Buddha Gautama
U. Ru A Sons, Calcutta.
SOME KSAittiYA TRIBES or ANCIENT INDIA
BY
BIMAT.A CHAR AN LAW, PH.D.,-M.A., B.L.,
FELLOW, ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY, lOHDON,
Author of Kxatnya Clans in Buddhist India,' ' Historic** Gleanings t > The Lift and
Work of Buddhtghosa,' The Buddhist Conception of Spirit s,' Dttignatio*
of Human Types,' ' Ancient Mid-Indian Ksatriya Tribes,
Vol. /,' etc., etc.
WITH A FOREWORD BY
A. BERRIEDALE KEITH, D.C.L., D.LiXT., BAR-AT-IyAW,
RSGIUS PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY
^
OP EDINBURGH.
approved for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the
University of Cakutta, 1923.
CALCtJTTA :
PUBUSHBD BY THE ^UVRSITY OF CALCUTTA
AND
PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.
1924,
TO
THE SACRED MEMORY OF MY GRANDFATHER,
THE LATE BABU JAYGOBINDA LAW, I.E.,
AS A TOKEN OF PROFOUND REVERENCE
AND ADMIRATION.
FOREWORD
ANCIENT INDIA, though she passed
tudes of fortune, has Left us no historian of her national life.
Brahmins and Buddhists alike, intent on the satisfaction of
the desire to attain that insight which delivers from the
burden of empirical existence, could see nothing of sufficient
value in the passing events of life to render them willing
to record them or to seek to interpret their significance,
while princesand their followers found an adequate substitute
for historic narrations in the famous legends of the epics.
Hence it follows that, if with the curiosity of the modern
world we seek to reconstruct the history of India in the
centuries immediately preceding and following the Christian
era, we are compelled to build up a structure by the careful
collection and fitting together of every available fragment
of evidence. Much has indeed already been accomplished,
but what has been achieved has only brought into greater
prominence the innumerable lacunae in our information,
and the necessity of persistent and detailed work before it
will be possible to feel any assurance as to the soundness of
our reconstruction of early Indian history.
The most pressing need at the present day is the detailed
investigation of carefully chosen aspects of Indian history^
and it was a happy thought of Dr. Bimala Charan Law to
select for investigation the history of certain Ksatriya^ribes
of ancient India. Careful collections of facts, such as are
contained in this work, form the only sound basis of further
VI FOREWORD
research, and the future historian of India will find his task
substantially furthered both by the wide knowledge and
by the sound judgment of the author. Many things are
obscure in the history of these tribes, and it is of special
value to have the whole of the facts regarding them set out,
without parti pris, in a spirit of scientific research.
There is much here recorded that is of direct historical
interest : it is a striking instance of the continuity of Indian
history that the great Emperor Samudragupta should boast
himself son of a daughter of Licchavis, a tribe famous
in the Buddha's time, nine centuries earlier. But there is
also material which appeals to the student of Indian politics
and of social development. The legendary origin of the
Licchavis as of the Sakyas presents us with the marriage of
brother and sister, seen also in the Jataka version of the
tale of Rama and Sits. We ate, of course, here brought
into contact with a problem which is debated in the hymn
of Yama and Yarn! in the Rgveda, while in the "Aitareya
Brahmana the wise Narada insists that the need of offspring
may justify incest ; that real facts lie at the back of the
legends is attested by the custom of sister-marriage enjoined,
if not by Zoroaster, at any rate in the later Avesta. It is
curious that Buddhism appears to have found the practice
less repellent than the priestly authors of the Rgveda.
"Another relic of primitive practice is found in the usage of
the Licchavis to expose their dead ; the late Dr. Vincent Smith
deduqpd hence that they were of Tibetan origin, and from
this it is an easy step to claim that the Buddha and his doc-
trine are un- Aryan; a similar, but independent, train of
FOREWORD Vii
reasoning in the case of Iran has stigmatised the Magi as
aboriginal because they approved a like practice. But we
must doubtless, with Dr. Law, disabuse ourselves of any
over-estimation of the civilisation of the primitive Aryans,
and accept the patent fact that they brought with them
to Iran and India habits in no way superior to those of other
nomad tribes.
A. BBRRIBDALE KEITH.
THB UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH,
November, 1923.
PREFACE
TH& present treatise was submitted as a tiSSU""** 'the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Calcutta.
A year ago I wrote a work on " Ksatriya Clans in Buddhist
India" which has been well received by scholars. This
treatise is an improvement of the first and I have added
four new chapters to it. The object of the entire volume is
to present a narrative of the history, manners, customs, etc.,
of some Ksatriya tribes of ancient India. Scholars like
Rhys Davids, Hoernle, Macdonell, Keith, Cunningham
and others have no doubt from time to time supplied
valuable information regarding some of these tribes but
a comprehensive and systematic account of the Ksatriya
tribes who play such an important part in the history of
Pre-Mauryan India is, I believe, presented for the first time
in the following pages. I venture to think that I have col-
lected all available information from the works of my prede-
cessors but this forms only an infinitesimal part of my work.
The major portion of the present volume embodies the
results of my own researches, I have utilised original
works, Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit such as the Vedas, the
Upani$ads, the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Puranas,
the NikSyas, the Jfitakas, the Pali commentaries, the Kalpa
Sutra, the Sdtrakritanga, etc. The portions for which I
am indebted to previous writers have ca ref ully been indicat-
ed in the footnotes. The rest constitutes my original work.
For instance, in the first section of the first chapter the
X PREFACE
discussion regarding the name, lyicchavi, and its significance,
is entirely new and original. In the second section of the
first chapter a full and systematic account of the capital of
the Licchavis is given for the first time. Buddhaghosa's
knowledge of the MahSvana has first been pointed out
by me. The third section of the first chapter treats of
the manners and customs of the Ucchavis. In it I have
pointed out for the first time that they were not vegetarians ;
they were fond of manly pastimes ; they had a passion for
hunting, regard for elders, and love of education. They
knew something about construction of palaces and shrines,
etc. I have described their matrimonial rites which have
not been noticed by anybody else. The fourth section of
the same chapter is entirely new and original and the major
portion of the remaining chapters also may claim the same
merit.
In a work of the kind that I have undertaken, one
has got to rely mainly, if not entirely, on literary tradition.
I have spared no pains to make full use of the materials
that may be gathered from our ancient literature; at the
same time I have not overlooked the fact that much of this
tradition is late and of little value for historical purposes.
I have tried to separate legends from authentic history and
have noticed the difference between the two in the marginal
notes. But the task is beset with difficulties and it is
not always easy to draw the dividing line. It must not,
however, be thought that my work is based wholly on
literary evidence. I have made use of coins and inscriptions
so far as they are useful for my purpose.
PREFACE Xi
For some of the photographs and the map and for kind
permission to reproduce them in this volume, my thanks are
due to the Director-General of Archaeology of India, Lionel
Heath Esqr., Curator, Central Museum, Lahore, Mr. Rama-
prasad Chanda, B.A., F.A.S.B., Superintendent, Archaeolo-
gical Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, and the Superinten-
dent of the Archaeological Survey, Frontier Circle. I shall
be failing in my duty if I do not acknowledge my indebted-
ness to my friend, Babu Puran Chand Nahar, M.A., B.I*.,
Vakil. High Court, Calcutta, for the photograph of Varddha-
mana MahSvIra so kindly lent to me for reproduction in this
volume.
I find no word to express my deep gratitude to the late
lamented Sir Asutosh Mookerjee whose encouragement was
a source of inspiration to me in my literary endeavours, par-
ticularly in the field of Ancient Indian history.
Dr. A. Berriedale Keith, D.C.L., D.Litt., Barrister-at-
Law, Regius Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Phil-
ology, University of Edinburgh, has laid me under a great
debt of obligation by writing a foreword to my humble
treatise.
BIMALA CHARAN
24, SUKBA'S ST., CALCUTTA,
November, 1924.
CONTENTS
PAGE
FOREWORD
..
V
PREFACE
,.
ix
CHAPTER I
The Licchavis
..
i
CHAPTER II.
The Jnatrikas
..
121
CHAPTER III.
TheVidehas
..
. . 126
CHAPTER IV.
The Mallas
..
" 147
CHAPTER V.
The Sakyas
.. 162
CHAPTER VI.
The Bulls The Koliyas The Moriyas The Bhaggas The Kala-
mas .. .. .. .. ..200
CHAPTER VII.
The Madras .. .. .. .. . . 214
CHAPTER VIII.
The Kambojas . . . . . , . . . . 230
CHAPTER IX.
The Gandhfiras . . . . , . . . . . 252
Index .. .. .. .. .. ..287
ILLUSTRATIONS
Mate PAGE
1. Buddha Gautama (Reproduced from Griffith's Ajanta) Frontispiece
2. Ajttaftatru, King of Magadha .. .. 9
3. Mahftvlra, the last Tlrthankara of the Jains .. n
4. RajSVi&lkagarh .. .. .. 50
5. The Gijjhakata .. .. .. .. 109
6. Prasenajit, King of Koftala . . . . . . no
7. Mote-Hall of the Gods and the Wheel of Law . . 144
8. Buddha's parinirvSna .. .. .. 158
9. Buddha's life in the palace and his flight from
Kapilavastu ., .. .. .. 176
10. Queen Maya . . . . . . . . 179
xx. Cremation of the Buddha's body and disposal of the
relics .. .. .. .. 201
12. Buddhist Stflpa and Vihira (Reproduced from
Grunwedel's Buddhist Art in India) .. .. 202
13. Buddha (Gandharan School) . . . . . . 277
MAP
i. VafflUl.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
i. Aitareya Brahmana.
3. Altindisches I^eben.
3. Anargharaghava (Nirnaya SSgara's Edition).
Ancient Geography of India (Cunningham).
>5. Ancient India (E. J. Rapson).
x 6. Ancient India (S. K. Aiyangar).
* 7. Ancient an d Hindu India (Vincent Smith).
> 8. Ancient India as described by Ptolemy (Me Crindle).
9. Anguttara Nikiya (P. T. S.).
10. Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1903-04.
iz. Archaeological Survey Reports, Vols. I and XVI.
x 12. Arthasastra of Kautflya (Text).
*i3. A6oka (Vincent Smith).
14. Atharvasamhita (Whitney and Lanman).
X 15. Atharvavedasadihita (Roth and Whitney).
16. Avadanakalpalata (Bibliotheca Indica Series).
#17. Beginnings of the Buddhist Art (Voucher).
18. BhavisyapurSna ( VangavasI Edition) .
19. Book of the Kindred Sayings (P. T. S.).
20. BrhatsamhitS (Kern).
21. Buddhacarita (Text).
22. Buddhism.
x 23. Buddhist Conception of Spirits (B. C. Law).
1*24. Buddhist India (Rhys Davids).
^5- Buddhist Records of the Western World (S. Beal).
26. Buddhist Suttas (S. B. B., Vol. XI).
Cambridge History of India, Vol. I. (Rapson).
Carmicheel Lectures, 1918 (D. R. Bhandarkar).
XVi BIBLIOGRAPHY
*29 CSrudatta.
^30. Coins of India (Brown).
v3i. Corporate Life in Ancient India (R. C. Mazumdar).
32. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (Fleet).
x 33 . Dhammapadam (Fausboll) .
34. Dialogues of the Buddha (T. W. and C. A. F. Rhys Davids).
35. Dlgha-Nikaya (P. T. S.).
36. Dipavainsa (Oldenberg).
37. Divyavadana (Cowell & Neil).
X 38. Early History of India (Vincent Smith).
39. Fa-Hien (Legge).
x '40. Fick's Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's time
(S. K. Maitra).
41. Gaina Sutras (S. B. E.).
*42. Gautama, Apastamba, Va&isfha and Baudhayana.
43. Geographical Dictionary (N. L. Dey).
7,44. Geschichte der Indischen Litteratur (Winternitz).
45. Gupta Coins (Allan).
46. Heart of Jainism (S. Stevenson).
947. Hinduism and Buddhism (Charles Eliot).
x <48. Historical Gleanings (B. C. Law).
49. History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature (Max Mtiller).
^50. Indian Antiquary*
*5i. Indian Coins (Rapson).
-. 52. Indische Studien (Weber).
53. jStaka (Cowell).
54. jataka (Fausboll).
-55 Journals of Bihar and Orissa Research Society.
^56. Journals of the Department of Letters (Calcutta University; .
BIBLIOGRAPHY XVU
~57- Journals of the Pali Text Society.
- 58. Journals of th e Royal Asiatic Society.
~59* Journals and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
60. KalpaaQtra (Dhanpat Singh's Edition).
61. Karmatataka (M, L. Feer).
62. Lalitavistara (Bibliotheca Indica Series).
- 63. Lalitavistara (E. Lefmann).
x 64. Laws of Manu (Biihler).
- 65. Le Mahavastu (E. Senart).
v66. Life of Hiuen-Tsiang (Beal).
>6;. Life of the Buddha (Rockhill).
- 68. Mahfibharata (VangavisI Edition).
*6g. MahSbharata (M. N. Dutt).
^70. Mahavamsa (Geiger).
- 71. Mahavamsa T*ka (Sinhalese Edition).
72. Majjhima Nikaya (P. T. S.).
73. ManavadharmaiSstra (Jolly).
74. Manual of Buddhism (Spence Hardy).
75. Manual of Indian Buddhism (Kern).
*76. Mrcchakafika (Jlvananda VidySsigara).
V 77- Mudrarak?asa (Text).
78. Nirukta (Text).
79. Origin of the Bengali Script (R. D. Banerjee).
80. Paratnatthadipanl on the Petavatthu (P. T. S.).
- 81. Paramatthadlpanl on the TheragathS (Sinhalese Edition).
82. Paramatthajotika on the Khuddakapafha (P. T. S.)
83. Petavatthu (P. T. S.).
84. Petavatthu-afthakatha (Sinhalese Edition).
1 85. Political History of India (H. C. Rai Chaudhuri).
Zviil BIBLIOGRAPHY
-86. Prftclna MudrS (R. D. Banerjee).
87. Psalms of the Brethren (Mrs. Rhys Davids).
88. Psalms of the Sisters (Mrs. Rhys Davids.)
vBg. Public Administration in Ancient India (P. N. Banerjee).
xQO. Questions of Milinda (S, B, E.).
91. Raghuvamsa (Text).
^93. Ramayana (Bombay Edition).
93. ' Ramayana (Griffith's Translation).
94. Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha (S. Beal).
95. Sanskrit Dictionary (Monier- Williams).
96. Samyutta Nikaya (P. T. S.).
97. Sasanavamsa.
^98. Satapatha BrShmana (S. B. E.).
99. Slrfkalpasfltram (Bhavnagar Edition).
100. SumangalavilfisinI (Burmese Edition).
-101. SumangalavilSsinl (P. T. S.).
102. Sutta NipSta (P. T. S.).
-103. Sutta Nipata Commentary (P. T. S.).
^104. Svapnavasavadatta (Ganapati Sastrl's Edition).
105. Taranath's Geschichte des Buddhismus in India (Tr. by Anton
Schiefner).
zo6. Thera-Therl gltha (P, T. S,).
^107. Travels of Fa-Hien (Beal).
108. Travels of Fa-Hien (Legge).
109. Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung-yun (Beal).
no. UvSsagadasao (Bibliotheca Indica Series).
in. VaijayantI (Gustav Oppert).
IT8. Vaisnavisni, daivism and minor religious systems (R. 0. Bhftndarkar),
1x3. Vamsabrahmana (Satyavrata Samasrami's Edition).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
114. Vanglya SShitya Parisad Patrika.
-115. Vangalar Itihasa (R. D. Banerjee).
><ti6. Vedic Index (Macdonell and Keith).
117. Vinaya Pifaka (Oldeaberg).
x -ii8. Vinaya Texts (S. B. E.).
1 19. VisnupurSna (Vangavasi Edition).
120. Visnupurana (Wilson).
121. Watters on Yuan Chwang.
Some Kgatriya Tribes of Ancient India
CHAPTER I
THE LICCHAVIS
I. NAME AND ORIGIN
The Licchavis were a great and powerful people in
Eastern India in the sixth century before Christ. Their
peculiar form of government, their free
institutions, their manners and customs,
their religious views and practices, afford us glimpses of India
of the transition period, when the ancient Vedic culture was
making a fresh development and undergoing a novel transfor-
mation under the influence of that speculative activity out
of which emerged the two great religions of Jainism and
Buddhism. Fortunately for us, Buddhist literature, and to a
less extent the Jaina sacred books, have preserved for us
facts and comments which, though in bits and fragments,
are yet sufficient to hold up before our eyes a living picture
of this interesting people. Prom the account of their politi-
cal institutions that can be gleaned from the Pali Buddhist
Canon, we get an insight into the democratic ideas of state-
craft and government that prevailed among the majority* of
the Aryan dans that peopled northern India before the im-
perialistic policy of the Mauryas grew and developed, as we
2 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
have it on the authority of the great Brahmin statesman
whose policy and activity were responsible, in no little measure,
for the foundation of the Maurya Empire. This great people
who were one of the earliest and most devoted followers of
Jainism and Buddhism, whose high character, unity, power
of organisation, and religious devotion were held up by
Sakyamuni himself as a model for the Buddhist congregation
to follow, deserve to be studied with as much care and
attention as the materials at our command will require or
permit. Such a close study will, we think, well repay the
trouble bestowed upon it and with this hope we proceed to
piece together the bits and scraps that lie scattered in litera-
ture, and to a smaller extent, in epigraphs and coins.
We find in Indian literature the name of this great people
in slightly varying forms lyicchavi, lyicchivi, *Lecchavi,
I/ecchai and so on. Throughout the Pali
Canon, the name invariably occurs in
the form "Licchavi." In some of the
Buddhist Sanskrit texts, e.g., the Divyavadana/ the name is
found in the same form, i.e., "Licchavi," but in others, for
example, the Mahavastu Avadana, the usual form is I^ec-
chavi. 4 In the Chinese translations of the Buddhist sacred
books, the name occurs in both forms, Wcchavi and I^ec-
chavi, 8 and this is what may be expected, as these transla-
tions are based on the Sanskrit Buddhist texts. The Maha-
vastu form, I^ecchavi, answers very well to the Prakrit form,
J Divyavad&na edited by S.B. Cowell and R.A. Neil, pp. 55-56, 136.
Mahfoastu edited by B. Senart, Vol. I, p. 254, etc.
T. Watters-Ow Yuan Chwang, Vol. tt, p. 77,
NAME AND ORIGIN 3
Lecchal, as we find it in another set of works that claim to
be contemporaneous in origin with the Buddhist Canon,
namely the Jaina sacred literature which, according to some
scholars, began to be composed perhaps by the direct dis-
ciples of Mahavlra in the first century after his death, or at
the latest, in the next century, by the time of Candragupta
Maurya when the first council of the Jainas was held at
Pataliputra. 1
In the SutrakritSnga, one of the earliest works of the
Jaiua sacred literature, we meet with the name Lecchai*
and the same form occurs in the Kalpasutra attributed to
Bhadravahu who is considered to have been a contemporary
of the great Maurya Emperor, Candragupta. The Jainn
commentators equate the Prakrit lyecchai with the Sanskrit
Lecchakl/ and according to the laws of phonetic transform-
ation, the Sanskrit Lecchavi and Lecchakl would both lead
to Lecchal in Prakrit. In the form Lecchaki, however, the
name does never occur in Sanskrit literature in which the
earliest mention, so far as we have been able to ascertain, of
this powerful people is in Kautilya's Arthasastra, where
they are called Licchivis, and we read that " the corporations
of Licchivika, Vrjika, Mallaka, Madraka, Kukura, Kuru,
Pancala and others live by the title of raja."* We next
l Dr. M. Win tern itz, Geschichte dcr Indischen Littemtur II Baud, p. 295.
* KalpOfiutta, ft 128. Sinkalpasulram, Bhavnagar edition, p. 192 ; See also
Jaina Sftlras by H. Jacobi, S.B.B., vol. xxii, p, 266 f. n. i., Vol. xiv, part, II, p. 331,
f. n. 3.
. 8 Jaina Sutras by H. Jacobi, S.B.B., Vol. wcii, part I, p. 2j6, . n. i.
* Kautilya'a Arthad^atra translated by R. Shara&astry, B.A., p. 455- The
Sanakrit text has :" Licchivika- VrJikaOIaUaka-Madraka-Kukura-Kura-Paflcaladayo
4 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
find them mentioned in the Manava Dharmatestra (x. 22).
Here, of course, there are some varies lectiones; the anony-
mous Kashmirian comment on the Manava DharmaSSstra
reads Lichavi which approximates very closely to the
Buddhistic form and Medhatithi and Goviudaraja, the two
earliest commentators of the Manava DharmaSastra, read
Licckivi and this reading tallies exactly with the name as
given by Kautflya ; this form, therefore, represents the earliest
spelling of this word in the Brahmanic Sanskrit literature. It
is only Kulluka Bhatfa, the Bengali commentator, who
r eads Nicchivi in this verse of Manu; Raghavananda,
another commentator, follows Kulluka, in this as in other
matters, both in spelling as well as in interpretation, and
R&ja&abdopajivinah." The ( a* at the end of the words does not change the
meaning at all. It will be seen that Kautilya distinguishes the Licchivikas from
the Vrjikas. Regarding this H, Panda? (" Notes on the Vajji country and the
Malta* of Pava." J.B. and O.R.S.. Vol. VI, pt. II, June 1920, p. 259 foil.) says
that it appears from the Pali Suttas that the names Vajji and Ucchavi are inter-
changeable to some extent. In Kautilya's Arthas&stra (2nd. Ed., p. 378), we find
that both the Ucchavis and Vrjis (Vajjis) are mentioned together in the list of
republics. It at once starts an enquiry whether the Licchavis and Vrjis (Vajjis)
were two separate republics. The Pali literature will answer it in the negative but
the accounts of tfre Chinese pilgrims lead to a different conclusion. Pa Bien calls
the country of which Vaisall was the capital, "the Kingdom of Vaisall" and
the people of the country, " Ucchavis," Pa Hiendoes not mention Vriji. Binen
Tsang describes Valsftli and Vrji as two distinct countries and Waiters is inclined
to disbelive the accuracy of Hiuen Tsang's description of the Vrji country. Dr.
Rai Chaudhury reconciles the evidence of the Pali literature with that of
Kanfilya end Hiuen Tsang, saying that " Vajji was not only the name of the
confederacy but also of one of the constituent clans. But the Vajjis like the
Ucchavis are sometimes associated with the city of Vesall which was not only tne
capital of the Licchavi clan, but also the metropolis of the entire confederacy."
(Political History of India, p. 60.)
NAME AND ORIGIN 5
the ordinary printed editions of the Mauusamhita, that
implicitly follow Kulluka, have adopted this reading. 1 Both
Jolly and Biihler, the two great authorities on Manu, have
accepted the form Licchivi which is without doubt the
correct reading. Kulluka who wrote apparently in the
fifteenth century and was thus younger by about six hundred
years than Medhatitht and by about three hundred years
than Goviudaraja, was evidently misled by the similarity
of the letters 'N' and 'I/ as they were written in Bengali in
the fifteenth century, and as they are still found to be
written even in modern Bengali manuscripts.
Already in the early-years of the eleventh century, the
Bengali forms of Na and La had developed almost completely
from the eastern variety of the north Indian alphabet as we
find from the Krpa Dwarika temple inscription of the
fifteenth year of Nayapala ; but a little later on, towards the
end of the century, we find in the Dsopara inscription of
Vijaya Sena that "La has a peculiar form, resembling La
which is still found in some cases in modern Bengali manus-
cripts where La is denoted by a dot placed under Na" '*
Coming down still later, nearer the time of Kulluka, we
observe that " the Kamauli grant shows the use of the peculiar
twelfth century form of la which is also found in the Deopttft
Pratasti and the Tetrawan image inscription of the second
year of Rftmapala. The form of this letter is the same as the
I For the various reading! Me Manav* Dhtrmtiattra edited by J. Jolly, Th.D,,
fC jt|. See ftlfo Tki Law of Manu by O. Btthler, 8.B.B., VoL XXV., p. 406,
tern,
R. D. Banarjit Tkt Oriiin of the Bntgali Script, Cel. Univ. 1919. p. 8a,
6 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
Ta of the modern NSgari" ; l and this peculiar reshaped
form also occurs in many other inscriptions of a later date,
and Mr. R. D. Banerji from whom we have quoted above,
observes that "the TVshaped form of la still survives in Ben-
gali where a dot is put under na to denote la." * This dot,
however, was often omitted by scribes and it is no wonder,
therefore, that Kulluka, or rather the scribes who copied his
work, read and wrote Nicchivi in the place of Licchivi.
Hence we have no hesitation in rejecting Kulluka 1 s reading
Nicchivi and any attempt to connect the Licchivis with
Nisibis in Persia 8 on such a flimsy foundation is not worthy
of much consideration. Kulluka in his reading has made a
mistake like the one found in NandanScarya's commentary
called Nandirii or ManyarthavyttKhyftna where we have the
name in the form Lichikhi* r kh' being evidently a clerical
error for V.' It should be observed, however, that here also
the word begins with / and not n. Nowhere but in Kulluka
and the editions dependent on him do we meet with the form
with an initial N.
That Nicchivi was only an accidental clerical error and
had nothing to do with the name of the people we are dealing
with, appears from the Sanskrit incriptions of the early
Gupta Emperors. In the Allahabad posthumous stone
pillar inscription of Samudragupta, that great monarch is
described as the Licchavi-dauhitra or c the son of the daughter
R. D. Banerji, The Origin of the Bengali Script, p. 108. Ibid, p. 109.
. lifohftinfthopadhyaya Dr. Satlsh Ch. Vidyabhfisa^a, Indian 4ntoyt*ry t Vol.
X3KVXI, pp. 78-80.
Jolly, Manavadharmabastra, p. 335 *.
NAME AND ORIGIN 7
of the Licchavis/ ' so that we have here, the very same form
as in the Pali Buddhist works. We have the same, form in
many other inscriptions of the monarchs of this family, for
example, in the Mathura stone inscription of Candragupta
II, ' the Bilsad stone pillar inscription of Kumara Gupta of
the year 96, ' the Bihar stone pillar inscription of Skanda-
gupta, * etc. On the other hand, the other variant, Licchivi,
is found to occur in the Bhitati stone pillar inscription of
Skanda Gupta * and the Gaya copper plate inscription of
Samudra Gupta/ which is considered to be spurious. Some
of the coins of Candragupta I. have the name Licchavi on
them. Moreover, in the inscriptions oi the Nepal kings who
claim to be descended from the family of the Licchavis, the
expression used is always Licchavi-kula-ketu, 'the banner
or glory of the Licchavi family.' 7 In the Sanskrit inscrip-
tions, therefore, the usual form of the name is Licchavi, and
the form Licchivi is also met with occasionally. Coming now
to the form of the name as used in countries outside India, we
have seen that in the Chinese translations which are based
on Sanskrit Buddhist texts, the form is Licchavi or Lecchavi ;
Pa Hien speaks of them as Licchavis*; in Hiuen Tsiang's
Records of the Western World, the form is Li-ch'e p'o which
l Inscriptions of tk* Early Gupta Kings, edited by J. F. Fleet-Cor/w Intcrip-
tiontm Indicarum, Vol. Ill, p. 8.
* Fleet, op. clt. p. 27. * Ibid., p. 43*
* Ibid. p. 50. i Ibid., p. 53*
* Meet, Inicriptiont of ih* Early Gupta King*, Carp** Inscription** Indicant*,
Vol. ni, p. 956.
Y Fleet, l*teriptio*s of the Early Gupta Kings, p. 177 n. ; India*
Vol.IX.p. i68ff.
8 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
would correspond to the form Licchavi. 1 The Tibetans
who began to have the Buddhist books translated into their
own language from the eighth century A.D., have also the
fonA Licchavi. In the Tibetan Dulva from which Rockhill
quotes in his Life of the Buddha (p. 97 foil.) the form is
Licchavi. Schiefner, in his German translation of Tara-
natha's History of Buddhism in India, spells the word as
Litschtschhavi* the consonantal group tsch representing,
according to German orthography, the Indian * (c).
The Licchavis were neither Tibetan nor Iranian in their
origin : there is very clear evidence in the Buddhist literature
to show that they belonged to the Aryaii
rulin 8 caste-the K^atriya. In the
Mahaparinibbana Suttanta to which we
have already referred, we read that after the decease of the
Buddha, his body was preserved for a week by the Mallas of
KuSinara, while in the meantime, the news of the passing
away of the Master reached the people of the countries
far and near. Now the Licchavis of VaiSali claimed a share
of the remnants of his body. We read there, "And the
Licchavis of Vesall heard the news that the Exalted One
had died at KuSInara. And the Licchavis of- Vesali sent
a messenger to the Mallas, saying : ' The Exalted One was a
K$atriya and so are we. We are worthy to receive a portion
of the relics of the Exalted One. Over the remains of the
l Buddhist Records of tht Western World, by S. Besl^^rf, |f ;|). 73.
\ *&ra*atha's Gttchichte des Buddhismus in /wrft^-traiislat^fllfeto German
Ajntiisatrn. Kin^ of Mn^arlhn.
NAME AND ORIGIN 9
Exalted One, will we put up a sacred cairn and in their honour,
will we celebrate a feast.' " l
Here we see that the claim of the lyicchavis was based
on the fact that they were Ksatriyas or people of the same
caste as the Divine Master; hence they were entitled to a
portion of the relics. Similar claims based on the same
argument were forwarded also by Ajatasatru, the powerful
king of Magadha, who also sent a messenger with the message,
"The Lord is a Ksatriya and so am I. Therefore I deserve
a share of the relics. M (Bhagava pi Khattiyo, aham pi
Khattiyo. Aham pi Bhagavato sariranam bhagam ara-
hami.") The very same claim was preferred by the Bulis
of Allakappa, the Koliyas of Ramagama, the Mallas of Pava
and the Moriyas of Pipphalivana, all of whom advanced
their right on the ground, " The Lord is a K$atriya land so
are we," while the Sakyas of Kapilavastu claimed him as
their very kin.* A L/icchavi named Mahali says, "I am a
Khattiya, so is the Buddha. If his knowledge increases
and he becomes all-knowing, why should it not happen to
me." 8 It is apparent, therefore, that the Licchavis
i Mahaparinibbavia Suttanta Translated by T. W. & C. A. P. Rhys Davids in
Dialogues of thf Buadha, Vol. TIT, p. 187.
Note. Tbe original Pali text here is also interesting and we quote it in full.
(' Bhagava pt khattiyo, may am pi khattiya. Mayaifa pi arahama- Bhagava to sarira-
naifa bhagain, mayarh pi Bhagavato sariranam thupaficn mahafi ca knrissmati."
DIgha Nikaya, P.T.S., Vol. II, pp. 164-165.)
* Mahaparinibbana Suttanta in the Dlgha Niknya, P.T.S, Vol. II. pp. 1*4 foil.
" Bhagava amhakarn nati-seUho."
SumangalaVilasini, Pt. I, P.T.S. , p. 312.
" Aham pi Khattiyo, ayam pi Khattiyo va, sac' a^sa nanena va4dhissati ayaik p
sabbaflfiu bhavissatiti, usuyaya mayham na katheti."
IO SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
as good K$atriyas as AjataSatru of Magadha and the other
Ksatriya peoples in north-eastern India in the Buddha's
time. In the introduction to the Sigala Jataka, we read
of a kicchavi girl, " the daughter of a Ksatriya and high-
born." 1 Dr. Richard Kick in his well-known work, The
Social Organisation in North-east India in Buddha's time, is
rather sceptical as to whether the word Ksatriya as used in
the Pali texts has exactly the same connotation as in the
ancient Brahmanical literature, while he has no such doubt
with regard to the Brahmanas. But, as Professor Oldenberg
observes, there is no ground for this scepticism. "When
it is admitted," says this distinguished savant, "that the
families of Gautama, Bharadvaja, etc., were all grouped
together in the caste of Brahmanas as being pervaded all
of them by the mystic potency of the Brahman, I cannot
see why just in the same way, and answering to exactly
similar modes of expression in the texts, it should not be held
that families like those of the Sakyas, Licchavis, etc., all
of whom felt in themselves the potency of the Ksatra nobility,
aU of whom said, 'May am pi khattiya ' are to be reckoned as
Wonging to a single caste of the Khattiyas (K$atriyas) a
single caste of which the members, when they said to each
other ' I am a Khattiya/ ' I too am a Khattiya/ knew and
acknowledged each other as persons of the same kind and
nature." 1
I ' Iticchari knntarika khattiyadhlta jatisampanna' Jataka edited by V.
Paiuboll, Vol. II, p. 5.
Prof. H. Oldenberg, On fte History of th$ Indian Casts System ' translated
into English from the Z.D.M.G.,VoJ, M, by Prof. H. C. Chakladar, Ind. Ant, Vol.
XIJZ. V Decem. 1920, p. 227.
3. Mahavlra, the last Tlrthaiikara of the Jains.
NAME AND ORIGIN II
That the Licchavis were Ksatriyas appears also from the
Jaina sacred literature. Just as the Licchavis of Vaisall
honoured the Buddha at his death by erecting a noble monu-
ment (stupa) over their shares of the remnants of his body,
so they had, before this, done honour to the memory of the
great Mahavira, the founder of Jainism, at his death. The
Jaina Kalpasutrn narrates: "In that night in whicli the
venerable ascetic Mahavira died, went off, quitted the world,
cut asunder the ties of birth, old age, and death; became
a Siddha, a Buddha, a Mukta, a maker of the end (to all
misery), finally liberated , freed from all pains, the eighteen
confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala, the nine Mallakis
and nine Licchavis, on the day of new moon, instituted an
illumination on the Poshadha, which was a fasting day ;
for they said : ' since the light of intelligence is gone, let us
make an illumination of material matter'." 1 The Jaina
works further tell us, as Professor Jacobi points out, that
these nine Licchavis were tributary to Cetaka, king of
Vaisali and maternal uncle of Mahavira 2 who was a Jnatri
K$atriya of the KaSyapa Gotra, as we read in the Kalpasutra.
"The venerable ascetic Mahavira belonged to the KaSyapa
gotra.... The venerable ascetic Mahavira...., a Jnatri Ksatriya,
the son of a Jnatri Ksatriya ; the moon of the clan of the
Jnatris ; a Videha, the son of Videhadatta, a native of Videha,
a prince of Videha," 3 and there are reasons to believe that
Mahavira was a native of a suburb of VaiSali.* Mahavira's
Kalpa Sutra $ 128 translated by Prof. H. Jacobi, S B.E.. Vol. XXII, p. 266.
* Jacobi, op. cit. note I, p. 266.
v Jacobi, op. cil 108-110. pp. 255-*- * Ibid, pp. x-xii.
12 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
mother, TriSala, is always styled as Ksatriyani, and the
I/icchavis, therefore, must have been Ksatriyas. That the-
I/icchavis were looked upon as persons of very high pedigree
appears from a passage in another work of the Jaina sacred
literature, the Sutrakritanga, where \ve rend, " A Brahmanu
or Kgatriya by birth, a scion of the Ugra race or a I/icchavi,
who enters the order eating alms given him by others, is no!
stuck up on account of his renowned Gotra." '
The Licchavis were Ksatriyas of the Vasistha gotra.
In the account of the first meeting of the Buddha with the
Licchavis as given in the Mahavastu Avadana, we read tha'
the latter in order to avert a plague that was depopulating
their town, brought the Master to Vaisali with great respect
and honour, and the Buddha, when speaking to the Licchavis,
always addressed them as Vasisthas. 4 Again, according in
the Tibetan Dulva, when King Ajatasatru of Magadlia \va^
leading an army against the Licchavis, these latter also
made preparations to meet him ; and as they were starting
out, they met Maudgalyayana while he was entering VaiSalf
to get alms. They asked him whether they would be vic-
torious. He answered them, " Men of Vasi^tha's race, you
will conquer."* The Jaina sacred works lay down definitely
that the K$atriyani TriSala, the mother of Mahavlra,
1 Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, part II, S.B.E., Vol. XI,V, p. 32:.
* " Licchavika ahansu. Aiiyadapt Btiagavau. Bhag;u auiiha. o-.i
Bhutapttrvaxti Va sit tha atitamadhvauc r.'.ucale janapndc Kai-'piU.mnirare Raja
Brahmadatto naina rajyam karcsi."
Le Maftavmtu, edited by E. Senart, Vdl I, p. 283. The Jiocb:i\is - re ad'trr^wd
as Vaii^has many times iu this account, Vol. I, pp. 286. j'So, 290. ^e'.-.\
3 Rockhill, Life of the Bnddhn, p. 07 fi.
NAME AND ORIGIN 13
:i sister of Cetaka, one of the kings of Vaisali, and belonged
to the Vai$tha gotra (S.B.K., Vol. XXII, p. xii). We
read in the Ayaranga Sntra (n. 15. 15): "The venerable
ascetic Mahavlra'p father belonged to the Kasyapa gotra ;
he had three names, Siddhartha, Sreyarhsa, and Gasamsa.
His mother belonged to the Vasistha gotra, and had three
names, Trisala, Videhadatta and Priyakarim." ]
Thus we observe that, both according to the Buddhist
.ind Jaiua Canonical works, the J v icchavis belonged to the
Vaistha gotra. In the Nepal Variisavali, the Ljcchavis
have been allotted to the Suryavaiii&i or solar nice of the
Ksatriyas.* This is quite in agreement with the fact elicited
1'rom the Buddhist records that they were Vasisthas by
gotra, for we know from the Aitareyu Brahmana that the
gotra or pravani of a Ksatriya is the same as that of his
purohita or family priest, who makes him perform the
sacrifices. 8 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar also points out that the
gotra of a Brahmana * f could be assumed for sacrificial pur-
poses by it Ksatriya, for according to Asvalayana (Sr. S.
XII, 15.), the Gotra and the ancestors invoked of the
Ksatriyas are those of their priests or chaplains, and the only
Ri ancestors that all the Ksatriyas have, are Manava, Aila
and Paururavasa. The names of these do not distinguish one
K$atriya family from another and, to answer the purposes
of such a distinction, the Gotra and ancestors of the priest
Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, p. 193-
Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXVII, p. 79-
Aitarcya Brahmana, Ch. 34, Kanda 7, verse 25.
14 SOME KSATRTYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
are assumed." ' The Vasistha gotra was, therefore, the gotra
of their family priest, and we know that the Vasisthas were
the family priests of the kings of the solar race, especially
of the Iksvakus; there is thus an agreement between the
Nepal Vamsavali and the evidence from the I5uddhi-t
sources, and the Jaina records also corroborate the same.
As Professor Jacobi observes, "According to the Jaiuas, the*
Licchavis and Mallakis were the chiefs of Kasl and Kosal.i.
They seem to have succeeded the Aiksvakas who ruled there
in the times of the Raniayaiia." : The vSauskrit epiV tolls us
that the city of Vaisali wi-* founded hy Visah, a SDH of
Iksvaku nud ths heavenly uymn 1 !, AlamvusaV \vhib th-.'
Visnu Pin-ana substitute.-; Tm'ibi.idii, a later sciosi of th-?
Iksvaku family, as the father i-f thv. 4 opouyin'ju-. her.). -vli->
founded the city. This shows at lea-t dial a I the time
when these Brahmanical Sanskrit bo-jks were c.i'iiposed. th '
ruling family of Vaisali was believed to have been descends!
from the Iksvakus.
We may point out here that in the Mahapannibbana
vSuttanta, the Mallas of Kusinara are addressed by the vener-
able Anuruddha and the venerable Ananda as Vasetthas, 4
that is, Vasisthas; thus corroborating the Jaina account
of the close connection of these two Ksatriya tribes, both
having the same gotra. In the Sanglti Sutta of the DIglii
i Sir 11. Cr. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and minor Reliijiw Systems., p. 12.
* Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II, p. 321, note 3.
4 Ramavana, Bombay edition, Balakanda, Ch. 47, verses 11-12.
"Itavakostu naravyaghra putra'.i paramadhurmika. AlanivuSLiyaui utpcuiMo
visiila itivi^rutah " (n) " teuacasidiha sthane Visaleti purl krita " (12).
* Buddhist Sultas, S.B.E., Vol. XI., pp. 121-122.
NAME AND ORIGIN 15
Nikaya, we find the Mallas of Pava ulso addressed as
Vasetthas by the Buddha. 1 Their
Kinship with the ... 7 >
Maiias and the Sakyas. association with the Mkyns is ako \veil-
known. We read in the Karma- Sataka
(a French translation of the Tibetan version of which, ha* been
given by M. L. Kcer) thot Prabodli,i (>'ub-snd). king of tlu-
Yrjis, gave away his two daughters, Lily a and Mahamfiya, a-;
brides to Suddhodaua, son of Simhahauu.' Decides, the
Mahavastu tells us of a contest at archery in which the
Licchavi princes were asked to take part bi-t- \\\(*\- v vciv
incapable of doing so and at last the i>odhis-^{ i .iu\.\.-;.-:iaJ/
Rockhill in his Life of the ttudjhj. derivvd mi Tii-i-lau
works, speaks of a tradition according \ .vliic'i, tlu-
Sakyas and the J/icchavis are bniiidiori of t*u: -v.u-- ] -pL*
He refers to Sanang Sctseii, who * k in his Iiv.iry \-l t)u
IJasteru Mongols, p. JT, says that the Saky.i rao.- ,io whicl-
the Buddha belonged) was divided into three parts, whose
most celebrated representatives were Sakya the ( Treat (the
Buddha), Sikya the I/iccliavi, and Sakya tiic I\Iountaineer.
Gnya Khri bstan po, the first Tibetan king, belonged to the
family of Sakya the Licchavi." 4 The above legend is of
very little historical value but it shows at least that the
Sakyas and the Licchavls were considered to be allied
races.
We have seen above the affinity of the I/icchavis with
Dialogues of the. Buddha, Part III. p. 2o..
i Karma>sataka,2o. 11. 7, Tun lat-d from Tibetan by M. L. Peer, Reprint,
p. 40.
3 Seuart, Mahavastu Avaddna, Vol. II, p. 70.
* Rockhill, The Life of the Buddha (popular edition), p. 203, note.
1 6 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the Mallas and the Sakyas. Now we come to the account of
the mythical origin of the Licchavis,
which can be gathered from Buddha-
ana HiefljvaUya ha
dakapatha :
' There was an embryo in the womb of the chief queen
of Benares. Being aware of it, she informed the king who
informed the rites and ceremonies for the protection of it.
With the embryo thus perfectly protected, the queen entered
the delivery chamber when it was fully mature. With ladies
>f great religious merit, the delivery took place at the dawn
of day. A lump of flesh of the colour of lac and of bandhu
;ind jJvaka flowers came out of her womb. Then the other
queens thought that to tell the king that the chief queen was
delivered of a mere lump of flesh while a son, resplendent
like gold, was expected, would bring the displeasure of the
king upon them all; therefore, they, out of fear of exciting
displeasure of the king, put that lump of flesh into a casket,
and after shutting it up, put the royal seal upon it, and
placed it on the flowing waters of the Ganges. As soon as it
was abandoned, a god wishing to provide for its safety, wrote
with a piece of good cinnabar on a slip of gold the words,
"The child of the chief queen of the King of Benares " and
1 ied it to the casket. Then he placed it on the flowing current
of the Ganges at a place where there was no danger from
aquatic monsters. At that time an ascetic was travelling
along the shore of the Ganges close by a settlement of cow-
herds. When he came down to the Ganges in the morning,
and saw a vessel coming on, he caught hold of it thinking that
NAME AND ORIGIN 17
it contained rags (pamsukula), but seeing the tablet with the
words written thereon and also the seal and mark of the
King of Benares, he opened it and saw that piece of flesh.
Seeing it, he thus thought within himself : " It may be an
embryo, and there is nothing stinking or putrid in it," and
taking it to his hermitage, lie placed it in a pure place. Then
after half a month had passed, the lump broke up into two
pieces of flesh ; the ascetic nursed them with still greater care.
After the lapse of another half a month, each of the pieces
of flesh developed fine pimples for the head and the two
arms and legs. After half a month from that time, one of
the pieces of flesh became a son resplendent like gold, and
the other became a girl. The ascetic was filled with paternal
affection for the babies and milk came out of his thumb.
From that time forward, he obtained milk with rice ; the rice
he ate himself and gave the babies the milk to drink. What-
ever got into the stomach of these two infants looked as if
put into a vessel of precious transparent stone (mani), so
that they seemed to have no skin (nicchavi) ; others said :
' l The two (the skin and the thing in the stomach) are attached
to each other (lina-chavi) as if they were sewn up together" ;
so that these infants owing to their being niccliavi, i.e., having
no skin, or on account of their being Linachavl, i.e., attached
skin or same skin, came to be designated as Licchavis. The
ascetic having to nurse these two children had to enter the
village in the early morning for alms and to return when the
day was far advanced. The cowherds coming to know this
conduct of his, told him, " Revered sir, it is a great trouble
for an ascetic to nurse and bring up children ; kindly make
l8 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
over the children to us, we shall nurse them, do you please
attend to your own business." The ascetic assented gladly
to their proposal. On the next day, the cowherds levelled
the road, scattered flowers, unfurled banners and came to
the hermitage with music. The ascetic handed over the two
children with these words: "The children are possessed of
great virtue and goodness, bring them up with great care and
when they are grown up, marry them to each other ; please
the king and getting a piece of land, measure out a city, and
instal the prince there." "All right, sir," promised they,
and taking away the children, they brought them up. The
children, when grown up, used to beat with fists and kicks,
the children of the cowherds whenever there was a quarrel
in their sports. They cried and when asked by their parents ,
"Why do you cry?" They said, "These nurselings of the
hermit, without father and mother, beat us very hard."
Then the parents of these other children would say, " These
children harass the others and trouble them, they are not to
be kept, they must be abandoned. (Vajjitabba.)" Thence-
forward that country measuring three hundred yojonas is
called Vajji. Then the cowherds securing the good will
and permission of the king, obtained that country, and
measuring out a town there, they anointed the boy, king.
After giving marriage of the boy, who was then sixteen years
of age, with the girl, the king made it a rule : "No bride is
to be brought in from the outside, nor is any girl from here
to be given away to any one." The first time they had two
children a boy and a girl, and thus a couple of children
was born to them for sixteen times. Then as these children
NAME AND ORIGIN 19
were growing up, one couple after another, and there was no
room in the city for their gardens, pleasure groves, residential
houses and attendants, three walls were thrown up round
the city at a distance of a quarter of a yojana from each
other; as the city was thus again and again made larger
and still larger (ViSalikata), it came to be called Vesali.
This is the history of Vesali.' '
The Pajavaliya,* a Ceylonese Buddhist work, also
gives the same account though with some slight variations.
A ,_ ^ M , These stories, of course, are entirely
Another mythical * '
account in the Puja- mythical and must have grown up m
va ya * very recent times, there being no evidence
in the sacred canon itself to corroborate any part of the
narrative. It shows at least that the Licchavis were
regarded as Ksatriyas.
The two derivations of the name, Licchavi, oifered by
Buddhaghosa in the above story, are no
doubt entirely fanciful. Licchavi is the
name of a race or tribe. The people must
have acquired that name ages before they come to our notice
in the pages of the Buddhist or Jaina literature, or in Kau-
tilya's Arthaastra. Attempts at finding a derivation for
the word are at best only ingenious and are very likely to be
fanciful. Buddhaghosa' s derivations must have been invent-
ed in a late age when the Licchavis had acquired great
renown and power, and it was found necessary to find out
i Paramatthajotika on the Khuddakapafhe edftcd Jy H. Smith, P.T.S., pp.
158-160.
a Speuce Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 2nd edition, 1880, pp. 242-243.
20 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
some meaning for the word which is rather peculiar and
defies easy analysis by the ordinary rules of grammar.
Hence they were associated with some myths, and we have
the fanciful explanation given above. But it must be ob-
served that the two derivations suggested by the great
commentator are almost exactly the same as those given in
Chinese Buddhist works. According to the Shan-hsien-lu
(Chapter 8) the word "Licchavi" (or Lecchavi) is said to
mean ' skin thin ' or ' same skin, ' the name being treated as a
derivative of cchavi (clichhavi) which means 'skin.' 1 These
are the same as Buddhaghosa's Nicclizvi or c no skin/ that is,
'thin skin' and 'linachavi' or 'joined skin,' that is, f same
skin.' This close agreement between the two sets of analysis
and interpretation shows that both of them most probably
drew materials from a common source.
The story recounted by Buddhaghosn has no historical
value, yet it is significant that even according to this account,
the Licchavis were of Ksatriya origin. There can be no
doubt of this fact, and it is clear that at the time the
great Buddha andMahavlra lived and preached, the Licchavis
were recognised as Ksatriyas who held their heads very
high on account of their high birth and with whom the highest
born princes of eastern India considered it an honour to enter
into matrimonial alliance. We have seen how the great
and powerful king Ajataaatru was always designated by the
family name of his mother in the Pali Buddhist Tripitaka.
Even two centuries later than the above two great preachers,
T. Walters, On Yuan Chvartg. Vol. II, p. 77.
NAME AND ORIGIN JI
in the time of Candragupta, the Licchavis were of equal
rank and position with the great Ksatriya peoples of Northern
India, viz. : the Madras in the North-west, the Kimi-Pancalus
in the central region, and the M alias and others in the east
the tribes who were organised as corporations of warriors
and lived upon their position as rajas, that is, as owners of
land deriving an income Irom their tenants.
Coining down to the time when the present code of
Manu was composed, we find that the Licchavis were still
looked upon as Ksatriyas though of the Vrat}M variety.
Manu says, "from a Vratyaof the Ksatriya
LicchavisteManu^ ^^ ^^ ^ jj^ ^ ^^
the Licchavi, the Nata, the Karana, the
Khasa, and the DravMa.'" (Manu S. x. 22.) And imme-
diately before this, Manu takes care to tell us what he exactly
means by the term Vratya ; he says, " Those (sou^) whom
the twice-born beget on wives of equal caste, but who, not
fulfilling their sacred duties, are excluded from the Savitri,
one must designate by the appellation Vratyas." 2 (Manu
S. x. 20.) The expression avratah (not fulfilling their
sacred duties) in the above verse, means, as Dr. Biihler
points out, s ' not being initiated at the proper time,' on the
authority of what Manu himself states in an earlier chapter,
where he fixes the upper limits of the age before which the
initiation of the twice-born castes must take place. We
read, " The (time for the) Savitri (initiation) of a Brahmana
does not pass until the completion of the sixteenth year
i Biihler, Laws of Manu, p. 406.
* Ibid, pp. 405-406. s Ibid, pp. 405-406, note 20.
22 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
(after conception), of a K^atriya until the completion of the
twenty-second and of a Vateya until the completion of the
twenty-fourth. After those periods, men of these three
castes who have not received the sacrament at the proper
time, become Vratyas (outcastes) excluded from the Savitri
(initiation) and despised by the Aryans." 1 Here, in the defi-
nition of the term Vratya as well as the upper limit of the
initiation, Manu is in agreement with the earlier lawgivers,
Gautama, Apastamba, VaSistha and Baudhayana. 2 Now
from the passages of Manu quoted above, it will be seen that
Manu states explicitly that the Vratya is a person whom a
twice-born begets on a wife of equal caste and not on a wife
of an inferior or of a superior caste, as is the case with the
Anulomas and the Pratilomas, but the Vratya is looked upon
with disfavour by the orthodox people on account of his
failure to get himself initiated at the appointed time. In the
case of the I/icchavis, therefore, there is no question that
they were pure Ksatriyas by origin, but what is averred
about them is that they were not very careful in obeying the
regulations about initiation and perhaps similar other matters,
like the people in the MadhyadeSa, 8 the central region,
where the Brahmanic form of faith prospered and continued
in its pristine vigour. An interesting chapter in the history
of the social systems in India in early times has been opened
by M. M. Haraprasad Sastri's interpretation of the word
vratya as used in the Atharvaveda. He says, " He (a Vratya)
Biihler, Laas of Manu, pp. 36-37.
Gautama, XXI, n, Apa. i, I etc. Vas XI, 74-79, Baudh. I. 16, 16.
*> See Manusaiihita, II. 21.
NAME AND ORIGIN 23
is not as we commonly understand him savitrlpatitah, a
fallen Aryan, but he is an Aryan outside the Vedic circle,
an Aryan outside the AntaradeSa, the tract inhabited by
the Vedic Aryans. He is on all sides of the Vedic settlement.
He has no Brahmanic culture, no trade, no commerce. He
is a warrior and a keeper of flocks. He has no permanent
settlement and lives in a temporary one called Vratya.
They roam about in hordes. They fight the Vedic Aryans."
The learned scholar further says, "They are admitted to all
the privileges of the Vedic Society they can study the
Vedas, perform the sacrifices, entertain Brahmanas with food
cooked by themselves, see mantras and even compile the
Brahmanas. They were in fact nomadic hordes of Aryans,
but when they assumed a settled life, they were fully ad-
mitted into the Vedic society.' 1 (J. A. S. B., Annual address,
New Series, Vol. XVII, 1921, No. 2.) From what we know
of the religious history of the Licchavis as a people, it is but
natural to expect that they would fall off from the strict
observance of the Brahmanic regulations. We have seen
that Mahavira, the founder of Jainism, was of their very kin
and most probably a fellow townsman and we also know
that his followers were many among the residents of Vaisali,
even among the highest officers as we see in the case of Siha.
Then, again, the fact that the Licchavis as a people had won,
as we shall see in the chapters that follow, the good graces
of the great Buddha as well as of the followers of the religion
preached by the Enlightened One, appears to have been
predominant in the Licchavi country during the centuries that
intervened between the origin of Buddhism and the advent
24 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
of Manu, the date of whose work, the Manu-smrti, according
to Prof. Biihler, is about 200 B.C. 200 A.D.' During this
long interval when the two great heretic faiths flourished in
their country, it is but natural to expect that the Licchavis
were not very particular about initiation and similar other
ceremonies and practices that were required to be performed
by the regulations of the orthodox Brahmins. Hence, we
can very well understand how Manu, the great Brahmin
law-giver, came to dub the I^icchavis as Vratyas and we
have seen how the author of this code has taken care to
avoid any chance of misunderstanding the exact connotation
of the term Vratya. He had already defined it in the second
chapter of his book, yet he explains it again and says speci-
fically that the term does not imply any of the castes, that
a Vratya is begot by a twice-born person on a wife of the
same caste and hence the Licchavis were of pure Ksatriya
parentage on both sides. To claim the authority of this pass-
age of Manu in support of a theory of non-Aryan origin
of the Licchavis is quite unwarranted.
The above discussion, we hope, will also explain what
the lexicographers and the author of the Vaijayanti declare
about the origin of the lyicchavis, viz., that they were sons
of a Ksatriya Vratya and a Ksatriya. * They have, all of
them, followed Manu and a separate discussion of their
statements is unnecessary.
J Biihler, Manu, Introduction, p. CXVII.
* See Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, 1899, p. 902.
The Vaijayanti, edited by Gustav Oppert, p. 76-
"Licchivhn ksatriya Vralyat."
NAME AND ORIGIN 25
At the same time, however, it must be admitted that.
the Licchavis had not entirely fallen off from the Bmhmanic
society : in the fourth century A.D., just as Ajatasatru had
gloried in the title of Vedehiputto, the son of a daughter of
Videha people, that is, of the Licchavis who occupied the
Videha country, so also it vas considered a glory to an
orthodox Gupta Emperor to have been a Licchavi-duuhitra
or the son of a daughter of the Liccliavis.
Dr. Fleet who has edited the inscriptions in which the
(yupta-Licchavi connection is mentioned,
Gu J2SJSSSl vl observes, " Proof of friendly relations bet -
ween the early Guptas and the Licchavi:-,
at an early time, is given by the marriage of Candra Gupta I
with Kumara Devi, the daughter of Licchavi or of a Licchavi
king. And that the Licchavis were then at least of equal
rank and power with the early Guptas, is shewn by the pride-
in this alliance manifested by the latter ; exhibited in the
careful record of the names of Kumara Devi, and of her
father or her family, on some of the gold coins of Candra
Gupta I., and by the uniform application of the epithet,
' daughter's son of Licchavi or of a Licchavi/ to Samudra
Gupta in the geneological inscriptions." l Fleet even goes
so far as to declare "that in all probability the so-called
Gupta era is a Licchavi era, dating either from a time
when the republican or tribal constitution of the Licchavis
was abolished in favour of a monarchy ; or from the com-
mencement of the reign of Jayadeva I., as the founder of a
J. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions Corpus Ins. Ind., Vol. III. Introduction, p.
26 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
royal house in a branch of the tribe that had settled in
Nepal." ' The fact that this royal house that was planted
by the Licchavis in Nepal about the period 330 to 355 A.D.
by Jayadeva I. * was all along Brahmanical, proves that the
Licchavis had not entirely dissociated themselves from the
Brahmanic faith. We thus observe that the power and glory
of the Licchavis during the period of Brahmanic revival
under the Guptas were as great as under the 6i3unakas and
the Mauryas and that their position as one of the leading
and honoured Ksatriya families in Eastern India was fully
recognised.
Before leaving this question of origin, it remains for us to
refer to the two theories about the Tibetan and Persian
affinities of the Licchavis started by the late Drs. V.A. Smith
and Satis Ch. Vidyabhusana respectively. Dr. Smith's con-
clusion about the Tibetan affinity rests on the agreement
,.,. _ ,. A that is observed between the Tibetans and
me Late Dr. \ . A.
smith's theory the the Licchavis in the custom of exposure
Tibetan orgin. . . ,
of the dead and in judicial procedure.
