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14 3?.fS

Hatbatli M^initjf i^tfyool

ANDOVER-HARVARD THEOLOGICAL

LIBRARY

MDCCCCX

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

GIFT FROM
WIDENER LIBRARY

—r
«. - »

SOME THOUGHTS

CONCERNING

DOMESTIC SLAVERY,

IN A LETTER

To 9 Esq,, of Baltimore.

BALTIMORE:

JOSEPH N. LEWIS^ 258 MARKET ST.

1838.

ANDOVtR HARVARD
THEOLOGICAL UBR^Y

CAMBRIDGE. MASS.

,OHN D. TOT. MINTEB.

SOME THOUGHTS

COMCBBNINO

DOMESTIC SLAVERY,

IN A LETTER
To , Esq. of BdUmore,

My Bear Sir:

Concerning the subject of domestic
slavery^ which has often formed matter of con-
versation between us^ I have determined to write
you my thoughts somewhat at length. For I have
meditated much upon it since I saw you last ; and
now that we can no longer meet at pleasure^ as we
were wont^ to interchange discourse^ my reflections
have accumulated upon me to such a degree that
no means of setting them forth would perhaps be
so suitable as this : to say nothing of my own dis-
position^ which inclines me rather to writing than
to talking.
I have read Dr. Channing's book« which you

were so kind as to send me. Shall I preface the
2

expressions of my disappointment by empty com-
pliments to a skilful writer^s abilities? Alas!
there is little to commend in the greatest abilities
if they appear to be employed in giving^ attractive
forms to error. There are many noble maxims
and well-expressed sentiments scattered through-
out the book; if these were collected together and
printed in the form of apothegms they would
appear to good advantage ; but now they seem
like jewels adorning a dead man^s head, giving
decoration to that, which, seen in its nakedness,
would be revolting to the sight.

This author, it appears to me, has fallen into
the common error of those who give themselves
up to the contemplation of abstract maxims, and
t^ke not into view the blended nature of our
humanity, which being made of spirit and body
\fi enabled to receive truths only in a correspond-
ing manner ; that is to say, not nakedly spiritual,
such as abstract truths are, but truths embodied in
the elements of things, circumstances, conditions.
Concerning Rights, in particular, I have something
to say ; for upon this subject Dr. Channing has
thrown together an unusual quantity of general
principles, after the usual manner of those who
delight in speculation. We talk of the rights of
man, of natural rights, of inalienable rights. What
do we mean ? If an attempt is made to come down
tp particulars, and to specify what are these natu-

ral and inalienable rights, each in its turn eludes
(he grasp; some other general phrase is made
in a loose way to sum up the gross. Or a more
common method is to take a civilized man, and
after considering the various rights which are
indisputably his, other persons are then contrasted
with him 3 and all are supposed Co be suffering
wrong who are deprived of any rights which he
is acknowledged to possess. In this way it may
happen that one^s well-intended indignation against
oppression, or what he deems such, shall be in
proportion to his own elevation above others of
his less fortunate fellows. In this view we need
not wonder that Dr. Channing feels^ as he writes,
with much earnestness ; for who doubts his great
abilities ?

But with legard to natural rights it appears to
me that man is more poorly provided than the
brutes. For the inferior animals have a natural
right to food and drink, which are supplied ready
at their need : whereas man, «specially, in this
climate, has a right to sustenance only on con-
dition 4a£ labouring for it. The right to the com-
mon air is the only right, that I know of, which
man possesses by nature ; and this is his on such
tenure, not only because respiration is so conjoined
with animal life that the latter cannot exist with-
out it, «vcn for a few moments, but mainly
because air for breathing is not the product of

haman labour; it is not subject to degrees of
abundance and of scarcity ; it cannot be laid up
for future use ; it is not subject to our control in
the way of exercising industry, perseverance or
foresight. Yet even this right, which is essential
to the physical organization, is not I presume
inalienable, for it may be forfeited along with
life itself J as we see does happen continually in
states where criminals are put to death by the laws
of the land, which were wilfully violated in full
view of the penalty thereof.

Yet is not man herein the less favoured. If
Tights are not granted to him unconditionally as
inherent and absolute, it is that he has the nobler
prerogative of acquiring them for himself. If thef
are made to depend upon the proper exercise of
his own powers it is because in such exercise con-
sists his real glory : because thereby he attains to
the excellence of his nature, to usefulness and
true happiness.

The phrases, rights of man, natural rights, and
the like, are therefore very ambiguous terms,
which it is unsafe to bottom general reasonings
on. For as rights are conditional, the proper
measure of them is to be found in the character of
the man. To the -possession of every right is
annexed the performance of a corresponding duty,
as the tenure by which it is held. This perfor-
mance ceasing, the right fails. It is not that cer-

tain rights are attached to certain duties by way
of recompense^ for the sake of which a man is
called upon to perform the duties, but in the
nature of things this connection exists. To per-
form duties is to do good, which implies moral
power ; moral power then if you prefer it, may lie
called the parent of rights. I do not use thi« term
in the general sense in which it is sometimes taken
to denote mere mental superiority in distinction
from physical force ; for it often happens that this
kind of power is coupled with selfish purposes,
and the respect which it exacts is tinctured with
servility. Bat the true idea of moral power is
made up of intellectual ability blended with real
goodness, which inspires confidence and loye.

The human mind can be developed, not in its
naked spirituality, but by being conjoined with cer-
tain elements of the natural and moral world in
which we live. These afford substantial materials
whereby its operations find subsistence and per-
manence. By its union with natural elements,
gaining mastery over the same according to the
established laws of nature, are produced the arts ;
whether of ingenuity, of skill or of taste. By
means of facts drawn from experience, by obser-
vation upon human life, by knowledge of men
in their various modes of action, maxims of moral
government are derived which take the form of
laws or of philosophical truths. Whatever the
2*

active spirit of man *thu8 combines with itself
becomes in some measure, a part of him^ and he
has right over it. But all such exercises of the
human faculties (the same being developments of
moral power as I have defined it) are made for
purposes of good or usefulness, either general or
individual, or more properly both. For both blend
together in the harmony of good deeds. Such
exercises are therefore called duties — ^hence the
connection between duties and rights. There is
nothing of exaction or of oppression in one man^s
' possessing rights more extensive than those of
-another^ for they are awarded to him almost in-
stinctively. The principle upon which a person
refrains from violating the estate of his neighbour
is of a kindred nature with that which prompts one
to pay respect to a good and great man, venerable
by age and still more august by reason of a Hfe of
honourable services. •

There is no prescribing limits to human rights.
For they enlarge in proportion as new relations
arise ; and new relations arise in proportion to the
development and exercise of moral power. How
plainly may this be seen in the simple illustration
which the lowest kind of labour affords ! A man
acquires a right to land, supposing the same to
have been before common, by improving it; or
rather by imparting to it all of value that it may
•possess, which being derived from himself, re-

mains still his own peeulivm. He whose industry
and skill have thus appropriated a hundred acres,
possesses rights a hundred fold greater thaa are
his whose indolence reposes lazily upon one.
Throughout the whole range of man^s relations,
individual, social or civil, whe/'e knowledge is
employed for purposes of good, rights of conse-
quence arise which are universally reverenced hy
the spontaneous acknowledgment of all hearts
that are human. Let it he rememhered that the
existence of rights does not depend upon the exis-
tence of a tribunal to pronounce them such ; nor
upon the possession of force which is sometime^
necessary to make them respected. For tribunals
themselves, and the force which executes their
decrees derive all their legitimate authority from
rights that existed before. They are the conse-
quences not the causes of rights, and are rendered
necessary in the world by reason of the evil that
yet abounds among men, which if left to work its
purposes would swallow up all rights.

A man of enlightened mind who has acquired
self-control by means of knowledge and virtue ;
who has come to know the laws of nature and the
principles of the moral world 3 who has received
sublime truths in his understanding which his life
has embodied in noble actions for the good of the
human race ; a man of this character, bearing the
image of Grod in the aspect of ennobled humanity;

let him be placed side by side with a savage New
Zealander newly gorged with a meal of human
flesh, which with bloody fingers he has devoured
half raw, while the impress of the brute blends
with the image of the fiend in every lineament of
his face — tell me, my dear sir, is it possible that
those two men can occupy equal spaces and pos-
sess equal rights (for occupancy is here the mea-
sure of rights) in the world of human action and
responsibility ?

A man^s claim to rights is just and proper ac-
cording as he holds and exercises the power of per-
forming the correspondent duties. Rights then are
various. To talk of equality of rights is absurd ;
to talk of inalienable rights seems not much bet-
ter. For if rights are not inherent and absolute,
they are not inalienable ; if they may be acquired,
80 also may they be lost. Does not the constant
practice of men show this, when they put culprits
in prison, condemn them to labour or stripes, and
even hang them by the neck ?

It may be asserted as a general truth, that all
men have a right to political freedom. • But may
we not suppose a people, and that too, without
going beyond the record of facts, or travelling far
back into time, who by their ignorance and vices
have shown themselves unfit for the possession of
this right. Unfit, because they knew not the
duties which such right of necessity imposes ; or
if they knew« were incapable of performing them.

Bach people have found in the goyernment of a
monarch that peace and secarity which they were
unahle to procure for themselves. Nor should
we be disposed^ I apprehend^ to laud that spirit of
mis-named philanthropy^ which would busy itself
in exciting a nation of this kind to revolt^ under
the plea, that the people possessed a natural right
to a free constitution. For there is abundant evi-
dence to show that the consequences of revolu-
tion would 1)6, to plunge them into scenes of con-
tinual vidence and bloodshed, insomuch, that the
arms of the sternest despotism would be to them
a desirable refuge. Such people are not made
slaves by the usurpation of a king; they had made
themselves ^aves before ; and happy will they be,
if now they may exchange the capricious domina-
tion of their own passions for the steady rule of
another's well ordered mind. Tyranny is the
abuse of this power of rule.

Let us now consider the doctrine of rights in
relation to slavery. Personal freedom is doubt-
less a right which every man ought to possess;
because no ifaan ought to render himself incapable
of using it properiy. I would not reason with a
man who should insist that slavery was not an
evil as a permanent part of social and political
institutions ; nor with any one, who would main-
tain that it was not a wrong, in the general view
of man's capacities^ and of the excellence which

he is called to attain. One who has known what
it is to be free, need go no farther than his own
instinctive feelings to be assured that slavery is a
wrong — a wrong in the general view mentioned
above, and still more a wrong in proportion to the
capacity which the enslaved possess of under-
standing and of appreciating freedom. Those
who are acquainted with no other condition than
that of servitude, having been born to it ; who are
satisfied with their situation and desire no other,
being fit for no other ; such persons are not con-
scious of injury, and indeed sufier none, that I
can see, except in so far as the power of the mas-
ter is used in im arbitrary and tyrannical manner,
for purposes of cruelty or of mere gain, and with
no view of elevating the nature of the slave, in
order that he may, after a time, emerge with
safety into a condition more befitting a rational
creature.

If political slavery be the only suitable condi-
tion for some people, it appears to be but follow-
ing out the analogy, to suppose that personal ser-
vitude is the most proper condition for others, who
are still farther sunk in imbecility. It is indeed,
in many countries the natural consequence of
political slavery, when the rule of the monarch
becomes tyrannical. 'In Achim,' says Montes-
quieu, 'every one is for selling himself. Some of
the chief lords have not less than a thousand

slareSy all principal merchants^ who have a great
number of slaves themselves, and these also^ are
not without their slaves. Their masters are their
heirs and put them into trade. In those states^'
continues this author^ 'the freemen being over-
powered by the government, have no better re-
source, than making themselves slaves to the
tyrants in office.' 'According to Mr. Perry,' says
this same writer, 'the Muscovites sell themselves
very readily. The reason for it is evident; their
liberty is not worth keeping.'*

A man must obey some master. If that master
be within him, ruling by a sense of duty and the
law of reason, obedience will conduct him to the
highest state of human excellence and felicity.
But if he have not this guide within himself, he
will still serve ; but he will serve capricious
tyrants. For he will be enslaved by his own sen-
sual and selfish passions, than which no tyranny
is more intolerable. It is a good maxim which
was uttered by Mr. Coleridge, that external con-
trol should be in an inverse ratio to the power of
inward control. It may be the means of saving a
people from self-destruction, to put them under
service to some more steady will than their own.
Do you ask is slavery then right? How vague
the question ! In view of what man ought to be
who shall pretend to say that it is right? Nay,

* Spirit of Laws^ book iv. ch. 6.

who does not see that it is utteriy inconsistent^ if
continued permanently^ with the full develop-
ment of the nobler feelings and faculties? Or in
view of the uses to which the enslaved are often
put; such as of traffic^ making merchandise of
them; or of cruel labour^ making mere machines
of them to minister to cupidity — who can under-
take to justify these things? But the question: of
right must be applied in reference to the state of
those who are captives^ and also to the character
of those who are masters. It is only by reason of
the conditions of the case that the relation becomea
proper. Who finds fault with a child because it
is not a man ? Or who expects from a child the
self-government of a man? How tyrannical
would be the restraints which are imposed upon
minors, if they were put upon grown men I Yet
who complains of them when applied to children ?
Nay 9 children themselves seek for them in will-
ingly placing themselves under the control of
those whose superior wisdom they venerate. Ac-
knowledging the control of parents over their
children to be right, no one will yet undertake to
justify all abuses of such rule. Parental cruelty
can find no excuse therein.

In all communities of men the principle of
subordination prevails. Ignorance does homage
to wisdom; moral weakness seeks to put itself
under the guidance of some power which it finds

not whjiin. Abuses of this principle also prevail ;
Buch as when prescriptive dogmas take the place
of wisdom^ and extort submission with bigoted
intolerance ; and also when force, whether deriv-
ed from riches, from office^ or from any other
source apart from real worthy strives to compel
others into its train. But these abuses^ so far
from disproving the principle, are indeed, evi-
dences of its existence; and draw their power
from the principle which they pervert. The same
rule of subordination, when it acts in reference to
two classes^ wherein civilization and barbarism
are at the extremes, takes the relation of personal
servitude on the one hand, and of personal control
on the other. For the reverence which the inferior
naturally pays to those above him, here becomes
servility; having little of self-respect to ennoble it.
There are then several considerations to be taken
into the account, when we would pronounce con-
cerning slavery in a particular instance. For
example, with regard to the enslaved — were they
free and civilized before ? Were they capable of
self-government? Then they suffer great injury.
Again, of the masters — have they used violence
in subjecting their fellow-men to bondage, for
purposes of gain or of pleasure? Do they use
their power with cruelty? Then they do great
wrong. But in this as in all other matters of
opinion, we shall run into great absurdities, if we
3

contemplate a mere abstract question^ without re-
gard to conditions and particulars. For although
slavery from its great liability to abuse^ may be
the source of the greatest evils that can befall man-
kind^ yet it is very certain^ that in itself it may be
a perfectly natural and voluntary relation^ which
shall subsist to the mutual advantage of both par-
ties. I can very well imagine how Providence
may design a blessing to a degraded people by
placing them in bondage among a civilized com-
munity; not indeed with a view to perpetuity;
but a's a means of receiving the elements of useful
knowledge and of morals. For they could not
well receive such elements in any other way. Is
the course of discipline a severe one? How shall
a nation or an individual attain to wisdom and
virtue without severe schooling? And let it be
remembered, that the rigour of the process and the
duration of it^ are in proportion to the degree of
abjectness from which the resurgation begins.

