome of the ignorant Africans may be
thus corrupted by their intercourfe with the bafer
of the Europeon natives, and the ufe of ftrong
liquors, this is no excufe for high-profeffing
Chriitians, bred in a civilized country, with fo
many advantages unknown to the Africans, and
pretending a fuperior degree of gofpel light.
Nor can it juftify them in raifing up fortunes to
themfelves from the mifery of others, and calmly
projecting voyages for the feizure of men natu-
rally as free as themfelves ; and who they know
are no otherwife to be procured than by fuch
barbarous means, as none but thofe hardened
wretches, who are loft to every fenfe of Chriftian
companion, can make ufe of. Let us diligently
compare, and impartially weigh, the fituation
of thofe ignorant Negroes, and thefe enlightened
Chriitians ; then lift up the fcale and fay, which
of the two are the greater lavages.

Slavery has been for a long time in practice in
many parts of Afia; it was alio in ufage among
the Romans when that empire fiouriihed -, but,
except in fome particular inftances, it was ra-
ther a reafonable fervitude, no ways comparable
to the unreafonable and unnatural fervice extort-
ed from the Negroes in our colonies. A late
learned author*, fpeaking of thofe times which
fucceeded the diflblution of that empire,acquaints
us, that as Chriitianity prevailed, it very much

j£ 4 removed

* See Robertfon's Hiftory of Charles the 5th.

[ 56 ]

removed thofe wrong prejudices and practice^
which had taken root in darker times : after the
irruption of the Northern nations, and the in-
troduction of the feudal or military government,
whereby the moll extenfive power was lodged in
a few members of fociety, to the depreffion of
the reft, the common people were little better
than (laves, and many were indeed fuchj but as
Chnfiianity gained ground, the gentle fpirit of
that religion, together with the doctrines it
teaches, concerning the original equality of man-
kind, as well as the impartial eye with which
the Almighty regards men of every condition.,
and admits them to a participation of his bene-
fits ; fo far manifefted the inconfiftency of fla-
very with Chriftianity, that to fet their fellow
Chriftians at liberty was deemed an act of piety,
highly meritorious., and acceptable to Godf.

Accordingly

f In the years 13 15 and 131 8, Louis X. and his brother
Philip, Kings of France, ifTued ordinances, declaring,
ic That as all men were by nature free-born, and as their
" kingdom was called the kingdom of Franks, they de-
e' tcrmined that it mould be fo in reality, as well as in
" name ; therefore they appointed that enfranchifements
" mould be granted throughout the whole kingdom, upon
*' juit and reafonable Conditions," " Thefe edicts were car-
" ried into immediate execution within the royal domain."

*' In England, as the fpirit of liberty gained ground,

?' the very name and idea of perfonal fervitude, without
tc any formal interpofition of the legiilature to prohibit it,
l( was totally abolifhed."

Cl The effects of fuch are markabJe change in the con-
ff dition of fo great a part of the people, could not fail of
" being confiderable and extenfive. The hufbandman,
ie mailer of his own indultry, and fecure of reaping for

" himfelf

t 57 ]

Accordingly a great part of the charters granted
for the manumiffion or freedom of flaves about
that time, are granted pro amore Dei, for the love
of God, fro mercede aniwics, to obtain mercy for the
foul. Manumiffion was frequently granted on
death-beds, or by latter wills. As the minds of
men are at that time awakened to fentiments of
humanity and piety, thefe deeds proceeded from
religious motives. The fame author remarks,
That there are feveral forms of thofe manumif-
lions flill extant, all of them founded on religious
confederations, and in order to procure the favour of
God. Since that time, that practice of keeping
of men in ilavery gradually ceafed amongftChrif-
tians, till it was renewed in the cafe before us.
And as the prevalency of the fpirit of Chriftian-
ity caufed men to emerge from the darknefs they
then lay under, in this refpect ; fo it is much to
be feared that fo great a deviation therefrom, by
;he encouragement given to the ilavery of the.

Negroes

ee himfelf the fruits of his labour, became farmer o£
*' the fame field where he had formerly been compelled
?* to toil for the benefit of another. The odious name of
ft mafter and of Have, the moft mortifying and depreffing
" of all diftin&ions to human naturt, were abolifhed. New
st profpedts opened, and new incitements to ingenuity and
f ' enterprife prefented themfelves, to thofe who were eman-
" cipated. The expectation of bettering their fortune, as
" well as that of railing themfelves to a more honourable
" condition, concurred in calling forth their activity and
*' genius j and a numerous clafs of men, who formerly
te had no political exigence, and were employed merely as
" inftruments of labour, became ufeful citizens, and con-
*' tributed towards augmenting the force or riches of the
*( fociety, which adopted them as members." William
Robertfon's Hillory of Charles the 5th, vol. 1. p. 35.

[ 5* ]

Negroes in our colonies, if continued, will, by-
degrees, reduce thofe countries which fupport
and encourage it, but more immediately thofe
parts of America which are in the practice of it,
to the ignorance and barbarity of the darken:
ages.

If inflead of making flaves of the Negroes, the
nations who aiTume the name and character of
Christians, would ufe their endeavours to make
the nations of Africa acquainted with the nature
of the Chriftian religion, to give them a better
ienie of the true ufe of the bleflings of life, the
more beneficial arts and cuftoms would, by de«?
grees, be introduced amongft them ; this care
probably would produce the fame effect upon
them, which it had on the inhabitants of Europe,
formerly as favage and barbarous as the natives
of Africa. Thofe cruel wars amongft the blacks
would be likely to ceafe, and a fair and honour-
able commerce, in time, take place throughout
that vaft country. It was by thefe means that
the inhabitants of Europe, though formerly a
barbarous people, became civilized. Indeed the
account Julius Casfar gives of the ancient Britons
in their ftate of ignorance, is not fuch as mould
make us proud of ourfelves, or lead us to defpife
the unpolifhed nations of the earth ; for he in-
forms us that they lived in many refpects like our
Indians, " Being clad with fkins, painting their
bodies, &c." He alfo adds, " That they, bro-
" ther with brother, and parents with children^,
e{ had wives in common." A greater barbarity
than any heard of amongft the Negroes. Nor doth
Tacitus give a more honourable account of the
Germans, from whom the Saxons, our immedi-
ate

[ 59 3

ate anceftors, fprung. The Danes who fucceed-
ed them (who may alfo be numbered among our
progenitors) were full as bad, if not worfe.

It is ulual for people to advance as a pallia-
tion in favour of keeping the Negroes in bond-
age, that there are Haves in Guinea, and that
thofe amongft us might be fo in their own coun-
try; but let fuch confider the inconfiftency of
our giving any countenance to ilavery, becaufe
the Africans, whom we efteem a barbarous and
lavage people, allow of it, and perhaps the
more from our example. Had the profeiTors of
Chriftianity acted indeed as fuch, they might
have been inftrumental to convince the Negroes
of their error in this refpect ; but even this,
when inquired into, will be to us an occafion of
blufliing, if we are not hardened to every fenfe
of fhame, rather than a palliation of our iniqui-
tous conduct •, as it will appear that the flavery
endured in Guinea, and other parts of Africa,
and in Afia, * is by no means fo grievous as

that

* In the Hiilory of the Piratical States of Barbary,
printed in 1750, /aid to be written by a perfon who refided
at Algiers, in a public character, at page 265 the author
fays, " The world exclaims againft the Algerines for their
*' cruel treatment of their Haves, and their employing even
*c tortures to convert them to Mahometifm : but this is a
*c vulgar error, artfully propagated for felfiih views. So
" far are their flaves from being ill ufed, that they mult
f( have committed fome very great fault to fuffer any
te punifhment. Neither are they forced to work beyond
** their ftrength, but rather fpared, left they mould fall
tc fick. Some are fo pleafedwith their fituation, that they
ft will not purchafe their ranfom, though they are able."
Jt is the fame generally through the Mahometan countries,

except

[ 6o ]

that in our colonies. Francis Moor, ipeaking
of the natives living on the river Gambia, -f
fays, " That fome of the Negroes have many
" houfe Haves, which are their greateft glory ;
v cc that thofe (laves live fo well and eafy, that it
*c is fometimes a hard matter to know the (laves
" from their mailers or mittrefTes. And that
*' though in fome parts of Africa they fell their

tc (laves

except in fome particular inftances, as that of Muley Ifh-
mael, late Emperor of Morocco, who being naturally bar-
barous, frequently ufed both his fubje&s and flaves with
cruelty. Yet even under him the ufage the flaves met with
was, in general, much more tolerable than that of the Ne-
groe flaves in the Weft Indies. Captain Braithwaite, an
author of credit, who accompanied conful general RufTel i»
a congratulatory ambafTy to Muley Ifhmael's fuccefTor, upon
his acceffion to the throne, fays, " The fituation of the
" Chriftian flavesan Morocco was not near fo bad as repre-
«' fented. — That it was true they were kept at labour by
f£ the late Emperor, but not harder than our daily Jabou?-
fc eis go through. — Mailers of {hips were never obliged to
*' work, nor fuch as had but a fmall matter of money to
«* o-ivethe Alcaide. — When fick, they had a religious houfe
" appointed for them to go to, where they were well at-
«* tended : and whatever money in charity was fent them
«« by their friends in Europe, was their own." Braithwaite's
revolutions of Morocco.

Lady Montague, wife of the Engllfh ambaflador at Con-
ftantinople, in her letters, vol. 3. page 20, writes, " I
«' know you expeft I fhould fay fomething particular of the
lt flaves ; and you will imagine me half a Turk, when I do
*( not fpeak of it with the fame horror other Chriftians have
« done before me; but I cannot forbear applauding the
*< humanity of the Turks to thefe creatures; they are not
'* ill ufed; and their flavery, in my opinion, is no worfe
** than fervitude all over the world. It is true they have
" no wages, but they give them yearly cloaths to a higher
" value than our falaries to our ordinary fervants."
-j- F Moor, p. 30.

E 61 ]

*< flaves born in the family, yet on the river
Cf Gambia they think it a very wicked thing."
The author adds, " He never heard of but one
" that ever fold a family Have, except for fuch
tc crimes as they would have been fold for if
" they had been free." And in Aftley's Col-
lection, fpeaking of the cuftoms of the Negroes
in that large extent of country further down the
coaft, particularly denominated the coaft of
Guinea, it is faid, J ff They have not many
<f flaves on the coaft ; none but the King or
" nobles are permitted to buy or fell any ; {o
" that they are allowed only what are neceifary
ec for their families, or tilling the ground."
The fame author adds, " That they generally ufs
■* their flaves well, and jeldom correal them."

% Colle&ion, vol. 2. page 647.

C H A P.

t £2 j

CHAP. VII.

MONTESQlTlEtTs fentiments on flavery* Mo=
deration enjoined by the Mofaic Jaw in the
punilhment of offenders. Morgan Goodwyn's
account of the contempt and grievous rigour
exercifed upon the Negroes in his time. Ac-
count from Jamaica, relating to the inhuman
treatment of them there. Bad effects attend-
ant on flave-keeping, as well to the matters
as the flaves. Extracts from feveral laws
relating to Negroes. Richard Baxter's fentU
ments on flave-keeping.

THAT celebrated civilian Montefquieu, in
his treatife on thefpirit of laws, on the ar-
ticle of flavery fays, <c // is neither ufeful to the
" m after nor Jlave ; to the Jlave becaufe he can do
" nothing through principle {or virtue) ; to the
<c 7nafter, becaufe he contracts with his jlave all forts
" of bad habit s^ infenfibly accuftoms himfelf to
" want all moral virtues ; becomes haughty , hafty,
<f hard-hearted, paffwnate, voluptuous, and crueh
The lamentable truth of this affertion was
quickly verified in the Englifh plantations.
When the practice of flave-keeping was intro-
duced, it loon produced its natural effects j it
reconciled men, of otherwife good difpofitions,
to the moft hard and cruel meafures. It quickly
proved, what, under the law of Mofes, was ap-
prehended would be the confequence of unmer-
ciful chaftifements. Deut. xxv. 2. " And it

I' fhall

[ 63 ]

tl Jhall be if the wicked man be worthy to be beaten,
" that the judge fhould caufe him to lie down, and
<c to be beaten before his face, according to his fault,
u by a certain number ; forty Jlripes may be given
cc him, and not exceed" And the reafon ren-
dered, is out of refpecl: to human nature, viz.
'c Left he fhould exceed, and beat him above thefe
cc with many Jiripes, then thy brother fhould Jeem
" vile unto thee" As this effect foon followed
the caufe, the crueleft meafures were adopted,
in order to make the molt of the poor wretches
labour ; and, in the minds of the mafters, fuch an
idea was excited of inferiority, in the nature of
thefe their unhappy fellow creatures, that they
efteemed and treated them as beafts of burden :
pretending to doubt, and fome of them even
prefuming to deny, that the efficacy of the death
of Chrift extended to them. Which is particu-
larly noted in a book, intitled, " The Negroes
" and Indians Advocate," dedicated to the then
Archbifhop of Canterbury, written fo long fines
as in the year 1680, byMorgan Godwyn, thought
to be a clergyman of the church of England.
* The fame fpirit of fympathy and zeal which

flirred

* There is a principle which is pure, placed in the human
mind, which in different places or ages hath had different
names; it is, however, pure, and proceeds from God. —
It is deep and inward, confined to no forms of religion, nor
excluded from any, where the heart ftands in perfect fin-
cerity. In whomfoever this takes root and grows, of what
nation foever, they become brethren in the belt fenfe of the
expreffion. Ufing ourfelves to take ways which appear mod
eafy to us, when inconfiftent with that purity which is with-
out beginning, we thereby fet up a government of our own,

and

[ H J

irirred tip the good Bifhop of Cap] a to pleao
with fo much energy the kindred caufe of the

Indian^

and deny obedience to Him whofe fervice is true liberty,;
He that has a fervant* made fo wrongfully, and knows it
to be fo, when he treats him otherwife than a free man^
when he reaps the benefit of his labour, without paying
him fuch wages as are reafo«ably due to free men for the
like fervice ; thefe things, though done in calmnefs, with-
out any fhew of diforder, do yet deprave the mind, in like
manner, and with as great certainty, as prevailing cold
congeals water. Thefe fteps taken by matters, and their
conduct ftriking the minds of their children, Whilft young,
leave lefs room for that which is good to work upon them.
The cuftoms of their parents, their neighbours, and the
people with . whom they converfe, working upon their
minds, and they from thence conceiving wrong ideas of
things, and modes of conduct, the entrance into their
hearts becomes in a great meafure fhut up againft the gentle
movings of uncreated purity.