We shall discuss these two points one by one. The preval-
ence among the Licchavis of the practice of exposing the dead
to be devoured by wild animals is vouched for by a passage
in Deal's Romantic Legend of $akya Buddha 8 derived from
Chinese sources. There we have the description of a visit
paid by the Bodhisatta (Gautama) to a cemetery at Vai&ali
where the Rsis are stated to have answered his question there-
anent. " In that place the corpses of men are exposed to be
Cotpus Ins. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 136 * Ibid., p. 135- 8 pp.i59-i6o-
NAME AND ORIGIN 27
devoured by the birds ; and there also they collect and pile
up the white bones of dead persons, as you perceive ; they
burn corpses there also, and preserve the bones in heaps.
They hang dead bodies also from the trees ; there are others
buried there, such as have been slain or put to death by
their relatives, dreading lest they should come to life again ;
whilst others are left there upon the ground that they may
return, if possible, to their former homes." From this state-
ment Dr. Smith argues, " whatever obscurity may exist in
this passage, it certainly proves a belief that the ancient
inhabitants of Vaisali disposed of their dead sometimes by
exposure, sometimes by cremation, and sometimes by burial.
The tradition is supported by the discoveries made at pre-
historic cemetries in other parts of India, which disclose
very various methods of disposing of the dead." 1 He then
concludes from the similarity which these customs oi the
disposal of the dead bear with those of Tibet that theLiccha-
vis had Tibetan affinities. But it may be observed that we
need not go to Tibet for these customs, inasmuch as they were
prevalent among the Vedic Aryans from whom the Ucchavis
were descended. We read in the well-known funeral hymn
of the Atharva Veda (XVIII. 2.34.).*
"They that are buried, and they that are scattered
(vap) away, they that are burned and they that are set up
(uddhita) all those Fathers, O Agni, bring thou to eat the
l Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXII, 1903, p. 234.
* " Ye nikhata ye paropta ye dagdha ye coddhitah sarvamslangna a vaha pitrin
havise attave."
Atharvaveda Samhita edited by R. Roth and W. D. Whitney, p. 339.
30 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
we take the date of this event to be 487 B.C., as the late
Dr. V. A. Smith thought, or what is more probable, to be 544
B.C., the traditional date maintained by the Ceylonese
Buddhist monks, it is simply absurd to identify the Licchavis
with the followers or subjects of Darius who were exploring
the Indus about 515 B.C.
It remains for us to refer to another theory about the
foreign origin of the Licchavis, started by
Be Yue. t chi. ry ~ Seal, viz., that they were <Yue chi. ' ' It
hardly requires to be refuted as the Yuc-
chi came to India about the beginning of the Christian era and
the Licchavis were a highly civilised and prosperous people
in the fifth and sixth centuries before Christ, when the
Ephthalites or white Huns had not started from their original
home in the east.
1 The Life of Hiuen-Tsiang by Beal, Intro, p. xxi;
II. VAlSAU, THK CAPITAL OF THE UCCHAV1S
Vaisali, f the large city ' par excellence is renowned in
Indian history as the capital of the
Vai * SIi tlice. imp r " Ucchavi rajas and the headquarters of
the great and powerful Vajjian confeder-
acy. 1 This great city is intimately associated with the early
history of both Jainism and Buddhism, it carries with itself
the sacred memories of the founders of these two great faiths
that evolved in north-eastern India, five hundred years be-
fore the birth of Christ.
Vaisali claims the founder of Jainism as its own citizen.
The Sutrakritariga/ one of the Jaina
ValftaG and Mahavira. 1 , ,
canonical works, says about Mahavira,
the last Tlrthahkara of the Jainas as follows: "Evarn se
udahu anuttaramani anuttaradamsi anuttarananadariisana-
dhare araha Nayaputte bhagavam Vesalie Viyahie (vyakhy-
atavan) iti betni." "Thus spoke the Arahat Jnatriputra,
the reverend, famous native of VaiSali, who possessed the
highest knowledge and the highest faith, who possessed
(simultaneously) the highest knowledge and faith." * This
passage is also repeated in another Jaina work, the
Uttaradhyayanasutra with a slight variation. 4 Mahavira
is spoken of as Vesalie or VaiSalika i.e. a native of Vaiali. b
1 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p 40. * i- 2. 3. 22.
s Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S. 13. B., pt. II. p. 261.
* Ibid, pt. II, lecture VI, 17. p. 27.
6 Ibid, pt. I, Introduction, XI.
/,J SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Moreover Abhayadeva in his commentary on the Bhagavati
2, i. 12, 2. explains Vaisalika by Mahavira and speaks of
Visala as Mahavira jananl or 'the mother of Mahavlra."
besides, from a comparison of the Buddhist and Jaina
scriptures, it appears that Kundagrama, the birthplace
of Mahavira, was a suburb of VaiSali. 2 Mahavira' s mother
Trisala was a sister to Cetaka, one of the so-called rajas of
that Licchavi city." The Jaina Kalpasutra speaks of the
connection of Mahavira with the Videha country and its
capital, Vaisali in these words: "The venerable ascetic
Mahavira a Videha, the son of Videhadatta, a native of
Videha, a prince of Videha had lived thirty years in Videha
when his parents went to the world of the gods (i.e. died) and
he with the permission of his elder brother and the authorities
of the kingdom fulfilled his promise" 4 of going out to f 'estab-
lish the religion of the law which benefits all living beings in
the whole universe." F) During his later ascetic life also
Mahavira did not neglect the city of his birth and we are told
!>r the TCilrw Siitra thnt out of the forty-two rainy seasons
Weber, Imlische .stndien. Band XVI, p. 26s.
'Audi Abhayadeva zii Bhag. 2. I. i.-. 2. erkljrt Vaicalika durch Mahavira,
:\ ni /.war als Metrotivmicum (') : Vic.'ila Malta virajaiiaiiJ."
? Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S. !,. K-. Vol. XXII. pp. X-XI.
- Ibid. p. XIJ.
* Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Vol. 1, p. jj'i, Kalpa Sutra, 5} no.
' Sauianebhagavam Mah.ivire d.ikkhe dakkhapalnnc padiruve alline bhaddae
vim? uiie uayaputteunvakularaude videho videhadiuiie videhajacu, videhasamale
tisaiitvasaiiii Videhaihsikattu ammfipi ihiiii devattagaehim gurumahattaraehim
ubbhanunnate saiuattap.iinue punaraviloyanti ehitit jiyakappiehitii evam
vavasi."
/Kalpa Sutra, Dhanpat Siiigha's edition, pp. 64-65.)
^ Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Vol. I, Kalpa Sutra. in.
VAlSALI, THE CAPITAL OF THE LICCHAVIS 33
of this period of his life, he passed no less than twelve at
VaiSall. 1
The connection of the Buddha with Vai&all is no less close
and intimate. This city was hallowed by
Va Buddf. thc the dust of his feet earlv in his career
and man> of his immortal discourses
\vere delivered here either at the mango-grove of Amba-
pall, in the outskirts of the city or at Katagarasala in
Mahavana, the great forest stretching out up to the Hima-
layas. The Exalted One was charmed with the conduct of
the Vajjis or Licchavis residing within the town and looked
upon them with kindness and approbation. The seven points
of excellence with which he characterised the Licchavis in
answer to the queries put to him by the Ministers sent- by
King Ajatasatru of Magadha, are very well-known ; we see
there, how he spoke of the unimpeachable character of the
people of VaiSali and tried to dissuade the Magadhan King
from making fruitless attempts at robbing the people of that
noble city of their independence. It is evident that the En-
lightened One had a soft place in his heart for this mighty
and noble people and their splendid and extensive capital.
And when at last the days of his earthly existence were
drawing to a close, he paid a last visit to the city that had
received his blessing and affection, the city that was always
ready to honour and worship him and as the Enlightened
One felt within himself that the end was drawing nigh, that
this was the very last view that he would ever have of this
' Jacob! , Jaina Sutras. Kalpa Sutra, 122.
34 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
beautiful town, he cast a 'longing, lingering look behind/
In the words of the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta, the Book of
the Great Decease, f^ when the Exalted One had passed
through Vesali, and had eaten his meal and was returning
from his alms-seeking, he gazed at Vesali, with an elephant
look," ' (that is, turning the whole body round as an elephant
does, as Buddhaghosa explains), and then addressed the
Venerable Ananda, and said : This will be the last time,
Ananda, that the Tathagata will behold Vesali ^
Even after the Exalted One had entered into Nirvana,
VaiSali again drew to itself the care and
' attention of the whole Buddhist Church,
but this time it was not on account of the
many good qualities of character and powers of organisation
of its citizens, but of the objectionable tenets held by the
VaiSali monks who twisted and turned the noble precepts
of the Great Preacher to suit their own convenience and to
lead a life of less austerity and greater enjoyment of the
good things of the earth than the Master permitted; for
example, they would have fresh meals even after the midday
dinner and would accept gold and silver. The representatives
of the entire congregation met at VaiSali itself and condemned
in no equivocal terms the conduct ^of its pleasure-seeking
bhikkhus. This was the second general council of the Bud-
dhist Church. 8
i Nagapalokitam Vesaliyam apaloketvft (Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. II,
P Hi*-).
> Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. II, p. 131.
* Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp. 103-109.
VAI&AIJ, THE CAPITAI, OP THE WCCHAVIS 35
We have referred to a few only of the incidents connecting
the great city of the Licchavis with the history of the growth
and development of the Jain and Buddhist communities;
there are innumerable references to the city and its people
in their literature especially in the Buddhist Canon.
To the fanciful stories told !>y Buddhaghosa of the origin
.. . *,.-.- of the town, we have already referred in
Foundation of Vaisali. ' J
the previous chapter. We may, however,
glean from them two outstanding facts, namely : that the
city was founded by the Licchavis and that the area covered
by the town was very extensive ; in fact, it owes its name
VaiSali to its being ViSala or very large and wide in area.
Valmiki in the Balakanda 1 of the Ramayana tells us a story
(to which we have already referred ) of the foundation of the
city which is different from that of Buddhaghosa. He says
that it was founded by a son of Iksvaku and the heavenly
nymph (Apsara), Alambusa ; after his name Visala, the city
itself came to be called ViSala. The Vi^nupurana says
that it was Trnabindu, who according to
the geneological tree preserved in the
Puranas, was descended from Iksvaku
and had by Alambusa a son named Viala, who founded the
city of VatealL 8
The Ramayana further tells us that when Rama and his
brother lyaksmana, guided by the sage Viswamitra, crossed
the sacred river Ganges and reached its northern shore, on
their way to Mithila, the capital of the royal sage, Janaka,
^ Chap. 47, Verses n and 12.
* The Visnupurana by II. H. Wilson, Vol. Ill, p. 246.
36 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
they had a view of the city of Vaisali. It does not tell us that
it was exactly on the bank of the river, but it says that "while
seated on the northern shore they saw the
The J^unt a * a town/ 11 It might be that the distant tow-
er s or the pinnacles of the temples met their
gaze as they cast their glance northwards. Then the Rama-
yana story continuing says that the eminent travellers went
to the city of ViSala which was an excellent town (Uttama
purl), " charming and heavenly, in fact a veritable svarga." 2
Viswamitra, the guide, narrates here a fairly long mythologic-
al account to show the importance of the locality where
Indra himself had sojourned for about a thousand years.
Then the Rsi goes on to say that the Iksvaku prince ruling
over the country at the time was Sumati by name, and adds
that by favour of Iksvaku, the father of the eponymous
founder of the city and the ruling dynasty, all the kings of
Vaigali (sarve Vaisalika nrpah) were long lived, high souled,
possessed of strength and power and highly virtuous. 3 One
may very well question whether the author of the Ramayana
has here an overt allusion to the Rajas of VaiSall in the
phrase 'VaiSalika nrpah.' From all the mythical stories
above referred to, it is apparent that the name of the city
had something to do with viSala or extensive in area, and
from what we read of the description of the ruins that Yuan
I Rainayana (Bombay Edition), chap. 45, verse 9.
' Uttaramtiramasadya samptljyarsigan tfa tatah Gaugakiile nivistaste Visalam
dadrisuh purim."
* Ramayana (Bombay Edition), chap. 45, verses 10 and u. " Visalam nagarirfi
ramyaxn divyam svargopamam tadu " ( 10).
Ramayana (Bombay Edition), chap. 47, verse 18.
VAIAW, THE CAPITAL OF THE UCCHAVIS 37
Chwang saw in the seventh century after Christ, there can
hardly be any doubt of its wide extent. The Chinese traveller
relates, " The foundations of the old city VaiSali were sixty or
seventy li in circuit and the 'palace city '
Yua AcSSS? g ' 8 (** the walled part of the city) was four
and five li in circuit." ' This would mean
an area of about twenty miles in circumference for the outer
town; and the " Palace-city " of Yuan Chwang perhaps
represents the earliest of the three cities which, according to
Buddhaghosa, were built to accommodate the Licchavis as
they were growing rather fast; but its area would not in that
case agree with the statement that each of the three walls was
at a distance of a gavuta (gavyuti) or a quarter yojana, that
is roughly a league from the other.
The description of Buddhaghosa is also supported by the
mu Jatakatthakatha to the Ekapanna Jiitaka
The Jataka Account. J i{ L ' , ,
where we are told, At the tune of the
Buddha, the city of Vesali was encompassed by three walls at a
distance of a gavuta from one another and that at three
places there were gates with watch-towers and buildings.""
The three walls are adverted to in the Atthakatha to the
Lomahamsa Jataka also. 8
The Tibetan Dulva (iii f. 80) gives the following des-
cription. ' ' There were three districts in
The Dulva account. . . ,_ , - ^ -. . . ,
Vai^ali. In the first district were seven
1 Watters, on Yuan Chwang, vol. II, p. 63.
* Jataka (Fausboll) Vol. I, p. 504.
" Vesalinagararii gavutagavutantare tihi pakarehi parikkhitt.ini tisu thAnesu
gopurattalokayuttaifa."
Ibid, vol. I, p. 389.
38 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
thousand houses with golden towers, in the middle district
were fourteen thousand houses with silver towers, and in the
last district were twenty-one thousand houses with copper
towers ; in these lived the upper, the middle and the lower
classes according to their positions." '
Dr. Hoernle in his English translation of the Jaina
work, Uvasagadasao, advances the suggestion that the three
districts here referred to in the Dulva and
the Atthakatha, ' may very well have
been Vesall proper, Kundapura and Vani-
yagama occupying respectively the south-eastern, north-east-
ern and western portions of the area of the total city. Be-
yond Kundapura, in a further north-easterly direction lay the
suburb (or 'station/ sannivesa) of Kollaga (see 7) which
appears to have been principally inhabited by the Ksatriyas
of the Naya (or Jnatri) clan, to which Mahavira himself
belonged ; for in 66 it is described as the Naya-kula."*
He further observes that the phrases used in the Ayaranga
Sutra like "Uttara-Khattiya-Kundapura-sannivesaor dahina-
m&hana-Kundapura-sannivesa," "do not mean the northern
Kgatriya (resp. Southern Brahmanical) part of the place
Kundapura, but the northern K^atriya, etc., suburb of
Kundapura i.e. that suburb (sannivesa) of the city of Kunda-
pura, which lay towards the north and was inhabited by the
(Naya clan of) Katriyas; it was distinguished from the
southern suburb of the same city (Kundapura or Vesali)
which was inhabited by the' Brahmins. This interpretation
J Rockhill, Ijfe of the Buddha, p. 62.
* Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, vol. II, Translation, p. 4. Note. 8.
VAIAlJ, THE CAPITAI, OF THE WCCHAV1S 39
is confirmed by the parallel phrases in Kap 22. (et passim),
Khattiya-Kundagame Nayare and Mahana-Kundagame
Nayare, which are rightly translated by the Katriya (resp.
the Brahmanical) part of the town Kundagama." 1 He
also points out that "the phrase ucca-niya majjhimaim
kulairh, ' upper, lower and middle classes/ applied to the
town of Vaniyagama iu sections 77, 78 (of the Uvasagadasao)
curiously agrees with the description of Vesall given in
the Dulva." * The passage in the Uvasagadasao above
referred to is the one in which Goyama, the senior disciple
of Mahavlra, addressed him thus : "I desire, Reverend
Sir, with your permission, as the turn for the indulgence of
my sixth meal has arrived, to go round the city of Vaniya-
gama, to the upper, lower and middle classes, on a begging
tour of house-to-house collection/"
The great founder of the rival faith of Buddhism must
have paid many visits to the I jcchavi
c capital and the reports of at least two
besides that already referred to, are pre-
served in Buddhist books. The earliest of his visits has been
described at length in the Mahavastu. 4 We are told there, how
the people of VaiSali were troubled by a frightful pestilence
which was laying their country waste and how they found
1 Hoerulc, Uvasagadasao, vol. II, p. 5.
* Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, vol. II, Translation, p. 6.
Ibid, p. 52.
" Iccbami nath, bhante, tubbhehiiii abbha^unae chat^akkhfttnanaasa parapa-
gatiisi vaniyagame nayare uccanlya majjhimaim kutairfi gharasamuddabhikkh a
ariyae aditUe " (upasakadasaosutram, voL I, p. 36, para 77, Boernle's edition).
* Le Mahavastu. Ed. by . Senart, vol. T, p. 253, F.
40 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
all their efforts to stay the desolating plague entirely
fruitless and in their dire distress sent for various holymen
of great renown who failed to afford them any relief and as
a last resort they sought the help of the Enlightened One
who resided at the time at Rajagrha, the Magadhan capital.
The people of VaiSali sent a deputation headed by Tomara,
a Licchavi chief of power and position, and at the same
time of great learning, to Rajagrha to bring the Exalted
One to their city. Tomara went to Rajagrha, fell down at
his feet and sought his help with supplications, but was
asked to apply to the King Srenika Bimbisara who insisted
on the condition that the Licchavis must welcome the
Buddha at the border of their own dominions and that he
himself would follow the great teacher to the boundaries of
his own territory. To this the Licchavis readily assented
and Bimbisara secured the consent of the Buddha to save
the Licchavis from the decimating disease.
To impress the Licchavis with an idea of his power and
opulence, the Magadhan King had the road all the way
from Rajagrha to the Ganges, which formed the boundary
between the two dominions, levelled, rendered clean like
the palm of the hand, decorated with flags, garlands and
richly embroidered cloth; besides, the whole road was
watered, flowers were freely scattered upon it and the smoke
of rich incense perfumed its whole length. He himself
followed the Enlightened One with his whole court and
numerous retinue. The Licchavis both the Abhyantara-
VaiSalakas, the Vaisall-cockneys proper, living within the
walls of the city and the Bahira-Vai alakas, the people living
VAI&AU, THE CAPITAL OF THE UCCHAVIvS 4 1
in the outer town the suburbs and surroundings came in
all their splendour and magnificence, in all the glory of their
dazzling garments, blue, purple, green, yellow, brown and
crimson ; their appearance as they approached was so splendid
and ravishing that even the Great Buddha was impressed
with the sight and said addressing the monks, " Bhikkhus,
you have never before beheld the Trayastrimsa gods as they
go out of their city Sudarsana to the garden. Behold now
the Licchavis of VaiSali who equal those gods in their pros-
perity and splendour. Look at the Licchavis with their
elephants, with umbrellas of gold, their gold-covered litters,
their chariots decorated with gold. See how they all come,
both the young and the aged, as also those of middle age, all
with ornaments on, with garments dyed crimson with lac
and advancing with various beautiful movements. " The
Licchavis of VaiSali decorated the road from the Ganges to
VaiSali with a magnificence that left the preparations made
by the Magadhau king far behind, they provided for the
comfort of the Exalted One and the congregation of monks
on a still more lavish scale. As soon as the Enlightened One
crossed over to the northern side of the river and stepped
on the Licchavi soil, all malign influences that had hung over
the country and were making a havoc among the people,
vanished, and the sick and the suffering were restored to
health. The Licchavis received him with all honour and
reverence and guided him to their city, by easy stages with
all the comfort and convenience that they were able to pro-
vide for him. Entering the city, the Enlightened One uttered
the svastyayana-gatha, the song of welfare, or according to
42 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
the Pali scriptures, the Ratana Sutta ; they asked him
whether he would live among the people of inner Vai&li or
of outer Vaigali. The Exalted One would not live among
either of them, but he accepted the invitation 1 of BhagavatI
GoSrngI in the Mahavana, the great forest extending from
their city far away to the north.
The Licchavis who wished that the Exalted One might
be induced to live in their city, built the Kutagarasala, the
peaked monastery, for him in the forest and paid their respects
to him there. They offered it to him and
the Buddhist congregation and the Bless-
ed One permitted the bhikkhus to reside
there. One day the I/icchavis on coming to the Mahavana
learnt that Blessed One had repaired to the Capala-Caitya for
spending the day ; they proceeded thither and presented it to
him and the congregation of the Sravakas or Buddhist monks.
Similarly finding the Enlightened One spending the day
at the Saptamra-Caitya, the Bahuputra-Caitya, the Gautama -
Caitya, the Kapinahya-Caitya and the Markata-hrada-tira-
Caitya j the Licchavis made a gift of all these places of
worship to the Exalted One and the
Shrines dedicated- to
the Buddha and the Buddhist Church. Next the courtesan,
(ganika) Amrapali made a gift of her ex-
tensive mango-grove to the congregation and similarly Balika
made over Balikachavi* which is evidently the same as the
Balikarama of the Pali Buddhist books. 8 On this visit to their
i Le Mahavastu, Bd. by Sen art, Vol. I, pp. 295-299.
Le Mahavastu, Ed. by Senart, Vol. I, p. 300.
' Vinaya Texts, S.B.E., pt. Ill, p. 408.
VAlSAlJ, THE CAPITAL OF THE UCCHAVIS 43
city, the Enlightened One delivered i many discourses to the
people of Vai&ali and established the Buddhist faith on a
_ JJW , M strong foundation at the capital of the
Buddha 'e discourse m ** f
Buddhist faith esta- Licchavis as he had already done at
Rajagrha, the capital of their rivals, the
Magadhas. A similar account differing in slight details is
given by Buddhaghosa in the introduction to his commentary
on the Ratana-Sutta. He says that VaiSali was suffering
from three troubles famine, pestilence and sprites. We read
in the Buddhist books of many occasions when the En-
lightened One paid visits to Vateali in the course of his
peregrinations.
The Mahavagga tells us of an occasion when the Blessed
One on his way from Rajagrha to VaiSall
noticed bhiksus with a superfluity of
dress, 'almost smothered up in robes, 1
going along with their robes made up into a roll on their heads
or on their backs or on their waists. The Blessed One stayed
on that occasion at the Gotamaka Caitya; it was winter,
the time between the Astaka festivals when the snow was
falling and the Blessed One determined, by personal ex-
perience, the least quantity of robes that would suffice for
keeping off the cold and preached accordingly to the Bhik-
khus. 1 The Cullavagga* speaks of another occasion when
the Blessed One lodged in the Katagara Hall in the Mahavana
and the water being unfit for drinking, the use of strainers
and filters was permitted for the Bhiksus. This time, the
i Vinaya Texts, pt. II, S.B.B., pp, 210-211.
9 Ibid, pt. Ill, S.B.E., p. 10 1.
44 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Bhiksus partaking freely of the abundant store of sweets
offered by the laity, fell ill and were cured by the advice of
Jivaka Komarabhacca, the great physician. The sojourn
of the Buddha on this occasion appears to have been rather
long and the great teacher taught the Bhiksus many matters
connected with the sort of houses they were to build and live
in ; and this time also the Blessed One ordered the sarhgha to
turn down the bowl as regards Vaddha, the Licchavi, who
had brought a false charge against one of the brotherhood
but afterwards relented on Vaddha again making due re-
parations. The Cullavagga tells us of another visit when the
Blessed One stayed in the Kutagarasala in the Mahavana
and spoke on the conduct of the Bhiksus with regard to
the building of new houses for the use of the Order.
We read of the Buddha coming down to Vaisall from
Kapilavastu and staying there at the Kutagara Hall in the
Mahavana. This was the great occasion when Mahapajapati
Gotamij the foster-mother of the Blessed One, came with a
number of Sakya ladies from Kapilavastu and through the
intercession of Ananda, obtained permission for women
c to go forth from the household life and enter the homeless
state under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the
Tathagata."
From the accounts that we get from the Buddhist books
whether Pali or Sanskrit, we observe that
VaiSali is represented as a town that was
rich and prosperous. The Mahavagga,
i Vinaya Texts, pt. Ill, p. 322.
VAI&ALI, THE CAPITA!, OF THE UCCHAVIS 45
one of the oldest books of the Pali Canon, tells us that at the
time the Buddha lived, VaiSall "was an opulent, prosperous
town, populous, crowded with people, abundant with food ;
there were seven thousand seven hundred and seven storeyed
buildings, and seven thousand seven hundred and seven
pinnacled buildings, and seven thousand seven hundred and
seven pleasure grounds (aramas) and seven thousand seven
hundred and seven lotus-ponds." 1
A similar account of the prosperity of Vaisali is given
in the Lalitavistara when the gods in the Tusita heaven
were holding a discussion with regard to the family that
would be the most suitable for the Bodhisattva to be born
in. Some of the Tusita gods, the devaputras in advancing
the claims of Vateali for this great honour said, " This great
city of Vaisali is prosperous and proud, happy and rich with
abundant food, charming and delightful, crowded with many
and various people, adorned with buildings of every des-
cription, with storeyed mansions, buildings with towers, and
palaces, with noble gateways and charming with beds of
flowers in her numerous gardens and groves. This resemb-
ling the city of the gods, is indeed fit for the birth of the
Bodhisattva." 1 This recommendation was not accepted
on other grounds, but the passage speaks of the splendour
1 Vinaya Texts, pt. II, S.B.E., p. 171-
a Lalitavistara, Ed. by Leftnann. Chap. Ill, p. 21. " lyam Vaisali mahanagari
ridtlhaca sphitaca khemaca subhikkhaca ramanlya cakirnabahujanamanussa ca
vitardi-niryuhatoravagavaksha-harmyakutagaraprasadatalasamal^krita I-A pus-
pavatika-vanarajisaxhkusumita ca. Amarabhavanapuraprakasya sapratirupasya
Bodhisattvassa garbhapratisarfisthanayeti."
46 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
and prosperity of the capital of the Licchavis. It was a
prosperous and gay city, full of music. 1
We next come to the accounts of the city left by the
Chinese travellers of whom F5 Hien visited it at the beginning
of the fifth century A.D., that is, about a
thousand years after the time the Buddha
lived and delivered his discourses. Fa
Hien says," "North of the city so named is a large forest,
having in it the double-galleried vihara where Buddha dwelt
and the tope over half the body of Ananda."
The double-galleried vihara is evidently the Kfltagarasala
in the Mahavana which stretched right up to the Himalayas
as Buddhaghosa explains in his Sumangalavilasini to the
Mahali Sutta in the Digha-Nikaya. In commenting upon
the word, "Mahavana," he says, "outside
the town lying in one stretch up to the
Himalayas, there is a natural forest which
on account of the large area covered by it, is called Maha-
vana/' 8 (" Bahinagare Himavantena saddhim ekabaddham
hutva thitam sayan-jata-vanam atthi, yammahantabhavena
Mahavanam ti vuccati.") Legge remarks on the above quoted
description given by Fa Hien of the KatSgara- Vihara, "it
is difficult to tell what was the peculiar form of this Vihara
from which it got its name ; something about the construc-
tion of its door, or cupboards or galleries." 4 Here also
Buddhaghosa offers a comment explaining the origin of the
name. "In that forest was established a samgharama or
1 Pausboll, Dhammapada, old Ed. p. 391. l^gge, Fa-Hien, p. 73.
8 Sumafigalavilasini, pt. I, (P.T.S.), p. 309. * Ugge, Fa-Hien, p. 73. Note. I.
VAI&AIJ, THE CAPITA!, OF THE UCCHAVIS 47
monastery. A pasada or a storeyed building was built on
pillars and putting a pinnacle above, it was made into a
kOtagarasala resembling a chariot of gods (devavimana).
From it, the whole samgharama or monastery is known as
Katagarasala." 1 This agrees with the description of the
double-galleried vihara, given by Fa-Hien. The upper
storey was evidently built upon a large number of pillars
instead of walls and on the top there was a peak or kata,
so that there were two galleries, one below and the other
above, and from the upper storey rose a pinnacle as we see
in the vimanas or rathas referred to by Buddhaghosa. Yuan
Chwang who visited the city more than two hundred years
after Fa-Hien, found this great vihara in ruins. " To the east
of the tope of the Jstaka narrative," the pilgrim continues,
" was a wonder-working tope on the old foundations of the
'two-storey Preaching Hall' in which Ju-lai delivered the
P'u-men-t'o-lo-ni and other satras. 1 ' 2 The "two-storey
Preaching Hall" is no doubt the KQtagara Hall of two
storeys as described by Buddhaghosa and as spoken of by
Fa-Hien. This is also evident from what Yuan Chwang
says immediately after the above passage. "Close to the
remains of the Preaching Hall," the pilgrim says, " was the
tope which contained the half-body relics of Ananda." 8
The story of the parinirvana of Ananda and the division
l Sum. V. pt. I, P.T.S., p. 309. * Tasmin vanasande sanghararaam patittha-
pesuna. Tattha kannikaita yojetva thaihbhanaifa tipari Kutagarasala-sariikhepena
deva-vimana sadisaih pasadarfi akariisu. Tarn upadaya sakalo pi samgharamo Kata
garasala ti panflayittha."
* Wattera, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 71.
3 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 71.
48 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
of the remnants of the body has been told by Fa-Hien and
the same account is also given in the Tibetan works. Fa-
Hien narrates " When Ananda was going from Magadha
to VaiSall, wishing his parinirvana to take place (there), the
devas informed King AjataSatru of it and the king pursued
him, in his own grand carriage, with a body of soldiers and
reached the river. (On the other hand), the Licchavis of
Vaisali had heard that Ananda was coming (to their city),
and they on their part came to meet him. (In this way),
they all arrived together at the river, and Ananda considered
that, if he went forward, King AjataSatru would be very
angry, while if he went back, the Licchavis would resent his
conduct. He thereupon in the very middle of the river
burnt his body in a fiery ecstacy of samadhi, and his pari-
nirvana was attained. He divided his body (also) into two,
(leaving) the half of it on each bank ; so that each of the two
kings got one half as a (sacred) relic, and took it back (to his
own capital), and there raised a tope over it." '
Yuan Chwang's account of the country of which VaiSali
was the capital, agrees pretty well with the tradition of its
prosperity preserved in the Buddhist
Yua acco h u^? ng ' 8 bo ks. We read, " The VaiSall country
is described by the pilgrim as being above
five thousand li in circuit, a very fertile region abounding in
mangoes, plaintains and other fruits. The people were
honest, fond of good works, esteemers of learning, and
orthodox and heterodox in faith."
Legge. Fa-Hien. pp. 75~77-
VAIAU, THE CAPITA!, OF THE LICCHAVIS 49
In the Tibetan works, a similar account is given of the
prosperity and opulence of VaiSall which is invariably des-
cribed in the Dulva as a kind of earthly
Tibetan Account.
paradise, with its handsome buildings, its
parks and gardens, the singing birds and continual festivities
among the Licchavis. " Nanda, Upananda ! " exclaimed the
Chabbaggiya Bhikshus when they visited Vaisali, "the
Blessed One never saw the like of this, even when he was
among the Trayastrimcat devas." (Dulva X. f. 2.) l The
Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha 9 translated by Beal from
Chinese sources, gives an account similar to that in the
Ivalita-Vistara. 8 Here we read of a god in the Tu^ita heaven
who speaks thus, "This Vajora country has a city called
Vateali, rich in every kind of produce ; the people in peace
and contentment ; the country enriched
Chinc vaU C a C K Ullt f and beautiful as a heavenly mansion;
the king called ' Drumaraja ' ; his son
without the least stain on his scutcheon ; the king's treasur-
ies full of gems, and gold and silver ; perhaps you will be
born there."
The identification of Vaisali, the capital of the Licchavis,
had long been a point of discussion among scholars. General
Cunningham with his immense know-
IdCn vai C 8aii! n f led S e of the c untr y and of the Buddhist
literature, identified the present village
of Basarh in the Muzafferpur district in Tirhut as marking
the spot where stood VaiSall in ancient days* and M.
i Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 63. * ? 28.
< Ed. by Dr. S. Lefmann, Text, p. 21.
* Arch. S. Report, Vol. I, pp. 55, 56 and Vol. XVI. p. 6.
50 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Vivien de Saint Martin agreed with him, but the evidence
that led Cunningham to arrive at this conclusion was not
put forward with such fulness and clearness as the question
deserved; so that scholars had doubts as regards
identity. Rhys Davids says that the site was quite
uncertain and that the site of VaiSali had still to be looked
for somewhere in Tirhut. 1 Dr. W. Hoey sought to establish
the identity, though on very insufficient evidence, of
Vai&li with a place called Cherand in the ChaprS or Saran
district. "Cherand stands on the northern bank of the
Ganges, in approximately N. lat. 25 41 and E. long. 84. 55,
about seven miles south-east from Chapra.'" This identi-
fication has been proved to be entirely untenable by V. A.
Smith in his paper on Vafeali 8 from which we have quoted
above; and he has succeeded in establishing that the identi-
fication by Cunningham of the village of Basarh with VaiSali
admits of no doubt. This identity has been proved still
more decisively by the Archaeological explorations carried
on in 1903-04 by Dr. T. Bloch on the site. Dr. Bloch ex-
cavated a mound called Raja Vislal ka garh and only eight
trial pits were sunk. This was very insufficient considering
the importance of the place. Three distinct strata have been
found, the uppermost belonging to the period of Mahomedan
occupation of the place, the second at a depth of about fiye
feet from the surface, related to the epoch of the Impelfal
Guptas and the third at a still greater depth, belonging to
Rhyt Davids, Buddhist India, p. 41.
J.A.S.B. 1900, Vol. UC1X. pt. i, pp. 78, 79, 80, 83.
I V. A. Smith, J.R.A.S. 1902, p. 267, n. 3.
VAI&AIJ, THE CAPITA!, OF TH# UCCHAVIS 51
an ancient period of which no definite date could be obtained,
it being "represented only by a few scattered fragments, too
scanty to offer any conclusive evidence as to their precise
date or character." l The finds in the second stratum,
however, are of very great value especially the find in one
of the small chambers of "a hoard of seven hundred clay
seals evidently used as attachment to letters or other
literary documents. They belonged partly to officials,
partly to private persons, generally merchants or bankers,
but one specimen bearing the figure of a liiiga with a trisflla
on either side and the legend 'Amratakevara' evidently
belonged to a temple." 2
The names of certain Gupta kings, queens and princes
on some of these seals, coupled with palaeographic evidence,
clearly demonstrate that they belonged to the fourth and
fifth centuries after Christ when the Imperial Guptas were
on the throne. 3 Some of the impressions show that the
name Tlrabhukti (the original form of Tirhut) was applied to
the province even in those early times and some show the
name of the town itself, VaiSali. One of the clay seals of a
circular area, shows a female standing in a flower group
with two attendants and two horizontal lines below reading
(i) [Vai] alyam-araprakrti-[Ku]-(2) tumbina [m] "(Seal)
of the householders of at VaiSali." * Another seal also ap-
pears to have a similar legend. These things go to prove
i Sir John H. Marshall , Arch. Surv. of India, Annual Report, 1903 14. P- 74-
* Arch. Surv. of India, Annual Report, 1903-04, p. 74.
S Sir John H. Marshall, Ibid. p. no.
* Sir John H. Marshall, Arch. Surv. of India, Annual Report, 1903-04* P- ">
52 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
* V
the identity of the site with VaiSali and there seems to be no
ground to question this conclusion any longer. But it must
be noted that the results sol far obtained by excavations are
very meagre, and it is a great pity that the Archaeological
Department had to give up the explorations for shortness of
funds. We know not what invaluable materials for the
history of India might lie^ buried under the earth in the
mounds of Basarh as at other ancient sites in India.
III. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
We have seen that the Licchavis were included in the
f great Vajjian confederacy that domi-
Constitueni elements , - , ... . .
oi the vajjian confed- nated over the Vajji or Vrji country.
and C> ~other confed- But sometimes Vajji and Licchavi were
used indiscriminately as synonyms- At
the time the Buddha lived, "the Vajjis were divided into
several clans such as the Licchavis, the Vaidehis, the Tlra-
bhuktis and so on and the exact number of those clans would
appear to have been eight as criminals were arranged before
the Atthakftlaka or eight clans which would appear to have
been a jury composed of one member from each of the sepa-
rate divisions of the tribe." '
All these Vajjis lived in great amity and concord which
was a particular mark of their confederacy and this union
coupled with their martial instincts and the efficiency of their
martial institutions made them great and powerful amongst
the nations of north-eastern India. 2 Their sympathy for
one another was exemplary. If a lyicch-
*vi &U , the other Licchavis came
to see him. The whole clan would join
any auspicious ceremony performed in the house of a Licch-
avi ; if any foreigner of rank and power paid a visit to the
J Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p. 447-
Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI, p. 3; vide also Tumour, Pali Buddhistical
Annals, No. 5, J.A.S.B. Dec. 1838, p. 992.
54 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
#}
Licchavi capital, they would all go out in a body to receive
him and do him honour. 1
The young Licchavis were very handsome in appearance
and very fond of brilliant colours in their
ET^iKSSr dress and equipages.* The Buddha on
his first meeting with the Licchavi nobles
in their gay attire and rich and splendid equipages of various
colours, was led to compare them to Tavatimsa gods. A
similar account we get from the Mahaparinibbana Sutta,
when the Licchavi nobles went out for the last time to meet
the Blessed One as soon as they learnt that he had arrived
at Vafeali and was staying at the mango-grove of Ambapali
in the outskirts of their city. " Ordering a number of
magnificent carriages to be made ready, they mounted one
of them and proceeded with their train to Vesali. Some of
them were dark, 8 dark in colour and wearing dark clothes
and ornaments ; some of them were fair, fair in colour, and
wearing light clothes and ornaments ; some of them were red,
ruddy in colour, and wearing red clothes and ornaments;
some of them were white, pale in colour, and wearing white
clothes and ornaments. 1 ' 4 Exactly the same description of
' Sumangala-vilasmi (Burmese edition) pp. 103-105.
< Walters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 79.
Nila (Dlgha Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 96) has been translated as ' dark' by Rhys
Davids ; though for the complexion this may be a fair rendering, it is not so for the
attire and the equipage.
* Buddhist Suttas, S.B.&., Vol. XI, p. 31. " Atha kho te Licchavi bhaddani
bhaddani yanani yojapetva bhaddani yanama bhiruhitva bhaddehi bhaddehi yanehi
Veaaliya niyyimsu. Tatr' ekacce Licchavi nlla honti, nil a v anna, nila-vattha, nfla-
lankara, ekacce Licchavi pita honti. . . .ekacce Licchavi lohitaka. . . .ekacce Licchavi
odata honti. (Mahaparinibbana suttanta.)
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 55
**
the colours favoured by the Licchavis is given in the Angut-
tara Nikaya, 1 which shows that the Licchavis wore these
colours not only on great festive occasions but in their ordi-
nary daily life also. Once while the Enlightened One was
staying at the Kfctagarasala in the Mahavana, five hundred of
the Licchavis were seated round him doing obeisance. Some
of them were nlla or blue all over in clothes and ornaments
and similarly others weie yellow, red or white. We may
compare these descriptions with the more detailed account
in the Mahavastu of the colours preferred by the Licchavis.
Thus says the Sanskrit Buddhist work: t( There are Licchavis
with blue horses, blue chariots, blue reins and whips, blue
sticks, blue clothes, blue ornaments, blue turbans, blue
umbrellas and with blue sword, blue jewels, blue footwear
and blue everything befitting their youth" 2 and here the
Mahavastu quotes a verse, apparently from an older work or
a traditional saying. In the very same terms the Mahavastu
speaks of the Licchavis decked all in yellow (pita) and in light
red, the colour of the Bengal madder (manjistha), in red
(lohita), in white (sveta), in green (harita), and some in
variegated colours (vyayukta). 8
Perhaps the Licchavis were divided into separate septs
as Senart suggested, distinguished by the
C Lte^& colour! 1 * colour worn by each ; otherwise it is diffi-
cult to explain why the same colour
' Anguttara Nikaya, P.T.S., pt. Ill, p 239.
* Mahavastu, Vol. I. p. 259, for the text. The author is responsible for the
English translation.
* We have here followed the interpretation, suggested by Senart, of Vyayukta
(vide Mahavastu, note, p. 574); this meaning, however, is very doubtful.
56 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
should be preferred for trappings of the horses, decorations of
their carriages, as well as the articles of dress adorning their
own persons. There was moreover a profusion of gold and
jewels in everything in their equipage carriages drawn by
horses, gold-bedecked elephants, palanquins of gold set with
all kinds of precious stones. Altogether there went out of the
city of Vesali twice eighty-four thousand
conveyances decked in pearl and gold,
with all the wealth and splendour of
kings, (rajarddhiye and samrddhiye).
All this speaks of a people who were greatly prosperous
and in affluent circumstances and it may be expected that
they would be given to luxury and indolence. But this was
not their character at the time when Buddha lived and
preached among them. The Saiiiyutta Nikaya pcserves a
saying of the Exalted One : ' f Look ye Bhikkhus here, how
these Licchavis live sleeping with logs of
wood as Pilaws, strenuous and diligent,
(appamatta) zealous and active (atapino)
in archery. Ajatasattu, Vedehiputto, the Magadhan king, can
find no defect in them, nor can he discover any cause of
action (against them). Should the Licchavis, Oh Bhikkhus,
in the time to come, be very delicate, tender and soft in their
arms and legs, should they sleep in ease and comfort on
cushions of the finest cotton up till the sun is up in the
heavens, then the Magadhan king, Ajatasattu, Vedehiputto,
will find defects and will discover cause of action. " ' This
Sariiyutta Nikaya, (P.T.S.) pt. II pp. 267-268
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 57
a*
testimony of the Buddha goes to show that the Licchavis
were hardy and active, ardent and strenuous in their military
training, so that their enemies could have no chance of getting
them at a disadvantage.
The Licchavis used to kill animals on the 8th, I4th and
i5th day of the lunar months and eat
Not vegetarians. .
their flesh. l
They were fond of manly pastimes such as elephant
training and hunting. Among the Psalms of the Brethren
(Theragatha), we find one composed by
Vajjiputtaka, the son of a Licchaviraja
at Vaisali, who became known among
the followers of the Buddha as the Vajjian's son and who, in
. , . . his early life, was engaged in training
Passion for hunting J ' "
tempered by Buddha's elephants. The Ahguttara Nikaya nar-
influence. - , , , _ . ,
rates how a large number of Licchavi
youths, armed with bows, ready with strings, set and sur-
rounded by a pack of hounds, were roving about in the
Mahavana but finding the Buddha seated at the foot of a tree
in the forest, threw away their bows and arrows and sending
away the pack of hounds sat by the Great Teacher subdued
by his presence, silent and without a word, in a reverent
attitude with the palms joined. A Licchavi of apparently
advanced years, Mahanama by name, who came to pay his
respects to the Buddha, expressed his great wonder at the
sight of the Licchavi youths, full of life and vivacity, notor-
ious for their insolent and wanton conduct in the city, thus
I Divyavadana (Cowell and Neil), p. 136.
9 Psalms of the Brethren, By Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 106
58 SOME KSATMYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
sitting silent and demure, in an attitude of reverence before
the great teacher ; he pointed out the defects in their cha-
racter, the defects that are found in youngmen of every
country where the people are rich and powerful and of an
imperious temper. " The Licchavi youths, Oh Lord !" goes
on Mahanama, "are rude and rough and whatever presents
are sent to the families, sugarcane or plums, cakes, sweet-
meats or preparations of sugar, these they plunder and eat
up, throw dust at the ladies of respectable families and girls
of good families; such youngmen are now all silent and
demure, are doing obeisance with joined palms to yourself,
OlyOrd." } Here we get an insight into the daily life of
these young cockneys glorying within the walls of the city
of VaiSali. It shows that the young VaiSalians, though they
indulged in the pranks and peccadillos of youth, were not
so wild as to lose all sense of reverence or respect due to
religious men.
"In the Buddha's time, the young Licchavis of the city,"
says Watters, "were a free, wild, set,
ts very handsome and full of life and Bud-
dha compared them to the gods in Indra's
Heaven. They dressed well, were good archers, and drove
fast carriages, but they were wanton, insolent and utterly
irreligious/' * This is an exaggeration and is probably based
on the Chinese translations of such passages as the following
from the Lalitavistara, where some of the Tusita gods were
pointing out the defects in the character of the VaiSalians
' Afcguttara Nikaya, P.T.S., pt. Ill, p. 76.
* T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 79.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 59
when their city was recommended by others among them as
a suitable place of birth for the Bodhisatta. These Deva-
putras in the Tugita heaven averred, " Vai&ll is unfit. What
is the reason ? Look here. They do not speak with pro-
priety towards each other, there is no practice of religion
among them, nor obedience to those in high or middle posi-
tion, nor to the old and the elders. Each one of them thinks,
' I am a king, and I am a king.' They do not accept the dis-
cipleship of any one, nor the religion of any one. Therefore
is VaiSali unfit. 1 " Whatever might have been the opinions
of these ' sons of heaven ' before the birth of the Bodhisattva,
they must have changed their opinions about the people of
VaiSali who showed such remarkable veneration towards the
Enlightened One and received such marked favour from him.
Do we not often read of five hundred I/icchavis visiting him
at the KatagaraSala surrounding him and doing obeisance
to him. The only conclusion we can draw from the above
account in the Lalitavistara, is that the Licchavis were rather
independent in character and would not easily accept a sub-
ordinate position to any one whether in politics or in religion
or in ordinary daily life.
Vaddha, a Ucchavi, at the instigation of some dishonest
Moral coura e Bhikkhus, had preferred a false charge of
ora coura e. against Dabba, a Mallian, but
Vaddha afterwards made a clean breast of the whole ugly
plot as soon as he saw the measure of his iniquity. *
' Lalitavistara, ed. by S. Lefmana, Vol. I, p. 21. " Apara uhuh sapyaprati*
riipi. ,tcna sapyapratirupa."
Vinaya Texts, S.B.B.. pt. Ill, pp. 118-125.
60 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Then again the statement that the Licchavis did not
Regard for elders. res P ect their elders or were irreligious, is
in direct contradiction of what the Bud-
dha said about them to Vassakara, the Magadhan minister.
" So long as they honour and esteem and revere and support
the Vajjian elders, and hold it a point of duty to hearken
to their words so long as no women or girls belonging to
their clans are detained among them by force or abduction
so long may the Vajjians be expected not to decline, but to
prosper. " l
The Licchavi youths went to distant countries for
education. We read of a Licchavi nain-
Lovc of education.
ed Mahali who went to Taxila to learn
ilpa or arts and returned home after completing his educa-
tion It is said that he in his turn trained as many as five
hundred Licchavis who also, when educated, took up the same
task and in this way education spread far and wide among the
Licchavis* and some of them went so far as to write poems.
For instance, we find in the Theragatha 8 that a Vajjiputta,
the son of a Licchaviraja at VaiSali, composed a psalm.
Nor were the fine arts neglected by this gifted people.
Artisans such as' tailors, goldsmiths and jewellers must have
been very much in requisition at the city of Vaisali to furnish
the &* r beS f SeVen thousand seven
Artisans-Construe-
tion of palaces and hundred and seven rajas or nobles, and
shrines, etc. .
we can very well imagine what a great
i Dialogues of the Buddha, part II, p. 80.
* Fausboll, Dhammapada, (old. Ed.) p. 211.
8 Psalms of the Brethren, By Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 106
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 6l
strain the artisans were put to in order to devise suits of dress
and ornaments to fit up the variously coloured Licchavis, the
blues, the reds, the yellows, the greens and the whites. The
art of architecture also was much developed in Vateall ; the
magnificent palaces of the L,icchavis are spoken of in the
Lalitavistara. 1 They were equally enthusiastic in the build-
ing of temples, shrines, and monasteries for the Bhikkhus ;
and we are told that the Bhikkhus themselves superintended
the construction of these buildings for the order. The
Cullavagga of the Vinaya Pitaka tells us also how on one
occasion when the Enlightened One was staying at the peak-
roofed-hall in the Mahavana, "the people were zealously
engaged in putting up new buildings (for the use of the order),
and as zealously provided .with the requisite clothes, and
food, and lodging, and medicine for the sick, all such Bhikkhus
as superintended their work."* We are further told how a
poor tailor of Vaisall intent on building himself a house for
the Samgha, raised the walls of such a house, but, as the
Cullavagga tells us, " by his want of experience the laying
was out of line and the wall fell down." Then the poor tailor
felt disturbed, grew angry and murmured thus: "These
Sakyaputtiya Samanas exhort and teach those men who
provide them with the requisite clothes, food, lodging, and
medicine, and superintend their buildings for them. But I
am poor and no one exhorts or teaches me or helps me in my
' Ulitavistara, Chap. 3, p. 23. (Bibliotheca Indtca Series.)
* Cullavagga, VI, translated by Drs. Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, S.B.B.,
Vol. XX, pp. 189-190.
62 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
building. 111 This passage shows that some of the Bhikkhus
themselves were master builders who supervised the erection
of houses for the Buddhist order, just as in the mediaeval
times in Europe we find the monk excelling in many of the
fine arts including painting, sculpture and architecture.
The lyicchavis of Vaisali had built many shrines or caityas
inside and outside their great city and we have seen from the
Mahavastu passage quoted in the last chapter, with what
great liberality and magnanimity they delivered over the best
among them to Buddha and the Buddhist Church. That
these caityas were beautiful and fine buildings where one
might prefer to dwell as long as one liked, even to the end
of the kalpa, appears from a passage in the Digha Nikaya
where Buddha while staying at the Capala caitya said about
each of the caityas that it was charming and then suggested
to Ananda that the Tathagata might be inclined to live there
for a kalpa* or the remaining part of a kalpa, meaning perhaps
that in such beautiful surroundings, life would be pleasant
and worth living.
About the marriage rites ot the Licchavis, it is said in
the Tibetan books that there were rules restricting the
marriage of all girlsborn in VaiSali, to that
city a i one ^ey state ^ ^he people of
Vaisali had made a law that a daughter
born in the first district could marry only in the first district,
not in the second or third ; that one born in the middle
Cttllavagga VI, translated by Drs. Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, S. B.B. , Vol. XX ,
p. 190-
t Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI, p. 58.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 63
district could marry only in the first and second ; but that
one born in the last district could marry in any one of the three ;
moreover, that no marriage was to be contracted outside
VaittU." 1 A passage in the BhikkhunI Vibhanga Sanghadi-
desa* indicates that a Licchavi who wanted to marry could
ask the corporation or the I^icchavigana to select a suitable
bride for him. They appear to have a high idea of female
chastity ; violation of chastity was a serious offence amongst
_ them. Buddha himself says that no
Chastity .
women or girls belonging to their dans
are detained among them by force or abduction."* The
Petavatthu Atthakatha gives a story of a Licchavi raja
named Ambasakkhara who was enamoured of the beauty of
a married woman, whose husband he engaged as an officer
under him ; he wanted to gain her love but was foiled in his
attempts.*
The punishment for a woman who broke her marriage
Marriage Contract VOW WLS Very severe * the husband COtlld
inviolable its excep- with impunity even take away her life.
But even an adulterous woman could save
herself from the punishment by entering the congregation of
nuns by getting the pabbajja ordination, as can be seen
from the Bhikkhuni Vibhanga Sanghadidesa.*
' Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 62.
* Bhikkhuni Vibhanga Sanghadidesa II Vinaya Pitakam Ed. by H. Oldenberg,
Vol. IV, p. 225.
Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI, pp. 3-4.
Petavatthu- Atthakatha, Sinhalese edition, Simon Hewavitarana's Bequest
Series, No. i, pp. 154-156; See my The Buddhist conception of spirits," pp. 40-51-
t Vinaya Pifaka by H. Oldenberg, Vol. IV, pp. 225-226.
64 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
A Licchavi wife committed adultery. The husband warn-
ed his wife many times but she heeded not.
n examp e. ^^ Licchavi informed the Licchavigana
that his wife had committed adultery and he was resolved
to kill her ; he then asked the gana to select a suitable wife
for him. When the lady heard that she would be killed,
she took her valuables, went to Savatthi and asked for pab-
bajja (ordination) from the titthiyas, by whom, however,
she was refused : then she went to the bhikkhunis who in
a body also refused ; at last she went to a bhikkhuni who
was persuaded to give ordination to her and thus she was
successful. The Wcchavi went to Savatthi and saw his wife
ordained, complained to king Pasenadi of Kosala, who asked
him to show his wife. The I v icchavi informed the king that
she had become a bhikkhuni. The king said that as she had
become a bhikkhuni, no punishment could be inflicted on
her. After the occurrence of this event, an agitation was
set on foot among the Z,icchavis who reported the matter to
the Buddha who told the bhikkhunis that they should not
give ordination to such a woman. 1 Thus we see that cases
of adultery were tried by the Licchavigana.
We have already referred in Chapter I, to the various
methods prevalent among the Licchavis with regard to the
disposal of the dead. Besides cremation
Disposal of the dead. r
and burial, the custom of exposing the
dead to be devoured by wild animals seems to have been
in existence in Vaigali. When the Bodhisatta was at
Bhikkhuni- Vibhaaga Saftghadidesa, Vol.11, p. 225.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 65
Vaisali, he is said to have observed a cemetery under a
clump of trees and enquired about it from the Rsis
who explained that the corpses of men were exposed
to be devoured by birds and there they used to collect and
pile up the white bones of dead persons. They burnt corpses
there and the bones were preserved in heaps ; the corpses
were hung from the tree? ; there were others buried there
such as had been killed by their relatives fearing lest they
should be born again while others were left upon the ground
that they might return if possible, to their former homes. 1
Dr. Vincent Smith finds in this story proof of the custom of
the ancient inhabitants of VaiSali of disposing of their dead
" sometimes by exposure, sometimes by cremation, and
sometimes by burial." 2
The Licchavis had various festivals, of which the Sab-
barattivaro or Sabbaratticaro was the
most important. At the Sabbarattivaro
or Sabbaratticaro festival, songs were sung, trumpets, drums
and other musical instruments were used. 8 When a festival
took place at VaiSali, all the people used to enjoy it and
there were dancing, singing and recitation. 4
It was Sariputta who said regarding the Vajjians that
they were once good and afterwards took
to evil ways. In other words, at first
they were free from desires of senses,
1 Beal's Romantic Legend of 6akya Buddha, pp. 159-160.
* Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXII, p. 234.
* Samyutta Nikaya, Vol. I, pp. 201-202.
* Psalms of the Brethren, p. 63.
5
66 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
ill-will, torpor, stoth, etc., but afterwards they were addicted
to these evils. Then again they gave up all these vices and
became good. '
l Psalms of the Brethren, p. 348.
IV. VIEWS AND PRACTICES
All the information that we can get about the views
and practices of the Licchavis is derived from Buddhist
books and, to a smaller extent, from Jaina works. It is
apparent from what we learn about them from these sources
that the lyicchavis, a vigorous, manly and heroic race, and
highly prosperous too, were at the same time of a strongly
religious and devotional bent of mind. Both Jainism and
Buddhism found many followers among
them. Even before the advent of the two
new forms of religion, the Licchavis, or
to call them by their wider designation, the Vajjians, appear
to have been imbued with a strong religious spirit and
deep devotion. The Vajjis appear to have numerous shrines
in their town as well as in the country and they worshipped
the deities at these shrines with proper offerings and with
the observance of due rites and ceremonies. Even after
Jainism and Buddhism had obtained a strong hold on
the Licchavis of Vaisali, the great body of the people
of the Vajji country as well as of the capital remained
staunch followers of their ancient faith, the principal
feature of which was caitya worship, although they had
due respect for the Jaina or Buddhist sages that wandered
over their country preaching the message delivered by their
respective teachers. The Mahaparinibbana Suttanta tells us
what the Buddha told Vassakara, the prime minister (maha-
rnatra) of Magadha, when the latter was sent by Ajtaatru
68 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
to learn from the Exalted One what he would predict with
regard to the king's daring plan of exterminating the Vajjis.
The Exalted One said : " So long as the Vaj jians honour and
esteem and revere and support the Vaj jian shrines ' in town,
or country and allow not the proper offerings and rites, as
formerly given and performed to fall into desuetude so long
as the rightful protection, defence and support shall be fully
provided for the Arahants among them, so that the Arahants
from a distance may enter the realm, and the Arahants
therein may live at ease so long may the Vajjians be
expected not to decline but to prosper." * This was said by
the Buddha on the eve of his last departure for Vaisali and
shortly before lie passed away from this world. Towards
the end of his life, the Licchavis were devoted worshippers
at the numerous shrines that were scattered about in their
country. Buddhaghosa in his commentary, the Sumangala-
vilasinl, also informs us that the Licchavis observed their old
religious rites. 8 We must here bear in mind the fact that
Buddhism at the early stage, of which we are speaking, was
a form of faith for ascetics only, not a religious creed for all
people. The Buddhists at this period only formed one of the
numerous ascetic sects of Northern India. Thus there was
nothing unusual in the fact that many of the Licchavis who
were householders and had not accepted the life of bhikkhus
1 The word in the text is Cetiyani.' T. W. Rhys Davids', translation seems to
be too exclusive for, as Kern points out, the name Cetiya was applied not only to
shrines but also to sacred trees, memorial stones, holy spots, images, religious in-
scriptions (Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 91).