So far from slavery being in itself^ alwftys, the
violation of all rights and the consummation of all
wrongs^ I cannot conceive how a savage people
could dwell in a civilized community, (if by any
means they are brought thither,) in any other
relation. And knowing that they could maintain
no other, they would not desire any other, if good
will and kindness prevailed among the civilized
race in proportion to their superior knowledge.

In such case the power of the master would not
be exercised with cruelty; nor would the servi-
tude be continued longer than the condition of the
subject required it; provided the relation could be
changed without danger to either party. What
more natural? -An ignorant barbarian, thrown by
any means into the society of a civilized man,
would instantaneously regard him as a superior ;
he would reverence him^ he would obey him, he
would delight to serve him. For he would per-
ceive how far his enlightened companion surpass-
ed him in the knowledge of things^ in arts and
useful contrivances. His own consciousness of
ignorance^ while it brought humility, would be
accompanied also by a desire to learn. He would
be willing to give whatever he had in exchange
for the favour and the instruction of such a supe-
rior. And what would he have to give but
personal service? How could the other impart
knowledge or deal with him at all, except upon
condition of obedience ? It is useless to contro-
vert about names; but there is no denying that
the relation of master and slave would here subsist
as the most natural and proper that could be. De
Foe^ who is so noted for his fidelity to nature, has
represented the savage, Friday, prostrating himself
before the solitary monarch of the island, and by
putting the foot of his master upon his own neck,
indicating more strongly than words could have

done^ that he was his slave to obey him in all
things. It is to be understood in all cases of this
kind^ that the savage has not been for any long
time under the teaching of misguided philanthro-
pists ; otherwise his head being filled with abstract
doctrines of the rights of man and of the equality
of the species, he might be disposed to regard his
superior as a tyrant or a man-stealer, and therefore
become sullen, envious, and revengeful.

In this view of the subject there is no difficulty
in understanding the words of Paul, 'Servants, be
obedient to them that are your masters according
to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness
of your hearts, as unto Christ.' * And ye, masters,
do the same things unto them, forbearing threaten-
ing ; knowing that your Master also is in heaven ;
neither is there respect of persons with him.'
Ephes. vi. 5, 9.

The evils of slavery are to be found in the abuse
of the ruling power ; just as a monarchical govern-
ment by admitting a tyrannical prince, may become
the source of much misery. It affords occasion
for the exercise of injustice ; for the growth of
selfish passions, which may soon weaken the
hold of better feelings upon the heart, and may
tempt us to seek to make a state of things per-
petual, which ought to endure only for a time.
The situation of a master, so far from seeming a
thing to be coveted, does indeed bring with it

relations of fearful responsibility. For he ought
to look upon himself somewhat as a guardian to
those whom Providence has placed under his
charge. But when this responsibility comes in
the course of things^ as by inheritance in a com-
munity where slavery exists^ it is in my judg-
ment, no mark of magnanimity for a man to cast
off the connection that binds him to his slaves ;
and under pretence of giving them freedom, to
leave them without a guide or protector in the
midst of a society where they can possess no
rights^ where they have few inducements to good
conduct; where they are surrounded by a thou-
sand incentives to indolence and vice. The mat-
ter becomes very different, of course, when the
master may give them freedom, and at the same
time place them in such a situation as that their
freedom shall indeed be to them a blessing. Then
the act becomes noble.

Let us now come to the particular matter in
hand, concerning the African race who are held
in bondage among us. Were they a free civilized
people dwelling in harmony under the govern-
ment of wise laws, from which condition of inde-
pendence and happiness they have been torn by
violence, and condemned to unaccustomed toil
and degradation in a strange land ? It is proper
that we should know something of these particu-
lars. This much is certain, that the ancestors of
3*

these negroes were, as the natives of Western
Africa are now^ a barbarous^ savage people ; sunk
in superstition ; and given to all manner of rude^
cruel and low customs. I presume it would be
difficult to find upon the face of the earthy a race
of people more abjectly sunk in human imbecility.
Among the African tribes as among all savage
people, wars have been common; the natural
state of savages may almost be said to be a state
of war. In these wars the invariable custom has
been, and still is, to make slaves of those who are
taken captives. If however, a tribe has slaves
enough, and finds no means of disposing of a fresh
accession of prisoners, the custom is to put them
to death. I have it from a gentleman who was
for some time colonial agent in Liberia, that a
chief of a tribe in the interior to whom he had
sent commissioners for some purpose or other,
having taken a number of prisoners whom he had
no use for as slaves, stabbed them with his own
hand in presence of the commissioners. When a
chief or head man dies it is usual to kill many
slaves at his funeral, in order that he may not
want attendants in the other world. The num-
ber of victims is generally in proportion to the
dignity of the chief. When a market was opened
by slave-dealers, wherein these captives could be
disposed of at a profit, the custom of putting them
to death was no longer followed ; for by such act

the captors would be depriving themselves of
ready gain.

Slavery has existed in Africa^ as a part of their
social institutions, for so long a time that no one
can point out the period when it began. In 1796,
when Mungo Park visited the western coast, he
found in the Gambia country that the free class
of inhabitants composed only one-fourth of the
population: 'the other three -fourths,' says this
traveller, 'are in a state of hopeless and hereditary
slavery. Among some tribes, as the Mandingo,
there is some protection of law to the domestic
«lave; that is to say, the master cannot put him
to death or sell him to a stranger without calling
a palaver on his conduct.' How far this may
shield the slave from the cupidity or cruelty of the
master I know not. *But this degree of protec-
tion,' says the traveller, 'is extended only to the
native or domestic slave ; captives taken in war,
those unfortunate victims who are condemned to
slavery for crimes, or insolvency, and in short, all
those unhappy people who are brought down
from the interior countries for sale, have no secu-
rity whatever, but may be treated and disposed
of in all respects as the owner thinks proper.'*

It will thus be seen that the injury inflicted
upon the negroes by carrying them to a distant
country for purposes of labour was indeed no

•Park'i Travels, ch. ii.

injury at all. For they were thus deliyered from
a worse bondage at home; or from death itself.
I say from a worse bondage at home — for what
condition can be worse than a state of servitude
to a barbarous savage^ who possesses the power
of inflicting tortures and death in any moment of
caprice or passion ?

I have not set forth this view of the subject for
the purpose of justifying the traffic in slaves which
has so long been the disgrace of Christendom ; nor
in any manner to excuse slave-traders who are
certainly impelled by no humane motives in car-
rying on their business; but by motives entirely
selfish and abominable. It is proper however
that we should be acquainted with all the par-
ticulars which affect the general question ; other-
wise how shall we be able to form a rational
opinion ? In the consideration of this part of the
subject we may also find an antidote against that
hasty sort of philanthropy, which, viewing things
only according to outward appearance, is inflamed
into a zeal without knowledge ; which leads many
to deplore the condition of a people who are cer-
tainly the gainers by their captivity ; who enjoy
in their present state more comforts t^an their
ancestors ever conceived of; who are in a situa-
tion whereby they may gain a knowledge of many
useful arts, and receive in some degree, the ele-
ments of true religious faith. They have been

delivered from a state of life^ the lowest that
human nature has ever sunk into ; a condition of
society where cruelty, treachery, revenge, debas-
ing superstitions, and all manner of abominable
uncleanness composed the elements of education.
With all the evils that belong to their present mode
of living in this country, there is no question but
it is far superior to that of their countrymen in
Africa, who are the slaves either of one another ;
or what is equally bad, the slaves of their own
vices and superstitions.

It is natural for persons of quick sensibilities,
when their minds are awakened to a perception of
wrongs in which they have been concerned, whe-
ther innocently or not, it is natural I say for such to
feel a strong desire to make immediate compensa-
tion ; under the influence of which feeling, they are
often hurried into hasty and inconsiderate actions
which frequently bring great evils upon them-
selves, with but little good to the objects of their
solicitude. Such a feeling is akin to that which
prompted pious ascetics of old, to lacerate their
bodies, and to endure many distressing penances,
to atone for sins, which their imaginations, under
the excitement of sudden remorse, had conjured
into horrible forms. A state of mind like this is
certainly ill adapted for purposes of real and useful
benevolence ; yet such, I apprehend is the feeling

among many who are advocates of the immediate
abolition of slavery in this country.

What then? Because in the order of Provi-
dence a state of servitude may become the means
of ultimate good to the enslaved^ and in certain
contingencies such condition may be natural and
proper; because the negroes whom we hold ia
bondage have not suffered those injuries which
many at first view are apt to suppose^ but are in
reality the better for their captivity^ does it follow
from all this that we are to remain at ease and do
nothing for their deliverance? Nay^ rather on
the other hand we ought to see that the final issue
for good depends upon our action to this very end.
To keep them in servitude perpetually is to defeat
the real purpose for which such servitude may be
to them a blessing. If no injury has hitherto
been done them^ we begin a course of injury by
neglecting to seek some rational means of restor-
ing them to wholesome freedom in such manner^
as that the change may be effected gradually and
with safety to both master and slave. They may
not be conscious of having suffered wrong; they
may not now feel that any rights are withheld;
but does that remove from us the obligation to do
justice? If by accidental means I come into pos-
session of another^s property, which he does not
know to be his own, yet for the want of which he
may be suffering, can I lawfully retain possession

of it? Yet if this person be a minor^ to whom I
am guardian^ he being incapable of making a
proper use of his inheritance^ it is hardly my duty
in riew of clearing conscience^ to entrust him
with thaty which^ though lawfully his own when-
ever he shall be in a fit condition to use it, may
at present becomes the means of his ruin ; which
will cause him to be exposed to a thousand dan-
gers, not only from the dishonesty of knaves, but
also by reason of his own ignorance and want of
experience. In the proper blending of these two
duties, viz : that of restoring and that of withhold-
ing will be found occasion for ihe exercise of
genuine benevolence, tempered with discretion,
which is the wholesome condition of both; for
neither should act alone.

It may- be asked how shall it be known when
the state of servitude becomes no longer proper, if
there be conditions which make it so at all; as I
have supposed there are. To this the answer
seems to be ; when the evils of the relation become
apparent. It is in this way that we are taught to
change any course of conduct which we had been
in the habit of pursuing with seeming safety
before. The perception of these evils makes it
evident that something is wrong; it then becomes
the part of conscience, enlightened by reason, to
discover wherein is the error ; and to suggest and
to provide the^ means of its removal. But it

belongs to those only^ who are concerned — that is
to the community wherein slavery exists, to choose
the time of action as well as the mode. It is their
own business, in which no other has a right to
interfere. For as the responsibility rests upon
them; as the consequences of their doings must
be theirs, it would be impertinent and wicked to
intrude upon the limits of their moral freedom.
Whatever advices are offered from abroad^ should
seek admittance only through the medium of a
spirit of sympathy, made up of kindred feelings
and of sincere good-will; they should claim influ-
ence only, as they are received with willingness ;
and none are the legitimate judges of their appli-
cability, save those whose duty it is to act.

The substance of what I have been discoursing
about may be briefly set forth thus:

First concerning Rights: That they are not
inherent and absolute ; otherwise the rights of a
man and of a child would be the same ; but they
are relative and depend upon duties. In propor-
tion as a man improves his powers for purposes
of good in their legitimate order, in such propor-
tion do his rights increase. These rights follow
of necessity as natural consequences; although it
may often happen that the brutal part of human
nature, operating by force, may overpower the
inward voice of right. From this it follows that if
rights may be acquired by virtuous labour, so also

may they be lost by indolence and vice. When a
man becomes incapable of using a rights it is in
reality no longer his. A man of full growth and
sound constitution has a right to marry ; a child
has no such right; nor will the man continue to
possess it^ if he pursues evil courses to the ener-
vating of his body. An intelligent man of good
moral principles has a right to freedom of action ;
a madman has no such right ; nor the confirmed
desperado^ who has shown himself incapable of
respecting law. A nation of virtuous and enlight-
ened people have a right to a free constitution ;
an ignorant or a corrupt people have not. These
latter, unable to govern themselves^ require the
strong rule of a single man. Under a republican
form they would be employed in cutting each
other'*s throats.

The power of using a right worthily is blended
with an instinct that prompts to its exercise.

The consciousness of wanting the power of
using a right properly causes one to know that he
has no just claim to it. A servile people do not
desire freedom.

These two remarks however are to be taken
with limitations. The sense of inward power
pervading a vast multitude is often in its concep-
tion indistinct ; it excites enthusiasm which drives
to excess. Time and experience are required
before men can know themselves. Again, a cor-
4

rupt people often cleave to a republican form of
government and preserve the outward appearances
of being their own rulers ; but it is only until they
are fully convinced of their incapacity. Roman
self-government was no more^ after the domina-
tion of Sylla ; the form of the republic remained
for some time later ; nay the consular office was
continued^ and also the shadow of a senate fcH*
many years under the emperors.

Sexondly eoneeming slavery: Is political sla^
very right, such for example as that of the Turks 1
Who shall say that it is right, in view of the ca-
pacities and duties of man ? Is it wrong 1 Who
shall say that it is wrong, in view of the character
of the people who could perhaps live under no
other kind of government! If it is wished to
change outward relations^ you must first change
the inward disposition ; to improve a form of
government you must first improve the character
of the people.

Is personal slavery right ? What, as a part of
national institutions intended for permanence ?
Certainly not. Has one man a right of property
over another ? What, as an article of merchan-
dise, to be bought and sold merely ? By no means.

Slavery becomes proper only by reason of con-
ditions. A people ignorant and docile ; uncivi-
lized, yet accustomed to labour, dwelling in a
community of enlightened men, from whom they

are distinct in race, cannot well hold any other
relation than that of servitude. Shall the superior
class degrade themselves for the purpose of more
easy association ? This relation becomes still more
necessary, when the inferior race has been for
innumerable generations inured to slavery, inso-
much that a servile spirit is their chief characte-
ristic. But this relation being, under such condi-
tions, proper, there is no justification afforded
thereby to the imposition of unusual labour; to
cruelty^ or to capricious tyranny of any kind; nor
to the indulgence of selfish cupidity. For the laws
of reason and of right are ever binding \ nor is
there any condition of things which may release a
man from the christian obligation of doing as he
would be done unto.

CHAPTER II.

I PROCEED now to consider the modes which
have been recommended of delivering the country
from the evils of slavery. The first which I shall
allude to is that which is urged with much
warmth by many persons at the norths who are
known by the name of Molitioniats.

The chief purposes of the Abolition society are
stated in two propositions. I quote from Jay's
Inquiry, which is orthodox, I believe, with the
friends of this measure.

1. 'The immediate abolition of slavery through-
out the United States.'

