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L  I  B  R.AFLY 

OF   THE 

UN  IVERSITY 

or    ILLINOIS 

F"A 

V.  2(23 


Return  this  book  on  or  before  the 
Latest  Date  stamped  below. 


University  of  Illinois  Library 


<r 


L161  — H41 


Publications 


OF 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL 
HISTORY 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SERIES 
Volume  XXVI 


H'TBrnnnnriiMivinnmD  ■       IVfil     .•  '■■o«ii«i«iniwfl«  t*M  , 


CHICAGO,  U.S.A. 
1937 


PRINTED   IN   THE   UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 
BY  FIELD  MUSEUM   PRESS 


A 


Anthropological  Series 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 

Founded  by  Marshall  Field,  1893 

Volume  XXVI 


SOURCE  BOOK 

FOR 

AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 

PART  I 

THF  LiBRARy  OF  THE 

BY  3E:C2  9|937 

Wilfrid  D.  Hambly^wversjty  of /ufiyofs 

CURATOR   OF   AFRICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


111  Text  Figures,  5  Maps 


Paul  S.  Martin 

CHIEF  CURATOR,  DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 
EDITOR 


Publication  394 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
1937 


Anthropological  Series 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 

Founded  by  Marshall  Field,  1893 

Volume  XXVI 


SOURCE  book 

FOR 

AFRICAN  anthropology 


PART  I 

BY 

Wilfrid  D.  Hambly 

CURATOR  OF  AFRICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


OF 


7/yf 


9 


Z2'^'3^ 


111  Text  Figures,  5  Maps 


Paul  S.  Martin 

CHIEF  CURATOR,  DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 
EDITOR 


Publication  394 


\ 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
1937 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF   AMERICA 
BY  FIELD  MUSEUM  PRESS 


5TX.0£> 

CONTENTS 
Part  I 

PAGB 

List  of  Illustrations 7 

Foreword 13 

Preface 15 

SECTION  I:  OUTLINES  OF  AFRICA 

I.    Physiography  and  Nature  Notes 19 

Physical  Features 19 

Climate 30 

Vegetation  Zones 32 

Animal  Life      51 

II.    History 72 

Kinds  of  Evidence .    •  72 

Datable  Events 73 

III.    Prehistory     91 

Fossil    Man 91 

Stone  Implements 99 

Archaeological  Technique 99 

Europe 101 

North  Africa 106 

East  Africa 118 

South  Africa 123 

The  Congo  Region  and  West  Africa 132 

Rock  Paintings  and  Engravings 137 

Stone  Monuments  and  Buildings 152 

IV.    Physical  Anthropology 161 

Technique 161 

Negroes 163 

Western  Negroes  (Table  1) 165 

Central  Negroes  (Table  2) 172 

South  and  Southwestern  Negroes  (Table  3) 175 

Eastern  Negroes  (Table  4) 177 

Nilotic  Negroes  (Table  5) 180 

Semites,  Hamites,  Half-Hamites  (Table  6) 186 

Hamites  (Northern) 194 

Hamites  (Eastern) 194 

Half-Hamites 202 

Pygmies  (Table  7) 202 

Khoisan  People  (Bushmen  and  Hottentots)  (Tables  7,  8) 210 

Comparison  of  Physical  Types 220 

Stature 220 

Head  Form       222 

Nose 222 

3 


4  Contents 

PAGE 

Human  Origins  and  Migrations 226 

Paleontology 226 

Dispersal  of  Physical  Types 227 

The  Concept  of  Race 229 

Differentiation 231 

Environment 232 

Hybridization 233 

Quantitative  and  Qualitative  Differences 234 

African  Migrations  and  Mixtures 240 

Pygmies  and  the  Khoisan      240 

Negroes 243 

Hamites  and  Semites 248 

V.    Congenital  Anomalies,  Deformation,  Ornaments,  and 

Clothing 255 

VI.    Psychology 276 

VII.    Languages  and  Literature 288 

Language  and  Culture 288 

Classification  of  Languages 289 

Bushman  Languages 291 

Sudanic  Languages 293 

Bantu  Languages 296 

Hamitic  and  Semitic  Languages 299 

Writing  (Table  9) 302 

Proverbs 309 

Folklore 311 

Songs  and  Poetry 316 

Sign  and  Whistling  Languages 318 

,  Drama 319 

Symbolic  Messages  and  Drum  Language 320 

Field  Records 322 

SECTION  II :  THE  CULTURE  AREA  CONCEPT 

I.    Topography  and  Culture 325 

II.    Hunting  Cultures 329 

Bushmen       329 

Pygmies 341 

III.  Pastoral  Pursuits 349 

IV.  Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara 361 

The  Tuareg 361 

The  Tibesti  Plateau 372 

The  Libyan  Oases 375 

V.    Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements 379 

The  Arabian  Background 379 

TheKababish 380 

Mohammedanism 387 

Arab-Berber  Culture 393 

VI.    Agriculture 398 


Contents  5 


PAGE 


Part  II 

SECTION  III:  BASIC  ELEMENTS  OF  NEGRO  CULTURE 

Introduction 407 

I.    Sexual  Life 409 

Courtship  and  Marriage 409 

Polygamy 417 

Divorce 419 

Other  Sexual  Relations 424 

II.    Education  of  Children 429 

Pregnancy  and  Infancy      429 

Home  Influence,  Games,  Dancing,  Music 442 

Initiation  into  the  Tribe 45g 

III.  Social  Organization 469 

Kinship  Terms  (Tables  10,  11) '  469 

The  Family 475 

Clans  and  Totems 434 

The  Village  and  the  Kingdom 495 

IV.  Social  Controls 49g 

Secret  Societies 493 

Age-Groups 502 

Law 506 

V.    Social  Conflicts 52i 

Warfare  and  Head-hunting 52i 

Slavery      533 

VI.    Religion 541 

Difficulties  of  Study 54]^ 

The  Idea  of  God      542 

Sacred  Kings 548 

Survival  after  Death,  and  Ancestor  Worship 556 

Religion  and  Conduct 565 

Sacred  Animals 567 

Medicine-men 57O 

VII.    Economic  Life 586 

Agriculture 586 

Domestic  Animals 594 

Hunting 596 

Fishing 602 

Nature  Lore  and  Collecting 604 

Commerce 609 

Arts  and  Handicrafts 613 

Ritual  and  Occupation 642 

SECTION  IV:  THE  EUROPEAN  PERIOD 

I.    Exploration 649 

Maritime  Enterprise 649 

The  Sahara  and  the  Niger 654 

The  Congo  and  Zambezi  Rivers 661 

South  and  East  Africa 666 

The  Nile  and  Northeast  Africa 668 


6  Contents 

PAGE 

II,    European  Governments 672 

The  Partitioning  of  Africa 672 

Independent  Territory 673 

Britain 674 

France 681 

Belgium 684 

Portugal 684 

Italy 685 

Spain 688 

III,  Welfare  of  Africans 690 

Health  and  Population 690 

Labor  Laws 696 

Education  and  Administration 698 

Anthropology  and  Government .  710 

IV,  Suggestions  for  Research 720 

History  of  Anthropology 720 

The  Present      722 

The  Future 725 

Bibliographies 

Periodicals 728 

Authors 733 

Political  Areas 836 

Sources  by  E.  V.  Prostov 840 

General  Index     867 

Bibliographical  Index 921 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 
Text  Figures 

PART  I 

PAGE 

1.  Unloading  natron,  Baya  Seyarum,  Lake  Chad 27 

2.  Types  of  landscape,     a.  Parkland  scenery  near  Sokoto,  Nigeria,  river 

bed  in  drought,    b.  Dense  forest  bordering  a  river,  Cameroons  .    .   33 

3.  Parkland  scenery  on  high  plateau,  Abyssinia  (from  photograph  by 

A.  M.  Bailey).  Field   Museum-Chicago  Daily  News  Abyssinian 
Expedition 35 

4.  Sandy  Pliocene  desert  southwest  of  Dahshur  Pyramids,  Egypt  (cour- 

tesy of  Oriental  Institute,  University  of  Chicago) 36 

5.  Gebel    Rakhmaniyyah    with    Pliocene    platform,    Wadi    Madamud, 

Egypt    (courtesy  of   Oriental  Institute,  University  of  Chicago)  .   37 

6.  Semi-desert  with  thorn  bush,  near  Hawash,  Abyssinia  (from  photograph 

by  A.  M.  Bailey).  Field  Museum-Chicago  Daily  News  Abyssinian 
Expedition 39 

7.  Baobab  tree  and  semi-desert  scenery  (from  painting  by  Field  Museum 

Staff  Artist,  Charles  A.  Corwin) 40 

8.  a.    North  African  oasis  with  date  palms.  Phoenix  dadylifera  (from 

painting  by  Field  Museum  Staff  Artist,  Charles  A.  Corwin).    b.  Oil 
palm,  Elaeis  guineensis 43 

9.  a.   Borassus   palm,   Borassus  flabellifer.     b.    Dum    palm,    Hyphaene 

thebaica 45 

10.  a.   Raffia  palm,  Elende,  Angola.    6.    Climbing  a  palm,  Cameroons     .    .   47 

11.  a.   Euphorbia  menelikii,  Abyssinian  plateau,  desert  type  of  vegetation, 

15  meters  high  (after  F.  Rosen,  from  G.  Karsten  and  H.  Schenck). 

b.  Termite  hill,  Cameroons 49 

12.  African   water-hole,   southern   Abyssinia.    Black   rhinoceros.   Grant's 

zebra,  common  eland  on  extreme  left.  Grant's  gazelle  (from  group 

in  Field  Museum) 53 

13.  Domestic  animals,    a.   Fat-tailed  sheep,     b.   Long-eared  Syrian  goat. 

c.  Fat-rumped  sheep,    d.   Keltic  breed  of  long-snouted  pig    ....  57 

14.  Hyrax,  Abyssinia.  Scale  about  1:20  (from  group  in  Field  Museum)     .    .  60 

15.  African  cheetahs.     Scale  about  1:36  (from  group  in  Field  Museum)  .  61 

16.  African  hyenas,     a.   Spotted,     b.   Striped.     Scale  about  1:24  (from 

groups  in  Field  Museum) 63 

17.  Mongoose,  southwest  Africa.    Scale  about  1:3  (from  specimen  in  Field 

Museum) 65 

18.  a.   Aardvark.    Scale  about  1: 15.    b.  Pangolin.    Scale  about  1 : 8  (from 

specimens  in  Field  Museum) 66 

19.  Catfish,  Clarias  senegalensis.     Scale  about  1:3 67 

20.  African  weaver-birds  and  nest.     Scale  about  1:6     (from  specimens  in 

Field  Museum)      69 

'"21.  African  paleoliths.  Scale  about  7: 12.  a.  Paleolith  of  brownish  tinge, 
plano-convex,  worked  on  convex  side.  Ormiston,  East  Griqualand. 
b.  Paleolith  of  gray  stone,  trimmed  with  coarse  flakes  both  sides, 
ridges  well  worn,  Vaal  River  Gravel,  Barkly  West,  on  bed  rock 
under  24  inches  of  gravel,  c.  Paleolith,  Mousterian  type,  Somali- 
land.  Presented  by  H.  W.  Seton-Karr.  d.  Paleolith,  Mousterian 
type,  of  white  quartzite,  Somaliland.  Presented  by  H.  W.  Seton- 
Karr.  e.  Paleolith,  Mousterian  type,  brown  quartzite,  Somali- 
land.  Presented  by  H.  W.  Seton-Karr.  /.  Paleolith,  chisel 
shaped,  grayish  color,  Taungs,  South  Africa 105 

7 


8  List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

*22.  African  stone  implements.  Scale  about  2:3.  a.  Stone  celt  of  reddish 
color,  Neolithic,  Ashanti.  b.  Gray  stone  implement,  Mousterian 
type,  Glen  Grey  Hills,  Queenstown,  Cape  Province,  South  Africa. 
c.  Brown  stone  implement,  Mousterian  type,  provenance  same  as 
(6).  d.  Gray  stone  implement,  Smithfield  culture,  Mousterian 
type,  flat  one  side,  De  Keil  Oost,  Orange  Free  State,  South  Africa. 
e-j.  Crescentic  implements  and  core  (g)  of  the  Wilton  type. 
Western  Free  State,  South  Africa 107 

*23.  African  implements  of  stone  and  bone.  Scale  about  2:3.  a,  h-k. 
Collected  by  Miss  Caton-Thompson  and  presented  to  Field 
Museum  by  British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Egypt,  a.  Flint 
implement  with  serrated  edge,  Qasr  Sagha,  Faiyum  Desert,  Egypt. 

b.  c.  Flint  point,  Cap  Blanc,  French  Mauretania.  d-g.  Bone 
awls,  Wilton  culture,  Robbery  Cave,  South  Africa,  h.  Long 
flint  flake  retouched  at  point,  Faiyum  Desert,  Egypt,  i.  Neo- 
lithic javelin  point  of  flint.  Old  Lake  Basin,  Faiyum  Oasis,  Egypt. 
j-k.  Neohthic  arrowheads  of  flint,  Faiyum  Desert,  Egypt,  l-n. 
Flint  arrow  heads,  NeoHthic,  Cap  Blanc,  French  Mauretania   .    .    .   113 

24.  Rock  paintings  and  engravings,  a.  Paintings  from  Ennedi,  Sahara, 
after  Passemard  and  Saint-Floris.  Size  not  given,  color  red.  b. 
Rock  engravings,  Sahara,  after  Barth.     Size  about  3  by  4  feet. 

c.  Engraving  of  white  rhinoceros.  South  Africa,  after  Oilman. 
Technique  furrowing  and  pointing,  lightly  pecked.     Scale   1:8. 

d.  Painting,  South  Africa,  after  Stow  and  Bleek.  Rhinoceros 
hunt,  hunters  wearing  hartebeests'  heads.  Painting  on  rocks  at 
Kareefontein  on  Caledon  River,  Ladybrand  District.  Color 
black,  size  18  by  35  inches 139 

2-5.     Negro  types,  Ogbomosho,  Nigeria,     a.   Bini  man.     b.   Jekri  youth   .   166 

26.  Negro  types,  Ovimbundu,  Angola,    a.   Modified  Negro  type.    b.   Typi- 

cal Negro  features 167 

27.  Bari  man,  near   Juba.    Anglo-Egyptian   Sudan    (courtesy  of  Marvin 

Breckinridge,  copyright) 182 

28.  Bari  man,  near   Juba.     Anglo-Egyptian   Sudan    (courtesy  of  Marvin 

Breckinridge,  copyright) 183 

29.  Bedouin  Arab  of  Tunis,  North  Africa      185 

30.  Bedouin  Arab  of  Tunis,  North  Africa      187 

31.  Well-educated,  Arabic-speaking  type,  Tunisia,  Berber  features  .    .    .189 

32.  Bedouin  Arab  woman,  Tunisia,  North  Africa 191 

33.  Bedouin  Arab  woman,  Tunisia,  North  Africa 192 

34.  Pure  Saharan  Berber  (Tuareg)  type  (after  M.  G.  Grandidier)    .    .    .    .193 

35.  Egyptians  of  Luxor,     a.   Hamitic  type.     b.   Showing  Negroid   and 

Hamitic  mixtures  (after  photographs  by  H.  Field) 195 

36.  Amharic-speaking   Abyssinians,  Addis  Ababa  (after  photographs  by 

A.  M.  Bailey).  Left,  hair-dressing  indicates  that  he  has  killed 
a  lion.  Right,  Amharic-speaking  Abyssinian,  Addis  Ababa.  Field 
Museum-Chicago  Daily  News  Abyssinian  Expedition 196 

37.  Eastern  Hamitic  types,     a.    Hadendoa,  sword  on  back    (courtesy  of 

Sudan  Government  Railways),  b.  Somali  (courtesy  of  Th.  T. 
MoUison,  Anthropologisches  Institut  der  Universitat  Munchen)    .    197 

38.  Abyssinian  (Amharic-speaking,  left).  Black  Falasha  (right),  and  Abys- 

sinian ibex  (from  photograph  by  A.  M.  Bailey).  Field  Museum- 
Chicago  Daily  News  Abyssinian  Expedition 200 

39.  Masai  warriors,  Kenya,  Half-Hamites 203 

40.  Pygmy   chief,   northeast   Aruwimi    River.      Stature  4  feet  2   inches. 

Wears  strip  of  okapi  skin  round  waist  (from  photograph  by  Mrs. 
Delia  Akeley,   copyright) 205 


List  of  Illustrations  9 

PAGE 

41.  Bambuti  Pygmies,  Ituri   Forest,      a.    Male.       b.   Mother  and  child 

(from  photograph  by  E.  Heller) 207 

42.  Bambuti    Pygmies,  Ituri  Forest,    a.  Female,     b.  Male  (from  photo- 

graph by  E.  Heller) 209 

43.  Bushman,  Cassinga,  Angola 211 

44.  Bushmen,   Gomodino   Pan,   Kalahari   Desert   (courtesy  of  Arthur  S. 

Vernay,  copyright)       218 

45.  Bushmen,    Gomodino   Pan,    Kalahari   Desert  (courtesy  of  Arthur  S. 

Vernay,  copyright)      219 

46.  Bushmen,    Gomodino   Pan,    Kalahari   Desert  (courtesy  of  Arthur  S. 

Vernay,  copyright)      221 

47.  Bushwoman,  near  Gemsbok  Pan,  Kalahari  Desert,  wearing  forehead 

band   of   ostrich-eggshell   beads    (courtesy  of  Arthur  S.  Vernay, 
copyright) 223 

48.  Hottentot  man,  front  and  side  views  (after  G.  Fritsch) 225 

49.  Albinos,    a.  Albino  woman,  Vachokwe,  Cangamba,  Angola,    b.  Partial 

albino,  Akikuyu  tribe,  Kenya 257 

50.  Scarification,    a.    Munshi  woman,  Katsina  Ala.    b.   Angas  man,  near 

Pankshin,  Nigeria 259 

51.  Dental  mutilation,    a.   Esele  man,  Angola,    b.   Sara  man.  Lake  Chad   .   261 

52.  Personal  ornament,    a.    M'Bunda  woman,  teeth  mutilated,  Cangamba, 

Angola,    b.   Esele  woman  wearing  nose-pin,  Angola 263 

53.  Negrillo  and  dwarf,     a.   Batwa,  cross  between  Negro  and  Pygmy, 

Kasai,  Congo,  a  somatic  type.     6.    Dwarf,  Kano,  Nigeria,  con- 
genital malformation 264 

54.  Personal  ornament,    a.   Distension  of  ear  lobes,  Kikuyu  boy,  Kenya. 

b.    Cranial  deformation  and  tooth  mutilation,  woman,   Ruwen- 
zori  (from  photograph  by  E.  Heller) 265 

55.  Berg  Damara  woman,  with  Herero  headdress,  South  West  Africa  (from 

photograph  by  Arthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright) 267 

56.  Unclothed  types,     a.   Luvando   girls,  southwest   Angola,     b.   Angas 

women  wearing  leaves,  near  Pankshin,  Nigeria 268 

57.  Personal  ornament,     a.   Bolewa  girl,  Potiskum,  Nigeria,     b.   Shuwa 

Arab  girl,  Maiduguri,  Nigeria 269 

58.  Fulani  clothing  and  ornament,  near  Shendam,  Nigeria 271 

59.  Hausa  types,  male  and  female,  of  Kano,  Nigeria 272 

60.  West  African  clothing,    a.  Yoruba  children,  Ibadan,  Nigeria,    b.  Fulani 

chiefs,  near  Shendam,  Nigeria 273 

61.  Mohammedan    education.      a.    Mallam    of    Bida,    Nigeria,    writing 

Koranic  texts,    b.    School  in  Kano  market,  Nigeria 307 

62.  Bushman   kneeling   to   shoot,    Koatwe   Pan,   Kalahari  Desert   (from 

photograph  by  Arthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright) 331 

63.  Bushwomen,  Gomodino  Pan,  Kalahari  Desert,  filling  ostrich  eggshells 

with  water  (from  photograph  by  Arthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright)      .   335 

64.  Bambuti  Pygmies,  southern  border  Ituri  Forest  (from  photograph   by 

E.  Heller)      343 

65.  Huts  of  Bambuti  Pygmies,  Ituri  Forest.    Built  near  place  where  ele- 

phant  was   killed   by   Pygmies  (courtesy  of  Mrs.  Delia  Akeley, 
copyright,   1930)      344 

66.  Cattle-keeping   Vakwanyama,   Angola,     a.   Woman   with   hide  skirt 

and  leather  belt.     b.    Man  wearing  omba  shells  and  hide  loin- 
covering     353 

67.  a.   Cattle  of  the  Ovimbundu,  Elende,  Angola,     b.   House  of  cattle- 

keeping  Vakwanyama,  Angola 355 

68.  a.   Transport  by  cattle,  Maradi,  French  Niger  Territory,     b.   Portu- 

guese riding  an  ox,  Elende,  Angola 357 


10  List  of  Illustrations 

PAGB 

69.  Tuareg  caravan,  near  Zinder,  French  Niger  Territory 363 

70.  Tuareg  of  Timbuktu  (from  photograph  by  John  F.  Jennings).     Straus 

West  African  Expedition 365 

71.  Ba'ij  Bedouin,  near  Kish,  Iraq  (from  photograph  by  H.  Field)     .    .    .   378 

72.  Bedouin  tent,  typical  of  Arabia  and  north  Africa  (from  photograph 

by  H.  Field) 380 

73.  North  and  west  African  architecture,  Kano,  Nigeria 381 

74.  a.    House    in    Kano,    Nigeria,    north    African    Mohammedan    style. 

b.  Musicians  at  Ilorin.  On  left  player  of  algaita  a  north  African 
instrument ■ 389 

75.  African  horsemen,    a.   Dejazmatch  Ayalu,  ruler  in  Simien  Mountains, 

Abyssinia,  b.  Horseman  with  mail  shirt,  Potiskum,  Nigeria  (from 
photograph  by  A.  M.  Bailey).  Field  Museum-Chicago  Daily 
News  Abyssinian  Expedition 391 

76.  Houses  of  agricultural  Negroes,  a.  Village  scene,  Cameroons.  b.  House 

with  painted  walls,  near  Bailundu,  Angola      399 

*77.     Musical    instruments    from    Angola,      a.   Dumb-bell    basket    rattle, 
Vachokwe,   Cangamba.     b.   Wooden  flute,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 

c.  Gourd  instrument  played  by  rubbing  grooves  with  a  stick. 

d.  Ankle  rattles  made  from  seed  pods,  Ovimbundu,  Bailundu. 

e.  Instrument  with  iron  keys  on  a  wooden  board,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  /.  Musical  bow,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  g.  Strip  of 
rattan;  can  be  bent  to  form  a  musical  bow.  h.  Frictional  instru- 
ment, played  by  rubbing  a  stick  on  the  grooves.  One  end  of  the 
bow  is  placed  against  the  performer's  teeth 449 

78.  Initiation  rites,     a.   Newly  circumcised  boys,  Vachokwe,   Cangamba, 

Angola,  b.  Vachokwe  boys  confined  after  circumcision,  Can- 
gamba, Angola 461 

79.  Initiation  ceremonies,    a.   Whipping  ceremony,  Fulani  tribe,  Shendam, 

Nigeria,  b.  Women  in  charge  of  novices,  Vanyemba,  Ngongo, 
Angola 463 

80.  Village  defence,    a.  Door  in  palisade,  Ovimbundu,  Ngalangi.    b.  Stra- 

tegic site  on  hill-top,  Vasele,  Angola 523 

81.  Vakwanyama  warriors  with  tufted  spears,  bows,  and  throwing-clubs  .    .   525 

82.  Funeral  rites,    a.   Bearers  of  a  corpse,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.    b.   Grave 

near  Caconda,  Ovimbundu 559 

83.  Sacred  reptiles,  a.  Python  which  has  swallowed  a  goat,  eastern  Congo. 

Photograph  by  E.  Heller     b.   White  crocodile,  Ibadan,  Nigeria.   .   569 

84.  Sacred  groves,    a.   Priests  of  Ife,  Nigeria,  in  charge  of  terra-cotta  heads. 

b.   Terra-cotta  heads  in  sacred  grove,  Ife 573 

85.  Curing  the  sick.     a.    Vachokwe  tribe,  Cangamba,  Angola,     b.    The 

cupping  operation,  Vachokwe,  near  Ngalangi 577 

*86.     Magical  figure  studded  with  nails,  Loango  Coast,  mouth  of  Congo  River  .  579 

*87.     Head-piece  of  wood  covered  with  skin,  to  be  sewn  to  a  medicine-man's 

costume,  Balessing  tribe,  Cameroons 581 

88.  Granaries,  Angola,     a.   Near  Ngalangi,  a  clay  and  wattle  structure. 

b.   Vakwanyama,  a  basket  under  a  thatch 589 

89.  Long-horned  ox,  Kukawa,  Lake  Chad 594 

90.  Negro  hunters,      a.   Ocimbundu  near  Elende,  Angola.      b.   Munshi 

near  Katsina  Ala,  Nigeria 597 

91.  a.   Hunter's  trophies,  Ovimbundu.     b.   Hunter's  tomb,  Ovimbundu, 

Luimbale 599 

92.  Wandorobo,  hunters  of  Kenya.  Houses  are  like  those  of  Ituri  Pygmies   .   601 

93.  Food  collecting  and  fishing,     a.   Beehive,  eastern  Angola,     b.   Fisher- 

man in  bark  canoe,  Vachokwe,  Cangamba 605 


List  of  Illustrations  11 

PAGE 

94.  a.   Ukwanyama  man  preparing  hides  by  treading,     b.   Fishing  by  a 

weir  at  Maiduguri,  Nigeria 607 

95.  Canoe  of  papyrus  reeds,  Buduma,  Lake  Chad 608 

96.  Carved  wooden  drum,  Bamendjo  tribe,  Cameroons.    Scale  about  1:8.    .   615 

*97.  Wood-carving,  Nigeria,  a.  Stool,  Nupe,  Bida.  Scale  about  1:10. 
b.  Stool,  Munshi,  Katsina  Ala.  Scale  about  1:7.  c.  Adze  and 
knife  for  carving  stools,  Bida.  Scale  about  1:10.  d.  Figure  of 
Elebiti,  deceased  medicine-man,  Yoruba,  Ife.  Scale  about  1:4. 
e.  Modern  wood-carving,  Benin.  Scale  about  1:4.  /.  Doll,  Yoruba, 
Ogbomosho.  Scale  about  1:6.  g.  Sandal,  Buduma  woman.  Lake 
Chad.  Scale  about  1:6 617 

*98.     Carved  wooden  boxes  for  kola  nuts,  Benin.    Scale  about  1:2 618 

*99.  Carved  wooden  staffs  and  clubs,  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokwe,  Angola. 
Scale  about  1:10.  a.  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  b.  Vachokwe, 
Cangamba.  c.  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  d.  Vachokwe,  Kuchi.  e. 
Ovimbundu,  Elendi.  /.  Staff  of  dead  king,  from  hut  in  which 
relics  of  kings  are  kept,  Ngalangi.  g.  Vachokwe  workmanship, 
obtained  from  an  Ocimbundu,  Elende.  h.  Staff  of  office,  a  cere- 
monial paddle,  carried  by  headman  of  Lioko,  a  village  of  Ngalangi. 
i.  Throwing-club  for  killing  game,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  j. 
Swagger  stick,  Ovimbundu,  Elende 619 

*100.  Wood-carving,  Ovimbundu,  Angola 621 

*101.  Ornamented  gourds,  Nigeria.  Scale  about  1:7.  a.  Gourd  dyed  indigo, 
Bida.  b.  White  incised  gourd,  Ogbomosho.  c.  Black  wooden 
bowl,  Potiskum.  d.  Gourd  dyed  red,  scraped  to  form  patterns. 
e.  Gourd  with  incised  and  burnt  patterns  on  a  yellow  surface, 
Maiduguri.  /.  Gourd,  incised  and  burnt  on  yellow  surface, 
Nupe,  Bida 623 

102.  Wood-carving,    Angola.      a.    Medicine-man's    figurine,    Ovimbundu, 

Cuma.  6.  Head  of  club,  Vachokwe,  Cangamba.  c.  Hair  comb, 
Vachokwe,  Mona  Quimbundo.  Scale  about  1:2  (from  sketch  by 
LucileWard) 625 

103.  Grove,  Ife,  sacred  to  Ogun,  patron  of  blacksmiths.     Contains  first 

hammer  and  anvil  of  Ogun.  Remains  of  a  sacrificed  dog  are  on 
the  anvil 627 

*104.  Bronze-casting  from  Benin.  Scale  about  1 : 4 628 

*105.  Beaten  brasswork,  Nupe  tribe,  Bida.  Scale  about  1:5.  a.  Round  bowl. 
b.  Ewer  for  water,  used  by  Mohammedans  for  washing  hands 
before  prayer,  c.  Oval  tray.  d.  Woman's  copper  anklets, 
Buduma,  Lake  Chad.  e.  Round  tray,  Bida.  /.  Arm  dagger  and 
brass  scabbard,    g.   Vessel  for  kola  nuts 631 

106.  Making  pottery,  Ogbomosho,  Nigeria,  a.  Polishing  a  pot  with  a  pebble. 

b.   Firing  insides  of  pots 633 

107.  a.   Winding  cotton,  Iseyin,  Nigeria,     b.    Making  the  base  of  a  pot  by 

pounding  clay,  Kano,  Nigeria 637 

108.  Weaving  by  men.     a.   Weaving  cotton,  Kano,  Nigeria,     b.   Weaving 

raffia  fiber,  Cameroons 638 

109.  Woven  Kabyle  rug   (presented  to  Field  Museum  by  Mr.  Homer  E. 

Sargent) 639 

*110.  Beaded  gourds  for  holding  palm  wine.     Scale  about  1:5 640 

*111.  Beaded  wooden  stool,  central  Cameroons.   Scale  about  1 : 5 641 

♦From  objects  in  Field  Museum. 

Objects  from  Angola  were  collected  by  the  Frederick  H.  Rawson-Field  Museum  Ethnolosical 
Expedition  to  West  Africa,  1929-1930. 


12  List  of  Illustrations 

MAPS  ^^^e" 

1.  Approximate  positions  of  principal  tribes  and  places  mentioned  in  the  text. 

Scale:  1  inch=804  miles 16 

2.  Climatic  and  vegetation  zones.    Scale:  1  inch=  1130  miles 32 

3.  Tentative  scheme  for  distribution  of  language  families.    Scale:  1  inch= 

804  miles 288 

4.  Culture  areas  shown  approximately  by  shaded  boundaries  and  broken 

lines.     Arrows  indicate  Mohammedan  influence.     Scale:  1  inch=880 
miles 324 

5.  Approximate  political  boundaries  of  European  possessions.     Scale:   1 

inch=804  miles 672 


FOREWORD 

Dr.  Hambly  and  I  fully  realize  that  this  source  book  is  far  from 
perfect;  yet  an  industrious  and  unbiased  attempt  has  been  made 
to  bring  together  within  the  covers  of  one  book  a  summary  of  all 
the  most  important  facts  that  are  known  about  Africa.  This  alone 
is  a  meritorious  task,  since  the  book  contains  more  information  about 
Africa,  and  a  better  bibliography  of  the  literature  for  that  continent, 
than  any  other  work  in  English  with  which  I  am  acquainted. 

Possibly  the  linguist,  the  physical  anthropologist,  and  the 
archaeologist  will  hoist  the  flag  of  battle,  will  bear  down  on  the 
section  about  which  he  knows  most,  and  will  utter  loud  protests. 
The  charge  will  be  that  the  section  under  fire  is  not  adequately 
treated  and  that  Dr.  Hambly  is  not  a  "specialist"  in  that  field. 

We  freely  admit  that  more  might  be  written  concerning  any  one 
of  the  many  topics  that  are  treated  herein,  but  excess  of  detail 
would  obscure  the  main  issues  and  would  add  greatly  to  the  cost 
of  production.  This  source  book  merely  attempts  to  assemble  and 
discuss  the  significant  results  of  anthropological  work  in  Africa, 
and  for  this  reason  meets  an  urgent  need. 

Paul  S.  Martin 
November  1,  1937 


13 


PREFACE 

In  a  recent  presidential  address  to  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute  the  Reverend  E,  W.  Smith  asked,  "What  do  we  know  of 
Africa?  The  answer  can  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words:  Very  little 
as  yet.  Whatever  department  we  examine,  the  tale  is  much  the  same. 
We  have  only  scratched  the  surface  of  things  hitherto.  But  it  is 
something  to  see  the  immensity  of  the  task  confronting  us  if  we  are 
to  gain  sure  knowledge  of  Africa  and  its  inhabitants." 

The  truth  of  this  statement  m.ight  at  first  glance  discourage 
the  idea  of  preparing  a  general  survey.  But  there  is  a  strong  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  summarizing  information  gleaned  up  to  the  present, 
co-ordinating  this  knowledge,  interpreting  the  data  as  far  as  possible, 
pointing  out  the  unsolved  problems,  and  so  providing  a  basis  for 
further  research. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  to  compile  an  encyclopedia.  Rather, 
an  introductory  textbook  has  been  prepared,  because  experience  has 
proved  that  students  too  often  begin  a  study  of  some  specific  and  in- 
tricate African  problem  without  a  groundwork  of  geography,  biology, 
history,  and  general  ethnology.  To  disarm  the  criticism  of  experts  in 
linguistics,  physical  anthropology,  and  prehistory,  it  is  necessary  to 
emphasize  the  purpose  of  the  book.  The  work  is  a  general  elementary 
introduction,  which  aims  at  presenting  African  people  and  their 
.problems  briefly,  simply,  and  as  a  whole. 

In  the  address  quoted,  the  President  urges  breadth  of  view  in 
anthropological  treatment.  He  advises  that  we  "lift  our  eyes  from 
the  tasks  in  which  we  are  engaged  and  take  a  glance  at  what  our 
fellow  workers  are  doing  on  the  other  side  of  the  hedge,  remembering 
that  no  one  problem  is  solved  until  all  problems  are  solved." 

Section  I  is  a  broad  introduction  to  the  salient  facts  of  physiogra- 
phy, biology,  archaeology,  physical  anthropology,  and  the  distribu- 
tion of  language  families. 

The  second  section  views  the  continent  in  the  light  of  culture 
area  concepts,  with  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  these  zones,  though 
characterized  by  specific  traits,  are  not  isolated.  The  overlapping  of 
zones  is  fully  recognized,  so  as  to  avoid  a  false  impression  of  simplicity 
and  clear  demarcation. 

In  the  third  section  the  division  of  the  great  forest  zone  and  its 
periphery  into  cultural  subdivisions  has  not  been  attempted.  The 
object  has  been  merely  to  summarize  and  to  classify  the  factual 

15 


16  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

material  with  which  students  will  have  to  deal,  since  the  time  is  not 
yet  ripe  for  plotting  the  zones  of  distribution  with  precision.  A  task 
of  this  kind  cannot  be  successfully  attempted  until  additional  field 
work  has  been  done.  Nevertheless,  an  approximate  distribution  of 
some  traits  is  given,  and  certain  broad  areas  of  characterization  are 
recognized,  but  in  general  the  section  is  limited  to  a  discussion  of 
social,  religious,  and  economic  traits  that  can  fairly  be  called  funda- 
mental to  Negro  culture. 

Finally,  the  European  period  is  introduced,  with  an  account  of 
exploration,  partitioning  among  European  powers,  and  a  summary  of 
the  problems  affecting  the  welfare  of  Africans  under  a  foreign 
administration. 

The  greatest  danger  arising  from  an  attempt  to  condense  is  the 
tendency  to  leave  a  false  impression  of  simplicity  and  finality.  But 
a  large  bibliography  is  provided  and  fully  used  in  the  text  to  point 
the  way  to  further  exposition  of  debatable  themes,  whose  expansion 
would  make  too  great  a  demand  on  the  space  available. 

During  the  preparation  of  the  Bibliography  of  Authors  I  have 
frequently  had  the  advantage  of  advice  and  assistance  from  my 
librarian  colleague,  Eugene  Victor  Prostov,  who  kindly  prepared  the 
final  bibliographical  section  dealing  with  sources  for  African  research. 
These  sources  Mr.  Prostov  classified  according  to  the  political 
divisions  of  Africa.  Maps  and  line  drawings  have  been  prepared 
by  Staff  Illustrator  Carl  F.  Gronemann. 

For  assistance  in  preparing  the  chapters  on  physical  features 
and  nature  study  I  am  indebted  to  my  Field  Museum  colleagues. 

Dr.  B.  E.  Dahlgren  and  Mr.  Paul  C.  Standley,  botanists;  Dr. 
Wilfred  H.  Osgood,  Mr.  Karl  P.  Schmidt,  Mr.  Rudyerd  Boulton,  and 
Mr.  A.  C.  Weed,  zoologists;  also  Mr.  Sharat  K.  Roy,  geologist,  all 
assisted  in  choice  of  literature,  selection  of  photographs,  and  read- 
ing of  proofs. 

Wilfrid  Dyson  Hambly 


D7,  162 
53 


les,  F7,  174 


Sahara,  A2,  B2,  C2,  D2,  E2 
Salisbury,  F6,  227 
Sandawe,  F5,  292 
Sanga,  E4,  228 
San  Salvador,  D5,  229 
Sao  Thom6,  C4,  230 
Segu,  B3,  231 
Sekondi,  B4,  232 
Semi-Bantu,  C4,  D4 
Semliki,  E4,  233 
Senegal,  A3,  234 
Sennar,  F3,  111 
Senussi,  El,  E2,  E3 
Serer,  A3,  235 
Shari,  D4,  236 
Shendy,  F3,  237 
ShiUuk,  F4,  238 
Shire  River,  F6,  208 
Sierra  Leone,  A4,  239 
Sinai,  F2,  240 
Siwa.  E2.  241 


^«\^v,te«'' 


0^  ^^^  \vu«'i\^ 


tf 


'  1.     ApproxiiiKite  positions  of  principal  tribes  and  places  mentioned  in  the  text. 
Scale  1  inch=804  miles. 


Abeokuta,  C4,  1 

f  Domey,  C4,  2 

Abydos,  F2,  3 

Abyssinia,  F3,  F4,  G3,  G4 

Accra,  B4,  4 

Acholi,  F4,  5 

Adowa,  F3,  6 

Agades,  C3,  7 

Ahaggar  (Hoggar),  C2,  8 

Air  (Asben),  C3,  7 

.\kamba,  F5,  9 

Akikuyu,  F5,  10 

Albert  Edward  Nyanza,  F4,  U 

Albert  Nyanza,  F4,  12 

Alexandria,  El,  13 

Algeria,  CI 

Algoa  Bay,  E8,  264 

Angas,  C4,  15 

Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  E3,  F3 

Angola,  D5,  D6 

Arabs,  HI,  CI,  Dl,  El,  A2,  E2,  E3,  F3, 

F5 
Arkenu,E2, 16 

Asben  (Air),  C3,  7 

Ashanti,  B4,  17 

Asmara,  F3,  18 

Assuan,  F2,  19 

Atakapane,  C4,  20 

Atbara,  F3,  21 

Atlas  Mountains,  Bl,  01 

Auen  Bushmen,  D7,  22 

Auled  Ziane,  CI,  23 

Aurta  Mountains,  CI,  24 

Azande,  E4,  25 


Bagesu,  F4,  27 

Baggara,  D3,  E3 

Bahima,  Fo,  28 

Ba-ila,  E6,  29 

Bailundu,  D6,  30 

Bakongo,  D5,  31 

Bakuba,  E4,  32 

Baluba,  E5,  33 

Bambala,  D4,  34 

Bambara,  B3,  35 

Bambata  Cave,  E7,  36 

Bammako,  B3,  37 

Bamum,  D4,  38 

Bangala,  E4,  39 

Bangweolo,  E6,  40 

Bantu,   D4,  E4,  G4,  D5,  E5,  F4,  F5, 

D6,  E6,  F6,  D7,  E7,  F7 
Banyankole,  F5,  41 
Banyanzi,  E5,  50 
Banyoro,  F4,  42 
Bapidi,  F7,  43 
Bari,  F4,  44 
Baringo,  F4,  45 
Barotse,  E6,  46 
Basuto,  E7,  47 
Bathonga,  F7,  48 
Batwa,  D5,  E5 
Bavenda,  E6,  49 
Bechuana,  E7,  51 

Bedouin  Arabs,  Bl,  CI,  Dl,  El,  E2,  E3 
Beira,  F6,  52 
Beja,  F3,  63 

Belgian  Congo,  E4,  D5,  E5 
Benghazi,  El,  54 
Benguela,  D6,  55 
Benin,  C4,  56 
Benue,  C4,  57 


Berbera,  03,  58 

Berbers,  Bl,  CI,  Dl,  El,  A2 

Beri  Beri,  D3,  59 

Bilma,  D3,  60 

Bingerville,  B4,  61 

Bini,  C4,  62 

Blantyre,  F6,  63 

Blue  Nile,  F3,  F4 

Bolewa,  C4,  64 

Boloki,  E4,  65 

Bornu,  D4,  66 

Boskop,  E7,  67 

Brazzaville,  Do,  68 

British  East  Africa  (Kenya),  F4 

Broken  Hill,  E6,  69 

Buduma,  D3,  70 

Bulawayo,  E7,  71 

Busa,  C3,  294 

Bushmen,  D7,  E7 

Bushongo,  Do,  72 

Buzu,  B3,  C3,  D3 

Cacorula,  D6,  73 
Cairo,  E2,  74 
Calabar,  C4,  75  __ 
Cameroons,  D4,  76 
Cangamba,  D6,  77 
Carthage,  CI,  78 
Casablancji,  Bl,  79 
Cavally  Kivcr,  B4,  80 
Chad,  D3,  81 
Chamba,  C4,  82 
Congo,  D4,  E4,  D6,  Eo 
Cyrenaica,  El 

Dahomey,  C4 
Dakar,  A3,  83 


Damaraland,  D7 
Damergu,  C3,  84 
Danakil,  04,  85 
Dar-es-Salam,  Fo,  8G 
Darfur,  E3 
DeAar,  E8,  87 
Dinka,  F4,  88 
Doko,  F4,  89 
Durban,  F7,  90 

Efik,  C4,  91 
Egba,  C4,  92 
Egypt,  E2,  E3,  F2,  F3 
Ekoi,  D4,  93 
Elende,  D6,  95 
Elisabethville,  E6,  96 
Elmenteita,  F5,  94 
Elmina,  B4,  97 
El  Obcid,  F3,  98 
Eritrea,  F3,  99 
Ethiopia,  F3,  F4,  03,  04 
Ewe,  C4,  100 

Falashas,  F3,  101 

Fan,  D5,  102 

Fashi,  D3,  103 

Fernando  Po,  C4,  104 

Fez,  Bl,  105 

Ftons,  C4,  2 

Freetown,  A4,  106 

French  Guinea,  A3 

French  Niger  Territory,  C3,  D3 

French  Sudan,  B3 

Fulani,  A3,  B3,  C3 

Galla,  F4,  107 
Gambia,  A3,  108 
Oambos,  D6,  109 
Oanawuri,  C4,  110 
Oebel  Moya,  F3,  lU 
Ohadames,  CI,  112 
Ghana,  B3,  113 
Ghat,  D2,  114 
Gibraltar,  Bl,  115 
Oondokoro,  F4,  116 
Grahamatown,  E8,  117 
Grootfontein,  D7,  118 
Guinea  Gulf,  C4,  119 

Hadendoa,  F3,  120 

Hamites,  Bl,  CI,  Dl,  El,  Fl,  A2,  B2, 

C2,  D2,  E2,  F2,  A3,  B3,  C3,  D3,  E3, 

F3,  03,  F4,  G4 
Hausa,  B3,  C3,  D3 
Heikum  Bushmen,  D7,  121 
Herero,  D7,  122 
Hiechware  Bushmen,  E7,  123 
Hoggar  (Ahaggar),  C2,  8 
Hottentots,  D7,  124 
Huambo  (Nova  Lisboa),  D6,  126 
Huila,  D6,  125 

Ibadan,  C4,  127 
Ibibio,  C4,  128 
Ibo,  C4,  128 
Ido,  C4,  128 
I!6,  C4,  62 
liaw,  C4,  129 
Ijebu,  C4,  92 
Ilorin,  C4,  130 
Ituri  Forest,  E4,  131 
Ivory  Coast,  B4,  132 

Jagabub,  E2,  134 
Jagas,  D6,  133 
Jebba,  C4,  135 
Jibu  (Jukun),  C4,  136 
Jibuti  (Djibuti),  03,  137 
Jos  Plateau,  C4,  15 
Jukun,  C4,  136 

Kababish,  E3,  138 

Kabylea,  CI,  24 

Kaduna,  C4,  139 

Kagoro,  C4,  140 

Kalahari,  E7,  141 

Kanembu,  D3,  142 

Kano,  C3,  143 

Katanga,  E6,  144 

Katsina,  C3,  143 

Kenya,  F4 

Kharga,  F2,  146 

Khartum,  F3,  147 

Khrumirs,  CI,  148 

Kilimanjaro,  F5,  150 

Kimberley,  E7,  151 

Ki™,  E5,  162 

Kona  (Jukun),  C4,  136 

Konakry,  A4,  163 

Konkomba,  C3,  154 

Kordofan,  E3,  155 

Kotonou,  C4,  156 

Kowar  Oasis  (Bilma),  D3,  60 

Kpelle,  B4,  157 

Kru,  B4,  158 


Kulra,  E2,  159 
Kuka,  D3, 160 
Kumasi,  B4,  161 
Kung  Bushmen,  D7,  162 
Kuruman,  E7, 163 
Kussassi,  C4, 164 

Lagos,  C4, 156 
Lango,  F4,  165 
Latuka,  F4,  166 
Liberia,  B4,  167 
Libyan  Desert,  E2.  14 
Limpopo,  F7,  168 
Loanda,  D5,  169 
Loango,  D5,  170 
Lobito  Bay,  D6,  171 
lokoja,  C4,  172 
Lome,  C4,  173 
Lourenco  Marques,  F7,  174 
Lualaba,  Eo,  175 
Luderitz  Bay,  D7,  176 
Lumbwa,  F5,  177 
Lunda,  Do,  178 

Maiduguri,  D3, 179 
Makalanga,  F6,  130 
Makurdi,  C4, 181 
Mandingo,  B4,  182 
Maradi,  C3, 184 
Masai,  F5,  186 
Massawa,  03,  186 
Matabele,  F6,  187 
Matadi,  D5, 188 
Mauretania,  A2,  B2,  189 
Midgan,  F3,  190 
Mombasa,  F5, 191 
Monbuttu,  E4, 183 
Monomotapa,  E6,  192 
Morocco,  Bl,  CI 
Mossamedes,  D6,  193 
Munshi,  C4,  136 
Murzuk,  D2,  194 
Mweru  (Moero),  E5,  195 

Nairobi,  F5, 195 

Naivasha,  F5,  196 

Nakuru,  F6,  196 

Nama  Hottentots,  D7,  124 

Namib  Bushmen  D7,  197 

Nandi,  F4,  198 

Naron  Bushmen,  E7,  200 

Natal,  E8,  199 

Ngalangi,  D6,  201 

Ngami,  E6,  202 

Ngongo,  D6,  201 

Niger,  B3,  C3,  C4 

Nigeria,  C3,  D3,  C4 

Nile,  F2,  F3,  F4 

Nilotic  Negroes,  F4,  44,  38,  207 

Nova  Lisboa  (Huambo),  D6,  126 

Novo  Redondo,  D6,  203 

Nuba,  E3,  204 

Nubia,  F2,  205 

Nuers,  F4,  207 

Numidians,  CI,  206 

Nupe,  C4,  130 

Nyasaland  and  Nyasa  Lake,  F6,  208 

Obongo,  D6,  170 
Ogbomosho,  C4,  130 
Ogowe,  D5,  102 
Okavango,  E6,  202,  E7,  141 
Old  Calabar,  C4,  75 
Omdurman,  F3,  209 
Onitsha,  C4,  210 
Orange  Free  State,  E7,  151 
Ouenat,  E2,  16 
Ovambo,  D6,  211 
Ovimbundu,  D6,  126,  201,  73 

Pankshin,  C4,  15 
Parakou,  C4,  212 
Pietermaritzburg,  E7,  213 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  Bl,  115 
Pokomo,  05,  214 
Port  Elizabeth,  E8,  264 
Port  Florence,  F4,  215 
Port  Harcourt,C4,  216 
Port  Herald,  F6,  217 
Portuguese  E:.st  Africa,  F6,  F7 
Portuguese  O  linea,  A3,  218 
Portuguese  W.  Africa  (Angola),  Do,  I 
Potiskum,  D3,  221 
Pretoria,  E7,  119 
Principe,  C4,  220 

Pygmies,    se-.    Batwa,     Doko,    Itu 
Obongo,  ^  ^mbuti 


Quilimane,  Fl,  149 
Rabat,  Bl,  2^2 


Red  Sea  Pro 
Rhodesia,  F6 
Rift  Valley, ' 


Rilt  valley, ;  4,  fo 
Rio  de  Oro,  i  2,  224 


Rovuma  Riv 
Rudolf,  Lakf 


nee,  F3,  53 

223 

4,  F5 


F6,  225 
F4,  226 


Sahara,  A2,  B2,  C2,  D2,  E2 

Salisbury,  F6,  227 

Sandawe,  F5,  292 

Sanga,  E4,  22S 

San  Salvador,  D5,  229 

SSo  Thora^,  04,  230 

Segu,  B3,  231 

Sekondi,  B4,  232 

Semi-Bantu,  C4,  D4 

Semliki,  E4,  233 

Senegal,  A3,  234 

Sennar,  F3,  111 

Senussi,  El,  E2,  E3 

Serer,  A3,  235 

Shari,  D4,  236 

Shendy,  F3,  237 

Shilluk,  F4,  238 

Shire  River,  F6,  208 

Sierra  Leone,  A4,  239 

Sinai,  F2,  240 

Siwa,  E2,  241 

Sokoto,  C3,  242 

Somali,  04,  243,  244 

Somaliland,  British,  04,  243 

Somaliland.  French,  03,  137 

Somaliland,  Italian,  04,  244 

Songhai,  B3,  245 

South  West  Africa,  D7 

Spanish  Guinea,  D4,  246 

Stefani,  Lake,  F4,  247 

Suakin,  F3,  250 

Sudan,  B3,  C3,  D3,  E3,  F3 

Suez  Canal,  Fl,  261 

Suk,  F4,  252 

Swahili,  F5,  248,  249 

Swakopmund.  D7,  253 

Swaziland,  F7,  254 

Tabello,  C3,  7 

Tabora,  FS,  266 

Tafilet,  Bl,  256 

Tahoua,  C3,  267 

Tanganyika,  Lake,  and  Territory,  F5 

268 
Tangier,  Bl,  269 
Teghaza,  A2,  260 
Temne,  A4,  239 
Teso,  F4,  262 
Tete,  F6,  263 

Tibbu,  (and  Teda),  D3,  261 
Tibesti,  D3,  261 
Timbuktu,  B3,  265 
Timgad,  CI,  266 
Togoland,  B4,  267 
Transvaal,  E7,  268 
Tripoli,  Dl,  269 
Tripolitania,  Dl 
Tsavo,  F5,  270 
Tshi,  B4,  4,  97  „     ^„ 

Tuareg,  B2,  02,  D2,  B3,  03 
Tuggurt,  CI,  271 
Tunisia,  CI,  272 
Turkana,  F4,  273 
Tyipungu,  D6,  125 

Uganda,  F4,  274 
Ujiji,  F5,  276 
Umpata,  D6,  125 

Vaal  River,  E7,  276 
Vai,  B4,  167 
Vakwanyama,  D6,  211 
Vanhaneca,  D8,  109 
Vascle,  D6,  277       ^^^ 
Victoria  Falls,  E6, 278    _ 
Victoria  Nyanza,  F4,  21o 

Wachagga,  F5,  150 
Wadi  Haifa,  F2,  279 
Wahehe,  F5,  280 
Waikoma,  F6,  281 
Walflsh  Bay,  D7,  282 
Wambuti,  B4,  233 
Wandorobo,  F6,_283 
Wanyamwezi,  F6,  284 
Wayao,  F6,  285 
White  kile,  F2,  F3,  F4 
Windhoek,  D7,  286 

16      Yalala  Falls,  D5,  288 

Yaunde,  D4,  287 

Yola,  D4,  289 

Yolofs,  A8,  290 
■i,      Yoruba,  C4,  291 

Zaire  (Congo),  D5 
Zambezi,  E6,  F6 
Zande,  (Azande),  E4,  2o 
Zanzibar,  F6,  293 
Zaria,  03,  294 
Zimbabwe,  F6,  295 
Zinder,  C3,  296 
Zulu,  E8,  297 
Zumbo,  E6,  298 


SOURCE  BOOK 

FOR 

AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 
Section  I:  Outlines  of  Africa 


SOURCE  BOOK  FOR  AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 


I.  PHYSIOGRAPHY  AND  NATURE  NOTES 

Physical  Features 

Although  the  primary  aim  is  a  description  of  the  cultures  of  Africa 
it  is  impossible  to  understand  the  great  migi'ations  and  the  modes  of 
life,  together  with  the  distribution  of  languages  and  physical  types, 
without  a  preliminary  survey  of  the  continent  itself.  The  size,  shape, 
and  position  of  the  land  mass,  the  mountains  and  valleys,  the  river 
systems  and  lakes,  and  the  distribution  of  minerals  and  types  of  soils 
have  profoundly  affected  the  history  and  development  of  Africans 
and  Europeans. 

CONTINENTAL  JUNCTIONS  AND  HUMAN  MIGRATION 

Since  theories  of  continental  connection  (Wegener,  1922,  trans, 
by  Skerl,  1924;  and  Perrier,  1925)  relate  to  periods  before  the  advent 
of  man,  they  may  be  omitted.  But  the  question  of  African-European 
land  bridges  in  the  early  Pleistocene  is  of  importance  to  anthro- 
pological study  of  Africa.  Sollas  (1924,  p.  132)  describes  bridges  by 
way  of  Malta  and  Sicily  in  the  Chellean  culture  period  of  the  Pleisto- 
cene, but  these  assumptions  have  been  challenged  recently  (Wood- 
ward, 1935,  p.  130).  Students  of  African  archaeology  will  therefore 
have  to  reserve  their  final  judgments  respecting  human  migrations 
in  the  early  Pleistocene. 

Unless  the  geological  time  of  subsidence  of  a  land  bridge  is 
ascertained,  a  hypothesis  for  explaining  the  wanderings  of  people  is 
extremely  unreliable,  but  fortunately  some  land  connection  between 
Africa  and  Asia  is  known.  The  peninsula  of  Sinai  in  northeast 
Africa  connects  that  continent  with  Arabia  and  farther  Asia ;  and  the 
justifiable  assumption  is  that  this  land  bridge  has  existed  throughout 
the  whole  development  and  wanderings  of  man.  At  the  southern  end 
of  the  Red  Sea  the  narrow  strait  of  Bab-el-Mandeb  separates  Arabia 
from  Africa,  and  ready  transit  between  Arabia  and  Africa  at  this 
point  was  no  doubt  possible  during  a  long  prehistoric  period  even 
without  a  land  bridge. 

The  probability  of  such  communication  will  be  seen  when  we 
make  a  comparative  study  of  the  physical  measurements  of  Arabs 
of  southwest  Arabia  with  anthropometric  data  for  inhabitants  of 
the  opposite  coast. 

19 


20  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  latest  discoveries  of  fossil  mammals  in  the  caves  of  Palestine 
and  Syria,  as  interpreted  by  Miss  Dorothea  M.  A.  Bate,  show  that 
during  the  early  half  of  the  Pleistocene  period,  Asia  and  North 
Africa  were  much  more  closely  connected  than  they  have  been  since. 
The  country  was  comparatively  well  watered,  with  luxuriant  vegeta- 
tion and  forests,  and  mammals  could  readily  migrate  both  east  and 
west.  Even  an  animal  so  characteristic  of  Africa  as  the  warthog 
(Phacochoerus)  was  then  living  in  Palestine.  The  connection  of  Asia 
with  Africa  was  thus  as  definite  as  the  connection  of  Asia  with 
Europe;  and  the  explanation  of  the  partial  identity  between  the 
Pleistocene  mammals  of  Africa  and  Europe  is  probably  that  they 
had  a  common  source  in  Asia  and  diverged  west  in  two  different 
directions,  one  southwards,  the  other  northwards  (Woodward,  1935, 
p.  131). 

SIZE  AND  COAST  LINE 

The  area  of  Africa  is  twelve  million  square  miles,  four  times  that 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  distance  from  north  to  south 
is  about  five  thousand  miles,  and  the  breadth  a  few  hundred  miles 
less.  Such  great  dimensions  are  best  appreciated  by  remembering 
that  the  distance  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco  is  about  three 
thousand  miles.  Africa  is  situated  on  the  hottest  part  of  the  earth's 
surface.  The  continent  is  almost  bisected  by  the  equator;  hence,  the 
greater  part  of  the  land  lies  within  the  tropics. 

Africa  has  a  coast  line  that  is  short  and  unbroken  in  relation  to 
the  great  surface,  and  this  fact  is  important  in  relation  to  climate, 
exploration,  and  commerce.  The  sea  always  has  a  moderating 
elfect  on  land  temperatures  because  water  is  more  constant  in 
temperature  than  a  large  mass  of  land.  Consequently,  proximity  of 
the  ocean  tends  to  warm  the  land  in  winter  and  to  cool  it  in  summer. 
But  the  coast  of  Africa  has  inlets  which  are  small  in  size  and  number 
compared  with  the  surface  area;  hence  the  moderating  effect  of  the 
sea  on  inland  temperatures  is  not  appreciable.  In  early  days  of 
exploration,  journeys  were  made  more  difficult  by  the  absence  of 
inlets,  and  even  as  late  as  1870  Stanley's  name  of  the  "Dark  Conti- 
nent" was  well  chosen,  since  most  of  the  interior  was  at  that  time 
unexplored. 

In  addition  to  retarding  exploration,  the  absence  of  natural 
harbors  is  an  obstacle  to  commerce.  At  some  ports  on  the  west 
coast  vessels  anchor  almost  a  mile  from  the  shore  to  discharge 
passengers  and  cargoes  into  surf  boats  which  are  paddled  ashore  by 
native  crews.     But  this  natural  disadvantage  of  the  west  coast  is 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes         21 

yielding  to  engineering  skill,  which  has  been  directed  toward  building 
breakwaters  and  dredging  natural  inlets. 

SURFACE  CONTOURS  AND  HUMAN  LIFE 

In  addition  to  location,  shape,  and  coast  line  the  biological 
importance  of  internal  features  should  be  considered.  Deep  depres- 
sions and  high  mountains  affect  climate,  natural  products,  and  the 
culture  of  the  inhabitants.  Mountains  form  barriers  to  communi- 
cation, while  depressions  like  that  of  the  Rift  Valley  in  northeast 
Africa  have  determined  the  direction  of  migratory  peoples. 

Volcanic  disturbances  have  affected  the  survival  and  distribution 
of  human  and  animal  life,  though  doubtless  many  great  cataclysms 
occurred  before  man  had  established  himself  in  Africa.  Yet  Leakey 
(1936a,  pp.  25-26)  offers  the  hypothesis  that  a  convulsion  resulting 
in  the  formation  of  the  Rift  Valley  led  to  the  extinction  of  a  very 
large  number  of  species  of  animals  that  formerly  flourished  in  Kenya, 
and  he  adds,  "If  my  view  is  correct,  it  is  not  impossible  that  man  too 
was  wiped  out  in  the  regions  round  the  Great  Rift  Valley,  Certainly 
we  know  that  whereas  four  distinct  culture  groups  were  in  existence 
in  Kenya  before  the  formation  of  the  Great  Rift  Valley,  only  two  are 
present  in  the  deposits  which  represent  the  period  immediately 
following  it." 

Africa  is  a  plateau  with  an  average  height  of  two  thousand 
feet  above  sea  level.  In  east  Africa  the  mountains  Ruwenzori, 
Kenya,  and  Kilimanjaro  are  the  principal  elevations.  Kilimanjaro, 
which  is  capped  with  snow  throughout  the  year,  attains  a  height  of 
19,321  feet,  while  Ruwenzori  (16,800  feet)  is  an  important  elevation 
between  lakes  Albert  and  Albert  Edward  Nyanza;  but  Ruwenzori, 
unlike  some  adjacent  mountains,  is  not  an  ancient  volcano. 

Traveling  from  low  to  high  altitudes  gives  a  convincing  demon- 
stration of  the  effects  of  elevation  on  temperatures.  In  a  few  hours 
the  heat  of  the  coast  region  of  Portuguese  West  Africa  can  be 
exchanged  for  cold  winds  of  a  high  plateau  four  thousand  feet 
above  the  sea,  where  nightly  temperatures  fall  almost  to  the 
freezing  point. 

In  Nigeria  a  journey  northward  from  the  coastal  belt  of  dense, 
moist  forests  having  a  high  temperature  combined  with  great 
humidity  leads  to  a  plateau  region  whose  nightly  cold  approaches 
freezing  point.  When  the  journey  northward  is  continued  for  a 
few  hundred  miles  the  dry  heat  of  the  desert  forms  a  sharp  con- 
trast with  the  moist  heat  of  the  forest  belt.     In  flat,  open  desert 


22  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

great  extremes  of  temperature  are  experienced  between  day  and 
night,  especially  in  the  period  from  October  to  December  when  the 
Harmattan  wind  is  blowing.  This  wind  causes  an  exceptionally 
rapid  fall  of  temperature  after  midnight. 

Before  studying  human  life  the  basic  fact  has  to  be  grasped  that 
Africa,  owing  to  vast  area  and  differences  in  elevation,  has  many 
and  varied  ranges  of  temperature  and  moisture,  with  consequent 
diversity  of  plant  and  animal  life.  There  exist,  however,  definite 
climatic  zones  which  will  be  described  later. 

Geological  formation  has  affected  climate,  not  only  by  determining 
elevation  but  by  the  formation  of  great  lakes.  Victoria  Nyanza, 
which  is  twenty-six  thousand  square  miles  in  area,  also  Mwero  and 
Bangweolo,  do  not  belong  to  the  Rift  Valley  system,  but  occupy 
depressions  in  the  general  level  of  the  plateau. 

On  the  contrary,  lakes  Tanganyika  and  Nyasa,  both  of  which 
are  valuable  aids  to  communication,  lie  in  the  Rift  Valley.  Lake 
Tanganyika  is  of  particular  interest  because  of  a  rich  fauna.  Animal 
life  includes  many  fish  and  mollusks  peculiar  to  this  lake,  a  fact 
which  proves  long  isolation  from  other  fresh-water  systems.  Geologi- 
cal factors  have  been  responsible  for  the  formation  of  lakes  with 
their  riverine  connections,  and  these  lacustrine  features  have 
influenced  climate,  communication,  and  food  supply  (J.  W.  Gregory: 
1896;  1920,  pp.  13-47;  1921.    E.  B.  and  S.  Worthington,  1933). 

Willis  (1936)  in  a  section  "Historical  Retrospect"  has  surveyed 
theories  of  rift  formation  advanced  since  1825.  He  compares  the 
views  of  Beaumont,  Suess,  Gregory,  Wayland,  Krenkel,  and  others 
who  have  attempted  to  explain  the  way  in  which  force  may  be 
exerted  to  cause  a  parting  of  the  earth's  crust,  in  such  a  manner  that 
two  or  more  adjacent  strips  become  displaced  and  a  rift  valley  is 
formed.  The  bearing  of  these  geological  arguments  on  human  life 
will  be  fully  realized  in  reading  chapter  HI,  which  deals  with  culture 
sequences  of  the  stone  age. 

RIVERS  AND  HUMAN  ENTERPRISE 

Formative  influences  which  determined  the  height  of  the  plateau 
regions,  the  position  of  valleys,  and  the  direction  of  inclines  also 
marked  out  the  courses  of  four  principal  rivers,  the  Nile,  Niger, 
Congo,  and  Zambezi,  for  the  details  of  which  Fitzgerald  (1934) 
should  be  consulted. 

Of  these  the  Nile  is  the  most  familiar  because  of  its  Biblical 
connection  and  the  mystery  which  surrounded  its  source  and  annual 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  23 

rise.  So  far  back  as  A.D.  60  the  Roman  Emperor  Nero  sent  two 
centurions  on  a  journey  of  discovery,  and  their  record  shows  that 
the  expedition  penetrated  the  marshes  of  the  upper  Nile,  where  live 
the  tall  Nilotic  Negroes,  Dinkas,  Shilluks,  Nuers,  and  Anuak,  The 
impressive  stature  of  these  tribes  was  described,  and  in  addition  to 
this  the  centurions  mentioned  their  difficulty  in  cutting  a  way 
through  the  floating  vegetation  of  the  marshes. 

In  the  year  400  B.C.  the  Greek  philosopher  Aristotle  guessed  at 
the  cause  of  floods  along  the  course  of  the  Nile,  when  he  stated  that 
the  annual  rise  of  the  river  was  due  to  the  melting  of  snow  combined 
with  summer  rains  in  Ethiopia  (Abyssinia),  where  the  tributaries 
Blue  Nile  and  Atbara  have  their  origin.  Usually  the  Nile  rises  at 
the  end  of  June  and  continues  in  flood  until  the  end  of  September, 
when  a  height  of  twenty-five  feet  above  low  level  is  generally  recorded 
at  Cairo.  Should  the  rise  exceed  this  there  is  danger  to  life  and 
property,  but  an  abnormally  low  rise  means  famine  and  poverty. 

The  civilization  of  Egypt,  which  is  one  of  the  most  impressive 
instances  of  the  growth  of  a  complex  culture,  has  depended  on  this 
annual  overflow  of  the  river,  which  left  a  deposit  of  mud  and  a  sur- 
plus of  water  that  could  be  conducted  for  long  distances  through 
irrigation  canals.  Modern  engineering,  especially  the  dam  at 
Assuan,  is  an  apt  instance  of  man's  successful  effort  to  make  himself 
less  dependent  on  natural  phenomena,  for  the  waters  can  now  be 
impounded  and  released  at  will. 

That  the  Egyptians  themselves  fully  realized  their  dependence 
on  the  flooding  of  the  Nile  Valley  is  clear  from  their  mythology  and 
sacred  texts.  The  old  Egyptian  word  quern  refers  to  the  deposit  of 
black  mud  left  by  the  receding  waters,  and  the  ta-mera  of  ancient 
Egyptian  literature  describes  the  inundation.  The  following  brief 
paragraph  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  influence  of  geographical  con- 
ditions on  economic  welfare  and  spiritual  beliefs. 

Egyptians  of  3500  B.C.  had  certainly  no  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  true  source  of  the  river  and  the  cause  of  its  floods.  Sacred  texts 
refer  to  the  Nile  god  as  the  "hidden  one"  whose  "secret  places"  were 
a  matter  for  conjecture.  Mythology  taught  that  the  Nile  surrounded 
the  whole  world,  and  that  the  river  was  part  of  a  celestial  ocean  on 
which  sailed  the  boats  of  the  Sun  god.  Egyptian  pictures  show  the 
source  of  the  Nile  as  a  cavern  guarded  by  a  hippopotamus-headed 
goddess  who  is  armed  with  a  large  knife.  Another  illustration  por- 
trays two  gods  wearing  papyrus  and  lotus  blossoms  respectively; 
one  of  the  deities  represents  the  northern  and  the  other  the  southern 


24  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

part  of  the  river.  One  picture  shows  a  Nile  god  in  his  cavern  pour- 
ing out  the  waters  of  the  White  and  Blue  Niles.  A  hymn  to  the 
Nile  god  has  been  translated  from  a  papyrus  in  the  British  Museum. 

Thou  waterest  the  fields  which  Ra  hath  created.  Thou  givest  life  unto  all 
animals.  Thou  art  the  friend  of  bread  and  drink.  Thou  fillest  the  storehouse 
and  makest  the  granaries  to  overflow. 

The  River  Congo,  though  shorter  than  the  Nile  by  a  thousand 
miles,  has  a  greater  volume  of  water  than  any  other  African  river. 
The  length  of  the  Congo  is  three  thousand  miles — about  the  breadth 
of  the  United  States.  The  river  is  not  straight,  however,  but  makes  a 
large  northward  curve  which  acts  as  a  drainage  system  for  the  for- 
ested area  of  central  Africa.  The  wide  estuary  is  situated  about  the 
middle  of  the  west  coast.  Far  from  the  shore  the  sea  is  yellow  in 
color,  and  at  the  point  where  the  incoming  tide  clashes  with  the  out- 
ward rush  of  the  river  a  bar  of  foam,  seaweed,  and  driftwood  has 
been  formed. 

The  Niger,  with  a  length  of  2,600  miles,  makes  a  great  horseshoe 
formation  in  west  Africa.  For  more  than  two  thousand  years  the 
location  of  the  estuary  was  unknown,  and  no  river,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  Nile,  has  been  of  such  great  historic  interest.  The  Niger 
and  its  tributary  Benue  are  the  principal  water  highways  for  the 
whole  of  west  Africa.  The  Zambezi,  1,600  miles  long,  drains  a  large 
area  in  the  southeast  of  the  continent. 

The  process  of  differential  erosion  is  of  importance  in  connection 
with  a  study  of  river  systems,  because  the  unequal  hardness  of  the 
strata  has  led  to  formation  of  cataracts  that  have  impeded  explora- 
tion and  commercial  development.  On  the  Nile  are  four  cataracts. 
The  Niger  is  obstructed  by  the  Busa  Rapids.  The  Yalala  Falls 
obstruct  the  Congo.  Narrowing  of  the  River  Zambezi  at  the  Vic- 
toria Falls  provided  crossings  above  and  below  the  cataract,  and  over 
these  constrictions  of  the  river  passed  human  migrations  from  the 
east  side  of  the  continent. 

MINERALS  AND  CIVILIZATION 

The  early  geological  processes,  including  tilting  of  strata,  have 
been  responsible  for  the  outcropping  of  mineral  deposits  that  have 
affected  human  activities  both  ancient  and  modern,  from  the  time 
when  stone-age  man  sought  beds  of  flint,  until  the  recent  rush  for 
gold  and  diamonds. 

The  oasis  of  Kharga  is  situated  a  hundred  miles  west-by-south  of 
Abydos  on  the  River  Nile.  Airplane  photographs  taken  by  Lady 
Bailey  indicate  that  the  part  of  the  Libyan  desert  in  which  the  oasis 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  25 

is  situated  is  a  scene  of  complete  desolation,  though  the  oasis  itself 
contains  wells  and  the  remains  of  conduits  cut  by  Romans  and 
Persians. 

Miss  Caton-Thompson  (1931a,  1931b,  1932)  states  that  Kharga 
shows  one  of  the  most  remarkable  flint-chipping  areas  that  it  can 
ever  have  been  the  lot  of  man  to  see.  Here  are  querns  and  hand- 
rubbers  for  grinding  grain,  flint  flakes,  and  chipped  axes.  A  more 
advanced  technique  is  illustrated  by  translucent  flint  arrowheads, 
and  there  is  evidence  of  a  stone-age  industry  which  in  some  of  its 
aspects  antedated  the  historical  period  (4000  B.C.)  by  thousands  of 
years.  Evidently  the  early  sites  of  stone-age  man  were  geologically 
determined  by  the  presence  of  suitable  material. 

During  millions  of  years  the  mineral  wealth  of  Africa  lay 
untouched,  until  at  last  man  discovered  the  economic  importance  of 
metals  and  made  them  play  a  part  in  his  culture.  The  mining  and 
forging  of  iron  by  Negroes  has  given  rise  to  several  hypotheses 
respecting  the  origin  and  dispersal  of  these  industries.  But,  what- 
ever the  history  may  be,  the  fact  remains  that  iron  ore  is  abundant 
near  the  surface,  and  the  blacksmith's  art  was  well  developed  among 
Negroes  before  the  arrival  of  Europeans. 

The  origin  of  the  bronze-casting  industry  of  west  Africa  is  un- 
known, but  the  art  flourished  before  the  European  period  began, 
and  the  making  of  the  alloy  depended  on  the  occurrence  of  tin  and 
copper.  Again,  the  copper  mines  of  Katanga  in  the  southern  Belgian 
Congo  have  been  important  in  human  affairs  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  times.  The  eagerness  of  Europeans  to  exploit  these  mines 
has  led  to  the  development  of  new  railways  and  river-boat  services. 
Before  the  use  of  European  currencies  became  general,  copper  from 
Katanga  was  made  into  large  units  of  exchange  shaped  like  a  letter 
X,  and  this  currency  was  carried  far  and  wide  by  native  caravans. 

Mungo  Park  (1799,  p.  285)  described  native  methods  of  washing 
the  soil  for  gold  in  west  Africa.  Some  of  the  valuable  metal  was 
fashioned  into  personal  ornaments,  but  much  of  it  in  the  form  of 
gold  dust  was  traded  across  the  western  Sahara  to  Teghaza  in  ex- 
change for  salt  from  that  region.  The  native  gold  industry  lured 
Europeans,  who  finally  explored  and  annexed  the  country. 

History  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa  is  concerned  with  the 
cupidity  of  prospectors  and  company  promoters  who  have  coveted 
the  gold  and  diamond  mines.  In  this  scramble  for  wealth  the  inter- 
ests of  native  Africans  have  generally  been  neglected.  Negroes  have 
gathered  from  long  distances  in  response  to  demands  for  labor  in  the 


26  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

mines,  and  not  infrequently  they  have  failed  to  understand  the  nature 
of  the  labor  contracts  to  which  they  agreed.  Moreover,  work  under- 
ground and  the  life  in  compounds  have  proved  physically  and  morally 
injurious,  while  native  social  organization  has  been  disrupted  at  its 
source  by  withdrawal  of  the  male  population.  For  a  time  Chinese 
labor  was  introduced  into  the  mines,  but  the  resulting  complications 
of  a  social  and  political  kind  led  to  the  discontinuance  of  this  practice. 
Clearly,  the  presence  of  gold  and  diamonds,  a  geological  factor,  has 
determined  the  course  of  south  African  history,  and  in  Lunda, 
northeast  Angola,  the  social  conditions  of  Africans  are  deeply 
affected  by  the  presence  of  diamond  mines. 

Although  Gautier  (1928)  doubts  the  maritime  formation  of  the 
Sahara  (p.  5)  he  rightly  insists  on  the  biological  and  historical  impor- 
tance of  salt  deposits.  Teghaza  in  the  northwest  Sahara  has  through- 
out historical  times  been  important  for  production  of  salt,  an  industry 
which  has  proved  a  stimulus  to  caravan  trade,  and  a  cause  of  com- 
mercial rivalry  and  warfare.  From  Bilma  in  the  southern  Sahara 
salt  cakes  are  traded  east,  west,  and  south,  and  the  supplies  are  still 
responsible  for  annual  caravan  trade  on  a  large  scale  between  Bilma 
and  the  southeast  side  of  the  Air  Mountains.  Buchanan  (1926, 
p.  73)  describes  the  concourse  from  the  great  trade  centers  of  Kano, 
Katsina,  Sokoto,  and  Zinder,  until  a  caravan  of  seven  thousand 
camels  was  assembled  at  Air.  Another  valuable  deposit  that  influ- 
ences human  activities  is  the  beds  of  natron  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Chad.  The  oval  cakes  are  traded  for  long  distances  since  the 
potash  is  a  valuable  ingredient  in  the  drinking  water  of  domestic 
animals  (Vischer,  1910,  p.  301).  Fig.  1  shows  the  unloading  of  cakes 
of  natron  at  Baya  Seyarum  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Chad.  Trade 
in  minerals  resulting  directly  from  geological  factors,  has  been 
responsible  for  great  physical,  cultural,  and  linguistic  interchanges. 

Without  dogmatic  acceptance  of  a  theory  of  geographic  deter- 
minism the  control  of  geographic  factors  over  human  life  can  clearly 
be  demonstrated  for  the  continent  of  Africa.  Our  future  studies  of 
culture  areas  will  illustrate  the  adaptability  of  man,  but  the  data 
will  likewise  stress  his  limitations.  Advances  in  engineering  and 
biological  science  will  profoundly  affect  the  present  status  of  human 
communities  in  Africa,  solving  old  problems  of  adjustment  and 
creating  new  ones.  But  throughout  this  flux  nature  will  play  a 
part,  perhaps  capriciously  by  climatic  changes,  and  the  picture  is  one 
of  unending  battle  to  secure  a  series  of  temporary  adjustments 
between  man  and  his  environment. 


>> 

(a 

PQ 


27 


28  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

future  research 

To  prepare  the  way  for  future  anthropological  study  better  maps 
of  Africa  are  needed.  I  thought  when  traveling  in  Angola  in  the  year 
1929  that  available  maps  were  astonishingly  incomplete  and  inaccu- 
rate. For  many  parts  of  Africa  revision  of  the  spelling  of  place 
and  tribal  names  is  urgent.  The  confusion  and  difficulty  likely  to 
arise  from  preparing  a  gazetteer  of  tribal  names  will  be  realized  by 
consulting  J.  Maes  and  0.  Boone  (1935),  whose  excellent  summary  of 
Belgian  Congo  tribes  shows  that  certain  tribal  names  may  be  spelled 
in  a  dozen  different  ways.  Sometimes  the  names  are  entirely  differ- 
ent though  they  designate  the  same  people. 

In  topographical  research  there  is  need  of  great  endeavor;  for 
example,  on  the  subject  of  soil  erosion  (Hobley,  1933;  Champion, 
1933),  and  the  utilization  of  underground  supplies  of  water  (A.  B. 
Thompson,  1933).  The  local  geological  researches  of  E.  J.  Wayland 
(1934)  in  Uganda  are  typical  of  the  concentrated  surveys  necessary 
to  explain  human  prehistory  in  geological  terms.  E.  B.  and  S. 
Worthington  (1933)  have  directed  attention  to  the  geological  and 
biological  importance  of  the  lake  systems  of  east  Africa,  but  many 
more  studies  of  this  type  are  required. 

To  expand  these  introductory  remarks  and  to  prepare  the  way 
for  intelligent  comprehension  of  Africa  as  a  whole  several  types  of 
literature  are  available. 

READING  RECOMMENDED 

For  one  beginning  a  course  on  Africa  I  would  recommend  as 
preliminary  general  reading  a  few  of  the  older  books  (Drummond, 
1899;  W.  Reade,  1864,  1872),  outmoded,  perhaps,  yet  of  human 
qualities,  humor,  and  insight  that  preserve  their  value. 

The  summary  of  E.  W.  Smith  (1935)  should  be  carefully  read, 
and  as  elementary  textbooks  C.  G.  Seligman  (1930)  and  Hambly 
(1930a)  will  provide  useful  introductions.  In  German,  Buschan 
(1922)  has  provided  a  digest  of  African  ethnology.  Both  Hambly 
and  Buschan  are  concerned  principally  with  the  material  cultures  of 
geographical  zones.  Huxley  (1931a)  has  given  in  "Africa  View"  a  gen- 
eral survey  of  the  geological  and  biological  factors  entering  into 
human  life  in  east  Africa,  together  with  an  appraisal  of  educational 
and  social  problems.  R.  R.  Marett's  "Anthropology"  (1912)  is  a 
bright  and  stimulating  introduction,  touching  on  the  antiquity  of 
man,  race,  environment,  language,  social  organization,  law,  religion, 
and  morality. 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  29 

The  general  theory  of  geographic  determinism  is  expounded  by 
Huntington  (1907,  1914,  1915,  1926),  Semple  (1914),  C.  E.  P. 
Brooks  (1925),  Forde  (1934),  Pomfret  (1935),  and  Bowman  (1934). 
The  most  comprehensive  modern  work  in  French  is  "La  g^ographie 
humaine"  in  three  volumes  by  Brunhes  (1925).  W.  M.  Davis  (1911) 
has  contributed  a  helpful  discussion  showing  the  role  of  geographical 
factors  in  the  development  of  South  Africa.  Dixon  (1928)  has 
provided  valuable  summaries  of  the  geographical  and  many  other 
important  factors  that  are  instrumental  in  building  a  culture  pattern. 
Dixon  is  not  specifically  concerned  with  Africa  but  with  general 
principles  that  can  be  applied  to  African  study.  As  an  example  of 
the  detailed  study  of  local  conditions  in  relation  to  human  life 
Hudson's  (1935)  survey  of  a  district  in  Northern  Rhodesia  is 
recommended. 

Among  works  of  reference  of  an  encyclopedic  kind  various  hand- 
books are  available.  The  "South  and  East  African  Year  Book,"  with 
atlas  (S.  and  G.  G.  Brown,  1935),  also  "Uganda"  (Thomas  and  Scott, 
1935),  are  typical  source  books  available  in  preparation  for  regional 
research.  Other  thesaurian  works  of  value  in  African  research  are 
Keane  (1907),  Gsell  (1913),  Krenkel  (1925,  1928),  and  Haughton 
(1935).  E.  Torday's  revision  (1930)  of  Herbert  Spencer's  "Descrip- 
tive Sociology  of  African  Races"  contains  a  map  with  tribal  locations 
designated  by  numbers,  a  key  to  which  is  provided.  Roome  (1925) 
has  published  a  tribal  map  that  will  prove  of  service,  though  great 
improvement  is  necessary  when  further  study  has  given  tribal 
taxonomy  a  sure  foundation  on  somatic,  linguistic,  and  cultural 
grounds.     We  need  some  logical  tribal  grouping. 

A  large  folding  orographical  map  published  by  the  National 
Geographic  Magazine,  Washington  (1935),  gives  political  divisions, 
railways,  and  motor  roads.  Sources  of  information  respecting  maps 
are  the  National  Geographic  Society,  South  Kensington,  London; 
E.  Stanford,  43  Whitehall,  London;  H.  M.  Stationery  Office,  Kings- 
way,  London;  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute;  and  the  Inter- 
national Institute  of  African  Languages  and  Cultures,  London. 
Fitzgerald's  compendium  of  African  geography  (1934)  contains 
ninety  maps,  and  the  work  is  an  indispensable  companion  for  African 
study.  Of  these  sources  for  cartography  perhaps  Stanford  is  the  most 
valuable,  since  his  catalogue  contains  lists  and  specimens  of  maps 
in  great  variety.     Use  also  the  Times  Atlas. 

With  this  equipment  a  beginning  may  be  made  in  the  study  of 
climatic  and  biological  conditions  in  relation  to  human  development. 


30  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Climate 
cultural  changes 

Anthropologists  are  primarily  concerned  with  African  climatic 
zones  as  they  exist  today,  and  with  the  climatic  changes  that  have 
affected  human  development  since  the  beginning  of  the  Pleistocene 
period;  hypotheses  relating  to  more  ancient  changes  are  only  of 
theoretical  interest  (Skerl,  p.  22).  Geological  and  climatic  changes 
have  resulted  in  a  discontinuous  distribution  of  fossils  and  living 
animals.  Lakes  have  dried  up,  and  forests  once  continuous  are  now 
separated  by  hundreds  of  miles  of  parkland  and  semi-desert. 

The  principal  geological  events  of  the  Pleistocene  period,  with 
which  our  study  of  human  life  begins,  were  the  alternating  advances 
and  retreats  of  the  polar  ice  sheets  in  the  northern  hemisphere,  and 
there  is  the  possibility  that  these  Pleistocene  glaciations  were  con- 
temporaneous throughout  the  world.  Present  research  seeks  to 
correlate  European  glaciations  with  changes  of  humidity  in  Africa, 
and  a  scheme  of  synchrony  between  European  glaciations  and  east 
African  pluvial  periods  has  been  prepared  (E.  W.  Smith,  1935,  p.  16) 
from  the  data  of  E.  J.  Wayland  (1934),  Leakey  (1935),  and  C.  E.  P. 
Brooks  (1931). 

As  an  illustrative  study  of  the  relationship  between  climate  and 
man  in  south  Africa  an  article  by  Smuts  (1932)  may  be  quoted  as  an 
example  of  the  regional  research  which  is  only  in  its  infancy.  The 
author  uses  the  events  of  the  Pleistocene  as  a  general  framework  for 
geological  and  climatic  events  both  in  Europe  and  south  Africa.  He 
points  out  that  "we  have  now  reached  a  stage  in  our  south  African 
archaeology  when  we  may  fairly  use  the  Pleistocene  as  a  working 
hypothesis,  testing  it  with  the  geological  and  archaeological  knowl- 
edge we  have  already  gathered."  Table  I  (Smuts,  1932,  p.  101) 
enumerates  Pleistocene  periods  and  climates  in  Europe;  then  follows 
a  description  of  European  terminology  from  pre-Chellean  through 
Mousterian  and  Aurignacian  to  Solutrean  phases,  thence  to  Magda- 
lenian,  Azilian,  and  Tardenoisian  cultures.  Table  II,  headed 
"European  Pleistocene,"  gives  a  sequence  of  hypothetical  dates  with 
their  associated  climates,  stone  cultures,  and  types  of  fossil  man, 
and  a  similar  table  (p.  108)  is  given  for  east  African  climates.  Table 
VI  makes  chronological  comparison  between  European  Pleistocene 
glaciations,  south  African  pluvial  phases,  and  the  occurrence  of  the 
lower,  middle,  and  upper  stone-age  artifacts  in  south  Africa. 

Doubtless,  geologists  and  archaeologists  might  find  herein  much 
for  contention,  and  a  student  must  accept  the  schemes  as  tentative. 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  31 

The  actual  degree  of  accuracy  in  correlation  is  not  the  important 
point;  we  are  concerned  chiefly  with  a  method  whose  extension  to 
parts  of  Africa  other  than  the  north,  east,  and  south  may  ultimately 
lead  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  relationship  between  geological 
events,  climatic  change,  and  cultural  sequences. 

General  Smuts  emphasizes  the  logical  connection  between  the 
sciences.  Speaking  of  south  Africa  he  says  (p.  112),  "Our  inadequate 
geology  is  now  impeding  our  further  progress  in  archaeology,"  but 
he  points  out  that  the  necessary  advance  is  being  made  by  C.  van 
Riet  Lowe,  who  is  collating  evidence  of  pluvial  periods  in  the  Pleisto- 
cene from  study  of  the  terraces  of  the  Vaal  River. 

In  connection  with  the  subject  of  climatic  changes,  and  their 
effects  on  human  and  animal  life,  L.  S.  B.  Leakey's  chapter  entitled 
"Glimpses  of  Kenya's  Past"  (1936b)  provides  a  non-technical  intro- 
duction. For  another  area,  the  Sahara,  Gautier  (1928,  Mayhew's 
translation,  1935,  pp.  54,  60-61,  109)  affords  an  excellent  summary 
of  geological  and  climatic  changes  with  emphasis  on  the  relation  of 
these  to  human,  plant,  and  animal  life. 

Gautier  states  (p.  61),  "The  facts  which  we  have  established  then 
are  these :  that  the  Sahara  appears  to  have  been  a  desert  during  very 
remote  and  diverse  geological  eras.  But  in  the  Quaternary  age, 
which  was  the  geological  period  immediately  preceding  our  own,  a 
sharp  change  of  climate  in  respect  to  humidity  was  experienced  in  the 
Sahara  as  well  as  in  Europe  and  other  parts  of  the  world.  During 
this  period  portions  of  the  Sahara  were  furrowed  by  mighty  rivers, 
and  for  the  desert  was  temporarily  substituted  the  steppe,  thus 
opening  to  the  tropical  fauna  a  route  to  the  Mediterranean."  The 
Saharan  rivers  were  not,  however,  powerful  enough  to  reach  the  sea 
and  to  establish  normal  drainage.  During  the  moist  period  the 
Atlas  Mountains  became  the  home  of  a  residual  fauna,  some  of  which 
remained  in  existence  even  into  our  own  historical  times.  The 
Carthaginian  elephant  was  one  of  the  last  relics  of  this  fauna,  and 
the  animal  might  have  survived  longer  but  for  the  depredations  of 
Roman  ivory  hunters. 

climate  and  population 
In  studying  human  settlement  in  relation  to  humidity  and  tem- 
perature some  figures  collated  by  Westermann  (1934,  p.  303,  quoting 
R.  Uhden,  1931)  deserve  consideration,  and  these  should  be  studied 
with  reference  to  Fitzgerald's  maps  (Figs.  8,  9,  pp.  34-35;  Fig.  10, 
p.  41;  and  Fig.  14,  p.  108),  showing  distribution  of  temperatures, 
rainfall,  population,  and  types  of  vegetation. 


32  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Westermann  states,  "The  present  population  of  Africa  according 
to  recent  census  figures  is  about  130  millions,  possibly  less,  making  a 
density  of  four  persons  per  square  kilometer.  In  the  steppe  lands, 
most  of  which  do  not  allow  of  agriculture  but  are  fit  only  for  cattle 
nomads,  as,  for  example,  in  the  region  south  of  the  Sahara,  there  is 
scarcely  one  person  (in  French  Equatorial  Africa  1.5)  per  square 
kilometer.  Even  in  the  forest  district  of  the  Congo  where  there  is  an 
abundant  supply  of  rain  the  population  reaches  only  1-1.5  per 
square  kilometer.  The  savannah  lands  show  a  relatively  dense 
population.  In  northern  Nigeria  the  density  rises  to  almost  46. 
The  greatest  congestion  is  found  in  the  oases  of  the  Sahara  and  in  a 
few  favored  places,  as  on  the  southern  slopes  of  Kilimanjaro,  where 
125  persons  live  on  one  square  kilometer.  Kavirondo  is  also  a  densely 
populated  country.  The  greatest  density  is  reached  in  Egypt.  The 
valley  of  the  Nile  has  400  persons  per  square  kilometer,  and  the  purely 
agricultural  Egyptian  province  Menufie  684." 

Vegetation  Zones 

For  our  present  purpose  a  simplified  diagram  (Map  2)  will 
suffice  to  indicate  the  climatic  zones  that  are  of  primary  importance 
in  the  study  of  plant  life  and  culture  areas. 

Zone  1  is  equatorial  forest,  which  occupies  a  broad  belt  north 
and  south  of  the  equator.  A  narrower,  westerly  continuation  of  this 
belt  stretches  along  the  coastal  region,  which  comprises  the  political 
divisions  of  Cameroons,  Nigeria,  Dahomey,  Ashanti,  the  Ivory  Coast, 
Liberia,  and  Sierra  Leone.  This  dense  forest  region  is  one  of  great 
humidity  combined  with  a  fairly  high  but  constant  temperature. 
Near  Lagos,  for  example,  the  average  temperature  is  about  80° 
with  little  variation  either  seasonally  or  by  day  and  night.  This  is 
not  an  exceedingly  high  temperature,  but  owing  to  excess  of  moisture 
the  heat  is  oppressive  (Fig.  2,  b).  At  Kano  in  northern  Nigeria  a 
dry  heat  of  even  150°  is  not  so  enervating. 

Zone  2  is  modified  equatorial  forest.  The  rainfall  is  less  and  the 
vegetation  is  more  sparse  than  in  Zone  1. 

Zone  3  is  parkland  having  adequate  moisture,  scattered  forest, 
and  open  plains  with  tall  grass  that  gives  shelter  to  herds  of  antelope. 
In  the  eastern  parkland  zone  are  the  largest  herds  of  big  game,  and 
many  regions  within  the  zone  are  suitable  for  raising  cattle  (Fig.  2,  a, 
Fig.  3). 

Zone  4  is  true  desert  of  stones  or  billowy  sand  interrupted  by 
high  plateau  some  of  which  is  volcanic  and  attains  a  height  of  eight 


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Map  2.     Climatic  and  vegetation  zones 
Scale:  1  inch=1130  miles 


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Fig.  2.     Types  of  landscape.       a.  Parkland  scenery  near  Sokoto,  Nigeria, 
river  bed  in  drought,     b.  Dense  forest  bordering  a  river,  Cameroons. 


33 


34  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

thousand  feet.  The  chief  elevations  are  Air  (Asben),  Hoggar  Moun- 
tains, and  Tibesti.  Fertile  oases  depending  on  permanent  under- 
ground water  occur  at  wide  intervals.  Rainfall  is  either  non-existent, 
or  heavy  rains  may  occur  locally  at  long  intervals  and  for  veiy  short 
periods  (Figs.  4,  5). 

Zone  5  is  a  grassland  area  of  moderately  high  temperature  and 
seasonal  rainfall,  sometimes  with  droughts.  The  region  is  transi- 
tional from  parkland  to  semi-desert. 

Zone  6  is  semi-desert  with  high  temperature  and  scanty  rain- 
fall, somewhat  uncertain  in  time  and  quantity.  The  chief  vegetation 
is  thorny  scrub,  euphorbias  and  areas  of  coarse  grass  (Figs.  6, 11,  a). 

Zone  7  is  of  a  warm,  temperate,  Mediterranean  type  with  local 
variations  of  heat  and  moisture  due  to  differences  in  elevation. 

Examination  of  Map  2  shows  a  repetition  of  climatic  zones 
north  and  south  of  the  equator.  Modified  forest  and  parkland,  also 
grasslands,  are  to  be  found  surrounding  the  dense  equatorial  forest. 
In  the  southwest  is  a  strip  of  coastal  desert  and  semi-desert,  and 
warm  temperate  zones  occur  in  the  extreme  northwest  and  southeast 
of  the  continent.  The  comparisons  of  temperature,  rainfall,  and 
vegetation  in  these  zones,  which  have  somewhat  similar  locations 
north  and  south  of  the  equator,  are  only  approximate. 

Similar  climates  have  not,  however,  imposed  a  uniformity  of 
human  modes  of  life.  In  the  Kalahari  Desert  Bushman  hunters 
have  met  conditions  in  their  own  itinerant  way,  but  without  any 
livestock.  On  the  contrary,  nomads  of  the  corresponding  semi- 
desert  region  north  of  the  equator  keep  horses,  cattle,  and  possibly 
camels.  In  the  dry  steppes  of  Kordofan,  the  whole  organization  is 
seasonally  changed  by  splitting  a  tribe  into  small  bands,  each  of 
which  under  its  sheikh  settles  near  a  waterhole  for  the  dry  season. 

RAINFALL 

It  is  undesirable  to  give  here  statistics  of  rainfall,  since  these  are 
readily  available  in  the  works  of  Fitzgerald  (1934)  and  Knox  (1911), 
but  two  extremes  are  portions  of  Cameroons,  with  an  annual  fall  of 
300  inches,  and  the  region  of  Walfish  Bay  in  the  southwest,  with  an 
annual  record  of  0.3  inch,  an  almost  negligible  supply.  The  wet 
seasons  are  reversed  north  and  south  of  the  equator.  Thus  in  Angola 
the  dry  season  extends  from  April  to  the  end  of  September,  then  in 
the  period  September  to  March  rains  come  from  the  northwest. 
North  of  the  equator,  for  instance,  in  Nigeria,  heavy  rainfall  occurs 
between  April  and  October,  but  following  the  final  tornadoes  of 


Fig.  3.    Parkland  scenery  on  high  plateau,  Abyssinia  (from  photograph  by 
A.  M.  Bailey). 

35 


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38  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

November  the  dry  season  sets  in.  In  some  areas  of  Africa  the 
distribution  of  rainfall  is  more  complicated  than  that  described, 
for  in  addition  to  the  two  main  seasons,  wet  and  dry,  periods  of  the 
"little  rains"  are  important  (F.  Jung,  1932;  W.  Koops,  1935). 

Since  mountains  and  plateaus  intercept  moisture,  rainfall  depends 
on  elevation.  In  Angola  the  wet  winds  originating  in  the  northwest 
are  bereft  of  moisture  before  they  reach  the  coast;  consequently,  a 
strip  of  seaboard  has  in  some  years  a  fall  that  is  scarcely  measurable. 
The  dryness  of  the  Sahara  Desert  is  due  to  deflection  of  moisture- 
laden  winds  whose  direction  is  determined  by  the  shape  of  the  Gulf 
of  Guinea.  The  forest  region  of  the  Guinea  coast  has  a  heavy  fall, 
but  by  the  time  the  winds  have  reached  the  southern  Sahara  they 
are  dry. 

In  the  far  northwest  of  Africa  westerly  winds  bring  moisture  to 
Algeria  and  Morocco,  but  the  Atlas  Mountains  intercept  the  greater 
part  of  the  downpour.  Hence,  the  winds  are  dry  when  they  reach 
the  northern  Sahara,  and  that  area  is  screened  from  a  supply  of  rain 
on  both  its  southern  and  northern  extremities.  The  Kalahari 
Desert  in  the  southwest  of  the  continent  results  from  similar  causes. 
Southeast  trade  winds  bring  a  heavy  fall  of  rain  to  Zone  7  at  the 
coast,  but  after  crossing  the  high  country  they  reach  the  Kalahari 
as  dry  winds.  These  facts  are  of  primary  importance  in  studying 
section  II,  "Culture  Areas." 

introduced  plants 

The  history  of  each  plant  provides  a  theme  for  inquiry  that  leads 
into  a  wide  field  of  literature,  especially  that  relating  to  early  voyages 
of  discovery.  If  a  plant  is  not  indigenous  to  Africa,  research  tries  to 
discover  the  first  dependable  date  of  introduction,  the  country  of 
origin,  and  the  point  at  which  it  was  introduced  into  the  new  habitat. 
If  botanical,  linguistic,  and  historical  research  is  successful,  there  is  a 
possibility  of  tracing  the  routes  along  which  the  plant  was  dispersed, 
the  agencies  of  dispersal,  the  reasons  for  acceptance  or  rejection, 
and  the  part  played  by  the  innovation  in  modifying  cultures. 

B.  Laufer  (1919)  emphasizes  a  point  of  distinction  between  the 
introduction  of  a  plant  itself  and  the  adoption  of  a  custom  associated 
with  the  plant.  For  example,  indigo  plants  are  indigenous  to  Africa, 
but  the  custom  of  making  dye  from  them  may  have  been  introduced 
by  Arabs  who  recognized  the  plants  and  knew  how  to  utilize  them. 
A  similar  argument  applies  to  the  henna  plant  and  its  use  as  a  cos- 
metic.    Cotton  plants  and  gourds  (Cucurbita)  are  of  doubtful  origin. 


m 


J2 


Si 


2 

."s 

en 
>> 


39 


40  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Castor-oil  plants  are  possibly  indigenous  and  coffee  is  a  native  of 
Africa.  Probably  Africa  is  indebted  to  Asia  for  the  banana,  jack- 
fruit,  coconut  palm,  date  palm,  fig,  flax,  millet,  olives,  sugar  cane, 
and  rice.  But  most  recent  research  makes  it  doubtful  whether  rice 
cultivation  began  in  China,  India,  or  Africa  (Nature,  vol.  138, 
1936,  p.  1104,  Editorial  note).  The  evidence  supporting  such 
hypothesis  is  viewed  in  detail  by  A.  de  Candolle  (1890)  whose  work 
remains  a  classic,  and  more  recently  by  B.  Laufer  (1919)  in  "Sino- 
Iranica."  Alldridge  (1901)  has  published  a  very  useful  and  well- 


FiG.  7.  Baobab  tree  and  semi-desert  scenery  (from  painting  by  Field  Museum 
Staff  Artist,  Charles  A.  Corwin). 

illustrated  book  describing  cultivated  products  and  forest  timbers, 
not  from  the  historical  but  from  a  practical  point  of  view. 

Some  of  the  most  important  food  plants  of  Africa  were  introduced 
from  America  during  the  period  of  slave  trade  between  the  west 
coast  of  Africa,  Brazil,  and  the  West  Indies.  At  present  millions  of 
Africans  use  as  their  staple  crop  maize,  which  was  introduced  into 
west  Africa  by  Portuguese  voyagers,  probably  early  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  This  grain  is  grown  in  forest  clearings,  but  it  thrives  best 
of  all  in  upland  regions  where  tropical  heat  is  tempered  by  elevation. 
The  plateau  regions  of  central  Angola  provide  ideal  situations  for 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  41 

cultivation  of  maize  in  large  quantities.  The  history  of  the  intro- 
duction of  maize  and  a  note  on  the  slow  acceptance  of  the  grain  as  a 
food  for  human  beings  is  given  by  Hambly  (1934a,  p.  118)  from 
unpublished  notes  supplied  by  the  late  Dr.  Laufer. 

From  America  came  groundnuts  (peanuts),  Arachis  hypogaea, 
which  are  now  widely  cultivated  for  food  by  Negro  tribes  and  in 
some  localities  for  export.  The  nuts  were  brought  in  slave  ships 
to  serve  as  food  on  the  return  voyage.  In  northern  Nigeria  during 
November  the  groundnut  crop  for  export  stimulates  an  extensive 
caravan  trade  near  Kano.  Another  valuable  contribution  from 
America  is  manioc,  a  root  crop,  several  species  of  which  are  cultivated 
in  forest  clearings  over  an  enormous  area  in  the  forest  and  parkland. 

The  New  World  contributed  sweet  potatoes  {Ipomaea  Batatas),  a 
tropical  vine  of  Convolvulaceae.  Yams  (genus  Dioscorea),  of  which 
Dioscorea  saliva  and  Dioscorea  alata  are  the  most  common  varieties, 
are  cultivated  in  Africa.  Probably  all  the  cultivated  yams  of 
Africa  are  of  Old  World  origin.  Beans  (Phaseolus  vulgaris),  probably 
American  in  origin,  are  somewhat  widely  cultivated  in  open  country 
such  as  that  of  central  Angola.  The  papaya  {Carica  Papaya)  and 
the  guava,  a  shrub  of  the  genus  Psidium,  have  been  introduced  from 
America,  but  though  appreciated  by  Europeans,  the  fruits  of  these 
trees  cannot  be  said  to  form  an  important  item  of  native  diet. 

The  introduction  of  tobacco  from  America  has  had  an  important 
influence  on  African  culture,  trade,  and  social  customs,  with  which 
the  use  of  this  narcotic  has  become  associated  (Laufer,  Linton, 
Hambly,  1930).  This  leaflet  summarizes  historical  evidence  for 
introduction  and  diffusion  of  the  commodity,  and  information  is 
given  respecting  cultivation,  preparation  of  smoker's  tobacco  and 
snuff,  the  associated  habits,  and  types  of  apparatus  used  for  smoking. 

A  few  brief  notes  on  plants  of  economic  importance  which  are 
characteristic  of  Zones  1-7  may  now  be  added. 

ZONE  1 

In  Zone  1,  the  central  equatorial  region  of  great  heat  and  mois- 
ture, the  most  important  products  are  the  palms  and  the  banana. 
The  wine  palm,  Raphia  vinifera,  sometimes  called  the  bamboo  palm, 
produces  a  sap  that  yields  an  intoxicating  drink  when  fermented; 
from  the  base  of  the  leaf  a  fiber  named  piassava  is  obtained.  The 
oil  palm,  Elaeis  guineensis  (Fig.  8,  h),  the  raffia  palms  (Fig.  10,  a), 
and  the  coconut  palm,  Cocos  nucifera,  are  all  of  great  economic  value. 

In  the  forest  zones  of  west  Africa  men  mount  the  trunks  of  oil 
and  wine  palms  by  placing  their  feet  flat  against  the  trunk  of  the 


42  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

tree  and  leaning  backward  on  a  fiber  rope  that  supports  the  body. 
The  climber  advances  upward  by  a  series  of  jerks  until  he  nears  the 
head  of  the  tree.  He  then  uses  his  machete  to  cut  slits  to  which  small 
gourds  are  attached  for  collection  of  the  sap,  in  case  of  the  wine 
palm  (Forde,  1937b,  p.  43).  From  an  oil  palm  he  cuts  off  clusters  of 
nuts  (Fig.  10,  6).  Sarbah  (1908,  pp.  232-250)  has  given  a  useful 
account  of  the  oil  palm.  The  thick,  reddish  juice  is  a  staple  ingredient 
in  vegetable  stews,  and  large  quantities  of  the  oil  are  exported  for 
making  soap. 

Coconut  palms  thrive  in  the  east  and  west  coastal,  equatorial 
regions,  and  the  dried  kernels,  known  as  copra,  are  exported  for 
making  soap  and  candles.  In  Sierra  Leone  the  cores  from  clusters 
of  oil  palm  nuts,  when  burned,  yield  potash  for  use  in  making  soap 
(Alldridge,  1910,  p.  336).  From  the  leaves  of  the  raffia  palm  many 
Negro  tribes  make  fiber  skirts,  mats,  and  baskets.  Raffia  fibers 
are  dyed  and  woven  into  colored  patterns  with  simple  looms.  The 
raffia  weaving  of  the  Bushongo  in  the  southwest  Congo  region  and 
of  some  tribes  of  southern  Nigeria  is  of  great  artistic  merit. 

The  use  of  the  banana  (Musa)  in  the  forest  zone  is  well  exempli- 
fied by  Kollmann  (1899,  p.  12)  who  describes  the  place  of  this  fruit 
in  the  domestic  economy  of  the  Waganda  tribe.  "He  cooks  the 
banana  in  large  earthen  pots  covered  by  banana  leaves.  He  roasts 
it  at  the  fire;  crushes  meal  from  it;  uses  the  fibres  for  all  kinds  of 
wicker  work,  and  for  tying  up  and  fastening  his  work;  the  leaves 
serve  him  as  table  cloth;  from  the  viscous  sap  of  the  trunk  he  pre- 
pares a  kind  of  soap ;  and  a  valuable  drink  somewhat  like  lemonade, 
and  greatly  liked  by  Europeans,  is  obtained  from  the  fruit."  Not 
everywhere  in  the  tropical  zone  does  the  banana  function  so  impor- 
tantly, but  the  account  is  typical  of  the  way  in  which  domestic 
economy  focuses  about  one  or  more  principal  vegetable  products. 

Rice  flourishes  in  hot  moist  regions,  but  it  has  a  sporadic  and  not 
a  general  distribution  in  Africa.  Rice  is  grown  in  Sierra  Leone,  along 
the  upper  Niger,  near  Lake  Chad,  in  the  Nile  Delta,  near  the  sources 
of  the  Congo  and  the  Kasai,  in  Tanganyika,  especially  in  a  coastal 
strip  south  of  Zanzibar,  and  over  a  large  part  of  Madagascar. 

Production  of  sugar  cane  in  a  strip  on  the  west  coast  north  and 
south  of  the  equator,  sporadically  in  the  Nile  Valley,  in  southeast 
Africa,  and  in  northeast  Madagascar  is  principally  a  European  enter- 
prise employing  native  labor. 

The  distribution  of  maize  in  Zone  1  is  very  wide,  since  the  plant 
can  be  cultivated  in  forest  clearings,  although  it  grows  better  still 


Fig.  8.  a.  North  African  oasis  with  date  palms,  Phoenix  dactylifera  (from 
painting  by  Field  Museum  Staff  Artist,  Charles  A.  Corwin).  b.  Oil  palm,  Elaeis 
guineensis. 


43 


44  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

in  more  open  country  bordering  the  denser  forest.  The  grain  thrives 
in  fairly  high  plateau  regions  to  an  elevation  of  4,000  feet.  Generally 
the  grain  is  grown  by  natives  for  their  own  consumption  as  a  staple 
food  and  for  brewing  beer,  but  a  large  area  in  south  Africa  is  devoted 
to  production  of  maize  for  export.  Fitzgerald  (1934,  Fig.  30,  p.  192) 
shows  the  most  intensive  cultivation  to  lie  north  and  south  of 
Basutoland.  Before  1820,  maize  (Indian  corn),  which  is  known  in 
south  Africa  as  mealies,  was  little  known  in  Cape  Colony  and  not 
until  1880  was  its  production  of  any  consequence.  Maize,  though 
little  used  as  food  by  Europeans  in  south  Africa,  is  the  staple  of 
native  diet,  and  in  1928  more  than  half  a  million  tons  was  exported. 

Manioc  (cassava),  Manihot  utilissima,  is  very  commonly  used 
as  food  in  the  forest  area  and  a  broad  periphery  of  that  region. 
The  Ovimbundu  distinguish  five  varieties  by  name  and  have  for 
each  a  specific  method  of  cultivation  and  preparation  for  food 
(Hambly,  1934a,  pp.  146-147).  Yams  and  sweet  potatoes,  together 
with  maize  and  manioc,  are  the  four  staples  of  a  mid-section  of 
Africa  covering  more  than  a  third  of  the  total  area.  They  are  all 
rich  in  starch,  but  in  regions  where  the  oil  palm  thrives  the  oil  is 
added  to  crushed  yams,  so  giving  a  mixed  diet. 

The  wealth  of  timber  in  forests  of  Zone  1  is  to  a  great  extent 
unexploited  but  research  goes  forward  at  schools  of  forestry  such  as 
that  established  at  Ibadan  in  Nigeria.  Negro  wood-carving  in  hard 
mahogany  and  ebony  has  attained  maximum  development  in  the 
Ivory  Coast,  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  Nigeria,  Cameroons,  and  the 
southwest  Congo.  Study  of  trees,  their  properties,  and  the  extent  to 
which  the  timbers  are  utilized  has  been  too  frequently  neglected  by 
ethnologists.  Hambly  (1934a,  pp.  138-140,  161)  has  given  a  list  of 
Umbundu  names  for  trees,  together  with  notes  on  the  economic 
values  of  the  timbers  to  the  Ovimbundu.  Unwin  (1920)  and  H. 
H.  Johnston  (1906)  have  prepared  descriptions  of  west  African  forests 
and  forestry;  the  former  is  technical,  the  latter  pictorial  and  popular. 
A  useful  technical  work  on  west  African  forestry  has  been  compiled 
by  J.  Hutchinson  and  J.  M.  Dalziel  (1931). 

ZONES  2  AND  3 

In  Zone  2,  which  is  a  region  of  attenuated  forest  and  parkland, 
and  in  Zone  3,  which  is  a  transition  area  from  thin  bush  to  semi- 
desert,  several  staple  grains  are  produced.  Here  a  student  will 
encounter  difficulties  in  nomenclature. 

Some  clarification  of  naming  is  given  by  Robbins  and  Ramaley 
(1933).     "Sorghum  is  related  to  some  of  the  common  American 


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45 


46  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

prairie  grasses  of  the  genus  Andropogon,  and  indeed  sorghum  is 
sometimes  considered  as  belonging  to  that  genus,  but  at  present  it  is 
more  often  designated  as  Holcus  Sorghum.  The  plants  require  high 
temperatures  and  are  sensitive  to  cold ;  they  can  resist  drought  since 
they  have  a  low  water  requirement  and  are  not  readily  injured  by 
hot  winds.  The  sorghums  have  relatively  few  diseases  and  insect 
enemies." 

Durra  is  a  sorghum  widely  cultivated  in  the  eastern  Sudan  and 
northeast  Africa  under  climatic  conditions  that  give  no  rainfall  from 
September  to  May.  In  west  Africa  durra  is  locally  called  Guinea 
corn,  and  in  south  and  southeast  Africa,  Kafir  corn. 

"The  term  millet  does  not  refer  to  a  definite  botanical  group 
(species,  genus,  or  tribe).  Agriculturally  speaking,  the  word  'millet' 
now  embraces  a  number  of  annual  cereal  and  forage  grasses  which 
have  comparatively  small  seeds,  abundant  foliage,  and  fibrous  root 
system.  Most  millets  belong  to  the  genera  Chaetochloa,  Echinochloa, 
Panicum,  Pennisetum,  and  Eleusine.  The  water  requirement  of 
millets  is  less  than  that  of  the  sorghums."  (Robbins  and  Ramaley, 
1933,  pp.  90-92.) 

Eleusine  is  a  genus  which  is  composed  of  grasses  with  many- 
flowered  spikelets.  Eleusine  coracana  is  a  valuable  edible  grain 
cultivated  in  India  and  east  Africa.  Sesame  (simsim)  is  an  East 
Indian  herb;  Sesamum  indicum  has  flattish  seeds  which,  owing  to 
their  oil  content,  have  a  nutritive  value.  K.  Schumann  (Editor,  A. 
Engler,  1895,  pp.  31-87)  has  given  a  section  of  his  compendium  to  a 
description  of  maize,  millets,  eleusine,  sorghums,  and  other  nutritious 
grasses  of  east  Africa,  and  a  key  to  cultivated  varieties  of  durra  in 
this  region  is  added. 

In  the  western  part  of  Zone  2,  where  the  forest  becomes  more 
sparse,  several  trees  are  of  great  economic  importance.  Borassus 
flabellifer  var.  aethiopum  (Fig.  9,  a),  a  variety  of  the  Palmyra  palm 
of  India,  is  known  in  Liberia  as  the  fan  palm.  This  palm  has 
large  round  fan-shaped  leaves  which  are  used  by  the  natives  for 
thatching,  for  basketry,  and  as  writing  tablets.  Sugar  and  wine  are 
made  from  the  sap.  The  fruits  can  be  eaten  either  roasted  or  pre- 
served, and  when  ripe  they  yield  a  yellow  dye.  The  dum  palm 
(doum,  or  dom),  Hyphaene  thehaica  (Fig.  9,  b),  provides  pliant  straw 
for  making  mats,  hats,  baskets,  and  bags.  These  palms  can  thrive 
in  somewhat  arid  areas  of  Zone  5. 

The  shea-butter  tree,  Butyrospermum  Parkii,  of  the  dry  savanna 
lands,  has  a  variety  of  uses.    A  solid  white  fat  is  obtained  from  the 


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47 


48  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

seeds,  and  this  can  be  used  either  as  food  or  as  an  illuminant.  Meek 
(1925,  vol.  1,  p.  143)  and  M.  Park  (p.  203)  have  described  shea-butter 
and  the  manufacture  of  soap  from  this  fat.  Another  conspicuous 
tree  of  the  dry  zone  and  one  which  extends  into  semi-desert  regions 
is  the  baobab  (Fig.  7),  Adansonia  digitata  (Verdoorn,  1933).  Accord- 
ing to  Meek  (1925,  vol.  1,  p.  146)  the  flour  crushed  from  the  fruit  is 
used  in  making  porridge  known  as  kunu,  and  the  leaves  are  a  season- 
ing for  soup.  The  Fulani  frequently  add  baobab  pod  juice  to  their 
milk,  and  the  bark  fiber  is  used  locally  for  door  curtains,  knapsacks, 
string,  and  ropes. 

The  name  kola  is  applied  to  a  large  genus  of  African  trees  of  the 
chocolate  family  (Sterculiaceae)  having  capsular  fruits  containing 
large  seeds.  Cola  acuminata,  often  known  as  Cola  vera,  furnish  most 
of  the  kola  nuts  of  commerce.  In  west  Africa  the  nuts  are  cere- 
monially handed  at  receptions.  Their  caffeine  content  gives  them 
value  as  a  stimulant. 

In  the  Nupe  country  of  Nigeria,  north  of  the  denser  forest  zone, 
groves  of  kola  trees  are  cultivated  and  nuts  are  produced  for 
export.  Further  research  would  be  of  interest  in  collating  infor- 
mation about  the  customs  associated  with  the  use  of  kola  nuts. 
Thus,  in  establishing  a  blood  brotherhood  between  two  men  a  nut  is 
divided,  and  each  of  the  men  eats  that  part  of  the  nut  which  is 
smeared  with  the  blood  of  his  "brother." 

The  distribution  of  the  indigo  plant  and  its  uses  have  been  dis- 
cussed by  Laufer  (1919,  pp.  370-371,  585)  and  some  notes  on  the 
subject  of  dyeing  with  indigo  in  west  Africa  have  been  collated  by 
Hambly  (1935a,  pp.  415-417).  Meek  has  described  the  routine  of 
work  on  a  present-day  indigo  farm  (1925,  vol.  1,  p.  123). 

In  the  dry  regions  throughout  Zone  6  acacias  yield  various 
gums  of  commerce.  Bartholomew  (1912,  p.  38)  indicates  on  an 
economic  map  of  Africa  a  distribution  of  gum-exuding  trees  in 
Mauretania  and  in  the  hinterland  of  Morocco  and  Algeria.  The 
region  of  distribution  extends  across  Africa  in  the  dry  Zone  6,  border- 
ing the  southern  Sahara  and  extending  through  Kordofan,  to  the 
east  of  the  Nile  and  into  Abyssinia.  Throughout  this  long  but 
narrow  belt  the  gathering  of  gums,  bringing  them  to  local  markets, 
and  packing  them  for  export  are  of  great  economic  and  social  im- 
portance, since  the  industry  determines  native  modes  of  life. 

ZONE  4  'I 

In  the  oases  of  Zone  4,  which  is  the  true  desert,  and  in  the  Nile 
Valley,  date  palms  (Phoenix  dactylifera)  are  of  primary  importance 


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49 


50  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Dates  are  dried  and  carried  as  human  food  on  long  journeys,  and  as 
food  for  camels  in  the  region  of  Kufra  and  other  eastern  oases. 
Notes  on  the  cultivation  of  dates,  their  grades,  domestic  use,  and 
preparation  for  export  from  Siwa  have  recently  been  given  by  Cline 
(1936a,  p.  24).  The  account,  which  contains  many  important 
historical  references,  is  an  excellent  example  of  the  aggregation  of 
social  and  economic  traits  about  a  single  staple  plant  (Fig.  8,  a). 
Among  wild  produce  of  the  true  desert  (Zone  4)  and  the  arid 
region  (Zone  6),  the  thorny  acacias  are  of  first-rate  importance  since 
they  afford  almost  the  only  browsing  for  camels,  and  such  browsing 
is  essential  for  maintenance  of  health,  even  though  the  animals  are 
fed  with  dates  or  with  durra. 

ZONE  7 

In  the  temperate  zones  (Map  2,  No.  7)  cereals  of  the  European 
type  are  grown.  Wheat,  barley,  and  oats  are  important  crops  in 
lands  having  climate  of  the  Mediterranean  type;  so  also  are  grapes, 
olives,  figs,  lemons,  and  peaches.  The  Kabyles  of  northwest  Africa 
show  great  industry  in  terracing  the  hillsides  and  in  carrying  water 
from  the  valleys.  Wheat  is  an  ancient  crop  in  the  Nile  Valley.  The 
grain  is  important  in  Algeria  and  in  the  eastern  Basuto  highlands. 
Fitzgerald  (1934,  p.  261)  remarks  on  the  increase  of  wheat  pro- 
duction in  Kenya  since  the  World  War,  yet  transport  to  the  coast  is 
too  costly  to  make  export  profitable.  Rodd  (1926,  p.  131)  gives  a 
description  of  agriculture  and  irrigation  at  Auderas  in  Air,  southern 
Sahara,  where,  in  addition  to  date  and  dum  palms,  some  wheat, 
millet,  guinea  corn,  and  vegetables  are  grown  with  much  labor; 
wheat,  however,  is  a  luxury. 

Bartholomew  (1912,  p.  52)  shows  a  narrow  barley  zone  along  the 
length  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  the  Nile  Valley,  and  at  the  extreme 
southern  tip  of  the  continent.  There  is  also  a  barley-producing 
district  marked  on  the  middle  course  of  the  Niger  and  in  the  region 
of  Lake  Chad. 

The  natural  resources  of  Africa  have  been  briefly  discussed  by 
Melland  (1932,  pp.  111-132)  who  surveys  transport,  minerals, 
timber,  grasses,  mammals  and  fishes,  soil,  rivers,  irrigation,  water 
power,  cattle,  and  future  possibilities  of  development. 

NEED  for  ETHNOBOTANY 

So  far  as  anthropological  work  is  concerned  research  should  be 
connected  with  the  subject  of  plant  ecology.  From  available  data 
the  detailed  local  distribution  of  essential  food  plants  could  not  be 


Physiography  and  Nature  Xotes  51 

plotted,  though  Schimper  vlS9S.  1903  >  has  written  an  introductory 
treatise.  Travelers  and  residents  have  failed  to  bring  home  or  to 
send  from  Africa  varieties  of  beans,  millets,  sorghums,  manioc, 
groundnuts,  and  other  flora,  in  quantities  which  will  allow  of  plotting 
detailed  topographical  distributions,  while  analysis  to  determine 
food  values  is  only  in  its  infancy  (E.  B.  Worthington  and  other 
contributors,  1936\ 

This  does  not  mean  that  work  of  collation  from  ethnological 
researches  would  have  no  present  value.  Some  notes  on  food 
plants  and  their  domestic  preparation  and  use  are  given  in  the 
majority  of  ethnological  monographs.  The  Bulletin  of  Kew  Royal 
Gardens,  London,  is  important  Jor  example,  Xo.  1.  1937^.  Many 
valuable  articles  dealing  with  plant  ecology'  in  south  Africa  are  to 
be  found  (,SAJS.  and  Journ.  S.  Af.  Botany).  In  the  pages  of  Mem- 
oires  de  la  Societe  des  Sciences  Xaturelles  du  IMaroc  botanical 
information  for  north  Africa  is  given,  and  for  this  area  Chevalier's 
work  (1932^  is  ser\'iceable.  Xorton's  article  il923'i  describes  plants 
of  Bechuanaland  and  their  uses  to  Africans.  J.  M.  Dalziel  (,1916) 
published  a  Hausa  botanical  vocabulan,'.  Shantz  and  Marbut  i,1923) 
have  \\Titten  on  vegetation  and  soils  of  Africa.  The  pictorial  survey 
of  plant  life  by  Karsten  and  Schenck  .1904>  is  excellent.  Much 
valuable  material  is  to  be  found  in  the  Bulletin  du  Musetmi  d'Histoire 
Xaturelle,  Paris,  especially  in  articles  by  A.  Chevalier.  The  Im- 
perial Forestry  Institute.  Oxford,  publishes  lists  of  African  flora. 
Putnam's  "Economic  Atlas"  helps  v^ith  the  study  of  distribution, 
and  X'ewland  1 1922 1  is  a  valuable  source  for  information  on  plants 
of  economic  value  in  west  Africa. 

But,  in  relation  to  the  size  of  the  continent,  the  subjects  of  plant 
ecology  and  ethnobotany,  with  regard  to  both  the  latitudinal  and  the 
vertical  distribution  of  plants,  have  not  advanced  beyond  the  pio- 
neering stage.  The  t^-pe  of  research  needed  is  one  which  secures  the 
cooperation  of  ethnologists  and  ethnobotanists  for  the  preparation 
of  a  compendium  with  topographical  maps. 

Anim.\l  Life 

Studj'  of  the  fauna  of  Africa  should  be  carried  out  in  close  con- 
junction with  that  of  climate  and  plant  life.  The  three  taken  to- 
gether, and  considered  in  relation  to  the  ecological  regions  on  Map  2, 
prepare  the  way  for  study  of  culture  areas  (section  II).  With 
regard  to  ecological  study  Bartholomew's  "Atlas  of  Zoogeography" 
(1911)  is  of  primary  importance,  since  the  work  permits  of  a  detailed 


52  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

comparison  between  distribution  of  animals  and  such  human  occu- 
pations as  hunting,  fishing,  herding  cattle,  and  breeding  camels. 

Without  attempting  a  complete  survey,  a  summary  of  the  princi- 
pal forms  of  animal  life  will  be  made  with  a  view  to  showing  the 
importance  of  these  in  native  economy,  occupation,  religion,  and 
folklore.  Beginning  with  Mammalia,  to  which  most  of  the  large 
domesticated  animals  belong,  we  pass  to  Aves,  Pisces,  Amphibia, 
Reptilia,  and  Orthoptera. 

For  purposes  of  scientific  reference  the  Cambridge  Natural 
History  (Harmer  and  Shipley,  Editors,  1895)  will  be  of  great  general 
service.  For  popular  reading  and  excellent  photographs,  G.  T. 
Hutchinson  (1922-24)  will  be  found  serviceable.  Another  work  of 
general  botanical  and  zoological  importance  is  edited  by  Schouteden 
(1928),  and  issued  periodically.  P.  A.  Buxton  (1925)  has  produced 
an  informative  regional  study,  "Animal  Life  in  Deserts,"  and  for 
biological  study  of  the  Sahara,  of  a  non-technical  kind,  Buchanan 
(1926)  will  be  found  useful.  I  would  advise,  also,  the  reading  of 
Carpenter  (1925),  who  gives  a  regional  survey  of  the  natural  history 
of  east  Africa.  An  excellent  regional  survey  of  the  fauna  of  Liberia 
and  parts  of  the  Belgian  Congo  is  given  in  a  report  of  the  Harvard 
Expedition  (1926-27),  for  which  Strong  (1930)  is  the  editor  of 
numerous  articles  contributed  by  specialists.  Sudan  Notes  and 
Records  contains  many  contributions  of  zoological  interest,  and  the 
Journal  of  the  Uganda  and  East  Africa  Natural  History  Society  is 
valuable  for  both  ethnology  and  biology. 

For  giving  a  biological  background  which  will  lead  to  an  intelli- 
gent understanding  of  African  beliefs  and  customs  and  the  association 
of  these  with  animal  life,  the  following  works  are  of  value:  Selous 
(1895),  one  of  the  greatest  of  African  hunters,  Bland-Sutton  (1911), 
Statham  (1922),  Roosevelt  and  Heller  (1915),  Akeley  (1923),  and 
de  Ramecourt  (1936). 

MAMMALS 

Among  the  fauna  of  Africa  no  animal  has  been  of  greater 
importance  than  the  elephant.  Ivory  has  been  a  source  of  wealth 
for  native  chiefs,  who  buried  the  tusks  in  their  compounds  and 
regarded  the  cache  as  a  reserve  which  at  any  time  could  be  converted 
into  other  forms  of  wealth.  Ivory  has  also  played  an  important  role 
in  African  art  and  religion.  European  demand  for  ivory  gave  an 
impetus  to  exploration,  the  slave  trade,  and  the  desire  to  acquire 
African  territory.     Masudi,  an  Arab  geographer  (A.D.  983),  states 


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53 


54  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

that  Arabic  ships  brought  ivory  from  Africa  to  Arabia,  whence  it 
was  transported  to  India  and  China  (Laufer,  1925). 

The  African  elephant,  which  differs  from  the  Indian  genus  in 
formation  of  the  skull,  shape  of  the  teeth,  and  size  of  the  ears,  has 
a  distribution  from  10°  north  of  the  equator  to  20°  south  of  that 
line.  The  belief  prevails  that  the  African  elephant,  unlike  his  Indian 
relative,  is  untamable.  This  is  untrue,  for  at  Api  in  the  northeast 
Belgian  Congo  domestication  has  been  achieved.  A  wild  herd  is 
stampeded  so  that  the  calves  may  be  roped.  These  are  kindly  treated, 
fed  by  hand,  washed,  and  fanned  with  leaves.  In  six  weeks  the 
captives  are  so  tame  that  they  are  allowed  to  accompany  the  domestic 
herd  to  pasture. 

Finally,  the  elephants  are  harnessed  to  carts  and  made  to  draw 
heavy  loads  of  timber.  But  this  kind  of  transport  does  not  justify 
the  time  and  expense  required  for  the  capture  and  training.  The 
Roman  historian,  Livy,  gives  an  account  of  the  use  of  elephants  by 
the  Carthaginian  leader,  Hannibal,  about  the  year  217  B.C.,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Carthaginians  tamed  the  African  elephant. 
Blunt  (1933)  has  collated  useful  information  pertaining  to  African 
elephants,  their  distribution,  and  the  past  and  future  of  the  ivory 
trade.  Other  authorities  on  the  African  elephant  are  Marius  Max- 
well (1924)  and  Marcuswell  Maxwell  (1930). 

The  history  of  the  camel  in  Africa  has  been  a  debatable  subject. 
Bones  of  camels  found  in  the  Pleistocene  strata  show  that  these 
animals  were  part  of  the  ancient  fauna  of  Africa  at  the  time  of  early 
stone-age  man,  but  proofs  of  the  use  of  camels  even  in  the  early 
historical  periods  of  Egypt  are  lacking.  The  camel  was  known  in 
Egypt  possibly  as  early  as  3500  B.C.,  for  an  earthen  figure  of  this 
animal  has  been  found  in  a  predynastic  grave  at  Abydos.  But  the 
camel  does  not  play  any  part  in  Egyptian  mythology;  neither  have 
Egyptians  left  drawings  of  camels,  though  Egyptian  murals  give 
numerous  representations  of  cattle,  horses,  and  donkeys  (Erman, 
1894,  p.  493;  Caton-Thompson,  1934,  No.  24;  Flamand,  1906). 

Gautier  (Mayhew's  translation,  p.  124)  states  that  the  camel 
was  first  imported  into  Egypt  during  the  Persian  conquest  of  525  B.C., 
but  for  several  centuries  the  camel  did  not  make  its  way  westward. 
Archaeological  evidence  occurs  in  the  form  of  Saharan  petroglyphs, 
whose  grouping,  according  to  Monod  (1932),  shows  pre-cameline  and 
cameline  cultures  of  the  Sahara  in  the  central  region  of  Adrar  Ahnet. 

Rodd  (1936,  pp.  206-208)  describes  the  nomadic  and  sedentary 
life  of  the  Tuareg  of  the  present  day,  and  shows  how  both  modes  of 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  55 

life  are  dependent  on  the  rearing  of  camels.  He  reviews  the  historical 
testimony  of  Roman  writers  who  described  north  Africa,  and  he 
arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  the  camel  was  not  used  for  transport 
in  Africa  until  the  Arabian  camel  was  so  employed  about  the  second 
century  of  the  Christian  era  (see  also  A.  E.  Robinson,  1936). 

The  camel  is  used  as  a  draft  animal  and  a  beast  of  burden  in 
some  of  the  dry  regions  of  southwest  Africa,  but  introduction  of  the 
animal  into  that  area  is  an  instance  of  modern  European  enterprise, 
and  as  such  is  unimportant  compared  with  the  typical  camel  cultures 
of  the  Sahara. 

The  use  of  horses  in  Africa  (Figs.  70,  75)  is  of  importance,  since 
the  breeding  of  horses,  the  manufacture  of  their  accouterments,  and 
employment  of  them  in  warfare,  have  affected  Negro  culture  through 
Arab  influence.  Horses  were  known  in  Egypt  in  Dynasty  XII, 
about  the  year  2466  B.C.,  but  the  animals  were  not  bred  there  until 
several  centuries  later;  by  that  time  the  Egyptians  had  learned 
the  use  of  horse-drawn  chariots  in  warfare.  In  Dynasty  XXII  horses 
were  plentiful  in  Egypt,  and  in  I  Kings  2 :  28,  there  is  the  statement 
that  King  Solomon  had  horses  brought  from  Egypt;  this  would  be 
about  the  year  966  B.C.  In  Egyptian  warfare  horses  were  harnessed 
in  pairs  for  drawing  chariots,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  were 
used  for  riding  (Erman,  1894,  pp.  490-493).  Hannibal  used  horses 
for  his  cavalry,  and  he  took  Numidian  horsemen  from  north  Africa 
to  Italy  for  his  campaign  against  the  Romans.  These  historical  facts 
show  that  horses  were  part  of  a  north  African  culture  more  than  four 
thousand  years  ago,  and  from  that  time  onward  there  has  been  dis- 
persal with  introduction  of  new  breeds  intermittently. 

Horses  are  used  chiefly  in  the  region  of  north  Africa  between  the 
desert  and  the  forest ;  namely,  the  semi-desert  and  parkland  country 
which  extends  across  the  continent.  Although  dryness  is  a  general 
characteristic  of  this  region,  and  droughts  may  be  prolonged,  wells 
are  sufficiently  numerous  to  enable  horses  to  make  the  journey. 
An  African  warrior  named  Rabeh  (Von  Oppenheim,  1902)  crossed  this 
territory  with  thousands  of  horsemen  about  the  year  1895.  He 
harried  the  country  around  Lake  Chad,  until  he  was  defeated  and 
killed  by  the  French  in  the  year  1900. 

A  remarkable  journey  made  by  horses  was  that  of  Mansur's 
troops,  who  marched  from  Morocco  across  the  western  Sahara  about 
four  centuries  ago.  His  objective  was  the  Songhai  empire  in  the 
northern  bend  of  the  River  Niger,  and  his  success  was  due  to  the 
feeling  of  security  of  his  enemies,  who  never  anticipated  a  column 


56  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

from  the  direction  of  the  desert.  Thousands  of  camels  were  used  for 
transport  of  water  supplies,  and  the  attacking  force  was  divided  so 
that  not  too  great  a  demand  was  made  on  the  wells  of  one  route 
(Bovill,  1926). 

Up  to  the  year  a.d.  1900  horses  were  commonly  used  in  the 
campaigns  of  northern  Nigeria,  where  each  of  the  rulers  had  a  large 
body  of  troops.  British  conquest  ended  this  internal  strife  in  the 
year  1903,  when  the  Fulani  and  Hausa  were  subdued,  but  there  yet 
remain  troops  of  horse  which  are  ceremonially  used  by  native  chiefs. 
Fig.  75,  b  shows  a  horseman  of  the  bodyguard  of  the  Emir  of  Fika. 
The  rider  is  clad  in  a  coat  of  mail  and  a  metal  helmet.  Fig.  75,  a 
illustrates  the  equine  accouterments  used  in  Abyssinia. 

Horses  quickly  contract  disease  from  the  bite  of  the  tsetse  fly; 
therefore,  their  distribution  is  limited  by  the  occurrence  of  this  pest. 
Horses  are  bred  near  Sokoto  in  northwest  Nigeria,  and  in  Bornu  in 
the  northeast  of  the  country.  In  every  marketplace  blacksmiths 
and  leather  workers  produce  iron  bits,  hobbles,  stirrups,  saddles, 
bridles,  and  ornamental  saddle-covers. 

The  most  handsome  cattle  are  the  long-horned  animals  of  Bornu 
in  Nigeria  (Fig.  89)  and  Damaraland  in  southwest  Africa,  and  later 
it  will  be  possible  to  show  that  many  tribes  of  east  Africa  are  so 
organized  that  every  aspect  of  their  lives  is  closely  related  to  their 
herds.  These  are  tribes  of  a  true  cattle  culture  (section  II,  chap. 
III).  Other  divisions  of  cattle  breeders  have  to  be  considered; 
namely,  nomad  tribes  of  Kordofan,  and  the  Fulani  of  west  Africa, 
whose  cattle  are  used  for  transport.  In  addition  to  these  functions  of 
cattle,  there  are  important  instances  of  the  use  of  riding  oxen  by 
Europeans.  Lindblom  (1931)  has  mapped  the  distribution  of  this 
practice.  Dutch  farmers  of  south  Africa  use  ox-carts,  and  this  kind 
of  transport  may  also  be  seen  in  Angola.  In  Angola  and  elsewhere  a 
European  may  be  seen  riding  an  ox  which  is  guided  by  reins  attached 
to  a  brass  rod  passed  through  the  septum  of  the  animal's  nose.  A 
saddle  is  provided,  and  to  this  are  attached  broad,  brass  stirrups 
(Fig.  68,  6).  The  rate  of  travel  is  about  three  miles  an  hour,  the  same 
pace  as  that  of  a  baggage  camel.  In  Egypt  and  north  Africa  oxen 
are  used  for  turning  wheels  which  pump  water  for  irrigation. 

The  historical  arguments  relating  to  breeds  of  cattle  in  Egypt 
have  been  summarized  by  Erman  (1894,  p.  443).  He  points  out  that 
in  addition  to  the  old  long-horned  race  there  appears  to  have  been  an 
introduction  of  the  short-horned  humped  variety  about  the  period 
of  the  New  Empire.    Recent  discussions  of  the  historical  aspects  of 


Fig.  13.    Domestic    animals,     a.  Fat-tailed    sheep,     b.  Long-eared    Syrian 
goat.     c.  Fat-rumped  sheep,     d.  Keltic  breed  of  long-snouted  pig. 


57 


58  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

domestication  of  animals  in  Africa  have  been  offered  by  Kroll  (1928, 
pp.  177-290),  and  Hilzheimer  (1930,  pp.  472-483).  Crossing  of 
principal  breeds  has  occurred,  and  Meek  (1925,  vol.  1,  p.  118)  dis- 
tinguishes five  main  types  of  cattle  in  Nigeria.  H.  H.  Curson  (1935, 
1936)  has  described  some  parent  breeds  of  African  cattle. 

Donkeys,  overloaded  and  distressed  with  sores,  are  used  in 
Egypt,  where  the  ass  was  a  beast  of  burden  more  than  five  thousand 
years  ago.  From  the  north  coast  of  Africa  to  within  a  few  degrees 
of  the  equator  donkeys  are  used  for  transport.  In  some  parts  of  the 
eastern  Sudan  and  Abyssinia  are  wild  asses  that  introduce  new  blood 
into  the  diminutive  stock  owned  by  natives.  The  female  asses  are 
left  at  night  in  places  where  they  are  visited  by  wild  asses.  The 
donkey,  like  the  ox,  is  used  for  purposes  other  than  transport.  In 
the  Atlas  region  of  Algeria  and  Morocco  may  sometimies  be  seen  a 
primitive  plow  to  which  are  harnessed  a  woman  and  a  donkey,  for 
among  the  Kabyles  women  perform  all  the  heavy  agricultural  work. 

Pigs  are  widely  kept  except  by  Mohammedan  tribes.  A  slim, 
long-snouted  pig  is  described  by  Europeans  as  a  Keltic  breed,  and, 
in  addition  to  this,  strains  of  every  European  variety  of  pig  may  be 
seen.  Sheep  of  Syrian  origin,  and  also  goats,  are  widely  dispersed. 
Hutchinson  (1922-24,  vol.  1,  pp.  469-470)  pictures  breeds  of  sheep 
domesticated  in  Africa.  The  Egyptians  had  a  domestic  sheep  at  a 
remote  period,  while  other  breeds  have  been  introduced  by  way  of 
the  Sinai  peninsula  at  unknown  periods  (Fig.  13). 

Although  the  history  of  domestic  animals  is  difficult  to  unravel, 
several  truths  can  be  accepted.  The  African  buffalo  has  never  been 
domesticated ;  therefore  the  breeds  of  cattle  now  found  in  Africa  are 
not  the  descendants  of  African  buffaloes.  Domesticated  pigs  are  not 
descended  from  wild  pigs  of  African  forests,  since  these  animals 
have  not  been  domesticated  in  any  part  of  the  continent.  Domestic 
dogs  which  are  present  in  all  villages  are  not  bred  from  wild  dogs. 
These  hunt  in  packs  and  in  appearance  they  bear  some  resemblance 
to  hyenas.  Cats  were  domesticated,  worshipped,  and  mummified 
locally  in  ancient  Egypt,  but  they  are  not  commonly  found  in  African 
villages  today.  Instances  of  the  domestication  of  feral  cats  by 
African  natives,  and  the  distribution  of  domesticated  cats  among 
Bantu  Negroes  are  subjects  discussed  by  H.  Kroll  (1928,  p.  183). 
Hahn  (1896)  published  an  early  standard  work  on  the  domestication 
of  animals,  containing  many  references  to  African  animals. 

Chief  among  wild  animals  which  are  of  importance  to  African 
hunters  are  antelopes  of  many  species.    These  abound  in  the  park- 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  59 

land  region  which  surrounds  the  central  forest  zone.  In  the  grass- 
land, too,  and  even  in  semi-desert  the  grass  is  high  enough  to  shelter 
herds  of  antelope,  while  gazelle  may  be  seen  in  true  desert  country 
where  expanses  of  waterless  desert  are  broken  by  rocky  hills.  In 
Africa  the  only  deer  (Cer\idae)  are  Cervus  elaphus  harhanis  and 
Cervus  dama,  in  the  extreme  north.  The  antelope  (Bovidae)  should 
not  be  described  as  deer  since  anatomical  differences  exist. 

Deer  shed  their  horns,  but  this  is  not  characteristic  of  antelopes. 
The  largest  African  antelopes  are  the  eland  (Fig.  12,  extreme  left) 
and  the  roan,  while  the  smallest  is  the  dik-dik,  only  twelve  inches 
high  at  the  shoulders,  with  a  body  no  larger  than  that  of  a  rabbit. 