2 T. W. and C. A. P. Rhys Davids-Dialogues of the Buddha, Pt. II, p. 80.
3 Sumangala-vilasrai (Burmese edition) pp. 103-105.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 69
or Buddhist monks, should remain firm followers of their
former faith. We must not also forget that there are strong
reasons to suspect, as Kern observes, " that original Bud-
dhism was not exactly that of the canonical books." 1 The
Pali Tripitaka represents the version acknowledged by a
particular sect of the Buddhist, namely, the Vibhajjavadins
of Ceylon and there can be no doubt that the sacred canon
was moulded and modified by them when it was finally
edited, and as it is said, was put down in writing in Ceylon.
We cannot therefore, expect to find an impartial account
of the religious tenets of the people of the country where
the Enlightened One preached his new message. But as the
Buddhist along with the Jaina books form the only source
of our information about the religious beliefs of the Liccha-
vis, we have to take them as the basis of our account of
their ideas of religion. From the meagre mention of the
caityas of the Licchavis in the Buddhist books, it is not easy
to determine what the principal objects of their worship were.
There is, however, nothing to show that the religious belief
of the lyicchavis was in any way different from the form of
faith obtained in other parts of Northern India. The Vedic
religion was still in full vigour in north-eastern India, as the
references, though not very numerous, to Vedic sacrifices in
the Buddhist books show. We should bear in mind that the
country of the Vaj jis was the sacred land of Videha where the
great Samrat Janaka had exercised his sway and where
Yajnavalkya preached the white Yajurveda.
i Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 50.
70 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
We have already referred to the numerous caityas in
VaiSali and its suburbs as mentioned in
The Caitya worship , ., *-- ., ,
an important feature the Mahavastu. These caityas are call-
of the Licchavi faith. ^ Saptamraka ^ the
Bahuputra, the Gautama, the Kapinahya and the MSrkatah-
radatira. In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta, we also get
the names of these shrines (caityas). The Exalted One
on his last visit to Vaiall went one day to the Capala caitya
and said addressing the venerable Ananda : " How delight-
ful a spot, Ananda, is VaiSali, and how charming the Udena
Shrine, and the Gotamaka Shrine, and the Shrine of the
Seven Mangoes (Sattambaka), and the Shrine of many sons,
and the Sarandada Shrine, and the Capala Shrine. 1 ' The
Patika Suttanta which like the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta,
is included in the Digha-Nikaya, indicates the position of
these caityas. Kandara-masuka, a naked ascetic of VaiSali,
sought to please the Licchavis by professing a great attach-
ment to their city ; he says, "So long as I live, I will never
go beyond the Udena Shrine on the east of VaiSali ; the
Gotamaka Shrine on the south ; the Sattamba Shrine on the
west and the Bahuputta Shrine on the north." l From this
boasting of Kandara-masuka, it is evident that these shrines
were situated in the outskirts of Vafeall marking its bound-
aries, as it were. A passage in the Divyavadana also gives
a list of the caityas in almost the same words as the Maha-
I Dialogues of the Buddha, part III, p. 14. " Puxatthimena Vesiliyaih Udenaih
nama cetiyam taib natikkamcy yarii : dakkhipena Vesaliyatb Gotamakaifa nama
cetiyaih tarii natikkaineyyaih : pacchimena Vesaliyaih sattambadi nama cetiyarii
taih nitikkameyyam : uttarena Vesaliyaxii Bahuputtaxh nama cetiyaih tarfa natik
kameyyanti." (Patika Suttanta.)
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 71
parinibbana Suttanta : there also the Enlightened One speaks
addressing Ananda, of the beauties of the caityas called
Capala, Saptamraka, Bahupatraka andGautama-nyagrodha.'
Bahupatraka is evidently the same as Bahuputraka of the
other texts. Altogether we get the names of eight caityas
or shrines in and about VaiSall. There can, therefore, be no
doubt with regard to the existence of these caityas in the
country of the Licchavis. Buddhaghosa in his commentary
on the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta explains cetiyani in the
text as Yakkhacetiyam and about the Sarandada caitya
where the Buddha preached, he says that " this was a Vihara
erected on the site of a former shrine of the Yakkha Saran-
dada." * So that from Buddhaghosa's comments it is but
reasonable to assume that the Yakkhas were worshipped in
some of the caityas, but the materials at our command
do not justify us to assume that the Yakkhas were the only
deities worshipped at these shrines. The Buddhist books
show that the Vedic gods, Indra and Prajapati or Brahma *
were very popular deities in the regions where the Buddha
preached. The Arthasastra of Kautilya* also speaks of
many gods popularly worshipped besides the Vedic divinities.
Some scholars are of opinion that the caityas were "Shrines
of pre-Buddhistic worship" and that "they were probably
trees and barrows." 6 Some of the caityas, as their names
1 Divyavadana, p. 201.
* Dialogues of the Buddha, part II, p. 80, notes 2 and 3.
* For Brahtni see S. N. 122 seq ; Samy VI. i, 1-3, 10, etc. M.P.S. VI. 15,
etc. , etc.
* Arthasastra of Kautflya, ed. by R. Shama gastri, 2nd edition, p. 244.
* Prof, and Mrs. Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. II, p. no, footnote 2.
72 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
suggest, might have been named after the trees which marked
the spots, but it would be going too far to imagine merely
from the name that these shrines consisted of trees and
nothing else, as some scholars would have us believe.
Mahavlra, the twenty-fourth Tirthahkara of the Jains,
as we have seen before, was a citizen of
8m ' VaiSali. Even before his advent, the
faith of which he was the last exponent, seems to have been pre-
valent in Vaisall and the country round, in some earlier form.
It appears from the Jaina accounts that the religion as fixed
and established by ParSvanatha, who is revered as the twenty-
third Tirthankara, was followed by some at least of the
Kgatriya people of north-eastern India, and especially
amongst the residents of VaiSali. We read in the Ayaranga
Sutra, "The venerable Ascetic Mahavira's parents were wor-
shippers of ParSva and followers of the Sramanas. During
many years, they were followers of the Sramanas, and for
the sake of protecting the six classes of lives they observed,
blamed, repented, confessed, and did penance according
to their sins. On a bed of Kua-grass they rejected all
food, and their bodies dried up by the last mortification
of the flesh, which is to end in death. Thus they died
in the proper month, and leaving their bodies, were born
as gods in Adbhuta Kalpa." l Similar accounts are given
in other Jaina works also of the prevalence in the
See also Mr. R. P. Cbanda's Mediaeval Sculpture in Eastern India. Cal. Univ.
Journal (Arts), Vol. III.
i Jaina Sutras, pt. i, Xkaranga Stitra translated by H. Jacobs'. S.B.E.
Vol. xxii, p. 194.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 73
country of a faith which was afterwards developed by
Mahavlra. The Sramanas or wandering ascetics had been
in existence ever since the time of the earlier Upanisads
and evidently the Sramanas that were followed so reverently
by the parents of MahSvJra, belonged to one of the
numerous sects or classes amongst which the Indian ascetkfs
appear to have been divided. After Mahavlra developed
his doctrines and preached his faith of unbounded charity
to all living beings in the Vajji land and in Magadha,
the number of his followers among the Licchavis appears to
have been large and some men of the highest position in
Vaisali appear to have been among them as is seen from the
Buddhist books themselves. In the Mahavagga of the
Vinaya Pitaka we read that Siha, a general-in-chief of the
Licchavis, was a disciple of Nigantha Nataputta who has
been shown by Profs. Biihler and Jacobi to be identical
with Mahavlra of the Jaina legends. We read here how
general Siha, 1 a follower of the Nigantfias, gradually felt
attracted towards the Samana Gotama by listening to the
discussions among the Licchavis at the Santhagara or the
Mote-Hall where they used to meet, discuss and settle all
matters relating to politics or religion. One day "many
distinguished Licchavis were sitting together assembled in the
town hall and spoke in many ways in praise of the Buddha,
of the Dhamma and of the Samgha. At that time, Siha,
the general-in-chief (of the Licchavis), a disciple of the
Niganfha sect, was sitting in that assembly. And Siha, the
Vsnaya Texts translated by T. W. Rhys Davids and H Oldenberp, S.B.E.,
Vol. XVII, p. 10 8.
74 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
general, thought: Truly he, the Blessed One, must be the
Arahat Buddha, since these many distinguished Licchavis who
were sitting here together assembled in the town hall, speak
in so many ways in praise of the Buddha, of the Dhamma
and of the Samgha. What if I were to go and visit him,
the Arahat Buddha/' Siha next asked permission to visit
the Buddha from the Nigantha Nataputta, who, however,
tried to dissuade him from doing so, pointing out the defects
in the doctrines preached by the former. " Why should you,
Siha, who believe in the result of actions (according to their
moral merit) go to visit the Samana Gotama who denies the
result of actions? For the Samana Gotama, Siha, denies
the result of actions ; he teaches the doctrine of non-action ;
and in this doctrine he trains his disciples," Siha's enthu-
siasm for the Buddha abated for the time but it was again
roused by the discussions of the other Licchavis so that he
at last did pay a visit to the Buddha who gave him a long
discourse on the Buddhist doctrine. Siha was at last con-
verted to the Buddhist faith. That the number of the
followers of Mahavira at VaiSall, however, was very large
also appears from this story of Siha. This general had in-
vited Buddha and the Bhikkhus to take their meal at his
house and procured meat from the market for feeding them.
But the Jains spread a false report as we read in the Maha-
vagga: "At that time a great number of Niganthas (running)
through Vesali, from road to road and from cross-way to
cross-way, with outstretched arms, cried : To-day Sflia, the
general, has killed a great ox and has made a meal for the
Samana Gotama; the Samana Gotama knowingly eats
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 75
this meat of an animal killed for this very purpose and has
thus become virtually the author of that deed (of killing
the animal)."' This false report circulated by them only
made Siha firmer in his zeal for the new faith, but the story
shows that the number of the Niganthas at Vafeali was
sufficiently large to defy the influence of such a great man
as Siha, and the fact that the conversion of Siha took place
at the time that Buddha paid his last visit to the city, shows
that though Buddhism had made many converts among the
followers of the faith preached by Mahavira, yet they were
still numerous and powerful at the capital of the Licchavis
even after the numerous sermons preached by the Buddha.
This is also confirmed by the story of Saccaka, a Nirgrantha,
who had the hardihood to challenge the Buddha himself
to a discussion on philosophical tenets before an assemblage
of five hundred Licchavis.*
Accounts of the spread of Buddhism among the
Buddhism Licchavis, gleaned from the various
works in the Buddhist sacred literature,
are by no means meagre. The Enlightened One paid at least
three visits, but probably many more, to the city and from
the very first he appears to have met with great success
among them. We have already seen from the Mahavastu
how great was the veneration with which he was received on
his first visit to Vafeali. The Pali works have recorded
many occasions on which the Licchavis sought the aid of the
Buddha for the solution of numerous problems about religion
Vinaya Texts, S.B.E., Vol. xvii, p. 116.
2 The story of Saccaka is given in detail in this chapter, a few pages below.
76 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
and dogma that presented any difficulty to them. These
questions and answers put to and given by the Buddha,
though frequently of only a general character and such as
would naturally arise in the mind of any Buddhist, may yet
help us to get glimpses of the workings of the Licchavi mind
with regard to matters of faith, and we think that the bring-
ing together of all these Licchavi questions to the Master
will well repay the trouble bestowed upon them.
Once when the Buddha was staying in the Kutagarasala
at Mahavana in Vaisali, a Licchavi named
B ^*&BrtSto? vi Bhaddiya paid a visit to the Buddha and
told him, ' ' I have heard that the Samana
Gotama is a magician who knows the magic spells by virtue
of which he attracts the followers of the faiths. Do people
speak rightly when they say thus ? " Thereupon the Buddha
explained to him kusala and akusala Dhamma. The Buddha
accepted him as his disciple and said, "If I be successful in
inducing all rich Ksatriyas and Brahmins to give up all
akusalas and perform kusalas, it will be for their welfare and
happiness.' 1 Bhaddiya was much delighted with his exposi-
tions and declared himself a follower of the Buddha. 1
On another occasion we find that when the Buddha was
at Vaiall, a Licchavi named Sajho and
Two L ^3to. and thc another Licchavi named Abhaya approa-
ched the Buddha. Salho, the Licchavi,
said to the Buddha, "There are some Samanas and Brah-
manas who preach the crossing of flood in two ways, namely,
(i) on account of purity of conduct (sila), (2) on account of
i Afiguttara Nikaya, P.T.S., Vol. II, pp. 190-194.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 77
practice of self-mortification (tapa). What does the Exalted
One say about it?" The Buddha replied, "It is impossible
for the Samanas and the Brahmanas who are devoted to the
practice of self-mortification as well as those who are not
pure in deed, whether in body or in mind or in speech to
cross the flood/' 1
A Licchavi minister (mahamatra) Nandaka approached
the place where the Blessed One was,
Licchavi minister,
Nandaka and the saluted him and sat at a little distance.
The Buddha explained to him the four
Dhainmas, namely unshakable faith in the Buddha, Dhamma
and Samgha and possession of silas which are beloved of the
Ariyas, by which a noble disciple can obtain emancipation.
Nandaka was told that it was the time to take his bath.
Nandaka replied, "No use having an external bath, my faith
in the Blessed One will be my internal bath."'
We have already recounted how when the Blessed One
was atMahavana, many young Licchavis
Veneration of the Li- . ' ;/
cchavi youths for the who having taken well arranged bows,
surrounded by dogs, used to wander
about in the Mahavana, now sat silent and demure by the
Buddha, who was seated at the foot of a tree and how
Mahanama, a lyicchavi of rather advanced age, expressed
his surprise that these arrogant youths who were rather
rowdy in their daily life, had become so mild and gentle
before the Exalted one.*
' Anguttara Nikaya, P.T.S., Vol. II, pp. 200-202.
* Samyutta Nikaya, P.T.S., Vol. V, pp. 389-390.
- Aftguttara Nikaya, P.T.S., Vol. Ill, pp. 75-7.
78 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
On another occasion when the Buddha was at VaiSali,
there were five hundred Licchavis assembled at the Saranda-
da cetiya. There was a talk -about the five kinds of rare
gems, Hatthiratana, Assaratana. Maniratana, Itthiratana
and Gahapatiratana. The Licchavis placed a man on the
road with instruction to inform them
^SSfSS^^' when he would see the Buddha coming.
He informed the Licchavis about his
advent. They approached him and requested him to go to the
Sarandada cetiya. The Licchavis informed the Buddha that
a discussion had arisen among them about the five kinds of
rare gems. Buddha said, "The Licchavis who indulge in
kama or desire speak of such a topic." The Buddha solved
the problem by speaking of five kinds of precious gems. It
is difficult to get such persons as realise the Tathagata's
dhamma. It is difficult to get such persons as strictly
follow the Tathagata's Dhamma. It is also difficult to find
a person who is grateful and who is an exponent of grateful-
ness. The appearance of the Tathagata on earth is rare.
So also is the preacher of Tathagata's Dhamma. l
The Aftguttara Nikaya* speaks of a large number of
distinguished Licchavis, who, when going to see the Buddha
who was at VaiSali, resounded the Mahavana with a great
. . tumult of joy to see the Buddha, as they
Jubilations of the
Licchavis to see the were greatly devoted to him and had a
Buddha.
strong faith in him. This noise so
greatly troubled the Bhikkhus that they were unable to pro-
ceed with their meditation, and the Buddha remarked,
1 Afiguttara Nikaya, Vol. Ill, pp. 167-168. P.T.S , Vol. V, p. 133.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 79
"Noise is the hindrance of meditation." The Anguttara
Nikaya l narrates how on another occasion, when the Blessed
One was at Vateali, he was worshipped by five hundred
Licchavis arrayed in various coloured garments, ornaments,
and trappings. The Licchavis gave Pingiyani five hundred
upper garments, after listening to a gatha in praise of the
Buddha sung by him. Pingiyani offered the Buddha all those
garments. Then the Buddha spoke of the five rare gems
before the Licchavis.
Anjana-Vaniya was born at Vaiall in the family of a
raja of the Vajjians. During his adolescence, the three-fold
panic of drought, sickness and non-human
Afijana-Vaniya.
foes affected the Vaj jian territory. After-
wards the Exalted One put a stop to the panic and addressed
a great concourse. Hearing his discourse, the prince won
faith and left the world. After passing through the prelimi-
nary training, he settled in the Anjana wood at Saketa. When
the rains drew near, he got a castaway couch and placing it
on four stones and covering it with grass, he made a shelter
for the rainy season. There he engaged himself in a strenuous
study for one month. Then he won Arhatship.*
Vajjiputta or the son of the Vajjis was the son of a
Licchavi raja at Vafeali. He went to the
v ihara to attain salvation when the
Master was preaching. Hearing him he entered the order and
in due course acquired six-fold Abhinna. 8
l P.T.S., Vol. Ill, p. 239. * Psalms of the Brethren, r 5&
8 Psalms of the Brethren, p. 106.
cSo SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Siha, a daughter of the sister of the Licchavi general
Siha was born at VaiSall at the time of
Siha*
Gotama Buddha. She was called Siha,
after her maternal uncle, Siha. When she attained years
of discretion, one day she heard the Master teaching
the Norm. She became a believer and obtained the
consent of her parents to enter the order. When she was
attempting to gain insight, she was unable to prevent her
mind from running on objects of external charm. Thus
harassed for seven years, she at last made up her mind
to put an end to her life. Taking a noose, she hung it
round the bough of a tree and having it tied round her
neck, she made her mind bend upon insight. At last she
won Arhatship with a thorough grasp of "the Norm in
form and in meaning/"
Jenti or Jenta was born in a princely family of the
Licchavis at Vaisall. She won Arhatship
a fter hearing the Dhamma preached by
the Buddha. She developed the seven sambojjhangas. 2
Vasitthi was reborn in a clansman's family at VaiSall.
Her parents gave her in marriage to a
clansman's son of equal position. She
had a son. When the child was able to run about, he
died. She being worn and overwhelmed with grief, came
to Mithila. There she saw the Exalted One, self-controlled
and self-contained. At the sight of the Buddha she got
back her normal mind from the frenzy that had caught hold
1 Psalms of the Sisters by Mrs. Rhys Davids, pp. 53-54.
2 Psalms of the Sisters, pp. 23-24.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 8 1
of her. The Master taught her the outlines of the Norm.
Performing all proper duties, she acquired insight and
struggling with the help of full knowledge, she soon attained
Arhatship together with a thorough grasp of the Norm in
form and in spirit. 1
Ambapali was born at Vassal! in the king's gardens at
the foot of a mango tree. She was
m apa i. brought by the gardener to the city. She
was known as the mango-guardian's girl. She was so very
beautiful that many young princes wanted to have her.
She was made a courtezan. I v ater on, out of reverence for
the Master, she built a vihara in her own gardens and gave
it over to him and the Order. When she heard her own son
preaching the 'Norm/ she tried to acquire insight. 4 The
evanescence of her own body was noticed by her and she
saw transitoriness in every phenomenon of the universe.
At last she attained Arhatship. 8
From what has been given above about the religious
beliefs of the Licchavis, it must have become sufficiently
clear that many of them were of a religious turn of mind.
The people of Vaisali were philosophical
t P i 8 of P JhfLkStavi a 8 : speculators and very often dealt with
questions relating to the means of attain-
ing Nirvana,* dosa, lobha, moha, alobha, adosa, amoha/
samadhi, saiina, vedana, samkhara and the influence of the
purity of slla, tapa, etc. 6
' Psalins of the Sisters, pp. 79-80. * Ibid, pp. !2O-i2i.
* Ibid, p. 125. * AAguttara Nikaya, pt. I, pp. 220-222.
Ibid, pt. II, pp. I90-JJ4. " Ibid ' Pt- I
6
82 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
The independent spirit of the Licchavis or Vajjians
was manifested notably in the great schism brought about
by the bhikkhus of their clan in the life of the Buddhist
Order. Their national spirit was also displayed in bringing
about a momentous change within the Buddhist doctrine.
A school of Buddhist thought known as the Vajjiputtakas
is said to have formulated a theory of personality (Puggala-
vada) which was unacceptable to the orthodox interpreters
of Buddhism.
That the Licchavis used to take interest in philosophical
and metaphysical discussions is evident from the following
incident recorded in the Majjhima Nikaya. The Nigantha-
putta Saccaka approached the place
S SSd to Ltech$ a> where the Licchavis were and said to
them, "Let the Licchavis come out to-
day; I shall hold a conversation with Samana Gotama. If
the Samana Gotama places me in the same position in which
I am placed by the monk Assajl who is a Savaka, I shall
defeat Samana Gotama by my argument like a strong man
catching hold of a goat by its long hair and moving it in
any way he likes/ 1 Saccaka mentioned various ways in which
he was going to treat Samana Gotama, if Samana Gotama
would be defeated. Some Licchavis enquired how Gotama
would meet the argument of Saccaka, the Niganthaputta,
and vice versa, while others enquired how Niganthaputta
Saccaka would meet the arguments of Samana Gotama and
vice versa. Saccaka induced five hundred Licchavis to go
with him to the Mahavana to listen to his discussion with
Gotama. He approached the place where the Bhikkhus
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 83
were walking up and down and asked them, "We are anxious
to see Gotama, the Blessed One/ 1 The Buddha was seated
to spend the day in meditation at the foot of a tree in the
Mahavana forest. Niganthaputta Saccaka with a large
number of Licchavis went to the Blessed One and having
exchanged friendly greetings wich him, sat at a little distance.
Some Licchavis saluting him took their seats ; others exchang-
ed friendly greetings with him and then took their seats;
some saluting with folded hands, sat at ;. little distance,
some prominent Licchavis giving out their names and family
names, took their seats at a little distance. Some remained
silent and sat at a little distance with great devotion to the
Blessed One. Then arguments relating to the samghas
and ganas, some knotty points of Buddhist psychology and
metaphysics e.g., the nature of rupa (form), vedana (sensa-
tion), saniia (perception), sariikhara (confections) and virinana
(consciousness), were started between Niganthaputta Saccaka
and the Blessed One. Saccaka being defeated, invited the
Blessed One who accepted the invitation. The Licchavis
were informed of this and asked to bring whatever they
liked at the dinner which would be held on the following
day. At the break of day, the Licchavis brought five
hundred dishes for the Buddha. ' The Niganthaputta and
the Licchavis became greatly devoted to the Blessed One.
In the Samyutta Nikaya, 2 we read of
Mah ?h; a B "dS land Mahali > a Wcchavi, who went to the
Buddha and told him that Purana Kas-
' Cujasaccaka Suttaih, Majjhiina Nikaya, Vol. I, pp. 227-237.
pt III, pp. 68-70.
84 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
sapa was of opinion that there was no cause of the sin of
beings and without cause they suffered and there was no
cause of the purity of beings and without cause they
were purified. Buddha refuted this theory of Parana Kassapa
by raising the subtle philosophical discussion about the
five khandhas and afterwards the Buddha succeeded in
making the Licchavi understand that what Purana Kassapa
had taught him, did not hold good ; it fell to the ground.
The Anguttara Nikaya ' also speaks of a Licchavi named
Mahali who said to the Buddha, " What
Buddh me"! n and is the cause of sinful act " ? The Blessed
One answered, ( ' The causes of sinful act
are avarice, hatred, delusion, absence of reasoning and
cherishing wrong views in mind." Mahali further asked the
Buddha, " What is the cause of virtuous act " ? - The Buddha
answered, " Absence of avarice, hatred, delusion, reasoning
and not cherishing wrong views in mind these are the
causes of a virtuous act. "
When Ananda was at VaiSali, Abhaya, a Licchavi and
another Licchavi named Panditakumara went to Ananda.
Abhaya said to Ananda, "Nigantha
Abhaya, a Licchavi. - , . - , . Y
Nathaputta is all-knowing, all-seeing,
and knows the light of knowledge, (i.e. has insight into
knowledge) ; he teaches the destruction of previous actions by
austerities and says that by non-action the cause of fresh
kamma is destroyed. From the destruction of action there is
the cessation of suffering ; from the cessation of suffering, we
have the destruction of sensation and from the destruction
' Vol. V. pp. 86-87.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 85
of sensation suffering will be no longer on earth . There is an
overcoming of suffering by purity in the present existence."
Thereupon Ananda said that the three kinds of purity
which were not subject to decay had been expounded by
the Buddha. These three kinds of purity were the means
of going beyond grief and lamentation, of disappearance of
sorrow, of the attainment of knowledge and of the realisation
of Nirvana. '
The Samyutta Nikaya* relates that when Sariputta
dwelt at Ukkacela among the Vajjians, a
monk named Samandaka went to the
place where Sariputta was and asked
him, " What is Nirvana ?" " It means ragakkhaya, dosak-
khaya and mohakkhaya ; there is a path for the realisation of
Nirvana. " "What is that path ?" "It is the sublime
eightfold path e.g. right speech, right action, etc. "
The Samyutta Nikaya further relates that when the
Blessed One was at Ukkacela in the Vajji country with a
large congregation of monks, he was told that owing to the
passing away of Sariputta and Moggallana, the congregation
seemed to be empty. Buddha said, " You depend on yourself
and not on others. Meditate on four satipatthanas. Tatha-
gata has no grief or lamentation for the passing away of such
great disciples because what is born for some cause is subject
to decay." '
The influence that the teachings of the Exalted One
exercised even upon the fierce Licchavis, is unique. Of the
* Aftguttara Nikaya. Vol. I, (P.T.S.). pp. 220221.
Sadiyutta Nikaya, Vol. IV, (P.T.S.) pp. 261-262. ' Vol. V. pp. 163-165.
86 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
many stories showing how noble and inspiring were the
Blessed One's teachings, we give below one indicating how
they cured a wicked prince of the ferocity of his spirit and
temper. It has been said of a wicked Licchavi prince 1
that he was so very fierce, cruel, passionate and vindictive
that none could dare utter more than two or three words
in his presence, even his parents, rela-
A wic ^ice? chavfe tions and friends, could not make him
better. So at last his parents resolved to
bring him to the All -wise Buddha for his rectification.
Accordingly he was brought before the Buddha who addressed
and said to him thus, " Prince ! a man should not be cruel,
passionate and ferocious because such a man is harsh
and unkind to his father, mother, brother, sister, children,
friends, relatives and to all and thus he is looked upon
with terror and hatred by all. He will be reborn in hell
or other place of punishment after this life; and however
adorned he may be in this life, he looks ugly; although
his face is beautiful like the orb of the full moon, yet it is
loathsome like a scorched lotus or disc of gold overworn
with filth. The violence of his rage impels him to com-
mit suicide and thus meeting his death by reason of
his own rage he is reborn into torment. So also those
persons who injure others are not only hated in this life
but will after their death, pass to hell and punishment,
and when they are again born as men they are destined to
be beset with disease and sickness of eye and ear. So let all
i Bkapanna Jataka (Cowell's edition), Vol. I, p. 16.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 87
men show kindness and also do good to others and thereby
they will avoid hell and punishment." The magic power of
this wholesome and edifying lecture had the. beneficial effect
of removing the arrogance and selfishness of the prince from
the core of his heart, which became afterwards full of love
and kindness.
Now the influence of the Buddha's teachings which
changed the mood of the wicked prince was observed by the
brethren who talked together as to how a single lecture could
tame the fierce spirit of the prince while the ceaseless exhorta-
tions of his parents were of no avail. They also remarked
thus, "as an elephant- tamer or a horse-tamer makes the
animal go to the right or left so the Blessed One the All-wise
Buddha, guides the man whithersoever he wills, along any
of the eight directions and makes his pupil discern shapes
external to himself. The Blessed One is hailed as chief of
the trainers of men, supreme in bowing men to the yoke of
truth. There is no trainer of men like unto the supreme
Buddha." The people of Vateall were so devoted to the
Buddha that they made a cairn at VaiSali over the remains
of the Buddha and celebrated a feast. 1
Mr. Beal in his Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha 8
says that the people of VaiSall owing to
Seal's opinion re- .. .., * ^ *
ftarding the inhabitants their imperfect knowledge of the laws of
attfih ' self-discipline and mortification, could
not use true discernment in their religious life and search
after deliverance. There was an old king named Drama, for
Mahaparinlbbana Suttanta, Buddhist Suttas (S.B.E.), Vol. XI, p. 134.
' pp. 167-168.
88 SOME K$ATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
example, in the city of VaiSall, who retired into solitude,
but afterwards forsaking his hermit-cell, came back to his
kingdom. But we cannot agree with Mr. Beal. It is
evident from the Psalms of the Brethren and Sisters that
many people of Vafeali, both male and female, though they
had fallen off from virtue at first, were, later on, greatly
influenced by the preaching of the Norm and became self-
controlled and self-disciplined. They advanced so far as to
attain Arhatship which they could not have gained if they
had failed to use true discernment in their religious life and
search after deliverance.
A hundred years after the passing away of the Buddha,
certain Yajjiputtaka bhikkhus, the residents of Vaisali,
began to indulge in practices prejudicial to the interests of
Buddhism. They proclaimed ten indulgences as permissible,
namely : " (i) storing of salt ; l (2) the taking of the midday
meal when the sun's shadow shows two finger-breadths
after noon; (3) the going to some village
( r to another village) and there eating
fresh food; (4) residing (in the same
parish and yet holding the Uposatha separately) ; (5) sanction
(of a solemn act" in an incomplete chapter) ; (6) the ;uncondi-
tional) following of a precedent; (7) the partaking of un-
churned milk; (8) of unfermented toddy; (9) the use of a
mat without fringes (not conform with the model prescribed) ;
(10) to accept gold and silver/' 2 The Vajjiputtaka Bhikkhus
i Note Priests can keep salt only for seven days. But if kept in born, they
would be able to retain it for any length of time J.A.S.B., Vol. VI, pt. II, p. 728
(i*37). * Kern's Manual of Buddhism, p. 103.
VIEWS AND PRACTICES 89
of Vaigali on the Uposatha day in question, filling a golden
basin with water, and placing it in the midst of the assem-
bled priests, thus appealed to the devotees of Vaisali, who
attended there : " Beloved ones ! bestow on the priesthood
either a kahapana or half, or a quarter of one, or even the
value of a masa to the priesthood, it will afford the means of
providing themselves with sacerdotal requisites." In order
to suppress the heresies among them, the Buddhist Elders
convened a council at Vaisali known as the ' Sattasatika ' or
the convocation of the Seven Hundred. At this meeting
bhikkhus assembled, brought together by the exertions of the
venerable Yaso. In the course of discus-
Judgment of sup- . . , . ,
pression finally pro- sions, the interrogation of the venerable
nounced. Revata, and the exposition of the Vinaya
by the Thera Sabbakami, the ten indulgences being thorough-
ly inquired into, a judgment of suppression was finally
pronounced. 1
' Examination of the Pali Buddhistical Aimal.s Vol. VI. pt II, p. 720, J- * -
183; (September).
V. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
The Licchavis formed a great and powerful republic
in the sense that there was no hereditary monarch, the power
of the state being vested in the assembly
of citizens. It does not appear to have
been a full-fledged democratic republic
but an oligarchy in the sense that citizenship was confined to
the members of the confederate clans. This form of govern-
ment as described in the Buddhist books was not rare in
ancient India ; there is ample evidence to show that in*
ancient times, this form was much more in vogue than we
are led to imagine from later literature. It is certainly a
very remarkable phenomenon that while to the south of the
Ganges, in Magadha, an empire was being built up first under
the Si&magas, next under the Nandas and later still under
the Mauryas, to the north of the same river, the Licchavis
formed a powerful corporation resisting for long the aggres-
sive attempts of the Magadhan kings.
The Licchavis formed what is called in ancient Indian
literature, a Samgha. or Gana, that is,
The Li^hay^ samftha an organised corporation. One of the
Buddhist canonical books, the Majjhima
Nikaya, 1 speaks of the Vajjis and the Mallas as forming
samghas and ganas, that is, clans governed by an organised
corporation and not by an individual sovereign, the power of
i P.TS., Vol. I, p. 231.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE QI
the state being vested in the corporation. The Mahavastu '
says that when plague raged in their city, one of them,
Tomara, was elected by the Gana to represent their difficulties
before the Buddha and bring him over to their city.
Kautilya, the great minister of the first Maurya Emperor,
has also indicated in his ArthaSastra, the
real nature of the Wcchavi form of
government. He speaks of the Licchavis
in the chapter on the conduct of corporations. * He says that
the samghas or corporations of the peoples like the Licchavis,
the Vrjis, the Mallas, the Madras, the Kukuras, the
Kurus, the Pancalas and others were rajasabdopajivinah. *
This apparently means that among these peoples, each
citizen had the right to call himself a raja i.e., dignitary who
did not owe allegiance or pay revenue to any one else;
but each of whom held up his head high and, not merely
looked upon himself as a raja, but considered that the word
raja was his usual designation recognised not only by his
fellow clansmen but also by the other peoples of India.
This is corroborated by the description given of the Licchavis
in the Lalita Vistara, which, though a late work, preserves
the right tradition when it says that at Vafeali, there was no
respect for age, nor for position, whether high or middle
or low, each one there thought that he was a raja.*
i Vol. I, p. 254-
Arthasastra translated by R. Shamasastry, p. 455.
& Dr. Shamaaasferl's rendering "lived by the title of a ra ju " is rather too literal
to convey the real meaning.
* Bkaika eva manyate aharti raja, aharh rajeti.' Ed. by Lefrnann, Vol. 1, p. ai ;
Lalita Vistara (Bibliotheca Indica series) Chap. Ill 23.
Q2 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
Kau^ilya's account shows that this designation of each
individual clansman was not confined to the I/icchavis alone
but was shared by them along with many other warrior
peoples of northern India from the land of the Madras on the
north-western frontier up to the Vrji land in the east;
we happen to possess independent corroboration of this
statement of Kautilya's in the Buddhist literature with
regard to the Licchavis. The same state of things must
have been in existence among the other tribes mentioned by
Kautilya. Savaraswami in his commentary on the Purvami-
marhsa Sfttra, Book II, says that the word 'raja' is a
synonym for Ksatriya, and he supports his statement by the
fact that even in his time, the word was used by the
Andhras to designate a Ksatriya. From the authority
of Savaraswami it can be said that the word 'raja' in early
times designated a Ksatriya and subsequently came to
mean a king.
In practice the rank of ' raja ' must have been restricted
to a comparatively small section of the community because
we learn from the Ekapanna Jataka that besides the rajas,
there were the uparajas, senapatis, etc. What the real number
of the de facto rajas was, we do not know. Tradition gives
various numbers of a widely divergent character. The Maha-
vastu l speaks of the twice eighty-four thousand Licchavi
rajas residing within the city of Vateali. The Pali com-
mentaries, as for example, the preambles to the Cullakalinga
Jataka 8 and the Ekapanna Jataka 8 speak of seven thousand
' Vol. i. p. 271. a Pausboll, Jataka, Vol. Ill, p. i.
* Pausboll, Ibid, Vol. I. p. 504.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 93
seven hundred and seven rajas of Vaisali. The Kalpa Sutra
speaks of only nine. (Jaina Sutras, pt. L, S.B.E., Vol. XXII.,
p. 266.)
Kautilya 1 observes that all these samghas by virtue of
their being united in such corporations, were unconquerable
by others. He further observes that for a king, the winning
over to his side of such a corporate body was the acquisition
of a best friend, that of all his allies, a corporation was the
best and most helpful because of the power derived from their
union which made them invincible. 2 Buddhist books inform
us that the Licchavis were so strong as to defy the aggres-
sion of their country by any foreign power on account of
their unity and concord and their practice of constantly
meeting in their popular assemblies, and
Unlt cchlv?s e U ~ that this made them almost invincible.
When Ajatasatru sent his prime minister
(mahamatra) to ascertain the views of the Buddha with
regard to his proposed extermination of the Vrjis, the Bless-
ed One said addressing Ananda, " Have you heard, Ananda,
that the Vajjians hold full and frequent public assemblies ?"
"Ivord, so I have heard/' replied he, "so long, Ananda,"
rejoined the Blessed One, "as the Vajjians hold these full
and frequent public assemblies ; so long may they be expect-
ed not to decline but to prosper. "* And in like manner
questioning Ananda and receiving reply, the Exalted One
declared the other conditions which would ensure the welfare
1 Samghubhisamhatatvat dhrigyan paresaui ArLlia^astrp (2111! fc,d.),p. 378.
-* Saihgha liibho daiida mitralabhan.-.muttainah-- Jbid, p 37*;.
Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI, p. 3.
94 SOME K?ATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
of the Vajjian confederacy: "So long, Ananda, as the
Vajjians meet together in concord and rise in concord and
carry out their undertakings in concord so long as they
enact nothing not already established, abrogate nothing that
has been already enacted, and act in accordance with the
ancient institutions of the Vajjians as established in former
days so long as they honour and esteem and revere and
support the Vajjian elders and hold it a point of duty to
hearken to their words so long may the Vajjians be expect-
ed not to decline but to prosper." 1
From the above statements about the Vajjians of whom
the Irficchavis were the most important clan, we come to
learn that they were governed by an assembly where the
people of their clan met for discussion about all matters and
we see further that these meetings were held often and fre-
quently. The public hall where they used to hold these
. . ^ meetings was called the Santhagara and
Santhagara public
hail Procedure of the there they discussed both religion and
mm ly. politics. We have seen in the story of
the conversion of Siha that the Licchavis met at the Santha-
gara to discuss the teaching of the Buddha. The procedure
that was followed in these assemblies in arriving at a decision
on any particular matter brought before the council of the
Licchavi samgha, maybe gathered, as Professor D. R. Bhan-
darkar* has pointed out, from an account of the procedure
followed at a ceremony of ordination at the samgha of the
Buddhist Bhikkhus. There can be no doubt, that in organ-
i Buddhist Suttas, S.R.B., Vol. XI, pp. 3-4.
* Carmichael Lectures. 1918, p. 181.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 95
ising the Buddhist samgha, the Buddha had, as his model,
the political saihghas of north-eastern India, especially that
of the lyicchavis whose corporation, as we have seen above,
from the discourse of the Buddha with Vassakara, the Maga-
dhan minister he esteemed very highly. And we further
observe from the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta ' that just
after speaking of the great merits of the Licchavi institutions,
the Exalted One called together in the vService-Hall at Raja-
grha all the members of the Buddhist congregation in the
neighbourhood of that city and impressed on them the
virtues that he had extolled in the Licchavis, as being indis-
pensable for the welfare of every organised community.
Fortunately for us, the rules of procedure followed in the
Buddhist community or samgha have been preserved in the
description of the upasampada or ordination ceremony in tlic
Patimokkha section of the Vinaya Pitaka, and from it, we
can form an idea of the procedure followed in the political
samgha of the Licchavis. First of all, it appears, was elected
an officer called the Asana pannapaka or regulator of seats
whose function seems to have been to seat the members of
the congregation in the order of their seniority. l As in the
Buddhist congregation, so among the Licchavis, the elders
of the clans were highly respected as we see from the Maha-
parinibbana Suttanta of the Dlgha Nikaya.*
We next come to the form of moving a resolution in the
council thus assembled and seated by the Asana-pannZpaka.
l Buddhist Suttas, pp. 5-11. (S.B.E., Vol. XI.)
Vinaya Texts, S.B.E., Vol. XX p. 408, f. a.
A Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI, p, 3-
96 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
" The mover first announces to the assembled Bhikkhus what
resolution he is going to propose : this announcement is called
Ratti. After the Ratti, follows the question put to the
Bhikkhus present if they approve the resolution. This
question is put either once or three times ; in the first case,
we have a Sattidutiya Kamma ; in the second case, a Ftatti-
catuttha Kamma." l This last process in which the question is
put three times after the Ratti or Jnapii is illustrated by
the process prescribed by the Buddha for the upasarhpada
ordination given in the Mahavagga. " I prescribe, O Bhik-
khus, that you confer the upasarhpada ordination by a formal
act of the Order in which the announcement (natti) is fol-
lowed by three questions,"
* And you ought, O Bhikkhus, to confer the upasarhpada
ordination in this way : Let a learned, competent Bhikkhu
proclaim the following natti before the Saihgha :
f Let the Sarhgha, reverend sirs, hear me. This person
N. X. desires to receive the upasarhpada ordination from the
venerable N. N. (i.e. with the venerable N. N., as his Upa-
jjhaya or Upadhyaya). If the Sarhgha is ready, let the
Sarhgha confer on N. N., the upasarhpada ordination with
N. N. as Upajjhaya. This is the natti.
1 Let the Samgha, reverend sirs, hear me. This person
N. N., desires to receive the upasarhpada ordination from the
venerable N. N. The Samgha confers on N, N. the upa-
sarhpada ordination with N. N. as Upajjhaya. Let any
one of the venerable brethren who is in favour of the upa-
' Rhy.s J)avi(is and Oidenbejg Vinaya Texts, pi. 1. p. 169, Note 2.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 97
sampada ordination of N. N. with N. N. as Upajjhaya, be
silent, and any one who is not in favour of it, speak.
' And for the second time I thus speak to you : Let the
Samgha (etc., as before).
' And for the third time, I thus speak to you : Let the
Samgha etc.
'N. N. has received the upasathpada ordination from
the samgha with N. N. as Upajjhaya. The Samgha is in
favour of it, therefore it is silent. Thus I understand/ "'
As might be expected in such an assembly, there were
often violent disputes and quarrels with
Dispme^settied by rega rd to controversial topics. In such
cases, the disputes were settled by the
votes of the majority and this voting was by ballot; voting
tickets or salakas were served out to the voters and an
officer of approved honesty and impartiality was elected to
collect these tickets or voting papers. This is evidenced by
the Cullavagga which recounts it thus : " Now at that time
the Bhikkhus in chapter (Samgha) assembled, since they
became violent, quarrelsome and disputatious, and kept on
wounding one another with sharp words, were unable to
settle the disputed question (that was brought before them).
They told this matter to the Blessed One."
" I allow you, O Bhikkhus, to settle such a dispute by
the vote of the majority. A Bhikkhu who shall be possessed
of five qualifications, shall be appointed as taker of voting
ticket one who does not walk in partiality, one who does
i Rhys Davids and Oldenberg Vinaya Texts, pt. I, pp. i6;-i7o.
See also Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Corporate life in Ancient India, pp. 292-295-
98 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
not walk in malice, one who does not walk in folly, one who
does not walk in fear, one who knows what (votes) have been
taken and what have not been taken." 1 The appointment
of this officer who was called the Salaka-gahapaka was also
made by the whole assembly.
There was also a provision for taking votes of the
members who could not for any reason
te be present at a meeting of the assembly.
The Mahavagga mentions an example.
On an occasion when the Buddha asked all the Bhikkhus to
assemble in the samgha, "a certain Bhikkhu said to the
Blessed One: 'There is a sick Bhikkhu, Lord, who is not
present.' I prescribe, O Bhikkhus, that a sick Bhikkhu is
to declare (lit. to give) his consent (to the act to be per-
formed) etc." 1 This declaration of consent of an absent
member to an official act was called Chanda.
A quorum was required and difficulty was often ex-
perienced in getting the right number,
Oo0rum ' so that the Buddha exhorted the Bhik-
khus to help to complete the quorum. 8 There are other
detailed rules in the Vinaya Pitaka for the regulation of the
assembly. This elaboration and perfection of the procedure
as well as the use of so many technical names to designate
each particular detail shows that the organisation of these
popular assemblies had already been developed and elabora-
ted among the political samghas like that of the Licchavis
i Cullavagga, S.B.E., Vol. XX, Vinaya texts, pt. Ill, p. 25.
* Mahavagga, S.B.B., Vol. XIII, p. 277.
a Ibid, pp. 307-309.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 99
and that the Buddha only adopted them for the regulation
of his religious samgha or congregation. 1
The Tibetan works mention a Nayaka who was the chief
magistrate of the lyicchavis and "was
electe( i by the people or rather by the
ruling clans of Licchavis." * We do not
know exactly what his functions were ; perhaps he was an
executive officer for carrying out the decisions of the
assembly.
There does not appear to have been any outstanding
figure of the position of Suddhodana
among the Sakyas. The preamble to the
Ekapanna Jataka* relates that, of the rajas who lived in
VaiSali permanently exercising the rights of sovereignty,
there were seven thousand, seven hundred and seven and
there were quite as many Uparajas or subordinate officials,
quite as many Senapatis or generals and quite as many
Bhandagarikas or treasurers. A passage in the preamble to
the Cullakalinga Jataka* also says, "of the Licchavi Rajas,
seven thousand, seven hundred and seven Licchavis had
their abodes at VaiSali. All of them were given to argu-
ments and disputations/ ' The number, seven thousand,
i For the democratic organisation of the Licchavis, see Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's
Carmichael lectures, 1918, pp. 179-184.
* Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 62.
Fausboll, Jataka Vol. J, p. 504" Niccakalam rajjaifa karetva vasantanain yeva
rajunadi sattasahassani satta ca rajano honti, tattaka yeva nparajano. tattaka
senapatino, tattaka bhangagarika."
* Ibid, Vol. Ill, p. i. " . . Licchavirajunarfi sattasahassani sattasatani satta ca
Licchavi vauthsu. Te sabbe pi patipucchavitakka ahesurii."
100 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
seven hundred and seven cannot be the number of all the
Licchavis living in the town of VaiSali; it would be too small
a number for a great people that commanded respect for
many centuries for their prowess and power and also it is
too small a number for a people that filled almost the whole
of such a large city as Vaisali ; in fact, we are told by the
Mahavastu that the Licchavis who went out of their capital,
VaiSali, to meet the Buddha on his first visit to their city,
numbered so many as twice eighty-four thousand which
was not an incredible number for such an extensive city as
VaiSali. We, however, do not insist upon seven thousand,
seven hundred and seven representing the exact number of
members of the ruling assembly ; it is evidently an artificially
concocted number seven being used from the idea that it
has some magic potency; seven thousand, seven hundred
and seven means simply a large number. It is significant
that none of the canonical texts themselves give this number,
which occurs only in a later commentary, the Nidanakatha
of the Jatakas.
Professor Bhandarkar says that an Uparaja or viceroy,
a Senapati or general and a Bhandaga-
: * nd rika or treasurer formed the private' staff
of every Licchavi raja. If stress is laid
upon the fact that all these officers were equal in number
with the rajas, it would mean that each of them had a per-
sonal staff of these three officers who helped him in discharg-
ing his duties to the state. Professor Bhandarkar adds that
each raja had a personal property of his own which was
managed by himself with the help of the three officers men-
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IOI
tioned above. This seems to be likely because the existence
of a Bhandagarika attached to each raja necessarily implies
that each raja had his own separate Bhandagara or treasury.
There must have been officers who recorded the decisions
of the council. A passage in the Maha Govinda Suttanta
of the Digha Nikaya seems to justify this
*ton8 d o s f 2c?ounc e !" conclusion. In describing a meeting of
the thirty-three gods in the Tavatimsa
heaven, it is said that after the deliberations were over, four
great kings recorded the conclusions arrived at. We read
in the Suttanta, " Then the three-and-thirty gods having
thus deliberated and taken counsel together concerning the
matter for which they were assembled and seated in the
Hall of Good Counsel, with respect to that matter the
Four Kings were receivers of the spoken word, the Four
Great Kings were receivers of the admonition given, remain-
ing the while in their places not retiring." ' On this passage
the translators observe, "This sounds very much as if
the Four Great Kings were looked upon as Recorders (in their
memory, of course) of what had been said. They kept the
minutes of the meeting. If so (the gods being made in the
image of men) there must have been such Recorders at
the meetings in the Mote-Halls of the clans." * This remark
is quite justified and without such officers to record the
proceedings of such a vast assembly as that of the I/icchavis,
any practical work would have been impossible.
A passage in the preamble to the Bhaddasala Jataka
1 Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. II, p. 263.
* Ibid, p. 263, f. n. i.
102 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
mentions a tank, the water of which was used at the ceremony
Coronation ceremony. f abhi ^ ka or Coronation of the kulaS or
families of the gana rajas of VaiSali. ! This
coronation may refer to the ceremony performed when a
Ucchavi raja was elected to a seat in the assembly of the
state, or it may denote that the ceremony of coronation
was performed when a young Licchavi kumara or prince
as he was called, succeeded to the title and position of his
father.
The Atthakatha or commentary of Buddhaghosa on the
Mahaparinibbana Suttanta, gives an account of the judicial
procedure. When a person was presented before the Vajjian
rajas as having committed an offence,
Adn S^ they without taking him to be a male-
factor, surrendered him to the Viniccaya-
Mahamfflas or Vini&caya-Mahamatras, that is, officers whose
business it was to make enquiries and examine the
accused with a view to ascertain whether he was guilty
or innocent. If they found that the man was not a culprit,
they released him but if, on the other hand, they considered
him guilty, then instead of proceeding to inflict punishment
upon him, they made him over to the Voharikas or Vyavahari-
kas, that is, persons learned in law and custom. They
could discharge him if they found him innocent ; if they held
him guilty, then they transferred him to certain officers
called Swttadharas, that is, officials who kept up the satra or
i " Vesallnagare gaparajakulanaifa abbisekamafigalapokkbaraviih, etc. " Faiis-
boH,Jataka,Vol.IV,p. 148.
See also Prof. D. R. Bbandarkar's Carmicbael Lectures. 1918, pp. 150 151.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IC>3
the thread of law and custom existing from the ancient
times. They in their turn made further investigation and if
satisfied that the accused was innocent, they discharged
him. If, however, he was considered guilty by them, then he
was made over to the Atthakulaka l (lit. "the eight castes or
tribes") which was evidently a judicial institution composed
of judges representing eight ktilas or tribes.
The Atthakulaka, if satisfied of the guilt of the offender,
made him over to the Senapati or commander of the army
who made him over to the Vparaja or sub-king, and the latter
in his turn, handed him over to the Raja. The 725/5 released
the accused if he was innocent ; if he was found guilty, the
Raja referred to the Pavenipotthaka, that is, the pustaka or
book recording the law and precedents. This book pres-
cribed the punishment for each particular offence. The
Raja, 1 having measured the culprit's offence by means of
that standard, used to inflict a proper sentence. 3
' Hou'ble G. Tumour says that no satisfactory explanation can be obtained aa to
the nature of the office held by these functionaries. It is inferred to be a judicial
institution composed of judges from all the eight castes. (An examination of the
Pali Buddhistical Annals by G. Tumour, p. 993. f. n., J.A.S.B , Dec. 1838.)
2 It seems that * liaja' who was the highest authority in the administration of
criminal justice was different from ordinary rajas who constituted the popular
assembly. He was perhaps the seniormost amongst the rajas or was one elected from
time to time to administer criminal justice.
8 G. Tumour. An examination of the Pali Buddhisticnl Annals, J.A.S.B., Decem.
ber 1838, pp. 993-94, f n
VI. POLITICAL HISTORY
It is from the Buddhist literature that we first realise
the importance of the Licchavis as a great and powerful
Ksatriya race in north-eastern India.
Licchavis in the Vedic In the Brahmana literature, though
there is repeated mention of Videha,
which, in the Buddha's time, joined with the Licchavis and
formed a confederation, there is no mention of the Licchavis.
It is likewise remarkable that while the Mallas, their imme-
diate neighbours, are mentioned in the great Epic, the
Mahabharata, the Licchavis are not found among the races
or peoples that were met by the Pandava brothers either in
their peregrinations on pilgrimage, or on their mission of
conquest at the time of the Rajasuya or the ASvatnedha.
In the sixth century B.C. they come to our notice in the
Jaina and Buddhist books but we meet them there as a
powerful people in the enjoyment of great prosperity and of
a high social status among the ruling races of eastern India,
and as we have seen in the previous chapter, they had
already evolved a system of government and polity bearing
not a little resemblance to some of the democracies 1 of the
western world, embodying all the latest methods of voting-
It must have taken a long time to develop such an institution
i It may, no doubt, be argued that the Licchavi constitution was not a demo-
cracy because citizenship was confined only to the Licchavi clan, but in reply it may
be pointed out that even in the great democracy of Athena, every resident was not
4 citizen. The Metics and the Slaves, for instance, were excluded from citizenship.
POLITICAL HISTORY I<>5
which can only have grown in the course of many centuries.
But we must not imagine that the system was a creation of
the Licchavis ; on the other hand, it seems that the samgha
form of government was the normal form in ancient India
even among the peoples that had a king at the head. The
earliest Indian tradition of a king is that of a person elected
by the people and ruling for the good of the people. This is
clearly proved by the story of Bena and Prthu in theMaha-
bharata. 1 The procedure of conducting the deliberations
of an assembly must have been developing from the earliest
Vcdic times as the samiti and the parisad were well known
institutions in the Rgveda. The Licchavis must have
modelled their procedure on that which was already in vogue
among the Indian Aryans and adapted it to their own use.
We may allow a century for the evolution of the particular
form of government of the Licchavis from the already exist-
ing system. Their emergence from obscurity may fairly be
placed at the beginning of the seventh century B.C. It is
true that we do not find the Licchavis among the Vedic
peoples but in the fourth century B.C. to which Kautilya's
Arthasastra may be supposed to belong, they have been
mentioned along with the Kurupancalas and the Madras,
i.e. with some of the powerful races of the Brahmanic period.
We know nothing of the history of the Licchavis during
the period they grew up and developed into the noble and
powerful people as we find them in the Buddhist works.
The earliest political fact of any importance that we know
1 Mahabharata, Santiparva, Vaflgavasi Ed. Ch. 60, verse 94
106 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
of, is that they had given one of their daughters in marriage
to Seniya or Srenika Bimbisara, king of the gradually extend-
ing monarchy of Magadha. The Liccha-
*2$h5 wuSSnSf" vi lad y> according to the Nirayavali
Sutra, one of the early works of the Jai-
nas, was Cellana, the daughter of Cetaka, l one of the rajas of
Vateali, whose sister Ksatriyani Trteala was the mother of
Mahavlra, the founder of Jainism. In a Tibetan life of the
Buddha, her name is Srlbhadra * and in some places, she
is named Madda. This lady, however, is usually called
Yaidehl in the Buddhist books, and from her, AjataSatru is
frequently designated as Vedehiputto* or the son of the
Videha princess. In the commentary on the Samyutta
Nikaya, III, 2. sections 4-5, Buddhaghosa gives an alter-
native meaning of the word Vedeha in Vedehiputta by resolv-
ing it "into veda-iha, vedena-ihati or intellectual effort."
He says that here the other meaning deriving the expression
from Videha, the country, is not admissible. Some of the
commentaries, those, for example, on Thusa and Taccha-
siikara Jatakas, * state that AjataSatru's mother was a sister
of the king of KoSala. Here the commentators have evi-
dently made a confusion between the two queens of Bimbisara.
Buddhaghosa himself in other passages 8 has taken the more
Jatobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.B., Vol. XXII, Intro., p. XIII.
9 Ibid, p. XIII, note 3.
s Mrs. Rhys Davids and S. Sumangala Thera, The Book of the Kindred Sayings,
pt. I, p. 38, n. I.
* Sainyutta Nikaya, pt. II, p. 268. t Pausboll, J at oka III, 121 & IV, 342.
Commentary on Digha, I. 47, on Majjhima Nikaya, I. 125, on Samyutta
Nikaya. II, 215, quoted by Mrs. Rhys Davids in " The Boole of the Kindred Sayings,
part I, p. 109, f.n.
POLITICAL HISTORY IWf
natural sense of the word but sometimes, as here, he has
been misled into a fanciful interpretation.
The Divyavadana speaks of AjataSatru as Vaidehiputra
in one of the Avadanas' and in another place, 1 it states,
" At Rajagrha, reigns the King Bimbisara. Vaidehl is his
Mahadevi (or chief queen) and Ajatasatru, his son and prince. 1 '
There can, therefore s be no doubt that the Videha princess
was the mother of Ajatasatru. The Tibetan Dulva gives
the name of Vasavi to Ajataatru's mother and narrates
a story which cannot be traced in the Pali Buddhist books.
We give here the story for what it is worth : " Sakala, a
minister of king Virudhaka of Videha, had been obliged to
flee from his country on account of the jealousy of the other
ministers of the king ; so he went to VaiSali together with his
two sons, Gopala and Sinha. Sakala soon became a promi-
nent citizen in ValSall, and after a while he was elected
Nayaka. His two sons married at VaiSali, and Sinha had a
daughter whom they called Vasavi ; it was foretold that
she would bear a son who would take his father's life, set the
diadem on his own head, and seize the sovereignty for himself .
Sinha's wife bore him, moreover, another daughter, whom
they called Upavasavl, aud the seers declared that she would
bear a son endowed with excellent qualities. 11
" Gopala was fierce and of great strength, so he ravaged
the parks of the Licchavis. To restrain him, the popular
assembly gave him and his brother a park ; and thus it is said
* Divyavadana, (Cowell & Neil), p. 55-
Ibid. p. 545. Rajagrhe Raja Bimbisaro rajyam karayati . . tasya VaideW
Mahudevf Aj&ta&atruh putrah kumaro."
108 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
by the sthaviras in the sfctras, ' The Blessed One went out
from Vesali to the sala forest of Gopala and Sinha.' "
" When Sakala died, the people appointed Sinha, his son
Nayaka; and Gopala slighted at this, departed from Vafeali
and took up his residence at Rajagrha in Magadha where
he became the first minister of Bimbisara."