2. 'The ultimate elevation of the black popu-
lation to an equality with the white in civil and
religious privileges.'*

I shall not now stop to consider by what means
the advocates of this scheme propose to accomplish
their purposes. Let us suppose them to be effect-

* Jay's Inquiry, p. 14L

ed ; and let us consider what might be expected
from such a consummation in some one of the
cotton-growing states of the south, where the
whites and blacks are nearly equal in numerical
proportion. Let it be remembered also that amal-
gamation by intermarriages is allowed on all sides
to be a thing wholly impracticable; for we have
the assurance of Mr. Jay that the abolitionists are
the advocates of no such odious measure. 'One
of the designs,' says this writer, 'falsely imputed
to them (the abolitionists) is that of bringing about
an amalgamation of colours by intermarriages.
In vain have they again and again denied any
such design; in vain have their writings been
searched for any recommendation of such amal-
gamation,^

Here then we have dwelling in the same com-
munity two distinct races of men, totally different,
the one from the other, in colour, in modes of life,
in modes of thinking and of feeling : and the one
far superior to the other in knowledge, in art, in
refinement, in property, in every thing that per-
tains to civilization. It is expected of these two
different sorts of people, that they will unite toge-
ther harmoniously in administering the public
affairs ; that they will compose parts of the same
body politic ; in a word that they will dwell toge-
ther as one people.

♦ Jay's Inquiry, p. 147.
4*

I leave all other parts of the subject^ my dear
sir, to come in as they may, with a view of setting
forth singly and with clearness, this proposition,
viz. That tioo distinct races of people, nearly
equal in numbers, and unlike in colour, manners,
habits, feelings and state of civilization, to such a
degree that amalgamation is impossible, cannot
dwell together in the satne commtmity, unless the
cne be in subjection to the other,

I care not to inquire by what process the friends
of immediate emancipation propose to have the
coloured population brought into a full possession
of civil privileges ; whether immediate or gradual.
The consummation in either case is the same.
The means by which they are attempting to gain
their end will also be passed by, for the present.
The impolicy and dangerous tendency of their
measures will be most clearly seen by considering
the issue to which they must come.

In every state which acknowledges one consti-
tution there must be a certain common interest
whereby it is bound together : from which will
follow a harmony of parts, and a cpmmon feeling
of sympathy. This is necessary to give unity to
a state, and to constitute it individuaL

From these considerations come two principles,
which are equally evident and necessary. First,
with regard to the sovereign will of the state which
expresses itself in the form of laws, it is plain that

this must be one. It may have for its agent an elec-
tive officer whose duties are defined^ and blended
with those of other agents^ or a king, or a senate,
or any other depository. It may itself be called
the soul of the state, whereof the body may have
one form or another. It is essential to this supreme
will or power, that it be one. If there be a rival
power in the nation which is not subordinate,
then there can be no harmony until the question
of supremacy is settled. Hence the early history
of England, not to mention other nations of
Europe, is filled with details of the many strifes
between the throne and the church. For it was
contended by the clergy that they were not ame-
nable to the civil laws of the nation ; they claimed
not only to be exclusively under ecclesiastical
jurisdiction themselves, but also maintained the
supremacy of the pope in all matters both secular
and spiritual. This contest was the fruitful source
of dissensions until the question was finally deter-
mined.

The governing power must not only be supreme,
every other power being subordinate, but there
can be no security unless it has also a sense of
permanence. Thus, when Ferdinand of Spain
subdued the Moors, yet was not the nation at
ease, until the whole body of the Moorish people
were exiled from the Spanish soil. For although
this race were in a state of temporary subjection.

yet remainiag distinct with all their national pecu-
liaritiesy which were in every respect foreign from
the genius of the Spanish people, there could exist
between them no confidence or sympathy. Per-
petual care and vigilance would be required to
watch them ; every disturbance in the state might
afford them an opportunity of rising in rebellion ;
and in a word, neither peace nor security could
be enjoyed so long as they remained in the king-
dom. Hence the necessity of a measure which
may at first sight appear cruel.

The same principle is manifested sometii^es in
the histories of separate states, as in the case of
Rome and Carthage. Both powerful, and' ani-
mated by feelings of mutual hostility, for being so
totally different in character and pursuits, there
could be little cordiality between them, the one
was continually in dread of the other, and feared
to undertake any great business which might
require all the energies of the state, lest the occa-
sion would be seized upon by their enemy for
commencing hostilities. In this view the saying
of Cato, Delenda est Carthago, may contain some
sound policy, as well as mMch of the barbarous
spirit of the age.

Secondly, — There must be in every well-consti-
tuted state a certain homogeneousness of parts.
Not only is it necessary that the governing power
be supreme^ and free from any dread of subver-

sion^ but the several members also of the body
politic must be in harmony, both among them-
selves and with the governing power likewise.
According as the constitution of a country is fixed,
the various subordinate departments of ail grades,
each after its kind, may be considered as the reci-
pients and dispensers of the supreme will, even as
the various limbs and organs of the body are reci-
pients and dispensers of the life of a man. Or as
the sap of a tree rises from the roots, and ascend-
ing to the top, is returned again downwards, dif-
fusing itself throughout the various vessels and
tubes, imparting nourishment to every branch and
spray ; so the vis vitoi of the state performs a like
course, whereby one common spirit pervades the
entire community. But this healthful circulation
cannot go on if it so happen that some members
are unfit recipients of this influence ; obstructions
take place, and a general derangement follows
through the whole system. Or, to take another
illustration from nature. It is well known that
crystalization, whereby many particles are joined
together to form one body, can be effected only
when the elements are homogeneous.

The idea of force is repugnant to that of a well-
ordered state.. I speak not of that kind of force
which is sometimes necessary to repel foreign
aggression, and which ought therefore to be well
provided for. But in the internal administration
of its own affairs obedience is expected to follow

itnpiicitiy the dictates of the governing will^ when
the same is expressed in the form of law. If this
power^ in its diffusion throughout the divers rami-
fications of the political system meets with obstruc-
tions^ force then arises to remove the impediment.
This being done force subsides. It is manifest
therefore that all the parts of the body politic must
be in harmony. The elements of this are found
in many things: such as a common language^
common interests, geographical situation, with
facility of mutual intercourse^ intermarriages, with
their corresponding relationships ; to which may
be added a common religion and identity of blood.
It may indeed happen that a foreign people may
be incorporated with a community already estab-
lished, as will be noticed more fully hereafter;
just as a strange shoot may be engrafted upon a
tree. But as in the latter case, the sap of the
parent stock must pass freely into the new bough,
and thus assimilate it with itself; so in the other,
the new class of people must be adapted to receive
the spirit, that is to say, the laws, manners and
general feeling of the nation with which they are
united. In other words there must be a mutual
blending and amalgamation whereby the two may
become one people. But this latter consumma-
tion is not recognized in the proposition which we
are considering.
A foreign mass in the midst of a society with

which it cannot assimilate is as a dead membefi
hrough which the life hlood of the body social
does not circulate ; if inactive it becomes the seat
of putrescence and gangrene which will shortly
spread throughout the whole system^ unless re^
course be had to amputation. But in a commu^
nity where this heterogeneous part is active, being
quickened by motives and interests of its own, the
disorder becomes ten-fold worse. It has no em-
blem, unless we imagine the body of a man pos^
sessed at once by two discordant spirits.

During the middle ages, the Jews were subjects
of persecution in most of the christian nations oi
Europe. By a decree of Ferdinand of Spain they
were expelled from that kingdom at onee, to the
number of one hundred and fifty thousand. Under
the reign of Philip the Long, they were driven
from France, being accused of having poisoned the
springs with their lepers. At the coronation of
Richard I. a general massacre of the Jews broke
out in London which extended* to York and ither
cities. The pretexts for these outrages were va-
rious. Heresy was a standing charge ; they were
also accused of monopolizing trade ; of exactii^
usury, to say nothing of other accusations. But
the Jews lived to themselves, apart from the rest
iof the community, with whom they did not min-
gle in marriage ; they were a separate people; they
sympathized not in the general feelings. When

distrust and aversion were thus excited and kept
alive^ a pretext for giving vent to them would not
long be wanting.

There is another view in which it may be seen
how impossible it is for two several races of peo-
ple to live together in peace under one govern-
ment^ each being distinct from the other, yet
both participating equally in the administration.
The constitution of laws by which a people are
governed, is adapted to their particular condition;
it is indeed the natural offspring of their wants,
their feelings, their habits of thought and pursuits;
and bears in every feature the impress of the
national genius. As a nation gradually changes
so also its constitution is modified to suit ; a more
refined age discards much that belonged to a for>
mer more barbarous period, and adopts new insti-
tutions which correspond better with the present.
How different, for example, is the English consti-
tution from that which prevailed three centuries

ag<W

It will foUow from this that any particular sys-
tem of government can suit only that people for
whose uses and convenience it was framed. A
community of Englishmen would find a French
system of laws and manners very ill-adapted to
their comfort; and so vice versa. As there are
in the language of a people certain idioms and
forms of speech which are peculiar and which

eannot be ttanslated into anoiher tongue, although
the general principles of language are eyery where
the same ; so while the great maxims of policy
Hnd government are universally acknowledged by
all civilized nations as the same in all countries
alike, there are nevertheless certain characteristic
peculiarities which distinguish individual states
from all others; and are so intimately blended
with the spirit and genius of the people as to be
inseparable therefrom. A more excellent illus^
tration of the same thing is contained in Lord
Bacon^s simile^ 'like as waters do take tinctures
and tastes from the soils through which they run>
so do civil laws vary according to the regions and
governments where they are planted } though they
proceed from the same fountain^' In view of this
truth how were it possible that two distinct nations^
each possessing its idiomatic peculiarities, could
live together under a political system which suits
only one of them'? How greatly is the absurdity
of such a supposition heightened, when it is
known that the one nation is composed of whites,
the other of blacks; that the one is highly civilized,
refined, and wealthy ; the other lately delivered
from slavery, imbued with a servile spirit, igno-
rant, coarse, and destitute of substance.

This same truth is illustrated by the revolutions
which sometimes take place in a nation. The
government being established to suit the general
5

interest at an early period, becomes ill adapted to
the same end, when after the lapse of some ages,
a gradual change has passed upon the pursuits,
manners and character of the state. Yet the con-
stitution was established with a view to stability ;
large interests, a whole aristocracy, for example,
or the monarchy itself are opposed to a change ;
the system suits their wants and wishes as well as
it ever did ; for at the time of its establishment,
these were the only prominent interests in the
nation, the people being in a state of vassalage.
But by the gradual weakening of the aristocratical
or monarchical power; by the introduction of
trade ; by the more general distribution of landed
property, the people have become powerful. The
government having been framed without a view
to their good, is unsuited to their wants; hence
comes a struggle between the expansive and the
conservative powers of the commonwealth. This
may be seen exemplified in the history of England
in all the gradual changes which were made in
the constitution, from the time of Magna Charta
up to the revolution of '68, and even since that
period. Just before the civil wars of Cromwell's
time, the royal prerogative had been carried to its
greatest height by James I. whose favourite maxim
was, that kings held by a divine right ; and that
all liberty to the people must come to them as a
gift from the throne of majesty. By this full

development of the crown's pretensions^ the peo-
ple saw clearly that there was no security for
their own rights and liberties; that they had no
part in the political fabric; that there was no
nnison between their interests and the constitu-
tion under which they lived. This perception
being accompanied by a consciousness of strength,
prompted to a speedy determination of a matter
which could not be suffered to remain in doubt.

Hence it is apparent that for every great interest
in a community^ there must be a corresponding
provision adapted thereunto in the laws of the
land. The constitution must be in harmony with
the people; it must be the natural offspring of
their wants^ their feelings^ their habits. Thus the
different members of the state are required also to
be bound together by a general sympathy, subsist-
ing mutually between each and all ; so that the
provisions which are made for the security and
happiness of one part, may not be opposed to the
wants and interests of another. In a homoge-
neous community, this general harmony will be
the test of the excellence of the government ; for
therein the interests of one part, so far from clash-
ing, will altogether coincide with the interests of
atl, and wiH tend to promote the same.

But how different the case when one-half of the
community is directly antagonist to the other!
When the laws and institutions which correspond

with the intelligence^ the refinement, the wealth
and industry of the one class^ cannot so much as
be understood by the inferior division^ which is
wanting in all that distinguishes the other !

When one class of a community is in subjection
to the other^ provided^ that it be not a subjection
brought about by mere brute force^ but founded on
the natural subordination of the weak and ignorant
to the more powerful and ciyilized^ there may
then exist a state of perfect harmony. For the
enslaved will then have ;io part in the administra-
tion of affairs; nor will they desire any^ being
conscious of their own incapability of even under-
standings much less of managing such great mat-
ters. The benefits of good government will come
to them through the medium of their superiors ;
and partaking of its blessings in such way^ they
will look no farther than to their own masters for
the source of their enjoyments. When the seve-
rity of rule is tempered with kindness, as I have
witnessed in instances without number, there
springs up between master and slave, a domestic
sympathy, which is the kindly foster mother of
many good afiections. The children of the family
are nursed by faithful and afiectionate slaves;
their childish sports are with those of like age
though of different colour ; yet what does child-
hood know or care of differences in complexion ?
The feelings of deep attachment formed thus early

• X

iti life, if ihey be not afterwards broken by harsh
treatment, with what intensity do they cleave to
the heart of the negro 1 I have seen the manly
character of the master reflected in the demeanour
of the slave ; the same sort of self-respect which
made a gentleman of the one, served also to mould
the other into a faithful domestic. The negroes
are proud of their master's worth; they delight
to bear his name, and scorn to disgrace it. To
me it appears that a condition of servitude in
which such feelings are nurtured may be the
happiest of all means whereby a degraded people
may be raised into a better state. There must be
a tedious process undergone, and one full of trou-
bles, before unenlightened man can be made fit to
receive with safety, the dreadful yet precious
responsibility of his own self-government. A bar-
barous people, among whom a spirit of self-reno-
vation is yet active, such for example as the
English were at the period &( the Norman con-
quest, through what scenes of confusion, and strife,
and violence, and bloodshed, must they pass in
their painful progress towards this great fulfil-
ment! With what fearful, doubting hesitation
are the first steps made! How timidly does the
young germ unfold I The spirit of liberty, which
is but another name for the spirit of truth, moving
amid the troubled chaos, impregnates the general
soul, and transfuses itself into the embryo ele-
5*

ments of human thought and feeling. How gra-
dually the hidden conception wakens into life!
With what terrible struggles, with what partu-
rient throes is it ushered into being! Yet the
vivacious chrysalis has scarcely burst the bands of
one wombj ere it finds itself enclosed in another5
yet possessed of new vigour to enlarge still farther
the barriers of its prison. Let the history of any
nation be traced^ that has arrived at anything
like freedom, and it will be seen how great a mat-
ter it is to govern one's-self in liberty. How many
have sunk in their efforts, after having attained
just enough to give freedom to pride and self-
conceit !