The  giraffe  (Laufer,  1928),  rhinoceros,  hippopotamus,  zebra,  and 
okapi  have  all  been  important  in  hunting  communities,  and  with  the 
exception  of  the  okapi  and  the  hippopotamus,  all  find  their  natural 
habitat  in  the  open  country  on  the  fringe  of  denser  forests,  especially 
in  Kenya  and  Tanganyika  Territory.  The  white  rhinoceros,  which 
has  really  little  claim  to  the  name  "white,"  occurs  with  very  local 
distribution  in  the  Upper  Nile  region  and  in  south  Africa.  The 
pygmy  hippopotamus  is  found  only  in  Liberia. 

The  gradual  spread  of  civilization,  together  with  the  depreda- 
tions of  hunters,  both  European  and  African,  has  restricted  the  range 
of  many  animals  (Hobley,  1929-30).  In  a  later  chapter  dealing  with 
archaeology  it  will  be  possible  to  show  that  rock  engravings  of  giraffe, 
ostriches,  and  other  animals  indicate  their  former  presence  in  regions 
where  they  have  not  been  seen  within  the  memory  of  living  people. 
In  addition  to  rock  engravings  and  pictographs  in  colors,  the  evidence 
of  past  distribution  is  based  on  osteological  discoveries,  and  the 
observation  of  Egyptians,  Greeks,  and  Romans.  From  the  ethno- 
logical point  of  view  the  migration  of  animals  is  important,  for  when 
such  movements  occur,  possibly  as  a  result  of  changing  climate,  the 
activities  and  migrations  of  human  beings  are  also  affected. 

The  okapi,  a  name  given  by  the  Bambuti  Pygmies  of  the  Ituri 
Forest  in  the  northeast  Belgian  Congo,  has  special  claims  to  interest. 
Pygmy  hunters  showed  the  skin  of  an  okapi  to  the  German  explorer 
W.  Junker,  in  1878,  though  Junker  did  not  see  a  living  okapi,  and 
the  animal  was  at  that  time  unknown  to  zoologists.  The  okapi,  an 
entire  skin  of  which  was  sent  to  England  in  1901  by  Sir  H.  H.  John- 
ston, is  a  member  of  the  giraffe  family.  Affinity  with  giraffes  is 
shown  by  the  structure  of  the  skull  and  teeth.  Some  Pygmy  tribes 
hunt  this  animal,  whose  skin  is  valued  for  making  belts  which  are 
worn  by  men  only. 


60 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


The  hyrax  (Fig.  14),  also  known  as  the  coney  and  rock  rabbit, 
appears  to  belong  to  the  order  of  rodents,  but  the  outward  form  is 
deceptive.  Examination  proves  that  the  hyrax  belongs  to  the  order 
of  ungulates  or  hoofed  animals  which  we  have  been  considering. 
The  creature  is  so  exceptional  as  to  require  a  zoological  division  of 
its  own,  namely,  the  Hyracoidea.  Zulu  tribes  of  southeast  Africa 
are  exceptionally  skilled  in  sewing  together  skins  of  hyrax  to  make 


^  ^-3^g%^ 


Fig.  14.    Hyrax,  Abyssinia.    Scale  about  1:20  (from  group  in  Field  Museum). 

long  fur  cloaks  called  karosses.     Leakey  (1936b,  pp.  36-39)  gives 
informative  notes  on  the  habits  of  this  animal. 

Chief  among  the  carnivorous  animals  are  lions,  leopards,  hyenas 
(Fig.  16,  a,  b),  wild  dogs,  foxes,  and  jackals.  Bears  have  been  seen 
rarely  and  only  in  the  extreme  northwest,  where  the  fauna  approxi- 
mates that  of  Europe.  Most  of  the  carnivorous  animals  play  a  part 
in  native  stories,  hunting,  and  beliefs  of  a  sacred  kind.  Lions  and 
leopards  are  sometimes  the  sacred  emblems  of  chiefs,  and  in  describ- 
ing Negro  religion,  beliefs  in  the  reincarnation  of  human  souls  in 
these  animals  will  be  described.  Some  medicine-men  assert  that 
they  are  able  to  send  their  souls  into  leopards  or  hyenas,  so  tempora- 
rily controlling  the  creatures.    Or  the  belief  may  be  maintained  that 


I 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  61 

a  man  can  turn  himself  into  an  animal,  or  that  he  may  by  magical 
means  inflict  this  metamorphosis  on  an  enemy.  A  leopard  has  been 
the  symbolic  animal  of  the  most  important  secret  society  of  west 
Africa.  Members  of  the  society  dressed  themselves  in  leopard  skins 
and  armed  themselves  with  claws.  So  equipped  they  slew  a  victim 
and  ceremonial  cannibalism  followed. 

The  ingenuity  of  Bushman  and  Pygmy  hunters,  and  the  ritual 
that  accompanies  hunting  among  Negroes  make  the  study  of  animal 


Fig.  15.    African  cheetahs.    Scale  about  1:36  (from  group  in  Field  Museum). 

life  of  deep  interest.  The  fauna  of  Africa  has  affected  art  and  handi- 
crafts by  providing  motifs  for  wood-carvers,  metal  workers,  and 
rock  sculptors.  When  considering  ideas  of  a  totemic  kind  the 
importance  of  animal  emblems  will  be  observed.  These  zoomorphic 
symbols  have  a  religious  and  a  social  significance;  therefore,  a  mysti- 
cal relationship  exists  between  a  totem  animal  and  the  members  of 
the  clan,  or  between  a  person  and  his  individual  totem  (chap.  III). 

In  some  parts  of  Somaliland  and  Abyssinia  cheetahs  (Fig.  15), 
which  are  similar  to  leopards  in  appearance,  are  used  for  hunting, 
just  as  they  are  in  parts  of  northern  India  and  Persia.  A  hooded 
cheetah  is  taken  to  the  chase,  and  when  in  sight  of  a  gazelle  the  hood 


62  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

is  removed.    This  form  of  hunting  is  not  common  in  Africa  and  the 
region  of  occurrence  suggests  diffusion  from  Asia. 

The  civet,  which  is  closely  related  to  the  mongoose  (Fig.  17), 
has  a  restricted  commercial  use.  It  is  sometimes  kept  in  captivity 
and  made  to  discharge  from  its  caudal  glands  a  musk-flavored 
substance  used  in  manufacturing  a  perfume  (Meek,  1925,  vol.  1, 
p.  149). 

Among  carnivorous  animals  should  be  mentioned  the  striped, 
the  spotted,  and  the  brown  hyenas,  which  are  typically  nocturnal 
scavengers  that  feed  on  the  kill  of  other  carnivores.  But  hyenas 
at  times  enter  camp  and  steal  living  animals.  The  jaws  and  shoulders 
are  extremely  powerful,  yet  the  hind  quarters  slope  with  a  suggestion 
of  weakness  in  comparison  with  the  fore  quarters  (Fig.  16). 

Gnawing  animals  (rodents)  are  numerous  in  Africa.  The  order 
includes  large  forest  rats,  small  rats  and  mice  of  many  species,  ground 
squirrels  and  tree  squirrels,  the  jerboa  (in  desert  regions),  the  porcu- 
pine, and  the  hare.  The  last-named  is  a  great  favorite  in  Negro 
folklore  because  of  his  cunning,  which  is  directed  toward  deceiving 
the  larger  and  stronger  animals.  The  jerboa  is  common  in  Egypt 
and  the  Sahara,  where  it  is  easily  recognized  by  its  method  of  hopping 
on  its  long  hind  legs  in  kangaroo  fashion.  Porcupines  are  widely 
distributed  south  of  the  Sahara;  the  Ovimbundu  use  the  quills  of 
these  creatures  for  making  a  special  head  ornament  for  medicine-men. 

Among  the  insectivores,  moles  and  shrews  are  of  common  occur- 
rence; the  former  range  over  almost  the  whole  of  Africa  south  of 
the  equator.  The  bats  (Cheiroptera)  are  distributed  over  the  whole 
of  Africa,  and  there  are  also  flying  foxes  with  a  more  limited  dis- 
tribution just  north  and  south  of  the  equator.  The  true  vampire, 
which  is  a  blood-sucking  bat,  is  limited  to  South  America.  Allen, 
Lang,  and  Chapin  (1917)  have  written  a  monograph  on  African 
bats  with  a  section  on  native  beliefs  and  customs  connected  with 
these  creatures  (pp.  493-494). 

Creatures  belonging  to  the  Edentata  or  toothless  animals  are 
the  aardvark  and  the  pangolin  (Fig.  18,  a,  h).  The  former,  whose 
name  is  a  Dutch  word  meaning  earth  pig,  is  found  in  no  part  of  the 
world  except  Africa,  where  it  is  fairly  common  in  the  east,  south, 
and  southwest.  The  body  of  the  aardvark  is  about  five  feet  in  length, 
the  ears  are  long,  and  the  hide  is  scantily  covered  with  hair.  With 
strong  claws  the  aardvark  digs  in  the  sides  of  termite  hills,  and  licks 
up  the  ants  with  a  whiplike  tongue  that  shoots  out  from  a  tubular 


I 


♦i# 


J  \ 


ns1n'F;-.lfi(l:f"^Jr^-     «•  Spotted.     6.  Striped.    Scale  about  1:24  rf rem 


groups  in  Field  Museum). 


63 


64  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

mouth.  Recent  research  indicates  that  resemblances  of  the  aardvark 
to  the  anteaters  and  pangolins  are  superficial.  The  aardvark  is  now 
separately  classified  as  Tubulidentata. 

The  pangolin,  Smutsia  temminckii,  which  is  sometimes  called 
the  scaly  anteater  or  manis,  is  somewhat  similar  in  appearance 
to  the  armadillo  of  South  America.  The  points  of  comparison  are 
the  long  tapering  snout,  the  armored  covering,  and  the  strong  claws 
used  for  digging  in  termite  hills.  The  scaly  covering  of  the  pangolin 
is,  however,  distinctly  different  in  structure  from  that  of  the  arma- 
dillo. The  pangolin  has  a  wide  geographical  range  in  Africa,  from 
10°  N.  Lat.  almost  to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  continent. 

AMPHIBIANS  AND  REPTILES 

Frogs  and  toads  are  numerous  among  the  amphibians.  The 
most  important  reptiles  are  crocodiles  and  pythons.  The  African 
crocodile  is  regarded  by  some  tribes  as  a  sacred  reptile,  and  today 
at  Ibadan  in  southern  Nigeria  a  sacred  white  crocodile  is  kept  in 
the  custody  of  a  priest  (Fig.  83,  6).  In  former  days  food  offerings, 
including  human  sacrifices,  were  made  to  white  crocodiles.  The 
whiteness  is  genuine  albinism  which  occurs  in  reptiles,  though  some- 
what rarely.  Useful  works  of  reference  are  Ditmars'  "Reptiles  of 
the  World"  (1910),  and  reprint  (1936). 

Pythons  have  a  general  distribution  everywhere  in  Africa  south 
of  the  Sahara,  and  although  they  thrive  in  a  moist  habitat  and  swim 
freely,  they  are  equally  adaptable  to  open  and  fairly  dry  country. 
There  are  several  species,  of  which  Python  sehae,  the  largest  (Fig. 
83,  a)  may  attain  a  length  of  twenty-five  feet.  The  vertebrae  are 
supposed  by  several  tribes  to  be  a  cure  for  rheumatism.  A  village 
chief  in  Angola  presented  me  with  a  necklace  of  these  bones,  which 
he  declared  to  be  a  certain  cure.  The  fat  of  the  python  is  thought 
by  some  tribes  to  have  curative  properties,  and  sometimes  the  gall 
bladder  is  used  for  magical  practices.  The  section  dealing  with 
African  religions  shows  how  important  the  python  has  been  in  a 
system  of  python  worship  which  was  carried  on  in  Uganda,  and 
in  west  Africa  at  several  centers  (Hambly,  1929a,  1931a).  The  con- 
strictor snakes  of  Africa  must,  by  zoological  classification,  be  called 
pythons.  Those  constrictor  snakes  designated  as  boas  have  their 
habitat  chiefly  in  South  America,  and  there  is  a  species  in 
Madagascar. 

The  spitting  cobra  is  not  a  figment  of  the  traveler's  imagination. 
These  spitting  snakes  are  widely  distributed  in  Africa,  and  they  do. 


Fig.  17.    Mongoose,  southwest  Africa.     Scale  about  1:3  (from  specimen  in 
Field  Museum). 


65 


6 

Fig.  18.     a.  Aardvark.     Scale  about  1:15.     b.  Pangolin.    Scale  about  1: 
(from  specimens  in  Field  Museum). 


66 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes         67 

as  often  reported,  rear  themselves  to  squirt  their  venom  at  human 
beings.  Many  authentic  records  attest  the  effect  of  the  poison, 
which  causes  severe  ocular  inflammation.  African  tales  of  fire- 
spitting  serpents  may  be  founded  on  this  fact.  There  is  also  good 
zoological  ground  for  folklore  stories  of  double-headed  snakes.  Some 
snakes  taper  at  both  ends,  and  in  addition  to  this  peculiarity  they 
have  a  habit  of  raising  the  hinder  part  when  approached ;  therefore, 
casual  observation  suggests  the  presence  of  two  heads.  Serviceable 
works  of  reference  are  Ditmars  (1932),  K.  P.  Schmidt  (1923),  and 
Loveridge  (1936).  The  last-named  gives  a  list  of  African  reptiles  and 
amphibians  in  the  collections  of  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
Tortoises  are  mmierous  in  Africa,  and  there  is  no  creature  so 
well  described  in  folklore  tales.    The  tortoise  is  generally  represented 


,i^^^^^^^^ 


Fig.  19.    Catfish,  Clarias  senegaknsis.    Scale  about  1:3. 

as  using  great  cunning  to  outwit  the  larger  and  faster  animals.  In 
the  market  of  Ibadan,  Nigeria,  large  tortoises  are  sold  as  food,  and 
snakes  are  eaten  by  many  Negro  tribes. 

FISHES 

In  African  rivers  and  lakes  live  many  species  of  edible  fish  whose 
capture  by  nets,  weirs,  spearing,  poisoning,  drag-baskets,  and  lines 
provides  an  extensive  study  relating  to  the  economics  of  food  supply. 
Beliefs  in  the  sacredness  of  catfish  survive  in  Liberia  and  Nigeria. 
At  If^  in  the  latter  territory  I  was  taken  to  a  pool  of  sacred  catfish 
(Fig.  19).  At  first  no  movement  could  be  seen;  then,  as  my  guide 
agitated  the  water  and  threw  in  a  little  meal,  the  pond  became  alive 
with  catfish,  some  of  considerable  size.  Because  of  its  sacred 
character  the  catfish  was  often  a  design  on  bronze  plaques  made 
in  ancient  Benin,  where  religion  and  art  were  closely  connected. 
Boulenger  (1909-16)  has  a  standard  work  on  the  fishes  of  Africa. 


68  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

BIRDS 

Birds  are  too  plentiful  and  widely  distributed  to  discuss  in  detail. 
To  the  Egyptians  the  ibis  was  a  sacred  bird  which  was  mummified 
and  buried ;  there  was  also  the  sacred  hawk  of  Horus,  and  at  present 
many  religious  beliefs  center  in  bird  life.  I  found  among  the  Ovim- 
bundu  that  three  birds  were  reverenced.  Esuvi  is  a  bird  with  power 
to  catch  spirits  of  the  dead,  so  making  them  die  a  second  death. 
It  flies  by  night.  Other  sacred  birds  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  one  onduva, 
the  plantain-eater,  Turacus  livingstonii,  whose  feathers  are  used  by 
kings  and  medicine-men,  and  another  onjimbi,  an  owl.  Bubo 
maculosus,  whose  cry  is  a  premonition  of  death. 

The  bird  life  of  Africa  includes  vultures,  which  are  protected 
by  law  because  they  are  efficient  scavengers.  In  some  villages  they 
may  be  seen  associating  themselves  with  poultry  and  remaining 
near  human  habitations.  Among  common  birds  are  hornbills  of 
great  size,  kingfishers,  parrots,  nightjars,  egrets,  hawks,  eagles, 
flamingoes,  and  weaver-birds  (Fig.  20).  The  secretary  bird,  some- 
what larger  than  a  stork,  plays  a  useful  part  in  devouring  snakes. 

Of  all  birds,  perhaps  the  ostrich  has  been  the  most  important 
in  the  economics  of  African  hunters,  and  the  bird  has  been  domesti- 
cated in  south  Africa,  where  ostrich  farming  for  the  sake  of  the  plumes 
is  a  notable  industry.  Laufer  (1926)  has  discussed  the  importance 
of  the  ostrich  in  ancient  and  modern  times.  Bushmen  of  the  Kalahari 
Desert  use  the  eggshells  as  receptacles  for  water  (Fig.  63)  either  in 
transport  or  for  storing  in  a  cache.  Eggs  and  ostriches  are  a  valuable 
source  of  food  supply,  while  the  shells  are  made  into  disk-shaped 
beads  that  are  highly  valued  as  personal  ornaments  and  trade  objects 
by  Bushman  tribes. 

In  ancient  times  engraving  ostrich  eggshells  was  a  form  of  art 
in  Egypt  and  north  Africa,  and  this  practice  the  Bushmen  still 
follow,  though  the  engravings  are  of  an  elementary  geometrical 
kind.  In  many  Negro  tribes  collecting  eggs  is  part  of  the  routine 
work  of  women  and  children,  and  feathers  for  decorative  head- 
dresses are  valued  by  some  tribes,  for  example,  the  Suk  and  the 
Masai  (Fig.  39),  who  use  ostrich  feathers.  But  feathers  of  small 
birds  are  sometimes  equally  important  for  decoration  and  as  sacred 
emblems.  The  pink  tail  feathers  of  the  African  parrot,  Psittacus 
erithacus,  are  sold  in  Nigerian  markets. 

Poultry  is  important  over  the  whole  continent,  though  the  breeds, 
except  where  crossed  with  European  importations,  are  diminutive. 
The  future  offers  great  opportunity  for  improving  the  weight  of  the 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes 


69 


birds  and  increasing  their  egg  production.  Domestication  of  the 
Guinea  fowl  has  formed  the  subject  of  a  brief  article  by  D.  Newbold 
(1926).  European  ducks  may  be  seen  in  many  parts  of  west  Africa. 
For  reference  a  student  has  several  standard  works.  Reichenow 
(1900-1901)  has  produced  several  volumes  on  the  birds  of  Africa, 


Fig.  20.    African  weaver-birds  and  nest. 
Field  Museum). 


Scale  about  1 : 6  (from  specimens  in 


and  one  of  the  volumes  is  an  atlas  of  distributions.  Stark  (1900) 
has  described  the  birds  of  south  Africa,  and  Ramsay  (1923)  has 
provided  a  "Guide  to  the  Birds  of  Europe  and  North  Africa." 
Bannerman's  volumes  (1930)  describe  birds  of  tropical  west  Africa. 
Other  authorities  are  Meinertzhagen  (1930)  for  Egypt;  Belcher 
(1930)  for  Nyasaland;  Priest  (1933)  for  Southern  Rhodesia;  and 
Chapin  (1932)  for  the  Belgian  Congo. 


70  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

LOCUSTS,  FLIES,  etc. 

The  locust  is  the  most  destructive  of  the  Orthoptera,  to  which 
order  crickets,  grasshoppers,  and  the  praying  mantis  belong.  The 
mantis  is  important  in  the  folklore  and  religious  beliefs  of  Bushmen 
and  Hottentots.  At  present  there  is  no  effective  means  of  suppressing 
the  swarms  of  locusts  which  appear  periodically  in  almost  all  parts 
of  Africa.  Digging  ditches  to  trap  the  creatures  during  the 
crawling  stage  of  their  existence,  inoculation  with  disease,  and  the 
use  of  sodium  arsenite  fumes  (Illustrated  London  News,  1934,  p.  561) 
have  all  been  tried  as  remedies,  but  with  only  a  measure  of  success. 
H.  B.  Johnstone  (1924,  pp.  91-101)  has  described  the  structure  and 
habits  of  the  family  Acridiidae,  to  which  most  of  the  destructive 
locusts  belong.  He  mentions  various  species  and  their  phylogenetic 
relationships.  From  the  egg  stage  the  "hoppers"  pass  through 
several  skin-castings  before  attaining  the  mature  winged  condition. 
The  occurrence  of  solitary  and  swarming  phases  for  many  species 
of  locusts  has  now  been  definitely  established.  Locusts  are  an  article 
of  diet  in  regions  as  far  apart  as  Morocco,  Angola,  and  the  Kalahari 
Desert.  They  are  roasted  and  eaten  at  once,  or  preserved  in  fat 
and  salt. 

The  small  animal  life  of  Africa  is  most  important  of  all,  because 
these  are  pestiferous  forms  that  determine  the  welfare  of  human 
beings  and  animals.  The  most  detested  of  these  pests  used  to  be  the 
mosquito  Stegomyia  Jasciata  (formerly  Aedes  aegypti),  because  it  is 
the  carrier  of  yellow  fever,  which  still  breaks  out  periodically  along 
the  coast  from  Sierra  Leone  to  Cameroons.  The  female  Anopheles 
mosquito  carries  the  germs  of  malaria  fever,  which  may  attack  mildly 
or  fatally.  Africans  are  by  no  means  immune  from  malaria,  and 
repeated  attacks  are  serious  because  of  the  lowered  resistance  they 
induce.  Almost  as  deadly  are  the  tsetse  flies,  Glossinia  palpalis  and 
Glossinia  morsitans,  which  are  carriers  of  trypanosomes  of  sleeping 
sickness.  These  pests  have  an  important  influence  on  the  distribu- 
tion of  human  settlements  and  the  keeping  of  cattle.  The  jigger,  a 
word  derived  from  the  West  Indian  chigoe,  is  a  flea,  which  was 
introduced  into  Africa  from  South  America.  It  bores  under  the  toe 
nails,  where  the  egg  sac  sets  up  a  severe  inflammation.  Failure  to 
remove  the  sacs  leads  to  pedal  deformity  and  loss  of  toes.  There 
are  many  species  of  parasitic  worms  that  breed  in  water  and  spend 
part  of  their  life  cycle  in  the  bodies  of  human  beings  or  animals. 
Some  of  these  worms  affect  the  lymph  system,  so  causing  elephantia- 
sis, while  other  forms  attack  the  bladder  and  intestines. 


Physiography  and  Nature  Notes  71 

Imm's  "General  Textbook  of  Entomology"  (1924)  is  perhaps 
the  most  useful  compendium  for  reference.  For  understanding  the 
nature  of  tropical  diseases  and  their  menace  to  native  and  European 
welfare,  Strong  (1930)  should  be  consulted.  The  volumes  edited  by 
R.  P.  Strong  are  reports  of  the  Harvard  expedition  to  Liberia  and  the 
Belgian  Congo  (1926-27),  and  perusal  of  the  notes  on  malarial  and 
yellow  fevers,  filariasis,  yaws,  syphilis,  leprosy,  and  sleeping  sickness 
will  prepare  the  way  for  understanding  of  problems  of  native  welfare 
and  European  survival  (section  IV). 

Simpson  (1912,  p.  353)  brings  out  clearly  the  way  in  which 
trypanosomiasis  in  horses  and  cattle  affects  human  endeavor  and  the 
distribution  of  cultures.  Near  Lokoja  60  per  cent  of  the  horses 
brought  into  the  town  develop  this  disease  within  a  year,  and  of 
these  50  per  cent  die  of  the  disease  within  the  same  period. 

In  conclusion  of  a  brief  study  of  animals  in  relation  to  man,  one 
more  instance,  and  this  an  example  from  entomology,  may  be  quoted. 
Dicke  (1932,  pp.  792-796)  has  discussed  the  influence  of  the  tsetse  fly 
on  the  history  of  south  Africa.  He  advances  the  hypothesis  that  the 
central  movement  of  Bantu  migration  into  south  Africa  was  checked 
by  the  tsetse-fly  belt  which  stretched  across  the  northern  Transvaal, 
and  the  territories  north  of  it.  In  addition  to  the  probable  effect 
of  tsetse-fly  belts  in  native  migration  and  cattle-keeping,  the  fly  has 
influenced  the  course  of  European  history  by  determining  the 
direction  of  roads  and  railways.  In  1847  the  Boers  defeated  Umsili- 
katsi  in  Southern  Rhodesia,  and  in  1851  they  were  victorious  over 
Sechele  in  Bechuanaland,  yet  they  took  no  advantage  of  the  situation, 
because  the  tsetse  fly  prevented  immediate  occupation  of  territory. 
But,  by  the  time  the  fly-infested  areas  had  diminished  and  passages 
had  opened  through  these  Boer  territories,  British  influence  had 
secured  a  footing  in  Bechuanaland  and  Southern  Rhodesia,  so  check- 
ing Dutch  expansion. 


11.  HISTORY 

Kinds  of  Evidence 

The  data  available  for  study  of  African  history  and  prehistory 
fall  into  two  main  divisions:  (1)  Direct  evidence  afforded  by  datable 
writings;  (2)  indirect  evidence,  or  inferential  testimony. 

Direct  evidence  is  available  for  Egypt  from  4000  B.C.  onward 
through  the  early  dynasties,  the  Middle  Empire  and  the  New  Empire, 
through  Persian,  Greek,  Roman,  and  Arab  occupations.  Datable 
evidence  can  be  given  for  the  activities  of  Carthaginians  from  about 
900  B.C.  and  a  chronology  of  Arab  incursions  from  A.D.  700  onward 
is  fairly  reliable.  This  is  written  documentary  evidence,  the  oldest 
form  of  which  is  Egyptian  papyri  of  hieroglyphs,  thence  through  the 
demotic  and  hieratic  forms  to  Coptic.  Latin  and  Greek  histories, 
Punic  inscriptions,  and  a  large  body  of  Arabic  texts  form  the 
remainder  of  the  direct  evidence  up  to  the  fifteenth  century,  at  which 
time  European  exploration  began  with  voyages  of  the  Portuguese. 

These  documents  taken  collectively  furnish  a  foundation  of  fact, 
but  the  period  they  cover  is  short  in  relation  to  the  prehistory  of  man 
in  Africa,  and  inquiry  is  soon  forced  backward  into  an  undocumented 
period  of  indirect  evidence  that  accumulated  before  4000  B.C. 

Indirect  evidence  includes  the  following  studies:  Valuable  among 
the  data  available  for  prehistoric  research  are  those  of  archaeology. 
Working  in  conjunction  with  geologists,  archaeologists  study  stone 
implements,  rock  carvings,  paintings  in  caves  and  on  exposed  rocks, 
stone  monuments,  and  the  remains  of  human  habitations. 

The  physique  of  African  races  has  been  studied  to  a  limited  extent 
by  anthropometric  methods.  Human  skeletal  material,  especially 
that  which  is  deeply  buried,  undisturbed,  and  ancient,  has  been 
examined  for  evidence  concerning  early  types  of  man.  This  paleon- 
tological  evidence  is  so  far  very  meager. 

African  languages  are  now  demanding  a  thorough  scientific  study 
with  special  reference  to  their  structure  and  interrelationship,  and 
the  fact  is  encouraging  that,  despite  the  absence  of  written  languages 
for  the  bulk  of  the  population,  traditions  of  historical  events  have 
been  orally  transmitted  from  one  generation  to  another.  Old  people 
are  often  valuable  informants,  while  mythology  and  folklore  preserve 
records  of  historical  events  and  exalted  individuals  who  appear  as 
culture  heroes.    At  the  courts  of  Negro  kings  are  to  be  found  officials 

72 


History  73 

whose  principal  duty  is  to  memorize  tribal  history  and  genealogical 
tables. 

The  outline  of  African  languages  demands  a  separate  chapter, 
while  the  distribution  of  different  modes  of  life  and  the  study  of 
somatic  traits  also  need  individual  consideration.  Therefore,  the 
present  chapter  is  restricted  to  a  review  of  the  facts  of  datable 
history,  and  of  prehistory  examined  in  the  light  of  archaeological 
investigation. 

Splitting  a  problem  into  component  parts  does  not  mean  that  the 
sections  are  not  logically  connected.  On  the  contrary,  the  data  that 
are  classified  under  different  headings  are  actually  unified;  the 
subjects  merely  represent  different  angles  from  which  historical 
problems  can  be  reviewed,  and  the  synthesis  will  be  made  later  when 
sufficient  data  have  been  accumulated.  In  this  chapter  examination 
of  historical  and  prehistorical  evidence  proceeds  from  datable  events 
to  the  less  clearly  interpreted  facts  of  archaeology. 

Datable  Events 

egypt  and  asia 

There  is  no  part  of  the  world  whose  ancient  history  has  been 
more  thoroughly  studied  than  that  of  the  Nile  Valley.  The  results 
of  concentration  on  archaeological  and  historical  research  in  Egypt 
during  a  century  at  least  are  particularly  helpful,  since  Egypt  is 
connected  with  Asia,  which  was  the  original  home  of  some  present- 
day  African  people,  languages,  and  customs.  The  history  of  Egypt 
from  the  earliest  times  to  500  B.C.  has  been  compressed  into  one 
volume  with  a  detailed  scheme  of  chronology  (Breasted,  1910;  in 
German  by  Erman,  1923). 

The  workmanship  of  stone  implements  from  Egypt  attests  the 
fact  that  some  predynastic  Egyptians  had  mastered  the  difficult  art 
of  flint  knapping.  In  Neolithic  times  these  skilled  lapidaries  made 
slender  flint  armbands,  while  the  finely  serrated  edges  of  sickles, 
and  ripple-flaking  that  is  done  by  pressure,  were  well  executed. 
Flint  arrowheads  were  of  the  best  workmanship.  Moreover,  there 
were  implements  of  copper  in  some  of  the  predynastic  graves,  and 
bronze,  which  is  an  alloy  of  copper  and  tin,  was  known  in  Egypt  at 
an  early  date,  but  iron  work  was  rather  late  in  making  an  appearance. 

Flinders  Petrie's  work  "Arts  and  Crafts  of  Ancient  Egypt"  shows 
the  high  standard  of  workmanship  attained  in  weaving  with  the  verti- 
cal cotton  loom,  leatherwork,  making  beads  of  stone  and  glass. 


74  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

ivory-turning,  wood-carving,  basketry,  pottery,  and  jewelry  of  gold 
and  silver. 

In  addition  to  the  evidence  of  skilled  handwork,  many  examples 
of  which  have  been  recovered  from  royal  tombs  such  as  that  of  Tut- 
Ankh-Amen,  the  Egyptians  are  known  to  have  had  a  complex 
religion  and  philosophy.  Sacred  writings,  notably  the  "Book  of  the 
Dead,"  explain  the  Egyptian  outlook  on  life,  death,  and  the  journey 
of  the  spirit  to  the  judgment  halls  of  Osiris.  There  the  heart  was 
weighed  in  the  balance,  and  the  deceased  had  to  recite  the  negative 
confession  before  forty-two  judges,  denying  the  sins  of  adultery  and 
false  witness,  and  in  substance  abjuring  all  the  human  weaknesses 
which  are  proscribed  by  the  Ten  Commandments;  these  are  possibly 
a  derivative  from  the  Egyptian  code  (Petrie,  1923). 

The  journey  to  the  land  of  shades  was  not  an  easy  one,  a  fact 
which  is  attested,  not  only  by  sacred  writings  and  pictures  describing 
the  combats  of  the  spirit  with  serpents  and  other  monsters,  but  also  by 
the  wrapping  of  amulets  in  the  swathings  of  the  mummy.  In  order 
to  avoid  damage  to  mummies  the  contents  of  the  wrappings  are  now 
studied  at  Field  Museum  by  means  of  X-ray  photographs  which 
indicate  the  nature  and  position  of  amulets  and  the  technique  of  the 
embalming  process.  The  photographs  also  indicate  the  presence  of 
fractures  and  methods  of  reducing  them,  while  diseases  of  bone  are 
in  some  instances  clearly  shown  (Moodie,  1931).  The  spread  of  the 
practice  of  mummification  from  Egypt  has  been  discussed  by  the 
late-G.  Elliot  Smith  (1929)  but  his  belief  in  a  world-wide  diffusion 
from  Egypt  has  been  freely  criticized  and  is  not  generally  accepted. 

Egyptian  mythology  was  particularly  rich  in  explanatory  stories. 
Thus  Toth  is  described  and  pictured  as  a  scribe  who  stands  by  the 
god  Khnemu.  The  latter  is  molding  men  on  his  potter's  wheel, 
while  the  former  marks  off  the  span  of  each  life  by  cutting  notches 
on  a  palm  stem.  In  this  way  human  origins  and  destinies  were 
accounted  for  by  etiological  stories. 

The  communal  life  of  the  Egyptians  was  complex,  for  in  addition 
to  a  hierarchy  of  priests,  who  were  the  custodians  of  documents 
that  they  themselves  compiled,  there  were  sacred  kings,  tax-gatherers, 
military  organizations,  corv^es  of  labor  for  public  works,  and  a 
commercial  system  that  sent  caravans  south  to  the  Sudan  and  east 
to  the  Red  Sea.  National  life  was  focused  in  the  king,  whose  strength 
and  longevity  depended  on  spiritual  power,  which  was  ceremonially 
renewed  in  a  temple  by  laying  the  royal  hands  on  an  image  of  Ra, 
the  Sun  god. 


History  75 

Art  and  sculpture  were  closely  associated  with  religious  belief, 
mythology,  and  handwriting,  which  progressed  from  a  system  of 
hieroglyphs  to  a  cursive  hand.  The  importance  of  handwriting  can- 
not be  overestimated,  since  the  social  and  religious  structure,  together 
with  the  material  progress,  is  described  in  documents  that  cover  a 
period  from  about  3500  B.C.  up  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  occupations, 
and  beyond  them  to  the  period  of  Arab  conquest  of  Egypt  in  the 
seventh  century  of  the  Christian  era. 

That  some  diffusion  of  beliefs  and  customs  from  Egypt  has  taken 
place  is  certain,  but  no  comprehensive  study  has  yet  shown  the 
effects  of  culture  contacts  of  the  Nile  Valley  on  social  systems  of 
Africa.  Several  anthropologists  have,  however,  called  attention  to 
some  arresting  similarities  between  certain  traits  of  Egyptian  and 
Negro  culture  (Delafosse,  1900;  Meek,  1931a,  passim;  Talbot,  1926, 
passim;  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  1932,  p.  34;  H.  R.  Palmer,  1936b). 
G.  E.  Smith  (1929)  and  Perry  (1926)  present  the  broadest  possible 
views  of  the  world-wide  spread  of  Egyptian  or  Heliolithic  culture. 
The  number  of  traits  that  spread  from  the  Nile  Valley,  the  distance 
they  traveled,  and  the  degree  of  modification  they  experienced  are 
uncertain.  But  the  following  may  be  instances  of  the  spread  of 
cultural  traits  from  Egypt  to  other  parts  of  Africa. 

The  Egyptian  idea  of  the  king  as  a  sacred  being,  on  whose  vigor 
national  welfare  depended,  led  to  the  custom  of  killing  decrepit 
kings,  so  that  the  prosperity  of  the  country  might  not  be  impaired. 
Up  to  recent  times  this  custom  of  killing  the  king  prevailed  in 
Uganda,  among  the  Shilluk  of  the  Upper  Nile,  and  in  west  Africa 
among  the  Yoruba  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1933).  The  Bahima,  a  Hamitic 
tribe  of  Uganda,  practiced  the  Egyptian  custom  of  brother  and 
sister  marriages  within  the  royal  family  so  that  the  dynasty  might 
be  preserved. 

The  fact  that  Hamites  penetrated  the  Nile  Valley,  advanced  down 
the  eastern  side  of  Africa,  and  exerted  an  influence  on  Negro  west 
Africa,  should  not  be  forgotten  when  attempting  to  explain  the 
distribution  of  these  apparently  Egyptian  customs,  which  might 
perhaps  be  more  correctly  described  as  Hamitic  rather  than  specifi- 
cally Egyptian  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1913,  pp.  593-704). 

The  Egyptians  believed  in  a  spiritual  double,  which  after  death 
visited  the  tomb  where  offerings  and  material  comforts  were  pro- 
vided, and  to  this  ethereal  counterpart  of  the  body  the  name  ka  was 
given.  In  Ashanti  a  similar  belief  exists,  for  the  kra  escapes  from  the 
body  of  a  dying  person,  whose  gasps  are  said  to  be  due  to  the  exertion 


76  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

of  the  kra  in  an  uphill  journey  to  the  spirit  world  (Rattray,  1927a, 
pp.  153,  318). 

Use  of  a  funeral  boat  by  the  Jukun  of  Nigeria  and  the  digging  of 
shafted  burial  chambers  resemble  Egyptian  practices.  The  hierarchy 
of  gods,  the  elaborate  priesthoods,  and  the  worship  of  sacred  animals 
among  the  Yoruba  and  the  Ashanti  may  perhaps  be  added  to  traits 
that  may  have  been  derived  from  the  Nile  Valley.  Personal  observa- 
tion and  reference  to  the  writings  quoted  suggest  that  Ashanti, 
Dahomey,  and  part  of  Nigeria  have  similar  cultural  traits  relating  to 
kingship,  theology,  and  art,  and  that  these  coordinated  traits  show 
resemblance  to  the  Egyptian  system,  though  there  is  always  the 
possibility  of  independent  development.  Much  more  detailed  com- 
parison is  necessary  to  make  a  demonstration. 

Egypt  has  acted  as  a  cultural  gateway  to  Africa  from  Asia,  and  in 
the  Nile  Valley  many  Asiatic  traits  have  been  absorbed,  utilized, 
perhaps  changed  in  form,  and  then  passed  on.  Reference  has  been 
made  to  the  cultivated  plants  and  domestic  animals  which  may  have 
entered  Africa  by  way  of  Egypt,  and  to  the  observations  already 
made  should  be  added  data  from  an  article  by  H.  H.  Johnston  (1913, 
pp.  375-417).  This  writer  believes  that  humped  cattle  came  from 
India,  and  that  the  short  plump  goat  is  a  native  of  Syria,  while  the 
same  country  is  mentioned  as  the  probable  home  of  the  Roman- 
nosed  goat  with  long  hair  and  pendent  ears.  Domestic  fowls  were 
probably  introduced  from  India,  Syria,  and  Persia.  Some  breeds  of 
horses,  Arabian  camels,  long-horned  cattle,  and  fat-tailed  sheep  are 
probably  Asiatic  in  origin,  and  there  is  a  possibility  that  rice  and 
wheat  first  came  from  Mesopotamia. 

As  the  story  of  African  contacts  with  Asia  is  unfolded,  and  the 
function  of  early  Semites,  and  later  Arabs,  as  culture  carriers  is 
made  clear,  there  is  a  natural  tendency  to  examine  African  cultures 
with  the  purpose  of  isolating  the  borrowed  elements.  Da  Barros 
(1777-78)  is  a  standard  work  of  consultation  for  the  history  of  Arabs 
in  east  Africa.  Hirschberg  (1931,  pp.  272-275)  has  discussed  Arabian, 
Persian,  and  Indian  influences  in  east  Africa,  and  Stuhlmann  (1910) 
called  attention  to  east  African  methods  of  working  in  iron  and 
brass  that  show  Arab  and  Persian  influence.  Hirschberg  demon- 
strates similarity  between  systems  of  time  reckoning  near  Lake 
Victoria  and  those  used  in  early  Arabian  and  Persian  times.  Schoff 
(1912)  has  written  a  valuable  commentary  on  an  ancient  document, 
"The  Periplus  of  the  Erythrean  Sea"  (circa  A.D.  60),  giving  an 
account  of  Arab  voyages  on  the  coast  of  India  and  lower  east  Africa. 


History  77 

The  Midgan  hunters  of  Somaliland  use  a  bow  resembling  the 
sigmoid  Asiatic  form,  and  in  Abyssinia  there  are  in  use  round  shields 
whose  prototypes  are  Asiatic.  Two  musical  instruments,  not  of 
African  origin,  are  widely  used  in  north  and  west  Africa.  One  of 
these  is  a  pottery  drum  having  a  piece  of  hide  as  a  tympanum,  and 
the  other  instrument,  which  has  a  variety  of  forms,  is  a  kind  of 
fiddle  provided  with  horsehair  strings.  A  small  bow  strung  with  the 
same  kind  of  material  is  used  for  playing  the  instrument.  L.  Frobe- 
nius  (1922)  has  described  and  plotted  the  distribution  of  these  and 
other  alleged  Asiatic  traits,  which  he  has  discussed  more  fully  in 
"Kultur-Geschichte  Afrikas"  (1933). 

Contacts  between  Egypt  and  Persia  have  been  frequent  and 
prolonged,  and  in  view  of  the  early  manufacture  of  chain  armor 
(Fig.  75,  h)  in  the  latter  country,  there  is  almost  a  certainty  that  this 
form  of  protection  for  man  and  horse  entered  Africa  by  way  of  Egypt. 
In  addition  to  a  Persian  origin  of  chain  mail  (Laufer,  1914)  there 
may  be  truth  in  the  statement  that  the  Crusaders  on  their  way  to 
and  from  Palestine,  from  the  eleventh  to  the  fourteenth  century, 
introduced  some  of  the  chain  mail. 

Making  silver  wire,  beating  out  vessels  of  brass,  also  casting  in 
bronze,  are  not  usual  and  indigenous  handicrafts  of  Negroes,  and  all 
the  evidence  suggests  migration  of  these  traits  over  north  Africa,  and 
into  the  western  part  of  the  continent.  In  Ashanti  cloth  is  orna- 
mented with  designs  stamped  on  the  material  by  wooden  blocks, 
which  is  a  well-known  Persian  method. 

The  shaduf ,  a  lever  for  raising  water  from  wells,  is  used  in  northern 
Nigeria  and  this  is  known  to  be  a  device  used  in  ancient  Egypt.  H. 
Ling  Roth  (1917,  pp.  113-150)  offers  the  opinion  that  the  vertical 
cotton  loom  of  Egypt  may  have  migrated  along  the  north  African 
shore,  across  the  Sahara,  and  into  Nigeria.  The  reed  canoes  and 
harpoons  used  by  the  Buduma  of  Lake  Chad  are  definitely  like  those 
pictured  in  ancient  Egyptian  drawings.  Almost  everywhere  in 
Africa  coiled  basketry  is  made  by  a  technique  that  was  employed  in 
Egypt  five  thousand  years  ago. 

Those  who  favor  independent  invention  as  an  explanation  of  the 
occurrence  of  like  forms  would  point  out  that  the  similarities  might 
occur  through  convergence  as  a  result  of  similar  needs,  the  presence 
of  identical  materials,  and  existence  of  certain  obvious  ways  of 
manufacture.  Yet  adoption  is  easier  than  invention,  since  creative 
genius  is  rare,  and  a  detailed  examination  of  the  subject  might  prove 


78  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

that  the  cultural  influence  of  Asia  and  Egypt  has  been  widely  diff  iised 
in  north  Africa.     We  need,  however,  an  accurate  time  scheme. 

In  the  18th  dynasty  (1600  B.C.)  Egypt  founded  an  empire  in 
western  Asia,  and  about  this  time  Egyptian  armies  occupied  the 
Sudan  south  of  Egyptian  territory,  where  Negro  kingdoms  exercised 
considerable  power.  Rameses  III  invaded  and  conquered  the  south 
of  Palestine  several  centuries  later,  after  which  exploit  he  marched 
through  Syria  and  returned  to  Egypt  laden  with  spoil. 

But  in  680  B.C.  the  Egyptians  encountered  misfortune  when  their 
country  was  invaded  by  Esarhaddon,  King  of  Assyria,  who  con- 
quered Memphis.  A  century  and  a  half  later,  the  Nile  Valley  was 
under  the  dominion  of  Persian  rulers. 

In  addition  to  acknowledging  Egypt  as  a  focal  point  for  the 
reception  and  distribution  of  Asiatic  traits,  the  importance  of 
Phoenicians,  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Arabs  should  be  considered  in 
chronological  sequence,  for  each  of  these  influenced  the  culture  of 
Egypt  and  other  parts  of  north  Africa.  A  valuable  summary  of  his- 
torical events  in  north  Africa  with  special  reference  to  the  eastern 
Libyans  has  been  prepared  by  Bates  (1914),  who  presents  an  exten- 
sive bibliography  of  Egyptian,  Greek,  Roman,  and  modem  French 
sources.  The  history  of  the  Libyans  is  considered  in  two  main 
periods:  namely,  from  protodynastic  times  to  1000  B.C.,  and  from 
that  date  to  the  Arab  conquest  in  the  seventh  century  of  our  era. 
From  Egyptian  texts  and  sculptures  inferences  are  drawn  respecting 
the  dress,  tattooing,  material  culture,  religion,  and  social  life  of  the 
Libyans.  For  modern  history  of  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  see 
MacMichael  (1934). 

PHOENICIANS 

The  date  at  which  the  Phoenicians  separated  from  the  Semitic 
matrix  to  which  they  belong  is  unknown,  but  a  thousand  years  before 
the  Christian  era  the  Phoenicians  were  a  thriving  commercial  nation 
occupying  a  narrow  strip  of  seaboard  at  the  eastern  end  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  This  territory,  about  three  hundred  miles  long 
and  thirty  miles  wide,  was  named  Phoenicia  by  the  Greeks. 

Expansion  on  the  landward  side  was  checked  by  the  mountains 
of  Lebanon,  and  by  hostile  tribes,  the  Philistines,  to  whom  the  Phoe- 
nicians paid  tribute.  Although  of  such  small  size,  Phoenicia  con- 
tained twenty-five  cities,  of  which  Tyre  and  Sidon  were  the  most 
important.  Of  the  former  city  Zechariah  said,  "Tyre  did  build 
herself  a  stronghold  and  heaped  up  silver  as  dust,  also  fine  gold  as 
the  mire  of  the  streets." 


History  79 

The  language  of  the  Phoenicians  was  a  Semitic  tongue  having 
affinities  with  other  Semitic  languages,  namely,  Hebrew  and  Arabic. 
Punic  is  the  name  given  to  the  Phoenician  dialect  spoken  at  Carthage, 
and  though  a  dead  language  it  has  been  studied  from  inscriptions 
near  Carthage  and  other  Phoenician  settlements  of  north  Africa. 
Some  of  the  signs  employed  in  Punic  survive  as  elements  of  the 
T'ifinagh  alphabet,  which  is  still  written  by  a  few  Tuareg  (Table  9, 
p.  303).  The  religious  beliefs  of  the  Phoenicians  recognized  a  pan- 
theon of  gods,  one  of  which  was  Moloch,  to  whom  human  sacrifices 
were  offered.  M.  A.  Levy's  "Phonizische  Studien"  (1856-70)  is  an 
old  but  standard  work  on  Phoenician  history  and  customs. 

The  Phoenicians  were  concerned  chiefly  with  trade,  and  war- 
fare formed  no  part  of  their  ambition.  The  Carthaginians  were 
satisfied  with  local  conquests  and  the  enlisting  of  mercenary  troops 
from  Berber  and  Negro  tribes  in  the  neighborhood  of  Carthage,  but 
no  subjugation  of  the  far  hinterland  was  attempted.  Cultural 
influences  spread  through  the  agency  of  trade,  which  was  carried  on 
round  the  west  coast  as  far  as  territory  now  known  as  Sierra  Leone. 
In  view  of  early  Phoenician  enterprise,  there  is  no  difficulty  in 
believing  that  some  cultural  traits  from  north  Africa  reached  the 
coast  of  west  Africa,  either  by  sea  or  across  the  Sahara.  Bovill  (1933a, 
chap.  2,  pp.  13-22)  gives  a  summary  of  Phoenician  discovery  and 
states  that  possibly  Hanno  reached  Gabun  River,  north  of  the  Congo 
estuary.  He  believes  that  the  historical  evidence  is  sufficient  to 
suggest  an  overland  trade  from  Carthage  to  the  western  Sudan. 
The  archaeology  of  Carthage  has  been  described  by  Ehrenberg 
(1927),  Gsell  (1913-28:  vol.  2,  pp.  1-92;  vols.  1-4,  passim),  and 
Hard  (1934).  H.  R.  Palmer  (1931)  has  discussed  the  west  coast 
voyage  of  Hanno,  a  Carthaginian. 

The  Phoenicians  were  expert  makers  of  purple  dyes,  linen, 
woolen  goods,  cotton  fabrics,  silk,  glass,  and  pottery.  Copper  was 
obtained  from  the  island  of  Cyprus  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean, 
while  longer  voyages  were  made  through  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar 
to  the  Scilly  Islands  near  the  coast  of  Britain,  where  tin  was  obtained. 
The  amalgamation  of  tin  and  copper  forms  bronze.  The  Phoenicians 
were  well  acquainted  with  the  method  of  terracing  hillsides,  a  process 
which  was  necessary  in  their  homeland  in  order  to  increase  the  area 
of  cultivation.  To  what  extent  these  factors  of  Phoenician  culture 
were  transmitted  to  west  Africa  will  possibly  remain  undetermined, 
for  cultural  resemblances  are  only  suggestive  and  not  conclusive. 


80  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

J.  L.  Myres  (1901)  presents  a  photograph  of  pottery  in  the 
market  at  Khoms  or  Lebda  in  Tripoli,  the  modern  representative 
of  Leptis  Magna.  The  pots  illustrate  in  a  remarkable  way  the 
extent  to  which  successive  cultures  may  flood  an  area  without 
extinguishing  old  cultures.  The  pots  definitely  preserve  bronze  age, 
Phoenician,  Graeco-Roman,  and  early  Arab  types. 

Among  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  certain  forms  of  art,  including 
terra  cotta  heads  and  stone  figures  of  human  beings,  bear  some 
resemblance  to  Phoenician  style  (Delattre,  1896;  Cagnat,  1909; 
Kelsey,  1926).  Monolithic  pillars  and  stone  circles  of  Gambia  and 
other  parts  of  west  Africa  may  also  be  due  to  Phoenician  influence. 
At  If^  in  Nigeria  (Fig,  84)  priests  in  charge  of  a  certain  sacred  grove 
where  terra  cotta  heads  are  preserved  have  robes  and  mitered  head- 
dresses resembling  those  shown  in  some  Carthaginian  sculptures, 
and  these  factors,  combined  with  the  Phoenician  traits  previously 
mentioned,  may  be  intrusions  into  Negro  culture  (Hambly,  1935a, 
pp.  464-468). 

During  eight  centuries  Phoenician  power  was  consolidated  in 
the  Mediterranean,  but  about  two  centuries  after  the  founding  of 
Carthage  the  state  of  Rome  came  into  existence  (753  B.C.).  At  first 
the  Romans  struggled  for  independence  against  the  Etruscans  of 
northern  Italy.  Later  they  consolidated  their  power  and  defeated 
the  Greeks,  but  for  a  long  period  the  issue  of  the  struggle  between 
Rome  and  Carthage  was  doubtful. 

Hannibal,  Carthaginian  statesman  and  general,  crossed  from 
north  Africa  into  Spain,  thence  by  Alpine  passes  into  Italy,  where 
he  dominated  the  situation  for  thirteen  years.  He  was  finally 
expelled  (Livy,  XXI,  XXii).  The  Romans,  who  were  not  originally 
a  maritime  people,  built  a  fleet,  and  from  that  time  onward  they 
took  aggressive  measures  against  Carthage.  A  series  of  conflicts 
known  as  the  Punic  wars  ended  in  the  utter  destruction  of  Carthage 
in  the  year  146  B.C. 

GREEKS  AND  ROMANS 

From  this  period  Roman  power  in  the  Mediterranean  was 
extended  and  stabilized,  and  today  roads,  aqueducts,  and  remains 
of  cities  such  as  Timgad  and  Tebessa  attest  the  thoroughness  of 
the  Roman  occupation.  Cyrenaica  became  a  Roman  province,  as 
also  did  Egypt,  which,  on  the  death  of  Cleopatra,  about  thirty  years 
before  the  birth  of  Christ,  was  ruled  by  a  Roman  prefect.  Bovill 
(1933a)  shows  a  map  of  the  Roman  Empire  extending  about  four 
hundred  miles  inland  from  the  Mediterranean.    The  tribes  known 


History  81 

as  Garamantes  occupied  territory  now  called  the  Fezzan.  The 
Gaetuli  lived  in  northwest  Africa,  and  the  Nobatae  and  Blemmeys 
in  the  Nile  Valley.  Bates  (1914)  has  brought  together  a  series  of 
ethnographical  maps  of  north  Africa  according  to  data  from  Herod- 
otus, Scylax,  Strabo,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Pliny,  Ptolemy,  and  Arabian 
geographers.  Newbold  (1928)  has  discussed  these  classical  sources, 
and  Milne  (1898)  has  prepared  a  "History  of  Egypt  under  Roman 
Rule,"  Boissier  (1899,  1901)  has  written  descriptions  of  the  archae- 
ology of  Roman  Africa  in  Algeria  and  Tunis.  Bunbury  (1883) 
has  published  a  compendium  on  the  Greek  and  Roman  period  in 
Africa.     Gautier  (1937)  has  made  an  important  contribution. 

Under  Roman  dominion  Christianity  was  founded  in  Egypt, 
and  tradition  says  that  St.  Mark  preached  the  gospel  in  Alexandria 
about  A.D.  69.  Despite  persecution,  the  new  religion  became  en- 
trenched, though  often  under  debased  forms  which  incorporated 
the  deities  and  magical  rites  of  the  religion  of  ancient  Egypt.  In 
desert  monasteries  the  scriptures  were  translated  into  Greek  and 
Coptic. 

The  spread  of  Christianity  (A.D.  50-400)  is  important  when 
studying  the  ethnology  of  Abyssinia  at  the  present  time.  Actuated 
by  religious  zeal,  and  to  some  extent  compelled  by  persecution,  Coptic 
monks  carried  Christianity  into  Abyssinia  in  the  fourth  century, 
from  which  time  the  Abyssinian  church  has  existed.  The  schisms 
of  the  early  church  led  to  the  formation  of  sects  known  as  Gnostics, 
Monophysites,  and  Nestorians,  whose  views  differed  respecting  the 
theological  background  of  Christianity.  Divergent  creeds  evolved 
respecting  the  divinity  of  Christ,  the  nature  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  the  Trinity,  and  the  extent  to  which  factors  of  Egyptian  religion 
might  be  incorporated  in  the  Christian  faith. 

Three  centuries  before  our  era  Greek  rulers  named  Ptolemies 
administered  the  region  of  the  Nile  Delta  (Mahaffy,  1899),  and 
before  this  the  Greeks,  and  their  forerunners  the  Aegeans,  had  made 
daring  voyages,  in  rivalry  with  Phoenician  competitors.  Ptolemy  I 
founded  the  Alexandrian  Library  and  Museum,  and  his  successor 
built  the  Pharos  Lighthouse  at  Alexandria,  a  beacon  which  was 
regarded  in  ancient  times  as  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  wo?:ld. 

Pending  further  archaeological  work  in  the  hinterland  of  north 
Africa,  an  estimation  of  the  inland  spread  of  Greek  culture  would 
be  premature,  but  linguistic  research  by  H.  R.  Palmer  (1932,  p.  305) 
has  shown  the  existence  of  Greek  words  in  Kanuri,  a  language 
spoken  north  of  Lake  Chad  in  central  Africa.    Some  characters 


82  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

of  the  Greek  alphabet  have  been  incorporated  into  T'ifinagh,  a  script 
known  to  a  few  Tuareg.  Notwithstanding  the  importance  of  Greek 
maritime  enterprise  along  the  north  coast,  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
by  Alexander  the  Great  in  331  B.C.,  and  the  rule  of  the  Ptolemies, 
the  Greek  period  bears  little  relation  to  the  history  and  ethnology 
of  Africa  as  a  whole. 

Although  the  Roman  Empire  had  completely  annihilated  her 
Phoenician  rival,  Roman  power  in  north  Africa  was  not  uncontested. 
Berber  tribes,  who  are  part  of  the  northern  Hamites,  revolted, 
notably  under  Jugurtha.  To  the  Romans  this  man  was  a  rebel; 
to  his  countrymen  he  was  a  patriot.  The  defeated  Jugurtha  fled, 
only  to  be  betrayed  to  his  Roman  enemies,  who,  according  to  custom, 
paraded  him  through  the  streets  of  Rome,  and  then  allowed  him  to 
perish  in  a  dungeon. 

Opposition  to  the  Roman  Empire  was  not  confined  to  the  northern 
coast  of  Africa.  Warlike  Libyan  tribes  of  the  desert  west  of  the 
Nile,  and  Hamitic  and  Negro  tribes  on  the  eastern  banks  of  that 
river  demanded  constant  alertness  on  the  part  of  Roman  garrisons. 
Latin  names  for  these  tribes  occur  repeatedly  in  the  works  of  Roman 
historians,  but  the  identification  of  the  ancient  names  with  present- 
day  tribes  is  not  always  certain  (Bates,  1914,  p.  132;  Palmer,  1936b). 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  journey  of  Roman  centurions  to 
the  Upper  Nile,  and  it  seems  probable  that  Julius  Maternus  crossed 
the  Sudan  through  Kordofan  to  the  oasis  in  which  Bilma  is  situated. 
From  this  point  he  appears  to  have  returned  to  Fezzan  in  Tripolitania. 
Roman  explorers  of  two  thousand  years  ago  returned  from  Saharan 
exploration  with  stories  of  a  great  river,  the  Niger,  which  drains  the 
greater  part  of  west  Africa.  Reports  of  this  river  were  in  circulation 
even  in  the  time  of  Herodotus  in  the  fifth  century  before  Christ, 
and  the  information  brought  back  by  Julius  Maternus,  A.D.  150, 
served  to  stimulate  geographical  interest,  until  at  last  the  mystery 
of  the  Niger's  course  was  solved  by  the  Landers  in  the  early  part  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

After  several  centuries  of  sovereignty  in  north  Africa  and  Egypt, 
Rome  experienced  shattering  defeat  such  as  she  had  inflicted  on  the 
Phoenicians  and  Greeks.  From  northern  Europe  came  Teutonic 
tribes,  the  Vandals,  who  wrested  the  north  African  provinces  from 
Rome  and  sacked  the  city  of  Rome  itself  in  the  year  A.D.  455. 

Cultural  traits  of  the  Romans  are  not  known  to  have  penetrated 
far  inland,  but  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  have  a  structure  for  collecting 
rain,  and  this  bears  a  resemblance  to  the  Roman  impluvium.    Some 


History  83 

horsemen  of  the  Bauchi  plateau,  Nigeria,  wear  protective  metal 
shin-guards  which  are  not  unlike  Roman  greaves.  Yet,  on  the 
whole,  the  influence  of  the  Roman  conquest  appears  to  have  been 
confined  to  the  northern  littoral.  Contact  with  Negroes  influenced 
the  literature  and  art  of  Greece  and  Rome  (Beardsley,  1929). 

BYZANTINE   INFLUENCE 

The  importance  of  Byzantium  should  be  recognized,  since  a  cer- 
tain architectural  style  and  many  works  of  art  are  described  as 
Byzantine  (Diehl,  1890).  The  adjective  is  derived  from  the  name 
of  the  town  Byzantiimi,  which  was  founded  about  657  B.C.  on  the 
shores  of  the  Bosporus,  where  now  stands  the  Turkish  city  of 
Istanbul  (Constantinople).  From  the  time  of  its  cultural  maturity 
under  Justinian  in  the  sixth  century  of  our  era,  the  city  of  Byzantium 
spread  an  influence  that  affected  the  art  and  architecture  of  eastern 
Europe  and  north  Africa  until  the  twelfth  century. 

The  Byzantine  style,  which  is  exemplified  by  the  mosque  of 
St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople,  and  St.  Mark's  in  Venice,  is  highly 
ornamental,  having  elaborate  carvings,  mosaic  work,  floral  decora- 
tions at  the  heads  of  columns,  lofty  domes,  and  vaulted  arches. 
The  Byzantines  (Dalton,  1911)  worked  in  gold,  ivory,  textiles,  and 
silver  with  a  skill  that  has  certainly  affected  the  crafts  of  north 
Africa,  and  possibly  even  those  of  west  African  Negroes. 

The  Tuareg  of  the  Sahara  use  the  design  of  the  cross  for  the 
hilts  of  their  swords  and  daggers.  They  have  this  design  on  the 
wooden  posts  of  their  camel  saddles,  and  as  a  neck  ornament  some 
persons  wear  an  Agades  cross.  An  art  form  of  this  kind  might 
arise  independently,  but  on  the  contrary  there  may  be  truth  in  the 
suggestion  that  these  designs  are  derived  from  a  Christian  motif 
which  was  common  in  Byzantine  decoration. 

JEWS 

The  part  played  by  Jews  in  this  complex  history  of  north  Africa 
is  not  one  which  is  important  for  the  continent  as  a  whole,  yet  the 
presence  of  colonies  of  Jews  in  Morocco,  Algeria,  Tunisia,  Tripolita- 
nia,  Egypt,  and  Abyssinia  is  of  sufficient  interest  to  call  for  comment. 

After  becoming  detached  from  the  Semites  of  southwest  Asia, 
the  Israelites,  who  evolved  a  written  language  called  Hebrew,  at  a 
later  date  settled  for  a  period  in  Egypt.  The  story  of  their  serfdom 
under  the  Egyptians,  their  exodus,  wandering,  and  consolidation  in 
Palestine  are  matters  of  Biblical  history,  which  also  gives  a  clear 


84  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

account  of  their  social  organization  under  a  patriarchal  system  in 
which  the  oldest  male  ruled  the  family.  The  Bible  makes  clear  a 
gradual  evolution  of  religious  thought,  moral  codes,  laws  of  inherit- 
ance and  succession,  along  with  anthropological  data  describing 
taboos,  omens,  magical  practices,  and  witchcraft  (J.  G.  Frazer,  1927). 
Much  of  the  lore  of  the  Old  Testament  is  recognizable  as  Semitic, 
and  as  such  was  shared  by  Phoenicians,  and  later  by  Arabs.  We 
should  therefore  recognize  that  wherever  Jews  settled  in  Africa  they 
tended  to  establish  Semitic  customs,  as,  for  example,  circimicision 
and  use  of  the  scapegoat,  which  were  of  remote  antiquity  among 
the  Semites  of  Arabia  (W.  Robertson  Smith,  1889,  p.  296;  1907, 
pp.  57,  61). 

Three  centuries  before  Christ  large  settlements  of  Jews  existed 
in  Lower  Egypt,  where  Alexandria  was  one  of  their  chief  centers  of 
commerce.  Gradually  these  Jewish  colonies  extended  along  the 
north  coast  of  Africa,  through  Cyrenaica,  and  even  to  Mauretania 
in  the  far  west.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  the  year  A.D.  70 
no  doubt  added  to  the  population  of  these  African  settlements,  and 
it  is  certain  that  Jewish  immigrants  were  numerous  when  the  Jews 
were  expelled  from  Spain  and  Portugal  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  most  important  southward  migration  of  Jews  was  probably 
that  of  about  A.D.  115.  Two  routes  were  followed,  one  by  way  of 
Air,  Niger,  and  Senegal,  and  the  other  from  Morocco  through 
Mauretania.  In  the  oases  of  the  Sahara  the  Jews  preserved  their 
identity,  but  in  the  Sudan  they  were  absorbed  into  the  native 
population  (Bovill,  1933a,  p.  27). 

The  origin  of  the  Jews  in  Abyssinia  is  unknown.  Evidently  the 
Jews,  named  Falashas  (Fig.  38,  right),  have  mingled  with  some  dark- 
skinned  strain,  possibly  Negroes  of  Abyssinia,  for  they  are  darkly 
pigmented;  hence  the  name  Black  Jews.  The  Falashas  segregate 
themselves  from  all  other  sects,  including  Christians,  and  in  church 
organization,  belief,  and  ritual  they  jealously  guard  many  Old  Testa- 
ment beliefs  and  practices.  The  part  which  Jews  have  played  in 
the  history  of  south  Africa  has  been  described  by  L.  Herrman  (1930). 
"Hebrewism  of  West  Africa,"  by  J.  J.  Williams  (1930),  is  a  com- 
pilation that  should  be  critically  consulted.  There  are  therein  some 
informative  data  relating  to  infiltrations  of  ancient  Semitic  beliefs 
and  customs.  These  are,  however,  treated  as  being  specifically  Jewish. 

ARABIAN  CULTURE 

More  important  than  any  of  the  historical  facts  yet  mentioned 
is  the  part  played  by  Mohammedan  culture.    Mohammed,  who  was 


History  85 

born  early  in  the  seventh  century  of  our  era,  added  traits  of  reHgion, 
government,  law,  and  art  to  the  fundamentals  of  early  Semitic  life. 
Then,  under  an  impetus  of  religious  fervor,  the  Arabs,  with  Semitic 
background  now  carrying  the  new  factors  of  Koranic  teaching,  swept 
into  the  Nile  Valley,  which  they  conquered  in  a.d.  641.  Gibb  (1926) 
has  provided  a  useful  synopsis  of  Arabic  literature  together  with  a 
bibliography,  and  Lane-Poole  (1901)  has  given  a  succinct  account 
of  the  Arab  dynasties  in  Egypt. 

From  the  Nile  as  a  focus  the  Arabs  spread  along  north  Africa 
and  established  Kairwan  near  the  site  of  the  ruined  Carthage.  Then 
they  continued  westward  and  crossed  into  Spain,  where  the  archi- 
tecture of  southern  cities  such  as  Granada  attests  Arabian  influence. 
Under  Tarik  the  Omayyad  caliphs  of  Egypt  ruled  north  Africa 
from  the  Nile  to  Morocco  until  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century. 

About  this  time  the  Omayyad  dynasty  was  overthrown  by  the 
Abbasids,  of  whom  the  well-known  Harun-al-Rashid,  a  famous 
caliph  of  the  "Arabian  Nights,"  was  a  distinguished  ruler.  Through 
Arab  rule,  which  extended  to  north  India  and  Persia,  cultural  con- 
tacts between  north  Africa  and  the  middle  east  were  effected.  In 
the  eleventh  century  there  spread  along  north  Africa  and  across 
the  Sahara  into  the  Sudan  a  wave  of  Arab  conquest,  carrying 
Mohammedanism  and  cultural  adhesions  that  have  been  summarized 
by  Hambly  (1935a,  pp.  462-463).  The  influence  of  the  Mohammedan 
expansion  on  arts  and  handicrafts  has  been  well  described  by  Dimand 
(1930)  in  a  beautifully  illustrated  guide  to  these  works  of  art  in  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York.  This  second  invasion  was 
far  more  important  than  that  of  the  seventh  century,  the  effects  of 
which  were  somewhat  transient.  The  later  Arab  invasion  imposed 
the  Mohammedan  religion  on  the  Tuareg  and  other  Saharan  tribes, 
and  in  addition  the  kingdoms  of  the  Niger  were  affected  by  religious 
and  other  cultural  influences  of  the  Arab  conquerors.  Further,  the 
rule  of  Arab  dynasties  in  the  Nile  Valley  gave  an  impetus  to  tribes 
of  Hamitic  culture,  who  traveled  westward  and  imposed  their 
physique,  language,  and  culture  on  some  Negro  tribes  of  west 
Africa.  The  most  important  of  these,  tribes  traveling  westward 
were  the  Zagawa,  who  penetrated  the  western  Sudan  where  they 
stimulated  the  Mali  Empire  and  the  Soninke  Dynasty  (Bovill, 
1933a,  p.  48;  MacMichael,  1912b,  pp.  288-344;  Palmer,  1928). 

Following  the  Beni  Hillal  and  Soleim  Arab  invasions  of  north 
Africa,  the  Mohammedanizing  of  west  African  Negroes  proceeded 
steadily.     The  process  of  overlaying  Negro  and  Hamitic  culture 


86  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

with  Mohammedan  beliefs  and  practices  continues  at  the  present 
time,  and  although  local  resistance  has  occurred,  notably  among 
the  Mossi  of  the  middle  Niger  and  the  pagan  tribes  of  the  Bauchi 
plateau,  it  may  be  said  that  Islamic  influence  has  profoundly  affected 
Africa  north  of  the  equator.  It  is  true  that  some  Negro  tribes  have 
no  more  than  a  superficial  acceptance  of  Mohammedanism,  for  the 
converts  do  not  pray,  observe  the  festivals,  or  know  the  precepts 
of  the  Koran.  But,  on  the  contrary,  a  further  study  of  physical 
anthropology,  languages,  and  modes  of  life  will  prove  the  deep 
penetration  of  Arab  influences  in  some  regions. 

In  this  connection  the  different  possibilities  of  miscegenation 
should  be  borne  in  mind.  Physical  mixture  of  Arabs  and  Negroes 
has  occurred,  for  Arabs  had  concubinage  with  their  Negro  slaves, 
and  some  persons  of  Negro  physique  will  describe  themselves  as 
Arabs  because  they  or  their  ancestors  were  honored  slaves  in  an 
Arab  household.  Language  may  be  adopted  without  physical  mix- 
ture or  the  transmission  of  culture;  or,  again,  a  cultural  trait,  for 
example,  the  Mohammedan  religion,  may  be  accepted  by  tribes  which 
still  retain  their  own  languages  and  other  cultural  elements.  The 
Tuareg,  for  instance,  have  taken  Mohammedanism  as  their  religion, 
but  they  have  not  intermarried  with  Arabs;  they  retain  their  own 
language,  Tamashek;  and  they  regard  Arabs  as  their  enemies. 

Mohammedanism  advanced  across  the  Sahara  into  the  Negro 
kingdoms  of  west  Africa  not  only  by  conquest.  Large  numbers  of 
Mohammedan  ascetics,  named  the  almoravides  or  marabouts,  preached 
the  tenets  of  their  faith  and  organized  their  followers  on  a  military 
basis.  Under  Ibn  Yacin  the  almoravides  were  consolidated,  and  when 
he  was  killed  in  A.D.  1057  control  passed  to  Abu  Bakr,  then  to  Yusuf, 
his  nephew.  In  1062  Yusuf  founded  Marrakesh  and  captured  Fez. 
He  then  entered  Spain  and  took  Granada,  but  the  almoravides  were 
finally  expelled  from  Spain  and  defeated  by  Berber  tribes  of  north 
Africa. 

From  the  bend  of  the  River  Niger  to  Lake  Chad  a  succession  of 
empires  was  founded  by  tribes  of  Negro  blood,  with  some  infusion 
of  Hamitic  elements  of  physique,  language,  and  culture.  An  outline 
of  historical  events  in  the  western  Sudan  has  been  given  by  Maurice 
Delafosse  (translation  by  Fligelm.an,  1931),  and  H.  R.  Palmer  (1928) 
has  made  many  important  contributions  to  our  knowledge  of  this 
period.  At  present  only  a  small  amount  of  archaeological  work  has 
been  done  on  sites  of  west  African  Negro  civilizations,  and  further 
research  among  documents  of  the  period  A.D.  1050-1500  is  necessary. 


History  87 

Yet  the  outline  of  events  is  known.  At  intervals  new  documents  are 
acquired,  or  some  of  those  which  have  been  in  European  archives 
for  many  years  are  translated  (Palmer,  1936b). 

The  powerful  kingdom  of  Ghana  on  the  Niger  was  mentioned 
for  the  first  time  by  Masudi,  who  died  A.D.  956.  Ibn  Haukal  visited 
the  site  a  few  years  later,  and  El  Bekri  gave  a  fairly  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  the  city  in  the  eleventh  century.  Archaeological  excavations 
by  Bonnel  de  Meziered  in  the  year  1914  have  confirmed  the  descrip- 
tion of  El  Bekri  (Monteil,  1932). 

For  several  centuries  the  states  of  Ghana  and  Songhai  flourished 
simultaneously.  The  history  of  Songhai  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Melle,  which  was  built  up  by  the 
Mandingo.  Melle  reached  its  zenith  in  the  period  1308-31,  at  which 
time  the  empire  covered  the  western  Sudan,  including  the  state  of 
Songhai  and  the  Tuareg  town  of  Timbuktu.  Ibn  Batuta,  who 
visited  Melle  in  1352,  makes  clear  that  the  Melle  Empire  was  the 
most  important  political,  religious,  and  commercial  center  in  the 
Sudan. 

By  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  Melle  had  been  overthrown 
and  succeeded  by  Songhai,  which  in  turn  was  devastated  by  El 
Mansur  of  Morocco  in  1591.  The  writings  of  Ibn  Edrisi  (1099-1154), 
Ibn  Batuta  (1325-54),  and  Ibn  Khaldun  (1332-1406)  were  all 
valuable  historical  contributions.  In  the  sixteenth  century  Leo 
Africanus  described  his  travels  across  the  Sahara,  and  from  the  bend 
of  the  Niger  to  Lake  Chad,  thence  across  the  desert  again  to  north 
Africa.  This  exploration  provided  data  which  were  all  that  historians 
and  geographers  had  for  guidance  during  the  following  two  hundred 
years  (for  translations  see  W.  M.  Slane,  El  Bekri,  Ibn  Batuta,  Ibn 
Haukal,  Ibn  Khaldun,  and  Leo  Africanus). 

ZIMBABWE   AND   THE  ARABS 

In  connection  with  Arab  penetration  of  Africa  the  Zimbabwe 
ruins  of  the  southeast  should  be  briefly  described.  The  ruins,  which 
are  built  on  the  site  of  ancient  gold  mines,  are  historically  connected 
with  the  trading  activities  of  Arabs  on  the  lower  east  coast  of  Africa, 
about  A.D.  1000,  but  the  racial  identity  of  the  builders  and  the  date 
of  construction  are  unknown  (see  also  A.  T.  Curie,  1937). 

For  many  years  the  Zimbabwe  ruins  had  a  romantic  reputation 
based  on  an  alleged  connection  with  King  Solomon,  circa  1000  B.C., 
whose  supplies  of  gold  were  said  to  have  come  from  this  region.  The 
name  Zimbabwe  is  used  by  the  Makalanga  tribe  of  Southern  Rhodesia 
for  the  dwelling  of  a  principal  chief,  and  it  is  natural  that  such  a 


88  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

name  should  be  transferred  to  any  well-built  structure.  The  Ellipti- 
cal Temple  has  a  circumference  of  830  feet,  and  the  enclosing  wall  is 
15  feet  thick  and  32  feet  high.  The  structure  is  built  of  stone  blocks 
made  from  material  that  is  abundant  on  the  surrounding  kopjes, 
and  the  blocks  have  been  trimmed  to  fit  with  accuracy,  even  though 
no  mortar  has  been  used.  It  could  not  be  said  that  Negroes  never 
build  with  stone,  but  the  Zimbabwe  structures  suggest  a  foreign 
influence  for  the  planning  and  supervision  of  the  architecture. 
C.  G.  Stevens  (1931)  has  suggested  a  clironology  for  the  several  types 
of  architecture  which  he  illustrates  in  detail. 

European  interest  in  Zimbabwe  began  in  the  year  1867,  when 
Phillips  and  Renders  discovered  the  ruins  during  bush  travel.  Four 
years  later,  Karl  Mauch  stated  that  the  ruins  were  a  copy  of  King 
Solomon's  temple,  an  unwarranted  statement,  but  one  that  aroused 
popular  interest  and  imagination. 

In  1892  T.  Bent  collected  many  of  the  objects  which  are  now  in 
the  South  African  Museum,  and  in  the  course  of  his  observations 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  site  had  a  Syrian  origin.  Following 
the  work  of  Bent  considerable  damage  was  done  by  curio  hunters, 
who  are  said  to  have  taken  a  thousand  ounces  of  gold  ornaments. 
The  site  was  subsequently  examined,  though  not  completely,  by 
R.  N.  Hall  (1895-1903),  and  a  little  later  by  Randall  Maclver  (1906), 
who  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  ruins  were  not  of  great  antiquity. 

Arabian  geographers  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  of  our  era 
describe  a  land  of  Zendj  in  the  hinterland  of  the  present  port  of 
Beira  in  Portuguese  East  Africa,  where  African  natives  had  supplies 
of  gold.  A  trade  in  gold  between  Africa  and  India  is  also  mentioned 
in  these  chronicles.  Da  Barros,  writing  in  1552,  spoke  of  a  fortress 
of  dry  walling  called  Zimbabwe,  already  old,  and  the  source  of  super- 
stitions and  folklore  among  Negroes  and  Arabs.  As  early  as  1721 
Da  Costa  suggested  that  King  Solomon  obtained  gold  for  his  temple 
from  Zimbabwe,  and  the  belief  was  perpetuated  for  more  than  two 
centuries. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Zimbabwe  soapstone  is  found,  and  this  is 
readily  worked  into  ornamental  forms;  for  example,  Bushmen  of 
today  make  it  into  bowls  for  tobacco  pipes.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  excavations  at  Zimbabwe  should  yield  objects  of 
soapstone.  These  include  columns,  bowls,  birds,  and  objects  said 
to  be  an  imitation  of  the  phallus.  Carvings  of  the  male  sexual  organ 
have  suggested  the  former  presence  of  fertility  cults  and  phallic 
worship  as  part  of  the  religious  exercises  of  ancient  inhabitants. 


History  89 

The  site  has  yielded  fragments  of  Chinese  porcelain,  dark  blue 
glaze  of  Persian  make,  Arabian  glass,  gold  bangles,  crucibles  and 
furnaces  for  smelting  gold,  spindle  whorls  of  soapstone  and  clay, 
and  types  of  black  pottery  and  red  ware  that  resemble  present-day 
products  of  potters  in  the  neighborhood.  Ingots  of  copper  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  X  and  molds  of  the  same  shape  have  been  discovered. 
Bronze  was  used  from  the  earliest  period  of  the  site,  and  analysis  of 
the  alloy,  which  contains  12  per  cent  of  tin,  indicates  considerable 
metallurgical  ability.  The  tin  and  copper  could  have  been  obtained 
locally.  Iron  and  evidence  of  its  manufacture  occur  at  the  lowest 
levels  of  excavation. 

A  recent  survey  of  Zimbabwe  has  been  made  by  Miss  Caton- 
Thompson  (1929)  who  has  published  a  summary  of  the  historical 
facts,  the  conflicting  hypotheses  of  archaeologists,  and  the  results 
of  personal  excavation.  Another  summary  and  bibliography  has 
been  compiled  in  Italian  by  Cipriani  (1932),  who  gives  an  extensive 
bibliography.  The  presence  of  imported  beads  in  bed-rock  levels  is 
crucial  evidence  for  fixing  an  approximate  date  for  the  earliest 
foundations.  Experts  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  beads  are  of  a  type 
made  in  India  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  of  our  era,  and  any 
date  earlier  than  a.d.  200  for  the  origin  of  the  buildings  is  improbable. 
A  period  of  four  centuries,  probably  a.d.  900-1300,  is  allowed  for  the 
rise,  prosperity,  and  collapse  of  the  civilization  that  existed  at 
Zimbabwe.  This,  however,  should  not  be  regarded  as  a  final  judg- 
ment, for  the  ruins  are  still  under  investigation.  Lowe  (1936,  pp. 
282-289)  reports  that  at  Mapungubwe  in  the  northern  Transvaal 
excavations  have  yielded  gold  beads  and  gold  ornaments,  colored 
beads,  Chinese  porcelain,  ivory,  copper,  bronze,  and  iron.  Some  of 
the  objects  resemble  those  discovered  at  Zimbabwe,  and  there  is 
evidence  of  a  widely  spread  medieval  culture. 

In  the  year  1517  Arab  dynasties  in  Egypt  were  overthrown  by 
the  Turks,  who  had  taken  Constantinople  in  1453,  and  the  Ottoman 
Empire  became  a  power  in  north  Africa.  But  in  1584  a  Turkish  fleet 
was  defeated  by  the  Portuguese  near  Mombasa,  and  Turkish 
suzerainty  slowly  succumbed  before  attacks  of  the  English  and 
French,  until  Turkish  rule  in  north  Africa  was  definitely  ended  during 
the  World  War  of  1914-18. 

The  foregoing  summary  of  datable  events  has  brought  our 
historical  survey  up  to  the  European  period  of  exploration  and  con- 
quest, which  will  be  described  in  section  IV.  The  historical  review  of 
Egyptians,  Phoenicians,  Romans,  Greeks,  and  Arabs  has  peeled 


90  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

off  only  a  surface  layer  of  the  cultures  of  man  in  a  restricted  part  of 
Africa,  and  the  period  we  have  dealt  with  is  almost  negligible  com- 
pared with  the  total  lapse  of  time  since  Pleistocene  man  first  made 
his  appearance  in  Africa.  Prehistoric  evidence  has,  therefore,  to 
attempt  a  reconstruction  of  African  history  over  a  long  era  extending 
from  early  Pleistocene  times  to  4000  B.C.  The  duration  of  the 
Pleistocene  period  is  a  matter  of  conjecture  and  controversy,  but 
according  to  Schuchert  and  Dunbar  (1933,  p.  432)  "all  students  of 
Pleistocene  history  now  agree  that  the  entire  duration  of  the  Pleis- 
tocene was  at  least  several  hundred  thousand  years.  It  probably 
exceeded  a  million  years."  There  is  uncertainty,  too,  as  to  when  the 
Pleistocene  ended  and  the  Recent  period  began,  but  perhaps  a 
duration  of  25,000  to  30,000  years  is  a  fair  estimate  of  the  length  of 
the  Recent  period. 


I 


III.  PREHISTORY 

Fossil  Man 

In  the  "Descent  of  Man"  Charles  Darwin  (1892,  p.  155)  writes: 
"In  each  region  of  the  world  the  living  mammals  are  closely  related 
to  the  extinct  species  of  the  same  region.  It  is,  therefore,  probable 
that  Africa  was  formerly  inhabited  by  apes  closely  allied  to  the 
gorilla  and  the  chimpanzee;  and  as  these  two  species  are  now  man's 
nearest  allies,  it  is  somewhat  more  probable  that  our  early  pro- 
genitors lived  on  the  African  continent  than  elsewhere.  But  it  is 
useless  to  speculate  on  this  subject;  for  two  or  three  anthropomor- 
phous apes,  one  the  Dryopithecus  of  Lartet,  nearly  as  large  as  a  man, 
and  closely  allied  to  Hylobates,  existed  in  Europe  during  the  Miocene 
age;  and  since  so  remote  a  period  the  earth  has  certainly  undergone 
many  great  revolutions,  and  there  has  been  ample  time  for  migration 
on  the  largest  scale." 

Of  the  anthropoid  apes  perhaps  the  gorilla  has  attracted  most 
attention  popularly  and  scientifically.  The  distribution  of  this  ape 
is  limited  to  a  belt  of  equatorial  Africa  north  and  south  of  the 
equator,  but  the  chimpanzees  are  more  widely  distributed.  The 
interest  of  physical  anthropologists  has  been  specially  concentrated 
on  the  anatomical  characters  of  chimpanzees,  gorillas,  orang-utans, 
and  gibbons  (the  two  latter  not  found  in  Africa).  All  these 
anthropoids  are  regarded  as  members  of  a  primitive  primate  stock 
which  ultimately  produced  Homo  sapiens,  though  anthropologists 
are  not  fully  agreed  on  the  lines  of  evolution.  A  simple  exposition  of 
the  phylogenetic  relationship  of  the  anthropoids  to  man  will  be 
found  in  the  works  of  Coolidge  (1929),  Keith  (1929),  and  Hooton 
(1931). 

In  addition  to  the  tailless  apes  of  Africa  there  are  many  species  of 
monkeys  with  tails,  which  are  not,  however,  used  for  hanging  from 
the  branches  of  trees.  This  prehensile  habit  is  followed  by  monkeys 
of  South  America,  but  not  by  African  monkeys.  Dogfaced  baboons 
are  common  in  rocky  hills  of  Africa.  Baboons  play  a  prominent  part 
in  Negro  folklore,  and  they  entered  into  the  mythology  and  spiritual 
beliefs  of  the  Egyptians,  who  represented  them  pictorially.  But 
the  gorilla  and  the  chimpanzee  are  the  two  extant  African  forms 
that  are  of  primary  interest  in  a  scheme  of  human  evolution. 

Hooton  (1931,  p.  381)  states  that  "Africa's  contribution  to  the 
history  of  higher  primate  evolution  is  already  generous."     The 

91 


92  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

principal  items  are  Parapithecus,  the  eariiest  fossil  monkey  yet 
known;  Propliopithecus,  the  first  anthropoid  ape;  Dryopithecus 
moghareTisis,  most  ancient  of  the  giant  primates;  Australopithecus, 
alleged  to  be  a  humanoid  ape  of  the  Pliocene ;  and  Homo  rhodesiensis, 
the  gorilla-browed  specimen  of  the  Broken  Hill  mine. 

Yet,  despite  Hooton's  optimism  respecting  this  evidence  from 
Africa,  a  glance  at  a  map  prepared  by  E.  W.  Smith  (1935,  p.  31) 
indicates  that  very  few  sites  have  yielded  remains  of  ancient  man. 
Of  the  nineteen  sites  marked  on  the  map,  nine  are  clustered  east  of 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  four  in  a  narrow  area  in  the  extreme  south- 
east of  the  continent,  and  only  three  in  the  north,  leaving  most  of 
the  twelve  million  square  miles  with  no  evidence  whatever.  Hooton 
(1931)  and  E.  W.  Smith  (1935)  have  provided  a  summary  of  these 
discoveries,  but  to  use  the  words  of  the  latter  "there  is  as  yet  not 
much  to  be  told,"  and  one  might  add  that  the  little  which  is  known 
is  controversial.  Let  us  see  how  debatable  points  arise,  and  how  the 
conclusions  of  experts  differ. 

Since  several  accounts  of  fossil  man  have  stressed  the  writings  of 
Keith  (1929,  1931)  and  G.  E.  Smith  (1927),  we  will  glean  our  data 
from  an  article  by  Hrdlicka  (1926,  pp.  173-204),  who  in  1925 
visited  the  site  where  Homo  rhodesiensis  was  discovered  in  1921. 
At  once  Hrdlicka  touches  on  the  circumstances  of  discovery,  and 
these  were  of  the  kind  that  are  bound  to  lead  to  differences  of  opinion 
when  fragments  are  examined.  "The  lack  of  precise  information  on 
certain  important  points  was  soon  felt  by  students  of  the  subject; 
and  it  now  seems  that  even  what  was  known  at  first  suffered  some 
subsequent  confusion.  There  was  a  desire  for  more  data  regarding 
the  position  of  the  skull,  its  surroundings,  the  cave  itself,  and  its 
fillings.  The  nature  of  the  animal  bones  in  the  cave,  and  other 
points  were  not  sufficiently  well  documented."  Hrdlicka  then 
reviews  the  literature  that  had  accumulated  from  the  time  of  the 
first  newspaper  reports,  and,  during  all  this,  "errors  of  a  serious 
nature  have  crept  into  the  accounts  of  the  circimistances  of  the 
discovery,  and  these  have  already  materially  affected  important 
conclusions." 

'  "Five  months  after  the  discovery  the  skull,  a  number  of  human 
as  well  as  other  bones  were  brought  to  England  by  the  manager 
of  the  mine."  Here  again  we  see  from  Hrdlicka's  narrative  how 
discussion  and  divergent  views  arise.  Quoting  Hrdlicka  (p.  102), 
"Above  all,  it  became  an  accepted  idea  that  several  human  bones 
brought  to  England  with  the  skull  were  found  with  the  cranium 


Prehistory  93 

and  belonged  to  the  same  individual  or  the  same  people,  and  from 
the  characteristics  of  these  bones  deductions  were  made  as  to  the 
morphological  and  even  chronological  status  of  the  Rhodesian  man." 

Of  Rhodesian  man  Hrdlicka  says,  "The  skull  itself  is  positively 
not  the  skull  of  any  known  African  type  of  man  or  their  normal 
variants.  Neither  is  it  any  known  pathological  monstrosity  such 
as  giantism  or  leontiasis.  It  is  a  remarkable  specimen,  of  which  the 
age,  provenience,  history,  and  nature  are  still  anthropological 
puzzles.  Morphologically,  the  skull  is  frequently  associated  with 
the  Neanderthal  type  of  Europe.  This  may  be  fundamentally 
correct,  but  only  to  that  extent.  In  its  detailed  characteristics  the 
specimen  is  in  some  respects  inferior,  in  others  superior,  to  anything 
known  as  yet  of  the  Neanderthal  man." 

Hrdlicka  continues  with  a  record  of  his  interrogation  of  persons 
connected  with  the  find,  and  when  eyewitnesses  were  not  available 
for  questioning,  some  information  was  gained  through  correspondence. 

For  the  views  of  Pycraft  (1928),  we  must  turn  to  a  report  on 
"Rhodesian  Man,  and  Associated  Remains"  (p.  46).  "Highly 
specialized  in  some  particulars,  the  skull  must  nevertheless  be 
regarded  as  of  a  relatively  low  type,  having  a  definite  resemblance 
to  the  skulls  of  Neanderthal  man,  with  which  race  it  has  affinities." 

Some  criticism  of  Pycraft's  work  is  given  by  Hrdlicka  (p.  117), 
and  one  point  to  which  exception  is  taken  is  Pycraft's  recognition 
of  a  new  genus,  Cyphanthropus,  for  the  Rhodesian  skull.  A  protest 
from  W.  E.  Le  Gros  Clark  (1928)  shows  how  cautious  one  should  be 
in  accepting  a  single  report,  even  from  competent  authority.  Pro- 
fessor Clark's  criticism  reads:  "Mr.  Pycraft  has  given  a  description 
of  the  skeletal  remains  and,  basing  his  evidence  on  these,  has  seen 
fit  to  create  a  new  genus  of  Hominidae — Cyphanthropus.  There  are 
a  number  of  points  in  his  description  which  call  for  criticism,  but 
since  the  evidence  of  the  pelvis  has  been  so  remarkably  misinter- 
preted, and  since  this  bone  is  the  most  important  indication  for  the 
creation  of  a  new  genus,  I  will  confine  my  remarks  to  this  part  of 
the  skeleton."  The  criticism  then  points  out  that  the  evidence  for 
regarding  a  portion  of  the  left  ilium  as  belonging  to  the  Rhodesian 
find  is  not  convincing.  The  account  continues  to  expose  alleged 
errors  that  led  Pycraft  to  reconstruct  a  pelvis  with  an  acetabulum 
which  "bears  no  resemblance  to  any  Primate."  Pycraft's  orienta- 
tion of  the  pelvis  is  questioned,  and  in  conclusion  the  critic  states: 

"When  these  curious  errors  are  rectified,  it  will  be  seen  that, 
according  to  the  diagnosis  given  by  Mr.  Pycraft  on  page  49  of  his 


94  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

monograph,  the  genus  Cyphanthropus  depends  entirely  on  certain 
features  of  the  skull.  I  find  it  impossible  to  believe  that  a  comparison 
between  the  Rhodesian  skull  and  the  skulls  of  Neanderthal  man 
will  justify  the  creation  of  a  separate  genus  for  the  former." 

Keith  states  (1931,  p.  117)  that  in  brain  and  skull  Rhodesian  man 
is  so  primitive  that  were  we  moved  by  anatomical  evidence  alone  we 
should  place  him  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  Pleistocene  series  of 
cultures,  but  if  we  give  geological  evidence  full  weight,  it  does  seem 
possible  that  he  may  have  survived  long  enough  to  become  con- 
temporary with  Neanderthal  man  in  Europe.  Keith  then  turns  to 
discussion  of  the  criticism  passed  on  his  conclusions  by  Hrdlicka  and 
by  Pycraft. 

Sir  Arthur  thinks  that  "in  the  case  of  the  Rhodesian  find  there 
should  not  be  any  hesitation  in  assigning  the  tibia  to  the  skull;  in 
texture,  preservation,  conformation,  and  colouring  the  tibia  answers 
to  the  skull."  The  question  of  associating  the  limb  bones  with  the 
skull  is  of  primary  importance,  for,  in  Keith's  opinion,  "did  we  know 
only  his  skull  we  should  regard  him  as  a  possible  ancestor  of  Nean- 
derthal man;  his  limb  bones  separate  him  widely  from  Neanderthal 
man  and  reveal  his  close  relationship  to  neanthropic  or  modern  man." 

After  recapitulating  the  observations  of  Pycraft  and  the  criticism 
offered  by  Le  Gros  Clark,  Keith  concludes  with  the  verdict  that 
there  is  no  need  for  a  new  genus  named  Cyphanthropus,  or  "stooping 
man";  the  original  name  Homo  rhodesiensis  given  by  Sir  Arthur 
Smith  Woodward  is  appropriate.  Furthermore,  "Rhodesian  man 
has  certain  points  of  kinship  to  Neanderthal  man,  but  stands  in  his 
major  characters  nearer  the  ancestral  line  of  modern  man." 

Keith  (1931,  p.  53)  thinks  that  Australopithecus,  the  Taungs 
skull,  recovered  from  a  matrix  by  Professor  Dart,  is  in  all  essential 
features  an  anthropoid  ape.  "It  shares  so  many  features  with  the 
two  surviving  African  anthropoids — the  gorilla  and  chimpanzee — 
that,  to  account  for  their  common  heritage,  we  must  suppose  that 
all  three  have  come  from  the  same  stem.  The  features  wherein 
Australopithecus  departs  from  living  African  anthropoids  and  makes 
an  approach  toward  man  cannot  be  permitted  to  outweigh  the  pre- 
dominance of  its  anthropoid  affinities." 

Minute  examination  of  the  evidence,  and  especially  of  that  relat- 
ing to  teeth,  size  of  brain,  and  endocranial  cast,  leads  Keith  to  the 
conclusion  (1931,  p.  116)  that  the  evidence  is  best  explained  by 
supposing  Australopithecus  "to  have  sprung  as  a  branch  of  the  phy- 
lum which  gave  us  the  gorilla  and  the  chimpanzee,  and  not,  as 


Prehistory  95 

Professor  Dart  contends,  from  the  root  of  the  human  phylum.  That 
Australopithecus  should  manifest  humanoid  characters  more  promi- 
nently than  either  the  chimpanzee  or  the  gorilla  need  not  astonish  us; 
the  great  anthropoids  and  man  have  a  common  inheritance  drawn 
from  the  same  stem.  In  brief  the  discovery  at  Taungs  has  given  us 
not  a  human  ancestor  but  an  extinct  cousin  of  the  gorilla  and 
chimpanzee." 

Dr.  P.  Alsberg  (1934,  No.  179)  has  presented  some  criticism  of 
Sir  Arthur  Keith's  comments  relating  to  the  geology,  biology,  and 
morphology  of  the  Taungs  skull,  which  Alsberg  regards  as  possibly 
human.  He  concludes:  "If  we  were  to  paint  a  theoretical  picture 
of  the  first  stages  of  man,  we  should  necessarily  arrive  at  a  form  such 
as  the  Taungs  child  presents:  the  jaws  are  beginning  to  recede,  the 
brain  is  about  to  increase.  If  Dr.  Broom's  opinion  is  correct  that 
the  Taungs  creature  belonged  in  the  time  of  the  Lower  Pliocene,  then 
the  geological  antiquity  would  also  not  bar  the  supposition  that  the 
being  was  human.  The  Taungs  race  would  then  represent  a  human 
stage  far  older  than  the  Trinil  (Java)  race,  and  correspondingly 
much  more  primitive." 

Past  experience  has  emphasized  the  need  for  caution  in  drawing 
conclusions  from  fossilized  fragments  of  bone.  But  a  written  report 
by  R.  Broom  (1936)  establishes  the  importance  of  a  recent  discovery 
at  Sterkfontein  near  Krugersdorp  in  the  Transvaal.  The  fossils 
consist  of  the  base  of  a  skull,  part  of  the  face,  and  a  good  maxilla 
with  three  teeth.  Apparently  these  fragments  represent  the  skull  of 
a  large-brained  anthropoid  ape  belonging  to  the  same  genus  as  the 
Taungs  ape. 

Probably  these  fossils  represent  a  skull  which  had  a  length  of 
145  mm.  from  glabella  to  occiput,  a  maximum  parietal  width  of  96 
mm.,  and  a  capacity  of  600  cc.  The  brow  ridges  are  moderately 
well  developed,  and  there  are  two  fairly  large  frontal  sinuses.  The 
skull  is  clearly  that  of  a  fairly  large  anthropoid,  more  closely  allied 
to  the  Miocene  and  Pliocene  species  of  Dryopithecus  than  to  the 
j  living  chimpanzee  and  gorilla.  The  skull  may  have  been  of  the  same 
'  genus  as  the  Taungs  ape,  but  of  a  different  species. 

Dr.  Broom  concludes:  "It  seems  moderately  certain  that  during 

I  the  greater  part  of  the  Pleistocene  and  possibly  during  the  Pliocene, 

'  large,  non-forest-living  anthropoids  flourished  in  south  Africa,  and 

not  improbably  it  was  from  one  of  the  Pliocene  members  of  this  group 

i  that  the  first  man  was  evolved,"     We  must,  however,  await  further 

discussion  before  accepting  these  statements  as  final. 


96  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

If  we  accept  Homo  rhodesiensis  as  somewhat  Neanderthaloid,  and 
Australopithecus  as  possibly  simian,  there  remains  the  important 
Boskop  skull,  which  is  definitely  himian,  for  inclusion  in  the  phylo- 
genetic  tree. 

The  finding  of  the  Boskop  skull  in  1913  has  been  followed  by 
more  recent  discoveries  that  help  to  establish  the  relationship  of  the 
Boskop  type  to  other  races  of  south  Africa.  Keith  (1931,  p.  123) 
states  that  F.  W.  Fitzsimmons  has  discovered  more  than  fifty  burials 
of  the  Boskop  type  "and  it  has  been  demonstrated  that  the  Boskop 
type  merges  into  a  later  people,  the  Strandloopers.  The  Strand- 
loopers  in  turn  merge  into  the  smaller-headed  Bushman  and  Hotten- 
tot types.  The  Boskop  type  (length  205  mm.,  breadth  154  mm., 
capacity  1630  cc),  if  not  a  direct  ancestor  of  the  Bushman,  yet  stands 
near  the  line  which  evolved  into  this  type.  Occasional  Bushmen 
possess  large  heads  of  the  Boskop  type."  Keith  (1931,  p.  117)  states 
that  on  the  information  available  Boskop  man  may  be  regarded  as 
Late  Paleolithic  in  date,  practicing  a  culture  corresponding  to  the 
Aurignacian  in  Europe. 

Fish  Hoek  Bay  is  situated  about  fifteen  miles  due  south  of  Cape 
Town,  and  in  Skildergat  Cave  on  the  shore  of  the  bay  B.  Peers  and 
his  son,  assisted  by  A.  J.  H.  Goodwin  and  M.  R.  Drennan,  have 
unearthed  skeletons  of  Bushman  type.  According  to  Keith  (1931, 
p.  132)  a  skull  from  a  deep  stratum  is  that  of  a  Bushman  of  primitive 
and  remarkable  kind  having  a  cranial  capacity  of  1600  cc.  Keith 
(p.  139)  is  of  the  opinion  that  all  recent  evidence  points  to  south 
Africa  as  the  evolutionary  cradle  of  the  Bushman  type.  This  view 
of  the  Bushman  type  as  being  evolved  in  south  Africa  is,  as  our 
archaeological  evidence  will  show  later,  contrary  to  a  somewhat 
general  opinion  of  prehistorians,  who  think  of  the  Bushman  type  as 
having  migrated  from  north  Africa. 

We  may  not,  however,  dismiss  the  phylogeny  of  the  Bushman 
with  ease  and  assurance;  there  are  too  many  conflicting  hypotheses. 
These  have  been  collated  and  discussed  by  Dreyer  (1931)  in  what  he 
calls  "The  Bushman-Hottentot-Strandlooper  Tangle."  In  this 
article  the  author  compares  the  views  of  Drennan,  Stow,  P^ringuey, 
Shrubsall,  Broom,  Vedder,  Spannus,  Lebzelter,  Hirschberg,  and 
Bayer,  of  whose  writings  he  gives  a  bibliography.  There  is  no  con- 
clusion concerning  the  genetic  relationship  of  Bushmen,  Hottentots, 
Strandloopers,  and  Boskoids,  but  the  article  is  useful  in  giving  the 
outline  of  a  complex  problem  and  in  showing  how  far  we  are  from 
a  solution  of  that  problem. 


jy 


Prehistory  97 

Before  we  leave  the  subject  of  fossil  man  of  south  Africa,  the  dis- 
covery known  as  Springbok  man,  from  eighty  miles  northeast  of 
Pretoria,  should  be  mentioned.  Keith  (1931,  p.  146)  has  provided 
an  illustration  of  the  skull  and  mandible  as  restored  by  Dr. 
Broom,  and  after  discussing  details  of  the  measurements  Keith 
concludes  that  "he  was  a  tall  strong  fellow  with  a  big  brain,  a  long 
and  wide  head,  and  a  drawn  out  face,  great  mandible  and  small 
teeth,  a  type  which  we  cannot  fit  into  any  African  racial  type  known 
to  us.  He  was  cast  in  a  mould  altogether  different  from  the  Boskop 
and  Fish  Hoek  men — big-brained  and  small-faced  type." 

Keith  (p.  152)  concludes  that  Springbok  man  "represents  a 
Negroid  or  Hamitic  type  which  made  its  way  southward  in  pre- 
historic times  probably  carrying  with  him  the  Aurignacian  culture 
of  his  time."  This  Springbok  man  serves  as  a  geographical  though 
not  an  anatomical  link  between  the  discoveries  in  lower  south  Africa 
and  those  of  Tanganyika  and  Kenya. 

The  work  of  Leakey  has  aroused  much  interest  and  criticism, 
but  at  the  moment  there  is  no  final  judgment  on  several  important 
points.  The  alleged  antiquity  of  some  of  the  fossil  human  bones  is, 
however,  dubious. 

In  "Adam's  Ancestors,"  Leakey  (1934b)  has  given  a  succinct 
account  of  his  work  in  east  Africa  in  the  past  decade,  and  this  is  a 
simple  introduction  to  his  more  technical  works  which  have  been 
listed  in  the  bibliography. 

Beginning  with  Dr.  Hans  Reek's  discovery  of  a  human  fossil  at 
Oldoway,  Tanganyika  Territory,  in  1914  (Reck,  1931),  Leakey 
summarizes  the  data  relating  to  human  fossils  since  discovered 
in  Kenya.  After  considerable  controversy,  it  is  now  generally  agreed 
that  this  skull  can  be  assigned  to  the  period  of  the  Upper  Pleistocene, 
at  about  the  same  period  that  the  Cro-Magnon  race  flourished  in 
Europe.  At  one  time  (Leakey,  1934b,  p.  203)  thought  the  Oldoway 
skeleton  was  associated  with  tools  of  the  cultures  known  as  Chellean 
and  Acheulean,  very  early  European  stone-age  periods,  but  later 
research  indicated  that  the  Oldoway  skeleton  was  not  nearly  as 
ancient  as  the  fossil  animals  and  the  stone-age  implements  found  in 
the  same  deposit.  The  skeleton  is  really  to  be  associated  with  the 
later  Kenya  Aurignacian  culture,  and  to  this  culture  also  belong 
human  skeletons  found  (1928-29)  in  a  rock  shelter  known  as  Gamble's 
Cave  II  in  the  Elmenteita  region  of  Kenya  Colony.  Leakey  (1936a, 
pp.  172-173)  plainly  states  what  he  means  by  the  Negroid  affinities 
of  these  fossils.     The  skulls  from  Gamble's  Cave  had  straight  faces 


98  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

instead  of  the  prognathous  faces  of  tjrpical  Negroes,  but  in  shape  of 
the  forehead  they  represented  the  Negro  type. 

Before  considering  the  skeptical  views  that  now  prevail,  let  us 
take  a  statement  of  Leakey  (1934b,  p.  206).  He  summarizes  the 
evidence  relating  to  the  Kanam  mandible  found  near  Homa  Moun- 
tain, Kavirondo  Gulf,  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza.  "The  various  animal 
remains  from  the  same  stratum  have  also  been  examined  with  a  view 
to  determining  the  age  of  this  fragment  of  ancient  man.  As  a  result 
of  our  studies  we  can  say  now  that  the  Kanam  mandible  represents 
the  oldest  yet  discovered  true  ancestor  of  modern  man."  Leakey 
calls  attention  to  details  of  the  teeth  which  led  him  to  separate  his 
specimen  from  Homo  sapiens  and  to  create  a  new  species  Homo 
kanamensis.  The  evidence  of  geology,  fossil  animals,  and  stone  tools 
dated  the  Kanam  mandible  as  Lower  Pleistocene. 

The  first  skull  fragments  found  by  Leakey  at  Kanjera  led  to 
further  research  and  the  discovery  of  fragments  of  a  human  skull  in 
an  undisturbed  stratum  near  the  place  where  the  first  fragments  had 
been  unearthed.  Leakey  (1934b,  Plate  X)  shows  the  two  reconstructed 
Kanjera  skulls  and  the  Kanam  mandible  fragment.  A  study  of 
associated  fossil  animals  and  implements  of  Chellean  type,  together 
with  the  geological  evidence,  supported  the  view  that  the  Kanjera 
men  belonged  to  the  early  part  of  what  Leakey  calls  Middle  Pleisto- 
cene (Lower  Pleistocene  of  other  classifications).  In  "The  Stone  Age 
Races  of  Kenya,"  Leakey  (1935)  gives  a  detailed  account  of  Lower 
Pleistocene  man.  Homo  kanamensis,  also  of  Middle  Pleistocene  man 
of  Kanjera,  and  of  Upper  Pleistocene  man,  whose  remains  are 
associated  with  the  Upper  Kenya  Aurignacian  culture,  phase  C. 

From  Leakey's  expression  of  his  own  opinions,  we  may  turn  now 
to  some  damaging  criticism  of  his  evidence.  Boswell  (1935)  says, 
"The  chief  object  of  my  visit  was  to  study  the  geology  of  the  deposits 
from  which  the  Kanam  mandible  and  the  Kanjera  No.  3  skull  frag- 
ments were  obtained,  for  Dr.  Leakey  had  come  to  the  important 
conclusion  that  these  remains  of  Homo  sapiens  type  occurred  in  situ 
in  beds  of  Lower  Pleistocene  and  Middle  Pleistocene  Age,  respec- 
tively. Unfortunately,  it  has  not  proved  possible  to  find  the  exact 
site  of  either  discovery."  The  criticism  calls  attention  to  some  con- 
fusion of  photographic  records,  and  states  that  "the  date  of  entomb- 
ment of  human  remains  found  in  such  beds  would  be  inherently 
doubtful. — In  view  of  the  uncertain  location  of  the  Kanam  and  Kan- 
jera sites,  and  in  view  also  of  the  doubt  as  to  the  stratigraphical 
horizons  from  which  the  remains  were  obtained,  and  the  possibility 


Prehistory  99 

of  disturbance  of  the  beds,  I  hold  the  opinion  that  the  geological  age 
of  the  mandible  and  skull  fragments  is  uncertain.  It  is  disappoint- 
ing, after  the  failure  to  establish  any  considerable  age  for  Oldoway 
man  (of  Homo  sapiens  type)  that  uncertain  conditions  of  discovery 
should  also  force  me  to  place  Kanam  and  Kan j era  man  in  a  'sus- 
pense account.'  "  For  an  answer  to  this  criticism,  see  Leakey  (1936a, 
pp.  155-156;  1936c). 

The  osteological  data  collected  by  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912, 
pp.  234,  239,  243)  for  Neolithic  people  of  north  Africa,  and  for  the 
dolmen  builders  of  that  region,  will  be  given  in  connection  with 
archaeological  data  for  north  Africa. 

From  the  small  amount  of  evidence  relating  to  fossil  man  in 
Africa,  a  few  examples  have  been  chosen  to  illustrate  the  need  for 
intensive  and  coordinated  research  in  geology,  archaeology,  and 
paleontology.  The  existing  osteological  evidence  is  far  too  slender 
to  support  any  theory  of  the  origin  of  man  in  Africa,  and  divergent 
views  respecting  the  phylogeny  of  the  skeletons  and  fragments  so 
far  discovered  indicate  that  much  methodical  excavation  has  to  be 
done  before  we  can  support  a  hypothesis  for  the  origin  and  genetic 
relationship  of  the  divergent  physical  types  now  inhabiting  Africa. 
These  brief  notes  have  touched  only  the  most  startling  discoveries, 
and  the  aim  has  been  to  avoid  details  of  measurement  and  description 
which  can  be  derived  from  the  works  quoted.  A  student  must  realize 
firstly  the  paucity  of  data,  then  the  equivocal  nature  of  the  evidence. 
It  would  be  misleading,  however,  to  give  the  impression  that  the 
literature  on  this  subject  is  small,  for  though  discoveries  of  major 
importance  are  few,  excavation  is  always  in  progress,  and  recent 
publications  of  Galloway,  Drennan  (1935),  Wells  (1935a,  b), 
Schepers  (1935),  and  Goodwin  and  Malan  (1935),  are  typical  of 
present  research  which  may  at  any  time  lead  to  a  discovery  of  primary 
importance. 

Since  the  fossilized  remains  of  man  and  his  precursors  are  at 
present  so  inadequate  as  prehistorical  evidence,  we  must  turn  to  the 
facts  of  geology  and  archaeology  in  the  hope  of  illuminating  the 
dark  pages  of  the  Pleistocene. 

Stone  Implements 

archaeological  technique 

The  successful  work  of  Egyptologists,  and  the  wide  publicity 
given  to  their  discoveries — often  of  a  spectacular  kind — has  brought 
to  archaeology  a  deep  interest  and  romance.    But  success  in  the 


100  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

reconstruction  of  Egyptian  history  has  perhaps  aroused  too  great 
optimism  respecting  possible  application  of  the  same  technique  in 
other  parts  of  Africa. 

Systematic  excavating  has  been  done  in  Algeria,  Kenya,  and 
south  Africa,  but  owing  to  the  remoteness  of  the  stone-age  periods 
concerned,  and  the  absence  of  writing,  the  precision  of  the  Egyptol- 
ogist in  giving  not  only  sequences,  but  dates,  can  never  be  attained. 

The  work  of  a  professional  archaeologist  is  a  skilled  occupation 
which  should  never  be  confused  with  the  efforts  of  treasure  hunters 
who  have  ruined  sites  by  indiscriminate  digging  for  the  sake  of 
amusement  and  publicity.  Scientific  excavating  is  a  slow,  system- 
atic process  involving  a  survey  of  the  ground  by  use  of  a  theodolite 
and  a  plane-table.  Not  only  should  an  archaeologist  be  a  surveyor; 
he  must  in  addition  have  a  knowledge  of  geology  and  cartography. 
Trial  pits  and  trenches  are  dug,  and  if  an  undisturbed  stratification 
exists  the  excavator  considers  himself  fortunate.  Geological  knowl- 
edge leads  to  an  estimate  of  the  relative  ages  of  the  deposits  and  the 
probable  lapse  of  time  required  for  the  formation  of  each  stratum, 
but  the  actual  dating  in  terms  of  years  is  always  hazardous. 

An  excavator  is  particularly  careful  to  ascertain  whether  the 
deposits  have  been  disturbed  either  by  man  or  by  natural  agency, 
for,  if  the  strata  have  been  mixed,  objects  such  as  pottery,  stone 
implements,  and  human  and  animal  bones  which  now  lie  together 
may  not  have  been  contemporary.  It  may  be  that  objects  have 
been  washed  from  one  stratum  to  another,  and,  if  this  possibility  is 
not  recognized,  confusion  and  incorrect  inferences  are  inevitable. 

Archaeology  is  becoming  more  and  more  the  work  of  specialists. 
A  zoologist  or  paleontologist  may  be  asked  to  identify  existing  genera 
and  species  of  wild  or  domesticated  animals  whose  bones  are  dis- 
covered. Physical  anthropologists  report  on  human  fossils,  their 
sex,  race,  and  antiquity.  Potsherds,  beads,  and  porcelain  are  arti- 
facts requiring  special  study,  while  dendrochronology  (estimation  of 
the  age  of  timber  from  consideration  of  the  rings)  is  again  a  recent 
and  special  development  of  technique.  A  botanist  is  asked  to  identify 
grains  and  plants,  which  he  is  sometimes  able  to  do  by  microscopic 
examination  of  fragments  of  food  in  pottery  vessels.  Among  the 
specialists  are  chemists  and  metallurgists,  whose  analyses  are  sought. 
In  recent  years  the  airplane  has  been  used  in  archaeological  surveys 
of  the  Zimbabwe  ruins  and  the  prehistoric  sites  on  the  oasis  of 
Kharga  in  the  Libyan  Desert.    In  Egyptology  astronomical  observa- 


Prehistory  lOl 

tions  have  been  important  in  relation  to  chronology.  Thus,  almost 
every  branch  of  science  has  made  some  contribution  to  archaeology. 
The  technique  of  excavating  naturally  depends  on  the  nature 
of  the  site.  An  ancient  cemetery  may  be  divided  into  squares,  each 
side  of  which  measures  twenty  meters.  Each  of  these  large  squares 
is  then  divided  into  five-meter  squares,  and  plans  of  each  square  are 
drawn  so  that  an  excavator  can  record  the  exact  position  and  level 
of  each  object  that  is  found.  Photographs  of  skeletons  and  other 
objects  are  made  in  situ,  and  the  objects  are  numbered  and  stored, 
with  samples  of  the  matrix  soil,  in  cabinets  bearing  the  numbers  of 
the  squares  and  the  level  from  which  they  were  taken.  The  aim  is 
to  secure  a  permanent  record  of  the  site  so  that  an  accurate  recon- 
struction on  paper  is  possible  after  the  excavations  have  been 
completed. 

In  this  way  an  archaeologist  often  obtains  a  sequence  of  cultures. 
In  the  lowest  layers  he  may  have  found  stone  implements  and  pottery 
of  a  particular  type,  and  these  may  be  associated  with  human  and 
animal  remains  of  a  specific  kind,  which  do  not  occur  in  quite  the 
same  form  and  frequency  in  upper  layers.  Perhaps  the  higher  levels 
yield  more  elaborate  stone  implements  and  more  ornate  pottery, 
and  it  may  be  that  examination  of  human  bones  indicates  that  a 
racial  intrusion  modified  the  physical  type  of  those  whose  bones 
were  discovered  in  the  lower  strata. 

This  digression  concerning  the  method  and  function  of  archae- 
ology is  necessary  for  the  understanding  of  prehistoric  problems  of 
Africa,  but  it  should  be  understood  that  very  seldom  does  an  archae- 
ologist have  the  opportunity  of  studying  ideal  stratifications,  each 
of  which  contains  all  the  kinds  of  evidence  described  above.  Often 
he  has  to  allow  for  distortion  of  strata  and  washing  of  objects  from 
one  level  to  another.  More  often  than  not,  an  excavator  is  handi- 
capped in  his  theories  by  paucity  of  evidence,  so  that  wide  scope 
for  conjecture  is  left,  and  hypotheses  are  difficult  to  establish  or 
refute.  Or  conflict  may  exist  between  the  geological,  osteological, 
and  archaeological  testimony. 

EUROPE 

Some  preliminary  consideration  of  the  European  Pleistocene 
glaciations,  fauna,  types  of  implements,  rock  paintings,  and  remains 
of  fossil  man  is  necessary  for  understanding  the  terminology  and 
discussions  now  current  in  similar  African  studies.  Research  workers 
in  north  Africa,  Egypt,  Kenya,  and  south  Africa  make  comparative 


102  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

studies  of  African  and  European  stone  implements  for  which  the 
same  terms,  for  example,  Chellean,  Acheulean,  and  Mousterian,  are 
often  used.  In  addition  to  this,  stylistic  affinities  of  European  and 
African  rock  paintings  and  engravings  are  compared. 

In  our  survey  of  the  archaeology  of  Africa  only  the  main  themes 
and  the  most  important  bibliographical  items  will  be  mentioned, 
but  these  references  will  lead  farther  afield,  for  each  book  and  article 
has  its  own  bibliography.  In  addition  to  the  individuals  mentioned, 
the  following  sources  are  of  importance:  Ebert  (1924-32)  has  edited 
a  "Reallexikon  der  Vorgeschichte."  Much  periodical  literature 
exists  in  Revue  Anthropologique,  Revue  Arch^ologique,  Bulletins 
et  M^moires  de  la  Soci^t^  d 'Anthropologic  de  Paris,  L'Homme 
Pr^historique,  M^moires  a  I'lnstitut  d'Egypte,  Journal  of  Egjrptian 
Archaeology,  and  the  publication  of  L'Institut  de  Pal^ontologie 
Humaine. 

L'Anthropologie  has  an  index  volume  (1932),  containing  a  list 
of  contributors  to  the  subject  of  European  and  African  archae- 
ology. In  the  list  of  articles  published  by  Abb^  H.  Breuil,  and  by 
Breuil  in  collaboration  with  Obermaier,  Peyrony,  and  other  archae- 
ologists, a  student  will  have  a  reliable  guide  to  the  most  important 
prehistoric  problems  of  Europe,  and  many  for  Africa.  In  the  pages 
of  the  South  African  Journal  of  Science,  Transactions  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  South  Africa,  and  Proceedings  of  the  Rhodesian 
Science  Association,  are  numerous  archaeological  reports  which, 
taken  alone,  are  inconclusive.  Collated,  as  they  must  be  in  years  to 
come,  they  will  collectively  explain  many  geological,  archaeological, 
and  osteological  problems  that  are  at  present  obscure.  I  feel  sure, 
however,  that  a  beginner  will  derive  the  greatest  profit  from  a  few 
textbooks  before  setting  out  on  the  task  of  summarizing  periodical 
literature,  which,  for  the  main  part,  deals  with  specialized  problems 
in  a  technical  way. 

For  studying  European  data  many  textbooks  are  available. 
W.  J.  Sollas  (1924)  begins  his  work  "Ancient  Hunters"  with  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  great  ice  age  in  Europe  and  the  way  in  which  the  climate 
of  the  whole  world  was  affected  by  oscillations.  Even  on  Mount 
Kenya  near  the  equator  the  glaciers  extended  5,400  feet  lower  than 
they  do  today.  Similar  evidence  is  afforded  by  other  east  African 
mountains,  Ruwenzori  and  Kilimanjaro.  The  great  ice  age,  and 
periodic  changes  of  temperature  during  genial  epochs  between 
glaciations,  profoundly  affected  flora,  fauna,  and  the  racial  history 
of  man.    Sollas'  study  of  the  formation  of  glacial  terraces  (p.  22)  by 


Prehistory  103 

denudation  and  deposition  is  one  which  is  intimately  connected  with 
the  chronological  sequence  of  types  of  implements  found  in  these 
regions.  "The  great  ebb  and  flow  of  temperature  was  at  least  four 
times  repeated;  four  times  have  the  glaciers  enlarged  their  bounds, 
and  four  times  have  they  been  driven  back  into  their  mountain 
home  (the  Alps)." 

Useful  notes  on  terminology  are  given  (p.  118)  when  Sollas 
divides  the  Paleolithic  series  into  two  groups,  an  upper  and  a  lower. 
In  the  Upper  Paleolithic,  starting  from  the  most  recent,  are  the 
Azilian,  Magdalenian,  Solutrean,  and  Aurignacian.  Then,  at 
the  top  of  the  Lower  Paleolithic  is  the  Mousterian,  and  below  that 
the  Acheulean  and  Chellean,  all  of  which  terms,  together  with 
several  others,  are  constantly  used  in  the  terminology  of  African 
archaeology.  A  student  should  be  familiar  with  forms  of 
implements  of  these  periods,  and  in  this  connection  the  British 
Museum  "Guide  to  the  Antiquities  of  the  Stone  Age"  (Read,  1911, 
1926)  will  be  found  serviceable,  for  in  addition  to  European  types 
many  African  paleoliths  are  sketched. 

At  the  end  of  the  Paleolithic  periods  occur  the  Azilian  and 
Tardenoisian,  which  are  transitional  from  the  last  period  of  the 
Paleolithic  (Magdalenian)  to  the  Neolithic,  or  age  of  polished  stone, 
with  accompanying  evidence  of  pottery-making  and  domestication 
of  animals. 

Consideration  of  the  river  terraces  of  the  Somme  (Sollas)  should 
not  be  neglected,  for  early  in  the  study  of  African  paleoliths  the 
importance  of  such  eroded  terraces  will  be  seen  when  comparing 
relative  ages  of  paleoliths  discovered  in  the  Nile  Valley,  and  along  the 
Zambezi.  Sollas'  maps  (1915,  Figs.  74, 132)  showing  the  geographical 
distribution  of  Mousterian  and  Aurignacian  settlements  in  Europe  are 
of  importance  in  relation  to  the  study  of  archaeology  in  north  Africa. 

Engravings  of  the  mammoth,  of  reindeer,  and  of  convention- 
alized human  forms,  should  be  carefully  considered,  since  constant 
reference  is  made  to  these  in  literature  bearing  on  African  picto- 
graphs.  But  a  more  extensive  and  clearer  series  of  European  Paleo- 
lithic art  forms  is  given  by  Burkitt  (1921),  and  a  volume,  "The  Art 
of  the  Cave  Dweller,"  is  devoted  to  that  subject  (G.  Baldwin  Brown, 
1928) ;  Cartailhac  and  Breuil  (1904)  were  among  the  first  to  publish 
excellent  illustrations  of  paintings  and  engravings  from  the  walls 
of  caves  in  the  Pyrenees,  and  a  large  tome  of  such  mural  art  has  been 
published  by  H.  A.  del  Rio  in  conjunction  with  H.  Breuil  and  R.  L. 
Sierra  (1911). 


104  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Burkitt  (1921,  pp.  33-60)  has  an  extremely  useful  chapter  describ- 
ing man  in  relation  to  geology  in  which  he  gives  types  of  imple- 
ments that  enable  archaeologists  to  subdivide  major  Paleolithic 
periods  into  upper,  middle,  and  lower  sections;  such  nomenclature 
will  be  found  in  descriptions  of  African  stone  implements.  Burkitt 
discusses  paleontological  evidence  of  climatic  conditions  and  tabu- 
lates the  lists  of  animal  bones  associated  with  arctic,  steppe,  and 
warm  conditions.  Burkitt  (p.  23)  states  that  "the  question  of  the 
periodicity  of  the  Ice  Age,  that  is,  of  the  recurrence  of  glacial  and 
inter-glacial  periods,  has  been  a  matter  of  heated  controversy. 
There  are  those,  chief  of  whom  are  Dr.  Albrecht  Penck  and  Dr. 
Hugo  Obermaier,  who  affirm  that  there  were  four  glaciations.  Others, 
including  M.  Boule,  are  content  with  three,  whilst  others  again, 
especially  geologists  in  the  north,  claim  that  there  was  only  one 
glacial  period.  As  has  been  suggested  it  may  be  merely  a  question 
of  latitude,  and  further  north  where  the  mean  annual  temperature 
is  obviously  lower,  the  inter-glacial  period  would  necessarily  be 
shorter  and  cooler. — These  four  glaciations  have  been  named  after 
four  little  rivers  that  flow  from  the  northern  slopes  of  the  Alps: 
Wurm  (the  latest),  Riss,  Mindel,  and  Giinz.  Between  each  of  these 
periods  there  were  warmer  inter-glacial  periods ;  these  were  the  Giinz- 
Mindel  between  the  Giinz  and  the  Mindel  glaciations  according  to 
the  Penckian  scheme,  then  the  Mindel-Riss  between  the  Mindel 
and  the  Riss  glaciations,  and  the  Riss-Wiirm  between  the  Riss  and 
the  Wiirm  glaciations."  Familiarity  with  these  fundamentals  of 
European  geology  is  necessary  for  understanding  the  tentative 
schemes  suggested  by  archaeologists  working  in  east  and  south 
Africa. 

In  connection  with  this  preparatory  study  MacCurdy  (1924) 
will  be  of  great  service.  In  archaeology,  as  in  other  new  sciences, 
terminology  grows  rapidly,  and  this  difficulty  MacCurdy  has  met 
by  providing  a  glossary  of  archaeological  and  paleontological  terms. 
It  should  be  noted  that  the  word  Capsian  (Vaufrey,  1933)  is  the 
equivalent  in  northern  Africa  of  the  Upper  Paleolithic  period,  named 
from  Capsa,  the  Latin  for  Gafsa  (Tunis).  The  word  Levalloisean 
is  sometimes  used  in  African  archaeology;  the  adjective  is  derived 
from  European  terminology  used  in  describing  a  flint  implement 
occurring  in  certain  late  Acheulean  and  early  Mousterian  deposits. 
Maglemosean  is  the  Scandinavian  equivalent  of  the  Azilian. 

MacCurdy  (1924,  vol.  1,  p.  27)  provides  a  table  of  the  "Chro- 
nology of  Prehistory,"  which  is  more  detailed  than  the  tables  previ- 


Fig.  21.    African  paleoliths.    Scale  about  7:12. 
105 


106  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

ously  mentioned.  Thus  he  divides  the  Neolithic,  from  more  recent 
times  backward,  into  Carnacian,  Robenhausian,  Campignian, 
Maglemosean,  and  Azilian-Tardenoisian.  An  account  of  the  ice  age 
and  the  types  of  Paleolithic  implements  found  in  Europe  is  followed 
by  a  well-illustrated  section  on  Paleolithic  art,  and  a  summary  is 
given  of  the  discoveries  of  fossil  man  in  Europe, 

NORTH  AFRICA 

With  this  European  terminology  and  an  outline  of  European 
geological  and  archaeological  data  in  mind,  we  may  now  turn  to 
the  systematic  archaeology  of  north,  east,  and  south  Africa.  Then 
we  can  consider  the  less  developed  investigations  in  west  and  central 
Africa,  where  surface  finds,  and  not  excavations,  are  the  chief  sources 
of  archaeological  information.  Our  studies  may  be  centered  about 
stone  implements,  rock  paintings  and  engravings,  and  megalithic 
monuments.  For  terminology  of  north  African  archaeology  see 
Leakey's  comments  (1936a,  pp.  99-110). 

A  useful  starting  point  for  the  study  of  paleoliths  of  north  Africa 
is  C.  G.  Seligman's  article  (1921a,  with  bibliography)  in  which  he 
describes  his  attempt  "to  obtain  definite  stratigraphic  evidence  as  to 
the  antiquity  of  implements  exhibiting  a  technique  which  in  Europe 
would  be  classed  as  Chellean,  Acheulean  or  Mousterian."  The  sites 
visited  were  Abydos,  Thebes,  Tel-el-Amarna,  Meir,  and  the  Wady 
Sheikh. 

Seligman  states  (p.  117),  "The  implements  themselves  may  be 
classified  as  follows,  the  'period'  given  in  the  second  column  being 
that  to  which  they  would  be  assigned  if  they  were  of  European 
origin.  The  hand-axe  with  borer  point,  crescents,  and  the  tortoise 
point  have  no  European  parallels."  Seligman's  list  includes  hand-axes 
of  Chellean  and  Acheulean  form  and  finely  worked  ovates  of  Acheu- 
lean type;  of  Mousterian  pattern  are  points,  side-scrapers,  borers, 
concave  scrapers,  tanged  spear-  and  arrowheads.  The  forms  desig- 
nated Mousterian  are  not  specially  typical  of  the  Mousterian  but 
are  so  grouped  because  of  the  localities  in  which  they  were  found, 
stratigraphy,  and  patination.  As  Capsian  or  transitional  to  that 
type  are  mentioned  concave  end-scrapers,  nose  end-scrapers,  and 
end-borers. 

"From  a  morphological  standpoint  the  River-drift  types  are 
unmistakable.  The  Mousterian  types,  as  far  as  the  points,  scrapers, 
and  borers  go,  are  equally  typical  and  can  be  paralleled  precisely 
by  west  European  forms.    A  certain  number  of  specimens  cannot 


• 


I 


'^ 


• 


k 


I 


Fig.  22.    African  stone  implements.    Scale  about  2:3. 
107 


108  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

readily  be  referred  to  either  a  Chelleo-Acheulean  or  Mousterian 
technique.  If  the  west  European  forms  be  taken  as  standards,  some 
of  these  would  be  regarded  as  Aurignacian  of  the  coarser  type." 
Seligman  is  inclined  to  regard  some  Egyptian  forms  as  highly  devel- 
oped Mousterian  types  that  have  been  modified  by  Capsian 
influences  from  North  Africa. 

The  geological  argument  to  show  that  some  of  Seligman's  material 
is  Pleistocene  and  Paleolithic  is  given  (p.  136).  In  conclusion  (p.  142) 
he  states  that,  although  the  majority  of  the  implements,  River-drift, 
Mousterian,  and  Capsian,  show  a  patina  due  to  long  exposure  on  the 
desert,  there  are  implements  of  a  highly  developed  Mousterian  type 
which  do  not  show  the  Paleolithic  patina.  These  are  found  in  situ 
in  undisturbed  gravels  geologically  of  Pleistocene  age.  Some  imple- 
ments of  Mousterian  type  and  a  few  of  River-drift  and  Capsian 
pattern  are  not  patinated.  They  resemble  specimens  found  in  un- 
disturbed gravels  and  appear  to  have  been  weathered  out  of  the  cliff 
in  geologically  recent  time. 

The  illustrations  of  paleoliths  of  the  eastern  Egyptian  desert 
shown  by  Sterns  (1917a)  are  useful  for  comparison  with  the  types 
discussed  by  Seligman.  Sterns'  article  is,  however,  mainly  a  cata- 
logue with  notes  on  patination.  After  discussing  the  resemblance 
of  Egyptian  types  to  such  European  forms  as  the  Chellean,  Acheu- 
lean,  and  Mousterian,  he  remarks  that  "type  alone  is  no  safe  criterion 
for  the  correlation  of  specimens  from  widely  separated  areas.  It  has 
been  clearly  demonstrated  that  similarity  of  form  does  not  necessarily 
mean  proximity  in  time."  When  making  comparative  study  of 
Paleolithic  implements  from  Europe  with  similar  types  from  north, 
east,  and  south  Africa,  typological  resemblances  alone  will  not  suffice 
to  establish  contemporaneous  development  of  similar  industries  in 
different  areas.  An  archaeologist  should  be  able  to  show  that  the 
fossils  associated  with  each  type  are  of  the  same  period.  In  each  of 
the  areas  under  comparison  the  same  types  of  implements  should 
occur  in  the  same  sequence,  and  evidence  of  this  kind  ought  to  be 
obtained  from  the  intervening  area.  Then  the  spread  of  a  succession 
of  cultures  over  the  whole  area,  probably  by  human  migrations, 
becomes  a  tenable  hypothesis. 

In  Egypt  at  Kharga,  stratigraphy  of  Paleolithic  discoveries  is  a 
subject  to  which  Miss  Caton-Thompson  and  Miss  E.  W.  Gardner 
have  contributed.  Their  report  of  1933  refers  to  discovery 
of  Neolithic  implements  of  Faiyum  type  between  the  Kharga 
Oasis  and  the  Nile  Valley,  and  the  oasis  itself  offered  an  opportunity 


Prehistory  109 

of  studying  the  stratigraphical  succession  of  stone-age  industries. 
A  large  number  of  specimens  of  a  specialized  Mousterian  industry- 
was  obtained.  Caton-Thompson's  report  (1932)  examines  the  geo- 
logical evidence  and  shows  a  sequence  in  situ  of  Acheulean, 
Levalloisean,  Middle  Paleolithic  (Pre-Sebilian),  At^rian,  Capso- 
Tardenoisian,  and  Neolithic.  The  report  of  1933  showed  that  the 
third  season  materially  enlarged  the  evidence  for  greater  vertical  and 
horizontal  distribution  of  the  types  of  artifacts  described  in  the 
report  of  1932. 

When  studying  the  geology  of  Egypt  and  the  types  of  implements 
in  relation  to  stratigraphy,  three  comprehensive  reports  (1929,  1933, 
1934)  of  the  Oriental  Institute,  University  of  Chicago,  are  available 
under  the  authorship  of  K.  S.  Sandford,  and  of  Sandford  and  Arkell 
in  collaboration. 

In  his  foreword  to  the  first  volume  (1929)  Professor  James  H. 
Breasted  emphasizes  the  need  for  continued  geological  work  in  the 
Nile  Valley  and  points  out  that  without  the  cooperation  of  geologists 
archaeology  can  make  no  substantial  advance.  The  objects  of  the 
expeditions,  therefore,  were  "  to  search  the  geological  formations  for 
imbedded  human  handiwork  or  other  traces  which  would  date  in 
geological  terms  the  earliest  human  occupations  of  the  Nile  Valley; 
and  to  follow  such  traces  as  far  down  toward  the  historic  epoch  as 
possible;  and  second,  to  investigate  the  geological  background  of 
prehistoric  man  in  northeastern  Africa,  so  that  all  natural  formations 
containing  human  artifacts  might  be  geologically  dated  and  their 
genetic  place  in  the  geological  sequence  determined  within  as  narrow 
limits  as  possible." 

There  is  no  evidence  of  Pliocene  man  in  Egypt  but  there  is  ample 
stratigraphical  testimony  of  a  succession  of  stone-age  cultures 
throughout  the  Pleistocene.  In  this  period,  when  rainfall  was  copious, 
Paleolithic  man  hunted  along  the  banks  of  the  Nile  and  over  the 
surrounding  hills  and  plateaus.  Instead  of  dry  wadies,  there  existed 
plentiful  streams  and  the  landscape  was  covered  with  vegetation. 

Of  great  interest  to  archaeologists  are  the  terraces  showing  where 
the  Nile  flowed  above  its  present  level,  and  in  many  of  these  terraces, 
bordering  both  the  main  river  and  its  one-time  tributaries,  are  the 
artifacts  of  Pleistocene  man.  The  succession  of  implements  in  the 
various  terraces  is  briefly  summarized  (Sandford  and  Arkell,  1933, 
p.  86)  and  a  map  (p.  xvii)  showing  localities  of  investigation  is  given. 

In  the  100-foot  terrace  in  Nubia  and  Upper  Egypt,  Chellean  and 
Chellean-Acheulean  implements  have  been  found,  but  not  in  the 


110  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

older  beds,  and  again  in  the  50-foot  terrace  these  forms  occur.  "The 
Mousterian  technique  reached  an  exceedingly  high  standard  at  the 
time  of  the  10-foot  terrace,  and  the  beautiful  workmanship  seen  in 
the  implements  here  figured  (Plate  XXXII)  represents  the  typical 
Mousterian  of  Upper  Egypt  at  its  best." 

During  the  following  period  of  silt  accumulation,  the  previous 
high  standard  was  not  maintained,  and  almost  imperceptibly  the 
flakes  became  thicker  and  lost  their  fine  edges  and  retouch.  The 
shape  also  changed  from  a  broad-based  leaf  to  a  rectangle  or  a  point. 
To  these  changes  in  Mousterian  forms  the  term  Sebilian  has  been 
applied  (Sandford  and  Arkell,  1933,  Plate  XLII;  Vignard,  1923). 

"Distinct  from  the  Lower  or  Middle  Sebilian  is  the  Upper  Sebil- 
ian, which  has  essentially  neanthropic  character  of  workmanship,  and 
suggests  the  introduction  into  this  part  of  the  Nile  Valley  of  Capsian 
or  Capsian-like  influences  from  north  Africa  or  elsewhere.  The 
apparent  hiatus  between  Middle  and  Upper  Sebilian  industries, 
reflected  in  their  geological  positions,  suggests  that  some  event  of 
considerable  importance  to  humanity  took  place  at  this  time.  At 
present  there  is  insufficient  evidence  to  judge  what  it  was,  but  we 
suspect  that  the  growth  of  deserts  here  and  elsewhere  had  set  in 
motion  those  migrations  which  continue  at  the  present  day  among 
the  desert  population." 

In  the  third  report,  which  is  devoted  to  wider  archaeological  and 
geological  surveys  and  a  correlation  of  the  results,  the  Lower  Paleo- 
lithic stage  of  the  Pleistocene  is  described  (Sandford,  1934,  pp.  53- 
65),  then  the  Middle  Paleolithic  (pp.  66-80)  and  finally  the  transition 
to  Late  Paleolithic  and  Neolithic  times.  Bibliographically  this 
volume  is  of  great  service  in  a  survey  of  the  contributions  of  A. 
Pitt-Rivers,  C.  G.  Seligman,  W.  M.  F.  Petrie,  J.  de  Morgan,  E. 
Vignard,  G.  W.  Murray,  Miss  E.  W.  Gardner,  Miss  G.  Caton- 
Thompson,  H.  Breuil,  and  Bovier-Lapierre.  Seligman  (1921a)  is 
regarded  by  Sandford  as  the  originator  of  modern  work  on  prehistoric 
archaeology  and  stratigraphy  in  the  Nile  Valley,  though  half  a 
century  ago  A.  Pitt-Rivers  (1881)  found  implements  in  situ  at 
Thebes  in  gravels  now  recognized  as  of  Mousterian  age. 

With  regard  to  the  transition  from  Middle  to  Late  Paleolithic 
times  Sandford  states  (1934,  p.  81)  that  Egyptian  archaeology  is  in 
need  of  a  term  to  describe  the  cultures  that  followed  the  Mousterian, 
or  Middle  Paleolithic,  industry.  "Upper  Paleolithic"  suggests  the 
European,  Aurignacian,  Solutrean,  and  Magdalenian,  none  of  which 
seems  to  be  normally  represented  in  Egypt,  though  Vignard  has  dis- 


Prehistory  111 

covered  an  industry  which  he  considers  to  have  Aurignacian  affinities, 
and  he  associates  the  Upper  Sebilian  with  the  Tardenoisian  industry. 
Sandford  decides  on  using  the  term  "Late"  Paleolithic  as  corre- 
sponding to  "Upper"  in  Europe,  and  to  late  Mousterian,  Mousterio- 
Capsian,  and  Capsian  in  north  Africa. 

Sandford  (1934,  p.  81)  refers  to  a  gradation  of  implements  which, 
in  their  earlier  stages,  may  be  grouped  together  as  "Late  Mous- 
terian and  Early  Sebilian,"  and  this  group  merges  into  Middle 
Sebilian.  The  term  Sebilian  is  derived  from  the  village  of  Sebil  on 
the  Kom  Ombo  plain.  The  typology  of  the  Upper  Sebilian  artifacts 
in  flint  and  other  hard  rock  is  dominantly  microlithic,  with  affinities 
to  the  Capsian  culture. 

With  regard  to  human  bones  associated  with  implements  from 
Kau  and  Kom  Ombo,  Sandford  (1934,  p.  86)  states  that  examination 
by  Arthur  Keith,  D.  E.  Derry,  and  G.  Elliot  Smith  indicates  that 
the  people  whose  bones  were  discovered  were  "more  akin  to  the  pre- 
dynastic  Egyptian  than  to  any  other  race  of  which  we  have  full 
knowledge." 

A  summary  of  the  stratigraphy  of  archaeological  discoveries, 
which  is  given  in  tabular  form  (Sandford,  1934,  p.  126),  begins  with 
primitive  implements  of  Chellean  and  Chelleo-Acheulean  types  in  the 
100-foot  terrace,  and  traces  the  refinement  of  these  forms  through  the 
50-foot  and  30-foot  terrace  to  the  Egyptian  Mousterian  types  of 
the  10-  to  15-foot  terrace  of  Upper  Egypt  and  the  25-foot  gravels 
of  Middle  Egypt.  This  Mousterian  culture  is  then  traced  out  in  the 
silts  and  degradation  gravels  of  Upper  and  Middle  Egypt,  through 
Lower,  Middle,  and  Upper  Sebilian,  to  the  Neolithic  period. 

For  study  of  the  Neolithic  period  in  Egypt  the  following  works 
are  of  importance:  E.  W.  Gardner  and  G.  Caton-Thompson  (1926, 
1933);  Caton-Thompson  (1927);  Brunton  and  Caton-Thompson 
(1928);  Reisner  (1923);  and  (in  German),  Junker,  who  summarizes 
a  considerable  amount  of  periodical  literature  relating  to  Neolithic 
Egypt. 