From one age to another the gloom grows thicker and
darker, till error gets eftablifhed by general opinion ; but
whoever attends to perfect goodnefs, and remains under
the melting influence of it, finds a path unknown to many,
and fees the neceffity to lean upon the arm of divine
itrength, and dwell alone, or with a few in the fight;
committing their caufe to him who is a refuge to his people.
Negroes are our fellow-creatures, and their prefent condi-
tion among us requires our ferious consideration. We
know not the time, when thofe fcales, in which mountains
are weighed, may turn. The Parent of mankind is gra-
cious, his care is over his fmallefl creatures, and a multi-
tude of men efcape not his notice ; and though many of
them are trodden down and defpifed, yet he remembers
them. He feeth their affliction, and looketh upon the
fpreading increafmg exaltation of the oppreffor. He turns
the channel of power, humbles the moil; haughty people,
and gives deliverance to the oppreffed, at fuch periods a%
are confiftent with his infinite juftice and goodnefs. And
wherever gain is preferred to equity, and wrong things

publicly

[ «5 3

tndians of America, an hundred and fifty years
before, was equally operating about a century
paft on the minds of iome of the well difpofed
of that day; amongft others this worthy cler-
gyman, having been an eye-wifnefs of the op-
preffion and cruelty exercifed upon the Negroe
and Indian flaves, endeavoured to raife the at-
tention of thofe, in whofe power it might be to
procure them relief ; amongft other matters, in
his addrefs to the Archbiihop, he remarks in
fubftance, sc That the people of the ifland of
*c Barbadoes were not content with exercifing
ce the greateft hardnefs and barbarity upon the
*c Negroes, in making the moft of their labour,
*c without any regard to the calls of humanity,
*c but that they had fuffered fuch a flight and
cc undervaluement to prevail in their minds to-
*c wards thefe their opprefTed fellow-creatures,
cf as to difcourage any ftep being taken, where-
cf by they might be made acquainted with the
rc Chriftian religion. That their conducl: to-
<f wards their flaves was fuch as gave him rea-
ec fon to believe, that either they had fuffered
<c a fpirit of infidelity, a fpirit quite contrary
<c to the nature of the gofpel, to prevail in them,
<c or that it mult be their eftablifhed opinion,
cc that the Negroes had no more fouls than
*c beafts ; that hence they concluded them to
*c be neither fufceptibleof religious imprelTions,

publicly encouraged, to that degree that wickednefs takes
root and fpreads wide amongft the inhabitants of a country,
there is a real caufe for forrovv, to all fuch whofe love to
mankind ftands on a true principle, and wifely confider the
end and event of things. '* Confiderations on keeping Ne-
groes, by John Woolman, part 2. p. 50.

F " nor

[ 66 ]

ec nor fit obje&s for the redeeming grace of Goaf
" to operate upon. That under this perfuafion,
<c and from a difpofition of cruelty, they treated
t{ them with far lefs humanity than they did
" their cattle -% for,, fays he, they do not ftarve
tc their horfes, which they expect mould both
" carry and credit them on the road; nor pinch
" the cow, by whofe milk they are fuftained ;
(C which yet, to their eternal fhame, is too fre-
<c quently the lot and condition of thofe poor
cc people, from whofe labour their wealth and
" livelihood doth wholly arile ; not only in their
" diet, but in their cloathing, and overworking
<c fome of them even to death,, (which is parti-
" cularly the calamity of the moft innocent and
tc laborious) but alfo in tormenting and whip-
«c ping them almoli, and fometimes quite, to
cc death, upon even fmall mifcarriages. He
fC apprehends it was from this prejudice againft
*' the Negroes, that arofe thofe fupercilious
€e checks and frowns he frequently met with,
Cf when ufing innocent arguments and perfua-
<c fions, in the way of his duty as a minifter of
cc the gofpel, to labour for the convincement
«f and converfion of the Negroes j being re-
<c peatedly told, with fpiteful fcoffings, (even
** by fome efteemed religious) that the Negroes
*c were no more fufceptible of receiving bene-
*f fit, by becoming members of the church,
<f than their dogs and bitches. The ufual an-
*' fwer he received, when exhorting their matters
cc to do their duty in that refpecl, hemg^Wbat!
ft thefe black dogs be made Chrifiians ! What ! they
<c be made like us / with abundance more of the
<c fame. Neverthelefs^ he remarks that the Ne-

cc groes

I 6? i

fck groes were capable* not only of being taught
*f to read and write, &€■. but divers of them
kc eminent in the management of bufinefs. He
Cf declares them to have an equal right with
*c us to the merits of Chrift j of which if through
*e neglect or avarice they are deprived, that
*' judgment which was denounced againft wicked
u Ahab, mufl befal us t Our life Jhall go for
u theirs. The lofs of their fouls will be required
<c at our hands, to whom God hath given fo
u bleffed an opportunity of being inftrumental
*c to their falvation."

He complains, " That they were fullered to
rc live with their women in no better way thari
(( direct fornication ; no care being taken to
fc oblige them to continue together when mar-
Xf ried j but that they were fufFered at their will
5C to leave their wives, and take to other wo-
Kc men." I fhall conclude this fympathizing
clergyman's obfervationsj with an inftance he
gives, to fhewi tc that not only difcouragements
w and feoffs at that time prevailed in Barbadoes^
cc to eftablifh an opinion that the Negroes were
" not capable of religious imprefiions, but that
*' even violence and great abufes were ufed to
Cf prevent any thing of the kind taking place. It
*' was in the cafe of a poor Negroe, who hav-
<( ing, at his own requeft, prevailed on a clergy-
*c man to adminifter baptifm to him, on his
Cf return home the brutilh overfeer took him to
*c taik, giving him to underfband, that that was
*6 no Sunday's work for thofe of his complexion ;
<c that he had other bufinefs for him, the neglect
ec whereof mould coft him an afternoon's bap-
*' tifm in blood, as he in the morning had re-
Fa " ceived

[ 6$ ]

€t ceived a baptifmwith water, (thefe, fays tRtr
f£ clergyman, were his own words) which he
*f accordingly made good; of which theNegroe
<c complained to him, and he to the governor y
<c neverthelefs, the poor miferable creature was
cc ever after fo unmercifully treated by that in-
cc human wretch, the overfeer, that, to avoid his
" cruelty, betaking himfelf to the woods, he
" there perifhed." This inftance is applicable
to none but the cruel perpetrator; and yet it is
an inftance of what, in a greater or lefs degree,,
may frequently happen, when thofe poor wretches
are left to the will of fuch brutifh inconfiderate
creatures as thofe overfeers often are. This is
confirmed in a Hiftory of Jamaica, written in,
thirteen letters, about the year 1740, by a per-
fon then refiding in that ifland, who writes as
follows : " I fhall not now enter upon the quef-
" tion, whether the flavery of the Negroes be
*6 agreeable to the laws of nature or not ; though
" it feems extremely hard they mould be re-
te duced to ferve and toil for the benefit of
<c others, without the leaft advantage to them-
ec felves. Happy Britannia, where flavery is
<6 never known ! where liberty and freedom
** cheers every misfortune. Here," fays the
author, 6C we can boaft of no fuch blefling ; we
«c have at leaft ten flaves to one freeman. I
iC incline to touch the hardfhips which thefe
cc poor creatures fuffer, in the tendereft man-
<c ner, from a particular regard which I have to
<f many of their matters, but 1 cannot conceal
c< their fad circumftances intirely : the moft
cc trivial error is punifhed with moft terrible
tc whipping, I have feen fome of them treated

" in

[ 69 ]

w in that cruel manner, for no other reafon but
<c to fatisfy the brutifh pleafure of an overfeer,
<f who has their puni foment moftly at his dif-
<c cretion. I have feen their bodies all in a
<{ gore of blood, the fkin torn off their backs
x< with the cruel whip ; beaten pepper and fait
*c rubbed in the wounds, and a large flick of
cc fealing-wax dropped leifurely upon them. It
" is no wonder, if the horrid pain of fuch in-
*c human tortures incline them to rebel. Mofr.
*c of thefe llaves are brought from the coafl of
*' Guinea : when they firft arrive, it is obferv-
*f ed, they are fimple and very innocent crea-
4< tures ; but foon turn to be roguifo enough :
*c and when they come to be whipt, urge the
<f example of the whites for an excufe of their
*f faults."

Thefe accounts of the deep depravity of mind
attendant on the practice of ilavery, verify the
truth of Montefquieu's remark of its pernicious
effects. And although the fame degree of op-
position to inftructing the Negroes may not now
appear in the iflands as formerly, efpecially fince
the Society appointed for propagating the Gof-
pel have pofTefTed a number of Negroes in one
of them i neverthelefs the fituation of thefe op-
preffed people is yet dreadful, as well to them-
felves, as in its confequence to their hard tafk-
maftersj and their offspring; as muft be evident
to every impartial perfon who is acquainted
with the treatment they generally receive, or
with the laws which from time to time have
been made in the colonies, with refpect to the
Negroes; fome of them being abfolutely in-
conliftent with reafon, and {hocking to huma-
F 3 nit jr.

[ 7° ]

pity. By the 329th aft of the affembly of Barw
badoes, page 125, "\t is enacted, 4t That if any
ic Negroe or other flave under punifhment by
*f his mafter, or his order, for running away,
*c or any other crime or mifdemeanors towards
<c his faid mafter, unfortunately {hall fuffer in
" life or member, (which feldom happens) no
cc perfon whatfoever fhall be liable to any fine
*' therefore. But if any man fhall, of want on-
f f nefs, or only of bloody -mindednefs or cruel intent
t( tion, wilfully kill a Negroe , or other flave of his
** own, he fhall -pay into the public treafury, fifteen
<e pounds ft er ling." Now that thelifeofa man
ihould be fo lightly valued, as that fifteen
pounds ihould be judged a fufficient indemni-
fication of the murder of one, even when it is
avowedly done wilfully, wantonly, cruelly, or of
bloody-mindednefs, is a tyranny hardly to be pa-
ralleled : neverthelefs human laws cannot make
void the righteous law of God, or prevent the
inquifition of that awful judgment-day, when,
*c at the hand of every man's brother the life of
<c man fhall be required" By the law of South
Carolina, the perfon that killeth a Negroe is
only fubject to a fine, or twelve months im-
prisonment: it is the fame in mod, if not all
the Weft-Indies. And by an act of the affem-
bly of Virginia, (4 Ann. Ch. 49. feci;. 27. p.
227.) after proclamation is iflued againft flaves.,
*' that run away and lie out, it is lawful for
*f any perfon whatfoever to kill and deftroy fuch
sc flaves, by fuch w:ays and means as he, fje, or
ff they fhall think fit, without accufation 0% im~
ff peachment of any crime for the fame." And left
private intereft ftipuld incline the planter t$

m,ercy^

I 7i ]

wiercy, it is provided, " That every Jlave Jo kill-
£< ed, in furfuance of this aff, Jhall be paid for by
*' the public.39

It was doubtlefs a like fenfe of fympathy with
that exprefTed by Morgan Godwyn before-men-
tioned, for the oppreffed Negroes, and like zeal
for the caufe of religion,, fo manifeftly trampled
upon in the cafe of the Negroes, which induced
Richard Baxter, an eminent preacher amongft
the DifTenters in the laft century, in his Chrif-
tian Directory , to exprefs himfelf as follows, viz.
" Do you mark how God hath followed you
<c with plagues; and may not confcience tell
" you, that it is for your inhumanity to the
<c fouls and bodies of men ?" — Cf To go as pi-
tft rates, and cateh up poor Negroes, or people
<f of another land, that never forfeited life or
<c liberty, and to make them flaves, and fell
<c them, is one of the worft kinds of thievery
" in the world; and fuch perfons are to be
*< taken for the common enemies of mankind 5
<f and they that buy them and ufe them as
«f beafts for their mere commodity, and betray,
*e or deftroy, or neglect their fouls, are fitter to
<6 be called devils incarnate than Chriftians: it
*f is an heinous fin to buy them, unlefs it be
*c in charity to deliver them. Undoubtedly
<J they are prefently bound to deliver them, be-
ff caufe by right the man is his own, therefore
i* no man elfe can have a juft title to him."

F 4 CHAP.

[ 72 ]

C H A P. VIII.

GRIFFITH HUGHES's Account of the
number of Negroes in Barbadoes. Cannot
keep up their ufual number without a yearly
recruit. Exceffive hardihips wear the Negroes
down in a furprifing manner. A fervitude
without a condition, inconfiftent with reafon
and natural juftice. The general ufage the
Negroes meet with in the Weft-Indies. In^
human calculations of the ftrength and lives
of the Negroes, Dreadful confequences which
may be expected from the cruelty exercifed
upon this oppreffed part of mankind.