The Israelitish nation, when they were deliver-
ed from the bondage of the Egyptians, had doubt-
less amid all the degradation of recent servitude,
many elements of moral resuscitation. They could
remember that Abraham was their ancestor ; that
Joseph, of their own family, had been ruler over
Egypt. They had doubtless preserved in their
usages and traditions the memory of many sub-
lime truths, which their forefathers had received
by communications with heavenly intelligence.
Yet a pilgrimage of forty years, full of sufferings,
was deemed proper to be undergone by them,
before they were to be entrusted with their own
destiny ; to say nothing of the wonderful revela-
tions that were made to them, of truths from

heaven, and of the many evidences that were
given them of the divine favour. With all these
helps they were driven afterwards, by the con-
sequences of misrule, to solicit a king ; nay, a
second captivity in Babylon was found useful
towards preparing them to govern themselves.
If the relation of master and slave were done
away in this country, all those kindly feelings
which now soften its asperity, would perish
along with it; those domestic ties, those house-
hold sympathies which twine the closest of all
affections around the human heart; which when
torn away by violence, each ruptured tendril, like
the shoots that were plucked from the tomb of
Polydorus, seems to give forth blood :

Quae prima solo ruptis radicibus arbos
VcUitur, huic atro liquuntur sanguine guttae.

In place of these, what would grow up but feel-
ings of aversion, of suspicion, of jealousy 7 By
what means is it supposed that the unfortunate
class of emancipated captives, (emancipated only
in name,) could work out their own reformation
in a situation such as they would find themselves
occupying? Are men to be made new crea-
tures by act of legislature ? Can the moral and
intellectual man, the only real man, emerge at
once from the thraldom of hereditary and habitual
vices, into the freedom of truth and of moral self-
government ? Or can human wishes change the

established order of heaven's decree, and of man*d
constitution, whereby his deliverance from the
dominion of error and of evil is to be wrought
only by means of sufferings which himself must
undergo? Can this be altered, and a different
mode be devised, less painful and more speedy ?
Is it likely indeed in the ordinary course of
human actions, that a special scheme of legislation
would or ought to be shaped for the particular
purpose of elevating these people as a distinct
class among us, when it is apparent that every
step they make towards the possession of rights
will be but the hastening of the period when mor-
tal conflict must come to decide the question of
supremacy between them and their former mas-
ters 1 For it must be remembered, that amalga-
mation of colours is a thing not to be thought of
as an actual event ; but that if the blacks are to be
elevated, they must be elevated as a race, distinct
and separate. Let any one, who is sincerely
their friend, consider but for a time, the condition
in which they would be placed by an act of
general emancipation. I leave out of view all
thoughts of ultimate danger to both races, and
direct attention solely to their unfortunate lot — for
such it would be. Who does not see that their
freedom would be only nominal 1 For my own
part I doubt not but that many, having accepted
of emancipation upder the impulse of the desire

of change, after experiencing the evils which they
must needs suffer if left to themselves, would
come back voluntarily and beg the protection of
servitude again. If I know any thing of human
actions and their principles, I may take it upon
myself to affirm, that no laws or enactments
whatsoever could be efifectual towards improving
the condition of these people in this country, if
their present relations were changed. Their con-
dition of servitude may doubtless be improved ; for
it will admit of the growth of many excellent feel-
ings. This can be done only through the medium
of the master; the sole medium through which ex-
ternal influences should operate upon the slave.
Let him learn the true nature of his responsibility
and of the duties which grow out of it; remember-
ing that he has human beings in charfl^, who are
designed for something better than to 9 the mere
instruments of other men's cupidity ; who have
good afiections in abundance, which may be
drawn out towards himself especially, and towards
their fellows in captivity ; whereby the burden of
toil may be lightened and bondage well nigh lose
its characteristic of servility.

Shall we suffer impatience to carry us into
hasty action, that we may make these people free
before their time, as though our enactments could
alter the established nature of things? A tree
may be stinted by human means, but its growth

cannot be accelerated beyond the order of nature.
Much may indeed be done in co-operation with
her genial influences ; such as choosing a proper
situation, affording culture and nourishment. But
when the plant is set in an unfriendly soil, under
an unpropitious climate ; when in addition, it is
so over-shadowed as to be deprived of warmth and
light from the sun, how ineffectual must be all
attempts to rear it up in health and vigour ! Can
we hope to make an ignorant people enlight-
ened by our knowledge, and wise by our expe-
rience ? As well may you expect that a tender
plant shall be brought at once to maturity by
infusing into it the sap of a full-grown tree. The
art of self-government is what every nation must
learn for itself. The school wherein it is taught
is no other than that of adversity and suffering ;
for who wUl cleave to the good and the true before
he has known the fatal tendency of the evil and
the false? The negroes of this country are in
their first rudiments ; let it not be expected that
they should become authors before they can read.
Nor let a mistaken philanthropy bewail their lot,
and seek to take them too hastily from their course
of tuition. There may be modifications of dis-
pensing the discipline ; but it is folly to expect that
wisdom will come without the toil of learning.
There can be no complete analogy drawn be-
tween the slavery which exists in this country.

ftnd slavery^ as it has existed in any other cotm^
try that I can now call to mind. Among the
Romans, the son of a freedman became a citizen.
Here emancipation could go on without the dan-
ger of creating a separate class^ who otherwise
must needs be of the lowest order. The enfran-
chised were gradually incorporated with the great
mass of the community, and became an integral
part thereof, partaking in the general interests.
But in this country the free blacks must remain
a distinct class; their colour is an effectual bar
against their admittance into social equality, even
if the idea of former servitude were not repulsive.
Emancipation would therefore confer upon them
little benefit ; it would take them from one who
might be their friend and would throw them
into a society where all must be their enemies ; it
would deprive them of a protector without put-
ting them into a condition of protecting them-
selves. I speak of them as a people. If political
rights were granted tl^m, if means were taken
for extending knowledge^ among them, the natural
tendency of such policy would evidently be to
build up and strengthen a power in the state,
which would in time become the rival, if not the
subverter of the constituted authorities. Emanci-
pation without political rights would be no bless-
ing to them ; with political rights it would be
ruinous to ourselves.

CHAPTER III

Let us now turn to history, and see how far
examples will confirm what reason seems to ap-
prove. We shall here find instances of nations
over-run and possessed by other nations. We
shall see that whenever the differences between
the two sorts of people have been of such a kind
as to produce strong antipathies, insomuch that
amalgamation could not take place by means of
intermarriages, then one of two consequences
must follow. First: The conquered people are
reduced to slavery ; or. Secondly : They are re-
moved from the country by extirpation or expul'^
sion. It will also appear, that in all cases wherein
a union is effected between two nations, who had
been strangers to each other, such union has been
brought about by means of amalgamation or inter-
marriages. Or in other words, such intermar-
riages are a necessary condition of a harmonious
blending, which cannot take place in any other
way.

I point you first to the history of the Israelites
in Egypt. Here had heen no bloody wars5 or
long-standing feuds to embitter feelings and give
inveteracy to animosities. The Israelites had
come into Egypt at the invitation of the king,
at a time when one of their own family was his
chief minister ; they were received with kindness^
and the finest part of the territory was allotted
them to inhabit. But the descendants of Jacob
preserved themselves a peculiar people ; they ad-
hered to their own customs; they mingled not
with the surrounding people ; and although they
were doubtless peaceable^ attending to their own
concerns^ for there is no hint to the contrary, yet
were they a foreign people in the land. They
were not assimilated with the elements of the
national body ; they had no feelings of sympathy
in common with the Egyptians. The result is
told in a few words : *Now there arose up another
king over Egypt which knew not Joseph. And
he said unto his people^ Behold the people of the
children of Israel are more and mightier than we :
come on^ let us deal wisely with them ; lest they
multiply, and it come to pass, that when there
falleth out any war, they join also unto our ene-
mies^ and fight against us, and so get them up out
of the land. Therefore they did set over them
task-masters J &c.'* The lapse of many centuries^

* Exodus i. 8 — 11.

I presume^ has made little alteration in the laws
of human nature; the same course which the
Egyptians here followed would be adopted now,
except that political slavery might be substituted
perhaps in place of personal, or entire extermi-
nation in preference to either. For in the nature
of things how could it be otherwise 7

In the course of events the Israelites were to be
delivered from this bondage. When they became
free, do we see them settling down in Egypt? Do
we find them claiming an equal participation in
the civil and political affairs of the nation ? Do
they demand the country of Goshen to be restored
to them, which was indeed their right^ for their
ancestors held it by virtue of an especial grant
from the crown ? Nothing of all these ; on the
contrary, the first day of their liberation from bon-
dage was the first of their pilgrimage to Canaan.
How were it possible that they should dwell hap-
pily in the land of their servitude, with every
thing around them to recall the memory of their
degradation ? How could they sit down, side by
side, with those who had been their oppressors ;
with whom they could not harmonize in thoughts,
feelings, or habits ?

If the Egyptians had been willing to admit their
former bondsmen into an equality of political
privileges, and if the latter had desired it, is it

likely that this participation would have been a
bond of union^ a friendly harmonizer^ a something
in common wherein sympathy might arise^ that
should become a principle of coalescence and
peace ? Alas^ it would have been but a ground
of contest^ an arena for strife^ a means of giving
subsistence and form and durability to their feel-
ings of mutual hostility. For how could they
exercise these powers in common who had no
feelings in common^ nor objects^ nor hopes ? We
see even in the best regulated states^ how ques-
tions of political interest cause dissensions among
people of kindred bloody of the same colour^ who
are bound together by a thousand ties^ and consti-
tute one community. How could harmony sub-
sist between parties marked by national distinc-
tions^ arrayed compactly the one against the other^
like armies upon a field of battle^ a mutual
repugnance already pre-existing which prevents
the least approach towards union; and most of
alU when it is apparent that the prevalence of the
one party must cause the ruin of the other. For
their particular aims are so diverse^ that both
cannot succeed at once.

In order that they might enjoy their newly
acquired freedom in peace^ it was therefore neces-
sary that the children of Israel should seek some
other country. When they were about to take
possession of the land of Canaan, which was

already occupied by a rude and barbarous people^
we do not see them entering upon negotiations or
making treaties with those tribes. Nor when the
invaders had gained some victories by force of
armsj and had made good a lodgment in the coun-
try^ do we find them making use of these advan-
tages to procure for themselves favourable condi-
tions^ and thereupon establishing themselves con-
jointly with the native inhabitants. It often hap-
pens5 as will be shown hereafter^ that a victorious
nation after overrunning a country, settle down
quietly with the conquered, and both soon come to
form one people. But here nothing less than utter
extermination could give security and permanence
to the new government which was about to set
up its institutions in a strange land. May not the
reason be seen in this, that the two nations were
too far asunder ever to be united? The chief
cause of this repugnance was religious faith. The
institutions of the Israelitish government were
imbued throughout with the spirit of their own
theology, which would admit of no compromise
with the idolatry of the native pagans. Hence
there could be no intermarriages ; and of conse-
quence no peaceful communion of political powers.
Will it be said to all these illustrations which
are drawn from the history of the Jewish nation,
that they were a people under the direct guidance
of heaven 5 that the events of their fortune were

nil directed to a particular end by special Divine
interference ; that miracles were wrought at almost
every step of their progress ; that they were indeed
mere involuntary subjects of a superior will, which
ordered and conducted their affairs; and that, from
these considerations, their example is not appli-
cable to human transactions in general; that no
principles of universal policy are to be deduced
from their history 1 For myself, I prefer to con-
sider all true principles as being in harmony with
that Supreme nature from whence comes all truth
of whatsoever kind, and that. His direct interfe-
rence, so far from invalidating, will but give ad-
ditional confirmation to those rational deductions
which are drawn from the experience of things.
I cannot allow myself to believe that violence was
done to the freedom of human action, in any par-
ticular of the Divine administration over the con-
cerns of that people; but rather that all his dispen-
sations were accommodated to the nature of man,
to the capacity of the subjects, and to the conditions
of their situation. There is doubtless a spiritual
meaning contained in the history of every event
that is recorded by Moses, and it is generally ac-
knowledged that the whole progress of the Israel-
ites, from first to last, is intended as an emblem of
spiritual things. Especially is it a type or picture
of man's progress in moral reformation. But in
the language of Paul : 'the word of God is not

bound.'* It is capable of uDlimited application in
the harmony of truth ; and all principles genuine-
ly derived, that bear upon the nature of man,
whether in a political aspect, or in his individual
relations, may find confirmation therein. Why
then should we not derive from the inspired his-
tory of these remarkable people all the instruction
which we can find in the same, both for our own
personal improvement, and also for political wis-
dom, with an humble seeking after truth, that we
may understand aright ?

I have already alluded to the history of the
Moors and Spaniards, wherein the same principle
is illustrated, viz : That two distinct races, so
far unlike that amalgamation is impossible, cannot
dwell harmoniously together in the same com-
munity, unless the one be in a state of servi-
tude to the other. Here, also, difference in reli-
gious faith was the chief cause of mutual disso-
ciation. It would seem, at first view, that this
would be the last cause of variance between peo-
ple, for religion teaches mutual forbearance and
sincere good will. In the Mahometan doctrines,
and among enlightened pagans, these principles
are found. Yet it will appear that in proportion
to the value we set upon any thing is the jealousy
with which we watch over it. Hence religion

♦ 2 rim. U. 9.

which involves the highest considerations of
human happiness^ has in all ages been the occa-
sion of the most obstinate contentions. These
strifes have doubtless been aggravated^ if not exci-
ted^ by the apprehensions which were felt^ lest the
predominance of a foreign sect should endanger
the acknowledged doctrines of the national faith.
When the benign spirit of true religion shall pre-
vail over the earthy we may with reason believe
that such contests will cease ; for they derive their
chief aliment from the human passions^ which
being mingled with truths, pervert the same. Yet
in the pure state of human society the distinct-
ness of different nations will doubtless be pre-
served. For each community, following instinc-
tively the natural laws of sympathy, which unite
like with like, will fall peaceably, each into its
own sphere, and there will be no violent attempts
made, either by ambition or by fanaticism, to
force unions where the voice of nature has pro-
nounced the decree of mutual divorcement.

But it is manifest that other causes of diffe-
rence, besides those that spring from dissimilarity
of religious doctrines, may occasion reciprocal
repugnance between nations of different origin
and habits, if an attempt is made to blend them
into one. For it is, in this particular, s^ it is in
physics. There is in all substances an essential
^quality which philosophers call impeneirabiUiy i

whereby the space which is occupied by one body
cannot be held at the same time by another. The
occupancy of one excludes all others. So^ when
a nation is homogeneously and compactly formed^
insomuch that it becomes an individtuil, the law
of its own being, perpetually repels all foreign
bodies from invading its integrity. It may indeed
assimilate foreign elements to itself, as f have
already illustrated by the analogy of grafting a
strange shoot upon a mature stock. But all
accretions from external sources must become
blended into one nature, by the transfusion of the
essential spirit. When a blending of this sort
cannot take place, by reason of repulsion, then
union is impossible.