G.  Caton-Thompson  (1926,  p.  315),  after  completion  of  her 
inventory  of  the  Faiyum  culture,  quotes  the  belief  of  Flinders  Petrie 
that  in  studying  the  Faiyum  culture  we  are  dealing  with  the  arti- 
facts of  a  people  of  Solutrean  kinship  and  northeastern  origin. 
Petrie  postulates  a  trek  of  Solutrean  people  about  15,000  B.C.  from 
perhaps  the  region  of  the  Caucasus  into  the  Nile  Valley,  bringing 
their  advanced  civilization  with  them.  He  believes  the  Faiyum  and 
Badarian  people  are  offshoots  of  these  Solutreans,     Miss  Caton- 


112  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Thompson  regards  the  Faiynm  culture  as  a  late  stage  of  Neolithic. 
"The  Badarian  is  still  more  advanced;  he  makes  beautiful  fine 
pottery,  uses  copper,  and  employs  glazes."  The  Badarians  were 
of  ordinary  predynastic  type  with  a  slight  Negroid  admixture.  Miss 
Caton-Thompson  examines  the  Solutrean  theory  (pp.  316-318),  but 
does  not  find  support  in  typology,  in  distribution  of  the  types  of 
implements,  or  in  geological  stratification.  The  flint  forms  of  the 
Faiyum  industry  extend  to  Siwa  Oasis  and  to  Kharga  Oasis  and  "there 
is  little  doubt  that  when  these  oases  are  examined  a  similar  general 
culture  will  be  revealed."  Caton-Thompson  is  certain  (p.  322)  that 
the  Badarian,  Faiyum,  and  Nubian  groups  have  a  common  origin, 
and  that  this  origin  will  prove  to  be  an  autochthonous  proto-Libyan 
element  whose  ancestral  home  is  yet  to  be  discovered  (for  Neolithic 
Egyptian  implements  see  Fig.  23,  a,  h-k). 

With  the  manufacture  of  pottery  in  Egypt  and  the  association 
of  sherds  with  Neolithic  implements,  a  new  branch  of  archaeological 
work  opens  up.  An  excellent  approach  to  ceramics  is  given  by 
Frankfort  (1924)  in  a  well-illustrated  discussion  of  "Mesopotamia, 
Syria,  and  Egypt,  and  Their  Earliest  Interrelations,"  for  which  a 
large  bibliography  is  provided.  This  work  is  indispensable  for 
students  who  wish  to  begin  their  archaeological  studies  with  the 
Neolithic  period  in  north  Africa,  and  such  studies  lead  directly  into 
the  dynastic  and  datable  period,  circa  4000  B.C. 

With  regard  to  Lower  Paleolithic  man  in  the  region  of  what  is 
now  Morocco  and  Algeria,  there  is  abundant  evidence.  Siret  (1925) 
gives  many  illustrations  of  typical  forms  of  coup  de  poing  from 
Morocco,  and  of  side-scrapers  and  end-scrapers  from  the  same 
region.  Notes  on  stratigraphy  are  wanting,  and  the  objects  appear 
to  be  surface  finds  that  have  weathered  out  from  their  original  gravels. 

Further  information  on  Paleolithic  north  Africa  is  given  by 
Arambourg  (1934)  and  by  Zoli  (1935).  The  two  journals,  M^moire, 
Archives  de  I'lnstitut  de  Pal^ontologie  Humaine,  and  Bollettino 
della  Reale  Societa  Geografica  Italiana,  in  which  these  articles 
respectively  occur,  are  two  valuable  sources  of  information.  The 
latter  often  supplies  data  about  a  part  of  north  Africa  where  research 
is  now  conducted  by  Italians. 

When,  however,  we  approach  the  study  of  Middle  and  Upper 
Paleolithic  discoveries  in  northwest  Africa  there  is  abundant  evidence 
of  stratification  and  a  succession  of  types;  these  are  related  at  least 
morphologically  to  European  Mousterian  and  Aurignacian  patterns. 
Burkitt  (1921,  p.  106)   says:   "Nor  is  the  profound  alteration  in 


Fig.  23.    African  implements  of  stone  and  bone.    Scale  about  2:3. 


113 


114  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

industries  the  only  change  that  we  find  when  we  come  to  Upper 
PaleoHthic  times.  Man  himself  has  changed;  we  have  to  do  with  a 
new  race  far  more  elevated  in  the  scale."  Burkitt  agrees  with  the 
hypothesis  that  when  Neanderthal  man  disappeared  in  Europe  his 
place  was  taken  by  a  true  Homo  sapiens,  the  Cro-Magnon  race, 
which  probably  came  from  north  Africa. 

Of  the  Aurignacian  (Capsian,  or  Getulian)  stone  culture  in 
north  Africa,  Vaufrey  (1933)  has  recently  written  a  well-illustrated 
article  showing  many  types  of  Capsian  points,  and  he  has  provided 
a  map  on  which  are  plotted  stations  of  Upper  Paleolithic  culture 
near  the  north  African  littoral  from  10°  W.  Long,  to  10°  E.  Long. 
In  summarizing  the  data  relating  to  the  Capsian  industry,  Vaufrey 
(p.  480)  distinguishes  three  chronological  groups:  namely,  (1)  Cap- 
sien  typique;  (2)  Interg^tulio-n^olithique  and  Capsien  supdrieur;  and 
(3)  N^olithique  de  tradition  capsienne.  For  all  of  these  types,  he 
provides  numerous  illustrations.  The  third  stage  shows  a  develop- 
ment of  microliths,  and  the  intrusion  of  arrow  points  of  Saharan  type 
is  to  be  noted.  To  the  third  phase  of  the  Capsian  also  belong  polished 
axes  and  pottery  sherds  (Fig.  23,  6,  c,  l-n). 

Despite  the  difference  of  types,  the  industries  of  the  Capsian  form 
a  homogeneous  block,  the  climax  of  which  is  reached  in  the  fine 
microlithic  points  of  trapezoidal  and  triangular  form.  From  the 
typological  point  of  view,  the  Capsian  appears  to  Vaufrey  as  an 
industry  of  Mesolithic  or  perhaps  final  African  Paleolithic  character, 
and  he  deprecates  any  attempt  to  make  this  Capsian  industry  the 
ancestor  of  the  Aurignacian  in  Europe,  to  which  culture  the  Capsian 
is  probably  junior. 

According  to  Vaufrey  (1933,  p.  481),  the  geological  evidence  is 
not  favorable  to  views  demanding  antiquity  for  the  Capsian.  "Where 
should  we  search  for  ancestral  forms  of  the  Capsian?"  he  asks,  and 
states  that  typologically  certain  Sebilian  forms  from  Kom  Ombo  in 
Egypt  may  be  the  prototypes.  But  though  such  affiliations  of  types 
exist  in  Tunisia  and  Kom  Ombo,  all  the  facts  are  in  favor  of  a  late 
introduction  of  this  Upper  Paleolithic  industry  into  Africa,  and  the 
archaeological  data  are  unfavorable  to  a  hypothesis  that  describes 
Africa  as  the  home  of  Homo  sapiens. 

A  brief  summary  of  features  of  the  Capsian  culture  may  be 
obtained  from  Menghin  (1931,  pp.  177-188)  who  marks  out  four 
primary  divisions:  (1)  A  Mediterranean  division  that  flourished  in 
north  Africa  when  the  climate  was  moist  and  game  was  plentiful; 
(2)  a  European  Capsian  or  Tardenoisian ;  (3)  an  east  African;  and 


Prehistory  115 

(4)  a  south  African  Capsian  culture.  Later,  in  dealing  with  the 
archaeological  literature  for  east  and  south  Africa,  we  shall  be 
better  able  to  judge  the  legitimacy  of  applying  the  term  Capsian  so 
widely. 

Menghin  (1931,  p.  48)  recognizes  two  main  divisions  of  the  Neo- 
lithic age  in  north  Africa.  The  older  of  these  cultures  is  found  in 
caves  of  Oran  where  Capsian  implements  occur  together  with  arrow 
points  of  Neolithic  form  and  crude  pottery.  In  the  younger  division 
of  the  north  African  "Grotten  Kultur,"  the  Capsian  type  of  imple- 
ment disappears  and  improved  sherds  of  pottery  are  found.  These 
Neolithic  cultures  exist  in  the  southern  and  central  parts  of  the 
western  Sahara,  where  stone  implements  indicate  the  spread  of  a 
hunting  culture  from  the  north,  and  an  agricultural  culture  from  the 
south.  The  former  contributed  arrowheads  and  javelin  points,  while 
the  latter  culture  gave  axes  and  grinding  stones. 

In  pursuing  further  these  north  African  studies.  Collie  (1928) 
will  be  of  service  in  describing  the  European  Aurignacian  period 
and  its  alleged  African  parallels.  The  report  deals  chiefly  with 
European  geology,  archaeology,  and  fossil  man,  but  references  to 
north  African  problems  are  numerous.  Changes  of  climate  in  north 
Africa  are  discussed  (p.  16),  and  the  chapter  on  fauna  of  the  Aurig- 
nacian age  is  a  simple  summary  of  paleontological  facts  showing 
that  Aurignacian  man  had  access  to  abundant  animal  life.  Mechta 
man  is  described  (p.  18)  and  Collie  describes  the  first  bearers  of 
Aurignacian  culture  in  Africa  as  a  breed  possibly  of  Mousterian  and 
Negroid  or  some  other  parentage.  Of  the  male  skeleton  from  the 
Mechta  site  (Constantine,  Algeria),  Collie  says,  "The  skull  has 
very  strongly  developed  and  prominent  supraorbital  ridges  which 
are  not  individualized  but  extend  as  a  bar  across  the  forehead.  The 
head  is  dolichocephalic  but  not  platycephalic;  viewed  from  above 
the  skull  is  pentagonal.  The  nose  is  fial,  the  eye  orbits  small.  In 
respect  to  the  brow  ridges  both  the  male  and  female  skulls  are 
Neanderthaloid,  but  the  total  resemblance  is  not  close — yet  on  the 
other  hand  these  people  are  not  Cro-Magnons.  They  are  an  inter- 
mediate group  and  it  seems  best  to  classify  them  apart  under  the 
title  of  Mechta  man  or  the  Mechta  race." 

Collie  recognizes  the  need  for  caution  in  making  any  final  pro- 
nouncement on  fossilized  human  bones  from  Mechta,  but  (p.  29) 
he  thinks  that  several  types  of  people  moved  over  the  north  African 
plateau  in  the  Aurignacian  period,  but  none  of  them  were  of  the 
true  Cro-Magnon  type  that  is  associated  with  the  European  Aurig- 


116  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

nacian  culture.  Collie,  supporting  his  views  with  testimony  from 
Breuil  and  Obermaier,  leans  toward  an  African  origin  of  the  European 
Aurignacian  culture  and  is  inclined  to  agree  that  a  pre-Aurignacian, 
or  pre-Capsian,  race  seems  to  have  come  from  Africa.  According  to 
hypothesis  this  race,  which  was  not  Neanderthaloid  but  approached 
the  Homo  sapiens  type,  entered  southern  Spain  during  the  Chellean- 
Mousterian  ages  bearing  a  new-stone  culture,  which  combined  with 
the  stone  culture  then  in  Europe  to  produce  a  culture  that  we  now 
call  Aurignacian.  But  caution  is  again  necessary,  for  we  have 
already  seen  (Vaufrey,  1933)  a  discussion  of  the  Capsian  cultures  and 
a  reluctance  to  accept  them  as  a  parental  form  of  the  European  Aurig- 
nacian. Still  less  did  Vaufrey  favor  the  idea  that  north  Africa  had 
given  birth  to  a  new  Homo  sapiens.  Collie  continues  to  discuss  the 
various  views  that  have  been  held  respecting  types  of  Cro-Magnon 
men  in  Europe  and  the  possibility  that  the  types  survive,  with 
admixtures,  at  the  present  day  (pp.  30-35). 

Information  respecting  the  remains  of  prehistoric  man  in  north 
Africa  has  been  summarized  by  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912,  vol.  1, 
pp.  234-243),  who  find  that  Neolithic  people  in  the  region  of 
Gafsa  and  Tebessa  had  small  bones  and  a  feeble  muscular  develop- 
ment. They  were  of  medium  height,  long-headed,  and  mesorrhine. 
The  orbits  were  microseme,  the  face  was  short  and  broad  with  a 
tendency  to  prognathism,  and  the  cranial  sutures  were  simple.  Two 
main  types  are  distinguishable:  (1)  a  mesaticephalic  Negroid  type; 
and  (2)  a  short,  dolichocephalic,  mesorrhine  type,  with  a  large 
glabella  and  a  Neanderthaloid  aspect. 

The  fossil  skull  and  skeleton  from  Asselar,  220  miles  northeast 
of  Timbuktu,  has  been  discussed  by  Leakey  (1936a,  p.  177),  who 
summarizes  the  evidence  of  Boyle  and  Vallois.  Probably  the  skele- 
ton is  a  representative  of  the  ancestral  Negro  stock  of  central  Africa. 

Hooton  (1925,  pp.  192-207)  discusses  the  relation  of  the  Guanches 
and  other  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands  to  the  so-called 
"Race  of  Cro-Magnon,"  and  supports  a  belief  in  the  hybrid  character 
of  the  Cro-Magnons.  In  his  introduction  to  anthropometric  research 
on  the  Cap-Blanc  skeleton  of  the  Upper  Paleolithic,  G.  von  Bonin 
(1935)  surveys  the  literature  bearing  on  physical  characters  of  the 
Upper  Paleolithic  populations  of  Europe.  He  asks  (p.  18),  "Are 
they  really  racially  homogeneous  or  do  they  represent  several  dis- 
tinct races?  Can  they  be  traced  in  subsequent  or  perhaps  even  in 
modern  races?"  His  answers  to  these  questions  (p.  51)  are  non- 
committal, but  in  view  of  his  personal  research  and  that  of  colleagues 


Prehistory  117 

the  opinion  is  offered  that  "there  is  no  statistical  reason  to  regard 
the  Upper  Paleolithic  as  racially  mixed."  In  answer  to  the  second 
question,  there  is  the  possibility  of  an  occasional  manifestation  of 
Cro-Magnon  characters  among  modern  populations.  "But  such 
observations  might  be  explained  equally  well  on  another  ground  but 
that  of  atavism." 

Since  the  Canary  Islands  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  westerly 
extension  of  north  Africa,  there  is  reason  to  search  there  for  soma- 
tological,  linguistic,  and  cultural  evidence  of  north  African  migra- 
tions that  traveled  westward  to  the  utmost  limit.  The  nearest  of 
the  islands  is  about  sixty  miles  from  the  African  coast.  Hooton 
(1925,  pp.  298-303)  has  given  a  "Tentative  Reconstruction  of  the 
Prehistory  of  the  Canary  Islands."  He  believes  that  the  first  settle- 
ment of  the  archipelago  probably  occurred  in  the  Neolithic  period 
with  the  arrival  of  dolichocephalic,  mesorrhine,  short-statured 
brunets  of  Mediterranean  race  with  some  Negroid  mixture.  "These 
settlers  probably  came  from  the  mainland  of  Africa  south  of  Morocco 
or  from  the  region  of  Wadi  Draa.  They  brought  with  them  domesti- 
cated sheep  and  goats,  a  chipped-stone  and  bone  industry,  but  they 
probably  had  no  knowledge  of  cultivated  cereals  and  did  not  make 
pottery.    They  may  have  spoken  some  proto-Berber  language." 

The  second  invaders  were  brunet  whites  with  some  Mongoloid 
features  whose  center  of  distribution  in  north  Africa  was  the  Gulf 
of  Gabes  and  eastern  Tunisia.  "They  introduced  into  the  Canary 
Islands  the  cultivation  of  barley,  the  use  of  crude  and  usually 
unornamented  pottery,  the  sling  and  pellet.  This  brachycephalic 
group  survived  in  its  purest  cultural  form  in  Gomera — these  people 
mixed  with  the  Mediterranean-Negroid  carriers  of  the  Archaic 
culture,  in  Gran  Canaria,  Teneriffe,  and  Gomera." 

Almost  contemporary  in  arrival  with  the  Alpine-Mongoloids 
were  a  tall,  blond,  dolichocephalic  people,  with  long  faces  and 
narrow  noses.  Before  arrival  in  the  Canary  Islands,  these  invaders 
had  a  strong  admixture  of  the  Alpine-Mongoloid  type.  These  third 
invaders,  who  came  from  the  Atlas  ranges  of  Morocco  and  Algeria, 
formed  a  ruling  caste.  They  probably  spoke  an  early  Libyan 
language. 

Mixture  of  these  third  arrivals  with  the  broad-faced  brachycephals 
of  the  second  incursion  produced  a  hybrid  type  with  a  long  head  and 
a  broad  face,  often  of  large  stature  and  probably  of  light  pigmenta- 
tion, with  brown,  red,  or  blond  hair.  "This  is  the  so-called  Cro- 
Magnon  type." 


118  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

A  fourth  invasion  affected  chiefly  the  eastern  islands,  and  to 
existing  peoples  were  added  dolichocephalic,  leptorrhine  brunets  of 
the  Mediterranean  type.  The  people  of  the  fourth  invasion  intro- 
duced much  better  and  more  elaborate  ceramic  forms  distinguished 
by  decoration  in  color.  The  intruders  understood  the  cultivation 
of  wheat,  and  they  used  pottery  stamps  for  making  designs  on  their 
bodies. 

A  brief  survey  of  the  region  of  north  Africa  from  the  Canary 
Islands  to  Egypt  has  indicated  that  a  sequence  of  stone-age  periods 
can  be  traced  backward  from  the  Neolithic  through  culture  phases 
that  in  broad  outline  resemble  the  Mousterian,  Acheulean,  and 
Chellean  phases  of  Europe.  From  study  of  implements  in  the  Nile 
Valley  terraces,  the  Paleolithic  age  is  known  to  recede  far  into  the 
Pleistocene.  Yet  cultural  changes  did  not  always  merge  one  into 
another,  and  in  the  Nile  Delta  region  there  is  evidence  of  a  new- 
stone-age  culture  imposed  from  without  by  people  of  unknown  origin. 
The  Canary  Islands  also  afford  an  illustration  of  superimposed 
cultures  contributed  by  a  succession  of  peoples  of  different  physical 
types.  These  immigrants  traveled  westward  from  the  Atlas  region, 
and  study  of  skeletal  remains  in  the  western  terminus  of  their 
migration  indicates  the  presence  of  four  main  somatic  types  with 
their  derivatives  produced  by  mixture.  Concerning  the  origin  of  these 
types,  their  exact  line  of  migration,  and  their  phylogenetic  relation- 
ship to  other  African  and  European  types,  great  uncertainty  exists, 
and  although  a  sequence  of  cultures  is  established,  we  have  only  the 
vaguest  knowledge  of  the  actual  tim.e  intervals  involved.  Yet  the 
evidence  from  north  Africa  indicates  a  definite  advance  in  archaeo- 
logical research,  and  we  may  say  that  at  least  the  foundations  of  a 
sound  technique  have  been  established.  A  table  of  Leakey  (1936a, 
p.  114)  is  a  useful  summary  of  north  African  stone-age  sequences. 

EAST  AFRICA 

In  appraising  the  present  position  of  archaeological  work  in  east 
Africa,  reference  should  first  be  made  to  Leakey  (1931,  pp.  1-4),  who 
summarizes  the  archaeological  data  for  Kenya,  Uganda,  and  Tan- 
ganyika before  the  year  1926,  and  despite  recent  criticisms  this 
is  still  our  best  source  of  information.  Before  that  date  no  detailed 
archaeological  investigations  had  been  carried  out  in  Kenya,  but 
surface  implements  had  been  found  and  some  stone  tools  had  been 
discovered  in  situ.  Distinct  phases  of  culture  had  been  recognized, 
but  sequences  had  not  been  established.  To  this  period  of  study 
belong  the  discoveries  of  Seton-Karr  (1909),  who  found  at  Jalelo, 


Prehistory  119 

about  ninety  miles  northwest  of  Berbera  in  Somaliland,  a  site  where 
stone  implements  were  manufactured.  The  collection  included 
heavy  Paleolithic  forms,  coup  de  poing  of  quartzite  and  chert  from 
high  ground,  also  Neolithic  lanceheads,  arrowheads,  and  scrapers 
from  lower  ground  where  flint  occurred.  For  Paleolithic  types  of 
implements,  see  Fig.  21. 

But  Leakey  states  that,  despite  the  paucity  of  archaeological 
data  from  east  Africa  before  1926,  E.  J.  Wayland  had  established 
a  scientific  basis  of  research  in  Uganda.  Wayland's  research  had 
included  the  collection  of  stone  implements  of  various  periods  and 
cultures,  and  he  had  produced  evidence  of  three  main  culture  groups 
which  he  called  Kafuan,  Sangoan,  and  Magosian.  Wayland  had 
anticipated  present  research  by  advancing  the  idea  of  a  glacial- 
pluvial  correlation  as  a  foundation  for  studying  the  sequence  of  east 
African  stone-age  cultures. 

These  preliminary  researches  led  to  the  formation  of  an  East 
African  Archaeological  Expedition,  which  in  1926  started  work  in 
Kenya,  where  investigations  were  concentrated  on  the  lake  basins 
of  Nakuru,  Elmenteita,  and  Naivasha.  Here  Leakey  found  evidence 
of  three  pluvial  periods,  separated  from  each  other  by  arid  periods. 
The  vision  of  archaeological  research  was  widened,  and  the  objectives 
included  not  only  the  establishment  of  cultural,  geological,  climatic, 
and  paleontological  sequence,  but  the  correlation  of  these  with 
corresponding  changes  and  phenomena  in  Europe,  north  Africa,  and 
south  Africa. 

Leakey  (1931,  p.  38)  gives  a  list  of  terms  applied  to  culture 
sequences  in  Kenya.  Beginning  with  the  most  recent,  these  are: 
Njoroan,  Gumban  B  (Nakuru  culture),  Gumban  A,  Kenya  Wilton, 
Elmenteitan,  Kenya  Late  Aurignacian  and  Kenya  Still  Bay  (con- 
temporary), Kenya  Aurignacian  and  Kenya  Mousterian  (contempo- 
rary), Nanyukian,  Kenya  Acheulean,  and  Kenya  Chellean.  Leakey 
then  describes  the  typology  of  the  cultures  and  the  geological  and 
paleontological  evidence  on  which  the  arrangement  is  based.  A 
table  giving  the  hypothetical  synchronizing  of  culture  phases  with 
wet  and  dry  climatic  phases  is  given  by  Leakey  (1931,  p.  33).  A 
more  detailed  tabulation  is  offered  by  the  same  author  (1934d,  p.  146), 
and  a  revised  table  (1935,  p.  6).  The  latest  table  given  by  Leakey 
(1936a,  p.  75)  shows  an  evolution  of  types  of  implements  from  the 
Kafuan  or  primitive  pebble  culture  to  the  Njoran  or  Neolithic. 

This  later  tabulation  works  upward  from  the  extremely  simple 
Kafuan  culture  through  the  Oldowan  to  Chellean  I,  all  of  which  are 


120  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Lower  Pleistocene,  corresponding  to  the  European  Chellean  and 
pre-Chellean  periods.  On  the  left  of  the  table  is  an  indication  of 
climatic  changes  in  Europe  during  the  advance  from  Kafuan  to 
Chellean  I.  The  scheme  further  shows  that  during  the  Middle 
Pleistocene  a  cultural  advance  was  made  from  Chellean  II  to  Acheu- 
lean  V  in  east  Africa,  corresponding  with  similar  culture  periods  in 
Europe  during  the  Mindel  and  Riss  glaciations. 

At  the  bottom  of  the  Upper  Pleistocene,  the  scheme  shows  Acheu- 
lean  VI,  Nanyukian,  and  other  phases  leading  up  through  Basal 
Aurignacian  to  Aurignacian  and  Levalloisian.  In  the  upper  part 
of  the  Upper  Pleistocene  are  the  Upper  Aurignacian  and  Kenya 
Still  Bay  cultures.  The  Elmenteitan  and  Magosian  cultures  are  the 
uppermost  of  the  Upper  Pleistocene  cultures.  The  Elmenteitan  has 
replaced  the  Kenya  Aurignacian  and  the  Kenya  Still  Bay  has  changed 
to  the  Magosian.  The  climatic  changes  during  this  cultural  evolu- 
tion in  Kenya  have  been  described  by  Brooks  (Leakey,  1931,  Ap- 
pendix B),  who  shows  a  parallelism  between  glacial  periods  in  Europe 
and  pluvial  periods  in  east  Africa.  The  most  recent  pluvial  period, 
the  Nakuran,  he  dates  850  B.C.;  before  this  came  a  dry  period.  The 
Makalian  pluvial  is  thought  to  have  occurred  from  10,000  to  2500 
B.C.,  and  before  the  Makalian  came  a  dry  period.  The  Upper  Gam- 
blian  pluvial  of  east  Africa  possibly  synchronized  with  the  Wiirm 
glacial  period  in  Europe,  and  the  Lower  Gamblian  was  contemporary 
with  the  Riss  Glacial.  A  dry  period  in  east  Africa  preceding  the 
Lower  Gamblian  is  correlated  with  the  Mindel-Riss  inter-glacial  of 
Europe.  And  the  most  ancient  pluvial,  the  Kamasian  of  east  Africa, 
was  contemporary  with  the  Mindel  glacial  and  the  Giinz  glacial 
periods  of  Europe.  Brooks  (1931,  Appendix  B)  believes  that  this 
tentative  scheme  of  synchrony  has  a  high  degree  of  probability. 

For  continuing  the  study  of  archaeology,  geology,  and  climatic 
change  in  east  Africa,  the  contributions  of  E.  J.  Wayland  (1930, 1934), 
of  Wayland  and  M.  C.  Burkitt  (1932),  and  of  O'Brien  (1936)  are  of 
primary  importance.  Taking  these  in  chronological  order,  Wayland 
(1930,  p.  475)  states  that  the  facts,  as  we  know  them  in  Uganda, 
favor  belief  in  the  occurrence  of  two  pluvial  periods  in  the  Pleistocene. 
So  far  as  dating  goes,  these  appear  to  correspond  with  a  pair  of 
recognized  glacial  periods;  Pluvial  1  was  to  some  extent  contempo- 
raneous with  the  Giinz  and  Mindel  glaciations,  while  Pluvial  2  was 
approximately  contemporaneous  with  the  Riss  and  Wiirm  glaci- 
ations. The  pluvials  were  separated  by  a  dry  interpluvial  period — 
all  the  evidence  favors  the  view  that  these  two  pluvial  periods 


Prehistory  121 

were  true  pluvials  because  they  occurred  at  the  same  time  over 
wide  areas  of  the  earth's  surface. 

In  continuing  this  inquiry,  Wayland  (1934)  gives  a  historical  sur- 
vey of  archaeological  and  geological  research  in  Uganda,  and  he 
provides  a  table  giving  further  geological  and  climatic  details  of  the 
pluvial  periods  and  cultural  phases  in  Uganda.  A  summary  of 
archaeological  types  and  sequences  (p.  351)  indicates  that  the  pebble 
culture,  which  had  possibly  started  in  Late  Pliocene  time,  developed 
slowly.  "During  Part  I  of  the  second  pluvial  period,  though  not  at 
the  beginning  of  it,  Man  began  to  use  lumps  of  quartzite  from  which 
to  fashion  his  tools;  he  soon  became  expert  in  cleaving  his  tough  rock, 
and  before  long  enormous  flakes  were  being  detached.  Pebbles  were 
not  completely  abandoned,  however,  and  for  some  purposes  they 
are  used  to  this  day.  In  Karamoja  (N.  E.  Uganda),  for  example, 
the  blacksmiths  use  hammer  stones;  and  boulders,  brought  to  an 
edge,  provide  a  sort  of  anvil  for  shaping  spears." 

Following  the  Kafuan  "pebble"  culture  came  a  pre-Chellean 
phase  of  stone  artifacts,  some  of  which  are  Clactonian  in  technique. 
"The  Chelleo-Acheulean  and  Sangoan  cultures  developed  side  by 
side,  the  former  being  a  culture  of  the  valleys  and  the  latter  of  the 
hills."  Present  information  suggests  that  the  Sangoan  developed 
into  the  Mousterian  culture.  The  Homa  evidence,  which  cannot 
be  accepted  as  final,  suggests  that  the  local  Mousterian  developed 
into  the  Still  Bay  culture. 

"The  Aurignacian  appears  to  have  been  a  foreign  influence  which 
came,  presumably,  from  the  north,  or  more  likely  north-east,  for 
in  that  direction  Aurignacian  sites  are  commonest — indeed,  they 
would  seem  to  be  decidedly  rare  elsewhere  in  Uganda.  From  the 
Aurignacian  arose  microlithic  industries  such  as  the  Magosian  and 
Wilton.  In  the  Magosian  a  dying  Still  Bay  influence  is  apparent." 
In  Uganda  no  pottery  is  definitely  known  until  the  Wilton  culture 
appears.  But  Leakey  (1931,  p.  103)  states:  "The  question  of  the 
existence  of  pottery  in  Palaeolithic  times  has  always  been  a  vexed 
one,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  of  the  presence  of  two  pieces 
of  pottery  in  the  upper  Kenya  Aurignacian  deposits  in  Gamble's 
Cave  II."  A  student  should,  however,  be  very  cautious  in  making 
deductions  from  this  small  amount  of  evidence. 

The  Magosian  culture  in  Uganda  has  formed  the  subject  of  an 
article  by  Wayland  and  Burkitt  (1932),  who  describe  and  illustrate 
these  artifacts  in  detail,  classifying  them  according  to  the  levels  at 


122  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

which  they  were  found  and  commenting  on  their  resemblance  to  the 
products  of  the  Wilton  industry  in  south  Africa. 

A  valuable  resume  of  archaeological  work  in  Uganda  has  been 
prepared  by  O'Brien  (1936).  He  begins  with  the  oldest  culture, 
namely,  the  Kafuan;  this  he  describes  as  a  "pebble"  culture  which 
in  every  particular  is  "the  most  primitive  recognizable  in  Africa," 
and  definitely  prior  to  the  Oldowan  of  Leakey.  In  the  Kafuan 
industry,  the  flaking  of  the  pebbles  was  merely  a  reduction  of  the 
natural  edges  to  produce  small  cutting  and  chopping  tools.  These 
Kafuan  tools  mainly  occur  in  terrace  gravels  deposited  by  rivers 
of  the  first  pluvial  phase.  Younger  gravels  yield  evidence  of  early 
Oldowan  types,  the  type  tool  of  the  true  Oldowan  being  a  crude 
chopper. 

Following  a  European  nomenclature,  O'Brien  describes  the  Cro- 
merian  culture  characterized  by  the  striking  of  large,  crude  flakes. 
The  evidence  implies  that  this  Uganda  Cromerian  culture  belongs 
to  the  interpluvial  phase,  and  that  the  culture  continued  into  Pluvial 
II  (Kamasian)  times,  as  part  of  the  Sangoan  mixture  of  types.  "The 
true  Chellean  does  not  occur  widely  in  Uganda.  There  appear  to  be 
several  stages,  however,  which  seem  to  conform  to  the  normal  succes- 
sion as  seen  in  other  parts  of  Africa."  A  worker  of  the  Chellean 
culture  carried  out  his  chipping  with  the  intention  of  producing  two 
edges  and  perhaps  a  point.  This  technique  is  in  contrast  to  the 
earlier  single-edged  chipping  of  the  Kafuan-Oldowan  cultures. 
Definite  stages  from  the  Chellean  to  the  Acheulean  have  not  yet  been 
discovered  in  Uganda. 

For  many  years  the  Tumbian  culture  has  been  known  in  both  the 
French  and  the  Belgian  Congo,  and  it  is  found  also  in  Uganda.  At 
present  we  do  not  know  whether  the  Tumbian  development  was  a 
lateral  branch  of  the  Acheulean,  or  whether  the  Acheulean  at  an 
advanced  stage  borrowed  features  of  a  Tumbian  culture  already 
existing  in  the  Congo. 

The  Levalloisian  culture  appears  between  Lower  Acheulean  and 
Upper  Acheulean,  and  finally  develops  into  the  Still  Bay  phase. 
The  important  features  of  the  Levalloisian  culture  are  its  longevity 
and  wide  distribution  over  Uganda. 

Possibly  the  lack  of  a  Uganda  Aurignacian  culture  in  any  way 
comparable  to  the  Aurignacian  of  Kenya  may  be  due  to  the  rarity 
of  suitable  material.  The  Magosian  culture  is  Mesolithic.  The 
Neolithic  culture  of  Uganda  is  a  "widespread  industry  of  microlithic 
type,  without  polished  tools,  occurring  abundantly  in  caves  and 


Prehistory  123 

shelters,  and  in  the  open.  The  tools  include  lunates,  minute  tapering 
backed-blades,  and  small  scrapers.  Pottery  is  always  associated, 
at  any  rate  in  home  sites,  and  is  always  well-made."  The  Neolithic 
industry  is  late,  perhaps  only  a  few  centuries  old.  For  a  criticism 
of  O'Brien,  see  Wayland  (1937). 

SOUTH  AFRICA 

The  history  of  archaeological  work  in  south  Africa  is  in  outline 
a  repetition  of  the  development  of  technique  in  the  north  and  east 
of  the  continent.  The  literature  may  be  conveniently  grouped  in 
four  divisions:  (1)  discoveries  of  stone  implements,  chiefly  surface 
finds  of  the  period  1870-90;  (2)  early  attempts  to  study  typology, 
sequences  of  patterns,  and  stratification;  (3)  specialized  articles 
dealing  exclusively  with  one  small  site  or  one  type  of  implement;  and 
(4)  recent  articles  and  books  summarizing  the  foregoing  contributions, 
welding  the  information,  and  advancing  theories  respecting  the 
relationship  of  stone-age  cultures  of  north,  east,  and  south  Africa. 

J.  Sanderson  (1878)  called  attention  to  current  tales  of  the  Kafirs 
relating  to  a  stone-using  people  who  preceded  them,  and  he  notes 
the  continued  use  of  stone  as  weights  for  digging-sticks,  hammers, 
and  grinders.  Sanderson  states  that  the  first  scientific  interest  in 
stone  implements  from  Natal  may  be  dated  about  1871.  The  imple- 
ments described  by  Sanderson  are  referred  to  as  knives  for  cutting 
skins,  scrapers  for  preparing  skins,  piercers  of  quartz  for  drilling 
holes,  molding  tools  for  making  pottery,  and  chisels  for  cutting  wood. 
Some  of  the  implements  were  found  near  Durban  from  one  to  four 
feet  below  the  surface,  but  on  the  evidence  of  W.  D.  Gooch  (quoted 
by  Sanderson)  some  of  these  forms  were  shown  to  have  a  very  wide 
distribution. 

A  few  years  after  the  publication  of  Sanderson's  article,  Gooch 
(1881)  placed  the  study  of  stone  implements  on  a  scientific  basis  by 
taking  cognizance  of  types  of  implements,  their  topographical  dis- 
tribution, the  character  of  the  deposits  in  which  they  were  found, 
and  the  nature  of  the  material  from  which  they  were  made.  The 
topographical  scheme  of  Gooch  included  the  division  of  south  Africa 
into  districts  "which  the  apparent  grouping  of  types  or  forms  of  the 
implements  found  in  them  seemed  to  suggest."  Various  Paleolithic 
forms  are  illustrated,  and  the  article  concludes  with  a  table  giving  a 
description  of  implements,  geological  position,  and  district  where 
found. 

To  this  inaugural  period  also  belong  the  contributions  of  Feilden 
(1883),  Penning  (1886),  and  Leith,  Frames,  and  Penning,  all  of 


124  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

whom  wrote  in  1898.  Leith  deals  with  cave  deposits,  shell  mounds, 
and  coarse  stone  implements,  among  which  are  eoliths  traceable  to 
high  gravels.  Leith  sees  a  close  typological  correspondence  between 
stone  implements  from  the  chalk  of  Kent  and  those  from  plateau 
gravels  in  the  Transvaal.  T.  Rupert  Jones  (1899)  described  thirteen 
large  paleoliths  from  Swaziland.  He  remarks  on  the  impossibility 
of  suggesting  a  chronology  for  these  implements,  for  the  relative 
ages  of  the  gravels  in  which  they  were  found  are  undetermined.  It 
was  known,  however,  that  the  implements  were  found  in  gravel 
terraces  of  different  ages  cut  out  by  the  River  Embabaan.  The 
illustrations  show  a  large  ovate  form  and  two  long,  narrow  specimens. 

Kingston  (1900)  explored  some  caves  on  the  coast  between  Mossel 
Bay  and  Port  Elizabeth.  The  excavation  was  not  thorough,  but 
the  author  states  that  "we  arrived,  by  a  series  of  soundings  in  various 
places,  at  a  very  fair  idea  of  the.  nature  of  the  deposits  and  even  of 
the  manner  of  life  of  the  former  inhabitants."  The  objects  found 
included  long,  narrow  implements  of  flaked  quartzite,  arrowheads  of 
stone,  a  bone  scoop,  a  shell  ornament,  pounders,  and  heavy  perforated 
stones.  The  caves  had  been  occupied  at  different  levels  by  Strand- 
loopers. 

Some  stone  implements  found  in  the  valley  of  the  Zambezi  were 
described  by  Lamplugh  (1906)  and  by  Balfour  in  the  same  year. 
The  implements  were  lying  on  the  bottom  of  the  broad  outer  valley, 
and  their  occurrence  in  the  high  gravels  assigns  to  them  a  great 
antiquity.  With  one  exception  the  implements  were  discovered  at 
the  surface,  and  a  geological  section  (p.  164)  is  given  to  show  the 
position  of  the  artifact  which  was  found  in  situ  at  a  depth  of  five  feet. 
Lamplugh  concludes  that  most  of  the  implements,  which  are  rude 
paleoliths,  were  left  in  their  present  position  when  the  Zambezi 
flowed  in  the  higher  valley  for  some  distance  below  the  present  falls. 

Balfour  (1906)  describes  a  Paleolithic  type  of  implement  from  the 
Victoria  Falls  region.  In  type  he  compares  this  implement  to  those 
of  the  River-drift  (Chellean)  period  in  northeast  Europe.  The 
implement,  though  found  on  a  road  which  was  under  construction, 
was  traceable  in  origin  to  a  sand  pit  near-by.  The  sand  pit  was  in  an 
ancient  deposit  of  coarse  gravels,  laid  when  the  river  was  running 
at  a  height  perhaps  15  to  20  feet  above  its  present  level  at  this  point. 
The  site,  patination,  and  abraded  surface  of  the  implement  point 
to  great  antiquity,  and  the  resemblance  in  type  to  some  European 
River-drift  implements  led  Balfour  to  remark  that  "the  combined 
evidence  seems  to  point  strongly  to  a  strict  correspondence  of  con- 


I 


Prehistory  125 

ditions  in  the  two  widely  separated  regions,  to  a  like  condition  of 
culture,  in  both  cases  of  great  antiquity.  Whether  it  is  legitimate 
to  assign  to  these  Zambezi  implements  as  remote  a  date  as  that 
given  on  geological  evidence  to  the  implements  of  our  own  River- 
drift  must  be  determined  by  further  examination  of  the  older  Zam- 
bezi deposits."     (For  south  African  Paleoliths,  see  Fig.  22,  h-d.) 

The  publication  of  P^ringuey's  (1911)  dissertation  on  the  stone 
ages  of  south  Africa  marked  the  beginning  of  a  really  intensive  study 
of  south  African  archaeology.  Moreover,  there  is  a  definite  expan- 
sion of  speculation  respecting  analogies  of  types  from  south  Africa 
and  Europe.  Referring  to  coarse,  heavy  paleoliths,  P^ringuey 
(p.  8)  says  of  the  south  African  forms:  "The  Chellean  type  is  the 
Chellean  form  of  the  Palearctic  regions.  This  is  indubitable.  But 
the  types  that  might  correspond  with  the  Aurignacian,  Solutrean, 
and  Magdalenian  cultures,  especially  the  last,  have  an  indescribable 
facies  of  their  own  which  may  be  said  to  be  South  African.  On  the 
other  hand  the  pygmy  implements,  and  others  with  the  bord  abattu 
of  the  French,  cannot  be  very  readily  distinguished  from  the  English, 
French,  and  Indian  implements  of  the  same  type,  except,  of  course, 
by  the  material  of  which  they  are  made;  but  they  more  closely 
approximate  the  Algerian  and  Morocco  examples." 

After  a  brief  review  of  European  typology  Peringuey  (p.  17) 
begins  his  survey  of  the  different  types  of  south  African  Paleolithic 
implements  and  states  that  he  has  no  difficulty  in  dividing  the 
bouchers  into  several  types,  owing  to  their  appearance  or  facies, 
or  to  the  material  of  which  they  are  made.  He  then  describes  the 
manufacture  and  probable  uses  of  the  bouchers.  The  geological 
evidence  for  establishing  the  relative  antiquity  of  implements  is 
said  to  be  inadequate.  The  survey  includes  an  account  of  a  Neolithic 
period,  though  the  term  is  perhaps  not  justified,  and  some  description 
is  given  of  pottery,  ornaments,  and  craniology  of  the  Strandloopers, 
all  with  a  view  to  summarizing  the  information  available  in  the  year 
1911.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  prehistorical  studies  are  a  long  way 
from  presenting  a  relevant  and  connected  story  of  physical  types, 
their  succession,  wanderings,  and  achievements. 

Among  articles  of  importance  dealing  with  special  sites  and 
specific  types  of  implements  are  the  following:  N.  Jones  (1920) 
describes  the  evidence  for  four  successive  periods  of  prehistoric 
occupation  at  Taungs.  From  the  earliest  period  are  water-worn 
hand-axes  of  all  shapes  and  degrees  of  workmanship;  then,  more 
recent,  are  some  flakes  and  scrapers  of  diorite  which  are  not  water- 


126  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

worn.  A  still  more  recent  period  produced  specialized  implements 
of  chert  with  a  careful  secondary  chipping.  A  final  period  is  charac- 
terized by  the  presence  of  implements  and  chips  produced  by  Bush- 
men. A  stratification  of  stone  cultures  at  Tiger  Kloof  is  also 
considered  in  this  article.  Further  examples  of  local  studies  are 
those  by  N.  Jones  (1924,  1930),  Gardner  (1928),  Goodwin  (1929), 
and  Armstrong  (1931). 

N.  Jones  (1924)  states  that  the  country  between  Bulawayo  and 
the  Zambezi  River  is  particularly  rich  in  stone  implements,  chiefly 
hand-axes,  "strikingly  similar  to  those  of  Chellean  and  Acheulean 
age  in  Europe."  Similar  types  of  early  Paleoliths  are  found  abun- 
dantly in  British  Bechuanaland.  In  addition  to  the  river  gravel 
implements,  the  Later  Paleolithic  is  represented  in  Rhodesia  by 
implements  discovered  in  caves  of  the  Matopo  Hills  and  in  super- 
ficial deposits.  These  flake-implements  with  Aurignacian  facies  are 
regarded  as  the  work  of  Bushmen.  But  between  the  remote  period 
known  as  the  River-drift,  and  the  Aurignacian  period,  there  is  a  gap 
which  is  yet  without  an  archaeological  bridge. 

The  peculiar  interest  of  the  Sawmills  site,  situated  fifty-five 
miles  northwest  of  Bulawayo,  lies  in  the  fact  that  "we  have  here  two 
distinct  periods  of  human  activity,  an  older  and  a  newer,  both  clearly 
separable  by  geological  methods."  The  article  gives  illustrations  of 
stone  implements  from  the  older  terrace,  of  "fabricators,"  of  cres- 
centic  scrapers,  and  of  microliths.  The  later  implements  as  a  whole 
show  clear  resemblance  to  Aurignacian  forms  of  Europe,  but  such 
evidence  does  not  permit  the  assumption  that  the  Bushmen  who 
fashioned  these  implements  were  of  the  race  responsible  for  an  Aurig- 
nacian culture  in  Europe.  Possibly  the  Bushman  derived  his  knowl- 
edge of  stonecraft  from  an  earlier  race,  "but  so  far  as  present  research 
has  carried  us  in  South  Africa,  we  are  here  in  the  realm  of  pure 
conjecture." 

Father  Gardner's  article  (1928),  with  numerous  illustrations, 
gives  a  clear  idea  of  the  typology  of  the  Wilton  stone-age  industry, 
which  includes  a  variety  of  scrapers  and  crescents.  N.  Jones  (1930) 
also  describes  a  particular  phase  of  stone-age  culture,  the  rostro- 
carinate,  a  term  borrowed  from  Reid  Moir's  nomenclature  for  some 
late  Pliocene  and  early  Pleistocene  implements  of  East  Anglia. 
Jones  (p.  73)  states,  "The  occurrence  of  this  primitive  form  of 
implement  is  of  special  interest  in  that  it  points  strongly  to  the 
identity  of  the  race  that  evolved  it  both  in  Europe  and  South  Africa." 
This  is,  however,  a  strong  statement,  which  will,  I  think,  have  to  be 


Prehistory  127 

regarded  with  great  mistrust.  Jones  continues  to  describe  the  se- 
quence of  implements  from  the  site  where  the  rostro-carinate  imple- 
ments were  found,  at  Hope  Fountain,  Rhodesia.  He  regards  the 
Hope  Fountain  industry  as  a  developing  series  extending  from  the 
Chellean  to  the  early  Acheulean. 

Armstrong's  (1931)  description  of  excavations  in  a  Bambata  cave 
emphasizes  a  development  in  archaeological  technique,  and  the 
opening  remarks  indicate  a  broad  outlook  on  the  possible  inter- 
relation of  European  and  south  African  archaeological  problems. 
Bambata  Cave  in  the  Matopo  Hills  south  of  Bulawayo  contains 
deposits  and  a  frieze  of  wall  paintings  (p.  240).  "Two  sections  were 
systematically  excavated  to  the  bed-rock  of  the  cave,  a  maximum 
depth  of  20  feet  3  inches,  and  yielded  a  complete  sequence  of  deposits 
varying  from  Lower  Paleolithic  (South  African  Acheulean),  to  a 
Microlithic  culture  [Fig.  22,  e-j],  believed  to  be  ancestral  to  the 
Wilton  culture  of  the  Cape.  The  succession  of  cultures  was  found 
to  be  in  close  agreement  with  the  European  sequence."  A  careful 
investigation  was  made  into  the  nature  and  age  of  alluvial  deposits 
near  Bambata  Cave,  and  the  artifacts  of  these  deposits  were  used 
as  a  standard  for  correlating  the  deposits  with  definite  stages  in  the 
occupation  of  Bambata  Cave.  "Implements  from  the  Lower  Palaeo- 
lithic horizon  of  Bambata  Cave  were  correlated  with  those  collected 
in  numerous  Rhodesian  river  valleys."  The  Zambezi  gravels  south 
of  Victoria  Falls  were  visited  and  evidence  was  obtained  relative  to 
the  distribution  of  the  Lower  Paleolithic  series  of  implements  found 
there.  The  relation  of  these  implements  to  stages  in  the  erosion  of 
the  Zambezi  gorge  was  studied. 

Armstrong  (p.  248)  cautions  against  a  free  use  of  European 
archaeological  terms  unless  these  are  modified  by  prefixing  the  words 
"south  African."  One  should  be  careful  also  not  to  assume  that 
similar  artifacts  from  Europe  and  south  Africa  are  contemporaneous. 
In  conclusion  (p.  273),  Armstrong  states  that  the  excavation  of  Bam- 
bata Cave  has  given  the  first  south  African  example  of  a  stratified 
sequence  of  cultures  from  Acheulean  to  Wilton;  the  latter  is  the 
African  cultural  equivalent  of  the  European  Tardenoisian. 

An  important  result  of  the  work  in  Bambata  Cave  was  the  evi- 
dence of  long  occupation  of  the  cave  by  Mousterian  man,  the  entry 
of  Homo  sapiens,  and  the  fact  that  these  two  races  occupied  the  cave 
alternately,  each  preserving  a  pure  culture.  This  discovery  agrees 
with  that  of  Leakey,  whose  excavation  in  certain  Kenya  gravels  led 
him  to  conclude  that  the  two  races  were  contemporary  there.    With 


128  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

regard  to  this  statement,  a  student  should  be  warned  that  the  evi- 
dence for  the  occupation  of  Bambata  by  two  races,  Mousterian  and 
Homo  sapiens,  is  cultural  and  not  osteological.  The  further  conclu- 
sions of  Armstrong  will  be  quoted  verbatim  later  in  this  chapter, 
since  they  are  of  importance  in  our  summing  up  of  the  cultural 
relationship  of  stone-age  man  in  north,  east,  and  south  Africa,  and 
in  Europe. 

The  research  of  Armstrong  has  brought  our  inquiry  to  a  point 
where  a  selection  of  recent  literature  (1927-32)  should  be  made  in 
order  to  continue  the  discussion  of  cultural  sequences  in  south  Africa 
and  their  possible  external  relationships, 

Goodwin  (1927)  refers  to  a  new  school  of  archaeological  thought 
in  south  Africa,  and  a  tendency  of  this  school  to  take  over  the  Euro- 
pean terminology,  sequence,  and  even  dating.  "The  result  has 
been  chaotic."  Goodwin  then  outlines  a  scheme  of  classification, 
typology,  and  cultural  sequence  which  has  been  adopted  as  a  working 
basis  by  the  South  African  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science.  It  is  extremely  important  that  a  student  should  memorize 
this  scheme,  since  all  discussions  make  use  of  the  terminology.  Two 
main  divisions  are  recognized  for  south  Africa,  the  earlier  stone  age 
and  the  later  stone  age.  The  earlier  period  lasted  thousands  of  years, 
and  the  period  ended  possibly  three  thousand  years  ago,  though 
precise  dating  is  quite  impossible.  Dr.  P^ringuey's  term,  Stellen- 
bosch,  for  the  main  culture  of  the  earlier  stone  age  has  been  retained. 
The  main  types  of  this  culture  are  coups  de  poing  of  well-known 
forms,  oval,  almond-shaped,  pear-shaped.  A  second  culture  of  the 
earlier  stone  age  is  the  Victoria  West,  and  a  third  the  Fauresmith. 

Following  the  earlier  stone  age,  and  probably  overlapping,  is  a 
later  stone  age,  of  which  the  first  industry  is  the  Still  Bay,  somewhat 
similar  to  the  Solutrean  of  Europe,  with  pressure  technique  produc- 
ing a  lanceolate  implement  about  two  inches  long.  The  Still  Bay  was 
followed  by  the  Smithfield  and  Wilton  cultures,  which  were  probably 
contemporary  and  may  have  extended  into  modern  times.  The 
Smithfield  culture  consists  mainly  of  duckbill-shaped  end-scrapers, 
and  with  these  are  associated  other  forms  of  scraper,  stone  borers, 
bored  stones,  ostrich-eggshell  beads,  stone  rings  (armlets),  pottery, 
also  human  bones.  The  Smithfield  industry  is  similar  to  the  Lower 
Capsian  or  Lower  Aurignacian.  The  human  bones  are  of  that  general 
type  known  as  "Bushman."  For  a  tabular  statement  of  these  south 
African  culture  sequences,  see  Leakey  (1936a,  p.  97).  This  table  is 
Leakey's  personal  interpretation  of  the  data. 


I 


Prehistory  129 

The  chief  implements  of  the  Wilton  industry  are  the  lunate 
crescent,  end-scraper,  horseshoe  scraper,  and  thumb-nail  scraper, 
and  with  these  are  associated  pottery  similar  to  that  of  the  Smith- 
field  culture,  bone  implements  (Fig.  23,  d-g),  Bushman  skeletal 
remains,  and  cave  paintings.  All  evidence  considered,  the  Wilton 
culture  is  identical  with  the  last  phases  of  the  Capsian  of  Spain  and 
north  Africa,  in  which  implements  were  all  of  the  pygmy  variety. 
The  Wilton  industry  survived  to  the  year  1870  at  Kimberley. 

In  conjunction  with  Goodwin's  summary  of  the  classification  of 
stone  cultures  in  south  Africa,  his  "Handbook  to  the  Collection  of 
Stone  Implements  in  the  South  African  Museum"  (1926)  should  be 
read.  On  page  24  appears  a  diagram  illustrating  the  possible  origins 
and  interrelations  of  the  stone-age  cultures  of  Europe,  north  Africa, 
and  south  Africa.  This  guide  summarizes  the  stone-age  cultures  of 
Europe  and  pictures  Aurignacian  man  starting  from  the  east  and 
arriving  at  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  There  the  migration  split  in 
two,  one  part  following  the  northern  shore  while  the  other  part 
continued  along  the  north  coast  of  Africa.  "The  northern  branch 
took  with  them  the  true  Aurignacian  culture,  which  was  to  oust  the 
lower  culture  of  the  less  advanced  Neanderthal  race.  The  African 
branch  carried  the  Capsian  culture  which  was  later  to  pass  across 
Africa  and  from  there  into  Italy  and  Spain  across  the  great  land- 
bridges  which  split  up  the  Mediterranean  Sea  into  three  or  four 
separate  areas." 

Furthermore  (p.  8),  Goodwin  pictures  the  culture  of  Capsian 
man  of  north  Africa,  and  draws  inferences  of  his  physical  appearance 
from  paintings  in  the  caves  of  Spain.  In  connection  with  the  Capsian 
culture,  Goodwin  notes  the  introduction  of  the  bow  and  arrow  into 
Europe,  the  clothing  of  men  and  women,  the  physical  trait  of  steato- 
pygy  (large  buttocks),  the  beginning  of  ceramics,  and  the  piercing 
of  large  stones  to  serve  as  weights  for  digging  sticks.  "We  now  know 
that  our  own  south  African  Bushfolk  are  culturally  the  same  as  these 
long-dead  north  Africans  who  spread  into  Southern  Europe.  Whether 
or  not  they  are  physically  the  same  is  so  far  impossible  to  say.  His 
culture,  however,  can  be  traced  in  east  Africa  and  Uganda,  and 
reappears  in  the  Union  over  the  whole  of  the  central  portion.  The 
technique  of  the  'Bushman'  paintings  is  identical  with  the  technique 
of  Spain,  the  materials  used  are  the  same,  the  same  attitudes  are 
seen,  and  the  same  disposition  to  depict  action  rather  than  objects." 

These  brief  articles  by  Goodwin  serve  as  an  introduction  to  a 
comprehensive  work  by  Goodwin  and  C.  van  Riet  Lowe  (1929),  who 


130  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

survey  the  whole  classification  of  implements  in  south  Africa  from 
the  Stellenbosch  industry  through  all  the  periods  mentioned  by 
Goodwin  (1926,  1927)  to  the  Wilton  and  some  Neolithic  elements. 
For  a  brief  summary,  with  appreciation  and  criticism  of  this  work, 
Menghin  (1933,  pp.  370-371)  should  be  consulted.  A  detailed 
summary  of  the  prehistory  of  south  Africa  is  Lebzelter's  (1930) 
"Vorgeschichte  von  Slid-  und  Siidwestafrika."  A  geographical 
survey  of  sites  is  made  and  information  is  given  concerning  types  of 
implements,  their  topographical  distribution,  and  chronological 
succession.  The  work  is  amply  illustrated  with  plates  and  text 
figures. 

Our  digest  has  now  advanced  from  a  period  of  preliminary 
observation,  through  an  experimental  stage  of  classification  and 
speculation  to  evolution  of  a  definite  technique  of  excavation,  strati- 
fication, and  typology,  thence  to  the  wider  hypotheses  relating  to 
the  genetic  relationship  of  cultures  widely  separated  geographically. 
This  broader  archaeological  view  requires  further  discussion,  since 
these  hypotheses  of  wide  outlook  are  the  ultimate  aim  of  many 
workers,  whose  separate  observations  and  minor  excavations  are  of 
little  importance  if  left  without  coordination. 

Armstrong  (1931,  p.  274)  makes  generalizations  that  agree  well 
with  those  of  Goodwin: 

"The  excavations  [Bambata  Cave]  have  also  revealed  the  effect 
of  fusion  between  elements  of  Mousterian  culture  and  the  Capsian 
culture  of  the  Neanthropic  immigrants,  and  the  discoveries  have 
indicated  the  possible  origin,  and  line  of  evolution  of  the  European 
Solutrean  technique.  Striking  evidence  has  been  obtained  for  the 
correlation  of  the  early  Rhodesian  cave  art  with  the  culture  of  the 
Neanthropic  immigrants,  which,  together  with  the  Capsian  character 
of  the  associated  culture,  establishes  an  important  link  with  the 
Aurignacian  culture  of  Europe  and  supports  the  evidence  in  favour 
of  a  common  origin  for  the  two  cultures  in  the  Capsian  of  North 
Africa. 

"In  the  light  of  the  evidence,  together  with  that  derived  from 
Mr.  Leakey's  discoveries  in  East  Africa,  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  Homo  sapiens  evolved  the  Capsian  culture  in  the  region  of  the 
Sahara  Desert,  and  that  the  increasing  aridity  and  ultimate  drying 
up  of  that  region  supplied  the  impulse  which  drove  him  out  in  suc- 
cessive bands,  northwards  into  Europe  and  south-east,  by  way  of 
the  Rift  Valley  and  Great  Lakes  of  Eastern  Africa,  into  Rhodesia 
and  beyond.    There  he  apparently  found  a  population  of  Mousterian 


i 


Prehistory  131 

culture  and  probably  of  a  Neanderthaloid  stock,  over  which,  after 
an  interval  of  dual  occupation  of  the  country,  the  new-comers  became 
dominant.  Possibly  there  was  a  fusion  of  blood,  but  there  is  clear 
e\'idence  of  a  strong  cultural  fusion." 

Armstrong  further  points  out  similarity  between  the  Wilton 
microlithic  culture  and  that  which  is  so  widespread  over  east  and 
north  Africa.  Both  find  expression  in  the  European  Tardenoisian, 
and  these  similarities  imply  a  migratory  movement  from  a  center  in 
northern  Africa.  The  evidence  for  this  migration  in  Africa  from 
north  to  south  is  very  strong;  the  route  followed  is  that  for  the  earlier 
spread  of  the  Capsian.  The  discovery  in  the  Bambata  excavations 
of  the  presence  of  a  pygmy  burin  in  this  Wilton  culture,  and  its 
confirmation  on  almost  every  site  visited,  is  an  important  one  which 
establishes  a  closer  link  with  the  European  pygmy  cultures. 

A  presidential  address  by  Lowe  (1930)  is  a  valuable  contribu- 
tion to  our  present  summary  of  the  development  of  archaeological 
work  in  south  Africa.  The  address  passed  from  historical  develop- 
ment of  archaeological  interests  to  a  choice  of  nomenclature.  The 
need  for  caution  in  using  such  terms  as  Chellean  was  impressed,  and 
the  value  of  a  south  African  terminology  was  defended.  The  speaker 
expressed  the  opinion  that  "the  big  problem  in  south  Africa  is  the 
correlation  of  cultural  and  human  remains,  first  with  each  other,  and 
then  with  the  various  Pleistocene  Pluviations  and  earth  movements. 
Then  the  big  problem  for  all  prehistorians  will  centre  largely  on  the 
Glacio-Pluvial  correlation,  for,  until  this  is  solved,  it  is  impossible 
for  us  to  recognize  relative  time  horizons."  The  work  of  Leakey  and 
Solomon  in  east  Africa  was  referred  to  as  "a  great  link  in  a  great 
chain."  Lowe  (p.  104)  expressed  the  opinion  that  paleanthropic  man 
reached  and  inhabited  Europe.  He  urged  further  study  of  geology 
and  climatology,  and  the  more  numerous  and  thorough  excavation 
of  such  sites  as  caves  and  rock  shelters,  river  terraces,  and  raised 
beaches.  In  a  somewhat  later  address  (1932)  he  again  justifies  the 
departure  from  European  archaeological  nomenclature,  but  he 
recognizes  resemblances  between  south  African  and  European  forms, 
and  he  tabulates  the  main  divisions  of  the  Lower  Paleolithic  cultures 
in  south  Africa  with  their  European  type  equivalents. 

In  completing  a  study  of  the  three  major  regions  of  Africa  where 
systematic  archaeology  has  advanced  appreciably,  the  generaliza- 
tions of  Leakey  (1931,  pp.  238-239)  should  be  read.  He  repeats  the 
h>TDothesis  with  which  we  are  already  familiar:  namely,  that  of  a 
westward  migration  of  Aurignacian  man  from  Asia.     On  two  main 


132  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

lines  the  immigrants  advanced,  the  one  into  western  Europe  by 
Palestine  and  the  Caucasus,  the  other  through  Arabia  into  east 
Africa  about  the  Straits  of  Bab-el-Mandeb,  thence  via  Somaliland 
into  the  Sudan  and  north  Africa.  This  hypothesis  would  account 
for  the  fact  that  the  Aurignacians  in  Kenya  are  so  much  earlier  than 
in  north  Africa  or  in  Europe.  There  is,  however,  a  rival  hypothesis 
favoring  the  origin  of  the  Aurignacians  in  the  southeast  Sahara. 

Professor  M.  C.  Burkitt  (Wayland  and  Burkitt,  1932,  p.  378) 
demonstrates  that  the  Magosian  culture  of  Uganda  has  affinities 
with  the  Wilton  and  Still  Bay  cultures  of  south  Africa.  In  both  east 
and  south  Africa  (p.  379)  a  cross-fertilization  of  cultures  resulted 
from  contacts  of  middle-stone-age  people  and  the  later  Neanthropic 
arrivals.  Burkitt  suggests  that  the  area  now  known  as  Uganda  may 
have  been  the  cradle  of  that  modification  of  Neanthropic  man  who 
developed  the  Wilton  industries  of  south  Africa.  The  consensus  of 
opinion  favors  cultural  and  also  racial  migrations  from  north  Africa 
into  southern  Europe,  and  down  the  east  side  of  Africa  into  the 
southern  part  of  the  continent.  For  a  comparative  table  of  all 
African  stone-age  cultures,  see  Leakey  (1936a,  p.  136).  Consult  also 
page  188  for  discission  of  the  part  played  by  diffusion  and  parallel- 
ism in  determining  cultural  resemblances.  Leakey  accounts  for 
resemblances  of  Solutrean,  Aterian,  and  Still  Bay  cultures  on  the 
grounds  of  "parallel  evolution,"  and  he  explains  the  various  micro- 
lithic  cultures  of  Africa  in  the  same  way.  Yet  the  truth  often  lies 
in  allowing  for  a  combination  of  the  two  processes. 

THE  CONGO  REGION  AND  WEST  AFRICA 

Archaeological  work  in  these  areas  is  definitely  less  developed 
than  in  the  three  regions,  north,  east,  and  south  Africa,  for  which 
the  data  have  been  summarized.  In  fact,  one  may  say  that  so  far 
as  stone  implements  are  concerned  the  archaeological  outlook  for 
central  and  west  Africa  is  in  the  primary  stage  of  observation.  The 
period  of  systematic  excavation,  and  the  formation  of  hypotheses 
respecting  the  internal  sequence  and  outside  relationships  of  the 
Congo  and  west  African  stone-age  cultures,  have  not  yet  been 
attained. 

In  1899,  Stainier  published  in  the  "Annales  du  Muse^  du  Congo 
Beige"  a  brief  report  on  stone  implements  of  the  Congo,  where  the 
first  specimens  appear  to  have  been  found  in  1885,  and  in  1891  a 
stone-age  station  was  discovered  by  M.  J.  Cornet  near  Katanga. 
Since  that  time  numerous  specimens  have  been  unearthed  at  localities 


Prehistory  133 

shown  on  Stainier's  map.  These  localities  are  peripheral  about  the 
main  Congo  River  and  its  affluents,  and  no  stations  are  marked 
within  the  heart  of  the  forest  region.  This  may  be  due  to  absence 
of  excavations  in  the  densely  wooded  interior;  naturally  the  greater 
number  of  discoveries  were  made  in  making  railways  and  roads  in  the 
more  accessible  outer  regions.  Yet  it  may  be  that  stone-age  invaders 
did  not  reach  the  internal  forest  regions. 

Stainier  (p.  13)  is  unable  to  date  the  objects  with  any  certitude, 
but  it  is  probable  that  they  are  Neolithic;  some  of  them  are  indubit- 
ably so,  as,  for  example,  polished  axes  and  arrow-points.  But  side  by 
side  with  the  neoliths  are  paleoliths  of  the  same  material  and  of 
Chellean  form.  Tradition  is  absent,  and  the  temporal  relationship 
of  stone  to  iron  is  unknown,  but  iron  and  copper  are  abundant; 
therefore,  transition  from  the  use  of  stone  to  metals  may  have  been 
rapid. 

Menghin  (1925,  p.  518)  has  prepared  a  bibliography  of  con- 
tributions to  archaeology  of  the  Congo  from  the  year  1887,  together 
with  a  list  of  the  types  of  implements  found,  their  provenience,  and 
the  institutions  where  they  are  deposited.  In  Menghin's  compendium, 
"Weltgeschichte  der  Steinzeit,"  indexed  references  to  the  Congo 
stone  age  will  be  found  under  the  word  "Tumbien." 

Rakowski  (1921)  reports  on  a  collection  of  Neolithic  stone  imple- 
ments from  the  Welle  region  of  the  Congo,  now  deposited  in  the 
Belgian  Colonial  Museum  at  Tervueren.  A  list  (p.  155)  details  the 
provenience  of  these  implements,  and  a  map  showing  the  sites  is 
given.  "Only  four  of  the  forty-six  specimens  have  been  found  in 
the  earth,  all  the  others  ha\ang  been  collected  on  the  surface.  Of 
these  four  specimens  three  happen  unluckily  to  have  been  found  by 
natives,  who  discovered  them  in  the  beds  of  small  rivers,  or  embedded 
in  the  banks  of  dry  water  courses.  One  specimen  only  has  been 
found  in  situ  by  a  white  man.  No.  34,  from  Lubumbashi  on  the  Upper 
Luapula.  It  was  extracted  from  alluvial  drift  13  feet  below  the 
surface."  The  majority  of  the  implements  are  made  of  hematite 
iron  ore;  some  are  of  greenstone  (diabase),  and  others  of  a  bright 
greenish  rock,  much  weathered.  The  specimens  may  be  divided 
typologically  into  seven  categories  which  are  illustrated  by  outline 
drawings.  A  short  bibliography  (p.  64)  is  appended.  A  collection 
of  stone  implements  from  the  Congo,  now  in  the  Trocadero,  Paris, 
has  been  described  by  Breuil  and  Kelley  (1936). 

Apart  from  Menghin's  speculation  (1925,  p.  553)  regarding 
the  possibility  that  the  Tumbakultur  in  the  lower  Congo  and  west 


134  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Africa  is  part  of  the  Graebnerian  Kulturkreis,  we  have  no  theories 
of  the  origin  of  the  Congo  stone  age.  Archaeological  work  for  this 
region  is  not  much  more  advanced  than  that  of  south  Africa  fifty 
years  ago. 

In  west  Africa  the  position  of  prehistoric  archaeology,  though 
backward,  is  more  advanced  than  in  the  Congo  region.  Some  of  the 
principal  discoveries  of  archaeological  interest  for  west  Africa  have 
been  summarized  by  Hambly  (1935,  pp.  379-388)  who  gives  a 
short  bibliography. 

Desplagnes  (1907,  pp.  22-38)  describes  workshop  sites  where 
stone  implements  were  made  in  various  localities  notably  near  to 
Lotokoro  and  Gao.  The  types  of  instruments,  varying  from  crude 
coups  de  poing  to  various  burins,  scrapers,  and  arrowheads  (Des- 
plagnes, Plate  XV),  indicate  that  the  technique  ranges  from  rough 
Paleolithic  forms  to  small  Neolithic  instruments  of  quartzite.  Some 
typically  Neolithic  stations  are  distinguished  by  the  presence  of 
fragments  of  iron  and  abundance  of  well-ornamented  pottery  frag- 
ments. Desplagnes  asks  (p.  29)  whether  invaders  from  the  north 
brought  a  knowledge  of  iron  to  primitive  Niger  fishermen  of  the 
stone  age;  such  a  suggestion  is  favored  by  the  different  types  of 
tombs  that  may  be  seen  near  the  workshops.  Undoubtedly  the  age 
of  stone  persisted  for  a  long  time  and  was  prolonged  into  the  iron  age. 
In  tumuli  of  the  Niger  region  under  discussion  are  weapons  of  copper 
and  of  iron  together  with  Neolithic  stone  implements  (Desplagnes, 
Plates  XVI-XVIII). 

A  range  of  archaeological  observations  of  this  kind,  showing  a 
sequence  of  cultures,  is  definitely  in  advance  of  our  knowledge  of 
the  Congo  stone  age.  But  for  the  main  part,  west  African  imple- 
ments are  surface  finds,  usually  celts,  though  Braunholtz  (1926)  has 
described  both  Paleolithic  and  Neolithic  implements  from  Nigeria. 
To  this  list  Balfour  (1934a)  adds  a  note  on  "cleavers"  of  Lower 
Paleolithic  type.  This  is  a  pattern  dominant  in  south  Africa  south 
of  the  Zambezi,  and  the  further  dispersal  of  this  "cleaver"  in  Africa 
is  of  interest. 

Polished  celts  and  their  ceremonial  use  at  the  present  day  have 
been  described  by  Dwyer  (1903),  and  by  Balfour  (1903).  Dwyer 
states  that  celts  are  connected  with  the  reverence  of  the  Yoruba  for 
the  Thunder  God,  Shango,  who  is  said  to  use  such  stones  as 
messengers. 

The  antiquity  of  polished  stone  celts  is  discussed  by  Rattray 
(1923,  pp.  322-331).    Although  the  stones  are  of  a  sacred  character 


I 


Prehistory  135 

because  of  their  association  with  Nyame,  the  Sky  god,  from  whom 
they  are  supposed  to  have  originated,  many  people  know  that  the 
stones  are  of  human  manufacture,  and  that  some  of  them  were 
employed  recently.  Rattray  is  of  the  opinion  that  "transition  from 
the  Neolithic  to  the  iron  age  was  not  sudden.  The  stone  implement 
[Fig.  22,  a]  and  the  iron  one  that  was  eventually  to  oust  it  must  have 
been  for  a  time  used  side  by  side  in  forest  and  field."  Meek  (1925, 
vol.  1,  pp.  51-56)  notes  a  variety  of  paleoliths  in  west  Africa  gener- 
ally, and  a  few  roughly  flaked  types  of  implements  which  might  be 
regarded  as  being  of  early-stone-age  type  have  been  found  in  the 
Northern  Provinces  of  Nigeria.  Meek  gives  a  list  of  early  stone 
implements  discovered  in  the  tin  mines  of  the  Bauchi  Plateau.  Some 
of  these  are  of  the  Paleolithic  "river  drift"  type  of  Europe,  and  some 
could  be  described  as  Mousterian  in  form.  A  list  of  polished  celts, 
arrowheads,  and  scrapers  from  Naraguta  is  given  (p.  51).  Meek 
remarks  that  primitive  Africa  probably  passed  directly  from  the 
stone  age  to  the  iron  age,  but  Riitimeyer  (1911)  shows  that  stone 
and  bone  are  used  at  the  present  day.  He  mentions  a  bone-pointed 
spear  of  the  Shilluk,  and  a  stone-headed  club  of  the  Ja-luo.  Stone 
hammers,  anvils,  and  grain  pounders  are  today  extensively  used. 

In  Cameroons,  Migeod  (1925,  pp.  252-258)  found  polished  stone 
axes  and  some  paleoliths  between  Victoria  and  Yola.  The  imple- 
ments are  classified  by  Migeod  as  Paleolithic-rough-hacked, 
Paleolithic-flaked,  and  Neolithic,  Since  the  stones  were  not  associ- 
ated with  stratified  beds,  but  were  merely  covered  by  a  thin  layer  of 
soil  resting  either  on  granite  rocks  or  on  Eocene  sandstone,  the  geo- 
logical formation  does  not  aid  inquiry  into  the  antiquity  of  the 
implements.  With  further  reference  to  the  Neolithic  age  in  Came- 
roons, Fourneau  (1935,  pp.  67-83)  gives  information  respecting  mate- 
rials used,  sizes  and  shapes  of  the  implements.  Laforgue  (1931,  p.  463) 
attempts  to  classify  prehistoric  zones  of  west  Africa  into  three 
main  sites  in  each  of  which  some  distinguishing  industry  predomi- 
nates. The  main  zones  are  (1)  Saharienne,  which  extends  north 
of  the  18th  parallel;  (2)  Sahelienne,  between  14°  and  18°  N.  Lat.; 
(3)  Soudanaise.  Laforgue  details  what  he  considers  to  be  the 
distinguishing  types  of  artifacts  for  each  of  these  regions,  and  con- 
cludes by  pointing  out  the  fact  that  most  of  the  implements  dis- 
covered in  west  Africa  are  without  geological  information. 

The  obvious  need  is  for  systematic  excavation  of  numerous  sites 
with  a  view  to  determining  stratification  and  the  relative  ages  of  the 
various  types  of  implements.     Prehistoric  pottery  has  not  been 


136  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

carefully  studied,  though  Laforgue  states  that  in  Zone  2  pottery  is 
abundant  and  often  artistic.  Rattray  (1927a,  pp.  295-301)  describes 
prehistoric  pottery  of  Ashanti,  which  differs  radically  from  that 
made  today.  Some  of  the  ancient,  highly  ornate  pottery  was  found 
with  celts,  and  Rattray  inclines  to  the  view  that  this  early  pottery 
was  made  by  unknown  people  to  whom  the  present  Ashanti  were 
strangers.  This  pottery  has  been  further  discussed  by  Wild  (1934b, 
pp.  203-215),  who  notes  the  occurrence  of  the  pottery  with  stone  celts 
of  several  forms,  but  no  associated  human  bones  have  been  dis- 
covered. Information  is  inadequate  for  dating  the  pottery,  but 
certain  historical  considerations  suggest  that  makers  of  the  coarse 
red  ware  were  carrying  on  their  craft  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

A  vast  amount  of  skilled  and  organized  research  is  necessary  to 
bring  the  archaeology  of  west  Africa  to  the  level  of  attainment 
reached  in  the  north,  east,  and  south  of  the  continent.  The  need  is 
for  more  systematic  excavation  in  many  areas,  together  with  accurate 
geological  surveys,  the  two  being  an  essential  step  toward  the  co- 
ordination of  west  African  archaeological  discoveries  with  those  in 
other  parts  of  the  continent. 

Apart  from  the  question  of  stone  implements,  their  types,  dis- 
tribution, and  chronology,  west  Africa  has  some  minor  archaeological 
puzzles,  though  these  have  no  known  connection  with  the  stone  age. 
Curious  statuettes  of  stone  and  clay  from  Sherbro  Island  and  Liberia 
have  been  described  by  Neel  (1913a,  pp.  419-443).  According  to 
Joyce  (1905),  no  information  is  available  respecting  the  makers  of 
nomori  figurines  such  as  are  used  by  the  Mende  of  Sierra  Leone. 
Such  statuettes  are  placed  under  small  shelters  in  the  fields  and 
offerings  of  food  are  made  to  them,  or  the  figurines  may  be  chastised 
to  make  them  comply  with  the  wishes  of  their  owner.  Constant 
tribal  incursions  into  this  region  where  nomori  figures  are  now  found, 
but  not  made,  might  account  for  the  rapid  disappearance  of  the  art 
of  making  them.  The  soft  stone  of  the  figurines  wears  quickly; 
therefore,  the  abrasions  and  weathered  appearance  may  erroneously 
suggest  antiquity.  Addison  (1934)  provides  excellent  illustrations 
of  nomori,  and  he  explains  that  in  Mende  nu  or  no  means  a  person 
and  mori  or  moli  means  to  ask  a  question.  Nomori  may  contain 
good  or  bad  spirits  who  will  answer  questions  and  fulfill  requests. 
Approach  to  the  nomori  is  usually  made  through  a  medicine-man. 

Terra  cotta  heads  and  the  priesthood  associated  with  them  at  If^, 
Nigeria,  have  been  photographed  by  Hambly  (1935,  Plates  CLIV, 
CLVI,  CLVII),  who  summarizes  (pp.  466-468)  some  of  the  views 


Prehistory  137 

respecting  a  possible  Carthaginian  or  Egyptian  origin  of  a  craft 
which  is  unique.  Other  illustrations  of  these  objects  may  be  seen 
in  Frobenius  (1913,  vol.  1,  Plates  VI,  IX).  These  nomori  of  Sierra 
Leone,  and  terra  cotta  heads  of  Ife,  with  stone  monuments  of  that 
region,  cannot  yet  be  shown  as  part  of  a  general  archaeological 
problem.  And  in  west  Africa,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent, are  stone  structures  of  unknown  origin  and  age  which  will 
have  to  be  considered  later. 

Rock  Paintings  and  Engravings 

Literature  bearing  on  the  regions  of  Africa  in  which  stone  imple- 
ments have  been  found  should  now  be  searched  for  evidence  of 
artistic  expression.  The  association  of  works  of  art  with  types  of 
stone  implements  should  be  noted,  and  the  testimony  of  paintings 
and  engravings  should  be  added  to  the  other  evidence  bearing  on 
migrations  of  lithic  culture  and  of  stone-age  races.  Examples  of 
prehistoric  art  can  be  conveniently  considered  in  northern,  eastern, 
and  southern  divisions,  though  there  are  no  clear  geographical  lines 
of  demarcation  between  the  northern  and  the  eastern  examples. 
The  territory  where  rock  sculptures  and  paintings  are  found  extends 
from  Algeria  to  Libya,  through  Nubia  and  Kordofan  into  Tangan- 
yika Territory  and  south  Africa  (for  comparison  of  styles,  see  Fig.  24). 

As  with  the  study  of  stone  implements,  we  have  in  connection 
with  primitive  art  a  period  of  preliminary  observation  resulting  in 
notes  and  short  articles  that  evince  a  growing  interest  in  the  subject. 
The  observations  become  extended  geographically  and  the  sites  are 
more  thoroughly  described.  Finally,  there  is  an  attempt  to  unify 
pictorial  with  other  archaeological  evidence,  and  hypotheses  respect- 
ing the  migrations  of  early  cultures  are  formed, 

NORTH  AFRICA 

Barth  (1857,  vol.  1,  pp.  197-200)  portrays  rock  engravings  in  the 
Wadi  Telisagh^  near  Murzuk,  where  sandstone  blocks  were  covered 
with  drawings  "made  with  a  firm  and  steady  hand,  well  accustomed 
to  such  work,  and  cut  to  a  great  depth."  A  sculpture  (p.  197) 
represents  a  group  of  three  individuals  of  the  following  character  and 
arrangement.  To  the  left  is  a  tall  human  figure  with  a  long,  narrow, 
horned  head.  I  could  not  agree  with  Barth  that  this  is  the  head  of  a 
bull;  the  tapering  head  is  m.ore  like  that  of  an  antelope.  This 
anthropomorphic  person  carries  a  bow  and  arrow  in  the  left  hand. 
On  the  right  of  the  picture  is  a  similar  individual,  and  between  them 
a  horned  animal.     Barth  observes  that  the  sculpture  has  nothing 


138  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

of  a  Roman  character  but  some  particulars  call  to  mind  the  Egyptian 
sculptures,  or  again  the  sculpture  may  have  been  executed  by  some 
one  who  had  been  in  contact  with  a  civilized  people,  possibly  the 
Carthaginians.  Barth  does  not  suggest  that  the  sculptures  may  be 
due  solely  to  the  genius  of  a  primitive  people.  Bates  (1914,  p.  94) 
gives  the  most  feasible  explanation  of  this  petroglyph  as  a  hunting 
scene  in  which  the  two  males  are  disguised  with  the  head  skins  of 
animals  so  that  they  may  approach  close  to  their  quarry.  Barth 
remarks  on  the  absence  of  the  camel  from  the  sculptures,  and  the 
fact  that  at  the  time  the  sculptures  were  made  oxen  were  used  for 
transport  in  that  region.  Other  sculptures  show  the  ostrich  and  the 
buffalo. 

These  examples  given  by  Barth  are  of  great  importance  in  further 
comparative  study  of  prehistoric  art  in  Africa.  The  technique  of 
engraving,  and  above  all  the  distinctive  style  show  undeniable 
affinities  with  a  phase  of  art,  examples  of  which  have  been  observed 
in  southern  Spain,  north  Africa,  Kordofan  and  south  Africa. 

Among  early  papers  on  the  subject  of  rock  engravings,  Gautier 
(1904)  should  be  consulted  with  regard  to  pictures  from  Zenaga. 
The  antiquity  of  the  drawings  representing  elephants,  ostriches, 
and  the  extinct  Buhalus  antiquus  is  uncertain.  These  animals  per- 
sisted until  Carthaginian  and  Roman  times,  and  the  engravings  are 
not  necessarily  extremely  ancient,  yet  in  the  opinion  of  Gautier  they 
are  probably  the  work  of  prehistoric,  stone-age  man.  For  a  summary 
of  what  is  known  of  the  north  African  Pleistocene  animals,  consult 
A.  S.  Romer  (1928). 

A  southwesterly  extension  of  the  art  of  rock  engraving  is  noted  by 
Desplagnes  (1907,  pp.  77-84)  in  the  French  Sudan,  but  many 
designs  are  painted,  not  sculptured,  and  they  appear  to  belong  to  a 
late  Libyan-Berber  and  Tuareg  class  of  inscriptions.  To  this  class  of 
inscriptions  belong  the  examples  discussed  by  Bates  (1914,  pp.  73-85, 
160)  and  by  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912,  vol.  2,  pp.  503-518). 
Both  works  make  a  comparative  study  of  Libyan,  Punic,  and 
Tamashek  symbols.  Bates  (p.  85)  states  that  no  inscription  in 
Libyan  characters  has  yet  proved  older  than  about  400. B.C. 

The  early  observers  are  agreed  that  on  stylistic  ground  alone  the 
engravings  such  as  those  recorded  by  Barth  are  sui  generis,  and 
despite  our  ignorance  of  origins  and  chronology  two  classifications 
can  be  made:  (1)  rock  engravings  of  animals,  probably  made  by 
prehistoric,  stone-age  man  to  represent  the  game  he  followed;  and 
(2)  relatively  recent  engravings  of  camels,  together  with  Libyan  and 


I 


Fig.  24.    Rock  paintings  and  engravings. 


139 


140  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

T'ifinagh  symbols.  Excellent  examples  of  the  second  class  are  given 
by  Zeltner  (1913,  pp.  171-184).  He  points  out  that  the  evident  use 
of  a  sharp  engraving  tool  of  stone  for  making  incised  drawings  does 
not  assure  the  antiquity  of  the  sketches.  Some  of  the  drawings, 
which  were  clearly  made  with  a  sharp  stone  point,  include  designs  of 
camels  and  of  a  man  clad  in  trousers. 

At  an  early  stage  in  the  observation  of  designs,  Zeltner  (1911, 
pp.  11,  12)  remarks  that  those  he  illustrates  from  the  French  Sudan, 
though  in  some  superficial  details  homologous  to  European  and 
Algerian  works,  are  completely  separate  from  these  in  their  general 
character.  Zeltner  summarizes  the  nature  of  the  Sudanese  cave 
paintings.  These  are  always  at  easily  accessible  altitudes  near  the 
entrances  to  caves.  The  colors  used  are  specified  in  detail,  and 
Zeltner  is  convinced  that  the  paintings  were  made  by  the  artist's 
fingers.  Geometric  ornament  dominates,  and  realistic  representa- 
tions are  few.  Conventional  representations  of  men  and  of  animals 
recall  the  rock  engravings  of  Hadjra-Mektouba  in  the  Sahara,  and  of 
Egypt.  The  early  work  of  Zeltner  makes  clear  that  further  study 
will  have  to  be  strictly  typological  and  technological.  Schools  of 
art  have  included  incised  sculptures,  often  on  exposed  rocks,  and 
paintings  in  caves.  Of  the  relative  chronology  of  these,  nothing  defi- 
nite is  known,  but  the  changes  of  style  and  type  suggest  the  work  of 
different  peoples  and  separate  periods. 

The  name  of  Flamand  is  prominent  among  students  of  rock 
sculptures  of  north  Africa.  A  brief  account  of  his  views  may  be 
found  in  a  short  article  (1914)  describing  two  new  sites  of  engraved 
rocks  in  south  Algeria.  The  principal  engravings  belong  to  the 
prehistoric  period,  and  among  these  the  most  notable  are  an  antelope 
(bubale),  a  lion,  and  an  ostrich.  This  paper  is,  however,  only  an 
introduction  to  a  comprehensive  work  (1921)  which  is  the  most  help- 
ful survey  yet  published.  The  author  divides  his  thesis  into  five 
parts,  the  first  of  which  is  historical  from  about  the  year  a.d.  1800. 
He  then  deals  with  techniques  of  prehistoric,  Libyo-Berber,  and  recent 
engravings.  The  distribution  of  sites  is  discussed,  and  a  separate 
section  is  devoted  to  pre-Libyan  (Neolithic),  and  to  Libyo-Berber 
and  Mohammedan  engravings,  respectively.  The  illustrations, 
indexing,  and  discussion  make  the  work  preeminent. 

The  collection  of  Saharan  rock  engravings  and  paintings  (Fro- 
benius  and  Obermaier,  1925)  shows  a  great  advance  in  the  technique 
of  publishing  the  rock  engravings  and  paintings,  many  of  which  are 
reproduced  in  their  natural  colors.    For  the  main  part,  these  rock 


Prehistory  141 

engravings  are  of  the  Barth  type,  including  excellent  representations 
of  horned  cattle,  ostriches,  antelope,  hyenas,  lions,  elephants,  and 
wild  asses,  which  show  true  affinity  with  some  south  African  examples 
both  in  style  and  the  subjects  chosen,  as  well  as  in  the  technique  of 
engraving.  The  text  accompanying  the  pictures  describes  the 
phases  of  stone-age  culture  in  north  Africa.  But  there  does  not 
appear  to  be  sufficient  evidence  to  associate  each  of  these  phases 
with  some  specific  form  of  art.  The  evidence  produced  is  in  the 
nature  of  a  general  comparison  of  the  Paleolithic  art  of  southern 
Spain  and  the  art  of  north  Africa,  which  on  stylistic  grounds  is 
reasonably  assumed  to  be  the  work  of  stone-age  hunters.  Ober- 
maier  (p.  41)  speaks  of  the  necessity  for  grouping  these  north  African 
rock  pictures  according  to  their  styles  and  periods  of  production. 
He  recognizes  three  main  styles:  (1)  the  realistic  portrayal 
of  animals;  (2)  a  combination  of  this  art  with  use  of  conventional 
forms  whose  meaning  is  not  clear;  (3)  more  modern  Libyan  and 
Tuareg  art,  with  etchings  sometimes  superimposed  on  the  old-stone- 
age  engravings. 

During  the  past  five  years  a  new  impetus  has  been  given  to  the 
study  of  prehistoric  art  in  north  Africa  by  Monod  (1932),  Reygasse 
(1932,  1935),  Passemard  and  Saint-Floris  (1935),  and  Perret  (1936). 
For  further  examples  of  African  art,  Frobenius  (1930-31)  and  Breuil 
(1931)  should  be  consulted. 

Selecting  the  more  recent  of  Reygasse's  publications,  we  have 
some  excellent  illustrations  of  the  realistic  school  of  prehistoric  art 
from  Tassili  des  Ajjers,  situated  west  of  the  Tripolitanian  frontier 
between  Ghadames  and  Ghat.  With  the  pictorial  records  of  Rey- 
gasse should  be  compared  those  of  Perret  (1936)  from  the  same 
region.  Reygasse  states  that  owing  to  the  impossibility  of  associ- 
ating stone-age  material  with  the  engravings,  which  are  exposed  on 
rocks  situated  on  high  hills,  a  scheme  of  chronology  for  the  works 
of  art  is  at  present  impossible;  neither  can  they  be  synchronized 
with  similar  works  of  art  from  prehistoric  Europe.  Yet  these 
sculptures,  in  common  with  all  rock  engravings  and  paintings  in  the 
Sahara,  fall  into  two  main  categories.  On  the  one  hand  we  have  the 
ancient  engravings,  and  in  contrast  to  these  the  more  recent  Libyo- 
Berber  art  characterized  by  decadence  of  style  and  the  appearance 
of  the  camel,  which  was  not  used  in  the  Sahara  until  about  a.d.  200. 

Reygasse,  moreover,  distinguishes  two  clear  divisions  in  the  art  of 
Tassili  des  Ajjers.  Firstly,  there  is  the  art  of  a  primitive  population 
of  hunters  and  food-gatherers,  and,  secondly,  there  is  the  art  of  the 


142  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

first  pastoralists.  The  basis  of  this  classification  is  the  study  of 
different  patinations  of  superimposed  drawings,  consideration  of 
techniques,  of  the  fauna,  and  lastly  of  costume  and  ornament.  The 
art  of  the  earlier  period  is  readily  distinguished  by  the  presence  of 
such  tropical  animals  as  the  hippopotamus,  rhinoceros,  elephant, 
giraffe,  antelope  (bubale),  Bovidae,and  ostrich,  which  flourished  before 
profound  climatic  changes  took  place.  The  drawings  of  the  first 
pastoral  people  depict  horses,  oxen,  and  goats.  The  paintings,  which 
are  always  in  rock  shelters,  all  belong  to  a  pastoral  age,  and  in 
association  with  some  of  these  are  Neolithic  stone  implements. 
Reygasse  accepts  the  stylistic  affinities  of  north  African  art  of  the 
old  type  with  that  of  southern  Spain  and  south  Africa,  and  no 
observer  who  compares  the  drawings  from  these  areas  can  fail  to 
agree  that  resemblances  are  fundamental.  That  such  analogies 
could  arise  de  novo  in  separate  centers  seems  impossible,  and  the 
argument  for  migrations  of  cultures  and  peoples  is  considerably 
strengthened  by  consideration  of  these  works  of  art  from  the  Sahara. 

For  critical  notes  on  the  views  of  Reygasse,  see  "Nature,"  vol. 
39,  1937,  pp.  432-435. 

Beyond  providing  additional  examples  of  the  Bushman  type  of 
art,  which  are  excellent,  especially  in  the  portrayal  of  human  figures, 
Passemard  and  Saint-Floris  (1935)  have  not  attempted  to  solve 
stylistic  and  chronological  problems.  These  observers  have,  how- 
ever, extended  the  geographical  scope  of  observation  by  their  careful 
records  from  Ennedi  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Chad  Colony.  In 
this  region  Tilho  (1920)  made  some  preliminary  observations.  The 
rock  drawing  he  shows  from  the  oasis  of  Yarda  in  Borku  is  of  a 
somewhat  recent  type,  with  camels  as  the  principal  motif. 

Two  papers  dealing  with  the  work  of  classification  of  styles, 
chronology  of  styles,  and  resemblances  between  art  forms  in  north 
Africa  and  Europe  have  been  published  by  E.  S.  Thomas  (1926)  and 
by  Kiihn  (1927).  The  former  sets  out  to  make  a  study  of  drawings 
from  ancient  Egypt,  Libya,  and  the  south  Spanish  caves,  and  he 
has  summarized  his  results  by  tabulating  a  large  number  of  drawings 
in  parallel  columns.  The  designs  are  geometrical,  together  with 
conventionalized  forms  of  human  beings  and  animals.  The  pictures 
are  assembled  from  many  localities  and  from  the  works  of  various 
observers  (p.  387),  and  a  series  of  notes  on  the  more  impressive 
resemblances  is  offered. 

Ktihn  opens  his  synthetic  article  by  observing  that  the  most 
urgent  question  connected  with  research  into  Paleolithic  art  is  that 


Prehistory  143 

of  assigning  dates  to  the  north  African  pictures  of  the  Sahara-Atlas 
region.  The  reasons  for  ascribing  pictures  to  a  Paleolithic  or  to  a 
Neolithic  age  are  analyzed  (pp.  14-16),  and  the  characteristics  of  the 
old-  and  new-stone-age  patterns  as  given  by  Kiihn  agree  well  with 
those  we  have  just  quoted  from  Reygasse.  The  evolution  of  style, 
the  animals  represented,  the  patination,  the  weathering  of  the 
incisions,  the  associated  implements,  and  the  introduction  of  figures 
of  domestic  animals,  all  aid  in  separating  the  older  Paleolithic  art 
from  the  Neolithic.  Kiihn  (p.  25)  calls  attention  particularly  to  the 
resemblance  between  his  illustrations  (Nos.  15,  18)  from  Tiout  and 
those  of  the  Paleolithic  period  of  cave  art  in  France  and  Spain. 
Finally  he  gives  a  comparative  series  of  drawings  of  animals  from 
prehistoric  Egypt,  from  the  Sahara-Atlas  region,  and  from  French 
and  Spanish  sources,  which  support  his  argument  for  a  widely 
diffused  and  specific  form  of  Paleolithic  art. 

LIBYA  AND  KORDOFAN 

Our  r^sum^  must  now  make  a  geographical  excursion  into  Libya 
where  several  observers  of  the  past  decade  have  copied  rock  engrav- 
ings. Newbold  (1924,  p.  64)  portrays  pictures  of  animals  and 
human  beings  which  he  found  incised  on  rock  surfaces  at  Zolat  el 
Hammad.  Some  of  the  engraved  figures  are  indeterminable,  but 
others  clearly  represent  tailed  and  phallic  men,  elephants,  giraffes, 
ostriches,  oryx,  and  cattle.  Newbold  notes  a  distinction  between 
the  pictures  of  several  sites  of  the  region,  namely,  the  presence  or 
absence  of  engravings  of  camels.  This  is  a  factor  which  aids  in 
determining  the  age  of  the  pictures.  Newbold  is  of  the  opinion  that 
the  drawings  he  saw  were  the  work  of  southern  Libyans  known  as 
Tamahu,  who  formed  the  ruling  caste  in  Ethiopia  about  300  B.C. 
The  age  of  the  drawings  is  at  least  2,000  years,  and  may  be  as  much 
as  4,500  years,  since  the  Tamahu  ranged  over  the  Dongola  and  Haifa 
deserts  as  far  back  as  2500  B.C.  The  drawings  are  crude,  and  the 
style  does  not  suggest  close  technical  relationship  with  those  north 
African  rock  pictures  we  compared  with  Bushman  art.  Some  of  the 
sketches  (p.  76,  Plate  VII)  are,  however,  a  little  suggestive  of  Bush- 
man style.  A  steatopygous  human  figure  appears,  and  tailed  human 
beings  are  shooting  with  bows  and  arrows.  These  pictures  from  the 
rocks  at  Gelti  um  Tasawir  in  Jebel  Tageru  might,  I  think,  safely  be 
classified  with  those  we  have  previously  relegated  to  a  hunting  stage 
of  culture  in  the  Paleolithic  period.  Taking  Newbold 's  pictures  as  a 
whole,  they  could  perhaps,  with  further  study,  be  grouped  as  (1) 
Paleolithic,  (2)  early  historical,  dealing  with  a  Libyan  culture  of 


144  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

500  B.C.  and  earlier,  (3)  the  camel  period  from  a.d.  200  onward. 
Newbold  (1928,  p.  263)  impresses  the  difficulty  of  assigning  dates  to 
rock  engravings  in  the  Libyan  Desert,  since  rock  pictures  and  stone 
implements  are  surface  finds,  but  he  turns  to  Ptolemy  and  other 
geographical  and  historical  sources  to  show  the  extension  of  a 
population  of  Garamantes,  Mazices,  and  Nubae  over  wide  territory 
now  uninhabitable.  Between  one  and  three  thousand  years  ago, 
there  was  much  movement  both  vertical  and  lateral,  in  the  Libyan 
Desert,  and  many  oases  now  described  as  "lost"  sheltered  a  popu- 
lation. So  much  is  ascertainable  from  a  study  of  place  names  in  the 
writings  of  Egyptians,  Romans,  Greeks,  and  Arabs.  From  the  data 
supplied  by  Newbold,  we  must  learn  to  forget  the  present  inaccessi- 
bility of  desert  regions  when  forming  hypotheses  of  the  migrations 
of  peoples. 

The  brief  description  of  rock  engravings  at  Ouenat  given  by 
Hassanein  Bey  (1924,  pp.  353-366;  1925,  pp.  203-205),  and  by  King 
(1925,  pp.  326-336)  for  other  parts  of  Libya,  should  be  supple- 
mented by  Newbold's  more  detailed  description  (1928,  p.  286). 
Newbold  believes  that,  generally  speaking,  the  pictures  of  Ouenat 
belong  to  the  pre-camel  era,  and  (quoting  Abb^  Breuil)  he  indicates 
that  the  Ouenat  series  may  be  divided  into  several  groups  with  a 
time  sequence.  Realistic  ostriches  and  giraffes  probably  belong  to 
the  Upper  Paleolithic  age,  and  these  are  of  the  same  style  as  the  best 
Bushman  drawings  in  South  Africa.  Among  the  other  and  more 
modern  rock  pictures  of  Ouenat,  the  incision  of  outline  and  the 
"pecking  out"  processes,  both  of  which  were  used  by  rock  engravers 
in  south  Africa,  are  distinguishable.  Newbold  remarks  in  conclusion 
that  "until  we  can  find  associated  and  stratified  implements  or  other 
remains  on  a  rock-picture  site,  the  chronology  must  remain  vague." 
He  offers  a  suggestion  of  four  categories  of  Libyan  rock  pictures: 
(1)  Bushman  type,  Late  Paleolithic  or  Early  Neolithic;  (2)  Early 
Libyan,  Neolithic,  predynastic,  and  Old  Egyptian  Empire;  (3) 
Middle  Libyan,  Middle  and  Late  Empire,  down  to  the  introduction 
of  camels  into  the  Sudan;  (4)  Roman,  medieval,  and  modern. 

Among  recent  representations  of  ancient  art  from  Ouenat  north- 
east of  Kufra  are  those  described  and  illustrated  in  color  by  Murphy 
(1934,  pp.  796-799)  and  by  Calzoni  (1933).  These  rock  paintings 
were  discovered  by  a  Hungarian  explorer.  Count  Almasy,  whose 
contribution  brings  us  closely  in  touch  with  Bushman  styles  at  their 
best,  and  their  technique  supports  the  view  of  Newbold  that  Ouenat 
provides  in  general  an  example  of  the  art  of  old-stone-age  hunters. 


Prehistory  145 

Parker  and  Burkitt  (1932)  show  rock  engravings  from  Nubia,  west 
of  the  Nile.  Figures  of  ostriches  and  cattle  are  included,  but  the 
camel  is  the  dominant  design. 

At  a  place  in  Kordofan,  145  miles  west-southwest  of  Omdurman, 
H.  A.  MacMichael  (1909)  made  records  of  rock  paintings,  including 
designs  of  men  on  horseback,  hyenas,  and  giraffes,  some  of  which 
have  a  technique  resembling  that  of  Insalah  in  the  northern  Sahara. 
But  this  technique  from  Kordofan  is  not  particularly  like  that  of  the 
Bushmen.  A.  E.  Robinson  (1934)  introduces  his  pictures  from 
Kordofan  and  Meroe  by  summarizing  the  different  techniques.  A 
petroglyph  means  a  picture  incised,  pecked,  or  made  by  percussion 
on  the  rock,  whereas  a  petrograph  is  a  drawing  made  with  charcoal 
or  pigment.  Graffiti  (scratches)  are  included  with  petroglyphs.  As 
a  rule,  petrographs  are  found  in  caves  or  rock  shelters,  but  petro- 
glyphs are  more  frequently  carved  on  exposed  rocks.  Some  of  the 
figures  shown  are  Egyptian  petroglyphs  of  the  historic  period,  but 
several  percussion  types  of  petroglyph  from  southern  Egypt  and  the 
Sudan  show  the  ostrich,  the  elephant,  and  the  giraffe  very  crudely 
represented.  Judging  by  style  alone,  these  latter  could  belong  either 
to  a  formative  or  to  a  degenerate  period  of  the  Paleolithic  school. 

SOUTHEAST  AFRICA 

The  rock  paintings  of  Tanganyika  Territory  form  a  geographical, 
and  probably  a  definite  cultural  link  also,  between  Bushman  rock 
art  of  south  Africa  and  pictures  of  the  same  style  and  technique 
in  north  Africa.  Nash  (1929)  discovered  rock  paintings  of  reddish 
color  near  Kondoa  Irangi.  Some  of  the  drawings  are  merely  outlines, 
but  others  have  been  filled  in  with  pigment.  *'Most  of  the  work  is 
very  crude  and  unfinished,  yet  in  places  quite  skilful,  especially 
where  animals  have  been  depicted,  and  that  the  artists  were  close 
observers  of  nature  is  shown  by  the  perfect  stance  and  curves  which 
they  gave,  in  particular,  to  the  giraffes."  Cul wick's  (1931b)  pictures, 
painted  in  white,  on  the  slabs  of  rock  shelters  near  Bahi,  Tanganyika 
Territory,  have  a  legendary  history  showing  that  the  paintings  were 
made  by  men  who  lived,  according  to  Culwick's  genealogy,  about  250 
years  ago.  Therefore,  the  art  is  of  a  date  too  recent  to  be  considered 
with  any  examples  hitherto  discussed.  But  the  ritual,  past  and 
present,  that  Culwick  describes  in  connection  with  these  paintings 
is  of  the  utmost  importance,  and  it  may  well  be  that  we  have  today  a 
glimpse  of  the  magical  background  that  was  an  incentive  to  the 
Paleolithic  art  of  south  Europe  and  north  Africa.  The  paintings 
function  in  ceremonies  of  prayer  and  sacrifice  for  producing  rain. 


146  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  study  of  rock  paintings  in  Tanganyika  is  continued  by  Cul- 
wick  (1931b),  who  points  out  that  peculiar  objects  of  stone,  not 
obtainable  elsewhere  in  the  neighborhood,  were  abundant  in  the 
shelters  where  the  paintings  occurred.  The  paintings  from  Singida 
and  other  sites  cannot  be  placed  in  one  group,  and  the  chronology  of 
the  different  styles  is  uncertain.  But  in  the  discussion  which  followed 
the  reading  of  the  paper,  attention  was  drawn  by  Culwick  and  Burkitt 
to  "a  close  resemblance  in  style  and  technique,  between  many  of  the 
Ilongero  paintings  and  those  of  Rhodesia  and  south  Africa,  presumed 
to  be  of  Bushman  origin."  My  own  opinion  is  that  the  paintings 
of  animals  (Culwick,  Plates  L-LIII)  have  in  their  realism  and  stance 
a  very  impressive  resemblance  to  those  forms  of  so-called  Bushman 
art  that  we  have  assembled  from  north  Africa.  In  type,  the  paintings 
are  of  the  school  of  action  and  realism  which  Kiihn,  Reygasse,  and 
others  have  classed  as  Paleolithic.  For  further  information  on  rock 
paintings  of  Tanganyika,  see  Arundell  (1936). 

SOUTH  AFRICA 

In  reviewing  the  literature  relating  to  rock  engravings  and  paint- 
ings of  south  Africa,  two  points  of  primary  interest  are  comparison 
of  the  works  of  art  inter  se  with  a  view  to  establishing  a  chronology 
of  style,  and  study  of  the  petrographs  and  petroglyphs  in  relation  to 
stone  implements  of  various  cultural  levels,  in  the  caves  or  other  sites 
where  the  pictures  occur.  Then,  more  broadly,  a  comparison  of 
south  African  art  with  that  of  the  northern  part  of  the  continent, 
and  with  southern  Europe,  is  a  necessary  coordination. 

Our  historical  study  of  south  African  paintings  may  well  begin 
by  reading  H.  Balfour's  preface  to  Tongue's  (1909)  collection  of  a 
hundred  Bushman  rock  paintings  and  engravings.  Balfour  states 
that  the  greater  part  of  our  first-hand  information  regarding  the 
Bushman  is  derived  from  E.  W.  Stow's  "Native  Races  of  South 
Africa."  According  to  Stow,  there  were  two  distinct  branches  of  the 
Bushman  people,  who  differed  in  their  artistic  methods  as  well  as  in 
their  customs  and  language.  Although  both  these  groups  are  sup- 
posed to  have  reached  south  Africa  from  the  north,  they  followed 
different  routes.  Stow  refers  to  these  groups  as  the  Painters  or 
Cave-dwellers  and  the  Sculptors  or  Kopje-dwellers,  respectively. 
Holub's  scheme  of  four  periods  of  art,  three  of  gradual  development 
and  a  fourth  of  decadence,  is  also  mentioned  by  Balfour,  who  says 
that  "the  evidence  upon  which  he  bases  his  conclusions  is  not  suf- 
ficiently clear  to  warrant  acceptance  without  reserve.  There  is, 
however,  valuable  evidence  afforded  by  patination  of  the  rock  sur- 


I 


Prehistory  147 

faces,  and  this  serves  as  a  means  of  distinguishing  the  earlier  examples 
from  the  latter,  and  emphasizes  the  fact  that  upon  the  whole  the 
former  are  of  a  higher  type  than  the  latter."  Balfour's  preface, 
together  with  Tongue's  introduction  to  the  colored  plates,  gives  a 
valuable  r^sum^  of  the  information  available  about  thirty  years  ago. 
Balfour  concludes  by  mentioning  the  stylistic  affinities  of  Bushman 
art  and  that  of  the  cave  period  of  the  Paleolithic  age  in  western 
Europe.  He  observes  that  archaeological  excavation  in  caves  of 
south  Africa  where  paintings  occur  is  necessary  for  investigating  a 
possible  cultural  and  physical  relationship  between  Bushmen  and 
cave  dwellers  of  Europe. 

Since  the  publications  of  Tongue  (1909)  and  of  Moszeik  (1910), 
several  compendiums  of  Bushman  art  have  been  issued,  and  promi- 
nent among  these  is  the  album  of  Zelizko,  who  uses  the  petroglyphs 
collected  by  Holub  about  fifty  years  ago.  Other  albums  are  those 
of  D.  Bleek  (1930),  who  reproduces  the  rock  paintings  collected  by 
G.  W.  Stow,  with  introduction  and  descriptive  notes;  Obermaier  and 
Kiihn  (1930),  whose  work  deals  with  rock  paintings  of  southwest 
Africa;  Lebzelter  (1930);  and  Frobenius  (1935). 

A  recent  work  of  conspicuous  merit  in  this  field  is  one  by  Wilman 
(1933),  who  has  produced  a  book  which  will  give  the  student  a  general 
survey  of  the  problems  to  be  solved  and  the  methods  that  are  being 
adopted.  In  addition  to  the  representation  of  many  engravings  the 
work  contains  a  large  bibliography  of  120  names,  and  a  historical 
introduction  which  puts  the  reader  in  touch  with  the  work  accom- 
plished from  1824  to  1933.  The  distribution  of  the  rock  engravings 
of  south  Africa  is  then  surveyed,  and  a  map  showing  the  occurrence 
of  the  sites  is  provided. 

Wilman's  classification  for  south  Africa  gives  four  categories: 
Class  1  represents  the  oldest  or  "classical"  styles,  depicting  animals 
with  which  the  artists  were  familiar,  as  well  as  human  beings,  plants, 
and  geometrical  patterns.  Class  2  contains  the  engravings  which 
are  derivatives  from  Class  1.  In  Division  3  the  spoors  of  human 
beings  and  animals  are  represented,  while  Class  4  consists  of  scrib- 
blings  of  recent  date. 

With  regard  to  the  chronological  sequence  of  engravings,  the 
majority  of  the  "classical"  styles  are  divisible  into  groups  based  on 
differences  in  technique,  but  misleading  factors  are  found  in  the 
chemical  composition  of  different  rocks.  On  some  surfaces  rust  and 
black  oxide  form  readily,  and  lichens  grow  quickly,  so  that  an  un- 
warranted impression  of  old  age  is  given.     Differences  of  opinion 


148  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

exist  respecting  the  tools  used  by  the  engravers,  but  a  feasible 
hypothesis  states  that  the  boart  (a  form  of  diamond  used  for  indus- 
trial purposes)  may  have  been  used. 

Who  were  the  engravers?  And  do  the  stylistic  differences  justify 
an  assumption  of  successive  migrations?  On  the  whole,  the  engravers 
showed  more  stylistic  diversity  than  did  the  painters,  yet  some 
resemblance  between  the  products  of  the  engravers  and  the  painters 
is  evident.  There  are  areas  where  paintings  predominate,  and 
localities  where  engravings  are  more  numerous  than  paintings.  M. 
Wilman  inclines  to  the  view  that  the  early  Bushmen  to  whom  the 
works  of  art  are  ascribed  were  the  phylogenetic  forerunners  of  Bush- 
men who  have  produced  recent  engravings,  but  the  osteological 
evidence  for  support  or  refutation  of  theories  is  too  meager  to  be 
convincing.  The  modern  belief  that  artists  were  actuated  by  im- 
pulses of  magic  and  religion  has  possibly  been  overstressed. 

A  study  of  the  relative  ages  of  rock  paintings — Wilman  dealt 
chiefly  with  engravings — may  be  followed  from  L.  H.  Wells  (1933, 
pp.  131-157),  who  describes  petrographs  in  the  Cathkin  Peak  area, 
Natal.  He  selects  paintings  from  the  cave  of  the  Eland,  since  these 
examples  adequately  illustrate  the  evolution  of  style.  The  series 
found  in  the  remaining  shelters  confirmed  the  sequence  found  in  the 
cave  of  the  Eland,  where,  on  the  evidence  of  superposition,  the  paint- 
ings may  be  divided  into  eight  main  stages  with  four  minor  varia- 
tions; these  stages  are  then  summarized  from  the  earliest  to  the  most 
recent.  Wells  finally  compares  these  styles  of  art  with  those  of  the 
four  large  stylistic  groups  of  paintings  in  southern  Africa:  namely, 
an  eastern  group  located  in  Southern  Rhodesia,  a  western  group  in 
South  West  Africa,  a  central  group  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
Orange  Free  State,  and  a  southern  group  in  the  Cape  Peninsula. 
Technically  and  geographically,  the  Cathkin  Peak  paintings  belong 
to  the  central  group.  All  groups,  though  widely  separated  geographi- 
cally and  in  technique,  are  the  work  of  peoples  having  the  same  cul- 
tural background.  Discoveries  in  the  cave  earth  together  with  the 
motifs  of  the  paintings  indicate  that  the  Cathkin  paintings  of  stages 
2-8  were  the  work  of  a  Bushman  physical  type,  a  purely  hunting 
people,  using  the  bow  and  arrow  and  practicing  a  late-stone-age 
culture.  A  later  cultural  factor  is  shown  by  paintings  indicating 
the  interests  of  a  pastoral  people.  This  distinction  we  have  pre- 
viously observed  in  classifying  the  rock  paintings  and  engravings 
of  north  Africa,   where  the  pictures  of  hunters  and  game  were 


Prehistory  149 

described  as  the  oldest  Paleolithic  type,  and  those  including  domestic 
animals  were  classed  as  Neolithic. 

As  early  as  the  year  1910,  J.  P.  Johnson  sought  to  correlate  types 
of  rock  petrographs  and  petroglyphs  with  specific  types  of  stone 
implements.  He  states  that  "Solutric  petroglyphs"  and  rock  paint- 
ings are  distributed  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  south  Africa, 
and  that  the  kind  of  surface  available  seemed  to  determine  whether 
the  artists  would  make  engravings  or  paintings.  This  statement  is, 
of  course,  at  variance  with  a  theory  that  correlates  each  type  of  art 
with  a  definite  migration  of  artists.  Johnson  describes  a  primitive 
series  of  petroglyphs  in  the  neighborhood  of  Vereeniging,  where 
characteristic  Solutric  scrapers  of  chert  are  of  common  occurrence. 
He  gives  instructive  illustrations  that  aid  our  study  of  style,  showing 
technique  which  varies  from  pecking  only  the  outline  of  an  animal 
to  filling  in  the  whole  interior  of  the  petroglyph  with  either  fine  or 
coarse  pecking.  Attention  is  called  to  the  limitations  imposed  on 
the  skill  of  an  artist  by  the  difficult  process  of  pecking  or  grooving 
with  stone  tools  on  a  hard  rock  surface.  Painting  on  a  smooth  surface 
obviously  gave  greater  freedom  to  the  craftsman,  and  in  the  latter 
form  of  art  the  artist  departed  from  the  single  object  to  portray  a 
complex  motif,  such  as  a  hunting  scene.  Johnson's  work  does  not, 
however,  reveal  any  very  specific  relationship  between  types  of  art 
and  patterns  of  stone  implements. 

Coordination  of  the  two  main  branches  of  archaeological  evidence, 
namely,  stone  implements  and  pictorial  art,  is  not  yet  far  advanced 
for  south  Africa  as  a  whole,  but  Armstrong  (1931,  p.  252)  considers 
the  depths  at  which  different  pigments  were  found  in  the  floor  of 
Bambata  Cave  in  Southern  Rhodesia.  The  pencils  of  hematite  and 
ocher  used  in  making  the  paintings  provide  a  link  between  the 
paintings  and  the  artifacts.  The  lowest  pieces  of  coloring  matter 
were  balls  of  yellow  ocher  found  at  a  depth  of  five  feet.  Red  ocher 
was  not  found  lower  than  3  feet  6  inches,  and  the  brown  and  red 
hematites  were  absent  after  the  2  foot  6  inch  level,  though  frequent 
above  that  datum.  The  order  in  which  the  colors  were  found  corre- 
sponds with  the  superposition  of  the  wall  paintings,  the  oldest  being 
of  yellow  ocher,  the  raw  supplies  of  which  were  found  at  the  greatest 
depth  in  the  cave  floors.  "It  is  noteworthy  that  the  horizon  upon 
which  coloring  material  first  occurred  and  which,  presumably,  masks 
the  beginning  of  art  in  Rhodesia,  is  the  point  at  which  a  distinct 
improvement  in  the  technique  of  burins  was  noticed  and  from  which 
horizon   upward   they   were   increasingly   abundant."     Armstrong 


150  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

attributes  this  improvement  to  a  new  wave  of  Neanthropic  people, 
or  influence,  from  the  north.  "If  this  correlation  between  the  cave- 
paintings  and  the  Upper  Palaeolithic  culture  of  South  Africa  is 
reliable,  as  I  believe  it  to  be,  it  provides  a  further  and  highly  impor- 
tant link  between  it  and  the  Upper  Aurignacian  of  Europe,  and 
supports  the  evidence  for  a  common  origin  of  both  in  the  region  of 
the  Sahara  of  north  Africa." 

The  correlation  of  the  Bambata  cultures  and  cave  paintings  is 
further  discussed  by  Armstrong  (pp.  262-273),  who  finds  from  excava- 
tions near  Bambata  confirmatory  archaeological  evidence  of  the 
sequence  of  colors  used  in  cave  paintings,  and  this  sequence  agrees 
in  color  and  style  with  that  established  for  Bambata.  The  top  cul- 
ture of  the  Maleme  rock  shelter  was  the  Wilton,  the  implements  of 
which  prevailed  to  a  depth  of  six  inches;  then  followed  a  six-inch 
sterile  layer,  and  below  this  an  occupation  layer  containing  typical 
Middle  Bambata  tools.  Below  twelve  inches,  the  floor  was  sterile 
and  the  occupation  by  Neanthropic  people  appeared  to  be  confined 
to  the  Middle  Bambata  phase. 

Following  a  general  survey  of  stone-age  cultures,  Burkitt  (1928) 
considers  the  pictorial  art  of  south  Africa  (pp.  111-159).  His  work 
is  one  of  compilation  following  a  rather  brief  personal  contact  with 
south  Africa,  but  as  a  general  guide  the  book  is  of  great  utility.  So 
also  is  a  brief  survey  of  Rhodesian  archaeology  by  N.  Jones  (1926), 
who  speaks  from  long  personal  acquaintance.  He  has  a  section 
relating  to  cave  paintings  and  petroglyphs  (pp.  66-73).  These  two 
works  summarize  an  enormous  amount  of  periodical  literature  and 
together  they  should  be  a  student's  vade  mecum. 

With  regard  to  the  broader  question  of  prehistoric  south  African 
art  in  relation  to  that  of  north  Africa,  P^ringuey  (1906)  expressed 
his  opinion  thirty  years  ago.  He  refers  to  the  early  records  of  Barth 
and  reproduces  the  figures  copied  by  that  explorer  near  Ghadames; 
this  picture  P^ringuey  interprets  in  the  light  of  present-day  Bush- 
man-Hottentot mythology.  P^ringuey  then  summarizes  some  of 
the  arguments  in  favor  of  an  ancient  Paleolithic  origin  of  some 
north  African  pictures.  He  goes  further:  "The  comparison  of  some 
of  the  rock-engravings  of  Southern  Algeria  and  those  of  the  Sudan 
with  those  of  Southern  Africa,  the  technique,  the  subjects  reproduced, 
are  strong  evidences  that  the  aborigines  of  the  north  and  those 
inhabiting  at  one  time  South  Africa  were  one  race."  Again,  in  both 
north  and  south  Africa  there  is  in  the  form  of  pygmy  implements 


Prehistory  151 

and  bored  ostrich-eggshell  disks  evidence  of  a  new  culture — the 
Neolithic — which  is  similar  in  form  for  the  extremes  of  the  continent. 
Thirty  years  that  have  passed  since  the  preliminary  speculations 
of  P^ringuey  have  served  only  to  elaborate  and  confirm  his  hypoth- 
eses. Such  corroboration  is  to  be  found  in  an  article  by  Abb^  H. 
Breuil  (1930a),  who,  following  a  comparative  study  of  rock  art  in 
Spain,  north  Africa,  and  south  Africa,  observes  that  "one  should 
therefore  be  prepared  to  admit  a  real  relationship  between  the 
paintings  of  eastern  Spain  and  those  of  south  Africa."  Dart  (1925) 
goes  further  in  his  interpretation  of  the  cultural  significance  of  some 
south  African  art.  Taking  evidence  of  Otto,  who  copied  Bushman 
paintings  from  rock  shelters  of  the  Kei  River  Valley  in  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  Cape  Province,  Dart  finds  new  historical  explanations 
of  peculiar  art  forms  in  the  hypothesis  that  certain  head-dresses  and 
other  peculiarities  are  the  portrayals  of  visiting  foreigners,  including 
Egyptians,  Arabs,  Mesopotamians.  But  Otto  believes,  in  opposition 
to  the  general  consensus  of  opinion,  that  Bushman  art  is  indigenous; 
it  was  created  in  situ. 

In  conclusion  of  the  subject  of  prehistory  in  south  Africa,  a  presi- 
dential address  by  C.  van  Riet  Lowe  (1930)  may  be  quoted  to  in- 
dicate what  has  been  achieved  and  what  remains  to  be  done.  Some 
of  his  observations  respecting  the  need  for  more  systematic  excava- 
tions, observation  of  stratification,  and  correlation  of  cultural  and 
human  skeletal  remains  with  one  another  and  with  the  Pleistocene 
Pluviations,  have  been  previously  noted. 

With  regard  to  prehistoric  art  in  south  Africa,  Lowe  states  that 
in  no  area  of  equal  size  is  there  such  a  wealth  and  variety  of  primitive 
artistic  expression.  So  far  as  is  known,  the  earliest  artists  were  rock 
engravers  who  portrayed  some  animals,  for  example,  Buhalus  bainii 
and  Equus  capensis,  which  are  now  extinct.  This  early  art  is  associ- 
ated with  the  Smithfield  culture,  which  has  Capsio-Aurignacian  and 
Mousterian  affinities.  The  engravings  belong  largely  to  the  Lower 
Smithfield  culture,  the  culture  of  a  Neanthropic  folk  who  replaced 
the  middle-stone-age  tribes  of  south  Africa,  whose  technique  was 
very  like  that  of  Mousterian  Europe.  In  the  petroglyphic  art,  in 
which  probably  four  stages  are  discernible,  there  is  the  naturalistic 
expression  of  a  hunting  people. 

In  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  the  first  rock  paintings  are  to  be 
associated  with  the  Middle  phase  of  the  Smithfield  culture,  and  by 
the  time  of  the  Upper  Smithfield  culture  the  art  of  cave  painting  had 
expanded  both  geographically  and  technically.    "Many  of  them  are 


152  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

indistinguishable  from  certain  Capsian  paintings  of  Eastern  Spain. 
Correlation  between  this  Eastern  Spanish  and  certain  phases  of 
South  African  art  is  difficult,  but  there  can  be  little,  if  any,  doubt 
that  these  folk  had  a  common  origin."  The  order  of  succession  is 
summarized:  at  first  the  engravers  of  the  Lower  Smithfield  culture, 
then  the  engravers  and  painters  of  the  Middle  Smithfield,  and,  last 
of  all,  the  true  cave  painters  of  the  Upper  Smithfield  and  Wilton. 
Lowe  concludes  by  urging  the  necessity  for  preservation  of  existing 
engravings  and  paintings,  and  he  stresses  the  need  for  copying 
pictures,  to  be  accompanied  by  careful  excavations  of  the  cave  floor 
or  other  adjacent  ground  so  that  the  greatly  needed  task  of  correlating 
artifacts  and  paintings  may  be  expedited. 

Stone  Monuments  and  Buildings 
This  general  title  has  been  selected  to  designate  a  great  variety 
of  constructions  of  stone,  whose  archaeological  study  has  hardly 
begun.  At  present  only  a  few  miscellaneous  notes  can  be  offered 
respecting  the  occurrence  of  circles  of  upright  stones,  single  megaliths 
(menhirs),  tombs  of  stone,  village  enclosures,  and  hut  circles.  Topo- 
graphical distribution  of  these  types,  time  sequence,  associated  stone 
implements,  if  any,  are  all  matters  for  future  research.  Neither  do 
the  prehistorians  know  anything  of  the  physique  of  the  people  who 
were  responsible  for  an  extensive  use  of  stone  in  many  areas  where 
the  Negro  does  not  now  build  with  that  material.  To  a  great  extent, 
the  stone  builders  passed  away,  leaving  either  no  traditions  or  only  a 
vague  memory. 

Various  publications  give  details  of  archaeological  observations 
on  the  stone  monuments  of  north  Africa,  Gambia  in  west  Africa, 
Nigeria,  Abyssinia,  and  Madagascar,  But  if  the  photographs  and 
drawings  of  these  are  compared,  there  is  no  similarity  of  technique 
which  suggests  that  these  constructions  were  the  work  of  immi- 
grants who  were  culturally  similar.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  the 
intrusions  were  separated  by  long  intervals,  and  that  each  migratory 
wave  had  a  distinctive  type  of  construction.  In  some  regions,  mono- 
liths have  been  erected,  but  in  other  localities  the  stones  are  arranged 
in  circles.  The  stone  monuments  of  north  Africa  are  sometimes 
regarded  as  the  work  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  who  were  part  of 
the  Caucasian-Hamitic  matrix  whose  successive  intrusions  affected 
Europe  as  well  as  Africa. 

Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912,  vol.  1,  p.  243)  state  that  megalithic 
sepultures  of  north  Africa  have  been  constructed  by  a  Berber  popu- 
lation from  the  bronze  age  to  advanced  historical  times.     From 


Prehistory  153 

observations  based  on  three  groups  of  skulls,  containing  twenty, 
three,  and  three  examples,  respectively,  two  main  types  are  dis- 
tinguishable; namely,  a  tall,  dolichocephalic,  long-faced,  leptorrhine 
people,  and  a  brachycephalic  people.  The  human  bones  associated 
with  megalithic  sepultures  indicate  that  the  physical  types  prevailing 
when  the  sepultures  were  erected  were  much  the  same  as  extant  types 
in  the  same  region. 

Meek  (1925,  vol.  1,  p.  55)  notes  a  wide  distribution  of  circular 
stone  walls,  which  are  specially  abundant  on  the  Bauchi  Plateau. 
At  Naraguta  the  circles  are  clearly  the  remains  of  huts  whose  builders 
used  more  stone  than  is  commonly  used  by  tribes  today.  Some  of 
the  larger  circles  were  no  doubt  temporary  granaries  similar  to  those 
used  by  the  Angas  at  present.  Other  enclosures  were  probably 
cattle  kraals,  and  a  stone  enclosure  on  a  hill  may  have  been  a  fort. 
Meek  also  refers  to  an  extant  custom  of  the  Gwari  of  Fuka,  who  sur- 
round their  graves  with  circular  stone  walls  having  an  upright 
monolith.  In  the  Ba-Ron  district  of  Bauchi  Province,  stone  bridges 
occur,  and  of  the  origin  of  these  the  local  residents  profess  ignorance. 
Meek  thinks  that  stone  walling  may  be  the  work  of  Jukun  invaders, 
and  that  circular  forts  may  have  been  built  in  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Monteil  (1932,  pp.  27-29)  reviews  some  of  the  observations  of 
his  compatriots  in  west  Africa  and  quotes  M.  de  Gironcourt  as  the 
discoverer  of  two  types  of  primitive  funerary  monuments  of  stone. 
The  first  group  includes  lithic  structures,  each  composed  of  four 
stones  arranged  in  a  square.  Tradition  speaks  of  one  stone  as  male, 
the  others  as  females.  The  second  type  of  monument  consists  of  three 
long  steles  with  rounded  extremities,  almost  two  meters  high.  The 
material  does  not  occur  locally  but  can  be  traced  to  D^bo  whence 
it  was  transported  to  Dj^nn^.  These  tombs  of  chiefs  are  probably 
not  more  than  a  thousand  years  old. 

Maxwell  (1898)  and  J.  L.Todd  (1903)  briefly  referred  to  stone  circles 
of  Gambia,  and  more  recently  H.  Parker  (1923)  calls  attention  to 
two  distinct  types  of  stone  monuments  in  that  region.  In  addition 
to  menhirs  (isolated  upright  stones),  circles  of  stone  pillars  have  been 
recorded.  The  rate  at  which  the  soil  rises  and  tends  to  cover  the 
fallen  pillars  is  not  known,  but  the  general  conclusion  does  not  favor 
extreme  antiquity.  P.  Laforgue  (1931)  pictures  successive  waves 
of  stone-building  immigrants  from  north  to  west  Africa,  and  Parker 
favors  a  hypothesis  of  Carthaginian  origin. 


154  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Yolofs,  a  present-day  tribe  of  Gambia,  associate  stone 
circles  with  the  Earth  Spirit,  and  resentment  against  excavation 
prevails.  The  statement  that  some  of  the  builders  of  these  monu- 
ments were  acquainted  with  iron,  rests  on  the  single  discovery  of  a 
barbed  iron  spearhead  in  undisturbed  soil  within  one  of  the  circles. 
Parker  supports  his  Carthaginian  hypothesis  by  mentioning  the  skill 
of  the  builders,  the  oval  forms  of  the  stones  used,  and  the  presence 
of  holes  in  the  tops  of  the  upright  stones.  Possibly  these  holes  were 
the  containers  of  oil  for  primitive  lamps  such  as  the  Carthaginians  used. 

Hambly  (1934,  p.  207)  records  the  existence  of  stone-built  struc- 
tures in  west-central  Angola: 

"One  of  the  sites  has  such  a  commanding  view  over  extensive 
plains  and  valleys  that  the  position  would  be  almost  impregnable. 
At  the  present  day  the  line  of  fortifications  is  well  marked  by  stone 
walls  three  feet  high.  These  are  composed  of  boulders  to  which  the 
builders  had  ready  access  on  adjacent  hillsides.  Large  stones  were 
no  doubt  rolled  from  the  slopes  to  the  small  plateau  chosen  as  a 
building  site.  This  small  plain  lies  midway  between  the  hill  crest 
and  the  valley. 

"At  present  this  old  site,  which  is  enclosed  by  lichen-covered 
walls,  is  overgrown  by  tall  grass  and  trees  attaining  twenty  feet  in 
height.  Photography  would  be  uninstructive  unless  a  preliminary 
clearance  were  made — a  formidable  task  owing  to  the  density  of 
vegetation. 

"In  the  center  of  the  enclosure  is  a  group  of  transported  boulders 
possibly  marking  the  site  of  a  place  of  assembly.  A  search  among 
the  long  grass  reveals  stone  slabs  and  cylindrical  crushers  which  were 
used  for  grinding  grain  over  a  very  long  period,  as  may  be  seen  by 
the  wear  on  the  base  stone;  some  thick  stones  are  so  worn  as  to  be 
almost  perforated.  Weather-worn  stones  that  were  probably  used 
as  scrapers  are  to  be  found.  Surface  potsherds  are  of  the  material 
of  which  present-day  Ovimbundu  women  make  their  cooking  pots. 
These  sherds  mark  the  places  now  used  by  small  nomadic  bands, 
hence  the  surface  pottery  may  have  no  connection  with  pre- 
Umbundu  culture. 

"In  the  vicinity  of  this  walled  stone  village  are  hillside  cairns 
marking  the  sites  of  graves.  These  have  been  robbed  by  medicine- 
men in  search  of  material  for  their  charms. 

"The  Ovimbundu  have  no  traditions  regarding  the  site,  neither 
is  there  legendary  or  other  evidence  to  show  that  the  Ovimbundu 
ever  made  their  villages  of  stone.    The  raising  of  a  cairn  of  stones 


Prehistory  155 

over  the  body  of  a  hunter  is,  however,  a  present-day  practice  near 
Ganda  and  in  the  Esele  country." 

At  present,  one  can  do  no  more  than  call  attention  to  recent 
records  of  building  in  stone,  and  the  recording  of  the  instances  to- 
gether here  carries  no  implication  of  cultural  connection.  The  data 
available  represent  the  primary  stage  of  observation,  merely  the 
recording  of  some  archaeological  puzzles,  a  stage  through  which 
prehistorians  passed  in  their  first  contacts  with  stone  implements 
and  with  rock  pictures. 

Megalithic  monuments  of  Abyssinia  have  been  discussed  by 
Neuville  (1928),  who  refers  to  the  researches  of  Verneau,  Pottier, 
Kammerer,  and  Chudeau.  The  article  shows  how  purely  speculative 
are  the  classifications  according  to  designs,  and  there  is  no  sure 
foundation  of  archaeological  or  paleontological  evidence  on  which 
to  build  a  chronology;  local  tradition  is  almost  entirely  lacking.  A 
comprehensive  work  by  Azais  and  Chambard  (1931)  gives  data  of 
interest  concerning  the  outward  forms  and  the  geographical  dis- 
tribution of  such  megalithic  monuments  as  dolmens,  remains  of 
ancient  towns,  tumuli,  menhirs,  and  anthropomorphic  stones,  but 
historically  a  reader  is  left  where  he  began.  Azais  (p.  179)  gives 
the  views  of  M.  B^n^dite,  who  ascribes  some  of  the  stones  to  a  cul- 
tural period  of  Egyptian  origin,  and  of  M.  M.  Pottier,  who  regards 
the  Abyssinian  lithic  structures  as  part  of  a  megalithic  culture  that 
spread  from  Asia  to  north  and  east  Africa,  and  to  western  Europe, 
but  whether  to  Africa  first  is  unknown  (p.  241).  Evans-Pritchard 
(1935)  has  made  a  study  of  megalithic  grave  monuments  in  the 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  and  it  is  possible  that  some  of  these  are 
historically  and  culturally  allied  to  some  of  the  Abyssinian  types. 

This  question  of  the  migration  is  an  old,  unsolved  archaeological 
problem  which  was  to  the  fore  at  the  meetings  of  the  British  Associa- 
tion in  1912.  Here  G.  Elliot  Smith  gave  some  points  in  favor  of  a 
migration  of  culture  carriers  with  a  tendency  toward  megalithic 
construction.  Such  a  view,  he  argues,  is  more  reasonable  than  that 
which  postulates  that  every  society  has,  at  some  stage  of  cultural 
development,  a  tendency  toward  megalithic  building.  Peet  (1912) 
again  stresses  Elliot  Smith's  contention  that  the  megaliths  are  often 
of  like  form  and  that  they  follow  the  natural  routes  of  migration 
along  littoral  regions  and  not  in  the  interiors.  Peet  thinks  that  the 
theory  of  trade  relationships  in  the  Neolithic  period  is  inadequate  to 
account  for  such  a  widely  distributed  method  of  megalithic  build- 
ing, which  was  often  associated  with  burial.     He  concludes:  "There 


156  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

remains  the  explanation  that  megalithic  architecture  was  practiced 
by  some  great  race  which  at  the  end  of  the  Neolithic  age  spread  over 
parts  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  carrying  this  method  of  building 
with  it." 

Supporters  of  such  a  theory  of  migration  might  find  evidence 
in  a  paper  contributed  by  A.  L.  Lewis,  who  describes  stone  monu- 
ments found  in  Madagascar.  He  summarizes  the  views  of  several 
archaeologists  who  have  diverse  opinions  on  the  origin  and  function 
of  Madagascan  megaliths.  Baudoin,  quoted  by  Lewis,  thinks  that 
some  stones  are  of  great  antiquity,  and  that  they  were  erected  by 
sun  worshipers. 

On  the  contrary,  certain  local  traditions  point  to  the  erection 
of  the  monuments  only  a  few  centuries  ago  in  order  to  commemorate 
tribal  victories.  A  large  stone  with  a  small  one  at  the  side  is  said  to 
represent  a  conqueror  and  his  vassal;  other  stones  are  regarded  as 
tokens  of  gratitude  to  a  chief  or  were  erected  to  mark  the  founding 
of  a  new  village.  To  assure  fertility  and  easy  parturition  women 
grease  the  stones  and  rub  against  them.  Stones  placed  as  grave 
markers  are  connected  with  a  cult  of  ancestors,  and  a  person  seeking 
ancestral  protection  rubs  his  hands  on  the  effigy  or  sucks  the  breasts. 
Linton  (1933,  pp.  180-184,  197,  199)  adduces  some  evidence  respect- 
ing the  erection  of  memorial  stones  and  tombstones.  This  is  a 
present-day  practice  for  which  are  given  some  valuable  details  show- 
ing the  method  of  transporting  a  heavy  menhir.  All  the  Menabe 
clan  memorial  stones  are  used  as  places  of  sacrifice,  but  sacrifice  to 
the  gens  ancestors  as  a  group  is  not  the  purpose  of  their  erection. 

In  Madagascar,  as  elsewhere,  megaliths  have  no  doubt  served 
various  purposes  and  no  single  statement  will  suffice  to  describe  the 
periods,  the  types  of  stones,  and  their  several  functions.  A  very 
ancient  uniform  practice  would  probably  give  rise  to  diverse  forms 
of  building,  and  to  the  origin  of  new  ideas  in  association  with  these. 
One  may  be  assured  that  the  historical  explanation  of  existing 
megaliths  with  attendant  beliefs  and  ceremonies  is  not  a  simple  one. 
Linton  has,  however,  made  a  valuable  contribution  in  recording 
extant  customs,  since  these,  though  perhaps  recently  revived,  may 
be  a  recurrence  of  ancient  traits. 

Within  the  past  few  years,  several  observers  have  called  attention 
to  building  with  stones  that  are  placed  together  without  cement. 
The  Negro  does  not  often  build  with  stone  today,  and  he  seldom  has 
any  clear  tradition  of  his  forebears  who  brought  together  large 
boulders  to  form  hut  circles  and  village  walls.    Data  relating  to  these 


Prehistory  157 

are  so  meager  that  no  estimate  of  age  is  possible,  and  there  exists  no 
evidence  to  connect  utilitarian  building  in  stone  with  the  erection 
of  megaliths  which,  so  far  as  the  evidence  goes,  were  ceremonial. 

Records  by  Trevor  (1930)  of  stone  building  in  south  Africa  include 
a  mention  of  stone-built  villages  which  are  found  all  over  the  Trans- 
vaal; in  the  Lydenburg  district  there  are  some  stone-built  kraals. 
With  regard  to  the  largest  of  these  kraals,  "neither  the  Boers  nor  the 
natives  knew  who  had  built  it  or  what  purpose  it  had  served.  It 
was  there  when  the  white  man  arrived — that  is  all  that  is  known 
about  it."  The  other  items,  all  presumably  relics  of  an  extinct 
civilization,  are  dressed-stone  building,  conical  towers,  the  use  of 
curved  batter,  stone  circles,  terraced  hills,  and  evidences  of  irrigation. 
A  report  on  the  stone  huts  of  Vechtkop  (Lowe,  1927)  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  these  were  built  by  the  Leghoya  or  Bataung,  who 
were  Bantu  invaders  from  the  north  early  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
This  gives  a  very  recent  setting  to  the  stone  building  of  that  area. 

A  detailed  study  of  terracing  and  irrigation  of  unknown  date  has 
been  undertaken  by  G.  E.  H.  Wilson  (1932),  who  gives  a  map  showing 
the  distribution  of  these  traits  from  Kenya  to  Nyasaland.  The 
remains  of  these  ancient  works  occur  in  Tanganyika,  Abyssinia, 
Uganda,  Kenya,  and  Northern  Rhodesia,  so  forming  a  chain  of  evi- 
dence from  north  to  south  down  a  migratory  route  of  the  Rift  Valley. 
But  the  question  of  construction  of  these  works  remains  unanswered. 
The  art  of  terracing  is  not  lost,  however ;  it  still  survives  in  Tangan- 
yika in  the  neighborhood  of  Meru  and  Kilimanjaro.  The  Wambulu 
(Iraku)  in  the  north  and  the  Wabena  of  the  south  follow  the  practice. 
Tradition  speaks  of  an  alien  and  dominant  race  described  by  the 
words  "tall,"  "bearded,"  and  "enemy"  or  "stranger."  A  people 
called  the  Wamea  are  spoken  of  in  connection  with  the  ancient 
agricultural  system  and  with  the  origin  of  rock  paintings  at  Bahi. 
From  the  growth  of  large  trees  on  the  top  of  the  terracing  at  Mufindi, 
Iringa  Province,  one  may  assume  that  the  terrace  was  abandoned 
at  least  nine  hundred  years  ago.  Wilson  attaches  much  importance 
to  the  fact  that  "wherever  this  ancient  system  of  agriculture  either 
exists  or  has  not  yet  been  forgotten,  there  are  place-names  beginning 
with  'Ru'  foreign  to  the  present  nomenclature."  Ex  hypothesi,  the 
old  civilization  came  from  the  north  and  spread  its  influence  along 
the  Rift  Valley  and  over  the  highlands  surrounding  the  Great  Lakes, 
until  it  perhaps  reached  Zimbabwe  and  "eventually  developed  into 
a  great  and  separate  nation,  whose  fame,  reaching  the  seafaring 
peoples  of  the  Red  Sea  and  Persian  Gulf,  caused  them  to  establish 


158  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

trade  routes  and  build  factories,  such  as  Rhapta,  in  order  to  open 
up  communication  and  exploit  the  East  Coast  trade." 

This  civilization  of  east  Africa  has  been  more  recently  discussed 
by  Huntingford  (1933),  who  refers  to  substantial  enclosures  of  stone, 
hut  circles,  revetted  walls,  properly  engineered  roads,  and  irrigation. 
This  combination  he  refers  to  as  the  Azanian  culture,  in  order  to 
distinguish  it  from  stone-age  cultures  and  Islamic  ruins.  Following 
a  description  of  these  evidences  of  civilization  come  the  questions, 
who  were  the  Azanians  and  when  did  they  flourish?  No  definite 
answer  can  be  given,  but  Huntingford  surmises  that  a  civilization 
which  flourished  in  the  Horn  of  Africa  at  some  time  during  the  first 
seven  hundred  years  A.D.  was  destroyed  by  Islam,  that  its  makers 
retreated  southward  through  Kenya  (where  Islam  never  penetrated), 
and  that  the  culture  came  to  an  end  somewhere  about  the  fourteenth 
or  fifteenth  century,  possibly  earlier.  That  the  civilization  was  of 
Hamitic  rather  than  Bantu  origin  seems  to  be  an  unescapable  con- 
clusion. Huntingford  agrees  with  Wilson  that  the  Azanians  were 
probably  connected  with  the  establishment  of  seaports  named  Adule 
(modern  Zeila),  Aromatophora  (spice  market),  and  Rhapta,  though 
the  time  of  origin  and  the  present  locations  of  these  sites  are  not 
certain. 