3K are told by Griffith Hughes, reclor
of St. Lucy in Barbadoes, in his natural
hi'ftory of that ifland, printed in the year 1750,
*' That there were between fixty-five and fe-
f{ venty thoufand Negroes, at that time, in the
*c ifland, though formerly they had a greater
*f number : that in order to keep up a neceflary
(C number, they were obliged to have a yearly
«' fupply from Africa : that the hard labour,
<c and often want of necefTaries, which thefe
** unhappy creatures are obliged to undergo,
<c deftroy a greater number than are bred there. "
He adds, tc That the capacities of their minds,
<€ in the common affairs of life, are but little
cc inferior, if at all, to thofe of the Europeans,
*f If they fail in fome arts, he fays, it may be
w owing more to their want of education, and
*f the deprefiion, of their fpirits by flavery, than

« to

[ 73 ]

M to any want of natural abilities. " This de-
ftruction of the human fpecies, through unna-
tural hardfhips, and want of neceffary fupplies,
in the cafe of the Negroes, is farther confirmed
in An Account of the European Settlements in Ame-
rica, printed London, 1757, where it is faid,
part 6. chap, nth, Cf The Negroes in our co-
lonies endure a flavery more complete, and
attended with far worfe circumftances, than
what any people in their condition fuffer in
any other part of the world, or have fuffered
in any other period of time : proofs of this
are not wanting. The prodigious wade which
we experience in this unhappy part of our
fpecies, is a full and melancholy evidence of
this truth. The ifland of Barbadoes, (the
Negroes upon which do not amount to eighty
thoufand) notwithftanding all the means which
they ufe to increafe them by propagation, and
that the climate is in every refpecl: (except
that of being more wholefome) exactly re-
fembling the climate from whence they come;
notwithftanding all this, Barbadoes lies under
a neceflity of an annual recruit of five thou-
fand flaves, to keep up the flock at the num-
ber I have mentioned. This prodigious fai-
lure, which is at leaft in the fame proportion
in all our iflands, fhews demonftratively that
fome uncommon and unfupportable hardfhip
lies upon the Negroes, which wears them
down in fuch a furprifing manner."
In an account of part of North America,
publifhed by Thomas Jeffery, 176J, the author,
fpeaking of the ufage the Negroes receive in the
Weft-India jflands, fays, " It is impoflible for

" a human

[ 74 ]

£C a human heart to reflect upon the fervitude of
4C thefe dregs of mankind, without in fome
<f meafure feeling for their mifery, which ends
cf but with their lives.— ^-Nothing can be more
*f wretched than the condition of this people.
&c One would imagine, they were framed to be
" the difgrace of the human fpeeies ; banifhed
*? from their country, and deprived of that blef-
fiC ling, liberty, on which all other nations itt
** the greateft value, they are in a meafure re-
*« duced to the condition of beads of burthen,
<f In general, a few roots, potatoes efpecially,
<c are their food, and two rags, which neither
«c fcreen them from the heat of the day, nor the
« extraordinary coolnefs of the night, all their
" covering ; their fleep very fhort ; their labour
(C almoft continual : they receive no wages, but
" have twenty lafhes for the fmallefl fault." A
thoughtful perfon, who had an opportunity of
obferving the miferable condition of the Ne-
groes in one of our Weft-India illands, writes
thus : " 1 met with daily exercife to fee the
«c treatment which thofe miferable wretches met
cc with from their matters •, with but few ex-
cc ceptions. They whip them moft unmerci-
«c fully on fmall occafions : you will fee their
«c bodies all whealed andfcarred; in fhort, they
tc feem tofet no other value on their lives, than
(t as they coft them fo much money ; and are
<f reftrained from killing them, when angry, by
<c no worthier confideration, than that they lofe
«' fo much. They act as though they did not
" look upon them as a race of human creatures,,
tc who have reafon, and remembrance of mif-
6( fortunes, but as beaflsj like oxen, who are

" ftubborn,

C 75 ]

ft ftubborn, hardy, and fenfelefs, fit for burdens,
<< and defigned to bear them : they will not
" allow them to have any claim to human pru
<( vileges, or fcarce indeed to be regarded as the
tc work of God, Though it was confident
(f with the juftice of our Maker to pronounce
c< the fentence on our common parent, and
<f through him to all fucceeding generations,
" 'That he and they Jhould eat their bread by the
*{ Jweat of their brows \ yet does it not fland re-*
" corded by the fame eternal truth, That the
" labourer is worthy of his hire? It cannot
<c be allowed, in natural juftice, that there
" fhould be a fervitude without condition;
<£ a cruel, endlefs fervitude. It cannot be re-
c* concileable to natural juftice, that whole na-
w tions, nay, whole continents of men, fhould
** be devoted to do the drudgery of life for
<c others, be dragged away from their attach-
cc ments of relations and focieties, and be made
<f to ferve the appetites and pleafure of a race
*f of men, whofe fuperiority has been obtained
*' by illegal force."

Sir Hans Sloane, in the introduction to his
natural hiftory of Jamaica, in the account he
gives of the treatment the Negroes met with
there, fpeaking of the punifhments inflicted on
them, fays, page 56, " For rebellion, the pu-
<f nifhment is burning them, by nailing them
?e down to the ground with crooked flicks on
{S every limb, and then applying the fire, by
({ degrees, from the feet and hands, burning
f6 them gradually up to the head, whereby
*c their fains are extravagant. For crimes of a
?s lefs nature, gelding or chopping off half the

" foot

f 76 3

ee foot with an axe. fC For negligence, the^

" are ufually whipped by the overfeers with

€t lance-wood fwitches. After they are whip-

« ped till they are raw, fome put on their fkins
*c pepper and fait, to make them fmartj at
«e other times, their matters will drop melted
fi wax on their Ikins, and ufe feveral very exqui-
" file torments'* In that ifland, the owners of
the Negroe fiaves fet afide to each a parcel of
ground, and allow them half a day at the latter
end of the week, which, with the day appointed
by the divine injunction to be a day of reft and
fervice to God, and which ought to be kept as
fuch, is the only time allowed them to manure
their ground. This, with a few herrings, or
other fait fiih, is what is given for their fupport.
Their allowance for cloathing in the ifland, is
feldom more than fix yards of oznabrigs each
year. And in the more northern colonies,
where the piercing wefterly winds are long and
fenfibly felt, thefe poor Africans fuffer much
for want of fufficient cloathing j indeed fome
have none till they are able to pay for it
by their labour. The time that the Negroes
work in the Weft Indies, is from day-break
till noon; then again from two o'clock till
dark (during which time, they are attended by
overfeers, who feverely fcourge thofe who appear
to them dilatory) ; and before they are fuf-
fered to go to their quarters, they have ftill
fomething to do, as collecting the herbage for
the horfes, gathering fuel for the boilers, &c
fo that it is often paft twelve before they can
get home, when they have fcarce time to grind
and boil their Indian corn 3 whereby, if their

food

[ 77 ]

food was not prepared the evening before, it
fometimes happens that they are called again to
labour before they can fatisfy their hunger. And
here no excufe or delay will avail ; for if they
are not in the field immediately upon the ufual
notice, they muft expect to feel the overfeer's
lafh. In crop time (which lads many months)
they are obliged, by turns, to work mod of
the night in the boiling houfe. Thus their
owners, from a defire to make the greatefl gain
by the labour of their flaves, lay heavy burthens
on them, and yet feed and death them very
fparingly, and fome fcarce feed or cloath them
at all ; fo that the poor creatures are obliged to
fhift for their living in the bed manner they
can, which occafions their being often killed in
the neighbouring lands, dealing potatoes, or
other food, to fatisfy their hunger. And if they
take any thing from the plantation they belong
to, though under fuch prefiing want, their own-
ers will correct them feverely for taking a little
of what they have fo hardly laboured for -, whild
many of themfelves riot in the greatefl luxury
and excefs. It is matter of aflonifhment how a
people, who as a nation, are looked upon as
generous and humane, and fo much value them-
felves for their uncommon fenfe of the benefit of
liberty, can live in the practice of fuch extreme
opprefiion and inhumanity, without feeing the
inconfillency of fuch conduct, and feeling great
remorfe. Nor is it lefs amazing to hear thefe
men calmly making calculations about the
drength and lives of their fellow men. In Ja-
maica, if fix in ten of the new imported Negroes
iurvive the feafoning, it is looked upon as a

gaining

t 73 1

gaining purchafe. And in rnoft of the other
plantations, if the Negroes live eight or nine
years, their labour is reckoned a fufficient com-
penfation for their coft. If calculations of this
fort were made on the ftrength and labour of
beafts of burden, it would not appear fo flrange;
but even then* a merciful man would certainly
ufe his beaft with more mercy than is ufually
{hewn to the poor Negroes. Will not the groans*
the dying groans, of this deeply afflicted and op-
prefTed people reach heaven ? and when the cup
of iniquity is full, mult not the inevitable con~
fequence be, the pouring forth the judgments of
God upon the oppreffors ? But alas ! is it not
too manifeft that this^oppreffion has already long
been the object of the divine difpleafure ? For
what heavier judgment, what greater calamity,
can befall any people, than to become fubjecl to
that hardnefs of heart, that forgetfulnefs of God*
and infenfibility to every religious impreffion,
as well as that general depravation of manners,
which fo much prevails in thefe colonies, in pro-
portion as they have more or lefs enriched them-
felves at the expence of the blood and bondage
of the Negroes.

It is a dreadful confideration, as a late an-*
thor remarks, that out of the flock of eighty
thoufand Negroes in Barbadoes, there die every
year five thoufand more than are born in that
iflandj which failure is probably in the fame
proportion in the other iflands. In effeff, this
people is under a necejjity of being entirely renewed
every fixteen years. And what muft we think of
the management of a people, who, far from in-
creafing greatly, as thofe who have no lofs by

war

[ 19 1

war ought to do, mull, in fo fhort a time as fif-
teen years, without foreign recruits, be entirely
confumed to a man ! Is it not a Chriftian doctrine,
that the labourer is worthy of his hire? And hath
not the Lord, by the mouth of his prophet,
pronounced, *c Wo unto that man who buildeth
" his houfe by unrighteoufnefs, and his chambers by
<f wrong ; who ufes his neighbour s fervice without
<c wages, and giveth him nought for his work ?"
And yet the poor Negroe (laves are conflrained,
like the beads, by beating, to work hard with-
out hire or recompence, and receive nothing
from the hand of their unmerciful mailers, but
fuch a wretched provifion as will fcarce fupport
them under their fatigues. The intolerable
hardfhips many of the flaves undergo, are fufE-
ciently proved by the fhortnefs of their lives.—-
And who are thefe miferable creatures, that re-
ceive fuch barbarous treatment from the planter?
Can we reftrain our jult indignation, when we
confider that they are undoubtedly his brethren !
his neighbours I the children of the fame Father ', and
fome of thofe for whom Chrift died, as truly as for the
planter himfelf. Let the opulent planter, or mer-
chant, prove that his Negroe (lave is not his bro-
ther, or that he is not his neighbour, in the
fcripture fenfe of thefe appellations ; and if he is
not able fo to do, how will he juitify the buying
and felling of his brethren, as if they were of no
more consideration than his cattle ? The wearing
them out with continual labour, before they
have lived out half their days ? The fevere whip-
ping and torturing them, even to death, if they
refill his infupportable tyranny ? Let the hardieft
flave-holder look forward to the tremendous

day,

[ So ]

day, when he muft give an account to God of
his ftewardfhip ; and let him ferioufly confider
whether, at fuch a time, he thinks he fhall be
able to fatisfy himfelf, that any act of buying and
felling, or the fate of war, or the birth of child-
ren in his houfe, plantation, or territories, or
any other circumftance whatever, can give him
fuch an abfolute property in the perfons of men,
as will juftify his retaining them as flaves, and
treating them as beafts ? Let him diligently con-
fider whether there will not always remain to the
flave a/uperior property or right to the fruit of
his own labour ; and more efpecially to his own
perfon ; that being which was given him by
God, and which none but the Giver can juftly
claim ?

CHAP,

t 8* ]

CHAP. IX,

THE advantage which would have accrued to
the natives of Guinea, if the Europeans had
acted towards them agreeably to the dictates
of humanity and Chriflianity. An inordinate
defire of gain in the Europeans, the true oc-
cafion of the (lave trade. Notice of the mif-
reprefentations of the Negroes by molt au-
thors, in order to palliate the iniquity of the
flave trade. Thofe miireprefentations refuted,
particularly with refped to the Hottentot Ne-
groes.

*ROM the foregoing accounts of the natural
difpofition of the Negroes, and the fruit-
fulnefs of mod parts of Guinea, which are con-
firmed by authors of candour, who have written
from their own knowledge, it may well be con-
cluded, that the Negroes acquaintance with the
Europeans might have been a happinefs to them,1
if theie lad had not only borne the name, but
had alfo acted the part, of Chriftians, and ufed
their endeavours by example, as well as precept,
to make them acquainted with the glad tidings
of the gofpel, which breathes peace and good
will to man, and with that change of heart, that
redemption from fin, which Chriflianity pro-
pofeth. Innocence and love might then have
prevailed, and nothing would have been wanting
to complete the happinefs of the fimple Africans.
But the reverfe has happened ; the Europeans,
forgetful of their duty as men and Chriftians,
G have.

i 82 ]

have conducted themfelves in fo iniquitous %
manner, as muft neceffarily raife in the mind&
of the thoughtful and well-difpofed Negroes,
the utmoft fcorn and deteftation of the very
name of Chriftians. All other confiderations
have given way to an infatiable defire of gain,
■which has been the principal and moving eaufe
of the moll iniquitous and dreadful Jcene that was,
perhaps, ever acted upon the face of the earth.
Inftead of making ufe of that fuperior know-
ledge with which the Almighty, the common
Parent of mankind, had favoured them, to
ftrengthen the principle of peace and good will
in the breafts of the incautious Negroes, the Eu-
ropeans have, by their bad example, led them
into excefs of drunkennefs, debauchery, and ava-
rice-, whereby every paflion of corrupt nature
being inflamed, they have been eafily prevailed
upon to make war, and captivate one another ;
as well to furnifh means for the excefles they had
been habituated to, as to fatisfy the greedy de-
fire of gain in their profligate employers, who to
this intent have furnifhed them with prodigious
quantities of arms and ammunition. Thus they
have been hurried into confufion, diflrefs, and
all the extremities of temporal mifery ; every
thing, even the power of their kings, has been
made fubfervient to this wicked purpofe; for
inftead of being protectors of their fubjects, fome
of thofe rulers, corrupted by the exceflive love
of fpirituous liquors, and the tempting baits laid
before them by the factors, have invaded the
liberties of their unhappy fubjects, and are be-
come their oppreffors.