"A little later on, king Bimbisara married Vasavi,
Gopala' s niece, and as she was of a family from Videha, she
became known as Vaidehl. After a while she bore a son, who
on account of the prediction made to his mother, received the
name of Ajataatru, or the enemy (while) not (yet) born. 1 "
Professor D. R. Bhandarkar holds that "this matrimonial
alliance was a result of the peace concluded after the
war between Bimbisara and the Licchavis"* and that
"Bimbisara thus appears to have seized Magadha after
expelling the Vajjis beyond the Ganges."' The only
evidence, however, that he has put forward in support of
these theories is that Vafeali is spoken of, in an early
Buddhist work, the Sutta-Nipata,* as Magadham puram.
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's theory is based on Rhys Davids'
supposition that the expression, Vesalim Magadham puram
in verse 1013 of the Sutta-Nipata (P. T. S.) refers to one
and the same city, taking Magadham puram in apposition
to Vesali. But the commentator has taken Magadham
puraih to be a synonym of Rajagaha.' Mention of the
i Rockhill, Wfe of the Buddha, pp. 63-64.
* Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 74. s Ibid, p. 73.
* (New edition) P.T.S., p. 194.
* See Sutta-Nipata commentary, p. 584. "Migadhaxfa puranti Magadhapuraih
Bajagahanti adhippayo."
POUTICAI, HISTORY I0g
Pasana cetiya in the same verse also goes to show that
Magadham puram was not Vaisali. In several places we find
mention of the caityas or cetiyas round about Vafeall but
nowhere do we come across a Pasana cetiya. From verse
1014 of the Sutta-Nipata, it appears that this cetiya (caitya)
was situated on a mountain peak. It is quite possible that
the cetiya referred to was one of the cetiyas round about
Rajagaha and most probably it was the Gijjhakflta monast-
ery. There seems to have been some basis, however, to
conclude that there was a war between Bimbisara and the
Mcchavis, as such a war is referred to incidentally in the
Tibetan Dulva. We shall quote the whole passage from
Rockhill's Life of the Buddha inasmuch as the story traces
the birth of Abhaya, another son of
Birth of Abhaya, son . . . . , ' . ,
of Bimbisara by a Li- Bimbisara, also by a I/icchavi woman.
cchavi woman.
a L/icchavi named Mahanaman. From a kadali tree in an
amra grove in his park was born a girl, lovely to look upon,
perfect in all parts of her body, and he called her name
Amrapali. When she was grown up, as there was a law of
Vafeall by which a perfect woman was not allowed to marry,
but was reserved for the pleasures of the people, she became
a courtesan. Bimbisara, king of Magadha, heard of her
through Gopala ; he visited her at Vafeali, though he was at
war with the Licchavis, and remained with her seven days.
Amrapali became with child by him, and borehggy^on
whom she sent to his father. The boy appr
fearlessly and climbed up to his breast
king to remark 'This boy seems not to
110 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
was called Abhaya or fearless." ' This story which makes
Abhaya or Abhayakumara, as the Jaina books have it, a son
of Ambapali (Amrapali), the courtezan of VaiSali, is not
vouchsafed by the Pali books where her son through Biinbi-
sara, is called Vimala-Kondanna who became a Bhikkhu and
whose preachings are said to have given her a deep spiritual
insight/
The Licchavis appear to have been on friendly terms
with King Prasenajit of Koala, who
The LJcchavis and
Kinft Prasenajit of speaks of them as his friends in a pas-
Ko4alfti sage of the Maj jhima Nikaya. Prasenaj i t
proceeded to arrest Angulimala, the murderer, and on his
way met the Buddha who enquired whether he was going to
fight with Bimbisara of Magadha or the Licchavis of Vateali
or some other rival kings; thereupon Prasenajit replied that
all of them were his friends. 8
The relation of the Licchavis with their neighbours,
the Mallas, also seems to have been, in
The relation of the .
Ucchavu with the general, friendly as is evidenced by the
Mallas standing by the Licchavis against
their coktmon foe, Ajatagatru. The Jaina books also speak
of nine Mfclla chiefs and nine Licchavi chiefs showing rever-
ence to Ifahavira at the time of his passing away from the
wodek There were, however, occasional hostilities, as is
shown by the story of Bandhula, a Mallian prince.
In the Bhaddasala Jataka/ we find that the Licchavis
i Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 64.
Psa^Bs of the Sisters, pp. 120-21, Psalms of the Brethren, p. 65.
8 HajjUma Nikaya P.T.S. Vol. II, pp. 100 -101, Aftgulimala Suttam.
Jt%ka<Cowell'8 edition), Vol. IV, p. 94.
w
5
POLITICAL HISTORY III
hearing the sound of the chariot of Bandhula, put a strong
guard by the side of the tank. Bandhula came down from
his chariot and put the guards to flight and in the tank he
bathed his wife and gave her water to drink and put her
in his chariot and then left the town. The Licchavi chiefs
were informed and they were angry. Five hundred I/icchavis
mounting as many chariots, followed the general. They
were asked not to follow but they heeded not and followed
on and on till they were half dead. Bandhula said, " I cannot
fight with the dead." They afterwards died. Bandhula,
the Mallian general, at last became victorious.
We next come to the relation of the lyicchavis with
Ajatasatru, the son and successor of Bimbisara. It cannot
_ be expected that the man whose greed
The relation of the f r , . . ,., . &
Licchavis with Ajata- for power and position did override even
8tttru * the natural instinct of regard for his
father's life, would show any tender feeling towards his
mother's relations. On the other hand, he must have felt
ftom the very beginning that the Licchavis formed the
greatest bar to the realisation of his idea of Magadhan
expansion and we find him taking the dreadful resolve,
"I will root out these Vajjians, mighty and powerful
though they be, I will destroy these Vajjians, I will bring
these Vajjians to utter ruin." l
The city of Vateall reached the zenith of prosperity but
her prosperity could not be sustained by the Vajjians, who,
Buddhist Suttas, S.B.B., Vol. XI, pp. I & 2. " Ahafthi f me vajji evaib-
mahiddhike evarii-mahanubhave ucchejjami vajji vlnasessami vajji auaya-vyasanarii
apftdeuami vajjlti." (Mahaparinibba^a Suttanta.)
112 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
it seems, attacked AjataSatru, king of Magadha, many
times. This enraged him very much and
**ulS&? > * in order to baffle their attem P ts > tw f
his ministers, Sunidha and Vassakara
built a fort at Pataligama ' and at last Ajatasatru annihilat-
ed the Vajjians. We agree with Prof. Rhys Davids 1 in
holding that it was distinctly a political motive which
led him to do so. We call it political on the ground that al-
though the existing records of the Buddhists or of the Jainas
may lead one to think that the motive was no more than
personal grudge, it will be found that in the case of Ajata-
satru, ambitious for domination over the neighbouring
powers, the personal motive cannot be distinguished from
the political.
Ajatasatru was not on friendly terms with the Ljcchavis.
He was under the impression that his
Estrangement bet l . .
ween Ajata 6atru and foster brother, Abhaya, (son of Bimbi-
aya. s ra by Ambapali, a courtezan of VaiSali)
had Licchavi blood in him and he liked the Licchavis very
much. At this time, the Licchavis were gaining strength day
by day, and Ajatasatru thought that if Abhaya sided with
them, it would be veiy difficult for him to cope with the
Licchavis. So he made up his mind to do away with them.
In the Sumangalavilasim, * we find that there was a port
near the Ganges extending over a yojana, half of which
J Buddhist Suttas (S.B.K.l Vol. XI, p. 18. * Buddhist India, p. 12.
- 1 " Gafigayarfi kira ekam pattanagamarii nissaya aggha Ajatasattuno ana a<J<Jha
yojanam I,icchavinaib. Ettha pana a^apavattiUhanarii hotiti attho. Tatrapica
pabbatapadato raahogghabha^daih otarati. Tarn sutva ajjayami sveyaifaiti,
POLITICAL HISTORY 113
belonged to AjataSatru and half to the Licchavis and their
orders were obeyed in their respective yojanas. There was
a mountain not far from it, and at the foot of the mountain,
there was a mine of precious substance (mahogghabhanda).
A jatafeitru was late in coming there and the avaricious Liccha-
vis took away all the precious substance.
thc When A j atasatru came and learnt that all
the precious substance had been taken
away by the Licchavis, he grew angry and left the place. This
happened also in the succeeding year. Having sustained a
heavy loss he thought that there must be a fight between him
and the Licchavis. He realised, however, that the Licchavis
being numerically stronger, he would fail to carry out his pur-
pose. So he conceived the design of destroying the independ-
ence of the Licchavis by sowing seeds of dissension. Former-
ly, the Licchavis were not luxurious but very strenuous and
exerting, so AjataSatru could not get an opportunity of
subduing them. He sent Vassakara, one of his ministers,
to the Buddha, who predicted that in future the Licchavis
would be delicate, having soft hands and feet, would use very
luxurious and soft beds with soft pillows made of cotton,
would sleep till sunrise ' and further declared : " By no other
means will the Vajjians be overcome but by propitiating
Ajataiattuno satnvidahantasseva Licchavi-rajano samagga sammodamana pnretaram
gantva sabbaifa ganbanti. Ajatasattu pacca agantra tarn pavattiifa fiatTa
kujjnitva gacchati. Te puna samvacchare pi tath'eva karonti. Attha so balava
gbatftjato tada evath akasi. Tato cintcsi, ' galena saddhim ruddham nama
bhariyaifa. Bkopi moghappaharo nama n'atthi." (Suttanta Pi^aka, Mahavagga
Attbakatha, edited by U. Pe, p. 96.)
> SaniyutU Nikiya, (P.T.S.), pt. II, p. 268.
8
114 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
them with tributes or dissolving the subsisting union."
Vassakara returned from the Buddha and stated to the king
what the latter said about the Licchavis. The raja did not
agree to propitiate the Vajjians with tributes as that would
diminish the number of elephants and horses. So he decided
to break up their union and Vassakara advised him to con-
vene a meeting of the councillors to bring up some discussions
, ^ regarding the Vajiians when in the midst
Intrigue* of Vassakara. & . JJ .
of the sitting, he (Vassakara) would quit
the council after offering a remonstrance saying, "Maharaja,
what do you want with them ? Let them occupy themselves
with the agricultural and commercial affairs of their own
(realm)/' Then he said to AjataSatru, " Maharaja! com-
pletely cut off all my hair, bringing a charge against me for
interdicting your discussion without either binding or flogging
me. As I am the person by whom ramparts and ditches of
your capital were formed and as I know the strong and
the weak, high and low parts (of your fortification), I will
tell the Vajjians that I am able to remove any obstacle you
can raise. " The raja acted up to the advice of his minister,
Vassakara. The Vajjians heard of the departure of Vassa-
kara and some of them decided not to allow him to cross the
river while others observed, " He (AjcitaSatru) has so treated
him because he advocated our cause "; that being the case,
they said (to the guards who went to stop him) "fellows,
let him come. " Accordingly, the guards permitted him to
come in. Now Vassakara being questioned by the Vajjians,
told them why he was so severely punished for so slight an
offence, and that he was there a Judicial Prime Minister.
PQUTICAI, HISTORY II 5
Then the Vajjians offered him the same post which he accepted
and very soon he acquired reputation for his able adminis-
tration of justice and the youths of the (Vajji) rulers went
to him to have their training at his hands. Vassakara, on a
certain da^ r , taking aside one of the
The sowing of die-
senskms among the chavi rulers (mysteriously) asked, "Do
peopleplough afield ? " " Yes, they do; by
coupling a pair of bullocks together." On another occasion,
taking another Licchavi aside he significantly asked, rc With
what curry did you eat (your rice) ? " and said no more. But
hearing the answer, lie communicated it to another person.
Then upon a subsequent occasion, taking another Licchavi
aside, he asked him in a whisper, (f Art thou a mere beggar ? "
He enquired, * ' Who said so ? " and the Brahmin, Vassakara,
replied: "That Licchavi. " Again upon another occasion,
taking another aside, he enquired, "Art thou a cowherd ? "
and on being asked who said so, lie mentioned the name
of some other Licchavi. Thus by speaking something to
one person which had not been said by any other person,
he succeeded in bringing about a disunion among the rulers
in course of three years, so completely that none of them
would tread the same road together. When matters stood
thus, he caused the tocsin to be sounded as usual. Some
of the Licchavi rulers disregarded their call saying "Let
the rich and the valiant assemble. We are beggars and
cowherds." The Brahmin sent a mission to the raja saying,
''this is the proper time, let him come quickly." The raja
on hearing this announcement, assembled his forces by
beat of drum and started. The Vajjians on receiving inti-
Il6 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
mation thereof, sounded the tocsin declaring, "Let us not
allow the Raja to cross the river." On hearing this also,
they refused to meet together saying, " Let the valiant rulers
go." Again the tocsin was sounded and it was thus declared :
"Let us defend ourselves with closed gates." No one res-
ponded to the call. AjataSatru entered by the wide open
gates, and came back after putting them to great calamities. 1
Thus the Magadhan kingdom was very much extended
during the reign of Ajatasatru.
Of the subsequent history of the Licchavis we know
very little. But this much is certain that they were not
exterminated by Ajatasatru. What AjataSatru seems to
have succeeded in doing, was that the Licchavis had to accept
his suzerainty and pay him revenue, but they must have
been independent in the matter of internal management
and maintained in tact the ancient democratic institutions
of personal liberty. Kautilya speaks of them two centuries
after Ajatasatru as living under a sarhgha form of govern-
ment, and the same learned author
Candra GuptTMaurya advises king Candra Gupta Maurya to
AiSa. Llccliavi8 "* seek tie help of these samghas which,
on account of their unity and concord,
were almost unconquerable. This shows that the Licchavis,
though they might have been forced to acknowledge the
suzerainty of Magadha, enjoyed a great deal of independence
under Candra Gupta. There can be no doubt that under
his grandson ASoka, the Licchavis accepted his suzerainty.
1 G. Tumour, An Examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. V., J.A.S.B.,
Dec. 1838 pp. 994, f. 1^996, f. n.
POUTICAI, HISTORY 117
We next meet the lyicchivis (lyicchavis) in Manu's Code, 1
the recension of which, was made according to Dr. Biihler,*
sometime during the period 200 B.C.
T 5taBrtoSiil 11 20 A - D -; in our opinion the date is
likely to fall within the period of a
Brahmanic revival under Pusyamitra Sunga, so that about
a century after the time of Asoka, we find the Licchavis still
living in Northern India as a Ksatriya people. We do not
hear of them again until the fourth century A.D. when their
name appears on the records of the Imperial Guptas.
At the beginning of the fourth century A.D., Candra
Gupta I. a son-in-law of the Licchavi
Tb Z^SS^StS^ famil y and son of Ghatotkaca Gupta,
established a new kingdom. 8 A gold
coin was introduced under the name of Candra Gupta I. by
his great son, Emperor Samudragupta who, by his many
conquests, established his suzerain right over a great part of
India. On the obverse were incised the figures of Candragupta
and his Queen Kumaradevi and the former with his right hand
offers an object which on some coins is clearly a ring to
Kumaradevi who stands wearing a loose robe, ear-rings,
necklace and armlets, and tight-fitting headdress ; the words
"Candragupta" and "Kumaradevi," "Sri Kumaradevl" or
" Kumaradevi Srih, " are inscribed in the Brahmi character of
the fourth century A.D., and on the reverse were engraved the
figure of Laksmi, the goddess of Fortune, seated on a lion
i Manusaxhhita, X. 22.
* Biibler, Iya\vs of Manu, S.B.E. Intro., p. czvii.
3 R. D. Banerje, Pricin Mudra p. 12:.
Il8 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
couchant with the legend " Licchavayah, " the Licchavis. l
With this is to be combined the significant fact that the great
Samudragupta in his Allahabad inscription takes pride in
describing himself as 'Licchavidauhitra,' 'the son of a daughter
of the Licchavis. ' These things combined together, justify
the conclusion that about the fourth century A.D., when the
Guptas rose to power, the Licchavis must have possessed
considerable political power in north-eastern India. It is
quite probable that Candragupta's dominions received
considerable expansion by the country which he obtained
through his Licchavi wife, perhaps by succession ; and very
likely it was the accession of the Licchavi districts to his
kingdom that enabled him to adopt the title of Maharaja-
dhiraja. His son and successor wants apparently to empha-
sise this fact by issuing a gold coin delineating the Licchavi
connection, and it is very likely that the goddess Laksmi
mounted on a lion couchant is the Licchavi symbol adopted
by the Guptas, otherwise, the legend ' ( Licchavayah " by its
side becomes unmeaning. We cannot agree with Dr. Allan
when he avers, "Too much emphasis should not be laid on
the pride of the Guptas in their Licchavi blood, but it was
probably due rather to the ancient lineage of the Licchavis
than to any material advantages gained by this alliance. "
(p. xix.) The probabilities are, however, quite the reverse
for reasons which we have already expatiated upon. It is
significant that the epithet " Licchavidauhitra " is not only
asserted by Samudragupta about himself, but it continues
i Allan, Gupta Coins, pp. 8-u.
POLITICAL HISTORY IIQ
to be a permanent appellation of this sovereign in the inscrip-
tions of his successors. Mr. Allan presumes that it was to
keep up the memory of his father, Candragupta, and mother,
Kumaradevi, that the coin bearing their names and that
of the Licchavis was issued by Samudragupta. It is not
improbable that the inscription ' L/icchavayah ' which occurs
in Candragupta's gold coins together with the name of his
queen Kumaradevi may signify that she belonged to a royal
family of the Licchavis previously reigning at Pataliputra '
(modern Patna) which seems to have been the original capital
of the Gupta Empire. A similar opinion is also held by
Dr. V.A. Smith who says that Candragupta, a local raja
at or near Pataliputra, married Kumaradevl, a princess
belonging to the Licchavi clan, famous in the early annals
of Buddhism in or about the year 308. * In ancient times,
the Licchavis of Vaisali had been the rivals of the kings of
Pataliputra. Chandragupta's position was elevated through
his Licchavi connections from the rank of a local chief. 8
His son and successor often felt pride in describing himself
as the son of the daughter of the Licchavis.* Before his
death, his son by the Licchavi princess, Samudra Gupta,
was selected by him as his successor. 6
The Nepal inscriptions point out that there were two
distinct houses, one of which, known as the Thakuri family,
is mentioned in the Vamsavall but is not recorded in the
< Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 24, 25.
* V.A. Smith. Early History of India, 3rd Ed., p. 279.
V. A. Smith, Barly History of India, 3rd. Ed., p, 280.
* Ibid, p. 280. s Ibid, p. 281.
120 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
inscriptions ; and the other was the Licchavi or the Sflrya-
vamSl family which issued its charters from the house or
palace called Managriha and uniformly used an era with the
Gupta epoch. 1 Thus we find that the Licchavis were not
inferior to the Imperial Guptas so far as rank and power
were concerned. 1 Their friendly relations with the Guptas
were established by the marriage of Candra Gupta I with
Kumaradevi, a daughter of the Licchavis.
1 Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, p. 135.
Ibid, p. 135-
CHAPTER II
THE JRATRIKAS
The Jnatrikas formed the clan which gave India one
of its greatest religious reformers. This
jftfttruuw < ta Indian was Mahavira, the last Tlrthankara of
tory ' the Jains. The name of the clan is also
given as the Nay a or Natha clan. 1
The Jnatrikas or the Khattiyas of the Naya (or Jnatri
clan) as Dr. Hoernle says/ used to dwell
Their location. fa y^-^ ( Basarfl ^ Kundagrama and
Vaniyagama. Dr. Hoernle holds, " Beyond Kundapura in
a further north-easterly direction lay the suburb (or station,
sannivesa) of Kollaga (see 7) which appears to have been
principally inhabited by the Kshattriyas of the Naya (or
Jnatri) clan, to which Mahavira belonged." 8 It is stated
in the Cambridge History of India* that just outside VaiSali,
there was the suburb of Kundagrama, probably surviving
in the modern village of Basukund. Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson
says that some two thousand years ago, in Basarh, the same
divisions existed as would be found to-day, and there, in fact,
the priestly (Brahmana), the warrior (Ksatriya) and the
commercial (Vaniya) communities lived so separately that
their quarters were sometimes spoken of as though they had
1 Uv&Mgadasao, vol. II, p. 4, . 11. * Ibid, vol. II, p. 4, f. n.
Ibid, Vol. II, p. 4, f. n.
* Cambridge History of India, Ancient India, edited by Rapson, vol. I, p. i<S7-
122 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
been distinct villages, as VaiSali, Kundagrama and Vanijya-
grama. Strangely enough it was not in their own but in the
Ksatriya ward that Mahavira was to be the great hero of the
Vaniya. : Vateali was undoubtedly a Ksatriya settlement
and commercial people might have lived in it but we do not
find any reference in the ancient literature and in coins and
inscriptions to Vateali being exclusively a Brahmir settle-
ment. Mrs. Stevenson has not cited any authority in
support of the above statement. We are not prepared to
accept it. Leaving aside the question of Vaisali being
inhabited by the Brahmins, the other statements of Mrs.
Stevenson seem to be appropriate.
The Jain writers give an idealised picture of the
Jnatrikas and tell us that they avoided
Characteristics of the an( j were affaid of
They abstained from wicked deeds, did
not do any mischief to any being and therefore they did not
partake of meat." Dr. Hoernle says, "outside their settle-
ment at Kollaga, the Jnatrikas (Naya
clan) possessed a religious establishment
(or Cheyia) which bore the name Duipalasa ( 3).
most Chei'yas, it consisted of a park enclosing a shrine, hence
in the Vipaka Sutra, it is called the Duipalasa Park (Ujjana)
and that it was owned by the Naya clan is shown by its
description in Kap 115 and Ay, n, 15 22, where it is
called Naya-Sandavane Ujjane or Naya-Sande Ujjane, i.e.,
Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, pp. 21-22.
Jaina Sutras, pt II, S.B.E., vol. XLV, p. 416.
THE JffATRIKAS 123
the park of the Sandavana (or Cheiya) of the Naya clan." 1
Thus we see that the Jnatrikas used to honour the Cheiyas
or Caityas or shrines. The Naya clan seems also to have
supported a body of monks who followed Pargvanatha, an
ascetic, who lived some 250 years before Mahavlra.* It is
stated in the Uvasagadasar that Mahavlra's parents (and
with them probably the whole clan of Naya Kshattriyas)
are said to have been followers of the tenets of ParSvanatha. 3
Lastly, when Mahavlra appeared, the members of his clan
became his devoted followers. The Stitrakritanga tells us
that those who followed the law proclaimed by Mahavlra
were virtuous and righteous and they were established in
law.*
Dr. Hoernle says that VaiSali, one of the settlements of
the Jnatrikas, was an oligarchic republic, the government
of which was "vested in a senate com-
overmen . p ose d of the heads of the resident
Ksatriya clans and presided over by an officer who had the
title of king and was assisted by a viceroy and a commander-
in-chief." * Mrs. S. Stevenson says that the government of
Vafeali seems to have resembled that of a Greek state. 6
The chief of the 'Ksatriya Nata Clan was Siddhartha
who married Trisala who was the sister
Sid ^ftSdST. cllicf f Cetaka, the most eminent amongst
the Licchavi princes. Siddhartha and
TriSala were the parents of Mahavlra, the last and the most
' Uvasagadasao, vol. II, pp. 4 & 5 f. n.
* Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, p. 31.
* Hoernle's ed. vol. II. p. 6. * Jaina Sutras, pt. II, pp. 256-257.
* J.A.S.B., 1898, p. 40. Heart of Jainism, p. 22.
124 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
famous of the Jaina Tirthankaras. The Svetambaras hold
that the embryo of the Tirthankara, which first entered the
womb of the Brahmin lady Devananda, was then transferred
to the womb of Trteala. This story is believed to be untrue
by the Digambaras. Siddhartha and his wife were worship-
pers of Parva and gave their son the name of Vardhamaua
(Mahavira). Dr. Hoernle speaks of Siddhattha thus,
"Though as may be expected, the Sacred Books of the
Jains speak of him in exaggerated terms, they do not, I
believe, ever designate him as ' the king of Kundapura or
Kundagama' ; on the contrary, he is, as a rule, only called
the khattiya Siddhattha (Siddhatthe khattiye) and only
exceptionally he is referred to simply as King Siddhattha.
This is perfectly consistent with his position as the chief of
the Kshatriyas of Kollaga. Accordingly Mahavira himself
was born in Kollaga and naturally when he assumed the
monk's vocation, he retired (as related in Kap 114, 116)
to the Chei'ya of his own clan, called Dui'palasa and situated
in the neighbourhood of his native place, Kollaga. Maha-
vira's parents are said to have been followers of the tenets
of ParSvanatha" 1 as we have already said. Mahavira on
renouncing the world would probably first join ParSva's
sect, in which, however, he soon became a reformer and
chief himself.*
Mahavira, the son of Siddhartha and Trigala, is undoubt-
edly the most notable scion of the
Jnatrika clan. A side-light on the
Uvaiagadasao, vol. II, pp. 5-6. Ibid, p. 6.
THE JNATRIKAS 125
tremendous influence exercised by this remarkable man on
his fellowmen is thrown by a passage occurring in the
canonical literature of his bitter antagonists, the Buddhists.
This passage may be translated thus, " He is the head of an
order, of a following, the teacher of a school, well-known
and of repute as a sophist, revered by the people, a man of
experience, who has lon been a recluse, old and well-stricken
in years" ' (Dialogues of the Buddha, II. , p. 66). A detailed
sketch of the life and work of Mahavlra will fill a volume
and is beyond the scope of the present treatise. We may,
however, mention the fact that it was he who brought the
Jfiatrikas into intimate touch with the neighbouring com-
munities of eastern India and developed a religion which is
still professed by millions of Indians. Another celebrity of
the Jnatrika clan was Ananda, a staunch follower of
Mahavlra. The Jaina work, Uvasagadasao, mentions that
he had with him a treasure of four kror measures of gold
deposited in a safe place. Again he is represented as a
person whom many kings, princes and other dignitaries
down to merchants found it necessary to consult on many
matters requiring advice. He had a devoted wife named
Sivananda. 1
1 * Safigbi ceva ga$T ca ga^acarivo ca nato yasassi titthakaro sadhusammato
bahujanassa rattan&u tiropabbajito addhagato vayo anupatto."
* Uvaiagadasao, II., Tr. pp. 7-9.
CHAPTER III
THE VIDEHAS
The Videhas are mentioned as a people in a very advan-
ced state of civilisation in the Brahmana
Vedftc evidence.
portion of the Vedas. That part of the
country where they lived, appears to have been known by
the name of Videha even in the still more ancient times of
the Samhitas. The Samhitas of the Yajurveda mention the
cows of Videha which appear to have been specially famous
in ancient India in the Vedic times. 1
According to Julius Eggeling, there lived to the east
of the Madhyadesa at the time of the
redaction of the Brahmanas, a con-
federacy of kindred peoples known as
the KoSalavidehas occupying a position of no less impor-
tance than that of the Kurupancalas. He further states
that the legendary account is that these people claimed
Videgha Mathaya to be their common ancestor and they are
said to have been separated from each other by the river
Sadanlra (corresponding to either the Rapti or the Gandak).
In his opinion the Videhan country was in those days the
extreme east of the land of the Aryans.* Dr. Weber points
i The commentator of the Taittiriya Satfahita explains the adjective Vaidehi by
Vifiitta-deha-sambandhini, having a splendid body 1 (see Vedic IndeT, Vol. II,
p. 398 and Keith's Veda of black Yajus school, Vol. I, p. 138).
gaUpatha Brahmana, S.B.B., Vol. XII, Intro. XEJI-XLIIT.
THE VIDEHAS 127
*
out that the Aryans apparently pushed further up the river
Saraswatl led by Videgha Mathava and his priest as far east
as the river Sadanira which formed the western boundary
of the Videhas or more probably the Gandak which was the
boundary between the Kosalas and the Videhas. '
The country is said to have derived its name from
this king Videgha Mathava or Videha
ename. introduced the sacrificial
fire; and according to some, this introduction of the sacri-
ficial fire is symbolical of the inauguration of the Brahmanical
faith in the region. As the legend is of importance in con-
nection with the question of Aryan settlement, in the Videha
country, we quote it here ii? full from the Satapatha Brah-
mana :- -
" Mathava, the (king of) Videgha, carried Agni Vaisvanai a
in his mouth. The Rsi Gotama Rahugana was his family
priest. When addressed (by the latter), he made no answer
to him, fearing lest Agni might fall from his mouth.
He (the priest) began to invoke the latter with verses of
the Rgveda, 'We kindle thee at the sacrifice, O wise Agni,
thee the radiant, the mighty caller to the sacrificial feast
(Rgveda, V., 26, 3)! O Videgha!'
He (the king) did not answer. (The priest went on),
'Upwards, O Agni, dart thy brilliant, shining rays, thy flames,
thy beams, (Rgveda VIII. 44, 16) O Videgha a a!
Still he did not answer. (The priest continued), 'Thee,
O butter-sprinkled one! we invoke. (Rgveda, V. 26, 2);
' S.B.E. Vol. XII, p. 104. f.
128 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
A
so much he uttered, when at the very mentioning of butter,
Agni VaiSvanara flashed forth from the (king's) mouth: he
was unable to hold him back; he issued from his mouth,
and fell down on this earth.
Mathava, the Videgha, was at that time on the (river)
Saraswati. He (Agni) thence went burning along this earth
towards the east ; and Gotama Rahugana and the Videgha
Mathava followed after him as he was burning along. He
burnt over (dried up) all these rivers. Now that (river),
which is called 'Sadanlra/ flows from the northern (Himalaya)
mountain : that one he did not burn over. That one the
Brahmans did not cross in former times, thinking, ' it has not
been burnt over by Agni VaiSvanara.'
Now-a-days, however, there are many Brahmans to
the east of it. At that time it (the land east of the Sadanlra)
was very uncultivated, very marshy, because it had not been
tasted by Agni VaiSvanara.
Now-a-days, however, it is very cultivated, for the
Brahmans have caused (Agni) to taste it through sacrifices.
Even in late summer that (river), as it were, rages along : so
cold is it, not having been burnt over by Agni VaiSvanara.
Mathava, the Videgha, then said (to Agni), 'Where
am I to abide ?' 'To the east of this (river) be thy abode, 1
said he. Even now this (river) forms the boundary of the
KoSalas and the Videhas ; for these are the Mathavas (or
descendants of Mathava). 1 ' *
Very great importance has rightly been attached
' Datapath* Brahmaija, trans, by BggeHng, S.B.B. XII pp. 104-106.
THE VIDEHAS * I2Q
to this passage which, since the days of Professor Weber,
has been taken by scholars to indicate the progress of Vedic
Aryan civilisation from north-western India towards the east.
Though we cannot be sure about this point, yet it shows at
least that in times that the Satapatha Brahmana considers
as ancient, the Videha country had received Vedic civilisa-
tion and the cult of offering sacrifices in fire had developed
there in those early days. According to tradition, the Sata-
patha Brahmana was compiled in the Videha country by
Yajnavalkya who flourished in the court of Samrat Janaka,
though parts of it bear testimony to having originated in the
country lying farther to the west like the other great Brah-
manas.
In the later mantra period, Videha must have been
organisedsofarastotakealeadingpartin
deha's contact with Vedic culture, and the Satapatha Brah-
Vedic culture. . ' * . .
mana clearly indicates thatthegreat spiri-
tual and intellectual lead offered by Samrat Janaka and Rsi
Yajnavalkya had to be accepted by the whole of Northern
India. Rsis from the Kurupancala regions flocked to the
court of Janaka and took part in the discussions held about
the supreme Brahman and had to admit the superior know-
ledge of Yajnavalkya. In our opinion, however, the Videha
country must have received Vedic culture long before
the time of the compilation of this Brahmana, as we find in
the Brihadaranyaka Upanisad which forms a part of it,
that Samrat Janaka of Videha was a great patron of Vedic
culture and that to his court repaired Rsis from the whole of
Northern India. Thus we read there : " Janaka Vaideha
9
I3O SOME K9TRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
(the King of the Videhas) performed a sacrifice at which
many presents were offered to the priests of (the ASvamedha) .
Brahmanas of the Kurus and the Pancalas had come thither,
and Janaka Vaideha wished to know, which of those Brah-
manas was the best read. So he enclosed a thousand cows,
andten padas (of gold) were fastened to each pair of horns.
And Janaka spoke to them : ' Ye venerable Brahmanas, he
who among you is the wisest, let him drive away these cows/
Then those Brahmanas durst not, but Yajnavalkya
said to his pupil: 'Drive them away, my dear.'
He replied: C O glory of the Saman,' and drove them
away.
The Brahmanas became angry and said: 'How could he
call himself the wisest among us ? '
Now there was Avala, the Hotr priest of Janaka
Vaideha. He asked him : f Are you indeed the wisest among
us, O Yajnavalkya?' He replied: 'I bow before the wisest
(the best knower of Brahman), but I wish indeed to have
these cows.'
Then ASvala, the Hotr priest, undertook to question
him." Yajnavalkya gave full and satisfactory answers to
all the questions put by Agvala, so that at last 'Agvala
held his peace/ as we are told in the naive language of the
Upanisad.
Then Jaratkarava Artabhaga took up the questionnaire,
and he also was forced to hold his peace like his predecessor,
Avala. Then followed in succession Bhujyu L,ahyayani,
Usasta Cakrayana, Kahola Kausltakeya, GargI Vacaknavi,
Uddalaka Aruni, and all of them had ultimately to hold
THE VIDBHAS I3 1
their peace. Then again Girgi Vacaknavl came to their
rescue, and the way she put the question is interesting,
showing that the Videhas put two arrows to their bow-string
at the same time. We read here :
"Then Vacaknavl said: 'Venerable Brahmanas, I shall
ask him two questions. If he will answer them, none of
you, I think, will defeat, him in any argument concerning
Brahman.' "
"Yajnavalkya said, 'Ask, O Gargi."'
"She said: 'O Yajnavalkya, as the son of a warrior
from the Kagis or the Videhas might string his loosened bow,
take two pointed foe-piercing arrows in his hand and rise
to do battle, I have risen to fight thee with two questions.
Answer me these questions.' " But these questions fared no
better than those had been asked before, and Gargl at last
exhorted the Rsis thus, "Venerable Brahmans, you may
consider it a great thing, if you get off by bowing before
him. No one, I believe, will defeat him in any argument
concerning Brahman." Then she held her peace.
Then rose Vidagdha Sakalya, evidently from the Kuru-
Pancala country, the Brahmanas of which held up their
heads very high in the early Brahmana period. He in the
course of the discussion that followed, said: 'Yajnavalkya,
because thou hast decried the Brahmanas of the Kuru-
Pancalas, what Brahman dost thou know ?'
Yajnavalkya non-plussed him, as he had done the rest,
and at last threw out a challenge: "Reverend Brahmanas,
whosoever among you desires to do so, may now question
me, or question me, all of you. Or whosoever among you
132 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
desires it, or I shall question all of you.' 1 "But," the
Upanfead adds, " those Brahmanas durst not (say anything)."
(Brihadaranyaka Upanisad, III. 1-9).
We have quoted this episode from the Upanisad to
show that at the time of the Satapatha Brahmana, the
Videha Brahmanas were superior to the Kuru-Pancalas as
regards the Upanisadic phase of the development of Vedic
culture.
In other works of the Brahmana period as well as of the
Sutra period that followed, other celebrated kings of Videha
are mentioned (vide Vedic Index, II, 298), so that there can
be no question that the Videhans maintained a high position
in Vedic society at least in the Brahmana period, and from
the superior intellectual position that they had attained
in this period it is legitimate to assume that Vedic Aryan
culture had taken its root in Videha long before the Brahmana
age, and most probably in the early Samhita age of the
Rgveda.
Besides the great Vahudakgina sacrifice performed by
Janaka, 1 and attended by the Brahmins
Sacrifices in Videha.
of Kuru and Pancala to which we have
already referred, the Jataka stories, too, refer to sacrifices
performed by the Videhan kings. Goats were sacrificed
in the name of religion. 2 We are told in the Puranas that
Nimi, Iksvaku's son, a king of Videha, performed a sacrifice
for a thousand years with the help of Vai$ha who had
i Described by Aswaghosa as one who being a householder attained merit lead-
ing to final bliss.
' Jataka, Vol. I, p. 166 foil.
THE VIDEHAS 133
previously officiated as high-priest at a certain Yajna lasting
for a long time performed by Indra. On the completion of
that ceremony VaSigtha went to Mithila to commence the
sacrifice of King Nimi. 1
The evidence of the Adhyatma Ramayana also testifies
to the Yajnika activities of the Videhan royal family. ViSva-
mitra is represented r.s saying to Rama who was with
Lak^mana, " Dear, we are going to Mithila, of which Janaka
is the ruler. After attending the great Yajna of Janaka,
we shall make for Ayodhya." (Adhyatma Ramayana,
Balakanda, Chap. VII, p. 68 3 Kali Sankara Vidyaratna's
edition).
Coming to the Epic age we find Ramacandra, the hero
of the Ramayana. marrying Vaidehi. the
Videha in the Epics.
adopted daughter of Janaka. King of
Mithila. 2 This Janaka is probably not the same person as
the patron of Yajnavalkya ; it appears that several sovereigns
of the dynasty bore that title which had been rendered
glorious by the intellectual and political powers of the Vedic
King. The Ramayana gives a splendid picture of the
Videha capital and the wide and richly equipped sacrificial
place of King Janaka.
The distance between Mithila and Ayodhya may also
mm ,__ fc a be gathered from the fact that during the
Mithila, the capital. .
reign of Janaka, king of Videha, when
ViSwamitra came to Mithila with Rama and Laksmana,
it took them four days to reach Mithila from Ayodhya.
> Vi$nupurana, p. 346 (Vaugavasi edition).
2 Ramayana, Balakangam (Bombay edition), chap. 73.
134 SOME K$ATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
They took rest for one night only at ViSala on their
way. 1
The messengers sent by Janaka reached DaSaratha's
capital in three days of very fast travelling and DaSaratha on
his journey to the Videhan capital in his chariots took four
days. Mithila, the capital, is identified by tradition with
modern Janakapura in the hills in the present Nepalese
territories ; a large number of pilgrims visits it every year.
In the Mahabharata, Videha, its capital Mithila, and
its king Janaka are mentioned many times. After Yudhi$-
thira's accession to the throne of Indraprastha, before the
Rajasfiya sacrifice, Bhima defeated in the course of his
digfrijaya, the king of the Videha people (Vaidehakafi ca
Rajanam) [Sabha, Ch. 30] ; Kama also conquered Mithila
the Videha capital in his digvijaya (Vana, 254) ; the cele-
brated sacrifice of Janaka is referred to in several places
(Vana, Chs. 132, 134, etc.), a conversation between Janaka
and Yajnavalkya is related in the Santiparva (Ch. 311).
There are many references to Janaka's spiritual enlighten-
ment, his talks with Pancasikha, with Sulabha and others
and the teaching imparted by him to the young Suka (Santi-
parva, Chap. 327, etc.). Krsna with Bhlmasena and Arjuna
visited Mithila, the capital of the Videhas, on his way
from Indraprastha to Rajagrha (Sabha 20). The Videhas
are mentioned twice in the list of peoples in the Bhi?maparva,
once as Videhas along with the Magadhas and again as Vai-
tehas along with the Tamraliptakas.
Ritn&7a*a (Vafigariif edition), 1-5.
THE VIDEHAS 135
The Vinu Parana also mentions the Videha country,
furnishes a list of its rulers from ancient
times and gives an account of the origin
of the name of Videha and also that of
Mithila, the capital. It relates that Vasistha having performed
the sacrifice of Indra proceeded to Mithila to commence the
sacrifice of King Nimi. On reaching there he found that the
king had engaged Gautama to perform the sacrificial rites.
Seeing the king asleep he cursed him thus : " King Nimi
will be bodiless (Videha, vi vigata, deha) inasmuch as he
having rejected me has engaged Gautama." The king being
awake cursed Vasistha saying that Vasistha too would perish
as he had cursed a sleeping king. Rsis churned the dead
body of Nimi. As a result of the churning, a child was
born, afterwards known as Mithi, his birth being due to
churning. The most important Videhan king was, nc doubt,
Janaka but we have reference to other kings in our ancient
literature, namely, Sagaradeva, Bharata,
Angirasa, Ruci, Suruci, Patapa, Maha-
patapa, Sudassana, Neru, Mahasammata, Mucala, Maha-
mucala, two Kalyanas, 1 6atadhanu of ill-fame,* Makhadeva,
Sadhina, Suruci, Nimi and others. Mithila was founded
by King Mithi better known as Janaka. According to the
Bhavi$ya Parana, Nimi's son, Mithi founded a beautiful
city near Tirhoot which was named Mithila after him. Prom
the fact of his having founded the city, he came to be known
a, Geiger's translation, p. 10.
Vifnapurana, pt. Ill, Chap. XVIII, p. 217. (Vangavaii Bdn.)
136 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
as Janaka. 1 The Mahagovinda Suttanta of the Digha
Nikaya gives another account of its origin and states that
Mithila of the Videhas was built by Govinda. 4
Kings of Videha usually maintained friendly relations
with neighbouring powers. We have
Matrimonial relations already referred to the marriage of Sita,
with the neighbouring
powersmarriage of a daughter of Janaka, king of Videha, with
* prince rfKoiaia. Ratnacandra, the son of Dasaratha, king
of Kosala mentioned in the Ramayana.
Instances of matrimonial alliances concluded by the kings
of Videha with the neighbouring royal families occur also
in later literature. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar
points out that in the plays of Bhasa,
Udayana is called Vaidehlputra. This
clearly indicates that his mother was a princess of Videha."
In the Buddhist literature, we have a reference to another
Videhan princess who was the mother of
u,^the Vaide- AjataSatru and was no doubt a queen of
Bimbisara. Her name was Vasavi. *
Vardhamana Mahavlra, the great founder of Jainism,
" a Videha, son of Videhadatta, a native
of Videha, a prince of Videha, had lived
thirty years in Videha when his parents
l Bhavi$yapurana, " Nixneh putrastu tatraiva. .purijauana .vimarthut jinakab
saca kirtitah."
=2 P.T.S., Vol. II, p. 235.
A Carmichael lectures, 1918, pp. 58 & 59, Udayana is addressed as Vaideuiputra
(S. V. Act. 6, p. 68, Ganapati S&strl's Bdn.).
* RockhUl, Ivife of the Buddha, pp. 63-64.
THE VIDEHAS 137
died." * Mithila was his favourite resort. Here six mon-
soons were spent by him. *
At the time when the Buddha preached his religion, we
find the ancient Videha country cut up into parts, the
Licchavis occupying the foremost position among the tribes
that occupied it in former times. Eight peoples are named
as making up the Vajjian confederacy, the Licchavis and
the Videhas named as such, occupying a prominent position.
The confederacy, according to Kautilya, was a RajaSabdo-
_ pajivin Sangha. " Videha was 24 yoja-
~ " nas in length from the river KauSik! to
the river Gandak and sixteen yojanas in breadth from the
Ganges to the Himalayas (Brihat Visnupurana, " Kau&ikim
tu samarabhya Mithila nama nagari tatraste loka viSru-
ta"). The capital of Videha was Mithila situated about
thirty-five miles north-west from Vesali. *
It is stated in the Jatakas that the city of Mithila, the
capital of the Videhans, was seven leagues and the kingdom
of Videha three hundred leagues in extent. 8 It was the
capital of the kings Janaka and Makhadeva in the district
now called Tirhut. tt The city of Mithila in Jambudvipa
had plenty of elephants, horses, chariots, oxen, sheep and
all kinds of wealth of this nature together with gold, silver,
gems, pearls and other precious things. 7 From a Jataka
Jaino Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, pt. I, p. 256.
Ibid, p. 264.
ArthaSastra, translated by Shamasastri, p. 455.
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 26.
J ataka(Cowell's edition), Vol III, p. 222.
Buddhist India, p. 37. 1 Beat's Romantic Legend of akya Buddha, p. 30.
138 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
description, we learn that the kingdom of Videha had 16,000
villages, storehouses filled, and 16,000 dancing girls. l Mag-
nificent royal carriages were drawn by four horses. The
Videhan king was seen seated in a carriage drawn in state
around his capital. '
In the Si-Yu-Ki (Buddhist Records of the Western
World) we find that the Chinese traveller, Hiuen Tsiang,
describing the kingdom of Fo-li-shi (Vrijji) says that the
capital of the country is Chen-shu-na. At the foot of page
77 we find a note by the translator who calls our attention
to the fact that the country of the Vrijis was that of the
confederated eight tribes of the people called the Vrijis.
He quotes V. de St. Martin who connects the name Chen-
shu-na with Janaka and Janakapur, the capital of Mithila. *
From a very early time, Videha figured as a place
frequented by merchants. At the time
of Buddha Gautama we find people
coming from SavatthI to Videha to sell
their wares. When the Buddha was at Savatthi, a disciple
of his, who was an inhabitant of SavatthI, took cart-loads of
articles and went to Videha for trade. There he sold his
articles and filled the carts with articles got in exchange and
then proceeded towards SavatthI. When he was proceeding
through a forest, one wheel of a cart broke down. Then
another man who had gone out of his own village with an
axe to cut down trees, reached the very spot while wander-
ing in the forest. He saw the disciple dejected on account
* Jitaka, Vol. Ill, p. aaa. t ibid, Vol. II, p. 37.
Beaft Records of the Western World. Vol. II, p. 78. n
THE VIDEHAS 139
of the breaking of the wheel. Taking pity on the traveller,
he cut down a tree, made a strong wheel out of it, and fixed
it to the cart and thus got him out of the trouble. The
latter then succeeded in reaching Savatthi. 1
The Videhans were a charitable people. Many insti-
tutions of charity were in existence.
Daily six hundred thousand pieces were
spent in alms-giving. 2 We find it stated
in the Makhadeva Jataka how a Videhan king, when he re-
nounced the wordly life, gave a village to his brother which
fetched him much.
The Jataka stories occasionally make extravagant
demands upon popular credence as when they relate how the
average length of human life at the time of the Buddha
Gautama was thirty thousand years. More fortunate than
the average mortal, King Makhadeva of
Mithila had a lease of life for eighty-four
thousand years/ in the earlier portion of which he amused
himself as a royal prince and later on was appointed a
viceroy, and last of all he became a king. We, however,
come to a more sober estimate when we find it related that
there lived in Mithila, a Brahmin named Brahmayu, aged
one hundred and twenty years, who was well versed in the
Vedas, Itihasas, Vyakarana, Lokayata and was endowed
with all the marks of a great man. 4
i Dhammapala's Paramatthadipan! on the Theragathi, pt. Ill, pp. 277-27%.
* J&taka (Cowell), Vol. IV, p. 224.
> Jataka, (Cowell), Vol. I, p. 31.
If ajjhima Nikaya, Vol. II, P* I, pp. 133-134-
140 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Polygamy appears to have been in vogue among the
kings of Videha. Brahmadatta, king of
oy ous. Benares, had a daughter named Sume-
dha whom he declined to give in marriage to a Videhan
prince who had a large number of wives, fearing that her co-
wives would make her life very miserable. So he thought
that he would marry his daughter to a prince who would
wed her alone and take no other wife. 1
Many writers bear testimony to the devotion and faith-
fulness of Videhan princesses. The story of Sita is too well-
known to be repeated. It is stated in the Amitayurdhyana
Satra that when AjataSatru arrested his father Bimbisara at
the instigation of Devadatta and confined him in a room
with seven walls, declaring that none should approach him,
Vaidehi, the queen-mother, who was very faithful to her
husband, having purified herself by bathing and washing,
having anointed her body with honey and ghee mixed with
corn-flour and having concealed the juice of grapes in the
various garlands she wore, saved his life. AjataSatru enquir-
ed about his father and he was informed by the warder of
the gate about what Vaidehi had done. This enraged him
much and he wanted to kill his mother. At this the
ministers remonstrated with him and he had to give up this
idea. Vaidehi was kept in seclusion. She showed great
respect to the Buddha who appeared before her and gave
her a long discourse on peace and contentment. *
We read in one of the Jatakas that in Videha the people
1 Jataka, Vol. IV, pp. 198-205. * S.B.E., Vol. XUX, pp. 761-201.
THE VIDEHAS 141
reproached the king for his childlessness and suggested to
the king various devices which could be
^ Wl vid i011in accepted or rejected by the king who
might ask for the advice of the people
as to what to do. l
The kings of Mithila were men of high culture. We
have already referred to Janaka, the great Rajarsi of the
Brahmanic period, who had received Brahinavidya or
Atmavidya from the great sage Yajnavalkya, the reputed
author of the Yajiiavalkyasamhita. 2 In the Buddhist age,
we find Sumitra, king of Mithila, devoted
Vlde oi* ea k rning. lovc to the P^ctice and study of the true law. *
King Videha of Mithila had four sages
to instruct him in law. *
In the past when King Videha was reigning at Mithila,
his queen bore him a son who grew up
and was e d uca t e d at Taxila. 6 Taxila
was the seat of learning where the
Videhan princes, like the princes of the other States, 8 used to
receive education.
Stories regarding the religious proclivities of the royal
family of Videha are frequently met with in our ancient
literature. Once Nimi, king of Videha, was looking down at
the street through an open window of the palace. A hawk
1 Jataka. Vol. V, pp. 141-42.
2 Anargha Raghava (Nirnayasagara edition), p. 117.
S Bed, Romantic Legend of akya Buddha, p. 30.
J&taka (Cowell), Vol. VI, p. 156. ' Ibid, Vol. II, p. 27.
See my paper, " Taxila as a seat of learning in the Pali Literature. " J.A.S.B. ,
Vol. XII, 1916.
See also my " Historical Gleanings ", p. I, foil.
142 SOME KSATMYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
was then seen flying up into the air, taking some meat from
the meat market. The bird was moles-
8ttMT ofvid3to. klllg ted by some otlier birds which began to
peck it with their beaks. It had to
give up the piece of meat as their pecking was too much for
it and the same piece of meat was then taken up by another
bird which met with the same fate and dropped it and a
third took it and was molested in the same way. Thereupon
the following thoughts arose in the king's mind: -"The
possessor was unfortunate and the relinquisher was happy ;
sorrow befell a person who indulged in the pleasures of the
senses but happiness was the lot of the man who renounced
them; as he had sixteen thousand women he ought to
live in happiness ; but the pleasures of the senses should be
renounced like the hawk relinquishing the morsel of flesh. "
Considering this, wise as he was, he realised the three
properties of blessedness and gained spiritual illumination
and reached the wisdom of a Paccekabuddha. '
Another Jataka story relates that Videha, king of
vid ha Videha, and Bodhisattva, king of Gan-
Kinft Bodhisattva of dhra. were on friendly terms though
Gandhara.
they never met each other. Once on the
fast day of the full-moon, the king of Gandhara took the vow
of the commands (a vow to keep the five moral precepts) and,
sitting on a royal throne prepared for him, delivered before
his ministers a discourse on the substance of the law. At
that moment Rahu was overshadowing the full moon's orb
^ Jataka, Vol. Ill, p. 230.
THE VIDBHAS 143
so that the moon's light became dim by an eclipse. The
ministers told the king that the moon had been seized by
Rahu. The king observing the phenomenon thought that
all the trouble came from outside ; his royal retinue was
nothing but a trouble and that it was not proper that he
should lose his light like the moon seized by Rahu. He then
made over his kingdom to his ministers and took to a religious
life and having attained transcendental faculty, he spent the
rainy season in the Himalayan regions, devoting himself
to the delight of meditation.
The king of Videha when he heard of the religious life
of the king of Gandhara abdicated the throne of Mithila
and went to the Himalayan region and became a hermit.
The two ex-kings lived together in peace and friendliness
without knowing each other's antecedents. The ascetic of
Videha waited upon the ascetic of Gandhara. One day
they saw the moon's light destroyed. The former asked the
master (the ascetic of Gandhara) as to the cause of it. He
was told by the master that all trouble came from outside
like the trouble to the moon seized by Rahu and that he
(the master) taking the moon's orb seized by Rahu as his
theme, had left his kingdom and taken to a religious life.
Whereupon Videha recognised the ex-king of Gandhara who
had surely seen the good of a religious life and said that he
had heard of it and had taken him as his ideal and left his
kingdom to lead a religious life. 1
We have already referred to the long life of King Makha-
Jataka (Cowell's edition), Vol. Ill", pp. 322-223.
144 SOME KSAXRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
r< *
H$eva of Mithila. The story of his renunciation may be
summarised in a few words. One day he
Kto 4SSS?tflS[r 8 asked his barber to inform him when any
grey hair on his head would be noticed
by him. One day the barber saw a grey hair and placed
it on the hand of the king who after seeing it became morti-
fied and thought that his days were numbered. His eldest
son was sent for and was asked to take charge of the
sovereignty. The old king became a recluse and lived in a
grove which was named Makhadeva' s mango-grove. He
developed very high spiritual powers and after death was
reborn in the realm of Brahma. Passing thence he became
a king in Mithila and once more became a hermit. He
again came to the realm of Brahma. '
Sadhina, a righteous king in Mithila, kept the five virtues
and observed the fast-day vows. The
King Sadhina's story. . J
king s virtue and goodness were praised
by the princes of Heaven who sat in the " Justice Hall " of
Sakka. All the gods desired to see him. Accordingly,
Sakka ordered Matali to bring Sadhina to heaven in his own
i Jataka (Cowell's), Vol. I, pp. 31-32. In the Makhadeva Suttam (Majjhima
Nikaya, Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 74-83) we find the same story with slight variations.
The king of Mithila named Makhadeva was very righteous and used to perform
his duties towards the Samanas, Brahmanas, the householders and the citizens. He
used to observe the Sabbath on the 8th, nth and 1 5th day of the lunar month. He
told his barber to find out grey hairs. After many years, the barber found out
grey hairs on his head and informed him. The other details are the same. Nimi
a later king, was like Makhadeva. Indra with gods came to him and praised him
very much. As soon as Nimi reached the Mote-Hall of the gods, he was received
cordially by Indra whcLg|ftf praised him in the midst of the assembly of gods.
He was sent back to his WJ& in a celestial chariot.
Mote-Hall of the (iculs an.l Uu- Wheel of Law.
THE VIDEHAS 145
chariot. Matali went to the kingdom of Videha. It was
then the day of the full moon. Matali drove his celestial
chariot side by side with the moon's disc. All people kept
on shouting, "See, two moons are in the sky." But the
chariot came near them and they cried, " It is no moon but a
chariot, a son of the gods it would seem. Surely the chariot
is for our king, virtuous as he is." Matali went to the king's
door and made a sign that he (the king) should ascend the
chariot. The king after arranging for the distribution of
alms went away with Matali. One-half of the city of gods
and twenty -five millions of nymphs and a half of the palace
of Vaijayanta were given by Sakka to Sadhina. The king
lived there in happiness for seven hundred years. But
afterwards when his merits were exhausted, dissatisfaction
arose in him and he did not wish to remain in heaven any
longer. The king was carried to Mithila where he distributed
alms for seven days and on the yth day he died and was re-
born in the Heaven of Thirty- three. 1
Suruci, king of Mithila, had a wife named Sumedha who
was childless. Sumedha prayed for a son.
ci and bis consort On the first of the fifteenth day of the
ume * month, she took the eight-fold sabbath
vows (atthasilan!) against taking life, theft, impurity, lying,
intoxicating liquors, eating at forbidden hours, worldly
amusements, unguents and ornaments, and ' sat meditating
upon the virtues in a magnificent room upon
couch.' Sakka in the guise of a sage came ig
i Jataka (Co well), Vol. IV, pp. 224-2;
IO
146 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
park and stayed at the window of the bedchamber of
Sumedha. She on learning from her companions that
Sakka would give the boon of a son to a virtuous woman,
entreated him to favour her with it. Sakka asked her to
sing her own praises in fifteen stanzas which she did to his
satisfaction. Afterwards she was blessed with a child.'
Jataka (Cowell), Vol. IV, pp. 198-205.
CHAPTER IV
THE MALLAS
The Mallas were a powerful people of eastern India
at the time of Gautama, the Buddha. They are often men-
tioned in the Buddhist and the Jaina works.
The country of the Mallas is spoken of in many passages
of a Buddhist work as one of the sixteen
TheC MauS. fthe "great countries" (mahajanapadas). 1 It
is also mentioned in the Sabhaparva of
the Mahabharata where we are told that the second Pandava,
Bhimasena, during his expedition to East
India conquered the chief of the Mallas
besides the country of Gopalakaksa and
the Northern Kosala territories. 2 Amongst the peoples inha-
biting the different countries in India, the Bhismaparva
mentions the Mallas along with such East Indian peoples as
the Angas, the Vangas, and the Kalingas. 3
At the time we are speaking of, they appear to have
been divided into two confederacies " one with headquarters
at PavS, and the other with headquarters at KuSnara " as
we see from the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta.* There is
reason to believe that in the Buddha's time, Kusinara was
' Anguttara Nikaya, see XLII, 4, etc., Vol. IV, p. 252.
* Vangavasi Edition, Vol. I, p. 241 ; Sabha Chap. XXX, SI. 3.
3 Vafigavasi Edition, Bhi^maparra, Chap. IX, SI. 46, p. 822.
* Digha Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 165.
148 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
not a city of the first rank like Rajagaha, VaiSali or Savatthi.