Evidently  the  tentative  dating  of  this  well-developed  stone- 
building  culture  of  east  and  south  Africa,  if  correct,  does  not  justify 
the  inclusion  of  the  discoveries  with  prehistoric  archaeology,  since 
the  time  suggested  for  the  building  is  well  within  our  own  era. 
Zimbabwe,  which  may  represent  the  acme  of  this  period  of  con- 
struction in  stone,  I  have  grouped  with  historical  data,  because  the 
most  recent  pronouncement  relegated  the  structures  to  a  period 
between  the  ninth  and  thirteenth  centuries  of  our  era. 

With  the  exception  of  descriptions  of  Zimbabwe  stone  buildings, 
all  important  accounts  of  construction  in  stone  have  been  written 
during  recent  years,  so  introducing  a  new  field  of  inquiry  into  the 
antiquity,  the  somatic  characters,  the  migrations,  and  the  other 
traits  of  the  culture  carriers,  much  of  whose  work  is  now  to  be  classed 
as  a  lost  art.  The  details  recorded  indicate  that  any  attempt  to 
establish  a  cultural  or  chronological  unity  between  the  types  of 
stone  buildings,  whether  menhirs,  dolmens,  or  walled  enclosures, 
would  be  premature.  On  the  grounds  of  typology,  two  major 
divisions,  possibly  representing  two  distinct  incursions  of  stone-using 
people,  are  discernible.  On  the  one  hand,  the  dolmen-menhir  type 
of  structure  may  be  ascribable  to  truly  prehistoric  and  Neolithic 


Prehistory  159 

invaders  who  traveled  along  the  north  of  the  continent  and  dowm  the 
east  side  as  far  as  Madagascar.  On  the  other  hand,  the  miscellaneous 
remains  of  utilitarian  building  in  stone  may  be  the  survival  of  an 
early  kind  of  construction,  discouraged  and  finally  supplanted  by 
other  methods  brought  by  later  migrants. 

That  utilitarian  building  in  stone,  as  well  as  the  erection  of  cere- 
monial stones,  might  have  several  independent  centers  of  develop- 
ment is  not  impossible;  but  by  inference  from  the  general  data  of 
invention  and  diffusion  as  seen  in  both  ancient  and  modern  times, 
and  with  due  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  African  routes  along  which 
the  principal  stone  erections  occur,  a  succession  of  independent  muta- 
tions is  far  less  likely  than  a  gradual  penetration  of  cultures  which 
assumed  local  variations  as  the  immigrant  waves  advanced.  The 
extent  of  country  over  which  the  traits  are  manifest,  and  the  associa- 
tion of  several  traits  in  east  Africa,  definitely  suggest  human  migra- 
tion on  a  considerable  scale  rather  than  the  handing  on  of  traits  by 
casual  travel. 

CONCLUSION 

The  foregoing  summary  has  attempted  to  show  that  considerable 
progress, has  been  made  in  the  study  of  African  archaeology  since 
the  first  observations  of  stone  implements  were  recorded.  Such 
knowledge  as  we  have  has  been  built  up  during  half  a  century,  but 
only  in  the  past  decade  has  there  been  methodical  concentration,  a 
visualizing  of  the  problems,  and  an  attempt  to  correlate  the  studies 
of  geology,  paleontology,  and  archaeology. 

More  than  a  correlation  of  subjects  is  needed,  however,  and  an 
attempt  has  been  made  to  unify  observations  from  southern  Europe 
and  from  widely  separated  parts  of  Africa  (Menghin,  1931,  pp.  48, 
51,  53). 

The  advance  has  been  considerable,  but  an  enormous  amount 
of  systematic  excavation  remains  to  be  done  everywhere,  especially 
in  west  and  central  Africa.  With  the  task  of  exploring  sites,  the  work 
of  correlating  the  evidence  of  climatic  change,  geological  stratifica- 
tion, types  of  implements,  rock  pictures,  and  fossilized  human  bones, 
must  advance  pari  passu. 

The  weakest  link  in  the  chain  is  the  paleontological  evidence 
respecting  the  somatic  characters  of  the  creators  and  carriers  of  the 
cultures  we  have  discussed.  The  total  amount  of  evidence  respecting 
the  physical  appearance  of  African  races  through  the  Pleistocene  is 
woefully  small,  and  if  the  ultimate  aim  of  archaeological  research 


160  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

is  to  give  definite  information  concerning  human  beings,  their  cul- 
tures and  wanderings,  we  must  regard  the  occurrence  of  human 
skeletons  as  being  the  crucial  evidence  for  prehistoric  migrations. 

The  importance  of  typology  has  been  stressed  by  Gorodzov  (1933), 
and  the  necessity  for  classification  cannot  be  denied.  But,  as 
Hooton  says  (1936,  p.  104),  the  typological  delusion  can  be  "a  sort 
of  auto-hypnosis  brought  on  by  too  concentrated  and  prolonged  gaz- 
ing upon  a  single  class  of  archaeological  objects,  as  into  a  crystal. 
The  archaeologist  begins  to  see  things  which  are  not  there." 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that,  despite  the  value  of  type  studies  of 
implements  and  rock  pictures,  and  the  association  of  these  with  one 
another  and  with  the  geological  evidence,  further  anatomical  material 
is  essential.  If  the  main  purpose  of  archaeology  is  to  give  informa- 
tion concerning  past  races  and  their  migrations,  then  the  crucial 
evidence  is  the  discovery  of  unchallengeable  anatomical  evidence. 
Until  such  testimony  is  forthcoming,  we  have  to  rely  for  our  inferences 
on  the  indirect  testimony  of  like  stone-age  cultures,  their  comparable 
geological  sequences,  and  the  stylistic  affinities  of  prehistoric  art  in 
various  regions. 

Leakey  (1936a),  "Stone  Age  Africa,  "gives  a  summary  of  the  archae- 
ology of  the  continent  as  a  whole.  Since  my  own  compilation  and 
that  of  Leakey  were  produced  quite  independently  they  should 
prove  to  be  useful  complementary  studies.  Leakey's  work  contains 
an  extensive  bibliography. 


IV.  PHYSICAL  ANTHROPOLOGY 
Technique 

In  our  endeavor  to  present  a  clear  picture  of  the  somatic  traits 
of  African  peoples  of  the  present  day,  many  theoretical  questions 
have  been  reserved  until  the  final  section  of  the  chapter.  There  is 
one  difficulty,  however — that  of  nomenclature — that  cannot  be  post- 
poned. We  will  at  present  avoid  the  use  of  the  word  race  and  speak 
of  people,  employing  the  word  according  to  general  everyday  usage 
in  the  sense  of  persons  or  individuals.  This  will  avoid  the  assumption 
that  "race"  has  a  clear  connotation,  and  that  definite  biological  ideas 
may  be  legitimately  connected  with  the  word. 

Unfortunately,  there  are  in  African  ethnology  some  terms  of 
unscientific  origin  which  have  been  loosely  employed  with  various 
biological,  linguistic,  and  cultural  implications.  Our  present  concern 
is  only  with  the  use  of  the  terms  Hamitic,  Semitic,  Pygmy,  Bushman, 
Hottentot,  and  Negro  in  their  relation  to  physical  anthropology. 

Further  advances  in  anthropometry  will  no  doubt  provide  an 
improved  terminology,  but  until  that  is  available  the  old  nomen- 
clature, with  certain  explanations,  may  be  made  to  serve  our  purpose. 
Let  us  for  the  present  avoid  the  difficulty  of  precise  definition,  and 
of  speculation  respecting  origins,  by  glancing  at  the  series  of  pictures 
accompanying  this  chapter.  If,  in  addition  to  making  a  careful 
inspection  of  these  physical  types,  a  student  will  turn  to  the  following 
works,  he  will  have  in  mind  a  clear  mental  picture  of  the  general 
somatic  traits  that  are  associated  with  the  terms  used  to  designate 
people  of  different  phylogeny  and  geographical  distribution. 

Of  considerable  pictorial  value  and  in  some  instances  of  statistical 
importance  are  the  works  of  Weninger  (1927),  Fiilleborne  (1906), 
Duggan-Cronin  (1928-37),  H.  H.  Johnston  (1902a),  and  Weiss 
(1910).  Bernatzik  (1929)  has  published  some  remarkably  fine  studies 
of  Nilotic  Negroes.  These  references,  in  conjunction  with  Hambly 
(1934a  and  1935a),  will  give  a  clear  idea  of  Negro  types  in  all 
parts  of  Africa.  Barnard  (1923)  and  Hambly  (1930a)  have  brought 
together  a  variety  of  pictorial  types  in  popular  presentations. 

For  Hamitic  types  of  east  Africa,  C.  G.  Seligman  (1913,  1917, 
1925)  and  Cerulli  (1935)  should  be  consulted,  while  the  work  of 
Paulitschke  (1888)  contains  excellent  photographs  of  eastern  Hamitic 
types. 

161 


162  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Bertholon  and  Chaijtre  (1912),  also  Coon  (1931),  provide  num- 
erous illustrations  of  Hamitic  and  Semitic  types  of  north  Africa, 
while  Field  (1935)  has  published  a  valuable  statistical  and  pictorial 
source  book  for  Semitic  types,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  matrix 
from  which  African  Semites  were  derived. 

Hoefler  (1930)  has  produced  some  excellent  illustrations  of  Ituri 
Pygmies,  and  more  recently  Schebesta  and  Lebzelter  (1933)  have 
supplemented  their  statistical  study  of  Pygmies  with  a  collection 
of  photographs.  For  Bushman  types,  the  best  available  are  those 
taken  by  the  Vernay-Lang  Kalahari  Expedition  of  Field  Museum 
(Figs.  45-47). 

But  more  than  a  general  mental  impression  of  types  is  demanded ; 
therefore,  to  give  precision  to  ideas  of  physical  development  some 
statistical  work  is  necessary,  and  here  another  difficulty  is  encoun- 
tered. The  fact  is  astonishing  that,  taking  Africa  as  a  whole,  we 
have  at  our  disposal  very  few  series  of  anthropometric  averages  based 
on  as  many  as  one  hundred  individuals  in  the  group.  A  series  con- 
sisting of  a  hundred  is  usually  considered  to  be  a  minimum  for  the 
working  out  of  averages  that  can  be  safely  regarded  as  a  fair  sample. 
When,  in  addition  to  this  obstacle  of  paucity  of  data,  we  add  doubts 
as  to  the  method  of  sampling  and  the  techniques  adopted  in  taking 
the  measurements,  the  data  for  comparative  statistical  study  are 
small.  Yet  some  legitimate  samples  of  anthropometry  exist,  and 
other  figures,  if  not  relied  upon  too  confidently,  can  be  of  value  in 
showing  general  somatic  trends. 

For  understanding  the  data  of  this  chapter,  R.  Martin's  "Lehr- 
buch  der  Anthropologie"  (1928)  is  of  great  service.  Hrdlicka  (1920), 
and  Stibbe  (1930)  have  produced  elementary  textbooks  of  physical 
anthropology,  while  L.  H.  D.  Buxton  (1932)  and  Buxton  and 
Morant  (1933)  have  written  useful  articles  on  the  standardization 
of  technique.  For  statistical  work,  Udny  Yule  (1912,  1924)  is  still 
sound,  but  Fisher  (1932)  and  Gavett  (1937)  are  regarded  as  the 
most  useful  of  recent  textbooks  on  statistics.  So  far  as  I  am  aware, 
no  physical  anthropologist  has  prepared  a  textbook  of  statistical 
method  as  applied  to  physical  anthropology.  At  present,  a  student 
must  learn  his  general  principles  and  apply  them  to  anthropometric 
data,  but  for  the  non-mathematical  a  textbook  simplifying  the  erudite 
articles  of  "Biometrika"  and  translating  some  of  them  into  clear 
arithmetical  examples  would  be  welcome.  There  is  a  great  need  for 
a  textbook  of  statistics  written  entirely  for  the  student  of  physical 
anthropology. 


Physical  Anthropology  163 

With  regard  to  our  tentative  classification  of  physical  types,  which 
is  based  on  pictorial  study,  the  following  divisions  will  serve  as  a 
basis  for  comparisons: 

(1)  Negroes,  western,  central,  eastern,  southern,  Nilotic. 

(2)  Khoisan  People  (Bushmen  and  Hottentots). 

(3)  Pygmies  (chiefly  of  the  Ituri  Forest). 

(4)  Hamites,  northern  (Berbers  and  Tuareg)  and  eastern 
(Somali,  Beja,  Hadendoa),  Half-Hamites  (the  Masai). 

(5)  Semites  (Bedouin  and  other  Arabs,  Kababish  of  Kordofan). 
In  connection  with  this  research,  an  explanation  of  terms  used  in 

describing  living  subjects  is  necessary.  Statures  are  given  in  milli- 
meters, and  conversion  to  inches  is  readily  made  by  taking  2.5  cm. 
to  one  inch.  The  cephalic  index  (C.I.)  is  a  figure  expressing  the 
percentage  relation  of  the  maximum  breadth  of  a  head  to  the  maxi- 
mum length.  The  nasal  index  (N.I.)  expresses  the  relationship  of 
the  breadth  of  the  nose  to  the  length. 

In  A.  C.  Haddon's  tables  (1925,  p.  9),  persons  under  1480  mm. 
(58.25  inches)  in  height  are  said  to  be  of  pygmy  stature.  A  measure- 
ment between  1480  and  1580  mm.  (58.25-62.25  inches)  indicates  short 
stature.  Persons  of  medium  stature  have  height  measurements 
between  1580  and  1680  mm.  (62.25-66  inches).  Tall  people  have  a 
stature  between  1680  and  1720  mm.  (66-67.75  inches)  or  more. 

Head  measurements  made  in  many  parts  of  the  world  show  that 
most  people  have  cephalic  indices  between  70  and  85.  An  index  of 
75  and  under  indicates  a  long  head  (dolichocephaly).  Indices  be- 
tween 75  and  80  express  a  medium  formation  (mesaticephaly). 
Broad-headed  (brachycephalic)  persons  have  cephalic  indices  of  80 
and  above. 

Nasal  indices  between  55  and  70  indicate  narrow  noses  (leptor- 
rhine  condition).  Mesorrhine  noses,  that  is,  noses  of  medium  breadth, 
have  indices  between  71  and  85.  Platyrrhine  noses  have  indices 
from  86  to  100.  Seligman  (1930,  Appendix  II,  p.  252)  gives  a  con- 
version table  in  inches  and  meters. 

Negroes 

Before  considering  the  differences  of  measurement  in  topographi- 
cal groups  of  Negroes  some  attempt  should  be  made  to  summarize 
the  salient  physical  features  of  the  Negro  group  as  a  whole.  T.  W. 
Todd  (1928)  in  a  search  for  specific  bodily  Negro  features  speaks  of 
the  proportions  of  the  pelvis,  the  nose,  the  lips,  and  the  interpupillary 
distance  as  "entrenched."    American  Negroes  have  long  arms  com- 


164  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

pared  with  the  whites,  and  arm  length  is  the  controlling  factor  for 
length  and  breadth  of  the  hand.  The  Negro  has  a  narrow  pelvis 
expressed  in  terms  of  his  torso;  the  pelvis  is  narrow  absolutely  and 
relatively.  The  forearm  of  the  Negro  is  a  little  long,  the  upper  arm 
a  little  short  compared  with  the  proportions  in  white  people. 

Furthermore,  T.  W.  Todd  (1929,  p.  67)  states:  "We  have  been 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  our  Negro  hybrids,  some  features 
are  more  stable  or  more  firmly  entrenched  than  others,  and  that  these 
features  are  mostly  to  be  found  in  the  face.  Shall  we  conclude  that 
this  is  a  result  of  differential  stability  of  hereditary  pattern,  or  are 
we  to  assume  that  increasing  homogeneity  of  our  Negroes  [see  Her- 
skovits,  1928]  is  bringing  about  this  stability  of  African  form?  Both 
factors  may  be  at  work.  But  since  traits  cannot  again  be  imprinted 
in  a  stock  from  which  they  have  once  been  expunged,  the  features 
in  question  must  belong  to  the  hereditary  pattern." 

Figures  25  and  26  illustrate  the  more  important  somatic  traits 
of  the  Negro,  which  have  been  summarized  by  Hooton  (1931, 
p.  512) .  Stature,  robustness  of  torso,  and  length  of  limbs,  are  variable 
from  one  topographical  group  to  another.  To  take  two  extremes, 
the  Kru  of  Liberia  are  thick-set  and  of  medium  height,  while  the 
Vakwanyama  of  south  Angola  are  tall  and  slender.  Nevertheless, 
Hooton's  summary  gives  the  more  important  traits  which  can  be 
regarded  as  truly  characteristic  of  Negroes.  The  hair  is  woolly, 
black,  coarse  in  texture,  short  on  the  head  and  sparsely  developed 
on  the  face  and  body.  The  skin  color  is  dark  brown'  (Ovimbundu) 
or  nearly  black  (Dinkas),  and  the  eye  is  similarly  pigmented.  There 
is  pronounced  facial  protrusion  (prognathism),  and  the  lips  are  thick, 
puffy,  and  everted.  The  bridge  of  the  nose  is  low,  broad,  and  short, 
while  the  alae  of  the  nostrils  are  thick  and  flaring;  the  nasal  index  is 
always  in  the  platyrrhine  group.  The  profile  is  concave  or  straight, 
rarely  convex.  These  facial  traits  are  clearly  shown  in  the  picture  of 
a  Bini  of  southern  Nigeria  (Fig.  25,  a). 

Since  our  analysis  is  concerned  chiefly  with  modal  values,  as 
indicated  by  frequency  distributions  that  illustrate  general  trends, 
mathematical  averages  with  their  standard  deviations  and  standard 
errors  are  unnecessary.  But  for  those  who  wish  to  make  a  more 
thorough  comparison  of  arithmetic  means,  two  formulae  are  of  ser- 
vice. For  comparing  fairly  large  groups  in  a  population  in  order  to 
determine  whether  the  observed  differences  are  significant,  or 
whether  they  might  have  arisen  from  random  sampling,  the  formula 


Mi-Mj  >  3  V  (PEi)2  +   (PE2)2 


Physical  Anthropology  165 

is  appropriate.  For  comparing  the  averages  of  small  groups  to  test 
the  significance  of  the  difference  of  the  means,  Fisher  (1932,  pp.  120- 
124)  uses  the  t  test  by  use  of  the  formula 


where  A  is  the  difference  of  the  means,  a  the  standard  deviation  of 
all  the  terms  in  the  two  series,  and  Wj,  ?2j  the  number  of  terms  in 
each  series. 

Confining  ourselves  to  the  general  class  distribution  of  values 
for  height,  cephalic  index,  and  nasal  index  of  males  only,  we  can 
compare  these  values  for  Negroes  of  different  geographical  regions. 
The  terms  "Bantu"  and  "Sudanic"  Negroes  should,  if  possible,  be 
avoided  in  connection  with  divisions  based  on  somatic  traits,  since 
the  words  have  a  definite  linguistic  connotation.  Continued  research 
may,  however,  justify  the  association  of  the  terms  "Bantu"  and 
"Sudanic"  with  definitely  different  series  of  measurements,  since 
somatic  differences  do  exist  between  Negroes  of  the  two  main 
linguistic  divisions,  and  within  each  of  the  groups.  But  paucity 
of  anthropometric  data  prevents  us  from  making  definite  statements 
that  would  at  present  correlate  types  of  physique  with  linguistic 
divisions, 

WESTERN  NEGROES 
{Table  1) 

Stature. — The  longest  series  available  are  the  100  Bambara, 
Tukolor,  and  others  measured  by  Weninger  (1927),  and  the  100 
Hausa  measured  by  Tremearne  (1911).  Weninger's  subjects  were 
sampled  from  several  tribes  representing  a  wide  area,  as  his  map 
shows.  With  regard  to  Tremearne's  data,  the  word  Hausa  is  lin- 
guistic, and  both  Sudanic  and  Hamitic  elements  are  in  the  speech. 
Moreover,  as  Tremearne  points  out,  his  subjects  were  gathered  from 
a  fairly  wide  area.  These  are,  however,  the  largest  and  most  homo- 
geneous samples  we  have  from  the  western  Negro  region. 

Taking  first  the  stature,  we  find  that  28  per  cent  of  Weninger's 
subjects  have  a  modal  stature  of  1650-1700  mm.,  and  41  per  cent 
are  in  the  tall  and  very  tall  classes;  about  10  per  cent  are  short. 
Among  Tremearne's  Hausa,  the  height  frequently  is  as  follows: 
Less  than  9  per  cent  are  short,  77  per  cent  are  medium  to  tall,  and 
14  per  cent  are  very  tall,  giving  measurements  between  1750-1900 
mm.  Both  Weninger's  and  Tremearne's  men  have  the  same  modal 
value  for  height,  namely,  1650-1700  mm.  In  Cameroons,  the  stature 
seems  to  fall  somewhat  if  we  take  the  frequency  distribution  of  groups 


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Physical  Anthropology  171 

(not  individuals)  given  by  Montandon  (1928)  and  by  Malcolm 
(1925c).  Montandon's  data  contain  the  figures  of  Malcolm  and 
other  observers.  Malcolm  gives  forty  groups  (based  on  different 
numbers  of  measurements,  all  of  them  small),  and  eighteen  of  these 
groups,  that  is,  nearly  50  per  cent,  are  in  the  class  interval  1600- 
1650  mm.,  that  is,  one  interval  lower  than  the  modal  value  of  Wen- 
inger's  and  Tremearne's  samples.  Considering  sixteen  groups 
(comprising  188  males),  Montandon's  figures  show  that  seven  of 
these  groups,  about  50  per  cent,  fall  in  the  class  interval  1600-1650 
mm.  The  Cameroons  samples  show  a  definite  lowering  of  stature 
compared  with  more  westerly  groups  of  Weninger  and  Tremearne. 

Between  Cameroons  and  the  far  west  is  the  mid-course  of  the 
Niger,  where  Ruelle  (1904)  measured  100  Mossi  and  78  Lobi.  The 
former  gave  an  average  height  of  1712  mm.,  and  the  latter  1754  mm., 
both  definitely  in  the  tall  class. 

Figures  given  by  Talbot  (1916)  show  definitely  a  tall  strain  in 
the  Kanembu,  Buduma,  and  other  tribes  near  Lake  Chad.  The  six 
averages  given  are  for  five  different  tribes;  there  are  two  samples 
for  the  Buduma  with  12  mm.  difference.  One  sample  for  Buduma 
(32)  gives  1742  mm.  as  the  average,  and  the  other  sample  (132)  gives 
1730  mm.  as  the  average  stature.  The  range  of  averages  is  therefore 
1723  (Mundong  tribe)  to  1785  mm.  (Banana  tribe) ;  all  are  definitely 
tall. 

The  general  impression  is  that  the  Negroes  of  the  west  are 
upper  medium  to  tall  except  in  Cameroons,  where  the  medium  height 
1600-1650  prevails. 

Cephalic  Index. — Let  us  consider  the  cephalic  index  for  these 
western  groups.  Beginning  again  with  our  best  samples,  we  find  that 
50  per  cent  of  Weninger's  Negroes  have  a  C.L  of  70-75,  and  39  per 
cent  fall  in  the  class  interval  75-80  per  cent.  These  two  intervals 
account  for  89  per  cent  of  the  sample.  With  an  index  lower  than  70 
there  are  only  6  per  cent,  and  with  an  index  above  80  there  are  only 
5  per  cent.  The  average  C.L  is  74.6.  The  sample  is  predominantly 
dolichocephalic  (50  per  cent)  with  a  strong  mesaticephalic  (39  per 
cent)  tendency. 

In  Tremearne's  (1911)  sample  51  per  cent  are  dolichocephalic 
(C.L  70-75)  and  27  per  cent  mesaticephalic  (C.L  75-80).  This 
distribution  is  almost  identical  with  that  of  Weninger's  sample. 

In  the  Cameroons  samples  a  change  in  the  frequency  distribution 
of  head  form  can  be  observed,  for  in  comparison  with  the  populations 
sampled  by  Weninger  and  Tremearne,  the  Cameroons  population 


172  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

tends  toward  brachycephaly.  Of  the  forty  groups  (not  individuals) 
recorded  by  Malcolm,  thirty-one  (77.5  per  cent)  have  averages  that 
bring  them  into  the  mesaticephalic  class  (C.I.  75-80),  Of  nineteen 
group  averages  given  by  Montandon,  seventeen  are  in  the  class 
interval  75-80.  Therefore,  despite  the  fact  that  the  averages  of  many 
groups  are  based  on  small  numbers,  the  general  tendency  toward 
brachycephaly  cannot  be  doubted.  Struck's  (1922)  data  for  cephalic 
indices  in  the  Cameroons  relate  to  sixty-one  tribes,  and  831  men  con- 
tributed to  the  series;  the  number  of  measurements  are  not,  however, 
distributed  evenly  among  the  sixty-one  tribes  represented.  There 
are  61.6  per  cent  of  the  samples  having  the  fairly  high  C.I.  of 
77-81.  The  Mossi  and  the  Lobi  of  the  mid-west  region  have 
dolichocephalic  indices  of  74.6  and  74.4  respectively,  and  the  Lake 
Chad  tribes  measured  by  Talbot  have,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Banana  (C.I.  77.3),  a  range  of  average  indices  from  71.7  for  the 
Kanembu  to  74.1  for  the  Bagirimi. 

Nasal  Index. — A  large  number  (85  per  cent)  of  Weninger's 
Negroes  had  a  nasal  index  between  80  and  110.  The  most  important 
class  intervals  are  90-100  with  33  per  cent  of  the  population,  and 
almost  as  large  is  the  80-90  class  interval  with  32  per  cent  of  the 
population.  The  figures  for  Tremearne's  Hausa  indicate  that  their 
noses  are  narrower  than  among  Weninger's  Negroes.  A  glance  at  the 
Hausa  (Fig.  59)  shows  modification  of  Negro  features  as  compared 
with  the  Bini  (Fig.  25,  a),  who  is  a  typical  Negro.  Whereas  only 
7  per  cent  of  Weninger's  Negroes  were  in  the  70-80  class  interval, 
as  many  as  20  per  cent,  nearly  three  times  as  many,  of  Tremearne's 
Hausa  have  a  N.I.  from  70-80,  which  is  low  for  a  Negro  population. 
There  is  no  mistaking  the  change  in  the  trend  of  the  figures,  for  the 
shift  of  values  in  the  Hausa  curve  is  clearly  toward  the  lower  class 
intervals  when  compared  with  the  Weninger  Negro  curve. 

The  adequate  samples  of  Ruelle  give  N.I.  104.6  for  the  Mossi 
and  102.7  for  the  Lobi;  these  tribes  are  therefore  in  the  higher  ranges 
of  platyrrhine  intervals.  About  20  per  cent  of  Weninger's  Negroes 
were  in  the  class  interval  of  N.I.  100-110,  but  only  11  per  cent  of 
Tremearne's  Hausa  were  in  this  hyperplat5rrrhine  class.  Talbot's 
series  have  ranges  of  tribal  averages  varying  from  N.I.  92.7  to  108.3. 

CENTRAL  negroes 

(Table  2) 

Stature. — Inspection  of  the  averages  of  stature  for  Belgian  Congo 

tribes  reveals  the  general  prevalence  of  medium  stature,  and  some 

tribe  sshow  an  average  close  to  the  "short"  division  (1480-1580  mm.). 


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173 


174  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Basoko,  Bangala,  and  Momvou  are  of  medium  stature,  with 
averages  of  1656,  1671,  and  1638  mm.  respectively.  The  tribes 
nearing  the  "short"  class  are  the  Babira  (1605  mm.)  and  the  Bakondjo 
(1592  mm.).  Two  tall  groups  are  present;  namely,  the  Azande  in 
the  northeast,  with  an  average  of  1701  mm.,  and  the  Bushongo  in 
the  southwest,  with  an  average  stature  of  1747  mm.  Possibly  the 
explanation  of  this  stature  distribution  may  be  that  the  Azande  have 
inherited  a  trait  of  their  near  neighbors,  the  Nilotic  Negroes.  As 
for  the  Bushongo,  their  traditions  refer  to  migration  from  the  north- 
east, where  the  high  statures  occur.  The  medium  to  short  statures 
of  other  tribes  may  be  due  to  infusion  of  a  Pygmy  strain,  for  current 
hypothesis  states  that  Pygmies  were  at  one  time  much  more  widely 
distributed  in  the  Congo  region  than  they  are  at  present. 

The  most  extensive  figures  available  are  those  collated  by  Mon- 
tandon  (1928),  from  whose  data  a  series  of  37  averages  for  different 
tribes  can  be  obtained.  The  number  of  males  contributing  to  these 
averages  was  1834.  The  frequency  distribution  of  these  37  averages 
shows  that  only  two  are  in  the  "short"  range  (1500-1550  mm.), 
but  15  of  the  tribal  averages  fall  in  the  "low-to-medium"  class 
interval  of  1550-1600  mm.,  and  there  are  eight  groups  in  the  class 
of  medium  statures  (1600-1650  mm.).  The  general  trend  of  statures 
is  from  "short"  to  "medium."  *         a 

Cephalic  Indices. — All  definitely  trend  toward  brachycephaly,  the 
ranges  of  the  averages  for  the  first  nine  tribes  quoted  on  the  table 
being  76.8  to  80.3.  When  we  turn  to  Struck's  data,  which  are  derived 
from  1,584  males,  giving  119  averages  for  117  tribes  which  are  widely 
distributed,  we  have  the  same  brachycephalic  tendency  emphasized. 
Of  dolichocephalic  groups  (C.I.  70-75),  there  are  only  15  examples; 
that  is,  12.6  per  cent  of  the  groups  are  long-headed.  In  the  mesa- 
ticephalic  class  intervals,  there  is  a  gradual  increase  in  the  number 
of  averages  falling  in  each  interval,  until  we  have  a  maximum  of 
twenty-five  groups  in  the  interval  C.I.  77-78,  which  is  high  mesati- 
cephaly.  Of  the  119  groups  65  are  in  the  range  77-80,  quite  close  to 
brachycephaly,  and  16  groups  are  definitely  brachycephalic,  with  a 
C.I.  of  80-83.  This  brachycephalic  tendency  in  the  Congo  region 
definitely  agrees  with  that  of  the  Cameroons,  but  is  distinctly  different 
from  the  preponderating  dolichocephaly  and  low  mesaticephaly  of 
our  western  series. 

Nasal  Index. — For  the  central  area,  the  nasal  index  has  a  somewhat 
lower  range  than  that  in  the  western  group.  Since  the  averages  for 
the  western  and  central  areas  are  based  on  widely  different  numbers, 


m  mssf  net  x^eragt  tlie  zwwagsi,  and  ttm  h  mmeeematf,  for  a 
lance  at  Idle  wvstcni  arcfafM  iIioips  tint  tbef  run  m  tiae  W%  to 
00,  wWie  tiMie  for  tlie  Coii0»  are  imiallr  m  flm  W^  Of  Mon- 
anddo^s  fort3r--aefeB  antagw  for  X.I^  trnttHtf^mji  are  in  the  80-  00 
aiK^isv  aixi  nn^  0^  tlie  groo^  are  m  1^  9^-9^  ramgft.  Hie  Azande 

and  tibe  Bfomvn  C^^)  are  jmrt  iinUliui  ubenMstifrliiiiB 
.  .  .f)eBdboa4f0C297>widiai»iades(rfS5aref%^  r 

if  the  pbtynrinae  eal«9»7.    Most  of  tlie  groops 
iefinttrfy  ffaijiihuie  but  aildoiii  touch  the  index  of  100. 

<OOTH  AWiD  »Wf  MWJraimW  BBBCTMBg 

5fytf?/r^.    Tnr  the  Barcnda  (168),  Seayt  (ISSla)  has  given  data 

rhk  die  flMdal  irahie  of  slatupf  u  tSsf^tW^  mm. 

--^nd,  dicre  are  tiur^  >MU  iu  tiie  1700-I7oO  mm. 

-<miiiti»17ilMSIMIflm.gfOupu  Tfce  n-.^jcnty 

if  rr  ne  taD  clauiy  and  die  loidt  obta.     :      m 

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j-tfaree  BaroBga, 

C.  G  ,  (^aeHmfi  fwsm  a  nanuKriiiit  of  Turner, 

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rcsMt  AnrKa- 

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176 


Physical  Anthropology  177 

to  the  upper  range  of  mesaticephaly,  but  hardly  any  evidence  of 
brachycephaly.  Only  4  per  cent  of  Stayt's  sample  of  168  men  were 
in  the  brachycephalic  class  80-85. 

Nasal  Index. — Stayt's  168  Bavenda  give  the  modal  value  of  95- 
100,  which  is  in  the  higher  ranges  of  the  platyrrhine  group,  and  37 
(22  per  cent)  were  hyperplatyrrhine  (100-110).  Cipriani's  averages 
of  92.0  and  90.9  are  near  to  the  modal  value  of  Stayt's  large  sample. 
The  indices  given  by  other  observers  are  very  consistent;  all  are  in 
the  90-100  group.  The  Zulu  and  the  Batonga  have  somewhat 
narrower  noses  than  the  Bavenda.  In  Angola  the  average  nasal 
indices  are  mainly  consistent,  being  98.6,  98.5,  97.4,  96.6  and  87.9  for 
five  tribes.     The  Ovimbundu  (N.  I.  87.9)  have  the  narrowest  noses. 

EASTERN  NEGROES 
(Table  i) 

Stature. — The  samples  of  tribal  averages  show  that  statures 
in  east  Africa  are  nearly  all  within  the  medium  group,  1580-1680 
mm.  The  Wanyamwezi  (101)  are  very  close  to  the  tall  class  with 
an  average  stature  of  1675  mm.,  which  is  close  to  that  of  Roscoe's 
(1911)  estimate  for  288  Baganda  having  a  height  of  1673  mm.  The 
Landins  are  just  within  the  tall  group  with  an  average  of  1686  mm., 
but  the  sample  (14)  is  too  small  to  be  reliable. 

Montandon's  data  of  fifty-seven  averages  give  a  modal  value  for 
averages  of  1650-1700,  with  nearly  as  many  of  the  averages  in  the 
1600-1650  group.  Only  a  few  of  the  averages  are  definitely  in  the 
tall  category  of  over  1700  mm. 

Cephalic  Index. — The  cephalic  indices  are  remarkably  consistent. 
Glancing  down  a  column  of  eighteen  averages,  we  find  they  range 
from  72.6  to  77.6  as  absolute  extremes.  The  clustering  of  the 
averages  is  around  74-75  according  to  Struck's  (1922)  data  for 
68  tribes,  in  57  groups,  representing  916  males.  Montandon's  col- 
lection of  data  yields  a  frequency  distribution  having  a  modal  value 
for  averages  of  75-76.  Of  the  57  gi'oup  averages  given  by  Montandon, 
40,  that  is,  70  per  cent  of  them,  have  a  value  between  74-76,  doli- 
chocephalic to  slightly  mesaticephalic. 

Nasal  Index. — Noses  undoubtedly  are  broader  as  we  proceed  to 
sample  the  east  side  of  Africa  from  Uganda  to  Nyasaland.  The 
Baganda  and  Akamba  have  noses  close  to  the  mesorrhine  condition, 
with  N.I.  85.4  and  86.5  respectively,  but  glancing  down  the  column 
we  find  the  N.I.  value  gradually  rising  as  the  figures  for  the  lower 
east  African  tribes  are  quoted.  In  Tanganyika  Territory  and 
Portuguese  East  Africa,  the  indices  range  from  90-100,  most  of  the 


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179 


180  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

averages  being  94-95.  Montandon's  data  for  forty-four  groups  give 
a  modal  value  of  85-90  for  the  N.L  Only  two  of  Montan- 
don's east  African  Negro  groups  have  an  index  over  100,  but  20 
per  cent  of  Weninger's  western  sample  of  100  were  in  the  100-110 
class  interval.  The  Negroes  with  wider  noses  are  on  the  western 
side  of  the  continent. 

NILOTIC  negroes 

{Table  5) 

Stature. — Out  of  sixteen  tribal  averages  for  the  Dinka,  Shilluk, 
Nuer,  Bari,  Turkana,  Nuba,  and  Mandari,  only  one  is  below  the 
1700  mm.  mark,  namely,  one  of  the  Nuba  groups  having  an  average 
of  1698  mm.  All  Nilotic  groups  measured  are  definitely  in  the  tall 
class,  whereas  in  all  other  topographical  samples  the  tall  class  was 
small.  Two  of  our  Nilotic  samples  touch  the  1800  mm.  mark^ — as 
an  average. 

Cephalic  Index. — The  twenty-four  samples  of  average  cephalic 
indices  clearly  illustrate  the  dolichocephalic  tendency  of  Nilotic 
Negroes,  since  eighteen  of  the  samples  are  below  the  figure  75,  and 
the  mode  is  73-74.  That  these  Negroes  have  longer  heads  than  other 
groups  is  shown  by  Montandon's  range  of  averages,  which  are  all  in 
the  low  category  69.3-73.4,  lower  than  those  of  any  other  group. 

Nasal  Index. — There  are  four  out  of  seventeen  averages  with  a  N.I. 
of  above  100;  and  though  the  averages  agree  with  those  of  our  other 
Negro  groups  in  lying  chiefly  between  90-100,  there  is  among  the 
Dinka,  Shilluk,  and  Nuer  a  tendency  to  the  hyperplatyrrhine  con- 
dition. (Figs.  27  and  28  show  front  and  side  views  of  a  Nilote  of  the 
Bari  tribe.) 

SKULL  MEASUREMENTS 

Measurements  made  on  Negro  crania  are  insufficient  for  a 
thorough  comparison  with  data  from  the  living.  For  both  the  living 
and  the  dead,  the  results  are  based  on  anthropometric  samples  which 
for  the  main  part  are  too  small  to  be  reliable.  Krum  (1913,  pp.  175- 
181)  measured  eighty-four  male  skulls  of  the  Wachagga  of  Kili- 
manjaro in  northeast  Tanganyika  Territory.  The  modal  value 
(19  per  cent  of  the  skulls)  is  1400-1450  cc.  for  the  cranial  capacity, 
but  nearly  as  many  (about  17  per  cent)  are  in  the  1450-1500  cc. 
group.  About  28  per  cent  of  the  skulls  have  a  C.I.  in  the  70-75 
category;  the  modal  value  is  75-80  C.I.  for  about  55  per  cent  of  the 
skulls,  and  the  remainder  are  brachycephalic,  with  a  C.I.  of  80-85. 
The  modal  value  of  the  N.I.  is  55-60,  and  in  this  platyrrhine  group 
45  per  cent  of  the  instances  fall.     Widenmann's  (1898)  group  of 


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Fig.  27.    Bari  man,  near  Juba,  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  (courtesy  of  Marvin 
Breckinridge,  copyright). 


182 


Fig.  28.    Bari  man,  near 
Breckinridge,  copyright). 


Juba,  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  (courtesy  of  Marv>n 


183 


184  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

thirty  male  and  female  skulls  is  too  small  to  give  reliable  results. 
A.  Hrdlicka's  catalogue  (1928b,  pp.  107-127)  gives  some  measure- 
ments for  skulls  of  south  African  Negroes,  Bushmen,  and  Hottentots. 

Benington's  (1911-12)  series  of  African  skulls  is  too  small  to 
support  an  argument  for  racial  differentiation.  In  his  introduction 
to  this  article,  Pearson  also  points  out  the  possibility  that  skulls  from 
one  area  may  be  heterogeneous.  The  minimum  series  ought  to  be 
100  adult  crania  of  one  sex.  The  male  series  included  50  crania  from 
the  Batetela  tribe  of  the  Congo  and  50  from  the  Gaboon,  collected 
in  the  year  1864  by  Du  Chaillu.  A  series  of  eighteen  male  skulls 
was  acquired  in  Gaboon  by  the  same  explorer  in  1880.  Particulars 
are  given  for  the  groups  of  Zulu,  Angoni  and  other  crania  (pp.  294- 
295),  but  the  numbers  are  all  small.  Some  general  conclusions 
respecting  the  phylogenetic  relationship  of  the  samples,  as  revealed 
by  the  short  series  of  measurements,  are  given  (p.  33).  The  Gaboon 
and  Congo  series,  despite  differences,  are  regarded  as  "forming  a  fairly 
representative  group  which  differs  appreciably  from  the  Kaffir- 
Zulu  group."  Formulae  for  calculating  the  capacity  of  Negro  skulls 
from  linear  dimensions  are  given  by  Tildesley  (1927),  Isserlis  (1914), 
T.  W.  Todd  (1923),  and  Pearson  (1904).  Von  Bonin  (1934)  has  com- 
pared the  results  given  by  these  formulae. 

Kitson's  (1931)  grouping,  based  on  the  coefficients  of  racial 
likeness,  leads  to  the  conclusions  expressed  on  pages  298  to  300  of 
that  article: 

"(a)  Congo,  Cameroons,  Gaboon,  Negroes  from  Egypt,  Galla  and 
Somali.  The  first  three  of  these  are  from  West  Africa,  which  is 
generally  supposed  to  be  the  home  of  the  true  negro;  the  Egyptian 
series  probably  came  from  the  Sudan ;  and  the  Galla  and  Somali  are 
usually  thought  to  be  essentially  'Hamitic'  in  physical  type.  The 
first  three,  and  possibly  the  fourth,  represent  Bantu-speaking 
peoples,  but  the  Galla  and  Somali  speak  an  Hamitic  language. 

"(b)  Kaffirs  and  Angoni.  The  physical  similarity  of  these  two 
southern  Bantu-speaking  peoples  is  not  surprising. 

"(c)  Tanganyika,  Teita,  and  Hottentots.  The  close  resemblance 
between  the  groups  from  Tanganyika  Territory  and  Kenya  Colony 
is  to  be  expected  from  cultural  evidence  and  from  their  geographical 
position,  but  it  is  surprising  to  find  that  they  are  linked  up  with  the 
non-Bantu  Hottentots,  and  that  the  last  bear  their  closest  resemblance 
to  the  Teita  who  are  geographically  further  removed  from  them  than 
are  the  peoples  of  Tanganyika  Territory. 


¥ 


Fig.  29.    Bedouin  Arab  of  Tunis,  North  Africa. 


185 


186  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

"It  must  be  admitted  that  there  are  several  unexpected  features 
of  this  classification  which  has  been  reached  by  purely  statistical 
means.  There  is  no  close  correspondence  between  the  affinities  of 
the  types  and  their  geographical  positions.  The  Congo  and  Came- 
roons  series  may  be  supposed  to  represent  the  most  typical  West 
African  races,  but  they  are  connected  with  those  of  East  and  South 
Africa  by  the  Gaboon  series  which  came  from  a  district  800  miles 
further  west  than  that  from  which  the  Congo  crania  were  obtained. 
Kenya  Colony  lies  to  the  north  of  Tanganyika  Territory,  but  the 
Teita  have  closer  relationships  to  the  southern  Angoni  and  Hotten- 
tots, while  the  Tanganyika  tribes  resemble  more  closely  the  Negroes 
from  Egypt  and  the  Galla  and  Somali.  The  suggested  relationships 
of  the  Hottentots  would  certainly  not  have  been  expected.  It  must 
be  noted  that  the  Bushman  and  Hottentot  series  are  less  well  authen- 
ticated than  the  others,  but  they  are  clearly  differentiated  from  each 
other  and  still  more  clearly  from  the  Kaffirs. 

"The  present  classification  is  only  claimed  to  be  a  preliminary 
one,  and  it  should  not  be  rejected  merely  because  it  does  not  accord 
closely  with  the  generally  accepted  theories  of  the  relationships  of 
the  African  races.  These  theories  have  been  based  almost  entirely 
on  very  inadequate  data  obtained  from  the  living  populations.  The 
material  used  in  the  present  paper  is  also  inadequate,  but  the  use  of 
purely  quantitative  methods  applied  to  cranial  measurements,  which 
have  many  advantages  over  those  of  the  living,  appears  to  offer  quite 
the  most  hopeful  approach  for  future  research  in  this  direction. 
The  most  pressing  need  is  for  more  and,  if  possible,  longer  series  of 
crania  of  Negroes,  Bushmen,  and  Hottentots." 

Semites,  Hamites,  Half-Hamites 

When  dealing  with  the  measurements  of  Negroes,  we  were  able 
to  avoid  use  of  the  linguistic  terms  "Bantu"  and  "Sudanic"  by 
substituting  topographical  terms.  There  appears  to  be  no  alternative 
to  the  use  of  the  words  "Semitic"  and  "Hamitic,"  which  have  definite 
linguistic  and  cultural  connotations.  We  have  no  specific  terms  to 
express  the  aggregate  of  somatic  traits  associated  with  either  the 
word  "Semite"  or  "Hamite,"  though  photographs  and  anthropo- 
metric data  make  the  distinguishing  physical  features  perfectly  clear. 

SEMITES 
{Table  6) 
A  glance  at  Figs.  29  and  30,  giving  front  and  side  views  of  an 
Arab  of  Tunisia,  make  clear  the  main  features.    Hooton  (1931,  p.  509) 


Fig.  30.    Bedouin  Arab  of  Tunis,  North  Africa. 


187 


188  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

describes  Arabs  as  being  mainly  of  "Mediterranean  race  with 
slight  admixture  of  Armenoid  and  possibly  Nordic.  The  nose  is 
aquiline  and  very  leptorrhine,  with  thin  nasal  tip,  high  bridge,  and 
compressed  alae.  The  head  form  is  very  dolichocephalic  with  pro- 
truding occiput."  This  statement  needs  modifying,  since  there  are 
two  main  divisions  of  Arabs,  a  dolichocephalic  and  a  decidedly 
brachycephalic  division.  According  to  Hooton,  the  stature  is 
medium,  averaging  1650-1680  mm.,  and  the  build  is  slender.  The 
color  of  the  hair  is  black  or  dark  brown,  and  the  color  of  the  eye  the 
same.  The  skin  color  is  olive  brown.  The  face  is  elliptical,  long,  and 
narrow.    The  hair  is  wavy  or  curly,  with  medium  texture. 

Some  of  the  data  in  this  general  description  may  be  verified  by 
consulting  C.  G.  Seligman  (1917)  and  refemng  to  Table  6. 

Seligman  (1917,  p.  214)  states  that  anthropometric  records  of 
Arabs  in  Africa  and  elsewhere  are  few  and  often  incomplete.  This, 
however,  was  written  twenty  years  ago  and  to  some  extent  the  gaps 
have  been  filled,  especially  for  Arabia  and  Iraq,  though  the  African 
records  are  still  scanty.  Seligman's  examination  of  fragmentary 
data  brings  him  to  the  conclusion  that  southern  Arabia  has  a  pre- 
dominantly brachycephalic  population,  while  in  the  north  there  is  a 
dolichocephalic  population. 

Seligman  then  turns  to  a  discussion  of  the  Arabs  in  Africa  and 
notes  that  many  so-called  Arabs  are  Arabized  Berbers.  Fig.  31 
gives  an  illustration  of  a  man  who,  in  my  opinion,  illustrates  the  term 
"Arabized  Berber."  Arabic  is  his  natural  tongue  and  he  is  a  Moham- 
medan, but  in  physical  type  he  corresponds  well  with  the  illustrations 
of  Berbers  shown  by  Coon  (1931),  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912), 
and  Bourrilly  (1932).  Seligman  refers  to  the  well-known  westerly 
incursions  of  Arabs  who  have  been  absorbed  into  a  Berber  popula- 
tion from  which  they  probablj^  differed  little  in  stature  and  head 
form.  In  the  hinterland  of  Tripolitania  and  Tunisia,  however,  there 
are  many  pastoral,  semi-nomadic  people,  who  are  probably  of 
predominatingly  Arab  blood.  C.  G.  Seligman  quotes  Chantre  (1904, 
p.  196)  to  show  that  some  Eg^i^tian  Arabs  (Bedouins)  have  average 
cephalic  indices  ranging  from  72.8  to  75.4,  which  agrees  closely  with 
Seligman's  measurements  of  the  Arab  Kababish  of  Kordofan.  The 
occurrence  of  brachycephalic  skulls  in  ancient  graveyards  of  Egypt 
and  Tripoli,  among  predominantly  long-headed  populations,  may  be 
explained  by  regarding  these  as  intrusions  from  southern  Arabia. 


I 


—4 


1 


f*' 


Fig.  31.    Well-educated,  Arabic-speaking  type,  Tunisia.    Berber  features. 


189 


190  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Turning  to  Table  6,  we  have  sufficient  data  to  indicate  what 
physical  features  might  be  expected  in  people  of  Arabized  blood  in 
Africa.    For  types  of  Tripolitania,  see  G.  Miiller  (1936). 

A  report  by  H.  Field  (1935)  shows  that  Arabs  of  Kish  (396 
measured)  have  an  average  stature  of  1677  mm.,  a  C.I.  of  75.3,  and 
N.I.  of  61.1.  They  are  therefore  of  medium  stature,  dolichocephalic, 
and  leptorrhine  (Fig.  71).  Evidently  the  Arabs  of  south  Arabia  are 
appreciably  shorter  than  those  of  Kish.  They  are  brachy cephalic 
according  to  all  observers,  and  the  groups  showing  the  highest 
brachy cephaly  (mode  86-87)  are  those  measured  by  B.  Thomas 
(1932). 

The  Arabs  measured  by  Coon  (1931)  in  northwest  Africa  show 
close  agreement  with  Field's  Kish  series.  The  Arabs  of  Kish,  com- 
pared with  those  of  northwest  Africa,  have  6  mm.  more  in  stature, 
are  one  point  higher  in  cephalic  index,  and  have  somewhat  narrower 
noses.  A  small  sample  (24)  of  Kababish  have  the  greatest  stature  of 
our  Arab  samples;  they  are  distinctly  dolichocephalic,  and,  as  might 
be  expected,  owing  to  long  contact  with  Negro  slaves,  the  N.I.  is 
higher  than  that  of  other  Arab  groups. 

Shanklin's  (1934,  1935)  trans-Jordan  Arabs  are  mesaticephalic 
with  a  modal  value  of  C.I.  76-77  for  791  males.  The  details  of 
Shanklin's  distribution  indicate  the  mingling  of  broad-headed  and 
long-headed  stocks.  Classified  according  to  villages,  the  average 
C.I.'s  range  from  74.7-78.8,  and  for  the  tribes  the  range  of  averages  is 
74.1-78.2. 

In  Battara's  (1934)  review  of  the  data  of  Aldobrandino  Mochi, 
we  have  a  classification  of  the  figures  relating  to  seventy-nine  males 
of  Eritrea  and  northern  Abyssinia,  who  speak  a  Semitic  language, 
Tigr^.  If  from  the  tables  a  frequency  distribution  is  prepared,  there 
is  evidence  that  the  stature  is  either  tall  or  bordering  on  the  tall  class. 
There  is  a  definite  modal  value  between  1670-1730  mm.,  in  which 
division  43  per  cent  of  the  individuals  are  classed.  With  regard  to 
head  form,  40.5  per  cent  are  dolichocephalic,  and  50.6  per  cent  are 
mesaticephalic;  there  is  only  one  individual  with  an  index  above  80 
(brachycephalic) ,  and  only  five  individuals  have  an  index  below  70 
(sub-dolichocephalic).  The  N.I.  very  definitely  shows  the  leptor- 
rhine and  mesorrhine  condition  prevailing.  Of  the  total  sample, 
43  per  cent  are  leptorrhine,  50  per  cent  mesorrhine,  and  only  7  per 
cent  platyrrhine. 

In  the  Semitic  groups,  we  clearly  have  a  people  of  medium  stature, 
and  sometimes  in  the  lower  ranges  of  medium  values.    There  are  two 


Fig.  32.    Bedouin  Arab  woman,  Tunisia,  North  Africa. 
191 


Fig.  33.    Bedouin  Arab  woman,  Tunisia,  North  Africa. 


192 


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pq 


193 


194  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

distinct  forms  of  head,  namely,  those  that  are  definitely  dolicho- 
cephalic and  those  that  are  brachycephalic.  In  all  the  groups  tested, 
the  nose  is  leptorrhine,  but  among  the  Kababish  very  close  to  the 
mesorrhine  condition.  We  can  find  groups  of  Negroes  with  statures 
and  cephalic  indices  similar  to  those  of  the  Semites,  but  the  narrow- 
ness of  the  nose  among  the  Semites  is  a  dependable  distinction. 

HAMITES   (northern) 
{Table  6) 

If  we  agree  to  accept  the  external  origin  of  the  Hamites,  despite 
the  views  of  Sergi  (1901)  and  G.  A.  Barton  (1934),  who  accord  them  an 
African  origin,  we  have  a  picture  of  Hamitic  incursions  from  south- 
west Asia.  These  incursions  split  into  two  main  branches,  a  northern 
and  an  eastern.  The  illustrations  of  a  Tuareg  (Fig.  34)  and  of 
Egyptians  (Fig.  35)  show  the  features  of  the  northern  Hamitic  group. 
Figure  37,  portraying  a  Somali  and  a  Hadendoa,  gives  an  indication 
of  the  eastern  Hamitic  type.  This  type  is  also  represented  by  two 
Amharic-speaking  Abyssinians  (Fig.  36).  The  measurements  collated 
in  Table  6  facilitate  comparison  of  anthropometric  data. 

Considering  first  the  stature  of  the  northern  Hamites,  the  Tuareg 
(1725  mm.)  are  within  the  tall  class,  but  all  other  groups,  namely,  the 
Berbers,  are  of  upper  medium  height.  The  Tuareg  are  clearly  dolicho- 
cephalic, with  an  index  of  71.8,  while  the  other  groups  are  mesa- 
ticephalic,  with  average  indices  ranging  from  75.0-77.3.  In  stature 
and  in  C.I.,  there  is  no  definite  distinction  between  these  groups  of 
northern  Hamites  and  Negroes,  except  that  the  long-headed  Tuareg 
are  more  dolichocephalic  than  any  of  the  Negro  groups,  with  the 
exception  of  some  of  the  Nilotic  Negro  tribes. 

When,  however,  the  nasal  indices  of  the  northern  Hamites  are 
considered,  a  condition  fundamentally  different  from  that  of  any 
Negro  tribe  is  observed.  All  the  northern  Hamitic  groups  are 
decidedly  leptorrhine  and  the  averages  of  the  N.I.  for  the  several 
groups  are  remarkably  close,  with  a  range  of  only  63.5-66.5. 

HAMITES  (EASTERN) 
{Table  6) 
In  turning  to  the  consideration  of  eastern  Hamites,  there  is  the 
difficulty  of  classification.  Seligman  (1930,  p.  102)  points  out  that 
the  Ababda,  who  once  spoke  Bedawi,  which  is  the  Hamitic  language 
of  the  Bisharin  and  the  Hadendoa,  have  lost  their  old  tongue  and 
now  speak  Egyptian,  while  the  Beni  Amer  speak  a  Semitic  language 
called  Tigr^.     There  is  in  the  region  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the 


I«ifr^"^>,-tfr-f 


JSOBLi 


Fig.  35.    Egyptians  of  Luxor,      a.  Hamitic  type.      h.  Showing  Negroid  and 
Hamitic  mixtures  (after  photographs  by  H.  Field). 


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Physical  Anthropology  201 

Nile  an  overlay  of  Semitic  speech  and  customs  upon  the  Hamitic 
foundation,  so  perhaps  there  is  justification  for  including  in  the 
eastern  Hamitic  group  those  whose  original  Hamitic  traits  have 
been  submerged. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Somali  groups,  which  are  all  definitely 
in  the  tall  class,  the  eastern  Hamites  are  of  medium  height,  showing 
fairly  close  agreement  with  the  Berber  groups  of  northern  Hamites. 
We  have,  according  to  these  data,  only  two  tall  groups  of  Hamites, 
the  Tuareg  (northern)  and  the  Somali  (eastern).  Among  the 
eastern  Hamites,  head  form  has  a  definitely  rounder  tendency  than 
among  the  northern  Hamites,  and  this  may  be  due  to  some  phylo- 
genetic  relation  between  eastern  Hamites  and  an  ancient  brachy- 
cephalic  Armenoid  people.  The  eastern  Hamites  are  decidedly  more 
platyrrhine  than  the  northern  Hamites,  for,  glancing  down  the 
column  of  figures  for  the  N.I.  of  the  northern  Hamites,  all  are  in  the 
60's,  whereas  the  nasal  indices  of  the  eastern  Hamitic  groups  are, 
with  the  exception  of  two  Somali  groups,  all  in  the  70's.  The  eastern 
Hamitic  groups  are  nearly  all  mesorrhine;  the  northern  Hamitic 
groups  are  all  leptorrhine. 

The  measurements  made  by  Sergi  (1912)  on  sixty-nine  male 
skulls  of  people  he  describes  as  modern  Tigr^  give  averages  of  1501 
cc.  capacity,  which  is  higher  than  that  of  most  Negro  tribes,  a  N.I. 
of  50.3,  and  a  cranial  index  of  74.2.  Adding  two  points  to  the  cranial 
index,  we  have  a  C.I.  of  76.2,  in  very  close  agreement  with  the  indices 
for  all  the  eastern  Hamites  quoted  on  Table  6. 

To  bring  the  average  N.I.  of  the  skull  series  into  form  with  the 
N.I.  of  the  living,  we  may  use  a  formula  of  Buxton  and  Thomson, 
discussed  by  Davies  (1932,  pp.  349-351).  The  formula  N.I.  (living) 
=  N.I.  (crania)  X  2.327-38.08,  when  applied  to  the  N.I.  50.3,  gives 
N.I.  78.96,  which  is  higher  than  that  for  the  living  groups  considered 
in  Table  6. 

On  the  whole,  there  is  a  close  resemblance  between  the  African 
Semites  and  the  two  geographical  groups  of  Hamites.  Both  the 
northern  and  eastern  Hamites  have  tall  groups,  but  generally  speak- 
ing, the  Hamites  and  Semites  are  of  medium  stature.  With  the 
exception  of  the  low  dolichocephaly  of  the  Tuareg,  all  the  Sem.itic 
and  Hamitic  groups  have  a  short  range  of  C.I.  from  the  higher 
ranges  of  dolichocephaly  to  moderate  mesaticephaly.  There  is  a 
difference  to  be  observed,  however,  between  Semites  and  northern 
Hamites  on  the  one  hand,  and  eastern  Hamites  on  the  other.  The 
eastern   Hamitic  groups  are  not  so  leptorrhine  as  the  northern 


202  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Hamites  and  Semites.     In  fact,  most  of  our  samples  of  eastern 
Hamites  have  average  nasal  indices  within  the  mesorrhine  value. 

HALF-HAMITES 

A  sample  of  ninety-one  Masai  (Fig.  39)  gives  a  tall  stature  of 
1700  mm.,  a  rather  low  C.I.  of  73.2,  and  a  definite  mesorrhine  con- 
dition which  is  arrestingly  different  from  that  of  Negroes.  The 
Masai  have  a  nasal  index  (76.2)  which  shows  their  intermediate 
position  between  Hamites  and  Negroes.  The  N.I.  is,  in  fact,  not 
much  higher  than  that  of  the  Ababda  and  the  Bisharin,  but  the  index 
is  noticeably  higher  than  that  of  the  northern  Hamites  and  the 
Semites. 

Pygmies 

Tables  7,  8 

A  thorough  historical  survey  of  the  Pygmy  question  would  begin 
with  the  writings  of  Aristotle  and  Herodotus;  we  are,  however,  con- 
cerned here  with  anthropometry,  for  which  there  is  one  incomparable 
source,  that  of  Schebesta  and  Lebzelter  (1933).  The  cultural  pattern 
of  Pygmy  life  is  dealt  with  in  section  II,  where  references  other  than 
those  bearing  on  physical  anthropology  will  be  found. 

Our  modern  study  of  Pygmies  may  begin  with  the  writings  of 
Du  Chaillu  (1867,  p.  317),  who  explored  the  Gaboon  region  in  the 
period  1865-70.  He  states  that  the  Pygmies  of  that  area  were  of  a 
dirty  yellow  color,  their  foreheads  were  low  and  narrow,  their  legs 
were  short  in  proportion  to  their  trunks,  and  their  eyes  had  a  look 
of  unutterable  wildness.  The  average  height  of  six  women  he  meas- 
ured was  1400  mm.,  which  is  a  little  taller  than  that  given  by  Sche- 
besta for  Ef^  females. 

In  the  northeast  Congo,  the  earliest  observations  that  aroused 
anthropological  interest  were  made  by  Schweinfurth  (1874,  vol.  2, 
pp.  140-143),  Stanley  (1891,  vol.  1,  p.  208),  and  W.  Junker  (1892,  vol. 
3,  pp.  81-86).  All  these  observers  agree  in  their  description  of 
physical  traits,  and  all  remark  on  the  simplicity  of  the  hunting  cul- 
ture, skill  in  tracking  game,  vivacity,  adept  dancing,  and  emotional 
instability.  The  few  casual  measurements  are  of  no  present  impor- 
tance. Stanley  observes  that,  in  distinction  from  the  Ituri  Bambuti 
Pygmies,  the  Batwa  have  long  heads,  long  narrow  faces,  and  an 
expression  that  is  sour,  anxious,  and  querulous. 

These  field  observations  of  the  period  1867-87  aroused  great 
interest  in  anthropological  circles,  and  the  works  of  Hamy  (1879), 
Topinard  (1885),  and  Quatrefages  (1887)  resulted.  In  1888  Flower 
measured  two  skeletons  of  the  Aka  Pygmies  of  the  northeast  Congo, 


Bsr^. 


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Fig.  39.    Masai  warriors,  Kenya,  Half-Hamites. 


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203 


204  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  although  his  technique  would  no  doubt  meet  with  present-day 
criticism,  his  measurements  are  extremely  valuable.  The  rarity  of 
skeletal  material  from  the  African  Pygmies  is  mentioned  by  Sche- 
besta,  who  states  that  he  was  unable  to  obtain  such  material.  H.  H. 
Johnston  (1902,  vol.  2,  pp.  494,  565)  gives  some  photographs  of 
Pygmies,  together  with  a  few  anthropometric  tables  which  show  the 
averages  of  six  males  to  be:  stature,  1452  mm.; C.I. ,78.7;  and  N.I.,  109. 
Von  Luschan  (1906)  describes  the  skin  color  of  six  Pygmies  as  a 
dull  brown  with  a  yellowish  tinge.  The  hands  and  feet  are  delicately 
formed,  the  legs  poorly  developed,  the  eyes  large  and  lustrous. 
Table  7  records  the  measurements  supplied  by  von  Luschan  on  four 
males  and  two  females.  The  work  of  Czekanowski  (1911,  1922)  is 
well  known  for  the  excellence  of  the  photographic  studies  and  the 
measurements  recorded.  Cipriani  (1933)  has  supplied  measurements 
of  a  few  Pygmies  and  has  given  photographs  showing  detailed  struc- 
ture of  their  hands,  feet,  and  the  distribution  of  facial  and  corporal 
hair.  Gusinde  (1936)  has  illustrated  a  short  article  with  several 
photographs. 

The  Pygmy  problem  in  its  broadest  sense  refers,  not  merely  to 
resemblances  of  African  Pygmies  inter  se,  but  to  a  thesis  that  regards 
the  African  Pygmies,  and  Bushmen  as  well,  as  belonging  to  a  Pygmy 
race  that  spread  through  the  Andaman  Islands  into  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  New  Guinea. 

The  chief  exponent  of  this  theory  is  P.W.  Schmidt  (1910).  Another 
contributor  is  Von  Eickstedt  (1927),  who  gives  a  useful  condensation  of 
Schmidt's  views.  Haddon's  encyclopedia  summary  (HERE,  vol. 
9,  1919,  pp.  271-274)  is  also  a  succinct  formulation  of  the  theory 
of  Pygmy  dispersal.  Skeletal  material  is  rare,  but  Kramer  (1906) 
has  compared  two  very  small  Pygmy  skulls  from  New  Guinea  with 
measurements  on  Bushman  skulls. 

Reviewing  Pater  Schmidt's  "Die  Stellung  der  Pygmaenvolker 
in  der  Entwicklungsgeschichte  des  Menschen"  we  find  that  the 
argument  is  almost  entirely  based  on  cultural  evidence  pertaining 
to  simple  hunting  communities  of  people  of  small  stature.  He  com- 
pares the  head  form,  hair,  and  a  few  obvious  bodily  traits,  but  the 
bulk  of  the  work  is  divided  between  the  study  of  material  culture 
and  the  few  social  and  spiritual  facts  that  are  known.  The  account 
deals  with  ornaments,  clothing,  food  supply,  shelters,  itinerant  life, 
village  planning,  and  making  fire.  Bows  and  arrows  are  also  studied. 
The  review  of  spiritual  culture  includes  music,  art,  such  points  of 
social  structure  as  marriage,  the  family,  and  chieftainship,  also 


Fig.  40.  Pygmy  chief,  northeast  Aruwimi  River.  Stature  4  feet  2  inches. 
Wears  strip  of  okapi  skin  round  waist  (from  photograph  by  Mrs.  Delia  Akeley, 
copyright). 

205 


206  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

religion,  mythology,  and  magic.  A  summary  (pp.  280-284)  states 
a  hypothesis  for  origin  of  Pygmies  in  Asia  whence  they  spread 
southwest  and  southeast.  The  African  Pygmies  represent  old 
branches  of  the  stem,  while  the  Bushmen  have  traveled  farthest  and 
have  probably  departed  widely  from  the  original  stock  in  culture, 
speech,  and  physique.  A  work  by  Trilles  (1932)  gives  little  help 
with  anthropometry,  but  is  a  valuable  survey  of  the  social  life  of 
Congo  Pygmies  other  than  the  Bambuti. 

The  theory  of  Pygmy  dispersal  depends  on  a  detailed  study  of 
physique  and  language,  as  well  as  consideration  of  cultural  similari- 
ties. Now  cultural  similarities  are  bound  to  be  numerous  in  hunting 
communities  of  rudimentary  pattern,  living  in  forest  environment 
within  the  tropics.  Even  today,  with  the  advantage  of  recent  con- 
tributions to  physical  anthropology,  we  have  far  too  little  data  to 
make  a  detailed  comparison  of  widely  separated  Pygmy  groups 
throughout  the  area  of  alleged  dispersal.  The  linguistic  situation 
also  is  obscure,  and  for  African  Pygmies  the  existence  of  a  Pygmy 
language,  preceding  the  use  of  present-day  Bantu  and  Sudanic  speech 
by  Pygmy  groups,  has  yet  to  be  established.  Therefore,  though 
Schmidt's  thesis  of  twenty-seven  years  ago  may  well  be  true,  the  com- 
parative material  for  demonstration  is  still  meager. 

From  these  historical  considerations  we  turn  to  the  data  of 
Schebesta  and  Lebzelter  (1933)  to  extract  a  few  quotations  relating 
only  to  the  physical  attributes  of  central  African  Pygmies.  A  map 
(p.  7)  makes  the  distribution  of  Pygmy  and  pygmaeform  groups 
quite  clear.  Schebesta  prefers  the  word  "pygmaeform"  to  the  term 
pygmoid,  and  instead  of  using  the  noun  Pygmy  as  an  adjective  also, 
he  employs  the  adjectival  form  pygmean.  His  map  shows  the 
principal  Pygmy  groups.  In  the  northeast  are  the  Ituri,  Aka,  Ef6, 
and  Basua.  There  are  Batwa  groups  in  the  east  and  southeast.  The 
Bacwa  Pygmies  are  on  the  mid-course  of  the  Chuapa  and  Lomela 
tributaries  of  the  Congo.  Another  group  of  Bacwa,  sometimes  called 
the  Batembo,  occupy  an  extensive  region  south  of  Coquilhatville. 
The  Babinga  are  widely  scattered  between  the  Ubangi  and  Sangha 
rivers.     Bekwi  and  Akoa  Pygmies  are  located  near  the  Ogowe  River. 

Schebesta  states  that  probably  25,000  Pygmies  live  in  the  Ituri 
region,  and  they  are  by  no  means  on  the  decrease,  despite  high 
mortality  of  infants  and  young  adults  as  a  result  of  the  strenuous 
forest  life.  The  family  is  monogamous,  and  there  are  two  living 
children  to  each  married  woman. 


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207 


208  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

As  an  outward  principle  of  classification  Schebesta  groups  the 
northeastern  Pygmies  according  to  the  languages  they  have  adopted 
from  surrounding  Negroes.  The  Aka  are  a  Sudanic  linguistic  group. 
The  Basua,  under  which  name  there  are  many  subdivisions  living 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ituri,  use  an  archaic  Bantu  speech.  The  Ef^, 
in  the  eastern  forest  region  of  the  Ituri,  are  another  linguistic  division 
comprising  the  Mamvu,  Mombutu,  Balese,  and  Bambuba. 

The  build  of  the  Ituri  Pygmies  is  heavy  and  clumsy,  but  there  is 
no  impression  of  stunted  growth  or  malnutrition.  The  head  is  dis- 
proportionately large,  the  neck  short,  and  the  trunk  long  in  propor- 
tion to  the  legs.  The  hands  and  feet  are  slender.  In  many  men 
there  is  a  powerful  development  of  the  thorax,  and  the  breadth  of 
the  shoulders  still  further  increases  the  appearance  of  disproportion. 
The  gait  is  waddling  and  clumsy,  and  the  toes  are  often  turned 
inward.  The  skin  color  of  a  pure-bred  Mombuti  is  grayish  yellow, 
but  mixture  of  Negro  blood  often  gives  a  darker  tint.  The  Bambuti 
are  hirsute  on  face  and  body.  Schebesta  (p.  31)  gives  outline  draw- 
ings of  facial  types,  namely,  the  broad  and  the  narrow.  Despite 
the  peculiarities  of  build  one  must  distinctly  understand  that  Pyg- 
mies are  a  specific  human  type,  and  not  degenerative  Negroes.  The 
body  odor  is  different  from  that  of  white  people  and  Negroes,  and 
must  be  regarded  as  a  definite  physical  character  of  the  African 
Pygmies.  The  Aka,  who  have  felt  the  influence  of  the  Mangbetu, 
deform  the  skulls  of  their  infants  by  swathing  the  occiput. 

The  Batwa  of  Kivu  and  Ruanda,  when  nomadic,  resemble  the 
true  Ituri  Pygmies,  but  the  settled  Batwa  are  taller  and  darker  than 
the  typical  Pygmies.  This  modification  will  be  discussed  in  more 
detail  later  when  dealing  with  the  effects  of  miscegenation.  The 
Bacwa  (singular  Bocwa),  of  whom  about  50,000  exist,  are  associated 
with  the  Nkundu  Negroes. 

Lebzelter  (p.  81)  distinguishes  six  types  of  Pygmies  and  gives  a 
list  of  the  combined  features  distinguishing  each.  The  purest  breed 
is  the  Basua  of  the  Babira,  82  per  cent  of  whom  are  representative 
Pygmy  types.  The  types  are  true  Pygmy  I,  II,  III;  and  Europoid, 
with  narrower  faces,  narrower  noses,  and  thinner  lips.  Other  types 
are  Negro  I  and  II. 

Taking  the  Ef^  as  a  representative  Pygmy  group,  we  find  that  the 
stature  of  males  is  1430  mm.,  the  C.I.  79.4,  and  the  N.I.  105.7.  The 
list  of  measurements  (Table  7)  shows  considerable  variation  in  height, 
and  some  differences  of  C.I.  and  N.I.  among  the  Pygmy  groups, 
but  all  are  of  short  stature,  high  cephalic  index  (about  80),  and  either 


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209 


210  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

very  platyrrhine  or  definitely  hyperplatyrrhine.  For  the  Pygmy 
groups  Schebesta  and  Lebzelter  (1933,  p.  22)  have  prepared  a  fre- 
quency distribution  curve,  showing  that  all  males  have  a  modal 
value  of  stature  in  the  class  interval  1440  mm.;  females  1360  mm. 
The  curve  for  pygmean  groups  shows  two  modal  values  for  males, 
one  in  the  interval  1520  mm.,*  and  the  other  at  1640  mm.;  females 
1480  mm.  The  C.I.  for  all  true  Pygmies  is  80  for  males  and  78  for 
females.  Again  in  the  pygmean  groups  the  females  are  a  little 
more  dolichocephalic  than  the  males,  the  respectives  indices  being 
77  and  78. 

In  summing  up,  Lebzelter  states,  "We  may  say  that  the  Pygmies 
of  central  Africa  to  whom  alone,  according  to  P.  Schebesta,  the 
historical  name  of  Pygmies  should  be  applied,  are  composed  in  the 
main  of  one  race,  only  the  Bambuti  race,  with  the  addition  of  a  small 
percentage  of  Negroid  and  European  elements." 

A  comparative  study  of  physical  types  of  Pygmies  may  be  made 
by  consulting  Figs.  40-42,  64,  65. 

Khoisan  People  (Bushmen  and  Hottentots) 

{Table  7) 

Alleged  physical  resemblance  between  true  Pygmies  and  Bush- 
men tribes  of  the  Kalahari  Desert,  south  Africa,  tends  to  disappear 
when  a  comparison  of  somatic  traits  is  made. 

The  average  height  of  Bushmen  differs  in  various  localities,  and 
the  fact  that  the  average  height  increases  in  the  northern  and  eastern 
regions  may  be  attributed  to  mixture  with  taller  tribes  of  the  southern 
Bantu  Negroes.  Bushmen,  whether  pure  or  mixed,  are  on  the  aver- 
age taller  than  true  Pygmies.  The  head  form  of  Pygmies  tends  to 
brachycephaly,  with  indices  77-80,  whereas  Bushmen,  with  cranial 
indices  of  75-76,  approach  a  dolichocephalic  condition.  The  nasal 
index  for  Bushmen  is  high,  but  so  far  as  the  inadequate  data  show, 
the  noses  of  Bushmen  are  not  so  broad  as  those  of  Pygmies.  Both 
Pygmies  and  Bushmen  have  a  yellowish  tinge  of  the  skin.  The  cheek 
bones  of  Bushmen  are  prominent,  so  also  is  the  jaw.  The  eyes  are 
set  far  apart,  the  lips  project,  and  often  the  ear-lobes  are  joined  to  the 
cheeks.  The  arms  and  lower  limbs  are  short  in  proportion  to  the  trunk, 
whereas  the  Negro  has  long  arms.  The  hair  of  Bushmen  (Fritsch, 
1916)  differs  from  that  of  other  Africans  on  account  of  the  formation 
in  small,  closely  coiled  spirals  that  leave  the  scalp  visible.  The 
growth  of  facial  and  body  hair  is  sparse,  as  it  is  with  Negroes,  but 
not  with  Pygmies.  A  comparison  of  Figs.  43-47,  62,  and  63  shows 
the  build  and  physiognomy  of  Bushmen. 


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Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


TABLE  8 

Measurements  of  Bushmen  (Living)  of  the  Middle  Kalahari  Desert 

{Taken  by  Dr.  Rudolf  Poch,  Vienna,  and  published  by  kind  permission) 

Height  of  Body 

Males 


Age 

Number 

Range 

Average 

6-8 

6 

1062-1248 

1157 

10-12 

4 

1199-1418 

1300 

14-18 

20 

1444-1630 

1535 

20-29 

36 

1440-1715 

1564 

30-39 

28 

1413-1685 

1557 

40-49 

23 

1425-1650 

1561 

50-80 

23 

1398-1628 

1536 

Adult  Males 

Tribe 

Aunin 

34 

1442-1703 

1577 

Heikum 

8 

1495-1685 

1556 

Makaukau 

14 

1519-1648 

1584 

Gabe 

4 

1398-1606 

1491 

Middle  Kalahari 

6 

1457-1647 

1554 

Southern  Kalahari 

8 

1418-1615 

1477 

Aikue 

47 

Females 

1423-1715 

1552 

Age 

Number 

Range 

Average 

10-12 

4 

1055-1258 

1176 

14-18 

9 

1303-1526 

1423 

20-29 

20 

1354-1603 

1481 

30-39 

19 

1351-1555 

1473 

40-80 

13 

1360-1580 

1476 

Adult  Females 

Tribe 

Auriin 

11 

1354-1595 

1492 

Heikum 

5 

1360-1516 

1443 

Makaukau 

9 

1390-1534 

1457 

Gabe 

3 

1445-1463 

1455 

Middle  Kalahari 

3 

1440-1475 

1457 

Southern  Kalahari 

2 

1447-1480 

1464 

Aikue 

23 

1353-1603 

1486 

Hottentots 

4 

1465-1574 

1523 

Comparisons  of  the  somatic  traits  of  Bushmen  and  Pygmies  have 
been  made  by  W.  H.  Flov^^er  (1888)  who  says,  "The  pecuhar  oblong 
form  of  the  skull,  its  vertical  forehead,  straight  sides,  the  wide  flat 
space  between  the  orbits,  the  extremely  small  and  flat  nasal  bones, 
and  the  absence  of  prognathism  at  once  distinguish  the  skull  of  the 
Bushman  from  that  of  the  Akka." 

The  physiognomy  of  Hottentots  (Fig.  48)  bears  a  resemblance 
to  that  of  southern  Bushmen,  but  the  former  are  taller  and  there  are 
differences  in  head  form.  The  statures  of  Bushmen  fall  in  the  short 
category,  while  the  stature  of  Hottentots  (1624  mm.)  lies  in  the 


Physical  Anthropology 


215 


TABLE  ^—Continued 
Measurements  of  Bushmen  (Living)  of  the  Middle  Kalahari  Desert 


Brkadth  of  Head 

Males 

Age 

Number 

Range 

Average 

6-8 

5 

130-139 

134 

10-12 

4 

128-134 

132 

14-18 

17 

135-146 

140 

20-29 

27 

134-149 

142 

30-39 

20 

134-149 

144 

40-49 

15 

133-152 

142 

50-80 

14 

Females 

134-153 

143 

10-12 

4 

129-140      . 

134 

14-18 

6 

127-139 

134 

20-29 

15 

131-148 

140 

30-39 

13 

132-145 

139 

40-80 

10 

133-142 

139 

Adult  Males 

Tribe 

Aunin 

27 

133-153 

143 

Makaukau 

10 

137-149 

143 

Aikue 

46 

134-152 

141 

Adult  Females 

Aunin 

10 

136-143 

139 

Makaukau 

7 

134-142 

139 

Aikue 

22 

131-148 

139 

Length  of  Head 

Males 

Age 

Number 

Range 

Average 

6-8 

5 

174-191 

182 

10-12 

4 

172-184 

177 

14-18 

17 

175-200 

182 

20-29 

27 

176-196 

185 

30-39 

20 

174-196 

191 

40-49 

15 

176-195 

187 

50-80 

14 

179-192 

187 

medium  group.  The  heads  of  Hottentots  are  longer  and  less  flattened 
than  those  of  Bushmen.  For  seventy- three  Hottentots  the  C.I. 
proved  to  be  72.9,  which  is  in  the  lower  range  of  dolichocephaly 
(Schapera,  1930,  p.  61,  quoting  Schultze,  1928).  The  jaws  of  Hotten- 
tots are  more  prognathic  than  those  of  the  Bushmen. 

In  both  Hottentot  and  Bushman  tribes  the  women  show  a  con- 
dition known  as  steatopygia,  that  is,  a  disproportionate  fattening 
of  the  buttocks,  which  is  further  emphasized  by  an  inward  curvature 
of  the  lower  part  of  the  spine.  This  condition  is  illustrated  by 
Hooton  (1918)  who  has  reproduced  some  sketches  of  early  travelers. 


216 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


TABLE  8— Concluded 
Measurements  of  Bushmen  (Living)  of  the  Middle  Kalahari  Desert 


Length  of  Head 

Females 

10-12 

4                      170-175 

171 

14-18 

6                      173-180 

176 

20-29 

15                      171-194 

182 

30-39 

13                      173-190 

183 

40-80 

10                      176-185 
Adult  Males 

180 

Tribe 

Aunin 

27                      174-196 

188 

Makaukau 

10                      179-196 

187 

Aikue 

46                      176-200 
Adult  Females 

184 

Aunin 

10                      171-188 

181 

Makaukau 

7                      179-184 

181 

Aikue 

22                      173-194 

Length-Breadth  Index 
Males 

187 

Age 

Number                          Range 

Average 

6-8 

5                  69.63-77.65 

74.04 

10-12 

4                   72.82-75.72 

74.31 

14-18 

17                  72.02-79.55 

75.52 

20-29 

27                  69.79-80.34 

76.40 

30-39 

20                   71.66-81.76 

77.40 

40-49 

15                  74.19-80.42 

76.30 

50-80 

14                  70.16-81.82 
Adult  Males 

76.15 

Tribe 

Aunin 

27                  70.16-81.82 

76.36 

Makaukau 

10                  72.45-80.00 

76.59 

Aikue 

46                  71.43-83.52 
Females 

74.40 

Age 

Number                           Range 

Average 

10-12 

4                  74.86-82.35 

77.98 

14-18 

6                   71.75-81.76 

76.38 

20-29 

15                  73.60-82.45 

76.60 

30-39 

13                  72.53-80.85 

76.93 

40-49 

10                  74.05-78.77 
Adult  Females 

76.30 

Tribe 

Aunin 

10                  73.51-82.45 

76.73 

Makaukau 

7                  74.44-79.89 

76.70 

Aikue 

22                  72.53-80.35 

76.26 

The  women  of  both  Hottentot  and  Bushman  tribes  have  their  labia 
minora  elongated.  This  is  a  congenital  formation  which  is  increased 
by  manipulation. 

A  summary  of  the  meager  anthropometric  data  for  Bushmen  and 
Hottentots  is  given  by  Schapera  (1930,  pp.  51-64).     The  figures 


Physical  Anthropology  217 

show  every  possible  defect — ^paucity  of  data,  failure  to  state  the 
number  of  persons  measured,  mingling  of  measurements  for  both 
sexes,  and  failure  to  make  statements  respecting  purity  of  blood  in 
the  small  examples  chosen;  but,  judging  from  the  low  variability 
of  physical  traits  among  different  groups  of  Hottentots,  the  Hotten- 
tot type  was  established  at  a  remote  period.  When  measurements 
are  made  among  a  population  which  represents  a  recent  mixture, 
the  coefficients  of  variability  are  high  as  a  rule.  But,  despite  mixture, 
there  are  sometimes  among  the  original  population  certain  entrenched 
physical  traits  which  tend  to  stability,  regardless  of  the  physical 
mixture  and  the  influence  it  has  on  other  less  strongly  entrenched 
somatic  traits.  Apparently  the  bodily  characters  of  the  Hottentots 
have  had  time  to  settle  to  a  fairly  uniform  type. 

Professor  V.  Lebzelter  recorded  an  extensive  series  of  measure- 
ments on  groups  of  Bushmen  and  Hottentots,  but  at  present  the 
published  data  are  insufficient  for  an  adequate  survey.  The  fact 
is  astonishing  that  the  early  research  of  Fritsch  (1872)  is  probably 
the  best  account  we  have  of  the  physique  of  the  Khoisan.  Plate  49 
(Fritsch)  gives  shades  of  skin  color,  and  Plates  30-48  show  crania 
and  skeletal  details.  Tables  1-4  (Fritsch)  record  cranial  measure- 
ments. The  Atlas  accompanying  the  text  contains  a  large  number  of 
artistic  woodcuts  showing  the  physiognomy  of  Bushmen  and  Hotten- 
tots. For  data  given  in  Table  8,  I  am  grateful  to  Dr.  Hella  Poch 
who  supplied  the  unpublished  figures  of  measurements  for  Bushman 
males  and  females.  Types  of  Bushmen  are  shown  in  Bantu  Studies 
(vol.  10,  No.  2,  1936). 

Shrubsall  (1897)  gives  tables  of  measurements  on  the  skulls  of 
eight  Hottentots  and  eight  Bushmen.  The  method  of  testing  cranial 
capacity,  and  probably  other  points  of  technique  employed  forty 
years  ago,  would,  no  doubt,  be  open  to  criticism,  but  the  figures  are 
among  the  best  we  have. 

Pittard  has  made  a  brief  modern  study  of  the  craniology  of  the 
Griquas  (1927)  and  of  the  Bushmen  (1929),  based  on  meager  data, 
and  he  has,  with  Comas  (1930),  described  the  platymeric  condition 
in  Bushmen  and  Hottentots. 

Drennan  (1932)  has  published  an  article  on  the  order  of  eruption 
of  permanent  teeth  among  Bushmen.  Weninger  (1936)  has  made  a 
comprehensive  study  of  pigmentation  of  the  skin  in  Bushman  tribes. 

Broom's  (1923)  comparative  study  of  the  crania  of  Bushmen  and 
Hottentots,  though  necessarily  based  on  small  samples,  brings  out 
some  contrasts  between  the  forms  of  Bushman  and  Hottentot  skulls. 


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218 


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220  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

One  arresting  difference  is  the  extreme  dolichocephaly  of  a  group  of 
Hottentot  skulls  from  old  graves  at  Upington.  The  cranial  indices 
of  male  skulls  were  68.8,  68.4,  64.1,  and  68.4.  "The  Hottentot  skull 
differs  from  the  Bushman  type,  not  only  in  being  extremely  doli- 
chocephalic but  in  having  a  much  greater  height  measurement." 

Comparison  of  Physical  Types 

STATURE 

At  the  lowest  end  of  the  height  scale  are  the  Aka  and  Ef^  Pygmies 
with  statures  of  1429  mm.  and  1430  mm.  respectively.  Then  in 
ascending  order  are  groups  of  Pygmy  foundation  plus  Negro  blood, 
with  average  group  statures  ranging  from  near  the  true  Pygmy  level 
to  1609  for  the  Balese. 

For  Bushmen,  tribal  averages  of  statures  range  from  1477-1584 
mm.  (Table,  8),  but  figures  are  biased  by  small  samples  and  adultera- 
tion. The  only  average  for  Hottentots  (Naman)  is  1624  mm.  These 
measurements  fall  within  the  classification  of  short  statures. 

The  averages  for  Negroes  of  the  western,  central,  eastern,  and 
southern  groups  are  mainly  medium  (1580-1680  mm.).  But  some 
Negro  tribes  are  exceptions,  since  they  fall  in  the  tall  class  (1680- 
1720  mm).  Among  western  Negroes  the  tall  people  are  the  Kabila, 
Pepel,  Ekoi,  Hausa  (just  within  the  tall  category),  the  Mossi,  and 
the  Lobi. 

Central  Negro  averages,  with  the  exception  of  those  for  the 
Bushongo  and  the  Azande  (1747  mm.  and  1701  mm.  respectively), 
are  all  medium. 

In  east  Africa  the  only  tall  groups  are  a  Mozambique  sample 
(1686  mm.)  and  the  Landins  (1686  mm.);  these  are,  however,  only 
just  within  the  tall  category.  The  Baganda  come  close  to  the  low 
limit  of  the  tall  group. 

South  Africa  has  tall  Zulu  and  Batonga  groups,  while  the  Bavenda 
are  just  outside  the  tall  category.  In  Angola  the  Vachokue,  Luena, 
Valuchazi,  and  Ovimbundu  must  all  be  classed  as  tall. 

Nilotic  Negroes  are  all  decidedly  within  the  tall  category;  there 
are  no  border-line  averages.  Some  groups  have  averages  of  more 
than  1720  mm.  and  must  therefore  be  classed  as  very  tall.  The 
stature  is  lowest  throughout  the  Congo  region,  so  far  as  the  averages 
for  scattered  tribes  can  be  trusted. 

The  Semites,  with  the  exception  of  the  Kababish  (1709  mm.), 
are  of  medium  height,  and  in  the  medium  category  most  of  the 
Hamitic  groups  have  to  be  classified,  with  the  exception  of  the 


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222  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Tuareg  (1725  mm.)  and  the  Rif  (1686  mm.).  In  the  eastern  Hamitic 
groups  only  the  Somali  are  tall;  the  range  of  the  averages  of  four 
Somali  samples  extends  from  1707-1740  mm. 

HEAD  form 

The  Pygmy  and  pygmean  groups  have  a  rounded  head  form  in 
the  higher  ranges  of  mesaticephaly,  or  actually  above  the  80  line  of 
demarcation.  Higher  mesaticephaly  of  about  78  is  common  in  the 
central  African  region,  and  this  fact,  combined  with  the  somewhat 
lower  ranges  of  medium  stature  in  that  region,  lends  support  to  a 
theory  of  wide  dissemination  of  Pygmy  groups  and  their  mingling 
with  Negroes.  The  tribal  averages  for  C.  I.  of  Bushmen  range  from 
74-77  (Table  8). 

For  the  main  part  the  cranial  indices  of  Negroes,  no  matter  what 
their  geographical  situation  may  be,  is  in  the  higher  ranges  of  dolicho- 
cephaly  or  in  the  lower  ranges  of  mesaticephaly;  generally  the  aver- 
ages are  in  the  class  interval  74-77.  There  is  remarkable  uniformity, 
except  that  the  Nilotic  Negroes  definitely  show  a  lower  dolichocephaly 
than  the  other  divisions  of  Negroes. 

Except  for  the  brachycephaly  of  southern  Arabia,  which  may 
have  had  some  effect  on  African  head  forms,  the  Semitic  groups 
have  cephalic  indices  which  differ  little  from  the  general  trend  of 
most  Negro  groups,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  cephalic  indices  of 
eastern  Hamites.  But  the  Tuareg  (northern  Hamites)  are  definitely 
long-headed.  Together  with  Hottentots  and  Nilotic  Negroes,  the 
Taureg  form  a  group  in  the  ranges  of  low  dolichocephaly  (C.  I.  71-73). 

NOSE 

The  formation  of  the  nose  as  expressed  by  the  nasal  index  offers 
a  distinction  better  than  that  afforded  by  either  stature  or  head 
form.  Pygmies  are  definitely  hyperplatyrrhine  and  Negroes  platyr- 
rhine.  The  Semites  and  Hamites  are  definitely  leptorrhine,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Ababda,  Bisharin,  Hadendoa,  and  Beni  Amer,  whose 
noses  are  just  broad  enough  to  bring  them  within  the  mesorrhine 
category. 

A  few  Negro  tribes  of  northeast  Africa,  namely,  the  Baganda, 
Akamba,  and  Akikuyu,  show  a  reduction  of  the  platyrrhine  condition 
which  is  characteristic  of  Negroes,  especially  the  far  western  groups. 
Hamitic  blood  probably  affected  this  trait,  for  in  the  Hamiticized 
Masai  the  nasal  index  is  distinctly  mesorrhine  (76.2). 

In  considering  the  value  of  stature,  head  form,  and  shape  of  nose 
as  distinguishing  criteria,  we  have  to  recognize  that  there  is  much 


.^^T**^ 


Fig.  47.    Bushwoman,  near  Gemsbok  Pan,  Kalahari  Desert,  wearing  forehead 
band  of  ostrich-eggshell  beads  (courtesy  of  Arthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright). 


r 


223 


224  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

overlapping  of  groups.  In  extreme  cases  such  as  those  of  Pygmies 
and  Nilotic  Negroes,  the  factor  of  height  marks  off  the  groups  in  a 
decisive  way,  and  some  other  groups  are  isolated  by  the  height  factor 
in  unmistakable  manner,  but  many  Negro,  Hamitic,  and  Semitic 
groups  show  similar  averages.  The  same  may  be  said  of  head  form 
with  the  exception  already  noted.  There  is,  however,  a  very  definite 
value  in  the  nasal  index  as  a  criterion  for  establishing  somatic  group 
differences.  We  do  not  find,  for  example,  that  any  of  the  average 
nasal  indices  given  for  Hamites  and  Semites  could  be  confounded 
with  those  for  Negroes;  there  is  no  overlapping  of  values  as  there  is 
when  comparing  average  statures  and  average  cranial  indices. 

Yet  with  more  measurements,  taken  according  to  approved 
technique  by  people  who  were  agreed  on  what  they  wanted  to 
measure,  the  coefficient  of  racial  likeness  (C.R.L.)  would  be  a  valu- 
able mathematical  way  of  giving  precision  to  our  ideas  of  difference 
and  resemblance  (Pearson,  1926;  and  in  simpler  form  Kitson,  1931, 
p.  296;  and  G.  von  Bonin,  1931,  p.  253). 

Anthropometric  data  from  Africa  seldom  satisfy  the  conditions 
for  a  legitimate  use  of  the  C.R.L.,  but  perhaps  in  future  there  will 
be  the  possibility  of  comparing  major  groups  and  subgroups  within 
each  of  the  major  groups,  with  a  view  to  establishing  a  graded  series 
of  coefficients  showing  the  degree  of  group  similarity  or  divergence 
with  respect  to  a  large  number  of  traits. 

Let  us  suppose  that  we  have  two  groups,  A  and  B,  under  com- 
parison, and  that  the  C.R.L.  of  A  and  B  is  required.  Let  it  further 
be  assumed  that  for  both  the  A  and  B  groups  we  have  an  adequate 
number  of  observations  giving  reliable  averages  for  stature,  head 
length,  head  breadth,  height  of  nose,  breadth  of  nose,  bizygomatic 
width,  height  of  face,  cephalic  index,  nasal  index,  and  face  index. 

Let  a — j  be  the   averages  for  these  traits  in  the  A  group,  and  a' — j'  the 

averages  for  the  same  traits  in  the  B  group. 
Let  A — J  be  the  number    of    observations  in    the  A  group    and    A' — J' 

the  number  of  observations  in  the  B  group. 
We  then  require  <r  (standard  deviation)  of  traits  a — j  for  any  reliable  series. 

Then  alpha  =  (- — —  )    x  -j 77  .    Alpha  is  required  for  each  pair  of  traits. 

V    ffC    /         A  +  A 

^   jy   T         c  alpha  a  alpha  b  —  alpha  j      - 
C.  K.  L.  =  o  T-^ —  i. 

A  close  correlation  of  C.R.L.  is  expressed  by  a  number  less  than  3. 

There  is  not  much  to  be  gained  by  working  out  one  or  two 
coefficients.  The  figures  we  have  collated  (Tables  1-8)  and  the 
photographs  show  that  Pygmy  groups  are  bound  to  give  a  low  cor- 
relation with  Tuareg,  and  that  a  high  correlation  is  likely  to  exist 


6 


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225 


226  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

between  subdivisions  of  Bushmen.  But  with  adequate  data  we  could 
establish  as  a  datum  line  a  series  of  coefficients  for  the  most  diverse 
groups,  then  proceed  to  compare  the  similar  groups.  In  this  way 
we  could  formulate  concepts  of  likeness  and  divergence  that  are  now 
so  vague  because  they  are  based  on  pictorial  study  and  insufficient 
data.  Such  use  of  the  C.R.L.  has,  however,  been  recently  criticized 
by  R.  A.  Fisher  (1936),  but  his  judgment  is  by  no  means  final. 

Human  Origins  and  Migrations 
paleontology 

In  the  preceding  pages  consideration  has  been  given  to  the 
physical  types  inhabiting  Africa  at  the  present  day.  But  the  broader 
question  of  the  origin,  miscegenation,  and  dispersal  of  these  different 
branches  of  the  human  stock  was  postponed  because  of  the  many 
theories  that  are  involved. 

Discussion  of  the  prehistory  of  Africa  (chap.  Ill)  included  a 
summary  of  the  types  of  fossil  anthropoids  and  fossilized  human 
bones  that  African  soil  has  contributed  to  the  total  paleontological 
evidence.  To  summarize  the  whole  of  the  geological  and  paleon- 
tological testimony  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  work,  but  a  short 
course  of  reading  will  lead  to  the  point  where  consideration  of  the 
dispersal  of  Homo  sapiens  can  begin. 

Duckworth's  (1911)  "Prehistoric  Man,"  and  Buttel-Reepen's 
(1913)  "Man  and  His  Forerunners"  were  excellent  elementary 
textbooks  in  their  day,  and  they  are  still  useful  for  their  summary  of 
the  discoveries  of  fossil  man  up  to  the  time  of  publication.  But 
during  the  past  twenty  years  much  new  evidence  has  come  to  light 
concerning  the  dispersal  of  ancient  anthropoid  and  early  human 
types.  In  particular,  the  Neanderthal  type  of  man  has  been  shown 
to  exist  far  east  from  the  original  European  site  of  discovery.  The 
paleontological  evidence,  as  it  stands  today,  may  be  gleaned  from 
Keith  (1929,  1931)  and  G.  Elliot  Smith  (1931).  W.  K.  Gregory 
(1934)  has  a  work  of  a  different  type,  for  he  is  not  concerned  with 
summarizing  the  discoveries  but  in  arguing  against  the  thesis  of 
Professor  Frederick  Wood  Jones  that  "man  has  been  derived,  not 
from  any  early  ape  at  all,  but  from  a  far  older  and  long-extinct  branch 
of  Primates;  man  is  distinctly  related  to  the  Spectral  Tarsier  of 
Borneo  and  the  Philippines." 

A  brief  summary  of  the  paleontological  evidence  for  the  origin  and 
dispersal  of  anthropoid  ancestors  and  man  is  given  by  Hooton  (1931) 
in  an  informative  chapter  entitled  "Fossil  Ancestors."    The  evidence 


Physical  Anthropology  227 

s  elsewhere  summarized  by  Hooton  (1927)  in  an  article  "Where 
Did  Man  Originate?"  There  he  favors  Africa  as  the  probable  home 
)f  the  Primates.  But  later  (1931,  p.  297)  he  states  that  discoveries 
lear  Pekin  in  1929  and  1930  call  for  a  revision  of  opinion, 

DISPERSAL  OF  PHYSICAL  TYPES 

As  an  introduction  to  this  subject  Haddon's  (1911)  "The  Wander- 
ngs  of  Peoples"  will  serve  admirably,  since  the  text  gives  a  con- 
densed account  of  a  great  field  of  literature,  and  several  clear  maps 
ire  provided.  But  for  perusal  of  current  theories  more  advanced 
ivorks  must  be  consulted. 

Professor  Griffith  Taylor  (1930)  has  propounded  a  theory  of 
tiuman  origins  and  migrations,  and  in  a  later  contribution  (1936,  p. 
567)  he  has  given  a  bibliography  of  his  writings  on  this  subject. 

In  this  modern  study  of  anthropogeography  Taylor  has  followed 
a  method  adopted  by  distinguished  zoologists  and  botanists,  who  have 
worked  from  a  center  of  origin  and  differentiation  to  a  periphery 
to  which,  ex  hypothesi,  the  oldest  and  most  primitive  types  have 
been  pushed. 

Applying  the  general  biological  technique,  including  study  of 
forms  and  natural  corridors  for  expansion,  the  conclusion  is  that  all 
dominant  movements  of  mankind  were  centrifugal  from  central 
A.sia.  And,  according  to  Taylor  (1930,  p.  36)  the  occurrence  of  a 
primitive  anthropoid  or  human  skull  in  a  peripheral  region  tells  us 
where  not  to  look  for  the  cradle  land  of  man.  According  to  the 
scheme,  migration  of  man  to  the  Americas  was  blocked  for  a  long 
time  by  adverse  climatic  conditions,  so  that  internal  pressure  forced 
the  migrations  west  and  southwest  into  Europe  and  Africa,  also  east 
and  southeast  into  Asia  and  Australia. 

The  rise  of  physical  types  in  the  central  region  may  have  been  due 
to  physiological  changes  in  the  endocrine  glands,  as  a  result  of 
changing  climates  following  the  alternating  advance  and  retreat  of 
the  north  polar  ice  cap.  This  recognition  of  climatic  change  as  a 
dynamic  factor  in  producing  human  movement  corresponds  with  the 
theory  set  forth  in  Huntington's  work,  "The  Pulse  of  Asia." 

Following  to  some  extent  the  teaching  of  Biasutti  (1912),  and 
reproducing  some  of  that  author's  maps,  G.  Taylor  (1930,  p.  41) 
plots  out  a  series  of  zones  in  the  Old  World  surrounding  the  south 
center  of  Asia.  Taking  skull  breadth  and  hair  texture  as  criteria,  the 
zones  lead  from  a  peripheral  distribution  of  frizzly-haired,  narrow 
skulls,  through  an  area  of  wavy-haired  skulls  of  intermediate  breadth, 
to  a  central  area  of  straight-haired,  broad  skulls. 


228  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  applying  the  theory  to  Africa,  Taylor  is  of  the  opinion  that 
Pygmies  and  Negritos  are  derived  from  an  early  human  stock,  pos- 
sibly the  earliest  migrants,  who  followed,  as  it  were,  a  biological 
cul-de-sac  that  led  to  no  further  phylogenic  development.  Another 
early  branch  from  the  phylogenetic  tree  is  thought  to  have  been 
somewhat  like  Neanderthal  man,  and  this  experiment  gave  rise  tc 
Negroid  and  Australoid  types.  The  Mediterranean  and  Alpine 
types  evolved  later. 

So  far  as  Africa  is  concerned,  the  theory  represents  the  Pygmies 
and  the  Bushmen  as  the  earliest  immigrants.  Then  followed  the  true 
Negro  as  exemplified  by  western  Negroes  of  the  present  day.  The 
Hamites  and  Semites  are  perhaps  lateral  branches  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean stock.  Possibly  the  Bantu  Negroes  came  as  a  migratior 
from  Asia  long  after  the  first  arrival  of  true  Negroes,  or  the  Bantu 
may  have  arisen  as  a  result  of  Negro  and  Hamitic  mixture,  in  the 
region  of  the  Great  Lakes  of  Africa,  whence  they  spread  westward 
and  southward. 

Professor  G.  Taylor  follows  very  closely  to  the  teaching  ol 
Haddon  (1911,  p.  1),  who  states  that  a  "migration  is  caused  by  ar 
expulsion  and  an  attraction,  the  former  nearly  always  resulting  from 
dearth  of  food,  or  from  over-population,  which  practically  come  tc 
the  same  thing."  Taylor's  "corridors,"  leading  to  the  margins  oJ 
habitable  land,  are  what  Haddon  (1911,  p.  5)  calls  "channels.'' 
Movements  of  men  take  the  line  of  least  resistance,  but  the  word 
"barrier"  is  of  relative  meaning  and  few  obstacles  are  completely 
prohibitive.  Yet  the  picture  of  successive  waves  of  migration  should 
not  be  simplified  too  much,  since  the  process  involved  much  over- 
taking and  the  leaving  of  isolated  "islands,"  as  well  as  miscegena- 
tion and  obliteration. 

Keith  (preface  to  H.  Field,  1935,  p.  75)  contributes  to  this  con- 
cept of  migrations  from  Asia  by  reminding  us  of  the  present  belt  oi 
darkly  pigmented  peoples  which  extends  across  the  Old  World.  At 
one  extreme  of  this  "black  belt"  are  the  Negroes  of  Africa,  at  the 
other  end  the  Negroes  of  the  Pacific  (Melanesians),  and  midway 
between  are  the  brown  peoples  of  India.  Keith  further  pictures  two 
areas  of  human  origin  to  the  north  of  this  "black  belt,"  one  a  Mon- 
golian center  and  the  other  Caucasian.  The  Mongol  stock  at  times 
broke  into  the  "black  belt"  and  spread  into  the  Pacific.  This  would 
account  for  a  Mongoloid  appearance  of  some  Polynesians  (Guide  to 
Races  of  Mankind,  British  Museum,  1921,  p.  20,  Fig.  4).  Keith 
does  not  say  so,  but  I  think  his  suggestion  accounts  for  a  Mongoloid 


Physical  Anthropology  229 

appearance  in  some  African  people.  Some  Bushmen  and  Hottentots 
have  such  an  appearance  as  a  result  of  their  Mongoloid  eyes  and  high 
cheek  bones.  Meek  (1925,  vol.  2,  p.  165)  refers  to  a  Mongoloid 
appearance  of  many  Jukun  and  Nupe  of  Nigeria.  C.  G.  and  B.  Z. 
Seligman  (1932,  p.  20)  show  men  of  the  Mahdi  and  Bari  tribes,  with 
what  are  called  pseudo-Mongoloid  characters  in  their  physiognomy. 

The  Asiatic  theory  we  have  so  briefly  glanced  at  is  simple  com- 
pared with  that  of  Montandon  (1928),  who  speaks  of  ologenisme, 
which  is  a  hypothesis  accounting  for  the  origin  and  dispersal  of  man. 
Montandon  (p.  210)  states  that  'Tolog^nisme  est  un  monog^nisme  et 
un  monophyletisme  ubiquitaine,"  meaning,  I  take  it,  that  the  theory 
combines  ideas  of  a  simple  origin  of  man,  and  a  sending  off  of  single 
lateral  branches  as  the  main  trend  of  evolution  continues.  Mon- 
tandon's  diagram  begins  with  Homo  sapiens,  who  as  a  first  effort 
throws  off  the  "pygmoides,"  then  advances,  and  at  an  unknown  time 
and  place  the  "tasmanoide"  branch  is  ejected.  Then  follow  at 
intervals  the  "negroide,"  "armenoide,"  "esquimoide,"  and  "mon- 
goloide,"  while  the  main  stem  continues  triumphantly  to  the  pro- 
duction of  the  "grand  race  europoide."  The  doctrine  of  ologenisme 
is  said  to  absorb  the  two  older  theories  of  monogenesis  and  poly- 
genesis  of  man.  Montandon  illustrates  these  theories  with  maps,  and 
compares  the  process  to  the  opening  of  a  hand  from  which  fingers 
shoot  out  in  all  directions.  Ologenisme,  on  the  contrary,  is  the 
gradual  closing  of  the  hand,  a  condensing  toward  a  center.  But 
the  diagram  (Montandon,  Map  13),  showing  how  people  originated 
and  dispersed  according  to  the  theory  of  ologenisme,  attempts  to  show 
so  much  that  I  fear  the  chart  defeats  its  own  purpose. 

If  we  do  not  allow  our  imagination  to  be  too  cramped  by  the 
physical  argument,  but  take  into  consideration  the  spread  of  cultures 
and  languages  as  well  as  somatic  types,  then  there  will  be,  I  believe, 
a  strong  predilection  toward  the  concept  of  an  outward  spread  of 
succeeding  waves  from  central  Asia.  The  genesis  of  these  somatic 
waves  and  their  miscegenation  leads  to  consideration  of  certain  data 
from  the  fields  of  genetics,  anthropometry,  physiological  observa- 
tions including  tests  of  blood  groups,  and  environmental  factors  that 
are  usually  compounded  under  the  term  anthropogeography. 

THE  CONCEPT  OF  RACE 

The  word  "race"  has  been  much  abused  in  an  attempt  to  define 
some  obvious  somatic  differences,  and  the  present  disrepute  of  the 
term  as  one  unfit  for  scientific  nomenclature  was  indicated  at  the 


230  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

meetings  of  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
1936. 

All  are  agreed  that  no  single  somatic  trait  can  be  taken  as  a 
criterion  of  race,  but  there  is  no  agreement  respecting  the  combina- 
tion of  physical  traits  that  may  be  fairly  regarded  as  demarcating 
one  so-called  "race"  from  another.  From  one  major  somatic  group 
to  another  there  are  infinite  gradations,  involving  a  mingling  of 
physical  factors,  and  so  producing  multiple  types  that  are  undefined 
except  by  such  loose  terms  as  Mongoloid,  Pygmoid,  Negroid,  Cau- 
casoid,  Australoid. 

Professor  Garth  (1931,  p.  221),  at  the  conclusion  of  his  extensive 
studies  in  race  psychology,  states  that  the  idea  of  "race"  as  some- 
thing permanent  "becomes  an  artificial  notion,  a  myth.  What  we 
call  races  are  merely  temporary  eddies  in  the  history  of  human  kind." 

Despite  the  misuse  of  the  term  "race"  biologically,  linguistically, 
geographically,  and  sometimes  with  direct  social  and  religious 
opprobrium,  the  physical  anthropologist  cannot  afford  to  despair  of 
finding  some  terms  that  adequately  describe  and  demarcate  an 
aggregation  of  physical  traits.  Hooton  (1931,  p.  397)  states  that 
"racial  classification  must  be  made  upon  the  basis  of  a  sum  total  of 
significant  morphological  and  metrical  features,  according  to  the 
distinct  variations  of  such  features  in  large  human  groups." 

Hooton  clarifies  the  desired  process  of  classification  by  pointing 
out  three  major  groups  of  somatic  traits;  these  in  his  opinion  have 
a  claim  to  consideration  as  determinants  in  a  scheme  of  human 
taxonomy. 

Of  these  groups  of  traits  the  first  is  the  most  important,  since 
the  factors  are  what  might  be  called  entrenched  features.  These 
traits,  according  to  Hooton,  tend  to  intensify  themselves  by  the 
inertia  of  heredity.  Such  traits  are  the  form,  color,  and  quantity 
of  the  hair  and  its  distribution  in  tracts;  the  color  of  the  eyes  and  the 
form  of  the  skin-folds  of  the  eyelids.  Another  trait  of  like  kind  is  the 
breadth  of  the  head  relative  to  the  length. 

In  the  second  group  are  bodily  characters  which  may  have 
originated  in  functional  modifications,  but  such  traits  have  become  ! 
stabilized,  and  they  tend  to  persist  even  after  they  have  ceased  to 
serve  the  biological  purpose  and  conditions  to  which  their  origin  was  i 
due.    Among  such  traits  are  pigmentation  of  the  skin,  height  and 
breadth  of  the  nose,  and  height  of  the  head. 

A  third  and  taxonomically  less  important  group  of  factors  which 
are  easily  modified  by  environment  (including  nutrition,  gait,  and 


Physical  Anthropology  231 

occupation)  are  stature,  weight,  proportions  of  the  hand,  and  the 
shape  of  the  femur  and  tibia.  To  understand  the  discriminating 
value  of  these  factors  it  is  necessary  to  consider  biological  data  having 
a  direct  bearing  on  the  origin  of  somatic  traits,  their  transmission, 
and  persistence. 

DIFFERENTIATION 

Under  this  general  heading  the  factors  which  are  responsible  for 
the  origin  of  somatic  traits  and  their  transmission  can  be  grouped. 
Some  account  can  be  given  of  the  attempts  that  have  been  made 
toward  definite  measurement  of  the  mechanism  of  heredity,  and  the 
results  of  hybridization  can  be  studied  by  means  of  anthropometric 
measurements  and  physiological  tests,  including  study  of  blood 
groups.  Environment,  too,  is  a  factor  that  has  to  be  considered  in 
relation  to  the  differentiation  of  types.  There  is  no  intention  of 
dealing  adequately  here  with  these  controversial  subjects,  but  the 
factors  should  be  mentioned  to  show  the  great  complexity  of  our 
specific  problem  of  accounting  for  the  origin  of  physical  types  living 
in  Africa  today. 

Simple  textbooks  dealing  with  the  subject  of  genetics  will  explain 
what  is  known  today  of  the  mechanism  of  heredity,  and  though  the 
powers  of  the  microscope  are  far  too  feeble  to  confirm  the  hypothetical 
function  of  genes  and  ids,  the  function  of  chromosomes  in  cell  divi- 
sion and  transmission  of  physical  characters  is  fairly  well  understood, 
since  chromosomes  can  actually  be  observed  during  process  of  cell 
division.  Two  simple  textbooks.  Gates  (1930)  and  Hurst  (1935), 
will  serve  to  explain  the  biological  mechanism  which  is  responsible 
for  preserving  unchanged,  or  for  mingling  traits  during  fertilization. 

Hurst  explains  that  the  gene  is  the  primary  organizer  and 
determiner  of  all  structural  and  functional  characters  in  living 
organisms.  In  a  human  being  there  are  forty-eight  groups  of  genes 
known  as  chromosomes,  twenty-four  of  which  are  directly  derived 
from  the  egg  cell  of  the  mother  parent,  and  twenty-four  from  the 
sperm  cell  of  the  father.  Hurst  shows  how  recent  experiment  has 
explained  the  nature  of  evolutionary  change.  Under  X-ray  treat- 
ment two  main  types  of  alteration  occur  in  the  gene  complex. 
These  may  be  distinguished  as  (1)  mutations,  which  are  changes 
within  the  genes  themselves,  and  (2)  new  distribution  of  chromosomes 
or  parts  of  chromosomes  which  produce  transmutations. 

From  the  time  of  Lamarck  (1744-1829)  and  Darwin  (1809-1882) 
biological  argument  has  been  focused  on  the  subject  of  evolutionary 
change.    Use  and  disuse  of  organs,  the  rise  of  small  variations,  and 


232  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  perpetuation  of  some  of  these  by  natural  selection,  for  a  long  time 
held  the  field  as  explanations  of  the  rise  of  new  species.  In  the 
middle  of  the  last  century  Mendel  worked  out  a  scheme  of  the 
transmission  of  characters  in  peas,  and  finally  the  mechanism  of  this 
transmission  has  been  explained  by  observation  of  the  chromosomes 
and  by  hj^Dotheses  relating  to  genes  within  the  chromosomes.  How 
do  these  biological  facts  and  hypotheses  apply  to  the  rise  and  per- 
petuation of  different  physical  traits  that  mark  off  the  varieties  of 
mankind?     And  how  shall  such  differences  be  accurately  measured? 

environment 

The  belief  that  some  environmental  conditions  can  bring  about 
the  rise  of  new  varieties  seems  to  be  well  founded  in  laboratory 
experiments,  known  sometimes  as  experimental  evolution.  No 
doubt,  much  of  the  knowledge  so  obtained  can  be  applied  to  explain- 
ing the  physical  differences  of  man.  To  speak  of  a  mutation  as  a 
"spontaneous"  change  in  the  germ  plasm  merely  shelves  the  problem. 
What  is  the  cause  of  the  change? 

At  present  no  satisfactory  answer  can  be  given,  but  J.  R.  de  la 
H.  Marett  (1935)  has  summarized  hypotheses  relating  to  the  biologi- 
cal and  psychological  effects  of  all  kinds  of  environmental  conditions. 
The  endocrine  hypothesis  set  forth  by  Keith  in  his  presidential 
address  to  the  British  Association  (1919)  is  examined,  and  con- 
sideration is  given  to  the  thesis  that  mineral  deficiencies  of  the  soil, 
and  the  resulting  vegetable  food,  have  influenced  animal  and  human 
evolution.  According  to  hypothesis  many  external  factors  may  have 
affected  the  genes,  and  perhaps  the  cytoplasm  of  the  cell  as  well,  in 
order  to  produce  those  changes  that  give  rise  to  new  physical  char- 
acters. Marett's  argument  has  been  discussed  by  Gates  (1936). 
Bolk  (1929)  has  further  explained  Keith's  endocrine  gland  theory, 
and  has  advanced  his  own  beliefs  that  some  pronounced  physical 
differences  in  mankind  result  from  the  fetal  preservation  of  certain  , 
ancient  and  elementary  characters. 

Of  the  actual  measurement  of  bodily  change  due  to  the  operation 
of  environmental  factors  we  have  two  notable  examples.  Both  the 
traits  studied  have  generally  been  regarded  as  major  distinctions 
of  different  human  types.  J| 

Thomson  and  Buxton  (1923)  studied  man's  nasal  index  in  re- 
lation to  climatic  conditions  and  concluded  that  a  platyrrhine  nasal 
index  is  associated  with  a  hot,  moist  climate,  and  a  leptorrhine  nasal 
index  with  a  cold,  dry  climate.    The  later  work  of  Davies  (1932)  in 


H 


Physical  Anthropology  233 

the  main  confirmed  these  conclusions.  Boas  (1912)  has  conveniently 
summarized  his  longer  reports  on  changes  in  the  bodily  form  of 
descendants  of  immigrants.  The  conclusions  were  assailed  by  several 
critics.  Pearson  and  Tippet  (1924)  prepared  an  article  on  "Stability 
of  the  Cephalic  Indices  Within  the  Race,"  which  led  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  authors  were  unable  to  find  any  change  of  real  significance 
in  the  cephalic  indices  for  school  children  from  five  to  twenty  years 
of  age.  And  "having  regard  to  the  fact  that  extraordinary  environ- 
mental differences  in  this  country  (England)  appear  to  make  no 
significant  change  in  the  shape  of  the  head,  it  is  very  difficult  to 
accept  Professor  Boas'  view  that  the  child  born  to  Jewish  parents  in 
Europe  differs  in  head  shape  from  the  child  born  to  the  same  parents 
after  their  arrival  in  America." 

The  details  of  this  controversy  are  discussed  by  Hooton  (1931, 
p.  408).  G.  Taylor  (1936,  p.  352)  points  out  several  reasons,  support- 
ing the  opinion  of  Boas  himself,  why  the  changes  in  cephalic  index, 
when  slight  and  non-continuous,  do  not  invalidate  the  index  as  a 
criterion  of  human  varieties.  Hirsch  (1927,  p.  89)  concludes  his 
measurements  by  offering  the  hypothesis  that  head  length  and  head 
width  are  in  great  part  determined  by  psychological  factors  operating 
by  means  of  the  ductless  glands.  Factors  such  as  fear  and  anxiety 
exercise  an  influence  on  the  glands,  but  when  these  factors  are 
removed  the  relative  glandular  secretion  is  modified  and  a  change 
in  the  cephalic  index  occurs. 

HYBRIDIZATION 

The  effects  of  hybridization  in  Africa  are  plainly  evident  in  a 
study  of  photographs  of  physical  types  from  the  continent,  and 
later  some  consideration  will  be  given  to  anthropometric  evidence 
of  hybridization,  a  subject  we  touched  rather  briefly  in  presenting 
data  relating  to  the  nasal  index  among  Hamites  and  Negroes. 

For  modern  and  instructive  data  relating  to  hybridization 
reference  must  be  made,  not  to  observations  on  African  Negroes, 
but  to  comparative  studies  of  the  colored  and  white  populations  of 
America.  The  best  of  these  studies  have  been  published  in  the  past 
ten  years. 

Hooton  (1926)  reported  on  the  study  of  race  mixture  with  special 
reference  to  the  work  carried  on  at  Harvard  University.  The  studies 
included  measurements  and  other  observations  of  hybrid  Hawaiian- 
Chinese  and  Hawaiian-European.  The  former  hybrid  is  intermedi- 
ate in  stature,  and  there  is  a  clear  dominance  of  the  brachycephaly 
and  straight  hair  of  the  Chinese.    In  the  first-generation  hybrids, 


234  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

resulting  from  crosses  with  Europeans,  the  darker  Polynesian  pig- 
ment is  dominant,  and  the  more  finely  cut  European  features  tend  to 
assert  themselves. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  inquiries  of  T.  W.  Todd  (1928, 
1929)  and  Todd  and  Tracy  (1931)  into  somatic  features  of  the  Ameri- 
can Negro  and  the  stability  of  these  traits  during  hybridization  with 
the  white  people.  Hrdlicka  (1928)  indicates  the  main  traits  of  the 
full-blooded  American  Negro.  Very  comprehensive  studies  of  racial 
crossing  in  Jamaica  have  been  published  by  Steggerda  (1928)  and 
by  Davenport  and  Steggerda  (1929).  The  contributions  of  Hersko- 
vits  (1928,  1930a)  have  been  particularly  helpful  from  the  African- 
ist's  point  of  view,  for  the  social  factors  determining  mating  in 
American  Negro  groups  have  operated  strongly  in  some  African 
societies.  It  is  possible  greatly  to  underestimate  the  force  of  social 
customs  and  the  prevalence  of  sociobiological  standards  in  human 
mating.  In  Africa,  for  example,  males  of  the  ruling  castes  of  Tuareg 
of  Asben  may  have  concubines  of  Negro  origin.  But,  because  of  the 
reckoning  of  descent  through  the  mother,  it  is  difficult  for  even  an 
influential  man  of  noble  caste  to  regard  his  son  by  such  a  mother  as 
belonging  to  his  own  noble  ancestry. 

Students  of  anthropology  are  all  familiar  with  the  regulation  of 
marriage  by  caste  in  India,  and  by  a  great  variety  of  exogamic  laws 
in  many  parts  of  the  world.  Endogamy  too  is  sometimes  enforced 
by  topography  as  well  as  by  social  sanction,  but  the  effects  of  social 
restrictions  on  determining  physical  types  and  perpetuating  them 
have  not  been  adequately  studied.  An  attempt  has  been  made, 
Brownlee  (1911),  to  analyze  physical  mixtures  into  their  original 
elements  by  use  of  the  Mendelian  formula. 

Quantitative  and  Qualitative  Differences 
Although  it  is  impossible  to  frame  a  logical  definition  of  race  in 
terms  of  physique,  there  is  no  difficulty  in  getting  a  mental  picture 
of  the  combined  attributes  which  have  hitherto  roughly  served  to 
distinguish  the  principal  varieties  of  mankind.  And  with  further 
practice  many  subdivisions  can  be  distinguished  by  inspection  of 
photographs.  Such  a  general  knowledge,  combined  with  definite 
measurable  data,  may  be  obtained  from  Haddon  (1925)  or  from 
M.  Schmidt  (1926),  both  of  whom  made  a  world-wide  and  pictorial 
survey  of  the  principal  types  of  man.  The  nomenclature  is,  however, 
more  troublesome,  and  ignorance  of  the  physical  type  has  to  be  con- 
cealed under  such  terms  as  pre-Hamite  and  proto-Hamite  for 
Africa,  while  for  South  America  the  names  of  broad  linguistic 


i 


Physical  Anthropology  235 

divisions  are  often  used.  Nevertheless,  definite  advance  has  been 
made  in  quaHtative  and  quantitative  measurements  by  means  of 
physiological  and  anthropometric  methods. 

ANATOMY 

In  superficial  anatomy  as  in  splanchnology  an  enormous  amount 
of  research  remains  in  the  field  of  comparative  study.  Expeditionary 
observers  usually  note  some  of  the  more  obvious  anatomical 
differences,  but  only  a  limited  amount  of  material  is  available  in 
dissecting  rooms. 

Recent  detailed  examination  of  the  anatomy  of  the  foot  among 
south  African  natives  is  an  example  of  the  anatomical  work  that 
needs  to  be  done  (Wells,  1931).  The  following  quotation  shows  how 
productive  such  work  may  be  in  helping  to  establish  physical  criteria: 

"The  foot  of  the  South  African  native  differs  from  that  of  the 
European  in  a  large  number  of  points,  which  affect  the  whole  of  its 
structure  and  are  reflected  in  its  action. 

"The  sole  of  the  foot,  which  in  the  European  is  hollow,  in  the 
Bantu  is  flat,  with  a  greatly  thickened  epidermis  and  a  dense  pad 
of  subcutaneous  fatty  tissue  filling  up  the  concavity.  The  muscular 
system  of  the  Bantu  foot  is  highly  variable,  with  a  tendency  to  a  more 
primitive  type  of  organization  than  is  seen  in  the  European.  Certain 
muscles,  however,  are  much  more  constant  in  the  Bantu  than  in  the 
European.  These  invariably  show  a  primitive  formation.  The 
main  blood  vessels  are  very  variable,  whereas  the  nerves  are  remark- 
ably constant.  The  ligamentous  system  also  is  on  the  whole  very 
constant. 

"The  bones  of  the  Bantu  foot  show  consistent  differences  from 
those  of  the  European  foot,  and  these  are  further  exaggerated  in  the 
foot  of  the  Bushman.  In  this  last  race  the  talus  and  calcaneus  are 
more  ape-like  than  in  Neanderthal  man.  As  a  result  of  the  dif- 
ferences in  the  individual  bones,  the  architecture  of  the  foot  is 
different  in  the  three  races,  the  Bantu  and  Bushman  having  a  less 
perfect  arch  system  than  the  European.  In  association  with  these 
features,  the  feet  of  the  African  races  are  less  rigidly  constructed 
than  those  of  the  European,  and  retain  traces  of  a  former  prehensile 
character." 

ANTHROPOMETRY 

The  pages  of  "Biometrika"  and  similar  journals  give  evidence  of 
considerable  research  on  skeletal  material,  but  the  samples  are 
usually  small  and  the  facts  established  are  meager  in  relation  to  the 


236  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

unsolved  problems.  With  regard  to  measurements  on  living  sub- 
jects, the  scanty  data  we  gleaned  from  African  sources  show  how 
little  systematic  work  has  been  accomplished  in  such  a  vast  area. 

PHYSIOLOGY 

The  contributions  of  physiologists  to  the  study  of  human  dif- 
ferences are  not  numerous  when  considered  in  relation  to  the  great 
field  of  research,  but  some  advance  has  been  made.  Benedict  (1932) 
has  reported  the  progress  made  in  studying  the  basal  metabolism 
of  the  Maya,  who  show  a  metabolism  of  5.2  per  cent  to  8.4  per  cent 
above  that  of  white  men.  This  high  metabolism  is  combined  with  a 
phenomenally  low  pulse  rate.  In  Madras  twenty-seven  female 
Tamils  had  a  metabolism  on  the  average  17.4  per  cent  below  that  of 
American  women.  A  group  of  forty  pure-blooded  aboriginals  of 
South  Australia  showed  definite  minus  value  in  metabolism  when 
compared  with  white  men.  The  racial  effect  on  metabolism  may  be 
complicated  by  the  factors  of  climate  and  diet.  "The  climate  in 
southern  India  and  the  climate  in  Yucatan,  however,  are  not  so 
strikingly  dissimilar  as  to  suggest  that  climate  can  play  a  dominant 
role  in  these  marked  differences  in  metabolism."  Such  work  on 
metabolism  is  extremely  important,  not  only  for  the  improvement 
of  our  knowledge  of  physiological  differences  among  human  types, 
but  for  the  scientific  study  of  diets  which  has  just  aroused  the 
interests  of  African  ethnologists  ("Africa,"  vol.  9,  No.  2,  1936,  many 
contributors). 

A  contribution  of  Suk  (1927,  pp.  31-64)  is  a  further  illustration 
of  the  kind  of  physiological  research  that  is  needed  to  demonstrate 
differences  and  similarities  between  groups  that  have  been  vaguely 
classed  as  races  or  subraces.  The  research  was  carried  out  among 
Negroes  of  Natal  and  Zululand.  Many  lines  of  inquiry  were  under- 
taken, including  observations  of  pulse,  respiration,  and  temperature, 
and  the  investigator  takes  due  cognizance  of  psychological  factors 
that  might  affect  the  results.  The  pulse  rates  are  close  to  those 
of  white  men,  and  investigation  of  this  phenomenon  is  an  apt  illustra- 
tion of  the  careful  technique  which  has  to  be  followed  in  such  inquiry. 
Pulse  rate  varies  with  sex,  stature,  posture,  and  time  of  day.  The 
frequency  of  respiration  has  variations  with  age  and  sex,  but  the 
differences  for  the  south  African  Negroes  as  compared  with  white 
men  and  North  American  Indians  are  not  great.  Observations  were 
made  on  skin  color — which  is  lighter  in  females — on  menstruation, 
development  of  breasts,  and  many  other  factors. 


Physical  Anthropology  237 

blood  groups 

Recent  advances  have  been  made  in  testing  blood  groups,  with 
a  view  to  establishing  both  a  qualitative  and  quantitative  measure- 
ment of  differences  that  have  hitherto  been  called  racial.  The 
nature  of  these  investigations  may  be  illustrated  by  referring  firstly 
to  some  general  literature,  then  to  specific  inquiries,  including  obser- 
vations on  Africans. 

A  simple  explanation  of  the  technique  and  terms  used  is  given 
by  M.  Young  (1928),  and  notes  on  the  historical  aspect  are  added. 
Based  on  agglutinative  reactions,  bloods  are  divided  into  groups 
0,  A,  B,  AB.  Bloods  of  the  0  division  are  those  whose  red  cells 
carry  neither  of  the  agglutinative  factors  (agglutinogens).  A  bloods 
carry  the  A  agglutinogen  only,  B  bloods  carry  the  B  factor,  and  AB 
bloods  have  the  two  agglutinogens  A  and  B. 

Anthropological  interest  in  blood  grouping  goes  back  to  the  year 
1919  when  L.  and  H.  Hirschfeld  found  that  the  proportion  of  agglu- 
tinogen A  predominated  greatly  over  B  in  European  peoples,  but 
B  predominated  over  A  in  Asia  and  Africa.  Inhabitants  of  these 
regions  were  classified  on  the  basis  of  a  biochemical  index  or  racial 
index  which  is  the  ratio  of  the  percentage  of  the  A  factor  to  the 
percentage  of  the  B  factor  (%A  +  %AB  /  %B  +  %AB).  This 
procedure  gave  three  groups  of  people: 

Europeans  with  an  index  higher  than  2.5. 

Intermediate  between  1.3  and  1.8. 

Asio- African  less  than  1.0. 

Later  work  showed  that  these  divisions  were  arbitrary  and  many 
intermediate  values  of  the  index  occurred.  The  factors  A  and  B 
are  inherited  in  a  typically  Mendelian  manner. 

Millot  (1935)  deals  with  the  subject  of  agglutinogens  in  the 
anthropoid  apes.  He  also  gives  data  for  blood-grouping  tests  in 
Europe  that  seem  to  be  consistent  with  generally  accepted  ideas  of 
consanguinity.  Germans  of  Hungary  react  like  those  of  Germany. 
Gypsies  of  Hungary  are  of  the  Hindu  blood  type;  Hungarians  are 
like  Turks.  Millot  refers  to  the  fact  that  pure-blooded  Indians  of 
North  America  are  of  the  0  group,  and  he  asks  whether  they  have 
lost  the  A  and  B  factors,  or  whether  separation  from  Mongoloid 
stock  took  place  before  the  A  and  B  factors  had  arisen  by  mutation. 
The  statement  is  made  that  Australian  aborigines  have  group  A  but 
notB. 

Present-day  discussion  often  refers  to  the  work  of  Snyder  (1926) ; 
this  is  a  technical  article  with  a  large  bibliography.    Snyder  gives 


238  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  following  groups  according  to  blood  tests:  European,  Indo- 
Manchurian,  Hunan,  Intermediate,  Africo-Malaysian,  Pacific- 
American,  and  Australian.  He  gives  a  map  (p.  255)  showing  the 
distribution  of  these  types. 

Kroeber  (1934)  adopted  a  plotting  device  to  show  the  strength 
of  the  0  factor  on  one  axis  and  the  A  to  B  relation  on  another  axis. 
He  concluded  that  the  current  race  classification  would  encounter 
about  as  many  exceptions  as  corroborations  of  its  scheme  from  blood- 
type  classification.  Kroeber  also  remarks  that  if  the  A  and  B  factors 
are  mutations,  it  seems  likely  they  arose  independently  in  more  than 
one  place,  period,  and  population.  Wyman  and  Boyd  (1935,  pp.  182, 
185)  explain  that  in  human  blood  cells  there  are  two  other  factors, 
M  and  N,  which  are  inherited  in  Mendelian  fashion  like  A  and  B, 
except  that  the  two  cannot  be  absent,  though  one  only  or  two  to- 
gether can  be  present.  Wyman  and  Boyd  present  two  maps  for 
showing  the  percentage  distribution  of  the  genes  for  A  and  B,  respec- 
tively. An  explanation  (p.  186)  is  given  to  show  how  the  frequencies 
are  calculated. 

These  maps  are  of  interest  in  the  study  of  blood  groups  in  Africa. 
Map  1  indicates  a  line  passing  along  north  Africa  and  through  north 
Arabia  into  central  Asia,  and  a  second  line  extends  through  the 
Sudan  Negro  belt,  right  across  Africa  at  about  10°  N.  Lat.  This 
line  passes  through  northern  India,  then  turns  south  through  the 
Malay  Peninsula. 

Map  2  indicates  two  north  African  lines,  one  of  which  passes 
from  south  to  north  through  Italy  to  Scandinavia  and  beyond.  The 
other  north  African  line  is  plotted  along  the  entire  northern  littoral , 
of  Africa  into  north  Arabia,  then  due  north  into  Scandinavia.  A 
line  is  plotted  from  south  Africa  across  the  Indian  Ocean  into  Mela- 
nesia. Yet  another  line  extends  from  central  Africa  through  south 
Arabia,  touches  the  north  of  Madagascar  and  then  extends  to  Borneo. 
These  lines  indicating  similarities  of  reaction  for  the  A  and  B  factors, 
respectively,  do  bear  some  resemblance  to  the  lines  of  hypothetical 
migrations  between  Asia  and  Africa  as  shown,  for  example,  in  Had- 
don  (1911,  Maps  I  and  III). 

In  addition  to  these  general  articles  dealing  with  the  main  facts 
of  experiments  in  blood  grouping,  there  are  many  papers  dealing 
with  specific  areas.  Gates  (1934)  has  written  on  the  subject  of  blood 
groups  of  Indians  in  British  Columbia.  Bijlmer  (1935)  has  supplied 
some  particulars  of  blood  groups  in  the  southwest  Pacific.  Field 
(1935,  p.  460)  quoting  the  researches  of  MacFarlane  and  Kennedy! 


Physical  Anthropology  239 

with  blood  samples  collected  by  a  Field  Museum  expedition  in  1934, 
gives  the  0,  A,  B,  and  AB  factors  for  Arabs  and  other  peoples.  The 
authors  quoted  give  bibliographies  which  lead  out  into  a  very  exten- 
sive body  of  literature. 

For  beginning  a  study  of  the  work  done  on  blood  groups  in  Africa 
the  summary  of  E.  W.  Smith  (1935,  p.  42)  is  a  useful  starting  point, 
and  the  bibliography  given  there  names  the  principal  contributions 
to  the  subject.  Other  articles  that  give  a  digest  of  the  main  points 
are  Elsdon-Dew  (1934),  Parr  (1931),  and  Pijper  (1930).  Parr's 
article  gives  a  clear  explanation  of  the  Wellisch  (1927)  p.q.r.  formula 
I  and  the  method  of  plotting  the  values  of  these  terms.  The  frequen- 
cies of  A,  B,  0  are  p,  q,  r,  respectively.  Parr  states  (p.  26)  that 
studies  of  blood  types  of  Egyptians  show  them  to  be  unlike  Arabs  of 
western  Asia  and  parts  of  north  Africa.  The  original  Egyptian 
strain  seems  to  persist  physically  despite  Arab  conquest  and  occu- 
pation. That  the  experiments  with  Egyptians  should  indicate 
Mongol  or  Indo-Manchurian  relationship  is  not  explained. 

I  Two  of  the  most  valuable  tables  for  giving  considerable  informa- 
ition  in  small  compass  are  those  of  Elsdon-Dew  (1934)  and  Pijper 
1(1930).    Often,  as  in  dealing  with  anthropometric  measurement,  the 

results  are  based  on  samples  too  small  to  be  reliable,  but,  on  the 

contrary,  several  results  are  derived  from  examination  of  more  than 
I  the  five  hundred  individuals  considered  necessary  as  a  representation 

of  the  group.    The  indices  for  Negroes  of  Senegal,  and  for  the  Yoruba 

are  0.8  and  0.9,  respectively,  and  for  Negroes  of  the  Belgian  Congo 

J  the  index  is  the  same  as  that  for  the  Yoruba.    For  American  Negroes 

ithe  index  is  1.3,  the  high  index  being  due  to  an  admixture  of  white 

.blood. 

'       The  Bushmen,  with  a  high  0  value,  a  low  B  value,  and  an  index 

of  2.5,  occupy  a  peculiar  position  in  the  blood-grouping  scale.  The 
,  high  value  for  0  leads  to  the  suggestion  that  the  Bushmen  are  the 
'earliest  African  inhabitants,  and  Jadin's  table  (1936,  p.  183)  shows 
;  the  Bushman  index  to  be  far  removed  from  that  of  the  Ituri  Pygmies. 
I  Moreover,  the  B  element  in  Bushmen  is  small  compared  with  that 
;of  Pygmies.    Pijper  (1930,  p.  314)  finds  the  rather  high  index  of  the 

southeastern  Bantu  difficult  to  explain.  The  index  is  1.3,  which  is 
Ihe  same  as  that  for  American  Negroes,  though  there  was  no  mixture 
I  of  white  blood  with  the  Bantu  samples  examined.     Pijper  asks 

whether  the  Bantu  have  to  be  regarded  as  direct  descendants  of 
:Hamites  with  a  slight  admixture  of  Negro  blood.     There  appears 

to  be  no  Hamitic  index  for  comparison,  and  at  present  there  is  no 


240  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

satisfactory  explanation  of  the  fact  that  the  index  for  the  south- 
eastern Bantu  is  1.3  while  that  of  other  Negroes  (Senegalese,  Yoruba, 
Belgian  Congo,  French  Congo)  varies  from  only  0.8  to  1.0. 

The  tests  are  of  definite  value,  however,  in  showing  a  reliable 
series  of  distinctive  0,  A,  B,  and  AB  values  and  a  characteristic  index 
for  Pygmies,  also  a  specific  series  for  Bushmen,  as  well  as  for  Negroes. 
The  tests  (Jadin,  1936)  were  successful  in  distinguishing  Ituri 
Pygmies  of  pure  blood  from  those  having  a  mixture  of  Bantu  Negro 
blood.  All  writers  agree  that  in  such  tests  we  have  something  of 
definite  value  as  a  criterion  of  physical  type,  but  at  present  the 
phylogenetic  implications  are  not  well  understood. 


African  Migrations  and  Mixtures 

A  study  of  prehistory  (chap.  Ill)  summarized  the  small  amount 
of  information  available  respecting  fossil  man  in  Africa.  The  section 
dealing  with  stone  implements  showed  that  Paleolithic  man  had  a 
wide  distribution  far  back  in  the  Pleistocene,  and  considerable 
evidence  was  adduced  to  indicate  that  new  immigrants  introduced 
new  stone-age  cultures,  which  they  distributed  extensively.  But  for 
the  main  part  of  the  continent  little  is  known  of  the  physique  of  these 
wanderers,  and  the  discussion  of  migrations  is  carried  on  in  terms 
of  stone-age  culture. 

With  regard  to  present-day  types,  photography,  anthropometry, 
and  blood  group  tests  are  of  service  in  establishing  the  presence  of 
some  distinct  physical  types  of  unknown  history  and  phylogeny,  and 
some  plausible  theories  of  origin  and  migration  are  advanced.  But 
despite  all  this  research  anthropology  can  give  no  certain  answers 
concerning  the  peopling  of  Africa,  and  the  following  summary  is 
largely  conjectural. 

Pygmies  and  the  Khoisan. — In  the  absence  of  a  better  theory  we 
have  still  to  accept  the  idea  of  central  or  southwest  Asia  as  a  bio- 
logical laboratory  and  center  of  dispersal.  The  hypothesis  has  con- 
siderable support  from  paleontology,  study  of  somatic  types,  and 
distribution  of  languages  and  cultures. 

According  to  this  theory  the  Pygmies  of  central  Africa  must  be 
regarded  as  a  southwest  migration  of  a  stock  which  was  one  of 
nature's  early  experiments  in  differentiation.  The  picture  of  a  tree 
trunk  representing  human  stock  is  familiar,  and  from  this  primary 
stem  lateral  branches  were  thrown  off  at  intervals.  But  when  the 
diagram  is  drawn  we  do  not  know  whether  to  sketch  a  branch 
depicting  Negroes  sending  off  lateral  branches  representing  Pygmies 


I 


Physical  Anthropology  241 

and  Bushmen,  or  whether  to  show  these  distinct  types  as  arising 
directly  and  independently  from  the  parent  stem.  Another  possi- 
bility arises,  for  the  Pygmies  can  be  represented  as  an  early  direct 
branch,  issuing  from  the  parent  stem  before  Negroes  were  produced, 
and  later  giving  rise  to  the  Bushmen. 