Here

( 83 )

Here it may be necefTary to obferve, that the
accounts we have of the inhabitants of Guinea,
are chiefly given by perfons engaged in the trade,
who, from felf-interefted views* have defcribed
them in fuch colours as were lead likely to ex-
cite companion and refpect, and endeavoured to
reconcile fo manifeft a violation of the rights of
mankind to the minds of the purchafers; yet
they cannot but allow the Negroes to be poffefTed
of fome good qualities, though they contrive as
much as poflible to caft a made over them. A
particular inflance of this appears in Aftley's Col-
lection, vol. ii. p. 73. where the author, fpeak-
ing Of the Mandingos fettled at Galem, which
is fituated 900 miles up the Senegal, after
faying that tney carry on a commerce to all the
neighbouring kingdoms, and amais riches, adds,
*f That excepting the vices peculiar to the Blacks,
*c they are a good fort of people, honeft, hofpi-
*e table, juft to their word, laborious, induf-
<c trious, and very ready to learn arts and fci-
<s ences." Here it is difficult to imagine what
vices can be peculiarly attendant on a people fo
well difpofed as the author defcribes thefe to be.
With refpect to the charge fome authors have
brought againft them, as being void of all natu-
ral affection, it is frequently contradicted by
others. In vol. ii. of the Collection, p. 275, and
629, the Negroes of North Guinea, and the Gold
Coaft, are faid to be fond of their children, whom
they love with tendernefs. And Bofman fays, p.
340, ct Not a few in his country (viz. Holland)
*« fondly imagine, that parents here fell their
'c children, men their wives, and one brother
" the other: but thofe who think fo deceive
G 2 <f them-

( S4 J

cf themfelves*, for this never happens on
<6 other account but that of necefTity, or fome
" great crime." The fame is repeated by J.
Barbot, p. 326, and alfo confirmed by Sir Hans
Sloane, in the introduction to his natural hiftory
of Jamaica ; where fpeaking of the Negroes, he
fays, " They are ufually thought to be haters.
cc of their own children, and therefore it is be-
*' lieved that they fell and difpofe of them to
cc ftrangers for money : but this is not true %
ef for the Negroes of Guinea being divided into-
tc feveral captainlhips, as well as the Indians of
*c America, have wars ; and befides thofe ilain in
" battle, many prifoners are taken, who are fold
<c for Haves, and brought hither: but the pa-
w rents here, although their children are (laves
fc for ever, yet have fo great love for them, that
Cf no matter dares fell, or give away, one of their
*c little ones, unlefs they care not whether their
cf parents hang themfelves or no." J. Barbot,,
fpeaking of the occafion of the natives of Guinea
being reprefented as a treacherous people, afcribes
it to the Hollanders (and doubtlefs other Euro-
peans) ufurping authority, and fomenting di-
vifions between the Negroes. At page no, he
fays, " It is well known that many of the Eu-
<c ropean nations trading amongft thofe people,
cc have very unjuftly and inhumanly, without
cc any provocation, flolen away, from time to
<e time, abundance of the people, not only on
<c this coaft, but almoft every where in Guinea,,
*' who have come on board their fhips in a
<c harmlefs and confiding manner: thefe they
<c have in great numbers carried away, and fold
fC in the plantations, with other Haves which

i( they

( 8S )

** they had pur chafed." And although fome
of the Negroes may be juftly charged with in-
dolence and fupinenefs, yet many others are fre-
quently mentioned by authors as a careful, in-
duflrioas, and even laborious people. But nothing
ihews more clearly how unfafe it is to form a
judgment of diftant people from the accounts gi-
ven of them by travellers, who have taken but
a tranfient view of things, than the cafe of the
Hottentots, viz. thofe feveral nations of Ne-
groes who inhabit the mod fouthern part of Af-
rica : thefe people are reprefented by fevera] au-
thors, who appear to have very much copied
their relations one from the other, as fo lavage
and barbarous as to have little of human, but
the fhape: but thefe accounts are ftrongly con-
tradicted by others, particularly Peter Kolben,
who has Ngiven a circumftantial relation of the
difpofition and manners of thofe people. * He
was a man of learning, fent from the court of
Pruflia folely to make aftronomical and natural
obfervations there •, and having no intereft in
the flavery of the Negroes, had not the fame in-
ducement as moil other relators had, to mifre-
prefent the natives of Africa, He refided eight
years at and about the Cape of Good Hope,
during which time he examined with great care
into the cultoms, manners, and the opinions of
the Hottentots, whence he fets thefe people in
a quite different light from what they appear
in former authors, whom he corrects, and
blames for the falfehoods they have wantonly
G 3 told

* See Kolben's account of the Cape of Good Hope.

[ 86 ]

told of them. At p. 61, he fays, " The details
" we have in feveral authors, are for the moft
ic part made up of inventions and hearfays,
<f which generally prove falfe." Neverthelefs,
he allows they are juftly to be blamed for their
floth. — The love of liberty and indolence is their all .«
compuljion is death to them. While necejjity obliges
them to work they are very tradable, obedient, and
faithful •, but when they have got enough to Jatisfy
the prefent want, they are deaf to all further en-
treaty. He alfo cenfures them for their naftinefsa
the effect of floth ; and for their love of drink,
and the pra£tice of fome unnatural cuftoms,
which long ufe has eftablifhed amongfl them j
which, neverthelefs, from the general good dif-
pofition of thefe people, there is great reafon to
believe they might be perfuaded to refrain from,
if a truly Chriftian care had been extended to-
wards them. He fays, " They are eminently
c£ diftinguifhed by many virtues, as their mutual
*' benevolence, friendfhip, and hofpitality ; they
(t breathe kindnefs and good-will to one ano-
<c ther, and feek all opportunities of obliging.
<c Is a Hottentot's affiftance required by one of
*e his countrymen ? he runs to give it. Is his
*f advice afked? he gives it with fincerity. Is
" his countryman in want ? he relieves him to
" the utmoft of his power." Their hofpitality
extends even to F.uropean ftrangers : in travel-
ling through the Cape countries, you meet with
a chearful and open reception, in whatfoever vil-
lage you come to. In fhort, he fays, p. 339,
" The integrity of the Hottentots, their ftrift-
w nefs and celerity in the execution of juftice,
«« and their charity, are equalled by few nations.

<* In

( «7 )

Ki In alliances ', their word is facred; there being
*f hardly any thing they look upon as a fouler crime
" than breach of engagements. 'Theft and adultery
" they puni/h with death. They firmly believe
there is a God, the author of all things, whom
they call the God of gods-, but it does not ap-
pear that they have any inftitution of worfhip
directly regarding this fupreme Deity. "When
preffed on this article, they excufe themfelves by
a tradition, "That their firft parents fo grievoufly
sc offended this great God, that he curfed them and
*f their pofierity with hardnefs of hearty fo that
cc they know little about him, and have lejs inclina-
*f Hon to ferve himP As has been already re-
marked, thefe Hottentots are the only Negroe
nations bordering on the fea, we read of, who
are not concerned in making or keeping (laves.
Thofe flaves made ufe of by the Hollanders at
the Cape, are brought from other parts of Gui-
nea. Numbers of thefe people told the anthor,
*c That the vices they faw prevail amongft Chrif-
<c tians •, their avarice, their envy and hatred of
" one another •, their reftlefs, difcontented tem-
" pers ; their lafcivioulhefs and injuftice, were
*c the things that particularly kept the Hotten-
<{ tots from hearkening to Chriftianity."

Father Tachard, a French Jefuit, famous for
his travels in the Eafl Indies, in his account of
thefe people, fays, " The Hottentots have more
" honefty, love, and liberality for one another,
£t than are almoft any where feen amongft Chrif-
*■' tians.

CHAP.

CHAP. X.

MAN-STEALING efteemed highly criminal,
and punifhable by the laws of Guinea : No Ne-
groes allowed to be fold for flaves there, but
thofe deemed prifoners of war, or in puniih-
ment for crimes. Some of the Negroe rulers,
corrupted by the Europeans, violently infringe
the laws of Guinea. The King of Barfailay
noted in that refpecl.

BY an inquiry into the laws and cuftoms
formerly in ufe, and ftill in force amongft
the Negroes, particularly on the Gold Coaft, it
will be found, that provifion was made for the
general peace, and for the h(tty of individuals $
even in W. Bofman's time, long after the Eu-
ropeans had eftablifhed the flavcr-trade, the na-
tives were not publicly enflaved, any otherwife
than in punifhment for crimes, when prifoners
of war, or by a violent exertion of the power
of their corrupted Kings. Where any of the
natives were ftolen, in order to be fold to the
Europeans, it was done fecretly, or at lead,
only connived at by thofe in power: this appears
from Barbot and Bofman's account of the matter,
both agreeing that man-ftealing was not allow-
ed on the Gold Coaft. The firft, * fays, « Kid-

ct napping

* Barbot, p. 303.

( 89 )

** napping or ftealing of human creatures is punifh~
<« ed there, and even Jometimes with death ." And
W. Bofman, whole long residence on the coaft,
enabled him to fpeak with certainty, fays, -f
<( That the laws were fever e againfi murder ,
" thievery, and adultery" And adds, <c That
<c man-flealing was punijloed on the Gold Coaft zvith
" rigid feverity, and Jometimes with death itfelf."
Hence it may be concluded, that the Tale of the
greateft part of the Negroes to the Europeans
is fupported by violence, in defiance of the laws,
through the knavery of their principal men, J who
(as is too often the cafe with thofe in European
countries) under pretence of encouraging trade,
and increafing the public revenue, diiregard the
dictates of juftice, and trample upon thole liber-
ties which they are appointed to preferve.

Francis Moor alio mentions man-ftealing as
being difcountenanced by the Negroe govern-
ments on the river Gambia, and fpeaks of the in-
flaving the peaceable inhabitants, as a violence
which only happens under a corrupt administra-
tion of juftice •, he fays, * <c The kings of that
6C country generally advife with their head men,
t{ fcarcely doing any thing of conlequcnce, with-
*c out confulting them firft, except the King of
<{ Barfailay, who being fubject to hard drinking,
<c is very abfolute. It is to this King's infati-

" able

f Bofman, p. 143.

% Note. Barbot, p. 270, fays, the trade of flaves is
in a more peculiar manner the buiinefs of Kings, rich men,
and prime merchants, exclufive of the inferior fort of
blacks.

* Moor, page 6i.

[ 90 ]

cc able third for brandy, that his fubje&s freedom
tc and families are in fo precarious a fituation :"
«c * "Whenever this King wants goods or brandy,
" he fends a meffenger to the Fnglifh Governor
e< at James Fort, to defire he would fend a (loop
<f there with a cargo : ibis news, being not at all
e* unwelcome, the Governor fends accordingly.
*' Againft the arrival of the (loop, the King goes
" and ranfacks fome of his enemies towns, feiz-
<f ing the people, and felling them for fuch com-
*c modities as he is in want of, which commonly
" are brandy, guns, powder, balls, piftols, cut-
cc Jaffes, for his attendants and foldiers -, and
6t coral and filver for his wives and concubines.
€i In cafe he is not at war with any neighbouring
" King, he then falls upon one of his own towns,
" which are numerous, and ufes them in the fame
<{ manner :" cf He often goes with fome of his
'•' troops by a town in the day time, and return-
" ing in the night, fets fire to three parts of it,
" and putting guards at the fourth, there feizes
" the people as they run out from the fire -, he
tc ties their arms behind them, and marches them
" either to Joar or Cohone, where he fells them
" to the Europeans."

A. Brue, the French director, gives much the
fame account, and fays, f That having received
" goods, he wrote to the King, that if he had a
" fufficient number of flaves, he was ready to
<c trade with him. This Prince, as well as other
<e Negroe Monarchs, has always a fure way of
«{ fupplying his deficiencies, by felling his own

" fubjects,

• Moor, p. 46. f Collection, vol. 2. p. 29.

( 9' )

K fubjects, for which they feldom want a pre-
" tence. The King had recourfe to this me-
<c thod, by feizing three hundred of his own
" people, and fent word to the director, that he
" had the (laves ready to deliver for the goods."
It feems, the King wanted double the quantity
of goods which the factor would give him for
thele hundred (laves ; but the factor refufing
to trull him, as he was already in the Com-
pany's debt, and perceiving that this refufal had
put the King much Out of temper, he propofed
that he mould give him a licence for taking fo
many more of his people, as the goods he (till
wanted were worth ; but this the King refuted,
faying, <f It might occafion a difturbance amongft
" his fubjects." * Except in the above inftance,

and

* Note, This Negroe King thus refufing to comply with
the factor's wicked propofal, (hews, he was fenlible his own
conduct was not judicable; and it likewife appears, the
factor's only concern was to procure the greateft number of
flaves, without any regard to the injuftice of the method
by which they were procured. This Andrew Brue, was,
for a long time, principal director of the French African
Factory in thofe parts ; in the management of which, he is
in the collection laid to have had an extraordinary fuccefs.
The part he ought to have acted as a Chriflian towards the
ignorant Africans feems quite out of the queftion ; the pro-
fit of his employers appears to have been his fole concern.
At page 62, ipeaking of the country on the Senegal river,
he fays, " It was very populous, the foil rich; and if the
" people were induitrious, they might, of their own pro-
*f duce, carry on a very advantageous trade with Grangers ;
«* there being but few things in which they could be ex-
f( celled; but (he adds) it is to be hoped, the Europeans will

fC never

( 9a )

and fome others, where the power of the Negro?
Kings is unlawfully exerted over their fubjecls,
the flave trade is carried on in Guinea with fome
regard to the laws of the country, which allow
of none to be fold, but prifoners taken in their
national wars, or people adjudged to flavery in
puniihment for crimes ; but the largenefs of
the country, the number of kingdoms or com-
monwealths, and the great encouragement giver*
by the Europeans, afford frequent pretences
and opportunities to the bold defigning profli-
gates of one kingdom, to furprize and feize upon
not only thofe of a neighbouring government
but alfo the weak and helplefs of their own ; *
and the unhappy people, taken on thofe occa-
sions, are, with impunity, fold to the Europeans.
Thele practices are doubtlefs difapproved of by
the moft coniiderate amongft the Negroes, for
Bofman acquaints us, that even their national
wars are not agreeable to fuch. He fays, -f- cc If"
«c the perfon who occalioned the beginning of
« the war be taken, they will not eafily admit
" him to ranfom, though his weight in gold
" fhould be offered, for fear he mould in future
lS form fome new defign againft their repofe."