When the I^ord expressed to Ananda his desire to die at Kusl-
nara, Ananda said to him, " Let not the Exalted One die in
this little wattle-and-daub town, in this town in the midst
of the jungle, in this branch township " The fact
that the Buddha hastened to KuSInara from Pava during his
last illness proves that the journey did not take him long ;
but the description in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta does
not enable us to make any accurate estimate of the distance
between the two cities of the Mallas. Kuslnara has been
identified by Cunningham with the village of Kasia in the
east of the Gorakhpur District ' and this view has recently
been strengthened by the fact that in the stQpa behind the
Nirvana temple, near this village, has been discovered a
copperplate bearing the inscription [parini] rvana-chaitya-
tamra-patta, or the copperplate of the parinirvana-caitya.
This identification appears to be correct, although the late
Dr. Vincent A. Smith would prefer to place Kuslnara in Nepal,
beyond the first range of hills. 2 Rhys Davids expresses the
opinion that the territory of the Mallas of KuInara and
Pava, if we may trust the Chinese pilgrims, was on the
mountain slopes to the east of the Sakya land and to the
north of the Vajjian confederation. But some would place
their territory south of the Sakyas and east of the Vajjians. 8
It is a considerable distance from Kasia in the Gorakhpur
i Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, pp. 430-433.
* V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 159, f. n. 5 ; Pargiter, J.R.A.S. 1913*
p. 152.
Buddhist fndia, p. 26.
THE MALLAS 149
district to Pawapuri of the Jainas in the Patna district and
one so ill as the Buddha after his meal at the house of
Cunda, was not likely to walk such a distance on foot. There-
fore, Pava of the Buddhist books appears to have been
distinct from Pawapuri and situated not very far from Kasia.
The Cullavagga of the Vinaya Pitaka mentions another
town of the Mallas named Anupiya 1
^Mafto tl* e * where the Buddha resided for some time.
This Anupiya may be the same as the
mango-grove called Anupiya, where Gautama spent the first
seven days after his renunciation, on his way to Rajagrilia. 1
A fourth town of the Mallas called Uruvelakappa is
mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya,
where the Blessed One stayed for some
time. 8 In its neighbourhood, there
appears to have existed a wide forest called Mahavana where
the Buddha went alone for midday rest after his meal, and
met the gahapati Tapussa.
From the passage "The Exalted One was a K?atriya
and so are we. We are worthy to receive a portion of the
relics of the Exalted One. Over the remains of the Exalted
One will we put up a sacred cairn, and in his honour will we
celebrate a feast/ 1 it is evident that the Mallas belonged to
i Cullavagga, VII, 1. 1, Vinaya Texts, S.B.E. pt. Ill, p. 224.
* Tasmim eva padese Anupiyaih nama ambavanani attlii : tattha sattahaiii
pabbajjasukhena vitinametva timsayojanaih maggain padasa gantva Rajagahtiii
pavisi. Introduction to the Jatakas, Faiisboll, Jataka, Vol. I, pp. 65-66.
* " Bvain me sutam. Ekaifa samayazu Bhagava ,Mallikesu Viharati UruveUkap-
parfi nama Mallikanam nigamo." Satbyutta Nikaya, pt. V, p. 228; Anguttara
Nikaya, Vol. IV, p. 438.
150 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the Ksatriya caste and in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta l
they are repeatedly addressed by the Buddha as well as
M , . by Ananda and others as Vasetthas or
M alias a Ksatrlya
tribe-vratyas accord- Vasisthas. The Mallas of Pava are also
ng to ami. addressed as Vasetthas by the Buddha in
the Sahgiti Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya. 2 This shows
that all the Mallas belonged to the VaSistha gotra like the
Licchavis. Like the Licchavis again, the Mallas are men-
tioned by Manu to have been born of a ksatriya mother
and of a ksatriya father who was a vratya, that is, who
had not gone through the ceremony of vedic initiation at
the proper age.
According to Kautilya, the Mallas were a safigha or
corporation of which the members called
Political organisation. r . .......
themselves rajas just as the Licchavis did
and the commentator, Buddhaghosa, also calls them rajas. 8
A passage in the Majjhima Nikaya, in giving an illustration
of sahghas and ganas, mentions the Licchavis and the Mallas,
showing that the Mallas were a typical example of a sangha-
rajya.* The accounts given above show that the Mallas of Pava
and Ku&inarahad their respective Santhagaras or Mote-Halls
where all matters, both political and religious, were discussed.
We have seen that a new council-hall called Ubbhataka had
been built by the Mallas of Pava but was still unused when
the Buddha visited their city in the course of his peregrina-
i Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. II, pp. 162. ft.
Digha Nikaya (P.T.S.), Vol. Ill, p. 209.
3 Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. Ill, p. 201.
* Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. I, p. 231.
THE MAU,AS 151
tions, and it was there that they invited him to deliver his
discourses to them. We have also seen the Mallas assembled
and doing business in their Mote-Hall when Ananda went to
them with the message of the impending death of the Master
and again, the Mallas assembled in the Santhagara to discuss
the procedure to be followed in the disposal of the dead body,
and afterwards to discuss the claims put forward by the
various k^atriya kings and peoples. In the Mahaparinibbana
Suttanta as given in the Digha Nikaya, there is the mention
of a set of officers called Purisas. 1 among
Malta officers.
the Mallas of KuSmara, about whose
functions we are quite in the dark. But Rhys Davids takes
them to be a class of subordinate servants. 2
It seems that the Mallas were a martial race and were
^ m , devoted to such manly sports as wrest-
The Mall as, a martial r
race but not unmind- ling. 3 It is probable that the word ( Malta'
ful of learning. r .
denoting a wrestler by profession was
derived from the tribal name of this brave people. But it
must not be thought that they neglected learning. We are
told in one of the Buddhist texts that Bandhula, a son of a
Mallian king of KuSinara went to Taxila for education.
There he sat at the feet of a great teacher along with Pasenadl
of Koala and Mahali, a Licchavi prince of VaiSali. After
completing his education he came back to his realm. 4
The sojourn of the Mallian princes to Taxila was not alto-
gether unfruitful because we find the Mallians discussing philo-
J Digha Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 159. * Buddhist India, p. 21.
Jataka (Cowell's Ed.) Vol. II, p. 65.
* Faiisboll, Dbammapada (old edition), p. 211.
152 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
sophy . Serious philosophical problems of sati, samadhi, viriya,
saddha,dukkha, etc., did not escape their
Philosophical specula- attention as may be seen f rom fa follow-
ing incident : Bhadragakogamani, an
upasaka, went to the Buddha and enquired of the cause of the
arising of suffering and of the overcoming of suffering. The
Buddha replied that he (Bhadragako) did not believe that
the enquiry could be answered by exemplifications from past
and future occurrences. So the Buddha wanted to instruct
him about it by means of the present happenings. The Lord
said, " Is there any one in Uruvelakappa who if killed or im-
prisoned or injured or blamed produces trouble in your mind ?' '
Gamani replied in the affirmative. The Buddha said, "What
is the cause of it ? There must be some one here against
whom if something be performed, the performance of that
act surely produces trouble in your mind." The Lord added,
( ' The reason of this is that you have attachment towards that
one and you have not attachment towards the other. Attach-
ment is not the effect of this life but of the past life." The
Buddha cleared his doubts as to his existence in the past.
He further said, " There is attachment towards mother for the
simple reason that he is born in her womb and for this he is
troubled over her disease and death and thereby it is proved
that there is a connection between this life and the next.
Attachment is the root of our trouble and the uprooting of
it is the uprooting of suffering." 1
Living among the Mallas in Uruvelakappa, he told the
' Sathyutta Nikaya, pt. IV, pp. 327 foil.
THE MAW,AS 153
Bhikkhus that the four indriyani (saddha, viriya, sati and
samadhi) can be fully realised by the acquisition of sublime
knowledge. 1
Shortly before the passing away of the Lord while dwell-
ing in the Sala-grove of the Mallas at Kusinara, he advised
the Bhikkhus, among whom there must have been not a few
Mallians, who were present, to bear in mind the following
instruction, being ardent and strenuous: " Vayadhamma
samkhara." * (All samkharas are subject to decay.)
Before the advent of Jainism and Buddhism, the Mallas
seem to have been caitya-worshippers
Early religion. ' T . , .
like their neighbours, the Licchavis.
One of their shrines called Makuta Bandhana, to the east of
Kusinara, is mentioned in connection with the death of the
Buddha where his dead body was carried for cremation.
There is, however, no indication of the kind of worship that
was performed at this place.
Jainism found many followers among the Mallas as
among many other races of Eastern
Jftixiism.
India. The accounts we get in the Bud-
dhist Literature of the schism that appeared in the Jairia
Church after the death of Mahavira amply prove this. At
Pava the followers of Nigantha Nataputta were divided after
the death of their great Tirthankara. We find that there
were both ascetics and lay devotees among these Jains for
we read that on account of the disputations among the asce-
tics, " even the lay disciples of the white robe, who followed
Saifcyutta Nikaya pt. V, pp. 228-229 * Saiiiyutta N. pt. I, p. i 8.
154 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Nataputta, showed themselves shocked, repelled and indig-
nant at the Niganthas. " ' These lay Jainas appear form this
passage to have been draped in white robes, just as the
svetambaras are at the present day. The Buddha as well as
Sariputta, one of the principal disciples, seems to have taken
advantage of the schism that appears to have overtaken the
Jaina church on the death of their founder for the propagation
of the rival faith. In the Pasadika Suttanta, we find that it
is Cunda, the novice of Pava, who brings the news of the
death of the great Tlrthankara, Mahavlra, to Ananda at
Samagama in the Malla country and the latter at once saw
the importance of the event and said, " Friend Cunda, this is
a worthy subject to bring before the Exalted One. Let's
go to him and tell him about it." They hastened to the
Buddha who delivered a long discourse. 2
Buddhism appears to have attracted many followers
among the Mallas, some of whom like the
Buddhism .
venerable Dabba the Mallian, attained
a high and respectable position among the brethren. We
read in the Cullavagga, 3 "Now at that time the venerable
Dabba the Mallian, who had realised Arhatship when he was
seven years old, had entered into possession of every (spiritual
gift) which can be acquired by a disciple ; there was nothing
left that he ought still to do, nothing left that he ought to
gather up of the fruit of his past labour." On account of
his virtues, he was appointed, after due election by the
* Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. C II, p. 203.
* Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. Ill, p. 112. Vinaya Texts, pt. Ill, p. 4. foil.
THE MAU,AS 155
Buddhist sangha, a regulator of lodging places and appor-
tioner of rations. He was so successful in the discharge
of these duties which required a great deal of patience and
tact that he was considered by the sangha to be possessed
of miraculous powers. But there were some, like the followers
of Metteya and Bhummajaka, who became envious and set
the bhikkhuni Mettiya and Vaddha, the Licchavi, to bring
about his fall and expulsion from the sangha, but their evil
intentions were discovered and the venerable Dabba the
Mallian was exculpated from the charges brought against him.
Khandasumana, born in the family of a Malla raja
at Pava, entered the order and acquired six-fold Abhinna. 1
Once Buddha was in the country of the Mallas named
Uruvelakappa. One day he asked Ananda to stay there
and himself left for Mahavana to spend the day. While
Ananda was staying there, a householder named Tapussa,
probably a Mallian, came to him and told him that he was
so much absorbed in the enjoyment of sensual pleasures
that he was never averse to worldly life. He (the house-
holder) further told him that even a young man was satisfied
with the religion and teachings of the Lord. He asked him
as to the cause of it. Ananda took him to the Buddha
while he was spending the day at Mahavana. Ananda
having informed the Buddha, the Master said that such a
state of things happened with him also before attaining
enlightenment. He who has not seen and thought of the
evil effect of sensual pleasures and he who has not thought
i Psalms of the Brethren, p- 90.
156 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
of the fruition of emancipation cannot bend his mind towards
emancipation. This is the cause of not being able to make
oneself averse to worldly life. The Master continued that
when he succeeded in seeing and thinking of the evil effect
of sensual pleasures and of the fruition of emancipation,
he realised the first stage of meditation. When he realised
the first stage, the thinking of enjoyment of sensual
pleasures became a malady to him ; when he realised the
second stage, the first stage appeared trifling to him and so
on up to the fourth stage. When he realised all the jhanas
together with the ayatanas, his mind was bent upon nirvana.
Because of his realising the jhanas together with the
ayatanas and the nirvana and because of his thwarting
the enjoyment of sensual pleasures, he was successful in
being foremost in the Deva, Brahma and the Mara worlds,
amongst the Samanas and the Brahmanas. 1
Roja, a Mallian, asked Ananda whether the Buddha
would accept potherbs and meal from his hands. According-
ly, Ananda asked the Lord whether presents would be
acceptable. The Lord replied in the affirmative. When
Roja actually took those presents to him, the Lord asked
him to hand them over to the bhikkhus. He did so and
the bhikkhus were satisfied with them. Roja then sat on
one side. When the Blessed One finished his meal, he ' taught,
and incited, and conversed, and gladdened ' him 'with religious
discourse. 1 At last Roja rose from his seat and departed. 1
l Aftguttara Nikaya, Vol. IV, pp. 438-448.
* Vinaya Tex pt. II, S.B.E., Vol. XVII, p. 139.
THE MAIXAS 157
Siha was born in the country of the Mallas in the family
of a raja. As soon as he saw the Buddha, he saluted him
and being attracted, he sat on one side. The Buddha
noticing the trend of his thought, taught him the Norm.
He entered the Buddhist order and spent his days in the
forest but he could not practise concentration of mind.
Seeing this, the Master advised him to cherish the good
Norm within himself and to swiftly renounce the 'piled up
lease of birth/ This advice of the Lord had a beneficial
effect on him and he was able to develop insight and acquire
saintship. 1
The respect and veneration with which the Mallas looked
upon the Buddha will appear from their solicitude for him
when his last moment was approaching and also from the
great liberality and magnificence with which they cremated
the corpse and the care and consideration with which they
treated the remains.
It is remarkable that the Malla people were devotedly
attached to the great founders of Jainism
and Buddhism. We are informed by
the Kalpa Sfltra that to mark the pas-
sing away of the Great Jlna, nine Mallakis or Malla chiefs
were among those that instituted an illumination on the day
of the new moon, saying, " Since the light of intelligence is
gone, let us make an illumination of material matter/ *
The Sanglti Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya informs us that
l Psalms of the Brethren, p. 80.
* Jaina Sutras, ptl, S.B.E., XXH, p. 266. " JaiiirayauirficaruHii samapebhaga-
am Mahavire javasabbadukkhappahine tamrayanimcariarfi navamallai attharasavi-
158 $OME K$ATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the Buddha, accompanied by five hundred followers, was
travelling in the Malla country and came to Pava, the Malla
capital. l There he dwelt in the Mango-grove of Cunda, the
smith. Then a new Mote-Hall of the Pava Mallas named
Ubbhataka had just been built and had not been occupied
by anybody. They invited the Buddha to this freshly
built council-hall saying, "Let Lord, the Exalted One, be
the first to make use of it. That it has first been used by
the Exalted One will be for the lasting good and happiness
of the Pava Mallas." At their request, the Buddha gave a
discourse on his doctrine to the Mallas of Pava till late hours
of the night " instructing, enlightening,
Budd hto dti"? e D ^citing and inspiring them. 1 ' They
then went away and the Master 'laid
himself down to rest. '
It was also at this Mallian city of Pava that the Buddha
ate his last meal at the house of Cunda, the smith (kutnara-
putta), and he was attacked with dysentery. Being ill the
Exalted One went to the rival Mallian
parioirvava. c ity of Ku&nara. When he felt that the
last moment was fast approaching, he sent Ananda with a
message to the Mallas of Ku&inara who had then assembled
in their Santhagara or Mote-hall for some public affair. On
receipt of the news, they flocked to the Sala grove with their
youngmen, girls and wives, ' being grieved and sad and
afflicted at heart.' The venerable Ananda caused them ' to
evarabhayatu Posahavavasath patthavaiih Sugaesebhavujjoyoe
davujjoytoh ktoitssimo." (Kalpa sutra, Dhanapat Singha's edition, p. 77.)
1 Dialogues of the Buddha, pt. Ill, p. 201.
THE MALLAS 159
stand in groups, each family in a group ' and presented them
to the Blessed One, saying, "Lord, a Malla of such and such
a name with his children, his wives, his retinue and his friends
humbly bows down at your feet." In this way he presented
them all to him. 1 Then after his last exhortations to the
assembled brethren to work out their salvation with diligence,
he entered into parinirvana.
They then met together in their council-hall to devise
some means of honouring the earthly
rema j ns o f y^ L or( j j n a su it a ble manner
and carried them with music to the shrine
of the Mallas, called the Makuta-bandhana, to the east of
their city and they treated the remains of the Tathagata as
they would treat the remains of a king of kings (cakravartti-
raja).* When at last the cremation was over, they put out
the funeral pyre with water scented with all sorts of per-
fumes and collected the bones which they placed in their
Mote-hall, surrounding them ' with a lattice work of spears
and with a rampart of bows.' 8
Among the various clans that pressed their claims for
a share of the remains, were the Mallas of Pava for the reason
that they had a separate principality. They sent a messenger
to the Mallas of Kuinara, saying : f ' The Exalted One was
a ksatriya and so are we. We are worthy to receive a portion
of the relics of the Exalted One. Over the remains of the
Exalted One will we put up a sacred cairn, and in his honour,
1 Dialogues of the Buddha, II, pp. 162-164.
a Ibid, p. 182. 3 Ibid, pp. 186-187.
160 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
will we celebrate a feast. 1 ' Both the Mallas of Pava and
stupas over the Bud- Ku&nSra erected stflpas over their re
dha'B relics. pective shares and celebrated feasts.
The Mallas appear to have been usually on friendly
terms with their neighbours, the Licchavis, with whom they
had many ties of kinship, though, as was quite inevitable,
there were occasional rivalries between
! the two states as the stol T of Bandhula
federate clansthe shows. One day Bandhula, a Mallian
Mallas and the Liccha- , , . . ...
vis. general, drove his chariot to Vaigali, the
capital of the Liccha vis, passed the thres-
hold of Mahali, a Licchavi, with his wife Mallika who wanted
to go and bathe and drink water of the tank where the
members of the king's families used to get water for the
ceremonial sprinkling. Mahali heard the clattering noise
(rattling sounds) of the chariot and told the Licchavis of his
apprehension of danger. The Licchavis guarded the tank
well, spreading an iron net over it. The Mallian general came
down from his chariot, put the guards to flight by means of
his sword and burst through the iron network and in the
tank bathed his wife and gave her water to drink; he then
left the place with his wife in the chariot. The guards nar-
rated the event to the Licchavis. The kings of the Licchavis
being angry informed Mahali of it. Mahali asked them not to
go further but to return. Notwithstanding his advice, five
hundred kings mounting their chariots set out to capture
Bandhula who ( sped a shaft and it cleft the heads of all the
chariots and passed right through the five hundred kings.'
Being wounded they followed him. He stopped his chariot
THE MAU,AS l6l
and said, "I cannot fight with the dead." He then asked
them to loosen the girdle of the first man, who, thereupon,
fell dead before they could unfasten it. They were asked to
go back to their homes and were ordered to instruct their
wives and children to make necessary arrangements for their
affairs and then drop their armours. They did so and all of
them became lifeless. 1
The Mallas who played an important part in the
political and religious history of ancient
independence crushed j dia an( j w ho. a s we have seen before,
dominions annexed. ' .
had an independent oligarchical republic,
appear to have lost their independence at the hands of the
ambitious monarch of Magadha, Ajatasatru and their domi-
nions were annexed to the empire gradually growing up in
Magadha. 2
D ham ma pada, Fausboll (old Ed.), pp. 218-220.
1). R. Bbaudarkar, Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 79.
11
CHAPTER V
THE SAKYAS
The Sakyas have acquired a very great importance in
Indian history owing to the Buddha
Importance* the haying ^^ bom ^^ ^^ Brforc
the birth of the founder of Buddhism,
they were comparatively little known, yet in the rugged fast-
ness of the lower Himalayas, the Sakyas had built up a
remarkable though not a very powerful principality at the
time the great teacher was born. When there was a discus-
sion, as the Lalitavistara ' tells us, among the Devaputras in
the Tusita heaven, as to which of the great royal families of
India, the Bodhisattva should honour with his birth, no one
mentioned the Sakyas. They pondered over the merits of
all the sixteen Mahajanapadas in the whole of Jainbudvlpa
and analysed the claims of all the royal families that held up
their heads high among the ksatriyas of India at the time, but
they found them all stained with one black spot or another.
Among all these prominent kingly families of India, the
Sakyas are not mentioned. 4 Being at a loss to find out a
people worthy of claiming him as their congener, the Deva-
putras had at last recourse to the Bodhisattva himself and
i Itefmaim, Lalitavistara, pp. 20-22.
a Te Bodhisattva Devaputtrasca sarvasmiiii Jambudvipe sopisajanapadesu y;mi
kaniciduccoccani rajakulani tani sarvani vyavalokayantah (tani) sarvani sadosanya-
draksuh." (Lalitavistara, edited by 1/efmann, pp. 22-23.)
THE SAKYAS 163
when at last, the 6akyas were chosen as the fortunate
recipients of that great honour, it was more on account of their
purity and similar qualities, than any predominant political
position. 1
The Sakyas of Kapilavastu claimed to be ksatriyas.
As soon as they heard the news of the
Accoi Sri|in f . thcir passing away of the Lord, they demanded
a portion of the relics of the Buddha,
saying, "Bhagava amliakaiii nati-scttho." (The Blessed
One was the chief of our kinsmen.) While all the other
ksatriya clans that claimed a portion of the ashes of the great
teacher, did so on the basis of their belonging to the same
caste ('Bhagava pi khattiyo, may am pi kliattiya'), in the
case of the 6akyas, it was founded upon a closer relationship,
that of consanguinity. The origin of the 6akyas is traced
back to King Okkaka, i.e., Iksvaku. It
Inthe vj S iSni! 6ala " is stated in thc Sumangalavilasini that
King Okkaka had five queens. By the
chief queen, he had four sons and five daughters. After Iho
death of the chief queen, the king married another young lady
who extorted from him the promise to place her son upon
the throne. The king thereupon requested his sons to leave
the kingdom. The princes accordingly left the kingdom
accompanied by their sisters and going to a forest near
the Himalayas, they began to search for a site for building a
city. In course of their search, they met the sage Kapila
who said that they should build a town in the place where he
Ialitavistara, edited by Lefmonn, pp. 2^-27.
Digha Nikaya (P.T.S), Vol. II, p. 165.
164 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
(the sage) lived. The princes built the town and named
it Kapilavatthu (Kapilavastu). In course of time, the four
brothers married the four sisters, excepting the eldest one
and they came to be known as the Sakyas. (Sumangalavi-
lasini, pt. I, pp. 258-260.) The only grain of fact hidden in
this fanciful story of the origin of the Sakyas seems to be that
there was a tradition which traced their descent from
King Okkaka or Iksvaku. Buddhaghosa in his great com-
mentaries, though a very reliable guide as regards exposition
and exegesis and the unravelling of metaphysical tangles,
becomes quite the reverse when any point of history or
tradition comes up. Here he accepts the wildest theories and
takes as gospel truth even the most improbable stories.
Sister-marriage was not in vogue in ancient India even in the
earliest times of which we have any record, as the story
of Yama and Yami in the Rigveda amply demonstrates. It
was a revolting idea to the Indians from the time of the
Rigveda downwards. Yet we see that Buddhaghosa in the
case of the Licchavis and again here in that of the Sakyas,
tries to explain the origin by sister-marriage. Perhaps
Buddhaghosa was actuated by the idea of purity of birth by
a union between brothers and sisters as in the case of the
Pharaohs of Egypt. The great Ceylonese chronicle, the
Mahavamsa, also traces the origin of the Sakyas to the same
king Okkaka and goes further back to Mahasammata of the
same dynasty. We give here in full the geneology as
given in the Mahavamsa in the first
In the Mahavamsa. _ ^
twenty-four verses of Chapter II :
" Sprung of the race of king Mahasammata was the Great
THE &AKYAS jfccj
Sage. For in the beginning of this age of the world there
was a king named Mahasammata, and (the kings) Roja and
Vararoja, and the two Kalyanakas, Uposatha and Mandhatar
and the two, Caraka and Upacara, and Cetiya and Mucala
and he who bore the name Mahatnucala, Mucalinda and
Sagara and he who bore the name Sagaradeva ; Bharata and
Anglrasa and Ruci and also Suruci, Patapa and Mahapatapa
and the two Panadas likewise, Sudassana and Neru, two and
two; also Actinia. His sons and grandsons, these twenty-
eight princes whose lifetime was immeasurably (long), dwelt
in Kusavati, Rajagaha and Mithila. Then followed a
hundred kings, and (then) fifty-six, and (then) sixty, eighty-
four thousand, and then further thirty-six, thirty-two,
twenty-eight, then further twenty-eight, eighteen, seventeen,
fifteen, fourteen; nine, seven, twelve, then further twenty-
five; and (again) twenty-five, twelve and (again) twelve,
and yet again nine and eighty-four thousand with Makhadeva
coming at the head, and (once more) eighty-four thousand
with Kalarajanaka at the head and sixteen even unto
Okkaka; these descendants (of Mahasammata) reigned in
groups in their due order, each one in his capital. The
Prince Okkamukha was Okkaka' s eldest son; Nipuna,
Candirna, Candamukha and Sivisariijaya, the great King
Vessantara, Jali, and Slhavahana and Sihassara : these were
his sons and grandsons. Eighty-two thousand in number
were the royal sons and grandsons of King Sihassara;
Jayasena was the last of them. They are known as the
Sakya kings of Kapilavatthu. The great King Sihahanu
was Jayasena' s son and Jayasena 1 s daughter was Yasodhara.
166 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
In Devadaha there was a prince named Devadahasakka,
Afijana and Kaccana were his two children. Kaccana was
the first consort of Sihahanu but the Sakka An j ana's queen
was Yasodhara. Afijana had two daughters, Maya and
Pajapati, and also two sons, Dandapani and the Sakiya
Suppabuddha. But Sihahanu had five sons and two
daughters: Suddhodana, Dhotodana, Sakka , Sukka ,
and Amitodana, and Amita and Pamita ; these were the five
sons and two daughters. The royal consort of the Sakka
Suppabuddha was Amita; she had two children: Bhadda-
kaccana and Devadatta. Maya and Pajapati were Suddho-
dana's queens, and the son of the great King Suddhodana
and of Maya was our Conqueror.
Of this race of Mahasammata, thus succeeding, was
born, in unbroken line, the Great Sage, he who stands at the
head of all men of lordly birth. The consort of the prince
Siddhattha, the Bodhisatta, was Bhaddakaccana; her son
was Rahula." l (The Mahavamsa, Tr., Chap. II., pp. 10-12.)
' Mahasammatarajassa vamsajo hi inahainuni
Kappa dismim hi rajasi Mahasammatanamako,
Rojo ca Vararojo ca tatha Kalya^aka duve,
Uposatho ca Mandhata Carakopacara duve,
Cetiyo Mucalo ceva Mahamucalanamako,
Mucalindo Sagaro ceva Sagaradevauamako,
Bharato Aflgiraso ceva Ruci ca Suruci pi ca,
Patapo Mahapatapo Panada ca tatha duve,
Sudassana ca Neru ca tatha eva duve duve
Accima cati raj a no tassa puttapaputtaka
Asamkheyyuyuka ete attbavisati bhumipa
Kusavatim Rajagaharii Mithilarfi capi avasuxu.
Tato sataiii ca rajano chapannasa ca satt^i ca
Caturasiti sahassani chattinisa ca tato pare,
THE SAKYAS 67
There can be no doubt that King Okkaka in this geneo-
logy is none other than Iksvaku of the so-called solar dynasty
dvattimsa atthavisam ca dvnvlsati tato pare
attharasa sattarasa pannarasa catuddasa
nava satta dviidasf.ii ca paucavisa tato pare,
paiicavisaiii dvadasaiii ca dvadasam ca navapi CM,
caturaslti sahassfmi Makhadevadika pi ca
caturaslti sahassaui Kalurajanakadayo,
solasa yava Okkaka paputtu rasito ime
visuiii visuiii pure rajjarii kamato anusasisuin.
Okkatnukho jetlhaputto Okkakassfisi bhtipali,
Nipuno Candima Candamukho ca Sivisathjayo
\ r essantaro tnaharaja Jail ca Sihavahano
Sihassaro ca iccete tassa puttapaputtaka.
Dve asiti sahassani Slhassarassa rajino
puttapaputtarajauo, Jayaseno tadautimo.
F/te Kapilavatthusmim Sakyarajati vissutii.
Sihahauu maharaja Jayasenassa atrajo,
Jayasenassa dblta ca namenasi Yusodharu.
Devadahe Devadahasakko riamasi bhupati,
Afijano catha Kaccana asutii tassa suta duve.
Mahesi casi Kaccana ranilo Sihahanussa sa ,
a si Afijanasakkassa mahes! sa Yasodhara.
Afljanassa duve dhita Maya catha PajapatI
putta duve Dandapani Suppabuddho ca Sakiyo.
Pafica putta duve dhita asuni Sihahanussa tu :
Suddhodano Dhotodano Sakkasukkamitodano.
Amita Pamita cati, ime paucaima duve.
Suppabuddhassa Sakkassa mahesi Amita abu,
Tassasuiii Bhaddakaccana Devadatto duve suta.
Maya Pajapati ceva Suddhodanamahesiyo,
Suddhodanamaharaufio putto Mayaya no jinu.
Mahasammatavamsamhi asambhinne mahamuni
evarii pavatte samjato Sabbakhattiyamuddhani.
Siddhatthassa Kumarassa bodhisattassa sa aau
mahesi Bhaddakaccana, putto tassa si Rahulo."
(Mabavariisa, Edited by W. Geiger, pp. 12-14.)
168 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
of the Puranas. Comparing the names with those in the
Pauranic list we find that the lists do not
In the Vifnu Purana*
agree in every detail, yet there is an
agreement with regard to some of the more prominent names.
Thus, for example, in the long history of the solar dynasty
given in the Visnupurana, pt. iv., we find many of the names
in the Mahavamsa list, like Mandhata (Mandhata Mv)
Sagara (Sagara Mv) etc. The Visnupurana states that King
Brhadvala of this dynasty was killed in the Kuruksetra war, 1
and next proceeds to trace the descent of King Sakya from
this Brhadvala as given below :
" I will now repeat to you the future princes of the
family of Ikshwaku. The son of Brihadvala will be Brihat-
kshana ; his son will be Urukshepa ; his son will be Vatsa ;
his son will be Vatsavyuha ; his son will be Prativyoma ;
his son will be Divakara ; his son will be Sahadeva ; his son
will be Brihadaswa ; his son will be Bhanuratha ; his son
will be Supratika ; his son will be Marudeva ; his son will be
Sunakshatra ; his son will be Kimnara ; his son will be
Antariksha ; his son willbe Suvarna ; his son will be Amritajit ;
his son will be Brihadraja ; his son will be Dharmin ; his son
will be Kritanjaya ; his son will be Rananjaya ; his son will be
Sanjaya ; his son will be Sakya ; his son will be Suddhodana ;
his son will be Ratula ; his son will be Prasenajit ; his son
will be Kshudraka ; his son will be Kundaka ; his son will be
Suratha ; his son will be Sumitra. These are the kings of the
family of Ikshwaku, descended from Brihadvala. This
t Vi?npurana, pt. IV., Chap. IV, Verse, 4*.
THE SAKYAS 169
commemorative verse is current concerning them : ' The
race of the descendants of Ikshwaku will terminate with
Sumitra ; it will end, in the Kali age, with him/ '"
The source of the account given in the Mahavamsa
and the Sumaftgalavilasinl is not, however, the Puranas but
such ancient Buddhistical works as the
In the Mahavastu. ..
Mahavastu. This latter work gives a
detailed account of the foundation of Kapilavastu and the
settlement of the 6akyas there. The marriage of sisters is
given there and the Sakya family is traced there to Maha-
sammata, as in the Mahavamsa and the names of the kings
that succeeded him, mostly agree in the two accounts, as will
be seen from the Mahavastu, which tells us that Kalyana
was the son of King Sammata. Kalyana begot Rava.
Rava begot Uposadha who begot Mandhata. His sons,
grandsons and all his descendants were kings by thousands.
Later on Sujata became king of the Iksvakus in the city of
Saketa. The Iksvaku King Sujata had five sons, Opura,
Nipura, Karandaka, Ulkamukha and Hastikasir?a and he
had five daughters, Suddha, Vimala, Vjjita, Jala and Jali.
Sujata had another son Jenta by name born of a concubine.
Jenta's mother was called Jent! who gave all her services to
Sujata who became pleased with her. Jenti was promised a
boon by the king who told her, " Jenti, I will offer you a
boon, whatever boon you pray for, I will grant it." She then
began to speak, "Well, I shall first consult my parents and
then I shall pray for a boon to your lordship." Her parents
1 Wilson, Vi9upurana, Vol. IV, Chapter XXII, pp. 167-17::.
170 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
were thus informed, " The king has promised a boon. Then
what boon is proper for me, which I shall pray for before the
king." They then began to mutter whatever opinion they
held, " Ask for an excellent village/ 1 There was one wander-
ing nun present at that time, who was well-versed, skilled
and intelligent. She said, " well Jenti, you are the daughter
of a concubine. Your son will not inherit any property
of his father, what to speak of a kingdom. These five princes
are sons of a ksatriya daughter. They will inherit their
paternal kingdom as well as other things. You are promised
a boon by the king. King Sujata is a man of word. You
ask the king for this boon : After banishing these five
princes, please appoint my son Jcnta as royal successor.
After your death, my son will be the king of the great city
of Saketa. O king, give me this boon." Hearing this,
Sujata became much agitated in mind owing to the affection
for those princes nor was he able to do anything but grant
the boon. The king said to Jenti, "All right, let this boon
be given." The gift of the boon that with the exile of the
princes, the prince Jenta, son of the concubine, was to be
installed as heir -apparent, was heard by the people of
towns and villages. Then the people appreciating the
noble qualities of the princes became alarmed and said,
"Wherever the princes will go, we shall follow them." It
come to the ears of King Sujata that many people of Saketa
were going to the place of exile along with the princes. He
then issued the following proclamation : "Whoever will go
to the place of exile along with the princes, all the works done
by him will be considered as works performed by the state and
THE SAKYAS I7I
will be paid for from the royal treasury. Those whose works
are performed with the help of elephants, horses, chariots,
carriages, palanquins or cars or oxen or buffaloes or goats
or sheep, etc., will be considered as works done by the state
and will be paid for by the royal treasury. For those who are
going to the exile along with the princes, the royal treasury
is open to them under royal orders, everybody gets what he
asks for." Now these princes along with many thousands of
citizens, with a vast crowd, with thousands of chariots and
carriages, went out of the city of Saketa towards the north.
They were cordially received by the king of Kasi-KoSala.
The princes were virtuous, well-reputed, peaceful and good
companions. All the people of Kasi-Kosala were at heart
pleased with them. The people of Kal-Kosala said thus,
" these princes, descendants of Kalyana are religious. The
king of Saketa is true to the description given by the Buddha
to Indra." The king of Kasi-Kosala, however, became
envious and drove out the princes from his kingdom. At
the foot of the Himalayas there lived a sage Kapila, who was
possessed of five kinds of supernatural knowledge and had
attained the four kinds of meditation. He was strong and
noble in mind. His hermitage was vast and was charming.
It had fruits and flowers and it was adorned with good many
plants and with a dense forest. The princes went to the
dense forest and began to live there. Traders who went
there came to the localities of KaSi and KoSala.
The traders when asked by the people as to whence they
came, replied that they had come from , a certain part
of the forest called Sskotavana. The people of Saketa as
172 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
well as the traders of KoSala visited the Sakotavana. Lest
there be a defect in their clan (or impurity in their blood)
they accepted their brides from among the sisters by the
same mother. King Sujata asked the ministers thus, " where
do the princes live ? " They replied, " They live in the
Sakotavana at the foot of the Himalayas." Then the
king asked the ministers, " Wherefrom they brought their
wives ? " They replied, " It was heard that for fear of a
mixture of blood in them, they accepted their wives from
among their own sisters by the same mother, so that there
may not be any spoliation in their own race." The purohitas
and the learned brahmins were then asked by King
Sujata whether such a custom was permissible. They
replied, "Yes, O king, that can be done, laws permit it."
Hearing this, the king being pleased said, " Still they are
known as the Sakyas and along with the other Sakyas they
are known as such." Then it came to the mind of the
princes : ( ' Shall we only live in the Sakotavana. Many people
have come here. Let us build a town," The princes then
went to the sage Kapila. Saluting him they said, " If you,
Kapila, permit it, then we shall build a city here to be called
after your name." The sage replied, " I can permit it if you
make this hermitage a royal residence and then build a city."
The princes promised to carry out his wishes. The hermitage
was then given to them by the sage. The princes built a
city after making the hermitage of the sage a royal residence.
As the hermitage was given by Kapila the sage, it was known
by the name of Kapilavastu which was prosperous, wealthy,
peaceful, where alms were easily obtainable, where many
THE SAKYAS 173
people lived with their own families, being happy. The
people of Kapilavastu were fond of trade and commerce.
They were social and took part in festivities.
Of those five princes, Opura, Nipura, Karandaka,
Ulkamukha, Hastikaslrsa, Opura was the eldest prince.
He was elected King of Kapilavastu. Nipura was the son '
of King Opura and Karandaka was the son l of King Nipura,
Ulkamukha was the sou of King Karandaka, Hastika&rsa
was the son ' of Ulkamukha, Sinhahanu was the son of Hasti-
kaslrsa. King Sinhahanu had four sons: Suddhodana,
Dlioutodana, Suklodana, Amritodana and a daughter named
Amita (Mahavastu, edited by Senart, Vol. I, pp. 348-52).
The story given in the Mahavastu and the Sumangala-
vilasini about the origin of the Sakyas by sister-marriage is
referred to in the introduction to the Kunala Jataka. Here
we observe that with regard to the Sakyas, the story of
their origin exactly tallies with that in the Mahavastu, but
there is some difference in connection with the Koliyas.
While the Mahavastu says that they resided in a cave of a
hill, the Jataka story relates that they received the name
Koliya for having resided in the hollow of a Koll or jujube
tree. As the story has a bearing on the question of origin of
the two important tribes, we make an extract from it. There
was a quarrel between the 6akya and Koliya cultivators
' It will be observed that Opura, Nipura, Karandaka. Ulkamukha and
Hastikasirsa are represented as sons of King Sujata in a former passage of the
Mahavastu. Here the relationship between each prince and the one mentioned
next is represented as that of father and son. We do not vouch for the historical
accuracv of the Mahavastu.
174 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
who lived on opposite sides of the river Rohini with regard
to the right of water of the stream for use in irrigation.
When words ran high they quarrelled. 1 The full description
of the quarrel has been given in my account of the Koliyas.
The Sakyas are called in the Mahavastu adityavandhtts *
or people kin to the sun. This refers to their descent from the
Solar dynasty to which the Iksvakus belonged. The Maha-
vastu also speaks of King 6uddhodana as born in the Iksvaku
family. 3 Another passage in the same work speaks of the
Buddha as a Ksatriya of the Adityagotra and of the Iksvaku-
kula, that is, born in the family of the Iksvakus who derived
their descent from the sun.* The Lalitavistara also speaks
of the Buddha as born in the royal family of Iksvaku (Lalita-
vistara, p. 112).
The Sakyas were Ksatriyas of the Gotama gotra as is
seen from the fact that the Buddha had the surname Gotama,
while the Licchavis and Mallas who also belonged to the
same race bore the gotra name of Vasistha, and in the Pali
books while the latter are addressed as Vasetthas, the Buddha
is addressed as Gotama, as in a formal conversation, people
addressed each other by their gotra or family names in those
l Jutaka, Vol, V, p. 219.
* " Yo so vadityavandhunani akyanatii paramomunih." (Mahavastu, II, p. 303.)
* " &uddhodanassa raguo Iksvakujassa putro Mayuya Sakyakulanandijanano
sakyobhut6akyasukuinaro." (Mahavastu, III, p. 247.)
* " Adityagotra tejasvi IksvaknkiiJasanibhavo jatitah ksatriyo agro Bhagavaiii
agrapudgalo." (Ibid, III, p. 246.)
Dr. H. C. Ray Chaudhuri points out (Political History of Ancient India, p, 48)
that in the Sutta-Nipata, the Buddha refers to his people as '* Adiccas by family,
Sakiyas by birth."
THE SAKYAS 175
days. We have shown elsewhere that the gotra of a Ksatriya
family was derived from the gotra name of the purohita or the
family priest. This makes it evident that in an early age
the Sakyas had adopted the Gotamas as their purohita.
The Gotama-gotra is described in the Pali books as
occupying a very high position among the gotras, no doubt
from its association with the founder of Buddhism: for
example, the Suttavibhanga 1 mentions the Gotamagotta as
an example of a high gotra.
We have seen how the Mahavastu accounts for the name
of the capital of the Sakyas : ' ' Because
the Rsi Kapila, therefore it acquired the
appellation of Kapilavastu.' ' thus says the Mahavastu. But
the name is also spelt otherwise. It is also called Kapila-
vastu, that is, the vastu or place of residence of the Sage-
Kapila. The Lalitavistara calls it also Kapilavastu and
sometimes Kapilapura (p. 243) or Kapilahvayapura (p. 28, etc. j
and these names are also found in the Mahavastu (Vol. II,
p. ii, line 3). The Divyavadana also connects Kapilavastu
with the Sage Kapila. Thus we read, "A prince is born
among the Sakyas on the slope of the Himalayas, on the bank
of the river Bhaglrathi not far from the hermitage of the Rsi
Kapila,"* and generally the town is spoken of as Kapilavastu
but sometimes it is referred to as Kapilavastu* also. In the
Buddhacarita also the city is described as Kapilasyavastu. 6
1 Suttavibhanga, Pacittiya II, 2, Vinaya-Pitaka, Oldcaberg, Vo'. IV, p. 6.
2 Divyavadana, p. 548, lines 20-22. * Ibid, pp. 90, 390.
* Ibid, p. 67. b Buddhacarita, Book I, Verse 2.
176 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Kapilavastu is said to have been surrounded by seven
walls according to the Mahavastu (Vol. II, p. 75).
A clue to the identification of Kapilavastu is furnished
by the discovery of the famous Rummindei Pillar which
marks the site of the ancient Lumbini garden, the traditional
scene of Sakyamuni's birth. Dr. Smith is inclined to identify
the Sakya capital which lay not far from the lyumbinigrama
with Pipprawa in the north of the Basti district on the
Nepalese frontier.
The celebrated Chinese pilgrim, Fa-Hien, who visited
India early in the fifth century A.D., says that white ele-
phants and lions infested the neighbourhood of Kapilavastu,
against which the people had to be on their guard. 1 The
country was thinly populated. He noticed towers at Kapila-
vastu set up in various places, viz. : where prince Siddhartha
left the city by the eastern gate, where his chariot was made
to turn back to the palace, where his horoscope was cast by
the sage Asita, where the elephant was struck by Nanda and
others, where the arrow going thirty li in south-easterly
direction, penetrated into the earth and produced a fountain
of water which quenched the thirst of travellers in later
generations, where Suddhodana was met by his son when the
latter had acquired supreme wisdom, where five hundred
Sakya converts honoured Upali, and where the children of
the Sakyas were massacred by King Vidudabha.*
Later on, Hiuen Tsang who visited India in the seventh
century A.D., narrates that Kapilavastu, the country of the
i Travels of Fa-Hien and Sang-Yun, by S. Bcal, pp. 88-98.
* Travels of Fa-Hien by Beal, pp. 85-87.
0- Bwldha's life in tilt* palace and his flight from Kapihivastu.
THE SAKYAS 177
Sakyas, was about four thousand li in circuit. The royal
precincts built of brick were within the city measuring
fourteen or fifteen li round. 1 He says that long after the
passing away of the Buddha, topes and shrines were built
in or near Kapilavastu. 2 The villages were few and desolate.
The monasteries (samgharamas) which were then in ruins
were more than one thousand in number. There still exist-
ed a samgharama near the royal precincts which contained
30 (3000 according to one text) followers who read f the
little vehicle of the Sammatiy a school.' There were two deva
temples where different sectarians worshipped. There were
some dilapidated foundation walls, the remains of the princi-
pal palace of King Suddhodana, above which, a vihara (monas-
tery) was built containing a stupa of the king. Near it, was
a foundation in ruins representing the sleeping palace of
Queen Mahamaya. Above it, a vihara was built containing
a figure of the queen. Close by, stood a vihara where the
Bodhisatta entered the womb of his mother. A stupa was
built to the north-east of ' the palace of spiritual conception '
of the Bodhisatta. 8 To the north-west of the capital, a
stupa was built where King Vidudabha massacred the
Sakyas.* The cultured land was rich and fertile. The
climate of the country was bracing.
According to Dr. Rhys Davids, there were villages round
the rice fields and the cattle roamed
sakya villages. a fc otlt in the outlying forest. The jungles
' Beal's Records of the Western World, Vol. II, pp. 13-14.
* Walters on Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 4-
< Beal's Records of the Western World, Vol. II, pp. 14-15. * Ibid, Vol. II, p. 12.
12
178 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
which were occasionally resorted to by robbers divided one
village from another. 1
Mention is made of several other Sakya towns besides
Kapilavastu, viz., Chatuma, Samagama, Ulumpa, Devadaha,
Sakkara, Silavati, and Khomadussa.
Other &kya towns. (The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I,
p. 175.) The last mentioned city was so called on account
of its abundant produce of linen cloth.*
It is stated in the Jataka that the Sakyas were a haughty
people. They were so very haughty that
People "teri8tics^ arac " they did not do obeisance to Siddhartha
on the ground that he was younger in
age. But they were afterwards made to do so on seeing
a miracle performed by him. 3 Hiuen Tsang saw them
obliging in manners.* They did not kill any living thing,
' not even a black beetle.' B Cattle and rice supplied their only
means of livelihood. 8 The Sakya peasants enjoyed rights in
common. 7
The Tibetan Buddhist books as translated by Rockhill
social customs. (Life of the Buddha > P- *5) relate that the
Sakya law allowed a man one wife only.
This law is rather remarkable inasmuch as from the Vedic
age downwards, polygamy was in vogue in India, and this
was so, specially among the Ksatriyas who were rich and
1 Buddhist India, pp. 2021.
2 The Book of the Kindred Sayings, pt. I, p. 233.
8 Jataka (Cowell), Vol. VI, pp. 246-247.
* Seal's Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 14.
& Rockhill, Ufe of the Buddha, p. 117.
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 20. 1 Ibid, p. 20.
THE SAKYAS 179
powerful. We may, however, account for the existence of
this law among the Sakyas on the ground of their special
constitution and position. The Sakyas were a small tribe
and very haughty and proud of their birth. They would
not give away one of their girls in marriage even to such a
powerful prince as Pasenadi of Kosala. Among such a
people, marriage was generally confined within the tribe
itself, and as such, the number of marriageable girls being
limited, many adult males would have to go without a wife,
if polygamy prevailed. Hence, naturally the law had grown
up among them limiting the number of wives to only one.
But that the Sakyas had no objection to polygamy as such
on religious or other grounds, is quite clear from the fact
narrated by the same Tibetan works, that the rigorous pro-
vision of the law was relaxed in the case of Suddhodana,
the father of the Buddha; in consideration of a great public
service rendered by him when a young prince, in subduing
the hillmen of the Pandava tribe, he was allowed to have
two wives by the Sakyas who must have assembled in their
Santhagara to express their gratitude in this way to the
heroic prince, who before this, could not marry two wives,
though two girls, Maya and Mahamaya had been offered by
their father, Suprabuddha.
The Lalitavistara seems to suggest that Suddhodana
had a crowded harem, when it says that Mayadevi was the
chief queen of Suddhodana, being at the head of a thousand
ladies. 1 But this appears to be a mere poetic exaggeration,
1 " Suddhodanassa pramada pradhana narisahasre.su hi sagraprapta." Lalita-
vistara, p. 28.
l8o SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
because the Pali books speak of only two wives of the king.
Prince Siddhartha also had only one wife according to all
accounts, and according to the Lalitavistara itself even the
hand of this girl was not granted to him though a prince,
until he could satisfy the proud Sakya father, of his knowledge
of the silpas or arts by an open exhibition of skill in warfare
as well as the finer arts. The Lalitavistara thus makes
Dandapani, the father of Gopa, reply to the purohita sent
by king Suddhodana, "The honourable prince has been
reared at home among luxuries. This, however, is our
family custom that a girl is to be made over to one proficient
in the arts (Silpas) and not to one ignorant of them. The
prince has no knowledge of the Silpas, nor is he acquainted
with the methods of fighting with the sword, the bow or other
weapons. How can I then make over the girl to the prince?" 1
The same reply is given in the Mahavastu (II, 73) by Maha-
nama, the father of Yas"odhara when 6uddhodana demands
his girl as a bride for the young prince. Then the work
goes on to narrate how he stood easily first in a tournament
in which five hundred Sakya youngmen took part. The wife
of Siddhartha is named Yasodhara in the Mahavastu and her
father is called Mahanama.*
How proud and aristocratic the Sakyas were when
asked to give away their daughters in marriage to any one
outside their clan will appear from the following story of
King Pasenadi of Kosala who wanted to have the proud
distinction of having a Sakya girl as his consort. Thus goes
Lalitavistara, pp. 243 ff. '2 Mahavastu, II, 48.
THE SAKYAS 181
on the Jataka commentary : " At Savatthl in the house of
Anathapindika there was always unfailing food for five
hundred Brethren, and the same with Visakha and the king
of Kosala. But in the king's palace, various and fine as
was the fare given, no one was friendly to the Brethren.
The result was that the Brethren never ate in the palace,
but they took their food and went off to eat it at the house
of Anathapindika or Visakha or some other of their trusted
friends.
One day the king said, f A present has been brought :
take this to the Brethren/ and sent it to the refectory. An
answer was brought that no Brethren were there in the
refectory. 'Where are they gone?* he asked. They were
sitting in their friends' houses to eat, was the reply. So the
king after his morning meal came into the Master's presence,
and asked him, ' Good Sir, what is the best kind of food ?'
*The food of friendship is the best, great king,' said he;
' even sour rice-gruel given by a friend becomes sweet. ' ' Well,
Sir, and with whom do the Brethern find frendship ?' ' With
their kindred, great king, or with the Sakya families.' Then
the king thought, what if he were to make a Sakya girl his
queen-consort: then the Brethren would be his friends, as
it were with their own kindred.
So rising from his seat, he returned to the palace, and
sent a message to Kapilavatthu to this effect: 'Please give
me one of your daughters in marriage, for I wish to become
connected with your family.' On receipt of this message
the Sakyas gathered together and deliberated : ' We live in a
place subject to the authority of the king of Kosala; if
1 82 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
we refuse a daughter, he will be very angry, and if we give
her, the custom of our clan will be broken. What are we to
do?' Then Mahanama said to them, 'Do not trouble about
it. I have a daughter, named Vasabhakhattiya. Her
mother is a slave woman, Nagamunda by name ; she is some
sixteen years of age, of great beauty and auspicious prospects,
and by her father's side noble. We will send her, as a girl
nobly born. 1 The Sakyas agreed, and sent for the messen-
gers, and said they were willing to give a daughter of the clan,
and that they might take her with them at once. But the
messengers reflected, 'These Sakyas are desperately proud
in matters of birth. Suppose they should send a girl who is
not of them, and say that she is so. We will take none but
one who eats along with them.' So they replied, 'Well, we
will take her, but we will take one who eats along with you.'
The Sakyas assigned a lodging for the messengers, and
then wondered what to do. Mahanama said: 'Now do not
trouble about it; I will find a way. At my meal time bring
in Vasabhakhattiya drest up in her finery ; then just as I have
taken one mouthful, produce a letter, and say, My Lord,
such a king has sent you a letter; be pleased to hear his
message at once.'
They agreed ; and as he was taking his meal they drest
and adorned the maid. ' Bring my daughter/ said Maha-
nama, 'and let her take food with me.' 'In a moment,'
said they, 'as soon as she is properly adorned,' and after a
short delay they brought her in. Expecting to take food
with her father, she dipt her hand into the same dish.
Mahanama had taken one mouthful with her, and put
THE SAKYAS 183
it in his mouth; but just as he stretched out his hand
for another, they brought him a letter, saying, 'My lord,
such a king has sent a letter to you: be pleased to hear
his message at once.' Said Mahanama, ' Go on with your
meal, my dear/ and holding his right hand in the dish, with
his left took the letter and looked at it. As he examined
the message the maiden went on eating. When she had
eaten, he washed his hand and rinsed out his mouth. The
messengers were firmly convinced that she was his daughter,
for they did not divine the secret.
So Mahanama sent away his daughter in great pomp.
The messengers brought her to Savatthi, and said that this
maiden was the true-born daughter of Mahanama. The
king was pleased, and caused the whole city to be decorated,
and placed her upon a pile of treasure, and by a ceremonial
sprinkling made her his chief queen. She was dear to the
king, and beloved." 1
From the above account, it is evident that the Sakyas
contracted their marriages within their own tribe and even
their ruling house did not enter into matrimonial relations
with any of the numerous princely houses in northern India.
Thus while the royal houses of KoSala, Magadha and Videha
did marry with each other, we do not hear of the Sakya
people entering into such relations with any outsiders. When
the marriage of Prince Siddhartha was decided upon at the
council of five hundred Sakya elders, the latter did not go out
to find a suitable princess from among the many ruling
i Jataka (Cowell), Vol. IV, pp. 91-92.
184 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
families, but they proceeded to select a bride for him from
among themselves. This clannish custom among the Sakyas
gave rise perhaps to the idea that they married their sisters
as we have seen when speaking of their origin. But this
seems to have been tauntingly spoken of them by their rival
tribes, like the Koliyas.
The Sakyas had a peculiar custom that when a child
was born, it was carried to the temple of Kvaradeva to be
presented to the God. The temple contained a stone
image of the God in the posture of rising and bowing. ( Watters
on Yuan Chwang, Vol. II., p. 13.)
The women appear to have enjoyed a greater amount
of independence and free thinking among
Position of women. 6 ; , ,. ^11 c
the Sakyas than among the peoples ot
the plains perhaps owing to the same scarcity of women
that forced them to enact a law prohibiting multiple marriages.
This is evidenced by the fact that the Sakya ladies were the
first to come out of their hearth and home and embrace
the hardy life of nuns in order to ensure the emancipation
of their souls. Even the Master who always evinced a solici-
tude for not violating the usual social customs, was not
willing to ordain them. But the importunities of the Sakya
ladies prevailed at last, and the Master, though unwilling,
had to yield. Thus, according to all Buddhist accounts, the
Sakya ladies were the first to cut themselves off from the
world, and to institute the order of nuns, the foster-mother
of the Buddha taking the lead. Thus we read "Now
at that time the Blessed Buddha was staying among
the Sakyas in Kapilavatthu, in the Nigrodharama. And
THE SAKYAS 185
Maha-pajapati the Gotaml went to the place where the
Blessed One was, and on arriving there, bowed down before
the Blessed One, and remained standing on one side. And
so standing she spake thus to the Blessed One :
'It would be well, Lord, if women should be allowed to
renounce their homes and enter the homeless state under the
doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Tathagata.'
'Enough, O Gotaml ! Let it not please thee that women
should be allowed to do so.*
[And a second and a third time did Maha-pajapati the
Gotaml make the same request in the same words, and receive
the same reply.]
Then Maha-pajapati the Gotaml sad and sorrowful for
that the Blessed One would not permit women to enter the
homeless state, bowed down before the Blessed One, and
keeping him on her right hand as she passed him, departed
thence weeping and in tears.
Now when the Blessed One had remained at Kapilavatthu
as long as he thought fit, he set out on his journey towards
Vesali ; and travelling straight on he in due course arrived
thereat. And there at Vesali the Blessed One stayed, in the
Mahavana, In the Kutagara Hall.
And Maha-pajapati the Gotami cut off her hair, and
put on orange-coloured robes, and set out, with a number of
women of the Sakya clan, towards Vesali ; and in due course
she arrived at Vesali, at the Mahavana, at the KOtagara
Hall. And Maha-pajapati the Gotami, with i
covered with dust, sad and sorrowful, we
took her stand outside under the entranc
l86 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
And the venerable Ananda saw her so standing there,
and on seeing her so he said to Maha-pajapatI : 'why
standest thou there, outside the porch, with swollen feet and
covered with dust, sad and sorrowful, weeping and in
tears ? '
'Inasmuch, O Ananda, as the Lord, the Blessed One,
does not permit women to renounce their homes and enter
the homeless state under the doctrine and discipline pro-
claimed by the Tathagata.'
Then did the venerable Ananda go up to the place where
the Blessed One was, and bow down before the Blessed One,
and take his seat on one side. And, so sitting, the venerable
Ananda said to the Blessed One :
'Behold, Lord, Maha-pajapatl the Gotami is standing
outside under the entrance porch, with swollen feet and
covered with dust, sad and sorrowful, weeping and in tears,
inasmuch as the Blessed One does not permit women to
renounce their homes and enter the homeless state under
the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Blessed One.
It were well, Lord, if women were to have permission granted
to them to do as she desires.'
' Enough, Ananda ! Let it not please thee that women
should be allowed to do so.'
[And a second and a third time did Ananda make the
same request, in the same words, and receive the same reply.]