Let me direct you to another illustration, with
which religion has nothing to do. When the
Saxons invaded Britain, and finding the country
to be better than their own, wished to take pos-
session of it, they saw in the original inhabitants
of the island a people not difiering greatly from
themselves, so far as civilization or religion was
concerned. It would seem to us, that it had not
been a difficult matter for the two nations to settle
down together; the land was thinly peopled;
the government undefined, except by traditional
usages; each tribe was in a measure independent;
society seemed indeed to be nearly in its original
elements, before arts^ laws« and national interests

had given unity^ firmness and individuality^ along
with that rigidity of parts which belongs to old
established nations. In all probability this union
would hare followed^ if the supremacy of the
Saxons had been achieved in the usual manner of
such conquests. But we are told that they were
invited over at first as friends ; that they came in
such guise^ and no doubt with friendly intentions,
expecting no other compensation for their services
than such plunder as might fall to their share in
case of success^ or such remuneration as their
allies should make them^ according to stipulations
either formally agreed upon^ or mutually under-
stood. The first step however^ in the acquisition of
Britain by the Saxons was marked by a breach of
faith. Having driven off the Picts and Scots^ for
which purpose they had been summoned, they
DOW became more formidable enemies than the
barbarians of the north had ever been. For having
helped their allies^ they next turned to help them-
selves, and seized upon the land which they had
undertaken to protect. This flagrant injustice
roused the indignation of the deceived victims ; and
gave life and animosity to all the usual feelings of
national repugnance. Henceforth there could be
no confidence between the parties, and as a conse-
quence, no friendly amalgamation. The conquest,
carried on by fire, and sword, and horrible barbari-
ties, was finally consummated by utter extermina-
tion ; none of the native Britons escaped, except

stsch as found refuge in the mountainous region of
Wales^ whither the invaders cared not to pursue.
Upon this foundation was erected the Saxon
government in Britain ; to such a beginning there
could be no other end^ that might combine secu-
rity with possession.

Will it be said that this reciprocal hostility was
caused apd kept alire by continued acts of aggres-
sion ; that a state of open war existed ; and that
the Britons only manifested the natural resolution
of a people who were determined to maintain
their independence? And from this will it be
urged, that the example affords no illustration of
the condition which a southern state would be in,
if her slaves were made citizens? You will
understand, I am sure, my dear sir, that I refer to
this illustration to show the truth of the principle,
that when two nations are so dissimilar, or feel
the one towards the other such mutual aversion,
that a friendly amalgamation cannot take place by
means of intermarriages, these two nations cannot
dwell harmoniously together in the same com-
munity. If this reciprocal hostility exist, it mat-
ters not much from what particular causes it
sprung; whether from dissimilarity of national
mianners and habits, so great as to create aversion
on both sides, heightened by difference of Ian*
guage, such as would repel two christian nations,
JSnglish and Spanish, for example : or from diSe^*

rence of religion combined with the other^ id
which case the repulsion would be stronger^ as
between English^ for example^ and Turks ; or from
difference of colour^ along with differences in
degrees of civilization^ the one people being refin-
ed, the other barbarous ; and this the more^ when
one race had lately been in servitude to the other;
as would be the case, for example, between our
own citizens and the blacks of this country. Or
llie fixed aversion may be caused by outrageous
violations of faith, showing a settled purpose of
oppression, and giving evidence of little safety
under such domination : as was the case in thel
instance of the Saxons and Britons, just referred
to. Or it may follow from traditionary enmities
and feelings of national rivalship, transmitted from
age to age, until they have become woven into
the national character ; as was the case between
England and Scotland in the reign of Edward I.
when .that prince attempted the conquest of the
Scots, after having duped them, in pretending to
interpose as a friend to setttle their differences.
The country was over-run at least three times ; all
opposition was put down and the conquest seemed
to be finished. But it could not have been effect-
ed except by the destruction of the great body of
the Scottish people. In short, this repugnance
may arise from any causes that destrov confi*

dence^ or that prevent the flow of sympathy upon
something like terms of equality.

When Edward III. had gained possession of
Calais^ and wished to affix that town permanently
to his kingdom^ he removed all the French inha-
bitants and peopled it anew with English. Mr/
Hume speaks of this measure^ as one that evinces
the wisdom of that able monarch; and it may
serve to show the reason why Calais remained for
two hundred years in possession of England^
while her other acquisitions in France^ consisting
of many provinces and of towns almost innumera«
ble^ fell one by one from her grasp.

I go on to another illustration which is now
before our own eyes. When English colonists
arrived on these shores^ they found the country
occupied by an aboriginal race^ peculiar in their
customs and but little advanced in the arts of
civilized life. In most of the New England settle-
ments^ continual wars were carried on between
the colonists and the Indians ; in Penn^s colony of
Pennsylvania, the two races dwell side by side
peaceably for many years. In neither case was
there any approach towards coalescence, either civil
or social ; in both, the entire removal of the one
people was a necessary condition to the growth of
the other. I presume, the distinction is not more
strongly marked between the two races of Anglo-
Saxon and aboriginal Americans, than between the

first named> and the African negroes. If between
either two there be found the fewer obstacles in
the way of a peaceful blending^ the distinction
would seem to be in favour of the native Indians.
We could approach them upon terms nearer equa-
lity ; there are no degrading associations of servi-
tude connected with them, for they have ever
been an independent race. The example which
was set by Mr. Rolfe, in Virginia^ was not indeed
generally followed by the colonists of Jamestown ;
but, so far from incurring odium, that gentleman
was thought to be rather honoured than other-
wise, by an alliance with an Indian princess ; and
the descendants of Pocahontas are to this day,
reckoned among the most respectable people of
Virginia. Nor would it occasion revulsion in the
general feelings of the community if a similar
marriage should take place now. I need not ask,
would disgust and universal abhorrence be with-
held at the consummation of an intermarriage
between a respectable gentleman on the one part
and a negro woman on the other ? What is the
inference from all this 1 The white men and the
red men could not unite peaceably in friendly
coalescence. They differed too widely ; they could
not assimilate together. But do the whites and
blacks differ less 1 Nay, does it not appear that
the repelling power is greater, which must ever
keep them apart from a union of common and
7

equal citizenship ? The Indians^ it may be said/
could not be made citizens^ by reason of their
wandering habits and fondness for a wild kind of
life. Is the restless activity of the Indian a greater
disqualification than the torpid indolence of the
negro 7 With a disposition on our part to receive
the native tribes into our political society (for how
many efforts have been made to reclaim them !)
it has been found to be impossible. What like-
lihood is there that a purpose of a similar kind
could be effected between the whites and blacks^
when feelings of disgust are excited at the bare
mention of it'?

It is common with some to consider these antir
pathies as the effect of prejudice from which the
benevolent spirit of Christianity ought to deliver
us. Let us not be deceived. Let us not expect
from Christianity, what it was never intended to
effect. The truths of that sublime faith conjoined
with its pure spirit, when they are received into
the understanding and heart, do indeed change
the will, and expel the evil affections of our
selfish nature. But the constitution of the mind
remains much the same. The character of a
man, or his internal being, is made up of the ele-
ments of social life, knowledge, feelings, preju-
dices in the midst of which he is reared. These
he imbibes, and they are fashioned within him
according to his disposition or temperament. They

become blended with his nature; they are his con-
stitution. By these all the manifestations of his
active powers will be modified. A Mahometan if
converted to Christianity, although imbued with its
genuine spirit, would yet be a diflferent character
in species, from one who was born and reared in
a christian community, and penetrated in an equal
degree with the christian spirit. Why is it that
the Laplander or an inhabitant of Greenland loves
his native hills of snow and ice, and prefers his
smoky hut before the beauties of warmer climates
and the refinements of luxury in civilized coun-
tries ? Why is it that the Indian of the woods
pines amid the splendour of cities, and turns
with a longing heart towards the dark forest and
hunting grounds? If we judge according to our
ideas of the convenient and the beautiful, such
men would seem to be almost insane. We could
not understand them : we should doubt their sin-
cerity. Yet the love of the beautiful, of the
convenient, is in them as well as in us ; but it
manifests itself according to the nature of those
elements with which it is embodied in their own
minds. How unjust should we be to call upon
them to put away their prejudices, as we might
call them ! They could not admire in outward
objects what we admire ; our green fields, our fer-
tile valleys, our limped streams, and shady groves ;
for there would be no associations in their minds

wherewith to blend them with delight. Their
childhood was passed amid different objects ; and
many of their most pleasing recollections are
mingled with the ideas of snows^ and ice, and
wild forests, and the like, which we regard with
feelings not of pleasure. They might complain
of our antipathies, with as much justice as we
would haye in contemning theirs.

The southern man has been reared in a society
of which slavery formed a distinguished feature ;
he grows up with all the associations that are
natural to such a state. With these his earliest
feelings and thoughts are tinctured. If by the ex-
ercise of an enlightened understanding he comes,
in after life, to perceive, what he has not before
thought of, that slavery is an evil, he may be will-
ing, nay anxious to assist in putting it away. To
see those unfortunate people free and happy, in a
condition where such blessings might be perma-
nent, would be to him a source of purest joy. To
this end, he would be willing to make sacrifices ;
he would labour zealously and in good faith. But
to be willing to receive them into political equa-
lity, or into social communion, to join in personal
alliances, would, in my judgment, instead of
showing a just spirit of benevolence, manifest a
total disorganization of the elements of a health-
ful character. So far from rising in good esteem.

a man of such disposition would be regarded with
distrust ; with something very near akin to loath-
ing ; as one who had no stability, no consistency,
DO self-subsistence, no fixed principles.

CHAPTER IV.

Let us now turn to some examples of histor^^
wherein different nations are shown to have coa-
lesced. It will be founds I think, in every case to
which reference may be made, in any history,
,. » either ancient or modern, that amalgamation by
'^intermarriages has been an indispensable condi-
' tion of such harmonious union. Whenever the
' national aversion on each side was so strong as to
prevent intermarriages, no matter by what means
this feeling of aversion was thus heightened
beyond mere antipathy, which is natural against
a close approximation with foreigners — whenever
it existed, I say, to such degree as to prevent
intermarriages, no union has taken place; the
two races have lived in mortal strife, if brought
close to each other; and no peace could subsist
between them. On Ihe other hand it will be
found, that when national prejudices have been
carefully softened by the prudent management of
some wise ruler, insomuch that intermarriages

went on between the different races ; it has hap-
pened in gradual process of time, that the several
peculiarities of each have been lost in the common
interfusion. So universally has this characteristic
marked all conjunctions of different communities,
that it might save time to ask, not what are the
examples in which this mark is to be found, but
where is there one that has it nof? In all records,
annals, traditions; among all nations, tongues,
tribes, clans, or communities, of any sort whatso-
ever ; m all climates, whether torrid, temperate,
or frigid; in all diversities of local situation,
whether upon rivers, or in islands of the sea, in
plains, or upon mountains; in all degrees of
human refinement, or of human barbarity, from
the cannibal hordes of New Zealand to the polish-
ed community of Athens in the days of Pericles ;
under any circumstances, whether of commotion,
or tranquillity, of poverty or wealth, or in any
other condition, wherein freedom of action was
at all to be found, I demand that one instance
be shown, wherein two different races of men,
in any degree approximating towards numerical
equality, have united peaceably together in one
community of citizenship, without having become
cemented at the same time by means of mutual
intermarriages.

The Romans received the Sabines into their
<:ity ; one hundred new senators, patres conscriptiy

were chosen from among the strangers to sit in
the common councils of the state, along with the
original ptUres; the citizens of the two nations
enjoyed all political privileges in common. But
the Romans had taken Sahine wires before this
union was brought about. So complete and har-
monious was the amalgamation, that the name of
Sabine was, in time, no more heard of; they
became one people, having one language, one
constitution, one country.

When Alexander had overthrown the empire of
Darius, and wished to unite his vast territories
into one body, his first step was to take to wife
Roxana, of the imperial family of Persia; he
adopted the Persian dress, and caused his grandees
to do the same ; he received into his body guard
many of the Persian youth, and studied to do
awiay all distinctions between the nations. Here
however, the conquered country was not required
to receive strangers into its bosom ; the different
communities were not brought into near contact :
the several provinces were allowed to retain their
own laws, and in many cases, their former rulers.
If then, it was found to be proper to bind even this
loose connection by the bonds of intermarriages,
how indispensable must the same provision be,
when two nations are to dwell together within the
limits of the same territory ?

The Romans held most of their conquered pro-

vinces by force of arms. They made no attempt
to occupy their extensive territories by settlements
of native Romans among the original: inhabitants ;
nor did they seek to subvert the laws and institu-
tions of the nations which they subdued. Such
was the overawing influence of the Roman name,
that foreign states sought shelter by owning alle-
giance, and found protection to be an equivalent
for the loss of independence. But when this great
empire began to fall asunder, and. to sink under
the inundation which rolled in successive torrents
from the north, there is seen a different system of
conquest. The barbarifltti Who now swarmed over
the south of Europe, were disposed to occupy
the countries they subdued ; and here we may End
fit illustrations of our principle. Do we find it
happen in any one instance, that the Gothic con-
querors and the subdued people remain, each dis-
tinct, retaining their respective languages, manners
and customs, yet participating in the same politi-
cal government? Did they not speedily become
one people, each race mutually giving and receiv-
ing of their several peculiarities? Are not the
languages of European nations at this day perfect
specimens of such blending? It is, perhaps, use-
less to dwell upon so plain a thing, yet specific
examples are not wanting. When Alaric, king
of one of the invading nations, had gained posses-
sion of large territories on the border of Italy, and

formed a treaty with Honorius^ emperor of the
West, he received in marriage the sister of that
monarch. When Clovis over-ran Gaul, his first
act was to unite himself in marriage with Clotilda,
daughter of the native Burgundian prince ; by
which means he acquired possession of that pro-
vince; and what was a still more important con-
sequence, he was converted to the christian faith
by the influence of his queen, who had embraced
that religion.. In pursuance of the same wise
policy, Clovis took care to have the bishops of
the new church, selected from among the native
Gauls, which was a great step towards removing
national dififerences.

William, duke of Normandy, effected the con-
quest of England. He treated the Saxons as a
conquered people, in consequence whereof his
government was nothing other than a rule of
force. Under his son, William Rufus, the same
policy was pursued, and much bitterness existed
between the differ^t classes of his Norman and
Saxon subjects. When Henry I. usurped the
throne, he married Matilda, daughter of Edgar
Atheling, of the royal Saxon line, and by means
of this politic act, together with no mean abilities
of his own, he was enaUed to maintain his seat
in despite of Robert, his elder brother, who was
the rightful heir to the crown. The dissensions
between Normans and Saxons in England sub-

sided la proportion as this example was followed
throughout the kingdom.