CHAP.

** never let them into the fecret," A remark unbecoming
** humanity;, much more Chriitianity !

* This inhuman practice is particularly defcribed by
Brue, in Colled, vol. 2. p. 98, where he fays, " That fome
«« of the native: are, on all occasions, endeavouring to fur-
«• prize and carry off their country people. They land (fays
*' he) without noife, and if they find a lone cottage, without
«« defence, they furround it, and carry off all the people and
*' effects to their boat, and immediately reimbark." This
feems to be moitly praftifed by fome Negroes who dwell on.
the fea coait. t Bofman, p. 15S*

( 93 )
CHAP. XI.

AN account of the mocking inhumanity, ufed in
the carrying on of the flave trade, as defcribed.
by factors of different nations, viz. by Francis
Moor, on the river Gambia ; and by John Bar-
bot, A. Brue, and William Bofman, through
the coaft of Guinea. Note. Of the large re-
venues arffing to the Kings of Guinea from
the flave trade.

FIRST, Francis Moor, factor for the Engliih
African Company, on the river Gambia,
* writes, " That there are a number of Negroe
'* traders, colled joncoes, or merchants, who
<e follow the flave trade as a bufinefs ; their
<c place of refidence is fo high up in the country,
Cc as to be fix weeks travel from James Fort,
<c which is fituate at the mouth of that river.
Si Thefe merchants bring down elephants teeth,
ic and in fome years two thoufand ., (laves, moil
<c of which, they fay, are priibners taken in war.
Cc They buy them from the different princes
(e who take them ; many of them are Bum-
*c brongs and Petcharies -, nations, who each of
fc them have different languages, and are brought
*c from a van: way inland. Their way of bring-
cc ing them is tying them by the neck with leather
<c thongs, at about a yard diftant from each other,
thirty or forty in a firing, having generally

" a bundle

• Moor, page 28,

Gts

- ( 94 )

s<r a bundle of corn or elephants teeth upon
" each of their heads. In their way from the
" mountains, they travel through very great
" woods, where they cannot for fome days get
*c water ; fo they carry in fkin bags enough to
cc fupport them for a time. I cannot," adds
Moor, " be certain of the number of merchants
<c who follow this trade, but there may, per-
cc haps, be about an hundred, who go up into
" the inland country, with the goods which
<6 they buy from the white men, and with them
<c purchafe, in various countries, gold, (laves,
ci and elephants teeth. Befides the flaves, which
<c the merchants bring down, there are many
<c bought along the river : thefe are either
et taken in war, as the former are, or men con-
<c demned for crimes-, or elf e people ft olen} which
" is very frequent. — Since the flave- trade has
" been ufed, all punifhments are changed into
<c flavery ; there being an advantage on fuch
" condemnation, they Jlrhin for crimes very hard \
" in order to get the benefit of Jelling the criminal"
John Barbot, the French factor, in his ac-
count of the manner by which the flaves are
procured, fays, " * The Slaves fold by the Ne-
<c groes, are for the moll part prifoners of war,
<c or taken in the incurfions they make in their
" enemies territories; others are flolen away
" by their neighbours, when found abroad on
« the road, or in the woods; or elfe in the corn
«c fields, at the time of the year when their pa-
" rents keep them there all the day to fcare

* John Barbot page 47,

*c away

( 9$ )

,c away the devouring fmall birds." Speaking
of the tranfadtions on that part of Guinea called
the Slave Coaft, where the Europeans have the
mod factories, and from whence they bring
away much the greatefr. number of flaves, the
fame author, and alfo Bofman, -j- fays, " The
<f inhabitants of Coto do much mifchief, in
" flealing thofe flaves they fell to the Euro-
<c peans, from the upland country. — That the
<c inhabitants of Popo excel the former j being
" endowed with a much larger fhare of cou-
" rage, they rob more fuccefsfully, by which.
*c means they increafe their riches and trade."
The author particularly remarks, " That they
ic are encouraged in this -practice by the Europeans ;
<c fometimes it happens, according to the fuc-
es cefs of their inland excurfions, that they arc
" able to furniih two hundred flaves or more,
<c in a few days." And he fays, " J The
tc blacks of Fida, or Whidah, are fo expedi-
" tious in trading for flaves, that they can de-
se liver a thoufand every month." — -cc If there
" happens to be no flock of flaves there, the
" factor muft truft the blacks with his goods,
" to the value of one hundred and fifty, or two
" hundred pounds; which goods they carry up
<c into the inland country, to buy flaves at all
" markets jj, for above fix hundred miles up

" the

f Bofman, page 310.

"X Barbot, page 326.

II When the great income which arifes to the Negroe
Kings on the Slave Coaft, from the flaves brought through
their feveral governments, to be ihipped on board the Eu-
ropean

( 96 )

et the country, where they are kept like cattle
tc in Europe; the (laves fold there being gene^
" rally prifoners of war, taken from their ene-*
*c mies like other booty, and perhaps fome few
ts fold by their own countrymen, in extreme
" want, or upon a famine, as alfo fome as a
te punifhment of heinous crimes." So far Bar-
bot's account -, that given by William Bofman
is as follows : cc * When the flaves which are
sc broueht from the inland countries come to
fl Whidah, they are put in prifon together;
*c when we treat concerning buying them, they
<c are all brought out together in a large plain,
" where, by our furgeons, they are thoroughly
*f examined, and that naked, both men and
<c women, without the leaft diilinclion or mo-
cc deity. f Thofe which are approved as good,

<c are

Topean veffels, is considered, we have no caufe to wonder
that they give fo great a countenance to that trade : Wil-
liam Bofman fays, page 337, " That each Jhip which comes
te to Whidah to trade, reckoning one with another, either by
*' toll, trade, or cuftom, pays, about four hundred pounds, and
*' fcmetimes fifty Jhips come hither in a year." Earbot con-
firms the fame, and adds, page 350, " That in the neigh-
" bouring kingdom of Ardah, the duty to the King is the rvalue
<S of fcventy or eighty Jlaves for each trading Jhip-" Which
is near half as much more as at Whidah ; nor can the Eu-
ropeans, concerned in the trade, with any degree of pro-
priety, blame the African Kings for countenancing it,
while they continue to fend veffels, on purpofe to take in
the flaves which are thus ftolen, and that they are permit-
ted, under the fanction of national laws, to fell them to
the colonies.

* Bofman, page 340.

\ Note, from the above account of the indecent and,
Shocking manner in which the unhappy Negroes are treated,

it

[ 97 1

£f are fet on one fide; in the mean while a
<c burning iron, with the arms or name of the
** company, lies in the fire, with which ours
<f are marked on the bread. When we have
e? agreed with the Owners of the flaves, they
'^ are returned to their prifons> where, from
<f that time forward* they are kept at our
<f charge, and coft us two pence a day each
cc flave, which ferves to fubfift them like cri-
" minals on bread and water; fo that to fave
f{ charges, we fend them on board our fhips

" the

it is reafonable for perfons unacquainted with thefe people,
to conclude them to be void of that natural modefty, fo be-
coming a reafonable creature ; but thofe who have had in-
tercourfe with the Blacks in thefe northern colonies, know
that this would be a wrong conclufion, for they are indeed
as fufceptible of modefty and ihame as other people. It is
the unparalleled brutality, to which the Europeans have>
by long cuftom, been inured, which urgeth them, without
blufhing, to act fo fliameful a part. Such ufage is certainly
grievous to the poor Negroes, particularly the women ;
but they are flaves, and muft fubmit to this, or any othei-
abufe that is offered them by their cruel tafk-mafters, or-
expedt to be inhumanly tormented into acquiefcence. That
the Blacks are unaccuftomed to fuch brutality, appears from
an inftance mentioned in Aftley's Collection, vol. 2. page
201. yiz. " At an audience which Cafleneuve had of" the
" King of Congo, where he was ufed with a great deal of
" civility by the Blacks, fome flaves were delivered to
** him. The King obferving Cafleneuve (according to the
*f cuftom of the Europeans) to handle the limbs of the
** flaves, burft out a laughing, as did the great men about
" him : the fa&or afking the interpreter the occafion of
er their mirth, was told it proceeded from his fo nicely
€f examining the flaves. Neverthelefs, the King was fo
" njhamed of it, that he dejired him, for dt(tncf s fake } to do
" it in a mere private manner "

H

K

[ 9« 3

the very firft opportunity; before which*
their matters flrip them of all they have on
their backs, fo that they come on board flark
naked, as well women as men. In which
condition they are obliged to continue, if
the matter of the fhip is not fo charitable
(which he commonly is) as to beftow fome-
thing on them to cover their nakednefs. Six
or feven hundred are fometimes put on board
a veflel, where they lie as clofe together as
it is poffible for them to be crouded,"

CHAP.

t 99 ]

CHAP, XII.

EXTRACTS offeveral Journals of Voyages
to the coaft of Guinea for (laves, whereby
the extreme inhumanity of that traffic is de-
fcribed. Melancholy account of a fhip blown
up on that coaft, with a great number of
Negroes on board. Infiances of fhocking bar-
barity perpetrated by matters of veffels to-
wards their Haves. Inquiry why thefe fcan-
dalous infringements, both of divine and
human laws., are overlooked by the govern-
ment.

TH E mifery and bloodfhed attendant on
the flave-trade, are fet forth by the fol-
lowing extracts of two voyages to the coaft of
Guinea for flaves. The firft is in a veffel from
Liverpool, taken verbatim from the original
manufcript of the Surgeon's Journal, viz.

" Seftro, December the 2,9th, 1724. No trade
*?. to-day, though many traders came on board -9
8f they informed us, that the people are gone
" to war within land, and will bring prifoners
" enough in two or three days, in hopes of
<f which we ftay."

The 30th. " No trade yet, but our traders
<e came on board to-day, and informed us the
" people had burnt four towns of their ene-
«c mies, fo that to-morrow we expect (laves off:
" another large (hip is come in. Yefterday
" came in a large Londoner."

The 31ft. " Fair weather", but no trade yet;
H 2 ^ wc

[ roo J

** we fee each night towns burning, but we
tc hear the Seftro men are many of them killed
cc by the inland Negroes, fo that we fear this
«c war will be unfuccefsful."

The 2d of January. ff Laft night we faw
tc a prodigious fire break out about eleven
** o'clock, and this morning fee the town of
" Seftro burnt down to the ground •, (it con-
" tained fome hundreds of houfes) ib that we
<c find their enemies are too hard for them at
C( prefent, and consequently our trade fpoiled
*{ here ; therefore, about feven o'clock, we
** weighed anchor, as did likewife the three
<c other veffels, to proceed lower down."

The fecond relation, alfo taken from the ori-
ginal manufcript Journal of a perfon of credit,
who went furgeon on the fame trade, in a verflfel
from New York, about twenty years paft, is as
follows ; viz. " Being on the coaft, the Com-
** mander of the veffel, according to cuftom,,
ct fent a perfon on Ihore with a prefent to the
<f King, acquainting him with his arrival, and
<c letting him know, they wanted a cargo of
" flaves. The King promifed to furnilh them
cc with the flaves ; and, in order to do it, fet
<e out to go to war againll his enemies; defign-
ec ing to iurprife fome town, and take all the
cc people prifoners. Some time after, the King
<c fent them word^ he had not yet met with the
cc deGred fuccefs ; having been twice repulfed,.
•f in attempting to break up two towns, but
<c that he ftill hoped to procure a number of
tc (laves for them j and in this defign he per-
fC lifted, till he met his enemies in the field,.
" where a battle was fought, which lafted three

" days,

I »I ]

*r days, during which time the engagement Was
«c fo bloody, that four thoufand five hundred
" men were flain on the fpot." The perfon
-who wrote the account, beheld the bodies, as
they lay on the field of battle. ct Think," fays
he in his Journal, <f what a pitiable fight it was,
*c to fee the widows weeping over their loft
" hufbands, orphans deploring the lofs of their
" fathers,, &c.&c." In the 6th vol. of Churchill's
Collection of Voyages, page 219, we have the
relation of a voyage performed by Captain
Philips, in a fhip of 450 tons, along the coaft
of Guinea, for elephants teeth, gold, and Ne-
groe flayes, intended for Barbadoes ; in which
he fays, that they took tc feven hundred flaves
*f on board, the men being all put into irons
*c two by two, fhackled together to prevent
" their mutinying or fwimming afhore. That
*f the Negroes are fo loth to leave their own
%l country, that they often leap out of the canoe,
£< boat, or (hip, into the fea, and keep under
*f water till they are drowned, to avoid being
" taken up, and faved by the boats which purfue
*c them." — They had about twelve Negroes who
willingly drowned themfelves -3 others ftarved
themfelves to death.—Philips was advifed to cut
off the legs and arms of fome to terrify the reft,
(as other Captains had done) but this he refuied
to do. From the time of his taking the Negroes on
board, to his arrival at Barbadoes, no lefs than
three hundred and twenty died of various difeafes.*
H 3 Reader,

* The following relation is inferted at the requeft of the
author.
That I may contribute all in my power towards the good

of

[ 102 ]

Reader, bring the matter home to thy owi>
heart, and confider whether any fituation cart

be

of mankind, by infpiring any individuals with a fuitable ab-
horence of that deteftable practice of trading in our fellow-
creatures, and in fome meafure atone for my neglecl of duty
as a Chriftian, in engaging in that wicked traffic, I offer tq
their ferious confideration fome few occurrences, of which I
was an eye-witnefs ; that being fbruck with the wretched and
affefting fcene, they may fofter that humane principle, which
is the noble and difintereiled chara&eriftic of man, and im-
prove it to the benefit of their children's children.