Then the venerable Ananda thought : ' The Blessed One
does not give his permission, let me now ask the Blessed One
on another ground. ' And the venerable Ananda said to the
Blessed One :
THE SAKYAS 187
' Are women, Lord, capable when they have gone forth
from the household life and entered the homeless state, under
the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Blessed One
are they capable of realising the fruit of conversion, or of the
second Path, or of the third Path, or of Arahatship ? '
'They are capable, Ananda. '
'If then, Lord, they are capable thereof, since Maha-
pajapati the Gotami has proved herself of great service to
the Blessed One, when as aunt and nurse she nourished
him and gave him milk, and on the death of his mother
suckled the Blessed One at her own breast, it were well, Lord,
that women should have permission to go forth from the
household life and enter the homeless state, under the doctrine
and discipline proclaimed by the Tathagata. *
' If then, Ananda, Maha-pajapatl the Gotami take upon
herself the Eight Chief Rules, let that be reckoned to her
as her initiation. '
Then the venerable Ananda, when he had learnt from
the Blessed One these Eight Chief Rules, went to Maha-
pajapati the Gotami and [told her all that the Blessed One
had said].
' Just Ananda, as a man or a woman, when young and of
tender years, accustomed to adorn himself, would, when he
had bathed his head, receive with both hands a garland of
lotus flowers, or of jasmine flowers or of atimuttaka flowers,
and place it on the top of his head ; even so do I, Ananda,
take upon me these Eight Chief Rules, never to be trans-
gressed my life long. '
Then the venerable Ananda returned to the Blessed
188 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
One, and bowed down before him, and took his seat, on one
side. And, so sitting, the venerable Ananda said to the
Blessed One: 'Maha-pajapati the Gotami, Lord, has taken
upon herself the Eight Chief Rules, the aunt of the Blessed
One has received the upasampada initiation. '
f If, Ananda, women had not received permission to go
out from the household life and enter the homeless state,
under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Tatha-
gata, then would the pure religion, Ananda, have lasted long,
the good law would have stood fast for a thousand years.
But since, Ananda, women have now received that permission,
the pure religion, Ananda, will not now last so long, the good
law will now stand fast for only five hundred years. Just,
Ananda, as houses in which there are many women and but
few men are easily violated by robber burglars; just so,
Ananda, under whatever doctrine and discipline women are
allowed to go out from the household life into the homeless
state, that religion will not last long. And just, Ananda, as
when the disease called mildew falls upon a field of rice in
fine condition, that field of rice does not continue long ; just
so, Ananda, under whatsoever doctrine and discipline women
are allowed to go forth from the household life into the home-
less state, that religion will not last long. And just, Ananda,
as when the disease called blight falls upon a field of sugar-
cane in good condition, that field of sugar-cane does not
continue long ; just so, Ananda under whatsoever doctrine
and discipline women are allowed to go forth from the house-
hold life into the homeless state, that religion does not last
long. And just, Ananda, as a man would in anticipation
THIS SAKYAS 189
build an embankment to a great reservoir, beyond which the
water should not overpass; just even so, Ananda, have I
in anticipation laid down these Eight Chief Rules for the
Bhikkhums, their life long not to be overpassed.' " [Vinaya
Texts, S.B.E., Vol. xx., pt. iii, pp. 320-326, I, 2, 3, 4, ist.
para, and paras 5 and 6.]
There was a technical college of the Sakyas in the mango-
grove. The translators on the authority
Education. . . _ . f ., . . .
of the Sumangalavilasmi, the comment-
ary on the Dlgha Nikaya by Buddhaghosa, say, ' ( It was a long
terraced mansion made for the learning of crafts." ' The
learning of one or other of the arts was incumbent upon
every Sakya youth, otherwise no father would give his
daughter in marriage to an idler or ignoramus, as we see from
the reply received by King Suddhodana when he proposed
for a bride for the young Prince Siddhartha. There was also
a school for archery at Kapilavastu where the Sakyas were
trained. 2 The &akyas being a ksatriya tribe devoted to
warlike pursuits, and surrounded as they were, by warlike
tribes on all sides, the school of archery was necessarily a
flourishing institution. The I^alitavistara describes in detail
the various sciences and arts beginning with the arts of writing
that the young Siddhartha had to learn. But the whole
description, as will be seen, is that of an ideal school which the
poet pictured to his imagination, basing the account, no
doubt, on the condition of education in India at the time
l Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. IV, pt. Ill, p. III. f. n.
9 Watters On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II. p. 13-
IQO SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the poet lived. There is nothing in it that might be called
particularly Sakya.
The minds of the Sakya royal princes and nobles were
so enlightened by the Buddha that they were able to realise
influence of the Bud- " the P erfeCt fmit f righteousness.'*'
dha's teachings on the Nandupananda and Kundadana, two
akya8 ' principal nobles, and other persons of the
Sakya clan became recluses. 2 Upali, son of Atall, followed
their example. Then the other princes and the sons of the
chief minister renounced the world. 3 At the request of the Bud-
dha many Sakyas became recluses.* They were well provid-
ed for. 6 The life of the Sakya recluse was so. attractive that
Sumangala (reborn in a poor family) became a hermit. They
were respected for their simplicity of life. 8 They used to shave
their heads, put on yellow robes and carry the alms-bowl. 1
Seldom could they find time to sleep as they had too many
duties to attend to. 8 There was a residence at Kapilavastu
provided by the community for recluses of all schools."
Some of the Sakya ladies that left the world and adopted
the life of the female ascetic have left behind them poems
and songs that are preserved in the Psalms of the Sisters.
Buddha and Tiesa. A * the timC f the Buddha Gautama,
Tissa was born at Kapilavastu among
the Sakyas. She renounced the world with Maha-pajapati
i S.B.E. Vol. XIX, p. 226. -2 ibid, pp. 226-227.
Ibid, p. 227. * Ibid, pp. 226-227.
& Psalms of the Brethren, p. 81. Ibid, p. 47.
1 Mricchakotika, Act VIII, pp. 125-126. (Jlvananda Vidyasagara's edition )
Charudatta, Act III, p. 53. Buddhist India, p. 20.
THE SAKYAS iqi
GotamI and became spiritually so developed that she
attained Arahatship. 1
AbhirQpananda was the daughter of Khemaka, the
Sakya. She was called Nanda the Fair
for her S reat beauty and amiability.
Her beloved kinsman, Carabhuta, died
on the day on which she was to choose him from amongst
her suitors. She had to leave the world against her will.
Though she entered the Order, she could not forget that she
was beautiful. Fearing that the Buddha would rebuke her,
she used to avoid his presence. The Buddha knew that the
time had come for her to acquire knowledge and asked
Mahapajapati GotamI to bring all the Bhikkhums before
him to receive instruction. Nanda sent a proxy for her.
The Buddha said, "Let no one come by proxy." So she
was compelled to come to him. The Buddha oy his
supernatural power conjured up a beautiful woman who
became transformed into an old and fading figure. It had
the desired effect and she became an Arahat. 4
Mitta, born in the royal family of the Sakyas at Kapila-
vastu, left the world with Mahapajapati
Bud<U Mma Therl Gotami. After the necessary training,
she soon attained Arahatship (saint-
ship). 3
Sundari Nanda was born in the royal family of the
Sakyas. She was known as the beautiful Nanda. Thinking
l Psalms of the Sisters, pp. 12-13.
9 Ibid, pp. 22-23. Ibid, p. 29.
I (J2 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
about the fact that her elder brother, her mother, her
brother, her sister and her nephew had renounced the world,
she too left it. Even after her renun-
B smStari 1 Nandl!! i ciation, she was obsessed with the idea
of her beauty and would not approach
the Lord lest she should be reproached for her folly. The
Lord taught her in the same way as he did in the case of
Nanda the Fair. She listened to the Master's teachings and
enjoyed the benefit of the fruition of the first stage of
sanctification. He then instructed her, saying, "Nanda,
there is, in this body, not even the smallest essence. It is
but a heap of bones covered with flesh and besmeared with
blood under the shadow of decay and death." Afterwards
she became an Arahat 1
The administrative and judicial business of the 6akya
clan were carried out in their santhagara
Government .
or Mote-Hall at Kapilavastu. (Buddhist
India, p. 19.) A young Brahmin named Ambattha who went
to Kapilavastu on business, had the opportunity of visiting
the Mote-Hall of the Sakyas where he saw the young and the
old seated on grand seats.* The santhagara is spoken of as
samsthagara in the Mahavastu and the Lalitavistara and
we find there that five hundred Sakyas usually took their
seats in the Hall. Thus the Mahavastu describes how thirty-
two princes, the sons of a Sakya girl and Raja Kola of
Benares, came to settle in Kapilavastu (Sakyanam samuda-
i Psalms of the Sisters, pp. 55-57.
* Dialogues of the Buddha, I, p. 113.
THE SAKYAS 193
cara), they presented themselves before the Sakya council
(Sakyaparisa or Sakyaparisad) where sat together five hun-
dred Sakya leaders to transact some important business. A
new Mote-Hall of the Sakyas was raised at Kapilavastu when
the Buddha was dwelling at the Nigrodharama in the Maha-
vana which was close to it. At their request, the Buddha in-
augurated the hall and a series of ethical discourses lasting
the whole of the night, were delivered by him, Ananda and
Moggallana. 1
The Lalitavistara also gives the same number, five
hundred as the number of the members of the Sakya council.
Thus we are told that when the young Siddhartha was seated
in the council hall (sarhsthagara) with the Sakyas in council
assembled, then the Sakya elders urged upon the king the
advisability of getting the prince married early in order that
he might not get out of the world and that he might become
a great sovereign (cakravartti). Thereupon King Suddho-
dana asked them to look for a suitable bride. Upon this,
the Lalitavistara asserts, the five hundred Sakyas said each
of them that his own girl was beautiful and was a fit mate
for the prince. 2 From these two stories it appears clear that
the number of members in the Sakya council was fixed at
five hundred. The parisad or council of the Licchavis
appears to have been larger, but the system of administration
seems to be very much the same, though there was this great
difference that while at Vaiall everyone called himself a raja,
at Kapilavastu people had a distinct headman called the raja.
i Buddhist India, p. 20.
Lalitavistara, Edited by Lefmann, p. 136 (line TO) to p. 137 (line 10).
13
IQ4 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
That King Pasenadi of Kosala should marry one of the
daughters of the Sakya chiefs, was decided in the council.
Among the Sakyas, there was only one chief who bore the
title of raja, and was elected by the people. According to
Dr. Rhys Davids, he had to preside over the sessions and
when no sessions were held, he had to conduct the business
of the state. Once Bhaddiya, a young cousin of the Buddha,
took the title of raja and Suddhodana was styled a raja,
although he was a simple citizen, Suddhodana the Sakiyan. 1
In the opinion of Dr. Rhys Davids, all the important places
had a Mote-Hall "or pavilion covered with a roof but with
no walls in which to conduct their business." The local
affairs of the villages were conducted in open assembly
consisting of the householders, " held in the groves which
formed so distinctive a feature of each village in the long and
level alluvial plain." 2 In the time of the Chinese travellers,
Fa-Hien, Sung-Yun and Hiuen Tsang there was no central
government at Kapilavastu. There existed a congregation
of priests and about ten families of laymen. 3 Each town
appointed its own ruler and there was no supreme ruler*
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar says that kula or clan sovereignty
was prominent among the Sakyas. Kula, which was more
extensive than the family, was the lowest political unit
amongst the political samghas. To quote his words, kula
"denotes not simply the domination of a chief over his clan
but also and principally his supremacy over the territory
J Buddhist Iiidia, p. 19. * Ibid, p. 20.
Beal's Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung Yun, pp. 85-87.
* Beal, Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 14.
THE SAKYAS 195
occupied by that clan." The Sakya country was governed
by one ruler but was not solely occupied by the Sakyas,
there were brahmins, artisans and traders. 1
It appears from the Mahavastu (Vol. II., p. 76) that
Koliya and Licchavi youngmen also
The ntighbou a wf the!r showed their prowess at the tournament
held to test .the knowledge of Prince
Siddhartha before his marriage. It seems that the Koliyas
and the Licchavis were on terms of close relationship with
the Sakyas. The Koliyas, as we have seen, were of kindred
origin and the Licchavis from their living in the country
to the south-east of the Sakya territory, most probably often
became intimate with the &akyas.
The Kosala country bordered on the region occupied
by the Sakyas and there were mutual jealousies between the
two peoples that often developed into war. Thtr. we are
told that the Sakyas became the vassals of King Pasenadi of
Kosala who received homage from them and they treated him
in the same way as the king treated the Buddha. (Dialogues
of the Buddha, pt. III., p. 80.) The Tibetan books have
preserved a story of the Koala king who visited the capital
of the Sakyas. Once Pasenadi, king of
Kosala, carried away by his horse
reached Kapilavastu alone, and roaming
about hither and thither, came to the garden of Mahanaman.
Here he saw the beautiful Mallika who was well versed
in the gastras and asked her as to whose garden it was and
1 Carmicha;! Lectures, 1918, pp. 162-164.
196 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
was told that it belonged to Sakya Mahanaman. He then
got down and wanted some water to wash his feet with.
She brought it. Again she was asked to bring some water
with which to wash his face and she brought it and the king
washed his face with it. Afterwards he wanted some water
to drink which was brought for him in a leaf-cup. Then she
was requested by the king to rub his feet which she willingly
did. Hardly had she touched his feet when he fell asleep.
She thought that the king might have enemies and she
closed the gate when the cries of 'open' were heard by
her from a multitude of people who wanted to rush in.
She did not open the gate. The king awoke and asked
her what the matter was. She told him what she did. Her
shrewdness and wisdom were admired by the king. Coming
to know that she was a slave girl of Mahanaman, he went to
her master and expressed his desire to marry her. The
master agreed and the king took her with him in great pomp
to Sravasti. But the king's mother was highly displeased
as her son had married a slave girl. When Mallika went
to pay respects to her and touched her feet, she at once
fell asleep. When she awoke, she thought that such a touch
could not but be of a maiden of noble birth, worthy of the
family of Kosala. At that time Pasenadi had a wife named
Varsika, famous for her beauty, besides Mallika, well known
for her wonderful touch. Shortly afterwards, a son was born
to Mallika who was called Virudhaka or the high-born. 1
J Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 75-77. According to Pali canonical literature,
Virudhaka was the son of Pasenadi by another wife named Vasabhakhattiya who was
given in marriage to Pasenadi by the Sakyas.
THE SAKYAS 197
This story is nothing but a Tibetan version of the story of
Pasenadi and Vasabhakhattiya.
We have already seen how Pasenadi wished to establish
a connection with the Buddha's family by marriage and
wanted to marry one of the daughters of the Sakya chiefs.
The Sakyas afterwards decided that it was beneath their
dignity to marry one of their daughters to the king of KoSala. 1
A girl named Vasabiiakhattiya, a daughter by a slave
girl of one of their leading chiefs, Mahanaman, was sent by
the Sakyas to the king.
But King Pasenadi had great admiration for the Buddha
who was a Sakya. The king went to him and rubbed his
feet out of devotion to him. He further said, "Worldly
life is full of civil strifes as people have not yet realised the
Dharma of the Tathagata." 2
VidQdabha, the son of Pasenadi and Vasabhaldiattiya,
when he came of age, found out that the Sakyas had deceived
his father Pasenadi by giving him a daughter of a slave girl
to marry. He resolved to take revenge upon them. Vidfl-
dabha, therefore, wanted to get possession of the throne for
himself, and with the aid of his commander-in-chief, Dlrgha
Carayana or Digha Karayana, he deposed his father who fled
with his life from Sravastl, the KoSala capital; he set out for
Rajagaha, the Magadhan capital. " It was late when he came
to the city, and the gates were shut and lying down in a shed,
exhausted by exposure to wind and sun, he died there. 1 '
(Jataka, Vol. IV, p. 96.) After ascending the throne,
i Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. n.
Majjhima Nikaya (P.T.S.), Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 118-124.
CHAPTER VI
THE BULIS THE KOLIYAS THE MORIYAS
THE BHAGGAS THE KALAMAS.
Besides the clans of which some account has been given
in the previous chapters, there are a few others occasionally
referred to in the Buddhist texts, parti-
cularly in the Book of the Great Decease.
They may be enumerated as follows :
1. The Bulis of Allakappa.
2. The Koliyas of Devadaha and Ramagama.
3. The Moriyas of Pipphalivana.
4. The Bhaggas of Sumsumara Hill.
5. The Kalamas of Kesaputta.
" There are," as Dr. Rhys Davids points out, ' * several other
names of tribes of which it is not yet known whether they
were clans or under monarchical government. We have
only one instance of any tribe, once under a monarchy,
reverting to the independent state. And whenever the
supreme power in a clan became hereditary, the result seems
always to have been an absolute monarchy, without legal
limitations of any kind."*
The five clans or tribes mentioned above are mere passing
shadows in early Buddhist records, there being hardly any
* 1 have derived substantial help from Dr. B. M. Barua while engaged in writing
thi 8 chapter.
< I3t-*fc fcbyrDavids, Buddhist India, p. 23.
THE BUttS, ETC. 201
data for an historical account of them. The Book of the
Great Decease 1 mentions the Bulis of Allakappa, the Koliyas
of Ramagama and the Moriyas of Pipphalivana, along with
the lyicchavis of Vesall, the Sakyas of Kapilavatthu and
others, as so many distinct ksatriya clans or corporations,
claiming shares of the bodily remains of the Buddha Gautama
on the ground that like the deceased master they were all
of the ksatriya caste. The message sent
b y each of these clans to I* 16 Mallas of
KuSInara is as follows: "The Blessed
One belonged to the soldier caste, we too are of the soldier
caste. We are worthy to receive a portion of the relics
of the Blessed One. Over the remains of the Blessed One
will we put up a sacred cairn and in their honour, will
we celebrate a feast."* The claimants are said to have
obtained their respective shares of relics, which they en-
shrined with customary ceremonies. The Bulis of Allakappa
and the Koliyas of Ramagama had
Their solicitude for , . . 1
the remains of the the good fortune to obtain one share
each of the bodily remains while the
Moriyas of Pipphalivana had to be satisfied with a share of
the ashes as they were rather late in sending their messenger
to Ku&nara. One of their descendants a Moriya of Patali-
putra was more fortunate. The existing Buddhist tradi-
tions all agree in bearing out the fact of redistribution of
the relics of the Buddha in the time of King ASoka Moriya
( Maurya) with the exception of those enshrined at Ramagama
1 Digha Nikaya, II. p. 164 foil.
< Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E.. Vol. XI, p. 132.
202 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
by the Koliyas. The legend from the ASokavadana which
has been summarised by late Dr. Vincent Smith is as
follows: "The Avadana story is that when King ASoka
desired to distribute the sacred relics of the body of Buddha
among the eighty-four thousand stupas erected by himself,
he opened the stflpa of the Urn, wherein King AjataSatru
had enshrined the cremation relics collected from seven
of the eight original stupas. The eighth, that at Ramagama,
was defended by the guardian Nagas, who would not allow
it to be opened. The relics thus withdrawn from the stupa
of the Urn, were distributed among eighty-four thousand
stflpas, 'resplendent as the autumn clouds/ which were erect-
ed in a single day by the descendant of the Mauryas." 1 A
similar legend can be gathered from the Sinhalese chronicles
and other late Pali works, particularly Buddhaghosa's com-
mentary 2 on the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta. The evidence
of the Pali Canonical texts themselves amply corroborates
the truth of the later legends barring certain details which
have a special importance of their own. The epilogues
attached to the Book of the Great Decease and the Buddha-
vaihsa prove that the sacred relics of Buddha's body were,
after their re-distribution, enshrined all over northern India
from Gandhara to Kalinga. 8
In the Bhlsmaparva of the Mahabharata, mention is
made of the Bhargas along with other tribes, e.g., the Andhras,
i Vincent Smith, Asoka, 2nd edition, pp. 251-252.
* Sumangala-Vilasini, Burmese edition, pt. II, p. 183, foil.
DIgha-Nikaya, n, p. 167; The Buddhavarfisa and the Cariyapitaka, J.P.T.S.,
1882, p. 68.
12. Buddhist Stupa a.nd Yihiira.
THE BI7US, ETC. 2O3
the Kiratas, the KoSalas, the Gandharas, the Sauviras, the
Sindhus, and so forth (gth chapter, p. 822). The Bbaggas
of the Sumsumara Hill have been casually referred to in
some suttas of the Maj jhima and the Sam-
yutta Nikayas.' There can be no doubt
about the fact that the Sumsumara Hill was used as a fort.
It was situated in a deer park at Bhesakalavana. In the life
time of the Buddha, Prince Bodhi, son of Udena, ruled over
the Bhaggas, apparently as his father's viceroy. He became
one of the followers of the Buddha.* When the Buddha was
amongst the Bhaggas, the householder, Nakulapita, went to
him and spoke to him thus, "I have become old and
wearied, let the Lord admonish me and instruct me for my
eternal happiness." He afterwards became one of the
devotees of the Master at Bhesakalavana. 8
As regards the Kalamas of Kesaputta, our information
is very meagre. There is but a bare mention of them in the
mu ,--,- Nikayas. No doubt they existed at the
The Kalamas.
time of the Buddha as a distinct tribe or
people. Probably their home or seat of government was in
a mountain fastness, not far from the upper Gangetic valley.
We are quite in the dark about their origin and other
particulars. We must bear in mind that in ancient India,
the tribe lent its name to the place of its settlement, that is
i Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. I, pp. 332-338 ; Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 9i-97 Saifayutta
Nikaya, pt. IV, p. n6; Ibid, pt. Ill, pp. 1-5.
s BodhJrajakumara Sutta, Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 91; Fausboll, Jataka,
Vol. Ill, p. 157.
Sadiyntta Nikaya, pt. Ill, pp. 1-5.
204 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
to say, the tribal name became local. The word ' Kesaputta '
should be taken in its plural form, denoting the land of the
Kesaputtas. The etymology of the name indicates that the
tribe traced its descent from the Kesins, a tribe connected
with the Pancalas. 1 In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta,*
and other Buddhist texts, ancient and modern, we are intro-
duced to a renowned religious teacher named Alara Kalama
(Sanskrit, Arada Kalama). One caravan merchant named
Pukkusa, a young Mallian, was a disciple of Alara Kalama.
Much emphasis was laid by Pukkusa on the spiritual attain-
ments of Kalama. He said that his preceptor's ecstatic
trance was so very deep and profound that a long train of
heavily laden carts passed by him but he did not perceive
them. 8 Alara Kalama might have been a Hathayogin.
Buddhaghosa says that he was called Alara because he was a
Dighapingala or a hermit of long standing, Kalama being his
family name. 4 It would seem clear that Alara Kalama came
of the Kalama tribe or that he was in some way connected
with it. The Buddhist texts represent the Kalamas as
worshippers of the Buddha Gautama who was before his
enlightenment, a disciple of Kalama, a renowned teacher of
philosophy. 6
The Sumangalavilasinl (pp. 260-262) states that the
The Koiiyas. eldest of the five dau g hters of Okkaka
by the chief queen contracted leprosy
(kuftharoga). The four sons of Okkaka, who were brothers
i Vcdic Index, Vol. I, p. 468. * Digha-Nikaya, Vol, II, pp. 130-131.
8 Buddhist Suttas, S.B.E., Vol. XI. f p. 76. * Ibid, p. 75. f.n.
' Kern, Manual df Indian Buddhism, p. 18.
THE BULIS, ETC. 2O5
of the eldest daughter, apprehending that if they lived with
her, they might contract the disease, took her on the pretext
of going to a garden, to a forest and there confined her in an
underground closet. At that time, Rama, king of Benares,
got leprosy and being detested by his wives and relations,
left the kingdom, entered the torest and there eating leaves
and fruits of wild trees, was soon cured of the disease and
began to live in the forest. One night he heard the voice
of the woman and in the morning, going in the direction of
the voice, found the princess in the underground closet.
He cured her by means of those leaves and fruits by which
he himself was cured and married her. He then built a town
in the forest removing a big Kola tree. Inasmuch as the
town was built on the site of the Kola tree, it came to be
called Kolanagara and the descendants of the king came to
be known as Koliyas.
The Mahavastu tells us that a daughter of a certain
Sakya noble who was handsome and endowed with all good
qualities, was attacked with leprosy. The physicians were
treating her but the disease was incurable. They prescribed
ointments and laxative medicines for her. Sores appeared
all over the body. The people began to hate her. She was
taken by all the brothers in a palanquin to a spot close to the
Himalayas. They dug out a subterranean room and she
was left there with abundance of food and water. They
put planks to block the path leading to the interior of the
cave and the doors were closed and they put a big heap of
dust in front of the cave and then they returned to Kapila-
vastu. She living in that stuffy room in the heat of the
206 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
cave, was cured of leprosy. Her body became altogether
soreless and she resumed her former beauty. A tiger got
scent and it came towards her. Having got the scent of a
human being, the tiger began to throw off the heap of dust.
Not far from the cave lived a royal sage named Kola who
was possessed of five supernatural knowledges and had
attained the four meditations. His hermitage was full of
vegetables, flowers and fruits. It was very charming. The
sage while wandering hither and thither in the vicinity of
the hermitage, came to the cave where the Sakya girl
lived. The tiger threw off the heap of dust with its legs,
leaving only the plank. The tiger saw the sage who compelled
it to leave that spot and go away. As the sage saw the
tiger throwing off the dust, curiosity arose in his mind.
Then the plank having been removed by the sage, the door
of the cave was opened. The Sakya girl was seen in all her
great beauty. The sage asked, "Well lady, who are you ? "
She replied, ' ' I am a woman and I am the daughter of a
certain Sakya of Kapilavastu. Having fallen a victim to
leprosy, I have been left here to spend the rest of my life. 1 '
Seeing the exquisite beauty of the Sakya girl, he became very
much attached to her. Coming in contact with the Sakya
girl the sage lost the power of meditation and his supernatural
knowledge. He then went to the hermitage along with the
Sakya girl who lived in the hermitage with the sage Kola.
Sixteen pairs of twin sons were born to them. Thirty-two
sons of the sage were beautiful and had plaited hairs. The
sons of the sage, when they grew up, were sent to Kapilavastu
by their mother who. said to them thus, " Sons, go to the city
THE BUUS, ETC. 307
of Kapilavastu where live my father and your maternal
grandfather. There the sons of such and such persons are
your maternal uncles and they are Sakya nobles and your
relations. They will provide you with means to maintain
yourselves/* She trained them thus in the manners of
the Sakyas, <f You will approach a Sakya gentleman in this
way. This is the proper way to salute. In this way you
should sit down/ 1 Ha\ing trained them in the manners of
the Sakyas, they were allowed to go. They saluted their
parents, went round them and then went away. They in course
of time reached Kapilavastu . They entered Kapilavastu with
their beautiful appearance. The vast crowd seeing the sons
of the sage received them and said, "These sons of the sage
are beautiful and have plaited hairs." They went to the
Mote-Hall of the Sakyas surrounded by a vast crowd. Five
hundred Sakyas assembled in the Mote-Hall for sorie busi-
ness. They approached the Sakya assembly in the way
they were taught by their mother. The Sakya assembly
became astounded to see the Sakya manners in them. The
Sakya assembly asked the sons of the sage thus, " Where-
from do you come ? " Being instructed they answered thus,
"We are sons of Kola, the royal sage, who has his hermit-
age somewhere at the foot of the Himalayas. Our mother
is the daughter of a certain Sakya." Hearing them, the
Sakyas became pleased. Their maternal grandfather, who
was one of the leading Sakyas and whose lineage was noble,
was still alive. The royal sage Kola gave his eldest son,
the kingdom of Benares and he went out of the kingdom
for ordination. The Sakyas were then very glad to learn
208 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
that they were born of the royal sage and not of persons of
inferior rank. They said, "They must also be Sakyas.
They belong to the same caste to which we belong. Let
them be given Sakya girls and appointments." They were
given Sakya brides, cultivable lands and villages. As the
princes were born of the sage Kola, they were known as
Koliyas. (Mahavastu, Vol. I., pp. 352-355.)
It is stated in the Introduction to the Kunala Jataka
that the Koliyas used to dwell in the Kola tree (Kolarukkhe).
Hence they came to be called 'Koliyas' or dwellers in 'jujube'
(Koli) trees (Jataka, Faiisboll, V., p. 413).
From the Thera-Gatha (Verse 529, p. 56), it appears
that the territories of the 6akyas and the Koliyas lay side by
side and the river RohinI formed the boundary between
these two clans. (" Passantu tarn Sakiya Kotfya ca paccha-
mukham Rohiniyam tarantam.")
The river Rohinl flowed between the territories of
^ . the Koliyas and the Sakyas. Both the
Feud between the J J
Koliyas and the tribes used water of the river for culti-
akyas " vation and they had the river confined by
a single dam.. In the month of Jetthamula, when the crops
began to droop, the Koliya and the Sakya labourers assem-
bled together. Then the people of the Koliya said, " Should
this water be drawn off on both sides, it will not prove suffi-
cient for both us and you. But our crops will thrive with a
single watering; give us then the water. 1 ' The people of
Kapilavatthu said, f f When you have filled your garners with
corn, we shall hardly have the courage to come with ruddy
gold, emeralds and copper coins and with baskets and sacks
THE BUUS, ETC. 20Q
in our hands, to hang about your doors. Our crops too will
thrive with a single watering; give us the water." " We will
not give it," they said. "Neither will we," said the others.
As words thus ran high, one of them rose up and struck
another a blow, and he in turn struck a third and thus it was
that what with interchanging blows and spitefully touching
on the origin of their princely families they increased the
tumult. The Koliya labourers said, " Be off with your people
of Kapilavatthu, men who like dogs, jackals, and such like
beasts, cohabited with their own sisters. What will their ele-
phants and horses, their shields and spears avail against us ?"
The Sakya labourers replied, " Nay, do you, wretched lepers,
be off with your children, destitute and ill-conditioned fellows,
who like brute beasts had their dwelling in a hollow jujube
tree (Koll). What shall their elephants and horses, their
spears and shields avail against us?" So they went and
told the councillors appointed to such services and they
reported it to the princes of their tribes. Then the Sakyas
said, " We will show them how strong and mighty are the men
who cohabited with their sisters," and they sallied forth,
ready for the fray. And the Koliyas said, "We will show
them how strong and mighty are they who dwelt in the
hollow of a jujube tree," and they too sallied forth ready
for the fight.
Another version of the story is this : "When the female
slaves of the Sakyas and Koliyas came to the river to fetch
water, and throwing the coils of cloth that they carried on
their heads upon the ground, were seated ana pleasantly
conversing, a certain woman took another's cloth, thinking
14
210 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
that it was her own ; and when owing to this a quarrel arose,
each claiming the coil of cloth as hers, gradually the people
of the two cities, the serfs and the labourers, the attendants,
headmen, councillors and viceroys, all of them sallied forth
ready for battle." Now it was at eventide that they would
be sallying forth, ready for the fray. At this time the
Blessed One came to the spot from Savatthl, sat cross-legged
in the air between the two hosts. The Sakyas could recognise
him and at once threw down their arms with the words,
"Let the Koliyas slay us or roast us alive." The Koliyas
too on seeing the Buddha acted in the same way. The
Lord instructed them, quelled the feud and brought about a
reunion. (Jataka, Cowell's edition, Vol. V, p. 219 foil.)
The Mahavastu tells us that there was a Koliya prince
who was a rival to Gautama Buddha in the art of arrow-
shooting but he was defeated along with others. (Edited
by Senart, Vol. II, pp, 76-77.)
The Udana tells us that the daughter of the king
of the Koliyas (Koliyadhlta) named Suppavasa who remain-
ed pregnant for seven years, was terribly suffering from
labour-pains for seven years. She thought that the Buddha
and his disciple after undergoing such sufferings, were freed
from them and she further thought that there was Nibbana
but there was no such pain in it. She requested her husband
to go to the Buddha who was then dwelling at Kundi and
inform him of it. The Buddha being informed desired that
she should give birth to a healthy son without any pain. As
soon as the Buddha expressed such a desire, she gave birth
to a healthy 'son without pain. The husband returned
THE BUWS, ETC. 211
home and found Suppavasa with a healthy son. Suppavasa
again requested her husband to go to the Buddha and invite
him with his followers to her house for seven days and her
husband was also instructed by her to inform the Buddha of
her easy delivery of a son. The Buddha accepted the invi-
tation and he was sumptuously fed in her house. Sariputta
who also went to her house asked the son, "Are you all
right? Have you any want? Are you free from suffer-
ing ?" The son answered, "I had to live for seven years in
a jar of blood." Suppavasa was greatly pleased seeing her
son talking with Sariputta. The Buddha asked her whether
she would desire to have any more sons. She expressed
her desire to have seven such sons. The Buddha then left
her (Udana, P.T.S. pp. 15-18).
According to some, the name, the Koliyas of Ramagama,
indicates that the tribe came originally from the same ethnic
group as the Koliyas of Devadaha. According to Cunning-
ham, Ramagama (RamagrSma) is identical with Deokali. 1
There are no historical data for ascertaining the political
relations of the Koliyas of Ramagama (Ramagrama) with
the Sakyas.
It is stated in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta of the
Digha Nikaya that the inhabitants of Ramagama belonged
to the serpent race.*
The Mahavamsa commentary * furnishes us with some
interesting information about the origin of the Moriyas of
i Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p. 423.
a Digha Nikaya (P.T.S.), Vol. II, p. 167.
Mahavainsa TikS (Sinhalese Edition), pp. 119 foil.
212 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Pipphalivana and their connection with the Maurya rulers of
Magadha. We are told that there are
The Moriyas. ^^ theories about the derivation of the
name Moriya. According to one theory, the name is derived
from ' modiya ' meaning pleasing or delightful. The Moriyas
were a people who lived in a delightful land. According to
the other, the name is connected with ' mora ' peacock. The
people came to be known as Moriyas from the fact that the
place, where they founded their city, always resounded with
the cries of peacocks. It is said that some of the Sakya
princes, being hard pressed by Prince Vidudabha, the am-
bitious and cruel usurper of the throne of KoSala, fled to
the Himalayan region where they built a new city round a
lake in the forest tract abounding in pepul trees.
The above legend about the origin of the Moriyas of
Pipphalivana cannot be accepted as a historical fact.
When the Moriyas are introduced to us in the Book of the
Great Decease, they are contemporaries and powerful rivals
of the Sakyas of Kapilavatthu or Kapilavastu. Moreover,
Vidudabha' s invasion of Kapilavatthu and the carnage
committed upon its citizens took place, if the tradition is at
all to be believed, shortly before the demise of the Buddha.
There may be some truth in the implied suggestion that the
Moriyas were, in some way, connected with the Sakyas of
Kapilavatthu. With the advance of ethnological researches,
it may be found that the matrimonial alliance of the Sakyas
with the neighbouring hill peoples brought some new tribes
into existence. Further, the Mahavamsa commentary traces
the origin of the Maurya rulers of Magadha to the Moriyas
THE BULIS, ETC. 213
of Pipphalivana. Candagutta, the founder of the Maurya
dynasty, was born of the chief queen of the Moriyan king of
Pipphalivana. This account conflicts with the evidence of
Visakhadatta's Mudraraksasa where Candragupta is re-
presented as a Vr$ala,' a person of low birth, an illegitimate
son of the last Nanda king by a sudra woman named Mura.
How far Visakhadatta's account represents the true state of
things, is a controversial point. But there are many in-
stances where such misconception of history resulted from a
conjectural etymology of personal and dynastic names. It
appears that the royal family of the Nandas was connected
by matrimonial alliance with the Moriyas of Pipphalivana,
and this may derive some support from the fact that in earlier
and later times, the rulers of Magadha found it necessary
to establish friendly relations, through marriage, with the
neighbouring clans, e.g., the Licchavis of VaiSali and the
Videhans of Mithila.
It seems certain that the minor clans had much in
common with those dealt with in the previous chapters.
Their social customs, religious belief s, laws and administrative
systems, were, in all likelihood, the same. It is left to the
future historian of India to decide how far the clans under
review were instrumental in colonising Bengal, Bihar and
Assam.
i Act III, pp. 134-136, 141-143* etc.
CHAPTER VII
THE MADRAS 1
The Madras are an ancient ksatriya tribe of the Vedic
times. They are not mentioned in the
T vMfcti^* earl y Vedic Samhitas but the VamSa
Brahmana of the Samaveda mentions
an ancient Vedic teacher, Madragara Saungayani from whom,
as we shall see in the chapter on the Kambojas, Aupaman-
yava, the Kamboja, received the Vedic lore. From the name
Madragara, scholars infer 2 that Saungayani belonged to the
Madra tribe, and this very fact that Vedic learning had
spread so much among the Madras as to give one of them
a respected position in the list of ancient teachers, shows
that the Madras belonged to the Vedic Aryandom before
the age of the Brahmanas. Their Vedic learning in the
Brahmana times is testified to by the Satapatha Brahmana
where we find that sages of Northern India, most probably
of the Kuru-Pancala district, repaired to the Madra country
to receive their education in Vedic learning. In the Brha-
daranyaka-Upani^ad, 8 Uddalaka Aruni told Yajnavalkya,
" We dwelt among the Madras in the houses of Patancala
Kapya, studying the sacrifice." And, again, Bhujyu L,aha-
i Mr. H. C. Ray has contributed a paper to the J.A.S.B. (New series, Vol. XVIII,
1922, No. 4), on the same subject, but my chapter was written independently for this
volume and it contains some matters not noticed in Mr. Ray's monograph.
* Vedic Index, II, p. 123.
8 iii. 7, i, S.B.E. 15, 132.
THE MADRAS 215
yani said, " We wandered about as students, and came to the
house of Patancala Kapya." [ These facts prove unmistak-
ably that the Madras held a high place among the Vedic
people.
In the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 14.3), we find the
mention of a section of the Madra people, the Uttara, or the
northern Madras who lived beyond the Himalayas (pareya
HimavantaiH) in the northern regions close to the Uttara-
Kurus ; Uttara-Madra is supposed by scholars * to have been
located in Kashmir.
In the Ramayana we read that Sugrlva sent monkies to
the Madrakas and other tribes in quest of
Loca ^?erSces? rly Sita. 8 In the Visnupurana mention is
made of Madra along with Arama, Para-
sika and others.* In the Matsya Purana, Madra is mentioned
along with Gandhara, Yavana and others. B In the same Pura-
na, reference is made to King Aswapati of Sakala in the kingdom
of the Madras. 6 Madda is not mentioned in the list of sixteen
mahajanapadas in the Buddhist literature. Some suppose
that Madda was also called Vahlika. 1 The Madras held
the central parts of the Punjab. 8 The country they occupied
lay between the Ravi and the Chenab.' They appear in
the epic to have occupied the district of Sialkot between the
Br. Upanisad, iii, 3, i, S.B.E., 15, 127.
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 102.
Ramayana (Griffith's translation) Additional Notes, p. 43-
Second Anka, Chap. 3, 17. * Chap. 1 14, 41-
Chap. 208, 6l. 5. 1 N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 49-
Early History of India, V. A. Smith, p. 286.
N. t. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 49 ; J.R.A.S., 1897, p. 889.
2l6 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
rivers Chenab and Ravi (Cambridge History of India, Ancient
India, pp. 549-550). India is, according to one description,
divided into nine divisions (nava khanda). This was the
description first given by the astronomers, ParaSara and
Varahamihira and it was also adopted by the authors of
several of the Puranas. According to this arrangement,
Madra was the chief district of the north. 1 In the Brhat-
samhita of Varahamihira, mention is made of the Madra
tribe.* It is evident from the Allahabad Pillar Inscription
that Madra lay by the side of the territory of the Yaudheyas."
The Madra kingdom is mentioned in the Bhismaparva of the
Mahabharata.* Panini mentions it in his grammar (II. 3. 73 ;
IV. 4. 67). Its capital was Sagala or Sakala in which form
the name occurs in the Mahabharata (ii. 1196, viii. 2033).
Sakala has been identified by General Cunningham with
Sangla-wala-Tiba, to the west of the Ravi (Ancient Geo-
graphy of India, p. 180). Cunningham holds that 6akala
is still known as Madra-dea or the district of the Madras,
which is said by some to extend from the Bias to the Jhelum
but by others only to the Chenab. b T. W. Rhys Davids says
that Cunningham thought that he (Cunningham) had found
the ruins of it ; but no excavations have been carried out,
and the exact site is still therefore uncertain. It lay about
32 N by 74 E. 6
1 Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, pp. 5-6.
* Kern, Brhatsambita, p. 92.
R. C. Majumdar, Corporate Ufe in Ancient India, p. 272.
* Bliismapanra, Chap. IX, p. 822.
' Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p. 185. Buddhist India, p. 39-
THE MADRAS 217
It appears from Hwui-lih that the pilgrim Hiueu
Tsiang went to Sakala. 1 The old town
Chinese account. Q{ g.^ ^y. according to
the great pilgrim, is about 20 li in circuit. Although its
walls are thrown down, the foundation is still firm and strong.
In the midst of it a town of about 6 or 7 li in circuit has been
built, 2 There is in Sakala a Sangharama with about one
hundred priests who study the little vehicle. In old days
Vasubandhu (Shi-t'sin) Bodhisatta composed in this place
the treatise called Shing-i-tai (Paramarthasatya astra).
By the side of the convent of the stupa about 200 feet high,
on this spot the four former Buddhas preached the law, and
here again are the traces of their walking to and fro. To the
north-west of the Sangharama, 5 or 6 li is a stupa, about
200 feet high built by ASoka-raja. Here also the four past
Buddhas preached. About 10 li to the north-east of the new
capital, we come to a stflpa of stone about 200 feet in height
built by ASoka. 8
The Milinda-panho gives a splendid description of the
Madra capital. There is a great centre of trade called Sagala,
the famous city of yore in the country of the Yonakas. Sagala
is situated in a delightful country well-
watered and hilly, abounding in parks
Pafiho - an d gardens, groves, lakes and tanks, a
paradise of rivers and mountains and woods. Wise architects
have laid it out. Brave is its defence, with many strong
i Bed's Records of the Western World, Vol. I, p. 166, f.n. 5.
* Ibid, Vol. I, p. 167.
Ibid. Vol. I, p. 172.
2l8 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
towers and ramparts, with superb gates and entrance arch-
ways and with the royal citadel in its midst, white-walled
and deeply moated. Well laid out are its streets, squares,
cross roads and market places. Its shops are filled with
various costly merchandise. It is richly adorned with
hundreds of alms-halls of various kinds and splendid with
hundreds of thousands of magnificent mansions. Its streets
are filled with elephants, horses, carriages and foot passengers,
frequented by the group of handsome men and beautiful
women and crowded by men of all sorts and conditions,
brahmanas, nobles, artificers and servants. They resound
with cries of welcome to the teachers of every creed and the
city is the resort of the leading men of each of the different
sects. Shops are there for the sale of Benares muslin, of
Kotumbara stuffs and of other cloths of various kinds, and
sweet odours are exhaled from the bazars where all sorts of
flowers and perfumes are tastefully set out. Jewels are
there in plenty and guilds of traders in all sorts of finery
display their goods in the bazars that face all quarters of the
sky. So full is the city of money and of gold and silver ware,
of copper and stone ware, that it is a mine of dazzling treasures.
And there is laid up there much store of property and corn
and things of value in warehouses, foods and drinks of every
sort, syrups, and sweetmeats of every kind. In wealth
it is the rival of Uttara-Kuru and in glory it is as Alaka-
manda, the city of Gods. 1 Its inhabitants are prosperous
and rich.*
J Questions of Mtyinda (S.B.E.), pt. I, pp. 1-3.
* Records of the Western World, Vol. I, p. 167.
THE MADRAS 2IQ
According to the evidence borne by the Sanskrit Epics and
Pali Jatakas, the Madras were ksatriyas belonging to the
warrior caste, 1 and entered into matri-
monial alliance with the ksatriya dynas-
ties of the Gangetic kingdoms. The great Kuru king, Pandu
married the Madra princess, Madri, as we shall show below,
and besides, from the Adiparva of the Mahabharata, we learn
that Pariksit married Madravatl and Janamejaya and
others were born to him by her. 1
The Jatakas bear ample testimony to the fact that the
Madra princesses were sought in marriage by the great
ksatriya houses of northern India. Thus we read in the
Kusa- Jataka : The King of Madda had seven daughters, "of
extraordinary beauty, like to nymphs of heaven." The
eldest of them was called Pabhavatl. Rays of light streamed
forth from her person. King Okkaka sent his emissaries to
the Madda king. They told the Madda king that their king
had a son, the bold prince Kusa, to whom he had intended
to make over his kingdom, and had sent them to ask him
(Madda king) to give his daughter Pabhavatl in marriage to
his son. The Madda king was glad 'thinking an alliance with
so noble a king would be an auspicious one/ He consented.
King Okkaka with a great retinue set out from KusSvati and
in course of time reached the city of Sagala. He was received
with great honour. Pabhavatl was then given in marriage
to Kusa, son of King Okkaka. The two kingdoms, Madda
and Kusavati were thus united by matrimonial alliance. 8
1 Jataka (Cowell), Vol. IV, pp. 144 145. * Chap. 95, p. 105.
* Jataka (Cowell), Vol. V.pp. 146-147.
220 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
The same story of the union of Prince KuSa of the
great Ik^vaku family with a Madra princess, is also told in
the Mahavastu-Avadana with some variations. At Benares,
the Mahavastu tells us, there was a king named KuSa who
belonged to the Iksvaku family. One day he approached his
mother, Alindadevi and asked her to bring for him the most
beautiful bride. The ministers in quest of a beautiful
girl, reached the city of Kanyakubja in the kingdom of
Sarasena where the Madra king, Mahendra ruled. They saw
one day his beautiful daughter and thinking her to be the
best possible selection, they approached her father who
readily consented to give her in marriage to king Kusa of
Benares. But king Kusa's appearance was repulsive and he
had many defects in his body. His wife Sudarsana dis-
covered the defects in him and with the permission of her
mother-in-law, she left Benares for Kanyakubja. In the
meantime king Kua returning to his palace could not see his
beloved wife. He left the kingdom leaving his brother
KuSadruma in charge of it and he at once started for Kanya-
kubja. Kua reached the palace of his father-in-law and
tried by various means to get favour from his wife, e.g., by
preparing garlands, by making earthen pots, ornaments but
all such things were rejected by Sundar&ma. He then
entered the kitchen of the king as a cook and prepared an
excellent soup. The king after taking the soup enquired
of the cook and praised him much. In the meantime seven
k?atriya kings of the neighbouring countries came to win
the married daughter of the Madra king but they were
refused. Then'KuSa by his own power drove away all the
THE MADRAS 221
seven kings and after saving his father-in-law's kingdom, he
came back to his own kingdom with his wife. The Madra
king, Mahendra, being advised by his son-in-law, Ku&i, gave
his seven daughters in marriage to the seven kings who came
to attack him and thereby the Madra king strengthened
his position (Mahavastu, Vol. II, p. 440 foil.).
From the Kalinga-Bodhi Jataka we observe that even
a prince of the royal hou&e of Kalinga in the far east sought
the hand of a princess of the Madra country. In the king-
dom of Madda and in the city of Sagala, a daughter was
born to the king of Madda. It was foretold that the girl
should live as an ascetic but her son would be an universal
monarch. The kings of India heard of this prediction and
surrounded the city. The king of Madda could not give his
daughter in marriage to one of them to incur the wrath of
others. So he fled to a forest with his wife and daughter.
In this forest lived Prince Kalinga. One day while the
prince was coming out of the river, a flower- wreath caught in
his hair. The prince thought that the wreath must have been
made by a tender young girl. He began to search for her.
So deeply in love he journeyed up the Ganges until he heard
her singing in a sweet voice, as she sat on a mango-tree. The
prince came there and learnt from her that she was a khattiya.
He told her that he was also of the warrior caste. They
repeated to each other their secrets. The princess then
came down and returning home told her patents everything
about the son of the king of Kalinga. They consented to give
her to the prince. The prince married the girl. A matri-
monial alliance was thus established between the king of
222 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Madda and the king of Kaliftga. 1 In the Chaddanta Jataka
we find that the royal houses of Benares and Madra were
allied with each other through matrimony. Subhadda, the
daughter of the chief queen-consort in the Madda kingdom
was given in marriage to the king of Benares.* Candadevi,
the daughter of the king of the Maddas, was the chief queen
of a Kairaja who had no sons. The king asked her to pray
for a son. The queen was devoted to good work and used
to lead a purely virtuous and religious life. Through the
power of her piety, Sakka granted her prayer and in due
course she pleased the crown and the country with a son. 3
The great Ceylonese chronicle records an alliance between
a Madra princess and a prince of eastern India. We are
told that in Sihapura, on the death of King Sihavahu, his
son Sumitta became king. He married the daughter of the
Madda king and had three sons by her.*
The Madras, according to the Arthasastra of Kautilya,
were a corporation of warriors and lived by
Col CuJ^h8. and the title of a r J a (Rajasabdopajlvinah).'
The Mahabharata tells us that it was a
custom of the Madras to give their daughters in marriage on
taking a fee (ulka). This was their family custom. 6 The
marriage proposal was first made by the bridegroom's party to
the bride's party. When Pandu, the Kuru prince, won the
hand of KuntI, the daughter of a Bhoja king in a Svayamvara
(the ceremony of a woman choosing her husband), Bhisma
i Jataka (Cowell) Vol. IV, pp. 144-145. * Jataka, Vol. V, p. 22.
8 Jataka, Vol. VI, p. I. * Mahavathsa, translated by Geiger, p. 62.
* Kautilya, Arthasastra, p. 455. Mahabharata, Sdiparva, Chap. 113, p. 119.
THE MADRAS 223
wished to have him married once again. Then he set out with
ministers, old brahmins and sages and came to the city of the
Madra king named Salya of the Valhika dynasty. He asked
the king to give his sister in marriage to Pandu. The Madra
king said, "O great-minded one: matrimonial relation with
your family is always desirable but we have a family custom
that we should give girls in marriage on taking a fee (sulka).
I cannot ignore that custom." Bhi$ma consented and gave
to the Madra king much wealth as fee for the bride and the
Madra king too decorated his sister with various ornaments
and gave her to Bhisma. Bhi?ma brought her to Hastina-
pura. In an auspicious moment the marriage ceremony was
performed. Madrl became the wife of Pandu. 1 Two sons
were born to her and they were named Nakula and Sahadeva. 1
In the great epic, we have further details of Salya, the
heroic king of the Madras. On the eve
Legendary History-
The story of Saiya, of the Kuruk^etra war, messengers were
king of the Madras. sent t() him for hdp by YudhlSthira.
The Madra king, when he learnt from the messengers that
King Yudhigthira had welcomed him, set out with his brave
sons and a huge army. His army went on occupying the
space of half a yojana, with various weapons, decorated with
dress and ornaments. Duryodhana heard of this and intend-
ing to win the powerful alliance of the Madra sovereign,
received him on the way. In order to give him a suitable
ovation, he arranged many meetings, amusements, festivities,
etc. He caused many good wells, lakes and water-places to be
i Mahabharata, Adiparva, Chap. 113, p. 119. a ibid, Chap. 95. p. 105.
224 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
dug. Salya was highly pleased with him and asked him to
pray for his boon . Duryodhana prayed for his help in the en-
suing Kuruk?etra war. King Salya consented, but on reach-
ing the field of battle, he said everything to Yudhisthira who
said, "You should not break your promise, but I have a
prayer which you will have to fulfil. When Karna and
Arjuna will fight, you will, in the capacity of Kama's
charioteer, protect Arjuna." King Salya agreed to do this. 1
He then came to Duryodhana with his entire army consisting
of 109,350 foot, 65,610 horses, 21,870 chariots and 21,870
elephants to help him.* He had a golden plough in front of
his chariot. 8
Early in the morning, before going to fight, the kings
after bathing and wearing white garments, and offering
sacrifices in the fire and taking up their weapons, went to
fight. The Madra king, Salya, went to the battle, being
guided by Duryodhana. 4 There he guarded the left side of
the army of Dhrtara?tra. b Being defeated by the Panda vas,
Duryodhana piteously appealed to Madraraja to stop the
activity of King Yudhisthira. The Madra king went towards
Yudhisthira in a chariot. King. Yudhisthira attacked his
army. King Yudhisthira cast ten arrows that struck him in
the breast and Nakula and Sahadeva pierced him with seven -
arrows. The Madra king, Salya, pierced each of them with
three arrows and again with sixty arrows he pierced
' Mahabharata, Udyogaparva, Chap, VIII, pp. 633-634.
* Ibid, Chap. XIX, pp. 641-642. s ibid, Dronaparva, Chap. 103 p. 1064.
* Ibid, Udyogaparva, Chap. XIX, p. 807.
t Bhismaparva, Chap. LX, pp. 924-925.
THE MADRAS 225
Yudhisthira. Thus when Yudhisthira and the two sons of
Madri were tired by the Madra king, Bhlgma came there and
began to fight vehemently. 1 At last the Madra soldiers
were killed by Arjuna in the Kuruksetra war.*
The legend of Savitri and Satyavan so popular all over
India, is connected with the Madra country. In the Vana-
parva of the Mahabharata we read that there was a Madra
king named Asvapati who observed many vows to have
children. He worshipped Savitrl who later on appeared
before him. He asked for the boon of having children. A
daughter was afterwards born to him by his chief queen,
Malavi. This daughter was named Savitrl who grew up
and selected Satyavan as her husband. Narada objected
by saying that Satyavan would not live long and hence she
should not choose him as her husband but Savitrl resolved
to marry him. Shortly afterwards Satyavan died on her
lap. Yama came to take away the dead body. Savitrl
followed Yama and at last she succeeded in winning the
boon of getting back her dead husband. She actually got
back her departed husband. It is also stated there that
Savitri had one hundred sons and her father ASvapati too
had the like number of sons. (Mahabharata Vanaparva,
Chaps. 291-298, pp. 509-523, Maharaja of Burd wan' sedition.)
In the city of Sakala, Alexander found the second
Paurava king, whose dominions he an-
Authentic History. nexe( j to fl^ satrapy of his relation and
rival, the great Paurava, who ruled over the adjacent
Mahabharata, Bhismaparva, Chaps. CV-CVI, p. 974.
Ibid, Karnaparva, Chaps. V-VI, pp. 1167-1169.
15
226 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
territory between the Jhelum and the Chenab. We may
conclude then that the kings of the Madras claimed to be
Purus and that their dominions together with their capital,
Sakala, twice passed under the sway of the Yavanas under
Alexander and under his successor, Menander. At a later
date, in the early part of the sixth century A.D., Sakala
became the capital of the Huna conqueror, Mihirakula. 1
In the course of the two or three centuries following
the death of the founder of Buddhism, the religion had
spread to the extreme west of India from the north-
eastern districts, no doubt specially owing to the powerful
proselytising zeal of the great Maurya Emperor Asoka. We
find Menander (Milinda) a powerful Greek king, ruling over
the country, becoming a convert to Buddhism. Milinda
was the king of Sakala or Sagala. He wa?, to quote the
words of the Milinda Paiiho, learned, eloquent, wise
and able, a faithful observer and that at the right time, of all
various acts of devotion and ceremony enjoined by his own
sacred hymns concerning things past, present and future.
He knew various arts and sciences, holy tradition and secular
law ; the Sankhya, Yoga, Nyaya and Vai&esika systems of
philosophy; arithmetic, music, medicine, the four Vcdas,
the Puranas and the Itihasas, astronomy, magic, causation
and spells, the art of war; poetry and conveyancing. In
a word, he knew all the nineteen kinds of Silpas or Sippas.
(Arts and Sciences.) 4 During his reign, the people knew of
no oppression since all their enemies and adversaries had been
i Cambridge History of India, pp. 549- 5 50.
* The Questions' of King Milinda (S.B.E.) pt. I, p. 6.
THE MADRAS 227
put down. He had lively discussions with Nagasena on
various topics, e.g. continuous identity, re-birth, ego, etc.,
which are all embodied in a Pali Buddhist work, the Milinda-
Paiiho.
Even before this King Sakala seems to have come under
Buddhist influence.
In the records of the early Brothers and Sisters also,
we find mention of some of them coming from the Madra
country, Bhadda Kapilam was born in the family of a
Brahmin of the Kesiya clan at Sagala, which, according to
the Apadana, was a capital of the Macldas or Madras. She
with her husband obtained ordination and afterwards became
a Therl. (Psalms of the Sisters, p. 48.) It is stated in the
Theragatha that the same lady was born as a chief wife of
the Kosiya-gotta Brahmin at Sagala in the kingdom of
Madda. (Psalms of the Brethren, p. 359.)
The Madras used to pny taxes to Samudra Gupta as we
learn from the fact that Samudragupta's imperious commands
were fully gratified by the Madras and others giving all kinds
of taxes and obeying his orders and coming to perform
obeisance. '
From the records of the travels of the great Chinese
pilgrim Hiuen Tsang, we get a fairly detailed account of the
political activities in North-western India about the time
that he came, and from his account also, the Huns under
Mahirakula appear to have been in possession of the Madra
J Corpus Inscriptionuin Indicarura, Vol. Ill, p. 14, Gupta Inscriptions, Texts
and Translations.
228 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
country. Some centuries ago, we read in his records, there
was in the town of Sakala, a king named Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo
(Mahirakula), who established his authority in this town
and ruled over India. He was of quick talent and natural!} 7
brave. He subdued all the neighbouring provinces without
exception. In his intervals of leisure he desired to examine
the law of the Buddha, and he commanded that one among
the priests of superior talent should wait on him. But none
of the priests ventured to attend to his command. At this
time there was in the king's household an old servant who
had been a monk for a long time and had made a name for
his eloquence and ability to enter on discussion. He
was sent to the king to answer his questions. The king was
enraged and lost his respect for the priesthood. He ordered
his men to destroy all the priests through the five Indies,
to overthrow the law of the Buddha and to leave nothing
remaining.