I know not that there is any need of dwelling
longer on this topic. There is however one other
illustration, which might have been brought forth
in the list of those examples of nations that were
too far dissociated ever to unite, and who of con-
sequence could not participate together in political
matters. It may however be none the worse for
coming in here, inasmuch as it is especially appli-
cable, more than any other example in history, to
our particlilar concerns : the parties being similar
to those that now occupy the southern portion of
this country, viz : whites and blacks. An advo*
cate of Ihe abolition doctrines thus speaks in refer-
ring to the disturbances of St. Domingo, 'The
apologists of slavery are constantly reminding abo-
litionists of the 'scenes of St. Domingo.' Were
the public familiar with the origin and history of
those scenes, none but abolitionists would dare to
refer to them.'* I give the 'origin and history'
in the. words of this writer.

'In 1790 the population of the French part of
St. Domingo was estimated at 686,000. Of this
number 42,000 were whites, 44,000 free people of
colour, and 600,000 slaves. At the commence*
ment of the French revolution the free coloured

♦ Jay's Inquiry, p. 171-2.

people petitioned the National Assembly to be
admitted to political rights^ and sent a deputation
to Paris to attend to their interests. On the 8th
of March, 1790, a law was passed granting to the
colonies the right of holding representative as-
semblies, and of exercising to a certain extent
legislative authority. On the 28lh of the same
month, another law was passed, declaring that all
free persons in the colonies, who were proprietors
and residents of two years standing, and who con-
tributed to the exigencies of the state should exer-
cise the right of voting.

^he planters insisted that this law did not apply
to free coloured persons. They proceeded to elect
a General Assembly, and in this election the free
blacks were, with but few exceptions, prevented
from voting. The newly elected assembly issued
a manifesto, declaring they would rather die than
divide their political rights with 'a bastard and
degenerated race.* A portion of the free coloured
people resolved to maintain the rights given them
by the mother country, and assembled in arms
under one of their number, named Oge.'

It is not my purpose to speculate concerning
the merits of this question, nor attempt an inter-
pretation of the act of the French National As-
sembly. It is enough to know that not any act of
that Assembly, or of any other legislative body,
could have brought about a harmonious participa-

tioa of political privileges between these parties.
I believe it would not be easy to find a more com-
plete illustration 5 than may be found here, of the
proposition which I have been endeavouring to
set forth. Here are two distinct races nearly equal
in numbers, the whites amounting to 42,0005 the
free blacks to 44,000; they are disjoined by difier-
ences of colour, of blood, of condition ; they are
animated, the one towards the other, by all those
feelings of antipathy which are natural to such
dissimilitude. What makes it more adapted to
our purpose, one class had been in a state of ser-
vitude to the other. Could a more exact picture
be drawn of what would in all likelfliood be our
condition, if the mad attempt should be made of
introducing negroes to an equality of political
rights in some one of the cotton-growing states ?
Who does not see that the French population
of St. Domingo were only following the natural
instinct of self-preservation in thus resisting all
demands of the other race in the way of admit-
tance to citizenship? Could they have harmo-
nized together in the public councils 1 Would
their objects have been the same or in any way pa-
rallel ? From the vast body of six hundred thous-
and slaves would there have been no accessions to
the free coloured party, which was already superior
in number by two thousand ? Or would not the
first act of legislation have been a deciee of univer-
8

sal emancipatioD, when by such measure the ques*
tion of predomiDance would have been settled at
once ? And what would have followed this, but
the utter extermination of all who were of Euro-
pean origin? What does Mr. Jay mean, when he
says 'if the public were familiar with the history
and origin of those scenes, none but abolitionists
would dare to refer to them V Does he mean to
applaud the efforts of the blacks in thus seizing
upon what they deemed their rights? Does he
regard the subsequent horrors and butcheries that
closed the dreadful catastrophe, in the banishment
or murder of a whole race, in the plunder of pro-
perty, in the wildest rage of licentious and bloody
passions, does he regard all these as the fit awards
of letributive justice ? And are we to believe that
he would behold with equal satisfaction a similar
scene in this country? Why none but aboli-
tionists dare refer to them ? Is it from this pic-
ture of horrors that the abolitionists draw their
elements of the sublime and beautiful in political
morality ? Can none but abolitionists dare refer
to them, lest they be struck with terror at the
apprehension of a like calamity at home 1 What
means he ? Or what mean? he not 1 I wish he
had not used such words.

The negro slaves of the British West Indies
have been emancipated, some on condition of
serring out an apprenticeship ; others, I believe.

without such condition. In neither case have dis-
turbances followed. It is usual to point to this
example as a fact which overturns all theories
concerning the ultimate fatal effects of emancipa-
tion in this country.

There is nothing surprising in this, that a race
naturally indolent, having few inducements to
exertion, should sit down in repose after being
released from extorted toil. They are not a peo-
ple who can appreciate freedom, except as it
affords exemption from labour : they have little of
that inward ardour which springs from a con-
sciousness of intellectual or moral power j which
prompts to enterprise j which delights in activity ;
which pants after independence. The casting off
of their fetters has not made them freemen ; al-
though it may be a step towards it. But in pro-
cess of time, when the pleasures of indolence have
been enjoyed to satiety, a spirit of activity may
come into play. Gradually there will arise a bet-
ter class among the blacks, who will possess pro-
perty ; and along with it a sense of self-respect,
and a consciousness of new rights. They will
claim to have a part in the public affairs; they
will demand an equal participation in the rights
of suffrage and of legislation. Then the contest
will begin. Who may not see the issue of it ? It
requires not any great amount of prophetic vision
•to discern that at some period, how distant w?

know not^ the scenes of St. Domingo will be
re-acted on the plains of Jamaica. I look by the
light of reason and experience. There may be,
howerer^ secondary causes at work of which I am
ignorant, that shall produce a different result.
For example, amalgamation of colours may go
on to such a degree that the individuality of the
European stock may be diffused throughout a
hundred different complexions and shades, in such
a manner as to be well nigh lost. In such case
the ascendency of the blacks may be peaceable.
But every indication at present points to the final
predominance of that colour. Whether it be
effected by violence, or by gradual course of amal-
gamation, must depend upon many circumstances.
Or this result of things in their natural course
may be anticipated. It would require not many
of our modern philanthropists to bring about a
speedier consummation. Let the ignorant negroes
be indoctrinated with notions of the rights of man ;
let them be taught that all men are equal ; that
those who once held them in bondage, and who
now reside among them in splendour, are their
oppressors, proud aristocrats, who live upon other
men^s earnings ; above all, let them be instructed
to know, that by union and a concentration of
their strength, they may enjoy the plunder of the
whole land ; that this will be nothing more than
the reclaiming of their rightful property, and the

restoring of things to their proper equality ; let
these doctrines be infused into depraved minds^ to
the arousing of dormant passions^ giving stability,
pretext, aim ; the issue will be a thing not to be
spoken of prophetically, but to be gazed upon
with horror.

I do not presume that any violent commotions
would immediately follow an act of general eman-
cipation in this country ; that is, if foreign influ-
ences could be kept away. But the results of
things are not less sure by being more distant.
When the tendency is apparent, who need be in
doubt concerning the end ?

That I may not in any manner misrepresent the
meaning of abolitionists, let me here quote again
from Mr. Jay. After denying the charge of pro-
posing to bring about an amalgamation by means
of intermarriages, he says : 'But, most true it is,
that the Anti-slavery society avows its intentions
to labour for the civil and religious equality of the
blacks. It has been found expedient to accuse it
of aiming also at their social equality.' This charge
he rejects, and proceeds to illustrate his meaning
in this manner : * We all know white men whose
characters and habits render them repulsive to us,
and whom no consideration would induce us to
admit into our social circles 3 and can it be be-
lieved, that abolitionists are willing to extend to
negroes, merely on account of their colour, cour-
se

tesies and indulgences which in innunnerahle in-
stanceSj they withhold and properly withhold from
their white fellow-citizens? But who pretends
that because a man is so disagreeable in his man-
ners and person, that we refuse to associate with
him, that therefore, he ought to be denied the
right of suffrage, the privilege of choosing his
trade and profession, the opportunities of acquir-
ing knowledge, and the liberty of pursuing his
own happiness?'

I need hardly remind you, my dear sir, of what
I am sure you know well enough, that touching
the subject of this discourse, I am not considering
the blacks as individuals, but as a race. If they
were but a handful scattered throughout the wide
expanse of a white population, a few here and a
few there, what reasonable man would wish to
debar them from the rights of citizenship ? For
they could then have no separate purposes of
their own apart from the general interest; they
could not act as a distinct body; their influence
would be as nothing. But how different is the
question which we are now considering I A large
population equal in number to the whites^ and in
some states perhaps superior ; prolific of increase ;
of a different blood and complexion ; bound by no
sympathy, but rather disposed (as they would be
most certainly when raised to political equality,)
to look with hatred and jealousy upon those who

had once held them in bondage — a population like
this to be introduced into an organized community
for the purpose of taking part in its government —
is this a small matter ?

How absurd is the distinction which this writer
attempts to draw between political equality and
social equality^ granting the one and withholding
the other ! What is the end of political power
except to secure social advantages ? The first use
of political predominance, will it not be to estab-
lish predominance in every thing ?

There are indeed in the bosom of every com-
munity, 'men whose characters and habits render
them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration
would induce us to admit into our social circles.'
Let us suppose that this class becomes the most
numerous in a state ; that they are bound together
by a common interest, by some sympathetic bond
which excludes all minor differences, causing
them to move together as one man ; that they are
inflamed with bitter animosity against the indus-
trious, the intelligent, the wealthy, whom they
stigmatize as aristocrats, monopolists, the oppres-
sive class that grind the faces of the poor, or by
any other opprobious name. Will no dissensions
arise in a state of society like this ? Will these
men, not admitted to social equality, but possessed
of full political privileges, remain quiet and peace-
able ? Will they submit to that social superiority

and rest contented with their political rights?
What would their political rights he, in their esti-
mation, but a mere name, unless they were used
to gain their favourite purposes? And what
would those purposes he, hut a complete over-
throw of existing institutions, the subversion of
all order, the violation of all rights?

Let any one look at the manner in which revo-
lutions in governments are brought about, if he
would see an illustration of this principle. In
France, for example, the lower orders had taken
little or no part in the public affairs. The nobility
and the monarchy were the prominent powers in
the constitution; and seeking their own aggran-
dizement, they had oppressed the people greatly,
insomuch that all community of interests or feel-
ings had been in a measure destroyed. A sense
of common injury had united together the great
mass of the nation ; had concentrated their aims ;
had caused them to discover in the higher classes
a common enemy. When political privileges
were extended to the people by Louis XVL and
they were empowered to exercise the right of suf-
frage in choosing a National Assembly, did they
remain contented with this participation in the
general affairs of the kingdom ? Did they recog-
nize the distinction which this writer has drawn
between political and social equality ? They did
indeed make many new discoveries in politics and

in morals^ but this appears to have escaped them
in the wildest frenzy of their madness.

There are in this country different sects and
religious denominations. They seem to move
along harmoniously enough ; they exercise politi-
cal rights in common ; and social communion is
not interrupted. The reason is very obvious,
inasmuch as no one sect has cause of dread from
the interference of another. No one party claims
to direct ; all are parts of a whole ; each in its
sphere finds no obstacle from a neighbour. But if
the whole country were divided into two great
sects, whereof one was predominant, and exer-
cised its influence in controlling the affairs of
government, as would certainly be the case, how
different then would be the state of things? One
has need only to look into Burnetts history of his
own times, to see such a condition fully set forth,
in the accounts of what followed king Charles'
attempt to introduce Episcopal church govern-
ment in Scotland. What dissensions, what vio-
lence, what bitter animosity, what persecutions,
what bloodshed !

Let us not lose sight of the principle. If the
black population, I repeat, were few in numbers,
and hence little disposed to aspire after the direct-
ing power, no harm would be likely to follow from
their admission to political rights. They would
then conform themselves to existing laws, and

would desire nothing more. But when they as-
sume the station of an equal power in the com-
munify, and of consequence, a rival power — for
their aims and interests as a body could in no
manner blend consistently with those of the con-
stituted authorities — who does not see that the
whole question is changed 1

The foregoing considerations, I am persuaded,
are such as would come naturally into the minds
of most persons who would give themselves to
reflect upon this subject. It would seem, there-
fore, to be of little use thus to set them forth ; and
to insist upon propositions which sensible men
would generally admit. But there is no presump-
tion in sayiDg that much delusion prevails con-
cerning these things. I have already alluded to)
Tone class of well-meaning persons, who, believ-
ing that much injustice has been done towards
the coloured people by holding them in slavery,
are now in a hurry to recompense them ; this
one idea seems to have taken possession of their
minds; they stop not to examine, to consider, to
provide. They view one part of the subject, and
believe that to be the whole. They do not remem-
ber that the blacks who were brought to this coun-
try were slaves before — slaves to barbarous savages
of their own colour j that so far from suffering
loss, they were indeed gainers by the exchange ;
and were perhaps saved from death by their trans-
portation hither.

Others there are, who indulge in a course of rea-
soning which is exceedingly dangerous, being the
basis of all fanaticism, whereby general truths
and abstract maxims are made to afford counte-
nance to the wildest and most fatal schemes.
General terms are made to comprehend all parti-
culars; and conclusions are drawn from words
which are widely at variance from things. Thus,
much discourse is had concerning the rights of
man; as though the term man embraced univer-
sal humanity in all varieties, whether of barbarism
or improvement ; in all conditions of society ; all
forms of government ; all habits, manners, reli-
gions. The word man does indeed denote a large
species ; the highest in the scale of animal nature ;
and so far as animal nature is concerned, the term
is definite enough. For in degrees of bodily
strength, in appetites, in outward form and pro-
portion, men differ not greatly. In all reasonings
concerning physical nature, there need be little
misapplication of the name.

But how vague does this word become when
we speak of men in regard to their moral and
intellectual attributes; when we treat of their
rights as intelligent beings, and of their several
relations^ social, civil and religious ! The inward
nature of man is capable of indefinite expansion ;
for it is capable of communion with a Divine
nature, from whose inexhaustible fullness it may

draw without end. In so far as by the legitimate
culture of the nobler affections and faculties it
makes improvements^ it holds possession of the
same by inherent right, to say nothing of the right
of occupancy. The elements of human know-
ledge, and greatness, and power, are of unbounded
diffusion throughout the universal sphere of this
world's circuit ; these when appropriated by the
active power of man's intelligence become his
own by virtue of such appropriation, for they
thus become parts of himself. In proportion as
knowledge and power are used for purposes of
good, in such proportion do rights increase, and
those only have just claims to rights who are
competent to use them. There is no good thing
which a man has not a right to, if he will make
himself fit to enjoy it properly ; and on the other
hand, there is no good thing which may not
prove an evil to him who rashly aspires after it in
a spirit of presumption or enthusiastic self-exal-
tation.

It may be affirmed as an axiom in this country
that political freedom is a right. How would the
Turks flourish, think you, under the blessings of a
free constitution 1 In all probability after having
wearied themselves with slaughtering one another
they would be willing to render back the privilege
of cutting off heads into the hands of the grand
seignor and his viziers, to be exercised at their

good pleasure. How long would a republic be
likely to endure among the serfs of the autocrat 1
What benefit might be dispensed by free institu-
tions throughout the regions of Thibet^ among
the worshippers of the Grand Lama^ or among
the Hottentots at the cape of Good Hope ? I put
these interrogatories^ not that I esteem free insti-
tutions of little value, but to show how absurd
will be our reasonings concerning human things,
if we blindly follow out abstract propositions with-
out regard to the various particulars, wherein men
and communities differ so greatly.