About the year 1749, I failed from Liverpool to the coaft
of Guinea. Some time after our arrival, I was ordered to
go up the country a considerable diftance, upon having no-
tice from one of the Negroe Kings, that he had a parcel of
ilaves to difpofe of. I received my inftruttions, and went,
carrying with me an account of fuch goods as we had on
board, to exchange for the Haves we intended to purchafe.
Upon being introduced, J prefented him with a fmall cafe
©f Englilh fpirits, a gun, and fome trifles ; which having ac--
cepted, and having underftood by an interpreter what goods
we had, the next day was appointed for viewing the flaves ;
we found about two hundred confined in one place. But here
how lhall I relate the affedting fight I there beheld ! How
can I fufiiciently defcribe the filent forrow which appeared
in the countenance of the affii&ed father, and the painful
anguilh of the tender mother, expe&ing to be for ever fe-
parated from their tender offspring; the diftreffed maid,
wringing her hands in prefage of her future wretchednefs,
and the general cry of the innocent from a dreadful appre-
henfion of the perpetual flavery to which they were doomed !
Under a fenfe of my offence to God, in the perfon of his
creatures, I acknowledge I purchafed eleven, whom I con-
ducted tied two and two to the lhip. Being but a fmall
fhip, (ninety ton) we foon purchafed our cargo, confifting
of one hundred and feventy Ilaves, whom thou mayeft,
reader, range in thy view, as they were fhackled two and
two together, pent up within the narrow confines" of the
main deck, with the complicated diftrefs of ficknefs, chains,

and

[ *°3 ] '

be more completely miferable, than that of
thefe diftreffed captives. When we reflect that
each individual of this number had probably
fome tender attachment, which was broken by
this cruel reparation; fome parent or wife, who
had not an opportunity of mingling tears in a
parting embrace ; perhaps fome infants, or aged
parents, whom his labour was to feed, and vigi-
lance protect ; themfelves under the moft dread-
ful appreheniion of an unknown perpetual (la-
ve ry ; confined within the narrow limits of a
veffel, where often feveral hundreds lie as clofe

H 4 as

and contempt ; deprived of every fond and focial tie, and,
an a great meafure, reduced to a ftate of defperation. We
had not been a fortnight at fea, before the fatal confe-
quence of this defpair appeared ; they formed a defign of re-
covering their natural right, Liberty, by rifmg and mur-
dering every man on board ; but the goodnefs of the Al-
mighty rendered their fcheme abortive, and his mercy fpared
us to have time to repent. The plot was difcovered ; the
ling-leader, tied by the two thumbs over the barricade door,
at fun-rife received a number of lafhes: in this fituation he
remained till fun-fet, expofed to the infults and barbarity
of the brutal crew of failors, with full leave to exercife their
cruelty at pleafure. The confeqsjence of this was, that next
ixiorning the miferable fufferer was found dead, flayed from
the fhovslders to the waift. The next victim was a youth,
who, from too ftrong a fenfe of his mifery, refufed nourifh-
ment, and died difregarded and unnoticed, till the hogs had
fed on part of his fleih. Will not Chriftianity bluih at this
impious facrilege ? May the relation of it ferve to call back
the ftruggling remains of humanity in the hearts of thofe,
who, from a love of wealth, partake in any degree of this op-
preflive gain ; and have fuch an effect on the minds of the fin-
cere, as may be productive of peace, the happy effect of true
repentance for.paft tranfgreffions, and a refolution to renounce
all connexion with it for the time to come.

[ 104 ]

as poffible. Under thefe aggravated diftreiTes,
they are often reduced to a ftate of defpair, in
which many have been frequently killed, and
fome deliberately put to death under thegreateft
torture, when they have attempted to rife, in
order to free themfelves from prefent mifery, and
the flavery defigned them, f Many accounts of
this nature might be mentioned; indeed from
the vaft number of veffels employed in the trade,
and the repeated relations in the public prints
of Negroes riling on board the vefTels from Gui-
nea, it is more than probable, that many fuch.
inftances occur every year. I fhall only mention
one example of this kind, by which the reader
may judge of the reft ; it is in Aftley's Collection,
vol. 2. page 440, related by John Atkins, fur-
geon on board Admiral Ogle's fquadron, of one
<( Harding, mafter of a vefTel in which feveral
" of the men-flaves and women-flaves attempts
*' ed to rife in order to recover their liberty 5
«c fome of whom the mafter, of his own autho-
?t rity, fentenced to cruel death, making them
cc firft eat the heart and liver of one of thofe he
" had killed. The women he hoifted by the
<c thumbs, whipped, and flafhed with knives be-
i* fore the other flavesj till fne died*." As de-

teftable

f See the Appendix.

• A memorable inftance of fome of the dreadful effe&s of
the flave-trade, happened about five years paft, on a fhip
from this port, then at anchor about three miles from fhore,
near A era Fort, on the coaft of Guinea. They had pur-
chafed between four and five hunured Negroes, and were
ready to fail tor the Weft Indies. It is cuftomary on board
thofe vefl^ls, to keep the men fhackled tvyo by two, each by

one

[ '°5 ]

teftable and (hocking as this may appear to fuch
whofe hearts are not yet hardened by the prac-
tice of that cruelty, which the love of wealth by
degrees introduceth into the human mind, it
will not be ftrange to thofe who have been con-
cerned or employed in the trade.

Now here arifes a neceffary query to thofe how
hold the balance of juftice, and whomuft be ac-
countable

one leg to a fmall iron bar ; thefe are every day brought on
the deck for the benefit of the air; and left they fhould at-
tempt to recover their freedom, they are made fall to two
common chains, which are extended each fide the main deck ;
the women and children are loofe. This was the lituation of
the Haves on board this vefTel, when it took fire by means of
a perfon who was drawing fpirits by the light of a lamp ;
the calk burlting, the fire fpread with fo much violence, that
in about ten minutes, the Tailors, apprehending it impcfil-
ble to extinguish it before it could reach a large quantity of
powder they had on board, concluded it necefTary to call
themfelves into the fea, as tne only chance of faving their
lives ; and fir ft they endeavoured to loole the chains by which,
the Negroe men were fattened on the deck ; but in the con-
fufion the key being miffing, they had but juft time to loofe
one of the chains by wrenching the flaple ; when the vehe-
mence of the fire fo increafed, that they all but one man jump-
ed over board, when immediately the fire having gained the
powder, the vefTel blew up with all the flaves who remained
fattened to the one chain, and fuch others as had not follow-
ed the failors examples* There happened to be three Por-
tugueze vefTel s in fight, who, with others from the fiacre,
putting out their boats, took up about two hundred and fifty
of thofe poor fouls who remained alive ; of which number,
about fifty died on fhore, being mofcly of thofe who were
fettered together by iron fhackles, which, as they jumped
into the fea, had broken their legs, and thefe fraftures being
inflamed by fo long a ttruggle in the fea, probably mortifi-
ed, which occafion?d the death of every one that was fo
wounded. The two hundred remaining alive, were foon.
difpofed of, for account of the owners, to other purchafers.

[ io6 ]

countable to God for the ufe they have made of
it, That as the principles on which the Britifh
conflitution is founded, are fo favourable to the
common rights of mankind, how it has happened
that the laws which countenance this iniquitous
traffic, have obtained the fanction of the legifla-
ture ? and that the executive part of government
fhould fo long fhut their ears to continual re-
ports of the barbarities perpetrated againfl thefe
unhappy people, and leave the trading fubjecls
at liberty to trample on the mod precious rights
of others, even without a rebuke ? Why are the
mailers of vefTels thus fuffered to be the fove*
reign arbiters of the lives of the miferable Ne-
groes, and allowed with impunity thus to def-
troy (may I not properly fay, to murder) their fel-
low-creatures ; and that by means fo cruel, as
cannot be even related but with ihame and hor-?
ror ?

CHAP,

T.rt*

[ 107 ]

CHAP. XIII.

USAGE of the Negroes, when they arrive in
the Weft Indies. An hundred thoufand Ne-
groes brought from Guinea every year to the
Englifh colonies. The number of Negroes
who die in the paffage and feafoning. Thefe
are, properly fpeaking, murdered by the pro-
fecution of this infamous traffic. Remarks
on its dreadful ejjeffs and tendency.

HEN the vefTels arrive at their deftined
port in the colonies, the poor Negroes
are to be difpofed of to the planters ; and here
they are again expofed naked, without any dif-
tinftion of fexes, to the brutal examination of
their purchafersj and this, it may well be judg-
ed, is, to many, another occafion of deep dif-
trefs. Add to this, that near connexions mud
now again be feparated, to go with their feveral
purchafers ; this mud be deeply affecting to all,
but fuch whofe hearts are feared by the love of
gain. Mothers are feen hanging over their
daughters, bedewing their naked breafts with
tears, and daughters clinging to their parents,
not knowing what new ftage ofdiftrefs muft fol-
low their fepararion, or whether they fhail ever
meet again. And here what fympathy, what
commileration, do they meet with ? Why, in-
deed, if they will not feparate as readily as their
owners think proper, the whipper is called for,

and

[{ 108 ]

and the lafh exercifed upon their naked bodies,
till obliged to part. Can any human heart,
which has not become callous by the practice of
fuch cruelties, be unconcerned, even at the re-
lation of fuch grievous affliction, to which this
oppreffed part of our lpecies ^re iubjected.

In a book, printed in Liverpool, called The
Liverpool Memorandum, which contains, amongft
other things, an account of the trade of that
port, there is an exact lift of the veffels employ-
ed in the Guinea trade, and of the number
of fiaves imported in each vefTel •, by which it
appears that in the year 1753, the number in>
ported to America by one hundred and one vef-
fels belonging to that port, amounted to up-*
wards of thirty thoufand i and from the number
of veffels employed by the African company in
London and Briftol, we may, with fome degree
of certainty, conclude, there are one hundred
thoufand Negroes purchafed and brought on
board our fhips yearly from the coaft of Africa.
This is confirmed in Anderfon's Hiftory of Trade
and Commerce, lately printed ; where it isfaid,
" * That England iupplies her American colo-
*c nies with Negroe (laves, amounting in number
«f to about one hundred thoufand every year."
When the veffels are full freighted with (laves,
they fail for our plantations in America, and may
be two or three months in the voyage; during
which time, from the filth and ftench that is
among them, diftempers frequently break out,

which

* Appendix to Anderfon's Hiftory, page 68*

t 109 ]

which carry off commonly a fifth, a fourth, yea
fometimes a third or more of them : fo that taking
all the flaves together, that are brought on board
our fliips yearly, one may reafonably fuppofe that
at leaft ten thoufand of them die on the voyage.
And in a printed account of the ftate of the Ne-
groes in our plantations, it is fuppofed that a
fourth part, more or lefs, die at the different
iflands, in what is called the feafoning. Hence
it may be prefumed, that at a moderate com-
putation of the flaves who are purchafed by our
African merchants in a year, near thirty thou-
fand die upon the voyage, and in the feafoning.
Add to this, the prodigious number who are
killed in the incurfions and inteftine wars, by
which the Negroes procure the number of flaves
wanted to load the veflels. How dreadful then
is this flave-trade, whereby fo many thoufands
of our fellow creatures, free by nature, endued
with the fame rational faculties, and called to be
heirs of the fame falvation with us, lofe their
lives, and are, truly and properly fpeaking, mur-
dered every year ! for it is not neceffary, in order
to convict a man of murder, to make it appear
that he had an intention to commit murder. Who-
ever does, by unjuft force or violence, deprive
another of his liberty, and, while he hath him
in his power, continues fo to opprefs him by
cruel treatment, as eventually to occafion his
death, is actually guilty of murder. It is enough
to make a thoughtful perfon tremble, to think
what a load of guilt lies upon our nation on this
account j and that the blood of thoufands of
poor innocent creatures, murdered every year
in the profecution of this wicked trade, cries

aloud

aloud to Heaven for vengeance, Were we to
hear or read of a nation that deftroyed every year,
in fome other way, as many human creatures as
perifh in this trade, we fhould certainly confider
them as a very bloody, barbarous people. If it
be alledged, that the legiilature hath encourag-
ed, and ftill do encourage this trade j it is an-
fvvered, that no legiflature on earth can alter the
nature of things, fo as to make that to be right
which is contrary to the law of God (the fupreme
Legiflature and Governor of the world) and op-
pofeth the promulgation of the Gofpel of peace
on earthy and good- will to man. Injuftice may be
methodized and eftabliflied by law, but ftill it
will be injuftice, as much as it was before;
though it being fo eftabliflied may render men
more infenfible of the guilt, and more bold and
fecure in the perpetration of it.

CHAP.

[ III 1

CHAP. XIV.

OBSERVATIONS on the difpofition and capa-
city of the Negroes : Why thought inferior
to chat of the Whites. Affecting inftances of
the flavery of the Negroes. Reflections thereon.