In  brief,  the  phylogenetic  relationship  of  Negroes,  Pygmies,  and 
Bushmen  is  unknown.  That  the  Pygmies  were  an  early  and  widely 
distributed  African  people  is  attested  in  several  ways.  Dr.  A. 
Werner  (1925,  vol.  7,  pp.  258-269)  has  collated  legendary  evidence 
from  many  central  and  eastern  African  tribes  to  show  how  widely 
spread  are  stories  relating  to  the  "little  people."  Further  research,  for 
example,  that  of  Jacquier  (1935)  tends  to  extend  the  area  over  which 
Pygmy  tribes  once  roamed.  Stannus  (1915)  discusses  some  east 
African  legends  of  Pygmies;  so  also  does  Schweiger. 

Moreover,  the  scattered  groups  of  extant  Pygmies,  and  crosses 
between  Pygmies  and  Negroes,  are  proof  of  an  extensive  distribution 
in  the  central  forest  area.  Anthropometry,  as  well  as  blood-group 
tests  and  general  appearance  indicate  that  Pygmies  differ  appreciably 
from  Bushmen,  whose  blood-grouping  factors  are  very  unlike  those 
of  any  other  African  people.  Hirschberg  (1934)  has  made  a  brief 
comparative  study  of  Bushmen  and  Pygmies  in  which  he  has  examined 
the  validity  of  hypotheses  with  regard  to  their  phylogenetic 
and  cultural  relationships.  But  the  fact  remains  that  very  little 
evidence  is  available  for  study  of  a  Pygmy  language,  though  there  is 
a  suggestion  that  such  existed.  Neither  are  the  anthropometric  data 
for  the  Bushmen  adequate  for  comparison  with  those  of  the  Pygmies. 
As  previously  indicated,  the  evidence  for  wide  distribution  of  Pyg- 
mies is  satisfactory,  and  a  picture  of  a  centralized  substratum  of 
Pygmy  peoples  is  permissible.  But  the  hypothesis  that  Bushmen 
migrated  from  north  Africa  rests  on  cultural  evidence  of  stone  arti- 
facts and  mural  art,  together  with  survival  of  a  click  language  in 
Tanganyika.  The  absence  of  skeletal  remains  and  of  living  Bush- 
man types  in  the  alleged  areas  of  migration  still  leaves  valid  the 
rival  hypothesis  of  evolution  of  a  Bushman  type  in  south  Africa. 

With  regard  to  miscegenation  of  Pygmies  with  Negroes  and  the 
production  of  intermediate  types  there  is  conclusive  evidence.  Bush- 
men have  likewise  mixed  with  Negroes,  and  the  Hottentot  is  probably 
a  product  of  Bushman  miscegenation  with  Negro,  Hamite,  or  both. 

Some  of  the  facts  of  Pygmy  miscegenation  with  Negroes  were 
adduced  in  discussing  the  low  stature  and  the  high  mesaticephaly 
of  certain  Congo  and  Cameroons  tribes.   And  to  the  data  mentioned 


242  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

other  corroborative  facts  may  now  be  added.  The  anthropometric 
data  of  Poutrin  (1910,  1911,  1912,  1914)  for  the  Sanga  Pygmies  is  a 
clear  demonstration  of  the  hybrid  nature  of  these  tribes  whose 
stature,  cephahc  index,  and  form  of  nose  are  intermediate  between 
those  of  true  Negroes  and  pure-bred  Pygmies.  The  figures  of  Kuhn 
(1914)  corroborate  those  of  Poutrin. 

F.  Starr  (1909,  p.  105)  gives  anthropometric  data  for  a  group  of 
ten  adult  Batwa  males.  He  finds  that  the  average  stature  was 
1542  mm.,  or  about  five  feet,  considerably  in  excess  of  measurements 
for  Bambuti  Pygmies.  The  nasal  index  for  this  group  is  comparable 
with  that  of  Bambuti  Pygmies,  though  somewhat  lower,  that  is  to 
say,  the  noses  of  the  Batwa  are  not  quite  so  broad  as  those  of  the 
true  Pygmies.  The  cephalic  index  Starr  gives  as  77.2,  which  is 
rather  lower  than  that  of  the  true  Pygmies. 

Of  the  remnants  of  former  Pygmy  tribes  in  Abyssinia,  A.  D. 
Smith  (1897,  pp.  272-275)  says  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  Dume 
Pygmies  were  a  black  skin,  round  features,  woolly  hair,  small  oval 
eyes,  rather  thick  lips,  high  cheek  bones,  a  broad  but  not  remarkably 
receding  forehead.  Donaldson  Smith  believes  that  Pygmies  in- 
habited the  whole  of  the  country  north  of  lakes  Stefani  and 
Rudolf  long  before  any  of  the  other  tribes  now  to  be  found  in  the 
neighborhood;  but  they  have  been  gradually  killed  off  in  war  and 
have  lost  their  characteristics  by  intermarriage  with  people  of  large 
stature,  so  that  only  this  one  little  remnant,  the  Dimie,  remains  to 
prove  the  existence  of  a  Pygmy  race. 

In  conclusion  of  the  subject  of  Pygmy  admixture  with  Negroes, 
Schebesta's  (1934)  "Vollblutneger  und  Halbzwerge,"  should  be 
consulted  for  an  expansion  of  the  facts  relating  to  crossbreeding  given 
in  his  statistical  data  (1933).  Lebzelter  (Lebzelter  and  Schebesta, 
1933,  p.  69)  sums  up  as  follows: 

"Finally  I  wish  to  advance  my  opinion  that  basically  the  pygmi- 
forms  are  identical  with  the  pure  breed  pygmies,  but  that  they  have 
acquired  new  racial  features  different  from  those  of  the  Pygmies 
by  mixing  with  different  Negro  races,  and  partly  perhaps  also  under 
the  influence  of  a  different  environment."  Fig.  53a  gives  a  clear 
impression  of  the  Batwa  type  of  Pygmy,  who  has  been  produced  by 
the  crossings  of  true  Pygmies  and  Negroes. 

In  the  absence  of  sufficient  anthropometric  data  for  Bushmen 
and  Hottentots,  no  definite  statement  of  their  similarities  can  be 
made.  In  physiognomy  they  ere  much  alike,  but  differences  in 
skull  form  and  stature  have  been  noted.     Broom  (1923a,  p.  142) 


Physical  Anthropology  243 

describes  the  Hottentots  as  being  one  of  the  most  long-headed  of 
all  peoples,  with  a  cephalic  index  of  under  70  and  sometimes  as  low 
as  64.  In  the  pure  Bushman  the  C.I.  is  76-80.  Broom  further  states 
(1923b,  p.  288)  that  physically  the  Korana  seems  to  be  a  Hotten- 
tot with  an  appreciable  Bantu  or  other  Negro  strain,  and  also  blood  of 
the  Australoid  race.  Vedder  and  Fourie  (1928,  pp.  39-78)  discuss  the 
hypothesis  that  the  Hottentots  were  sheep  and  cattle  herders  who 
migrated  down  the  east  side  of  Africa,  and  that  on  their  way  they 
enslaved  the  Berg  Damara,  a  people  of  Negro  appearance  who 
now  speak  the  Hottentot  language,  which  has  Hamitic  elements. 
E.  Fischer  (1913)  has  written  a  comprehensive  work  describing 
the  miscegenation  of  Hottentots  and  Dutch;  to  the  crossbreeds  he 
gives  the  name  Rehobother  Bastards.  His  map  (p.  6)  shows  the 
topographical  distribution  of  five' main  groups  southwest  of  Wind- 
hoek (Windhuk)  in  southwest  Africa.  Fischer  gives  several  tables 
to  show  the  intermediate  values  of  anthropometric  measurements 
of  Bastards  between  those  for  Dutch  and  pure-bred  Hottentots. 
Table  3  (Fischer)  shows  the  cephalic  index  of  the  Bastards  to  be 
about  75-76,  in  between  80.3  for  the  Dutch,  and  73.4-74.8  for 
Hottentots.  The  same  merging  of  traits  is  indicated  by  the  inter- 
orbital  width,  the  bizygomatic,  and  height  of  the  face,  because  Bas- 
tards have  intermediate  measurements.  But  from  Table  8  (Fischer) 
the  Hottentot  form  of  nose  appears  to  be  dominant.  The  N.I.  for 
pure  Hottentots  is  given  as  91.5,  for  the  pure  Dutch  as  65.7,  and 
for  the  hybrids  as  85.5,  which  is  much  closer  to  the  pure  Hottentots 
than  to  the  Dutch  index.  The  measurements,  geographical  tables, 
and  photographic  plates  constitute  one  of  the  most  detailed  sources 
available  for  the  study  of  crossing  of  types  in  Africa.  For  the  social 
and  economic  results  of  race  mixture  consult  editorial  notes  in 
"Africa,"  vol.  10, 1937,  p.  115.  There  a  brief  summary  is  given  of  the 
views  of  the  Congres  International. 

Negroes. — The  place  of  origin,  the  time  of  branching  from  the 
primary  stem,  the  wanderings  in  Africa,  and  the  differentiation  in 
language  and  physique  among  Negroes  are  open  questions.  That 
African  and  Melanesian  Negroes  have  had  a  common  origin  in  the 
hypothetical  Black  Belt  of  south-central  Asia  is  feasible  enough, 
but  we  do  not  know. 

M.  Delafosse  (1931,  p.  5)  says,  "It  appears  then  that  one  may, 
until  proof  to  the  contrary  be  forthcoming,  admit  as  established  the 
theory  according  to  which  the  Negroes  of  Africa  are  not,  properly 
speaking,  autochthonous,  but  come  from  migrations  having  their 


244  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

point  of  departure  toward  the  limits  of  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the 
Pacific."  Delafosse  means  that  the  ancestors  of  present  African 
Negroes  invaded  Africa  after  separating  themselves  from  a  Negro 
matrix  which  included  Negroes  of  a  Melanesian  type.  This,  how- 
ever, is  mainly  speculative,  but  corroborative  evidence  in  the  form 
of  a  kulturkreis  theory  seeking  to  establish  relationships  between 
Melanesia,  Indonesia,  and  Africa  will  have  to  be  mentioned  later. 
The  current  belief  is  that  true  Negroes  were  forced  westward  across 
Africa,  where  they  are  now  represented  in  physical  type  by  the 
tribes  of  the  Niger  Delta,  and  by  the  Kru  of  Liberia.  The  Hamitic 
invaders  are  known  to  have  mixed  with  the  conquered  Negroes, 
so  producing  an  almost  endless  gradation  of  types,  somewhere 
between  the  sturdy,  platyrrhine,  almost  black  Negro  and  the  brown- 
skinned,  mesorrhine  or  leptorrhine  Hamites. 

The  physical  appearance  of  Negroes  in  widely  separated  areas 
has  previously  been  discussed,  with  the  result  that,  despite  some 
obvious  differences  of  build  and  physiognomy,  and  the  existence  of 
broad  linguistic  divisions  such  as  Sudanic  and  Bantu,  the  similarities 
of  types  are  more  impressive  than  the  differences.  We  found 
the  Nilotic  Negroes  to  be  the  most  distinctive  of  the  Negro  types 
considered.  "A  Survey  of  the  Ethnography  of  Africa"  (Johnston, 
1913)  is  a  useful  summary  of  hypothetical  migrations,  and  of  some 
recent  movements  of  Negro  tribes  that  can  be  vouched  for  by  docu- 
mentary evidence  from  the  period  a.d.  1500  onward.  But  some  of 
Johnston's  views  need  critical  examination.  He  states,  for  example, 
that  "the  Congo  Pygmy  seems  to  be  little  else  than  a  primitive  and 
dwarfed  form  of  the  Forest  Negro,  perhaps  representing  one  of  the 
earliest  types  of  Negro  that  invaded  Africa."  Recent  research,  as 
we  have  seen,  establishes  the  Pygmies  as  something  more  specific 
than  a  degenerative  Negro  stock. 

There  is  no  lack  of  reliable  evidence  of  Negro  migration  during 
the  historical  period  in  west,  central,  east,  and  south  Africa.  And 
this  evidence  is  to  be  sought  in  European  records  as  well  as  in  the 
genealogies  and  traditions  of  African  chiefs.  Moreover,  there  is 
the  testimony  of  cultural  traits  and  of  languages.  Beyond  a  doubt 
there  has  been  a  great  ebb  and  flow  of  Negro  tribes,  with  consequent 
mixture  among  themselves  and  with  the  conquering  Hamites 
and  Arabs. 

In  the  eastern  Sudan  the  activities  of  the  Mahdi  led  to  depopula- 
tion of  large  areas  by  raiding  for  slaves.  The  victims  were  trans- 
ferred to  Omdurman,  from  which  center  they  were  widely  distributed. 


I 


Physical  Anthropology  245 

Slave  caravans  have  crossed  from  the  western  Sudan  to  north  Africa, 
and  both  Arab  and  Berber  tribes  have  received  an  addition  of  Negro 
blood.  The  depredations  of  Rabeh  toward  the  end  of  the  nineteenth 
century  caused  shifts  of  population  throughout  the  Sudan,  and 
especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lake  Chad.  Warfare  between  the 
great  empires  of  the  Niger,  and  between  those  of  Nigeria  have  also 
been  responsible  for  tribal  mixtures. 

In  east  Africa  the  salient  events  affecting  the  physique  of  popula- 
tions are  focused  in  caravan  trade  and  warfare.  Caravans  of  slaves 
from  the  far  interior  were  brought  to  Zanzibar,  where  they  were  sold 
and  widely  distributed.  The  Baganda  have  within  historical  times 
extended  their  dominion  round  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza.  The  Masai 
have  swept  southward  down  the  eastern  side  of  the  continent. 
Internal  dissension  among  Zulu  tribes  caused  independent  leaders 
to  march  northward,  so  affecting  the  Bathonga  of  Portuguese  East 
Africa,  the  Wayao,  the  Wanyamwezi,  the  Wahehe,  and  even  tribes 
as  far  north  as  the  southern  shore  of  Victoria  Nyanza. 

Movements  of  Negro  tribes  in  the  interior  of  Africa  have  occurred 
on  a  large  scale  within  historical  times.  Migrations  of  the  Bushongo 
from  the  Shari  River  to  their  present  location  in  the  southwest  of 
the  Congo  Basin  probably  took  place  about  the  sixth  century  of 
our  era.  The  Baluba,  who  are  a  part  of  the  Bushongo,  journeyed 
from  highlands  north  of  Lake  Tanganyika.  The  Fan,  who  now  live 
north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Congo,  crossed  to  their  present  position  from 
the  northeast  of  the  Congo  area.  In  a.d.  1600  the  Jagas,  a  predatory 
tribe,  were  moving  over  wide  ranges  of  territory  in  northern  Angola, 
raiding  for  slaves  and  carrying  these  for  long  distances.  The  Ovim- 
bundu  have  formed  long-distance  caravans  that  have  ranged  across 
Africa,  returning  with  slaves  and  ivory,  and  this  traffic  continued 
until  late  in  the  nineteenth  century.  These  are  but  a  few  of  the 
instances  of  events  that  have  led  to  the  mixture  of  physical  traits, 
languages,  and  cultures,  but  the  examples  indicate  the  nature  of  the 
migrations  that  have  been  accessory  to  the  main  mass  movements  of 
physical  types. 

The  following  authors  have  made  contributions  to  the  study  of 
recent  movements  of  Negroes.  Wild  (1934)  quotes  Reindorf  (1895), 
who  has  contributed  a  "History  of  the  Gold  Coast  and  Ashanti." 
Urvoy  (1936)  produced  a  study  of  the  "History  of  the  Population  of 
the  Sudan."  A.  E.  Robinson  (1929)  has  contributed  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  Arab  and  Negro  contacts  in  the  Province  of  Sennar,  eastern 


246  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Sudan.  Johnson  (1921)  and  Dalzel  (1793)  should  be  consulted  for 
the  history  of  the  Yorubas  and  Dahomeans  respectively. 

Beyond  a  doubt  many  important  movements  of  laborers  and 
traders  have  occurred  within  recent  times.  But  our  ideas  of  the 
amount  of  miscegenation  due  to  this  influx  must  be  modified  by 
Migeod's  (1919)  study  of  "Tribal  Mixture  on  the  Gold  Coast." 
He  states:  "The  ethnological  influence  of  foreigners,  whether  Euro- 
pean or  African,  on  the  original  population  of  the  colony  is  very 
small  indeed,  and  were  any  financial  change  to  take  place  so  that 
trade  and  industries  declined,  it  would  be  found  that  the  majority 
of  strangers  would  return  to  their  homes,  with  the  result  that  their 
past  sojourn  in  the  country  in  so  many  thousands  would  be  scarcely 
discernible." 

This  applies,  however,  only  to  voluntary  and  indentured  labor 
introduced  for  specific  purposes  into  various  parts  of  Africa.  It  is 
conceivable  that  mine  laborers  might  be  introduced  from  many 
different  regions  and  that  they  would  represent  several  distinct 
physical  types.  Yet  they  might  return  at  the  end  of  their  contract 
without  having  made  any  appreciable  difference  to  the  physique  of 
the  people  among  whom  they  temporarily  resided.  This,  however, 
does  not  minimize  the  importance  of  warfare,  slavery,  and  secession 
among  ruling  families,  as  factors  in  miscegenation. 

In  dealing  with  the  history  of  several  Congo  tribes,  Torday  (1928) 
has  condensed  considerable  information  into  small  compass.  He 
attaches  great  historical  value  to  the  clan  songs  of  the  Bakongo  and 
the  Batetela,  and  he  gives  instances  of  the  chronological  use  of  oral 
traditions  of  eclipses  of  the  sun,  Bushongo  tradition,  which  is  a 
compound  of  fact  and  mythology  relating  to  the  great  ruler,  Shamba 
Bolongongo,  is  examined,  and  Torday's  bibliography  includes  refer- 
ences to  the  works  of  early  Portuguese  explorers  and  priests. 

Young's  (1933)  study  of  "Tribal  Mixture  in  Northern  Nyasa- 
land,"  with  an  excellent  map,  is  an  example  of  the  kind  of  local  study 
that  is  really  illuminating.  Portuguese  sources  as  far  back  as  A.D. 
1616  are  consulted,  and  a  study  is  made  of  the  distribution  of  tribal 
groups  before  they  were  disturbed  by  intrusions.  Examination  of 
present  traditions  indicates  the  value  of  place  names  in  determining 
migrations.  The  cultural  effects  of  intrusions  are  examined,  and  a 
summary  is  given  of  the  major  conflicts,  including  those  with  southern 
intruders  who  came  north  about  A.D.  1845.  The  data  provide 
instructive  instances  of  cultural  and  physical  miscegenation  arising 
from  trade  and  warfare. 


Physical  Anthropology  247 

Before  undertaking  a  detailed  study  of  tlie  migrations  of  Bantu 
tribes  in  south  Africa  there  are  introductory  articles  that  should  be 
consulted.  Fantham  (1936),  with  the  aid  of  a  tribal  map  (p.  154), 
discusses  the  entry  of  Bantu  into  south  Africa  from  the  eastern  side 
of  the  continent.  He  postulates  a  series  of  waves  of  invasion  from 
east-central  Africa  and  states  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the 
northern  origin. 

"In  the  eighth  century,  the  Bantu  were  known  to  Arab  and 
Persian  traders  on  the  East  Coast  under  the  names  of  Kafir  (infidel)  or 
Zeng  (black).  Probably  at  this  time  they  were  living  in  the  area 
now  known  as  Northern  Rhodesia.  As  recorded  by  El  Masudi  in 
the  tenth  century,  the  Bantu  tribes  were  known  to  be  around  Sofala, 
having  crossed  the  Zambezi  but  not  the  Sabi  River.  The  Hottentots 
or  Wakwaks  were  then  to  the  south  of  them. 

"Apparently  there  were  three  main  streams  of  Bantu  migrating 
southwards,  by  the  west  coast,  the  east  coast,  and  more  or  less  central 
routes,  conquering  and  mixing  with  their  predecessors  as  they  went, 

"The  Bantu  migrating  by  the  western  route  became  known  as 
the  Hereros.  They  settled  south  of  the  Cunene  River  and  around 
Lake  Ngami  and  extended  to  the  Atlantic.  They  included  the 
modern  Ovambos  or  Ambos  and  sub-tribes.  Under  European  rule, 
especially  during  the  German  domination  in  South  West  Africa, 
some  became  scattered  and  a  few  entered  the  Waterberg  district  of 
the  Transvaal. 

"The  most  important  streams  of  migration  were  those  by  the 
East  Coast.  Of  these,  four  linguistic  groups  of  Bantu  can  be  dis- 
tinguished, and  these  seem  to  correspond  to  some  extent  with  waves 
of  invasion.  These  four  groups  are  the  Makalanga  and  the  Bech- 
wana  traveling  inland  and  more  central,  and  the  Bathonga  or 
Baronga  and  the  Zulu-Xosa  or  Zulu-Kafir  along  the  coast.  The 
Bechwana  and  the  Zulu-Kafir  are  especially  important." 

The  notes  of  Fantham  on  hybrids  are  particularly  germane  to 
our  present  subject.  He  points  out  that  during  intertribal  warfare 
conquerors  killed  the  vanquished  males  and  absorbed  the  conquered 
women  into  their  own  tribes.  As  examples  of  hybrids  Fantham 
gives  the  Korana,  who  are  Hottentots  with  some  Bushman  admix- 
ture, and  the  Berg  Damara,  who  are  early  Bantus  with  Bushman  and 
Hottentot  blood.  The  Ba  Tamaha,  near  Potchefstroom,  are  mixed 
tribes  of  Ba  Lala  and  Bushman  origin.  The  Ma  Sarwa  or  Vaalpeens, 
hybrids  of  Bushmen  and  Ba  Kalahari,  are  the  cattle  herders  of  the 
Ba   Mangwato.      The  Ba  Thlaping  are  a  Bechuana  stock  who 


248  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

married  Korana  wives,  and  in  this  cross  the  Bushman  and  Hottentot 
characters  are  dominant  to  the  Bantu.  Many  other  mixtures  are 
described. 

Some  data  are  given  by  Fantham  under  the  heading  "Eurafrican 
Admixtures,"  two  principal  crosses  being  those  between  white  men 
and  Hottentot  women,  and  between  white  men  and  Xosa,  Tembu, 
and  Fingo  women.  Diagrams  are  given  to  illustrate  the  progeny  of 
a  fair-haired,  blue-eyed  Belgian  with  a  Zulu  woman,  of  a  Dutch- 
Xosa  marriage,  and  other  crosses,  including  those  of  Tamils  and 
Zulus,  Chinese  and  Xosa.  The  article  concludes  with  a  survey  of 
the  results  of  miscegenation,  which  gives  rise  not  only  to  social  and 
economic  problems,  but  sometimes  to  physical  deterioration  of  off- 
spring, and  to  family  discord.  The  subject  of  miscegenation  has  also 
been  treated  by  G.  Findlay  (1936). 

Dicke  (1932,  p.  793)  gives  a  brief  summary  of  Bantu  migrations 
into  south  Africa  and  the  routes  by  which  they  traveled.  Portuguese 
records  show  that  about  a.d.  1500  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Bantu 
migration,  of  which  there  were  also  central  and  western  branches, 
had  advanced  southward  along  the  coast  to  the  region  of  Delagoa 
Bay.  A  century  later  the  migration  was  south  of  Delagoa  Bay  and 
fifty  years  after  that  had  reached  Natal.  Dicke  does  not  describe 
the  western  migration  into  Angola  and  South  West  Africa,  but  he 
analyzes  the  causes  that  retarded  the  central  migration  while  the 
eastern  and  western  wings  were  advancing  southward. 

These  brief  publications  describing  the  migrations  and  misce- 
genations of  the  Bantu  introduce  two  comprehensive  works,  "Olden 
Times  in  Zululand  and  Natal"  (Bryant,  1929),  and  "The  South- 
Eastern  Bantu"  (Soga,  1930).  These  are  works  of  great  detail, 
giving  an  account  of  tribal  histories,  genealogies,  conquests,  and 
miscegenation.     See  also  Krige  (1936,  pp.  1-22). 

Hamites  and  Semites. — The  origin  and  remote  history  of  the 
Hamites  and  Semites  is  unknown,  but  both  are  offshoots  from  a 
greater  stock  termed  the  Mediterranean.  The  origin  of  this  stock  is 
unknown,  but  presumably  it  arose  in  Asia  and  certainly  spread 
westward  along  the  African  and  European  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea.  Hooton  (1931,  p.  506)  summarizes  the  physical  char- 
acters that  are  typical  of  the  Mediterranean  stock.  The  head  form 
is  dolichocephalic,  and  the  heads  are  either  low  or  of  medium  height. 
The  occiput  protrudes,  the  forehead  is  vertical,  and  the  development 
of  brow  ridges  is  slight.  Hair  and  eye  color  vary  from  black  to  dark 
brown,  and  skin  color  is  extremely  variable,  from  pale  olive  brown 


Physical  Anthropology  249 

to  dark  brown.  The  face  is  oval  and  narrow,  and  the  nose  leptorrhine 
with  N.I.  65-69.    The  stature  is  about  1620  mm. 

Sergi  (1901)  gives  full  details  of  this  Mediterranean  stock  and  a 
list  of  European  and  African  peoples  derived  therefrom.  The  popu- 
lations of  Spain,  Italy,  and  Greece  are  basically  Mediterranean  stock, 
and  in  Africa  the  Libyans  (prototype  of  the  present  Berbers),  Tuareg, 
Somali,  and  Arabs  are  regarded  as  specialized  branches  of  Homo 
mediterraneansis. 

G.  Elliot  Smith  (1911,  pp.  49-51)  gives  a  description  of  the  Proto- 
Egyptian  physique  and  speaks  of  these  peoples  as  "kinsmen"  of  the 
Mediterranean  group  who  were  subject  later  to  alien  mixture.  The 
skeletons  of  Proto-Egyptians  with  dried  flesh  adhering  have  been 
preserved  from  the  pre-dynastic  period,  before  4000  B.C.  The 
physical  type  was  slender,  almost  effeminate.  The  stature  was 
about  1650  mm.,  and  the  head  was  dolichocephalic.  The  hair,  which 
sometimes  had  a  reddish  tinge,  was  similar  to  that  of  the  brunet 
South  European  or  Iberian  of  the  present  day.  "It  was  a  very  dark 
brown  or  black  colour,  wavy  or  almost  straight,  and  sometimes 
curly,  but  it  presented  no  resemblance  whatever  to  the  so-called 
'woolly'  appearance  and  peppercorn-like  arrangement  of  the  Negro's 
hair."  Interments  of  the  pre-dynastic  period  show  that  the  Proto- 
Egyptians  were  buried  on  the  left  side  with  the  knees  flexed  to  the 
chin.  Underneath  the  body  was  a  mat,  and  near-by  were  flint  imple- 
ments together  with  red  pottery  jars  having  black  rims. 

Skeletal  remains  indicate  that  people  of  another  physical  type 
imposed  themselves  on  the  slenderly  built  people  who  inhabited 
Lower  Egypt  before  the  dawn  of  datable  history.  The  bones  of 
these  new  arrivals  indicate  that  they  were  of  sturdier  build,  also 
that  their  heads  were  rounder  and  their  jaws  more  massive  than 
those  of  the  pre-dynastic  Egyptians.  The  mixing  of  these  types 
led  to  the  establishment  of  an  Egyptian  type  that  has  remained 
remarkably  constant  to  the  present  day. 

With  regard  to  the  preservation  of  an  ancient  Egyptian  type  and 
the  slight  admixture  of  Negro  blood,  C.  G.  Seligman  (1913,  p.  606) 
states:  "In  stature  the  Beni  Amer  and  the  pre-dynastic  Egyptians 
stand  close  together,  the  former  measuring  about  1.64  m.  and  the 
latter  1.63  m.  It  seems  then  that  it  is  justifiable  to  regard  the  Beni 
Amer,  the  least  modified  of  the  Beja  tribes,  as  the  modern  representa- 
tives of  the  old  pre-dynastic  Egyptian  (and  Nubian)  stock,  and  it 
further  appears  that  the  modification  undergone  by  the  latter  during 
a  period  of  some  7,000  or  more  years  is  extremely  small. 


250  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

"An  examination  of  a  small  series  of  Hadendoa  skulls,  now  in  the 
Royal  College  of  Surgeons,  affords  nothing  but  confirmation  of  the 
view  that  these  Beja  tribes  are  closely  related  to  the  Proto-Egyptians. 
Although  the  Beni  Amer  are  shorter  than  their  northern  congeners, 
there  is  no  regular  rise  in  stature  as  there  is  in  cephalic  index  from 
south  to  north.  The  very  considerable  difference  between  Beni 
Amer  and  Hadendoa  is  no  doubt  to  be  explained  as  a  result  of  misce- 
genation with  the  tall  Negroes  of  the  Nile  Valley.  It  needs  only  a 
glance  at  any  considerable  gathering  of  Hadendoa  to  be  convinced 
that  as  a  people  they  have  absorbed  much  Negro  blood.  My  im- 
pression is  that  the  Bisharin  are  less  mixed." 

Morant's  (1925)  discussion  of  a  long  series  of  male  Egyptian 
skulls,  divided  according  to  localities  and  dynasties,  traces  out  the 
changes  that  took  place  during  the  evolution  of  the  Egyptian  type. 
His  series  extends  from  pre-dynastic  to  Ptolemaic  times.  The  follow- 
ing quotations  indicate  the  preservation  of  type  and  the  absence  of 
appreciable  Negro  mixture. 

"In  early  Pre-Dynastic  times  there  were  two  distinct  races  of  man 
living  in  Egypt;  one  in  the  Thebaid  and  the  other,  it  is  supposed,  in 
the  Faiyum.  These  may  be  called  the  Upper  and  the  Lower  Egyptian 
races.  They  were  closely  related  to  one  another  as  two  adjacent 
peoples  are  generally  found  to  be,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
they  diverged  from  the  same  branch  of  the  human  tree  at  no  very 
early  date. 

"The  Lower  Egyptian  type  seems  to  have  remained  unchanged 
from  Early  Dynastic  to  Ptolemaic  times  except  that  a  relatively 
small  part  of  the  population  was  modified  very  slightly,  possibly 
by  admixture  with  some  unknown  foreign  race. 

"The  Upper  Egyptian  type  was  slowly  transformed  from  the  very 
earliest  times  in  which  we  have  acquaintance  with  it,  and  by  Late 
Dynastic  times  the  population  of  Upper  Egypt  was  of  almost  pure 
Lower  Egyptian  type. 

"It  is  very  generally  supposed  that  the  population  of  ancient 
Egypt  was  sensibly  affected  at  various  times  by  the  infusion  of 
Negro  blood.  But  in  the  series  of  which  we  have  the  mean  measure- 
ments it  is  not  possible  to  detect  the  slightest  effect  of  any  such 
admixture  that  can  have  taken  place  after  early  Pre-Dynastic  times. 
Apart  from  isolated  negroid  skulls  .  .  .  the  populations  appear  to  be 
quite  homogeneous  and  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  mean 
type  was  affected  in  the  slightest  by  admixture  with  any  race  foreign 
to  Egypt." 

I 


Physical  Anthropology  251 

C.  S.  Myers  (1906,  p.  239)  gives  a  list  of  regions  where  he  made 
anthropometric  measurements.  The  figures  for  nasal  indices  indi- 
cate that  in  living  Egyptians  of  today  there  is  a  slight  broadening  of 
the  nose  among  people  living  farther  south.  In  the  delta  region 
the  average  group  indices  varied  from  73.4  to  76.7,  but  farther 
south,  near  the  Negro  belt,  the  nasal  indices  became  77.8  to  78.9. 
Fig.  35  shows  two  present-day  Egyptians  of  Luxor.  One  is  a  Ham- 
itic  type,  and  the  other  shows  Negro  admixture. 

Analysis  of  the  elements  entering  into  the  composition  of  north 
and  northeast  Africans  at  the  present  day  is  a  complex  exercise.  If 
we  visualize  a  Mediterranean  stock  with  the  branches  previously 
mentioned,  we  have  then  to  allow  for  miscegenations  of  the  varieties 
of  this  stock  with  people  inhabiting  north  Africa  when  Homo  mediter- 
raneansis  arrived.  Moreover,  later  incursions  have  also  to  be 
considered. 

Hooton's  summary  of  the  migration  of  physical  types  along  the 
north  African  littoral  has  been  quoted  (chap.  Ill,  Prehistory). 
The  colored  maps  of  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912)  giving  distribu- 
tion of  statures,  cranial  indices,  nasal  indices,  and  pigmentation 
show  how  complicated  the  miscegenation,  the  wanderings,  and 
isolation  of  types  have  been.  For  the  main  part  distributions  are 
discontinuous  and  certain  types  are  left  as  islands.  Bertholon  and 
Chantre  summarize  the  types  thus:  (1)  dolichocephalic  and  small 
stature;  (2)  brachycephalic  and  small  stature;  (3)  dolichocephalic,  tall, 
and  leptorrhine;  (4)  types  of  southern  oases  showing  Negro  admixture. 

The  first  group  has  a  stature  of  1630  mm.,  a  C.I.  of  73-75,  and 
an  N.I.  of  70-74.  Group  2  has  a  stature  of  1640-1650  mm.,  a  C.I. 
of  79-82,  and  an  N.I.  of  68-70.  Group  3  has  a  stature  of  1700  mm. 
or  more,  a  C.I.  of  73-76,  and  an  N.I.  of  66-68.  With  such  main 
varieties  a  large  number  of  subvarieties  is  possible. 

The  same  kinds  of  analyses  have  been  made  by  Cerulli  (1935) 
and  Cotteville-Giraudet  (1930).  The  latter  distinguishes  seven 
types  that  are  still  discernible  in  the  present-day  north  African 
population.  He  gives  the  distinguishing  traits  of  each  and  type 
photographs.  According  to  Cotteville-Giraudet  (p.  148)  the  com- 
position of  the  present  population  is  Homo  mediterraneansis  40  per 
cent,  H.  atlanticus  25  per  cent  (original  Paleolithic  people),  H. 
semiticus  20  per  cent,  H.  nordicus  5  per  cent,  H.  negroidus  5  per  cent, 
Niger  africanns  3  per  cent,  H.  asiaticus  2  per  cent  (Neolithic). 

Among  the  unexplained  physical  traits  of  north  Africa  are  the 
peculiar  skulls  from  the  oasis  of  Siwa.    Derry  (1927),  relying  more 


252  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

on  the  acroplatic  index  (100  B-H'/L)  than  the  cranial  index,  finds 
traits,  for  example,  the  basi-bregmatic  height,  that  do  not  occur 
elsewhere  among  African  crania.  For  comparable  figures  the  crani- 
ology  of  the  English,  German,  and  French  have  to  be  consulted 
(p.  204).  The  nasal  index  of  Siwan  skulls  is  near  to  that  for  Euro- 
peans. The  cranial  capacities  for  both  males  and  females  are  lower 
than  those  for  Europeans  but  much  higher  than  those  for  Negroes. 
Derry  states  that  the  Siwan  skulls  are  not  Egyptian  but  does  not 
definitely  classify  them.  Siwa  has  always  been  remote  and  secluded. 
Is  it  possible  that  we  have  in  these  Siwan  skulls  a  sample  of  the 
European  branch  of  the  Mediterranean  stock,  a  branch  which  did 
not  advance  far  into  Africa,  but  became  isolated  at  Siwa? 

Inquiring  into  the  problem  of  blondness  might  conveniently 
start  with  an  article  by  Kidder  (1927),  who  discusses  the  pigmenta- 
tion of  the  skin,  hair,  and  eyes  of  the  Kabyles.  Kidder  criticises 
the  vague  use  of  the  word  blondness;  terms  are  needed  to  describe 
degrees  of  this  trait,  which  varies  from  complete  blondness  of  three 
factors  to  one  blond  trait.  Coon  (1931,  pp.  348-386)  gives  this 
subject  a  thorough  investigation.  He  uses  mathematical  methods  to 
describe  the  degree  of  association  between  each  pair  of  blond  factors, 
and  between  factors  of  blondness  and  anthropometric  measurements. 

"In  each  of  the  three  areas  Rif,  Senhaja,  and  Ghomara  the  blonder 
types  segregate  themselves  out  from  the  brunet  types  in  a  European 
direction."  Coon  (p.  386)  speaks  of  one  of  the  central  types  as  being 
like  a  blond  north  European. 

Sergi  (1901,  pp.  61-69)  surveys  the  history  of  discussion  respect- 
ing the  entry  of  these  blond  people,  their  mingling  with  a  dark  Mediter- 
ranean stock,  and  the  possibility  that  these  blonds  (Homo  nordicus) 
were  the  dolmen  builders  of  north  Africa.  Sergi  (p.  74)  attributes 
the  blond  factor  to  altitude,  but  his  theory,  like  the  one  attributing 
blondness  to  the  Goth  and  Vandal  invaders  of  A.D.  500,  is  not  now 
seriously  regarded.  Hooton  (1925,  p.  76)  gives  references  to  show 
that  the  presence  of  blonds  in  north  Africa,  for  example  among  the 
Libyans,  was  anciently  observed  and  recorded.  But  we  do  not 
actually  know  the  origin  of  the  blond  element  unless  it  came  from 
Nordic  Europe ;  or  perhaps  blondness  was  a  trait  of  the  north  African 
brand  of  the  Mediterranean  stock. 

There  are,  however,  problems  of  miscegenation  that  are  explain- 
able by  anthropometric  measurements,  especially  the  nasal  index, 
as  well  as  by  general  description  such  as  that  given  by  Delafosse 
(1894)  for  the  eastern  Hamites.    Lester  (1928)  illustrates  the  effect 


I 


Physical  Anthropology  253 

of  Negro  mixture  on  the  Galla.  The  Negro  element  is  indicated  by 
dark  skin  color,  prognathism,  and  a  high  mesorrhine  nasal  index  of 
77.5.  But  for  twenty-two  Somali  of  Hamitic  type  the  N.I.  was  low, 
65.7,  though  there  was  a  variability  in  width  of  nose  and  thickness 
of  lips  that  indicated  Negro  admixture  (Radlauer,  1914). 

Anthropometric  studies  of  the  Tibbu  of  Tibesti  in  the  eastern 
Sahara  illustrate  the  effects  of  Negro  mixture  with  what  appears 
from  the  photographs  to  be  a  Hamitic  strain  (Sabatini,  1936, 
pp.  253-269;  Biasutti,  1933).  The  former  reference  gives  the  N.I.  as 
78.1,  which  is  mesorrhine,  and  the  type  photographs  indicate  varia- 
tion of  Negro  features;  some  individuals  are  more  pronouncedly 
Negroid  than  others.  The  stature  for  126  male  Tibbu  was  1665  mm. 
and  the  C.I.  76.1,  but  these  traits  are  not  distinctive  since  they  can 
be  matched  by  group  averages  found  among  Negroes,  Hamites, 
and  Semites. 

Leblanc  (1934)  measured  thirty-one  males  of  Zenata  near  Insalah, 
and  these  he  considered  in  two  divisions,  the  Ouled  Souka  who 
describe  themselves  as  Tuareg,  and  the  Ouled  Dihamou  who  are  of 
Moroccan  origin.  The  Arabs  hold  these  people  in  contempt,  saying 
that  they  are  half-breeds.  Leblanc  notes  great  variability  in  height, 
cranial  index,  and  nasal  index,  which  is  often  an  indication  of  misce- 
genation. The  nasal  index  is  often  highly  mesorrhine— from  70  to 
80 — so  bordering  on  the  typical  platyrrhine  index  of  the  Negro. 

When  dealing  with  the  more  recent  historical  aspects  of  migration 
and  miscegenation,  anthropometry  is  sometimes  aided  by  study  of 
oral  tradition.  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman  (1918,  pp.  106-112)  and 
MacMichael  (1912)  have  given  detailed  histories  of  the  Kababish  of 
Kordofan.  Seligman  (p.  107)  says  the  "Kababish  are  a  congeries  of 
divisions  of  various  Arab  tribes  with  a  minority  of  Hamitic  origin 
and  a  dash  of  Negro  blood."  The  richest  divisions,  who  possess  most 
slaves,  tend  to  show  the  highest  proportion  of  individuals  with  Negro 
or  Negroid  features.  Struck  (1920-21)  has  analyzed  the  population 
of  Kordofan  from  the  anthropometric  and  linguistic  point  of  view. 
He  considers  Hamitoid,  Negroid,  and  Bantoid  groups,  for  which 
he  gives  statures,  cranial  indices,  and  nasal  indices.  His  summary 
of  results  (p.  168)  indicates  a  correlation  of  linguistic  elements  and 
somatic  traits. 

H.  R.  Palmer  (1932,  1934)  has  studied  historical  data  relating  to 
the  Tuareg,  and  in  addition  to  weighing  the  evidence  of  oral  tradi- 
tion, vocabulary,  and  cultural  traits,  he  has  made  use  of  Arabic  docu- 
ments from,  the  ninth  century  of  our  era  onward.    The  Tuareg,  a 


254  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

typical  camel-culture  people,  were  probably  not  present  in  the  north 
Sahara  in  appreciable  numbers  before  the  time  when  camels  became 
numerous  (A.D.  193-364).  Not  until  the  ninth  century  is  clear 
information  available  to  prove  the  presence  of  the  Tuareg  in  the 
Fezzan.  In  Palmer's  opinion  (1932,  p.  308)  there  is  a  probability 
that  the  "Tuareg,  and  their  T'ifinagh  alphabet,  first  came  into  the 
northern  Sahara  bringing  camels  with  them  from  the  eastern  Sudan 
between  the  years  300  and  600  of  our  era."  Historical  research,  no 
matter  what  the  nature  of  the  testimony  may  be,  usually  serves  to 
whet  the  appetite;  inquiries  are  pushed  farther  and  farther,  but 
always  toward  a  horizon  that  fades  into  the  distance  as  the  explorer 
proceeds. 

In  conclusion  of  the  section  dealing  with  extant  types,  their 
wanderings  and  mixtures,  attention  should  be  called  to  the  historical 
notes  that  are  to  be  found  in  almost  every  tribal  monograph.  A 
great  task  of  compilation  awaits  a  student  who  will  make  a  com- 
parative study  of  these  references  with  a  view  to  testing  their 
accuracy  one  against  another  and  finally  synthesizing  them  into  a 
more  complete  picture. 


I 


V.  CONGENITAL  ANOMALIES,  DEFORMATION, 
ORNAMENTS,  AND  CLOTHING 

ABNORMALITIES 

Congenital  anomalies  of  Negroes  and  other  Africans  have  not 
formed  the  subject  of  a  comprehensive  work,  and  data  are  insufficient 
for  wide  study  of  family  inheritance  of  abnormalities.  Yet  mmierous 
articles  call  attention  to  some  common  pathological  conditions. 

One  of  the  commonest  aberrancies  among  Negroes  is  albinism, 
which  is  of  interest  in  both  its  physiological  and  social  aspects.  An 
article  by  H.  Stannus  (1913),  medical  officer  in  Nyasaland,  calls 
attention  to  the  different  forms  of  albinism  occurring  in  that  territory. 
Stannus  quotes  a  classification  of  albinos  offered  by  K.  Pearson,  and 
mentions  the  divisions  as  complete  albinotic  (Fig.  49,  a),  spotted 
albinotic  condition,  blue-eyed  and  white-skinned,  yellow-eyed  and 
white-skinned,  xanthous  (yellow),  and  piebald  (Fig.  49,  6).  With 
this  classification  Stannus  is  not  in  full  agreement.  He  thinks  that 
the  pink-eyed  condition  if  present  at  all  is  rare,  and  that  observers 
who  have  seen  the  general  albinotic  condition  have  assumed  the 
pinkish  condition  of  the  eye,  since  this  occurs  in  European  albinos. 
Categories  of  albinos  given  by  Stannus  differ  somewhat  from  those 
suggested  by  Pearson.  The  incidence  of  albinism  among  Negro  males 
and  females  respectively  would  be  of  interest  to  biologists,  but  I  am 
not  aware  that  any  data  have  been  published  on  the  subject. 

Albinos  have  been  of  interest  to  ethnologists,  and  though  evidence 
respecting  the  social  status  of  these  abnormal  persons  has  not  yet 
been  fully  collated,  a  few  references  indicate  the  trends  of  tribal 
reaction. 

A  trader  in  the  year  1860  states  that  at  Onitsha  in  Nigeria  two 
belligerent  chiefs  who  were  about  to  arrange  terms  of  peace  pur- 
chased an  albino  who  sat  between  the  chiefs  while  they  were  dis- 
cussing the  terms  of  the  treaty.    Laying  their  hands  on  the  albino 

I  the  former  combatants  solemnly  declared  that  if  ever  they  fought 

'  again  it  should  be  as  allies.  Each  agreed  that  if  he  broke  the  pledge 
his  family  should  be  sold  into  slavery.    An  executioner  struck  off 

,  the  albino's  head  while  the  two  peacemakers  held  the  body  (Cole, 

1 1862,  p.  14). 

,       According  to  J.  Weeks  (1914,  p.  238)  the  Bakongo  require  the 

j  presence  of  an  albino  or  some  hair  from  one  before  they  are  able  to 

form  a  new  branch  of  a  powerful  secret  society  known  as  ndembo. 

255 


256  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Father  van  Wing  (1921,  p.  159)  speaks  of  an  albino  being  regarded  as 
the  reincarnation  of  a  chief.  C.  K.  Meek  (1931b,  vol.  1,  p.  143)  states 
that  among  the  Bura  of  Bornu  Province  several  albinos  were  ob- 
served, and  he  discovered  that  they  are  regarded  with  disfavor,  are 
refused  the  tribal  marks,  and  that  no  girl  will  marry  one.  I  was 
informed  by  Vachokwe  people  of  east  Angola  that  an  albino  found 
difficulty  in  obtaining  a  spouse. 

J.  Weeks  (1913,  p.  325)  notes  a  similar  matrimonial  disability 
among  the  Bangala.  R.  Burton  (1860,  vol.  1,  p.  9)  reports  the 
occurrence  of  many  albinos  among  the  Wazaramo,  and  he  states 
that  no  prejudice  is  directed  against  them.  The  few  instances  of 
albinism  here  considered  indicate  three  possible  social  attitudes. 
The  condition  may  be  disregarded  within  the  tribe,  or  the  albinos 
may  be  sacred  in  the  sense  of  something  set  apart  because  it  is  unusual 
and  unexplained,  and  yet  again  the  condition  may  be  regarded  as  a 
definite  cause  for  social  disabilities. 

In  a  survey  of  abnormalities  present  at  birth  among  several 
tribes  of  Nyasaland,  H.  Stannus  (1914)  has  pointed  out  that  obser- 
vations of  this  kind  do  not  give  a  correct  estimate  of  the  frequency 
of  congenital  disabilities,  since  defective  children  are  destroyed  at 
birth.  Stannus  thinks  that  a  child  with  a  harelip  would  undoubt- 
edly be  killed,  and  in  general  the  more  pronounced  the  abnormality 
the  less  the  chance  of  survival.  Contacts  of  Africans  with  Europeans 
either  at  mission  stations  or  in  government  service  tend  to  counteract 
infanticide;  therefore  with  the  further  extension  of  European  in- 
fluence observers  may  obtain  a  more  accurate  impression  of  the 
frequency  of  abnormalities. 

Infantilism  was  observed  in  a  woman  of  twenty-two  years,  who 
had  no  breast  development,  no  body  hair,  and  had  not  menstruated. 
Dwarfism  (Fig.  53,  b)  with  normal  mental  ability  was  recorded,  but 
no  acromegaly  (giantism)  was  noted.  Examples  of  undeveloped 
zygomatic  arches  and  a  rudimentary  lower  jaw  were  photographed. 
The  subject  was  an  imbecile  with  impaired  speech.  H.  Stannus 
observed  a  mongol  idiot  and  two  microcephalic  (small-headed) 
idiots.  Cysts  of  the  face  occur.  Abnormal  ears  were  seen.  Super- 
numerary nipples  were  observed. 

Reduplication  of  teeth,  humeral  micromely  (short  upper  arm), 
and  malformations  of  hands  and  feet  were  noted  and  photographed. 
The  records  include  the  presence  of  supernumerary  fingers  and 
toes,  and  the  joining  of  digits  (Polydactyly  and  syndactyly). 


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258  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

More  properly  within  the  scope  of  ethnology  is  the  subject  of 
artificial  deformations.  Perhaps  the  words  "artificial  modifications 
of  the  body"  would  be  preferable,  since  the  changes  are  not  con- 
sidered as  deformations  but  as  embellishments  by  those  who  make 
them.  The  reasons  for  these  artificial  modifications  are  the  grati- 
fication of  esthetic  taste;  the  preservation  of  tribal  and  social 
distinctions;  the  marking  of  differences  of  age  and  sex;  designation 
of  membership  in  a  secret  society;  and  desire  to  comply  with  certain 
religious  and  magical  observances. 

Artificial  modifications  are  carried  out  on  the  skin  by  several 
methods;  namely,  scarification,  painting,  and  tattooing.  The  teeth, 
the  lips,  the  ears,  the  nose,  the  head,  body  and  sex  organs,  and  the 
hair  are  subject  to  treatment.  Often  the  changes  are  of  an  elaborate 
kind  and  specialists  are  employed  to  perform  the  operations. 

CORPORAL  MARKS 

As  a  general  introduction  to  the  subject  of  body  marking,  Hambly 
(1925)  should  be  consulted.  The  flesh  of  Negroes  has  a  natural 
tendency  to  form  large  keloids  or  cicatrices  after  injury,  and 
advantage  has  been  taken  of  this  fact  to  form  elaborate  geometrical 
patterns  by  making  symmetrical  cuts,  the  healing  of  which  is  some- 
times retarded  by  rubbing  earth  into  the  wounds.  This  mutilation  of 
the  skin  may  be  merely  ornamental,  but  usually  the  patterns  have 
a  tribal  significance.  Some  idea  of  the  great  variety  of  distinctive 
patterns  for  tribes  is  given  by  Tremearne  (1911),  who  describes 
scarification  among  Nigerian  people,  and  by  C.  H.  Armitage  (1924), 
in  his  account  of  this  form  of  decoration  in  the  Northern  Territories 
of  the  Gold  Coast. 

According  to  S.  Passarge  (1907,  p.  27)  some  Bushmen  have  a 
magical  use  for  scarification.  Into  cuts  made  on  the  body  a  little 
flesh  from  an  antelope  is  introduced;  this  procedure  gives  the  speed 
of  the  antelope  to  the  Bushman. 

Scarification  in  the  Munshi  tribe  of  southern  Nigeria  provides 
an  example  of  variation  of  marking  with  sex.  Women  adopt  an 
elaborate  abdominal  scarification  (Fig.  50,  a),  but  men  have  simple 
tribal  marks  consisting  of  a  few  round  keloids  on  the  cheeks.  A  sex 
difference  in  marking  is  observable  among  the  Ovimbundu  of 
Angola.  Men  are  not  much  scarified,  but  women  mark  their  cheeks 
with  small  circles  into  which  burnt  rubber  is  introduced,  so  that  after 
healing  the  mark  has  a  blue  tinge.  Degree  of  scarification  among 
Negroes  varies  from  complete  absence  to  the  cutting  of  designs 


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260  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

that  cover  the  entire  face  and  torso.  Some  of  the  most  severe 
scarification  is  to  be  found  among  the  tribes  of  the  central  Congo 
region.  In  Sierra  Leone  examples  of  body  scars  denoting  member- 
ship of  a  secret  society  have  been  recorded.  These  instances  are 
typical  of  the  principal  functions  of  scarification,  and  further  colla- 
tion of  examples  could  be  carried  out  almost  indefinitely,  so  numer- 
ous are  the  Negro  tribes  who  mutilate  the  skin  in  this  way.  Body 
marking  of  this  kind  may  be  the  result  of  therapeutic  treatment; 
for  example,  the  Vasele  of  Angola  scar  the  chest  to  cure  a  cough. 
Making  of  keloids  may  be  part  of  the  rites  of  initiation  into  the 
tribe,  yet  on  the  contrary  the  scars  may  be  made  during  infancy  and 
for  ornament  only  (Decorse,  1905b;  Germann,  1933,  p.  20;  Buisson, 
1934). 

Tattooing  by  making  punctures  into  which  indigo  dye  is  rubbed 
is  characteristic  of  light-skinned  Egyptians,  and  Berber  tribes  of 
Algeria,  Tunisia,  and  Morocco.  The  practice  has  spread  into  Nigeria, 
and  some  tattooed  persons  may  be  seen  in  Kano.  Body  marking 
is  forbidden  by  the  Koran,  but  this  injunction  is  disregarded  by 
Mohammedans  provided  the  operation  is  not  performed  during 
Ramadan. 

In  the  larger  towns  of  north  Africa,  tattoo  marks  may  be  signs 
of  prostitution.  The  designs  may  be  merely  decorative,  or  again 
they  may  have  a  magical  import.  Certain  designs  represent  the 
lucky  hand  of  Fatima,  daughter  of  the  Prophet,  and  other  marks 
are  supposed  to  preserve  the  eyesight.  Certain  symbols  tattooed  on 
the  face  or  body  are  said  to  be  a  protection  against  snake-bite,  or 
to  give  health  to  the  lungs  (Roth,  1905).  Other  important  references 
to  tattooing  in  north  Africa  are  Lacassagne  (1912,  1934,  1935), 
Gobert  (1924),  Van  Gennep  (1912),  Gaudry  (1929,  pp.  43-46),  Karutz 
(1909),  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912,  pp.  478-493),  and  Herber 
(1923),  who  emphasizes  the  magical-religious  significance  of  tattooing. 

Painting  the  body  with  colored  earths  is  one  of  the  most  common 
forms  of  decoration,  and  the  usage  is  widespread  among  Negro 
tribes  in  connection  with  initiation  ceremonies  and  secret  societies. 
Painting  the  face  or  body  may  have  a  therapeutic  value;  for  instance, 
women  of  the  Ovimbundu  have  their  faces  decorated  with  small  white 
and  red  marks  which  are  made  by  a  medicine-woman  during  their 
pregnancy.  Unguents  for  the  hair  and  body  are  freely  used  by 
many  tribes.  Palm  oil  is  a  usual  dressing  for  the  skin  and  hair, 
while  camwood  powder  is  a  reddish  and  aromatic  dressing  for  the 
skin.     In  the  south  of  Angola  the  Vakwanyama  make  powder  from 


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262  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

red  takula  wood ;  this  dust  is  then  freely  rubbed  into  the  greasy  hides 
which  are  used  as  skirts  for  women.  Kohl,  a  kind  of  antimony, 
was  used  for  decorating  the  eyelids  in  Egypt  in  ancient  times.  This 
practice  has  spread  over  north  Africa  together  with  the  custom  of 
staining  the  finger  nails  with  henna,  and  both  embellishments 
have  been  adopted  to  some  extent  by  the  more  advanced  tribes  of 
west  Africa. 

MUTILATION  OF  TEETH,  LIPS,   NOSE,   EARS 

Mutilation  of  the  teeth  is  common  among  Negro  tribes  and  the 
styles  are  usually  indicative  of  tribal  divisions.  In  Angola  Ovim- 
bundu  males  remove  a  small  V-shaped  piece  from  between  the  two 
upper  central  incisors.  The  Babunda  remove  an  oval  piece  from  the 
same  position.  The  Vasele  chip  all  their  teeth  to  points  (Fig.  51,  a). 
Numerous  illustrations  of  different  methods  of  mutilating  the  teeth 
in  the  southwest  Congo  region  are  given  by  F.  Starr  (1909,  pp.  115- 
124).  Instances  of  extraction  of  the  two  middle  incisors  of  the  lower 
jaw  are  given  by  A.  C.  HolHs  (1905,  p.  313).  Fig.  51,  h  shows 
deformation  of  teeth  of  a  Sara  man  near  Lake  Chad,  and  Fig.  52,  a 
portrays  an  M'Bunda  woman  of  Angola. 

Geographical  distribution  of  the  practice  of  boring  the  lips  of 
female  children  during  infancy,  gradual  enlargement  of  the  holes  by 
insertion  of  wooden  plugs,  and  final  introduction  of  a  large  disk,  has 
been  described  and  mapped  by  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1925),  while 
Muraz  and  Getzowa  have  also  contributed  to  this  subject  (1923)  in 
describing  the  extreme  deformation  of  lips  of  females  of  the  Sara 
tribe  near  Lake  Chad.  Extreme  deformation  of  the  ear  lobes  is 
practiced  by  the  Masai,  the  Akikuyu  (Fig.  54,  a)  and  the  Wandorobo 
of  northeast  Africa.  Wearing  of  a  small  disk  which  is  inserted  in  the 
side  of  the  nose  is  not  uncommon  in  Egypt  and  north  Africa.  Women 
of  the  Shuwa  Arabs  use  this  kind  of  decoration.  Women  of  the  Vasele 
tribe,  Angola,  used  to  pass  a  thin  stick  through  the  septum  of  the 
nose,  but  this  custom  is  falling  into  desuetude  (Fig.  52,  b). 

SKULL  DEFORMATION 

The  subject  of  artificial  cranial  deformation  in  all  parts  of  the 
world  has  been  discussed  by  Dingwall  (1931)  who  is  not  satisfied 
that  this  custom  was  practiced  in  ancient  Egypt.  Today  in  Africa 
the  practice  is  unusual,  though  not  unknown.  The  Mangbetu  of  the 
northeast  Congo  region  (Fig.  54,  b)  and  the  adjacent  Madi  bind  the 
heads  of  infants  to  make  their  skulls  slope  backward.  This  is  a 
custom  among  the  socially  superior,  who  also  show  their  rank  by 


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allowing  their  finger  nails  to  grow  to  great  length.  This  treatment 
of  nails  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  Mangbetu;  I  have  no  other  African 
instances  of  the  practice.  P.  A.  Talbot  (1912,  p.  38)  states  that 
among  the  Ekoi  of  southeast  Nigeria  members  of  a  certain  secret 
society  may  be  recognized  by  their  bulging  foreheads,  which  have 
resulted  from  cranial  pressiire  applied  during  infancy.  Bertholon 
and  Chantre  (1912,  p.  89)  have  described  three  modern  types  of 
cranial  deformation  in  north  Africa. 

SURGICAL  OPERATIONS 

Operations  on  the  sex  organs  of  boys  and  girls  are  not  uncommon ; 
especially  are  the  mutilations  carried  out  during  initiation  rites. 
The  nature  of  these  operations  and  some  historical  aspects  of  the 
rites  will  be  discussed  later.  Lopping  the  finger  joints  is  an  African 
custom  whose  distribution  has  been  discussed  by  Lagercrantz  (1936, 
pp.  129-157);  the  rite  prevailed  among  Bushmen  and  Hottentots. 
The  former  were  in  the  habit  of  removing  a  joint  from  the  little  finger 
of  boys  and  girls  for  the  alleged  purpose  of  protecting  them,  if 
previous  children  had  died  when  young.  Mutilation  of  the  fingers 
was  common  among  the  Hottentots,  but  the  statement  that  a  woman 
was  obliged  to  sever  a  finger  joint  before  each  marriage  is  not  fully 
confirmed.  The  evidence  for  these  mutilations  among  the  Khoisan 
peoples  has  been  discussed  by  I.  Schapera  (1930a,  pp.  71-72). 

The  practice  of  emasculation  will  be  mentioned  later  in  con- 
nection with  slavery  and  punishment  for  adultery  with  the  wife  of  a 
king.  The  practice  has  been  both  commercial  and  punitive.  P. 
Kolbe,  who  was  in  contact  with  the  Hottentots  in  the  year  1719, 
refers  to  the  excision  of  a  left  testicle  during  boyhood.  Kolbe 
reported  that  Hottentot  women  were  afraid  that  they  would  bear 
twins,  but  this,  they  believed,  would  be  impossible  if  males  were 
mutilated  in  this  way.  Some  writers  state  that  Hottentots  believed 
that  the  operation  increased  swiftness  in  running.  The  evidence  is 
not,  however,  sufficiently  clear  to  establish  the  rites  as  a  certainty 
(Schapera,  1930a,  pp.  71-72). 

TREATMENT  OF  THE  HAIR 

Depilation  is  a  mutilation  resulting  in  complete  or  partial  removal 
of  eyebrows,  eyelashes,  and  body  hair.  Women  of  the  Bakongo 
tribe  remove  their  eyelashes.  Females  of  the  Masai,  Dinka,  Bari, 
and  Latuka  shave  their  heads  and  eyebrows.  When  a  male  of  the 
Masai  tribe  dies,  his  warrior  sons  shave  their  heads.  The  head  of  a 
Masai  woman  is  shaved  when  her  child  has  cut  four  teeth.    Women 


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(from  photograph  byArthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright). 


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of  the  Suk  and  the  Turkana  tribes  shave  their  heads,  but  men  of 
those  tribes  build  their  hair  into  large  chignons  with  the  aid  of 
grease,  clay,  and  cow  dung.  At  death  this  mass  is  cut  from  the 
head  and  divided  among  the  sons  of  the  deceased,  who  add  it  to  their 
own  chignons  after  washing  and  cleaning  it.  The  bag  of  felted  hair 
is  used  for  holding  a  fire-stick,  snuff,  trinkets,  and  other  small 
possessions.  The  chignon  is  ornamented  with  ostrich  feathers, 
which  are  dyed  yellow  or  red  (Beech,  1911,  pp.  13-14). 

Many  remarkable  patterns  of  hairdressing  are  shown  by  P.  A. 
Talbot  (1912,  pp.  318,  319).  Ekoi  women  shave  their  heads;  then 
they  allow  the  hair  to  grow  to  a  uniform  length  of  a  quarter  of  an 
inch.  Patterns  are  marked  on  the  hair  with  white  chalk,  and  these 
tufts  are  left  on  the  shaven  scalp.  In  the  south  of  Angola  several 
adjacent  tribes,  the  Luvando,  Vanhaneca,  Gambos,  and  others,  are 
readily  distinguishable  by  their  styles  of  coiffure.  In  the  Bapedi 
tribe  a  widow  shaves  her  head  completely  after  the  death  of  her 
husband.  A  woman  shaves  her  head  to  some  extent  to  observe  the 
death  of  any  relative,  and  the  size  of  the  shorn  area  corresponds  with 
her  degree  of  relationship  to  the  deceased  (Duggan-Cronin,  Eiselen, 
vol.  2,  Plate  52). 

CLOTHING 

There  still  exist  in  Africa  several  tribes  who  have  no  clothing. 
Males  of  the  Nuer  tribe  are  quite  naked  and  their  bodies  are  smeared 
with  cow  dung  and  ashes.  On  the  Bauchi  plateau  of  eastern  Nigeria 
males  of  several  tribes  wear  only  a  penis  sheath  of  plaited  fiber.  In 
the  Angas  tribe  of  that  region  women  are  naked  until  they  marry, 
after  that  a  bunch  of  leaves  is  worn  (Fig.  56,  6). 

In  contrast  with  this  nudity,  clothing  may  be  elaborately  made 
from  cotton  woven  by  both  men  and  women  (Figs.  58-60).  Many 
tribes  from  Sierra  Leone  to  Nigeria  are  skilled  in  weaving  their 
own  cotton  clothing  and  in  making  indigo  and  other  dyes.  Leather 
or  hide  clothing  may  be  a  simple  pubic  covering,  as  among  Bushmen 
(Fig.  44);  or  hides  may  be  soaked,  trampled,  pleated,  and  dressed 
with  grease  and  red  ocher,  as  among  the  cattle-keeping  Vakwanyama 
(Fig.  66,  a).  Some  Zulu  tribes  make  elaborate  fur  cloaks  called 
harasses  by  sewing  together  the  pelts  of  hyrax  and  other  fur-bearing 
creatures.  Barkcloth  is  well  made  in  Ashanti,  west  Africa,  and 
among  the  Baganda  of  northeast  Africa.  Formerly  this  covering 
was  widely  used  among  Negro  tribes,  but  the  use  is  waning  with 
importation  of  foreign  cotton.  Weaving  of  skirts  from  raffia  bast 
attains  a  high  degree  of  excellence  among  the  Bushongo  of  the 


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southwest  Congo  region,  and  raffia  weaving  is  usual  wherever 
the  raffia  palm  is  found  (Fig.  108,  6).  Descriptions  of  the  technique 
concerned  in  the  manufacture  of  clothing  are  given  later  in  con- 
nection with  handicrafts.  Reference  to  the  work  of  A.  Jiinger 
(1926),  who  has  mapped  the  distribution  of  all  kinds  of  clothing  worn 
in  Africa,  will  give  a  comprehensive  survey  of  the  subject  and  so 
prepare  the  way  for  more  detailed  study  in  section  III,  under  the 
heading  "Economic  Life." 

ORNAMENTS  AND  CHARMS 

Personal  ornaments  of  ivory,  shell,  or  metal  may  be  more  than 
mere  decorations.  For  example,  among  the  Vakwanyama  and  some 
of  the  tribes  of  Huila,  southwest  Angola,  disks  of  shell  called  omha 
are  highly  valued  as  heirlooms  which  are  passed  from  mother  to 
daughter.  Such  shells  are  sometimes  worn  by  men  (Fig.  66,  6). 
The  new  disks  may  be  purchased  for  a  small  sum,  but  no  offer  will 
tempt  the  owner  to  part  with  disks  that  have  become  a  family 
possession. 

At  the  present  time  supplies  of  ivory  are  insufficient  for  personal 
ornaments,  but  a  few  years  ago  massive  anklets  and  bracelets  were 
worn.  The  most  cumbersome  ornaments  are  worn  by  women,  who, 
as  among  the  lower  Congo  tribes,  wear  heavy  brass  collars,  some 
examples  of  which  weigh  twenty-eight  pounds.  Women  of  the 
Masai,  Akikuyu,  and  other  tribes  of  northeast  Africa  wear  heavy 
coils  of  wire  round  their  legs  and  arms.  Similar  ornaments  are 
used  by  women  of  the  Munshi  tribe,  Nigeria,  and  by  females  of  the 
Luvando  and  other  tribes  of  southwest  Angola.  Stone  armlets  are 
still  made  and  worn  by  the  Tuareg  (Rodd,  1926,  pp.  91,  285)  and  by 
some  west  African  tribes  (Cardinall,  1923). 

Charms  for  attaching  to  the  neck,  arms,  or  clothing  are  numerous. 
In  regions  north  of  the  equator,  where  Mohammedanism  has  affected 
magical  beliefs,  mallams  may  be  seen  writing  texts  from  the  Koran. 
These  are  wrapped  in  small  satchels  of  leather  and  are  attached  to 
the  clothing,  or  they  may  be  worn  in  groups  about  the  neck  or  on  the 
upper  arm.  Small  charms  for  averting  the  evil  eye  and  for  avoiding 
snake-bite  are  commonly  seen.  The  most  widely  used  charms  in 
Negro  territory  are  small  horns  which  a  medicine-man  fills  with  a 
concoction  of  fat,  charcoal,  pounded  human  bone,  and  other  ingre- 
dients. Charms  specially  designed  to  give  fertility,  to  ward  off 
sickness,  and  to  avoid  the  curse  of  witches  are  numerous.  Wester- 
marck  (1933,  pp.  25-58)  has  supplied  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
study  of  charms  and  magic  in  north  Africa,  and  much  of  the  informa- 


Deformation,  Ornaments,  and  Clothing  275 

tion  applies  widely  to  any  part  of  the  continent  where  Mohammedan 
influence  has  penetrated. 

No  item  of  ornament,  deformation,  or  dress  is  too  insignificant 
to  receive  attention,  for  behind  some  of  the  most  simple  customs 
and  objects  lie  beliefs  of  great  ethnological  interest.  The  tolerant 
and  intelligent  attitude  which  should  be  preserved  by  an  ethnologist 
is  well  expressed  by  Mungo  Park,  who  wrote  (1799,  p.  56),  "They 
rallied  me  with  a  good  deal  of  gaiety  on  different  subjects,  particularly 
on  the  whiteness  of  my  skin  and  the  prominence  of  my  nose.  They 
insisted  that  both  were  artificial.  The  first,  they  said,  was  produced 
when  I  was  an  infant  by  dipping  me  in  milk,  and  they  insisted  that 
my  nose  had  been  pinched  every  day  until  it  had  acquired  its  present 
unsightly  and  unnatural  conformation.  On  my  part,  without  dis- 
puting my  own  deformity,  I  paid  them  many  compliments  on 
African  beauty.  I  praised  the  glossy  jet  of  their  skins  and  the  lovely 
depression  of  their  noses." 


VI.  PSYCHOLOGY 

The  word  psychology  is  used  here  to  mean  a  study  of  mentality, 
and  therefore  has  a  wide  connotation  which  includes  every  aspect 
of  mental  activity.  The  study  is  consequently  concerned  with 
individual  and  collective  traits,  achievement,  educability,  emotions, 
and  the  general  psychic  background  of  beliefs  and  practices.  Research 
of  this  kind  is  still  tentative,  and  opinions  of  specialists  are  divided 
with  regard  to  technique  and  the  explanation  of  results  that  are 
obtained. 

The  following  outline  summarizes  the  chief  methods  of  approach 
to  an  understanding  of  mental  activity  and  the  various  ways  in 
which  psychological  processes  are  expressed  by  beliefs,  institutions, 
and  ritual. 

I.  Physiological  theories.     These  relate  to  race,  size  of  brain, 
and  the  functioning  of  endocrine  glands. 

II.  The  ethnological  approach. 

1.  General  observations  on  conduct. 

2.  Study  of  achievement  and  history. 

3.  Recording  of  ethnological  facts  by: 

(a)  A  monograph  on  a  tribe. 

(b)  A  functional  study  stressing  particular  traits. 

(c)  An  ethnological  story. 

III.  A  psychological  method  which  is  intended  to  give  an  explana- 
tory background  to  the  facts  observed. 

1.  Broad    philosophical    treatment    of    sociological    facts 

derived  from  a  study  of  the  beliefs  and  practices  of 
primitive  man. 

2.  Psychological  study  of  children. 

3.  Examination  of  the  unconscious  mind. 

4.  Intelligence  tests. 

5.  Dreams,  songs,  and  folklore. 

INTELLIGENCE  AND  RACE 

A  popular  belief  that  intelligence  is  a  fixed  concomitant  of  race  is  i 
probably  fallacious.  Professor  R.  H.  Lowie  (1923)  says,  "As  to  the 
existence  of  superior  races  I  am  an  agnostic  open  to  conviction.  All 
evolutionists  admit  that  at  some  point  an  organic  change  of  funda- 
mental significance  occurred.  It  is  conceivable  that  the  Bushman 
and   Negrito,    Pygmies   and   Negroes,   are   organically   below   the 

276 


I 


Psychology  277 

remainder  of  living  human  types,  and  that  differences  of  one  sort  or 
another  divide  even  more  closely  related  stocks.  But  between  what 
is  conceivable  and  what  is  definitely  established  there  yawns  a 
chasm;  and  where  the  scientist  has  no  proof  he  holds  no  dogmas, 
though  dispassionately  he  may  frame  tentative  hypotheses." 

Lowie  discusses  the  difference  between  average  intellectual 
capacity  and  variability  of  mental  capacity  in  a  race.  Two  races, 
or  other  biological  groups,  might  coincide  in  their  average  mentality 
but  differ  in  range,  so  that  one  group  might  produce  far  more  remark- 
able individuals  in  both  positive  and  negative  directions.  If  this 
could  be  established,  we  could  account  for  differences  in  cultural 
achievement  without  assuming  that  the  average  level  of  intelli- 
gence varies  in  different  cultures.  Dr.  F.  Boas  (1911,  1928)  has 
written  a  similar  protest  against  the  assumption  that  a  certain  mental 
potentiality  is  an  innate  accompaniment  of  the  bodily  features  that 
are  said  to  constitute  a  race.     See  also  T.  R.  Garth  (1931). 

PHYSIOLOGICAL  THEORIES 

The  hypothesis  that  big  brains  imply  great  intellectual  possi- 
bilities, and  that  small  brains  indicate  impossibility  of  achievement, 
has  to  be  abandoned.    Weight  of  brain  and  cubic  contents  of  the 
skull  are  closely  correlated  with  height  and  weight  of  body,  since  a 
large  part  of  the  brain  is  concerned  with  directing  motor  activities. 
Moreover,  there  is  little  or  no  correlation  between  cranial  capacity 
and  examination  marks.    Reid  and  Mulligan  (1923),  Garth  (1931), 
Willey  and  Herskovits  (1927),  Klineberg  (1930),  Aldrich  (1931)  and 
I  Fick  (1929),  have  all  contributed  to  the  discussion  of  theories  of 
I  racial  mental  endowment  and  alleged  racial  differences  in  mental 
I  capacity. 

Certain  observations  recently  carried  out  on  3,444  male  subjects 
■  in  Kenya  have  a  bearing  on  the  subject  of  cranial  capacity  and 
intelligence.  The  average  cranial  capacity  was  found  to  be  1316  cc, 
which  is  low  compared  with  the  cubic  capacity  of  European 
!  crania  (1481  cc).  During  the  period  ten  to  twenty  years  of  age,  the 
,  average  yearly  increase  of  cranial  capacity  for  Kenya  natives  is 
;  8.5  cc.  and  for  Europeans  17.7  cc,  which  is  more  than  twice  as  great. 
'  After  puberty,  the  brains  of  Europeans  increase  in  size  and  weight, 
I  but  the  brains  of  Kenya  natives  grow  scarcely  at  all  (Nissen,  1935; 
!  Fick,  1929). 

I        Dr.  H.  L.  Gordon  (1934)  who  has  worked  in  the  laboratory  of 

I  Dr.  F.  W.  Vint,  pathologist  to  the  Kenya  Government,  states  that 

brains  of  100  normal,  adult  male  natives  of  Kenya  weighed  on  the 


278  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

average  150  grams  less  than  the  European  average.  Dr.  Vint's 
research  has  shown  that  the  cortex  or  gray  matter  of  Kenya  natives' 
brains  displayed  a  15  per  cent  quantitative  deficiency  when  com- 
pared with  the  European  cortex.  The  cortex  cells  of  Kenya  brains 
were  smaller,  not  so  well  formed,  and  not  so  well  arranged  as  those  of 
Europeans.  The  Kenya  cortex  is  notable  for  the  large  predominance 
of  undifferentiated  cells. 

Anthropologists  have  little  definite  evidence  of  this  kind  on  which 
to  build  their  theories,  and  even  research  of  this  nature  does  not 
touch  the  fundamental  problem.  Brains  may  be  small  and  the 
cells  may  be  undifferentiated  when  compared  with  European  exam- 
ples, but  what  anatomical  differences  would  take  place  in  a  few  gen- 
erations of  stimulating  environment,  if  the  mental  outlook  and  all 
kinds  of  intellectual  contacts  were  fostered?  No  one  is  able  to  say 
what  improvement  might  take  place  in  the  size  and  efficiency  of 
the  central  nervous  system  as  a  result  of  changed  environmental 
conditions. 

The  functioning  of  ductless  glands  and  the  addition  of  hormones 
to  the  blood  stream  is  to  some  extent  understood  in  relation  to 
normal  growth  and  the  development  of  sex  characters.  A  patho- 
logical study  of  the  results  of  excessive  or  subnormal  secretions  from 
the  glands  is  in  progress,  and  many  facts  have  been  accumulated. 
The  feasible  suggestion  that  the  activities  of  ductless  glands  deter- 
mine temperament  and  mental  characteristics  in  individuals  and  in 
biological  groups  has  been  advanced.  But  at  present  such  specula- 
tions are  largely  theoretical.  A  biological  study  carried  out  by 
anatomical  and  physiological  observations  at  present  gives  no  satis- 
factory explanation  of  mental  differences.  Other  methods  of  approach 
through  the  data  of  sociology,  ethnology,  and  psychology  remain 
to  be  tried. 

SOCIOLOGICAL  TESTS  OF  MENTALITY 

Sociologists,  stimulated  by  Herbert  Spencer,  have  attempted 
comparative  study  of  racial  and  tribal  mentality  by  collating  the 
opinions  of  travelers,  traders,  and  missionaries.  This  method  is 
entirely  unsatisfactory  for  several  reasons.  According  to  personal 
impressions,  which  were  often  based  on  brief  acquaintance  and  a 
misunderstanding  of  primitive  customs,  a  tribe  might  be  described 
as  hospitable,  cunning,  ferocious,  licentious,  cruel,  or  stupid.  Sacri- 
fice of  human  victims  is  not  the  result  of  a  lust  for  blood,  but  rather 
a  logical  concomitant  of  religious  beliefs.  The  victims  themselves 
regarded  the  rites  as  necessary  ceremonies  for  transferring  their 


Psychology  279 

services  from  a  ruler  in  the  flesh  to  one  in  the  spirit.  Zulu  and  Masai 
warriors,  though  ruthless  in  warfare,  were  not  an  innately  cruel 
people ;  they  were  the  inevitable  product  of  a  certain  military  system. 
Many  tribes  have  been  misjudged  on  the  grounds  of  infanticide,  the 
poison  ordeal,  or  the  practice  of  ceremonial  cannibalism,  while  cer- 
tain customs  such  as  polygyny  and  the  lending  of  wives  have  led  to 
an  assumption  of  promiscuity.  This  kind  of  sampling  cannot  give 
any  dependable  data. 

Another  fallacious  m^ethod  of  assessing  mentality  and  intelligence 
is  the  comparative  study  of  achievement  in  industries,  social  organi- 
zation, and  religion.  At  one  time  sociologists  spoke  of  races  and 
tribes  as  being  high  or  low  in  the  scale  of  humanity,  and  the  judg- 
ment was  passed  after  consideration  of  the  arts  and  handicrafts. 
Therefore,  according  to  this  criterion,  Bushman  and  Pygmy  hunters 
were  low  because  they  have  no  knowledge  of  working  in  metals. 
Under  this  arbitrary  system  of  classifying  people  as  savage,  bar- 
baric, or  civilized  according  to  their  knowledge  of  iron-working  or 
making  pottery,  certain  confused  social  categories  were  established. 
These  were  artificial  divisions  without  any  basis  in  reality.  Different 
environments  have  afforded  different  opportunities,  and  successful 
adaptation  to  conditions  is  a  more  valid  test  than  consideration  of 
absolute  attainment. 

INTELLIGENCE  TESTS 

This  desire  to  compare  and  place  in  categories  according  to  some 
quantitative  standard  finds  recent  expression  in  the  invention  of 
intelligence  tests.  These  investigations  are  supposed  to  assess 
inborn  intelligence,  apart  from  the  mental  condition  that  is  a  result 
of  environmental  factors.  The  results  of  the  tests  are  expressed  in 
arithmetical  form  as  scores  which  enable  comparisons  to  be  made 
with  precision.  Thus  Negroes  have  a  certain  intelligence  quotient, 
and  this  can  be  compared  with  the  quotient  for  other  biological 
groups  (Garth,  1931). 

In  addition  to  objections  of  a  technical  kind  relating  to  the  test 
questions  and  the  nature  of  the  performance  required,  the  erratic 
nature  of  living  subjects  is  a  further  argument  against  the  validity 
of  the  tests.  The  investigators  are  dependent  on  capricious,  nervous, 
or  perhaps  apathetic  beings  on  whose  good  will  and  concentration 
the  results  depend. 

When  a  psychologist  asserts  that  his  tests  show  that  Negroes  are 
inferior  in  intelligence  to  white  men,  and  that  this  is  true  for  groups 
of  all  ages  in  the  two  populations,  opponents  of  the  tests  point  out 


280  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

that  differences  in  social  background  must  necessarily  invalidate 
the  results  of  all  experiments  that  are  designed  to  discover  racial 
differences  in  intelligence. 

Moreover,  argument  against  the  validity  of  the  tests  as  criteria 
of  innate  intelligence  is  pursued  by  showing  that,  despite  the  sup- 
posed low  intelligence  of  the  average  Negro,  great  achievements  have 
been  made  even  by  full-blooded  African  Negroes  who  have  qualified 
in  law,  medicine,  music,  and  literature.  Born  in  bush  villages,  and 
educated  at  small  mission  schools,  they  have  finally  graduated 
in  European  or  American  universities,  and  have  proved  themselves 
equal  to  white  competitors.  All  tests  of  a  quantitative  kind,  both 
physiological  and  psychological,  fail  to  prove  an  innate  mental  grad- 
ing of  races  and  tribes  according  to  intelligence,  and  so  far  as  Africa 
is  concerned  we  have  little  experimental  knowledge  to  show  the 
changes  in  average  attainment  which  may  be  expected  to  follow 
an  improved  social  and  physical  environment. 

Psychological  tests  of  intelligence  have  been  made  at  the  Jeanes 
School,  Kabete,  Kenya.  But  the  investigator,  R.  A.  C.  Oliver 
(1933,  1934),  does  not  feel  sure  that  these  tests  are  valid  for  com- 
parative study  of  various  east  African  tribes.  Still  greater  is  the 
uncertainty  that  such  tests  would  be  valid  for  comparing  the  intelli- 
gence of  tribes  whose  social  backgrounds  and  general  cultures  show 
great  disparity.  The  average  intelligence  of  the  Kenya  pupils  was 
85  per  cent  of  that  of  European  children,  but  14  per  cent  of  the 
natives  equaled  or  surpassed  the  average  for  Europeans. 

A  student  who  does  not  dem.and  quantitative  measurements  will 
find  helpful  psychological  studies  in  Earthy  (1933),  Frahsle  (1922, 
1923),  Dougall  (1932),  and  Herskovits  (1935).  R^mondet  (1935) 
has  made  a  valuable  short  study  of  child  psychology  among  west 
African  Negroes,  and  Sidib^  (1932)  has  analyzed  the  gaiety  of 
African  Negroes. 

THE  MONOGRAPH  AND  THE  STORY 

Anthropologists  who  are  concerned  with  a  qualitative  study 
rather  than  quantitative  measurement  have  several  practical  meth- 
ods for  investigating  the  mental  life  of  a  tribe.  A  well-prepared 
monograph  gives  an  account  of  the  social,  religious,  and  economic 
life,  all  of  which  aspects  are  shown  in  their  mutual  dependence. 
The  objection  that  such  a  method  is  too  static,  and  that  the  divisions 
are  too  formal,  is  invalid  provided  the  investigator  stresses  the  inter- 
relation of  the  various  factors  of  tribal  life.  A  functional  study  may 
select  some  salient  factor  of  communal  life,  for  example,  sexual 


Psychology  281 

relationships,  or  the  quest  for  food,  with  a  view  to  showing  that  vari- 
ous traits  cluster  round  certain  pivotal  factors  (A.  I.  Richards, 
1932).  This  method  is  effective,  though  the  inquiry  is  liable  to  create 
misconceptions,  for  social  life  is  usually  a  complicated  assemblage 
of  traits  whose  mutual  dependence  is  so  complete  that  the  choice  of 
some  one  pivotal  trait  or  institution  is  misleading. 

Within  recent  years  several  ethnological  stories  have  made  a 
successful  presentation  of  the  inner  working,  that  is,  the  psychology 
of  African  tribal  life.  The  essential  qualifications  for  writing  ethno- 
logical stories  are  close  personal  acquaintance  with  the  people 
described,  and  genuine  sympathy  and  understanding  of  their  points 
of  view. 

In  Donald  Frazer's  "The  Autobiography  of  an  African"  (1925), 
a  study  of  Bantu  psychology  and  behavior  is  achieved  by  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  life  history  of  Mtusu,  who  abandoned  his  native  faith 
and  culture  in  favor  of  Christian  environment.  Here  is  an  account 
of  the  effect  of  two  conflicting  cultures  on  the  mind  of  an  individual, 
whose  mental  disharmonies  and  attempts  at  adjustment  are  effec- 
tively described. 

A  practical  approach  to  a  social  and  psychological  study  of  Zulu 
life  is  to  be  found  in  "Chaka,  an  Historical  Romance,"  by  T.  Mofolo 
(1931),  an  educated  Mosuto,  who  wrote  an  account  of  his  life  in 
'  Sesuto,  the  language  of  his  people.      The  narrative  gives  a  clear 
'  insight  into  the  reactions  of  an  individual  toward  his  own  institu- 
tions, so  that  a  reader  without  any  technical  knowledge  of  ethnology 
or  psychology  is  made  to  understand  the  functioning  of  religion, 
[social  obligations,  and  economic  conditions,  which  unite  to  form  a 
.  social  pattern.    J.  H.  Driberg's  (1930)  account  of  the  Dindinga,  and 
Ntara's  "Man  of  Africa"  (1935)  attempt  a  realistic  portrayal  of  the 
psychology  of  tribal  life  by  descriptions  of  events  and  persons, 
together  with  the  use  of  direct  speech  in  the  form  of  dialogue.    In  the 
same  category  of  books  is  Rattray's  (1935)  "The  Leopard  Priestess." 
Perham  (1936)  has  made  a  psychological  study  by  analyzing  the 
'  reactions  of  ten  Africans  to  European  influence.   In  French,  Torday's 
1  "Causeries  Congolaises"  and  R.  Maran's  stories  are  excellent. 

Since  the  Negro  mind  expresses  itself  in  speech  and  action 
;the  mentality  cannot  remain  totally  inscrutable,  so  states  B.  Huss 
;  (1931),  yet  a  fallacy  may  enter  into  this  apparent  truism.  Thought, 
language,  and  actions  are  closely  related  in  their  development,  and 
I  so  intimate  are  they  that  an  attempt  to  translate  into  the  English 
language  may  give  rise  to  many  conceptions  which  were  never  a 


282  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology  ^ 

part  of  the  indigenous  philosophy.  In  studying  African  religions, 
for  example,  English  terms  often  fail  to  express  the  African  connota- 
tions. Moreover,  although  the  actions  of  persons  and  groups  may 
be  carefully  studied,  European  interpretation  of  the  motives  behind 
the  acts  and  institutions  is  likely  to  give  rise  to  doubtful  hypotheses. 
Europeans  have  been  resourceful  and  ingenious  in  their  explanations 
of  indigenous  African  beliefs  and  ceremonies,  but  speculative  phi- 
losophy is  hazardous. 

J.  A.  Winter  (1914)  makes  a  practical  approach  to  the  study  of 
native  African  mentality  by  considering  trials  in  law  courts  accord- 
ing to  the  processes  of  Bantu  law.  He  also  deals  with  division  of 
labor  between  the  sexes,  the  effect  of  satirical  songs,  and  the  function- 
ing of  a  polygynous  system.  R.  E.  Dennett's  "At  the  Back  of  the 
Black  Man's  Mind"  (1906)  is  not  a  profound  psychological  study, 
but  an  approach  to  interpretation  of  Negro  concepts  by  a  detailed  de- 
scription of  rites  and  beliefs  connected  with  the  use  of  ceremonial 
objects,  sacred  groves,  and  magical  practices.  An  explanation  of  a 
philosophical  kind,  which  involves  analysis  and  generalization,  is 
given  by  Dennett  in  relation  to  certain  religious  concepts,  but,  gen- 
erally speaking,  a  reader  is  left  to  draw  his  own  interpretations  from 
the  factual  material.  A  very  practical  psychological  study  has  been 
made  by  D.Crawford  (1912),  whose  book,  "Thinking  Black,"  was 
written  after  twenty-two  years  of  continuous  experience  in  central 
Africa.  W.  M.  Wundt  (1916)  is  both  practical  and  speculative.  He 
considers  numerous  rites,  beliefs,  and  material  traits  with  a  view  to 
explaining  origins  and  developments  from  the  simple  to  the  complex. 

In  their  practical  analysis  of  the  thought  processes  that  underlie 
indigenous  beliefs  and  the  outward  expression  of  these,  B.  Gutmann 
(1911)  and  P.  Radin  (1927)  have  examined  folklore,  songs,  poetry, 
and  proverbs.  The  former  wrote  of  the  Dschagga  tribe  of  Kiliman- 
jaro, while  the  latter  selected  a  broader  basis  for  study,  which 
included  linguistic  evidences  of  thought  processes  among  North 
American  Indians  and  the  Maori  of  New  Zealand. 

COLLECTIVE  MENTALITY  * 

The  psychological  technique  of  L^vy-Bruhl  (1922,  1927,  1931) 
is  a  method  of  investigation  founded  upon  broad  geographical  and 
ethnological  studies.  In  fact,  the  philosophy  is  concerned  with 
primitive  man  in  general  and  is  not  confined  even  to  one  race  or 
continent.  On  the  practical  side  consideration  is  given  to  primitive 
man's  attitude  toward   birth,   sickness,   accident,   death,   dreams, 


Psychology  283 

omens,  divination,  ordeals,  and  the  invention  of  myths  as  a  rational 
explanation  of  natural  phenomena. 

The  researches  of  L^vy-Bruhl  assert  that  the  mental  reactions  of 
primitive  man,  when  considered  broadly,  give  evidence  of  the  opera- 
tion of  certain  laws.  For  example,  the  Law  of  Participation,  when 
operating,  assumes  a  connection  between  two  occurrences  or  condi- 
tions. These  two  factors,  traits,  or  events,  are  regarded  as  cause 
and  effect  without  there  being  any  demonstrable  connection  between 
them.  Linkage  is  of  a  magical  kind  due  to  the  operation  of  forces 
and  powers  that  cannot  be  understood,  though  they  may  be  con- 
trolled to  some  extent  by  suitable  ritual.  Dr.  R.  R.  Marett's 
(1907,  1911,  1935)  consideration  of  the  nature  of  taboos  and  the 
psychological  content  of  religious  experience  are  a  part  of  the  broad 
philosophical  approach  to  social  and  psychological  studies. 

E.  Durkheim  (1912)  has  sought  a  general  philosophy  which  shall 
explain  certain  psychological  and  social  phenomena,  such  as  social 
cohesion,  and  man's  attitude  toward  forces  of  nature  that  control  his 
life.  Durkheim  has  made  generalizations  respecting  the  psyche  of  a 
social  unit.     Individual  ideas  and  the  mentalities  of  persons  are 

i  united  to  form  a  psychic  whole.  This  mental  entity  is  a  social  force, 
a  superorganic,  which  is  strong  enough  to  secure  social  cohesion  and 
to  dominate  the  lives  of  all  the  individuals  who  constitute  a  social 

[  group,  such  as  the  village  unit  or  the  tribe. 

I  THE  UNCONSCIOUS  MIND 

A  recent  trend  in  psychological  investigation  has  been  the  appli- 
I  cation  of  methods,  which  were  primarily  therapeutic  and  concerned 
I  with  the  content  of  the  unconscious  mind,  to  the  explanation  of 
I  ethnological  data.    C.  G.  Seligman  (1924,  1928)  and  B.  Z.  Seligman 
(1934),  with  acknowledgments  of  the  initial  work  of  Jung  and  William 
James,  have  called  attention  to  the  existence  of  introvert  and  extra- 
vert  types  of  mind  in  normal  individuals.    Moreover,  one  of  these 
mental  types  may  be  characteristic  of  a  tribe  or  a  still  broader  ethnic 
'  division.    The  Dinka  look  inward,  and  they  are  absorbed  in  their 
j  own  cultural  interests,  to  the  exclusion  of  ideas  resulting  from  con- 
;  tact  with  foreigners.    On  the  contrary,  many  Negro  tribes  are  recep- 
'  tive  because  of  their  extravert  disposition,  which,  as  the  name  implies, 
enables  them  to  look  outward  and  to  be  receptive  of  new  ideas  and 
I  traits.    But,  even  though  such  a  classification  may  be  explanatory  of 
certain  attitudes,  one  cannot  be  sure  whether  an  innate  type  of 
:  mind  has  made  the  social  environment,  or  whether  the  mentality  is 
merely  a  product  of  physical  environment  and  historical  events. 


284  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Undoubtedly,  these  external  factors  must  have  a  potent  effect  in 
shaping  mass  mentality  and  social  attitudes. 

The  researches  of  E.  Jones  (1924)  emphasize  the  similarity  of 
data  resulting  from  investigations  of  anthropologists  and  psycho- 
analysts. In  exploring  the  unconscious  mind,  over  which  the  con- 
scious mind  acts  as  a  censor,  groups  of  ideas,  implicit  beliefs,  and 
attitudes,  represent  a  stratum  of  mind  which  is  more  archaic  than 
the  one  which  usually  manifests  itself  through  normal  behavior. 
S.  Freud  (1918)  has  shown  that  mental  processes  go  on  without  the 
conscious  self  having  any  idea  of  their  existence.  Research  in  folk- 
lore and  mythology  explores  this  unconscious  mind  with  a  view  to 
showing  stages  in  early  mental  development.  The  conscious 
thinking  of  primitive  man  is  said  to  be  more  extensively  influenced 
by  unconscious  factors  than  are  the  mental  processes  of  sophisticated 
people. 

Psychoanalysis  of  the  unconscious  mind  has  led  to  the  formation 
of  hypotheses  which  help  to  explain  certain  sexual  avoidances, 
religious  concepts,  methods  of  interpreting  dreams,  and  the  use  of 
sexual  symbolism  by  primitive  people.  Psychoanalysis  has  shown 
that  in  the  minds  of  young  children  there  exists  a  tendency  toward 
sexual  love  for  parents.  This  fact  is  thought  by  some  psychologists 
to  afford  an  explanation  of  the  strict  avoidance  of  certain  relatives, 
and  the  existence  of  stringent  marriage  rules  with  definite  prohibi- 
tions. In  fact,  the  whole  system  of  totemism  and  exogamy  observed 
by  many  primitive  tribes,  who  know  the  natural  tendency  toward 
certain  forms  of  incest,  is  a  striving  to  avoid  incestuous  relationships. 

Ideas  of  the  extermination  of  self  are  inconceivable  to  the  uncon-  i 
scious  mind,  and  conscious  life  will  not  tolerate  them,  possibly 
because  the  thought  of  annihilation  of  ego  is  offensive  to  pride,  and 
destruction  at  death  means  permanent  severance  from  kindred. 
Possibly  this  fundamental  and  ineradicable  fear  of  the  destruction 
of  self  has  led  to  the  invention  of  beliefs  in  reincarnation,  salvation, 
and  immortality.  Burial,  in  pre-dynastic  Egypt,  for  example,  often 
shows  that  the  position  of  the  corpse  was  determined  by  a  definite 
belief  in  rebirth,  for  the  bodies  are  placed  in  a  fetal  position,  so 
suggesting  a  return  to  the  womb.    Thus  runs  one  line  of  argument. 

Psychoanalytical  study  has  further  shown  that  constant  repres- 
sion of  certain  ideas,  sexual  and  otherwise,  contained  in  the  uncon- 
scious mind  may  lead  to  psychoses  and  ill-health.    Two  ethnologists- 
have  recently  applied  this  idea  to  a  study  of  anthropological  data. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1928)  has  pointed  out  that  in  Ashanti  an  actor's 


Psychology  285 

license  permits  subtle  raillery  against  powerful  persons.  In  the 
presence  of  a  chief  a  person  who  is  aggrieved  abuses  a  friend  with 
invective  that  in  reality  is  directed  against  the  chief  himself.  This 
practice  provides  a  safety  valve  for  repressed  emotions.  The  func- 
tion of  collective  obscenities  as  an  outlet  for  sexual  desires  that  have 
been  suppressed  has  been  described  by  E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard  (1929). 
He  shows  that  the  existence  of  appointed  periods  of  sexual  laxity, 
perhaps  accompanied  by  saturnalian  feasts,  which  have  been  usual 
in  all  parts  of  the  world  and  at  all  periods,  may  really  be  instances  of 
a  conscious  effort  to  avoid  the  deleterious  effects  of  constant  sup- 
pression and  censorship.  Other  contributors  to  the  psychoanalytic 
method  are  Roheim  (1932,  1933,  1934),  Malinowski  (1924),  Hersko- 
vits  (1934),  and  Bonaparte  (1934). 

As  a  part  of  the  psychoanalytic  technique,  dreams  among  back- 
ward people  are  now  receiving  attention,  and  the  work  done  has 
been  summarized  by  Lincoln  (1935).  This  volume  is  a  compre- 
hensive contribution  to  oneiromancy,  a  subject  which  will  be  referred 
to  again  in  describing  the  functions  of  the  medicine-man  (section  III). 
Lincoln  makes  a  historical  review  of  oneiromancy  in  which  he 
distinguishes  two  main  approaches  to  the  study  of  dreams,  (1)  an 
animistic  attitude,  and  (2)  a  rationalistic  attitude,  both  of  which 
have  functioned  jointly  and  separately  in  various  times  and  places. 
He  considers  to  what  extent  these  attitudes  prevail  in  existing 
primitive  cultures. 

I        There  is  a  dearth  of  African  dream  material  for  analysis,  and  in 

I  future  such  data  should  be  collected  with  the  following  points  in 
view: 

!        (1)  Study  of  two  principal  dream  patterns,  namely,  the  "indi- 

I  vidual,"  "unsought,"  or  "spontaneous"  dream  occurring  in  sleep, 
and  the  "induced"  dream  which  is  sometimes  called  the  "culture 

'  pattern  dream." 

1        (2)  The  function  of  the  dream  in  primitive  society,  and  the 

j  beliefs  and  theories  about  it. 

(3)  The  relation  of  the  manifest  content  to  the  immediate  culture. 

(4)  The  influence  of  dreams  on  primitive  cultures,  and  the  extent 
i  to  which  culture  items  have  originated  in  dreams. 

(5)  The  forms  and  symbols  of  primitive  dreams,  together  with 
their  distribution  and  their  constant  or  varying  meanings.  The 
inquirer  wishes  to  know  whether  analysis  of  primitive  dreams  and 
symbols,  with  their  associations,  shows  the  same  latent  motives 


286  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  meanings  as  among  people  of  more  complex  cultures.  So  far  as 
the  evidence  goes,  the  psychological  structure  of  primitive  dreams 
appears  to  be  identical  with  that  of  non-primitive  dreams. 

Lincoln  discusses  the  relationship  between  dreams,  myths,  and 
folklore  and  in  doing  so  makes  use  of  the  researches  of  Freud,  Selig- 
man,  Rivers,  and  Rank.  Some  of  the  concrete  instances  are  selected 
from  the  writings  of  Rattray  and  other  African  ethnologists.  A 
portion  of  the  work  is  devoted  to  a  survey  of  messianic  cults  and 
dreams,  the  medicine-man  as  a  prophetic  dreamer,  and  the  inspira- 
tional dream  as  a  creative  force  in  literature,  invention,  art,  and 
religion. 

THE  JUVENILE  MIND 

Widely  distributed  among  primitive  tribes,  and  common  in  the 
spiritual  life  of  African  Negroes,  are  animistic  ideas  which  attribute 
a  conscious  life,  and  even  a  definite  personality,  to  various  animals, 
trees,  and  inanimate  objects.  M.  Mead  (1932)  has  reported  her 
series  of  psychological  tests  among  the  Manus  people  of  the  Admi- 
ralty Islands.  The  tests  were  designed  to  inquire  into  the  hypothesis 
that  children  have  innate  animistic  tendencies,  that  are  well  pre- 
served and  evident  in  primitive  society  until  they  are  submerged 
by  education  and  civilization,  which  substitute  a  knowledge  of 
natural  laws.  Dr.  Mead  asks  whether  it  is  true  that  there  survives 
in  the  thought  processes  and  in  the  institutions  of  primitive  man  a 
type  of  mentality  which  is  found  to  be  characteristic  of  the  minds 
of  young  children  in  civilization.  Are  there  parallels  between 
animism  and  the  spontaneous  thought  of  young  children? 

The  investigator  observed  children  in  ordinary  social  situations, 
collected  drawings,  asked  for  interpretation  of  the  forms  of  ink 
blots,  and  asked  questions  that  were  designed  to  provoke  animistic 
responses.  The  experiment  failed  to  show  that  animistic  thought 
could  be  explained  in  terms  of  intellectual  immaturity. 

Another  inquiry  carried  out  by  Mead  is  of  great  importance 
as  a  practical  test  of  the  psychological  adjustments  made  during 
culture  contacts,  especially  when  there  is  a  dominant  and  complex 
culture  which  is  gradually  submerging  a  simpler  culture. 

The  study  of  case  records  as  carried  out  by  Mead  (1932) 
among  an  Indian  tribe  is  one  that  would  be  of  great  service  in  many 
regions  of  Africa,  where  the  new  European  culture  is  tending  to 
submerge  the  old  indigenous  patterns. 

Case  records  should  include  an  account  of  aged  persons  who  have 
retained  their  own  culture  and  are  little  affected  by  foreign  intrusion. 


Psychology  287 

And  as  a  contrast  with  these  the  psychological  study  of  individuals 
should  include  those  who  have  left  their  own  locality  and  culture 
for  service  among  foreigners,  and  have  not  returned.  These  records 
should  be  compared  with  those  of  young  persons  who  have  found 
only  temporary  employment  with  foreigners  away  from  home.  Then 
to  complete  the  study  the  inquiry  should  include  young  persons  who, 
without  leaving  home,  are  making  an  adjustment  to  foreign  rule 
within  their  own  village.  This  subject  is  dealt  with  in  more  detail 
in  section  IV,  under  the  heading  of  administration  and  native 
welfare. 

CONCLUSION 

This  summary  of  the  methods  of  research  into  mentality  shows 
that  the  inquiry  is  new  and  experimental;  the  field  is  unexplored. 
The  most  practical  methods,  and  those  of  greatest  utilitarian  value 
in  administration,  are  concerned  with  functional  studies,  the  prepa- 
ration of  monographs  on  tribal  life,  and  the  writing  of  ethnological 
stories  recording  character  studies  of  persons  and  analysis  of  the 
social  ethos.  Of  less  immediate  practical  value  are  methods  which 
seek  to  establish  psychological  explanations  of  conduct,  philosophical 
generalizations,  and  quantitative  measurement  of  ability.  Yet  the- 
oretical approach  is  a  necessary  accompaniment  of  the  practical 
type  of  investigation  which  is  of  definite  benefit  to  teachers  and 
administrators,  although  the  observed  facts  may  remain  to  a  great 
'extent  unexplained  in  terms  of  psychology  and  philosophy. 
I  In  our  present  state  of  knowledge  all  pronouncements  concerning 
mentality,  its  origin  and  possibilities  of  change,  are  unreliable,  yet 
two  truths  emerge.  In  the  first  place,  it  will  be  wise  not  to  assume 
Icertain  innate,  fixed,  ineradicable  mental  endowments  for  particular 
jpeoples  and  tribes,  because  anatomically  and  psychologically  the 
brain  and  mind  are  extremely  plastic.  Secondly,  for  the  present, 
and  pending  further  development  of  experimental  technique,  the 
best  clue  to  a  comprehension  of  mentality,  both  individual  and  col- 
lective, is  a  practical  approach  by  study  of  historical  background, 
'modes  of  life,  beliefs,  institutions,  culture  contacts,  and  case  records. 


VII.    LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURE 

Language  and  Culture 

Despite  the  tendency  to  speak  of  language  and  culture,  a  language 
is  definitely  part  of  a  cultural  pattern,  perhaps  the  most  important 
trait,  since  thought  and  language  are  so  reciprocally  related  that 
they  at  once  stimulate  cultural  growth  and  are  in  turn  developed 
thereby.  In  the  languages  of  tribes,  no  matter  what  their  specific 
occupations  may  be,  vocabulary  is  closely  related  to  the  mode  of  life. 

The  value  of  linguistic  evidence  as  an  indication  of  physical  and 
cultural  miscegenation  may,  however,  be  overestimated.  No  cul- 
tural trait  is  more  mobile  than  language;  therefore,  contiguous 
residence,  trade,  slavery,  and  warfare  may  lead  to  adoption  of 
vocabulary,  elements  of  grammar,  proverbs,  and  folklore,  without 
the  mixing  of  physical  characters  by  marriage,  or  the  permanent 
exchange  of  cultural  traits.  It  is  important  to  note  that  climatic 
conditions  may  set  definite  limits  to  the  use  of  certain  elements  of 
culture,  such  as  camels,  cattle,  horses,  canoes,  weapons,  wood  carv- 
ing, and  leather  work.  But  the  barriers  against  a  mingling  of  linguis- 
tic elements  are  not  so  strongly  operative. 

A  few  instances  of  the  dissemination  of  a  language  through 
the  agency  of  trade  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  mobility  of  language, 
and  the  fact  that  a  transfer  of  linguistic  elements  may  occur  without 
extensive  physical  mixture  or  a  general  exchange  of  cultural  traits. 

The  Umbundu  language,  which  belongs  to  the  Bantu  family,  is 
understood  in  all  parts  of  Angola  and  in  places  beyond  the  border, 
because  the  Ovimbundu  were  for  several  centuries  renowned  traders 
whose  caravans  were  almost  transcontinental.  In  east  Africa  Swahili 
is  spoken  over  a  wide  area,  and  the  language,  which  is  a  mixture  of 
Bantu  and  Arabic  (Werner,  London,  1927,  1930b)  is  understood  by 
many  tribes  who  have  their  own  languages  and  cultures.  In  west 
Africa  Hausa  is  understood  by  many  tribes  in  the  region  between 
Sierra  Leone  and  Lake  Chad.  Mende,  Efik,  and  Mandingo  are 
other  examples  of  "trade  languages"  that  are  widely  used  by  tribes 
of  different  speech  and  culture. 

A  modern  problem  that  has  recently  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  International  Institute  of  African  Languages  and  Cultures,  and 
with  some  success,  is  the  preparation  of  a  phonetic  script  suitable 
for  representing  the  sounds  made  in  all  African  languages,  and  the 
selection  of  basic  languages  that  can  be  used  for  purposes  of  instruc- 

288 


N6U 


AFRICAN 
ISTICGRO 


COMPILED  FROM  MAPS  0»; 
OELAFOSSE.  NV  3CHMI0T,G 
AND  H.H,  JOHNSTON. 


Map  3. 


Map  3.   Tentative  scheme  of  distribution  of  language  families. 
Scale:  1  inch=804  miles. 


Languages  and  Literature  289 

tion  in  schools  where  scholars  who  speak  various  dialects  are  assem- 
bled (Westermann  and  Ward,  1933;  Meinhof,  1928). 

Practical  aims  of  this  kind  are  associated  with  many  academic 
and  theoretical  studies  concerning  the  history  of  African  languages, 
and  the  two  types  of  research  are  complementary.    To  understand 
the  nature  of  historical  problems  bearing  on  linguistic  change  one 
has  only  to  recall  the  English  of  Chaucer  and  to  compare  this  with 
modern  English  in  order  to  realize  the  changes  in  grammar,  phonetics 
spelling,  and  meaning  of  words  that  have  taken  place  during  six 
centuries.    Such  changes  are  progressing  rapidly  in  America  today. 
Preservation  of  examples  of  archaic  speech  can  be  found  in  rural 
areas,  and  even  in  the  city  of  London  Chaucerian  English  is  pre- 
served in  Cockney  speech, 
h       In  Negro  Africa  some  blacksmiths  preserve  a  speech  that  differs 
'  from  their  ordinary  tribal  languages.     Priests  and  priestesses  in 
charge  of  sacred  pythons  in  certain  localities  of  west  Africa  and 
Uganda  speak  archaic  tongues  during  ritual  performances,  and  in 
west  Africa  at  the  present  day  archaic  forms  of  speech  are  preserved 
for  use  at  meetings  of  secret  societies.    Further  study  of  these  sur- 
;  vivals  will  probably  help  to  explain  the  nature  of  linguistic  changes. 
'  But  changes  in  linguistic  form  do  not  necessarily  imply  a  long  period 
,  of  evolution,  or  devolution.    R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  50)  says, 
I  "I  have  myself  noticed  marked  changes  in  a  language  during  my 
twenty  years  in  Africa.    Every  unwritten  language  spoken  in  Africa 
is  in  this  state  of  flux."    R.  M.  East  (1937)  has  discussed  modern 
tendencies  toward  linguistic  changes  in  northern  Nigeria,  and  0.  F. 
'  Raum  (1937)  has  made  a  somewhat  similar  study  for  east  Africa. 
';       Further  research  may  prove  that  Pygmies  of  the  Belgian  Congo, 
I  who  have  great  linguistic  ability,  had  at  one  time  their  own  language 
or  languages  which  were  gradually  discarded  in  favor  of  various 
Bantu  languages;  the  matter  is  at  present  undertermined  (Ouzilleau, 
1911;  Schebesta,  1933,  pp.  26,  250). 

Clearly,  therefore,  the  rapidity  of  linguistic  changes  gives  rise  to 
new  forms  of  speech  and  to  a  mingling  of  parent  types  of  speech, 
i  Consequently  each  new  formation  leads  farther  away  from  the 
'parental  stem,  and  so  the  historical  problem  of  tracing  origins  and 
relationships  is  rendered  more  difficult. 

Classification  of  Languages 

{Map  3) 

I      C.   Meinhof   (1906,   1929,   1932)   expressed    the  idea  that  the 
linguistic  unity  of  Bantu  languages  could  be  most  easily  understood 


290-  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

by  presupposing  a  common  origin  for  all  the  members  of  the  large 
group.  Research  was  directed  toward  the  establishment  of  charac- 
teristic features  of  this  original  or  Ur-Bantu,  and  attention  was  paid 
to  both  grammatical  structure  and  phonology.  A  map  of  Bantu 
tribes  and  the  distribution  of  language  families  is  given  at  the 
end  of  Meinhof's  (1932)  "Introduction  to  the  Phonology  of  the 
Bantu  Languages." 

W.  A.  Crabtree  (1917)  states  that  he  has  found  undoubted  traces 
of  Semitic  influence  in  Bantu  formatives  and  Bantu  roots.  He  first 
noticed  this  coincidence  when  studying  Hebrew.  Crabtree  gives  phil- 
ological reasons  for  his  belief  that  some  of  the  roots  and  formative 
elements  peculiar  to  Bantu  were  employed  in  a  similar  sense  in  the 
Sumerian  tongue.  Therefore,  as  in  physical  anthropology,  or  in 
studying  the  history  of  cultural  traits,  historical  research  in  relation 
to  languages  becomes  more  and  more  retrospective  in  an  attempt  to 
establish  phylogenetic  relationships. 

For  a  junior  student  of  African  languages  there  are  two  books 
eminently  suitable  as  a  general  approach  to  linguistic  study. 
These  are  Sapir  (1921)  and  Bloomfield  (1933),  both  of  whom  discuss 
general  problems  of  structure,  historical  relationships,  and  phonetic 
changes. 

As  an  introduction  to  the  languages  of  Africa,  the  textbooks  of 
A.  Werner  are  to  be  specially  recommended  because  of  their  clarity. 
Werner's  (1930b)  "Structure  and  Relationship  of  African  Languages" 
and  (1925a)  "Language  Families  of  Africa"  might  well  form  the  first 
step  to  more  difficult  reading. 

Several  contributions  in  German  are  particularly  helpful  in 
relation  to  the  problem  of  linguistic  classification  and  the  study  of 
changes.  Von  Koppelmann  (1934)  has  dealt  in  some  detail  with  the 
possible  relationship  of  climate  and  speech,  while  Hestermann 
(1912-13)  and  Drexel  (1925)  have  very  thoroughly  reviewed  the 
tentative  groupings  and  probable  migrations  of  speech  in  Africa. 

As  source  material  Werner  (1930a)  has  produced  a  useful  article, 
"English  Contributions  to  the  Study  of  African  Languages,"  and 
Struck's  bibliography  (1908b)  is  of  great  value  for  those  interested  in 
the  gradual  evolution  of  linguistic  study  in  Africa.  In  the  bibli- 
ography of  Struck  one  will  find  references  to  many  early  standard 
works  and  dictionaries,  such  as  W.  H.  I.  Bleek  (1862,  1869),  Cust 
(1883),  Van  der  Burgt  (1903),  Stapleton  (1903).  Struck's  bibliography 
is  of  great  service  in  familiarizing  a  student  with  the  names  of 
African  languages  and  the  localities  in  which  they  are  spoken. 


Languages  and  Literature  291 

A  contribution  by  Mainguard  (1934)  is  of  service  in  outlining  the 
nature  of  language  and  the  various  aspects  that  should  be  included 
in  linguistic  study.  The  main  approaches  to  the  understanding  of 
the  history  and  structure  of  a  language  are  by  way  of  phonetics, 
morphology,  syntax,  and  vocabulary,  Mainguard  then  deals  very 
lucidly  with  the  linguistic  changes  due  to  an  impact  of  Bushmen  and 
Hottentots,  and  of  Hottentots  and  Bantu. 

For  periodical  literature  three  valuable  sources  in  English, 
German,  and  French  respectively  are  "Bulletin  of  the  School  of 
Oriental  Studies,"  London;  "Mitteilungen  des  Seminars  fiir  Orienta- 
lischen  Sprachen,"  Berlin;  and  "Bibliotheque  de  I'EcoledesLangues 
Orientales  Vivantes."  Since  the  year  1928  bibliographies  have  been 
published  regularly  in  "Africa,"  the  organ  of  the  International 
Institute  of  African  Languages  and  Cultures.  These  bibliographies 
are  invaluable  as  a  guide  to  all  recent  textbooks,  dictionaries,  and 
academic  studies.  An  inquiry  addressed  to  the  secretary  will  bring 
expert  advice  on  choice  of  books  if  the  needs  of  the  student  are 
explicitly  stated. 

Before  proceeding  to  a  further  survey  of  African  languages 
reference  to  Map  3  will  be  helpful,  though  the  scheme  is  only  tenta- 
tive; in  the  present  state  of  knowledge  there  are  differences  of 
opinion.  Yet  the  map  serves  its  general  purpose  of  showing  the 
main  linguistic  areas  and  the  hypothetical  flow  of  Bantu  languages 
from  the  Lakes  region. 

Bushman  Languages 

In  the  year  1837  Arbousset,  a  French  missionary  who  came  into 
contact  with  Bushmen,  compared  their  speech  to  the  clucking  of 
turkeys  because  of  the  occurrence  of  numerous  clicks.  Clicks  occur 
in  Zulu  and  in  Sandawe  (D.  F.  Bleek,  1931 ;  Dempwolff,  1916),  but  such 
sounds  are  more  characteristic  of  Bushman  languages  than  of  any 
other  speech.  Early  travelers  have  often  shown  a  tendency  to 
regard  the  languages  of  primitive  tribes  as  simple  and  elementary, 
but  the  following  brief  analysis  will  show  that,  despite  the  simplicity 
of  cultural  patterns  when  compared  with  those  of  Europeans,  the 
vocabularies,  syntax,  and  phonetics  of  African  tribes  are  complex. 

Bushman  languages  comprise  several  distinct  divisions,  a 
northern,  a  central,  and  a  southern,  all  of  which  are  related.  Hot- 
tentots and  Bushmen  have  a  close  resemblance  in  physique  and 
language;  but  according  to  hypothesis  certain  linguistic  and  somatic 
traits  of  Hottentots  are  due  to  Hamitic  admixture.  The  Nama  Hot- 
tentots speak  a  language  that  has  been  affected  by  Hamitic  forms. 


292  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  Bushman  languages  five  significant  tone  levels  occur,  and  one 
word  may  have  five  distinct  meanings  according  to  the  use  of  a  high, 
middle,  low,  falling,  or  rising  tone.  This  semantic  value  is  not 
peculiar  to  Bushman  speech.  Tonal  values  are  extensively  used  in 
the  Sudanic  Negro  languages,  and  to  a  much  smaller  extent  in  Bantu. 

In  Bushman  languages  a  dental  click  is  made  by  pressing  the  tip 
of  the  tongue  against  the  front  teeth  and  withdrawing  it  suddenly. 
The  cerebral  click  is  produced  by  pressure  of  the  tongue  against  the 
palate,  followed  by  sudden  removal.  When  making  a  lateral  click 
the  tongue  is  quickly  withdrawn  from  the  side  of  the  mouth  as  in 
making  the  click  that  urges  a  horse.  In  addition  to  these  clicks 
there  are  the  palatal  and  the  labial  (see  Anders,  "The  Clicks,"  1937). 

Consideration  of  Bushman  languages  of  the  southern  group 
shows  that  the  plural  of  a  noun  is  formed  by  repetition  of  the  word, 
and  the  meaning  of  a  word  may  depend,  not  only  on  its  tone,  but  on 
position  in  the  sentence.  In  the  language  of  the  Naron  Bushmen 
there  are  three  genders,  masculine,  feminine,  and  common,  each  of 
which  is  indicated  by  a  suffix.  Thus,  the  word  kwe  means  a  human 
being,  and  the  gender  is  common  since  no  sex  is  indicated.  But  if 
the  speaker  wishes  to  mention  that  the  human  being  was  a  man  he 
uses  the  word  kweba.  The  last  syllable,  ha,  is  a  suffix  indicating 
masculine  gender.  Similarly,  by  adding  the  feminine  suffix  sa  to 
make  the  word  kwesa,  a  woman  is  indicated.  In  Bushman  languages 
other  than  Naron  there  is  no  sex  gender,  and  the  word  for  man  or 
woman  is  used  to  qualify  the  substantive. 

Two  forms  for  expressing  number  are  recognized  in  the  southern 
and  the  northern  Bushman  languages,  and  in  Naron  and  the  Hotten- 
tot languages  there  is  a  form  to  express  duality.  The  idea  of  number 
is  applied  to  substantives,  to  pronouns,  and,  in  a  few  languages,  to 
adjectives.  The  verb  usually  remains  unaltered  in  form  irrespective 
of  the  number  of  the  governing  substantive.  In  Auen  the  plural 
suffix  is  si.  The  word  !num  means  "a  stone";  Inumsi  is  the  plural. 
The  sign  .'  stands  for  an  initial  click.  In  English  transcriptions  of 
Bushman  languages  each  kind  of  click,  dental,  labial,  etc.,  is  repre- 
sented by  a  distinctive  sign. 

Three  classes  of  persons  are  recognized  by  all  the  Khoisan 
languages.  There  is  the  person  speaking,  the  person  spoken  to,  and 
the  person  spoken  about;  these  forms  are  indicated  by  personal 
pronouns,  both  singular  and  plural.  In  the  southern  group  of 
Bushman  languages  there  are  inclusive  and  exclusive  forms  of  per- 
sonal pronouns;  that  is  to  say,  a  pronoun  may  include  the  person 


Languages  and  Literature  293 

addressed  as  well  as  the  speaker,  or  the  person  addressed  may  be 
excluded.  The  Khoisan  languages  (Bushman  and  Hottentot)  do  not 
have  verbal  declension,  and  notion  of  time  (tense)  is  expressed  by 
use  of  the  auxiliary  particles.  The  rules  affecting  case,  and  the 
several  usages  affecting  the  order  of  words  in  a  sentence  are  too 
complicated  for  enumeration  here  (Meinhof,  1930). 

The  vocabulary  of  the  Khoisan  languages  is  very  restricted  with 
reference  to  abstract  ideas.  On  the  contrary,  an  extensive  vocabulary 
is  used  to  describe  veld  lore,  wild  animals,  birds,  trees,  herbs,  roots, 
and  the  technique  of  hunting.  Comparison  of  vocabularies  of  Bush- 
man tribes  shows  that  they  have  many  words  in  common,  and 
Nama  Hottentot  shares  a  large  number  of  root  words  with  one  or 
another  of  the  Bushman  languages.  Schapera  (1930a,  pp.  417-438; 
1926,  pp.  833,  866)  quotes  evidence  to  indicate  that  Hottentot 
languages  are  shown  by  recent  research  to  have  closer  affinities  with 
Bushman  than  with  Hamitic  languages,  though  the  Hamitic  elements 
are  undeniable. 

SuDANic  Languages 

Sudanic  Negro  languages  are  distributed  over  a  large  zone 
extending  from  Gambia  in  far  west  Africa  to  a  region  west  of  the 
River  Nile.  To  the  north  of  the  Sudanic  area  are  the  Hamitic  and 
Semitic  tongues  of  north  Africa,  and  to  the  south  are  the  Bantu 
languages;  this  juxtaposition  has  resulted  in  a  mingling  of  different 
grammatical  elements,  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  according  to 
locality.  D.  Westermann  (1930)  states  that  the  relationship  among 
the  Sudanic  languages  themselves  is  less  obvious  than  the  inter- 
relation of  the  Bantu  languages,  whose  affinities  to  one  another  can 
be  readily  recognized.  The  phylogenetic  relationship  of  the  Sudanic 
and  Bantu  Negro  languages  has  been  discussed  by  Westermann  in 
detail  (1927).  In  four  groups  of  the  Sudanic  languages  the  affix 
system  is  well  developed  for  dividing  nouns  into  classes  as  in  Bantu 
languages,  but  this  feature  may  be  of  independent  development, 
and  the  classes  are  not  necessarily  a  proof  of  phylogenetic  connection 
with  Bantu. 

The  main  groups  of  the  Sudanic  languages  (Westermann's  1930 
classification)  are  given  below: 

(1)  The  Kwa  group  is  spoken  from  the  middle  of  Liberia  to  the 
lower  Niger.  This  group  includes  Ewe-Akan,  Kru,  Yoruba,  Igara, 
Okpoto,  Nupe,  Ibo,  Edo,  Bini,  and  I  jaw.  Ewe  is  spoken  in  the 
extreme  southeast  corner  of  the  Gold  Coast,  in  the  southern  half  of 
Togo  and  Dahomey  up  to  8°  N.  Lat.,  and  along  the  coast  as  far  east 


294  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

as  Badagri.  Kru  is  a  Liberian  language.  The  names  Yoruba  and 
Ijaw  are  descriptive  of  large  tribes  and  linguistic  divisions  in 
Nigeria.  The  Ibo  and  the  Ijaw  can  be  regarded  as  the  oldest  repre- 
sentatives of  true  Negro  stock. 

(2)  The  Benue  Cross-River  languages,  with  Efik  and  Ibibio  as 
two  representatives  of  the  group,  are  located  in  eastern  Nigeria. 

(3)  The  third  group  is  in  central  Togoland. 

(4)  Gur  languages  are  spoken  in  northern  Togoland  and  the 
Northern  Territories  of  the  Gold  Coast.  Subgroups  in  this  division 
are  Mosi,  Dagomba,  Kusai,  Mamprusi,  Gurundsi,  and  many  others. 

(5)  The  West  Atlantic  group  includes  languages  spoken  in 
Senegal  (Yolof  and  Serer  tribes),  in  Portuguese  Guinea,  and  by  the 
Temne  and  Bulom  tribes. 

(6)  The  Mandingo  and  Mande  languages  comprise  a  large  number 
of  subdivisions  that  have  been  described  in  detail  by  Delafosse  (1929). 

(7)  At  the  eastern  end  of  the  Sudanic  zone  the  most  important 
languages  are  Shilluk,  Dinka,  Nuer,  and  Zande. 

The  division  of  African  languages  into  Hamitic,  Semitic,  Sudanic, 
Bantu,  and  Bushman  is  convenient  for  the  present.  Such  classi- 
fication is  justifiable  since  each  main  group  has  distinguishing  and 
definite  characters,  yet  the  possibility  of  remote  generic  relation- 
ship of  all  the  languages  should  be  kept  in  mind  when  the  character- 
istic features  of  any  one  group  are  under  discussion.  With  further 
research  the  terminology  may  be  improved. 

The  Sudanic  languages  have  traits  that  serve  to  give  definiteness 
of  character,  and  they  have  a  recognizable  morphology  in  which 
the  following  features  are  prominent  though  not  invariable. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Sudanic  languages  are  monosyllabic  and 
isolating,  and  in  this  they  differ  fundamentally  from  Hamitic  and 
Semitic,  which  are  highly  inflectional.  Sudanic  languages  are  built 
up  from  certain  basic  units  of  speech:  nouns,  pronouns,  verbs, 
adjectives,  and  adverbs.  Some  parts  of  speech,  instead  of  being 
inflected  to  express  gender,  number,  tense,  and  degree,  are  actually 
changed  in  form  (not  merely  inflected).  Or  the  unit  of  speech  may 
preserve  its  form  but  receive  another  position  in  the  sentence  in 
order  to  mark  a  change  of  meaning.  Finally,  the  high,  middle,  and 
low  tones  are  used  to  distinguish  differences  in  meaning  of  words 
that  are  otherwise  alike.  Tonal  values  are  well  developed ;  but  word 
stress  is  absent.  In  showing  the  genitive  (possessive  case),  the 
name  of  the  possessor  precedes  the  name  of  the  thing  possessed. 


Languages  and  Literature  295 

Since  there  are  no  relative  pronouns,  complex  sentences  are  not 
constructed;  the  arrangement  is  said  to  be  coordinative.  The 
sentence,  "He  jumped  from  the  ship  into  the  sea,"  would  be  rendered, 
"He  jumped,  he  left  inside  of  ship,  he  fell  to  sea."  Despite  this 
apparent  simplicity  of  structure  and  the  absence  of  inflection,  fine 
shades  of  meaning  can  be  conveyed  in  some  Sudanic  languages. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  pp.  61-63)  mentions  the  expression  of 
various  conceptions  of  past  and  future  in  the  Dagbane  language. 
The  particle  de  denotes  immediate  past,  sa  refers  to  events  of  yester- 
day, and  da  conveys  the  idea  of  a  past  more  remote  than  today  or 
yesterday.  In  the  same  way  an  immediate  future,  a  future  limited 
to  tomorrow,  and  a  vague  future  can  be  expressed.  No  passive  voice 
can  be  expressed  in  Sudanic.  "The  horse  was  killed  by  Musa," 
becomes,  "It  is  Musa;  he  killed  the  horse." 

The  following  examples  will  illustrate  the  way  in  which  changes 
of  meaning  are  achieved  in  Sudanic  languages,  despite  the  absence 
of  inflections. 

In  Ibo,  which  is  spoken  in  several  dialects  near  Onitsha  in 
Nigeria,  the  syllable  hu  means  "carry"  and  da  means  "fall."  Then 
by  combination  of  these  the  word  buda,  "bring  down,"  is  made.  A 
few  examples  from  Ewe  and  Yoruba  will  indicate  the  dependence 
of  meaning  on  tone.  An  acute  accent  indicates  a  high  tone,  and  a 
grave  accent  shows  a  low  tone.  In  Ewe,  da  means  "throw,"  da, 
"crawl."  D6  means  "say,"  and  do,  "be  sad";  do  on  a  level  tone 
means  "sleep." 

In  Yoruba  agba  on  a  level  tone  means  "rope";  dghd  means  an 
"elder,"  and  dgba,  "cannon."  The  meaning  of  dpo  is  "a  post";  opo 
is  "a  window,"  and  opo  is  "to  be  busy."  Gender  may  be  shown  in 
this  way :  ako  means  male,  and  aba  means  female.  Therefore,  ako-esin 
is  a  stallion,  and  abo-esin  is  a  mare.  In  the  Ga  language  china-nu 
means  "bull,"  and  china-yo  means  "cow."  Plurals  have  usually 
to  be  judged  by  the  context,  but  in  Nuer  singulars  and  plurals  of 
nouns  are  known  by  different  tones. 

In  the  Tshi  group  syllables  are  brought  together  to  change  verbs 
to  nouns.  Wu  means  "to  die,"  from  which  the  word  awu, 
"murderer,"  is  obtained.  Bo  means  "to  worship,"  and  abo  is  "a 
worshipper." 

The  Lautbilder  described  by  D.  Westermann  are  sound  pictures 
that  frequently  occur  in  the  Ewe  language.  Zo-ka-ka  means  "to 
walk  upright";  zo-boko-boko  refers  to  the  heavy  walk  of  a  fat  man; 
and  zo-lumo-lumo  describes  the  pattering  run  of  small  animals. 


296  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

For  the  further  study  of  tones  in  Sudanic  speech  the  articles  of 
A.  L.  James  (1923, 1928)  are  important  for  Yoruba,  those  of  Schober 
(1933)  for  Ewe,  and  I.  C.  Ward  (1933)  for  Efik.  Herzog  (1934) 
should  be  consulted  for  an  article  on  "Speech  Melody  and  Primitive 
Music,"  and  these  contributions  should  be  read  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  Nekes  (1911a,  1911b,  1928)  on  the  subject  of  musical  tones 
in  Bantu  speech. 

For  general  study  of  the  character  of  Sudanic  speech  con- 
tributions by  I.  C.  Ward  (1935, 1936),  Migeod  (1913),  N.  W.  Thomas 
(1920a),  and  Westermann  (1935a)  are  of  great  service.  Delafosse 
(1929)  made  a  noteworthy  study  of  the  Mandingo  language,  and  a 
bibliography  of  the  writings  of  Delafosse  will  be  found  in  Fligelman 
(1931,  pp.  283-286).  Lukas  (1936)  has  written  on  the  "Linguistic 
Situation  in  the  Lake  Chad  Area."  Hambly  (1935a)  has  a  bibli- 
ography containing  many  items  of  linguistic  interest  for  Nigeria. 

For  study  of  languages  of  the  southern  Sudan  Struck  (1928)  has 
provided  a  bibliography,  and  A.  N.  Tucker  (1934)  has  reported  on  the 
present  linguistic  situation  in  an  article  which  includes  a  tribal  map. 
For  the  Nilotic  languages,  which  are  still  imperfectly  known,  G.  W. 
Murray's  (1920)  article  will  prove  useful.  An  English-Nubian  Com- 
parative Dictionary  by  G.  W.  Murray  (1923a)  gives  excellent  examples 
of  the  mixture  of  linguistic  elements  in  Nubian.  The  language  is 
Sudanic,  with  Hamitic  and  Semitic  elements.  Some  Greek  words 
are  present  because  Nubian  was  the  language  of  the  early  Christian 
church  of  Nubia.  Appendix  II  is  a  valuable  bibliography  of  Semitic, 
Hamitic,  and  Nilotic  studies. 

Bantu  Languages 

The  word  Bantu,  introduced  by  W.  H.  I.  Bleek  (1862-1869),  is 
derived  from  6a,  a  plural  prefix,  and  ntu,  meaning  "a  man."  The 
name  is  given  to  a  large  linguistic  family  that  includes  at  least  two 
hundred  and  fifty  languages  and  an  undetermined  number  of  dialects. 
Despite  diversity  of  vocabularies,  and  some  morphological  differ- 
ences, considerable  uniformity  of  structure  exists  among  languages 
of  the  Bantu  family.  Similarity  of  root  words  in  regions  far  apart 
may  be  observed  in  H.  H.  Johnston's  "A  Comparative  Study  of  the 
Bantu  and  Semi-Bantu  Languages."  This  work  classifies  Bantu 
languages  into  groups  that  are  based  mainly  on  similarities  in  roots 
and  vocabularies. 

In  addition  to  Meinhof 's  (1932)  map  of  Bantu  languages  a  classi- 
fication of  Bantu-speaking  tribes  has  been  made  by  Schapera  (1929a), 
and  by  Van  Warmelo  (1935)  for  the  Bantu  of  south  Africa.  Tessmann 


I 


Languages  and  Literature  297 

(1932)  has  written  an  account  of  Cameroons  languages  and  has 
prepared  a  map  of  distribution  for  that  area.  But  CM.  Doke  (1933, 
1935b)  states  that  up  to  the  present  time  the  Bantu  languages  have 
been  classified  geographically  rather  than  philologically,  and  that 
further  study  is  required  to  give  a  more  satisfactory  grouping 
according  to  structure. 

Some  of  the  main  characteristics  of  the  Bantu  languages  are 
as  follows: 

Nouns  are  divided  into  classes  which  vary  in  number  according 
to  the  particular  language  under  consideration.  A  noun  class  can  be 
distinguished  by  a  typical  singular  prefix  which  is  changed  to  another 
prefix  to  form  a  plural.  These  prefixes  form  alliterative  concords 
with  their  associated  adjectives  and  pronouns.  Bantu  nouns  have 
no  grammatical  gender.  The  genitive  requires  that  the  name  of  the 
thing  possessed  shall  precede  the  name  of  the  possessor.  There 
is  distinct  word  stress;  for  example,  on  the  penultimate  syllable  in 
the  tribal  name  Oyimbundu.  Tones,  which  are  high,  middle,  and 
low,  have  a  semantic  value;  they  distinguish  the  meanings  of  words 
which  are  otherwise  alike.  Bantu  has  formative  elements  to  express 
case  and  tense,  and  the  Bantu  languages  are  said  to  be  agglutinative, 
whereas  Sudanic  is  isolating,  and  Hamitic  and  Semitic  are  inflected. 

A  few  examples  from  Umbundu,  the  language  of  the  Ovimbundu 
of  Angola  (Hambly,  1934a,  pp.  234-261)  and  from  Zulu  (Doke,  1931b) 
will  indicate  the  structural  devices  that  are  used  to  convey  ideas  of 
gender,  tense,  and  number. 

In  Umbundu  the  word  omunu  means  "a  person."  This  is  a  class 
I  noun  which  requires  the  prefix  oma  to  form  the  plural;  omanu 
means  "persons."  In  class  I. a  is  the  word  ufeko,  "girl,"  which  is 
changed  either  to  afeko  or  to  ovafeko  in  the  plural.  In  class  II  the 
word  uta  is  "a  gun,"  which  becomes  ovota  in  the  plural. 

Alliterative  concord  between  a  noun  and  the  qualifying  adjective 
is  seen  in  utima  utito,  "a  small  heart,"  which  has  in  the  plural 
ovitima  vitito.  Concord  must  be  observed  between  a  noun  and  the 
possessive  pronoun;  therefore,  ocitunyu  cange,  "my  pit,"  or  literally 
"pit  of  me,"  becomes  in  the  plural  ovitunyu  viange.  Uti  wove,  "tree 
of  you,"  becomes  in  the  plural  oviti  viene,  "your  trees,"  literally 
"trees  of  you." 

Verbs  and  pronouns  illustrate  further  points  of  syntax.  The 
stem  of  a  verb  is  seen  in  the  imperative  singular;  for  example,  tunga 
means  "build."  "I  shall  build  the  house"  is  translated  by  ndi 
tunga  onjo.    "You  will  build  the  house"  is  o  tunga  onjo,  and  "They 


298  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

will  build  the  house"  is  va  tunga  onjo.  Merely  the  personal  pronoun 
is  changed.  The  sufRx  isa  is  causative;  therefore  one  might  say  va 
tungisa  onjo,  "They  caused  the  house  to  be  built."  The  prefix  oku 
is  a  sign  of  the  infinitive,  as  in  the  forms  oku  lia,  "to  eat,"  and  oku 
tunga,  "to  build." 

The  semantic  value  of  tones  is  not  so  prevalent  in  Bantu  lan- 
guages as  in  the  Sudanic,  nevertheless  Bantu  tonal  values  are 
important  (Hulstert,  1934;  Nekes,  1911a,  1911b,  1928).  In  Um- 
bundu  the  following  words  depend  on  tone  for  their  meaning.  The 
word  omhambi  (low  tone)  means  a  "cold"  or  "fever,"  but  on  a  high 
tone  the  word  means  "bush  buck."  Onjila  can  mean  a  "bird"  or  a 
"path."    Omhumbi  is  a  "gateway"  or  a  root  used  in  brewing  beer. 

Tones  shift  in  bringing  a  noun  into  concord  with  a  qualifying 
adjective.  The  grave  accent  shows  a  low  tone,  and  the  acute  accent 
a  high  tone.  The  word  uti  means  a  "tree,"  uti  unene  is  a  "large 
tree;"  dlweyo,  "broom,"  becomes  olweyo  luwa,  "good  broom." 

In  the  introduction  to  his  Zulu  Grammar  C.  M.  Doke  (1931b) 
points  out  that  Bantu  languages  may  be  classified  in  two  main 
groups:  (I)  with  dissyllabic  noun  prefixes,  and  (II)  with  mono- 
syllabic noun  prefixes.  Zulu  belongs  to  the  former  group.  Zulu  is 
not  a  pure  language,  for  clicks  have  been  adopted  from  Bushman 
languages.  The  three  clicks  in  Zulu  are  the  dental,  palato-alveolar, 
and  lateral.  In  Zulu  two  types  of  stress  exist,  a  main  and  a  secon- 
dary. If  emphasis  is  required  on  a  particular  word,  a  change  in  the 
order  of  the  words  is  usually  made.  In  Zulu,  tone  is  semantic  and  a 
nine-tone  system  exists;  that  is,  the  range  of  speech  covers  nine 
different  pitches.  The  tones  are  of  two  main  types ;  level,  and  gliding. 
In  the  following  examples  the  highest  tone  is  marked  (1)  and  the 
lowest  tone  (9) : 

8     2        9  3  3-i  8—3 

umuzi,  kraal  umuzi,  grass  for  mats 

In  Zulu,  tone  has  a  grammatical  significance: 

6  6         6  6  3         9 

ngihlanza,  I  wash  ngihlanza,  I  washing 

Tonal  change  expresses  emphasis: 

6         3    9  4  11-2 

mkhulu,  he  is  big  mkhulu,  he  is  very,  very  big 

Zulu  has  eight  class  genders,  each  of  which  has  its  own  charac- 
teristic prefix  which  requires  a  certain  change  to  mark  the  plural. 
In  proto-Bantu  each  class  of  nouns  had  a  definite  significance  which 
is  still  recognizable  in  certain  classes  of  modern  Zulu,  Class  I  is 
the  personal  class.    Class  VII  is  the  abstract  class,  and  the  division 


Languages  and  Literature  299 

contains  nouns  expressing  collectivity.  In  Class  II  the  singular 
prefix  is  umu,  and  the  plural  is  imi.  In  Class  III  the  singular  prefix 
Hi  becomes  ama  in  the  plural. 

Gender  is  indicated  by  addition  of  a  suffix:  imbuzi,  "goat,"  and 
imbuzihaze,  "she  goat";  inja,  "dog,"  and  injakazi,  "bitch."  In 
addition  to  the  substantive,  Doke  describes  pronouns,  adjectives, 
adverbs,  verbs,  conjunctions,  and  interjections. 

Each  pronoun  is  itself  a  complete  word  which  may  stand  instead 
of  a  noun,  or  it  may  be  used  in  apposition  to  a  noun,  either  before  or 
after  the  noun  without  inflection.  Adjectives  qualify  substantives 
with  which  they  are  brought  into  concordial  agreement.  Adverbs 
indicate  time,  place,  and  manner.  Many  nouns  are  used  as  adverbs 
without  any  inflection.  Except  in  the  imperative  and  the  infinitive 
a  verb  is  composed  of  two  parts:  (1)  a  verb  stem  which  may  undergo 
various  inflections;  (2)  subjectival  verb  concord,  which  may  alter 
for  certain  classes  in  different  moods  and  conjugations.  A  verb  in 
Zulu  is  divided  into  two  conjugations,  a  positive  and  a  negative. 
Each  conjugation  has  seven  moods:  infinitive,  imperative,  indicative, 
dependent,  situative,  potential,  and  intentional.  The  indicative 
mood  has  tenses  dividing  time  into  remote  past,  immediate  past, 
present,  immediate  future,  and  remote  future. 

Hamitic  and  Semitic  Languages 

The  Hamitic  and  Semitic  problem,  with  special  reference  to 
origins  and  lines  of  dispersal,  has  been  discussed  by  G.  A.  Barton  in 
"Semitic  and  Hamitic  Origins."  In  opposition  to  prevailing  hypoth- 
esis which  makes  Arabia  the  home  of  an  ancestral  Hamitic-Semitic 
group,  he  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  philological  evidence  favors 
a  hypothesis  of  Hamitic  origin  in  north  Africa.  There  is  great 
variation  in  the  vocabulary  and  structure  of  Hamitic  languages  as 
a  result  of  Hamitic  migrations.  On  the  contrary,  Semitic  languages 
resemble  one  another  so  closely  that  it  is  clear  that  the  ancestors 
of  those  who  spoke  them  must  have  dwelt  for  a  long  time  in  close 
association  and  isolated  from  foreign  influence.  Hamitic  languages 
are  older  than  Semitic.  Barton  (p.  26)  postulates  that  ancestors  of 
Hamites  and  Semites  developed  in  north  Africa,  and  that  Semites 
are  derived  from  a  Hamito-Semitic  stock  that  entered  Arabia  from 
Africa  by  the  strait  of  Bab-el-Mandeb. 