It is the characteristic of fanaticism to be con-
centrated upon its end, and to see no other means
except such as promise to be the most speedy.
Hence wisdom and reflection are banished from its
f councils. Observe the mode of argument whiclD
prevails among abolitionists : ^that slavery being
sinful, it ought immediately to cease. Admit-
ting the premises, the conclusion seems irresistible.
Sin is opposition to the will of our Creator and
Supreme Lawgiver. His wisdom and goodness
are alike infinite, and if slavery be inconsistent with
his will, it must necessarily be inconsistent with
the welfare of his creatures. Reason and revela-
tion moreover assure us that God will punish sin,
and therefore to contend that it is necessary or
expedient to continue in sin is to impeach every
attribute of the Deity, and to brave the vengeance
9

of Omnipotence.' * On the outer cover of the book
from which this is taken^ there is a gilt picture of
a negro in chains^^holding up his hands in view of
a liberty-cap on a pole^ which is supported by a
female figure^ intended^ I presume^ to represent
the Groddess of freedom. The argument and the
picture seem to be suitable accompaniments^ the
one for the other^ and are alike adapted to make
the same sort of impression upon minds that can
receive either. Sin is opposition to the vfiU of our
Creator and Supreme Lawgiver — Slavery ie nn;
therefore to continue slavery is to brave the ven-
geance of Omnipotence, Who made Mr. Jay and
his coadjutors first judges of the divine will;
secondly, of their fellow men; and lastly, the
champions of the divine vengeance ?

This summary mode of reasoning and acting,
this appropriating to oneVself the special favour
of heaven for the purpose of judging of sins and
vindicating the divine righteousness, has not ap-
peared now for the first time in the world. When
the Spaniards took possession of Mexico and Peru
they found the country occupied by an idolatrous
people. Now idolatry is sin, and sin is opposition
to the will of the Creator ; and to continue in it is
to brave the vengeance of Omnipotence. Or
taking the first proposition, for the sake of brevity,

♦Jay's Inquiry, p. 141.

as they were not given to tedious deductions in
those days^ idolatry being sinful it ought imme-
diately to cease — they appointed themselves forth-
with to he the ministers and executioners of the
heavenly will. They tore the idols from their
shrines ; they dragged the worshippers to the stake.
But such has ever been the nature of fanaticism,
claiming to be immaculate itself, it has ever as-
sumed the functions of judge and instrument of
the divine justice towards men.

But inasmuch as fanaticism, in these modern
times, can no longer employ the arm of force to
drive and torture recusants into a desirable confor-
mity, it has fallen upon a course less obnoxious
and more flattering to its own self-xighteousness.
It invokes public opinion, it arrays itself in the
garments of holiness, and having taken the name
and title of Heaven's champion, it denounces all
who join not with it as reprobate, men who fight
against God. It would embattle one portion of
the communfty against the other, it would over-awe
whom it cannot destroy and make those hypocrites
whom it is unable to reform. It presents in its
displays a second exhibition of the crusading ma-
nia of the middle ages, except that it wants the
gallant spirit and open magnanimity of those mis-
taken champions, who sought to advance the cause
of religion by exterminating infidels.

I confess, my dear sir, there is something that

vehemently moves my indignation in these at-
tempts^ so common at this day^ to fulminate pub-
lic opinion against particular abuses^ in such a
manner as that its influence comes in the shape
of intimidation and force. What legitimate power
has public opinion, or any other kind of opinion,
except in so far as it is the embodied form of truth
and virtue ? ' The passions of men, inflamed to
ungovernable violence^ do they lose any thing of
their evil nature by being transfused among thou-
sands ? Do the specious names of philanthropy
and liberty avail any thing towards lessening the
mischiefs that follow from their perversion? Is
it the first characteristic of a superior light and
benevolence to thrust their possessors forward be-
fore the public eye, and to hurry them into out-
rages against the rights and feelings of others?
Those indeed who hold true principles in right-
eousness will readily know, that one constituent
principle of such a spirit is to keep one in his own
place. Is the truth impotent unless it be con-
joined with human passions ? Must the wrath of
man be invoked to work out the righteousness of
Ood ? Is there nothing terrible in the words
'vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, I will repay
it?'

Who knows not that there are evils in every
community? What then? Are we immaculate,
that we can assume without impiety the office of

the Supreme, and constitute ourselves the agents
of his justice ? Let him who is without sin cast
the first stone It was the characteristic of an
ancient man, that he was ready to pardon all
faults except his own. We have lived to see the
maxim reversed. We grow wise to see the faults
of others ; we become eloquent to inveigh against
them 5 we are full of zeal to suppress them. We
learn noble truths, that we may appropriate them
to our own purposes of pride ; we are ever ready
to invoke the heavenly powers, but it is only to
make them aUies in our strife.

Is there not a better course established by the all-
wise Ruler, and adapted,, like all the principles of
his moral government, to the constitution of the
human mind? We all indulge in evils; every
man is addicted to many which he has not him-
self perceived. It is not in our animal and selfish
nature to discover these evils, for they are of a
piece with that nature and consonant with it. To
the indulgence of our evils there belongs also a
delight, which diffuses a self-complacency over
the mind, little disposing it to question, much less
to remove the cause of so much pleasure. But
to every evil there is a sting, which sooner or
later the man will feel; reflection will come;
truth will shine upon the understanding; it will
be seen that the end of these things is death. It is
then that the better feelings and principles within
9*

us strive for ascendency over the evil^ what
ever it may be. As this is the course of an indi-
vidual's experience in reformation^ so is it also
the process which a nation undergoes^ when the
evil is national. That the continuance of slavery
is an evil, appears to many of us a thing self-
apparent. We wonder that all do not see it as
readily ; we are apt to impute wilful obstinacy to
those who are not as well convinced of it as
we are. Shall we therefore adopt the course of
those over-zealous persons, who pour forth abuse
and vituperation against slaveholders, applying to
them all manner of odious names? Shall we
charge them with horrible crimes and cruelties,
with a view of enabling them to see their errors,
and to convince them of our superior righteous-
ness ? Nay — but if we wished to rivet them in
what we consider their obstinacy, there could not
be found a more effectual course. If I believe my
neighbour is in error, and reprove him in a spirit
that is not of love, tempered with discretion, the
light which I convey into his mind will enable
him to discover, not his own fault, so much as
mine. My arrogance excites his indignation 5 and
the strife that may follow will be but the warring
of evil passions, how much soever I may assume
the character of a benevolent adviser, and affect
to lament the perverseness of the other. Blended
in the inmost nature of the soul of man, deep

within his heart of hearts, dwells the inhom feel-
ing of moral freedom, which is ever alive to the
slightest impress of external force, and jealous to
repel it. So keenly sensitive is this life within
him, that he will not move in the course which
he believes to be right, if he finds that he is to be
driven to it. For high and holy purposes was
this spirit given; for when once it is deadened,
man sinks degraded from the dignity of his spe-
cies. It is the concomitant of his moral responsi-
bility which would be an absurdity without it. It
indicates with unerring sensibilty, that in matters
which concern himself and for which he alone is
answerable, no foreign influence has a right to
intermeddle. In unison with this, upon the basis
of his own individuality rests the structure of
€very man^s character. He ought to consider
himself as occupying a place in the world which
no other man could fill, whether the same be
humble or exalted, as a being capable, and there-
fore intended, to set forth some peculiar manifes-
tation of wisdom and goodness, out of the infinite
variety of aspects which those heavenly emana-
tions may present. All elements therefore which
he imbibes, whether of thought or of feeling j no
matter how derived whether from science, from
social life, from observation, or from experience,
all will receive, if he be true to himself, a hue and
complexion analogous to the peculiar constitution

of his being. How clearly does nature illustrate
this great truth throughout all her several species
of beasts^ of birds^ of plants, and of minerals^
whereof each being directed by no will save that of
Providence, grows up in its own order, each after
its kind. The cowslip and the lily spring up side
by side in the same meadow ; the like elements of
moisture^ of warmth, of air, and of soil, supply
nourishment to both; yet each absorbs and assimi-
lates according to its own nature, and no art of
man can make the one assume the complexion of
the other. How plainly is the same thing indi-
cated in the endless variety of the human counte-
nance ! Our several features are in general simi-
lar, yet of the myriads of human creatures that
now live, or that have ever lived, where might
you find two faces precisely alike ? or two voices ?
What does this denote but that every man has a
special individuality, whereby he is constituted
one integer; one unit, that amid the community
of interests and feelings that bring us together as
social beings, there is yet in the moral and intel-
lectual universe of this vast creation, one portion
at least whereof he is king — a king subject to law,
but possessed of an awful prerogative, being noth-
ing less than of misery and of happiness, of life
and of death. With the internal concerns of this
kingdom no foreign power has a right to interfere;
still less has the legitimate ruler a right to abdi-

cate his sovereignty. Is not this same principle
set forth continually in the Divine administration
towards man^ wherein force has no part ; wherein
the attribute of Omnipotence interposes not, and
truth itself, 'the sword of the spirit,' exerts no
power except as it is received voluntarily into the
human mind. In the business of our own refor-
mation each must act for himself and not for
another ; the truth which is to enlighten will come
in its own most proper way, adapted to the cir-
cumstances and condition of him who is to profit
by it ; and the same spirit which imparts truth to
discover to us our errors, will not be wanting to
aid us in our efforts to put them away. It is
therefore no small matter to know how far our
interference in another^s concerns may go hand
in hand with duty, and to mark the line where
friendly solicitude ends, and where persecution
begins. It is impossible for words to define it;
the heart that is alive with love to Grod and man,
alone can know it.

What then 1 Have we not a right to speak our
sentiments? Indubitably. But shall we make a
vaunt of it in a spirit of bravado? Shall we
declare our opinions oh delicate matters to all the
world, when such utterance does no good, merely
to show that we possess the right, and are not
afraid to use it? But is it not our duty to pro-
claim what we believe to be the truth? It is.

indeed^ to proclaim it at proper times, to SQch as
are willing to receive it, and who are in a condi-
tion to profit by it. But shall we organize socie-
ties, raise money, establish newspapers, fill the
whole country with excitement, by means of
inflammatory harangues and publications in order
to convince our neighbours of the truth, when in
charity we might suppose them to be as capable
as we, to discover it for themselves ; to say noth-
ing of their sacred right to manage their own
afiairs in the way that shall suit them best. Per-
haps, if we would examine the nature of this zeal
which is consuming us, we should find that other
passions were concerned, besides a love of truth,
and a sincere desire for others' welfare.

But if this impulse to declare the truth be,
indeed, of such holy imperativeness within us, it
is surely not inconsistent with its harmony to seek
a situation, wherein we may obey it legitimately.
Let him then, who is called to be an apostle of
freedom in this matter, introduce himself into a
community where slavery exists ; let him acquire
citizenship; then will he be authorized to take
part in the public affairs, both by voting and by
declaring his sentiments on all public measures.
He may recommend whatever he thinks may be
for the good of the state ; he will be on a footing
with the citizens around him, having something at
stake. How happens it, that the most zealous

advocates of the immediate emancipation of slaTes
are to be found in states where there are no slaves
to be emancipated ?

I take it upon myself to say^ that the people of
the south have manifested no backwardness in
relation to the question of domestic slavery. The
time was not long ago^ when this subject was dis-
cussed with freedom throughout the southern states.
It was becoming a matter of anxious solicitude;
for it concerned them dearly. The process of
effectual reformation was going on in its legiti-
mate way; truth was coming to the minds of the
reflecting in the light of their own experience^ and
was operating upon the unforced will. The evil
of slavery was generally acknowledged ; for I am
persuaded that the sentiments which were declar<
ed some time ago, by Gov. McDuffie, of South
Carolina, were not held then by the intelligent
portion of the southern people. Most of the
prominent men in the board of the Colonization
Society were gentlemen of influence from southern
states. Were they not sincere? Who shall
impeach the integrity of those high-minded and
honourable men 1 A full avowal of the sentiment
was made by Mr. Clay, at a meeting of the Ken-
tucky Colonization Society, not long ago. Let
the life of this great man — a life full of noble and
consistent actions — speak for the purity of his
motives. It was not longer ago, than 18^1 or '32

100

when the legislature of Virginia^ deliberated on
the subject in no superficial manner; and there
were not wanting many votes to carry out a per-
manent system for the amelioration^ if not the
final removal of slavery within that state.

It is true these symptoms have now disappear-
ed. Where shall we look for the cause? I can
find it no where^but in the violence and misguided
zeal of those persons^ who having wandered out
of their sphere^ have carried confusion whereso-
ever the influence of their aberrations has extend-
ed. They declaim in a vague manner concerning
the rights of man; they utter abstract truths,
which^ general and indefinite^ may by a rash
application produce the most dangerous resuhsf
they assume to themselves the name of philan^
thropistSj under which ^ any passions may be
indulged, which a corrupt heart may choose to
cherish. They reiterate the principle, that slavery
is wrong ; that it should be immediately abolished ;
that to do right is our duty, whatever may be the
sacrifice ; that consequences must be left to take
care of themselves. Those maxims mislead by
the semblance of truth which they carry with
them 3 for there is not one of them which is not
proper in its place. But with regard to general
truths, it must 'be observed, that however immuta-
ble they may be in their own nature, it is in the
power of human passions to give them almost

101

any hue^ by blending therewith the subtle essence
of a hidden affection, good or evil. When a spirit
of enthusiastic self-exaltation has taken possession
of a man^s mind, there is no end to the perversion
of the holiest truths. The light of the sun is in
essence always the same ; yet how infinite the
hues and aspects it assumes according to the
quality of its recipient! It sparkles in the dia-
mond, shines translucent in the pearl, and appears
of a dull colour in the common stone. The genial
warmth of the same sun quickens life throughout
universal nature ; imparts vigour to the growing
plant; fragrance to the flower, and sweetness to
fruits; but in some substances it breeds only cor-
ruption, giving birth to worms and creeping things.
How admirably may the first emblem illustrate
the nature of truth ! How well does the latter set
forth the quality of love! In the harmonious
blending of both, as nature displays it in the beams
of the sun, which give forth the mingled blessings
of light and heat, how beautifully may we see
pourtrayed the union, which the order of Heaven
has established between benevolence and know-
ledge. What God hath joined togetheVy let not
man put asunder.

When human things are purged of all evil;

when the social institutions are purified from

every taint ; then may abstract truths find perfect

reception and absolute confirmation in the world.