DOUBTS may arife in the minds of fome,
whether the foregoing accounts, relating
to the natural capacity and good difpofition of
the inhabitants of Guinea, and of the violent
manner in which they are faid to be torn from
their native land, are to be depended upon ; as
thofe Negroes who are brought to us, are not
heard to complain, and do but feldom mani-
fefi fuch a docility and quicknefs of parts, as is
agreeable thereto. But thofe who make thefe ob-
jections, are defired to note the many difcou-
ragements the poor Africans labour under, when
brought from their native land. Let them con-
lider, that thofe afflicted ftrangers, though in an
enlightened Chriftian country, have yet but little
opportunity or encouragement to exert and im-
prove their natural talents : They are conflantly
employed in fervile labour; and the abject con-
dition in which we fee them, naturally raifes an
idea of a fuperiority in ourfelves ; whence we
are apt to look upon them as an ignorant and
contemptible part of mankind. Add to this,
that they meet with very little encouragement of
freely converfing with fuch of the Whites, as

might

f It« 1

might impart inftruction to them. It is a fond-*
nefs for wealth, for authority, or honour, which
prompts mod men in their endeavours to excell j
but thefe motives can have little influence upon
the minds of the Negroes j few of them having
any reafonable profpect of any other than a ftate
of flavery ; fo that, though their natural ca-
pacities were ever fo good, they have neither
inducement or opportunity to exert them to ad-
vantage. This naturally tends to deprefs their
minds, and fink their fpirits into habits of idle-
nefs and floth, which they would, in all likeli-
hood, have been free from, had they flood upon
an equal footing with the white people. They
are fuffered, with impunity, to cohabit together,
without being married •, and to part, when fo-
lemnly engaged to one another as man and wife ;
notwithstanding the moral and religious laws of
the land, ftri&ly prohibiting fuch practices.
This naturally tends to beget apprehenfions in
the moft thoughtful of thofe people, that we look
upon them as a lower race, not worthy of the
fame care, nor liable to the fame rewards and
punifhments as ourfelves. Neverthelefs it may
with truth be faid, that both ampngft thofe who
have obtained their freedom, and thole who re-
main in fervitude, fomehave manifested a flrong
fagacity and an exemplary uprightnefs of heart.
If this hath not been generally the cafe with them
is it a matter of furprize ? Have we not reafon to
make the fame complaint of many white fer^
vants, when difcharged from our fervice, though
many of them have had much greater opportu-
nities of knowledge and improvement than the
blacks j who, even when free, labour under the

fame

[ U3 1

fame difficulties as before : having but little ac-
cefs to, and intercourfe with, the moll reputable
white people, they remain confined within their
former limits of converfation. And if they fel-
dom complain of the unjuft and cruel ufage they
have received, in being forced from their native
country, &c. it is not to be wondered at; it
being a confiderable time after their arrival
amongft us, before they can fpeakour language;
and, by the time they are able to exprefs them-
felves, they have great reafon to believe, that
little or no notice would be taken of their com-
plaints : yet let any perfon inquire of thofe who
are capable of reflection, before they were
brought from their native land, and he will hear
fuch affecting relations, as, if not loft to the
common feelings of humanity, will fenfibly affect
his heart. The cafe of a poor Negroe, not long
ilnce brought from Guinea, is a recent inftance
of this kind. From hisfirfl: arrival, he appeared
thoughtful and dejected, frequently dropping
tears when taking notice of his mailer's child-
ren, the caufe of which was not known till he
was able to fpeak Englifh, when the account he
gave of himfelfwas, ** That he had a wife and
*{ children in his own country; that fome of thefe
<f being fick and thirffy, he went in the night
" time to fetch water at a fpring, where he was
*' violently feiz-ed and carried away by perfons
" who lay in wait to catch men, from whence he
" was tranfported to America. The remem-
<c branCe of his family, friends, and other con-
" nexions, left behind, which he never expected
" to fee any more, were the principal caufe of
*c his dejection and grief." Many cafes, equally

I affectings

[ "4 ]

affecting, might be here mentioned ; but one
more inftance, which fell under the notice of a
perfon of credit, will fuffice. One of thefe
wretched creatures, then about fifty years of age,
informed him, " That being violently torn from
<c a wife and feveral children in Guinea, he was
<c fold in Jamaica, where never expecting to fee
<c his native land or family anymore, he joined
<c himfelf to a Negroe woman, by whom he had
(i two children : after fome years, it fuiting the
ee intereft of his owner to remove him, he was
*c feparated from his fecond wife and children,
cc and brought to South Carolina, where exped>
<f ing to fpend the remainder of his days, he en-
" gaged with a third wife, by whom he had an-
" other child j but here the fame confequence
*6 of one man being fubject to the will and
<c pleafure of another man occurring, he was
<f feparated from this laft wife and child,
*f and brought into this country, where he re-
«f mained a (lave." Can any, whofe mind is
not rendered quite obdurate by the love of
wealth, hear thefe relations, without being
deeply touched with fympathy and forrow ? And
doubtlefs the cafe of many, very many of thefe
afflicted people, upon inquiry, would be found
to be attended with circumftances equally tra~
gical and aggravating. And if we inquire of thofe
Negroes, who were brought away from their na^
tive country when children, we ihall find moll
of them to have been ftolen away, when abroad
from their parents on the roads, in the woods,
or watching their corn-fields. Now, you that
have ftudied the book of confcience, and you
that are] learned in the law, what will you fay to

fuch

fuch deplorable cafes ? When, and how, have thefe
opprerTed people forfeited their liberty ? Does
not juftice loudly call for its being reftored to
them ? Have they not the fame right to demand
it, as any of us fhould have, if we had been vio-
lently fnatched by pirates from our native land?
Is it not the duty of every difpenfer of jjuftice,
who is not forgetful of his own humanity, to re-
member that thefe are men, and to declare them
free ? Where inftances of fuch cruelty frequently
occur, and are neither inquired into, nor re-
drefTed, by thofe whofe duty it is, to feekjudg-
mentjj and relieve the opprejfed, Ifaiah i. 17. what
can be expected, but that the groans and cries of
thefe fufFerers will reach Heaven, and what mail
we do when God rifeth up ? And when he vijitethy
what will ye anfwer him ? Did not he that made
them, make us ; and did not one fajhion us in the
womb? Job xxxi. 14.

I 2 CHAP.

[ Hi* ]

chap, xv:

THE expediency of a general freedom being
granted to the Negroes confidered. Reafons
why it might be productive of advantage and
fafety to the Colonies.

IT is fcarce to be doubted, but that the fore-
going accounts will beget in the hearts of the
confiderate readers an earned defire to fee a flop
put to this complicated evil ; but the objection
with many is, What ihall be done with thofe
Negroes already imported, and born in our
families ? Muft they be fent to Africa ? That
would be to expofe them, in a flrange land, to
greater difficulties than many of them labour
under at prefent. To fet them fuddenly free
here, would be perhaps attended with. no lefs
difficulty; for, undifciplined as they are in re-
ligion and virtue, they might give a loofe to
their evil habits, which the fear of a mailer
would have reitrained. Thefe are objections,
which weigh with many well difpofed people,
and it muft be granted, thefe are difficulties in
the way ; nor can any general change be made, or
reformation effected, without fome < but the
difficulties are not fo great but that they may be
furmounted. If the government was fo confi-
derate of the iniquity and danger attending on
this practice, as to be willing to feek a remedy,
doubtlefs the Almighty would blefs this good

intention^

E "7 ]

intention, and fuch methods would be thought
of, as would not only put an end to the unjuft
oppreflion of the Negroes, but might bring them
under regulations, that would enable them to
become profitable members of fociety ; for the
furtherance of which the following propofals are
offered for consideration : That all further im-
portation of Haves be abfolutely prohibited ; and
as to thofe born among us, after ferving fo long
as may appear to be equitable, let them by law
be declared free. Let every one, thus fet free,
be enrolled in the county courts, and be obliged
to be a refident, during a certain number of
years, within the faid county, under the care of
the overfeers of the poor. Thus being, in fome
fort, ftili under the direction of governors, and
the notice of thofe who were formerly acquainted
with them, they would be obliged to act the
more circumfpectly, and make proper ufe of
their liberty, and their children would have an
opportunity of obtaining fuch inftructions, as
are neceffary to the common occafions of life j
and thus both parents and children might gra-
dually become ufeful members of the communi-
ty. And further, where the nature of the coun-
try would permit, as certainly the uncultivated
condition of our fouthern and moil weftern co-
lonies eafily would, fuppofe a fmall tract of land
were affigned to every Negroe family, and they
obliged to live upon and improve it, (when noc
hired out to work for the white people) this
would encourage them to exert their abilities,
and become induftrious fubjects. Hence, both
planters and tradefmen would be plentifully fup-
plied with chearful and willing-minded labour-

I 3 ers>

E us ]

ers, much vacant land would be cultivated, tne
produce of the country be juftly increafed, the-
taxes for the fupport of government leffened to<
the individuals, by the increafe of taxables, and
the Negroes, inftead of being an object of ter-
ror}", as they certainly mult be to the government
where their numbers are great, would become
interefled in their fafety and welfare.

f The hard ufage the Negroes meet with in the plantati-
ons, and the great difproportion between them and the
white people, will always be a juftcaufe of terror. In Jam-
aica, and fome parts of South-Carolina,- it is fuppofed thaSL
there are fifteen blacks to one white.

CHAP.

[ t*9 3

CHAP. XVI.

ANSWER to a miftaken opinion, that the
warmth of the climate in the Weil Indies, will
not permit the white people to labour there.
No complaint of difability in the whites, in
that refpect, in the fettlement of the iflands.,
Idlenefs and difeafes prevailed, as the ufe of
flaves increafed. The great advantage which
might accrue to the Britifh nation, if the Have
trade was entirely laid afide, and a fair and
friendly commerce eftablifhed through the
whole coaft of Africa.

IT is frequently offered as an argument, in
vindication of the ufe of Negroe flaves, that
the warmth of the climate in the Weft Indies
will not permit white people to labour in the cul-
ture of the land •, but upon an acquaintance with
the nature of the climate, and its effects upon fuch
labouring white people, as are prudent and
moderate in labour, and the ufe of fpirituous
liquors, this will be found to be a miftaken opi-
nion. Thofe iflands were, at firft, wholly cul-
tivated by white men ; the encouragement they
then met with, for a long courfe of years, was
fuch as occafioned a great increaie of people.
Richard Ligon, in his Hiftory of Barbadoes,
where he refided from the year 1647 to 1650,
about 24 years after the firft fettlement, writes,
*c that there were then fifty thoufand fouls on
1 4 *< that

[ 12© ]

cc that ifland, befides Negroes ; and that thoirgfo
<f the weather was very hot, yet not fo (balding
<c but that fervants, both Chriftians and flaves,.
" laboured ten hours a day." By other accounts
we gather, that the white people have fince de-
creaied to iefs than one half the number which
was there at that time ; and by relations of the
firft fettlements of the other iflands, we do not
meet with any complaints of uniitnefs in the
•white people for labour there, before flaves were,
introduced. The ifland of Hifpaniola, which
is one of the largeft ofthofe iflands, was at firft
planted by the Buccaneers, a fet of hardy labori-
ous men, who continued lb for a long courfe of
years ; till following the example of their neigh-
bours, in the purchafe and ufe of Negroe flaves,
idlenefs and excels prevaillngydebility and difeafe
naturally fucceeded, and have ever lince continu-
ed. If, under proper regulations, liberty was
proclaimed through the colonies, theNegroes>
from dangerous, grudging, half-fed flaves, might
become able, willing-minded labourers. And
if there was not a fufficient number of thofe to
do the neceflary work, a competent number of
labouring people might be procured from Europe,
which affords numbers of poor diftrefled objects,
who, if not overworked, with proper ufage,
might, in feveral refpects, better anfwer every
good purpofe in performing the neceflary labour
in the iflands, than the flaves now do.

A farther confiderable advantage might accrue
to the Britifh nation in general, if the flave trade
was laid afide, by the cultivation of a fair friend-
ly, and humane commerce with the Africans;
without which, it is notpoflible the inland trade

of

[ 121 ]

of., that country fhould ever be extended to
the degree it is capable of-, for while the fpiric
of butchery and making flaves of each other, is
promoted by the Europeans amongft the Ne-
groes, no mutual confidence can take place ^
nor will the Europeans be able to travel with
fafety into the heart of their country, to form
and cement fuch commercial friendfhips and al-
liances, as might be neceffary to introduce the
arts and fciences amongft them, and engage their
attention to inftruction in the principles of the
Christian religion, which is the only fure founda-
tion of every focial virtue. Africa has about ten
thoufand miles of fea coaft, and extends in depth
near three thoufand miles from eaft to weft, and
as much from north to fouth, ftored with vaft
treafures of materials, neceffary for the trade
and manufactures of Great-Britain ; and from its
climate, and the fruitfulnefs of its foil, capable,
under proper management, of producing, in the
greateft plenty, moft of the commodities which
are imported into Europe from thofe parts of
America fubj eel: to the Engiifh governmentf;
and as, in return, they would take our manu-
factures, the advantages of this trade would foon
become fo great, that it is evident this fubject
merits the regard and attention of the govern-
ment,

■$• See note, page 9 1 ,

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

QUERIES propofed, in the Univerfal Didtio-
nary of Trade and Commerce, by Malachy
Postlethwait, who was ^a Member of the
African Committee.

I. Whether fo extenfive and populous a coun-
try as Africa is, will not admit of a far more
extenfive and profitable trade to Great Britain,
than it yet ever has done ?

II. Whether the people of this country, not-
withftanding their colour, are not capable of
being civilized, as well as great numbers of the
Indians in America and Afia have been ? and
whether the primitive inhabitants of all coun-
tries, fo far as we have been able to trace them,
were not once as favage and inhumanized as the
Negroes of Africa ? and whether the ancient
Britons themfelves, of this our own country,
were not once upon a level with the Africans ?

III. Whether, therefore, there is not a pro-
bability that this people might, in time, by
proper management in the Europeans, become
as wife, as induftrious, as ingenious, and as hu-
mane, as the people of any other country has
done ?

IV. Whether their rational faculties are not',
in the general, equal to thofe of any other of
the human fpecies ; and whether they are not,
from experience, as capable of mechanical and
manufacWal arts and trades, as even the bulk
of. the Europeans ?

V. Whether

[ *23 ]

V. Whether it would not ber more to the fil-
tered of all the European nations concerned in
the trade to Africa, rather to endeavour to cul-
tivate a friendly, humane, and civilized com-
merce with thofe people, into the very center of
their extended country, than to content them-
felves only with fkimming a trifling portion of
trade upon the fea coaft of Africa ?

VI. Whether the greateft hindrance and ob-
ilruction to the Europeans cultivating a humane
and Chriltian-like commerce with thofe popu-
lous countries, has not wholly proceeded from
that unjuft, inhumane, and unchriftian-like traf-
fic, called the Slave Trade, which is carried on
by the Europeans ?

VII. Whether this trade, and this only, was
not the primary caufe, and flill continues to be
the chief caufe, of thofe eternal and inceffant
broils, quarrels, and animofities, which fubfift
between the Negroe princes and chiefs ; and
confequently thofe eternal wars which fubflft
among them, and v/hich they are induced to
carry on, in order to make prifoners of one an-
other, for the fake of the Slave Trade ?