Baladitya-raja, king of Magadha, heard of the cruel
persecution and atrocities of Mahirakula and refused to pay
tribute after strongly guarding the frontiers of his kingdom.
When he heard that Mahirakula was marching against him,
he fled to the islands of the sea. His soldiers too followed
him. Mahirakula left his army to the charge of his younger
brother and himself embarked on the sea to attack Baladitya
but was captured by the soldiers of Baladitya.
Mahirakula overcome with shame at his defeat covered
his face with his robe. He was brought to the presence of
Baladitya' s mother at whose request he removed his mantle
and showed his face. King Baladitya, as ordered by his
THE MADRAS 22Q
mother, gave Mahirakula in marriage to a young maiden.
Mahirakula came back to his kingdom but found his brother
on the throne. He then went to Kashmir where he was
received with honour by the king. After some years he
succeeded in killing the king and placing himself on the
throne. Then he plotted against the kingdom of Gandhara.
He killed all the members of the royal family and the chief
minister, overthrew the stupas, and destroyed the saii-
gharamas. Then he took the wealth of the country he had
destroyed, assembled his troops and returned. 1 The Chinese
traveller also adds that he caused the demolition of one
thousand six hundred topes and monasteries and put to death
nine kotis of lay adherents of Buddhism. 2
It appears that the kingdom of Madra continued till
the ninth century A.D., when we find the Madras as the allies
of Dharmapala, the monarch of Bengal, who with the assent
of the Madras and other northern powers dethroned Indra-
raja, the king of Pancala. 8
' Beal's Records of the Western World, Vol. I, pp. 165-172.
* Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. I, p. 289.
* V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 39*.
CHAPTER VIII
THE KAMBOJAS
The Kambojas appear to have been one of the early
Vedic tribes . The earliest mention occurs
T ^c m me J A S tu%! he in a list of ancient Vedic teachers given
in the VarhSa Brahmana of the Samaveda
where we find one of the teachers in the line to be Kamboja
Aupamanyava, that is, Kamboja, the son of Upamanyu.
(VarhSa Brahmana, edited by Pundit Satyavrata Samasraml.)
We are told that the sage Anandaja received the Vedic learn-
ing from Samba, the son of Sarkaraksa and also Kamboja,
the son of Upamanyu. We do not know under what circum-
stances Anandaja received the Vedic lore from two teachers,
as one teacher is the usual rule, and we can only be certain
that they must have been very special. From the order in
which the names are given, Samba appears to have been the
first teacher and later the Kamboja teacher must have been
approached, perhaps because the latter was marked by some
special pre-eminence in Vedic learning. We lay stress on this
fact as it shows that the Kambojas, in early Vedic times,
must have been a Vedic Indian people and not Iranian as has
been supposed by several scholars. Coming back to the list of
Vedic teachers we meet again with an important fact, viz.,
that both the teachers of Anandaja, Samba Sarkaraksa and
Kamboja Auparnanyava, had received their own education
in Vedic lore from the same sage, viz., Madragara Saungayani,
THE KAMBOJAS 231
whose name itself shows, as scholars have pointed out (Vedic
Index, I, p. 138) that he belonged to the Madra people. This
connection between the Madras and the Kambojas is but
natural, as they were close neighbours in the north-western
part of India.
The Kambojas are not mentioned in the Rgveda, but
indirect evidence may justify the assumption that they
were included among the Vedic Aryans in the Rgvedic era.
A sage Upamanyu is mentioned in a hymn of the Rgveda
(Rgveda I. 102, 9), as Ludwig has pointed out (Translation
of the Rgveda, III, 113), and it is not quite unreasonable
to conjecture that he may have been the father of the Kam-
boja teacher mentioned in the Vaiiisa Brahmana list. A
possible connection like this is suggested by Zimmer (Alt-
iridisches Leben, p. 102). Whatever may be the value of
these cenjectures, the fact stands out without any possible
doubt that a sage from among the Kamboja people, had found
a place in the list of the great ancient teachers by whom
the Vedic lore was kept up and handed on, and there is no
room for any hesitation in saying that the Kambojas in
Vedic times formed an important section of the Vedic Indian
people.
The next important mention of the Kambojas is in a
passage of Yaska's Nirukta 1 which shows
that the y s P ke a dialect of the Vedic
tongue differing in some respects from the
1 < Savatirgatikarma Kamvojesveva bhasyate Kamvojah Kamvalabhojah
Kamaniyabhojava Kamvala h Kamaniyo bhavati Vikaramasyaryesu bhaayante
savaiti." (Nirukta, II. 8.)
232 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
standard language which in Yaska' s time was apparently the
language of the Madhyadega, the region about the Ganges-
Jumna Doab. Yaska points out that the verb 'Savati' was
used in its original radical meaning of 'going/ among the
Kambojas, while only a derivative from the same root, viz.
Sava, was used in the standard dialect in which the verbal
significance had gone out of use. This has been supposed
to support a non-Indian and Iranian connection of the
Kambojas, but without any valid reason. The Kambojas
appear from Yaska's remarks to have been a vedic people
who had retained the original radical sense of an ancient
verb amongst them, while it was lost among other sections
of the same people separated from them by geographical
barriers.
Sir George Grierson holds that without discussing the
correctness of the statement that Sava has a connection
with Savathi, we can gather from this that Yaska thinks
that the Kambojas were not Aryans and that they spoke
Sanskrit but with dialectic variations of vocabulary. Savathi
does not occur in Sanskrit at all but it is an Iranian word.
There is the old Persian Vsiyar and the Avesta Nsav,
Savaite, to go. To sum up, Sir George is of opinion that
the Kambojas, a barbarous tribe of North-western India,
either spoke Sanskrit with an infusion of Iranian words to
which they gave Indian inflexions or else spoke a language
partly Indo- Aryan and partly Iranian. 1
Ya^ka also attempts, though we must say with indifferent
J.R.A.S. 1911, pp. 801-802.
THE KAMBOJAS 233
success, a philological explanation of the name Kamboja.
He connects the word with Kambala, 'a blanket.' He says
that the Kambojasare so called, because they were Kambala-
bhojas, that is, were characterised by the use of Kambalas
or blankets, which they certainly had to do on account of the
great cold in the north-western highlands that they occupied.
Yaska again looks for a root from which to derive the word
Kamboja, and he found the root Kam, which might be requi-
sitioned to offer a derivation, and he suggests that the Kam-
bojas may have been so called because they were Kamamya-
bhojas or ' enjoyers of pleasant things, ' and adds that a Kam-
bala is a pleasant thing; there can be no doubt that the
warm blanket, Kambala, was a pleasant thing to a people
living in a rigorous climate like the Kambojas, but scholars
will always doubt how far Yaska has been successful in
establishing a philological relationship of the root Kam
with the word Kambala and of these two again with the tribal
designation, Kamboja.
The Kambalas or blankets manufactured by the Kam-
bojas are referred to in the Mahabharata which tells us that
at the great Rajasuya sacrifice, the Kamboja king presented
to Yudhisthira "many of the best kinds of skins, woollen
blankets, blankets made of the fur of animals living in
burrows in the earth, and also of cats all inlaid with threads
of gold ; " l and again, we read a little earlier, " The king of
Kamboja sent to him hundreds and thousands of black,
l Mahabharata, Sabhaparva, Chap. 51, 3. "Aur?ag vailay Varsadath&a?
jatarupa pariskritan pravarajinamukhyaiiiSca Kambojah pradadau bahup."
234 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
dark and red skins of the deer called Kadali and also
blankets (Kambalas) of excellent texture." 1
The next mention, chronologically speaking, of the
Kamboja people is that made by Panini.
A sfltra of Panini (IV. I. 175) has
Kambojal=luk, which, says Dr. D. R.
Bhandarkar, lays down that the word Kamboja denotes not
only the Kamboja country or the Kamboja tribe but also
the Kamboja king. But then there are other words
which are exactly like Kamboja in this respect but which
Panini has not mentioned. Katyayana is, therefore,
compelled to supplement the above sutra with the Vartika,
Kambojadibhyo = lug vachanam Chodadyartham. This
means that like Kamboja, the words Chocla, Kadera
and Kerala denote each not only the country and the tribe
but also the king.*
T. W. Rhys Davids says that Kamboja was a country
in the extreme north-west of India with
Location of Kamboja. ^ . . . _
Dvaraka as its capital.' Dr. S. K.
Aiyangar agrees with T. W. Rhys Davids in fixing the Kam-
boja capital at Dvaraka, and places it in the territory answer-
ing to the modern Sindh and Gujarat.* Dr. P. N. Banerjee
too in his Public Administration in Ancient India assigns
Kamboja to a country near modern Sindh with its capital
at Dvaraka.* In Dhammapala's commentary on the Peta-
J Mahabharata, Sabhaparva, Chap. 48, 19.
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Carmichitl Lectures, 1918, pp. 6-7.
* Buddhist India, p. 28.
* S. K. Aiyaugar, Ancient India, p. 7. k p. 56.
THE KAMBOJAS 235
vatthu, Dvaraka occurs along with Kamboja but it is not
distinctly stated there that it is the capital of Kamboja. 1
V. A. Smith seems to place the Kambojas among the moun-
tains either of Tibet or of the Hindu Kush.* Smith further
says that the Kambojas or Kambojas are supposed to have
spoken an Iranian tongue. (Early History of India, p. 184
and p. 184, f.n.) According to McCrindle, Kamboja was
Afghanistan, the Kaofu (Kambu) of Hiuen Tsiang. (Me
Crindle, Alexander's Invasion, p. 38.) Mr. R. D. Banerjee
refers to a Kamboja or Cambodia on the east side of Sama-
tata. 3 iiut it can hardly be our Kamboja mahajanapada
which is invariably associated with Gandhara. Dr. D. R.
Bhandarkar holds, "It is very difficult to locate Kamboja.
According to one view, they were a northern Himalayan
people, and according to another, the Tibetans. But in our
period, they were probably settled to the north-west of the
Indus and are the same as Kambujiya of the old Persian
inscriptions. Their capital is not known."* In the Vedic
Index it is stated that they were settled to the north-west
of the Indus and were the Kambujiya of the old Persian
inscriptions as Dr. Bhandarkar points out. According to
Sir Charles Eliot, the Kambojas were probably Tibetans. 6
In another volume of the same work, Sir Charles calls them an
ambiguous race who were perhaps the inhabitants of Tibet or
' Faramattaadlpanz on the Petavatthu, P.T.S., p. 113; vide also my "The
Buddhist Conception of Spirits, p. 81 foil.
* Early History of India, p. 184.
^ Vaiigalar Itihasa, Vol. I, p. 95.
* D. R. Bhandarkar, Carmichacl Lectures, 1918, pp. 54-55*
b Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. I, p. 268.
236 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
its border lands. Mr. Foucher in his Iconographie Bauddhi-
que points out that the Nepalese tradition applies the name
KambojadeSa to Tibet. 1 In the opinion of Sir George Gri-
erson, the Kambojas were a north-western tribe frequently
mentioned in the Sanskrit literature. 4 Doubtful would be
the attempt to connect Cambyses (O. P. Ka (m) bujiya)
with the frontier people of Kamboja. 3 Dr. H. C. Ray
Chaudhuri points out that from a passage of the Mahabharata
we learn that a place called Rajapura was the home of the
Kambojas (Mahabharata, VII, 4-5, "Kama Rajapuram
gatva Kamboja nirjitastvaya."). The association of the
Kambojas with the Gandharas enables us to identify this
Rajapura with Rajapura of Hiuen Tsang (Watters, Yuan
Chwang, Vol. I, p. 284), which lay to the south or south-east
of Punach. (Political History of India from the accession
of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisara, p. 77.) We
quite agree with Dr. Ray Chaudhuri in identifying the Kam-
boja mahajanapada with Rajapura.
Panini belonged to the north-western quarter of India
and hence had an accurate knowledge of the customs and dress
of the Kambojas. The Mayuravyamsakadi gana of Panini
speaks of the Kambojas as mundas or shaven-headed.
Apparently the Kambojas were in the practice of shaving
their heads clean, as would also appear from a passage quoted
by Raghunandana from the Harivama and pointed out by
Max Muller. "The Sakas (Scythians) have half their head
shorn, the Yavanas (Greeks?) and Kambojas the whole,
p. 134- * J.R.A.S., 1911, p. 8ox.
8 The Cambridge History of India, Ancient India, p. 334. f.n.
THE KAMBOJAS 237
tliat the Paradas (inhabitants of Paradene) wear their hair
free, and the Pahlavas (Persians) wear beards. " l
Coming to the Pali Buddhist literature we find the
Kamboja country spoken of in many places in the canonical
text as one of the sixteen great states (mahajanapadas) that
were most prominent in India about the time that the Buddha
flourished. Kamboja is one of the sixteen mahajanapadas
mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya of the Sutta Pitaka.
e m erit acquired
Kamboja-a great
janapada of ancient by one observing the eight precepts is
worth sixteen times more than the
sovereignty over any one of these mahajanapadas.*
In the Harivamsa, we find that the people of Kamboja
were formerly ksatriyas. It was Sagara
who caused them to give up their own
religion (Harivamsa, 14). If we read
the verses 43 and 44 of Chapter X of the Manusamhita, we
find that the following tribes of ksatriyas, namely, the Kam-
bojas, the Sakas, the Yavanas and so forth have been
gradually degraded to the condition of Sudras on account of
their omission of the sacred rites and of their not consulting
the Brahmanas. This shows that the Kambojas were
ksatriyas who were degraded to the state of Sudras because
i A History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature by Max Muller (Published by the
1'anini office) p. 28.
' Arddham Sakanarii Airaso muiiidayitva Vyasarjayat
Ya van an arii girah sarvani Kambojanaiii tathaivaca
Parada muktake&aca palhavah gmasrudharinah
Nihsvadhyayavasatkarah kritastena mahatmana."
J Anguttara Nikaya, Vol. I, p. 213; Ibid, Vol. IV, pp. 252-256, etc.
238 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
they neglected the Brahmins. 1 The Arthaastra of Kautilya
states that the corporations of warriors (ksatriyagrem) of
Kamboja and some other countries lived by agriculture,
trade and wielding weapons (VartaSastropajivin). From
this statement also, it is clear that the Kambojas were
ksatriyas/
The horses of Kamboja were famous throughout all
periods of Indian history. In the
The Kamboja horses. ^ t . . . , . . .
Sumangalavilasini, Kamboja is spoken of
as the home of horses (Kambojo assanaih ayatanaih).* The
Great Epic is full of references to the excellent horses of Kam-
boja. In the Sabhaparva we read that the king of Kamboja
presented to Yudhisthira three hundred horses of variegated
colours, speckled like the partridge and having fine noses
like the Suka bird.* In the great battle fought on the field
of Kuruksetra, the fast and powerful horses of Kamboja
were of the greatest service. Thus we read in the account of
the fifth day's battle that when Arjuna was pressing the
Kuru army very hard and fear had struck the soldiers, f the
great fast running horses coming from the Kamboja country'
rendered great help to the Kauravas. b On the eighth day
Iravan, the great Naga hero and son of Arjuna, delivered a
fierce attack against the Kaurava army with a very large
force of cavalry (hayasadi) mounted on the best horses of the
Kambojas. 6 Again in the Dronaparva we read that "Studs
i Biihler, Laws of Manu, S.B.E., p. csiv.
* Arthasastra Translated by Shama Shastrl, p. 455. ^ Vol. I, p. 124.
* Mahabharata, Sabhaparva, Chap. 51, 4.
6 Ibid, Bhismaparva, Chap. 71, 13. Ibid, Chap, go, 3.
THE KAMBOJAS 239
of the Kamboja breed beautiful to look at and decked with
the feathers of the suka bird, bore Nakula," l and Dhrstaketu,
the king of the Chedis, "was carried by horses of Kamboja
breed and of variegated hue." * Other princes on the field
were also "borne by fleet studs of the best Kamboja breed." s
In the Karnaparva also we find mention of a chariot drawn
by horses of the best Kamboja breed.* The Sauptikaparva
again tells us that Krsna was borne in a chariot drawn by
horses of the best Kamboja breed decked with garlands of
gold. 6
The Jaina Uttaradhyayana Sutra tells us that a trained
Kambojian horse exceeds all other horses in speed and no
noise can frighten it.' j In the Campeyya Jataka we read
that a king of Kasi was requested by a naga king to visit the
nagabhavana. The king ordered to yoke well -trained
Kamboja horses to the royal chariot. 1 Visnuvardhana, the
real founder of Hoysala greatness, who later on became ruler
of Mysore had Kamboja horses and he made the earth
tremble with the tramp of his Kamboja horse/ In the
copper-plate of Devapaladeva discovered at Monghyr, we
find it stated in connection with the conquest of Devapala
that young horses returned to Kamboja and were much
delighted to see their beloved ones." Again in the Maha-
vastu, a Mahayana Buddhist work, we find that a king
l Mahabharata, Droiiaparva, Chap 22, 7. * Ibid, Chap. 22, 22 23.
8 Ibid, Chap. 22, 42. * Ibid, Karnaparva, Chap. 38, 13.
* Ibid, Sauptikaparva, Chap. 13,12. * Jaina Sutras, S.B.U., pt. II, p. 47.
1 Jataka, (Paiisboll), Vol. IV, p. 464. * S. K. Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 2
" R. D. Banerjee, Vangalar Itihasa, pp. 179 1 80.
240 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
ordered his ministers to get ready the decorated royal chariot
yoked by well-trained excellent horses of Kamboja to see the
abodes of the nagas. 1 All these go to show that Kambojian
horses were excellent and fast runners. No doubt they were
very much liked in ancient times. As stated above, the best
Kamboja horses were so trained that no noise could frighten
them. The Atthakatha on the Kunala Jataka furnishes
us with the interesting piece of information that the Kam-
bojas were in the habit of capturing horses in the forest by
tempting them with acquatic vegetables which they be-
smeared with honey. They used to enclose a space with fences
having a door. When the horses used to come to drink
water at the place where it was available, they were tempted
by the smell of honey, and greedily took these acquatic
vegetables. They then used to go to the arena, taking the
grass besmeared with honey. When the horses entered the
arena, they were caught by the Kambojas. (Jataka, Vol. V.
p. 446.)
In the Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa makes Raghu meet the
Kambojas after defeating the Hunas on the bank of the
Vanksu or the Oxus. We read there that the Kambojas
being unable to meet the prowess of Raghu bowed low before
him just as their walnut trees were bent down on account of
Raghu' s elephants being tied to them. An immense treasure
including excellent horses was offered as tribute to Raghu
by the Kambojas, but even this did not rouse the pride of
this king of Koala. a We are told by Kalidasa that after
I Vol. II, p. 185. f Raghuvariiba, Chap. IV, Verses 69-70.
THE KAMBOJAS 241
defeating the Kambojas, Raghu mounted the Himalayas;
he must, therefore, have met them on his return journey
homewards from the banks of the Oxus, where, as we have
seen, he had vanquished the Hunas.
Among the ksatriya tribes in the great Epic the Kam-
bojas occupy a prominent place. In the
^ g thfM7hablraS? geographical enumeration of the peoples
of India, the Kambojas are placed in the
north. (Mahabharata, Bhlsmaparva, Chap. 9.) They
were the allies of Duryodhana and by their bravery,
and especially the prowess of their king, Sudaksina, they
rendered great service to the Kuru side in the long drawn
battle at Kuruksetra. Sudaksina was one of the few
Maharathas or great heroes on the field.
Drupada advised Yudhisthira to send messengers to the
Kambojas and other tribes on the western frontiers for their
assistance, 1 but the Pandavas do not appear to have succeeded
in obtaining their alliance. Duryodhana was more success-
ful, perhaps through the powerful influence of the Gandharas,
whose king was his grandfather on the mother's side and
whose Prince Sakuni was one of the most prominent actors
in the Kuru-Pandava episode. We find Uluka, the messenger
sent by Duryodhana to the Pandavas on the eve of the great
battle, reporting to them the vaunt of Duryodhana whether
the Pandavas could master courage to fight him, allied as
he was with the Kambojas and other northern people,*
' Kamvoja rislka ye ca pascimauupakasca ye' Mababharata, THyogaparva, 18.
< ITdicya Karabojasakaih Khasaisca' Mahabharata, Udyogaparva. Chap. 160,
16
242 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
among others. Duryodhana in his message, when finally
summing up, also gives an important place to the Kambojas
by placing them side by side with the greatest heroes on his
side : thus he says that his immense army, " with Bhlsma
as the current which cannot be crossed, with Drona as the
alligator which cannot be approached, with Karna and
Salya as a swarm of small fishes and Kamboja as the mouth
giving out flames" was a veritable ocean. 1
In the enumeration of great heroes on the Kuru-side,
Bhisma extols the prowess of the Kamboja king, Sudaksina,
of whom he says, " In my opinion Sudaksina of Kamboja is
equal to one Ratha and he will fight in the battle with the
enemy desiring the success of your objects. The prowess
of this lion among the chariot-warriors exerted on your
behalf, O best among kings, will be seen by the Kurus in
battle as equal to that of Indra himself. The best of the
chariot-warriors under him are strikers with fierce force.
The Kambojas, O great king, will cover the land like a swarm
of locusts." 1
When the Kaurava army took up their position on the
field, the Kambojas occupied the van of Duryodhana' s army
along with the home forces of the Pauravas themselves. We
1 ' Bhi?mavegaraaparyantarii Dronagrahadurasadam Karnasalyajhasavartan
Kumbojavadava mukharii ' ' Mahabharata, Chap. 160, 40.
* " Sudakgi^astu Kambojo Ratha ekaguno matah
Tavartha siddhimakaflksan yotsyate samare paraih,
Elasya Rathasiriihasya tavarthaiii rajasattaiha.
Parakramath yathendrasya draksanti Kuravo yudhi
Etasya RathavamSe hi tigmavegahpraharinah
Kambojanaih Maharaja salabhanamivayatih."' 1
(Udyogaparvam, Chap. 165, 1-3.)
THE KAMBOJAS 243
are told, "The Pauravas, the Kalingas and the Kambojas
with their king, Sudaksina and Ksemadhanva and Salya
took up their positions in front of Duryodhana. 1 ' '
When the fight thickened round Bhisma, Sudaksina,
the king of the Kambojas, was in the thickest of the battle
and fought the Pandava heroes when they made their onset.
Sanjaya thus describes the fight, " O great king, Srutakarma
attacked in that battle the great chariot-warrior, the mighty
Sudaksina the king of the Kambojas. O king of kings,
Sudaksina wounded that great chariot-warrior, the son of
Sahadeva, but he could not make him waver; he stood
as the Mainaka-mountain. Thereupon Srutakarma in great
anger covered the great chariot- warrior of the Kambojas with
countless arrows and mangled him in many parts of his body." l
On the third day of the fight, when Bhisma arrayed his
army in the Garuda-vyuha, the Kambojas occupied the tail
or the hinder part,' and on the sixth day's fight they stood
occupying the place at the head of the Makaravyuha,
arrayed by Bhisma. 4 On the seventh day, they took up their
position in their thousands by the side of Trigarta. 5
1 "Tasya Pauravakalinga kambojah sasudaksinah , Ksemadhanva ca Salyasca
tasthuh pramukhato Ralhah " (Mahabharata, Bhismaparva, Chap. 17, 26-7.)
* " Sudaksmantu rajendra Kambojaiiam maharatham
Srutakarma parakrdntaniabhyadravata samjuge
Sudaksinastu samare sabadevim maharatham
Viddhva nakampayata vai Mainakamiva parvataiu
^rutakarma tatab kruddbab Kambojauaiii maharatham
Sarairvahubhiranarcchaddaryanniva sarva^ab."
(Mahabbarata, Bhismaparva, Chap. ,5, 66-68.)
3 Mahabbarata, Bhismaparva, Chap. 56. 7.
* Ibid, Chap. 75. 17. 6 Ibid, Chap. 87. 10.
244 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
After the fall of the great Bhlsma when the reins of the
Kuru army were placed in the hands of Drona, the Kam*
bojas with Sudaksina at their head, were by his side l with
their powerful horses.
When Drona arrayed the Kuru army in a Garutfavyuha
the Kambojas were placed by htm at the neck (grlva). 2
Afterwards when Arjuna after the fall of his son, put forth
his best energy and fought for all that he was worth to
carry out his oath of taking the life of Jayadratha whom he
took to be mainly responsible for the slaughter, then the
Kamboja Prince Sudaksina with the battalions of the Kam-
bojas stood in his way and delivered a fierce attack. Sudak-
sina fought a duel with Arjuna and for once threw him
into a swoon, but finally was overpowered and killed by him.
The verses that describe him as he lay slain on the field
of battle are interesting and testify to the opulence of the
Kambojas and the soft and rich woollen clothes manufactured
by them. Thus we read : " Thereafter the heroic Sudakshina,
the son of the Kamboja king rushed against that slayer of
foes, viz., Phalguna, being borne by fleet studs. At him,
O Bharata, Pritha's son shot seven arrows, which penetrating
through that hero, entered the surface of the earth. Pierced
deep by those sharp arrows shot from the Gandiva bow,
he in turn pierced Arjuna in battle with ten shafts furnished
with the feathers of the Kanka bird. He once more pierced
1 " Tettaxh prapaksah Kambojah Sudaksina purah sarah Yajurasvalrmahavegaifc
sakaSca Yavanaih saha." (Mahabharata, Drogapanra, Chap. 7. 14).
> $aka Yavanakpmbojastatha haifasapathasca ye grivayam gurasenastu darada
Madrakaikayah (Ibid, Dro^aparva, 19. 7-)
THE KAMBOJAS 245
Vasudeva's son with three and Partha with five arrows,
then, O Sir, Pritha's son bursting open his bow, cut down
his standard; and the son of Pandu pierced him with a couple
of vallas of exceeding sharpness. He also having pressed
Pritha's son with three such arrows uttered a fierce yell.
Thereafter the brave Sudakshina inflamed with rage hurled
at the wielder of the Gandiva bow, a lance, dreadful, tied
with bells and made wholly of iron. Having reached that
mighty car-warrior Arjuna, that lance blazing like a mighty
meteor and emitting scintillations of fire, penetrated through
him and then fell down on the ground. Pierced deep with
that lance, Arjuna was overwhelmed with a swoon. Then
in an instant, that highly puissant hero recovering soon
enough began to lick the corners of his mouth. Then Partha
of inconceivable prowess pierced Sudakshina and his steeds,
standards, bow and charioteer with ten narachas furnished
with the feathers of the Kanka bird. And with innumerable
other arrows he rendered the latter' s chariot useless and
cut it to pieces. The son of Pandu then with an arrow of
exceeding sharpness pierced on the chest of Sudakshina, the
Kamboja ruler whose purpose and prowess had both been
baffled. Then with his armour shattered, trembling in all
his limbs, with his crown and Angadas falling off, that hero
fell with head downwards like a flagstaff loosened from the
socket. lyike a charming Karnikara tree in the spring grow-
ing gracefully on the top of a hill, with beautiful branches,
lying on the grove when uprooted by the te
prince of the Kambojas lay on the bare grouse!
of life, though acriistomed to sleeo on the mosru^"
246 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Adorned with precious ornaments, graceful, possessing eyes
of coppery hue, wearing round the head, a tiara of gold
radiant like the flames of fire, the mighty armed Sudakshina,
the prince of the Kambojas, felled by Partha with his arrows,
and lying dead on the ground, appeared beautiful like a charm-
ing hill with a flat summit. Then beholding Srutayusha
and the prince of the Kambojas slain in battle, all the soldiers
of your son's army began to fly in all directions. 111
In the fierce battle that took place the same day, when
Satyaki, urged by Yudhisthira, was proceeding in the track
of Arjuna, the Kambojas stopped him. Here we are told,
"Yuyudhana emerging out of the divisions of the Bhojas,
quickly proceeded against the strong host of the Kambojas.
There he was opposed by many a heroic chariot- warrior 1 ;
in consequence whereof, Satyaki of unbaffled prowess, could
not move even one step forward/' 2 Then we are told that
Satyaki slew thousands of the Kambojas, and "making a
havoc among the Kambojas who were unconquerable in
battle/ 18 he passed through the immense army of the
Kambojas and made his advance.*
Again when Karna took up the helm of the Kuru army,
the Kambojas were there taking an active part, by the side
of Karna, 6 and Sudaksina's younger brother who had ap-
parently taken the lead among the Kambojas after the
i The Mahabharata ( Vf. N. Dutta), Dronaparva, Chap. XCII, p. 136, Verses 61-75.
* Mahabharata, Chap. Ill, 59-60.
a ' Kambojasainyarti vidravya durjayaih yudhi-Bharata' Mahabharata,
Dronaparva, 119. 51.
* " Jalasandharnavaiiitirttva Kambojanafica vahinini "Ibid, Chap. 118, 9.
* Mahabharata, Kar^aparva, Chap. 46, 15.
THE KAMBOJAS 247
valiant prince's death, also laid down his life in the Kuru
cause. 1 Even after this prince's death, we hear of the
Kambojas still delivering an attack on Arjuna/
When 6alya was at last placed in command of the
remnant of the Kaurava host, we are told that the Kambojas
had been slain," yet it appears that their immense host had
not been exterminated, for we are told that when Salya
arrayed the army in a vyuha, Asvatthama brought up the
rear surrounded by the Kambojas.*
Besides these we hear in the Adiparva of the Maha-
bharata of a king named Candravarma who ruled in the
kingdom of the Kambojas.'
We thus find the Kambojas leading a very large power-
ful army to the field of Kuruksetra and laying down their
lives like valiant ksatriyas as they were. Afterwards it
appears from the later sections of the Mahabharata, viz.,
the Santi and Anusasanika parvas, that their country had
been overrun by barbarous hordes, so that the ancient
ksatriya population was overwhelmed and absorbed by the
new-comers and we find the Kambojas ranked with the
Yavanas and looked upon as one of the barbarous peoples.
Thus a verse in the Skntiparva enumerates the Kambojas
along with many peoples that were not included among the
Indo- Aryan Society 8 and in another chapter they are placed
among the barbarous peoples of the Uttarapatha or the
1 Mahabharata, Karuaparva, Chap. 56.
* Ibid, Chap. 88. * Ibid, Salyaparva, Chap. I. 26.
* Ibid, Salyaparva, Chap. 8, 25. < Ibid, Adiparva, Chap. 67.
Ibid, &antiparva, Chap. 65, 14.
248 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
northern regions. 1 The AnuSasanaparva speaks of the
Kambojas as having been degraded to the rank of Madras
for want of Brahmanas in their country.* All these passages
show that the Kambojas in later times, no doubt, by admix-
ture with barbarous hordes, were losing their Indo-Aryan
culture and touch with Brahmanical society, and coming to
be regarded as outside the Indo-Aryan social organisation
when these two parvas or sections were added to the great
Epic.
In the Adi Kanda of the Ramayana, Chap. 58, we read
that the Kambojas were created at the
Legendary accounts J
of Kamboja in the request of Vasistha by the divine cow
Ramayana. gavala (20-24) . The Kiskindhya Kanda
(Chap. 43) tells us that Sugriva sent a monkey named
Sutavala to northern India in search of Kamboja and other
countries. (11-12.)
The Vayu Purana informs us that after killing the
Haihayas, King Sagara was engaged in
totaU y annihilating the Kambojas,
Sakas, Yavanas, Pahlavas and so forth.
Being oppressed by Sagara, all of them secured the help of
Vai?tha. King Sagara who was true to his promise, listen-
ing to the word of his spiritual guide, Vasistha, set the
Kambojas free after having completely shaven their heads.
(VangavasI Edition, Chap. 88. ) It is stated in the Harivamsa
I Mahabharata, &axitiparva, Chap. 207, 43-44.
* Ibid. Xnusasanika-parva, Cbap. 33, 21.
'< &aka Yavanakambojastastah Ksatriyajatayah
Vrifalatvath parigata Brahmananartiadarsayat."
THE KAMBOJAS 249
that the Iksvaku King Vahu was dethroned by Kambojas
and others. (Chaps. 13, 14.)
In the Jatakas we read that the Kambojas were a north-
western tribe who were supposed to have
ln.the Buddhist works. - _ ^ . . . * , ^
lost their original Aryan customs and to
have become barbarous. 1 In the Bharidatta Jataka we
find that many Kambojas who are not Ariyas hold that the
people are purified by killing insects, flies, snakes, frogs,
bees, etc. This is undoubtedly a false dhanna.* It is stated
in the Sasanavamsa that in the two hundred and thirty-fifth
year of the Parinibbana of the Buddha, Maharakkhita thera
went to the Yonaka province and established the Buddha's
Sasana in Kamboja and other places. 8 Uttarajiva thera
went to Ceylon with a samanera named Chapada who
studied the Tripitaka and obtained full ordination there.
He then desired to return to Jambudipa but he thought thus,
"I shall be put to inconvenience if I do not perform Vinaya
Kammam with the Bhikkhus of Jambudipa and hence I
should take with me four bhikkhus who are well versed in the
Tripitaka.' ' He took four bhikkhus with him, among whom
may be mentioned Tamalinda thera, son of the king of
Kamboja, and sailed back to Jambudipa.* Sirihamsya
came from Kamboja and conquered the city of Ratanapura.
He thought, " Bhikkhus being without wife and son, train
i Jataka (Cowell), VI, p. no. f.n.
* Paiiboll, Jataka, Vol. VI, pp. 208 and 210.
* Sasanavaitasa (P.T.S.), p. 49. "Sasane pan a pan catimsad hike dvivassasate
sampattc Mabarakkhitathero Yonakaratthaifa gaiitva Kamboja. .. .adisu anekadisu
ratthesu sasanain patftthapesi."
* Ibid, p. 40.
250 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
pupils and bring them up and thus their families grow.
If they turn their attention to worldly affairs, they will be
able to conquer kingdoms, therefore, I should kill the bhikkhus
now/' In a field in the forest named Ton-bhi-luh, he erected
many pandals in which he invited all the mahatheras of
Jeyyapura, Vijayapura and Ratanapura with their many
disciples. There he caused them to sit and killed them
surrounding them with his army consisting of elephants,
horses, etc. About three thousand bhikkhus were slain by
him and many books were burnt and many shrines were
demolished. 1
In Rock Edict XIII of Asoka, we read that the true
conquest, i.e.. the conquest of the law of
Relations of Kamboja 1 > * 1
with the Maurya and piety or duty has been won by His Sacred
Pala Empires. f_ . ' . / , . ,. J , . .
Majesty ASoka m his own dominions
among the Kambojas, the Greeks and so forth. (V. A. Smith,
Aoka, p. 186.) V. A. Smith says that King A6oka sent mis-
sionaries to the nations on the borders of his empire, viz., the
Kambojas, the Yavanas and so forth with the object of con-
verting them to his f aith.* The fifth Rock Edict of Aoka tells
us that Censors were created by Asoka for the establishment
of the law of piety, for the increase of the law and for the
welfare and happiness of the Kambojas, Gandharas and others
living on the western frontier of ASoka's dominions. 8 V. A.
Smith sums up that true conquest consists in the conquest
of men's hearts by the law of piety or duty. Aoka won
such conquests in his dominions among the Kambojas and
i Sasanavariisa, (P.T.S.).p. 100.
* V. A. Smith, Asoka, p. 168. 9 ibid.
THE KAMBOJAS 251
others. In fact, the Kambojas and others hearing ASoka's
ordinance based on the law of duty and his instruction
in that law, practise and will practise that law. 1
In the ninth century A. C. the Kambojas are said to have
been defeated by Devapala * the great king of the Pala
dynasty of Bengal. But during the latter part of the tenth
century, the tables were turned and the rule of the Pala kings
of Bengal was interrupted by the Kambojas, who set up one
of their chiefs as king. 1 * In a certain place called Vanagarh
in Dinajpur, mention is made of a certain king of Gauda
born in the Kamboja family. It is probable that during the
reign of Devapaladeva, the Kambojas first attempted to
conquer Gauda, but were, at that time defeated.* Mr. R. P.
Chanda supposes that in the middle of the tenth century
A.D., the Kambojas of the Himalayas again attacked
North-Bengal and the present inhabitants of North-Bengal,
viz., Koch, Mech and Palia were descended from them. 6 The
Kamboja rulers were expelled by Mahipala I, the ninth
king of the Pala line, who is known to have been reigning in
A.D. 1026 and may be assumed to have regained his
ancestral throne about A.D. 978 or 980.
1 V. A. Smith, Ancient and Hindu India, p. 96.
' R. D. Banerjee, Vangalar Itihasa. p. 182.
* V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 399
4 R. D, Banerjee, Vangalar Itihasa, p. 184, * Ibid, p. 205.
* V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 39^.
CHAPTER IX
THE GANDHARAS
Gandhara formed an integral part of India since the
earliest epoch of Indo- Aryan civilisation. The Gandharis
or the people of Gandhara are mentioned in the hymns of
the Rgveda itself. Gandhara occurs in the other Vedas,
and in the Epics and the Puranas as well as in the Buddhist
books. In the days of Aoka and some of his successors,
Gandhara was one of the most flourishing seats of Buddhism.
The country was on the north-western
Location of Gandhara. p . /***+ i i_ i i
frontiers of India in the neighbourhood
of the Madras, Kambojas and similar other tribes, but
there are some differences of opinion among scholars with
regard to the exact boundaries of the region known as
Gandhara in ancient India. The Gandhara country, says
Smith, was equivalent to the north-west Punjab and
the adjoining regions (V. A. Smith, Aoka, p. 170). Mr.
Rapson, on the authority of Herodotus, has pointed out
in his Ancient India, a distinction between the Gandharians
and the Indians. He says that the Gandharians have been
described by Herodotus as bearing bows of reed and short
spears, and the Indians as being clad in cotton garments and
bearing similar bows with arrows tipped with iron (Ancient
India, p. 87). Rhys Davids in his Buddhist India (p. 28)
says that Gandhara (modern Kandahar) was the district of
Eastern Afghanistan and it probably included the north-
THE GANDHARAS 353
west of the Punjab. In Geiger's Mahavamsa we read that
Gandhara comprises the district of Peshawar and Rawalpindi
in the Northern Punjab (Geiger, Mahavamsa, p. 82, n. 2).
Dr. S. K. Aiyangar holds that Gandhara is eastern Afghanis-
than between the Afghan mountains and a little way east of
the Indus. (Ancient India, p. 7.) According to Dr. D. R.
Bhandarkar, Gandhara included the western Punjab and
Eastern Afghanisthan. Its capital was TakshaSila where
ruins arc spread near Saraikala in the Rawalpindi district
in the Punjab (Carmichsel Lectures, 1918, p. 54). The
country of Gandhara lies along the Kabul river between the
Khoaspes (Kunar) and the Indus. Ptolemy makes the Indus
the eastern boundary of the Gandari. It is the Kiantolo
of Hiuen Tsang, the Kundara Gandaridse of Strabo and
other ancient Greek geographers. In the Ain-i-Akbari it
forms the district of Pukely lying between Kashmir and
Attok. Gandhara, says Mr. N. L. Dey, comprised the
modern districts of Peshawar and Hoti Murdan or what is
called the Eusofzai country, where discoveries were made of
excellent Buddhist architecture and sculpture of the time of
Kanishka i.e., of the first century of the Christian era (N. L.
Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 23). The boundaries of
Gandhara may be described as Lamghan and Jalalabad on the
west, the hills of Swat and Bunir on the north, the Indus
on the east and the hills of Kalabagh on the south (Cunning-
ham, Ancient Geography, p. 48). Undoubtedly Gandhara
forms a most important link connecting India with the west
as Mr. Rapson points out (Ancient India, p. 81). We agree
with Mr. Rapson when he says that it holds a unique position
254 SOM KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
among all the countries of India from the fact that its history
may be traced with remarkable continuity from the times
of the Rgveda even down to the present day. (Ancient
India, pp. 81-82.) In the Cambridge History of India, we
are told that Gandhara and Gandhari may certainly be
interpreted as referring to the districts of Peshawar and
Rawalpindi, north-east from Kabul. A part of these districts
has belonged rather to Iran than to India in historic times,
but it is equally impossible to deny or to minimise the role
they have played in India's development ever since the
remote age when the tribal ancestors of the present Hindus
occupied them on their way into their later established
home (p. 321). According to Strabo, the country of the
Gandarai, which he calls Gandaritis, lay between the Khoas-
pes and the Indus, and along the river Kophes. The name
is not mentioned by any of the historians of Alexander, but
it must nevertheless have been known to the Greeks as early
as the times of Hekataios who, as we learn from Stephanos
of Byzantion, calls Kaspapyros, a Gandaric city. Herodotus
mentions the Gandarioi. There was some difference of
opinion about the position of the Gandarioi. Rennell placed
them on the west of Baktria in the province afterwards
called Margiana while Wilson took them to be the people
south of the Hindukush, from about the modern Kandahar
to the Indus, and extending into the Punjab and to Kashmere.
There is, however, no connection between the names of
Gandaria and Kandahar (Ancient India as described by
Ptolemy McCrindle, pp. 115-116). Cunningham relying
on the narratives of the Chinese pilgrims gives the boundaries
THE GANDHARAS 255
of Gandhara which they call Kien-to-lo : on the west Latnghan
and Jalalabad, on the north the hills of Swat and Bunir,
on the east the Indus and on the south the hills of Kalabagh.
(Ancient India as described by Ptolemy McCrindle, p. 116.)
In some books, the name "Cave country " was applied to
Gandhara. (Watters on Yuan Chwang, Vol. I., p. 200.)
From the observations about the location of Gandhara and
the mention of the country in Indian literature as we shall
show below, it appears that the boundaries of the country
varied at different periods in its history, so that its eastern
and western frontiers must have changed from time to time.
At one time it appears to have included the Afghan District
round Kandahar, but afterwards it receded to the mountains
on the Indian frontier.
In the Rgveda the long wool of the sheep reared by the
Gandharis is referred to by Lomasa, the
Gan merati?c VedlC q ueen of Kin S Bhavya or Bhavayavya,
who, according to the Rgveda itself,
ruled on the banks of the Sindhu or the Indus ; she says to
her husband, "I am covered with down like a ewe of the
Gandharins." (Rgveda I, 126, 7; Wilson's Translation, ii,
p. 78.) From the facts that the verse is brought in very
abruptly and that it is in a metre different from the rest of
the hymn in which it occurs, Wilson observes that it "is
probably a fragment of some old popular song" (Ibid, p. 19).
This would, therefore, attribute a knowledge of the Gandharis
to the Vedic Aryans in very ancient times.
A hymn in the Atharvaveda consigns Takman or fever
to the Gandharis along with other people like the Mujavants,
256 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the Angas and the Magadhas; the Gandharis and the Maja-
vants belonged to the north whereas the Angas and the
Magadhas were in the east, and it is rather peculiar that all
these people should be mentioned together. The authors of
the Vedic Index explain it by noting that "the latter two
tribes are apparently the Eastern limit of the poet's know-
ledge, the two former the northern." (Vedic Index, I, 219.)
In the Brahmana literature also we find mention of this
people. The Chandogya Upanisad in giving an example,
thus goes on : " As one might lead a person with his eyes
covered away from the Gandharas, and leave him then in a
place where there are no human beings ; and as that person
would turn towards the east, or the north, or the west, and
shout, 'I have been here with my eyes covered, I have been
left here with my eyes covered/ and as thereupon some one
might loose his bandage and say to him, ' Go in that direction,
it is Gandhara, go in that direction* ; and as thereupon having
been informed and being able to judge for himself, he would
by asking his way from village to village arrive at last at
Gandhara, in exactly.the same manner does a man, who meets
with a teacher to inform him, obtain the true knowledge.
For him there is only delay so long as he is not delivered
(from the body) ; then he will be perfect/' Max Miiller
observes in this connection, "The Gandharas but rarely
mentioned in the Rgveda and the Aitareya Brahmana, have
left their name in Kandaroi and Candahar, The fact of
their name being evidently quite familiar to the author of
the Upanisad might be used to prove either its antiquity or
its northern origin." (S.B.E., I., p. 105.) But here he is
THE GANDHARAS 257
wrong as will be evident from a glance at the context. The
author is without doubt referring to a country where he or his
countrymen were likely to meet with some difficulty owing
to ignorance of the Gandhara district and he is apparently
speaking of a region at some distance from his own place of
residence.
The Aitareya Brahmana (VII, 34) mentions Nagnajit,
a king of Gandhara among the Vedic teachers who pro-
pagated the Soma-cult, so that it is evident that Gandhara
or Gandhara was not outside Vedic Aryandom, but must
have been included in it. This is placed beyond doubt by
the fact that in the Satapatha Brahmana (viii, i, 4, 10) also
we find a king of Gandhara, Svarjit Nagnajita or Nagnajit
being quoted though without approval on a point of ritual.
His opinion is treated with scant respect as he was merely a
Jtajanya-vandhu, that is, one belonging to the princely order,
and not a Rsi. But this King Nagnajit is treated with great
regard and respect in later literature from the great Epic
downwards, and in a technical book on painting he is regarded
as the originator of that art (Dokumente der Indischen
Kunst, Erstes Heft, Malerei, des Citra Laksana edited by
Berthold Laufer).
Coming down to the next period of Vedic literature, viz.,
the period of the Sutras, we find that the people of Gandhara
were very familiar to the Vedic Aryans. Thus we find them
in the Srauta-Sutras of Baudhayana, Apastamba and
HiranyakeSi along with other Aryan peoples of
the west (Baudhayana 6rauta Sutra, xxi,
6rauta Sutra, xxii, 6, 18, HiranyakeSi SrautaJ
17
258 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
In the Adiparva of the Mahabharata we find that there
was a king named Suvala in the kingdom
Legends about Can- , < .
dhara in the Maha- of Gandhara. Dhrtarastra, the king of
bharata. ^ Kurus, married his daughter Gan-
dhari and it is well-known to us that 100 sons were born to
her. (Mahabharata, Chap. 63, p. 72.) Dwapara appeared
on earth as Sakuni, son of King Suvala of Gandhara.
(Adiparva, Chap. 67, pp. 77-79.) A princess of Gandhara
was one of the wives of Ajamidha who was the originator of
the family of the Kurus. Gandhara, it is said, was named
after this Gandhari. (Adiparva, Chap. 95, p. 105.) In the
same Parva we find that Bhisma said to Vidura thus, " Vidura,
I know that it is advisable to accept as wives, the daughters
of King Suvala and King Madra." It is heard later that
Bhisma sent the proposal of marriage of Dhrtarastra with
Gandhari , to Suvala who accepted the proposal. Then Su vala
came with 6akuni and Gandhari to Dhrtarastra and went
back home after giving Gandhari in marriage to Dhrtarastra.
(Chap. 10, p. 118.)
In the Sabhaparva we learn that the king of Gandhara,
Suvala, came to Yudhisthira as soon as he heard the news
of the Rajasuya sacrifice. (Chap. 34, p. 245.) In the
Bhisma parva mention is made of Gandhara amongst many
countries. (Chap. 9, p. 822.) We read that Sakuni, the
Gandharan prince, stood in front of the army with many
other warriors. (Chap. 16, pp. 827-828.) In the same parva
we find that the Gandharan prince, Sakuni followed Duryo-
dhana with his alpine army. (Chap. 28, pp. 830-831.) The
same parva states that the Gandharan King Sakuni guarded
THE GANDHARAS 259
Dronacarya. (Chap. 51, p. 924.) In the Dronaparva it is
mentioned that Karna brought Gandhara under the sway
of Duryodhana. (Chap. 4, p. 997.) In the Udyogaparva
we find that King Yayati sent his son Yadu to exile in
Gandhara because he began to disregard his ksatriya superiors
and became puffed up on account of his strength. (Chap.
149, P- 77I-)
In the Asvamedhapnrva we read that Arjuna went to
Paiicanada (the Punjab.) There he had a hard fight with
the son of Sakuni, the king of Gandhara. Many Gandharan
soldiers were killed by Arjuna who saved the life of Sakuni's
son. The Gandharan army fled because they could not
stand against him. Then the wife of &akuni appeared
before Arjuna with many good articles and begged his pardon.
Arjuna then invited the son of Sakuni to attend the
Asvamedha sacrifice and left for Hastinapura. (Chaps.
83-84, pp. 2093-2094.) On the field of Kuruksetra, the
Gandharas, led by their prince Sakuni, made up a strong
and powerful division of the Kuru army. When at the
commencement of the battle on the first day Duryodhana
came out in procession at the head of his vast army, the
Gandhara King Sakimi with his contingent of hill troops
(Parvatiyaih), surrounded him on all sides (Bhismaparva,
XX, 8). This shows that the warriors hailing from the
hills of Gandhara were the most trusty of his soldiers, so
that they formed the body-guard of the monarch. After the
battle had well begun, five Gandhara princes with all their
troops engaged the five Kekaya brothers with their army
(ibid, 46, 76). In the second day's fight the Gandharas
20O SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
with Sakuni at their head defended Bharadvaja Drona
(ibid, Ch. 51, 14). On the third day, when the fight was
at its thickest, then two great heroes on the Fandava side,
Satyaki and Abhimanyu, with a large division of the army,
made a fearful onset against the heroic Gandharas led by their
princes and at the very first onrush the Sauvala or Gandhara
princes succeeded in breaking up Satyaki* s chariot, so much
so that Satyaki saved himself with difficulty by precipitously
running into the chariot of Abhimanyu and the two heroes
had to go through the fight in the same chariot (ibid, Ch. 58,
7-10). On the fifth day, the Gandharas along with the
Kambojas, Madras and other peoples of the north-western
frontier made an onset against Arjuna under the lead of
Sakuni (ibid, Ch. 71, 13-17). In the eighth day's fight
when Arjuna' s son, Ira van, with an intrepid army of
soldiers mounted on powerful horses, was working a great
slaughter of the Kaurava forces, then the Gandhara princes,
six brothers of Sakuni, made an advance on fast horses of
their country and essayed to stop the tide of Ira van's great
rush. The cowardly Sakuni tried his level best to persuade
them to desist from this imprudent advance, but his younger
brothers had a higher idea of their duties on the field and
rushed to the spot where Iravan was making a dreadful
havoc with his cavalry. They with their horses surrounded
Iravan and for a moment the son of Arjuna seemed to be
in danger but the latter got the better of the Gandhara
princes by clever manoeuvres and the young men all lay dead
on the field (ibid, Ch. 90).
After Bhisma's fall when Drona, as Commander-in-Chief,
THE GANDHARAS 361
arrayed the Kaurava forces in the Garuda-vyuha, Gandharas
were placed in the rear (Dronaparva, Ch. 20). Two other
brothers of Sakuni also led their forces against Arjuna himself
and beset him from all sides with their fierce Gandhara
troops, but five hundred of them laid down their lives and
when the chariot of one of them was cut to pieces by Arjuna,
both the brothers fought in the same chariot and showed
considerable prowess, but ultimately met with death in the
hands of Arjuna. On their death Sakuni, dreadfully incensed,
tried to defeat Arjuna by clever tricks (Mayayuddha) but
finding them useless against the great hero, fled from the
field like a coward and the great speed of the excellent horses
of his country saved his life (ibid, 29, 2-27).
When Abhimanyu, the valiant son of Arjuna had his
chariot broken by the combined onset of the Kaurava
heroes, then Kalikeya, a Gandhara leader of the family of
Suvala (Suvala-dayada) met him but he with seventy- seven
of his followers was killed by the young hero with a club
or gada (Dronaparva, 48, 7). Next, when the Kurus were
making every effort to save the life of Jayadratha from
the wrath of Arjuna who had taken up the dreadful resolve
of killing him, on the Gandharas was laid the duty of being
his immediate guards; they were decked with all sorts of
defensive armour and mounted on their horses. (Ibid,
Ch. 85, 16-17). Evidently great trust was placed on their
prowess and perhaps specially on their fast horses.
When Kama abusing Salya was enumerating the evil
practices of the Madras, he included the Gandharas also in
the same category and said that the Gandharas along with
262 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
the other races on the north-western frontier were men of
disgusting practices and customs (Karnaparva, 44, 46 and 45,
8). When at last Karna lay dead on the field, then it is said
that cowardly 6akuni precipitately fled from the battle to
the camp, surrounded by thousands of the Gandharas (ibid,
95, 6). The Gandhara cavalry had not yet come to an end
and when Salya rallied the Kuru forces, we hear of Sakuni
joining the Kuru army with a large battalion of his mounted
troops (Salyaparva, 8, 26). It appears that like the Kam-
bojas in their neighbourhood, the Gandharas also reared a
large number of horses in their country and that their troops
mostly fought on horseback.
Gandhara is also found in the Puranas. According to
the Matsya Purana, in the family of
GM ?SSJ5! the Druhyu, one of the sons of Yayati, Gan-
dhara was born and the kingdom of Gan-
dhara was named after him. 1 In the Bhagavata Purana*
Gandhara was the fourth in line of descent from Druhyu. The
Visnupurana" also agrees with the Matsya, in stating that
Gandhara, the eponymous founder of the country, was
born in the family of Druhyu. Gandhara had the following
descendants, namely, Dharma, Dhrti, Durgam and Praceta.
Praceta had one hundred sons who being the kings of the
Mleccha country, conquered* the north. In the Matsya
Purana, we find that Druhyu had two sons, Setu and Ketu.
Setu had a son named Saradvana, who had a son named Gan-
Matsya Purana, 48, Vayu Purana, 99. 9th Skandha, Chap. 23.
4th A&ka, i?th Chap. * Visnupurana, 4th Afika, i;th Chapter.
THE GANDHARAS 263
dhara. The kingdom of Gandhara was named after Gandhara
who had the following descendants Dharma, Vidusa and
Praceta. Praceta had one hundred sons and all of them
became kings of the Mleccha kingdom after conquering the
north. (Ch. 48.) In the Brahmapurana (Ch. 13), Gandhara
was the great grandson of Druhyu, whose son was Setu who
had a son named Arigarasetu. It is also stated there that
the kingdom of Gandhara was named after Gandhara.
Mention is made of the Gandhara people in the Brihatsamhita
of Varahamihira (Kern's Edition, p. 92). In spite of slight
differences, it is evident that the Epic and Pauranic accounts
agree in making the Gandharas descend from the great
ksatriya family of the lunar dynasty.
Fa-Hien, who visited India at the beginning of the fifth
century A.D., narrates that Gandhara
was the pkce where Dhannavivaidhana,
son of Asoka, ruled. When the Buddha
was a Bodhisattva, he gave his eyes for another man here ;
there was a large stupa adorned with layers of gold and silver
plates. The people of the country were mostly students of
the Hinayana School (Legge, Travels of Fa-Hien, pp. 31-32).
Hiuen Tsang who visited India in the seventh century
A.D., has left for us an interesting account of Gandhara.
He records the ruined state of monasteries and shrines which
two centuries before showed no traces of decay. Kern
cites the example of Gandhara where such a state of things
happened. Hiuen Tsang further says that the great stupa
of Peshawar which on account of its height of more than
four hundred cubits, must have been a stupa of the more
264 SOME KATRIYA TRIBES OP ANCIENT INDIA
composite type, had already thrice been damaged by fire
before the pilgrim visited the country. The foundation of
the great stupa at Peshawar dates from Kaniska's time
(Kern, Indian Buddhism, p. 93 and p. 93 f.n.). The
kingdom of Gandhara is about one thousand li from
east to west, and about eight hundred li from north to
south. On the east, it borders on the river Sin (Sindhu).
The capital of the country is called Po-lu-sha-pu-lo i.e.,
Purusapura; it is about forty li in circuit. The royal family
is extinct and the kingdom is governed by deputies from
KapiSa. The towns and villages are deserted and there
are but few inhabitants. At one corner of the royal resi-
dence, there are about one thousand families. The coun-
try is rich in cereals and produces a variety of flowers and
fruits; it abounds also in sugarcane. The climate is warm
and moist, and in general without ice or snow. The disposi-
tion of the people is timid and soft: they love literature.
Most of them belong to heretical schools, a few believe in the
true law. From old time till now this border-land of India
has produced many authors of Sastras, e.g., Narayanadeva,
Asanga, Vasubandhu, Dharmatrata, Manorhita, ParsVa the
noble; and so on. There are one thousand Sangharamas
which are deserted and in ruins. They are filled with wild
shrubs, and solitary to the last degree. The stupas are
mostly decayed. The heretical temples, to the number of
about one hundred, are occupied pell-mell by heretics
(Buddhist Records of the W. W., Vol. I, pp. 97-98). In the
town of P'o-lo-tu-lo, i.e., the town of Salatula, Panini was
born who composed his Vyakarana (p. 114).
THE GANDHARAS 365
The early capital cities of Gandhara were Pushkalavati
or Puskaravati and Takshasila (Taxila).
Capital cities.
The former is situated to the west and
the latter to the east of the Indus. It would appear that in
early times the Gandhara territory lay on both sides of that
river though in subsequent times it was confined to the
western side. (Ancient India, Ptolemy, McCrindle, p. 115.)
According to Cunningham, the ancient capital of Gan-
dhara was Puskaravati which is said to
have been founded by Puskara, son of
Bharata and nephew of Rama. (Visnupurana, Wilson's
Edition, Vol. IV, c. 4.)