102

But the progress towards this consummation must
be gradual. Truths are to be tempered in their
application, not altered in their nature ; according
to the maxim : Quicquid recipitur, reeipUur ad
modum recipientis. It was a wise saying of Solon,
who upon being asked, if he had given the best
laws to the Athenians, replied, ^No ; but the besO
^hat they were fitted to receive.' Ill health is in
physical nature, what evil is in moral nature. A
man who is diseased, has in some way departed
from the laws of his bodily system; or has receiv-
ed his malady by hereditary transmission; in
either of which cases, the analogy with moral evil
is perfect. Who does not know that the remedies,
which are to restore him to health, must be
adapted, modified, tempered, according to all the
symptoms, circumstances and conditions of the
disease? When the distemper is of a chronic
nature, who does not know that the return to
health must be gradual in proportion as the
growth of the disease has been slow?

Concerning the doing of right at whatever sacri-
fice I have also to say, that when the sacrifices
which are involved by the doing of what one be-
lieves to be right, are entirely a man^s own, there
is no doubt but he acts well, in obeying this great
truth to any extent that his conscience may direct.
He alone has the control of his own self-govern-
ment, and with Adm dwells the responsibility of

103

his doings. But^ unfortunately, men are most
disposed to involve sacrifices by following out ab-
stract maxims of right, when those sacrifices fall
upon others. It is easy to gain credit for great
devotion to principle at the expense of our neigh-
bours ; especially when, in reality, we have little
real love for their welfare. But I have already
alluded to a mode by which the sincerity of these
philanthropists may be evinced, who are so anx-
ious to do right at all sacrifices. Let them propose/
Ctheir plans in a slave-holding state, having first
become citizens thereof; then will they at least
deserve praise for the purity of their motives^
whatever may be thought of the wisdom of their
policy.

I have said that the indisposition of the southern
people towards taking any measures in regard to
domestic slavery, is owing to the imprudence and
over-zealous interference of abolitionists, in mat-
ters which little concerned them. I wish not to
misrepresent these persons in any particular. But
what has been their course ? Let it be told in the
words of Dr. Channing. 'They have fallen,' says
he. 'into the common error of enthusiasts, that of
exaggerating their object, of feeling as if no evil
existed but that which they opposed, and as if no
guilt could be compared with that of countenanc-
ing or upholding it The tone of their newspa-
pers, as far as I have seen them, has often been

104

fierce^ bitter^ abusive. Their imaginations have
fed too much on pictures of the cruelty to which
the slave is exposed, till not a few have probably
conceived of his abode as perpetually resounding
with the lash and ringing with shrieks of agony.'*
Again : 'The abolitionists sent forth their orators,
some of them transported with a fiery zeal, to
sound the alarm against slavery through the land,
to gather together young, old, pupils from schools,
females hardly arrived at years of discretion, the
ignorant, the excitable, the impetuous, and orga-
nize these into associations for the battle against
oppression. They preached their doctrines to the
coloured people, and collected these into their
societies. To this mixed and excitable multitude,
appeals were made in the piercing tones of pas-
sion ; and slaveholders were held up as monsters
of cruelty and crime.'t

Hear the result; speaking of this course, he
says : 'From the beginning it created alarm in the
considerate, and strengthened the sympathies of
the free states with the slaveholder. It made
converts of a few individuals, but alienated multi-
tudes. It has stirred up bitter passions and a
fierce fanaticism, which have shut every ear and
every heart against its arguments and persuasions.
These effects are the more to be deplored, because
the hope of freedom to the slave lies chiefly in the

* Cbanning on Slavery, p. 153. t lb. p. 166.

105

dispositidns of his master. The abolitionist pro-
posed indeed to convert the slaveholders ; and for
this purpose he approached them with vitupera-
tion, and exhausted on them the vocabulary of
abuse! And he has reaped as he sowed. His
vehement pleadings for the slave have been an-
swered by wilder ones from the master ; and what
is worse, deliberate defences of slavery have been
sent forth in the spirit of the dark ages, and in
defiance of the moral convictions and feelings of
the christian and civilized world.'

Such has been the course of these men who
proclaim themselves the champions of human
freedom ; who insist upon principles with a child-
ish intemperance of passion, which shows that
they do not understand principles ; who advocate
the cause of humanity with a spirit of vindictive-
ness which belies their professions ; who pretend
to uphold the rights of man, yet trample without
scruple upon the rights of their fellow-citizens.
These are the persons who would interfere in the
affairs of wiser men than themselves ; who would
direct the course of legislation to sovereign states,
having not yet learned the first principles of self-
government over their own conduct ; who in the
arrogance of self-exaltation, conceiving them-
selves to be possessed of all wisdom and all purity,
are kindly disposed with congenial charity to bring
ruin upon men in order to befriend them.
10*

106

I wish these sayings to be applied, not to the
moderate and well-meaning, who have unfortu-
nately adopted the creed of abolitionists, in the
belief that no other course was practicable for the
removal of a great evil. There are a few zealots
who have been the busy agents of strife; these
are the men who should be marked as unworthy
of trust, and dangerous; men who pervert truths,
and who seek to lend the countenance of right to
measures which will be found to spring from their
own passions. The evil one is never so much to
be dreaded as when he makes his appearance in
the form of an angel of light. It is the part of all
considerate persons to try the spirits ; keeping in
view at the same time, that the more comprehen-
sive the principle, the more dangerous may be a
rash application of it.

After an attentive perusal of Dr. Channing^s
book, I am not certain whether he intends to
encourage an amalgamation of the two races, as a
means of elevating the blacks to that equality
which bethinks them entitled to. He must either
mean to recommend this course; or his notions
are of a like nature with those of Mr. Jay, who
injsists upon political equality, but not social. In
view of either of these suppositions, I am per-
suaded, that Dr. Channing, has been lending the
sanction of his name and the use of his great
abilities to the propagation of doctrines which are

107

both absurd and daftgerous. The first condition
is not to be thought of; the second is impossible.

There is allusion made by Dr. Channing to a
spurious sort of amalgamation that is now going
on between the two races. This is one of the
evils of slavery, and not the least to be lamented.
It is one of the miserable consequences of that
enervation of character, of that looseness of morals,
of that licentiousness, which ever creeps in where
slavery, long continued in a society, invites to
indolence and unnerves the firmness of the man-
lier virtues. But let no hasty conclusions be
drawn from this, to indicate a ready disposition
towards amalgamation between whites and an
emancipated community of blacks. This kind
of intercourse springs not from affection, such as
would draw equals together into conjugal union.
It is the mere gratification of sensuality, of the
lowest kind of lust, and takes place only when
the unhappy subject is the instrument and the
property of another. It will continue as long as
slavery continues, and will increase in proportion
to the corruption of manners.

But when once a decree of general emancipa-
tion has gone forth, the blacks being now thrown
upon self-action, the two races will stand apart.
There can be no union of affection ; there will
cease to be any of lust. Because, it is evident,
that this mongrel intercourse is now founded upon

108

one sort of relations ; unlike ordinary concubinage
between parties of the same race, it would cease
with the existence of those relations. For although
it may continue while one party may entertain
contempt for the other, as it is indeed founded
thereupon, it cannot remain when hatred becomes
an ingredient of the feeling between them. It
would be well if the southern people kept thfs
truth in mind : that so long as slavery continues
among them in its present aspect, so long are they
the promoters of that yery amalgamation from the
idea of which they revolt with disgust.

When Mr. Burke, impressed with horror at the
fearful excesses to which the French revolu-
tionists were hurried by a blind adherence to ab-
stract doctrines, had in the strength of firm prin-
ciple voluntarily sacrificed the friendship of a
great man, he exclaimed with heart-felt indigna-
tion : 'There is something in this cursed French
revolution that envenoms every thing!* One
would suppose, that the eloquent expostulations
of this far-seeing statesman might have rendered
men cautious in giving way to dazzling specula-
tions, engendered by fancy out of the elements of
truths commingled with evil passions; especially,
when such expostulations were given, not as mere
generalized maxims, vented in the heat of passion,
or moulded in the coldness of speculation ; but as

109

sound truths^ which received confirmation almost
at the moment of their utterance.

The horrible convulsions of the French nation;
have hardly yet subsided into a state of tremulous
quiescence ; yet as though we were to be made
wise by no experience except our own, we are
hearing even now the same kind of haranguing,
the same enthusiastic proclaiming of general max-
ims, which are to be enforced in all their naked-
ness without regard to conditions or particulars ;
nay, without regard to the inevitable ruin which
must follow therefrom. All considerations of
prudence are to be silenced by some such brief
method as this : slavery is sin : att sin ought im-
mediately to cease ; he that would uphold sin,
fights against God, and is braving the vengeance
of Omnipotence. Does the instinctive impulse of
humanity and common sense revolt at the thought
of what consequences must issue from this rash
application? The answer is ready: we are re-
quired to do our duty : it}s not for us to look after
consequences. What awful mockery ! What hor-
rible trifling! What abominable prostitution of
holy truths, to subserve the foul purposes of self-
exalted, self-righteous fanaticism ! If any thing
less than the highest interests of life and property
were involved, how ridiculous would be this
solemn assumption of judicial authority over a
whole people 3 lamenting the cruel necessity which

thus enforces them to be severe; making lachry-
mose faces of pity and tender sympathy, while
they are about to assume the heroic magnanimity
of Brutus^ pronouncing sentence upon his own
blood ; all going to show the noble sacrifice which
they are making at the call of duty! Oh, shade
of Polonius, what methodical madness !

What a magnanimous sacrifice is this which is
to be made at the expense of others ! How pure,
how disinterested, how holy are these efforts to
emancipate the captive, when the ruin, the havoc
and horror that must follow such attempts, made
in such a spirit, are to be spread throughout the
cities, and towns, and hamlets, and domestic
hearths of our countrymen at some distance re-
moved, but in which the philanthropic agents are
to suffer no part?

What think you twas set up
The Greek and Roman name in such a lustre.
But doing right in stem despite to nature.
Shutting their ears to all her little cries.
When great, august, and godlike justice called !

The only difference between the Roman great-
ness, and that which these modem heroes are
ambitious to attain, lies in this ; that the noble
spirits of antiquity barkened to the call of godlike
justice, when themselves were to be the sacrifices,
'as he of Carthage, an immortal name,' whereas.

Ill

our aspirants are most heroic when others are to
be the victims.

I reiterate what was before asserted that the
people of the south have shown no extraordinary
backwardness in considering the matter of domes-
tic slavery, which being an institution of their
own, they alone were chiefly interested in consi-
dering. They were beginning to perceive the
evil of slavery precisely in the manner in which
any evil is perceived, by its consequences upon
themselves. For the analogy is perfect in this
particular^ between a nation and an individual.
We are not disposed to see evil in that which
ministers to our delight or to our interest^ until by
its effects we are made to perceive, that it is not
in harmony with our happiness ; that its ultimate
issue will be ruinous. Upon this discovery tHe
moral principles are not slow in asserting their
supremacy ; and in a man, or in a community, if
the evil be national, where any redeeming power
yet remains in its integrity, reformation will begin,
and it will continue to advance precisely in pro-
portion as th« mind receives light, and as the cir-
cumstances of the case will admit the application
of truths. But the great truth cannot be too often
remembered, that this is the work of the indivi-
dual ; whether the individual b^ a man or a nation.
Whatever influence may com^ from abroad, it
should come in such shape of candour or affec-

112

tionate sympathy, as that the reception of it shall
be voluntary. But let no arrogant self-superiority,
no assumed solicitude of mawkish compassion, no
denunciations of zeal, claiming to he holy, dare
intrude upon the sacred province of human free
agency, to violate those high prerogatives which
omnipotence will not infringe even to shield re-
sponsible agents from destruction. For in the
awful dignity of moral existence the touch of vio-
lence to this spirit of being is little less than death.
But how entirely is all this overbearing anxiety
a work of supererogation ? Are there not men of
good hearts and intelligent minds among the peo-
ple of the slave-holding states 1 Who doubts that
the south contains within itself all the elements
that are necessary to self-redemption from any
evils into which the inadvertence of former gene-
rations have brought it? Not only has a proper
disposition been manifested by the wise and good
of the southern people towards considering the
subject of domestic slavery ; but, unlike the blind
agitations which are often the premonitory tokens
of a coming reformation, their efifoj^ts seem to
have been fortunate in an uncommon degree, as it
respects . the direction which their plans have
taken. They have hit upon the principle, which
I make bold to affirm, is the only principle, upon
which any safe and effectual system can be de-
vised of ultimately delivering this country from

113

the evil of slavery, with security at once to both
races, and with any prospect of final good to the
blacks. I do not say that the first organization of
the Colonization society was adapted to this end.
I believe it was not. It must be the work of each
state separately, after the manner of Maryland — a
state which has the honour of taking the second
step in the gradual progress of this great work.

I am willing, my dear sir, to believe that in the
conception of this scheme, there is to be seen the
germ of a future growth of blended wisdom and
benevolence, which shall be the glory of this
country and of the age. Is it objected that no
provision is made for the emancipation of slaves ?
Let not impatience outrun the order of things.
Every work must have a beginning, whether the
design be great or small, and perfection is not
usually the characteristic of beginnings. I had
designed to dwell at large upon the plan and pros-
pects of African colonization, but, to tell the
truth, I am wearied with writing, as I fear you
will be with reading, so long a letter ; although I
have broken the epistle into chapters for the con-
venience of resting places. If my intention hold,
and your patience be not exhausted, I will treat of
those topics in a future letter. I shall then briefly
notice colonization ; that it is no new or untried
system, but that it has been practised continually
in all ages of the worlds since the days of Noah :
11

114

that colonies have generally outstripped the pa-
rent country^ as may be illustrated by numerous
examples in history, both ancient and modem. It
would be worth while for some competent man to
write a book on this particular view; showing
how transplantation operates to change the cha-
racter, by placing men in situations, wherein the
personal responsibility of each is directly felt, and
every one is brought to rely upon his own exer-
tions. I shall consider African colonization, par-
ticularly ; how it differs from all other examples
of colonization in many particulars, all of which
are to its advantage ; how the special direction of
providence seems manifest in making the capti-
vity of the negroes in this country the means of
introducing knowledge and civilization into Afri-
ca, which in the ordinary course of human things,
would hardly gain admittance in any other man-
ner.

I am sure it is not a vain imagination that fills
my mind, when I view in prospect the future
glory of this great undertaking. I found my prog-
nostications upon the nobleness of the principles
which are at its basis. There have been colonies
planted for purposes of trade, as those of the
Dutch in the East Indies, and of the English at
the Cape of Good Hope ; there have been settle-
ments made in foreign parts by reason of violence
and persecution at home; or in avaricious pur-

115

suits of gold ; or to serve as receptacles for the
emptying of domestic jails ; but never before in
the history of human kind has benevolence thus
sought to propagate itself by the deliverance of
captives ; by the raising up of the oppressed ; by
the nurture and protectioyi of the unfriended. I
sincerely hope^ that the excellent spirit which has
quickened this great system into birth, may brood
over its infancy; may continue to direct its un-
folding energies; may never depart from it; but
may remain henceforth to insure a consummation
which shall be worthy of such a beginning.

With much esteem, I remain.

Dear sir, yours, &c.

P. T.

^i^^^

3 2044 037 742 913

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