VIII. Whether, if trade was carried on with
them for a feries of years, as it has been with
moft other favage countries, and the Europeans
gave no encouragement whatever to the Slave
Trade, thofe cruel wars among the blacks would
not ceafe, and a fair and honourable commerce
in time take place throughout the whole coun-
try ?

IX. Whether the example of the Dutch, in
the Eaft Indies, who have civilized innumerable
of the natives, and brought them to the Euro-
pean

[ 124 1

|5£an way of cloathing, &c. does not give tea.*
fonable hopes that thefe fuggeftions are not
vifionary, but founded on experience, as well
as on humane and Chriftian-like principles?

X. Whether commerce in general has not
proved the great means of civilizing all nations,
even the mod favage and brutal -, and why not
the Africans ?

XL Whether the territories of thofe European
nations, that are interefted in the colonies and
plantations in America, are not populous enough,
or may not be rendered fo, by proper encourage-
ment given to matrimony, and to the breed of
foundling infants, to fupply their refpective co-
lonies with labourers, in the place of Negroc
flaves ?

XII. Whether the Britifh dominions in gene-
ral have not an extent of territory fufficient to
increafe and multiply their inhabitants; and
whether it is not their own fault that they do
not increafe them fufficiently to fupply their
colonies and plantations with whites inftead of
blacks ?

EXTRACT

[ 1% 1

EXTRACT of a Letter from Harry Gawdy
of Briftol, formerly a Captain in the Afri-
can Trade, to William Dillwyn of Wal-
thamftow, dated 26th of 7th Month 1783.

" I wrote thee a few lines the 8th, in reply
to thine of the 3d inftant, intending to anfwer
thy poftfcript, concerning the African Trade,
another opportunity. Since then I have care-
fully perilled Anthony Benezet's Tracts on that
fubject : whilft reading them, I felt fuch reflec-
tions arife as I never experienced before, doubt-
lefs owing to my formerly being lefs convinced
of the iniquity of fuch a traffic than I am now.
His Treatifes appear to me incontrovertible,
and fupported by good authority. Whoever
reads them, and remains infenfible of the unpa-
ralleled injuftice -of fuch a trade, muff, require
fomething more than proofs and arguments to
break the callous membrane of his obdurate
heart. Though the love of gain has been the
only incentive to it, and example, authorifed
by human laws, has infenfibly led many to en-
gage in it, yet, on fuch ftrong fuggeftions of
its injuftice and lamentable effects, many, I truft,
who, like myfelf, once approved, would not
only inftantly decline it, but earneftly contribute
their endeavours to abolifh it, and iubftitute in
its ftead, a commercial correfpondence with the
Africans, by an exchange of commodities on
focial and friendly principles; which I conceive
may be done to great mutual advantage. Be-
fore I had attentively re-perufed the above-men-
tioned tracts, I thought (as I hinted in my laft

letter)

[ 126 ]

letter) I had fomething to communicate that
might throw a little light on this interefting fub-
jec~t; but the many correct defcriptions of the
coaft, and interior parts of Africa, its fertility
and produce, as well as of the genius, temper,
and difpofition of the inhabitants, contained in
them, have induced me to think fo contempti-
bly of what I had to offer, that I am now almoft
afhamed to mention it, 1 fhall therefore re-
duce what I had in view to the few following
remarks and occurrences.

Strongly prepoffeffed with a roving difpofition
when very young, I embraced the firft opportu-
nity that presented of going to lea from this city,
and foon afterwards was perfuaded, for the fake
of better wages, to go to London, where I fhip^-
ped myfelf on board a fmall fnow, belonging
to the African Company, John Bruce Com-^
mander, bound to the river Gambia; about 200
miles up that river we got our cargo, confiding
of 190 Haves, whereof upwards of 100 were
remarkably ftout men, fhackled and handcuffed
two and two together. They mefTed, as ufual,
twice a day on deck •, at which times we always
flood to arms, pointed through the barricado,
as well to deter as fupprefs an infurreclion, if
attempted. Notwithftanding this precaution, it
fo fell out, foon after our leaving the coaft, that
fome of the men Haves privately looled their
manacles, and rofe at noon day j and although
our people immediately difcharged their loaded
mufkets among them, yet they quickly broke
open the barricado door, forced the cutlafs from
the centry, and after a few minutes conteft with
our people, cleared the quarter-deck of them,

who

[ ivj ]

who retreated as they could up the fhrouds into
the tops. During this conflict, I was fitting
quite abaft, on one of the ftern hen-coops, fhift-
ing my cloaths : the fight alarmed me exceed-
ingly, fo that I knew not what to do, nor where
to go ; to advance was certain death, and to
retreat feemed impoflible. In this dilemma I
looked over the (tern, if haply I might fee a
rope fit to fufpend me there out of their fight $
for either they had not yet feen me, or if they
had, did not think me worth their notice : how-
ever, by this means I faw the cabin windows
were open, and immediately going that way
into it, told Captain Bruce, who was then ex-
tremely ill in bed, that the Negroes had driven
the people all aloft, and taken the vefTel. On
this furprizing news, the Captain got up, weak;
as he was, and went with me to a loaded arm-*
cheft in the fleerage, where alio lay one of our
men very ill : he likewife got up, and with the
Captain and myfelf took, each of us, a loaded
piece, firft removing the ladder to prevent the
Negroes coming down. By this time they had
furrounded the companion, and being fupplied
with billets of wood out of the hold, by the
way of the main deck, they threw them down
at us, as opportunity permitted. On the other
hand, we three in the fleerage fired at them, as
often as we could, from loaded pieces taken out
of the arm-chefl. By this means, often repeat-
ed, many foon lay dead about the companion ;
and thole who happened to be fettered with
them, not being able to get away, of courfe
fhared the fame fate : this at length fo intimi-
dated the reft, that they quitted the quarter-
deck,

[ 128 ]

deck, which we directly mounted, and being
joined by the reft of our company from aloft,
the Captain ordered us to fire a volley among
the thickeft of the Negroes, on which the fur-
vivors fled and concealed themfelves as they
could. As foon as this bloody piece of bufi-
nefs was over, a no lefs dreadful fcene enfued :
the Captain having ordered every wounded Have
to be brought on deck, directed the Doctor to
examine the wounds, and wherever he pro-
nounced a cure improbable, the poor wounded
creature was ordered to jump into thefea, which
many of them did with all feeming chearfulnefs,
and were drowned ; fome only defiring to take
leave of thofe they were to be thus parted from,
and then alfo plunging into the water without
the lead apparent reluctance. This deliberate
clofe of the horrid bufinefs appeared to me,
young and thoughtlefs as I was, more mocking
than the former part of it. Another piece of
cruelty committed on board that fnow, I may
alfo mention, though out of the order of time,
as it happened fome time before the infurrection
which I have related. One of the men (laves
being fufpected of exciting others to rebel, was
therefore feparated from his companion -s and
being fhackled and hand- cuffed fingly, his feet
were made faft to the ring bolty and the burton
tackle hooked in the bolt of his hand-cuffs :
with that purchafe, he was fo ftretched in a per-
pendicular poflure, as nearly to diflocate every
joint ; and in this inhuman manner, expofed
naked to all the fhip's crew, each of whom was
at liberty to fcourge him as they pleafedj nor
was he taken down till he was almoft dead, and

thea

[ 129 ]

then was thrown overboard. The confequencc
offuch mifconduct, and of the infurrectionj was
that, of the 190 (laves brought from the coaft,
only 90 arrived in Barbadoes* This I think
was in the year 1740.

My next voyage to the coaft of Africa was
from the Weft-Indies, in 1757, on board a brig
I then commanded, to the river Gambia, and
from thence to Goree, De Lofs Iflands, Sierra-
leon, &c. On my return, I was particularly
careful to treat the flaves with all poflible ten*
dernefs, as well from fuch a propenfity in my-
felf, as to give them a favourable opinion of us
who were made inftrumental to their captivity.
And although many of them died by diforders
incident to fuch clofe confinement, I only loft
two of them by other means ; which happened
thus : — -One night, when at fea, an attempt was
made by fome of the men flaves to get their
irons off; being informed of it, I ordered an
officer down to examine them, with directions,
if he found any loofe, to fend them on deck.
Accordingly two (tout men, who had got the
fetters off their feet, were lent up with their
hand-cuffs on. Thefe I ordered to the other
fide of the deck, until further fearch was made
below, intending only to fecure them fo as to
prevent fuch an attempt in future; but in a few
minutes afterwards, to my great furprize, they
plunged into the fea together, and were drown-
ed, notwithftanding all pofiible means were ufed
to fave them.

My third and laft voyage to Africa, was alio
from the Weft-Indies, in 1762, in a fnow, of
which I was mafter, but nothing more material
occurred during it, than that, as ufual, I loft
many of the poor flaves through ficknefs.

K In

[ *3° 3

In thefe two laft voyages, many months being
fpent on the coaft, I had frequent opportunities
pf going into the country, and once went fur^
ther up one of the branches of Sierraleon River,
than I believe was ever before done by any Eu-
ropean. From that excurfion, and what I ,have
obferved in other parts, I am fully convinced
of the peculiar richnefs of the foil, the great
civility of its interior inhabitants, and their ex-
emplary modefty and innocency ; inftances
whereof I faw with pleafure and admiration.

A fix and twenty years refidence in the Weft-
Indies gave me a full opportunity of knowing
the cruelties exercifcd there on the flaves, having
in the way of trade frequented almoft all the
Englifh iflands, and fome of the Dutch, French,
and Spanifh. I can therefore confidently af-
firm, that the accounts given by Anthony Be-
nezet, and other writers quoted by him, are by
no means exaggerated, but rather fhort of what
I have many times feen with horror and deep
concern. I do not remember his mentioning
any thing of examination by torture, which is
commonly made by thumb -fcrews, and lighted
matches fecured between the fingers, which oc-
cafions fuch exquifite pain, that many I believe
i(iave been thereby induced to accufe themfelves
falfely, and fo fuffered death in preference to
the continuance of fuch extreme anguifh. Pre-
vious to execution, in fome parts, the con-
demned criminal is frequently carried on a fledge
about the town, and at every public place burnt
in the arm with a hot pair of crooked iron tongs,
formed to the fhape of the arm ; and fo to the
place of execution, where he is either broke on
the wheel, or his hands, fcttj or head chopped
off, according to the nature of the offence. For

trivial

[ *3« 3

trivial crimes, fuch as being abfent from muf-
ter, petty theft, fhort defertion, or the like,
the flave committing it is obliged to lie flat,
with his belly on the ground, and naked ; and
if he offers to ftir, he is fo flaked down that he
cannot move. While in this extended pofture,
the executioner, ftanding at a confiderable dis-
tance, and having a whip with a long lafh, made
of hide remarkably twirled and knotted, gives
the offender as many ftrokes as he is fuppofed
to deferve, and fometimes fofeverely applied, -
that every one makes an incifion. Thefe cruel
barbarities are exercifed upon them under_th$
fan&ion of laws which difgrace humanity. The
mere recital of them, as committed by a people
under the Chriftian name, is painful. But the
evils of this trade, and its confequent flavery,
are indeed increafed to a degree of enormity
that calls aloud for the interpofition of Govern-
ment ; and I cannot therefore but fincerely wifh,
that in whatever hands the important tafk of
reforming them may providentially fall, the
God of mercy and juilice maV grant them fuo
eds 1"

FINIS,

In the PRESS,

An ESSAY on the Slavery and Commerce of the
Human Species, particularly the African, tranflated from
a Latin DifTertation, which was honoured with the Firft
Prize in the Univerfity of Cambridge, for the Year 1785,
By the Rev. T. Clarkfon.

Alfo by the fame Author,
An E$SAY on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade,

TRACTS on SLAVERY Printed for J, Phillips

AN ESSAY on the Treatment and Conversion of
African Slaves in the Britifh Sugar Colonies. By
the Rev. J. Ram fay, Vicar of Tefton in Kent. 4s.
Boards.

An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop to
the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty to the
Slaves in the Britifh Sugar Colonies. By J. Ramfay. 6d.

A REPLY to the Perfonal Invectives and Objections
contained in Two Anfwers, publifhed by certain anony-
mous Perfons, to an Effay on the Treatment and Con-
verfion of African Slaves in the Britifh Colonies. By
James Ramfay. 2s.

A LETTER to James Tobin, Efq. late Member of
his Majefry's Council in the Ifland of Nevis. By James
Ramfav. 6d.

A LETTER from Capr. J. Smith to the Rev. Mr.
Hill, on the State of the Negroe Slaves. To which are
added an Introduction, and Remarks on Free Negroes*
By the Editor. 6d.

'A CAUTION to Great Britain nnd her Colonies, in
a fhort Reprefentation of the calamitous State of the en-
'flaved Negroes in the Britifh Dominions. By Anthony
Benezet. 6d.

THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes. 4d.

A Serious ADDRESS to the Rulers of America, on
the Inconfiitency of their Conducf reflecting Slavery. 3d.

The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Opprefled
Africans, refpectfully recommended to the fenous Con-
fideration of the Legiflature of Great Britain, by the
People called Quakers. 2d.

A Summary VIEW of the Slave Trade, and of the
probable Confequences of its Abolition. 2d.

A LETTER to the Treafurer of the Society infti-
tuted for the Purpofe of effecting the Abolition of the
Slave Trade. From the Rev. Robert Boucher Nickolls,
Dean of Middleham. A new Edition enlarged. 4d.

An ACCOUNT of the Slave Trade on'the Coaft of
Africa. By Alexander Falconbridge, late Surgeon in
the African Trade, qd.

WEST INDIAN ECLOGUES, dedicated to the
late Lord Bifhop of Chefter, by a Perfon who reiided
feveral Years in the Weft-Indies. 2s.

REMARKS on the Slave Trade, and the Slavery of
the Negroes, in a Series of Letters. By Africanus. 2s. 6d.