The  ancient  Egyptians  and  Libyans  spoke  Hamitic  tongues,  and 
at  present  the  Tamashek  language  of  the  Tuareg,  and  the  Berber 
speech  which  is  widely  used  in  north  Africa,  are  based  on  ancient 


300  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Hamitic  languages.  Differentiation  has  taken  place  unceasingly, 
with  the  result  that  several  distinct  forms  of  Berber  and  Tuareg 
languages  have  been  formed.  These  languages  are  similar,  and  both, 
in  varying  degree  according  to  locality,  have  been  affected  by 
Arabic  (Semitic). 

Oric  Bates  (1914,  p.  74)  gives  a  list  of  forty  Berber  dialects,  and 
he  provides  a  useful  summary  of  the  views  of  Basset  (1921),  Renan 
(1873),  Hanoteau  (1896)  and  many  other  linguists  respecting  the 
relationship  of  ancient  Libyan  to  modern  Berber  and  Tamashek 
languages.  A  comparative  study  of  the  symbols  of  Libyan,  T'ifinagh, 
and  Punic  is  made  (Bates,  pp.  87-89). 

Bertholon  (1912,  vol.  2,  pp.  503-518)  speaks  of  the  Hamitic  sub- 
stratum of  ancient  Libyan,  Egyptian,  modern  Berber  dialects,  and 
Tamashek.  The  present-day  Berber  tongues  show  traces  of  Negro 
vocabulary,  Arabic,  Nordic,  Greek,  and  Latin.  Destaing  (1920) 
has  published  a  vocabulary  of  Berber  dialects.  "Berber"  is  a  cor- 
ruption of  a  Greek  word  that  was  originally  applied  to  persons  who 
were  neither  Greek  nor  Roman.  The  word  has  no  relation  to  the 
terms  Berberines,  or  Barabra,  which  are  applied  to  certain  inhabi- 
tants of  Nubia,  an  area  to  the  east  of  the  middle  course  of  the  Nile. 
The  Berberines  speak  a  Sudanic  language. 

Hausa,  for  which  F.  W.  Taylor  (1922)  has  written  an  elementary 
grammar,  and  Bargery  has  published  a  standard  dictionary  (1935), 
is  widely  spoken  in  west  Africa.  Hausa  is  primarily  Hamitic,  though 
it  has  tones  like  those  of  the  Sudanic  Negro  languages,  and  some 
Semitic  roots  are  present.  C.  Meinhof  (1912)  classes  Fulani  as 
proto-Hamitic,  and  the  position  of  this  language  has  been  discussed 
by  Drexel  (1928).  A  further  example  of  linguistic  mixture  may  be 
observed  in  the  oasis  of  Siwa  (Basset,  1921),  where  descendants  of 
ancient  Libyans  preserve  elements  of  old  Hamitic  speech  corrupted 
by  Arabic  and  Tamashek  (W.  S.  Walker,  1921,  Cline,  1936a,  p.  8). 

In  northeast  Africa,  Hamitic  languages  are  spoken  by  the  Somali, 
Galla,  and  Danakil.  Masai  also  is  Hamitic,  and  some  Hamitic 
elements  have  affected  the  speech  of  the  Shilluk,  the  Dinka,  and  the 
Nuer,  who  have  languages  that  are  primarily  of  Sudanic  Negro  stock. 
In  south  Africa  the  Hottentot  languages,  for  example,  Nama  and 
Korana,  have  both  Hamitic  and  Bushman  elements.  In  connection 
with  the  study  of  Hamitic  languages,  articles  by  Vycichl  (1935) 
and  Brockelmann  (1932)  will  serve  to  introduce  the  problem  of 
the  relationship  of  Hamitic  to  other  African  languages. 


Languages  and  Literature  301 

Modern  Arabic  is  the  most  important  of  the  Semitic  languages 
of  Africa,  but  some  forms  of  old  Semitic  tongues  are  still  in  use. 
The  Beni  Amer  of  the  Red  Sea  Province,  who  are  Hamites,  physically 
and  culturally,  speak  Tigr^,  which  is  a  modern  representative  of 
Ge'es  (Ethiopic),  a  relative  of  the  ancient  Sabaean  of  southern 
Arabia.  Ge'es  is  still  used  for  liturgies  in  the  Abyssinian  church. 
Amharic  is  a  written  language  which  is  a  descendant  of  Ethiopic 
(Semitic)  modified  by  Hamitic  (M.  Cohen,  1936). 

Arabic,  which  has  spread  in  Africa  since  the  seventh  century, 
has  many  local  forms.  In  Morocco  there  occur  a  shortening  of 
vowels,  a  clipping  of  terminations,  and  omission  of  syllables,  when 
compared  with  standard  Arabic.  But  some  of  the  changes  are  not 
corruptions;  they  are  rather  survivals  of  archaic  forms.  A  consider- 
able amount  of  bastard  Arabic  is  spoken  in  the  eastern  Sudan 
(A.  N.  Tucker,  1934).  Swahili  of  the  east  coast  is  a  Bantu  Negro 
language  with  many  Arabic  words  in  the  vocabulary.  A.  and  M.  H. 
Werner's  "First  Swahili  Book,"  1927,  2nd  Ed.  1930,  is  an  excellent 
introduction  to  the  study  of  Swahili;  a  bibliography  introduces  the 
student  to  more  advanced  works. 

Of  practical  importance  to  those  beginning  a  study  of  Arabic 
language  and  literature  are  Willmore's  (1927)  "Handbook  of  Spoken 
Egyptian  Arabic,"  and  Gibb's  (1926)  "Arabic  Literature."  The  work 
of  Gibb  provides  a  bibliography,  and  he  surveys  Arab  literature  from 
pre-Koranic  times  to  the  year  a.d.  1800.  The  book  gives  a  brief 
summary  of  the  history  of  the  Arabs  in  Africa,  Persia,  and  India. 
Renan's  (1863)  "Histoire  des  langues  s^mitiques"  is  a  well-known 
classic.  Cohen  (1924),  and  others  in  "Bibliotheque  de  L'Ecole 
des  Langues  Orien tales  Vivantes"  have  made  contributions  to  the 
study  of  Semitic  languages. 

The  Semitic  languages  are  fully  inflected  by  prefixes,  suffixes, 
and  vowel  changes,  and  Semitic,  unlike  Hamitic,  has  triliteral  roots. 
As  the  name  implies,  these  triliteral  roots  consist  of  three  parts, 
examples  of  which  are  seen  in  the  Arabic  qatala,  "he  killed";  nasara, 
"he  helped." 

In  the  Hamitic  languages  semantic  tones  are  not  usually  present; 
but  Hausa,  Nama  Hottentot,  and  Masai  are  exceptions,  for  in  these 
tongues  certain  words,  which  are  otherwise  alike,  have  different 
meanings  according  to  tone.  In  some  Hamitic  languages,  for 
example,  Shila  and  the  Rif  dialects  of  Morocco,  stress  thrusts  out 
vowels  and  makes  harsh  guttural  sounds. 


302  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Hamitic  languages  are  inflected  to  give  grammatical  gender, 
which  is  not  so  with  Bantu  languages,  and  in  Hamitic,  inflections  are 
used  to  give  tense  and  number;  generally  these  inflections  take  the 
form  of  suffixes  rather  than  prefixes. 

In  Hamitic,  case  relations  are  usually  expressed  by  a  suffix. 
There  are  masculine  and  feminine  articles,  and  also  a  form  to  express 
common  gender.  The  two  plurals  are  "collective"  and  "universal," 
both  of  which  are  shown  by  terminal  inflections.  Polarity  is  a 
feature  of  Hamitic  languages;  that  is  to  say,  nouns  that  are  masculine 
in  the  singular  take  feminine  terminations  in  the  plural,  and  vice 
versa.  The  verb  usually  precedes  its  subject.  The  genitive  (posses- 
sive) is  the  same  as  in  Bantu;  the  name  of  the  thing  possessed  is 
mentioned  before  the  possessor,  for  example,  "house  of  you,"  instead 
of  "your  house." 

The  chief  characteristic  of  the  Hamitic  and  Semitic  languages 
in  comparison  with  the  Bantu,  Sudanic,  and  Bushman,  is  their 
high  degree  of  inflection  for  the  expression  of  number,  gender,  tense, 
and  voice.    A  few  examples  of  inflection  are  given  below. 

Inflection  for  number  is  seen  in  leslema,  "a  Mohammedan," 
leslemen,  "Mohammedans,"  and  leslemen-t,  "the  Mohammedan 
world."  This  example  is  from  Khamir,  a  Hamitic  language  of  north 
Abyssinia.  In  Hausa  the  word  sariki  means  a  "king"  or  "chief." 
The  "chief's  wife,"  or  "the  king's  wife"  is  sarikya;  the  feminine  has 
been  expressed  by  a  change  of  termination.  Similarly  in  Hausa 
yaro  means  "boy,"  and  yarinya  means  "girl."  In  the  genitive,  a 
change  from  masculine  to  feminine  is  seen  in  the  words  "king's  son," 
expressed  by  yaro-n-sariki,  and  "the  king's  daughter,"  which  has  the 
feminine  form  yarinya-t-sariki.  In  Arabic,  a  change  of  voice  is 
shown  by  internal  inflection.  Thus  qatala,  "he  killed,"  is  active 
voice,  while  qutila  is  the  passive  voice,  "he  was  killed." 

Writing 

{Table  9) 

I.  Egyptian  hieroglyphs:  (A)  pennu,  mouse;  (B)  sma,  to  slay. 
II.  Libyan.  III.  T'ifinagh:  (A)  naught  but  good.  IV.  Amharic: 
(A)  river;  (B)  island.  V.  Arabic:  (A)  a  game;  (B)  fifteen.  VI.  Vai, 
each  character  is  a  syllabic  sign.  VII.  Nsibidi:  (A)  Very  great  love 
between  husband  and  wife.  The  center  star  denotes  a  warm  and 
loving  heart;  (B)  A  slave  with  his  hands  tied  together;  (C)  The  sun. 
VIII.  Seven  symbols  that  were  added  to  Greek  characters  for  the 
writing  of  Coptic. 


2; 

■H       O 


CD 


to 


< 


D 

O 


O 
^-^ 


I- 
^ — ^ 

X 

□ 
O 


sS 

11 

w 

Q 

to 

Q 


o 
o 


II 

a 

-£ 

c 
c 

c 


CD 


k: 


II 


f 


< 


f 


u 


S^      o^i^ 


CO 


CO 

3? 


Q 


a     N    N    s 


303 


304  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Hamitico-Semitic  languages — Egyptian,  Arabic,  Libyan, 
and  Amharic — have  written  characters,  but  the  only  attempts  of 
Negroes  to  invent  a  script  are  those  of  the  Vai  in  Liberia,  the  Bamum 
in  Cameroons,  the  Efik  near  Calabar,  and  a  tribe  of  Sierra  Leone 
(Sumner,  1932).  Of  these  scripts,  Egyptian  and  Arabic  are  the 
most  important.  The  former,  first  as  hieroglyphs,  then  as  cursive 
writing,  gives  a  detailed  history  of  social  and  religious  development 
in  Egypt  from  at  least  3500  B.C.  onward.  Arabic  later  takes  up 
the  story  of  events  in  north  Africa,  the  Sudan,  and  the  east  coast 
from  A.D.  700  to  modern  times.  Events  of  Abyssinian  history  are 
recorded  in  Amharic,  while  Greek,  Roman,  and  Coptic  have  preserved 
historical  records  for  late  Egyptian  and  north  African  history.  Yet 
these  chronicles  leave  by  far  the  greater  part  of  African  history- 
unrecorded.  As  a  general  introduction  to  a  study  of  African  script 
Hoffman  (1895)  and  Mason  (1920)  will  be  found  useful. 

The  beginnings  of  Egyptian  writing  are  unknown,  but  six 
thousand  years  ago  pictures  were  used  to  represent  words,  and  this 
cumbersome  method  evolved  into  a  cursive  hand  called  hieratic, 
which  in  turn  gave  way  to  demotic.  Each  change  represented  a 
simplification  and  a  further  conventionalizing  of  the  original  hiero- 
glyphic characters. 

In  the  hieroglyphic  system,  a  draughtboard  set  with  pieces  meant 
a  game  of  draughts,  but  at  a  later  stage  in  the  development  of 
Egyptian  writing  the  same  drawing  conveyed  the  idea  of  "being  set." 
The  pictograph  had  developed  into  an  ideograph;  then  came  a 
phonetic  stage  in  which  the  written  character  appealed  to  both  the 
eye  and  the  ear  of  the  reader.  Thus,  a  picture  of  a  human  arm 
primarily  meant  an  arm;  later,  the  syllable  heh,  "arm,"  could  be 
represented  by  the  picture  of  an  arm  to  stand  for  the  sound  heh 
in  any  word  in  which  that  sound  occurred. 

An  ingenious  use  of  symbols  known  as  determinatives  was 
combined  with  the  use  of  phonograms,  and  at  the  end  of  the  word 
a  picture  was  added.  For  example,  at  the  end  of  the  phonograms 
giving  sounds  for  the  word  "woman"  a  kneeling  figure  of  a  woman 
was  drawn,  to  avoid  making  mistakes  in  the  interpretation  of  the 
phonetically  spelled  word.  At  the  end  of  the  phonograms  for  the 
word  "eating,"  a  picture  showing  a  man  with  his  hand  to  his  mouth 
was  added.  In  Table  9,  example  I  A,  a  hide  with  tail  attached  is  a 
determinative  for  the  word  "mouse." 

By  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era  the  Egyptian  language 
was  represented  in  Greek  characters,  though  some  demotic  signs 


I 


Languages  and  Literature  305 

were  retained,  and  two  hundred  years  later,  Coptic,  in  which  parts 
of  the  Bible  were  written,  was  generally  used  (Table  9,  example 
VIII).  The  Egyptians  themselves  attributed  the  origin  of  their 
writing  to  the  god  Thoth,  who  is  represented  with  a  pen  and  a 
writing  tablet.  Rationalizing  by  means  of  explanatory  myths  is 
usual  among  people  who  wish  to  explain  the  presence  of  certain 
important  cultural  elements.  The  Egyptians  had  stories  to  explain 
not  only  the  invention  of  writing,  but  the  apparent  journey  of  the 
sun,  eclipses  of  the  moon,  and  other  phenomena. 

No  reason  exists  for  supposing  that  Eg5rptian  writing  was  imported 
from  outside  Egypt,  though  the  speech  contains  triliteral  roots,  which 
are  characteristic  of  Semitic  tongues,  and  there  are  Hamitic  features 
as  well.  Decipherment  of  Egyptian  hieroglyphs  and  other  forms  of 
writing  did  not  begin  until  the  year  1802,  when  a  trilingual  inscrip- 
tion in  Greek,  hieroglyphs,  and  demotic  was  deciphered  from  a  slab 
known  as  the  Rosetta  Stone.  Since  that  time  scholars  have  con- 
centrated on  the  translation  of  inscriptions  from  monuments  and 
papyri. 

Oric  Bates  (1914)  states  that  no  inscription  in  Libyan  characters 
has  yet  proved  older  than  the  fourth  century  B.C.  The  chief  center 
of  Libyan  culture  was  west  of  the  Nile,  and  the  dispersal  of  culture 
was  westward  to  the  Canary  Islands. 

Study  of  Libyan  inscriptions  (Table  9,  examples  II  and  III)  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Libyans  adopted  characters  from  Phoeni- 
cian script,  and  to  these  signs  they  added  enough  owners'  marks  to 
make  an  alphabet,  which  despite  its  crudity  was  adequate  for  their 
needs.  Libyan  inscriptions  are  read  from  below  upward,  beginning 
usually  with  the  right-hand  column.  More  rarely  the  inscriptions 
are  horizontal;  then  they  are  read  from  right  to  left  (M^lix,  1892; 
Bertholon  and  Chantre,  1912,  vol.  2,  pp.  503-518). 

Bertholon  and  Chantre  have  prepared  a  tabular  statement  in 
six  columns  showing  the  similarity  of  some  symbols  used  in  T'ifinagh, 
Libyan,  Cretan-Egean,  Cypriote,  Archaic  Greek,  and  Etruscan. 
Chantre  points  out  that  the  most  ancient  traces  of  Libyan  writing 
are  rock  inscriptions,  possibly  funerary,  and  some  of  these  are  per- 
haps as  early  as  the  Neolithic  period  in  north  Africa.  According 
to  Chantre,  the  history  of  our  study  of  Libyan  characters  is  traceable 
to  the  discovery  of  a  bilingual  inscription  on  a  stone  found  at  Dougga 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  As  a  source  book  for  the  study  of 
Libyan  and  Punic,  Chantre  gives  the  "Revue  Africaine"  (especially 
Tome  4,  pp.  154-237),  published  by  the  Soci^t^  Historique  d'Alger. 


306  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Some  Libyan  characters  have  been  incorporated  in  T'ifinagh,  the 
script  in  which  Tamashek  (Temajegk),  the  language  of  the  Tuareg, 
is  written.  F.  R.  Rodd  (1926,  p.  267)  states  that  Ifadeyn  Tuareg, 
both  male  and  female,  still  read  and  write  Tamashek.  They  use 
the  script  for  messages  and  for  inscribing  records  of  visits  on  trees 
and  rocks.  Some  present-day  writing  of  the  Tuareg  (Table  9,  III) 
is  composed  of  personal  or  tribal  marks  grouped  together;  but  the 
difficulty  of  deciphering  inscriptions  in  T'ifinagh  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  they  may  be  written  to  read  up  or  down,  from  left  to  right,  or 
from  right  to  left.  H.  R.  Palmer  (1932)  connects  T'ifinagh  script 
with  the  Sabaean  characters  of  south  Arabia  and  those  of  the 
Ethiopic  alphabet.  He  believes  that  the  Tuareg  first  entered  the 
Sahara,  A.D.  300-600,  bringing  camels  from  the  eastern  Sudan. 

Amharic,  an  ancient  Semitic  tongue,  has  been  the  official  written 
language  of  Amhara,  the  central  province  of  Abyssinia,  since  A.D. 
1300.  Amharic  is  written  in  Ethiopic  characters  (Brauner-Plazi- 
kowski,  1914,  Cohen,  1936),  but  the  use  of  this  language  has  been 
too  restricted  to  assist  with  general  problems  of  African  history 
(Table  9,  IV). 

Arabic  (Table  9,  V  A  and  B)  is  now  the  official  language  of  Egjrpt 
and  many  parts  of  north  Africa.  The  history,  philosophy,  religion, 
poetry,  and  folklore  of  the  Arabs  are  contained  in  many  books  and 
manuscripts,  and  Arabic  is  used  in  modern  newspapers  of  Egypt. 
Historical  documents  and  correspondence  in  Arabic  show  an  ornate 
style.  The  former  begin  with,  "In  the  name  of  Allah,  the  com- 
passionate, the  merciful,"  and  the  latter  have  a  complimentary 
introduction,  "To  the  Great  and  Glorious  Governor,  peace  be  unto 
thee,  and  the  mercy  of  God  and  his  blessing."  On  the  outside  of  the 
folded  paper  may  be  written,  "To  reach,  if  it  please  God,  the  hand 
of  . . .  ;"  then  follows  the  name  of  the  recipient. 

In  Mohammedan  schools  children  may  be  seen  seated  on  the 
ground  before  their  mallam,  who  instructs  them  in  writing  Koranic 
texts  on  smooth  boards  with  ink  and  reed  pens,  after  which  the 
texts  are  chanted  in  unison  (Fig.  61).  Arabic  is  used  for  writing 
Hausa,  Mandingo,  and  Swahili,  but  E.  Steere  (1908)  states  that 
Arabic  characters  will  never  be  able  to  express  the  sounds  of  Swahili. 
The  reason  for  this  is  that  Swahili  has  five  vowels  and  Arabic  has 
only  three.  Arabic  supplies  no  characters  for  the  Swahili  con- 
sonants ch,  g,  p,  or  v. 

The  Vai  of  Liberia,  who  are  ethnologically  part  of  the  Mandingo 
people,  have  a  script  that  Koelle  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society 


TL         ,ig^ 


Fig.  61.    Mohammedan  education.      a.  Mallam  of  Bida,   Nigeria,  writing 
Koranic  texts.    6.  School  in  Kano  market,  Nigeria. 


307 


308  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

traced  to  the  independent  invention  of  Bukere,  a  Vai  who  died  in 
the  year  1850.  Bukere  stated  that  he  had  a  dream  in  which  a  white 
man  appeared  and  explained  to  him  the  use  of  writing.  Bukere  then 
noted  all  the  sounds  in  the  Vai  language  and  gave  to  each  sound  a 
sign.  Inspection  of  the  160  characters  indicates  that  these  are  of 
independent  origin;  the  script  does  not  appear  to  be  related  to  any 
system  of  calligraphy,  African  or  otherwise.  An  editorial  note  in 
HAS,  vol.  1,  1917,  p.  292  gives  important  data  relating  to  the 
history  of  the  Vai  script,  and  a  facsimile  of  the  first  published  script 
is  shown. 

The  Vai  signs  have  changed  in  form  and  munber  to  some  extent 
since  their  invention,  but  they  still  provide  a  script  that  has  been 
used  for  writing  parts  of  the  Bible  and  the  Koran.  The  characters 
are  mainly  geometrical,  but  some  pictographs  exist.  A  circle  with 
dots  for  eyes  and  a  stroke  for  a  mouth  represents  a  human  head, 
while  a  stick  and  twisted  lines  symbolize  fire  (Migeod,  1909;  Mas- 
saquoi,  1911;  Klingenheben,  1933;  Johnston,  1906,  vol.  2,  pp.  1116- 
35).    For  a  sample  of  Vai  characters  see  Table  9,  example  VI. 

When  the  chief  Njoya  of  the  Bamum  tribe  of  Cameroons  was  a 
youth  of  sixteen  years,  his  father  became  interested  in  books,  chiefly 
the  Koran,  carried  by  Hausa  traders.  In  later  years  Njoya  instructed 
his  officers  to  invent  signs  to  express  sounds  in  their  language,  and 
from  this  collection  he  chose  the  most  useful  symbols. 

Njoya  purchased  slates  and  made  himself  a  teacher  of  the  script, 
and  Malcolm  (1920b),  quoting  Goring  (1907),  states  that  six  hundred 
natives  were  able  to  read  and  write  the  new  characters.  Njoya  kept 
a  record  of  events  in  this  script,  and  he  used  it  for  keeping  tally  of 
purchases.  H.  H.  Johnston,  in  his  preface  to  Malcolm's  article, 
states  that  the  Bamum  script  resembles  Vai  writing,  and  that  some 
of  the  signs  are  trade-marks  from  packing  cases,  and  with  this 
opinion  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm  agrees  (Malcolm,  1920;  0.  G.  S.  Crawford, 
1935;  Labouret,  1934b). 

In  the  year  1905,  T.  D.  Maxwell,  District  Officer  at  Calabar  in 
east  Nigeria,  discovered  a  secret  primitive  writing  among  the  Efik. 
The  characters  are  to  some  extent  pictographic,  though  the  signs 
have  become  so  conventionalized  that  their  meaning  is  not  apparent. 
The  script  takes  the  name  of  a  powerful  secret  society,  Nsibidi, 
to  which  only  chiefs  might  belong.  Messages  were  sent  in  Nsibidi 
(Table  9,  example  VII),  whose  characters  were  cut  or  painted  on 
palm  stems.  The  characters  of  this  script  are  painted  on  the  faces 
of  girls  by  their  female  relatives.    P.  A.  Talbot  (1912,  p.  320)  states 


Languages  and  Literature  309 

that  "sometimes  a  girl's  life  history  is  proclaimed  in  this  manner." 
The  Ekoi  assert  that  the  script  was  taught  by  monkeys  who  sat 
round  their  campfires.  Certain  signs  represent  a  trial  before  the 
courthouse,  which  is  shown  as  an  oval,  while  the  executioners  are 
indicated  by  five  symbols,  each  formed  like  a  letter  T.  This  script 
is  used  for  writing  complete  stories,  some  of  which  are  shown  by 
Talbot  in  pictures  of  Nsibidi  accompanied  by  translations.  Articles 
by  Macgregor  (1909)  and  Dayrell  (1911)  give  further  information 
about  the  script  Nsibidi. 

Proverbs 

The  wit  and  humor  of  brief  sententious  sayings  can  be  illustrated 
by  examples  from  Hamitic  and  Negro  languages.  These  aphorisms, 
riddles,  and  proverbs  are  used  to  point  out  a  moral,  to  impress 
children,  or  to  give  point  to  an  argument,  and  in  addition  there  may 
be  some  latent  content  that  gives  veiled  expression  to  sexual  or  other 
ideas  which  are  usually  suppressed. 

The  Tuareg,  whose  lives  have  been  associated  with  raids  and 
reprisals,  express  mistrust  in  the  proverb,  "It  is  better  to  see  than  to 
believe."  Other  aphorisms  that  are  relevant  of  their  mentality  are: 
"It  is  better  to  conceal  than  to  refuse";  and  "Noise  and  the  chase  do 
not  go  together." 

The  following  are  proverbs  collected  from  a  district  west  of  the 
Cavally  River,  which  divides  Liberia  from  the  Ivory  Coast.  These 
and  many  similar  ones  are  used  by  five  tribes  collectively  known  as 
the  Gweabo  (Sapir  and  Blooah,  1929;  Herzog  and  Blooah,  1936). 

The  palm  tree  says,  "We  do  not  know  the  child  of  wealth  by  his 
size."  The  meaning  is  that  the  largest  palm  does  not  necessarily 
give  the  greatest  weight  of  nuts;  the  appearance  of  a  person  is  not  a 
reliable  indication  of  his  wealth.  If  a  stranger  is  presumptuous,  he 
is  reminded  of  his  position  in  the  village  by  the  proverb,  "A  stranger's 
feet  are  small,"  a  sentence  that  refers  to  the  bartering  of  chickens. 
These  birds  find  themselves  in  new  places  among  strange  and 
possibly  hostile  poultry;  therefore,  the  new  arrivals  have  to  step 
warily.  Impecunious  people  express  optimism  in  an  expression  which 
is  attributed  to  a  frog  who  said,  "I  possess  nothing,  but  I  have  my 
jump." 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1928,  p.  304)  asked  some  people  of  Ashanti  whether 
they  did  not  protest  when  the  king  used  false  weights  to  his  own 
advantage  when  weighing  gold  dust.  To  express  the  danger  and  the 
futility  of  protesting  against  royalty  the  people  quoted  their  proverb, 
"One  does  not  rub  bottoms  with  a  porcupine." 


310  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Ibo  of  Nigeria  say,  "When  a  traveler  reaches  a  land  where 
men  cut  off  their  ears  he  cuts  off  his  own."  This  is  equivalent  to 
the  English,  "Do  in  Rome  as  the  Romans  do."  The  proverb,  "Charity 
begins  at  home,"  has  a  parallel  in  the  Ibo  saying,  "It  is  the  place  a 
man  lives  in  that  he  repairs."  The  proverb,  "When  you  play  with  a 
puppy,  he  tears  your  clothes,"  means  that  "familiarity  breeds  con- 
tempt."   (Basden,  1921,  p.  283.) 

From  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola,  Hambly  (1934a,  pp.  253-254) 
collected  a  few  brief  sayings,  some  of  which  are  quoted  below: 

"You  cannot  tie  a  buck's  head  in  a  cloth;  the  horns  will  stick  out." 
This  means,  "Murder  will  out." 

"A  turtle  cannot  climb  on  a  tree  stump;  someone  has  to  put  it 
there."  The  saying  refers  to  inheritance  of  kingship  which  usually 
descends  to  the  oldest  son  of  the  deceased  chief's  principal  wife. 
But  if  this  youth  is  foolish,  another  successor  is  chosen.  Yet  influen- 
tial persons  may  see  their  own  advantage  in  aiding  the  foolish  heir 
to  gain  office — the  "turtle  has  been  placed  on  the  tree  stump." 

In  order  to  deride  a  person  who  makes  threats  or  promises  that 
he  is  unable  to  fulfill,  the  Ovimbundu  say,  "Hot  water  does  not  burn 
a  house,"  or  "Cold  water  does  not  make  mush."  The  proverb,  "A 
sleeping  dog  does  not  catch  a  hare,"  has  a  similar  meaning. 

If  two  persons  have  a  secret,  the  fact  is  expressed  by  saying,  "They 
uncovered  the  pot,  ate  a  little  honey,  and  covered  it  again." 

As  a  warning  not  to  be  foolish  through  good  fortune,  the  Ovim- 
bundu say,  "If  you  are  full  of  food,  do  not  climb  on  a  leopard's  back." 
The  implication  is  that,  although  you  yourself  are  not  hungry,  the 
leopard  may  have  a  good  appetite. 

Understanding  of  some  proverbs  depends  entirely  on  a  knowledge 
of  local  customs.  The  aphorism,  "That  which  destroyed  the  buck 
came  from  its  own  head,"  may  appear  meaningless  until  we  recall 
the  custom  of  blowing  a  horn  to  attract  the  attention  of  antelope. 
If  the  curiosity  of  the  animals  is  aroused  they  will  stand  still  or  even 
approach  the  sound. 

"I  caught  some  fish  but  lost  my  bracelet,"  is  quoted  when  a  loss 
in  some  transaction  exceeds  the  gain.  The  saying  would  be  appropri- 
ate if  a  man  gave  up  his  occupation  and  accepted  work  for  lower  pay. 

In  a  riddle  which  asks  what  object  in  the  hut  is  like  a  human  life, 
a  certain  philosophical  trend  may  be  seen.  The  answer  is,  "The  log 
that  is  gradually  pushed  into  the  fire."  Like  a  human  life,  the  log  is 
being  consumed  while  it  lives.    Considerable  material  for  study  will 


1 


Languages  and  Literature  311 

be  found  in  the  pages  of  Gutmann  (1909) ;  Lindblom  (1935) ;  Meinhof 
(1911);  Schapera  (1932a),  and  Junod  and  Jaques  (1936). 

Folklore 

Although  stories  are  told  for  amusement  among  all  Negro  tribes, 
no  African  tribe,  Negro  or  otherwise,  is  without  mythology,  folklore, 
and  fables.  These  expressions  of  thought  and  emotion  cannot  be 
regarded  as  mere  diversions.  Careful  study  of  story  and  myth 
shows  historical  facts,  makes  a  revelation  of  ordinarily  concealed 
mental  processes  and  attitudes,  and  gives  evidence  of  the  relation 
of  culture  to  literary  expression.  Let  us  consider  a  few  tales 
which  exemplify  some  of  these  points. 

Stories  most  commonly  heard  among  Negroes  are  those  relating 
to  the  adventures  of  animals,  and  although  these  may  be  primarily 
concerned  with  quaint  humor  they  bring  out  clearly  several  main 
principles  connected  with  the  growth  of  folklore. 

In  addition  to  their  agricultural  and  pastoral  pursuits  the  Ovim- 
bundu  retain  important  elements  of  a  hunting  culture.  The  close 
observation  of  animal  life  which  is  necessary  for  successful  hunting 
has  resulted  in  the  acquisition  of  a  large  and  specialized  vocabulary 
relating  to  nature  lore  of  all  kinds.  Stories  distinguish  species  of 
mammals,  birds,  and  reptiles  with  great  precision. 

A  second  point  of  importance  is  the  didactic  nature  of  stories 
revealing  the  results  of  conceit,  cowardice,  and  selfishness,  while 
extolling  the  virtues  of  hospitality,  bravery,  and  modesty.  The 
tortoise  constantly  plays  the  part  of  one  who  is  despised  and  ignored, 
yet  he  frequently  proves  more  than  a  match  for  adversaries  who 
underestimated  his  ability.  The  hare  is  symbolical  of  persons  who 
exercise  their  wits  to  the  detriment  of  others,  but  he  overreaches 
himself  and  is  frequently  punished. 

The  origin  of  etiological  tales  may  be  associated  with  the  opera- 
tion of  curiosity  and  fear.  Naive  stories  take  the  place  of  natural 
science  and  of  explanations  that  are  based  on  the  known  sequences 
of  causes  and  effects.  As  a  consequence  of  differences  in  the  premises 
of  primitive  man  and  of  modern  science,  the  respective  conclusions 
are  at  variance.  An  excellent  series  of  explanatory  myths  relating  to 
earthquakes  has  been  published  by  B.  Struck  (1908a).  These  stories 
clearly  show  the  curiosity  of  Negroes  who  desire  to  explain  natural 
phenomena,  and  the  reasoning  applied  is  in  harmony  with  a  general 
background  of  beliefs  in  ancestral  spirits  who  influence  the  lives 
of  the  living. 


312  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

why  the  bat  flies  by  night 

The  story  of  why  the  bat  flies  by  night  is  of  the  simple  explana- 
tory type.  The  tale  is  widely  told  in  Africa,  though  local  versions 
differ,  for  example,  in  Angola  and  Nigeria.  Yet  all  the  different 
tribes  who  use  the  tale  find  in  it  an  amusing  explanation.  Undoubt- 
edly some  of  the  explanations  were  at  one  time  believed,  as,  for 
example,  in  ancient  Egypt,  where  a  dignified  mythology  explained 
the  origin  of  the  Nile,  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and  other  natural  phe- 
nomena. But  one  does  not  suppose  that  African  Negroes  of  today 
believe  implicitly  in  tales  that  satisfied  their  forefathers.  We  still 
speak  of  "the  man  in  the  moon,"  but  without  any  faith  in  the 
existence  of  that  interesting  person,  hero  of  juvenile  stories. 

The  Ovimbundu  say  that  the  child  of  the  Sun  was  sick.  The  Bat 
was  an  ocimbanda  (medicine-man),  so  the  Sun  sent  for  him  to  cure  his 
child.  The  Bat  arrived  without  delay,  effected  his  cure,  and  returned 
home.  At  the  time,  the  Sun  was  grateful,  but  his  debt  to  the  Bat 
was  soon  forgotten.  Presently  the  son  of  the  Bat  fell  ill  with  a 
sickness  for  which  the  Sun  was  a  clever  ocimbanda.  The  messengers 
from  the  Bat,  who  asked  the  Sun  for  help,  arrived  after  the  Sun  had 
arisen.  "Go!  Tell  your  master  I  cannot  help  anyone  after  I  have 
started  my  journey  across  the  sky,"  he  said.  The  messengers  returned, 
only  to  find  that  the  young  Bat  was  dead.  The  Bat  declared,  "I'll 
never  look  at  the  face  of  the  Sun  again,"  and  for  this  reason  he  hangs 
his  head  downward  in  a  dark  place  all  day. 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  CRICKET 

The  story  of  the  cricket  which  is  told  in  Angola  is  of  the  amusing 
type  of  animal  fables  having  no  didactic,  explanatory,  or  other 
purpose. 

The  Cricket  was  very  quiet ;  he  did  not  talk  too  much  or  quarrel 
with  other  people.  One  day  he  invited  several  animals  to  dig  in  his 
field  and  promised  that  he  would  give  them  some  beer.  The  first 
helper  to  arrive  was  the  Rooster,  who  drank  a  pot  of  beer.  While 
drinking  the  beer,  the  Rooster  looked  out  and  saw  the  Wild  Cat 
coming  toward  the  Cricket's  home.  The  Rooster  was  so  afraid  of 
the  Wild  Cat  that  he  hid  under  the  bed. 

The  Wild  Cat  received  a  pot  of  beer,  but  he  had  hardly  consumed 
it  when  he  saw  the  Dog  coming  toward  the  house,  so  he  hid  under  the 
bed.  While  the  Dog  was  drinking,  he  saw  the  Hyena  of  whom  he 
was  afraid,  so  he  joined  the  Wild  Cat  and  the  Rooster  under  the  bed. 


Languages  and  Literature  313 

No  sooner  was  the  Hyena  comfortably  settled  than  he  saw  a  man 
with  a  gun  approaching,  so  he  disappeared  under  the  bed  with  the 
other  animals.  For  a  long  time  the  man  sat  drinking  beer  and  talk- 
ing to  the  Cricket;  meanwhile  the  animals  under  the  bed  were  safe 
so  long  as  they  kept  quiet,  and  they  were  too  frightened  to  quarrel. 

Suddenly  a  cockroach  fell  from  the  ceiling  to  the  floor  of  the  hut, 
and  this  so  excited  the  Rooster  that  he  dashed  out  and  gobbled 
the  cockroach.  The  Wild  Cat  then  forgot  that  he  was  hiding  and 
attacked  the  Rooster.  The  Dog  followed  the  Wild  Cat,  and  then 
the  Hyena  attacked  the  Dog.  There  was  a  terrible  noise  as  the 
animals  fought  in  the  middle  of  the  floor.  The  Wild  Cat  killed  the 
Rooster.  The  Dog  killed  the  Wild  Cat.  The  Hyena  killed  the  Dog, 
and  the  man  shot  the  Hyena. 

When  the  Tortoise  arrived  he  was  alarmed  at  the  sight  of  the 
dead  bodies  so  he  sent  for  the  Hare  named  Kandimba.  The  Hare 
dug  up  the  Cricket  from  the  hole  where  he  was  hiding,  and  he  was 
killed  by  the  Hare  and  the  Tortoise,  who  blamed  him  for  the  death 
of  all  the  animals. 

These  stories  from  Angola  are  excerpts  from  Hambly  (1934a, 
pp.  248-252)  and  many  others  for  the  same  region  may  be  found  in 
Chatelain  (1894). 

CULTURE  HEROES 

Some  of  the  most  instructive  examples  of  historical  mythology 
occur  among  western  Negroes,  for  example,  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria. 
Officials  of  the  royal  household  orally  preserve  records  of  historical 
events  and  genealogies,  which  are  handed  down  for  centuries.  Con- 
sequently, at  the  present  time  a  combination  of  fact  and  fable  exists, 
not  merely  for  amusement  but  for  the  welding  together  of  social 
and  religious  institutions. 

At  If^  in  southern  Nigeria,  I  obtained  three  well-carved  wooden 
masks  which  are  ritual  objects  linking  past  events  and  dead  heroes 
with  the  present  life  of  the  Yoruba.  The  masks  represent  Jogbo, 
Elebiti,  and  Fopo,  about  whom  are  grouped  many  important  his- 
torical events,  mingled  with  exaggerated  tales  of  their  personal 
prowess.  These  wooden  masks  function  annually  in  a  festival  known 
as  the  Egungun,  at  which  these  and  other  national  heroes  are  sup- 
posed to  revisit  the  living.  This  type  of  active,  functioning  mythol- 
ogy is  abundant  in  both  Ashanti  and  Dahomey.  A.  B.  Ellis  (1890) 
relates  stories  combining  historical  facts  with  legends  which  must 
be  pure  invention.  The  elements  relating  to  wars  between  Dahomey 
and  Abeokuta  are  substantially  true,  but  other  factors  relating  to 


314  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

a  python  god,  who  caressed  the  faltering  soldiers  with  his  tail  and 
encouraged  them  to  victory,  represent  the  accretions  due  to  lapse  of 
time  and  the  constant  repetition  of  the  story. 

The  religious  system  of  the  Shilluk  of  the  upper  Nile  is  a  living 
example  of  the  energizing  power  of  myth,  history,  and  extant  ritual, 
all  of  which  are  brought  to  bear  on  the  economic  life,  which  centers 
in  pastoral  pursuits.  Nyakang  is  now  a  culture  hero  who  must  be 
regarded  as  historical,  though  the  period  at  which  he  reigned  is  not 
known.  Tradition  states  that  he  did  not  die,  but  vanished  in  a 
wind,  and  divine  honors  are  now  accorded  to  him;  Nyakang  has 
become  a  god  with  whom  rainfall,  welfare  of  cattle,  and  other  marks 
of  prosperity  are  associated  (Westermann,  1912;  Hofmayr,  1925). 

The  manner  in  which  mythology  is  created  may  be  seen  by 
studying  the  life  of  Mohammed,  a  historic  person  about  whom 
many  stories  accumulated.  Some  relate  to  the  Prophet's  interviews 
with  the  angel  Gabriel,  who  communicated  the  teachings  of  the 
Koran;  other  stories  tell  of  Mohammed's  conquest  of  jinns  and 
affrits  (Irving,  1911). 

Disentangling  the  elements  of  a  myth  is  often  an  ethnological, 
psychological,  and  historical  study,  but  zoological  considerations 
may  help  in  explaining  the  origin  of  some  tales,  especially  those 
relating  to  serpents  (Hambly,  1931a,  pp.  68-73). 

FOLKLORE  AND  CULTURE  CONTACTS 

Some  examples  of  mythology,  especially  from  north  and  west 
Africa,  give  evidence  of  the  combination  of  two  distinct  cultural 
backgrounds,  the  Negro  and  the  Semitic.  The  Semitic  elements 
relating  to  jinns,  bori,  and  affrits  may  be  studied  from  the  writing 
of  Robertson  Smith  (1901,  pp.  120,  133,  168),  and  the  combination 
of  these  traits  with  those  originating  among  Negroes  is  observable  in 
stories  collated  by  A.  J.  N.  Tremearne  (1914).  In  "Der  schwarze 
Decameron"  (Frobenius,  1910)  are  tales  of  the  Semitic,  Arabian 
Nights  type;  but  in  these  occur  elements  that  have  originated  in  the 
Negro  culture  of  west  Africa. 

The  folklore  of  the  Hoggar  Tuareg  (Haardt  and  Dubreuil,  1926) 
provides  another  example  of  the  relationship  between  history, 
ethnology,  and  literary  expression.  The  Tuareg  are  of  Hamitic 
extraction,  and  much  of  their  cultural  history  has  been  associated 
with  that  of  Semites  and  Mohammedan  Arabs.  But  Negro  slaves 
have  been  imported  from  the  Sudan,  and  their  entry  into  Tuareg 
society  has  had  both  social  and  literary  effects.    Tuareg  stories  relate 


Languages  and  Literature  315 

on  the  one  hand  to  jinns,  and  on  the  other  hand  to  simple  stories  of 
animals  and  their  adventures,  such  as  are  told  by  Negroes.  The 
jinns  are  usually  invisible,  but  they  may  appear  anywhere  at  will. 
On  some  occasions  jinns  are  the  invisible  guests  at  a  meal,  and  they 
may  enter  a  house  to  substitute  their  children  for  those  of  mortals. 
A  woman  who  is  loved  by  a  jinn  will  never  find  satisfaction  in  the 
embrace  of  a  mortal  man.  Negro  elements  in  Tuareg  folklore  are 
seen  in  the  story  of  the  lion  and  the  jerboa;  and  in  the  tale  of  the 
jackal,  the  goat,  and  the  hyena. 

THEORIES  ABOUT  FOLKLORE 

Various  theories  have  been  advanced  to  account  for  the  creation 
of  myths  and  folklore  stories.  Occupation  and  ethnological  back- 
ground, historical  events,  curiosity,  sense  of  humor,  fear  arising  from 
disturbing  phenomena  such  as  eclipses  and  earthquakes,  have  all 
played  a  part  in  the  building  up  of  an  unwritten  literature.  Mythol- 
ogy is  not  always  allowed  to  degenerate  into  a  form  of  literary 
amusement,  though  it  tends  to  do  so  with  the  advance  of  education 
and  scientific  knowledge.  Yet  in  Africa  at  the  present  time  instances 
can  be  found  of  mythology  that  plays  an  indispensable  part  in  the 
social  and  religious  life  of  a  tribe.  To  some  extent  myths  result  from 
mental  processes,  sexual  and  otherwise,  in  the  working  of  human 
minds  that  are  functioning  at  a  juvenile  level.  Incestuous  tendencies 
may  find  expression  in  the  creation  of  characters  who  play  a  promi- 
nent part  in  stories. 

The  theory  that  some  tales  result  from  an  expression  of  wishes 
that  cannot  be  fulfilled  contains  elements  of  truth.  Suppressed 
factors  may  relate  to  sexual  desires,  injustices  suffered  at  the  hands 
of  powerful  persons,  and  failure  to  attain  wealth  or  position.  The 
invented  story  may  be  a  means  of  escape  from  the  unhappy  result 
of  these  suppressed  elements. 

But  no  one  theory  will  account  for  all  types  of  stories,  and  in 
making  analysis  of  some  particular  myth  or  group  of  myths  that 
conform  to  a  type,  all  the  historical,  ethnological,  and  psychological 
factors  should  be  considered  before  a  hypothesis  is  formed.  A 
balanced  view  of  the  relative  importance  of  all  these  factors  that 
govern  the  creation  of  literature  can  be  preserved  only  by  consider- 
ing the  theories  of  several  exponents,  each  of  whom  is  prone  to  lay 
too  much  emphasis  on  his  own  explanations. 

Among  the  names  of  those  who  have  studied  folklore,  fable,  and 
mythology  from  different  points  of  view  are  Marett  (1920);  Lang 


316  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

(1897,  1901);  Rank  (1914),  who  gives  a  psychological  interpretation 
of  mythology;  Ehrenreich  (1910),  whose  theories  lean  to  an  ethnologi- 
cal explanation  of  the  contents  of  mythology;  and  Freud  (1918), 
whose  theories  of  the  suppressed  mental  content  and  indirect  escape 
from  this  suppression  have  many  adherents  (chap.  VI,  Psychology). 
Von  Baumann  (1936)  treated  African  myths  of  the  creation  and 
origin  of  men  in  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  study  of  etiological 
and  historical  stories.  E.  W.  Smith  (1932)  refers  to  African  tales 
told  for  amusement  and  for  oblique  expression,  such  as  satire  on 
important  persons,  as  explanatory  of  natural  phenomena  (etiological), 
and  as  a  means  of  indirectly  forming  moral  attitudes  (see  also 
Rattray,  1928,  pp.  1-11). 

reading 

As  further  sources  of  folklore,  of  which  there  is  now  enough  for 
psychological  analysis  and  classification,  the  following  will  be  found 
useful.  The  selections  have  been  made  to  cover  a  large  area,  and 
in  addition  to  these  specific  contributions  to  folklore,  a  few  stories 
will  be  found  in  almost  every  ethnological  monograph  mentioned  in 
the  bibliography  of  authors'  names. 

Two  principal  contributions  to  the  folklore  of  the  Bushmen  are 
those  of  W.  H.  I.  Bleek  (1864),  and  of  W.  H.  I.  Bleek  and  L.  C. 
Lloyd  (1911).  Well  known  writings  on  Bantu  folklore  are  those  of 
R.  E.  Dennett  (1898),  E.  S.  Hartland  (1914),  E.  Steere  (1906), 
G.  M.  Theal  (1882),  J.  Torrend  (1921),  and  A.  Werner  (1925b,  1933). 
Semitico-Hamitic  folklore  may  be  studied  in  the  works  of  C.  G. 
Howard  (1921),  who  has  produced  a  book  of  Shuwa  Arabic  stories, 
in  two  volumes  of  Hausa  folklore  by  R.  S.  Rattray  (1913),  and  in 
a  substantial  contribution  entitled  "Wit  and  Wisdom  in  Morocco," 
by  Westermarck  (1930).  The  folklore  of  Sudanic  (western)  Negroes 
is  presented  in  the  contributions  of  R.  C.  Bundy  (1919)  for  Liberia, 
A.  W.  Cardinall  (1931)  for  Togoland,  E.  Dayrell  (1910,  1913)  for 
Nigeria,  and  by  R.  Prietze  (1911)  for  the  mid-western  Sudan. 

Songs  and  Poetry 

Songs,  which  are  often  improvised  and  spontaneous,  are  an 
important  form  of  literary  expression.  Negro  carriers,  canoe  pad- 
dlers,  and  women  who  take  part  in  village  dances  are  remarkably 
gifted  in  making  extemporaneous  verses  to  which  all  respond  in 
choruses.  On  some  occasions  the  verses  are  satirical  and  corrective 
in  their  attack  on  the  adulterous,  the  dishonest,  and  the  greedy. 
But  these  legitimate  social  functions  of  the  songs  are  at  times  abused, 


Languages  and  Literature  317 

for  instance,  in  ridiculing  those  who  are  sexually  impotent.  Men 
have  their  war  songs,  women  their  refrains  which  are  chanted  as 
they  pound  grain,  and  children  have  ditties  appropriate  for  their 
games.  The  value  of  songs  may  be  considered  from  three  points  of 
view:  as  social  controls  (sanctions),  as  esthetic,  and  as  historical. 

The  song  quoted  below,  which  is  an  example  of  esthetic  expres- 
sion, was  composed  by  a  Pokomo  woman  of  northeast  Africa,  when 
her  imagination  was  aroused  by  the  sight  of  a  fish  eagle. 

Hear  him  calling  there  on  the  tree 
Flapping  his  wings  and  shaking  his  head! 

A  brave  and  comely  bird  is  he 

With  his  shining  plumes  so  bright  to  see. 
As  I  went  down  to  the  river  bed 
Bearing  my  water  jar  on  my  head, 

I  saw  him  on  the  kurubo  tree. 

Another  Pokomo  composition  recorded  by  Werner  refers  to  the 

flight  of  a  flock  of  birds: 

Wheel  and  shine, 
Wheel  and  shine, 
Bird  of  mine. 
Over  the  plains 
My  black  cranes, 
Fish  in  the  waters 
After  the  rains. 

Herons  also  all  in  a  row 
All  among  the  lilies, 
See  where  they  go 
White  flowers  ablow. 
Blue  flowers  ablow, 
All  in  Shaka  Babo 
After  the  rains. 

A  war  song  of  the  Acholi,  given  by  Driberg  (1930,  p.  38),  has 
some  stirring  passages  and  the  composition  is  rich  in  figures  of 
speech. 

We  are  poured  on  the  enemy  like  a  mighty  torrent; 

We  are  poured  like  a  river  in  spate  when  the  rain  is  in  the  mountains. 

The  water  hisses  down  the  sands,  swirling,  exultant, 

And  the  tree  that  stood  in  its  path  is  torn  up  quivering, 

It  is  tossed  from  eddy  to  eddy. 

We  are  poured  on  the  enemy  and  they  are  bewildered; 

They  look  this  way  and  that,  seeking  escape. 

But  our  spears  fall  thick  about  them, 

Our  spears  cling  to  their  bodies  and  they  are  routed. 

They  look  this  way  and  that  for  deliverance. 

But  they  cannot  escape  us,  the  avengers,  the  great  killers. 

A  selection  of  poetry  and  songs  for  comparative  study  of  style, 
meter,  purpose,  and  latent  content  should  include  Rattray  (1934) 
for  Hausa  poetry,  and  Haardt  (1926)  for  Tuareg  verse.  Norton 
(1918-19)  and  Seidel  (1896)  have  given  information  about  African 


318  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

melodies  in  general.  For  Negro  songs  and  poetry  of  west  Africa, 
Witte  (1906)  has  provided  examples  in  Ewe,  and  Bufe  (1914)  has  an 
article  on  poems  of  Negroes  of  Duala  in  Cameroons.  As  examples 
of  songs  and  poetry  from  east  Africa  Von  Hornbostel's  (1909)  Wan- 
yamwezi  songs  are  important,  as  are  those  of  Kidney  (1920-21) 
from  Nyasaland.  As  representative  of  Bantu  expression  in  South 
Africa,  Winter's  (1912)  "Hymns  in  Praise  of  Famous  Chiefs"  should 
be  read.  Norton  (1919,  pp.  122-137)  has  analyzed  some  South 
African  tunes  and  has  transcribed  them  in  tonic  sol-fa. 

The  place  of  music  in  the  education  of  children  and  as  a  form  of 
social  expression  is  dealt  with  in  more  detail  in  section  III,  chap.  II. 

Sign  and  Whistling  Languages 

In  ethnological  literature,  references  to  whistling  languages  in 
Africa  are  rare.  A.  W.  Cardinall  (1927a,  p.  273)  describes  the  way 
in  which  a  man  whistled  for  his  tobacco  pipe  and  told  the  messenger 
in  whistled  tones  exactly  where  the  pipe  could  be  found.  Cardinall, 
quoting  H.  Labouret  (1924),  states  that  a  whistling  language  is 
used  by  men  of  Lobi  and  Builsa.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  173) 
mentions  a  whistling  language  in  the  Ashanti  hinterland. 

Most  Negro  tribes  have  some  form  of  sign  language  which 
they  use  for  expressing  numbers  that  are  indicated  by  various  posi- 
tions of  the  fingers.  Gestures  to  denote  anger  and  contempt  are 
common,  while  certain  actions  are  used  to  communicate  with  deaf 
persons. 

Hand  signs  to  express  number  among  the  Ovimbundu  are  typical 
of  similar  systems  among  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes.  The  num- 
bers from  two  to  ten  are  shown  as  follows:  (2)  Turn  the  little  finger 
and  the  one  next  to  it  into  the  palm.  (3)  Turn  three  fingers  into  the 
palm.  (4)  Turn  four  fingers  into  the  palm.  (5)  Turn  four  fingers  of 
the  left  hand  into  the  palm,  then  tap  the  left  thumb  with  the  index 
finger  of  the  right  hand.  (6)  Extend  the  left  hand  and  place  the 
little  finger  of  the  right  hand  on  the  thumb  of  the  extended  left 
hand;  this  action  adds  one  to  five.  (7)  Proceed  as  for  the  number 
six,  but  touch  the  thumb  with  the  little  finger  and  the  next  one  to 
it.  (8)  Place  the  little  finger,  the  third  finger,  and  the  middle  finger 
on  the  thumb  of  the  extended  left  hand;  this  adds  three  to  five. 
(9)  Lay  four  fingers  of  the  right  hand  on  the  thumb  of  the  left 
hand.    (10)  Clap  hands. 

An  insulting  sign  is  made  by  holding  up  the  left  arm  with  the 
fist  closed,  while  the  left  wrist  is  grasped  with  the  right  hand,  and 


Languages  and  Literature  319 

the  left  hand  is  shaken.  My  interpreter  said,  ''This  is  done  when  a 
man  is  so  angry  that  he  can't  find  words."  Bending  forward  the 
head  and  protruding  the  tongue  means,  "You're  a  fool."  If  the 
right  hand  is  shaken  in  front  of  the  face  with  the  index  finger  ex- 
tended, a  negative  is  implied.  A  nod  of  the  head  is  affirmative. 
Drawing  the  index  finger  of  the  right  hand  across  the  mouth  signifies 
completion,  and  rubbing  the  palms  quickly  has  the  same  significance. 
"Go  away"  is  signaled  by  extending  an  arm  and  flipping  the  fingers 
outward.  To  say  "Come  here"  a  scratching  motion  of  the  fingers 
would  be  made  with  the  arm  extended. 

Drama 

Among  Negroes  of  Africa  as  a  whole,  stage  entertainment  is  not 
well  developed  as  a  form  of  dramatic  art.  But  among  the  Mandingo, 
the  Hausa,  and  the  Ibibio  the  public  is  entertained  by  marionettes, 
and  the  Mandingo  have  plays  of  a  type  that  constitute  a  legitimate 
stage. 

The  Mandingo  stage  play  as  described  by  H.  Labouret  and  M. 
Trav^l^  (1928)  is  performed  by  a  troupe  which  gives  a  ballet  over- 
ture, a  prologue,  and  a  presentation  of  the  artists,  followed  by  a 
comedy  of  intrigue  that  involves  humor,  satire,  and  sarcasm. 
Labouret  states  that  marionette  shows  were  probably  brought  into 
west  Africa  from  the  north  by  caravans.  In  the  year  1878, 
P.  Soleillet  saw  a  marionette  show  performed  near  Segu  on  the 
Niger,  and  Labouret  states  that  Hausa  showmen  usually  give 
marionette  entertainments  at  Mohammedan  festivals. 

P.  A.  Talbot  (1923,  pp.  72-86)  describes  marionette  plays  among 
the  Ibibio  of  Nigeria,  who  have  carved  wooden  dolls  worked  by  men 
who  hide  behind  a  blanket  screen.  The  dolls  are  supposed  to  be  a 
mystery  to  women,  who  are  not  allowed  to  know  the  cause  of  the 
puppets'  movements.  Women  are  also  supposed  to  be  ignorant  of 
the  fact  that  ventriloquism  accounts  for  the  speech  of  the  dolls. 
Talbot  states  that  in  former  days  these  secrets  were  so  jealously 
guarded  that  a  performing  troupe  which  inadvertently  exposed  the 
mechanisms  of  the  marionettes  was  slain.  The  spectators  who  were 
responsible  for  the  murderous  attack  were  outraged  by  the  revelation 
of  these  secrets  to  women. 

The  Akan  play  performed  by  Ibibio  showmen  was  one  in  which 
twenty  wooden  puppets  took  part.  The  manipulators  and  ven- 
triloquists were  concealed  behind  a  screen  of  blankets.  An  element 
of  magic  was  introduced,  for,  "as  each  fresh  mannikin  appeared  a 


> 


320  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

black  cock  was  lifted  up  to  touch  it  in  order,  so  it  was  explained,  to 
confer  on  the  puppet  the  power  of  speech  and  movement." 

The  puppets  departed,  with  the  exception  of  a  father  and  his 
daughter-in-law.  Talbot  states,  "The  latter  was  dressed  in  a  scanty 
garb  of  beads  and  bells,  supplemented  by  only  a  dark  green  cloth, 
well  above  the  waist  line.  In  spite  of  a  flirtatious  manner  and  pro- 
vocative air,  the  person  described  above,  after  regarding  the  male 
performer  in  silence  for  some  seconds,  addressed  him  in  a  tone  of 
reproof.  'Why,'  she  said,  'do  you  excite  yourself?  I  know  that  I 
am  beautiful  but  you  must  remember  that  I  am  not  your  wife.' " 

Dr.  B.  Laufer  (1923)  states  that  in  the  third  century  of  our  era 
story-tellers  recited  in  the  public  squares  of  Chinese  towns,  and  their 
narratives  were  illustrated  by  transparencies.  In  this  way  arose  the 
shadow  plays  that  spread  among  Persians,  Arabs,  and  Turks,  then 
finally  to  western  Europe.  The  first  literary  mention  of  marionettes 
was  made  about  A.D.  630,  at  which  time  Turkestan  swarmed  with 
jugglers,  mimes,  and  actors;  and  there  is  evidence  to  show  that  these 
performers  knew  the  use  of  puppets.  Figures  of  marionettes  have 
been  found  during  archaeological  excavations  on  ancient  sites  in 
Egypt,  Greece,  and  Rome.  For  Africa,  Spies  (1928)  has  described 
the  shadow  plays  of  Tunisia,  and  D.  Alexander  (1910)  gives  a  brief 
note  on  a  Punch  and  Judy  show  in  Bornu. 

Symbolic  Messages  and  Drum  Language 
The  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  formerly  used  an  elaborate  system  of 
messages.  These  were  expressed  by  the  use  of  cowrie  shells  com- 
bined with  a  variety  of  small  objects,  each  of  which  had  a  symbolic 
meaning.  One  cowrie  shell  with  a  small  hole  at  the  back  meant 
defiance.  Two  cowrie  shells  fastened  face  to  face  had  the  meaning, 
"I  want  to  see  you,"  but  if  the  two  shells  were  placed  back  to  back, 
the  message  read,  "Go  away  and  stay  away." 

The  powerful  Ogboni  league,  which  still  functions,  used  cowrie 
shells  as  symbols  whose  meanings  were  known  only  to  the  members 
of  the  league.  Up  to  forty  cowries  the  meaning  depended  on  the 
niunber  of  shells  used,  the  method  of  stringing,  and  the  nature  of  the 
objects  placed  between  the  shells. 

A  piece  of  charcoal  meant  that,  as  the  substance  was  black,  the 
prospects  of  the  sender  were  gloomy.  In  the  year  1852,  when  the 
Dahomeans  captured  Abeokuta,  a  Yoruban  prisoner  sent  his  friends 
a  message  in  the  form  of  a  piece  of  wood  such  as  Negroes  use  for 
cleaning  their  teeth.  This  message  had  the  interpretation,  "As  I 
remember  my  teeth  in  the  early  morning,  and  during  the  day,  so  I 


Languages  and  Literature  321 

remember  you  as  soon  as  I  get  up,  and  often  afterwards."  (Bloxam, 
1886;  Gollmer,  1884.) 

A  kola  nut  means  welcome  and  peace,  with  good  health.  A 
morsel  of  sugar  sent  as  a  message  means,  "There  is  no  enmity 
between  us."  In  Dahomey  a  gift  of  parrots'  eggs  to  the  king  was  an 
invitation  for  him  to  resign,  since  his  powers  were  felt  to  be  inade- 
quate for  sustaining  the  vitality  of  the  state.  Carved  wooden  sticks 
and  ornamental  paddles  have  been  used  by  many  Negro  tribes  as 
symbols  of  authority  to  be  carried  by  messengers. 

Among  Negroes  two  main  types  of  drums  are  used  for  transmit- 
ting messages.  The  cylindrical  drum,  hollowed  from  a  log  and  pro- 
vided with  one  or  more  rectangular  slits  at  the  top,  is  used  by 
Sudanic  and  Bantu  Negroes.  This  drum  has  no  membrane  and  is 
best  described  as  a  signaling  drum  (R.  T.  Clarke,  1934,  p.  34). 

Talking  drimis,  male  and  female,  provided  with  membranes,  are 
of  less  frequent  occurrence,  and  the  best  examples  of  the  type  are 
to  be  found  in  Ashanti  (Rattray,  1923,  Figs.  101-102)  and  in 
Togoland  (Witte,  1910).  Elaborate  ritual  is  observed  when  wood 
and  membranes  are  obtained  for  the  drums  used  in  Ashanti,  and 
whenever  the  drums  are  used  a  preliminary  rite  is  necessary  to 
invite  the  spirit  of  the  tree  whose  wood  was  used,  and  the  spirit  of 
the  elephant  whose  ear  was  made  into  a  tympanum,  to  enter  the 
drum.  The  language  conveyed  by  these  drums  is  of  the  Sudanic 
family  in  which  different  tones  alter  the  dictionary  meaning  of  words 
that  are  otherwise  alike.  The  phonographic  records  taken  by  R.  S. 
Rattray  (1923,  pp.  242-286)  indicate  that  the  sounds  transmitted 
are  divided  into  groups  of  tones  with  clearly  defined  stops  at  inter- 
vals of  varying  length.  Rattray's  simplest  description  of  the  drum 
language  is  contained  in  a  brief  article  (1922-23).  A.  N.  Tucker 
(1936)  has  described  "African  Alphabets  and  the  Telegraph  Sytem." 

Transmission  gives  the  tones,  the  number  of  syllables,  and  the 
punctuation,  but  the  vowels  and  the  individual  consonants  cannot 
be  transmitted.  Drummers  make  use  of  holophrases  which  are 
familiar  to  both  senders  and  receivers.  There  are  holophrases  for  a 
declaration  of  war,  an  outbreak  of  fire,  and  the  approach  of  Euro- 
peans. In  Liberia  drum  talking  of  this  kind  is  used,  and  in  Nigeria 
the  Yoruba  have  drummers  in  the  royal  compound.  When  the  king 
rises  in  the  morning  the  drums  announce  the  fact,  and  when  the 
king  is  ready  to  leave  his  palace  another  holophrase  is  sounded. 

Exaggerated  accounts  have  been  given  of  the  distance  that 
messages  can  be  sent.    Undoubtedly  messages  can  be  heard  several 


322  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

miles  away  under  favorable  atmospheric  conditions,  but  even 
though  the  message  is  relayed  it  must  soon  come  to  a  borderline 
where  a  language  differing  from  the  one  in  which  the  message  origi- 
nated is  spoken.  The  holophrases  are  conventions  that  are  under- 
stood in  a  limited  area,  and  tonal  languages  differ  so  much  that  the 
sounds  used  for  first  transmission  and  subsequent  relays  would  have 
no  meaning  when  picked  up  by  people  speaking  another  language. 

Field  Records 

Perusal  of  C.  M.  Doke's  "A  Comparative  Study  in  Shona  Pho- 
netics" shows  that  investigation  of  linguistic  problems  is  the  work 
of  specialists,  who  are  aided  by  delicate  instruments  in  addition  to 
specially  constructed  phonographs,  or  dictaphones.  Apparatus  is 
used  for  studying  the  function  of  the  lips,  palate,  tongue,  pharynx, 
throat,  epiglottis,  and  larynx.  To  analyze  the  sounds  of  Shona 
dialects,  Doke  used  vulcanite  palates  which  are  too  thin  to  inter- 
fere with  normal  pronunciation.  The  palates  are  dusted  with  powder, 
and  the  marks  (palatograms)  made  by  the  speaker's  tongue  are 
examined.    For  studying  throat  movements  X-rays  have  been  used. 

But  without  elaborate  apparatus  an  investigator  may  accomplish 
useful  work  in  field  research  by  following  the  instructions  contained 
in  a  "Short  Guide  to  the  Recording  of  African  Languages,"  pub- 
lished by  the  International  Institute  of  African  Languages  and 
Cultures.  The  Guide  begins  with  a  brief  outline  of  phonetic  symbols 
and  conducts  the  inquiry  by  giving  lists  of  key  words  and  phrases, 
with  blanks  to  be  filled  by  the  investigator.  Even  if  unqualified 
as  a  linguist,  a  student  can  readily  learn  the  use  of  a  dictaphone  for 
recording,  and,  given  a  little  practice  in  technique  by  an  expert,  he 
will  be  able  to  bring  home  records  of  language  and  music  that  can 
be  transcribed  by  specialists.  But  for  really  competent  investigation 
the  observer  should  have  a  natural  aptitude  and  a  trained  ear,  and 
should  as  a  minimum  be  familiar  with  the  theory  and  practice  of 
phonetics  as  expounded  by  D.  Westermann  and  I.  C.  Ward  (1933). 
I.  C.Ward  (1937)  has  published  a  pamphlet  of  "Practical  Suggestions 
for  the  Learning  of  an  African  Language  in  the  Field." 

The  amount  of  field  work  to  be  done  is  so  extensive  that  one 
fails  to  see  how  the  task  can  be  accomplished  by  specialists  only;  they 
are  so  few  in  number.  The  quality  of  the  records  is  far  more  im- 
portant than  the  quantity.  Yet  interested  administrators,  teachers, 
and  missionaries,  willing  to  take  short  courses  in  phonetics  and  the 
use  of  recording  instruments,  might  supply  the  data  which  after  labo- 
ratory analysis  would  clarify  the  linguistic  problems  now  unsolved. 


1 


Section  II:  The  Culture  Area  Concept 


I 


Map  4.    Culture  areas  shown  approximately  by  shaded 
Mohammedan  influence. 

Scale:  1  inch=88i 


Map  4.   Culture  areas  shown  approximately  by  shaded  boundaries  and  brol<en  lines.     Arrows  indicate 
«liammedan  influence. 

Scale:  1  inch=880  miles. 


I.    TOPOGRAPHY  AND  CULTURE 

Map  2,  showing  division  of  Africa  into  zones  of  desert,  forest, 
parkland,  and  intermediate  types  of  surface,  should  be  compared 
with  Map  4,  illustrating  the  distribution  of  modes  of  life.  No 
difficulty  will  be  experienced  in  understanding  these  culture  areas, 
since  their  demarcation  depends  primarily  on  all  the  geographical 
facts  that  control  human,  animal,  and  plant  life. 

In  each  of  the  zones  described,  an  impressive  cultural  homogeneity 
prevails,  but  the  margins  of  typical  cultures  are  not  clearly  defined, 
and  each  useful  trait  tends  to  extend  itself  so  far  as  conditions  per- 
mit. Within  each  cultural  zone  somatic  and  linguistic  differences 
occur,  and  the  characteristic  culture  itself  has  local  variations. 

Division  of  Africa  into  cultural  zones  was  first  attempted  by  A. 
de  Pr^ville,  and  his  scheme  was  prepared  to  show  causal  relation 
between  environment,  products,  and  modes  of  life.  De  Pr^ville 
(1894)  considers  the  different  regions  occupied  by  camel  keepers, 
pastoral  tribes,  and  agriculturalists,  who  produce  maize,  durra,  rice, 
bananas,  or  other  crops  according  to  local  climatic  conditions. 
Dowd  (1907)  applied  and  misapplied  the  teaching  of  De  Pr^ville. 
Dowd  made  some  extremely  broad  generalizations  concerning  cor- 
relation between  food  and  mental  attributes.  One  would  be  led  to 
believe  that  bananas  engender  a  pusillanimous  spirit,  but  a  diet  of 
millet  fosters  courage.  That  warlike  tribes  inhabited  the  millet 
zone  is  true,  but  the  diet  was  not  to  blame.  Many  of  those  tribes 
are  of  Hamitic  extraction,  having  a  predatory  military  organization. 
Moreover,  military  expeditions  are  encouraged  by  the  type  of  open 
country  which  favors  the  cultivation  of  millet.  R.  Thurnwald  (1929) 
and  M.J.  Herskovits  (1926, 1930b)  have  followed  the  lead  of  DePr^ville 
in  dividing  Africa  into  cultural  zones,  but  with  somewhat  different 
divisions  and  with  additional  explanations  of  the  ethnological  data 
involved  in  the  scheme.  Map  4  combines  the  schemes  of  these 
authors  but  makes  additions  and  modifications.  I  have  preferred 
to  show  the  indefinite  nature  of  boundaries  by  shading  rather  than 
straight  lines. 

Explanation  of  Map  4 

Area  1 . — The  Nile  Valley,  in  which  a  highly  specialized  civilization 
was  built  up  on  a  basis  of  Hamitic  and  Semitic  culture.  The  civili- 
zation was  affected  by  Persian,  Greek,  Roman,  and  Arab  conquests. 

Area  2. — A  region  of  migration  of  northern  Hamites.  Some  of 
these  were  named  Libyans,  and  later  the  name  Berbers  was  given. 

325 


326  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Into  this  region,  Phoenician,  Egyptian,  Greek,  Roman,  and  Moham- 
medan-Arab influences  have  penetrated.  Cultural  traits  from  area 
(2)  have  affected  regions  (3),  (4),  (5)  and  have  extended  into  area 
(6A). 

Area  3. — The  Saharan  region  of  camel-keeping  cultures  is 
divisible  on  the  grounds  of  physique,  languages,  and  minor  cultural 
differences,  into  (3A),  Tuareg;  (3B)  Tebu  Tibbu  and  Teda  of 
Tibesti;  (3C)  Arabs  of  the  Libyan  oases. 

Area  U- — A  region  of  pastoral  nomads  possessing  cattle,  sheep, 
goats,  horses,  and  perhaps  camels  also.  Semitic  and  Mohammedan 
traits  prevail.  At  the  eastern  end  of  the  area  the  Kababish  are  a 
tribe  whose  culture  shows  a  linkage  between  true  Saharan  culture 
and  that  of  grassland  steppes  where  cattle  are  reared. 

Area  5. — Parkland  area  uniting  semi-desert  country  (4)  with 
f crest. countiy  (6A  and  6B).  The  region  is  pastoral,  but  seasonal 
migrations  are  made  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  rainfall.  Horses  are 
used,  and  formerly  they  were  extensively  employed  in  warfare. 
Camels  are  used  seasonally  for  transport,  but  the  area  is  not  one  in 
which  breeding  camels  and  organizing  long-distance  caravans  are 
fundamentally  important.  Region  5A  contains  Nilotic  Negro  tribes 
of  the  true  cattle  culture;  compare  with  area  7A. 

Areas  6A,  SB. — These  are  forest  regions  of  Negro  culture.  The 
areas  have  many  important  cultural  traits  in  common,  but  somatic, 
linguistic,  and  cultural  differences  are  important.  Area  6A  is 
inhabited  by  Sudanic-speaking  Negroes,  and  area  6B  by  Bantu- 
speaking  Negroes.  Area  6B  includes  groups  of  Pygmies  who  have 
a  type  of  hunting  culture.  These  Pygmies  live  in  a  state  of  social 
and  economic  symbiosis  with  Negroes. 

Region  6A  includes  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  and  southern  Nigeria 
where  there  is  a  specialized  development  of  religion,  art,  and  social 
organization  differing  from  the  general  pattern  of  Negro  culture. 
The  course  of  the  Congo  may  be  divided  into  thirteen  minor  regions: 
(a)  Maritime;  (b)  Cataracts;  (c)  Stanley  Pool;  (d)  Kwango;  (e)  Lake 
Leopold;  (f)  Kasai;  (g)  Eastern  Region;  (h)  Equatorial;  (i)  Haut- 
Ubangi;  (j)  Bangala;  (k)  Aruwimi;  (1)  Welle  (Uelle);  (m)  Lomami- 
Lualaba.  This  scheme  is  given  (with  no  author's  name)  in  periodical 
AMCB,  Series  III,  Tome  I,  Ease.  I,  p.  4.  The  classification  is 
that  on  which  ethnographical  collections  are  arranged  in  the  Mus^e 
Congo  Beige,  Tervueren.  Presumably  this  classification  is  based  on 
differences  in  material  culture,  but  doubtless  these  are  accompanied 
by  other  and  more  important  distinctions. 


Topography  and  Culture  327 

Area  7. — This  area  has  many  cultural  patterns  whose  predominat- 
ing trait  is  the  breeding  of  cattle,  which  are  important  in  religious 
belief  and  custom,  in  social  structure,  and  in  economic  usage.  Agri- 
culture is  sometimes  carried  out  by  a  class  of  people  who  are  regarded 
as  socially  inferior  to  the  aristocratic  Hamitic  population,  which  is 
pastoral  to  the  exclusion  of  agriculture  and  industrialism.  Regions 
7B-7D  are  extensions  of  the  typical  cattle  zone  7A,  but  agriculture 
without  social  stigma  of  those  who  till  the  soil,  becomes  important, 
and  in  some  regions,  for  example,  in  central  Angola,  agriculture  is 
primary  and  keeping  cattle  is  secondary.  Area  5A  is  a  highly 
specialized  center  of  the  pastoral  culture. 

Area  8. — The  Kalahari  Desert  is  the  home  of  Bushman  tribes 
having  a  type  of  culture  in  which  hunting  is  the  dominating  factor. 
Agriculture  is  not  practiced,  and  no  domestic  animals  except  the  dog 
are  kept.  Development  of  handicrafts,  social  organization,  and 
religious  institutions  are  elementary.  Most  of  the  activities  have  to 
be  concentrated  on  obtaining  food  and  water. 

The  arrows  indicate  a  strong  overlap  of  Mohammedan  religion 
and  its  accessory  traits  along  north  Africa,  across  the  Sahara  into 
Negro  west  Africa  and  northern  Cameroons.  The  Mohammedan 
complex  of  traits  affects  the  whole  of  the  Nile  Valley,  Kordofan, 
Abyssinia,  Somaliland,  and  the  east  coast  southward  to  Louren^o 
Marques. 

In  view  of  the  criticisms  that  have  been  advanced  against  a  study 
of  culture  zones  (Carter  A.  Woods,  1934)  one  cannot  too  strongly 
emphasize  the  factor  of  miscegenation.  A  culture  area  scheme  is 
chiefly  useful  as  a  preliminary  sifting  and  grouping  of  data. 

There  are  areas  of  concentration  for  camel-keeping,  cattle- 
raising,  agriculture,  and  hunting,  but  each  major  factor  tends  to 
peter  out  and  to  become  mingled  with  others.  Then,  superimposed 
on  several  types  of  culture  is  a  widely  spread  Mohammedan  influence, 
varying  greatly  in  intensity  from  one  region  to  another.  Hambly 
has  analyzed  the  culture  areas  of  Nigeria  (1935a)  and  of  Angola 
(1934a),  and  Herskovits  (1926)  has  dealt  in  this  way  with  the  pastoral 
culture.  But  too  many  ethnographers  lose  sight  of  regional  grouping 
and  merely  present  unconnected  factual  material. 

Subvarieties  of  Negro  culture  could  be  further  defined  by  a  re- 
arrangement of  the  data  in  Spencer  (1930,  Editor,  E.  Torday).  The 
"Descriptive  Sociology  of  African  Races"  has  a  wealth  of  material, 
but  the  arrangement  is  not  in  accordance  with  modern  ethnological 


328  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

method.  A  helpful  memorandum  in  the  study  of  cultural  mixture  is 
that  prepared  by  Redfield,  Linton,  and  Herskovits  (1935).  Thescheme 
is  too  condensed  to  allow  of  summarizing,  but  a  student  will  find 
there  many  helpful  suggestions  for  the  analysis  of  cultures,  and  for 
study  of  the  social  and  psychological  processes  involved  in  what 
the  authors  call  "acculturation";  an  alternative  term  would  be 
"cultural  adjustment." 

A  warning  should  be  given  against  the  assumption  that  study  of 
a  culture  area  consists  mainly  of  enumerating  the  characteristic  traits. 
The  prevailing  traits,  and  exchanges  of  these  with  traits  from  other 
areas  are  important,  but  the  subject  should  be  regarded  from  the 
social  and  psychological  point  of  view,  as  in  Benedict's  "Patterns 
of  Culture"  and  Mead's  "Sex  and  Temperament  in  Three  Primitive 
Societies."  The  aim  should  be  to  give  what  Durkheim  called  the 
"superorganic."  Perhaps  a  better  term  is  the  "ethos,"  meaning  the 
dynamic  or  driving  force;  the  character,  sentiment,  and  disposition 
of  a  community,  the  spirit  which  actuates  moral  codes,  ideals, 
attitudes,  magic,  and  religion.  The  ethos  may  be  the  Mohammedan 
religion,  cattle  and  rain-making,  or  agriculture  with  fertility  rites  and 
other  ritual.  But  no  matter  what  the  focus  may  be,  this  pivotal 
point  must  be  understood;  then  all  subsidiary  factors  fall  into  line. 

The  following  chapters  explain  the  main  types  of  culture,  the 
ethos  and  subsidiary  traits  of  each  area,  also  the  mixtures  which 
have  occurred. 


11.  HUNTING  CULTURES 

Bushmen 

Present-day  Bushman  hunters  of  the  Kalahari  Desert  are  but 
a  fragment  of  the  numerous  Bushman  tribes  which  extended  over  the 
region  south  of  the  River  Zambezi  a  few  centuries  ago.  This  gradual 
restriction  of  habitat  has  resulted  from  the  aggression  of  British  and 
Dutch  settlers,  and  an  intermingling  of  Bushman  tribes  with  Bantu 
Negro  neighbors. 

The  Kalahari  Desert,  having  an  area  of  140,000  square  miles, 
is  not  the  barren  expanse  that  has  sometimes  been  pictured  by  those 
who  have  crossed  in  the  dry  season.  Lack  of  moisture  is  the  pre- 
vailing characteristic,  and  there  are  large  areas  of  sand  dunes,  some 
of  which  attain  a  hundred  feet  in  height;  yet  many  depressions  exist, 
and  grass  flourishes  in  these  hollows  where  water  may  be  obtained 
long  after  the  season  of  rains  has  ended.  In  the  Lake  Ngami  region 
and  in  the  Okavango  marshland  game  thrives. 

Bushman  paintings  and  rock  engravings  testify  to  a  varied 
supply  of  animal  life.  Among  big  game  are  kudu,  wildebeest,  buffalo, 
zebra,  and  elephant.  These  are  not  all  generally  distributed,  but 
each  has  a  peculiar  locality  and  season  which  is  known  to  the  nomadic 
hunters. 

Bushmen  rely  for  food,  not  only  on  big  game,  but  on  many  forms 
of  small  animal  life,  such  as  snakes,  geckos,  termites,  and  locusts. 
Honey,  various  kinds  of  larvae,  and  edible  roots  also  contribute  to 
the  regular  diet.  After  the  rains  acacias  attain  a  size  sufficiently 
large  to  shelter  game,  and  baobab  trees  (Fig.  7)  harbor  water  in  their 
spongy  tissues  (Verdoorn,  1933).  Schultze  (1907)  gives  an  excellent 
description  and  pictorial  survey  of  the  Kalahari. 

The  range  of  temperature  from  day  to  night  is  a  wide  one,  from 
120°  or  more  in  the  sun  almost  to  freezing  point  in  the  hours  of  early 
morning.  Rain  falls  chiefly  in  October  and  November,  with  heavy 
precipitations,  after  which  there  is  a  long  drought  of  ten  months. 
Fitzgerald  (1934,  pp.  170-176)  gives  the  rainfall  as  varying  from 
5  to  29  inches  according  to  locality.  The  climatic  conditions,  there- 
fore, necessitate  constant  trekking  to  keep  in  touch  with  game  and 
water.  In  the  driest  part  of  the  season,  tribes  break  up  into  small 
family  groups  of  not  more  than  six  persons  as  a  rule.  A  separation  of 
this  kind  aids  the  location  of  food  and  water  and  therefore  increases 
the  chance  of  survival. 

329 


330  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Habits  of  life  have  to  accommodate  themselves  to  environmental 
conditions,  and  among  Bushman  hunters  mobility  is  a  primary 
necessity.  But  in  former  years,  when  game  was  more  plentiful 
and  no  pressure  was  exerted  by  white  settlers,  Bushman  life  may 
have  been  more  sedentary.  At  one  time  tribes  living  in  the  south 
and  east  made  use  of  caves  and  rock  shelters,  in  which  wall  paintings 
and  stone  implements  still  testify  to  the  development  of  a  stone-age 
culture  and  an  advanced  technique  in  art  (chap.  Ill,  Prehistory). 

In  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  nomadic  life,  shelters  are 
usually  of  a  temporary  kind.  At  present,  the  Namib  build  homes 
of  brushwood  and  bark  whenever  they  camp  for  more  than  two  days. 
This  work  is  relegated  to  women,  who  erect  the  shelters  a  few  miles 
from  water  holes,  so  that  game  will  not  be  disturbed.  The  Naron 
(D.  F.  Bleek,  1928)  build  semicircular  huts  in  the  wet  season,  but  are 
content  with  lighter  buildings  of  sticks  and  grass  when  trekking. 
Reference  to  the  works  quoted  will  call  attention  to  the  cultural 
differences  of  various  Bushman  tribes,  yet  there  is  sufficient  uni- 
formity of  essential  elements  to  warrant  a  general  description  of 
the  modes  of  life. 

material  culture 

Garments  of  skin  are  simple  and  scanty,  but  complete  nudity 
is  rarely  seen.  The  usual  dress  for  a  male  consists  of  a  triangular 
piece  of  hide,  two  corners  of  which  are  made  fast  by  a  string  about 
his  waist  while  the  third  corner  is  passed  between  his  legs  and 
fastened  to  the  waist  string  (Fig.  62).  In  addition  to  this  pubic 
covering  he  may  have  a  skin  cloak  (kaross)  suspended  from  his 
right  shoulder.  A  skin  bag  rests  on  his  left  hip,  so  providing  a  handy 
container  for  food,  fire-sticks,  and  tobacco  pipe.  The  covering  of  a 
woman  includes  a  small  skin  apron  that  hangs  from  a  belt;  beadwork 
ornament  is  the  usual  form  of  decoration  for  females  (Fig.  47). 
Perhaps  the  equipment  includes  a  kaross,  which  forms  a  pouch  for 
an  infant  when  the  garment  is  tied  at  the  waist,  and  the  fold  of  the 
garment  may  also  contain  ostrich  eggshells  for  holding  water,  edible 
roots,  firewood,  and  dry  grass. 

Strings  of  ostrich  eggshell  beads  manufactured  by  women  are 
the  most  valuable  personal  ornaments.  Small  pieces  of  eggshell 
are  softened  in  water,  pierced  with  a  borer  of  iron  or  stone,  threaded 
on  sinew,  and  chipped  to  remove  rough  edges.  Finally  the  beads 
are  rubbed  smooth  with  a  soft  stone,  then  they  are  threaded  to  make 
head-bands,  girdles,  and  waist-strings.  Both  sexes  wear  arm-  and 
leg-bands  of  leather  (see  bead  forehead  band,  Fig.  47). 


Hunting  Cultures 


331 


As  a  rule  supplies  of  water  are  insufficient  for  washing  the  body; 
therefore,  a  smearing  of  fat  is  given,  and  this  is  followed  by  a  dusting 
with  huchu  powder,  which  is  made  by  pounding  vegetable  matter. 

Bushmen  have  excelled  in  pictorial  art  (chap.  Ill,  Prehistory) 
but  little  time  is  now  spent  on  esthetic  expression,  and  an  inventory 
of  personal  possessions,  all  of  a  simple  kind,  is  therefore  brief. 
Each  woman  has  a  digging  stick  tipped  with  horn  and  weighted  with 


"¥^t^*> 


/^  • 


«k4^ 


Fig.  62.    Bushman  kneeling  to  shoot,  Koatwe  Pan,  Kalahari  Desert  (from 
photograph  by  Arthur  S.  Vernay,  copyright). 


a  perforated  round  stone.     With  this  implement  she  digs  up  wild 
roots  and  edible  bulbs,  since  agriculture  is  not  practiced. 

Wood  fiber  is  twisted  into  cord  for  making  snares  and  string  bags, 
while  the  wood  itself  is  manufactured  into  vessels,  pestles,  and 
mortars  for  the  pounding  and  preserving  of  vegetable  food.  Fiber 
is  also  used  in  making  mats  for  sifting  ants'  eggs.  Water  is  generally 
carried  in  ostrich  eggs  some  of  which  are  engraved,  but  if  these  are 
not  available  the  stomach  of  an  animal  will  serve  the  purpose. 
Skins  of  animals  are  made  into  cloaks,  loin  coverings,  sandals,  caps, 
and  bags.  The  carapace  of  a  tortoise  is  often  used  as  a  spoon  or 
scoop,  and  there  appears  to  be  no  object  or  material  too  insignificant 


332  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

for  a  useful  purpose.  Hammer-stones  of  rounded  form  are  used  for 
pounding  seeds,  and  pointed  borers  of  stone  serve  for  perforating 
eggshells  and  engraving  ostrich  eggs. 

Smoking  of  tobacco,  which  is  usual  among  men,  women,  and 
even  children,  calls  for  some  ingenuity  in  making  the  equipment. 
Tribes  of  the  northwest  Kalahari  make  tobacco  pipes  of  serpentine 
stone,  and  the  Cape  Bushmen  used  a  water-pipe  for  smoking  a 
mixture  of  tobacco  and  hemp.  The  pipe  consists  of  a  horn  perforated 
at  the  tip,  which  is  the  mouthpiece,  while  the  wide  end  is  plugged 
with  clay;  from  the  side  of  the  pipe  a  tube  projects,  ending  in  a 
stone  bowl.  The  horn  is  filled  with  water;  consequently,  when  the 
smoker  sucks  the  pointed  end  of  the  horn  he  draws  the  smoke  from 
the  bowl  through  the  water  in  the  horn.  Pipes  and  pipe  bowls  of 
serpentine  are  fashioned  with  a  stone  drill,  or  with  the  point  of  a 
knife  or  spear.  Hiechware  Bushmen  practice  ground-smoking,  for 
which  they  prepare  by  making  a  hole  for  the  tobacco  which  is  covered 
with  a  dome  of  clay.  From  this  bowl  a  narrow  tunnel  is  made.  The 
smoker  has  to  lie  prone  to  apply  his  lips  to  the  tunnel  leading  from 
the  tobacco  (Laufer,  Hambly,  and  Linton,  1930,  Plate  V,  Fig.  2). 
The  only  Bushmen  who  know  how  to  make  intoxicating  drink  are 
the  Namibs,  who  prepare  liquor  from  honey,  but  drunkenness 
among  Bushmen  is  said  to  be  exceptional. 

Owing  to  the  simplicity  of  life  in  Bushman  tribes,  division  of 
labor  cannot  be  so  highly  specialized  as  among  more  advanced 
tribes  which  have  developed  arts  and  industries  to  a  high  degree. 
Bushman  males  are  hunters  and  preparers  of  hides. '  They  are 
responsible  for  making  weapons  and  fire-sticks,  one  of  which  is 
twirled  on  the  other  to  produce  fire  by  friction. 

Women  build  shelters,  gather  wild  vegetable  produce,  fill  ostrich 
eggshells  with  water,  collect  firewood,  cook,  care  for  children,  and 
make  their  own  personal  ornaments.  Some  men  and  women  are 
more  skillful  than  others,  but  all  understand  these  tasks,  and  special- 
ization is  primarily  on  a  sex  basis  and  not  according  to  special 
aptitudes  or  hereditary  right,  as  among  some  Negro  tribes. 

Iron  is  neither  smelted  nor  forged,  but  iron  tips  for  arrows  are 
procured  from  neighboring  Bantu  Negroes  and  Hottentots.  In  time 
past  the  Cape  Bushmen,  also  some  Hottentots,  made  pottery  (Laidler, 
1929),  but  this  is  now  a  lost  art.  Some  Bushmen  may  be  seen  with 
spears  and  throwing  clubs,  but  these  weapons  have  been  obtained 
from  Negro  neighbors.  Acquisition  of  objects  such  as  weapons  and 
pottery  is  not  the  only  instance  of  adoption  of  elements  from  another 


Hunting  Cultures  333 

culture.  Bushmen,  who  circumcise  their  boys  and  practice  clitori- 
dectomy  on  their  girls,  as  do  the  Hiechware,  have  borrowed  the  rites 
from  Bantu  Negro  neighbors. 

If  possible,  Bushmen  practice  fishing,  and  for  this  purpose  they 
make  funnel-shaped  traps  of  reeds,  weirs,  and  stone  dams.  In  the 
Okavango  basin  live  Bushmen  who  use  boats  and  spears  for  fishing, 
but  these  are  special  local  developments  that  are  not  characteristic 
of  Bushmen  in  general.  Most  Bushman  tribes  have  to  combat  a 
deficiency  of  water  by  filling  ostrich  eggshells  and  caching  them,  or 
by  sucking  moisture  from  the  ground  through  a  reed,  the  lower 
end  of  which  is  plugged  with  grass  to  prevent  the  entry  of  sand. 
Fig.  63  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  Bushman  women  filling 
ostrich  eggshells  at  a  pool. 

The  shafts  of  bows,  which  are  short  and  round  in  cross  section,  are' 
usually  bound  with  sinew,  and  two  strands  of  the  same  substance  are 
twisted  together  to  form  a  bowstring.  Arrows  vary  considerably 
in  different  localities  but  the  following  are  well-known  types.  The 
simplest  arrows  are  made  from  hollow  reeds  about  fifteen  inches 
long  and  notched  for  reception  of  the  bowstring.  The  arrowhead 
is  made  of  wood  or  bone  from  the  leg  of  an  ostrich.  Arrow- tips, 
which  may  be  of  stone,  bone,  glass,  or  iron,  are  inserted  into  hollow 
shafts  from  which  they  readily  become  detached  on  entering  an 
animal.  The  northern  Kung  and  the  Heikum  feather  the  wooden 
shafts  of  their  arrows.  Schapera  (1927a)  and  Logie  (1935)  have  given 
descriptions  and  classifications  of  Bushman  bows  and  arrows. 

Poison  is  smeared  on  arrow-points,  or,  in  the  instance  of  flat 
bone  arrowheads,  it  is  dabbed  in  spots  over  the  surface.  For  killing 
game,  reliance  is  placed  on  the  poison  and  not  on  the  severity  of 
the  wound.  Poison  is  prepared  from  substances  derived  from  both 
vegetable  and  animal  sources;  thus,  the  juice  of  euphorbias,  the 
venom  of  the  puff-adder,  and  the  crushed  bodies  of  trap-door  spiders 
are  ingredients.  These  substances  are  used  according  to  locality, 
but  the  resulting  poison  is  generally  a  thick  brown  paste  that  is 
liberally  smeared  on  the  point  and  its  junction  with  the  arrow-shaft. 
After  a  quantity  of  the  poison  has  been  prepared  by  allowing  it  to 
simmer  in  a  tortoise  shell,  a  portion  is  at  once  applied  to  the  arrow- 
tips,  and  the  remainder  is  carried  in  a  skin  bag. 

A  wounded  animal  may  travel  as  much  as  forty  miles  before  suc- 
cumbing to  the  effects  of  the  poison,  but  the  hunter  follows  untiringly 
until  he  comes  up  with  his  quarry.  Sometimes  game  is  captured  by 
running  it  down  in  open  chase,  or  animals  may  be  pursued  by  a 


334  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

hunter  disguised  after  the  manner  shown  in  Bushman  paintings. 
Disguise  of  this  kind  is  aided  by  the  hunter's  skill  in  making  the  calls 
of  animals,  and  in  imitating  the  cries  of  birds  to  arouse  the  curiosity 
of  the  quarry.  The  Naron  hunt  the  jackal,  leopard,  lynx,  hare,  and 
small  buck,  with  dogs.  In  the  southern  Kalahari,  pits  with  pointed 
stakes  at  their  bases  are  dug,  and  toward  these  traps  animals  are 
driven  through  a  gap  in  a  fence.  The  Namib  fence  a  spring  to 
prevent  animals  from  drinking  there;  then  a  channel  of  water  is 
made  to  flow  to  a  pit  that  is  poisoned  with  branches  of  euphorbia,  a 
poison  to  which  zebras  are  said  to  be  especially  susceptible. 

In  the  dry  season,  snares  are  made  in  the  form  of  cords  with 
running  nooses.  To  prepare  such  a  trap  one  end  of  the  cord  is 
made  fast  to  a  bent  sapling,  while  the  bait  is  so  arranged  that  in 
seizing  it  the  animal  is  caught  in  the  noose,  which  tightens  as  the 
sapling  springs  upward.  Fall-traps  are  made  so  that  interference 
with  the  bait  releases  a  heavy  stone. 

Success  in  hunting  is  not  thought  to  depend  entirely  on  the 
prowess  of  the  hunter;  on  the  contrary,  charms  are  used  to  ensure 
good  luck  in  the  chase.  Some  of  these  are  permanently  carried  in 
the  form  of  cuts  on  the  arms,  cheeks,  or  belly  of  the  hunter.  These 
incisions  are  usually  made  soon  after  a  boy  begins  to  hunt,  and  the 
instance  of  rubbing  a  wound  with  the  flesh  of  a  springbok  to  give  the 
swiftness  of  that  animal  to  the  hunter  is  an  example  of  contagious 
magic.  The  shadow  of  a  hunter  should  not  be  allowed  to  fall  on 
dying  game,  and  when  in  pursuit  of  an  animal  a  hunter  must  eat  the 
flesh  of  a  creature  that  moves  slowly,  for  to  consume  the  flesh  of  a 
swift  animal  would  give  speed  to  the  quarry. 

Collection  of  wild  vegetable  produce,  a  task  in  which  men  some- 
times assist,  is  not  without  ritual  observances.  The  Heikum  Bush- 
men have  a  ceremony  of  the  first  fruits  at  which  fire  is  made  and 
food  is  consumed  in  ritual  fashion.  Once  a  year  at  the  beginning  of 
the  rainy  season,  when  edible  plants  are  expected  to  appear,  the 
!Kung  pray  to  Huwe,  a  supernatural  being,  saying,  "Father,  I  come 
to  you,  I  pray  to  you,  please  give  me  food  and  all  things,  that  I 
may  live." 

SOCIAL  AND  RELIGIOUS  LIFE 

Music  and  dancing  should  not  be  regarded  solely  as  amusements. 
Some  dances  are  primarily  social  functions,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
other  dances  are  of  a  ritual  kind;  for  example  those  connected  with 
hunting  may  have  a  magical  significance  for  increasing  the  supply  of 


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336  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

game,  and  some  rock  paintings  suggest  that  in  former  times  dancing 
and  magical  rites  existed  for  this  purpose. 

Professional  musicians  are  unknown,  though  some  men  are  more 
skilled  than  others.  Musical  instruments  are  of  a  simple  kind.  A 
skin  stretched  over  a  calabash  or  across  a  tortoise  shell  may  serve  as 
a  drum.  Southern  tribes  play  reed  pipes  to  accompany  their  dances, 
and  in  several  localities  the  musical  bow  and  the  goura  are  used.  The 
former  is  an  ordinary  bow  to  the  string  of  which  a  gourd  is  attached, 
so  that  when  pressed  against  the  body  of  the  musician  the  gourd  acts 
as  a  resonator  and  amplifies  the  sound  made  by  plucking  or  tapping 
the  bowstring.  The  goura  is  also  a  bow  having  at  the  end  of  the 
stave  a  flexible  quill  that  the  performer  causes  to  vibrate  by  his  strong 
inspirations  and  expirations. 

Social  organization  and  religion  are  not  so  easy  to  study  as  the 
material  factors.  In  no  Bushman  tribe  is  there  a  complex  tribal 
organization  with  a  supreme  governing  body  or  person  having  legis- 
lative and  judicial  functions.  Each  tribe  is  a  mobile  and  divisible 
unit  consisting  of  an  indefinite  number  of  hunting  bands,  each  of 
which  splits  up  into  small  family  groups  who  wander  independently 
but  later  rejoin  their  main  units.  A  hunting  band  probably  contains 
about  fifty  persons.  The  leader  of  such  a  band  holds  his  position 
in  a  non-elective  and  informal  way  as  a  result  of  prowess  in  the  chase 
or  success  in  combat  with  a  rival  band.  In  the  northwest  Kalahari, 
each  band  has,  in  addition  to  a  leader  who  is  spontaneously  chosen, 
a  formal  chief  whose  office  is  hereditary,  and  though  his  authority 
may  be  slight  in  everyday  life  he  regulates  movements  of  his  band  and 
leads  in  war. 

The  hunting  territory  of  each  band  and  the  tribe  formed  by  these 
bands  are  defined  by  natural  features.  A  row  of  dunes,  a  water-hole, 
or  a  tree  may  serve  as  a  boundary  mark,  and  within  the  confines  of 
its  own  territory  a  hunting  band  has  exclusive  rights  to  the  game 
and  water,  together  with  wild  vegetable  produce.  The  infringement 
of  hunting  rights  is  a  main  cause  of  conflict. 

Within  a  family  there  is  a  permanent  relation  of  husband  and 
wife  with  their  unmarried  children,  and  these  persons  usually  con- 
stitute a  traveling  unit,  especially  in  the  dry  season  when  the  band 
has  divided.    The  Bushman  system  of  kinship  is  imperfectly  known. 

Laws  relating  to  hunting  rights,  private  ownership  of  property, 
and  possession  of  a  wife  are  well  defined.  A  man  who  finds  a  nest 
of  ostrich  eggs  marks  the  site  with  his  arrow,  and  leaves  the  spot 
with  the  intention  of  returning  when  the  clutch  is  complete.    The 


I 


Hunting  Cultures  337 

original  finder  would  kill  a  man  who  robbed  him,  and  with  this  object 
in  view  he  would  track  the  thief  for  a  long  distance.  This  personal 
revenge  would  be  regarded  as  normal,  but  the  relatives  of  the  mur- 
dered thief  would  probably  seek  reprisal,  and  so  a  blood-feud  would 
begin.  Communal  feeling  respecting  ownership  of  game,  water,  and 
wild  produce  does  not  extend  outside  a  hunting  group,  and  within 
the  group  itself  common  ownership  is  subordinated  to  a  sense  of 
individual  possession  of  food,  weapons,  ornaments,  clothing,  and 
utensils. 

Obedience  to  customary  law  depends  on  conformity  to  precedents, 
since  no  formal  codes  exist.  A  father  is  the  legal  head  of  his  family 
and  in  that  capacity  has  rights  of  punishment.  Among  the  Namib 
the  eldest  son  becomes  head  of  the  family  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  and  where  tribal  chieftainship  exists  succession  to  office 
descends  to  the  eldest  son.  The  available  information,  though 
inadequate,  suggests  that  Bushman  tribes  generally  favor  succession 
in  the  male  line.  There  is  little  property  to  dispose  of,  and  the  few 
personal  possessions  are  generally  buried  with  the  dead.  Burial 
rites  have  formed  the  subject  of  an  article  by  Seyffert  (1913). 

Formalities  of  courtship  are  observed  among  some  tribes,  who 
require  a  suitor  to  make  presents  to  his  future  mother-in-law.  During 
the  year  before  his  marriage  he  gives  her  game,  skins,  and  beads. 
At  marriage  the  groom  provides  his  wife  with  a  fur  cloak,  items  of 
leather  clothing,  and  bead  ornaments.  Among  the  Heikum  Bush- 
men, parents  say,  "We  are  poor  and  cannot  afford  to  give  our 
daughter  away."  This  message  is  carried  to  the  suitor  by  a  friend 
who  has  been  delegated  to  make  the  first  approach. 

The  lover  himself  then  sits  near  the  hut  of  his  prospective  bride 
and  calls  to  her  mother,  "I  want  your  daughter."  Again  the  protest 
of  poverty  is  heard.  The  suitor  calls,  "If  you  die,  I  will  bury  you." 
Should  the  mother  agree  to  the  match,  she  takes  the  bow  and  arrows 
of  the  suitor  and  places  them  in  her  daughter's  hut.  If  the  girl  fails 
to  come  to  this  hut  within  three  days,  her  mother  is  expected  to 
compel  her  to  do  so  because  acceptance  of  the  weapons  ratified  a 
contract  (Fourie,  1928,  pp.  81-104). 

After  consummation  of  the  marriage  the  husband  lives  for  several 
months  with  his  wife's  kin,  but  later  he  builds  a  hut  among  his  own 
kin,  and  there  he  takes  his  wife.  The  marriage  is  first  matrilocal, 
then  patrilocal.  Sometimes  the  wife's  kin  make  a  show  of  resistance 
when  the  groom  prepares  to  take  his  bride  away.  The  interference 
appears  to  be  a  formal  and  ritual  protest  against  depriving  the 


338  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

wife's  kindred  of  a  woman  who  is  a  potential  bearer  of  children,  and 
therefore  a  tribal  asset.  Among  tribes  of  the  northwest  Kalahari  a 
woman  returns  to  the  home  of  her  parents  for  her  first  confinement. 
Possibly  these  examples  indicate  a  former  matrilocal  condition  under 
which  a  woman  and  her  children  resided  permanently  with  the 
maternal  kin.  If  adultery  occurs,  an  aggiieved  husband  is  allowed 
to  kill  the  seducer  and  to  beat  his  wife,  but  he  may  not  inflict  the 
death  penalty  on  her.  Women  of  the  Heikum  practice  abortion  if 
unmarried,  and  children  born  out  of  wedlock  are  buried  alive.  The 
period  of  lactation  is  about  three  years.  Polygyny  is  permissible, 
but  among  tribes  who  live  for  a  great  part  of  the  year  on  the  margin 
of  subsistence  plurality  of  wives  is  unusual. 

Religious  beliefs  are  difficult  to  investigate,  and  valuable  oppor- 
tunities were  lost  before  ethnological  interest  was  aroused,  yet 
several  writers  have  been  able  to  give  at  least  an  outline  of  spiritual 
concepts  and  their  expression  by  prayer  and  ritual.  Lebzelter  (1928), 
and  P.  W.  Schmidt  (1929)  have  dealt  specifically  with  Bushman 
religion  in  short  articles.  Religious  thought  of  the  Cape  Bushmen 
centered  in  reverence  for  celestial  bodies,  especially  the  moon.  A 
crescent  moon  and  certain  stars  were  asked  for  food : 

O  star  coming  there, 

Let  me  see  a  springbok; 
O  star  coming  there, 

Let  me  dig  out  ants'  food. 

Stars  are  thought  to  have  been  animals  and  people  far  back  in 
the  history  of  the  Bushman  race.  In  the  northern  Kalahari  the 
Naron  and  the  Auen  still  worship  the  moon,  who  is  regarded  as  an 
old  man  having  a  wife,  the  sun  (D.  F.  Bleek,  1929).  In  mythology  the 
mantis  is  the  most  important  symbol,  and  he  is  personified  as  a  man 
who  has  a  wife  and  three  children.  This  mantis  being  is  able  to 
transform  himself  into  the  shapes  of  other  creatures.  He  may  be 
killed  yet  comes  to  life  again.  The  mantis  is  a  creator,  a  giver  of  rain, 
and  a  dispenser  of  good  luck  in  hunting.  He  protects  his  people  from 
illness  and  disaster  (D.  F.  Bleek,  1923). 

Offering  of  first  fruits  which  are  ceremonially  eaten  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  rains,  and  creation  of  sacred  fire  by  use  of  a  twirling  stick, 
are  possibly  imported  rites.  The  former  is  usual  among  agricultural 
Negroes,  both  Sudanic  and  Bantu,  while  the  latter  rite  is  one  of  the 
main  features  of  ritual  associated  with  cattle.  Use  of  the  sacred  fire 
is  widely  known  among  pastoral  tribes  of  east,  south,  and  South  West 
Africa  (Eiselen,  1929). 


I 


Hunting  Cultures  339 

Magical  ceremonies  are  of  importance  in  connection  with  rain- 
making.  Among  the  Cape  Bushmen  male  or  female  rain-makers 
went  out  to  catch  the  rain  bull,  which  was  then  led  over  the  land  to 
produce  rain.  Some  magicians  could  transform  themselves  into 
animals,  and  others  were  able  to  cause  illness  by  shooting  invisible 
arrows.  The  Naron  medicine-men  are  said  to  shoot  arrows  of  this 
kind,  which  kill  their  victims  by  magic  and  not  by  physical  injury. 
The  employment  of  little  bows  of  bone  which  are  used  by  the  north- 
western Bushmen  is  not  well  understood.  The  bow  carried  by  them  is 
only  a  few  inches  in  length,  and  the  arrows  are  thorns.  Some  magical 
significance  of  this  miniature  weapon  is  probable.  In  some  tribes 
the  power  of  a  medicine-man  is  thought  to  continue  after  his  death, 
and  to  such  a  spirit  prayers  for  rain  and  success  in  hunting  are  offered. 

A  few  persons  who  do  not  claim  to  be  medicine-men  among  the 
Cape  Bushmen  assert  that  they  have  a  "beating  of  the  flesh"  which 
acts  as  a  warning  of  impending  events.  From  this  sensation  they 
profess  to  be  able  to  announce  the  arrival  of  strangers  or  to  say 
what  route  should  be  followed  to  find  those  who  are  lost.  Beyond 
doubt  magical  practices  are  general,  but  the  information  does  not 
warrant  classification  of  medicine-men  according  to  their  functions. 
There  is  some  evidence  to  indicate  that  certain  medicine-men 
specialize  in  curing  the  sick,  but  most  of  the  medicine-men  appear 
to  be  general  practitioners. 

A  medicine-man  when  treating  a  patient  sucks  the  affected  part, 
gives  massage,  and  pretends  to  remove  a  small  stone  which  he  spits 
from  his  mouth.  Treatment  of  the  sick  is  sometimes  carried  out 
with  juices  that  have  been  extracted  from  plants  by  boiling.  The 
juices  may  be  drunk  or  rubbed  into  cuts  on  the  patient's  body.  A 
medicine-man  of  the  Auen  attempts  the  cure  of  snake-bite  by  suck- 
ing the  wound  and  rubbing  it  with  a  powder  prepared  from  pulverized 
gall,  liver,  and  poison  sacs  of  a  mamba  mixed  with  the  fat  of  snakes. 
But  evidence  respecting  the  alleged  cure  of  snake-bites  and  the 
preparation  of  antidotes  against  arrow  poison  cannot  be  accepted 
with  assurance. 

In  the  eastern  Kalahari,  bodies  are  buried  in  a  contracted  position 
in  anthills  around  which  fences  of  thorn-bush  are  erected  to  keep 
away  jackals  and  hyenas.  Ghosts  are  feared  because  they  are 
thought  to  wander  at  night,  but  beliefs  are  conflicting. 

CONCLUSION 
Bushman  tribes  differ  in  physique,  language,  and  cultural  ele- 
ments; likewise  in  the  extent  to  which  they  have  been  influenced 


340  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

by  Hottentot  and  Bantu  Negro  neighbors.  In  view  of  these  dif- 
ferences, \V.  Hirschberg  (,193oa)  has  asked  whether  there  is  a  Bush- 
man culture.  The  answer  must  be  in  the  atfirmative.  Funda- 
mental to  the  various  forms  of  Bushman  tribal  life  is  a  stone-age 
culture,  a  highly  developed  pictorial  art,  a  paucity  of  material  pos- 
sessions, a  highly  skilleti  hunting  technique,  absence  of  agriculture 
and  domestic  animals,  and  the  possession  of  rudimentary  dwellings. 
Social  organization  is  of  a  flexible  kind  which  harmonizes  with  a 
nomadic  hunting  culture,  while  spiritual  beliefs  and  magical  practices 
are  not  welded  into  a  coherent  system.  Religious  beliefs  and  rites 
are  not  institutionalized  with  that  dellniteness  which  is  characteristic 
of  many  Negro  tribes,  but  such  rites  and  beliefs  are  clearly  oriented 
toward  the  maintenance  of  food  supply.  The  harshness  of  the 
climatic  and  ecological  conditions  make  the  factor  of  nutrition 
primarily  important,  and  spiritual  exercises  are  directed  toward 
assuring  adequate  rainfall  and  pasture  for  the  game  on  which  the 
hunting  community  depends. 

READING 

In  addition  to  references  inserted  in  the  text  the  following  litera- 
ture is  of  primary  importance  since  the  reading  makes  a  general 
survey  of  Bushman  cultxires  in  several  localities.  In  German,  Pas- 
sarge's  (,19071  study  is  still  important,  but  the  work  is  now  supple- 
mented by  the  general  studies  of  Lebzelter  (,19o4a,  h^.  Immenroth 
(19oo')  has  produced  a  compilation  work  comparing  F\-gmies  and 
Bushmen,  and  this  contains  a  large  bibliography.  Rodenberg  (,1931) 
has  prepared  a  general  survey  of  like  kind  dealing  with  herders, 
hunters,  and  food  gatherers  of  South  West  Africa  in  their  relation 
to  the  land  and  its  produce. 

In  English  the  survey  of  Schapera  (ISSOa")  brings  together  in 
critical  manner  all  the  available  e\idence  for  Bushman  culture,  and 
in  a  short  article  (,1926'>  he  discusses  the  cultural  relationships  between 
Bushmen  and  Hottentots.  D.  F.  Bleek  has  published  an  article  on 
Bushmen  of  Angola  (,1927\  a  short  work  on  the  Naron  tribe  1,1928), 
and  a  series  of  articles  on  the  !Xam  Bushmen  in  Banru  Studies 
(19ol-3o'i.  0.  T.  Crosby  has  contributed  an  article  on  the  Bushm«i 
and  Ch-ambo  (,1931).  Doman  U^IT)  made  a  study  of  the  Tati  Bush- 
men i,Masarwas\  and  he  has  published  an  instructive  travel  book 
entitled  "Pygmies  and  Bushmen  of  the  Kalahari."  A.  W.  Hodson's 
book  "Trekking  the  Great  Thirst,"  would  form  an  entertaining 
introduction  to  more  serious  study. 


Hunting  Cultures  341 

Pygmies 

In  a  study  of  the  hunting  culture  of  Pygmy  groups  of  the 
central  forest  region,  the  difference  of  their  habitat  from  that  of 
Bushman  hunters  is  a  factor  of  importance.  The  former  live  in  the 
most  densely  wooded  regions  of  Africa,  while  the  latter  occupy  semi- 
desert  country.  In  both  cultures,  the  occupation  of  hunting  leads 
to  the  formation  of  temporary  encampments,  a  flexible  social  organi- 
zation, and  a  splitting  up  into  small  family  groups. 

PYGMY  AND  BUSHMAN  CULTURES  COMPARED 

P.  Schebesta  (1932a)  describes  the  Bambuti  groups  as  a  sub- 
merged class  among  Bantu  Negroes,  who  regard  the  Pygmies  with 
'  disdain.    A  horde  of  Pygmies  is  attached  to  every  Negro  village, 
;  and  a  Negro  chief  is  patron  over  one  or  more  groups  of  Pygmies 
whom  he  has  inherited  from  his  father,  and  whom  in  turn  he  will 
pass  on  to  the  custody  of  his  son.     This  statement  shows  a  fun- 
damental difference  between  the  culture  contacts  of  Bushmen  and 
Pygmies  with  their  respective  Bantu  neighbors.     That  Bushmen 
have  adopted  traits  from  Negro  tribes  has  been  recognized,  but 
I  Pygmies  form  a  much  more  permanent  cultural  liaison  with  their 
i  Bantu  neighbors;  in  fact,  the  reciprocal  duties  set  up  a  definite  state 
of  social  symbiosis.    Pygmies  supply  meat  to  Negroes  and  receive 
;  in  return  agricultural  produce.    As  with  Bushmen,  a  certain  amount 
i  of  miscegenation  with  Negroes  takes  place.     Schebesta  states  that 
Negroes  often  take  Pygmy  women  as  wives,  a  procedure  that  upsets 
the  sex  ratio  in  Pygmy  hordes;  he  does  not  state  whether  Pygmy 
men  ever  marry  Negro  women. 

Among  the  Bambuti,  material  culture  has  many  points  of  close 
resemblance  to  the  hunting  culture  of  the  Bushmen.  Males  are 
ihunters  whose  chief  weapons  are  bows  and  poisoned  arrows.  But 
spearing  animals,  together  with  the  use  of  nets  and  many  ingenious 
traps,  forms  part  of  the  regular  technique.  Dogs,  which  are  used 
•in  hunting,  are  the  only  domestic  animals;  this  is  also  true  of  the 
j  Bushmen.  Women,  as  among  Bushman  tribes,  collect  wild  vegetable 
produce,  carry  loads  from  Negro  villages,  build  huts  of  a  temporary 
kind  (Figs.  64,  65),  cook,  care  for  children,  gather  firewood,  and 
draw  water.  With  respect  to  water  supplies,  Bushman  ingenuity 
;is  exercised  to  find  supplies  in  a  dry  habitat,  whereas  the  habitat  of 
the  Bambuti  Pygmies  has  a  heavy  rainfall.  Other  important  traits 
in  the  hunting  culture  of  Pygmies  and  Bushmen  are  preparation  of 
{arrow  poison,  making  fire  by  twirling,  and  collection  of  honey. 


342  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  Bushman  method  of  preparing 
arrow  poison  from  animal  substances  such  as  crushed  spiders,  scor- 
pions, and  the  poison  glands  of  snakes.  Pygmies  appear  to  depend 
for  their  poison  on  the  juice  of  a  liana.  The  poison  is  prepared  by 
the  community  for  common  use,  and  not  by  each  individual  hunter. 
Lianas  containing  the  poisonous  principle  are  pounded  to  pulp  in  a 
wooden  trough,  and  the  juice  is  squeezed  out  by  twisting  the  pulp 
in  a  rattan  press.  The  arrow-tips  are  smeared  with  the  juice  and 
dried,  first  over  a  fire,  then  in  the  sun.  Pygmies  tip  their  arrows  with 
iron  points  as  do  some  Bushman  tribes,  but,  like  the  Bushmen,  they 
obtain  these  from  Negro  neighbors  since  the  blacksmith's  craft  is 
unknown  to  them.  Pygmies  do  not  feather  their  arrows  as  Bushmen 
do,  but  fix  a  split  leaf  to  the  butt  of  each  shaft.  Simple  skin  loin 
coverings  are  the  typical  clothing  of  both  Pygmies  and  Bushmen. 

Hunting  territories  for  bands  including  several  families,  and 
hunting  territories  for  tribes  are  recognized  by  Pygmies  as  they  are 
by  Bushmen,  and  infringement  of  hunting  rights  is  a  cause  of  con- 
flict. Among  Pygmies,  as  with  Bushmen,  the  family  group  is  the 
basic  economic  unit.  Game  is  divided  by  an  elder  of  the  family 
group,  who  distributes  a  portion  to  each  of  the  restricted  families. 
Even  the  man  who  killed  the  animal  has  no  authority  in  the  division. 
A  family  outside  the  clan  (group  of  related  families)  may  claim  a 
share  in  the  spoil  if  kinship  with  the  clan  can  be  shown.  As  with 
Bushmen,  the  Pygmies  have  recognized  individual  ownership.  If 
a  man  gathers  nuts,  these  belong  to  himself  or  to  his  restricted  family. 
If  a  woman  kills  a  snake,  she  may  cook  it  for  her  own  restricted 
family,  but  when  common  effort  has  been  made  all  the  families  of  a 
clan  group  share  the  food.  An  example  of  this  communal  effort 
and  communal  sharing  is  found  in  the  use  of  large  nets  whose  han- 
dling requires  all  the  males  of  the  Pygmy  clan  to  snare  the  game. 

Among  Bambuti  Pygmies  the  clan  is  a  group  of  Negro  origin; 
each  clan  has  a  definite  camping  ground,  hunting  territory  which 
can  be  used  by  all  families  of  the  clan,  and  a  clan  totem.  Each 
clan  recognizes  some  taboos  respecting  the  killing  and  eating  of 
its  totem  animal.  Tribal  unity  hardly  exists,  since  a  tribe  is  divided 
into  clans,  each  with  a  chief,  and  according  to  Schebesta  there  is 
no  cohesion  or  central  authority  for  the  clans.  Theoretically,  the 
Pygmies  are  polygynous,  but  perhaps  only  one  male  in  a  hundred 
has  more  than  one  wife.  If  a  Pygmy  woman  is  dissatisfied  with  her 
marriage  either  to  a  Negro  or  to  one  of  her  own  tribesmen  she  will 
return  to  her  own  family,  and  her  clan  will  protect  her  under  these 


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Hunting  Cultures  345 

circumstances.  Exogamy  in  family  groups  is  a  binding  regulation, 
and  the  rules  of  exogamy  sometimes  apply  to  clans,  in  which  case  a 
man  or  woman  must  marry  outside  his  or  her  family  and  clan.  Some 
of  these  social  customs  are  undoubtedly  due  to  Negro  influence,  and 
Schebesta  states  that  among  the  Ef^  Pygmies  circumcision  has  been 
adopted  only  recently  as  a  result  of  contact  with  Negroes. 

There  is  more  information  concerning  religious  beliefs  and  magical 
practices  of  Pygmies  than  of  Bushmen.  In  connection  with  hunting 
several  ritual  acts  occur.  The  night  before  Efe  Pygmies  hunt  ele- 
phants all  the  women  give  a  magical  dance,  during  which  they  squirt 
water  from  their  mouths  to  bring  good  luck  to  the  hunters.  Hunters 
run  out  from  the  dense  copses  and  spear  an  elephant  in  the  hind 
legs,  after  which  mortal  spear  thrusts  are  made.  A  honey  gatherer 
utters  a  prayer  for  success,  and  from  the  tree  he  tosses  part  of  a  honey- 
comb into  the  forest.  Part  of  the  heart  of  a  slain  animal  is  thrown 
into  the  forest  as  a  libation.  Charms  associated  with  witchcraft 
are  obtained  from  Negroes,  and  sores  on  the  body  are  attributed 
to  witches'  spells.  Schebesta  (1931a)  has  published  an  article  dealing 
solely  with  religious  beliefs  of  the  Bambuti  Pygmies. 

Definite  religious  ideas  are  few.  Worship  of  the  dead,  so  strong 
in  ancestral  cults  of  Negroes,  scarcely  enters  into  the  lives  of  Pygmies, 
yet  Pygmies  have  a  definite  impression  of  the  human  soul  as  an  entity 
distinct  from  the  body.  They  call  the  soul  hukahema,  and  say  that 
at  death  it  departs  from  the  body  as  breath.  If  a  person  has  been 
wicked  the  soul  is  cast  into  a  fire.  Souls  of  the  good  go  to  Mungu, 
a  god  who  has  the  appearance  of  a  man.  Possibly  some  European 
influence  is  reflected  in  these  beliefs.  Pygmies  believe  in  visits  from 
ghosts.  Schebesta  gives  an  account  of  Pygmies  who  throw  leaves 
on  a  fire  to  create  a  smoke  that  will  appease  spirits  of  a  thunder- 
storm. There  is,  however,  no  evidence  of  well-developed  beliefs 
which  are  coordinated  and  centralized  in  persons  or  institutions. 

READING 

Schebesta's  contributions  are  the  most  substantial  we  have  for 
study  of  the  Ituri  Pygmies,  but  several  brief  descriptions  of  Pygmies 
ought  not  to  be  overlooked.  In  the  section  dealing  with  physical 
anthropology,  reference  was  made  to  the  first  descriptions  of  Pygmies 
by  early  explorers,  Du  Chaillu  for  the  Gaboon,  Junker,  Schweinfurth, 
and  Stanley  for  the  Ituri.  In  addition  to  these,  several  books  of  a 
semi-popular  kind  contain  useful  accounts  of  Pygmy  life.  Among 
these  travel  books  and  general  accounts,  which  are  really  very 
serviceable,  are  those  of  H.  H.  Johnston   (1902b),  Verner  (1903), 


346  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Powell-Cotton  (1904,  1908),  Christy  (1915,  1924),  Bergh  (1922), 
and  Wollaston  (1908).  Schumacher  (1927,  1928)  has  contributed 
accounts  of  the  Kivu  Pygmies  in  the  eastern  Belgian  Congo.  The 
culture  as  well  as  the  physique  of  these  Pygmies  seems  to  have  been 
considerably  affected  by  contact  with  Bantu  neighbors.  An  illus- 
trated article  by  Maes  (1911)  deals  entirely  with  the  material  cul- 
ture of  the  Bambuti.  Trilles'  (1932)  social  studies  of  Congo  Pygmy 
groups,  other  than  the  Ituri,  is  important  for  comparative  study 
with  data  relating  to  the  Bambuti. 

scattered  hunting  groups 

In  addition  to  Bushman  hunting  culture  of  the  desert  type  and 
Pygmy  culture  of  the  dense  forest,  we  have  G.  W.  B.  Huntingford's 
(1929, 1931)  description  of  bands  of  hunters  of  the  parkland  country 
of  northeast  Africa.  The  racial  affinities  of  these  hunters  are  negroid, 
but  the  details  of  their  phylogenetic  connections  and  tribal  history 
are  unknown.  They  are,  however,  neither  Bushmen  nor  Pygmies, 
though  one  group,  the  Dume  living  to  the  northwest  of  Lake  Ste- 
fani,  have  some  resemblance,  somatically  and  culturally,  to  true 
Pygmies  of  the  Ituri  forest  (A.  D.  Smith,  1897,  pp.  272-275). 

The  Okiek,  commonly  called  Dorobo,  live  solely  by  hunting. 
They  speak  a  dialect  of  Nandi  and  are  hunters  for  the  Masai.  The 
Nandi  and  the  Masai  are  Half-Hamites,  with  culture,  language,  and 
physique  that  are  basically  Hamitic.  The  Dorobo  have  features 
that  are  more  negroid  than  those  of  the  Masai,  and  presumably  they 
have  not  been  affected  by  Hamitic  mixture  since  they  are  merely  a 
servant  class  for  the  pastoral  Hamites;  yet,  according  to  Huntingford, 
the  Masai  do  not  disdain  their  Dorobo  hunters. 

In  the  coastal  area  of  Kenya  Colony  live  hunting  tribes  named 
Sanye,  Boni,  Ariangulu,  all  of  whom  are  primitive  and  undeveloped 
in  their  culture  pattern.  The  Boni,  who  call  themselves  Watwa, 
hunt  for  the  Somali,  and  in  Abyssinia  there  is  a  low  caste  of  hunters 
whom  the  Galla  call  Watta  (Cerulli,  1922,  pp.  200-204). 

Houses  of  the  Dorobo  (Fig.  92)  closely  resemble  those  of  the 
Bambuti  Pygmies  of  Ituri,  since  the  dwellings  are  made  by  placing 
the  ends  of  supple  sticks  in  the  ground  to  form  a  dome  which  is 
thatched  with  banana  leaves  and  other  broad  foliage.  Other  cul- 
tural traits  of  the  Dorobo  are  in  harmony  with  the  general  pattern 
of  the  hunting  cultures  already  examined.  The  Dorobo  have  only 
recently  practiced  a  little  agriculture,  and  they  have  no  domestic 
animals  except  dogs.    Leather  clothing  is  of  a  simple  kind.    Fire  is 


Hunting  Cultures  347 

made  by  twirling.  In  the  practice  of  placing  hives  in  trees  the 
Dorobo  are  in  advance  of  the  Ituri  Pygmies,  who  merely  collect 
honey  from  the  nests  of  wild  bees.  The  Dorobo  have  few  crafts,  and 
they  do  not  make  objects  of  iron,  though  they  possess  iron  arrow- 
points,  spears,  and  swords;  these,  along  with  shields  are  obtained 
from  the  Nandi.  A  chief  is  elected,  and  the  office  is  not  hereditary; 
a  council  of  elders  is  the  responsible  governing  body.  Following 
the  system  of  the  Masai  and  the  Nandi,  males  are  divided  into  boys, 
warriors,  and  old  men.  At  the  time  of  circumcision  a  boy  enters 
the  warrior  class.  These  traits  show,  as  we  also  noted  for  the  Ituri 
Pygmies,  an  adoption  of  customs  from  neighboring  tribes.  The 
Dorobo  do  not  practice  burial  but  leave  their  dead  in  the  forest  to 
be  devoured  by  hyenas. 

BASIC  TRAITS  OF  HUNTING  CULTURES 

Among  the  hunting  cultures  considered,  there  exist  several 
important  differences,  though  the  social  and  economic  patterns  are 
fundamentally  similar.  Bushmen,  Pygmies,  and  Dorobo  are  all  of 
negroid  stock,  but  their  physical  differences  are  pronounced,  and 
their  languages  are  distinct.  The  Bushmen  have  their  own  peculiar 
click  languages,  which  differ  from  all  other  African  tongues.  The 
Pygmies  speak  current  Bantu  languages  which  are  employed  near 
to  them.    The  Dorobo  speak  the  Nandi  language. 

These  hunters  all  adopt  cultural  traits  from  surrounding  tribes; 
Bushman  tribes  have  adopted  some  factors  of  southern  Bantu  cul- 
ture. Pygmies  have  well-established  cultural  liaisons  with  central 
Bantu  tribes,  and  the  Dorobo  social  pattern  is  modeled  on  that  of 
the  Hamitic  Nandi. 

Common  material  traits  are  the  use  of  bows  and  poisoned  arrows 
along  with  many  ingenious  hunting  devices.  Hunters  have  few  arts, 
and  they  are  usually  dependent  on  adjacent  tribes  for  blacksmith's 
work,  pottery,  baskets,  wood-carving,  and  ornaments.  Bushman 
pictorial  art  is  an  exception,  for  the  Bushmen  are  the  only  hunters 
who  have  specialized  in  this  way. 

Hunting  tribes  have  no  agriculture,  and  they  are  dependent  on 
wild  vegetable  produce  dug  up  and  gathered  by  their  women.  Dogs 
which  are  used  when  hunting  are  the  only  domestic  animals.  Dwell- 
ings are  of  a  simple  kind,  quickly  constructed  and  frequently  aban- 
doned when  the  tribe  has  to  follow  game  or  find  a  new  water  supply. 
Clothing  consists  of  simple  pieces  of  hide  or  at  the  most  a  fur  cloak, 
as  among  Bushmen  and  Dorobo. 


348  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  salient  point  of  the  social  organization  is  simplicity,  lack  of 
cohesion,  and  absence  of  centralization.  The  functioning  groups  are 
those  consisting  of  a  few  individuals  comprised  in  a  family.  Families 
may  be  united  into  clans  as  among  the  Pygmies,  and  a  loosely  co- 
ordinated tribal  unit  may  exist.  Inheritance  and  succession  are 
problems  of  minor  importance;  in  fact,  they  hardly  arise.  Law  and 
legal  procedure  depend  on  well-established  precedents.  Private 
feuds  are  recognized  methods  of  redress,  and  the  judicial  system, 
like  the  social  organization,  is  of  a  distinctly  decentralized  type  when 
compared  with  the  system  of  Bantu  Negroes. 

Magical  practices  and  religious  beliefs  are  of  an  elementary  kind, 
showing  a  lack  of  centralization  in  persons  and  institutions.  The 
Dorobo  have  the  most  elaborate  social  structure  of  the  hunting 
tribes,  but  this  organization  has  been  adopted  from  the  Nandi,  and 
it  cannot  be  regarded  as  part  of  a  primitive  hunting  culture. 

Possibly  the  hunting  cultures  examined  here  represent  a  type 
of  life  that  was  characteristic  of  a  large  part  of  the  African  continent 
before  the  intrusion  of  pastoral  Hamites  on  a  large  scale,  and  before 
the  elaboration  of  the  complex  social,  religious,  and  legal  systems 
that  are  now  typical  of  agricultural  and  semi-pastoral  Negro  society. 

The  hunting  cultures  that  have  been  described  are  typical  of  a 
definite  mode  of  life,  with  local  variations.  But  the  fact  should  be 
recognized  that  many  Negro  tribes  with  a  complex  culture,  including 
pastoral  pursuits  and  an  agricultural  system,  still  possess  a  flourishing 
hunting  culture  in  which  ritual  observances  are  even  more  elaborated 
than  they  are  among  the  tjrpical  hunters. 

The  historical  truth  seems  to  be  that  many  Negro  tribes,  while 
acquiring  a  complex  economic  pattern,  have  held  tenaciously  to  their 
hunting  traits,  partly  on  economic  grounds,  but  to  a  great  extent 
because  of  the  sacred  character  of  the  rites  associated  with  the 
hunter  and  his  craft. 


III.    PASTORAL  PURSUITS 

The  words  "pastoral  culture"  may  be  used  to  describe  the  social 
patterns  of  numerous  tribes  inhabiting  the  northeast,  south,  south- 
east, and  southwest  regions  of  Africa.  These  tribes  possess  widely- 
divergent  somatic  and  linguistic  characteristics,  and  among  them 
are  to  be  found  cultural  differences,  for  example,  in  the  degree  of 
agricultural  and  industrial  development,  and  in  the  extent  to  which 
social  organization  is  focused  in  a  central  authority  such  as  a  king 
or  chief.  But,  despite  dissimilarities,  a  certain  homogeneity  of 
culture  results  from  the  rearing  of  cattle  and  the  clustering  of  many 
fundamental  social,  religious,  and  economic  traits  about  this  one 
occupation. 

EXAMPLES  OF  TYPICAL  CATTLE  CULTURE 

The  geographical  focus  of  the  cattle-keeping  culture  is  the  region 
of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza  (Roscoe,  1907,  1911,  1915  et  seq.).  Here 
the  chief  industry  of  the  Banyoro  is  pastoral,  and  in  the  ranks  of 
herdsmen  may  be  found  men  of  the  highest  rank.  But,  whatever 
their  social  status  happens  to  be,  all  cattle  owners  disdain  agriculture, 
handicrafts,  building,  and  hunting  as  a  means  of  making  a  living. 
Cattle  are  divided  into  herds  according  to  their  colors,  each  herd 
being  kept  apart  from  other  herds  which  differ  in  this  respect.  Little 
regard  is  given  to  producing  the  breed  of  cows  that  gives  most  milk. 
If  a  cow  suckles  her  calves  well,  and  especially  if  she  gives  birth  to 
cow  calves,  she  is  highly  esteemed ;  whereas  a  cow  that  usually  bears 
bull  calves  is  not  so  highly  valued,  even  though  her  supply  of  milk 
is  satisfactory.  Herdsmen  hold  the  bull  responsible  for  the  sex  of 
the  calves,  so  to  remedy  the  birth  of  bull  calves  they  change  the 
mating.  One  bull  is  thought  to  be  able  to  serve  fifty  cows,  but  in 
large  herds  several  bulls  are  kept,  and  these  fight  for  supremacy. 
Some  bull  calves  are  made  impotent  by  crushing  their  testicles,  and 
these  animals  are  reared  for  killing  purposes  only. 

Among  the  Banyankole  the  king  is  owner  of  all  cattle,  but  he  has 
his  personal  kraal,  herds,  and  herdsmen.  The  milk  supplied  to  the 
king  is  consumed  by  the  men,  women,  and  children  of  the  royal  house- 
hold, but  persons  of  the  slave  class  are  nourished  on  agricultural  pro- 
duce. Vegetable  food  is  considered  unclean  for  strictly  pastoral 
people,  and  if  these  persons  eat  vegetable  produce  they  must  observe 
a  fast  which  is  followed  by  purgatives  and  emetics. 

Women  churn  butter,  but  milking  and  herding  cattle  are  exclu- 
sively the  work  of  men.    In  the  king's  kraal  is  a  sacred  fire  having  an 

349 


350  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

attendant  who  keeps  it  burning  perpetually,  until  the  time  of  the 
king's  death.  Then  the  old  fire  is  extinguished,  and  a  new  one  is 
created  by  use  of  a  frictional  method.  Portions  of  the  new  fire  are 
distributed  to  other  kraals  and  houses.  At  the  fire  in  the  king's 
kraal  the  war  chief  renews  his  skill  and  courage  by  rubbing  himself 
with  the  ashes. 

When  a  king  dies,  his  body  is  wrapped  in  the  hide  of  a  newly  killed 
cow,  after  the  royal  corpse  has  been  washed  with  milk.  Bulls  are 
killed  at  the  graveside  of  the  king,  and  even  the  cattle  are  made  to 
participate  in  the  mourning.  Cows  are  separated  from  their  calves 
so  that  both  make  a  melancholy  lowing,  and  the  night  before  a  bull 
is  sacrificed  at  the  king's  funeral,  the  animal's  scrotum  is  tied  so  that 
it  cannot  mate  with  the  cows  but  keeps  up,  a  mournful  bellowing. 
Some  cows  are  dedicated  to  the  dead  king,  and  from  these  milk  is 
taken  daily  for  his  shrine.  The  cattle  killed  at  the  grave  are  said 
to  become  the  king's  herd  in  a  ghost  world.  Milk  is  a  sacred  product 
which  is  offered  to  the  royal  drums,  and  to  pythons  kept  as  cult 
animals  in  a  special  temple  near  Mwanza,  south  of  Lake  Victoria 
Nyanza.  A  taboo  against  the  consumption  of  milk  by  menstruating 
women  is  a  further  instance  of  the  sacred  character  of  this  dairy 
product. 

Medicine-men  and  rain-makers  are  important  because  the  former 
are  expected  to  predict  the  future  of  the  herd,  to  foresee  calamities, 
and  to  provide  remedies  for  sickness.  Rain-makers  to  the  king  hold 
a  distinguished  though  not  an  enviable  position,  since  they  are 
responsible  for  producing  an  optimum  amount  of  rainfall.  Should 
the  supply  of  water  be  insufficient,  the  king  feeds  the  rain-makers  with 
salt  and  deprives  them  of  water  until  their  magic  is  successfully  per- 
formed. On  the  contrary,  if  the  rainfall  is  too  heavy,  the  rain-makers 
are  immersed  to  their  necks  in  water,  into  which  they  are  repeat- 
edly pushed  until  semi-suffocation  causes  them  to  check  the  down- 
pour of  rain. 

In  addition  to  the  economic,  magical,  and  religious  aspects  of  the 
pastoral  culture,  life  is  socially  dependent  on  the  possession  of  herds. 
A  man's  social  standing  is  judged  by  the  size  of  the  herds  he  owns; 
cattle  are  used  for  paying  fines,  taxes,  and  debts,  and  for  securing 
brides.  Roscoe  points  out  that  the  use  of  cattle  as  a  standard  of 
wealth  has  led  to  a  form  of  polyandry  in  which  two  brothers,  who  are 
unable  to  afford  a  wife  for  each,  secure  a  woman  who  is  a  wife  for 
both  of  them.  Polygyny,  that  is,  the  possession  of  more  than  one 
wife,  is  a  common  African  practice,  but  polyandry  is  rare.    All  the 


Pastoral  Pursuits  351 

works  of  J.  Roscoe  treat  of  the  importance  of  cattle  as  the  warp  and 
weft  of  the  culture  pattern  of  Uganda,  and  for  Ruanda,  Delmas 
(1930)  produced  similar  evidence.  The  Nilotic  Negroes,  of  whom 
the  Dinka,  Shilluk,  and  Nuer  are  typical,  provide  an  apt  illustration 
of  the  way  in  which  every  aspect  of  life,  economic,  social,  and 
religious,  centers  round  the  possession  of  herds.  Of  the  Dinka,  H, 
O'Sullivan  (1910)  states  that  all  the  laws  of  the  Dinka  can  be  grouped 
in  association  with  four  main  principles:  namely,  the  possession  of 
women  and  cattle;  securing  wives  by  payment  to  the  kindred  of  the 
spouse;  inheritance  of  women,  children,  and  cattle;  payment  of  fines 
by  means  of  cattle. 

Many  writers  attest  the  basic  importance  of  herds  of  cattle  in  the 
lives  of  Nilotic  Negroes,  with  the  exception  of  the  Anuak  (Bacon, 
1922).  Among  the  Nuer,  agriculture  is  almost  wholly  neglected, 
despite  the  fact  that  grain  could  easily  be  grown  (H.  C.  Jackson, 
1923).  Frequently  the  Nuer  border  on  starvation  since  they,  in 
common  with  the  majority  of  pastoral  tribes,  refuse  to  slaughter  their 
cattle  for  food.  An  excellent  account  of  the  daily  life  of  the  Nuer 
and  their  seasonal  migrations  has  been  prepared  by  E.  E.  Evans- 
Pritchard  (1936b). 

The  Shilluk  also  focus  the  whole  of  their  religious,  social,  and 
economic  life  on  care  of  cattle.  The  prosperity  of  the  herds,  which 
depends  on  rainfall  and  pasturage,  is  closely  connected  with  magic, 
rain-making,  and  the  ceremonial  preservation  of  the  vigor  of  the 
ruling  king  (Westermann,  1912;  Hofmayr,  1925). 

J.  H.  Driberg  (1922,  1923)  shows  that  among  the  Lango  of 
Uganda,  also  among  the  Didinga,  care  of  cattle  and  preservation  of 
the  office  of  official  rain-maker  are  intimately  related  by  much  ritual, 
prayer,  and  sacrifice.  A  brief  description  of  the  Didinga  tribe  has 
also  been  given  by  Molinaro  (1935).  A  comprehensive  account  of 
the  whole  of  the  Nilotic  cattle  culture  has  been  prepared  by  C.  G.  and 
B.  Z.  Seligman  (1932).  F.  R.  R.  Somerset  (Lord  Raglan,  1918)  has 
described  the  Lotuko,  and  Titherington  the  Raik  Dinka  (1927). 

The  Bahr-el-Ghazal  Dinka  have  been  the  subject  of  an  article 
by  Cummins  (1904),  and  more  recently  Crazzolara  (1934)  and  Cze- 
kanowski  (1927)  have  contributed  to  the  study  of  Nilotic  Negro 
pastoral  patterns.  Consult  also  L.  F.  Nalder  (1936),  and  the 
periodical  Sudan  Notes  and  Records. 

A  Half-Hamitic  tribe  named  the  Suk,  living  northeast  of  Lake 
Victoria  Nyanza,  are  divided  into  pastoral  and  agricultural  sections 
(Beech,  1911).    The  former  division  is  composed  of  the  aristocracy, 


352  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

while  the  other  division  is  responsible  for  manufactures  and  tilling  the 
soil.  The  pastoral  Suk  have  individual  names  for  their  cattle,  and  a 
long  vocabulary  of  adjectives  for  describing  the  colors  in  detail. 
Beech  says,  "The  Suk  live  for  their  cattle  and  everything  is  done  to 
make  them  objects  of  reverence."  Examples  of  the  ceremonial  which 
is  associated  with  cattle  are  numerous.  Animals  whose  horns  have 
been  twisted  as  an  embellishment  are  decorated  with  ostrich  feathers 
and  driven  to  the  river,  while  warriors  dance  around  them  to  give 
good  luck  in  a  raiding  expedition.  Once  a  month  the  animals  are 
driven  to  a  salt  lick  at  the  first  appearance  of  a  new  moon.  The 
herd  is  not  allowed  to  proceed  if  no  moon  is  visible,  for  there  is  a 
belief  that  this  would  produce  sickness  in  the  herd. 