In the Cambridge History of India, we read that Push-
kalavati was to the west of the Indus and it together with
Taxila came under the Saka rule during the reign of Maues
(p. 560). Mr. Brown says that the chief of the Sakas, Maues
captured Pushkalavati (Peshawar). (Brown's Coins of
India, p. 24.) Its antiquity is undoubted as it was the
capital of an Indian Prince named Astes at the time of
Alexander's expedition. Pushkalavati is called Peukelas
by Arrian and Peukalei by Dionysius Periegetes (see Cun-
ningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 49). It was
famous for a large stapa (Ibid, p. 51). Taranath mentions
the town of Pushkalavati as a royal residence of Kanaka's
son (Vincent Smith, Early History of India, p. 261, n.).
Another capital city of Gandharajwas
Takshasila (Shi-shi-Ch'eng) '
Watters on Yuan Chwang, Vol. I, p. aoj
266 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Taxila, the eastern capital of Gandhara, means severed
head in the language of China. Here, when the Buddha
was a Bodhisatta, he is said to have given away his head to
a man and from this circumstance, the kingdom got its name
(Legge, Fa-Hien, p. 32.) The city was great, wealthy and
most populous as described by Arrian. Strabo and Hiuen
Tsiang praise the fertility of the soil. Pliny calls it a famous
city and states that it was situated on a level where the
hills sank down into the plains. In the early part of the
second century B.C., it became a province of the Grseco-
Bactrian monarchy and then it was occupied by the Indo-
Scythians. Near the middle of the first century A.D., it
was visited by Apollonius of Tyana and his companion
Damis, who described it as being about the size of Nineveh,
walled like a Greek city. Streets were narrow but well-
arranged. To all Buddhists, Taxila is a very interesting
place as it was the scene of one of the Buddha's most meri-
torious acts of alms-giving, when he bestowed his head in
charity. It was not mentioned by Alberuni. (Ancient
India as described by Ptolemy, pp. 119, foil.)
Cunningham says that the site of Takshasila is found
near Shah-Dheri just one mile to the
north-east of Kala-ka-sarai, in the ex-
tensive ruins of a fortified city around which he was able to
trace no less than fifty-five stapas, of which two are as large as
the great Manikyala tope, twenty-eight monasteries and nine
temples. Now the distance from Shah-Dheri to Ohind is
thirty-six miles, and from Ohind to Hashtnagar is thirty-
eight more or altogether seventy-four miles, which is
THE GANDHARAS 267
nineteen in excess of the distance recorded by Pliny between
Taxila and Peukelaotis. To reconcile these discrepant
numbers Cunningham suggests that Pliny's sixty miles or
IvX, should be read as eighty miles or LXXX, which are
equivalent to seventy-three and half English miles or within
half a mile of the actual distance between the two places.
(Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p. 105.) Dr. Bhandarkar
says that in Asoka's time Takshasila does not appear to
have been the capital of Gandhara, for from his Rock
Edict, XIII, we see that Gandhara was not in his domi-
nions proper, but was feudatory to him. From the separate
Orissa Edict I, we learn that Takkasila was directly under
him as one of his sons was stationed there. Evidently
Takkasila was not the capital of Gandhara in Asoka's time.
This agrees with the statement of Ptolemy that the Gandarai
(Gandhara) country was to the west of the Indus with its
city Proklais, i.e. Puskaravati, (Carmichoel Lectures, 1918,
p. 54 f.n,).
Takkhasila was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh
century A.D. It was above two thousand li in circuit.
Its capital was above ten li in circuit. Its soil was fertile
and the crops good, with flowing streams and luxuriant
vegetables. The climate was genial, and the people being
plucky were adherents of Buddhism. Although there were
many monasteries, some of them were desolate and the
monks who were very few were all Mahayanists (Watters on
Yuan Chwang, Vol. I. p, 240). There were stupa*, e.g., the
Kunala stupa, the Dharmarajika stupa.
Taxila figures prominently in Jaina and Buddhist stories.
268 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
There was a plague that raged in Taxila when Mahavira,
the head of the Jaina community,
composed many mantras (Santistotras)
(Heart of Jainism by Mrs. Sinclair
Stevenson, p. 80, f.n.).
In the Psalms of the Brethren we find that Bharadvaja
was born in a Brahmin family at the time of the Buddha at
Rajagaha. A son was born to him and when the son grew
up, Bharadvaja sent him to Takkasila. On his way to
Taxila, he made friends with a thera, a disciple of the Master,
took orders and won Arahatship. (Psalms of the Brethren,
p. 136.)
It is stated in the Dipavamsa that a ksatriya prince
named Dlpamkara, and his sons and grandsons, twelve
royal princes, governed their great kingdom in Taxila.
(Dipavamsa by Oldenberg, p. 28.) In the Dutiyapalayi
Jataka we find that King Gandhara of Taxila attacked and
surrounded Benares with his four-fold army and boasted that
nobody would be able to defeat his unconquerable army
consisting of innumerable horses, elephants, and chariots
decorated with flags. The king of Benares told him thus :
"Don't talk nonsense, I shall soon destroy your army like
mad elephants destroying nalavana. Thus shouted the king
of Benares and King Gandhara seeing his forehead shining
like a gold plate was terrified and fled to his own kingdom.
(Fausboll, Jataka, Vol. II, pp. 219-221). In the Palayi Jataka
we find that in the kingdom of Gandhara, in the city of Taxila,
the Bodhisatta was the king and Brahmadatta was the king
of Benares. Brahmadatta surrounded the city of Taxila
THE GANDHARAS 269
with a large army and he was giving instructions to his army
thus: "Send elephants, horses, chariots, and foot soldiers
in the manner stated by me to attack forcibly and strike
weapons and shoot arrows like heavy showers of rain." Thus
he led his army to the gate of the city of Taxila and enquired
whether the (city-gate) was the king's palace and was informed
that it was the city-gate and the king lived in a palace like
that of Inda. He then thought that it was not proper to
fight with such a mighty king and then he went back to
lienares. (Fausboll, Jataka, Vol. II, pp. 217-218.)
Takkhasila was a great seat of learning in Ancient India.
Various arts and sciences were taught
Tak oMclming. 6eat here and P u P Us from different parts of
India used to visit this place for learning
them. In Taxila, magic charms were taught (Jataka, II
No. 185, p. 69). Here spells for understanding cries of
animals were taught (Jataka, Vol. Ill, No. 416, p. 249).
Among the celebrated Buddhist scholars who made the name
of Taxila and its janapada, Gandhara, famous all over India
were Dhammapala (Psalms of the Brethren, p. 149), Yasa-
datta (Ibid, p. 201), Angulimala (Ibid, p. 319, foil.), Asanga,
a great teacher of Yogacara and Vasuvandhu, the celebrated
author of the Abhidharmakosa. The details about Taxila' s
importance as a seat of learning have been given by me else-
where { and a brief notice is all that is necessary here.
In the Kumbhakara Jataka we read that there was a
king named Naggaji who ruled both the kingdoms of Kash-
i See my work, ' Historical Gleanings,' Chapter I, pp. 1-8.
270 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
mere and Gandhara. He afterwards obtained paccekabodhi
o,. ,,.tnrv (Jataka, Vol. Ill, pp. 377-378). Naggaji
Political History. i f . .* * i i < 4
left the kingdom and became a monk
(Ibid, p. 381). In the Buddha's time Pukkusati, king of
Gandhara, is said to have sent an embassy and a letter to
King Bimbisara of Magadha (Buddhist India, p. 28). Mr.
Rapson says that it was a Persian province for about two
centuries ; and after the downfall of the empire in 331 B.C.
it together with the Persian province of 'India ' or f the country
of the Indus, ' which had been added to the empire by Darius
not long after 516 B.C. came under the sway of Alexander
the Great. Through Gandhara and the Indian province
was exercised the Persian influence which so greatly modified
the civilisation of North-Western India (Ancient India,
pp. 81-82). Shortly after the death of Asoka, Gandhara
declared independence (R. D. Banerjee, Vangalar Itihasa,
p. 31). It was brought under the sway of the Greek kings
shortly after Asoka' s death (Ibid, p. 32). Apparently near
the 5th century A.D. Gandhara was conquered by the Ye-ta,
i.e., the Yets or Jats. Mr. R. D. Banerjee presumes that
Diyadata II. conquered Gandhara because some gold coins
of Diyadata II. have been discovered by Sir John Marshall
in the ruins of the city of Taksasila (R. D. Banerjee, Pracina
Mudra, p. 27). Whitehead presumes that Euthydemus con-
quered Gandhara (Catalogue of coins in the Punjab Museum,
Lahore, Vol. I, p. 4). The fourth Bactrian king Demetrios
was confronted with a rival, Eucratides (c. 175-155 B.C.)
who deprived him of his Bactrian dominions and even of a
portion of Gandhara (the present districts of Peshawar and
THE GANDHARAS 271
Rawalpindi). Henceforward there were two rival Greek
dynasties, the house of 'Eucratides including the princes
Heliokles, Antialkidas and Hermaios ruling in Kabul,
Kandahar and Gandhara. (The Coins of India, by Brown,
pp. 23-24). The Huns first of all defeated the kings of the
Kidara Kusana dynasty and then entered India (Pracina
Mudra, p. 188). The Huns occupied Gandhara (V.A. Smith,
Early History of India, p 310).
Dharmapala of the Pala Dynasty dethroned Indrayudha
or Indraraja, king of Pancala, whose capital was Kanauj,
and installed in his stead Chakrayudha, with the assent of the
neighbouring northern powers enumerated as the Bhoja,
Matsya, Gandhara, Avanti and so forth (V. A. Smith, Karly
History of India, p. 398).
Trilochanapala was the last king of the Shahi dynasty.
During his reign the Hindu rule was lost in Gandhar?. In
the eleventh century, Trilochanapala was defeated on the
bank of river Tosi by Sultan Mahmud of Ghajni. Trilochan's
son Bhimapala became independent for five years. After
him no account is available of the Hindu rule in Gandhara
(R. D. Banerjee, Pracina Mudra, p. 198).
In the Gandhara Jataka we find that Bodhisatta
who was at the time the king of Gandhara,
Legendary accounts. kingdom ri g h teously. In the
middle country, King Videha ruled in Videhanagara. They
were friends though they never met each other. On the
first day of the full moon, the king of Gandhara saw the
moon swallowed up by Rahu. The king observing this
phenomenon thought that the trouble came from outside,
272 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
his royal retinue was nothing but a trouble and that it was
not proper that he should lose his light like the moon
swallowed up by Rahu. He then gave up his kingdom,
became a rishi and dwelt in the Himavantapadesa by
practising Jhana. His friend, the king of Videha followed
his example. After wandering through various places they
met each other at a certain place, but could not recognise
each other. They saw the moon's orb seized by Rahu. The
king of Gandhara informed the king of Videha of the cause
of his giving up his kingdom. The Videhan king recognised
him and told him the cause of his giving up the kingdom.
After staying in the Himalayan region for a long time, they
came down to the frontier village for sour and salty food
(cooked food). It happened that one day the Videhan
ascetic stored up some salt to be taken when wanting. The
Gandhara ascetic knew about it and told him, "You (the
Videha ascetic) have given up your kingdom consisting of
16,000 villages, with store-houses filled, but now you are
storing a small quantity of salt." The Videha ascetic grew
angry and told him, "You are blaming me, you are not
looking to your own defect. You are now ruling me after
giving up the rule of the kingdom of Gandhara which is full
of wealth." The king of Gandhara replied, "I am speaking
dharma, there is no wrong in giving instructions on
Dharma." Both of them returned to the Himalayan region
to dwell in peace and happiness. The Gandhara ascetic
instructed the Videha ascetic.
The Sasanavamsa tells us that the thera Majjhantika
was sent to Kashmir and Gandhara to preach Buddha-
THE GANDHARAS
273
sasana. 1 The Dipavamsa also supports the statement that
the great sage Majjhantika went to the country of the
Gandharas and there he appeased an enraged naga and
freed many people from the fetters of sin. 2
In the Divyavadana we find that a Yupa or sacrificial
wood thrown into the Ganges by Mahapanada will be taken
up by the four great kings, one of whom was Elapatra of
Gandhara who would hand it over to Sarhkha (Cowell and
Neil, pp. 60-61).
The Rock Edict V. of Asoka points out that for the
welfare and happiness of the Gandharas,
Spr in Gandha^ Dharmamahamatras (high officers in the
department of dharma) were appointed
by Asoka. (Vincent Smith, Asoka, p. 168.)
In the fifth century A.D. Buddhist scholastic philosophy
reached its culmination. About that
celebrities^ Can- time two f amous Gandharians flourished,
viz., Asanga and Vasuvandhu. Asahga
at first an adherent of the semi-orthodox Mahisasakas after-
wards became a convert to Mahayanism. He was a great
teacher of Yogacara. He lived for some time in a monastery
in Oudh and afterwards in Magadha. He died at Rajagaha.
Vasuvandhu was a disciple of Sanghabhadra. From
Kashmir he went to Oudh where he lived for many years.
At first a staunch adherent of the Sarvastivadins, he dis-
approved of Asanga' s Yogasastra but afterwards became a
convert to Mahayanism. After his conversion, he is said
i Sasana vaifas a, P.T.S., p. 12. * Dipavarfisa, Oldenberg, p. 53.
18
274 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
to have been a teacher at Nalanda College. He was cele-
brated as the author of the Abhidharmakosa. Besides this,
he wrote many commentaries on Mahayana texts. He died
at an advanced age. Some say he died in Nepal, others say
in Oudh.
The Jatakas testify to the existence of trade relations
between the Kashmir-Gandhara kingdom
Trade relations. ... , , __. - , ., ,
on one side and the Videlia land on the
other. We learn from the Gandhara Jataka that the king
of Videha enquires of the tradesmen about the health of his
friend, the king of Kashmir and Gandhara (Kick, The Social
Organisation in North-east India in Buddha's time, p. 272).
Horse-dealers figure prominently amongst the Gandhara
traders. We learn from the Vayupurana that the Gandharian
horses were the best of all (99th Chap.). In Taxila, people
used to flock together to earn money (Niddesa, P.T.S.,
Vol. I, p. 154). In the Vessantara Jataka we read that in the
kingdom of Gandhara, red blankets worth one hundred
thousand coins were produced and the soldiers of Gandhara
dressed up with red blankets used to follow King Vessantara
of the kingdom of Jetuttara. (Fausboll, Jataka, Vol. VI,
pp. 500-501.)
APPENDIX A
A celebrated school of art developed and flourished in
Gandhara. The icigns of Kanishka and
Huvishka coincide with the most flourish-
ing period of the great Gandharaii school of sculpture which
had arisen during the rule of the aka princes. Hellenistic
influence is very great in this art. A careful inspection of
the successive coinages of the Indo-Greeks, the akas, and
the Kushans will show that the strongest influences of pure
Greek Art had passed away before the reign of Kanishka.
With the establishment of Greek rule, south of the Hindukush ,
traces of the Indian craftsman's hand begin to appear. As
time goes on these become more apparent, until, in the Kushan
period the whole fabric of the coins, if not entirely Indian,
is far more oriental than Greek. Thai purely Indian influences
were strongly at work is very evident in the cult of Siva as
expressed on the coins of Vima Kadphises and Vasudeva for
instance; in the Buddha coins of Kadaphes and Kanishka
and in the typical Indian cross-legged attitude in which
Kadphises II and Huvishka are depicted ; and, after all is
said, the art was produced in India and must have been largely,
if not entirely, the work of Indian craftsmen. It was at
the time of Kanishka that Indian mysticism allowed itself
to be clad in Greek beauty of form. Eastern feeling ran
as it were into Western moulds to create this wonderful
aftermath of Hellenic art, which left an indelible mark
upon evfery country of the Orient where the cult of the
276 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
Buddha penetrated (The Coins of India by Brown, pp. 38-39).
The above observation of Mr. Brown seems to be just and
accurate on the subject. But Prof. Foucher, the great author-
ity on Gandharan art, has made the following observations.
It has long been ascertained that the art of Gandhara bor-
rowed its technique from the Hellenistic art. It is impossible
then that it should not have features in common with Greco-
Roman and consequently with the Gallo-Roman art. The
degree of this relationship may be distant, yet it can be
justified with the help of archaeology and linguistics. It
might be held that the sculptors of these countries had
each learnt the art at the school of the Greeks. (A. Foucher,
Beginnings of the Buddhist Art, p. 145.) The bas-reliefs of
Gandhara and Amaravati are by common accord attributed
to the first or second century B.C. (ibid, p. 190).
Prof. Foucher points out that in Gandhara existed
columns in Corinthian or Persepolitan style. (Plate XXV.)
The image of the Buddha is like a trade mark of the workshops
of Gandhara (Ibid, p. 130).
During the reign of Menander (150-100 B.C.), circum-
stances were favourable for planting the germ of the sub-
sequent development of Greco-Buddhist Art by the creation
of the Indo- Greek type of the Buddha. Prof. Foucher says
that it is for the first time in the annals of Gandhara that we
find the Indian statue of the Buddha in an European style
(pp. 125-128). With the fruitless entrance of Alexander into
India (326 B.C.) we find that Gandhara had been the centre
of attraction for Greek adventure of all kinds. From the
sculptures, e.g., types of Bodhisattva, Greco-Buddhist
HiuUlhn LCiaudharaii School).
APPENDIX A 277
Buddha, tutelary pair, the great miracle of Sravasti in
Gandhara, the six tusked elephant, Buddhist Madonna, the
Indo-Greek image of Hariti, it is evident that Hellenistic
art played an important part in the development of the
fine art of sculpture in Gandhara.
Vincent Smith in his Asoka, says that the Persepolitan
capital long continued to be used as a decorative element
in Indian sculpture and is common in the reliefs from Gan-
dhara, the so-called Graeco- Buddhist school, (p. 141.)
The Hellenistic influence on Indian art which is most
plainly manifested in the Gandhara sculptures dating from
the early centuries of the Christian era, may be traced less
conspicuously in other directions. There is good reason to
believe that Buddhist teaching was considerably modified by
contact with the Greek gods, and that the use of images in
particular as an essential element in the Buddhist cult was
mainly due to Greek example. Whatever Hellenistic elements
in Indian civilisation can be detected, they were all indirect
consequences of Alexander's invasion. The Greek influence
never penetrated deeply. Indian polity and the structure of
society resting on the caste basis remained substantially
unchanged, and even in military science India showed no
disposition to learn the lessons taught by the sharp sword of
Alexander (Vincent Smith, Ancient and Hindu India, p. 67).
Then the learned author says that much of the Buddhist
sculpture at the time of Kanishka and his successors is
executed in the style of Gandhara, the frontier province which
included both Peshawar and Taxila. This style is called the
Grseco Buddhist style because the forms of Greek art were
278 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
applied to Buddhist subjects with considerable artistic success
in many cases. Images of the Buddha appear in the likeness
of Apollo, the Yakkha Kuvera is posed in the fashion of
the Phidian Zeus and so on. The drapery follows Hellenistic
models. The style was transmitted to the far east through
Chinese Turkistan and the figures of the Buddha now made
in China and Japan exhibit distinct traces of the Hellenistic
modes in vo^ue at the court of Kanishka. Sir A. Stein and
other archaeologists have proved thai the Khotan legion in
Chinese Turkistan was the meeting place of four civilisations,
(/reek, Indian, Iranian and Chinese, during the early centuries
of the Christian era, including the reign of Kanishka. Gan-
dhara style is Grajco-Roman, based on the Cosmopolitan
art of Asia Minor and the Roman Empire as practised in the
first three centuries of the Christian era. Much of the best
work in that style was executed during the second century
A.D., in the reigns of Kanishka and Huvishka (Vincent
Smith, Ancient and Hindu India, p. 136).
In the later school of Gandhara or Graico-Buddhist
sculpture, the Buddha is frequently shown in full length
(Sir Charles Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. II, 172).
Sir Charles says on the authority of Foucher that ASvaghosa's
treatment of legends is in remarkable accord with their
artistic presentation in the Gandhara sculpture. He further
holds that the prevalence of Gandhara art in the cities of the
Tarim basin makes it likely that their efflorescence was not
far removed in time from the Gandharan epoch of India.
(Ibid, Vol. Ill, p. 7.) V. A. Smith is of opinion that the
well-known sculptures of Gandhara are much later in date
APPENDIX A 279
and are the offspring of Cosmopolitan Grseco-Rotnan art.
(Early History of India, p. 241.) The celebrated Gandhara
sculptures, found abundantly in the Peshawar district and
neighbouring regions, the ancient Gandhara, of which many
excellent examples date from the time of Kanishka and his
proximate successors, give vivid expression in classical form*
of considerable artistic merit to modified Buddhism, a religion
with a complicated mythology and well-filled pantheon
(Ibid, pp. :>6f>-367.) Sir Charles Eliot says that the Buddha
appears to be represented hi the earliest Gandhfira sculptures
and there was a famous image of him in Udyana of which
Fa-Hien speaks as if it were already ancient. (Hinduism
and Buddhism, Vol. II. p. 22.) The Yueh-chih who invaded
India, were intimately connected with the Gandharan Art
and the form of Buddhism which finds expression in it
(Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. Ill, p. 213).
No specimen of painting of the Gandhara school has
come down to our times, but in a technical
Th in A andhai Un6 ^ ook on painting, Chitralaksana to which
we have already referred, a Gandhara
King Nagnajit is credited with having originated the art and
the book itself is said to have been written by that Nagnajit.
This book is included in the Tibetan Tangyur and is one of
four works on Silpa-sastra found in Section 123 of the Sutra
portion of that great compilation. It purports to be a
Tibetan translation of a Sanskrit book which, however, has
not been discovered yet. The Tibetan text has recently been
edited by Berthold Lauf er and is highly interesting as estab-
lishing a connection between Gandhara and the art of paint-
280 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
ing. It gives a story of the origin of the art which runs as
follows : There was once a monarch of the name of Bhagajit
who had acquired great fame and renown by his prowess and
his pure life and austerities. One day a Brahmin came to
him weeping for the death of his young son and charged him
with the responsibility for that untimely death ; there must
have been, he said, in his kingdom some serious breach of
Dharma which the king did not take care to suppress. The
king roused by the words of the Brahmin sought for the
cause of this irregularity and by the power of his penances
brought down Yama, the god of death and fought a severe
duel with him. When Yama was on the point of defeat,
the great God, Brahma came down and settled the dis-
pute. He explained to the king that life and death were but
the fruition of the results of Karma and it was not possible
for Yama to undo or change this law. But to satisfy the king
he told him to paint with the proper colours a likeness of the
Brahmin boy and when Bhagajit had done so, Brahma
infused life into it and the king made it over to the Brahmin.
Brahma then told the king, " You have conquered to-day the
Nagna Pretas (i.e., the naked spirits), therefore shall you be
called Nagna jit henceforward," and he further added, "With
my help you have painted a likeness of the Brahmin boy.
This is the first of its kind down below here among men."
The god also advised the king to perfect his education in the
art of painting by taking some lessons from ViSwakarma,
the artist of the gods and to learn from him the details about
exact measurement and other rules. Moreover the introduc-
tion to the book avers that the Chitralaksana was composed
APPENDIX A j8l
by bringing together the lessons given by Viswakarma,
Prahlada and Nagnajit.
Now in the Mahabharata we meet with Nagnajit, the
king of Gandhara, who is also referred to in the Aitareya
and Satapatha Brahmanas, as we have already shown before
In the Mahabharata Nagnajit is called Prahlada-Sisya. " the
disciple of Prahlada, " and as we have seen from the Chitra-
laksana, Prahlada is considered as an authority of painting
after Viswakarma, connecting these two together, there
remains hardly any doubt that Nagnajit of the Chitra-
laksana is none else than the Gandhara King Nagnajit of the
Brahmanas and the great Epic. In the Jaina literature also
a Gandhara sovereign Naggati or Nagnajit is referred to
as one of the kings who left their kingdoms to embrace an
ascetic life, but in the Chitralaksana there is no trace
of Jaina influence but the entire work is evidently
Brahmanical.
Putting together all the facts about Gandhara and Nag-
najit it appears that the Chitralaksana is a text book of
Gandharan art and it is highly probable, as Laufer suggests,
that there must have been an ancient indigenous school of
Gandhara art. This was influenced by the Hellenic art and
produced the numerous sculptures that have come down
to our times. Prof. Griinwedel also came to a similar
conclusion from a study of certain peculiarities of the Gan-
dhara style. He says : ( ' In many sculptures of the Gandhara
school, the pictorial element is so strongly in evidence tha^j
might imagine that an early school of painting
in Gandhara whose extreme offshoot is
282 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
extent in the Tibetan ecclesiastical painting; for example,
the nimbus, and the reliefs of 'the flight of the Bodhisattva/
'the birth of Gautama,' etc."
The paintings discovered by Sir Aurel Stein in Khotan
cind Central Asia show some influence of Gandhara art and
Chinese tradition also narrates that two Khotanese painters,
\Vajna and Wei-chi-i-Song, introduced the Indian ideals and
i methods of painting in China and Korea. This makes it not
unreasonable to surmise that it was the ancient pre-Hellenic
< iandhara school of painting that influenced the art of Central
Asia and the Far East.
See an article by Prof. Rabindra Nar.tyau Ghosh in the Sshitya-I'arishat
1'atrika. Vol. 29, pt. II, pp. 55-05.
APPENDIX B
It was in Gandhara that the finest "double-die" (im-
pressed on both sides of the coin) coins were struck. Among
these, one of the commonest, bearing a
lion 011 the obverse, and an elephant on
the reverse, is of special importance, since an approximate
date can be assigned to it, for it was imitated by the Greek
princes, Pantaleon and Agathokles (Brown's Coins of India,
p. 19). The seated bull and horseman, the almost invariable
devices on Rajput copper and billon coins, were introduced
by the Brahmana kings of Gandhara or Ohind (Circ. 860-950),
who first used them on silver ; the commonest of these are the
issues of Spalapatideva arid vSamantadeva. (The Coins of
India by Brown, p. 53.)
It is interesting to note that Pantaleon and Agathokles
were undoubtedly closely connected, since they struck coins
which were identical in type and form. These were borrowed
from the earlier native currency which prevailed generally
in the Paropanisadae and Gandhara (Cambridge History of
India, p. 546). The passing of Pahlava rule in Eastern
Gandhara is illustrated by the remarkable hoard of 21 small
silver coins, which was found by Sir John Marshall in an
earthen jar on the ancient site of Sirkap. (Cambridge History
of India, p. 580.)
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar while speaking of the Karshapanas
holds that sometimes a coin which was even fifteen grains
lighter was pronounced to be the heavier of the two. The
284 SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA
ordinary human hand cannot unaided detect a difference
of even fifteen grains. No wonder therefore if the Puranas
of the Peshawar hoard were debased to the extent of 14. 66
grs. The people of Gandhara, says Dr. Bhandarkar, could
not possibly have detected this reduction of weight by the
mere touch of their hand, and the debasement of the coin,
necessitated perhaps by political exigencies, could thus have
been safely practised on them. (Carmichael Lectures, 1921,
p. 116.)
Coins of the Kidara- Kushanas have been found in
Kashmir and some parts of Gandhara . All the coins have the
name of Kidara on the obverse. This Kidara has been
identified by Cunningham with Ki-to-lo, the leader of the
great Yuch-ti, known from Chinese sources. (Carmicha?!
Lectures, 1921, p. 205.)
The territories on the extreme north-western frontier
of India, i.e., the Kabul valley and Gandhara (including
Taxila) which were originally conquered by Euthj'demus or
by Demetrius were wrested from the family of Greek princes
by Eucratides. Coins originally issued by Apollodotus and
re-struck by Eucratides bear the image and superscription
of the tutelary deity of Kapisa, the capital city of Gandhara,
they testify to the change of government which had taken
place in this province. Rapson says that coins and inscrip-
tions show that the family of Eucratides was supplanted by
Saka Satraps in both KapiSa and Taxila (Rapson, Ancient
India, p. 133). Rapson points out that an inscription
affords the bare mention of a satrap of KapiSa, the capital of
Gandhara, which as we know from coins had passed from
APPENDIX B 285
the family of Euthydemus (Apollodotus) into the power of
Eucratides. There is a copper-plate inscription of a satrap
at Taxila, one of the capitals of Gandhara, named Patika
which records the deposit of relics of the Buddha and a
donation made in the seventy-eighth year of an unknown
era. (Rapson's Ancient Indiu, p. 141.)
INDEX
Abhaya, 76, 84, 109, no.
Abhayadeva, 32.
Abhimanyu, 260, 261.
Abhimia, 80, 79, 155.
Abhirupananda, 191.
Abhiseka, 102.
Accima, 165.
Adultery, 64.
Afghans, 29.
Agni Vaisvanara, 127, 128.
Aiksvakas, 14.
Aila, 13.
Aitareya Brahmana, 13, 215.
Ajamldha, 258.
Ajatasatru, 9, 10, 12, 20, 33, 48, 67,
93, 106, 107, 108, no, in, 112,
113, 114, 116, 141, 161, 202.
Ajatasattu, 56.
Alamvusa, 14, 35.
Alexander, 226, 277.
Alindadevi, 220.
Allakappa, 9, 200, 201.
Amaravati, 276.
Ambapali, 33, 54, 81, 112.
Ambasakkhara, 63.
Ambattha, 192.
Amita, 166, 167.
Amitodana, 166.
Amritajit, 168.
Anathapindika. 181.
A nd bras, 202.
Angas, 147, ^5<).
Vn^irasa, 135, 1(^5 .
.\ii<',uliuiala. no.
Aii j ana (Sakyn). if)h.
Aii jan a (wood), 7^.
Anjann Vaniya. 70.
Antaradesa, 2;,.
Antialkidas. 271.
Anupiya, 149.
Annruddlia, 14.
Apadana, 227.
Appolonius, 266.
Archery, 14.
Architecture, hi.
Artisans, 60.
Ariuna, 224, 225, 244, 245.
Arthasastra, 3, 19, 71, 91, 105, 222,
238.
Aryan, I, 8, 22, 23, 105, 128.
Asanga, 273.
Asia Minor, 278.
Asoka, 116, 199, 201, 217, 226, 250,
252, 277.
Asokavadana, 202.
Assaji. 82.
Assaratana, 78.
Astaka festivals, 43.
288
INDEX
Asvagbosa, 278.
Asvala, 130.
Asvalayana, 13.
Asvamedba, 104, 130.
Asvapati. 215, 225.
Asvattbama, 247.
Atali. IQO.
Atharvaveda, 22, 27.
Atthakulaka, 53, 103.
Attok. 253.
Aupamanyava, 214, 230.
Avadanakalpalata. 198.
Ayodbya. 133.
Adiccas, 174.
Alaka-manda, 218.
Alara kalama, 204.
Amrapali, 42, 109.
Amratakevara, 51.
Aiianda, 14, 44, 40, 47, 48, 62, 70,
71, 84, 85, 93, 125, 150, 155, 156.
186.
Anandaja, 230.
Apastamba, 22, 28.
Arama, 215.
Asana-panfiapaka, 05.
Bandhula, no, in, 151, 160.
Basjirh. 52, 121.
c}, 121.
yaua, 22.
Gtya raja, 228.
,avi, 42.
Balikarama. 42.
Bena, 105.
Berthold l^aufer, 279.
Bhaddakaccana, 166.
TJhadcla Kapilanl, 227.
Bhaddiya, 76, 194.
Bhadraoakogamani, 152.
Bhadravalm, 3.
Bha^ajit, 280.
Bbagavati, 32.
Bhagavati Gosriigi, 42.
Bliaggas, 200, 20 5.
Bharata, 135, 165.
Bhargas, 202.
Bhiin<}agtira, ioj.
Bbandagarikii, 99, 100, 101.
Bhandarkar, R.O., 13.
Bhanuratha, 168.
Bharadvaja, 10.
Bhasa, 130.
Bhavayavya, 255.
Bhavya, 255.
Bbesakalavana, 203.
Bhlmasena, 147.
Bliisma, 222, 223, 243, 244.
Blioja, 222.
Bhujyu Labyayani, 130, 214.
Bbummajaka, 155.
Bimbisara, 40, 106, 107, 108, 140
236.
Bloch, 50.
Brahmavidya, 141.
Brahmayu, 139.
INDEX
Brihadaswa, 168.
Brihadraja, 168.
Brhadvala, 168.
Burldhacarita. 175.
Kuddhaghosa, 19, 20. .-$5. 46, 47, 71,
j(>2. 106, 150, 164. 189, 202.
Buddhism. 12, 31, 67, (>8. 75, 82.
I5J- T57-
Biihler, 5, 21, 24. 73. 117.
Bulls, (), 2OO, 21)1.
HyKnutiou, 254.
Caitya. Baliuputra. 42. 70, 71.
Capala, 42, 62. 70, 71.
Gautama, 42, 70. 71.
Kapinahya, 42, 70.
Markata-hrada-tira, 42, 70.
Sap tarn r a, 42, 70, 71.
Sarandada, 78.
Candragupta, 3, 7, 21, 25, lib, 117,
118, 119, i2t), 199.
Candraguptu II, 7.
Candravarma, 247.
Cellana, 106.
Cetaka, n, 13, 32, irrf>.
Cetiya, Pasana, 109.
Ceylon, 69.
Chabbaggiya bhikkhus, 49.
Chakrayudha, 271.
Chapra, 50.
Chenab, 215, 216, 226.
Chen-Su-na, 138.
Cberand, 50.
Confederacy, Vajjian, 31, 53, 94.
Cunda.. 149, 154, 158.
Cunningham. 40,, 50. 148, 216. 254.
284.
Dabba. 59, 154.
Dandapani, 166. 180.
J)arius, 29, 30.
Dasaratha, 134, 136.
Demetrius, 284
Devadahasakka, 166.
Devadaha, 200, 21 r.
Devadatta, 140.
Devananda, 124.
Dcvapaladeva, 251.
Pharniapala, 229.
Dharmavivardhana, 263.
Dhrstaketu, 239.
Dhrtarastra, 224.
Digarabaras, 124.
Dlpamkara, 268.
Dlrgha Carayana, 197.
Disposal of the dead, 64.
Divakara, 168.
Divyavadana, 2, 70, 273.
Dravidia, 21.
Drona, 244.
Druhyu, 262.
Druma, 87.
Drumaraja, 49.
Drupada, 241.
Duipalasa, 115. 122.
Dulva, 37, 49, 107, 109.
2QO
INDEX
Duryodhana, 223, 224, 241, 242,
243-
Dvaraka, 234, 235.
Dwapara, 258.
Eggeling, Julius, 126.
Egypt, 164.
Elephant training, 57.
Ephthalites, 30.
Era, Gupta, 25.
I,icchavi, 25.
Vikrama, 119.
Eucratides, 284.
Eusofzai, 253.
Euthydemus, 285.
Fa-Hien 7, 46, 47, 176, 194, 279,
Peer, M.L., 15.
Pick, io, 274.
Fleet, 25.
Fo-li-shi, 138.
Gahapatiratana, 78.
Gandak, 126, 127.
Gandarai, 254.
Gandhara, 142, 202, 252 foil.
Ganges, 35.
Garh, Raja Visal ka, 50.
Garudavyuha, 244.
Gasarhsa, 13.
Gargi Vacaknavi, 130, 131.
Ghatotkacagupta, 117.
Gijjhakuta, 109.
Gnya Khri bstan po, 15.
Gopa, 180.
Gopala, 107.
Gopalakaksa, 147.
Gorakhpur, 148.
Got a in a Rahugana, 128.
Gotm, Aditya, 174.
Gotama, 174, 175.
Kasyapa, 13.
Vasistha, 12. 13, 14.
Govinda, 130.
Govindarajii, 4, 5.
Haihayas. ^48.
Harivamsa. 23^.
Haslikasirsa. 169.
Hastinapura. 223.
Hattliiratana. 78.
Hclioklcs, 271.
Herat. 29.
Hermaios, 271.
Herodotus, 252.
Hiuen Tsang, 7, 138, 194, 217, 227,
236, 253.
Hoernle, 38 121, 122, 123.
Hoey, 50.
Hoti Murdan, 253.
Hoysala. 239.
Huna, 30.
Hunting, 57.
Huvishka, 278.
Iksvaku, 14, 35, 36, 132, 163, 164,
167, 168.
INDEX
2QI
Indra, 36, 71.
Indraprastha, 134.
Indraraja, 229.
Inscriptions,
Allahabad posthumous stone
pillar, f>. 216.
Bhitari stone pillar, 7.
Kihar stone pillar, 7.
Bilsad stone pillar, 7.
Deopara Prasosti, 5.
Gaya copper plate, 7.
Krsnadwarika temple, 5.
Mathura stone, 7.
Tetrawan ima^c, 5.
Isvaradeva 184.
Hthiratana, 78.
Jacobi, 73.
Jainism, i, 2, IT. 23. 31, 07, 72,
106, 153, 157.
Jalalabad, 25;,, 255.
Janaka, 35, 69, 132, ijj. 134. 1.55*
130, 138.
Janakapura, 134, 138.
Janamcjaya, 219.
Jayadeva. I, 25.
Jayadratha, 244.
Jayasena, 165.
Jaratkarava Artabhaga. 130
Jenta, 80, 170.
Jenti, 80, 170.
Jetuttara, 274.
Jhalla, 21.
Jhelum, 220.
Tlvaka Koinarabhaeca, 44.
Jnatrikas, 121, 122.
Jiiatriksatriya, 120.
Tuatiiputra, 31.
Jolly- 5-
Ju-lai, 47.
Jumna, 232.
Kaccana, i(>0.
Kadali, 234.
Kadaphes, 275.
Kad))hiscs. \ r iiiia, 275.
Kahola Kausitakeya, 130.
Kaliii^iis, 147.
Kamauli grant, 5.
Kambojas, 214, 230 foil.
Kandanunasuka, 70.
Kanishka, 275, 277, 278, 279.
Kapila, 103. 171, 172, 175.
Kapilahvayapura, 175.
Kapilavastu, 9, 44, 163, 1^)4, 172,
173, 175, 176, 177, 190, 192.
Kapilavatthu, 164, 165, 181.
Kapisa, 284
Karma-sataka, 15.
Kama, 242.
Kashmir, 229.
Kauravas, 238.
Kau6ikl, 137-
Kautilya, 3, 10, 71, ^i. 9 2 I0 5. i l6 '
150, 222, 238.
Kalabagh, 253, 255.
2Q2
INDEX
Kalaka-Sarai, 266.
Kalamas, 200, 203.
Kalidasa, 240.
Kalikeya, 261.
Kaiiyakubja, 220.
Kasl, ii, 14, 239.
Kasia, 149.
Kasi-Kosala, 171.
Katyayana, 234.
Kern, 6g.
Kesaputta, 200, 203, 204.
Kesins, 204.
Kliandasuinana, 155.
Khasa, 21.
Khoaspes, 253, 254.
Kiaii-to-lo, 253.
Kidara-Kusana, 284.
Kiinnsira, 168.
Kiratns, 203
Koch, 251.
Kolanagara. 205.
Kola, Raja, 192.
Kola tree, 205.
Koli, 208.
Koliyas, 9, 184, 194, 195, 200, 201,
202, 204, 208, 2IO, 211.
Kosala, n, 14, 64, io(>, no. 127.
130, 151, 179, 180. 194, 195.
Kritanjaya, 168.
Krsna, 134, 238.
Ksemadhanva, 243.
Kukuras, 3, 91.
Kulluka, 4. 5, 6. 29.
Kumara devl, 25, 117, 119, 120.
Kuinaragupta, 7.
Kundadana, 190.
Kundagama, 39.
Kundagrama, 32, 121, 122.
Kundapura, 38, 124.
Kundara Gaudaridic, 253.
Kunti, 222.
Kuru, 3, 91, 130.
Kuruksetra war, 224, 225, 238, 241,
247.
Kuru- Pan calas, 21, 214.
Kusa, 220.
Kusavati, 165, 219.
Kusinara, 8, 14. 147. 148. 150, 151,
158, 160.
Kutagara Hall, 43, 185.
Kutagarasala, 33, 42, 44, 46, 47, 59,
7 0.
L,aksmana, 35, 133.
Ivamghan, 253, 255.
Ivecchai, 2, 3.
Leech aki, 3.
Lecchavi, 2, 3, 7.
Lhasa, 29.
Licchavayah, 118.
Licchavi, i, 2 foil.
Licchavi-dauhitra, 0, 25, 118,
Liechavigana, 63, 64.
Licchavikulaketu, 7.
Licchivi, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
Lichavi, 4.
INDEX
lyi-ch e-p'o, 7.
Una chavi, 17.
I/itschtschhavi, 8.
Inornate, 255.
Ludwig, 231.
Jjuuihmi garden, 176.
Madda. io(>.
Madhyadesa. 22, 126, 232.
Mailragara Saungayaui, 214, 230.
Madras, 21, 91, 214 foil.
Magadha, 9, 10, 29, 33, 67. 7,5. 106.
108. 109, 112, 116, 212.
Mahali, 9, 60, 83, 84, 151, 160.
Mahamatra, 67, 77.
Mahaniaya, 15, 177.
Mahamucala, 135.
Mahanama, 57. 58, 109, 180, 195.
Mahapajapati the (iotami, 185.
Mahapatapa, 135.
Maharakkhita thera, 249.
Mahasammata, 135, 164, 165.
Mahavana, 33, 42, 43, 55* 61, 76, 77,
82, 83, 149, 154.
Maliavastu, 2, 12, 15, 39, 55, 75'9 J '
169, 173, 195.
Mahavira, 3, n, 12, 20, 23, 31, 32,
39> 57 72 73. 74. 75. 106, no,
121, 123, 124, 125, 153-
Mahendra, 220.
Mabipala, i, 251.
Mahirakula, 228, 229.
Majjhantika, 273.
Makaravyuha. 243.
Makhadeva, 135, 137, 139, 143, 144.
Makuta Bandhaua, 153, 150.
Mallas, 8, o, 14, 16, 21, 91, 104, no.
147 foil.
Mallika. 160, 196.
ManJhJitar, 165.
Maniratana, 78.
Manu. 5, 21, 22, 24.
Mamisamhita, 237.
Manu-smrti, 24.
Manvyartha\^yakhyana, 6.
Marudeva, 168.
Maudgalyayaua, 12
Mauryas, i, 26.
Maurya Empire, 2.
Maya, 15, 166.
Madravati, 219.
Madri, 223, 225.
Managrha, 120.
Manava, 13.
Manava Dharmasastra, ^.
Mandhata, 168.
Matali, 144, 145-
Mathava, 127, 128.
Mech, 251.
Medhatithi, 4, 5-
Menander, 226, 27(1.
Metteya, 155.
Mihirakula, 226.
Mithi, 135-
Mithila, 35, 80, i?.;, I34 i.i (j - X 37
138, 141, 145- if*. l6 5-
2Q4
INDEX
Moggaliana, 85, 193.
Moriyanagara, 199.
Moriyas, 9, 200, 201. 211.
Mote Hall, 73, 101, 150, 151, 158,
159, 102, 193, 207.
Mucala, 135, 165.
Mucalinda. 165.
Mii jav ants, 255, 256.
Muzafferpur, 49.
Xaggati, 280, 281.
Xaguajit, 279, 280, 281.
Nanda, 49, 176.
Nandaka, 77.
Nandanacarya, f).
N and as, 90.
Nandini, 6.
Nandupananda, IQO.
Nata, 21.
Natti, 96.
Nayapala, 5.
Nagamun^a, 182.
Nalanda, 274.
Natha clan, 121.
Nathaputta, 84.
Naya clan, 115, 121, 122.
Nayakula, 38.
Nayaka, 99.
Nepal, 26.
Neru, 135.
Nicchavi, 17, 20.
Nicchivi, 6, 29.
Nigantha Nathaputta, 73, 74, 153-
Nimi, 132, 133, 135, 141.
Nineveh, 266.
Nipura, 173.
Nirgrantha, 75.
Nirukta, 231.
Nirvana, 81.
Nisibis, 6, 29.
Okkaka, lOjj, 164, 167, 204, 2K).
Oligarchy, qo.
Oxus, 241.
Pabhavati, 21 q.
Pahlavas, 237, 248.
Pajapati, 166.
Pakhtu, 2f).
Palia, 251.
Pamita, 166.
Pancala, 3, 91, 105. 120, 204, 229.
Pancanada, 259.
Panca&kha, 134.
Panditakumara, 84.
Parasara, 216.
Pariksit, 219.
Pasenadi, 64, 151, 179, 180, 194,
195-
Patancala Kapya, 214, 215.
Patapa, 135.
Paururavasa, 13.
Pavenipotthaka, 103.
Pancju, 219, 223.
Panini, 236.
Paradas, 237.
INDEX
295
Parasika, 215.
Parsva, 124.
Parsvanatha, 72, 123, 124.
Pataligama, 112.
Pataliputra, 3, iiq.
Pava 9, 15, 147, 148, 150, 154, 158.
Tfto.
Pawapurl, 149.
Persia, 6. 29.
Peshawar, 253, 277, 270.
Peukelos, 265.
Pharaohs, 164.
Pingiyani, 79.
Pipphalivana, 9, 200, 201. 212. 213.
Pipprawa, 176.
Pliny. 267.
Poshadha. u.
Prabodha, (Rab-sad), T>
Praceta, 262, 263.
Prahlada, 281.
Prasenajit. no.
Prativyoma, 168.
Pritha, 245.
Priyakarmi, 13.
Prthu, 105, 245.
Ptolemy, 253.
Pujavaliya. iq.
Pukkusa, 204.
Pu-meu-to-lo-iii, 47.
Puranakassapa, 83. 84.
Purisas, 151.
Purus, 226.
PushkalavatI, 265.
Puskara, 265.
Puskariivoti, 205.
Pusyamitra Sunga. 117.
Ouonim, 98.
Ragliu, 240, 241.
Raghunandaiia, 230.
Rananjaya, lOS.
Rawalpindi, 253,
Rajagaha, 108, 109, 148, 165.
Rajagriha. 40, 43, 107, 108, 134,
149.
Raj asuy a Sacrifice, 104.
Rahu, 142, 143.
Ralmla, 166.
Rama, 35.
Ramacandra, 133, 130.
Ramagama, 9, 200, 201, 211.
Ramapala, 5.
Rapti, I2().
Ratula, i6S.
Ravi, 215, 2ih.
Republic, 90.
Revata, 89.
Rhys Davids, 50.
Rohini, 174, 208.
Roja, 156, 165.
Ruci, 135.
Rummindei Pillar, 176.
SabbakamI, 89.
Sabbaratticaro, 65.
296
INDEX
Sabbarattivaro, 65.
Saccaka, 75, 82, 83.
Sacrifice Asvamedha, 104, 130, 134.
Rajasuya, 104, 233.
Vahudaksina, 132.
Sadanira, 127, 128.
Sahadeva, 223.
Sakas, 236, 248.
Sakotavana, 171, 172.
Sakuni, 241.
Salaka-gahapaka, 98.
Salya, 224, 243.
Sambo jjhangas, 80.
vSammata, 168.
Sammatiya School, 177.
Samudragupta, 6, 7, 25, 117, 118.
119.
Sanang Setseo, 15.
Sanghabhadra, 273.
Sangla-wala-Tiba, 216.
Santhagara, 73, 94, 150, 158.
Saraikala, 253.
Saraswatl, 127.
Satadhanu, 135.
Satapatha Brahman a, 214.
Satyavan, 225.
Savaraswami, 92.
Sauviras. 203.
vSadhina, 135, 144, 145.
Sagala, 217.
Sagara, 165.
Sagaradeva, 135, 165.
Sakala, 215, 217, 225.
vSaketa, 79.
Sakyamuui, 2, 176.
Sakyaparisa, 193.
Sakyas, 9, 15, 16, i(>2 foil.
Salha, 76.
vSamagama, 178.
Samandaka, 85.
vSamaveda, 232.
Samba. 232
Saran. 50.
Sariputto, 05, 85, 211.
SatyakI, 247.
Savatthi. 64, 138, 139, 148.
Savitrl, 225.
vSavitri (initiation) 21, 22.
Schiefner, 8.
Senapati, g2. gg.
Shah Deri. 266.
Shan-hsien-lu, 20.
Shrine, Bahuputta, 70.
,, Capala, 70.
Gotamaka, 70.
., Sarandada, 70.
,, Sattaniba, 70.
,, Udena, 70.
Sialkot, 215,
Siddhartha, 13, 123, 124, 17^, 189.
STha, 23, 73, 74 75* 157-
Siha, 80.
Slhahanu, 166.
Slhapura, 222.
Slhassara, 165.
Sihavahana, 165.
INDEX
-297
Sihavahu, 223.
Sindhus, 203.
Sinhahanu, 15, 173.
Si&unagas, 90.
Si&unakas, 26.
Sita, 136, 140.
Sivananda, 125.
Sivisaiijaya, 165.
Skandagupta, 7.
Solar race, 13, 14. 174.
Sravasti, 277.
Srutakarma, 243.
Sreyarhsa, 13.
Sribhadra, 106.
vStrabo, 253.
Sudaksina, 241, 243, 244, 246.
Sudarsana, 220.
vSudassana, 135.
Suddhodana, 15, 90, 166, 174, 189,
194.
Sugrlva, 215.
Sujata, 170.
Suklodana, 173.
Sumati, 36.
Sumedha, 145, 146.
Sumitra, 141.
Sumsumara Hill, 200, 203.
Sundarl Nanda, 191.
Sunldha, 112.
Suppabuddha, 166.
Suppavasa, 211.
Supratika, 168.
Surasena, 220.
Suruci, 135, 145.
Suryavarhsa, 13.
Sutrakrtanga, 3.
Svastyayana-gatha, 41.
Svayambara, 222.
Svetarhbaras. 124. 134.
vSwat. 253. 255.
Takshasila. 253.
Tapussa, 149.
Taxila, (>o, 141, 151, ^77.
Tavattmsa gods, 54.
Thakuri fiunily, 119.
Tlrabhukti, 51.
Tirhut, ^9, 51, 135, 1 37-
Tissa, 190.
Tomara, 91.
Tray astrirn cat devas, 41.
Trigarta, 243.
Trisala, 12, 13, 32, io<>. 123, 124.
Trnavindu, 14, 35.
Tusita gods, 45, 58.
Ubbhataka, 150, 158.
Udayaua, 136.
Uddalaka Arum, 130, 214.
Udena, 203.
Ugra race, 12.
tlkkacela, 85.
Upacara, 165.
Upali, 176, 190.
Upanisad Brhadaianyaka, 120, 1
214.
2()8
INDEX
Uparaja, 99, TOO.
Upavasavi, 107.
Urn, 202.
Uruvelakappa. 149, 152.
Uttara-kuru. 215.
T t ttara-Madra. 215.
Vaddha, 44, 59, 155.
Yaidehi, 106, 107, 108. 137,.
Vaidehlputra. 136.
Yaijayanti, 24, 145.
Yateali, 8, n, 12, 13, 14. 23. 26, 27,
28, 29, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36. 37, 39,
40. 43, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51. 52, 54,
59, 60, 61. 64, 65, 70, 72, 73, 75,
76, 78. 79, 80, 81, 87, 88, 8q, 102,
IO6, 107, III. I2T.
Yafeya, 22.
Vajjiputta, 79.
Vajjiputtaka, 82.
Vajji, 18, 33, 53, 67.
Vajora country, 49.
Valhika dynasty. 223.
Vam&a Brahmana, 214.
Vaxhsavali, 13, 14, IIQ.
Vang as, 147.
Vaniya, 121.
Varahamihira. 216.
Vararoja. 165.
Yarddhamana, 124.
Varsika, 196.
Vais$ha, 12. 22, 133, 135. 248.
Vftssakara, 60, 67, QS. jj2. 114. 115.
Vasubandhu, 273.
Vasudeva, 245.
Vatsa, 168.
Vatsavyuha, 168.
Valmiki, 35.
Vaniyagama. 38, 121.
Vartaastropaiivin, 238.
Vasabha khattiya, 182,. 197. 199.
Vasava, 107.
Vasetthas, 150.
Vasitthi, 80.
Vedehiputto, 25, 56, 106
Vesall, 8, 19, 34.
Vessantara, 274.
Vibhajjavadin, 69.
Vidagdha Sakalya, 131.
Videgha Mathava, 126, 127.
Videha, 69, 104, 107, 126 foil.
Videhadatta, 13, 32.
Vidudabha, 177, 197, 198. 199.
Vidura, 258.
Vijayasena, 5.
Vimala Kondanna, no.
Visakha, 181.
Visakhadatta, 213.
Visnupurana, 168, 215
Visnuvardhana, 239.
Vi^wakarma, 280.
Viiwamitra, 35, 133
Vivien de St. Martin. 50, 138.
Voharika, 102.
Vratya, 21, 22, 23, 24.
Vrjis, 15, 91.
INDEX 299
Vrjika. V Yami ' I6 -
Yyavaharika, 102. Yasodhara, 1(15. i(>6, 180.
Yajnavalkya, 69, 120, 131, 141, 214.
\Vatters. 58. Yaska, 231, 232.
\\"hitiiey, 28 Yogacara, 273.
Vogasastra, 27 5.
Vn r aii ' 25<) ' Vonakn, 217.
N :i J da - 15 - v Yuan Chwan-, .^d, 37- 47. 4- l8 4-
Yajurvetla, 69, 120. Yudhisthira, 134. 22;,. 225. 233.
^ akkha cctiyam, 7'- Yue-clii, ^o, 279.
Vakkha Kuvcra, 278.
Yakkha Saranclada, 71. Zimmer, 28, 231.
Yania. 164.
"SOME KSATRIYA TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA"
OPINIONS
DK. STJSN KONOW of Norway: It is a very useful work you
have undertaken to put together all the references available from
literature about the Ksatriya clans. I wish that we had more
books of the same kind, not only about tribes and clans but also
about geographical designations. The great merit of such books
is that they allow you to judge for yourself without simply
accepting the opinion of the author. I am very thankful to you
for your careful piecing together of such evidence as is available
and I look forward to further important contributions from you
in elucidation of ancient Indian history.
MRS. C. A. 1*. RHYS DAVIDS of England : Thank you much
lor the nift of your very readable and clear-written work. You
give us many aper^us of what seems to have been a simple folk
of a crude stage of civilisation, when we get light upon them.
Your book is a more ample and detailed monograph than what I
had expected.
DK. A. BERRIEDAUS KEITH of Scotland, writes in his foreword to
the above book: The most pressing need at the present day
is a detailed investigation of carefully chosen aspects of Indian
history, and it was a happy thought of Dr. Bimala Charan
Law to select for investigation the history of certain Ksatriya
clans of ancient India. Careful collections of facts such as are
contained in this work form the only sound basis of further
research and the future historian of India will find his task
substantially furthered both by the wide knowledge and by the
sound judgment of the author. Many things are obscure in the
history' of these clans and it is oi special value to have the
whole of the facts regarding them set out without parti pris in a
spirit of scientific research.
DR, F. O. SCHRADER of Germany : There is so much interesting
material in it and your way of dealing with it is attractive
throughout.
302 OPINIONS
DR. E. W. HOPKINS of America:! was much pleased with
your volume on Ksatriya Tribes of Ancient India, which I have
read with much historical profit. Please accept my thanks for
the very useful work.
DR. JARL CHARPENTIER of Upsala : Your valuable buok on
" Ksatriya Tribes in Ancient India." I have found it a very
valuable contribution to the history of ancient India. The subject
has not, to my knowledge, been dealt with properly in any previous
work, and I am astonished at the vast and, as far as I can judgo,
exhaustive collections of materials that you have succeeded in
bringing together. I shall certainly recommend the book to tlms.*
of my students who arc concerned with similar topics.
DR. W. GEIGER of Germany : Valuable present. ... It was a
happy idea, I think, to collect all the notices to be found in
Indian sources about the Ksatriya clans in India in the Buddhist
period. For this is of special importance for our knowledge of
Indian life during those centuries. You have splendidly enlarged
and supplied the materials shortly dealt with by Prof. Rhys Davids
in his well-known book on Buddhist India. I see with special
interest that you have even utilised for your work the- Mahavarhsn
Tika.
DR. I,. D. BARNKTT of England The additions that you have
made increase the usefulness of the. work.
SIR CHARLES ELIOT, British Ambassador, Japan : In looking
through the Ksatriya tribes, I found the chapters on the Licchavib
and Sakyas particularly interesting and 1 am confident that the
book will prove of real value to students.
DR. IvOUis DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN of Belgium: .. .Unfortunately
your book on Ksatriyas comes when I am dispatching the last
proofs of a Histoire de V Indc, and I can only add in a footnote
that I have not been able to draw from it a number of details
and observations worthy of notice. But when I shall come to the
Guptas, your remarks on the L,icchavis will be discussed.
The Times LITERARY SUPPLEMENT- In his search for material
for the history of Ksatriya clans in early India Mr. L,aw has, one would
think, very nearly exhausted all the available records. He claims to
have studied not only the European and Indian scholars who have
OPINIONS 303
made researches, but also to have ransacked an immense quantity ui
Hindu and Buddhist literature To collect every possible reference
to a particular tribe or to any individual of eminence belonging to
that tribe is undoubtedly useful Mr. Law has, liowevci,
succeeded in showing that many of these ancient clans were exceedingly
prosperous, and that they were for the most part a cultivated and a
manly race. The section on the Licchavis, which occupies more than .1
third of the book, is very well 'lone, and Mr Law claims, no doubt
rijjhtly, that he has added much to the information already available*,
^specially as regards matrimonial practices and the condition of Yai&ali,
the capital city. The description, too of Gandhara is particularly
interesting to European scholars because of its connexion with Alexander
and because archaeological research has enabled us to supplement
literary remains.
Miwon Press. Calcutta