Cattle  are  marked  according  to  the  clan  to  which  they  belong, 
but  marks  of  personal  ownership  are  unnecessary  since  each  owner 
knows  his  animals  so  well  that  no  confusion  can  arise.  The  Suk,  like 
the  Masai,  follow  the  practice  of  drawing  blood  from  the  veins  of 
bulls,  for  which  purpose  a  special  arrow  is  used  and  a  ligature  is  tied; 
the  blood  is  drunk  with  milk. 

The  corpse  of  a  commoner  who  owns  no  cattle  is  thrown  in  the 
bush,  but  the  body  of  a  cattle  owner  is  buried  in  his  kraal  with  three 
feet  of  cattle  dung  above  him,  and  the  site  is  abandoned.  Grass  is  a 
sign  of  peace,  and  a  man  who  wears  a  tuft  of  grass  on  his  head  will  be 
spared  by  a  victorious  enemy.  If  raiders  enter  a  kraal  and  women 
are  able  to  pour  milk  on  them,  no  killing  takes  place. 

If  cattle  are  stolen  and  recovered,  their  blood  plays  an  important 
part  in  the  trial  of  the  accused.  Blood  drawn  from  the  cattle  is 
thrown  at  the  cattle,  the  accuser,  and  the  accused,  in  the  belief  that 
a  man  who  has  spoken  falsely  will  die.  This  is  a  form  of  trial  by 
ordeal.  Cattle  are  used  as  fines  and  compensation,  and  a  murderer 
is  expected  to  pay  fifty  cows  as  blood-money  to  the  relatives  of  his 
victim.  Ownership  of  cattle  and  the  use  of  land  for  grazing  are 
linked  factors.  Grazing  land  belongs  to  the  whole  tribe  and  no 
family  or  clan  can  claim  the  right  to  own  or  use  a  particular  portion. 
But  in  practice,  as  a  result  of  long-established  custom,  each  family 
is  restricted  to  the  use  of  a  definite  area. 

The  Masai  of  Kenya  (Hollis,  1905;  Merker,  1910;  Leakey,  1930) 
esteem  their  cattle  above  all  other  possessions;  they  despise  agri- 
culture, hunting,  and  manual  labor.  Masai  lion  hunters  have  great 
prestige,  but  the  Masai  will  not  hunt  as  a  means  of  providing  food; 
this  work  is  given  to  the  Dorobo,  who  are  a  serf  class.  Among  the 
Masai,  grass,  milk,  and  the  blood  of  cattle  have  important  symbolic 


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363 


354  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

uses.  Drinking  of  blood  and  milk  is  a  form  of  covenant,  a  blood 
brotherhood.  In  legal  procedure  the  accused  drinks  blood  of  an  ox, 
saying,  "If  I  have  done  this  deed,  may  God  kill  me."  When  a  boy  is 
about  to  be  beaten  by  a  warrior  he  tries  to  pluck  a  tuft  of  grass,  for 
this  act  will  give  him  immunity.  During  drought,  women  fasten 
grass  on  their  clothes  and  pray  to  the  Black  God  who  sends  rain. 
The  importance  of  religious  belief  and  magical  practice  in  relation  to 
pastoral  life  among  the  Masai  has  been  discussed  by  H.  Fokken 
(1917)  ;Huntingford  (1933a)  and  Hollis  (1909)  have  described  customs 
of  the  pastoral  Nandi. 

The  value  of  cattle  in  the  social  and  economic  life  of  these  tribes 
is  shown  in  many  ways.  Presentation  of  cattle  to  a  prospective 
father-in-law  is  a  necessary  part  of  a  marriage  contract.  Cattle  are 
used  in  payment  of  fines  and  as  compensation  for  injuries  inflicted. 
Testamentary  bequests  are  in  the  form  of  herds,  for  there  is  little 
property  of  any  other  kind.  At  the  death  of  an  old  person,  a  medi- 
cine-man, or  a  rich  owner  of  cattle,  an  ox  is  slaughtered.  Fat  from 
the  sacrificed  animal  is  rubbed  on  the  corpse,  which  is  then  wrapped 
in  oxhide,  and  at  a  funeral  feast  the  sacrificial  meat  is  eaten. 

The  typical  pastoral  culture  is  not  confined  to  Hamites,  such  as 
the  Bahima,  to  Half-Hamites  (Suk,  Masai,  and  Nandi),  or  to  the 
Nilotic  Negroes.  The  same  type  of  cultural  pattern,  modified  by  the 
incorporation  of  an  agricultural  system  maintained  by  the  labor  of 
women,  is  characteristic  of  many  tribes  of  Bantu-speaking  Negroes. 

modified  pastoral  cultures 

The  Ba-ila  of  Northern  Rhodesia  value  their  cattle  above  all  other 
possessions,  and  they  are  indignant  with  the  idea  of  using  cattle 
for  transport  or  harnessing  them  to  a  plow.  The  Ba-ila  think  that 
cattle  have  melodious  voices,  and  the  natural  beauty  of  the  animals 
is  enhanced  by  decorating  them  with  necklaces,  ruffles,  and  bells.  A 
ceremonial  element  enters  into  milking  processes,  for  the  herding  and 
the  actual  operation  of  milking  are  accompanied  by  drum  music. 
Migration  to  a  new  pasture  is  an  occasion  for  the  ceremonial  slaughter 
of  an  ox,  and  when  cattle  are  killed  at  a  funeral  feast  the  hides  are 
used  to  line  the  grave  (E.  W.  Smith  and  A.  M.  Dale,  1920). 

The  Bavenda  (Stayt,  1931a)  of  the  Transvaal  are  cattle  keepers 
who  use  the  animals  for  paying  tribute,  fines,  and  debts,  for  ritual 
meals,  and  as  an  offering  to  a  deity.  Cattle  form  the  lobola,  which 
must  be  paid  to  a  bride's  kin  in  order  to  legalize  a  marriage  and  to 
secure  possession  of  the  woman  and  her  children  by  the  husband. 
Among  all  the  southeastern  Bantu  tribes,  cattle  have  been  important 


Fig.  67.     a.  Cattle  of  the  Ovimbundu,  Elende,  Angola,     b.  House  of  cattle- 
keeping  Vakwanyama,  Angola. 


I 


355 


356  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

in  warfare,  social  life,  law,  and  religion.  I.  Schapera  has  described 
the  magic  and  medicines  associated  with  cattle  in  Bechuanaland 
(Schapera,  1930b,  1934a). 

In  South  West  Africa  the  Herero  are  a  typical  Bantu  Negro  tribe 
with  pastoral  pursuits  as  the  most  salient  feature  of  their  culture. 
H.  Vedder  believes  that  the  Herero  had  contacts  with  pastoral 
Hamites  early  in  the  cultural  history  of  these  east  African  invaders. 
Vedder  states  that  Herero  traditions  indicate  their  migration  from 
east  Africa  to  southern  Angola,  then  across  the  River  Kunene  to 
their  present  location  (Vedder,  1923). 

The  chief  work  of  men  centers  in  herding  cattle,  but  women  and 
girls  are  allowed  to  milk  the  animals.  A  prohibition  against  the 
washing  of  milk  vessels  exists,  and  the  utensils  must  be  used  and 
remain  unclean  until  they  fall  to  pieces.  Meat  is  too  valuable  to 
be  used  as  food,  but  milk  is  a  staple  diet.  Agriculture  and  handi- 
crafts are  considered  menial. 

In  religious  exercises  (Brauer,  1925)  cattle  play  an  important 
role.  Cattle  are  sacrificed  to  ancestors,  but  no  part  of  the  meat  is 
eaten  until  some  has  been  offered  to  ancestral  staffs  which  are  care- 
fully preserved.  The  holy  fire  is  situated  between  the  calf  kraal  and 
the  house  of  the  chief's  principal  wife.  The  sacred  fireplace  is  an 
altar  around  which  the  horns  of  sacrificed  animals  are  piled.  Extinc- 
tion of  the  fire  would  mean  annihilation  of  the  tribe,  since  the  fire 
was  a  gift  from  the  god  Mukuru.  A  man  who  is  setting  out  on  a 
journey  secures  a  blessing  from  his  ancestors  by  carrying  a  brand 
from  the  sacred  fire.  The  embers  he  carries  form  the  nucleus  of  a 
new  fire  at  his  destination.  The  Ovambo,  including  the  Vakwanyama 
of  south  Angola,  have  a  pastoral  culture  which  is  similar  to  that  of 
the  Herero  (C.  H.  L.  Hahn,  1928;  Irle,  1906,  1917). 

The  Benguela  Highlands  of  central  Angola,  which  are  occupied 
by  the  Ovimbundu,  mark  the  southwestern  limit  of  expansion  of  the 
Hamitic  cattle  culture.  Primarily  the  Ovimbundu  are  agricultural- 
ists, but  they  have  added  certain  factors  of  the  pastoral  system  to 
their  typical  Bantu  Negro  culture.  The  head  of  a  dead  chief  is 
severed  and  wrapped  in  oxhide,  which  is  ceremonially  renewed. 
Mourners  of  the  chief's  family  wear  bracelets  of  oxhide.  Cattle  are 
killed  at  the  funeral  feast  and  the  horns  are  mounted  over  the  grave 
(Hambly,  1934a). 

The  foregoing  summary  gives  the  main  outlines  of  the  typical 
pastoral  culture,  which  has  been  described  in  detail  by  M.  J.  Her- 
skovits  (1926).    But,  in  addition  to  this  culture  pattern,  there  exist 


Fig.  68.     a.  Transport  by  cattle,  Maradi,  French  Niger  Territory,     b.  Portu- 
guese riding  an  ox,  Blende,  Angola. 


357 


358  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

several  tribes  whose  most  valuable  possession  is  cattle,  yet  the 
animals  are  not  the  focus  of  the  social  and  religious  life.  The  Bag- 
gara  (Yunis,  1922;  Lampen,  1933),  the  Kababish  (C.  G.  and  B.  Z. 
Seligman,  1918)  and  other  tribes  of  Kordofan  and  Dafur  value  their 
cattle,  but  the  animals  are  used  for  transport  (Fig.  68,  a).  The 
herds  do  not  play  an  important  part  in  ceremonial  life. 

Study  of  life  in  Abyssinia  affords  many  examples  of  the  herding 
of  cattle,  which  have  great  economic  and  social  value.  But  the 
religious  aspect  of  the  true  pastoral  culture  is  in  abeyance,  perhaps 
because  of  the  wide  establishment  of  Mohammedanism,  which  has 
usurped  the  place  of  earlier  Hamitic  and  Semitic  veneration  for 
cattle.  There  is  no  specific  work  on  social  attitudes  toward  cattle 
in  Abyssinia,  but  data  will  be  found  in  the  following  publications: 
Parkyns  (1853),  Cecchi  (1885-86),  Casati  (1891),  Paulitschke  (1888, 
1893),  and  Ferrand  (1903).  Modern  contributions  to  the  life  of  the 
Galla  and  other  Abyssinian  tribes  are  given  by  Werner  (1914), 
Bieber  (1920),  Puccioni  (1931),  CerulH  (1933),  and  Jensen  (1936). 

The  Hottentots  use  oxen  for  riding  and  transport,  and  females  are 
allowed  to  milk  the  cows.  In  these  usages  the  Hottentots  differ  from 
truly  pastoral  tribes,  yet  a  certain  amount  of  ceremonial  is  recognized. 
Menstruating  women  must  abstain  from  milking  and  afterwards  be 
ceremonially  reintroduced  to  the  work.  Girls  who  are  passing 
through  puberty  rites  are  conducted  round  the  kraal  so  that  they 
may  touch  the  male  animals  and  so  confer  potency  on  them.  Any 
breach  with  the  traditions  of  the  past,  any  toleration  of  slackness  in 
carrying  out  the  restrictions  demanded  for  all  contingencies  in  the 
life  of  the  people,  is  bound  to  affect  the  stock  adversely  (Schapera, 
1930a,  p.  298;  Hoernl^,  1918,  1925;  Lebzelter,  1933). 

Some  of  the  nomadic,  cattle-keeping  Fulani  of  west  Africa  have 
an  attitude  toward  cattle  which  is  concerned  with  both  economic 
and  ceremonial  requirements.  On  the  one  hand,  bulls  and  oxen  are 
trained  to  carry  loads,  but  the  Shuwalbe  Fulani  believe  that  cattle 
had  a  magical  origin,  for  they  are  regarded  as  a  gift  from  a  water 
spirit.  The  owners  are  familiar  with  their  cattle  and  are  able  to 
call  each  by  name.  The  flesh  of  cattle  is  seldom  eaten,  and  then  only 
on  ceremonial  occasions  such  as  naming  a  child,  celebrating  a  wedding, 
or  observing  a  Mohammedan  festival.  Women  milk  the  cows  and 
churn  butter.  Cattle  are  inherited  in  the  male  line  from  fathers  to 
sons,  and  sharing  of  the  cattle  according  to  their  colors  is  a  feature  of 
the  system  of  inheritance.  The  oldest  son  takes  all  the  black  cattle, 
while  the  younger  sons  share  the  white  animals.    In  time  of  drought 


Pastoral  Pursuits  359 

a  herdsman  strips  himself,  then  stands  among  the  cattle  and  anoints 
their  horns  with  milk.  If  disease  threatens  the  herds,  a  Moham- 
medan mallam,  who  is  a  teacher  and  maker  of  charms,  walks  seven 
times  round  the  kraal,  repeating  texts  from  the  Koran.  The  traits 
described  indicate  a  blending  of  factors  of  the  true  Hamitic  pastoral 
culture  with  those  of  Mohammedanism  (Brackenbury,  1923;  L.  N. 
Reed,  1932;  Wilson-Haffenden,  1927,  1930;  and  Von  Pfeffer  1936). 

SUMMARY 

In  analyzing  the  social  patterns  that  have  developed  in  associa- 
tion with  pastoral  cultures,  the  following  traits  are  found  to  be  of 
primary  importance,  though  they  are  not  all  present  in  every  pastoral 
culture;  neither  do  particular  traits  receive  equal  emphasis  in  each 
of  the  cultures  in  which  they  occur. 

The  attitude  of  herdsmen  toward  their  cattle  is  one  of  extreme 
solicitude;  the  care  and  affection  lavished  on  the  herds  is  one  of  the 
most  impressive  aspects  of  the  culture.  Religious  and  magical  con- 
cepts associate  cattle  with  life  beyond  the  grave,  with  burial  rites, 
and  with  the  sacrificial  use  of  meat,  milk,  and  blood.  Prayers  and 
ritual  for  making  rain  are  important,  while  the  use  of  sacred  fire  is 
one  of  the  most  constant  traits  of  the  culture.  References  to  this 
trait  are  numerous  from  Uganda  to  the  extreme  south,  and  southwest 
to  the  Ovimbundu.  Eiselen  (1929)  has  dealt  fully  with  ritual 
connected  with  the  sacred  fire  of  the  Bapedi  of  the  Transvaal. 

At  the  head  of  a  social  system  which  is  founded  on  pastoral  pur- 
suits, the  office  of  king  or  chief  has  sacred  functions,  and  official 
rain-makers  are  the  principal  priests.  Social  status  depends  on  the 
ownership  of  cattle;  the  larger  the  herds,  the  higher  the  rank  of  the 
possessor.  Fulfillment  of  marriage  contracts  is  dependent  on  owner- 
ship of  stock.  Inheritance  and  succession  are  usually  in  the  male 
line  from  father  to  son  or  to  a  brother  of  the  deceased.  Blood 
brotherhood,  which  forms  the  most  enduring  of  social  ties,  is  effected 
by  drinking  a  mixture  of  blood  and  milk  from  cattle.  Typical 
Hamitic  herdsmen,  as  among  the  Bahima  and  Masai,  form  a  social 
aristocracy  and  a  military  caste,  which  is  concerned  with  raiding  for 
cattle  and  securing  new  land  for  grazing  purposes.  In  some  Hamitic 
social  systems,  namely,  those  of  the  Galla,  Masai,  and  Nandi,  age 
grades  are  fundamental  for  both  males  and  females.  According  to  a 
complex  system,  males  pass  from  boyhood  through  the  warrior  class 
to  the  governing  grade  of  old  men.  In  the  legal  system,  cattle  are 
important  as  tribute,  for  payment  of  taxes,  and  as  compensations. 


360  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  economic  life,  procedure  varies  among  different  pastoral 
tribes,  but  Nilotic  Negroes,  Hamites,  and  Half-Hamites  who  possess 
the  typical  cattle  culture  disdain  agriculture  and  handicrafts,  which 
are  either  neglected  or  relegated  to  a  serving  class.  Meat  is  not 
eaten  as  an  item  of  the  ordinary  diet,  but  it  is  consumed  as  a  rite 
which  is  associated  with  some  event  of  social  and  religious  importance. 
Milk  is  a  staple  food.  Some  pastoral  tribes  make  butter,  and  certain 
tribes  drink  the  blood  of  cattle  mixed  with  milk. 

A  division  of  labor  on  a  sex  basis  is  evident  in  the  true  pastoral 
culture.  Men  are  the  usual  herders  and  milkers,  but  local  customs 
vary  in  this  respect.  Among  some  Bantu  Negroes,  for  example,  the 
Ba-ila,  the  Ovimbundu,  and  the  southeastern  Bantu,  keeping  cattle 
is  combined  with  a  well-developed  system  of  agriculture  which  is  in 
charge  of  women.  Despite  differences  in  social  patterns  among 
cattle  keepers  who  inhabit  the  large  areas  of  east  and  south  Africa, 
the  primary  traits  are  well  enough  preserved  to  justify  the  general- 
izations we  have  made  with  regard  to  a  typical  pastoral  culture. 


IV.  CAMEL  KEEPERS  OF  THE  SAHARA 

The  Tuareg 

In  order  to  illustrate  the  basic  importance  of  the  breeding  of 
camels  and  the  use  of  these  animals  in  caravan  trade,  three  areas  of 
the  Sahara  are  selected  for  study.  These  regions  are  the  mountains 
of  Air  in  the  south-central  Sahara,  the  plateau  of  Tibesti  in  the  east- 
central  Sahara,  and  the  oases  of  the  eastern  Libyan  Desert.  The 
tribes  inhabiting  these  regions  differ  in  physique,  in  language,  and 
to  some  extent  in  culture,  but  all  are  primarily  dependent  on  the 
ownership  of  camels  and  on  agriculture  within  very  restricted  fertile 
tracts.    The  chief  spiritual  factor  is  Mohammedanism. 

Enormous  tracts  of  the  Sahara  are  uninhabited,  and  the  absence 
of  regular  water  supplies  over  most  of  the  area  has  caused  human  life 
to  be  concentrated  either  in  high  plateau  regions  or  in  oases,  for  in 
these  areas  permanent  supplies  of  water  can  be  obtained  from  wells. 
Between  these  habitable  regions  are  two  types  of  desert,  the  stony 
and  sandy  (Figs.  4,  5),  which  are  so  arid  that  communication  can 
be  maintained  only  by  means  of  camel  transport.  This  has  been  of 
primary  importance  in  warfare  and  trade.  The  oases  suffer  from  an 
incessant  onslaught  of  sand  that  fills  gardens,  streets,  and  wells,  so 
that  in  sedentary  life  as  well  as  in  trekking,  the  fight  against  des- 
ert conditions  is  continuous.  Details  of  temperature  and  rainfall 
together  with  ecological  information  are  given  by  Fitzgerald  (1934, 
pp.  56-57,  59-60).  Chevalier  (1932)  should  be  consulted  for  informa- 
tion relating  to  plant  geography. 

The  oasis  of  Kowar,  with  Bilma  as  its  chief  town,  lies  between 
the  mountains  of  Air  and  the  plateau  of  Tibesti.  Of  the  desert 
region  near  Bilma,  A.  Buchanan  says,  "The  Bilma  Desert  is  desert 
at  its  worst,  an  absolute  sea  of  sand  destitute  of  the  minutest  object. 
Nothing  relieves  the  eye,  not  even  a  morsel  of  vegetation,  and  there 
is  no  living  creature  whatever." 

Caravan  routes  follow  the  dried  courses  of  ancient  rivers  that 
used  to  form  a  network  of  channels  over  the  Sahara  (Bourbon,  1933). 
The  speed  with  which  these  depressions  (wadis)  can  be  converted 
into  river  beds  is  related  by  Buchanan  (1926,  p.  204):  "The  first 
warning  of  impending  events  came  from  a  huge  ominous  cloud,  lurid 
lightning,  and  a  roar  of  thunder.  The  whole  aspect  of  the  country 
changed,  while  streams  began  to  form  and  gurgle  all  round  us;  these 
grew  at  an  alarming  pace.    A  low  murmuring  arose  in  the  hills  behind 

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362  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  drew  nearer  until  we  witnessed  the  remarkable  sight  of  a  foam- 
crested  billow  advancing  down  the  hitherto  empty  river  bed;  so  the 
stream  was  breast  high."  The  water  from  such  cloudbursts  is  wasted, 
with  the  exception  of  that  which  sinks  through  the  sand  and  finds 
impervious  strata.  In  such  places  wells  are  formed,  and  on  these  the 
long-distance  caravans  are  dependent. 

In  the  mountains  of  Air  (Asben),  rains  begin  in  early  July  and 
continue  throughout  August,  by  which  time  the  customary  routes 
have  been  converted  into  channels  of  water  that  render  them  im- 
passable. After  the  rains  the  valleys  and  hillsides  are  clothed  with 
verdure,  including  many  grasses,  palms,  and  acacias.  The  thorny 
acacias  are  particularly  useful  as  food  for  camels.  Among  these 
mountains,  which  rise  to  a  height  of  6,000  feet,  live  the  Tuareg  of  Air, 
surrounded  by  both  stony  desert  and  dunes,  whose  crossing  is 
attempted  only  under  the  leadership  of  a  few  renowned  guides.  Fig. 
69  shows  a  typical  Tuareg  camel  caravan,  and  Fig.  70  gives  a  group 
of  Tuareg  horsemen. 

The  journeys  of  Buchanan  (1922,  1926),  which  were  taken  chiefly 
in  the  interests  of  zoology,  demonstrated  a  distribution  of  animal 
life  greater  than  had  been  anticipated.  On  the  sparsely  covered 
plains  of  Damergu  between  Lake  Chad  and  Air,  bustards  and 
ostriches  were  found,  while  giraffe  were  occasionally  seen.  Antelopes 
included  the  white  oryx,  from  whose  hides  the  Tuareg  make  their 
large  triangular  shields,  also  the  addax,  which  ranges  as  far  north  as 
22°,  a  point  well  within  the  desert  area.  In  Air  warthogs  are  rare, 
but  they  are  seen  at  intervals,  as  also  are  jackals,  wildcats,  hyenas, 
foxes,' ground  squirrels,  jerboas,  porcupines,  and  hares.  Lions  are 
rare  in  Air,  but  F.  R.  Rodd  gives  an  account  of  the  killing  of  one  in 
recent  times.  Buchanan  reports  that  his  collection  of  birds  from  the 
Sahara  included  134  different  species  and  subspecies,  many  of  which 
were  migrants  from  southern  Europe.  In  Air,  and  in  the  Hoggar 
Mountains  north  of  Air,  Barbary  sheep  live  at  high  altitudes. 

In  this  habitat  lives  a  section  of  the  Tuareg,  a  word  that  is  used 
by  Arabs  to  designate  many  tribes  who  call  themselves  Kel  Tagilmus, 
People  of  the  Veil,  in  reference  to  the  fact  that  all  adult  males  cover 
their  faces  so  that  only  their  eyes  and  the  upper  parts  of  their  fore- 
heads are  seen  (Palmer,  1928,  vol.  3,  p.  62;  this  work.  Fig.  70).  The 
veil  is  not  removed  under  any  circumstances;  even  during  meals 
it  is  lifted  when  food  is  placed  in  the  mouth.  The  origin  of  this 
custom  of  wearing  the  litham  has  not  been  explained.  The  veil  is 
one  of  the  insignia  of  manhood  assimied  by  a  boy  who  is  ceremonially 


I 


Fig.  69.    Tuareg  Caravan,  near  Zinder,  French  Niger  Territory. 


363 


364  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

passed  into  the  adult  stage.  The  Tuareg  are  divided  geographically 
into  five  main  groups  having  some  ethnological  and  linguistic  dif- 
ferences. The  Hoggar,  Adzjer,  and  Iforas  are  the  Tuareg  of  the 
north.  The  Tuareg  of  Air  and  the  Niger  are  Tuareg  of  the  south. 
The  tribes  of  Air  who  have  been  selected  for  consideration  here  are 
physically,  linguistically,  and  culturally  similar  to  those  of  Hoggar. 

Among  the  best  works  dealing  with  the  Tuareg  are  Palmer  (1932, 
1934, 1936b),  Rodd  (1926, 1936),  Abadie  (1927),Duveyrier  (1864a,  b), 
Aymard  (1911),  Benhazera  (1908),  De  Zeltner  (1914  a,  b),  Chudeau 
(1909),  L.  Hall  (1927),  D'Armagnac  (1934),  and  Schirmer  (1893). 
D'Armagnac  (1934)  has  discussed  the  subject  of  racial  and  cultural 
diffusion  in  the  Sahara.  In  T.  Monod's  (1933-35)  bibliography  of  the 
Sahara  will  be  found  a  survey  of  the  chief  literature  dealing  with  this 
region. 

The  facts  detailed  under  physical  anthropology  showed  the 
Tuareg  to  be  northern  Hamites  of  aquiline  features,  with  gray-blue 
or  perhaps  dark  eyes,  and  curly  hair  unlike  the  woolly  hair  of  Negroes. 
They  are  tall  and  slender,  with  dignified  and  graceful  carriage.  The 
skin  color  is  often  olive  brown  and  many  Tuareg,  if  suitably  dressed, 
would  not  be  incongruous  among  Europeans  of  the  Mediterranean 
race.  Physique,  social  organization,  and  economic  conditions  have 
been  affected  by  acquisition  of  Negro  slaves  from  the  western  Sudan. 

MATERIAL  CULTURE 

The  main  items  of  clothing  for  men  are  flowing  robes  and  wide 
trousers,  with  perhaps  a  tanned  goatskin  or  sheepskin  worn  round 
the  loins  below  the  trousers.  Both  blue  and  white  colors  are  used  by 
men;  the  former  are  the  more  common.  Sandals  of  leather  or  palm 
fronds  are  worn.  Charms  include  small  leather  satchels  containing 
Koranic  texts;  these  are  fastened  to  the  arms  or  are  suspended  round 
the  neck.  Steatite  (soapstone)  armlets  of  green  color  are  worn  above 
the  elbow  as  an  indication  of  rank.  Some  of  these  ornaments  show 
neat  repair  work  with  small  metal  rivets.  The  rings  are  rubbed  down 
from  a  round  matrix,  polished  with  sand,  and  baked  in  fat.  A  popular 
neck  ornament  is  made  from  agate;  this  is  of  triangular  shape,  with 
a  ring  at  the  top  formed  from  the  one  matrix.  In  the  market  at  Kano 
tawdry  imitations  in  glass  are  sold.  The  distinctive  equipment  of  a 
man  is,  in  addition  to  the  veil,  a  broad,  straight,  cross-hilted  sword, 
a  barbed  thro  wing-spear,  an  oryx-hide  shield,  and  a  number  of  arm- 
rings  of  stone. 

The  usual  dress  for  a  woman  is  a  skirt  of  indigo  cloth  with  perhaps 
a  narrow  white  stripe  in  it,  and  a  sleeveless  coat.    Silver  bangles  and 


Fig.  70.    Tuareg  of  Timbuktu  Straus  West  African  Expedition  (from  photo- 
graph by  John  F.  Jennings). 

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366  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

hair  ornaments  of  the  same  metal  are  the  customary  decorations. 
Despite  the  injunctions  of  Mohammedanism,  Tuareg  women  do  not 
veil,  but  they  draw  their  hoods  across  their  faces  in  the  presence  of 
strangers.  The  henna  plant,  which  grows  in  Air,  is  used  for  making 
a  red  dye  for  staining  finger  and  toe  nails.  Kohl  is  employed  for 
darkening  the  eyelashes. 

In  some  regions  of  Air  stone-built  houses  are  used,  but  dwellings 
are  usually  more  temporary.  A  hut  is  quickly  made  by  tying  to- 
gether the  tops  of  palm  frond  ribs  that  have  been  stuck  in  the  ground. 
On  this  framework  is  laid  a  thatch  of  coarse  grass,  while  mats  provide 
the  walls.  In  the  city  of  Agades  in  southern  Air  many  of  the  houses 
have  vertical  mud  walls,  and  flat  roofs  which  are  drained  by  clay 
pipes.  This  is  a  type  of  architecture  commonly  found  in  Egypt, 
north  Africa,  and  the  western  Sudan.  The  roof  is  reached  by  a 
flight  of  stairs  built  in  the  outer  wall.  In  the  interior  are  chambers 
and  courtyards,  some  of  which  are  reserved  for  females  (Figs.  73, 
74,  a).  The  most  primitive  house  is  one  used  by  nomadic  Tuareg, 
who  make  a  portable  structure  by  stretching  ox-skins  on  poles.  A 
bed,  which  accommodates  the  whole  family,  is  made  by  placing 
poles  on  Y-shaped  supports  and  covering  the  poles  with  mats.  The 
family  sleep  on  the  ground  in  the  dry  season.  The  Tuareg  some- 
times use  tents  of  Bedouin  type  made  of  camel-  or  goat-hair  rugs 
(Fig.  72). 

A  Tuareg  proverb  states  that  "shame  enters  a  family  that  tills 
the  soil,"  nevertheless,  agricultural  produce  is  more  important  than 
meat  in  Tuareg  diet,  and  grain  is  almost  as  staple  as  the  milk  of 
camels  and  goats.  Negro  slaves  perform  agricultural  work,  and 
even  in  sedentary  communities  Tuareg  women  do  not  till  the  soil. 
If  force  of  circumstances  makes  agricultural  interests  inevitable, 
there  is  always  the  hope  that  such  employment  will  be  temporary, 
and  that  camels  will  ultimately  be  obtained.  In  this  social  distinc- 
tion between  pastoral  and  agricultural  pursuits  among  the  Tuareg, 
there  is  a  parallel  with  the  lives  of  the  eastern  Hamites  whose  social 
standing  depends  on  ownership  of  cattle. 

The  principal  grains  used  by  the  Tuareg  are  millet  and  wheat, 
which  are  both  grown  in  Air,  though  a  considerable  quantity  of  millet 
is  imported  from  the  Sudan.  Crushing  in  stone  querns  is  the  first 
stage  in  preparing  wheat  for  cooking,  but  millet,  a  softer  grain  than 
wheat,  is  pounded  in  a  wooden  mortar.  The  Tuareg  frequently 
travel  where  wood  for  fires  is  unobtainable;  therefore,  millet  is  baked 
into  cakes  that  are  carried  on  the  journey,  and  for  a  short  excursion 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  367 

of  two  days  a  man  provides  no  more  than  a  mush  of  millet  in  water, 
which  is  conveyed  in  goatskin  bags.  If  firewood  is  obtainable, 
ignition  is  accomplished  by  rubbing  a  piece  of  hard  wood  in  a  groove 
of  softer  wood. 

The  Tuareg  are  indifferent  potters  who  attempt  no  more  than 
the  manufacture  of  coarse  red  ware,  but  cooking  pots  of  better  quality 
are  imported  from  Agades.  The  Tuareg  employ  a  method  of  cooking 
which  is  widely  adopted  by  Arabs  and  Berbers.  A  perforated  pot 
is  placed  over  the  mouth  of  a  lower  pot  containing  water,  which  is 
boiled.  The  rising  steam  cooks  the  wheat  or  other  grain  in  the  upper 
pot,  which  contains,  in  addition  to  grain,  some  meat  and  salt,  with 
seasoning.  Meat  is  a  luxury,  since  the  milk  of  sheep,  goats,  camels, 
and  cows  is  required  for  making  cheese,  and  the  animals  are  too 
valuable  for  slaughter.  Meat  is  sometimes  cooked  under  the  hot 
embers  of  a  fire,  and,  for  use  when  trekking,  meat  is  preserved  by 
soaking  it  in  brine  and  drying  it  in  the  sun. 

The  Tuareg  will  eat  the  flesh  of  an  animal  that  has  died  from 
injury,  provided  the  creature's  throat  has  been  cut  before  it  died. 
Flesh  of  camels  is  eaten  if  this  rite  has  been  performed.  The  custom 
of  cutting  the  throat  of  an  animal  so  that  the  flesh  may  be  ritually 
clean  is  of  ancient  Semitic  origin,  and  the  usage  has  become  a  part 
of  Mohammedan  and  Jewish  procedure. 

Date  palms  which  have  been  introduced  into  Air  from  regions 
farther  north  supply  an  important  article  of  diet.  Sometimes  the 
dates  are  eaten  while  fresh,  but  more  often  they  are  soaked  in  water, 
then  pressed  into  leather  receptacles  that  are  tightly  sewn.  During 
a  journey,  the  main  foods  are  powdered  cheese,  dates,  cakes  of 
cooked  millet,  and  water;  but  some  nomads  can  dispense  with  water 
for  weeks,  provided  their  camels  and  goats  are  giving  an  adequate 
supply  of  milk.  Churning  to  make  cheese  and  butter  is  an  occupation 
for  women,  who  use  skin  bags  as  churns.  Women  also  grind  grain 
and  do  the  cooking.  Young  boys  are  trained  in  work  of  this  kind, 
and  to  them  such  tasks  are  given  during  journeys.  Men  make 
saddles  and  other  equipment,  twist  rope  from  palm  fiber,  and  sew 
water-skins  from  goat-hide. 

Certain  trades,  for  example,  that  of  the  blacksmith,  are  in  the 
hands  of  specialists,  and,  no  matter  what  the  social  standing  of  a 
blacksmith  may  be,  he  commands  respect  because  of  his  occupation. 
With  his  iron-forging  a  blacksmith  often  combines  the  work  of 
jeweler  and  carpenter.  The  former  occupation  is  concerned  with 
the  manufacture  of  silver  ornaments  for  women,  while  the  latter 


k 


368  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

produces  wooden  spoons,  ladles,  bowls,  and  other  domestic  utensils. 
Men  of  the  Tuareg  are  more  skilled  than  women  in  making  clothes, 
and  this  is  also  true  among  the  Hausa  of  Kano,  where  men  make  the 
clothing  for  themselves  and  for  their  women.  Men  make  hide  shields, 
swords,  arm-daggers,  and  spears.  Shields  and  spears  are  falling  into 
desuetude  since  the  entry  of  modern  rifles.  Knives  and  swords  are 
imported  from  Kano  in  northern  Nigeria.  A.  Dupuis-Yacouba 
(1914,  1921),  De  Gironcourt  (1914),  and  De  Zeltner  (1914b)  all  give 
well-illustrated  accounts  of  Tuareg  art  and  industries.  Dupuis- 
Yacouba  deals  specifically  with  the  art  of  Timbuktu.  Personal 
ornaments  have  been  described  in  detail  by  Arkell  (1935a,  b) . 

Animal  life  is  not  so  plentiful  as  to  encourage  specialization  in 
hunting.  The  distribution  of  a  round,  cane  foot-trap  used  for  catch- 
ing gazelle  has  been  described  by  Lindblom  (1928a).  Horses  are  not 
generally  seen  except  near  Agades,  and  the  chief  beasts  of  burden, 
apart  from  camels,  are  pack-oxen  and  small  donkeys,  which  are  used 
for  local  transport.  Cattle  of  the  humped  species  are  purchased 
from  the  Fulani,  who  are  nomadic  herdsmen  of  the  western  Sudan. 
The  Hausa  have  introduced  cats.  Dogs  are  plentiful.  Chickens 
are  used  as  food. 

These  domestic  animals  are  less  important  than  camels,  whose 
ownership  is  a  basic  trait  in  the  economic  and  social  organization. 
Of  the  genus  Camel  dromedarius,  which  is  the  Arabian  camel  with  one 
hump,  many  species  are  to  be  seen  in  Air.  One  conspicuous  breed 
is  a  tall,  sandy-colored  camel  having  great  height  at  the  shoulder; 
these  animals  are  bred  in  the  plateau  region  of  Tibesti,  several  hun- 
dred miles  to  the  east  of  Air.  The  Ghati  camel  is  reddish-fawn  in 
color,  and  because  of  its  massive  build  it  can  carry  heavy  loads. 
The  rough-coated  camels  that  are  bred  in  the  Hoggar  Mountains 
are  of  great  height  and  strength.  The  large  white  camels  are  reared 
in  Air.  The  Tuareg  are  able  to  deduce  an  astonishing  amount  of 
information  from  camel  tracks  which  give  a  certain  clue  to  the  breed, 
and  every  camel  owner  knows  the  spoor  of  each  of  his  animals. 
Camel  hactrianus,  the  shaggy,  two-humped  Asiatic  camel,  is  not  used 
in  Africa. 

The  resistance  of  camels  to  drought  depends  on  the  conditions 
under  which  they  were  reared.  If  accustomed  to  only  small  rations 
of  water,  the  animals  will  be  allowed  to  drink  every  third  day,  and 
they  will  go  for  much  longer  periods  without  serious  suffering.  Yet 
camels  are  delicate  animals,  requiring  time  for  browsing  slowly,  and 
they  are  subject  to  several  diseases.    The  feet  are  liable  to  develop 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  369 

cracks,  and  saddle  sores  are  readily  formed.  Baggage  camels  cannot 
travel  more  than  three  miles  an  hour  without  risk  of  injury.  The 
care  of  camels,  their  breeding,  the  making  of  equipment,  technique 
of  loading,  conduction  of  caravans,  and  organization  of  raiding  have 
formed  the  core  of  Tuareg  life.  Changing  economic  conditions  result- 
ing from  European  intrusion  are  militating  against  the  caravan 
trade,  while  supervision  by  French  camel  corps  patrols  places  a 
check  on  desert  warfare.  Leonard  (1894)  has  written  a  standard 
work  on  "The  Camel  and  Its  Management"  and  useful  notes  are  to 
be  found  in  the  works  of  MacMichael  (1913),  Hassanein  Bey  (1924), 
and  King  (1925). 

The  object  of  the  annual  caravan  journey  from  Air  to  Bilma,  a 
distance  of  about  three  hundred  miles,  is  to  secure  salt,  which  is 
traded  everywhere  in  the  western  Sudan.  The  route  is  almost  water- 
less, and  since  there  is  no  fodder  or  browsing  for  the  camels,  bales  of 
provender  have  to  be  carried.  The  food  for  the  return  journey  is 
cached  on  the  outward  trip.  At  present  the  caravan  numbers  about 
five  thousand  camels,  but  in  time  past  as  many  as  thirty  thousand 
animals  have  made  the  journey.  A  Tuareg  who  owns  only  one  camel 
is  anxious  to  join  the  caravan,  while  a  wealthy  man  may  have  a 
hundred  animals  or  more.  The  ambition  of  all  Tuareg  of  Air  is  to 
join  in  this  great  enterprise,  which  is  also  accompanied  by  Hausa 
traders  from  Kano  and  Sokoto.  For  weeks  in  advance  the  caravan 
is  assembling  in  Air,  until  at  last  the  train  of  camels,  perhaps  seven 
miles  long,  sets  out  for  Bilma.  The  daily  journey  is  about  forty 
miles,  made  at  the  rate  of  two  and  a  half  miles  an  hour.  A  record 
journey  for  riding  camels  was  made  in  the  year  1917,  when  Tuareg 
scouts  who  were  faithful  to  the  French  carried  news  of  an  attack  on 
Agades.  The  journey  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  Agades  to 
Zinder  was  accomplished  in  four  days. 

RELIGION   AND    SOCIAL   STRUCTURE 

In  religion  the  Tuareg  are  Mohammedan,  but  they  are  lax  and 
superficial  toward  their  faith.  Charles  de  Foucauld  (Bazin,  1923)  has 
said,  "Although  the  Tuareg  are  Musulmans  by  faith  they  are  very  igno- 
rant of  Islam  and  have  not  been  spoiled  by  it."  In  this  respect  the 
Tuareg  differ  essentially  from  the  Senussi  Arabs  of  the  Libyan 
oases,  and  the  Teda  of  Tibesti.  These  Mohammedans  have  been 
evangelized  by  the  fanatical  Senussi  Mohammedans,  who  observe 
the  tenets  of  the  faith  strictly  and  have  no  tolerance  of  unbelievers. 
The  Tuareg  have  a  code  of  morality  which  to  some  extent  is  derived 
from  Islamic  teaching.     Water  is  not  denied  to  any  enemy  in  the 


370  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

desert,  wells  are  not  poisoned,  and  palms  are  not  cut  down.  The 
Tuareg  do  not  break  their  bond  of  peace;  they  keep  their  word  to 
those  who  are  permitted  to  travel  through  their  country,  and  in 
warfare  certain  standards  of  conduct  are  observed. 

On  the  whole  the  life  of  the  Tuareg  conforms  to  the  standard 
of  austerity  enjoined  by  the  Prophet.  The  Tuareg  do  not  smoke 
tobacco,  but  they  chew  green  tobacco  mixed  with  saltpeter.  They 
are  not  addicted  to  alcoholic  drinks.  Mohammedan  sects  are  divided 
respecting  the  permissibility  of  alcoholic  drinks.  The  Senussi  sect 
forbids  coffee  but  sanctions  the  use  of  tea.  Injunctions  against 
tobacco  are,  of  course,  post- Koranic. 

The  ceremonial  life  is  not  well  developed,  and  rites  are  of  a  simple 
kind.  No  birth  ceremonies  are  observed,  but  boys  are  circumcised 
in  compliance  with  Mohammedan  custom.  Marriage  ceremonies 
are  performed  in  Mohammedan  fashion,  and  at  death  a  corpse  is 
buried  supine  with  the  face  turned  toward  Mecca.  Music  and  danc- 
ing as  adjuncts  of  ceremonies  are  of  a  primitive  type.  An  improvised 
drum  is  made  by  floating  a  calabash  in  water,  or  by  stretching  a  skin 
over  a  wooden  mortar  of  the  kind  in  which  grain  is  pounded.  An- 
other kind  of  drum  is  made  by  stretching  a  piece  of  scraped  hide 
over  the  top  of  a  pottery  vessel.  There  is  not  much  dancing,  but 
solo  sword  dances  are  sometimes  performed  by  men. 

Political  organization  comprises  a  hierarchy  of  tribal  chiefs, 
village  headmen,  and  headmen  of  sections  within  villages.  The 
names  of  primary  tribes  begin  with  the  letter  "I,"  and  subdivisions 
are  denoted  by  words  having  "Kel"  as  a  prefix.  The  prefix  has  a 
geographical  significance  meaning  "the  people  of."  For  example, 
the  word  "Ikazkazan"  denotes  one  of  the  main  aristocratic  divisions, 
and  the  names  Kel  Ulli  and  Kel  Seliufet  denote  local  subdivisions. 

The  elective  principle  operates  in  tribal  government,  and  the 
annual  meeting  for  the  caravan  journey  to  Bilma  is  the  occasion  for 
electing  rulers.  In  this  way  economic  and  legislative  requirements 
are  made  to  harmonize.  Tuareg  government  is  of  the  patriarchal 
Bedouin  Arab  type,  in  which  a  tribal  leader  is  paramount  in  peace 
and  war;  his  functions  are  military,  legislative,  and  judicial.  Heads 
of  families  unite  to  form  councils,  and  in  each  extended  family  there 
are  several  patriarchal  chiefs,  each  having  authority  over  a  house- 
hold. This  is  a  Semitic,  but  not  the  oldest  type  of  Semitic  organiza- 
tion. Among  the  Tuareg,  claims  of  personal  ascendancy  are  strong, 
and  individual  initiative  is  often  concerned  in  making  or  breaking 
alliances  between  tribes.    Some  political  liaisons  are  formed  only  to 


I 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  371 

give  strength  in  war  but  others  are  of  a  more  permanent  character; 
yet  all  are  disturbed  and  curtailed  by  the  superimposed  European 
system  of  administration. 

In  contrast  with  the  patriarchal  system  are  customs  that  are 
distinctly  favorable  to  the  prestige  of  women.  Tuareg  women  are 
strong-minded,  gifted,  and  intelligent;  they  have  dignity  and  mod- 
esty. Contrary  to  Mohammedan  practice,  women  may  own  property ; 
they  take  part  in  tribal  councils,  and,  among  the  Kel  Geres,  they 
rule  several  villages.  Polygyny  is  permissible,  but  monogamy  is  the 
more  general  practice.  Among  tribes  who  still  preserve  T'ifinagh, 
the  script  in  which  Tamashek,  the  language  of  the  Tuareg,  is  written, 
women  teach  their  children  to  write.  Girls  show  great  independence 
in  making  their  own  betrothals,  and  it  is  not  unusual  for  a  girl  to 
take  an  all-night  ride  on  a  camel  to  see  her  lover.  The  traveler,  Ibn 
Batuta  (A.D.  1325-54),  was  shocked  at  what  he  considered  to  be  the 
immodesty  of  Tuareg  women,  for  on  entering  a  house  he  came  into 
the  presence  of  a  young  and  beautiful  woman,  who,  regardless  of  the 
absence  of  her  veil,  "laughed  at  his  embarrassment  instead  of  blushing 
with  shame."  A  Tuareg  idea  of  the  status  of  women  is  expressed  in 
the  saying,  "Men  and  women  are  for  the  eyes  and  the  heart,  and  not 
only  for  the  bed." 

Divorce  proceedings  follow  the  Koranic  precepts,  but  adultery 
is  uncommon  and  prostitution  is  discountenanced  in  Air.  In  Agades, 
where  Tuareg  mingle  with  Hausa,  Kanuri,  and  other  tribes,  irregular 
sexual  relations  are  more  usual  than  in  a  purely  Tuareg  community. 
At  Bilma  a  guild  of  women  is  a  band  of  professional  prostitutes,  but 
Bilma  is  a  place  of  Tuareg  caravan  trade  and  not  a  place  of  Tuareg 
settlement.  Infanticide  does  not  exist,  but  the  death  rate  among 
children  is  high ;  there  are  no  mid  wives  and  no  medicine-men.  Female 
friends  assist  delivery  by  massage,  and  death  in  childbed  is  said  to  be 
rare.    Children  are  well  disciplined  and  industrious. 

The  Tuareg  say  that  because  of  the  period  of  pregnancy,  children 
belong  to  their  mother  by  prior  right,  and  the  father's  claim  to  his 
offspring  is  secondary.  If  a  woman  marries  outside  her  tribe,  the 
children  belong  to  her  kindred  and  not  to  the  kindred  of  her  husband. 
Moreover,  if  a  man  has  married  a  woman  from  a  tribe  other  than  his 
own,  and  his  wife  survives  him,  she  returns  to  her  own  tribe,  taking 
her  children  with  her.  Motherless  children  are  returned  to  the 
kindred  of  their  deceased  mother,  and,  if  a  woman  is  divorced,  she 
returns  to  her  own  tribe,  taking  her  children  with  her.  If  war  breaks 
out  between  two  tribes,  some  of  whose  members  have  intermarried, 


372  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  women  and  their  children  return  to  their  own  tribes  until  hostili- 
ties are  ended.  The  position  of  a  slave  woman,  who  is  usually  of 
Negro  extraction,  is  different.  She  and  her  children  are  permanently 
part  of  the  tribe  into  which  they  enter,  by  sale  or  by  marriage. 
Descent  is  reckoned  through  females,  and  if  an  aristocratic  Imajegan 
has  taken  a  wife  from  the  slave  class,  or  from  a  tribe  inferior  to  his 
own,  he  will  have  difficulty  in  securing  recognition  of  his  children  as 
part  of  the  Imajegan.  The  offspring  are  usually  classed  as  Irejanaten, 
that  is,  the  "mixed  people." 

Recognition  of  descent  through  females  affects  inheritance  and 
succession.  Ibn  Batuta  pointed  out  that  the  heir  of  the  Sultan  of 
Tekadda  was  the  son  of  the  ruler's  sister,  and  the  same  law  of  suc- 
cession prevailed  at  Ghat.  F.  R.  Rodd  says  (1926,  p.  152),  "It 
seems  clear  that  before  the  advent  of  Islam,  which  has  tended  to 
modify  the  system,  the  Tuareg  had  a  completely  matriarchal  organi- 
zation." The  Tuareg  resemble  the  Kababish  in  this  combination  of 
an  old  Semitic  matriarchal  system  with  a  more  modern  Semitic  and 
Mohammedan  patriarchal  regime. 

The  Tuareg  present  a  picture  of  nomadic  life  of  the  desert  based 
on  the  rearing  of  camels  and  the  organization  of  long-distance  cara- 
vans. A  complementary  organization  is  seen  in  the  lives  of  sedentary 
agriculturalists,  but  these  constitute  the  lower  social  class.  Arts  and 
industries  are  only  moderately  well  developed.  Social  organization 
combines  distinct  features  of  systems  based  on  male  and  female 
primogeniture  respectively,  and  the  two  systems  are  made  to  harmo- 
nize.   The  religion  is  a  moderate  form  of  Mohammedanism. 

According  to  F.  R.  Rodd,  the  Tuareg  have  fought  with  a  losing 
hand.  They  have  been  driven  from  the  north  by  Arabs  and  harried 
by  everyone.  At  last,  European  force  of  arms  has  prevailed,  and  in 
wars  with  the  French  many  Tuareg  have  perished,  while  others  have 
been  punished  and  reduced  to  poverty.  Yet  the  pride  of  the  Tuareg 
endures,  and  they  console  themselves  with  the  adage,  "It  is  wise  to 
kiss  the  hand  you  cannot  cut  off." 

The  Tibesti  Plateau 
The  Tebu  (Tibbu)  and  the  Teda  are  the  principal  tribes  inhabiting 
the  plateau  of  Tibesti;  these  tribes  are  hereditary  enemies  of  the 
Tuareg.  Their  physique  is  Hamitic  with  a  Negro  mixture.  The 
languages  are  ancient  Berber  (Hamitic)  with  some  Sudanic  Negro 
elements  added,  but  no  satisfactory  record  has  yet  been  made,  and 
the  plateau  is  imperfectly  known  ethnologically  and  in  other  respects. 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  373 

Buchanan  (1926)  gives  excellent  photographs  of  the  Tibbu.  R^quin 
(1935)  has  described  the  clans  of  the  Teda,  and  Noel  (1920)  has  given 
some  ethnological  notes  on  this  tribe.  MacMichael  (1912b)  has  sup- 
plied information  on  the  Zaghawa,  who  are  related  to  the  Teda  and 
Tibbu. 

The  Tibbu  are  camel  breeders  and  caravan  men  whose  journeys 
take  them  east  to  the  Libyan  oases  of  Kufra  and  Ouenat,  and  south- 
west to  Lake  Chad.  Part  of  the  population  is  sedentary,  and  between 
this  section  and  the  nomadic  element  there  exists  a  complementary 
economic  life,  as  among  the  Tuareg  of  Air. 

In  Tibesti  the  usual  dress  of  north  African  Mohammedans  has 
been  adopted.  Men  wear  a  turban  wound  several  times  round  the 
head,  passed  under  the  chin,  and  sometimes  made  to  cover  the  lower 
part  of  the  face.  The  main  articles  of  clothing  are  a  loose,  wide- 
sleeved  smock,  wide  trousers,  and  sandals,  with  perhaps  the  addition 
of  a  sheepskin  mantle.  The  plateau  rises  in  places  to  a  height  of  ten 
thousand  feet,  and  this  elevation,  combined  with  a  desert  environ- 
ment, causes  extremes  of  temperature  between  night  and  day. 
Amulets  and  charms  are  of  the  usual  Mohammedan  tjrpe,  consisting 
mainly  of  leather  satchels  containing  written  excerpts  from  the 
Koran.  These  are  worn  on  the  upper  arms  or  around  the  neck.  The 
weapons  are  a  barbed  javelin,  an  arm-dagger,  and  a  throwing  knife. 

Women  wear  loose  robes  of  blue  cloth  made  fast  at  the  left  shoul- 
ders, and,  like  the  men,  they  are  well  armed,  since  family  blood-feuds 
of  Tibesti  are  bitter  and  enduring.  Men  shave  their  heads,  but 
women  part  their  hair  in  the  middle  and  allow  it  to  hang  low  on  each 
side  of  the  head.  Each  plait  ends  in  a  ball  of  hard  wax.  Women 
perforate  their  ear-lobes  and  the  sides  of  their  noses  to  receive  silver 
studs.  Scarification  is  not  extensively  practiced,  but  between  the 
ages  of  five  and  twelve  months  the  shoulders,  bellies,  and  breasts  of 
females  are  ornamented  with  cuts.  Scarification  is  a  Negro  custom, 
but  the  common  Negro  practice  of  mutilating  the  teeth  is  not  fol- 
lowed in  Tibesti.  Finger  nails  of  women  are  stained  with  henna,  and 
kohl  is  applied  to  darken  the  eyelids  and  eyelashes.  Both  boys  and 
girls  have  their  heads  shaved,  and  young  girls  go  naked  except  for  a 
waist-band  and  a  small  leather  apron  ornamented  with  cowrie  shells. 

The  dwellings  ordinarily  used  are  movable  structures  made  of 
mats,  but  Denham  and  his  companions  reported  the  existence  of 
rock  shelters  which  were  reached  by  ladders.  These  retreats  proved 
useful  during  raids  made  by  bands  of  Tuareg.  • 


374  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Teda  and  the  Tibbu  are  strict  Mohammedans,  with  a  deep 
mistrust  of  foreigners.  Burial  is  of  the  Mohammedan  type  with  the 
face  of  the  corpse  turned  toward  Mecca,  and  a  marabout  (Moham- 
medan saint)  is  engaged  to  recite  from  the  Koran  during  the 
obsequies. 

Circumcision  is  practiced  on  boys  between  the  ages  of  eight  and 
fourteen  years,  and  girls  suffer  the  operation  of  clitoridectomy  during 
infancy.  Marriage  ceremonies  are  intricate;  the  formalities  include 
presentations  from  the  groom  to  his  parents-in-law,  and  arrange- 
ments are  made  for  the  bride  to  receive  a  dowry  of  camels  from  her 
father.  Marriage  rites  begin  with  a  fight,  in  which  the  bride's 
relatives  attempt  to  prevent  the  groom  from  taking  the  bride  from 
her  kindred.  P.  Noel  (1920)  states  that  the  fight  is  a  real  one,  in 
which  the  bride's  home  is  wrecked.  The  bride  spends  the  first  night 
of  married  life  in  the  home  prepared  by  her  husband,  but  her 
spouse  is  not  present. 

Next  day  the  husband  takes  possession  of  his  home.  He  kills  a 
camel  or  a  goat,  according  to  his  circumstances,  and  the  meat  is 
divided  between  the  two  families.  The  marriage  is  consummated 
that  night,  and  next  morning  the  bridal  mat  is  displayed  on  the  roof. 
During  the  following  seven  days  the  bride  is  secluded,  without 
permission  to  see  or  speak  with  anyone.  The  levirate  is  practiced, 
and  in  compliance  with  this  custom  a  widow  who  has  completed  her 
period  of  mourning  is  married  by  a  younger  brother  of  her  dead 
husband. 

In  physique  and  language  the  Tibbu  and  Teda  differ  from  the 
Tuareg.  Both  have  adopted  the  Mohammedan  religion,  but  the 
inhabitants  of  Tibesti  are  stricter  than  the  Tuareg  in  their  religious 
observances.  Like  the  Tuareg,  the  Tibbu  and  Teda  are  primarily 
concerned  with  breeding  camels  for  caravan  trade,  but  a  sedentary 
population  supplies  agricultural  produce,  including  dates.  Milk 
from  camels  and  goats  is  a  staple  of  diet.  The  cultures,  despite 
differences,  are  homologous,  since  both  have  similar  environmental 
conditions  to  which  the  inhabitants  have  made  the  same  kind  of 
adaptations. 

Another  instance  of  a  desert  culture  based  on  the  breeding  and 
use  of  camels  in  caravan  trade  may  be  observed  in  the  Libyan 
Desert.  Here  are  situated  several  groups  of  oases,  with  long  inter- 
vening stretches  of  barren,  waterless  desert.  The  line  of  oases  near- 
est to  the  Nile  includes  Siwa  and  Kharga;  then  farther  out  in  the 
desert  are  Arkenu,  Kufra,  and  Ouenat.    These  oases  are  situated  on 


^ 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  375 

an  ancient  and  important  caravan  route  from  Darfur  and  Kordofan 
to  northern  Egypt,  but  as  a  result  of  French  and  British 
interference  with  slave  traffic  the  prosperity  of  caravan  trade  has 
declined. 

The  Libyan  Oases 

The  geographical  background  of  Bedouin  life  in  the  Libyan  Desert 
has  been  described  by  several  explorers  (section  IV).  Hassanein 
Bey  (1924,  p.  29)  states  that  although  the  desert  can  be  beautiful 
and  kindly  it  is  at  other  times  overwhelming  in  its  cruelty. 

"It  is  when  your  camels  droop  their  heads  from  exhaustion, 
when  your  water  supply  has  run  short  and  there  is  no  sign  of  the 
next  well,  when  men  are  listless  and  without  hope,  when  the  map 
you  carry  is  a  blank  because  the  desert  is  uncharted,  and  the  guide 
when  asked  about  the  route  answers  that  God  knows  best — ^then  the 
Bedouin,  having  offered  his  prayers  that  remain  ungranted,  sinks 
down  on  the  sands,  draws  his  jerd  around  him  and  awaits  death  with 
astonishing  equanimity." 

But  if  the  desired  oasis  is  reached,  the  caravan  rests  among 
wells,  palms,  and  gardens.  Food  is  abundant,  and  from  a  condition 
of  extreme  privation  the  traveler  passes  to  one  of  plenty.  The 
domestic  animals  of  the  oases  are  camels,  sheep,  horses,  and  donkeys. 
Articles  of  diet  are  mutton,  chickens,  butter,  eggs,  rice,  tea — the 
two  last  items  importations  from  the  Mediterranean  seaboard.  In 
Kufra  a  system  of  irrigation  produces  maize,  bananas,  grapes,  and 
barley.  This  agricultural  background  is  much  richer  than  that  of 
the  Tuareg  of  Air  or  the  inhabitants  of  Tibesti,  and  the  demand  for 
imports  is  correspondingly  greater.  Therefore,  caravan  trade  is 
stimulated. 

Within  the  oases  the  chief  activities  are  cultivation,  care  of 
domestic  animals,  and  industries  that  include  manufacture  of  leather 
goods,  baskets,  and  mats.  The  nomadic  population  is  concerned 
entirely  with  caravan  trade  relieved  by  periods  of  rest  in  the  oases. 
Reliable  guides  for  long-distance  journeys  are  few,  and  great  honor 
is  accorded  to  competent  leaders.  Interests  and  occupations  of 
caravan  men  center  in  their  camels.  In  addition  to  making  equip- 
ment the  men  must  care  for  the  animals.  Leather  pads  are  sewn 
on  the  feet  of  footsore  animals,  and  surgical  operations  are  per- 
formed to  relieve  a  disease  known  as  "blood  in  the  head."  The 
Bedouins  of  the  Libyan  oases  appear  to  have  some  affection  for  their 
camels,  for  a  Bedouin,  though  tired,  will  sit  by  a  sick  camel  and 
attempt  to  alleviate  its  suffering  by  playing  for  hours  on  his  thin 


376  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

reed  pipes.  When  extolling  the  sagacity  of  camels,  the  Bedouins  say- 
that  a  young  camel  may  truly  claim  ''that  if  my  mother  drinks  from 
a  well  while  I  am  still  in  her  womb,  I  could  travel  days  to  come 
back  and  drink  at  the  same  well." 

Most  of  the  Bedouin  Arabs  of  the  Libyan  oases  belong  to  the 
Senussi  brotherhood  of  Mohammedans.  Hassanein  Bey  describes 
the  Senussi  as  "a  religious  order  whose  leadership  is  hereditary, 
and  which  exerts  a  predominating  influence  in  the  lives  of  the  people 
of  the  Libyan  Desert."  The  founder  of  the  order  was  Sayed  Ibn  Ali 
El  Senussi,  who  was  born  in  Algeria  a.h.  1202  (see  p.  390),  which 
approximates  to  the  year  1790  in  the  Christian  calendar.  He  and  his 
successors  attempted  a  purification  of  Mohammedan  belief  and  ritual. 
The  leaders  were  distressed  by  the  laxity  of  the  Bedouins  in  failing 
to  observe  the  fast  of  Ramadan,  and  in  their  substitution  of  a  sacred 
stone  (Kaaba)  in  Cyrenaica  for  the  authentic  stone  to  which  pil- 
grimages should  be  made;  this  is  situated  at  Mecca.  The  brother- 
hood founded  schools  called  zawias  from  which  trained  teachers 
named  ikhwan  were  sent  to  proselytize  the  Bedouins  of  the  Libyan 
oases,  the  Teda  and  Tibbu  of  Tibesti,  and  the  Tuareg.  During  the 
World  War,  the  Senussi  played  an  important  political  role  in  inciting 
Bedouins  and  Tuareg  against  the  Italians  and  the  French.  In  the 
year  1917,  Sayed  Idris,  the  head  of  the  Senussi,  whose  headquarters 
are  in  the  oasis  of  Jagabub,  made  a  compact  with  the  Italian  govern- 
ment which  gave  him  the  administration  of  Kufra  Oasis.  In  1931 
the  Italian  forces  took  punitive  measures  against  the  inhabitants  of 
Kufra,  which  is  now  under  Italian  administration. 

Hassanein  Bey  reports  that  the  Senussi  were  reserved  and  suspi- 
cious toward  him,  although  he  is  a  Mohammedan  with  command  of 
the  Arabic  language.  Rumor  stated  that  he  was  a  spy,  and  at  no 
time  could  he  make  open  use  of  his  theodolite  and  other  instruments. 

In  common  with  most  Mohammedans  the  Bedouins  have  an 
accretion  of  beliefs,  some  of  which  are  early  Semitic  and  pre-Moham- 
medan.  J  inns  and  affrits,  the  demons  of  Arabian  folklore,  are 
thought  to  live  under  the  direction  of  the  sheikh  el  affrit,  the  master 
of  the  demons.  The  rock  drawings  of  Ouenat  and  even  the  desert 
itself  are  attributed  to  these  demons.  The  desert  is  called  helad  esh 
Shaytn  (country  of  the  devil).  Divination  and  omens  are  seriously 
regarded,  and  the  evil  eye  is  feared.  Belief  in  a  spiritual  force  called 
baraka  is  an  element  of  religious  life. 

The  social  organization  is  strongly  paternal,  with  succession, 
descent,  and  inheritance  in  the  male  line.     Social  distinctions  are 


Camel  Keepers  of  the  Sahara  377 

strongly  observed,  some  tribes  being  high  in  the  social  scale  and 
others  low.  Dress,  ownership  of  property,  and  ostentation  support 
these  distinctions.  Families  of  importance  have  marks  of  ownership 
(wasmat)  that  are  branded  on  camels.  Women  are  veiled,  but  they 
are  kept  in  seclusion  only  in  the  highest  social  classes.  Girls  are 
married  at  the  age  of  fourteen  years  and  boys  when  a  few  years 
older.    Family  and  tribal  blood-feuds  are  perpetuated. 

Negro  slaves  who  were  imported  from  the  Sudan  are  well  treated, 
and  the  slave  classes  think  it  better  to  serve  a  rich  man  than  to  have 
their  freedom.  A  wealthy  master  shows  his  opulence  by  keeping  his 
slaves  well  fed  and  gaily  dressed.  The  treatment  of  slaves  with 
respect  to  marriage,  concubinage,  inheritance,  and  the  status  of 
children  is  determined  by  Koranic  teaching.  The  speech  in  these 
oases  is  Arabic;  so  also  is  the  script  used  by  educated  men. 

Many  minor  customs  are  typical  of  Bedouin  life  in  Arabia,  Egypt, 
and  north  Africa.  A  salute  is  given  by  charging  horsemen,  who 
advance  in  line  at  the  gallop,  then  pull  their  horses  onto  their 
haunches.  Another  courtesy  is  firing  into  the  air  to  give  a  salute. 
Entertainments  include  a  burlesque  play  known  as  a  fantasia. 
Music  and  dancing,  together  with  songs  of  love,  war,  and  caravan 
journeys,  are  part  of  the  intellectual  life. 

Ceremonial  meals  are  offered  with  lavish  hospitality  and  great 
formality  in  serving  the  courses.  Tea  must  be  drunk  with  a  sucking 
noise  to  show  appreciation.  A  guest  is  fed  by  his  host,  who  picks  out 
pieces  of  food  with  his  fingers  and  offers  them  personally.  A  host 
may  light  cigarettes  and  offer  them  to  his  guests.  Violent  belching 
during  the  meal  is  an  expected  mark  of  appreciation. 

SUMMARY 

Examination  of  the  cultural  patterns  of  Tuareg,  Tibbu,  and 
Bedouin  Arabs  of  Libya  has  shown  a  typical  picture  of  Saharan  desert 
life,  which  is  centered  in  the  rearing  of  camels  for  warfare  and  caravan 
trade.  Each  of  the  tribes  considered  has  nomadic  and  sedentary 
aspects  of  culture  which  are  mutually  dependent.  Mohammedanism 
prevails  throughout  the  areas  considered,  but.  with  varying  intensity. 
Many  pre-Mohammedan  traits  of  ancient  Semitic  pattern  are 
functioning.  Economically,  socially,  and  spiritually,  the  Saharan 
cultures  provide  an  example  of  homologies  arising  from  use  of 
camels  and  the  necessity  for  adaptation  of  social  patterns  to  environ- 
mental conditions.  The  Saharan  cultures  distinctly  show  the 
effects  of  a  mingling  of  aristocratic  Hamites  and  Semites  with  their 
Negro  slaves. 


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378 


V.  SEMITIC  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  ELEMENTS 

The  Arabian  Background 

Before  the  study  of  Semitic  and  Mohammedan  cultures  in  Africa 
is  attempted,  some  acquaintance  should  be  made  with  works  describ- 
ing these  cultures  in  Arabia,  the  place  of  their  origin. 

Among  the  older  books  Robertson  Smith's  works  (1889,  1907) 
seem  to  give  the  general  social,  religious,  and  economic  background 
of  early  Arabia  before  a.d.  571.  Dough ty's  "Arabia  Deserta"  (1888, 
2nd  ed.  1920)  is  a  well-known  classic,  a  masterpiece  of  descriptive 
writing  which  gives  life  and  atmosphere  to  Arab  culture. 

Hogarth  has  written  "A  History  of  Arabia"  which  deals  with  a 
knowledge  of  the  Semites  from  a.d.  570  to  the  year  1914.  Hogarth 
describes  the  fertile  corner  of  southwest  Arabia  where  the  Minaean 
and  Sabaean  civilization  flourished,  but  by  the  time  of  Aelius  Gallus, 
who  penetrated  the  hinterland  of  the  Yemen  in  the  year  26  B.C.,  the 
culture  was  dead  and  the  desert  had  reclaimed  the  site. 

The  work  of  J.  Hell,  translated  from  the  German  by  S.  Khuda 
Bukhsh  (1936,  pp.  94-121)  is  a  student's  most  valuable  source  for 
obtaining  a  brief  account  of  all  that  is  really  important  concerning 
the  history  of  Arabs  in  north  Africa.  Considerable  information  is 
compressed  into  small  compass. 

For  recent  research  in  southern  Arabia,  B.  Thomas  (1929)  should 
be  consulted.  Bedouin  life  has  been  well  described  by  G.  W.  Murray 
(1935),  Kennett  (1926),  Musil  (1928),  and  in  a  short  article  by  H. 
Field  (1931).  These  writings  will  give  a  complete  account  of  the 
type  of  Arabian  and  Egyptian  Bedouin  culture  that  has  penetrated 
the  oases  in  the  hinterland  of  north  Africa  from  Sinai  to  Mauretania. 

Irving's  (1911)  "Life  of  Mohammed,"  and  Margoliouth's  (1911) 
small  textbook  of  Mohammedanism  give  all  that  is  really  necessary 
for  understanding  the  social,  religious,  and  economic  aspects  of 
Mohammedanism.  The  penetration  of  Islamic  beliefs  and  practices 
into  Negro  tribes  has  been  described  by  Andr^  (1924),  in  "L'Islam 
noir,"  and  Spanish  Islamic  traits  are  the  subject  of  a  work  by  Dozy 
(Stokes's  translation,  1913).  For  more  advanced  study,  R.  Levy's 
(1933,  1935)  volumes,  "An  Introduction  to  the  Sociology  of  Islam," 
will  prove  sufficiently  comprehensive. 

In  the  following  pages  of  this  section  three  fundamental  divisions 
of  Semitic  culture  will  be  described,  and  these  correspond  with  the 
course  of  reading  just  outlined.    Primarily,  there  is  the  basic  Semitic 

379 


380 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


culture  of  unknown  duration,  long  antedating  the  rise  of  Moham- 
medanism in  Arabia;  secondly,  we  have  to  recognize  the  cultural 
wave  of  Semiticism  and  Mohammedanism  which  swept  northern 
Africa  under  the  stimulus  of  the  new  religion  of  the  Prophet;  and, 
finally,  a  survey  must  recognize  cultural  accessories  that  tend  to 
move  with  Mohammedanism  without  having  any  original  or  logical 
connection  with  that  faith. 


Fig.  72.    Bedouin  tent,  typical  of  Arabia  and  north  Africa  (from  photograph 
by  H.  Field). 

The  Kababish 
The  tribal  life  of  the  Kababish  of  Kordofan  will  serve  to  illus- 
trate essential  points  in  the  social  pattern  of  early  Semitic  life  in 
Arabia.  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman(1918)  point  out  that  in  Kordofan 
the  geographical  conditions  are  so  similar  to  those  of  Arabia  that 
environment  has  demanded  little  change  in  the  mode  of  life  which 
was  characteristic  of  the  ancient  Semites  in  Arabia.  This  pastoral 
culture,  which  includes  the  breeding  of  camels,  is  typical  of  Arabian 
Bedouins  of  the  present  day,  and  in  culture  the  Kababish  resemble  the 
Hamitic  Beja  of  the  Red  Sea  Province.  The  Kababish  have  Arab 
blood,  mixed  with  that  of  their  Negro  slaves.  There  is  also  evidence 
of  a  mixture  of   Hamitic  physique,   and   linguistic   study  shows 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements 


381 


resemblances  between  the  Arabic  of  the  Kababish  and  the  Hamitic 
speech  of  the  Beja. 

economic  conditions 

Although  the  Kababish  esteem  camels  as  a  criterion  of  wealth, 
as  beasts  of  burden,  as  a  source  of  milk  supply,  and  for  sacrificial 
purposes  on  ceremonial  occasions,  the  general  culture  of  the  Kababish 
differs  in  several  essential  ways  from  that  of  the  camel-keeping 
Tuareg,  Teda,  and  Senussi  Arabs  of  the  Sahara. 

In  the  parts  of  Kordofan  inhabited  by  the  Kababish,  rainfall, 
though  local  and  uncertain  in  quantity,  is  sufficient  to  encourage  the 
breeding  of  cattle,  sheep,  goats,  and  horses.    In  this  pastoral  nomad- 


I 


Fig.  73.    North  and  west  African  architecture,  Kano,  Nigeria. 

ism  of  the  Kababish  there  is  a  blending  of  the  Saharan  camel  culture 
with  the  pastoral  life  of  Hamitic  east  Africa,  and  the  two  elements 
combine  to  give  a  social  pattern  which  closely  resembles  Bedouin 
life,  both  ancient  and  modern,  in  Arabia.  Geographical  determinism 
is  important  in  connection  with  a  study  of  the  social  and  economic 
life  of  the  Kababish.  During  the  period  from  July  to  September 
grass  is  plentiful,  and  the  tribes  of  the  confederacy  are  widely 
scattered.  To  prepare  for  drought  the  sheikh  of  each  section  sends 
out  scouts  to  find  water,  which  is  to  be  found  as  subsoil  reservoirs 


382  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

at  low  levels  long  after  the  surface  has  become  parched.  The  Kaba- 
bish  then  divide,  so  accommodating  their  social  organization  to 
economic  needs  in  a  way  described  in  the  Old  Testament. 

Camel  foals  are  born  in  the  wet  season,  and  when  after  a  few 
months,  they  are  able  to  run  with  the  herd  they  are  called  mafrud. 
Other  names  are  used  to  designate  animals  of  two,  three,  four,  and 
five  years  of  age.  For  three  years  the  milk  teeth  persist,  but  in  the 
fourth  year  permanent  teeth  appear,  and  the  second  dentition  is 
complete  in  the  fifth  year.  Camels  are  not  fully  grown  until  their 
sixteenth  year,  but  at  the  age  of  five  years  they  are  regarded  as  work- 
able.   The  duration  of  life  is  not  usually  more  than  forty  years. 

The  branding  of  camels  is  important  as  an  indication  of  family 
histories,  for  when  two  persons  marry  and  their  herds  are  mingled 
the  brands  give  a  record  of  this  union.  The  general  name  for  brands 
is  wasmat,  but  each  mark  has  its  own  name  and  a  form  that  indicates 
ownership  and  locality.  H.  A.  MacMichael  (1913)  points  out  that 
the  surprising  knowledge  of  camel  owners  is  due  to  careful  observa- 
tion and  accurate  memorizing  of  the  brands. 

In  connection  with  the  rearing  of  camels  and  other  live  stock 
several  industries  are  important,  and  these  have  been  described  and 
well  illustrated  by  Meinhof  (1916).  Making  leather  trappings  is  a 
staple  industry;  each  item  has  a  name,  and  some  of  the  objects  are 
ceremonially  used.  Tanning  has  a  well-developed  technique  for 
removing  the  hair,  for  washing,  scraping,  and  soaking  in  a  tanning 
solution  containing  extract  from  acacia  seeds.  Water-skins  and 
leather  buckets  for  drawing  water  from  wells  are  two  of  the  important 
items  made  from  hides  of  sheep  and  goats.  Two  articles  of  equip- 
ment are  the  utfa,  an  enclosure  in  which  married  women  travel, 
and  the  tonkoh,  which  is  used  by  a  senior  unmarried  daughter.  These 
structures  are  adapted  for  strapping  on  the  backs  of  camels.  The 
utfa  has  formed  the  subject  of  an  article  by  A.  E.  Robinson  (1931). 

Roofs  of  tents  are  constructed  of  camel-hair  rugs  (Fig.  72),  which 
are  made  more  protective  against  the  heat  by  using  with  them  rugs 
of  sheep's  wool  and  goat-hair.  Thread  spun  from  the  hair  of  cam- 
els, sheep,  and  goats  is  woven  into  blankets  and  clothing  on  a  prim- 
itive loom  worked  by  women.  This  is  a  type  of  loom  having  a  wide 
distribution  among  Bedouin  Arabs  of  Africa  and  Arabia. 

Making  baskets  from  fronds  of  the  dum  palm  (Fig.  9,  h)  is  carried 
out  by  a  coiling  process,  and  after  the  coils  have  been  stitched  to- 
gether cowrie  shells  are  added  for  ornament.  Dyes  of  attractive 
colors  are  made.    Typical  industries  are  the  manufacture  of  mats, 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  383 

rope,  and  jointed  woodwork  without  nails.  From  hard  woods  of 
the  semi-desert,  wooden  cups,  bowls,  and  platters  are  made.  Pot- 
tery vessels  are  purchased  from  itinerant  vendors.  Sites  of  old  iron- 
workings  may  be  seen  in  northern  Kordofan,  but  the  iron  industry  is 
now  defunct.  Spearheads  are  purchased  from  Omdurman,  or  they 
are  made  by  itinerant  blacksmiths. 

The  food  supply  is  derived  from  animals.  Camels'  milk  is  drunk 
by  men,  cows'  milk  by  women,  and  goats'  milk  by  children.  Butter 
is  made  by  shaking  milk  in  a  skin  vessel  along  with  a  little  sour  milk; 
the  liquid  is  then  allowed  to  stand  for  twenty-four  hours.  Tea  and 
coffee  are  purchased  from  Omdurman.  The  use  of  camel's  flesh  as 
food  is  restricted  chiefly  to  ceremonial  occasions,  but  mutton  is  a 
regular  article  of  diet.  Dried  dates  and  partly  baked  unleavened 
bread  are  two  principal  articles  of  diet.  Beer  is  made  from  the  grain 
durra,  which  is  the  principal  crop  of  the  eastern  Sudan.  Only  a 
small  amount  of  cultivation  is  practiced ;  therefore,  grain  is  purchased 
from  neighboring  sedentary  tribes. 

With  the  exception  of  the  gazelle,  which  is  captured  by  a  round 
foot-trap,  Kordofan  harbors  little  game,  though  sixty  years  ago 
ostriches  were  common,  and  giraffes  were  hunted. 

Warfare  has  declined,  but  in  earlier  days  conflicts  arose  from 
disputes  concerning  rights  to  wells  and  pastures.  The  conquerors 
spared  none  of  the  men  who  fell  into  their  hands,  and  all  slave  women, 
together  with  live  stock  and  equipment,  were  the  property  of  the 
victors.  The  Nurab,  a  section  of  the  Kababish,  used  to  have  chain 
mail  and  quilted  armor.  These  are  in  use  today  at  Potiskum  in 
northern  Nigeria  (Fig.  75,  b)  and  at  Niamey  on  the  River  Niger. 
Connected  with  warfare  and  horsemanship  is  the  fantasia,  which 
includes  riding  at  the  gallop  and  pulling  up  suddenly,  also  firing 
from  the  saddle.  This  custom  prevails  in  Libya  and  Morocco. 
Songs  alluding  to  battle  and  the  prowess  of  the  Kababish  are  com- 
posed by  women,  who  chant  them  in  praise  of  the  warriors  after  the 
manner  described  in  Old  Testament  history. 

SOCIAL  and  religious  LIFE 

The  Kababish  are  divided  into  sections  and  subsections,  each 
of  which  is  ruled  by  a  sheikh  who  has  inherited  the  right  from  his 
father.  Superior  to  these  rulers  is  a  paramount  sheikh  who  imposes 
taxes,  and  to  whom  appeals  can  be  made  against  the  legal  decisions 
of  minor  rulers.  In  harmony  with  this  hierarchy  of  chiefs,  there 
exists  a  customary  mode  of  travel  and  an  arrangement  of  the  camping 
ground  according  to  rank. 


L 


384  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Responsibilities  of  the  chiefs  of  subtribes,  and  of  heads  of  famihes 
are  concerned  with  blood-feuds.  A  system  of  communal  respon- 
sibility exists,  and  every  male  of  a  community  in  which  a  blood- 
feud  persists  is,  at  least  theoretically,  in  a  state  of  war.  The  honor 
of  a  community  is  at  stake  until  retribution  for  murder  has  been 
exacted  either  by  taking  a  life  or  by  securing  blood-money.  The 
old  Semitic  practice  of  taking  sanctuaiy  from  an  avenger  prevails. 
Among  the  Kababish  a  man  who  flees  from  revenge  may  take  ref- 
uge at  the  tomb  of  a  saint,  and  the  avengers  must  wait  outside  the 
enclosure  until  an  agreement  is  made  respecting  the  compensation. 
The  power  and  responsibility  of  males  under  the  patriarchal  system 
is  shown  by  their  right  of  inflicting  capital  punishment  in  the  family 
groups  over  which  they  rule.  Should  a  man  discover  that  his  sister 
had  become  pregnant  through  adultery  in  the  absence  of  her  husband, 
he  would  kill  her.  But  a  woman's  protectors  are  her  brothers,  who 
would  begin  a  blood-feud  if  their  sister  were  killed  in  this  way. 

The  Kababish  regard  a  marriage  between  the  children  of  two 
brothers  (ortho-cousins)  as  the  best  form  of  union.  This  is  contrary 
to  the  custom  prevailing  among  many  Negro  tribes,  who  favor  cross- 
cousin  marriage.  Union  between  fathers'  brothers'  children,  or  be- 
tween mothers'  sisters'  children  is  regarded  as  incestuous  under  many 
tjrpical  Negro  systems;  but  marriage  with  a  mother's  brother's  child 
or  with  a  father's  sister's  child  is  usually  permitted,  and  even  en- 
joined. The  kinship  terminology  of  the  Kababish  makes  use  of 
specific  terms,  one  for  each  relative ;  this  has  been  called  a  descriptive 
system.  Negro  tribes  often  employ  a  classificatory  system  in  which 
one  word  denotes  a  group  of  relatives.  For  example,  the  Ovimbundu 
of  Angola  use  the  word  nawa  for  all  the  in-laws  of  the  speaker's 
own  generation,  and  the  word  ndatemho  indicates  the  in-law  class 
of  generations  both  older  and  younger  than  the  speaker. 

Government  by  males,  bequest  of  property  in  the  male  line,  and 
succession  to  office  through  male  lineage  are  characteristic  of  the 
Kababish,  but  traces  of  an  older  matriarchal  and  Semitic  system 
may  be  observed.  A  bridegroom  erects  his  tent  near  the  dwelling 
of  his  bride's  father,  and  usually  this  tent  is  not  transferred  to  his 
own  encampment  until  a  year  after  the  wedding.  A  strong  influence 
of  the  wife's  family  persists,  and  a  mother-in-law  may  refuse  to  have 
her  married  daughter  taken  far  from  home.  In  tents  of  the  wealthier 
men  are  many  female  relatives  of  their  wives.  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman 
suggest  that  the  present  Kababish  custom  of  mother-in-law  avoid- 
ance (which  also  prevails  among  many  Negro  tribes)  was  a  custom 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  385 

of  ancient  Arabia,  though  evidence  on  this  point  is  not  conclusive. 
When  a  child  is  born,  the  father  is  called  to  the  tent  at  the  time  when 
the  umbilical  cord  is  cut;  this  custom  may  be  a  survival  of  the  transfer 
from  mother-right  to  father-right. 

The  laws  of  inheritance  among  the  Kababish  suggest  a  blending 
of  customs  of  early  Semitic  Arabia  and  the  operation  of  Mohamme- 
dan law.  A  man's  property  is  bequeathed  to  his  sons  or  his  brothers 
according  to  old  Hamitic-Semitic  custom,  but  Koranic  law  requires 
that  some  property  shall  be  inherited  by  the  wives  and  daughters 
of  the  deceased.  Divorce  is  obtained  according  to  Koranic  law,  and, 
though  divorce  proceedings  are  usually  originated  by  a  husband,  a 
wife  may  institute  proceedings  by  returning  to  her  father  and  taking 
her  young  children  with  her. 

The  position  of  women  among  the  Kababish  is  far  from  servile, 
and  in  the  wealthier  sections  they  do  no  manual  work.  But  in  sub- 
tribes  who  are  without  slaves  the  women  grind  grain,  tend  cows,  and 
make  butter.  Women  do  not  veil  as  orthodox  Mohammedans 
should,  but  they  draw  a  head-cloth  over  the  mouth  in  the  presence 
of  strangers.  Free  women  are  not  carried  off  in  war,  for  adultery  is 
against  Koranic  teaching.  The  rights  and  social  status  of  slaves 
and  their  children  are  determined  by  Koranic  law. 

Treatment  of  children  indicates  a  mixture  of  Mohammedan 
and  pre-Mohammedan  custom.  Scarification,  which  is  forbidden  by 
the  Koran,  is  practiced  by  the  Kababish  and  other  Mohammedan 
tribes  of  Kordofan,  who  make  tribal  marks.  The  heads  of  boys  and 
girls  are  shaved  by  their  paternal  uncles  when  the  children  are 
seven  months  old,  and  at  the  time  a  sheep  is  sacrificed.  The  shorn 
hair  is  worn  by  the  children  in  the  form  of  girdles.  Boys  are  cir- 
cumcised between  the  ages  of  seven  and  nine  years.  This  is  a  com- 
pulsory Mohammedan  rite,  but  it  is  one  that  was  practiced  in 
Egypt  four  thousand  years  before  Mohammed  was  born.  To  per- 
form the  ceremony  the  boy's  foreskin  is  pulled  through  a  hole  in  a 
piece  of  gourd.  The  foreskin  is  then  tied  tightly  with  thread,  and 
after  this  operation  a  procession  with  musical  instruments  is  led  round 
the  camp.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  parade  excision  of  the  foreskin 
is  performed. 

A  drastic  operation  performed  on  the  sex  organs  of  girls  is  older 
than  Mohammedanism ;  possibly  the  custom  was  part  of  the  ancient 
Semitic  and  Hamitic  culture.  This  process  of  infibulation,  which  is 
performed  between  the  third  and  the  sixth  years,  results  in  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  orifice  of  the  vagina  to  such  an  extent  that  before 


386  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

consummation  of  marriage  an  incision  has  to  be  made,  and  cutting  is 
again  necessary  before  childbirth.  To  prevent  closing  of  the  urinary 
meatus  a  small  plug  of  wood  is  inserted  until  the  surrounding  scar 
tissue  has  formed.  The  operation  results  in  removal  of  the  external 
genitalia,  including  labia  majora  and  mons  veneris.  Rites  of  circum- 
cision for  boys  and  various  operations  on  the  sex  organs  of  girls  are 
common  in  Negro  tribes,  both  Bantu  and  Sudanic.  Such  rites  are 
also  characteristic  of  some  northeastern  Bantu  tribes,  perhaps  as  a 
result  of  contact  with  eastern  Hamites. 

Betrothal  takes  place  between  the  ages  of  nine  and  eleven  years, 
and  marriage  perhaps  three  years  later.  At  the  wedding  feast, 
camels  and  sheep  provided  by  the  groom's  father  are  killed  and  eaten; 
then  a  feast  follows,  with  singing,  dancing,  and  a  fantasia. 

The  prevalence  of  the  Mohammedan  faith  is  attested  by  the 
wearing  of  leather  charms  containing  extracts  from  the  Koran,  or  a 
little  hair  from  a  saint.  The  word  baraka,  a  spiritual  power  which 
has  been  carefully  described  by  Westermarck  (1933)  is  used  by  the 
Kababish,  as  it  is  by  the  Libyan  Bedouins  and  the  Moors,  to  denote 
spiritual  force,  power,  and  blessing.  Baraka  is  associated  with  holy 
men,  and  after  their  death  this  power  is  transmitted  to  their  tombs 
and  to  fragments  of  their  clothing.  Fekis  or  holy  men  are  consulted 
and  paid  for  their  enchantments,  which  include  power  to  locate 
thieves  and  to  make  wandering  camels  return.  The  Kababish  believe 
in  lucky  and  unlucky  days,  which  are  distinguished  by  the  aid  of  a 
feki.  It  is  thought  that  some  persons  are  born  with  an  evil  eye, 
whose  glance  may  cause  calamity.  In  view  of  their  Semitic  and 
Mohammedan  culture  the  Kababish  are  exceptional  in  the  absence 
of  beliefs  and  stories  connected  with  jinns,  affrits,  and  ghuls,  who  are 
the  monsters  of  Arabian  folklore  and  the  demons  of  the  Koran. 

Burial  is  performed  after  the  Mohammedan  fashion,  with  the 
face  of  the  corpse  toward  Mecca.  A  funeral  feast  is  prepared  one 
year  after  the  burial,  and  on  this  occasion  two  she-camels,  property 
of  the  dead  man,  are  killed.  The  flesh  is  eaten  by  all  except  near 
relatives  of  the  dead.  The  finest  camels  and  horses  of  the  deceased 
are  paraded  in  their  best  trappings  as  part  of  the  funeral  ceremony. 

Examination  of  the  cultural  pattern  of  the  Kababish  tribe  has 
served  to  show  a  blending  of  early  Semiticism  with  orthodox  Moham- 
medanism. Before  Mohammed,  Semitic  life  in  Arabia  had  produced 
definite  religious  beliefs  and  practices,  including  a  belief  in  Allah 
as  a  creator  and  a  supreme  god.  Accompanying  these  theistic  con- 
cepts were  beliefs  in  demons  who   inhabited   trees,   stones,   and 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  387 

serpents.  In  the  Kaaba  or  temple  at  Mecca  360  figures  constituted  a 
hierarchy  of  minor  spiritual  powers  against  which  Mohammed 
directed  his  invectives.  Semitic  rites  included  a  blood-brotherhood 
compact  formed  by  sucking  each  other's  blood,  or  by  mingling  the 
blood  on  a  sacred  stone.  Expiatory  sacrifices  were  common,  and 
these  included  human  sacrifice,  also  offerings  of  camels  and  cattle. 
The  Semites  regarded  cattle  as  sacred  animals  to  be  killed  for  food 
only  in  times  of  dire  need,  and  the  butcher  was  regarded  as  unclean. 

Infanticide,  which  Mohammed  discouraged,  was  a  Semitic 
practice.  Blood-feuds,  blood-money,  and  the  right  of  sanctuary 
were  part  of  the  Semitic  social  system.  Relationship  was  reckoned 
in  the  paternal  line  and  patriarchal  conditions  prevailed,  but  these 
had  been  preceded  by  a  matriarchal  state  of  society.  The  Semites 
observed  many  avoidances,  including  unclean  animals  and  contacts 
with  menstruating  women.  Reverence  for  holy  places,  offering  first- 
fruits,  worship  of  animals,  and  the  use  of  a  scapegoat  for  bearing 
away  the  sins  of  the  people  were  part  of  the  ancient  Semitic  cultural 
pattern.  On  this  complex  of  Semitic  beliefs  and  practices  was 
grafted  orthodox  Mohammedanism,  which  officially  rejected  some 
pagan  rites  and  concepts  while  incorporating  others,  and  adding 
new  ideas  and  ideals.  Semitism  became  institutionalized  and  con- 
solidated into  a  force  that  has  swept  through  north  Africa  and  east- 
ward through  India  into  China. 

Mohammedanism 
Mohammed,  who  was  born  in  the  year  571  of  the  Christian  era, 
sought  to  remedy  the  abuses  of  his  time  by  denouncing  all  divine 
powers  except  the  supreme  Allah.  The  creed,  "There  is  no  god 
but  Allah,  and  Mohammed  is  his  Prophet,"  forms  the  basis  and  the 
initiatory  declaration  of  the  Mohammedan  faith.  Trial  by  ordeal, 
cannibalism,  infanticide,  human  sacrifice,  and  wooden  idols  were 
all  proscribed,  and  in  later  times  various  sects  introduced  prohibi- 
tions of  their  own  against  alcoholic  beverages,  tobacco,  coffee, 
and  representation  of  human  and  animal  forms  in  art. 

An  abstemious  life  was  enjoined  by  the  Prophet,  and  in  com- 
pliance with  this  requirement  all  true  believers  now  annually  observe 
the  fast  of  Ramadan ;  this  is  a  movable  festival  lasting  from  a  certain 
new  moon  to  the  appearance  of  the  next  new  moon.  During  this 
fast  no  food  may  be  consumed  between  sunrise  and  sunset.  Moham- 
med ordered  his  followers  to  pray  five  times  a  day,  and  to  precede 
the   prayers   with    ceremonial    ablutions.       The    giving    of   alms, 


388  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

circumcision,  rules  for  warfare,  and  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca 
are  all  important  requirements. 

The  Koran  (Rodwell's  Translation,  1909)  gives  a  description  of 
paradise  as  a  fair  garden  of  streams  and  fruit  trees,  where  attractive 
women  minister  to  the  needs  of  the  faithful.  A  graphic  description 
of  the  torments  of  hell  is  the  antithesis  of  this  picture  of  paradise. 
Many  stories  of  the  Koran  are  taken  from  the  Old  Testament,  which 
has  contributed  the  story  of  Joseph,  the  Fall  of  Man,  and  the  Deliv- 
erance of  the  Jews.  From  the  New  Testament,  extracts  relating  to 
the  Virgin  Mary,  Jesus,  and  the  Apostles  have  been  adopted.  The 
religion  of  Mohammed  is  monotheistic,  yet  the  Koran  recognizes 
minor  spiritual  powers  both  good  and  evil;  benevolent  angels  guard 
against  the  machinations  of  demons.  The  Koran  teaches  the  value 
of  humility,  gentleness,  patience,  return  of  good  for  evil,  truthful- 
ness, adoption  of  orphans,  care  of  the  sick,  and  avoidance  of  malice. 
As  with  other  religions  the  precepts  are  excellent,  but  the  practice 
is  often  negligible.  Mohammedanism  is  popularly  coupled  with 
fatalism,  but  in  the  recognition  of  Allah  as  supreme  ruler  of  the  lives 
of  men  Mohammedanism  is  not  inherently  more  fatalistic  than 
Christianity. 

Behind  the  religious  concepts  of  Mohammedanism  lies  a  political 
theory  that  the  Caliph  as  God's  representative  on  earth  is  the  head 
of  an  undivided  Islamic  state;  but  in  practice  deep  rivalry  has 
existed  between  political  and  religious  divisions.  The  main  sects, 
which  are  divided  on  points  of  theology,  law,  and  ritual,  are  the 
Hanifites,  Malekites,  Hanbalites,  and  Shafeites,  which  are  named 
after  their  founders.  Of  these  schisms  only  the  Hanifites  and  the 
Malekites  are  important  in  Africa. 

For  all  sects  the  Koran  (the  reading)  is  the  supreme  source  of 
law,  but  disputes  have  arisen  concerning  the  interpretation  of 
passages.  According  to  Mohammedan  law,  forcible  conversion  by 
warfare  and  the  capture  of  slaves  are  legitimate  practices.  Slave 
raiding  of  Arabs  among  Negroes  was  accompanied  by  cruelty  and 
forced  marches,  followed  by  sales  that  separated  the  members  of 
families.  But  domestic  slaves,  when  fully  incorporated  into  a 
Mohammedan  household,  found  reasonably  kind  treatment.  They 
often  rose  to  high  rank,  and  a  woman  who  had  borne  a  child  to  her 
master  could  not  be  sold.  At  his  death,  the  woman  and  her  child 
became  free. 

The  Mohammedan  criminal  code  has  been  harsh  in  its  adoption 
of  punishments  by  mutilation,   and  in  the  maintenance  of  foul 


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390  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

prisons  for  debtors  and  malefactors.  But  in  this  respect  Moham- 
medanism is  no  more  reprehensible  than  Christian  Europe  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  later. 

Polygyny  and  concubinage  are  part  of  the  social  system,  and 
women  are  at  a  disadvantage  under  Mohammedan  divorce  laws; 
but  in  Turkey  and  Egypt  modern  movements  for  the  emancipation 
of  women  have  recently  advanced  the  social  standing  of  females. 
In  order  to  keep  property  within  a  family,  marriage  between  the 
children  of  two  brothers  is  favored.  Bequests  are  made  in  the  male 
line,  and  succession  to  ofRce  follows  the  same  lineage.  The  levirate, 
by  which  a  man  marries  his  deceased  brother's  widows  in  order  to 
beget  children  for  him,  is  an  ancient  Semitic  custom  which  was 
practiced  by  the  Hebrews,  and  the  usage  still  operates  under  Moham- 
medan law.  Inheritance  of  a  brother's  widows  is  a  frequent  practice 
among  Negro  tribes,  but  the  origin  is  not  known  to  be  Semitic,  and 
the  Negro  institution  may  be  of  independent  origin. 

In  addition  to  these  main  characteristics  of  Mohammedanism, 
several  secondary  usages,  beliefs,  and  economic  patterns  should  be 
considered.  The  Prophet  met  with  determined  opposition  which 
caused  his  flight  from  Mecca  in  A.D.  622,  from  which  date  Moham- 
medans make  their  historical  reckoning.  Therefore,  events  have 
different  dates  in  the  Mohammedan  and  Christian  calendars.  The 
Mohammedan  year  has  a  length  of  354  days,  8  hours,  and  48  min- 
utes. Consequently,  the  Mohammedan  year  lags  behind  the  solar 
year  about  eleven  days  annually.  The  Mohammedan  year  is  referred 
to  as  A.H.  (Hegira,  the  flight),  and  a  formula  is  used  to  convert  a 
date  A.H.  to  an  approximate  date  A.D. 

A.H.  — ^^•  +  621  =  A.D. 

Thus,  A.H.  700  is  approximately  A.D.  1300.    A.H.  1329  is  A.D.  1911. 

A  definite  pattern  of  industrialism,  which  is  focused  in  large 
markets,  is  a  trait  of  Mohammedan  life.  Large  bazaars  are  charac- 
teristic of  Egypt,  Tripolitania,  Tunisia,  Algeria,  and  Morocco.  On 
the  south  side  of  the  Sahara — Kano  in  northern  Nigeria,  and  Tim- 
buktu on  the  bend  of  the  Niger — are  similar  emporia  where  artisans 
congregate  and  caravan  trade  thrives. 

In  the  markets  may  be  seen  water-carriers  with  their  goatskin 
containers,  conjurers,  wrestlers,  buffoons,  snake  charmers,  story 
tellers,  diviners  in  sand,  Punch  and  Judy  shows,  and  marionettes. 
Musicians  play  pottery  drums,  instruments  strung  with  horsehair, 
and   wind   instruments   of   the   algaita   type    (L.   Williams,    1934, 


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pp.  77-98,  has  described  Arab  music).  Itinerant  barbers  carry  their 
implements  in  leather  satchels  which  contain  cupping  horns  for 
bleeding  patients,  knives  for  circumcising,  razors  for  shaving, 
tweezers,  and  other  toilet  requisites.  On  the  booths  are  displayed 
henna  for  staining  the  nails,  kohl  for  darkening  the  eyes,  and  perhaps 
an  outfit  for  tattooing. 

In  some  secluded  corner  of  the  market,  a  mallam  sits  writing 
charms,  or  he  may  be  in  charge  of  school  children,  who  are  writing 
Koranic  texts  on  smooth  boards,  with  ink  and  reed  pens.  At  times 
they  cease  writing  to  chant  the  texts  in  unison.  Certain  sections  of 
the  markets  are  given  to  particular  industries.  Leather  work  for 
personal  use  and  for  use  as  trappings  for  horses  and  camels  is  a  staple 
industry.  Dye  pits  where  indigo  of  native  make  is  used  are  often 
seen,  and  a  section  of  the  market  may  be  given  to  weavers,  who  use 
their  own  primitive  African  looms.  Metal  workers  include  black- 
smiths, silversmiths,  and  artisans,  who  expertly  beat  and  cast  objects 
in  brass. 

With  Mohammedanism  are  associated  several  distinctive  types  of 
architecture  in  which  domes  and  minarets  are  prominent  features. 
Interior  decoration  consists  of  tiles,  mosaics,  and  geometrical  drawing 
of  great  beauty  and  intricacy.  Arabic  script  has  contributed  to  much 
of  the  geometrical  designing.  A  discrimination  against  human  and 
animal  forms  in  art  is  early  Semitic,  not  specifically  Mohammedan. 
The  Hebrews  were  instructed  not  to  make  any  image  of  anything  on 
earth,  in  the  firmament  above,  or  in  the  sea  beneath.  Some  Moham- 
medans follow  this  precept,  and  art  is  mainly  geometrical,  but 
exceptions  occur.  The  fronts  of  houses  are  sometimes  elaborately 
molded  (Fig.  74,  a).  This  tjrpe  of  architecture  has  spread  from  north 
Africa  into  the  western  Sudan.  Clothing  includes  a  flowing  riga 
for  men  (Fig.  60,  h),  the  use  of  turbans,  and  several  special  articles  for 
women  (Figs,  58,  59,  6),  For  studying  the  penetration  of  material 
traits  of  Mohammedan  culture  into  the  Sudan,  Paulitschke  (1885), 
Gleichen  (1905),  and  Frobenius  (1897,  1923)  are  useful. 

In  Mohammedanism  religious  concepts  relating  to  morality, 
theology,  literature,  art,  and  philosophy  are  associated,  as  in  other 
religions,  with  crude  fanaticism,  which  is  a  degraded  form  of  spiritual 
expression.  The  origin  of  bori  dancing  is  unknown,  but  it  is  one  of 
the  baser  elements  attached  to  the  Mohammedan  faith.  The  bori 
are  said  by  the  Hausa  communities  of  north  Africa  and  the  western 
Sudan  to  be  a  link  with  the  world  of  demons.  Each  bori  represents  a 
particular  disease,  misfortune,  or  the  evil  eye,  and  in  the  dance  of 


I 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  393 

exorcism  men  are  dressed  to  represent  the  hori  demons  (Tremearne, 
1913,  1914). 

The  Hamaches  of  Morocco  beat  one  another  with  whips  and  clubs 
as  they  parade  the  streets  chewing  thorny  cactus,  while  the  tearing 
and  devouring  of  a  living  sheep  is  another  of  their  practices.  A  zikr, 
as  I  saw  it  in  the  eastern  Sudan,  consisted  of  a  dance  given  by  men 
only,  to  the  accompaniment  of  drums.  The  performers  swayed  to 
the  rhythm  of  the  instruments,  meanwhile  chanting  the  Koranic 
creed;  this  they  did  until  they  appeared  dazed  and  intoxicated. 
Sometimes  whipping  one  another  with  rawhide  whips  is  part  of  the 
ceremony.  These  practices  are  comparable  to  the  flagellation  and 
self-persecution  of  Christian  devotees.  The  exercises  are  not  a 
necessary  part  of  the  religion,  but  certain  sects  have  become  devotees 
of  crude  cults  and  practices. 

Arab-Berber  Culture 

Consideration  of  a  few  details  from  the  lives  of  Berber  com- 
munities in  north  Africa  which  have  a  strong  overlay  of  Moham- 
medanism, will  serve  to  show  the  general  pattern  of  life.  The 
Berbers  are  a  branch  of  the  northern  Hamites,  and  for  the  main  part 
they  retain  their  Berber  (Hamitic)  languages,  though  Arabic,  espe- 
cially as  the  official  language,  is  understood  and  spoken,  particularly 
by  men  who  are  engaged  in  law  and  commerce. 

At  the  oasis  of  Siwa,  about  two  hundred  miles  west  of  Cairo, 
there  prevails  great  fear  of  the  evil  eye.  If  a  stranger  stares  at  a 
child,  the  mother  takes  sand  from  the  stranger's  footmarks,  throws 
this  on  the  fire  and  holds  her  naked  child  face  downward  over  the 
smoke.  Witchcraft,  including  the  use  of  spells,  charms,  and  love 
potions,  is  commonly  practiced.  The  Siwani  have  a  firm  belief  in  the 
existence  of  jinns  and  affrits,  some  of  whom  have  appeared  in  human 
form.  The  people  say  that  in  the  year  1913  an  affrit  having  red  eyes 
and  long  talons  appeared  in  the  oasis  in  the  dress  of  a  Bedouin,  who 
was  immediately  slain.  All  sickness  is  attributed  to  the  evil  eye. 
The  Siwani  are  of  early  Libyan  stock  but  their  own  Hamitic  language 
has  been  superseded  by  an  adulterated  form  of  Arabic.  They  are 
Mohammedans  of  the  Senussi  sect,  having  a  great  aversion  to 
foreigners.  The  Siwani  do  not  own  camels  and  few  know  how  to  take 
care  of  them,  but  sheep,  goats,  and  donkeys  are  kept.  Olive  oil  is 
produced  in  primitive  presses,  and  many  kinds  of  dates  are  grown, 
some  for  home  consumption  and  others  for  export  to  Alexandria. 
Cline   (1936)   has  given   a  condensed   account   of   the  industries. 


394  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

economic  life,  religion,  magical  practices,  and  social  organization. 
Numerous  sketches  illustrate  the  text,  and  a  bibliography  is  given  in 
form  of  footnotes.  W.  S.  Walker  (1921)  deals  with  linguistic  elements 
and  some  details  of  culture.  Belgrave  (1923)  produced  an  informa- 
tive travel  book.  Some  references  to  Siwa  are  given  by  Hassanein 
Bey  (1924),  and  by  W.  J.  H.  King  (1925). 

In  southern  Tunisia  exist  many  small  oases  peopled  by  Bedouin 
Arabs  of  the  Mohammedan  faith  (Vivian,  1899).  The  patriarchal 
system  is  carried  to  its  farthest  limits  so  that  the  head  of  a  family  is 
absolute.  Belief  in  the  evil  eye  prevails,  but  the  malign  effects  can 
be  averted  by  saying,  "Tahark  Allah"  (May  God  preserve  them). 
Steaming  grain  (kus-kus)  in  a  perforated  pot,  and  the  roasting  of  a 
sheep  whole  are  typical  culinary  habits  of  the  Bedouins.  In  Tunisia, 
as  well  as  in  Algeria  and  Morocco,  nargile  water-pipes  are  used  for 
smoking  tobacco.  Kif  is  a  mild  kind  of  hemp  prepared  from  the 
flowers  of  the  plant,  and  used  for  smoking.  Bang  is  a  preparation  of 
hemp  taken  in  the  form  of  pills.  In  the  towns  are  addicts  of  opium, 
which  is  smoked  or  taken  as  pills.  The  festival  of  Biram  is  observed ; 
this  is  a  carnival  that  follows  immediately  after  the  fast  of  Ramadan. 
Use  of  the  bastinado  as  a  punishment  is  probably  not  an  Arab  but  a 
Turkish  introduction.  Amusements  include  marionettes  and  the 
fantasia.  The  institutions  of  blood-feuds,  blood-money,  and  taking 
sanctuary  from  avengers  are  strongly  operative.  The  Bedouin  tribes 
of  Tunisia  combine  agricultural  and  pastoral  pursuits.  The  latter 
include  rearing  of  camels  and  sheep,  and  the  former  depends  on  a 
primitive  system  of  plowing  in  which  camels  are  used.  Water  is 
drawn  from  wells  in  leather  buckets,  which  are  hauled  up  by  camels. 

Tunisian  industries  include  making  dyes,  tanning  leather,  and 
weaving  woolen  textiles  on  a  vertical  loom.  The  observations  of  D. 
Bruun  (1898)  remove  the  impression  that  ancient  Semitic  and  more 
modern  Mohammedan  customs  are  confined  to  Bedouin  Arabs.  He 
states  that  the  Khrumirs,  who  are  dark-skinned  Berbers  of  Tunisia, 
pursue  the  blood-feud  unrelentingly,  and  they  will  seldom  accept 
blood-money  as  compensation  for  a  murder.  They  observe  the  fast 
of  Ramadan  but  do  not  pray;  yet  great  virtue  and  healing  power  are 
associated  with  the  tombs  of  saints  (marabouts),  whose  power  is 
transmitted  by  the  use  of  small  articles  that  were  associated  with  these 
holy  men.  One  tomb  is  noted  for  the  healing  of  fevers,  and  another 
for  protection  of  crops.  Most  of  the  Tunisian  Arabs  are  nomads  who 
live  in  the  southern  and  central  regions.  The  Mohammedan  religion 
prevails,  though  the  faith  is  adulterated  with  grosser  practices. 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  395 

From  southern  Tunisia,  and  from  Murzuk  in  southwest  Tripoli- 
tania,  coastal  caravan  trade  is  linked  up  with  Tuareg  caravans  that 
carry  merchandise  across  the  Sahara  into  Bornu.  The  utfa  is  used 
by  married  women  who  are  traveling  on  camels. 

Hilton-Simpson  (1926)  gives  a  picture  of  the  lives  of  Kabyles  in 
the  Aures  Mountains  of  Algeria,  and  he  describes  Bedouin  life  in  the 
oasis  of  Djemora  at  the  foot  of  the  Aures  Massif.  This  oasis  is  the 
camping  ground  of  the  Ouled  Ziane,  nomad  Arabs  who  wander  in 
winter  driving  their  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats  over  the  desert  to  the 
southwest  of  the  Aures.  After  these  excursions  they  return  to  their 
oasis  to  pick  the  date  crop.  In  the  fertile  valleys,  peaches,  apricots, 
pears,  figs,  and  olives  are  grown. 

Crude  spiritual  beliefs  prevail  under  a  veneer  of  Mohammedan- 
ism. Feeble-minded  persons  are  regarded  as  holy,  and  the  evil  eye 
is  everywhere  feared.  Extension  of  five  fingers  while  saying  "Khamsa 
fi  ainek"  (five  in  thine  eye)  wards  off  the  evil  glance.  The  extended 
hand,  sometimes  called  the  hand  of  Fatima,  daughter  of  Mohammed, 
is  made  in  the  form  of  silver  charms  to  be  worn  around  the  neck 
(Hilton-Simpson,  1915).  Cooking  a  lamb  whole  and  serving  it  on  a 
brass  tray  are  typical  Bedouin  customs.  Each  guest  mutters  "bis- 
millah"  (in  the  name  of  God)  while  helping  himself  with  his  fingers. 
Writing  Koranic  texts  and  encasing  them  in  leather  satchels  is  an 
occupation  of  the  mallams.  Primitive  surgery,  including  trephining, 
has  formed  the  subject  of  an  article  by  Hilton-Simpson  (1922). 
Hildburg  (1906,  1913-1915)  has  shown  the  extension  of  Moham- 
medan magic  and  charms  into  Spain. 

The  study  of  M.  Gaudry  (1928)  has  provided  a  complete  sociologi- 
cal investigation  into  the  lives  of  Mohammedanized  Kabyle  women. 
Women  have  well-developed  arts  of  dyeing,  weaving,  and  making 
pottery.  Females  till  the  soil;  and  agricultural  rites,  some  of  them 
of  ancient  Phoenician  origin,  are  observed.  Both  men  and  women 
may  be  marabouts  with  hereditary  office.  Worship  includes  visits 
to  tombs  where  prayers  are  offered,  candles  are  burned,  and  offerings 
of  food  are  made.  Religious  exercises  include  use  of  a  rosary. 
Sorcery  is  widely  practiced,  and  love  philters  are  employed. 

The  word  Moor  has  no  precise  ethnological  significance,  since 
the  term  is  primarily  geographical.  In  physique  a  Moor  may  be  a 
Berber,  an  Arab,  or  a  mixture  of  the  two,  with  Negro  blood  as  well. 
A  Moor  speaks  Arabic  or  a  Berber  dialect,  or  he  may  be  bilingual, 
using  spoken  and  written  Arabic  in  his  work  and  speaking  Berber 
in  his  home.    Mondadori  (1926)  has  analyzed  the  composition  of  the 


396  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

population  of  Tripolitania.  Berbers  in  language  and  custom  are 
24  per  cent  of  the  total  population;  Berbers  who  have  adopted  the 
Arab  language  and  customs  form  31  per  cent;  Arabs  constitute  36 
per  cent;  and  the  residue  of  9  per  cent  is  Jewish  and  Negroid. 

A  sound  concept  of  what  is  meant  by  "Moorish"  culture,  in  its 
religious,  social,  and  industrial  aspects,  m.ay  be  derived  from  a  com- 
prehensive and  well-illustrated  study  by  Meakin  (1902).  Religious 
beliefs,  magic,  charms,  folklore,  and  the  blood-feud  have  been 
adequately  dealt  with  by  Westermarck  (1926,  1933,  1934).  Coon 
(1931),  also  Bertholon  and  Chantre  (1912),  have  described  the 
Berber  culture  of  north  Africa.  M.  S.  Dimand  (1930)  has  produced 
a  comprehensive  and  well-illustrated  summary  of  Mohammedan  art, 
and  P.  Ricard  (1918)  has  written  a  short  article  on  that  subject. 

Similarities  between  the  Bedouin  life  of  the  north  African  hinter- 
land, Sinai,  and  Arabia  is  well  demonstrated  in  the  works  of  G.  W. 
Murray  (1935),  Kennett  (1926),  and  H.  Field  (1931).  Within  this 
complexity  of  early  Semitic,  Mohammedan,  and  Hamitic  factors, 
traits  have  intruded  from  the  civilizations  of  Egypt,  Phoenicia, 
Greece,  and  Rome. 

The  only  effective  way  of  clarifying  the  situation  is  to  compre- 
hend the  cultural  meaning  of  early  Semiticism,  to  trace  out  the 
growth  of  Mohammedanism  from  A.D.  600,  to  find  the  Berber  (Hami- 
tic) elements  in  the  north  African  cultures,  and,  finally,  to  allow  for 
the  Phoenician,  Byzantine,  Roman,  and  Greek  elements  of  speech, 
observance,  and  material  culture  that  have  survived. 

reading 

Berber  Civilization. — Perhaps  the  best  account  in  small  compass 
is  that  of  Bourrilly  (1932),  who  from  long  residence  is  able  to  give 
an  intimate  account  (in  French)  of  Berber  life  and  customs.  Bas- 
set's (1910)  research  into  the  factors  of  Berber  religious  beliefs  is  a 
well-known  standard  work.  A.  van  Gennep  (1911)  has  published 
detailed  and  amply  illustrated  accounts  of  Berber  industries.  The 
ancient  and  basic  traits  of  Berber  civilization  are  considered  by 
Randall-Mad ver  and  Wilkin  (1900)  and  Bates  (1914),  in  their  studies 
of  the  ancient  Libyans.  Renan's  (1873)  analysis  of  Berber  society  is 
an  old  classic,  and  Wilkin's  (1900)  description  of  Berber  life  in 
Algeria  is  useful. 

The  Kabyles. — Many  studies  of  Berber  civilization  are  cen- 
tered about  the  culture  patterns  of  various  groups  of  Kabyles. 
Maunier  (1926)  has  devoted  a  volume  to  the  description  of  their 


Semitic  and  Mohammedan  Elements  397 

dwellings.  Hanoteau  and  Letourneux  (1893)  have  described  cus- 
toms of  the  Kabyles.  Myres  (1902)  has  given  an  account  of  Kabyle 
pottery.  The  article  of  Lissauer  (in  German,  1908)  is  well  known, 
and  in  addition  to  this  he  has  prepared  a  brief  article  in  English 
(1911),  dealing  with  Kabyle  customs. 

Nomadism. — Hubac  (1931)  has  given  a  brief  pictorial  and 
popular  account  of  Bedouin  life  in  Tunisia  (in  French).  In  German, 
Stuhlmann  (1914)  has  prepared  an  article  on  the  Mazigh  people 
(South  Tunisia).  Gautier's  (1921)  account  of  "Nomad  and  Seden- 
tary Folks  of  Northern  Africa"  is  a  brief  contribution  to  this  subject. 
De  Agostini,  wi'iting  in  Italian  (1917,  1923),  has  discussed  both  the 
sedentary  and  nomadic  populations  of  Tripolitania  and  Cjo-enaica. 
And  A.  van  Gennep  (1912)  has  written  a  brief  article  on  "North 
African  Gypsies." 


VI.  AGRICULTURE 

Consideration  of  the  religious  background  of  agriculture  will 
serve  as  an  introduction  to  the  whole  of  section  III,  dealing  with 
Negroes,  since  the  enormous  area  of  Negro  occupation  (Map  4,  Areas 
6A,  6a,  6B)  is  primarily  an  agricultural  zone. 

A  brief  outline  of  the  principal  food  plants,  with  notes  on  their 
history  and  distribution,  has  been  given  in  section  I,  chap.  I;  neither 
is  it  necessary  to  deal  here  with  the  routine  of  agricultural  operations. 
Clearing  the  bush,  hoeing,  terracing,  irrigation,  manuring,  storing 
of  grain,  and  preparation  of  foods  will  be  described  along  with  occupa- 
tions and  handicrafts.  Typical  dwellings  of  agricultural  Negroes  are 
shown  in  Fig.  76. 

We  are  concerned  here  only  with  a  brief  account  of  the  spiritual 
basis  of  life  in  agricultural  communities.  And,  provided  this  funda- 
mental religious  factor  is  understood,  the  whole  social  and  economic 
pattern  will  be  explicable.  The  main  beliefs  and  institutions  in 
agricultural  organization  are  given  below: 

(1)  A  religious  concept  of  land  as  the  property  of  dead  ancestors. 
There  may  also  be  an  idea  of  a  Sky  Father  and  an  Earth  Mother. 

(2)  Spiritual  concept  of  a  chief  or  king  who  acts  as  a  high  priest  in 
agricultural  rites. 

(3)  A  medicine-man,  who  may  be  an  official  rain-maker,  a  preparer 
of  charms  to  protect  crops,  an  interpreter  of  omens,  and  a  functionary 
in  supplication  and  sacrifice.  Usually  a  complex  association  exists 
between  (2)  and  (3),  but  in  many  communities  the  different  powers 
and  functions  are  clearly  defined. 

(4)  Division  of  agricultural  labor  between  the  sexes.  Local 
custom  varies  considerably. 

(5)  Time  reckoning,  lunar  observations,  and  agricultural  opera- 
tions are  logically  connected. 

(6)  Legal  procedure  is  largely  connected  with  ownership  of  land, 
succession,  and  infringement  of  rights.  Ownership  of  land  is  the 
economic  basis  of  family  life  and  of  cohesion  in  the  village 
community. 

A  sociological  theory  of  nutrition  as  expounded  by  A.  I.  Richards 
(1932)  develops  the  thesis  that  human  relationships  within  a  tribe  are 
determined  by  nutritional  needs.  "Hunger  shapes  the  sentiments 
which  bind  together  the  members  of  each  social  group."  By  a  study 
of  home  conditions,   the  family,  infancy,  kinship  sentiment,  the 

398 


Agriculture 


399 


economic  functions  of  chiefs,  and  worship  of  ancestors,  the  inter- 
relation of  parts  of  tribal  life  is  demonstrated. 

Criticism  of  such  an  exposition  can  be  directed  only  against  the 
apparent  assumption   that  one   trait  is  more  fundamental   than 


«i9No 


Fig.  76.    Houses   of   agricultural   Negroes.       a.  Village   scene,    Cameroons. 
b.  House  with  painted  walls,  near  Bailundu,  Angola. 


another.  Admittedly,  the  tribe  must  eat  to  live;  biologically  speak- 
ing, the  need  for  food  is  basic  in  society.  But  just  as  logically  one 
might  entitle  the  study  "Chieftainship,"  or  "Ancestor  Reverence," 
with  a  view  to  showing  that  these  factors  are  absolutely  indispensable, 
since  without  the  blessing  of  the  ancestors,  and  in  the  absence  of  a 


400  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

chief  as  intermediary  priest,  no  food  could  be  produced.  Fertility  of 
soil  and  germinating  power  of  seed  depend  on  the  chief's  blessing  of 
seed,  the  mixing  of  his  own  grain  with  that  of  his  subjects,  and  the 
direction  of  prayers  to  ancestors  asking  for  rain.  The  offering  of 
the  first  fruits  to  the  gods  is  again  a  priestly  function  without  which 
the  efforts  of  the  cultivators  would  be  void. 

In  a  functional  study  it  matters  little  whether  we  first  analyze  the 
social  conditions,  the  religious  beliefs,  or  the  economic  structure,  for 
the  main  aspects  of  tribal  life  are  so  closely  related  that  the  probing 
of  one  division  leads  immediately  to  a  recognition  of  psychological 
and  sociological  unity. 

The  following  instances  have  been  chosen  from  agricultural  areas 
wide  apart  in  order  to  show  the  unity  of  beliefs  in  Negro  communities, 
despite  differences  in  physique  and  language. 

AGRICULTURAL  RITES  OF  SUDANIC  NEGROES 

The  relationship  between  land  tenure,  inheritance  of  land,  and 
religious  beliefs  is  explained  by  R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  p.  217).  Ashanti 
laws  regulating  the  ownership  and  bequest  of  land  are  typical  of 
widely  spread  Negro  concepts  relating  to  possession  of  land  and  the 
enjoyment  of  usufructs.  The  Ashanti  entertain  the  belief  that  living 
landowners  hold  their  land  as  trustees  for  their  dead  ancestors,  a 
fact  which  accounts  for  determined  opposition  to  the  sale  of  land, 
which  is  required  by  Europeans.  Rattray  (1923,  p.  203)  states  that 
in  Ashanti  the  ceremony  of  offering  first  fruits  of  the  yam  crop  to 
ancestors  is  still  observed.  The  festival  is  connected  with  recog- 
nition of  Tano,  the  greatest  of  the  earth  gods.  The  part  played  by  a 
reigning  king  as  a  priestly  mediator  with  his  ancestors  will  be 
described  later  in  connection  with  a  study  of  the  sacredness  of  kings. 
The  importance  of  religious  ritual  in  connection  with  agriculture  has 
been  noted  by  H.  Labouret  (1931,  p.  368),  who  says  that  the  religious 
character  of  land  tenure  is  connected  with  a  cult  of  the  earth  god. 
He  gives  instances  of  prayer  and  sacrifice  to  such  a  divinity  when 
new  land  is  occupied  for  making  a  village  site. 

Plateau  tribes  of  Nigeria  observe  a  ceremonial  eating  of  first 
fruits.  A  chief  is  first  to  partake,  and  he  makes  an  offering  of  the  first 
produce  to  ancestral  spirits.  When  clearing  his  land,  a  farmer  of  the 
Kagoro  tribe  pours  out  beer  and  prays  that  the  ground  may  be  fertile. 
The  Kagoma  perform  rites  in  a  sacred  grove,  and  during  the  days  of 
observance  sexual  intercourse  is  forbidden.  A  favorite  wife  of  a  dead 
chief  assists  with  the  sowing,  and  when  the  crop  is  a  foot  high  certain 
ceremonial  acts  are  necessary. 


Agriculture  401 

Before  eating  the  first  of  the  yam  crop,  a  chief  of  the  Yoruba 
pubHcly  sacrifices  a  dog.  The  headman  of  each  village  is  responsible 
for  this  ceremony;  songs  of  thanksgiving  are  sung,  and  the  head  of 
each  family  has  to  make  a  sacrifice  to  ancestors  in  his  own  home. 
C.  K.  Meek  (1925,  vol.  1,  pp.  119-133)  emphasizes  the  importance 
of  ceremonial  in  assuring  abundant  crops  but  points  out  that  many 
Nigerian  tribes  have  a  technique  that  makes  use  of  irrigation,  rota- 
tion of  crops,  manuring,  and  allowing  land  to  lie  fallow  for  periods. 

According  to  N.  W.  Thomas  (1913,  Part  I,  pp.  37-41),  an  Ibo 
farmer  of  the  Awka  district  is  expected  to  sacrifice  a  fowl  to  the 
ancestral  spirits  of  people  who  previously  owned  the  property.  This 
is  another  apt  illustration  of  the  fact  that  no  man  is  absolute  possessor 
of  the  land  he  cultivates.  Should  the  ghosts  of  previous  owners  be 
neglected,  they  will  send  wild  animals  to  eat  the  yams. 

In  Sierra  Leone  an  agricultural  deity  named  Kumba  is  recognized, 
and  for  him  the  people  weep  at  the  beginning  of  the  agricultural 
season.  When  rice  is  planted  in  a  small  plot  reserved  for  Kumba,  the 
children  sing,  "We  cry  for  Kumba;  they  are  planting  his  rice  on  this 
day,  and  no  one  may  do  any  work."  The  rice  in  this  sacred  patch  of 
Kumba  is  left  uncut,  since  the  grain  belongs  to  Kumba,  and  he  would 
destroy  the  whole  crop  if  his  property  were  violated.  Old  rites 
included  the  offering  of  rice  on  graves  of  ancestors,  for  if  this  were  not 
done  the  ghosts  would  catch  hold  of  the  hoes.  At  harvest  time 
Kumba  again  has  his  offering,  and  the  krifi  have  to  be  placated  in  the 
same  way,  since  they  are  mischievous  spirits  who  steal  the  rice. 
During  some  rites  sexual  continence  has  to  be  observed,  or  the 
cassava  will  be  bitter  and  the  husks  of  groundnuts  will  be  empty 
(N.  W.  Thomas,  1916,  Part  I,  pp.  174-176). 

M.  Delafosse  (1931,  p.  162)  states  that,  according  to  the  laws 
of  west  African  Negroes,  land  does  not  belong  to  a  private  owner, 
nor  is  it  community  property.  "In  fact,  the  ground  is  a  god  that  no 
one  would  think  of  appropriating  to  himself,  and  still  less  of  buying 
and  selling."  In  former  times  a  Negro  family,  when  first  arriving 
on  untenanted  land,  made  sacrifice  to  a  local  god  in  order  to  obtain 
divine  consent  to  the  use  of  the  land.  The  right  so  acquired  was 
transmitted  in  the  family,  and  no  transfer  of  land  could  be  made 
without  a  religious  ceremony. 

Most  west  African  Negro  conquerors  have  respected  the  religious 
aspect  of  land  tenure,  and  they  have  conceded  that  conquest  gives 
no  right  to  occupation  of  the  soil.  This  attitude  toward  land  owner- 
ship is  in  harmony  with  many  religious  beliefs.    The  Ashanti,  for 


402  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

instance,  regard  the  sky  and  the  earth  as  their  two  greatest  deities, 
and  according  to  mythology  some  of  the  clans  sprang  from  the 
earth.  A  day  is  set  aside  for  the  observance  of  Mother  Earth,  and 
offerings  are  made  to  the  ground  spirit  by  killing  fowls  and  allowing 
their  blood  to  drip  on  the  earth  on  the  day  when  tillage  is  begun. 
As  a  further  study  of  religious  attitudes  in  agriculture,  G.  H.  Jones 
(1936)  should  be  consulted.  The  article  deals  with  the  Earth 
Goddess  and  native  farming  in  west  Africa. 

AGRICULTURAL  RITES  OF  BANTU  NEGROES 

In  his  account  of  land  tenure  among  the  Bathonga,  H.  A.  Junod 
(1912,  vol.  2,  p.  135;  passim)  points  out  the  function  of  a  chief  as  a 
distributor  of  land  and  not  an  absolute  owner.  Land  is  granted  for 
cultivation  to  all  tribesmen  who  have  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  the  chief,  but  possession  of  land  depends  on  continuous  occupa- 
tion and  cultivation.  Real  estate  is  hereditary  in  the  male  line  to 
sons,  who  apportion  the  land  among  their  wives,  but,  in  accordance 
with  general  Negro  procedure,  these  temporary  owners  have  no  right 
to  sell  their  plots.  After  land  has  been  assigned  to  subjects,  a  chief, 
no  matter  how  high  his  social  position,  has  no  rights  in  the  land,  and 
he  would  have  to  ask  permission  to  pick  up  a  single  piece  of  fallen 
fruit  from  land  granted  to  a  subject.  Junod's  description  of  agrarian, 
religious  rites  reveals  the  basic  idea  of  ancestors,  and  ancestors 
who  have  become  gods,  as  the  real  owners  of  the  land. 

The  Bathonga  observe  several  points  of  ritual  in  connection  with 
agriculture  and  woodcraft.  Before  a  tree  is  cut  down,  the  bark  is 
smeared  with  drugs,  which  are  also  used  for  burning  at  the  root  of 
the  tree,  and  before  felling  a  mahogany  tree  an  offering  is  made  to 
ancestral  spirits.  The  Bathonga  sow  maize  without  a  ceremonial 
act,  but  sowing  of  millet  requires  a  special  rite.  Probably  millet 
is  by  far  the  older  grain,  and  so  became  associated  with  deeply 
entrenched  and  ancient  ceremonial,  which  was  not  transferred  to 
more  recently  imported  grains. 

To  prepare  the  millet  for  sowing,  a  chief  chews  the  root  of  a 
plant,  then  blows  on  a  quantity  of  millet  which  is  afterwards  mixed 
with  the  general  supply  of  millet  belonging  to  his  subjects.  This 
rite  is  said  to  keep  ants  from  the  seed.  A  few  taboos  and  observances 
are  connected  with  sowing  of  Kafir  peas.  Men  must  plant  the  peas, 
but  after  this  only  women  may  enter  the  field,  for  a  man  who  does  so 
would  be  afflicted  with  hydrocele. 


Agriculture  403 

The  prohibitions  associated  with  threshing  are  strict.  Men  are 
forbidden  to  approach  the  threshing  floors.  A  relative  of  the  owner 
of  a  field  is  not  allowed  to  pluck  spikes  of  maize  for  himself,  but  he 
may  do  so  if  he  threshes  the  corn  before  taking  it  away.  People 
are  conservative  in  their  attitude  toward  changes.  They  resent  the 
introduction  of  new  grains  or  methods,  and  to  the  first  man  who 
planted  a  mango  tree  the  people  said,  "You  will  die."  The  plow 
has,  however,  been  accepted. 

The  Bathonga  make  offerings  of  agricultural  produce  to  their 
ancestral  gods,  and  leaves  of  tobacco  are  presented  to  both  the 
maternal  and  the  paternal  ancestors.  Gods  and  chiefs  have  a  prior 
right  to  first  fruits  of  the  soil,  and  for  anyone  to  forestall  this  right 
by  eating  of  the  first  produce  would  be  a  serious  offence  likely  to 
bring  misfortune  on  the  community. 

A  principal  agricultural  ceremony  is  that  known  as  the  luma  of 
the  Kafir  com,  at  which  rite  the  great  wife  of  the  chief  crushes  the 
first  grain  and  mixes  with  it  a  substance  called  the  royal  powder. 
The  chief  offers  this  mixture  to  ancestral  spirits  at  the  main  entrance 
to  his  kraal.  He  prays  "that  the  Kafir  corn  shall  keep  our  bodies  so 
that  they  shall  become  fat  and  not  thin."  Following  this  ceremony, 
the  corn  is  eaten  by  chiefs,  subchiefs,  councilors,  and  warriors  who 
have  killed  enemies  in  battle.  The  harvest  is  in  this  way  made 
available  for  commoners. 

D.  Shropshire  (1934,  No.  86)  states  that  in  the  Wabarwe  tribe 
the  Midzimu  are  ancestral  spirits  of  the  family,  who  require  offerings 
at  their  shrine  especially  at  the  time  of  the  first  rains.  "The  spir- 
its are  very  angry  if  we  do  not  offer  before  planting,"  the  people 
say,  "and  if  you  stint  them  they  can  call  the  birds  to  finish  all 
your  crops." 

The  Ba-ila  know  little  of  the  principles  of  agriculture.  They  do 
not  allow  their  land  to  lie  fallow  for  a  period,  neither  do  they  adopt  a 
rotation  of  crops  or  recognize  the  necessity  for  selection  of  seed. 
Manure  is  not  used.  But  a  firm  belief  that  successful  agriculture 
depends  on  religious  observances  is  preserved.  To  work  on  the  day 
after  the  first  rain  is  regarded  as  an  offence  against  the  giver  of  rain ; 
therefore,  such  an  act  would  jeopardize  success.  People  who  "have 
a  lucky  hand  for  sowing"  are  engaged  in  this  work,  and  at  harvest 
time  each  man  takes  corncobs  and  hangs  them  from  the  rafters  in 
his  hut.  This  grain  is  an  offering  to  his  ancestral  spirits  (E.  W.  Smith 
and  A.  M.  Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  pp.  135-138).  The  fact  that  women 
mold  female  breasts  and  serpents  on  the  corn  bins  suggests  some 


404  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

ancient  fertility  cult  having  these  designs  as  symbols.  In  African 
ophiolatry  the  snake  is  closely  associated  with  rainbows  and  rain, 
and  the  reptile  is  widely  regarded  as  an  announcer  of  conception. 

Details  of  agricultural  operations  vary;  the  crops  themselves  are 
different,  and  the  ritual  takes  many  forms.  But  the  mainspring  of 
life  in  the  Negro  area  now  to  be  described  is  the  sacredness  of  the 
land  and  the  spiritual  approach  to  cultivation. 


THE  LIBRARY  OF  THf 

DEC  3  0  1937 

WNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


Anthropological  Series 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 

Founded  by  Marshall  Field,  1893 

Volume  XXVI 


SOURCE  BOOK 

FOR 

AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 

PART  II 
THE  U8JMIW  OF  THE 

BY  ^£0  2  9^937 

Wilfrid  D.  Hambly       '*'^^^^  ^  "^^ 

CURATOR  OP  AFRICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


Paul  S.  Martin 

CmBP  CURATOR,  DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 
EDITOR 


Publication  396 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
1937 


Anthropological  Series 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 

Founded  by  Marshall  Field,  1893 

Volume  XXVI 


SOURCE  BOOK 

FOR 

AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 

PART  II 

THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

DEC  2  9  1937 

^Y  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILUNOIS 

Wilfrid  D.  Hambly 

CURATOR   OF   AFRICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


Paul  S.  Martin 

CHIEF  CURATOR,  DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 
EDITOR 


Publication  396 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
1937 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 
BY  FIELD  MUSEUM  PRESS 


57Z.05 
FA 


SOURCE  BOOK 

FOR 

AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 

Section  III 
Basic  Elements  of  Negro  Culture 


SOURCE    BOOK  FOR  AFRICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY 


III.  BASIC  ELEMENTS  OF  NEGRO  CULTURE 

Introduction 
In  consideration  of  tlie  great  area  occupied  by  Negroes,  and  in 
view  of  local  differences  in  their  physique,  language,  and  culture,  is 
it  permissible  to  speak  of  a  Negro  culture?  I  believe  that  certain 
general  fundamentals  of  Negro  culture  can  be  profitably  considered, 
but  with  reservations. 

DIFFICULTY  OF  CULTURAL  CLASSIFICATION 

A  question  arises  respecting  the  cultural  position  of  Nilotic 
Negroes  and  Half-Hamites:  where  do  they  fit  in  the  scheme  describ- 
ing the  basic  elements  of  Negro  culture?  Nilotic  Negroes  are  a 
number  of  tribes  living  in  the  region  of  the  upper  White  Nile.  These 
tribes  have  languages  that  are  basically  Sudanic  Negro,  with  Ham- 
itic  elements  (Murray,  1920).  The  physique  is  essentially  that  of 
Negroes,  but  a  Hamitic  mixture  makes  itself  evident,  especially 
among  the  Shilluk  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1910,  p.  174).  The  culture  is  pas- 
toral, and  agriculture  is  relatively  unimportant.  The  Nilotic  Negroes, 
also  the  Half-Hamites,  Masai,  Nandi,  and  Suk,  were  therefore 
included  in  a  description  of  pastoral  tribes  (section  II),  and  for  this 
reason  only  brief  reference  will  be  made  to  these  pastoral  Negroes 
during  a  comparative  study  of  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes. 

Bantu-speaking  Negroes  could  be  divided  into  many  subsections, 
not  only  on  linguistic  but  on  cultural  grounds,  yet  this  work  has  not 
proceeded  far,  and  Schapera's  (1929a,  1934c)  arrangements  are 
chiefly  geographical  and  linguistic. 

Some  of  the  social  and  economic  distinctions  between  divisions 
of  the  Bantu  depend  on  the  extent  to  which  cattle  have  become 
important  in  tribal  life.  The  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  are  Bantu 
Negroes  with  an  agricultural  system  that  is  basic  in  their  social  and 
economic  life,  yet  cattle  are  ceremonially  important.  The  Ovambo 
of  South  West  Africa,  and  the  Zulu  of  southeast  Africa,  are  Bantu 
Negroes,  physically  and  linguistically,  but  their  social  pattern  has 
been  affected  by  the  rearing  of  large  herds.  These  are  border-line 
instances  of  Bantu  Negro  cultures  with  traits  closely  related  to  the 
pastoral  Hamitic  cultures  of  northeast  Africa. 

Among  Sudanic-speaking  Negroes  of  west  Africa,  all  of  whom  are 
agricultural,  certain  local  developments  of  the  social  and  religious 

407 


408  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

pattern  have  to  be  noted  (Rattray,  1923, 1927a,  b) ;  and  in  Dahomey 
(M.  J.  and  F.  S.  Herskovits,  1933;  Le  H^riss^,  1911).  Among  the 
Yoruba  (S,  Johnson,  1921)  and  the  Jukun  (Meek,  1931a)  special 
developments  in  ancestor  worship,  the  sacredness  of  kings,  court 
procedure,  art,  and  military  organization  have  taken  place.  There- 
fore, in  describing  Negro  culture  in  general  such  specializations  have 
to  be  recognized  (Labouret,  1931). 

But  despite  the  presence  of  borderline  instances  of  the  mingling 
of  distinct  types  of  culture,  and  the  special  development  of  cultural 
traits  in  some  areas,  there  yet  remains  the  possibility  of  describing 
what  is  fundamental  in  religion,  law,  social  organization,  and  eco- 
nomics in  the  areas  (6A  and  6B)  shown  on  the  map  of  culture  dis- 
tributions (Map  4). 

Although  no  present  tribal  classification  is  satisfactory  and  we 
have  no  complete  gazetteer  of  tribes,  assistance  with  tribal  names  and 
localities  is  given  by  Schapera  (1929a)  for  the  Bantu,  Roome  (1925) 
for  all  Africa,  Maes  and  Boone  (1935)  for  the  Congo,  Joyce  and 
Braunholtz  (1925),  and  Torday  (1930),  for  Negroes  in  general.  Van 
Warmelo  (1935)  for  South  Africa,  and  Jerrard  (1936)  for  Tanganyika. 
Most  of  the  tribes  mentioned  in  this  section  can  be  located  by  use 
of  Map  1,  facing  page  1.  A  bibliography  classified  according  to 
political  areas  is  given  at  the  end  of  vol.  II,  pp.  836-839. 

In 'studying  the  social  organization  of  Negroes,  students  will  be 
greatly  helped  by  perusal  of  a  work  edited  by  F.  Eggan  (1937). 
The  several  contributors  deal  with  kinship,  law,  and  other  aspects 
of  social  organization  among  American  Indians.  Yet  the  principles 
of  inquiry,  suggested  categories  of  legal  sanctions,  together  with 
exposition  and  criticism  of  the  views  of  Professor  A.  R.  Radcliffe 
Brown,  will  be  a  stimulus  in  the  study  of  Negro  Africa. 


I.  SEXUAL  LIFE 
Courtship  and  Marriage 

Study  of  sexual  relations  is  a  necessary  introduction  to  consid- 
eration of  tribal  structure  and  the  functioning  of  all  institutions. 
The  permanent  union  of  a  man  and  a  woman  leads  to  the  founding 
of  a  family  which  is  the  basic  social  unit.  If  the  nature  of  this  union 
is  understood,  then  facts  pertaining  to  the  kinship  system,  govern- 
ment, law,  religion,  and  economics  can  be  seen  in  their  logical 
relationship. 

TYPICAL  BANTU  COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE 

When  gathering  information  among  the  Ovimbundu,  my  inter- 
preter Ngonga,  himself  an  Ocimbundu  who  spoke  English  fluently, 
said,  "If  a  boy  wants  a  girl  he  should  look  at  her  for  several  days. 
Then  he  will  speak  to  the  girl,  who  will  tell  him  to  go  to  her  parents." 
If  the  parents  approve  of  the  boy  a  friendship  begins,  "but  the  boy 
must  not  do  anything  to  the  girl,"  and  my  informant  stated  that 
birth  of  a  child  during  the  courtship  would  be  a  shameful  occurrence. 

Infant  betrothals  are  common  among  Negroes,  and  parents  may 
have  an  understanding  relating  to  the  mating  of  children  even 
before  their  birth.  But,  despite  many  instances  of  this  parental 
prerogative,  a  broad  survey  shows  that  the  actual  right  of  refusal 
frequently  rests  with  the  girl  herself. 

Ngonga  said  that  the  small  gifts  of  the  suitor  to  the  parents  of 
his  betrothed  mean  that  "this  girl  is  mine,  and  no  other  boy  will 
ask  for  her  because  she  is  promised."  The  gift  is,  therefore,  a  token 
and  not  a  purchase.  But  among  the  Ovimbundu,  and  with  the 
majority  of  Negro  tribes,  a  gift  or  token  more  valuable  than  the 
present  which  secures  a  courtship  must  be  made  to  the  girl's  parents 
before  the  marriage  is  ratified.  Ngonga  emphasized  the  tendency 
of  parents  to  argue.  "You  must  bring  a  better  blanket,"  they  may 
say  when  concluding  the  arrangements. 

But  after  the  parents  have  accepted  the  tokens,  a  meeting  of  the 
relatives  of  the  bride  and  groom  is  called  in  the  men's  council  house 
(onjango).  Here  the  parents  of  the  girl  exhort  her  to  be  a  good  wife 
and,  above  all,  to  treat  visiting  relatives  with  hospitality.  The 
prospective  bride  chooses  one  married  woman  and  six  unmarried 
girls  to  accompany  her  to  the  house  that  has  been  built  by  her 
husband  on  his  father's  land,  as  near  to  his  parental  home  as  possible. 

409 


410  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  marriage  is  therefore  patrilocal  in  this  instance,  but  other  types 
will  have  to  be  noted. 

For  three  nights  the  Ocimbundu  bride  sleeps  at  the  home  of  her 
parents,  while  the  groom  returns  to  his  parents  for  the  same  period. 
In  the  meantime  the  new  home  of  the  bride  and  groom  is  temporarily 
occupied  by  the  attendants  of  the  bride.  During  these  three  days 
the  groom  is  ironically  addressed  as  sandomhua,  a  word  which 
expresses  the  fact  that  he  has  not  consummated  the  marriage. 

On  the  fourth  day  after  the  wedding  in  the  onjango,  the  bride 
brings  to  her  new  home  a  few  simple  utensils,  such  as  cooking  pots, 
a  broom,  some  wooden  vessels,  and  pounders  for  crushing  maize. 
During  the  first  month  of  married  life  a  bride  is  not  allowed  to  cook 
in  her  own  home,  but  all  culinary  work  has  to  be  done  in  the  house 
of  her  husband's  parents,  and  meals  for  her  husband  are  sent  to  the 
onjango,  where  all  men  foregather  to  eat  at  least  their  evening  meal 
apart  from  women. 

When  the  bride  begins  work  in  her  own  home,  three  old  women 
who  have  been  happily  married  are  invited  to  lay  the  hearthstones, 
which  they  consecrate  with  the  sprinkled  blood  of  a  freshly  killed 
chicken.  While  the  young  wife  performs  her  tasks  she  is  guided  by 
the  three  old  women,  who  actually  take  hold  of  her  hands  while  she 
is  stirring  the  mush  or  sifting  the  maize.  After  a  few  days  of  this 
supervision  the  young  husband  and  wife  are  left  alone. 

PREMARITAL  CHASTITY 

The  question  of  the  virginity  of  a  newly  married  girl  raises  the 
subject  of  prenuptial  relations,  especially  after  a  courtship  has 
begun.  On  this  point  Ngonga  was  quite  clear.  He  said  that  in 
former  times  virginity  was  expected  in  a  bride,  and  if  she  proved  to 
be  otherwise  the  husband  burnt  a  hole  in  her  cloth  and  made  her 
take  the  garment  to  her  mother.  Restitution  of  part  of  the  presents 
given  by  the  husband  to  his  wife's  parents  reunited  the  couple. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  although  premarital  pregnancy  is  a 
disgrace,  boy  and  girl  companions  sleep  together  at  irregular  inter- 
vals in  the  home  of  one  of  the  girls.  But  girls  are  not  allowed  to 
sleep  at  a  home  of  one  of  the  boys,  and  sexual  acts  are  forbidden. 
A  girl  calls  her  boy  companion  ombaisi,  and  he  gives  her  the  same 
name,  which  is  a  special  term  for  this  intimate  prenuptial  rela- 
tionship. 

In  reviewing  Bantu  marriage  customs  E.  Torday  (1929b)  refers 
to  premarital  friendships  of  boys  and  girls  who  sleep  together  even 


Sexual  Life  411 

to  the  age  of  seventeen,  though  pregnancy  is  regarded  as  a  disgrace. 
Torday  suggests  that  the  boys  and  girls  practice  mutual  masturba- 
tion, and  he  thinks  it  possible  that,  despite  the  apparent  sexual 
freedom,  actual  coitus  does  not  take  place. 

Torday  makes  a  distinction  between  the  attitude  of  the  eastern 
and  western  Bantu  toward  prenuptial  chastity.  He  states  that  the 
eastern  Bantu  value  virginity  highly,  and  quotes  instances  from  the 
Akikuyu  and  the  Wachagga.  A  Chagga  girl  who  became  pregnant, 
though  betrothed,  was  driven  from  home  and  obliged  to  live  with 
her  lover  in  a  remote  place  until  the  child  was  born.  The  parents 
had  to  strangle  their  infant  at  birth.  Bapidi  girls  must  remain 
virgins  until  marriage,  and  in  some  clans  the  girls  are  examined  on 
the  day  of  their  marriage  by  female  relatives  of  their  husbands. 

"In  Zululand  even  to-day  strict  control  is  exercised  by  the  groups 
of  older  girls  over  those  younger  than  themselves,  and  a  girl  may 
not  even  speak  to  a  boy  after  she  has  reached  puberty  until  she  has 
received  permission  to  do  so  from  the  elder  group.  A  girl's  pregnancy 
defiles  her  whole  age-set  in  that  neighborhood."  Krige  (1936a, 
pp.  5,  6.)    See  also  H.  Wieschhoff  (1937b,  pp.  221-235). 

The  data  assembled  by  Torday  indicate  the  laxity  of  sex  relations 
among  the  western  Bantu  before  marriage;  apparently  the  Ovim- 
bundu  are  an  exception  to  Torday's  general  conclusion,  for  they  are  a 
western  Bantu  tribe  who  value  premarital  virginity.  In  support  of 
Torday's  conclusion  respecting  laxity  of  the  western  Bantu  with 
regard  to  virginity,  J.  H.  Weeks  (1914,  p.  107)  states  that  the  Bakongo 
tolerate  sexual  freedom  before  marriage. 

BETROTHAL  AND   PAYMENT 

H.  A.  Stayt  (1931a,  pp.  143,  151)  has  pointed  out  that  among 
the  Bavenda,  who  are  Bantu  Negroes  of  the  northern  Transvaal, 
lohola  in  the  form  of  cattle  passes  from  the  groom's  family  to  that 
of  the  bride.  The  lobola  is  a  compensation  for  loss  of  a  female,  a 
potential  bearer  of  children.  Unless  a  man  pays  lobola  for  his  wife 
his  marriage  is  not  recognized  by  the  community,  neither  can  he 
obtain  his  children,  since  they  are  not  considered  his  lawful  property. 
Instances  occur  in  which  a  woman  pays  lobola  in  order  to  obtain 
another  woman  who  has  sexual  relations  with  the  husband  of  the 
female  purchaser.  A  female  who  brings  another  woman  to  her  home 
in  this  way  is  called  "father"  by  the  children  of  the  woman  for  whom 
she  paid  lobola.  See  Herskovits  (1937b).  A  husband  may  serve  his 
wife's  family,  as  among  the  Mashona,  in  lieu  of  lobola.    But  residence 


412  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

with  his  wife's  kin  for  this  purpose  is  not  a  true  matrilocal  condition 
Schapera  (1929,  No.  86). 

A.  I.  Richards  (1934,  p.  272)  states  that  among  the  Babemba 
marriage  is  matrilocal.  Girls  are  betrothed  usually  before  puberty, 
and  after  the  first  symbolic  presentations  to  the  parents-in-law  the 
bridegroom,  often  himself  a  mere  boy,  moves  to  the  bride's  village 
and  works  for  a  period,  possibly  seven  years,  for  his  father-in-law. 
After  the  birth  of  one  or  more  children,  and  after  proving  his  capa- 
bility as  a  worker  and  making  further  payments  to  his  bride's 
parents,  the  husband  may  take  his  bride  from  her  own  kindred. 

R.  S.  Rattray's  data  (1927a,  p.  77)  relating  to  Sudanic  Negroes 
of  Ashanti  are  in  agreement  with  the  facts  noted  for  Bantu  betrothal. 
Infant  betrothal  exists  among  the  Ashanti,  and  the  agreement  may 
be  an  arrangement  between  parents,  who  ratify  the  compact  by 
presents  which  are  returned  if  a  union  of  their  children  is  not 
established.  A  female  child  calls  her  betrothed  boy  her  husband  and 
carries  his  bundle  for  him,  but  no  sexual  intercourse  takes  place. 
Rattray's  statements  support  the  present  contention  of  ethnologists 
who  assert  that  the  term  "bride-price"  is  a  misnomer.  In  Ashanti 
"gifts  from  the  parents  of  the  boy  to  those  of  the  girl  merely  secure 
a  sexual  prerogative,  and  a  right  to  claim  damages  for  its  infringe- 
ment." The  gifts  do  not  enrich  the  parents,  since  the  articles  are 
distributed  among  witnesses.  Rattray  states  that  "there  is  a  fairly 
large  repudiation  of  such  betrothals,"  and  he  believes  that  many 
marriages  are  based  on  genuine  affection.  Formerly  in  Ashanti 
virginity  was  respected.  Before  her  marriage  ceremony  a  prospec- 
tive bride  broke  an  egg  at  crossroads,  saying,  "If  anyone  has  eaten 
me  may  my  ohosum  (god)  kill  me."  If  a  bride  confessed  to  premari- 
tal sexual  intercourse,  the  seducer  and  the  bride's  parents  had  to 
make  a  payment  to  the  aggrieved  husband.  For  discussion  of  the 
term  "bride-price"  see  "Man,"  1929,  Nos.  107,174;  1931,  No.  187; 
1932,  No.  68,  and  A.  T.  and  G.  M.  Culwick  (1934,  pp.  140-159). 

MARRIAGE  AMONG  WESTERN  NEGROES 

An  Ashanti  wedding  takes  place  on  the  sixth  day  after  the  girl's 
second  menstruation,  when  the  fully  ornamented  bride  is  led  by  her 
mother  to  the  hut  where  her  husband  waits.  The  bride  and  her 
mother  give  thanks  for  presents  received;  then  they  go  away  but 
return  after  dark.  The  husband  gives  his  mother-in-law  a  present 
of  tobacco,  and  the  three  remain  in  conversation  for  a  time,  after 
which  the  bride  is  left  alone  with  her  husband. 


Sexual  Life  413 

In  describing  the  Kona,  who  are  a  section  of  the  Jukun  of  eastern 
Nigeria,  C.  K,  Meek  (1931a,  pp.  278,  386)  reports  that  a  man  commits 
an  offence  if  he  has  sexual  relations  before  the  ears  of  his  betrothed 
are  pierced.  After  this  operation,  which  is  performed  at  puberty 
by  a  male  relative  of  the  groom,  a  messenger  announces,  "Your 
horse  has  had  its  ears  pierced  today,  you  may  now  mount  the 
animal."  The  groom  makes  a  gift  of  a  tobacco  pipe  and  tobacco 
to  his  bride's  parents. 

Married  life  among  the  Kona  is  for  a  time  characterized  by 
visits  of  increasing  frequency  paid  by  the  bride  to  the  groom,  whom 
she  leaves  before  dawn  to  return  to  her  own  home.  Delay  in  making 
the  marriage  absolute  is  arranged  so  that  the  girl's  family  will 
have  an  undisputed  claim  to  the  first  child,  which  is  regarded  as 
part  of  the  compensation  for  loss  of  the  bride  herself  from  her  kin. 
During  the  probationary  period  the  "trial"  wife  is  allowed  to  have 
intercourse  with  other  men,  and  if  her  sexual  relations  with  them  are 
criticized  she  replies,  "What  has  that  to  do  with  you?  Have  I  yet 
gone  to  your  house  as  a  wife?"  The  true  marriage  relationship 
begins  six  months  after  the  birth  of  the  first  child,  and  at  that  time 
the  girl  goes  permanently  to  her  husband's  kin. 

The  Jibu,  who  are  another  section  of  the  Jukun,  are  described 
by  Meek  as  a  mother-right  people  who  practice  matrilocal  marriage; 
but  this  is  scarcely  a  true  matrilocal  marriage  since  residence  of  a 
husband  with  his  wife's  kindred  is  only  temporary.  The  suitor's 
ability  to  farm  is  more  important  than  gifts,  so  during  a  period  of 
one  or  two  years  he  is  required  to  work  on  the  farm  of  his  father-in- 
law,  or  on  that  of  his  wife's  elder  sister's  husband.  Children  born 
during  this  matrilocal  residence  remain  with  their  mother's  kin  if 
for  any  reason,  including  their  mother's  death,  the  marriage  is 
dissolved.  Meek  explains  that  the  Jukun,  according  to  locality, 
show  stages  of  transition  from  mother-right,  to  father-right,  and 
from  matrilocal  to  patrilocal  conditions.  Matrilocal  marriage 
favors  monogamy,  places  a  check  on  adultery,  and  makes  divorce 
more  difficult  than  under  patrilocal  conditions. 

Marriage  arrangements  among  Sudanic  Negroes  have  been 
described  by  H.  Labouret  (1931,  pp.  261,  269),  who  speaks  of  pre- 
natal betrothals  and  marriage  contracts  made  for  infants.  For- 
malities include  an  exchange  of  gifts  between  the  parents  of  the  two 
children,  but  before  the  contract  is  ratified  at  puberty  the  arrange- 
ment may  be  canceled ;  freedom  of  action  of  the  betrothed  and  their 
respective  families  is  made  clear.    If  an  engagement  is  broken,  the 


414  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

youth  may  claim  compensation  for  work  done  on  the  land  of  his 
father-in-law.  Refusal  of  such  a  request  formerly  led  to  combat 
between  the  two  families,  but  at  the  present  time  the  matter  is 
settled  by  a  tribunal. 

A  man  of  the  Agni  tribe  who  desires  a  girl  in  marriage  has  to 
explain  his  intention  to  her  parents.  Then,  if  their  consent  is  given, 
he  spends  a  night  with  the  girl.  The  parents  are  fully  aware  of  the 
betrothal  but  are  not  openly  cognizant  of  the  fact  that  the  be- 
trothed have  passed  the  night  together.  Yet  the  parents  must 
have  some  knowledge  of  this  act,  for  if  the  suitor  has  spent  the  night 
with  their  daughter,  then  repudiates  her,  he  has  to  appear  before 
a  council  of  her  family,  who  extract  a  fine  from  him  (L.  Tauxier, 
1931a,  pp.  49-51). 

On  the  contrary,  if  the  youth  and  the  girl  wish  to  continue  their 
engagement,  the  suitor  approaches  her  parents  the  day  following 
their  night  together.  The  dowry  to  be  obtained  from  the  young 
man  is  a  matter  for  discussion  between  the  two  families  concerned. 
For  breach  of  contract  at  any  time  before  marriage,  the  fine  for  either 
of  the  defaulting  lovers  is  twenty-five  francs.  The  marriage  cere- 
mony consists  of  leading  the  bridegroom  to  the  bride,  and  in  public 
he  decorates  her  and  her  relatives  with  presents. 

So  far  only  simple  marriage  contracts  have  been  considered  among 
Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes,  but  more  complex  forms  of  union  are 
known,  especially  in  Dahomey  and  Ashanti,  while  among  the 
southern  Bantu  a  form  of  state  marriage  exists. 

different  types  of  marriage  contract 

A.  Le  H^riss^  (1911,  pp.  203-226)  speaks  of  two  main  types  of 
marriage  union,  and  within  each  of  these  he  recognizes  several 
minor  varieties.  In  unions  of  the  hongho  type  the  married  woman 
is  in  an  inferior  position  which  is  somewhat  close  to  slavery.  She 
was  bought  at  birth  with  cowries,  and  always  accepts  the  spouse 
so  provided.  Her  children  by  this  marriage  belong  to  the  hus- 
band's family  group.  A  second  and  distinct  type  of  marriage  gives 
power  to  the  maternal  family,  who  are  regarded  as  owners  of  the 
children  by  this  marriage.  Within  this  second  type  of  marriage  three 
varieties  are  discussed,  one  of  which  is  called  "de  la  chevre  au  bouc." 
The  phrase  means  "taking  a  she-goat  to  a  he-goat."  Unions  of  this 
kind  are  sought  by  men  of  small  means,  and  the  children  of  such  a 
marriage  belong  to  the  mother.  The  types  of  marriage  vary  in  respect 
to  the  dowry  payable  by  the  groom,  the  priority  of  rights  of  either 


! 


Sexual  Life  415 

the  father's  or  the  mother's  kindred  over  the  children,  and  the 
extent  to  which  dowry  is  returnable  to  the  husband  in  event  of  his 
wife's  death,  or  divorce  on  account  of  her  adultery. 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1927a,  p.  82)  describes  three  main  types  of  mar- 
riage contract  in  Ashanti.  There  exists  an  ordinary  form  of  marriage 
in  which  a  dowry  aseda  has  been  paid  by  the  prospective  husband 
to  his  parents-in-law.  If  a  wife  who  has  been  secured  in  this  way 
dies  or  leaves  her  husband,  but  not  because  of  her  misconduct,  the 
husband  is  not  entitled  to  a  refund  of  the  bride- wealth  he  paid.  In  a 
second  type  of  marriage  a  man  secures  his  wife  by  paying  to  her 
parents  a  sum  named  'tin  nsa  (head  wine)  in  order  to  liquidate  a 
debt  owed  by  the  woman's  family.  A  third  form  of  marriage  requires 
that  a  husband  shall  secure  his  wife  by  paying  to  her  parents  both 
aseda  and  'tiri  nsa.  The  second  type  of  marriage  demands,  that  if 
the  wife  dies,  her  parents  must  return  to  her  husband  the  sum  he 
paid  in  liquidation  of  their  debt.  In  the  third  type  of  marriage  the 
procedure  at  the  death  of  a  wife  is  the  same  as  in  case  two,  but  only 
the  'tiri  nsa  and  not  aseda  can  be  reclaimed  by  the  widower.  For 
Nigeria  (C.  K.  Meek,  1936,  pp.  64-72)  has  described  two  principal 
forms  of  marriage:  (1)  By  payment  of  bride-price;  and  (2)  by 
exchange. 

Forms  of  state  marriage  described  by  J.  H.  Driberg  (1932b), 
should  perhaps  be  regarded  as  a  completely  normal  development, 
and  not  outside  the  ordinary  rules  of  African  marriage.  Some 
Bantu  tribes  of  south  Africa  afford  instances  of  state  marriage  in 
which  the  bride-price  is  paid,  not  by  the  husband,  but  as  a  con- 
tribution from  the  whole  tribe.  The  state  wife  who  has  been  secured 
in  this  way  is  expected  to  provide  an  heir  to  succeed  her  husband  in 
office.  A  state  marriage  cannot  be  dissolved  unless  it  fails  to  provide 
an  heir,  and  even  in  case  of  barrenness  divorce  may  not  ensue, 
since  the  difficulty  is  sometimes  met  by  giving  the  chief  a  sister  of 
his  state  wife. 

MARRIAGE  AMONG  NILOTIC  NEGROES 

Among  Nilotic  Negroes  the  procedure  of  betrothal  and  marriage 
bears  resemblance  to  that  of  Sudanic  and  Bantu  Negroes.  Driberg 
says  of  the  Lango  that  marriages  are  the  result  of  individual  choice 
on  the  part  of  man  and  woman,  and  that  as  a  rule  married  life  is 
happy  and  harmonious.  The  dowry  is  not  really  a  purchase,  since 
cattle  paid  for  the  bride  are  used  by  her  parents  to  procure  a  wife  for 
one  of  their  sons,  and  in  this  way  the  dowry  is  a  means  of  restoring 
equilibrium.     Of  prenuptial  relations  between  the  sexes  Driberg 


416  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

(1923,  p.  67)  states  that  "among  the  Nilo-Hamites,  and  to  a  lesser 
extent  among  the  Nilotics,  free  love  is  socially  encouraged,  and  so 
long  as  the  marriage  taboos  relative  to  kinship  are  observed  the 
status  neither  of  men  nor  of  women  is  affected  by  prenuptial  license." 
(Driberg,  1932c,  p.  416.) 

For  the  Shilluk,  W.  Hofmayr  (1925,  pp.  288,  291,  295)  states 
that  women  have  a  high  social  standing.  Bethrothal  is  arranged  by 
an  intermediary.  The  dowry  is  usually  ten  cows,  and  the  suitor 
makes  frequent  presents  of  food  to  his  future  parents-in-law.  A 
sham  fight  between  kin  of  the  bride  and  the  friends  of  the  groom 
takes  places  when  he  goes  to  claim  her.  This  is  a  usual  custom  in 
the  Nilotic  Negro  tribes,  and  according  to  L.  Cummins  (1904, 
pp.  149-166)  abduction  of  a  Dinka  bride  is  carried  out  through  a 
hole  in  the  back  wall  of  her  hut  while  a  sham  fight  is  in  progress. 
Cummins  states  that  a  wife  is  obtained  either  by  purchase,  the  price 
being  paid  in  cattle,  or  by  capture  from  hostile  clans  or  tribes. 
Wives  obtained  by  a  raid  are  inferior  in  position  to  wives  obtained  by 
payment  of  a  dowry  of  cattle,  but  the  children  of  the  two  classes  of 
wives  are  of  equal  standing. 

The  foregoing  instances  have  been  selected  as  illustrative  exam- 
ples of  a  large  body  of  evidence  which  has  the  same  general  trend. 
The  data  make  clear  that  among  Negroes  women  are  not  of  inferior 
status  in  respect  to  marriage.  Infant  betrothals  are  common,  but 
the  contract  is  not  binding,  and  a  girl  has  considerable  freedom  of 
choice.  The  main  fact  to  grasp  is  that  marriage  is  a  definite  contract 
between  individuals  and  their  kindred,  and  that  the  legal  bond, 
which  involves  payment  of  a  dowry  and  often  a  public  marriage  rite, 
lays  a  sure  foundation  for  permanent  family  life.  The  dowry  paid 
by  the  bridegroom  is  compensation  for  loss  of  a  child-bearing  indi- 
vidual from  her  own  kindred. 

With  regard  to  prenuptial  sexual  relations  the  evidence  is  equivo- 
cal, and  further  research,  such  as  that  carried  out  by  E.  Torday  for 
the  eastern  and  western  Bantu,  might  show  definite  regional  attitudes 
toward  premarital  license.  The  nature  of  the  marriage  contract  and 
the  status  of  women  may  be  further  considered  by  reviewing  customs 
relating  to  polygamy  and  divorce. 

Other  regular  forms  of  marriage,  namely,  the  levirate  and  geron- 
tocracy, also  enjoined  marriages  and  prohibited  unions,  are  described 
in  section  III,  chap.  Ill,  "Social  Organization."  The  levirate,  by 
which  custom  a  man  inherits  widows  of  his  brother,  is  further  dis- 
cussed under  "Law,"  in  section  III,  chap.  IV,  "Social  Controls." 


Sexual  Life  417 

Polygamy 

Of  the  two  forms  of  polygamy,  which  means  "marrying  many," 
polygyny,  a  term  referring  to  plurality  of  wives,  is  far  the  more 
common  in  Africa  and  in  all  other  parts  of  the  world.  The  term 
polyandry  is  not  of  precise  connotation,  since  the  word  has  been  used 
to  describe  different  kinds  of  sexual  unions  of  a  woman  with  more 
than  one  man.  Polyandry  exists  in  Tibet,  in  the  Marquesas  Islands, 
and  among  the  Todas  of  southern  India.  Among  the  Dieri  tribe  of 
Australia  a  woman  has  her  husband  (tippa-malku)  and  also  her 
recognized  lover  (pirraru),  who  has  sexual  privileges. 

Polyandry,  meaning  the  recognized  union  of  one  woman  with 
more  than  one  man,  is  reported  by  J.  Roscoe  (1923a,  p.  123;  1915, 
p.  121)  among  the  Banyankole  of  northeast  Africa,  but  this  type  of 
union  is  rare  among  Negroes.  Roscoe  states  that  Banyankole  poly- 
andry arises  from  the  inability  of  a  man  to  pay  cattle  as  a  dowry. 
In  event  of  poverty,  a  man  asks  one  or  more  of  his  brothers  to  join 
with  him  in  procuring  a  woman,  who  becomes  the  lawful  wife  of 
all  who  assisted  in  contributing  the  dowry.  The  woman  lives  with 
each  of  her  husbands  in  turn  until  pregnant,  then  she  remains  with 
the  oldest  brother  until  her  child  is  born.  Only  the  oldest  brother 
goes  through  the  form  of  marriage,  but  it  is  understood  that  the 
woman  is  the  wife  of  all,  yet  all  the  offspring  of  such  a  marriage  are 
recognized  as  children  of  the  oldest  brother. 

This  is  hardly  a  true  polyandrous  relationship,  since  only  one 
brother  goes  through  the  form  of  marriage.  The  arrangement 
appears  to  mean  that  younger  brothers,  because  of  their  contribu- 
tion to  the  dowry,  have  access  to  the  wife  of  their  oldest  brother. 
Roscoe  says,  "There  appears  to  have  been  no  difficulty  in  obtaining 
a  woman  as  the  wife  of  several  men,  nor  were  there  any  quarrels  or 
unhappiness."  The  validity  of  the  term  polyandry  becomes  still 
more  doubtful  when  Roscoe  refers  to  "clan  brothers"  having  access 
to  one  woman. 

C.  K.  Meek  (1925,  1,  p.  198)  has  examined  the  nature  of  certain 
sex  relations  in  northern  Nigeria  and  has  discussed  the  applicability 
of  the  word  polyandry  to  these  unions.  "Among  the  Gwari  a  man 
who  captures  another's  wife  is  under  no  obligation  to  repay  the 
former  husband,  and  the  children  born  to  him  are  his.  A  Gwari 
woman  may  indeed  have  several  husbands  and  families  in  different 
towns,  living  now  with  one,  now  with  another,  as  she  feels  inclined. 
As  the  children  belong  not  to  the  first  husband  but  to  the  actual 
father,  we  have  here  a  fairly  close  approximation  to  true  polyandry. 


418  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

As  a  general  rule,  however,  the  zaga  wife-abductor  remains  a  cicisbeo 
until  the  former  husband  chooses  to  accept  from  him  an  equivalent 
of  the  bride-price  originally  given  to  the  girl's  parents.  Until  this 
is  done  the  husband  has  a  claim  on  all  children  born  by  the  abductor, 
and  the  zaga  is  a  temporary  union  only  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  a 
marriage.  The  cicisbean  character  of  the  zaga  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
custom  among  the  Warji  that  as  soon  as  the  runaway  wife  conceives 
by  the  cicisbeo  she  must  forthwith  return  to  her  husband." 

Instances  of  a  true  sororate  are  as  doubtful  as  examples  of  a 
genuine  polyandrous  marriage.  By  the  sororate  is  meant  the 
espousal  of  a  man  to  two  or  more  sisters;  this  custom  has  sometimes 
been  described  as  a  group  marriage.  A  note  has  previously  been  made 
to  the  effect  that  a  man  whose  wife  proves  barren  may  espouse  her 
sister.  The  parents  of  the  barren  wife  give  the  sister  as  compensation, 
but  the  first  wife,  though  childless,  probably  retains  her  place  as  the 
Great  Wife  or  head  woman  in  the  polygynous  household.  Possibly 
this  custom  has  given  rise  to  a  European  conception  of  a  sororate. 
The  Ovimbundu,  though  polygynous  when  circumstances  permit, 
definitely  forbid  marriage  with  a  wife's  sister  while  the  wife  is  alive; 
but  marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sister  is  permissible. 

Descriptions  of  the  courts  of  important  kings  and  chiefs  leave 
a  false  impression  of  the  extent  of  polygyny  among  Negroes.  Instan- 
ces can  be  found  of  a  king's  household  which  contains  hundreds  of 
wives,  some  of  whom  he  has  never  seen;  but  polygyny  of  this  kind 
is  rare,  and  fortunately  so  because  of  the  probable  social  and  personal 
injustice  involved. 

Data  relating  to  the  normal  occurrence  of  polygyny  in  various 
areas  are  inadequate  for  preparation  of  precise  statements  giving 
the  number  of  men  who  have  two  or  more  wives.  C.  W.  Hobley 
(1910,  p.  13)  tabulates  the  number  of  wives  in  each  of  thirty- 
eight  families  of  the  Akamba.  Eleven  families  with  one  wife, 
nine  families  with  two  wives,  seven  families  with  three  wives,  five 
families  with  four  wives,  one  family  with  five  wives,  two  families 
with  six  wives,  one  family  with  seven  wives,  one  family  with  eight 
wives,  and  one  family  with  fifteen  wives.  This,  however,  was  almost 
thirty  years  ago  and  conditions  have  probably  changed  in  the 
direction  of  monogamy. 

The  largest  polygynous  family  I  saw  in  Angola  (1929)  was  that 
of  the  headman  of  Ngalangi,  who  had  eleven  wives.  In  his  compound 
were  eleven  huts,  one  for  each  of  his  wives  and  her  children.  Ovim- 
bundu custom  requires  that  a  husband  shall  spend  either  four  or 


f 


Sexual  Life  419 

seven  consecutive  nights  with  each  of  his  wives  in  turn;  the  four- 
night  cycle  being  the  more  usual.  Each  wife  has  her  own  kitchen  and 
the  wives  take  turns  in  cooking  the  daily  meals  that  must  be  sent  to 
their  husband  in  the  council  house,  where  all  men  gather  at  sunset. 
The  husband  of  eleven  wives  was  anxious  to  explain  that  he  had 
eleven  wives  though  only  six  were  present;  the  remainder  were  at 
work  in  the  fields.  Before  a  photograph  was  taken,  the  chief  sent  his 
principal  wife  to  dress  in  a  colored  blanket  which  was  her  mark  of 
distinction.  A  husband  considers  that  his  social  prestige  depends  on 
the  number  of  his  wives,  and  a  Great  Wife  is  glad  to  have  other 
women  to  perform  the  work,  since  this  advances  her  own  social 
standing.  Too  little  is  known  of  the  extent  of  polygyny  and  the  sex 
ratios  of  Negroes  to  estimate  what  social  injustice,  if  any,  is  inflicted 
by  the  appropriation  of  several  women  by  a  wealthy  man.  That 
friction  is  likely  to  occur  in  polygynous  households  is  suggested  by 
some  of  the  terms  used  by  the  Ovimbundu.  See  "Kinship  Terms," 
chap.  3  of  this  section. 

The  entire  evidence  relating  to  marriage  contracts,  whether 
polygynous  or  not,  fails  to  indicate  that  woman  has  an  inferior 
status,  and  probably  J.  H.  Driberg  (1932c,  p.  405)  is  correct  in  saying, 
"It  is  doubtful,  indeed,  whether  among  Africans  the  question  of  high 
or  low  status  ever  arises  as  a  distinction  between  men  and  women. 
It  is  a  different  status,  that  is  all,  corresponding  with  differences  of 
physique,  natural  functions,  and  stamina,  not  an  inferior  status." 

Two  writers,  G.  Gordon  Brown  and  A.  MCD.  Bruce  Hutt  (1935, 
p.  213)  are  of  the  opinion  that  "the  disappearance  of  polygyny  will 
create  a  new  problem,  that  of  surplus  women.  To  take  an  extreme 
possibility,  if  the  whole  tribe  (Wa  Hehe)  became  Christian  there 
would  be  nearly  8,000  more  females  than  males,  of  whom  at  least 
4,000  would  be  of  marriageable  age.  Since  continence  is  not  of  likely 
occurrence  among  the  Hehe,  there  would  be  a  large  number  of 
irregular  unions,  taking  the  form  of  casual  intrigues  or,  more  proba- 
bly, of  concubinage.  This  would  be  a  poor  substitute  for  the  present 
essential  equality  of  all  women." 

Divorce 

In  agreement  with  the  definite  nature  of  the  marriage  contract, 
laws  relating  to  divorce  indicate  that  no  easy  repudiation  of  a  spouse 
is  possible  in  Negro  society.  Not  only  the  individuals  are  concerned; 
the  two  families  take  an  interest  in  divorce  proceedings,  which  in 
some  tribes  require  a  public  ratification.    If  divorce  is  inevitable, 


420  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

decisions  have  to  be  reached  respecting  disposal  of  the  dowry  paid 
for  the  wife,  return  of  the  articles  contributed  by  the  wife  to  her 
home,  and  the  custody  of  the  children. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  the  main  grounds  on  which  a  man  can 
claim  divorce  are  adultery  of  his  wife,  her  want  of  industry  as  a 
cultivator,  thieving  from  other  gardens,  physical  weakness,  frigidity, 
barrenness,  nagging,  incompetence  in  cooking,  and  inability  to  suckle 
her  children.  Yet  divorce  is  not  so  frequent  as  might  be  supposed 
from  the  number  of  causes  that  justify  such  procedure. 

Ngonga,  my  informant,  pointed  out  that  adultery  is  often  con- 
doned, provided  the  seducer  pays  a  fine,  and  this  proceedure  is  com- 
mon as  a  settlement  of  threatened  divorce  in  Negro  society.  The 
Ovimbundu,  like  many  other  Bantu  tribes,  do  not  readily  condone  the 
divorce  of  a  barren  woman ;  in  all  probability  the  husband  will  marry 
another  woman,  but  his  first  wife  retains  her  position.  With  regard 
to  frigidity,  Ngonga  said,  "The  husband  is  so  angry  that  he  may  go 
out  hunting  for  a  long  time.  He  may  tie  the  hands  of  the  resisting 
wife,  but  if  she  is  a  good  cook  another  wife  is  taken  and  no  divorce 
from  the  frigid  wife  is  claimed."  My  informant  said  that  it  is  usual 
for  a  dissatisfied  husband  to  complain  to  the  parents  of  his  wife  or  to 
some  old  people  who  remonstrate  with  her.  Some  kind  of  adjustment 
is  always  attempted.  According  to  Ovimbundu  custom  the  difficulty 
of  barrenness  may  be  overcome  by  allowing  a  wife  to  have  sexual 
relations  with  a  man  other  than  her  husband,  but  the  husband  claims 
any  offspring  of  the  liaison.  J.  H.  Weeks  (1914,  p.  146)  speaks  of  the 
same  custom  among  the  Bakongo,  and  evidence  could  be  adduced  to 
show  that  barrenness  of  a  wife  may  be  compensated  for  in  this  way 
among  many  Negro  tribes. 

If  an  Ocimbundu  has  fully  decided  to  divorce  his  wife,  he  must 
inform  his  parents  and  those  of  his  wife  of  his  intention.  There  is  a 
meeting  of  husband  and  wife,  their  parents,  and  the  village  headman 
(sekulu),  in  order  that  a  public  rite  of  repudiation  may  be  performed. 
The  husband  receives  from  his  father-in-law  a  pig  and  a  roll  of 
tobacco,  then  he  places  leaves  and  palm  oil  on  his  wife's  back,  and 
slaps  her,  while  saying,  "It  is  finished."  A  divorced  wife  takes  to  her 
parents'  home  all  children  under  three  years  of  age,  and  these 
belong  permanently  to  her  kindred.  The  parents  of  the  divorced 
woman  try  to  secure  another  husband  for  her,  but  the  dowry  required 
from  the  new  husband  is  not  so  valuable  as  the  dowry  demanded  for 
a  first  marriage. 


Sexual  Life  421 

A  woman  of  the  Ovimbundu  can  institute  divorce  proceedings  if 
her  husband  is  impotent,  or  if  he  is  thought  to  be  sterile.  In  case  of 
alleged  sterility  he  may  marry  another  girl  to  test  his  competence. 
A  woman  may  divorce  her  husband  if  he  ill-treats  her,  fails  to  provide 
cloth,  palm  oil,  and  ornaments,  or  if  he  does  not  give  her  an  extra 
supply  of  cloth  in  which  to  fold  her  baby  on  her  back. 

The  parents  of  a  woman  who  desires  divorce  try  to  mediate, 
saying,  "Go  and  try  again."  They  do  this,  so  Ngonga  said,  because 
they  do  not  wish  to  have  their  daughter  returned  to  them.  In  order 
to  instigate  divorce  proceedings,  a  wife  returns  to  her  parents  and 
refuses  to  live  with  her  husband.  A  woman  who  divorces  her  husband 
is  entitled  to  take  with  her  the  articles  she  provided  for  the  home,  but 
her  husband  will  beat  her  if  she  removes  the  articles  before  the 
divorce  is  ratified.  The  dowry  paid  by  the  divorced  husband  to  his 
wife's  parents  must  be  returned  to  him  if  his  wife  divorces  him.  The 
public  rite  of  repudiation  is  performed  in  the  same  way  as  for  divorce 
of  a  wife  by  her  husband.  If  a  woman  who  has  divorced  her  husband 
marries  again,  the  dowry  provided  by  the  new  husband  must  be  paid 
to  the  divorced  husband  and  not  to  the  parents  of  the  divorced 
woman.  The  arrangements  of  the  Ovimbundu  to  some  extent  favor 
the  male  when  divorce  is  sought,  yet  women  have  definite  rights. 

The  facts  given  for  the  Ovimbundu  are  representative  of  the 
rights  and  procedure  in  many  Bantu  tribes,  and  the  total  body  of 
evidence  indicates  that  breach  of  a  marriage  contract  is  a  serious 
matter,  which  is  not  undertaken  without  mediation ;  and  to  make  the 
abrogation  valid,  compliance  has  to  be  made  with  laws  regulating  the 
disposal  of  children  and  return  of  the  dowry.  Laws  affecting  these 
adjustments  vary  from  tribe  to  tribe  in  some  measure,  but  the  bind- 
ing nature  of  the  marriage  contract,  and  the  absence  of  facile  and 
utterly  capricious  divorce,  can  be  regarded  as  fundamental  principles 
in  Negro  life. 

The  infrequency  of  divorce  and  the  methods  of  avoiding  a  final 
rupture  are  described  by  H.  A.  Stayt  for  the  Bavenda  (1931a,  p.  152), 
and  the  data  are  typical  of  Bantu  procedure.  He  mentions  com- 
pensation for  adultery,  without  divorce  of  the  delinquent  wife,  and 
calls  attention  to  substitution  of  a  woman  in  place  of  a  barren  wife. 
"There  is  no  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  wife's  family  to  provide 
another  woman,  but  they  generally  do  so  to  maintain  friendly  rela- 
tions between  the  two  families.  Divorce  is  unusual.  A  man  cannot 
return  his  wife  to  her  parents  and  receive  compensation  unless  she 


422  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

has  had  several  abortions,  committed  incest,  become  an  habitual 
adul tress  or  thief,  or  has  been  designated  a  witch." 

Examination  of  evidence  relating  to  divorce  among  several 
typical  tribes  of  western  Negroes  shows  correspondence  of  procedure 
with  that  which  has  been  given  for  some  Bantu  tribes.  In  Ashanti  a 
male  may  claim  divorce  because  of  barrenness  of  his  wife,  her 
adultery,  drunkenness,  a  quarrelsome  nature,  interference  on  the 
part  of  his  mother-in-law,  and  the  practice  of  witchcraft  by  his  wife. 
A  man  may  secure  divorce  if  he  has  inadvertently  married  into  his 
own  ntoro  or  abusa.  These  terms  designate  the  male  and  female 
elements  present  in  conception,  and  the  words  are  used  to  describe 
certain  prohibited  degrees  of  relationship  within  which  a  marriage 
is  regarded  as  incestuous.  A  woman  may  demand  divorce  on 
account  of  the  impotence  of  her  husband ;  his  refusal  to  clothe,  house, 
and  feed  her  properly;  or  his  absence  for  three  years.  If  the  woman 
is  a  Great  Wife,  she  may  claim  divorce  if  her  husband  marries  another 
woman  without  first  obtaining  her  consent.  Acquiescence  of  the 
Great  Wife  to  a  subsequent  marriage  is  a  fairly  common  requirement 
in  Negro  tribes  (R.  S.  Rattray,  1927a,  p.  98). 

The  public  repudiation  of  a  divorced  wife  in  Ashanti  is  similar  to 
the  rite  described  for  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Ashanti  husband  sprinkles 
white  powder  on  the  woman's  shoulders  while  saying,  "I  have  ceased 
to  cohabit  with  you."  Laws  regulating  return  of  the  dowry  are  in 
accordance  with  the  types  of  marriage  contracted  by  payment  of 
aseda;  'tiri  nsa;  or  aseda,  together  with  'tiri  nsa;  as  previously 
described. 

Most  of  the  accounts  of  adultery  as  a  cause  for  divorce  state 
that  in  former  days  an  aggrieved  husband  had  the  right  to  kill  his 
wife's  seducer,  but  compensation  was  sometimes  accepted;  at  the 
present  time  compensation  is  the  general  method  of  settlement. 
Adjustment  rather  than  divorce  is  a  conspicuous  feature  of  the  data 
relating  to  this  subject.  L.  Tauxier  states  that  a  husband  who  has 
committed  adultery  has  to  compensate  his  wife  with  presents,  and  if 
she  receives  these  he  is  allowed  to  continue  his  relations  with  his 
mistress.  Among  the  Angi  the  children  of  divorced  parents  are 
divided  so  that  males  remain  with  their  father,  while  females  accom- 
pany their  mother  to  her  own  kindred.  The  father  remains  responsi- 
ble for  the  support  of  all  his  children.  Divorce  must  be  ratified  by  the 
families  of  both  husband  and  wife  (L.  Tauxier,  1932,  p.  51). 

Among  the  Kpelle,  according  to  D.  Westermann  (1921,  p.  62), 
a  man  may  obtain  divorce  because  of  the  adultery,  stubbornness. 


Sexual  Life  423 

peevishness,  laziness,  or  barrenness  of  his  wife.  He  is  also  entitled 
to  divorce  if  she  leaves  home  and  refuses  to  return.  A  woman  may 
claim  divorce  on  account  of  harsh  treatment  from  her  husband,  his 
impotence,  or  his  failure  to  fulfil  the  general  obligations  of  a  husband. 
The  general  requirements  are,  by  virtue  of  their  elasticity,  almost  as 
favorable  for  a  woman  as  for  a  man.  If  the  male  is  the  offender,  all 
his  children  accompany  their  mother  to  her  kindred;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  if  he  divorces  his  wife  his  children  remain  with  him.  The 
parents  of  a  divorced  woman  return  the  dowry  or  give  another  female 
in  lieu  of  their  divorced  daughter. 

Among  tribes  of  the  Jukun,  as  C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  p.  388) 
shows,  those  who  practice  a  matrilocal  form  of  marriage  are  conscious 
of  its  advantages  in  giving  security  of  married  status  to  women.  A 
man  can  obtain  divorce  more  easily  among  the  patrilocal  tribes. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1923)  has  called  attention  to  the  security  of  Ashanti 
women  from  injustice  since  matriarchal  conditions,  involving  the 
reckoning  of  descent,  inheritance,  and  succession  in  the  female  line, 
prevail. 

Owing  to  the  bilateral  character  of  the  Jukun  social  system  a 
husband  who  divorces  his  wife  is  liable  to  lose  possession  of  all  his 
children,  since  they  may  accompany  their  mother  to  her  kindred. 
Consequently,  a  husband  exercises  the  utmost  patience  with  his 
adulterous  wife,  giving  warnings  and  admonitions.  A  husband  who 
divorced  his  wife  would  be  within  his  rights  to  reclaim  at  least  a  part 
of  the  dowry  he  paid,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  he  would  do  so  if  the 
children  were  left  with  him  as  compensation  for  his  wife's  adultery. 
A  wife  who  has  grounds  for  divorce  from  her  husband  is  slow  to  exer- 
cise her  right,  but  if  divorce  cannot  be  avoided  she  returns  either  to 
her  father  or  to  her  maternal  uncle.  In  such  an  instance  the  husband 
would  not  reclaim  his  premarital  expenses  (Meek,  1931a,  p.  388). 

These  instances  of  divorce  procedure  clearly  indicate  that  the 
marital  status  of  women  is  high  among  some  western  Negro  tribes, 
where  traits  of  a  matriarchal  system  prevail.  The  position  of  women 
in  various  types  of  matriarchal  and  patriarchal  Negro  society  has 
been  worked  out  in  detail  by  S.  R.  Steinmetz  (1903),  who  shows  the 
advantages  that  women  enjoy  where  the  conditions  are  matriarchal. 

The  grounds  for  divorce  among  the  Lango,  a  Nilotic  Negro  tribe 
described  by  J.  H.  Driberg  (1923,  pp.  160,  164;  1932c,  p.  417),  are 
similar  to  those  previously  considered.  A  man  may  divorce  a 
woman  for  repeated  adultery,  or  because  of  her  sterility,  but  if  the 
latter  reason  is  the  cause  for  dissatisfaction  divorce  may  not  ensue, 


424  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

since  the  parents  of  the  sterile  woman  may  give  a  sister  of  the  first 
wife,  who  will  retain  her  position  as  the  Great  Wife.  If  this  arrange- 
ment is  not  made,  and  the  barren  wife  is  divorced,  the  husband  is 
entitled  to  a  return  of  the  dowry  he  paid.  A  woman  can  claim  divorce 
for  ill  treatment  or  neglect,  or  she  may  obtain  a  divorce  because 
her  husband  is  unable  to  support  her.  If  the  wife  who  has  obtained 
a  divorce  returns  to  her  kindred,  the  dowry  paid  by  her  husband  is 
refunded  to  him. 

Other  Sexual  Relations 

The  chief  sexual  relations  not  yet  considered  are  wife-lending, 
prostitution,  and  homosexuality.  J.  H.  Driberg  (1932c,  p.  417) 
describes  the  lending  of  wives  to  members  of  the  husband's  age 
group  as  a  common  feature  of  the  Nilo-Hamitic  culture,  in  which 
this  custom  is  a  necessary  form  of  hospitality. 

J.  Roscoe  (1923a,  p.  123;  1921,  p.  203)  states  that  the  Banyankole 
have  a  custom  of  wife-lending,  and  the  degree  of  liberty  allowed  to 
a  visitor  depends  on  his  relationship  with  the  husband.  A  visitor 
may  sleep  in  the  bed  with  a  husband  and  wife  who  are  his  hosts, 
but  the  details  of  the  intimacy  are  unknown.  If  the  visitor  is  the 
husband's  father,  the  husband  leaves  his  bed  entirely  to  his  parent 
during  the  visit.  The  dispossessed  husband  stays  with  a  married 
neighbor,  whose  bed  he  shares.  This  form  of  hospitality  is  not 
allowed  to  transgress  against  laws  that  prohibit  sexual  intercourse 
between  certain  relatives.  Should  the  wife  of  the  host  happen  to 
be  the  guest's  own  sister,  his  mother's  sister,  or  his  mother's  sister's 
daughter,  the  guest  must  sleep  alone.  Roscoe  says  of  the  Banyankole, 
"A  married  woman  is  expected  to  entertain  any  guest  of  her  husband 
and  to  invite  him  to  her  bed.  This  is  a  mark  of  hospitality  shown 
by  all  married  men  to  their  visitors." 

The  prevalence  of  the  custom  of  wife-lending  among  Negroes, 
together  with  the  social  and  psychological  aspects  of  the  institu- 
tion, have  not  yet  been  fully  investigated,  but  V.  Brelsford  (1933, 
pp.  433-439)  has  shown  the  need  for  careful  discrimination  between 
customs  that  may  at  first  glance  appear  similar.  In  the  kusena 
custom  a  wife  is  lent  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  to  a  friend,  but  she 
does  not  leave  her  husband's  hut.  In  the  luhamho  compact  the  hus- 
band receives  cattle  from  his  v/ife's  lover,  in  whose  hut  the  wife 
stays  at  intervals  and  for  several  days  at  a  time. 

The  study  of  prostitution  presents  difficulties,  partly  because 
of  the  need  of  a  clear  definition  of  the  practice,  and  partly  on  account 
of  the  misapprehensions  of  observers,  who  have  been  prone  to 


Sexual  Life  425 

confuse  sexual  license,  for  example  wife-lending  and  the  intimacy  of 
the  betrothed,  with  prostitution.  If  prostitution  can  be  correctly 
defined  as  the  habitual  practice  of  promiscuous  sexual  intercourse 
on  a  commercial  basis,  then  some  definite  statements  can  be  made 
respecting  the  prevalence  of  prostitution  today,  but  we  are  still 
in  doubt  with  regard  to  the  prevalence  of  genuine  prostitution  before 
the  arrival  of  Europeans. 

W.  Bosman  (trans.  1907,  p.  212)  writing  of  Axim  and  other  places 
on  the  Gold  Coast  about  the  year  1700,  describes  an  indisputable 
system  of  prostitution.  But  at  this  period  Europeans  had  been 
trading  on  the  Gold  Coast  for  two  centuries,  and  commercialized 
prostitution  may  have  arisen  in  response  to  a  European  demand. 
Bosman  writes,  "Negroes  of  the  Gold  Coast  make  no  scruple  of 
driving  a  public  trade  with  their  wives'  bodies.  Some  women  never 
marry  and  are  initiated  into  prostitution.  The  money  they  get  is 
brought  to  their  masters,  who  return  to  them  enough  to  keep  them 
in  clothes  and  necessaries.  A  prostitute  can  refuse  no  man  the  use 
of  her  body  though  he  offer  never  so  small  a  sum." 

According  to  M.  Delafosse  (1912,  vol.  3,  p.  91)  prostitution  is 
not  widely  practiced  in  the  French  Sudan,  yet  the  custom  is  known 
in  some  towns  and  villages.  Professional  prostitutes  are  generally 
widows  or  divorced  women,  and  though  they  are  regarded  with  some 
contempt  by  other  women  no  general  public  reprobation  is  evident; 
neither  are  prostitutes  segregated  in  a  special  quarter.  Among 
some  tribes  inhabiting  the  region  about  the  bend  of  the  Niger, 
young  unmarried  girls  act  as  prostitutes  without  making  a  regular 
trade  of  their  amours.  Mothers  sometimes  act  as  procurers  and 
take  part  of  the  profits.  Some  husbands  in  the  Dan  (Meb^)  tribe 
of  the  Ivory  Coast  encourage  their  wives  to  practice  prostitution 
for  profit.  A  sexual  freedom  that  might  be  called  fornication  or 
adultery  is  termed  prostitution  occasionnelle  by  M.  Delafosse.  He 
states  that  some  women,  who  may  be  married  or  not,  yield  themselves 
but  without  remuneration. 

In  the  Cross  River  region  of  Nigeria  there  are  generally  some 
prostitutes  living  in  towns  near  government  stations,  also  in  riverine 
towns  that  are  frequented  by  traders.  The  prostitutes  are  usually 
women  who  have  deserted  their  husbands  to  grow  rich  on  the  earn- 
ings of  canoe  boys,  laborers,  and  policemen.  C.  Partridge  (1905, 
p.  258)  is  speaking  of  southeast  Nigeria,  but  what  he  says  is  of  wide 
application  in  Nigeria.  I  found  during  a  long  journey  that  my 
Hausa  servants  had  no  difficulty  in  making  contact  with  girls  almost 


426  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

immediately,  wherever  we  happened  to  be.  The  couples  slept  to- 
gether, but  whether  the  girls  were  habitual  prostitutes  I  cannot  say. 
The  boys  always  paid  with  either  money  or  presents. 

R.  C.  Thurnwald  (1935,  p.  176)  has  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  "prostitution  is  a  source  of  income  not  only  in  the  towns  but 
also  in  the  country.  The  pagan  tradition,  according  to  investigations, 
reports,  and  replies  to  the  questionnaire,  does  not  show  any  traces 
of  prostitution.  In  fact,  conditions  were  so  different  that  in  the  old 
social  order  there  was  no  place  for  it.  One  is  tempted  to  consent 
to  the  charge  of  the  Africans  that  prostitution  was  introduced  by 
Europeans  as  a  consequence  of  the  lack  of  white  women  in  the 
beginning  of  European  settling,  and  also  as  a  corollary  of  monogamy. 
Perhaps  prostitution  was  existent  in  the  Arab  times  to  a  certain 
minor  extent,  although  polygyny  and  slavery  were  blurring  its  features. 
No  doubt  a  considerable  amount  of  it  must  be  partially  assigned  to 
the  hiring  of  girls  (for  40  shillings  a  month)  by  European  bachelors, 
partially  to  their  location  in  certain  town  houses,  for  the  use  of  the 
indigenous  population,  which  in  these  centers  is  mostly  unmarried." 

In  the  British  Cameroons  colonies  of  prostitutes  are  segregated 
in  towns  having  a  mixed  population.  For  this  condition  F.  W.  H. 
Migeod  (1925,  p.  210)  blames  love  of  luxury  and  laziness;  he  adds 
that  easy  divorce  under  Mohammedan  laws  is  partially  responsible 
for  the  situation.  This  is,  however,  an  instance  of  prostitution  under 
modern  conditions,  and  reliable  evidence  indicating  that  prostitution 
was  an  aboriginal  Negro  institution  is  insufficient  to  warrant  any 
conclusion. 

A  still  more  difficult  problem  to  investigate  is  that  of  homosex- 
uality, for  which  the  evidence  is  scanty  in  relation  to  the  area  under 
consideration.  Ngonga  said  that  among  the  Ovimbundu  "there 
are  men  who  want  men  and  women  who  want  women.  The  people 
think  this  very  bad."  Ngonga  spoke  of  a  young  man  who  insisted 
on  wearing  the  clothes  of  a  woman  so  that  he  could  work  at  the  rocks 
where  corn  is  pounded.  "His  father  and  brothers  beat  him,  but  he 
continued  to  dress  as  a  woman."  Ngonga  said  that  he  had  seen 
a  medicine-man  dress  as  a  woman,  and  that  he  had  heard  of  a  woman 
making  an  artificial  penis  for  use  with  another  woman. 

In  the  French  Sudan  sodomy,  lesbianism,  and  bestiality  are 
excessively  rare.  Public  opinion  views  these  practices  with  ridicule 
but  not  with  a  desire  to  punish.  The  general  attitude  toward  these 
irregularities  is  one  of  humorous  contempt  (M.  Delafosse,  1912, 
vol.  3,  p.  92). 


Sexual  Life  427 

The  evidence  of  J.  H.  Weeks  (1909,  pp.  448-449)  for  the  Bangala 
indicates  that  habits  of  solitary  and  mutual  masturbation  exist 
among  men  but  probably  not  among  women.  "Sodomy  between 
two  men  is  common,  and  is  regarded  with  little  or  no  shame.  It 
generally  takes  place  when  men  are  visiting  strange  towns  or  during 
the  time  they  are  fishing  at  camps  away  from  their  women.  If  a 
man  committed  sodomy  with  a  woman  he  was  at  one  time  liable  to 
a  death  penalty,  but  now  he  is  heavily  fined.  Sodomy  with  a  woman 
is  regarded  not  simply  as  a  family  offence,  but  as  an  insult  to  the 
community,  hence  the  elders  of  the  village  are  responsible  for  judging 
and  punishing  the  man."  Weeks  gives  some  additional  data  relating 
to  sexual  irregularities,  including  bestiality. 

In  former  times  among  the  Azande  some  of  the  more  powerful 
chiefs  named  Vungara,  who  were  members  of  the  ruling  clan,  prac- 
ticed homosexuality  to  a  slight  degree  because  of  fear  of  venereal 
disease.  A  chief  who  was  warned  by  a  medicine-man  that  he  might 
suffer  from  venereal  disease  if  he  had  relations  with  certain  of  his  wives 
would  procure  a  boy  whom  he  married  by  payment  of  spears  (P.  M. 
Larken,  1926,  p.  24). 

Dahomean  boys  indulge  in  sex  play  with  each  other  after  their 
withdrawal  from  the  society  of  girls  at  the  age  of  puberty,  but 
Dahomeans  have  a  distaste  for  such  behavior  if  it  is  continued  after 
the  age  at  which  normal  sexual  relations  should  begin.  "Yet  there 
are  men  and  women  who  either  never  marry  or  who,  though  married, 
have  their  most  valid  sex  experiences  with  members  of  their  own 
sex.  This  is  kept  secret,  for  if  word  of  it  got  about,  such  a  person 
would  be  the  butt  of  many  sly  rem.arks  and,  what  is  more  dreaded, 
deriding  songs."     (M.  J.  Herskovits,  1932a,  p.  284.) 

There  is  enough  evidence  to  indicate  that  sexual  practices  of  an 
irregular  kind  are  fairly  common,  but  the  data  are  not  sufficient  for 
a  detailed  examination  of  the  incidence  of  the  various  irregularities 
among  different  tribes;  neither  are  the  available  facts  adequate  for 
analysis  of  the  causes  involved  in  abnormal  sexual  behavior. 

The  foregoing  evidence  is  consistent  in  showing  that  marriage 
is  generally  based  on  freedom  of  choice,  and  that  the  union  is  legalized 
in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  contract  binding.  The  data  reviewed 
explain  the  formation  of  a  stable  family  group,  further  details  of 
which  can  be  considered  by  examining  facts  relating  to  pregnancy, 
the  naming  of  children,  their  education,  and  initiation  into  the  tribe. 

The  following  additional  references  are  important  in  the  study 
of  marriage,  divorce,  and  the  social  status  of  women.    H.  P.  Braatvedt 


428  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

(1927),  V.  Brelsford  (1933),  E.  F.  Brown  (1935),  G.  G.  Brown  (1932), 
F.  Bryk  (1928),  K.  H.  Crosby  (1937),  J.  W.  Crowfoot  (1922),  A.  T. 
and  G.  M.  Culwick  (1934-35),  N.  de  Cleene  (1937),  J.  H.  Driberg 
(1932a  and  b),  E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard  (1929a),  A.  Ffoulkes  (1908), 
M.  Kohler  (1934),  P.  von  Majerus  (1911),  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm  (1923b, 
1924),  B.  Malinowski  (1927),  T.  McVicar  (1934-35),  F.  Ronnefelt 
(1936),  P.  P.  Schumacher  (1910),  H.  Thurnwald  (1935),  E.  Torday 
(1929b),  J.  Vendeix  (1935),  A.  Werner  (1928b),  H.  Wieschhoff  (1937b). 


11.  EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN 
Pregnancy  and  Infancy 

introduction 

The  importance  of  this  subject  has  been  briefly  expressed  by 
T.  J.  A.  Yates  (1932,  No.  159)  who  says,  "The  family  founded  by 
marriage  is  not  really  established  till  the  birth  of  the  first  child. 
Married  status  among  the  Bantu  has  very  little  meaning  apart  from 
parenthood."  In  support  of  this  view  Yates  gives  evidence  from  the 
Bavenda  tribe  in  which  a  bride  crawls  in  the  yard  of  her  husband's 
home,  kneels  before  she  enters  the  hut,  and  performs  other  acts  of 
obeisance  until  her  first  child  is  born.  The  Wafungu  tribe  of  North- 
ern Rhodesia  recognize  four  social  ranks  that  are  dependent  on 
possession  of  children.  Young  men  are  not  qualified  to  sit  in  the 
council  house  before  they  are  parents.  Teknonymy,  that  is,  change 
of  name  of  the  parents  at  the  birth  of  a  child,  which  is  a  common 
Bantu  practice,  is  mentioned  as  further  evidence  of  the  social  im- 
portance of  parenthood.  In  some  tribes  avoidance  between  parents- 
in-law  and  children-in-law  is  not  so  strictly  enforced  after  the  birth 
of  the  first  child. 

BANTU  beliefs:  CONCEPTION,  PREGNANCY,  AND  DELIVERY 

In  this  chapter  the  chief  data  to  consider  are  those  relating  to 
conception,  reincarnation  of  ancestors,  the  period  of  gestation, 
abortion,  parturition  and  its  ritual — for  example,  disposal  of  the 
placenta  and  the  umbilical  cord.  The  destruction  of  deformed 
children  and  ceremonial  ablutions  for  parents  are  also  points  of 
importance.  The  attitude  toward  twins  and  the  ritual  of  naming 
have  to  be  considered,  while  facts  pertaining  to  teething,  lactation, 
weaning,  and  early  deformations  such  as  extraction  of  teeth  and 
scarification  should  be  included.  Demography,  the  attitude  toward 
illegitimate  children,  and  adoption  of  children,  are  likewise  logically 
connected  with  a  study  of  the  family.  So  far  as  the  southern  Bantu 
are  concerned  most  of  these  subjects  have  been  briefly  considered 
by  L.  Walk  (1928,  pp.  38-109),  whose  article  is  appropriate  as  an 
introduction  to  this  subject. 

In  order  to  obtain  an  impression  of  the  general  attitudes  and 
principles  of  Negroes  toward  procreation  and  early  education, 
examples  will  be  chosen  from  several  Bantu  and  Sudanic  tribes. 
These  particular  instances  are  selected  as  truly  representative  of 
the  whole,  though  many  local  variations  occur. 

429 


430  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  emphasis  placed  by  Negro  tribes  on  the  religious  and  magical 
aspects  of  pregnancy  and  childbirth  might  leave  the  impression  that 
the  physiological  facts  of  procreation  are  not  understood,  but  despite 
the  general  prevalence  of  spiritual  beliefs  and  ritual  in  connection 
with  childbirth  the  parts  played  by  male  and  female  are  known. 
The  Ovimbundu  say  that  a  man  puts  something  into  a  woman, 
and  the  male  substance  grows  in  her.  This  is  probably  common 
knowledge  in  Negro  tribes,  but  the  importance  of  sexual  intercourse 
and  conception  is  completely  eclipsed  by  a  ritual  procedure.  The 
nature  of  the  rites  is  well  exemplified  by  data  from  the  Akamba, 
who  are  northeastern  Bantu  Negroes.  A  medicine-man  who  uses 
his  magic  to  induce  conception  rarely  deals  in  any  other  form  of 
treatment.  He  is  a  skilled  specialist,  and  as  such  is  held  in  high 
esteem.  His  treatment  consists  of  giving  a  woman  an  amulet  to 
wear  over  her  womb,  and  smearing  her  navel  and  loins  with  a  concoc- 
tion. But  the  importance  of  taboo  is  shown  by  the  statement,  that 
no  medicine-man  can  cure  sterility  if  the  newly  manned  couple  had 
their  first  sexual  intercourse  when  the  woman  was  menstruating 
(G.  Beresford-Stooke,  1928,  No.  129). 

Women  of  the  Ovimbundu  regard  cowrie  shells  as  symbols  of 
fertility,  and  for  this  reason  a  cord  bearing  one  or  more  of  these  shells 
is  worn  about  the  neck.  The  charm  is  most  effective  if  it  was  used 
by  the  wearer's  mother  or  grandmother.  Painting  the  face  during 
pregnancy  is  a  rite  which  is  usually  carried  out  by  a  medicine-woman 
to  ensure  normal  development  of  the  fetus.  Undoubtedly  magic 
is  regarded  as  a  necessary  aid  to  physiological  processes  of  reproduc- 
tion, which  are  fairly  well  understood. 

Taboos  are  necessary  to  ensure  the  birth  of  normal  offspring. 
As  soon  as  a  woman  discovers  that  she  is  pregnant  she  makes  and 
drinks  an  infusion  prepared  from  bark  fiber  to  assure  removal  of 
the  afterbirth.  Eating  the  flesh  of  a  hare  during  pregnancy  is  thought 
to  give  the  baby  a  split  lip.  Flesh  of  the  owl  as  part  of  the  diet 
will  give  a  child  abnormally  large  eyes.  During  gestation  a  woman 
must  not  sit  on  a  mortar,  a  pestle,  or  a  piece  of  rock,  for  if  she  does 
so  her  delivery  will  be  unduly  prolonged.  If  a  woman  carries  a 
burden  in  her  cloth,  the  baby  will  be  born  with  an  abnormally  long 
head.  During  pregnancy  a  woman  mixes  a  prickly  plant  with  her 
husband's  food  in  order  to  make  him  faithful  to  her.  This  custom 
may  have  some  connection  with  the  fact  that  before  the  decline  of 
native  prohibitions  a  husband  was  not  allowed  to  have  relations  with 
his  wife  until  the  baby  had  been  weaned.    The  rule  is  a  usual  one 


Education  of  Children  431 

in  Negro  society,  but  the  extent  to  which  a  monogamous  man 
remained  continent  during  the  time  of  gestation  and  lactation  is 
unknown.  Children  are  suckled  for  two  or  even  three  years,  and 
this  period,  combined  with  the  nine  months  of  gestation,  demands 
a  long  abstention. 

J.  H.  Weeks  (1914,  p.  107)  states  that,  despite  a  popular  idea 
alleging  the  strong  sexual  desires  of  Negroes,  they  are  capable  of 
restraints  that  Europeans  would  not  tolerate.  During  her  pregnancy 
and  the  lactation  of  her  child  a  woman  treats  men  as  utterly  non- 
existent. 

The  taboos  observed  during  pregnancy  by  the  Ovimbundu  are 
typical  instances  of  the  Negro  attitude  toward  gestation,  which  is 
regarded  as  a  period  in  which  actions  of  the  mother  may  adversely 
affect  the  unborn  child.  In  some  tribes  prohibitions  affect  the  father 
of  the  child,  and  during  delivery  he  may  have  to  observe  certain 
precautions.  A  difficult  delivery  is  often  attributed  to  an  illicit  love 
affair,  and  instances  of  a  woman  being  asked  to  disclose  the  name 
of  her  lover  in  order  to  make  parturition  easier  are  numerous. 

A  genuine  custom  of  couvade,  in  which  a  father  goes  to  bed  and 
acts  as  if  he  were  the  bearer  of  the  child,  appears  to  be  rare  in  Africa, 
but  an  instance  is  given  by  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman  (1932,  p.  107). 
A  wide  geographical  survey  of  the  subject  has  been  made  by 
W.  R.  Dawson  (1929). 

The  Ovimbundu  have  confidence  in  ritual  for  affecting  the  sex 
of  a  fetus.  A  woman  who  has  borne  only  girls  may  secure  male 
births,  provided  she  can  find  a  woman  who  has  given  birth  to  boys 
only.  To  reverse  the  sexes  the  women  exchange  their  belts,  which 
are  plaited  fiber  girdles  worn  close  to  their  bodies  in  order  to  support 
short  skirts.  Another  method  of  changing  a  succession  of  male  or 
female  births  is  the  arrangement  of  a  ceremonial  exchange  of  food 
between  the  mother  of  boys  and  the  mother  of  girls.  The  food  is 
passed  from  one  woman  to  the  other  through  a  hole  in  the  wall  of 
a  hut.  Sometimes  a  woman  who  has  borne  only  boys  gives  to  the 
bearer  of  girls  an  arrow,  a  bow,  a  knife,  and  an  axe,  while  she  receives 
in  exchange  from  the  mother  of  girls  a  pounding  pestle,  a  broom,  a 
tray,  and  a  basket.  There  is  in  these  exchanges  an  obvious  sex 
symbolism  and  an  implied  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  sympathetic  magic. 

Normally,  parturition  takes  place  at  home  with  two  or  more 
women  in  attendance,  but  delivery  while  at  work  in  the  fields  causes 
no  great  inconvenience.  Birth  is  assisted  by  pressure  and  massage, 
aided  by  magical  means,  such  as  untying  knots  from  string  and 


432  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

opening  lids  of  boxes  if  the  labor  is  slow.  These  are  general  condi- 
tions and  observances,  but  local  customs  vary.  Generally,  there 
is  ceremonial  treatment  of  the  umbilical  cord  and  placenta,  which 
have  to  be  buried,  though  the  cord  is  preserved,  according  to  some 
tribal  usages.  An  Ocimbundu  midwife  cuts  the  umbilical  cord  of 
a  girl  with  a  hoe  to  ensure  success  in  field  work,  but  the  cord  of  a 
boy  is  cut  with  an  arrow  to  give  prowess  in  hunting.  The  Ovimbundu 
say  that  if  the  father  were  present  at  the  confinement  his  child  would 
be  ashamed  to  be  born,  therefore  the  father  is  excluded. 

Washing,  massage,  and  smearing  with  palm-oil  are  usual  treat- 
ments for  a  newly  born  Negro  child.  The  Ovimbundu  follow  a 
common  practice  when  they  give  the  infant  a  sip  of  beer  and  tie  a 
cord  about  its  waist.  Destruction  of  deformed  children  is  usual, 
but  a  child  who  is  allowed  to  survive  for  twenty-four  hours  is  un- 
likely to  be  killed.  This  Umbundu  practice  toward  abnormal 
children  is  the. common  procedure.  The  Ovimbundu  protect  the 
fontanelle  of  a  newly  born  child  by  covering  the  place  with  mucilage 
that  hardens. 

I  was  unable  to  discover  that  the  Ovimbundu  believe  in  the 
reincarnation  of  ancestors  in  infants,  and  no  ceremony  was  found 
for  discovering  the  identity  of  a  newly  born  child.  Yet  in  this  respect 
the  Ovimbundu  are  exceptional,  and  in  view  of  the  general  Negro 
belief  in  a  reincarnation  of  ancestors,  it  is  probable  that  former 
Umbundu  customs  have  fallen  into  desuetude.  The  essence  of 
Negro  religion  is  a  belief  in  a  parallelism  of  the  spiritual  and  secular 
worlds.  Spirits  of  the  dead  carry  on  their  activities  much  as  they 
did  on  earth.  The  dead  visit  their  living  descendants,  affect  their 
welfare,  and  may  be  reincarnated  in  their  own  kindred. 

BANTU  ABORTION  AND  INFANTICIDE 

In  common  with  a  majority  of  Negro  tribes  the  Ovimbundu 
know  how  to  produce  abortion  by  use  of  drugs;  these  they  call 
"medicine  for  taking  away  the  belly."  The  literature  shows  that 
mechanical  means  of  securing  abortion  by  pressure  are  sometimes 
used  by  Negroes,  but  the  employment  of  potions  is  more  common. 
The  general  attitude  toward  abortion  is  one  of  reprobation.  Birth 
of  a  child  to  an  unmarried  girl  is  commonly  censured  by  Negroes, 
although  their  customs  often  condone  sexual  laxity.  Therefore, 
abortion  is  the  resort  of  those  who  wish  to  avoid  having  illegitimate 
children.  Instance  can  be  found  to  show  that  a  woman  may  abort 
in  order  to  avoid  bearing  a  child  to  a  man  she  dislikes,  and  another 


Education  of  Children  433 

cause  for  abortion  is  the  infidelity  of  young  wives  to  an  elderly 
husband  who  does  not  cohabit  with  them.  Instances  of  the  in- 
fanticide of  illegitimate  children  are  numerous,  but  examples  of  the 
survival  of  illegitimate  children  are  also  common,  and  in  the  latter 
case  the  children  belong  to  their  mother's  kindred  as  a  rule.  Gen- 
erally speaking,  the  illegitimate  child  of  an  adulterous  union  is  the 
property  of  the  legal  husband.  Death  of  a  woman  during  pregnancy 
or  delivery  generally  demands  special  funeral  rites  and  ritual  to 
avert  evil  consequences.  At  Ngalangi  in  east-central  Angola  I  was 
informed  that  the  rite  of  driving  a  stake  through  the  abdomen  of  a 
pregnant  woman  after  her  corpse  had  been  laid  in  the  grave  had 
been  recently  observed.  Usually,  the  child  of  a  mother  who  has  no 
milk  is  not  allowed  to  die  but  is  suckled  by  another  woman.  This 
Umbundu  custom  is  of  common  occurrence  among  other  Negroes. 

BANTU  MULTIPLE  BIRTHS 

Information  relating  to  the  birth  and  treatment  of  triplets  is 
scanty,  but  adequate  data  exist  for  estimating  the  attitudes  of  Negro 
tribes  toward  twin  births.  With  regard  to  triplets,  the  Ovimbundu 
say  that  they  are  welcome.  At  the  age  of  five  years  a  male  of  the 
triplets,  if  there  happens  to  be  one,  is  presented  to  the  king,  to  remain 
in  the  royal  household  as  a  son  who,  along  with  sons  of  the  king's 
wives,  has  opportunities  for  inheritance  and  succession.  Though 
twins  are  welcome,  the  Ovimbundu,  in  conformity  with  general 
Negro  procedure,  demand  special  observances.  Such  ritual  of  puri- 
fication and  protection  is  never  absent  even  though  the  twins  are 
both  allowed  to  live,  and  no  reprobation  attaches  to  the  mother.  In 
all  Negro  tribes  twins  are  regarded  as  abnormal,  and  their  birth 
demands  ritual  to  safeguard  the  children,  their  parents,  and  the 
community. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  an  ocimbanda  (medicine-man)  carries 
out  rites  for  purifying  a  mother  of  twins,  and  the  afterbirth  is  placed 
in  two  pots  which  are  buried  outside  the  village.  A  mother  of  twins 
receives  from  the  ocimbanda  a  horn  which  she  hangs  round  her  neck; 
this  she  has  to  blow  when  crossing  a  river,  when  meeting  a  group 
of  people,  or  if  she  sees  a  hawk  overhead.  People  laugh  at  a  mother 
of  twins,  and  in  jest  call  her  a  pig  or  a  bitch  because  she  has  had  a 
litter.  This  banter  she  takes  in  good  part  and  replies  jokingly. 
A  mother  of  twins  or  triplets  carries  a  rattle  which  she  shakes  instead 
of  giving  the  ordinary  greetings.  Should  a  twin  die,  a  wooden  figurine 
is  made  to  take  the  place  of  the  dead  child.  This  figure  is  held  to 
the  breast,  or  the  other  infant  might  die  through  loneliness.    If  the 


434  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

surviving  twin  succumbs,  the  wooden  figurine  is  buried  with  it. 
The  making  of  a  figurine  of  this  kind  to  replace  a  dead  twin  is  a 
common  Negro  custom. 

The  regard  of  the  Ovimbundu  for  twins  is  not,  however,  a  true 
indication  of  the  general  Negro  attitude.  African  customs  have  to  be 
modified  under  European  administration,  but  in  former  days  a  twin 
birth  often  led  to  execution  of  the  twins  and  the  mother  also.  In 
some  tribes  only  the  twins  were  killed,  or  perhaps  one  of  them  was 
allowed  to  survive.    Customs  varied  locally. 

J.  H.  Weeks  (1914,  p.  116)  states  that  the  Bakongo  dislike  twins 
because  of  the  extra  trouble  they  give;  therefore,  one  of  them  may 
be  starved  to  death  and  replaced  by  the  wooden  figurine  previously 
mentioned.  In  case  of  infanticide  or  natural  death,  twins  are  buried 
at  crossroads.  This  is  a  form  of  interment  given  to  suicides  and 
people  who  have  been  killed  by  lightning,  for  such  persons  are  said 
to  have  died  dishonorably. 

A  survey  of  the  evidence  relating  to  treatment  of  twins  among 
the  south  African  Bantu  shows  the  general  attitude  to  be  one  of 
hostility  and  fear.  S.  S.  Dornan  (1932,  pp.  690-750)  states  that  most 
Bantu  tribes  regard  the  birth  of  twins  as  demoniacal,  unnatural, 
monstrous,  and  portentous  of  evil  to  the  family  and  the  clan. 
Calamity  can  be  avoided  only  by  death  of  the  infants.  A  wide 
survey  of  Bantu  and  non-Bantu  tribes  south  of  the  Zambezi  indicates 
that  only  a  small  minority  of  the  tribes  described  regard  the  birth 
of  twins  as  fortunate  for  the  family,  but  in  some  tribes,  namely, 
the  Zulu  and  the  Herero,  a  difference  of  opinion  exists  with  regard 
to  the  malign  influence  of  a  twin  birth. 

In  the  Ovambo  tribe,  twins  were  immediately  killed  by  suffoca- 
tion, and  their  mother  had  to  submit  to  an  elaborate  ceremony  of 
cleansing.  The  Makaranga  and  the  Bavenda  regard  twins  as  a 
presage  of  evil  for  the  village  in  which  they  were  born.  Twins  of 
the  Makaranga  tribe  were  killed  at  once  by  the  midwife,  and  the 
parents  had  to  be  purified.  Twins  were  thought  to  have  an  adverse 
effect  on  the  quantity  of  rainfall.  Among  the  Baronga,  Bapedi,  and 
Basuto  Bechuana,  twins  were  put  to  death,  and  their  mother  was 
purified  by  a  medicine-man.  Dornan  points  out  that  among  Bush- 
man tribes  infanticide  of  twins  might  sometimes  be  due  to  economic 
causes.  The  Bushmen  are  wandering  hunters  who  at  certain  times 
of  the  year  live  on  the  margin  of  subsistence.  Reasons  for  infanticide 
of  twins  among  the  southern  Bantu  are  magical  and  psychological, 
not  economic.    A  woman  of  the  Fingoes  who  gave  birth  to  twins 


Education  of  Children  435 

was  regarded  as  having  had  dealings  with  spirits,  and  as  being  rep- 
robate. If  she  gave  birth  to  twins  at  her  first  confinement,  she  and 
her  children  were  at  once  killed.  If  the  confinement  were  not  her 
first,  one  twin  was  killed,  and  the  mother  together  with  her  surviving 
child  was  purified  ceremonially  (S.  S.  Dornan,  1932). 

In  the  Lamba  tribe,  according  to  C.  M.  Doke  (1931c,  p.  133)  a 
twin  birth  is  regarded  as  normal  if  the  infants  are  of  the  same  sex. 
But  birth  of  twins  of  opposite  sexes  is  a  sign  of  ill  luck,  and  the  father 
has  to  visit  a  medicine-man  who  gives  him  a  concoction  to  smear 
over  himself,  his  wife,  and  the  twins. 

BANTU  NAMING  AND  AGE  RECKONING 

In  connection  with  the  naming  of  children,  several  important 
beliefs  and  customs  occur.  Several  of  the  usages  commonly  found 
among  Bantu  tribes  can  be  illustrated  by  reference  to  procedure 
among  the  Ovimbundu.  The  custom  of  teknonymy  prevails,  and 
in  accordance  with  this  practice  parents  change  their  names  when 
their  first  child  is  born.  In  a  certain  family,  the  name  given  to  a 
first  child,  a  girl,  was  Vitundo.  The  name  of  the  father,  who  had 
hitherto  been  called  Cingandu,  was  changed  to  Savitundo,  meaning 
"the  father  of  Vitundo."  At  the  same  time  the  mother's  name, 
Visolela,  was  changed  to  Navitundo,  meaning  "mother  of  Vitundo." 
If  the  first  child  dies  the  parents  revert  to  their  original  names,  but 
make  the  same  kind  of  change  if  a  second  child  is  born. 

A  child  who  is  born  after  twins  is  called  Kasinda,  "to  push," 
and  the  twins  themselves  are  called  Hosi  and  Njamba,  the  Lion 
and  the  Elephant.  The  Ovimbundu  have  no  secret  names,  but  in 
this  they  are  somewhat  exceptional.  Names  of  the  dead  are  never 
mentioned,  since  this  might  call  up  spirits  of  the  dead  who  are 
feared ;  taboo  of  names  of  the  dead  is  usual  in  Negro  society.  Ovim- 
bundu children  may  change  their  names  at  the  age  of  about  sixteen 
years  and  often  do  so  if  the  names  are  distasteful  to  them.  A  youth 
named  Katito,  meaning  "Little,"  changed  his  name  to  Mukayita, 
the  meaning  of  which  is  unknown,  though  presumably  the  new  name 
conveyed  some  pleasant  idea.  Change  of  name  during  sickness  is 
thought  to  aid  recovery,  possibly  because  of  the  idea  that  malignant 
spirits  who  are  causing  the  illness  may  be  deceived.  An  Ocimbundu 
now  named  Katahali  suffered  sickness  and  misfortune,  so  he  aban- 
doned his  former  name  of  Kopiongo.  His  present  name  means  "he 
who  has  seen  trouble."  A  sick  child  is  thought  to  benefit  by  receiving 
a  new  name  of  an  unpleasant  kind,  for  example  ongulu,  meaning 
"a  pig." 


436  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Names  sometimes  give  an  indication  of  descent.  The  full  name 
of  my  interpreter  was  Ngonga  Kalei  Liahuka.  Ngonga  means 
"eagle,"  Kalei,  "one  who  works  for  the  king,"  and  Liahuka  is  the 
surname  of  Ngonga's  father.  A  father  chooses  the  names  of  his 
three  first  children,  whether  boys  or  girls,  and  a  mother  selects  the 
name  of  the  fourth  child,  whether  male  or  female.  A  first  son  usually 
receives  the  name  of  his  paternal  grandfather,  and  a  first  daughter 
takes  the  name  of  her  father's  sister.  R.  Routil  (1929,  pp.  315-319) 
and  H.  Wieschhoff  (1937a)  give  further  information  on  naming. 

Ages  are  not  known  with  certainty  after  about  five  years,  but 
up  to  this  period  reckoning  is  made  by  remembering  the  number  of 
times  that  maize  has  been  sown.  Ulima  is  the  period  from  one  annual 
sowing  to  the  next.  The  Ovimbundu,  like  many  Negro  tribes,  can 
count  up  to  high  numbers  for  purposes  of  trade,  but  they  do  not 
apply  their  knowledge  for  keeping  account  of  ages. 

Many  Negro  tribes  watch  the  process  of  teething  with  anxiety, 
since  an  appearance  of  the  incisor  teeth  of  the  upper  jaw  before 
those  of  the  lower  jaw  is  an  augury  of  ill  luck.  J.  Roscoe  (1923b, 
p.  258)  states  that  for  the  Bakitara  an  unusual  event  of  this  kind 
implies  that  offence  has  been  given  to  gods  or  to  ancestral  spirits. 
The  offending  teeth  are  extracted,  and  a  medicine-man  is  asked  to 
offer  sacrifice  to  the  child's  ancestors.  "Only  shame  and  disgrace 
attach  to  such  a  child,  and  whatever  rank  it  might  attain,  it  could 
never  enter  the  presence  of  the  king." 

further  examples  of  bantu  customs 

The  background  of  Negro  belief  and  ritual  relating  to  pregnancy 
and  childbirth  can  be  further  illustrated  from  H.  A.  Junod's 
Bathonga  (1912,  vol.  1,  pp.  35-54;  183-190).  The  Bathonga  have 
the  idea  that  children  are  given  by  the  gods;  consequently  a  sacrifice 
to  the  gods  is  thought  to  be  necessary  if  a  woman  is  sterile,  but  in 
addition  to  the  religious  rite  native  doctors  have  many  drugs  to 
remedy  barrenness. 

Sterility  of  a  wife  may  be  a  cause  for  divorce,  but  usually  the 
parents  of  the  barren  wife  provide  a  younger  girl  as  a  second  wife. 
In  allowing  coition  during  pregnancy  the  Bathonga  depart  from  the 
general  Negro  rule;  in  fact,  they  say  that  sexual  intercourse  is  favor- 
able to  the  growth  of  the  fetus.  Prohibitions  during  pregnancy  are 
of  the  general  type,  and  the  acts  tabooed  are  those  which  are  thought 
capable  of  injuring  the  unborn  child.  Two  of  the  clans  prohibit  pork 
as  food  for  girls  because  pigs  move  their  heads  sideways  when  rooting 


Education  of  Children  437 

for  food,  and  it  is  thought  that  the  infant  would  make  delivery 
difficult  by  moving  its  head  in  this  way.  The  Bathonga  observe  the 
usual  taboo  against  menstruating  wives.  A  wife  in  this  condition 
must  keep  to  the  left  half  of  the  hut,  and  may  not  cross  the  middle 
line.  She  sleeps  on  her  own  mat  and  wears  special  clothing.  When 
she  cooks  mealies,  the  food  should  not  be  touched  by  her  hands.  The 
Ovimbundu  do  not  allow  a  menstruating  wife  to  cook  or  to  take  the 
evening  meal  to  her  husband  at  the  men's  house. 

The  Bathonga  hold  the  common  belief  that  a  protracted  and 
difficult  birth  proves  that  the  child  is  not  legitimate.  In  a  case  of  this 
kind  the  husband  is  called,  and  a  test  of  the  child's  legitimacy  is  made 
by  giving  the  woman  some  of  her  husband's  semen  to  drink  in  water. 
The  saying  is  that  if  the  child  is  legitimate  he  will  "feel  his  father," 
and  will  be  willing  to  be  born.  Should  delivery  still  be  slow,  adultery 
is  assumed,  and  the  midwife  urges  the  woman  to  give  the  name  of  her 
lover.  "If  a  woman  dies  during  pregnancy  she  must  be  cut  open  to 
determine  the  sex  of  the  child.  This  must  be  done  in  the  grave  before 
the  earth  is  filled  in.  The  woman  might  become  a  'god  of  bitterness' 
if  this  precaution  were  not  observed." 

For  naming  a  child  several  methods  are  available,  one  of  which 
is  of  particular  interest  because  of  its  association  with  a  belief  in 
reincarnation.  The  name  of  an  ancestor  is  suggested  by  the  medicine- 
man, who  then  throws  the  bones,  and,  if  necessary,  other  ancestral 
names  are  suggested  until  a  particular  arrangement  of  the  bones 
shows  that  the  correct  name  has  been  chosen  (H.  Wieschhoff,  1937). 

If  a  child  cuts  its  upper  teeth  first,  the  omen  is  bad.  Before  a 
string  is  tied  round  the  child's  waist,  the  infant  is  hardly  considered 
as  a  human  being,  but  after  a  string  smeared  with  the  father's  semen 
has  been  tied  in  this  way  the  child  is  a  member  of  its  kindred.  Pre- 
sentation of  a  child  to  the  first  new  moon  after  the  birth  is  an  act 
which  is  observed  by  the  Baganda  (Roscoe,  1911,  p.  58),  the  Bavenda 
(Stayt,  1931a,  p.  89),  and  the  Bathonga  (H.  A.  Junod,  1910,  p.  130), 
but  the  general  distribution  of  the  custom  has  not  yet  been  worked 
out  in  detail. 

The  attitude  of  the  Bathonga  toward  twins  is  peculiar,  for  though 
the  infants  are  disliked  they  are  esteemed  and  feared.  A  twin  birth 
is  regarded  as  a  defilement  which  has  to  be  removed  by  special  rites, 
and  in  former  times  one  of  twins  was  strangled  or  was  left  to  die 
of  starvation.  A  medicine-man  who  removed  the  defilement  was 
highly  respected  because  only  he  knew  what  drinking  potion  to  give 
to  the  father  and  mother  of  twins.    At  the  present  time  infanticide 


438  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

is  not  practiced,  but  a  mother  of  twins  has  to  leave  the  village  at  once 
to  live  in  a  hut  apart  from  other  dwellings.  Twins  are  not  presented 
to  the  moon,  and  they  are  regarded  as  bad  characters.  When  the 
twins  begin  to  crawl  and  approach  other  huts,  people  throw  cinders  at 
them.  The  power  that  causes  death  by  lightning  also  determines  the 
birth  of  twins;  therefore,  the  infants  are  called  "Children  of  Heaven," 
and  appeal  is  made  to  them  for  protection  during  a  thunderstorm. 

Valenge  women  of  the  southeastern  Bantu  are  despised  and  some- 
times divorced  if  they  are  barren.  A  sterile  woman  visits  a  medicine- 
man in  charge  of  divining  bones,  or  she  may  send  her  father  or  mother 
to  this  practitioner,  who  declares  that  some  act  of  sacrifice  is  lacking. 
The  ancestral  spirits  are  offended,  and  an  offering  must  be  made  to 
them  before  the  curse  of  sterility  can  be  removed.  E.  D.  Earthy  (1933, 
p.  84)  mentions  that  lactation  lasts  two  or  three  years.  When  wean- 
ing a  child  the  mother  rubs  her  breasts  with  a  species  of  Capsicum. 
Pounded  leaves  from  a  "tree  of  forgetfulness"  are  mixed  with  chicken 
and  given  to  the  child  as  food.  The  child  is  often  sent  away  for  a 
while.  "If  a  family  has  adopted  a  child  it  becomes  of  the  sib  to  which 
the  family  belongs,  and  its  marriage  is  arranged  accordingly.  The 
marriage  prohibitions  are  the  same  as  for  a  real  child  of  the  family, 
with  the  added  prohibition  that  it  may  not  marry  into  the  sib  from 
whence  it  came.  The  adopted  child  is  given  a  medicine  in  order  that 
it  may  forget  everything  about  its  former  life."  Adoption  of  children 
is  a  fairly  common  practice  among  Negroes. 

WEST  AFRICAN    (SUDANIC  NEGRO)   BELIEFS 

Negroes  of  west  Africa  hold  beliefs  and  observe  practices  that  are 
in  harmony  with  those  recorded  for  Bantu  Negroes.  R.  S.  Rattray 
(1932a,  vol.  2,  p.  332)  calls  attention  to  the  wearing  of  girdle  leaves 
by  women,  not  only  as  a  mark  of  age  and  social  distinction,  according 
to  the  kind  of  leaves  and  the  position  in  which  they  are  fixed,  but  as  a 
sign  of  motherhood.  "Women  who  have  not  yet  borne  any  children, 
if  they  wear  leaves  at  all,  will  do  so  only  at  the  back,  but  after  child- 
birth at  back  and  front." 

The  evidence  given  by  R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  pp.  36,  77,  85,  106) 
for  Ashanti  emphasizes  the  belief  in  reincarnation  of  an  ancestor  in 
the  newly  born  child,  and  the  dependence  of  conception  and  safe 
delivery  on  divine  intervention  are  illustrated  by  the  instances  given. 
In  the  sixth  month  of  pregnancy  a  fowl  provided  by  the  wife  is 
sacrificed  by  her  husband,  who  makes  a  prayer  to  his  ntoro  gods, 
saying,  "Allow  this  infant  to  come  forth  peacefully."    The  husband 


Education  of  Children  439 

and  wife,  after  smearing  themselves  with  white  clay  have  intercourse, 
and  both  believe  that  violation  of  certain  prohibitions  will  result  in 
an  abortion. 

Adultery,  eating  sweets,  quarreling,  and  looking  at  deformities 
are  all  regarded  as  causes  of  mishap  to  the  fetus.  Difficult  delivery 
is  said  to  result  from  adultery,  and  if  the  usual  magical  remedies  fail 
the  name  of  the  seducer  is  asked.  Deformed  children  are  destroyed 
at  birth,  and  even  slight  malformations  such  as  supernumerary  toes 
or  excess  of  nipples  (polymastia)  is  sufficient  cause  for  infanticide. 
A  woman  should  not  be  buried  with  a  child  in  her  womb,  for  if  this 
were  done  the  whole  nation  would  be  adversely  affected.  A  preg- 
nant woman  cannot  be  executed,  but  in  former  days  both  the  woman 
and  her  child  were  killed  after  delivery. 

If  delivery  proceeds  normally  the  four  elderly  women  who  act 
as  mid  wives  shout,  "Hail,  so-and-so,"  and  at  the  same  time  they 
name  the  child  after  the  day  on  which  it  was  born,  but  other  names 
are  given  later  in  life.  After  the  umbilical  cord  has  been  cut  on  a 
piece  of  wood,  one  of  the  women  moistens  her  finger  with  rum  and 
rubs  the  infant's  throat,  then  all  say,  "So-and-so  has  arrived,  let  him 
[or  her]  sit  down  with  us." 

When  an  Ashanti  child  is  born  a  ghost  mother  is  thought  to 
mourn  her  child  in  the  spirit  world,  and  if  the  infant  dies  within  eight 
days  death  is  said  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  ghost  mother  recalled 
her  child,  which  had  been  temporarily  loaned  while  she  went  on  a 
journey.  A  male  child  is  named  by  the  paternal  grandfather,  who 
takes  the  infant  on  his  knee,  spits  in  the  child's  mouth  and  says, 
"My  child  [name]  has  begotten  a  child.     I  call  him  after  myself, 

naming  him ."     Spitting  to  confer  a  blessing  is  by  no  means 

unusual,  especially  among  the  IMasai  and  other  Half-Hamites.  The 
custom  is  mentioned  by  A.  C.  Hollis  (1905,  pp.  115,  315).  Among  the 
Lango,  a  Nilotic  tribe  of  Uganda,  spitting  is  an  important  part  of 
ritual  (Driberg,  1923,  pp.  162,  249,  252). 

In  Ashanti,  twins  were  not  killed,  with  the  exception  of  those 
born  in  the  royal  family.  In  all  families  children  are  greatly  desired, 
and  a  childless  man  is  sometimes  taunted  with  the  sobriquet,  kote 
krawa  (wax  penis).  The  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  children  are  the 
lucky  ones;  the  fifth  child  is  said  to  be  susceptible  to  misfortune. 

Purification  rites  and  prohibitions  connected  with  childbirth  are 
mentioned  by  C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  p.  362)  who  states  that  the 
Chamba,  neighbors  of  the  Jukun  of  east  Nigeria,  do  not  allow  a 
mother  to  enter  the  kitchen  during  the  week  after  delivery,  and  not 


440  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

then  unless  all  discharge  has  ceased.  A  rite  exists  for  removing 
maternal  impurity  and  dedicating  the  child  to  the  gods.  The 
spiritual  identity  of  the  child  is  discovered  by  a  diviner,  who  is  said  to 
be  a  reincarnation  of  a  dead  relative  of  the  father  or  the  mother.  The 
name  of  the  reincarnated  relative  is  not  disclosed,  and  a  temporary 
name  is  given  to  the  infant.  Deformed  children  are  killed  because 
they  are  thought  to  have  been  begotten  by  an  evil  spirit.  The  Jukun 
do  not  believe  that  twins  are  a  result  of  adultery;  the  event  is 
explained  by  saying  that  two  dead  ancestors  wished  to  be  born 
simultaneously.  Sometimes  a  twin  birth  is  said  to  be  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  pregnant  mother  walked  between  two  people. 

The  Ibo  of  Nigeria  provide  an  instance  of  the  detestation  of  twins 
and  the  woman  who  bore  them.  "For  a  woman  to  imitate  goats  and 
dogs  fills  people  with  unspeakable  disgust."  Popular  belief  says  that 
the  twins  have  resulted  from  copulation  with  an  evil  spirit;  therefore, 
the  infants  are  thrust  into  a  pot  and  buried  in  a  lonely  spot  (G.  T. 
Basden,  1921,  p.  58).  The  complete  antithesis  of  this  attitude  is 
found  among  the  Lango,  Nilotic  Negroes,  who  regard  birth  of  twins 
as  a  mark  of  divine  favor  (Driberg  1923,  p.  139).  Germann  (1933, 
p.  86)  states  that  among  some  tribes  of  north  Liberia  twins  are 
welcome,  and  magical  properties  are  ascribed  to  them.  The  father 
of  one  of  the  twins  is  thought  to  have  been  a  ghost,  but  both  infants 
are  regarded  as  having  magical  qualities  since  nobody  can  say  which 
of  them  was  spiritually  begotten. 

Among  the  Edo-speaking  people  of  Nigeria,  prenatal  customs 
vary  locally.  According  to  one  local  custom  a  woman  washes  a 
cowrie  shell  and  ties  it  round  her  waist  as  soon  as  she  finds  herself 
pregnant;  she  also  drinks  a  potion  made  by  the  medicine-man.  The 
husband  of  a  pregnant  woman  sacrifices  a  goat  to  his  wife's  father 
when  the  first  child  is  born.  From  the  fifth  month  of  pregnancy  a 
woman  changes  her  style  of  hairdressing  and  makes  yet  another 
change  in  the  eighth  month.  In  one  center,  when  the  umbilical  cord 
drops  off,  the  father  ties  it  to  a  kola  or  a  coconut  tree;  this  tree  is  the 
property  of  the  child  when  it  grows  up.  Usually  the  placenta  is 
buried.  Ceremonial  washing  of  the  mother,  the  child,  and  the 
house  in  which  parturition  took  place  are  common  procedures 
(N.  W.  Thomas,  1922,  pp.  253-255). 

The  subject  of  naming  has  been  considered  by  several  ethnolo- 
gists. A.  Le  H^riss^  (1911,  p.  235)  states  that  a  Dahomean  has 
several  names  which  are  given  to  him  at  various  stages  of  his  life,  but 
he  has  to  abandon  and  forget  former  names  when  new  ones  are 


Education  of  Children  441 

conferred.  Some  of  the  principal  names  are  those  given  immediately 
after  birth;  those  conferred  after  consulting  Fa  or  Fate;  and  names 
given  to  feticheurs  after  their  training.  Surnames  constitute  a  fourth 
class.  Importance  is  attached  to  names  conferred  by  a  king  and  to 
those  given  by  wives  to  their  husbands. 

The  chief  kinds  of  personal  names  mentioned  by  C.  Spiess  (1918, 
pp.  104-159)  are:  (1)  A  name  denoting  the  day  of  the  week  on  which 
the  child  was  born.  (2)  The  name  of  the  god  who  granted  supplica- 
tion for  the  child.  (3)  The  death  name,  which  assures  rebirth  of  a 
child  within  the  family.  (4)  The  anspielungsnamen,  which  refers  to 
some  incident  or  circum_stance  of  birth.  (5)  The  trinknamen;  this  is 
a  sobriquet  that  is  sometimes  used  ironically,  the  Ewe  word  for 
drink-name  is  derived  from  aha  (palm  wine)  and  no  (to  drink). 
(6)  Names  indicating  the  status  of  a  person  who  has  been  freed  from 
slavery.    (7)  Names  given  at  puberty. 

The  most  detailed  record  of  the  meaning  of  personal  names  is 
that  given  by  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm  (1924,  pp.  34-38)  who  has  prepared 
a  record  of  about  two  hundred  names  of  boys  and  girls,  with  literal 
translations  of  the  meanings.  The  translations  of  a  few  of  these 
names  are:  "A  lonely  person,"  "One  of  a  large  family,"  "Born  on  a 
day  of  trouble,"  "Born  on  the  market  day,"  and  "It  is  best  to  mind 
one's  own  business." 

CONCLUSION  AND  READING 

The  beliefs  and  practices  recorded  here  are  representative  of  the 
fundamental  ideas  connected  with  pregnancy,  birth,  and  early 
infancy.  Many  local  variations  occur,  and  considerable  work 
remains  to  be  done  in  observation  and  classification  of  type  ideas, 
and  in  showing  the  relation  of  these  to  religion  and  magic. 

Some  advance  has  been  made  in  compilation  of  data,  and 
comparative  study  by  Hambly  (1926a),  who  gave  a  broad  sociological 
treatment  in  "Origins  of  Education. .  . ."  D.  Kidd  (1906)  produced 
a  useful  account  of  the  training  of  Zulu  children.  A  brief  record  of 
child  welfare  and  education  among  the  Wanguru  is  given  by  C.  f . 
Dooley  (1934).  Evans-Pritchard  (1936a)  has  a  study  of  customs 
and  beliefs  relating  to  twins  among  the  Nilotes,  and  Schapera  (1927b) 
made  a  survey  of  the  same  subject  among  south  African  tribes.  R.  E. 
Ellison  (1936)  published  an  article  dealing  with  marriage  and  child- 
birth among  the  Kanuri. 

The  literature  is  extensive,  but  we  still  lack  an  intimate  physio- 
logical and  psychological  study  within  the  home  for  a  considerable 
period.     Such  observation  would  help  to  explain  the  social  and 


442  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

moral  attitudes  that  are  established  in  the  main  types  of  family. 
We  shall  see  later  the  prevalence  of  maternal  dominance  or  of 
paternal  rule,  or  perhaps  a  blending  of  the  two,  but  detailed  observa- 
tion of  infantile  adjustment  is  a  psychological  task  of  the  future. 
Perhaps  the  closest  approach  to  this  type  of  study  in  Africa  is  to  be 
found  in  A.  I.  Richards'  "Hunger  and  Work  in  a  Savage  Tribe,"  but 
for  Melanesia  the  family  studies  of  M.  Mead  are  available.  Dr.  M. 
Mead's  technique  might  with  advantage  be  applied  in  Africa, 
preferably  by  women,  for  example,  nurses  who  have  occasion  to 
make  frequent  visits  to  homes  where  they  can  make  intimate  con- 
tacts with  children  under  five  years  of  age. 

Home  Influence,  Games,  Dancing,  Music 

From  the  time  when  a  child  begins  to  crawl  about  the  hut  his 
education  is  continued  informally  by  contact  with  other  children 
and  adults,  until  the  time  for  formal  initiation  into  the  tribe.  Very 
early  in  life,  often  within  twenty-four  hours,  the  tying  of  a  waist- 
string,  and  somewhat  later  the  giving  of  a  name  or  names,  definitely 
incorporates  the  infant  with  his  kindred  and  gives  him  a  social  stand- 
ing. The  problem  of  education  is  concerned  with  events  and  condi- 
tions that  bring  an  individual  into  harmony  with  the  social  pattern 
of  his  tribe,  and  this  process  of  assimilation  is  effected  by  home 
influence,  play,  music,  dancing,  and  often  by  formal  instruction  in 
the  seclusion  of  the  bush  where  initiation  ceremonies  are  performed. 

parental  discipline 

Of  the  direct  and  indirect  factors  concerned  with  education 
perhaps  that  of  the  home  influence  is  the  most  difficult  to  assess.  As 
Dr.  M.  Mead  has  frequently  pointed  out,  ethnologists  often  con- 
cern themselves  with  details  of  obvious  formative  elements  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  apparently  trivial  facts  and  conditions  of  family  life 
within  a  hut.  Yet  we  can  be  assured  that  the  discipline  accorded  at 
home  is  of  practical  value,  for  many  observers  agree  with  R.  S. 
I^attray  (1933,  pp.  456-471),  who  asserts  the  efficacy  of  indigenous 
education.  He  says,  "The  result  of  the  primitive  African  child's 
upbringing  was  to  produce  a  type  of  man  or  woman  whom  anyone 
would  be  proud  to  call  a  friend." 

Despite  the  authority  of  the  maternal  uncle  in  most  Negro  tribes, 
parents  assume  definite  responsibilities  in  the  training  of  children,  and 
the  nature  of  the  controls  can  be  illustrated  by  reference  to  the  home 
life  of  the  Ovimbundu.  Ngonga  said  that  his  "stealing  hand"  was 
held  for  a  second  near  the  hot  leaves  that  cover  a  cooking  pot  to 


Education  of  Children  443 

keep  in  the  steam.  If  a  child  steals  an  egg  that  is  cooking,  it  is  held 
between  his  hands.  When  receiving  a  gift  a  child  is  taught  to  accept 
the  present  with  both  hands,  for  to  hold  out  one  hand  is  a  depreciation 
of  the  gift.  When  receiving  a  gift,  however  small,  a  child  must  say 
"kuku,"  which  means  literally  "grandfather"  or  "elder,"  but  collo- 
quially the  word  is  used  as  a  greeting,  or  with  the  meaning  "Thank 
you,"  or  "I  beg  your  pardon."  Several  rules  governing  greetings 
between  persons  of  equal  or  disparate  ranks  exist,  and  a  child  is 
expected  to  know  and  to  observe  these  codes. 

In  the  men's  house  young  boys  sit  quietly,  and  they  are  expected 
to  remain  silent  until  addressed.  Lying  is  strongly  disapproved,  and 
a  liar  or  deceiver  is  called  ohembi.  The  Ovimbundu  appreciate 
hospitality,  unu,  which  is  strongly  enjoined,  while  greediness  is  dis- 
countenanced. Spitting  near  the  house  of  a  village  chief  is  forbidden, 
and  in  the  words  of  Ngonga,  "If  you  did  that  in  the  old  days  you 
would  have  to  pay  something."  By  correction,  and  by  unconscious 
absorption  through  suggestion  an  Ocimbundu  child,  like  children  of 
most  Negro  tribes,  adopts  certain  standards  that  are  regarded  as  an 
indication  of  good  manners  and  right  attitudes  toward  other  people. 

GAMES 

The  educational  value  of  games,  music,  and  dancing  lies  in  their 
formative  influence  over  character  and  occupation.  Games  include 
many  activities  which  are  imitations  of  occupations  for  adults,  while- 
music  in  all  its  aspects  is  more  important  in  Negro  society  than  in 
more  complex  and  more  sophisticated  groups.  In  highly  educated 
societies  esthetic  values  and  amusement  are  of  primary  importance 
in  association  with  music,  but  in  Negro  society,  music,  and  especially 
community  dancing,  are  indispensable  for  the  preservation  of  certain 
social  and  religious  attitudes.  Music  welds  the  parts  of  the  social 
pattern  in  a  way  which  is  unknown  in  more  erudite  societies 
(Hambly,  1926b). 

A  classification  of  African  games  given  by  F.  Starr  (1909)  pro- 
vides a  useful  approach  to  the  subject.  Starr's  grouping  of  games 
includes  imitative  play;  the  use  of  simple  devices  such  as  tops,  bull- 
roarers,  and  string  figures;  and  activity  in  such  sports  as  running, 
canoeing,  swimming,  climbing  trees,  and  wrestling.  He  also  makes 
categories  for  round  games,  guessing  games,  and  gambling.  For  each 
of  these  aspects  of  play  a  large  body  of  literature  is  available,  but  all 
the  main  types  of  recreation  and  the  educational  values  which  they 
represent  can  be  illustrated  by  reference  to  games  of  the  Ovimbundu. 


444  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Umbundu  word  for  games  is  olomapalo,  and  to  play  is  oku 
papala,  but  each  game  has  its  own  name.  As  in  division  of  labor, 
activity  in  games  depends  on  age  and  sex.  Some  amusements  are 
considered  suitable  for  boys  only,  others  for  girls  only,  while  in  early 
[years  boys  and  girls  often  associate  in  imitative  play  and  round 
'  games,  though  separation  of  the  sexes  for  play  takes  place  before  the 
tenth  year.  Some  games  are  played  by  men  only  and  others  by 
women  only. 

A  round  game  imitative  of  the  depredations  of  a  leopard  is  played 
by  Ovimbundu  children  of  both  sexes,  ranging  in  age  from  five  to 
ten  years.  This  is  typical  of  a  category  of  similar  games  of  a  non- 
specialized  type  played  by  Negro  children.  One  child  imitates  the 
movements  of  a  leopard,  one  of  the  older  girls  is  the  mother,  and  the 
rest  of  the  players  are  her  children.  To  the  accompaniment  of  a 
simple  refrain  which  is  repeated  indefinitely  all  join  hands,  dance  in  a 
circle,  and  sing.  Then  the  leopard  dashes  in  and  steals  a  child,  who  is 
carried  off  to  the  bush.  After  the  leopard  has  paid  several  visits,  a 
general  hunt  is  organized  until  all  the  children  are  found.  As  they 
are  discovered,  one  by  one,  they  are  made  to  sit  apart  pretending  to 
pound  grain  on  the  rocks,  meanwhile  singing  a  refrain  which  is 
usually  chanted  by  women  when  occupied  with  crushing  maize. 

Ovimbundu  boys  play  games  of  warfare  and  hunting,  and  in  the 
former  mimicry  girls  sometimes  act  as  prisoners.  Two  sides,  each 
with  a  leader,  are  chosen  for  defence  and  attack  respectively.  The 
victors  run  about  the  village  taking  prisoners  from  among  girls  and 
small  children,  who  are  tied  with  bark  rope.  Strong  boys  are  selected 
as  hunters  whose  dogs  are  the  little  boys  running  on  all-fours.  Toy 
bows  and  blunt  wooden  arrows  are  used  in  this  pastime.  The  boys 
who  pretend  to  be  game  roll  over  in  the  grass  when  shot;  then  the 
hunters  run  forward  and  tie  the  dead  game  to  a  pole,  or  the  game 
may  be  expected  to  cling  to  the  pole  while  being  borne  back  to  the 
village.  The  Ovimbundu  were  at  one  time  renowned  carriers  who 
traversed  Africa.  Boys  still  make  up  loads  in  the  correct  way,  and 
these  they  carry  while  singing  the  traditional  marching  songs. 

Up  to  the  age  of  sixteen  Ovimbundu  boys  play  the  game  of 
ocitina,  in  which  bulbs  from  a  iigwort  are  rolled  between  two  lines 
^f  competitors;  the  winners  are  those  whose  arrows  hit  the  greater 
number  of  bulbs.  Boys  make  a  hoop  by  binding  the  ends  of  a  long 
pliable  branch.  The  lasso  is  a  piece  of  rattan  or  bark  having  at 
each  end  a  corncob  or  a  small  stick.  One  boy  bowls  the  hoop  so 
that  it  passes  in  front  of  his  opponent  who  tries  to  lasso  it.    In  the 


Education  of  Children  445 

game  of  hide-and-seek  a  knife  is  hidden,  then  a  boy  who  has  been  / 
hidden  comes  in  to  act  as  searcher.     His  proximity  to  the  hidden 
knife  is  indicated  by  playing  a  musical  bow.     Certain  taps  mean 
that  the  knife  is  far  away,  but  as  the  searcher  draws  near  to  the 
hidden  object  the  bow  sounds  "yelula!  yelula!"  meaning  "pick  it  up." 

In  common  with  many  Negro  tribes  the  Ovimbundu  have  a  A 
whipping  top,  but  they  do  not  possess  the  type  of  top  used  in  some    I 
parts  of  west  Africa  for  gambling.     T.  J.  Alldridge  (1910,  p.  229)  / 
states  that  the  Mendis  of  Sierra  Leone  place  a  mat  on  the  ground, 
and  around  this  four  players  are  seated.    The  mat  is  divided  into 
four  courts.     Each  player  sets  a  bone  top  in  motion  with  a  twist 
of  his  fingers,  and  hopes  that  when  two  tops  collide  his  own  will 
knock  that  of  his  opponent  off  the  mat.    The  distribution  of  various 
forms  of  top  in  Africa,  likewise  the  histories  of  the  types,  has,  so 
far  as  I  know,  not  been  studied. 

A  gambling  game  played  in  most  Negro  tribes,  and  chiefly  by( 
adult  males,  is  that  generally  known  by  the  name  of  mancala} 
though  many  local  names  are  used,  and  the  rules  of  the  game  vary. 
A  mancala  board,  according  to  locality,  has  two  rows  of  six  holes, 
or  four  rows  of  seven  holes,  and  if  a  board  is  not  available  holes  are 
scooped  in  the  ground.  The  counters,  which  represent  men,  may  be  | 
nuts  or  cowrie  shells,  a  few  of  which  are  placed  in  each  of  the  holes  | 
representing  villages  or  forts  that  have  to  be  captured.  At  each 
end  of  the  board  is  a  hole  to  accommodate  the  captured  pieces. 
The  game  is  one  of  quick  counting  and  transferring  of  counters 
from  one  hole  to  another.  The  gambling  stakes  are  high  and  out 
of  all  proportion  to  the  wealth  of  the  players,  who  sometimes  have 
to  part  with  their  clothes  and  every  possession.  The  Ovimbundu  I 
call  the  game  ocela  and  use  a  board  having  holes  arranged  in  four 
rows  of  seven.  Evidence  of  such  a  game  may  be  seen  in  early 
Egyptian  records,  but  A.  Erman  (1894,  p.  288)  states  that  the 
Egyptian  game  of  similar  type  to  mancala  has  not  been  identified 
with  certainty.  Exportation  of  slaves  from  west  Africa  introduced 
the  game  into  South  America  and  the  West  Indies  (Herskovits, 
1932b),  while  Arab  influence  carried  mancala  to  many  parts  of  Africa 
and  to  the  far  east  (Culin,  1894). 

R.  Davies  (1925,  pp.  137-152)  has  prepared  an  article  describing 
Arab  games  and  puzzles  that  have  a  vogue  in  the  eastern  Sudan. 
Other  references  to  mancala  are  Braunholtz  (1931,  No.  131)  for 
Uganda,  and  T.  Sheppard  (1931,  No.  243)  for  Mombasa. 


446  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

A  very  widely  distributed  game  among  Negroes  is  the  making 
of  string  figures,  whose  complicated  forms  are  carried  out  with  great 
dexterity.  A.  W.  Cardinall  (1927a,  p.  89)  states  that  in  the  locality 
where  he  observed  the  game  a  piece  of  string  in  the  form  of  a  long 
loop  is  taken  by  each  of  two  children,  both  of  whom  start  with  the 
palm  tree  pattern.  After  this  has  been  made,  one  child  quickly 
calls  "parrot,"  and  both  compete  to  make  the  design  as  fast  as 
possible.  The  other  child  may  call  "dog,"  and  so  on  until  one  of 
the  competitors  is  unable  to  make  the  pattern.  Cardinall  saw 
thirty-eight  patterns  made,  and  for  some  of  the  designs  children 
used  their  necks  and  toes  in  addition  to  their  fingers. 

The  subject  of  string  figures  has  received  attention  from  Cunning- 
ton  (1906),  A.  C.  Haddon  (1906),  K.  Haddon  (1930),  K.  Haddon  and 
H.  A.  Treleaven  (1936),  J.  Hornell  (1930),  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1930), 
and  J.  Parkinson  (1906). 

In  all  tribes  young  girls  spend  considerable  time  in  imitating 
the  occupations  of  women.  They  are  fond  of  molding  clay  into  the 
forms  of  cooking  pots,  and  many  girls  attempt  the  weaving  of 
baskets.  Dolls  are  made  from  corncobs,  which  are  dressed  in  frag- 
ments of  trade  cloth  decorated  with  beads.  The  Yoruba  make 
dolls  from  flat  pieces  of  wood,  and  in  the  eastern  Sudan  children 
manufacture  dolls  by  placing  rounded  pieces  of  wax  at  the  ends  of 
thin  sticks.  The  breasts  are  represented  by  pellets  of  wax.  Some 
human  hair  is  stuck  on  the  head,  while  eyes  and  mouth  are  marked 
by  small  white  beads. 

All  the  games  mentioned  or  some  similar  types  are  generally 
distributed  among  Negro  tribes,  and  some  forms  of  sport  which  are 
less  general  and  less  spontaneous  are  known.  Widely  distributed 
I  in  the  western  Sudan  are  wrestlers  and  jugglers,  who  travel  from  one 
market  to  another,  and  in  addition  to  these  are  showmen  with 
puppets,  buffoons,  and  raconteurs.  Wrestling  matches  in  which  the 
combatants  wear  spiked  wristlets  are  held  locally  (Lindblom,  1927a; 
Meek,  1927,  No.  29).  Flogging  contests,  in  which  rhinoceros-hide 
whips  are  used,  are  a  form  of  sport  in  the  eastern  Sudan,  but  most 
of  these  entertainments  are  organized  by  special  performers,  and  the 
games  are  not  generally  characteristic  of  Negro  life. 

DANCING  AND  SINGING 

Dancing  may  be  only  a  pastime;  in  fact,  drums  are  heard  almost 
every  evening  in  Negro  villages  calling  young  people  to  a  social 
dance  which  has  no  specific  purpose.    On  the  contrary  many  dances 


Education  of  Children  447 

are  expressive  of  collective  emotions,  for  example,  at  initiation  into 
the  tribe,  at  funerals,  during  agricultural  rites,  to  aid  rain-making, 
or  to  mark  the  beginning  of  war.  Some  of  the  most  important 
dances  of  Negroes  are  held  during  ceremonies  connected  with  ancestor 
worship,  and  during  these  rites  masked  figures  impersonate  the  dead, 
who  are  thought  to  return  to  occupy  a  shrine  temporarily.  Among 
the  Ovimbundu  the  onyaco  dance  is  performed  to  give  strength  to 
a  sick  chief  by  a  process  of  sympathetic  magic.  A  strong  man 
dances  while  grasping  a  small  ball  in  his  outstretched  hand,  while 
other  dancers  pound  his  muscles  to  make  him  release  the  ball. 
When  he  has  reached  the  limit  of  endurance,  he  hands  the  ball  to 
another  dancer,  and  the  rite  is  continued  indefinitely. 

Despite  a  tendency  for  ceremonial  dances  to  decline  under 
European  influence,  the  majority  of  Negro  tribes  retain  some  of 
their  ritual  dances.  Zulu  males  are  still  able  to  perform  war  dances 
in  which  thousands  take  part,  and  the  Half-Hamitic  Masai  and 
Nandi  have  their  ritual  dances  to  celebrate  the  spearing  of  lions. 
Dances  connected  with  secret  societies  and  tribal  initiation  still 
flourish  widely.  Some  of  the  older  Ovimbundu  men  and  women 
perform  dances  and  sing  songs  which  are  unknown  to  the  younger 
generation.  For  example,  there  is  a  dance  that  was  performed  only 
at  new  moon,  so  that  "there  would  be  no  sickness  during  that  moon." 
Occasionally  old  men  dance  in  commemoration  of  warlike  events. 
A  group  of  men  shuffles  slowly  while  a  solo  dancer  chants  a  story 
in  a  singsong  voice.  The  dance  is  accompanied  by  drinking  of  beer 
and  the  slaughter  of  an  ox. 

Although  dancing  is  practiced  all  the  year,  the  months  following 
a  good  harvest  are  the  most  favorable,  since  supplies  of  grain  are 
available  for  brewing  beer.  In  Negro  tribes  the  harvest,  making 
beer,  dancing,  and  the  selection  of  partners  in  marriage  are  closely 
linked  factors.  A  remarkable  feature  of  Negro  dancing  is  the  en- 
durance of  the  performers,  who  seem  to  become  intoxicated  with 
their  rhythm  as  much  as  with  the  beer  they  consume.  From  soon 
after  sunset  to  dawn  the  shuffling  and  swaying  continue,  while  the 
drummers  throw  back  their  heads  and  play  continuously  for  hours 
with  an  ecstatic  look  on  their  faces. 

Although  musical  ability  is  general,  especially  with  regard  to 
dancing  and  singing,  certain  performers  show  exceptional  aptitude. 
Specialization  in  dancing,  singing,  and  playing  instruments  is  usual 
among  Negroes,  and  among  the  Ovimbundu,  as  with  most  tribes, 
names  for  performers  of  marked   ability  exist.      Onjimbi  is  the 


448  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Umbundu  word  for  a  singer  who  starts  choruses,  and  ucili  is  a  dancer 
of  more  than  ordinary  skill.  Men  are  the  chief  musicians  in  Negro 
tribes,  but  relatively  few  men  perform  on  musical  instruments,  and 
a  high  degree  of  specialization  is  the  rule.  Each  village  has  a  few 
expert  instrumentalists,  who  may  be  drummers  only,  players  of  the 
marimba,  or  performers  on  some  other  musical  instrument,  but 
ability  to  play  several  instruments  expertly  is  exceptional.  Drum- 
mers specialize  among  themselves;  thus,  there  is  a  specialist  who  plays 
a  friction  drum,  another  who  performs  on  the  long  tubular  drum, 
and  one  who  plays  only  the  wooden  drum  which  has  no  membrane. 

Composers  of  topical  songs,  which  are  often  given  impromptu 
at  a  dance,  are  to  be  found  in  all  Negro  tribes,  and  both  men  and 
women  perform  in  this  way.  The  satirical  songs  that  function  as 
a  crude  social  control  have  been  described  by  J.  H.  Weeks  (1909, 
p.  447)  who  states:  "The  greedy  man,  the  coward,  the  thief,  the 
scamp  who  disregards  the  feelings  of  others  and  rides  rough-shod 
over  all  the  social  and  communal  institutions,  the  man  who  is  im- 
potent, the  man  who  is  accused  of  witchcraft  and  will  not  take  the 
ordeal,  also  the  incestuous,  are  all  put  into  the  songs  which  are  sung 
at  village  dances,  and  there  is  no  more  powerful  factor  in  influencing 
the  native  to  good  or  evil  than  the  mention  of  his  name  in  an  im- 
promptu song  at  the  village  dance." 

The  ability  of  Negroes  to  compose  marching  and  paddling  songs, 
also  the  esthetic  value  of  some  of  the  poetry,  have  been  mentioned 
in  connection  with  language  as  a  means  of  emotional  expression. 

Study  of  the  musical  instruments  of  Negroes  can  be  approached 
by  classifying  musical  devices  according  to  the  method  of  producing 
sound.  The  principal  divisions  are  instruments  of  percussion,  wind 
instruments,  those  with  strings,  and  those  that  rely  on  friction. 
In  each  main  category  are  many  primary  forms,  each  of  which  has 
a  characteristic  distribution,  and  as  local  variations  of  the  main 
types  hundreds  of  varieties  occur. 

percussive  instruments 

Talking  drums  of  Ashanti,  Liberia,  and  the  Cameroons  were 
described  in  connection  with  languages,  since  the  production  of  music 
is  not  their  function.  Hollow,  cylindrical,  wooden  drums  having  a  slit 
or  slits  at  the  top  often  serve  for  signaling.  A  flat  form  of  signaling 
drum  is  used  in  the  southwest  Congo  region  and  northeast  Angola. 

Drums  are  the  most  important  of  all  musical  instruments  used 
by  Negroes  because  they  are  indispensable  in  dances  that  form  a 


Fig.  77.    Musical  instruments  from  Angola. 
449 


450  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

background  of  social  and  religious  life.  The  commonest  form  of 
drum  which  is  generally  associated  with  dancing  has  a  membrane 
at  one  or  both  ends.  A  form  of  wide  distribution  is  long  and  cylin- 
drical, and  this  is  a  type  of  instrument  which  a  performer  often  holds 
between  his  legs,  or  leans  against  a  framework  of  sticks.  Usually 
the  hands  are  used  in  drumming.  Before  use  the  tympanum  is 
warmed,  and  the  pitch  may  be  changed  by  adding  lumps  of  wax 
or  rubber  to  the  sides  of  the  instrument.  The  membrane  is  generally 
kept  in  position  by  wooden  pegs  over  which  it  may  be  more  or  less 
tightly  stretched.  This  type  of  instrument  is  often  used  to  form 
a  quartet  of  drums  of  different  lengths,  with  notes  of  different  pitch. 
Each  performer  preserves  his  own  rhythm,  so  that  a  compound 
rhythm  is  produced. 

Pottery  drums  made  by  stretching  a  piece  of  hide  over  the  mouth 
of  a  wide  earthenware  vessel  are  not  typical  of  Negro  instruments, 
though  such  types  are  frequently  seen  in  northern  Nigeria  and  other 
parts  of  west  Africa.  Pottery  drums  are  widely  used  in  north  Africa, 
and  by  the  Tuareg  of  the  Sahara.  Hourglass  drums,  as  the  name 
implies,  are  constricted  in  the  middle.  This  form  of  instrument  may 
have  a  membrane  at  either  one  or  both  ends.  According  to  local 
custom,  a  performer  plays  with  his  fingers  or  with  a  curved  drum- 
stick, and  the  instrument  may  be  held  under  the  arm,  or  between 
the  knees  of  a  seated  performer.  Cylindrical  wooden  drums  of  light 
construction  having  a  membrane  at  each  end  may  be  slung  round 
a  musician's  neck  or  held  under  his  arm.  Such  a  drum  is  often  orna- 
mented with  jingling  brasswork,  and  it  is  played  by  tapping  the 
membrane  with  a  curved  wooden  stick.  Fig,  74,  b  shows  two  men 
of  the  Yoruba  tribe  of  southern  Nigeria,  one  of  whom  is  playing  a 
drum  while  the  other  has  a  wind  instrument  known  as  the  algaita, 
probably  of  north  African  origin. 

The  sacred  character  of  many  drums  owned  by  Negroes  is  of 
more  importance  than  the  form  of  instrument  or  the  kind  of  music 
produced.  A  drum  which  is  regarded  as  a  possession  of  a  village 
or  a  tribe  is  the  focus  of  the  social  and  religious  life.  An  instrument 
of  this  kind,  often  beautifully  carved  (Fig.  96)  is  specially  housed 
in  or  near  a  chief's  compound.  The  drummers  have  high  social 
standing  on  account  of  their  calling  and  the  fact  that  they  are  a 
permanent  part  of  the  chief's  household.  Feeding  sacred  drums  by 
pouring  over  them  libations  of  beer,  blood,  or  milk  is  not  an  un- 
common rite,  and  the  drum  itself  may  be  regarded  as  a  shrine  into 
which  the  spirit  of  a  dead  chief  enters  on  ceremonial  occasions. 


Education  of  Children  451 

From  the  Angas  tribe  of  the  Bauchi  plateau,  eastern  Nigeria, 
I  obtained  a  drum  of  the  type  regarded  as  sacred  under  certain  con- 
ditions. The  owner  of  the  drum  was  still  alive  and  at  liberty  to 
part  with  his  possession,  but  similar  instruments  which  had  belonged 
to  men  of  distinction,  now  dead,  were  housed  in  a  shelter.  Over 
the  threshold  no  one  was  allowed  to  pass,  and  purchase  of  one  of 
the  sacred  instruments  was  impossible. 

Data  from  R.  S.  Rattray's  "Religion  and  Art  in  Ashanti"  clearly 
indicate  the  sacred  character  of  certain  drums  played  in  the  adae 
ceremonies,  at  which  a  reigning  chief  does  homage  to  the  ghosts 
of  his  predecessors.  The  aperde  drums,  which  were  four  in  number, 
were  used  to  form  an  orchestra.  Enemies  taken  in  warfare  were 
killed,  then  their  blood  was  poured  over  the  drums,  and  their  jaw- 
bones were  used  for  decorating  the  instruments.  Aperde  drums  are 
specially  associated  with  ancestral  spirits;  therefore,  the  instruments 
are  used  in  sacred  rites  which  are  carried  out  at  the  burial  place 
of  chiefs.  The  player  of  a  drum  known  as  sika  akukua  is  the  chief 
of  all  the  drummers  of  the  King  of  Ashanti.  The  drum,  which  is 
encased  in  gold  leaf,  is  kept  in  front  of  the  golden  stool.  The  player 
of  sika  akukua  may  not  be  killed  no  matter  how  serious  his  offence. 

Although  men  are  usually  the  drummers  in  Negro  tribes,  there 
are  many  notable  exceptions  indicating  that  certain  drums  may  be 
played  by  women  only,  and  only  on  specific  ritual  occasions.  In 
Ashanti  the  dono  drum  has  a  tense  membrane  at  each  end,  and  the 
tone  of  the  instrument  is  altered  by  tightening  or  relaxing  the  cords 
which  keep  the  membranes  in  position.  Pressure  is  applied  to  the 
cords  by  holding  the  instrument  under  the  arm.  Women  may  beat 
this  drum,  which  is  used  at  puberty  ceremonies  (Rattray,  1927a, 
p.  283).  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1916,  p.  169)  refers  to  women  of  the 
Akamba,  who  are  northeastern  Bantu,  beating  their  big  drums  and 
meeting  in  council.  At  a  python  dance  which  is  part  of  the  initiation 
rites  of  the  Bavenda,  drums  are  used.  The  drums  may  be  played 
by  either  sex,  but  at  the  domba  ceremony  they  are  more  often  played 
by  girls  (Stayt,  1931a,  p.  115).  A  drum  known  as  nkiringwane  and 
another  {ntakula)  are  used  during  puberty  initiation  rites  of  Valenge 
girls.  The  first  of  these  instruments  contains  sacred  symbols  repre- 
senting male  and  female  principles;  another  symbol  representing  the 
clitoris  is  also  placed  in  the  drum  (Earthy,  1933,  p.  117).  The 
historical  importance  of  drums  as  sacred  objects  which  are  be- 
queathed from  a  ruler  to  his  successor,  and  the  ritual  significance  of 
drums  have  been  discussed  by  P.   R.   Kirby   (1934,  pp.   30-31), 


452  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

F.  G.  B.  Reynolds  (1930,  No.  23),  A.  E.  Robinson  (1932,  No.  300), 
and  D.  F.  Heath  (1937,  No.  91). 

Iron  gongs  are  ancient  and  widely  distributed  instruments  of 
percussion,  varying  in  size  from  a  few  inches  to  three  feet  in  length. 
As  early  as  the  year  1600  Andrew  Battell  gave  an  account  of  the  use 
of  iron  gongs  in  north  Angola,  where  the  instrument  was  struck  when 
a  war  chief  of  the  Jagas  was  about  to  address  his  troops.  A  marimba 
consists  of  slats  of  wood,  from  nine  to  seventeen  in  number,  fastened 
transversely  across  a  wooden  frame,  or  threaded  on  two  parallel 
cords  which  have  to  be  held  taut  by  two  assistants,  one  at  each  end 
of  the  instrument.  The  slats  are  struck  with  two  rubber-headed 
sticks.  In  most  forms  of  marimba  a  gourd  is  fastened  directly  under 
each  slat  of  wood,  and  as  the  gourds  are  of  different  lengths  the  vibrat- 
ing columns  of  air  vary ;  hence,  notes  of  different  pitch  are  produced 
when  the  boards  are  struck.  The  method  of  playing  recalls  a  xylo- 
phone, but  application  of  European  names  such  as  guitar,  banjo, 
fiddle,  or  harp  to  African  instruments  is  often  misleading  since 
resemblances  to  European  forms  are  superficial,  and  methods  of 
producing  sound  are  different  from  those  adopted  in  Europe.  The 
African  musical  scale  differs  fundamentally  from  that  of  Europe. 

Rattles  (Fig.  77,  a,  d)  made  from  gourds,  small  baskets,  hollow 
seed  pods,  and  iron  are  the  most  numerous  of  percussive  instruments. 
These  may  be  shaken  by  hand,  or  they  can  be  attached  to  the  ankles, 
knees,  or  waists  of  performers.  The  use  of  wooden  clappers  struck 
together  by  hand  is  common. 

WIND  INSTRUMENTS 

Wind  instruments  include  side-blown  horns  of  antelope  that  give 
out  deep,  booming  notes.  Before  ivory  was  scarce  large  side-blown 
trumpets  were  similarly  employed,  and  many  of  them  were  associated 
with  sacred  rites.  End-blown  wooden  flutes  are  fairly  common 
(Fig.  77,  6),  and  some  chiefs  of  the  Ovimbundu  have  a  trio  of  flutists 
in  attendance.  Whistles  are  made  of  wood,  bone,  or  ivory,  and  it 
is  usual  for  a  rain-maker  to  use  an  instrument  of  this  kind  while 
performing  his  ritual  dance.  A  nose-flute  is  used  by  the  Bambala 
of  the  southwest  Congo  region,  but  this  form  of  instrument  is  quite 
unusual  in  Africa. 

STRINGED   INSTRUMENTS 

Stringed  instruments  are  numerous,  and  among  these  the  simplest 
and  most  widely  distributed  are  musical  bows  (Fig.  77,  /,  g).  The 
Ovimbundu  call  such  an  instrument  ombumbumba,  but  it  has  many 


Education  of  Children  453 

local  names  among  Negro  tribes.  The  form  of  the  musical  bow 
which  is  common  in  Angola  is  that  of  a  simple  bow  such  as  hunters 
use,  but  smaller.  A  bridge  of  wood  keeps  the  string  taut,  and  a 
gourd  which  is  fastened  to  the  string  is  pressed  intermittently  to  the 
body  of  the  player  to  give  resonance.  One  end  of  the  bow  is  placed 
against  the  performer's  teeth  while  the  other  end  is  held  by  his  right 
hand.  With  his  left  hand  he  uses  a  short  stick  to  tap  the  bowstring. 
The  goura,  which  is  used  principally  by  Bushmen,  is  superficially 
like  a  musical  bow,  but  it  is  essentially  different  in  the  operating 
principle.  The  string  of  a  goura  is  made  to  vibrate,  not  by  tapping, 
but  by  oscillation  of  a  quill  attached  to  the  end  of  the  bow  which 
the  player  puts  into  his  open  mouth  (H.  Balfour,  1899;  1902, 
pp.  156-176). 

Stringed  instruments  are  common  in  north,  west,  and  east  Africa. 
The  rababa  is  a  form  known  wherever  Arab  influence  has  penetrated. 
Along  north  Africa  and  in  the  west  a  common  type  of  instrument 
is  strung  with  horsehair  and  played  with  a  small  bow  having  a 
compound  string  of  the  same  material.  Usually  a  stringed  instru- 
ment consists  of  a  gourd  covered  with  a  taut  piece  of  lizard  skin 
or  hide  from  a  mammal.  To  the  gourd  a  long  straight  stick  is 
attached,  and  from  the  end  of  the  stick  to  the  remote  side  of  the 
gourd  are  fastened  strings,  varying  in  number  from  one  to  seven. 

The  most  important  friction  instrument  is  the  friction  drum, 
but  the  word  "drum"  is  a  misnomer  since  no  blow  is  given  to  the  mem- 
brane. A  performer  I  observed  at  Ngalangi,  east-central  Angola, 
sat  astride  a  friction  drum  four  feet  long  and  eighteen  inches  in 
diameter;  the  instrument  had  been  hollowed  from  a  single  log, 
which  was  then  covered  with  a  hide  at  one  end  and  left  open  at  the 
other.  He  placed  his  moistened  hand  through  a  hole  on  the  upper 
surface  of  the  drum,  and  grasped  a  long  cane  rod  which  was  made 
fast  to  the  membrane.  When  he  rubbed  his  hand  along  the  rod  the 
vibration  was  communicated  to  the  membrane  of  the  drum.  Rub- 
bing a  grooved  board,  which  is  fastened  to  a  hollow  gourd,  is  a  com- 
mon method  of  producing  sound  by  friction  (Fig.  77,  c).  H.  Balfour 
(1907)  has  described  types  of  African  friction  drums  and  their 
distribution. 

Bull-roarers  should  be  included  among  frictional  instruments 
because  the  sound  is  produced  by  whirling  a  slat  of  wood  which  is 
attached  to  a  string.  The  performer  holds  the  string  and  whirls 
the  wood  round  his  head,  so  producing  a  loud  buzzing  sound.  The 
Ovimbundu,  like  many  tribes  at  the  present  day,  use  the  bull-roarer 


454  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

as  a  plaything;  this,  however,  is  a  degradation  of  function,  for  the 
instrument  was  at  one  time  used  in  sacred  ceremonies  of  tribal  initia- 
tion. Among  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  at  the  present  day  bull-roarers 
are  secretly  used  in  the  bush,  and  the  noise  produced  is  said  to  be 
the  voice  of  a  spirit  named  Oro.  This  instrument  has  a  wide  distri- 
bution outside  Africa,  chiefly  in  connection  with  initiation  ceremonies 
for  boys.  A  comparative  study  of  many  different  forms  is  made  in 
"Tribal  Dancing  and  Social  Development"  (Hambly,  1926b). 

An  instrument  used  over  the  greater  part  of  Negro  Africa  and 
called  by  the  Ovimbundu  ocisanji  is  played  usually  by  men.  Since 
the  thin  iron  or  stiff  rattan  keys  are  stroked  by  the  thumbs  of  the 
performer  the  instrument  cannot  be  included  in  any  of  the  categories 
mentioned.  The  contrivance  consists  of  a  wooden  board  or  shallow 
box  of  rectangular  form,  often  well  carved,  and  to  this  two  wooden 
bridges  are  attached.  Through  these  bridges  are  fastened  thin 
metal  or  rattan  keys,  varying  from  eight  to  nineteen  in  number, 
and  arranged  in  one,  two,  or  three  tiers.  The  forms  of  the  instru- 
ment show  many  local  types.  The  lengths  of  the  keys  can  be  altered 
by  pushing  them  to  and  fro  in  the  bridges,  and  the  pitch  of  the 
notes  can  be  further  changed  by  adding  small  balls  of  wax  to  the 
under  side  of  the  keys.  Sometimes  a  performer  holds  the  instru- 
ment in  a  large  gourd  to  amplify  the  sound  (Fig.  77,  e). 

MUSICAL  TECHNIQUE 

Although  the  social,  religious,  and  educational  functions  of  music 
are  of  primary  importance,  the  technique  is  receiving  increased 
attention,  and  will  continue  to  do  so  with  the  improvement  of 
apparatus  for  recording  musical  compositions.  The  phonograph 
was  invented  by  Edison  in  1877,  and  one  of  its  earliest  uses  in 
ethnological  work  was  in  1891,  when  W.  Fewkes,  chief  of  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology,  recorded  songs  among  the  Zuni  Indians. 
Light,  portable  recorders  are  made  for  field  work;  these  operate 
by  a  coiled  spring,  but,  if  conditions  permit,  an  instrument  may 
be  attached  to  an  electric  light  socket,  or  worked  by  attachment  to 
the  battery  of  an  automobile.  A  recent  type  of  recorder  is  worked 
by  dry  storage  batteries. 

An  instructive  introduction  to  the  study  of  African  music  has 
been  written  by  E.  M.  von  Hornbostel  (1928,  1933),  who  states  that 
African  and  modern  European  music  are  constructed  on  entirely 
different  principles;  therefore  they  cannot  be  fused  into  one  system. 
Since  the  year  A.D.   1600  European  music  has  been  constructed 


Education  of  Children  455 

according  to  laws  of  harmony,  while  African  music  is  based  on  melody. 
The  music  of  Islamic  north  Africa,  though  showing  traces  of  Negro 
influence,  belongs  to  the  Arabic-Persian  civilization.  Like  Negro 
music,  Arabic  music  is  not  composed,  since  performers  make  their 
compositions  without  theoretical  knowledge.  Instrumentalists  are 
unable  to  write  the  scores  of  their  pieces,  and  pupils  are  taught  by 
ear.  The  use  of  the  enharmonic  scale,  having  intervals  less  than  a 
semitone,  and  the  general  technique  and  history  of  Arabic  music 
have  been  discussed  by  L.  Williams  (1934)  and  B.  Schiffe  (1936). 

A  parallel  exists  between  Arabic  architecture  and  Arabic  music, 
and  the  former  has  a  symmetry  and  mathematical  form  which  finds 
its  counterpart  in  musical  rhythms.  Each  Arabic  name  has  a 
definite  pattern  and  rhythm  of  beats,  and,  as  in  Hindu  music,  the 
occult  significance  of  compositions  is  essential  to  the  technique. 
Hindu  music  has  a  mode  for  each  hour  of  the  day,  for  each  season, 
for  harmony  with  the  planets,  and  with  the  signs  of  the  zodiac.  The 
music  also  possesses  male  and  female  modes  and  rhythms  (Fyzee, 
1914  and  Popley,  1921). 

In  Africa  definite  and  fundamental  distinctions  occur  among  the 
music  of  Arabs,  Bantu  Negroes,  Sudanic  Negroes,  and  Hamites, 
but  these  differences,  together  with  the  interrelationships  of  charac- 
teristic types  of  African  music,  have  not  as  yet  been  precisely 
determined.  African  Negro  music  has  features  that  can  be  regarded 
as  typical.  One  of  these  traits  is  antiphony,  which  is  an  alternate 
singing  of  solo  and  chorus,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  part-singing 
and  complex  rhythms  are  essential  elements. 

The  musical  principles  involved  in  the  construction  and  playing 
of  what  are  apparently  simple  one-stringed  devices  have  been  illus- 
trated by  R.  Kirby  (1931,  pp.  89-109)  in  his  description  of  the 
gora  and  its  allied  forms,  and  in  his  examination  of  the  "...  Harmon- 
ics of  Stretched  Strings."  Kirby  recognizes  ten  types  of  stringed 
instruments  used  by  natives  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  and  these 
he  classifies  according  to  the  relative  complexities  of  the  sounds 
produced.  He  discusses  intervals  used,  musical  scales,  and  other 
technicalities.     See  H.  Tracey  (1935)  on  tuning  African  instruments. 

A  great  task  awaits  the  student  of  African  music,  not  only  in 
recording  in  the  field,  but  in  making  a  comparative  study  of  existing 
data.  For  this  work  very  few  are  qualified  by  ethnological  training, 
combined  with  a  natural  aptitude  for  music  and  a  command  of 
technique.  Prominent  among  musical  studies  are  the  following 
references  which  have  not  been  mentioned  in  the  text. 


456  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

B.  Ankermann  (1902)  published  a  catalogue  of  musical  instru- 
ments, but  a  more  useful  one,  especially  for  comparative  study  of 
African  and  Asiatic  forms,  is  that  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  New  York.  The  three  volumes  of  this  catalogue  describe  the 
Crosby  Brown  Collection.  S.  Chauvet  (1929)  wrote  a  general 
work  on  Negro  music,  and  M.  Cuney-Hare  (1936)  has  a  volume 
describing  the  influence  of  African  music  in  America.  F.  Ebou^'s 
(1935)  article  describes  musical  tones  of  percussive  instruments. 
The  social  and  psychological  factors  of  dancing  have  been  discussed 
by  E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard  (1928b).  G.  Herzog  has  published  a  paper 
describing  the  recording  of  primitive  music  in  Africa  and  America. 
H.  Husmann  (1936)  published  an  article  dealing  with  the  marimba 
and  the  sansa.  Von  Kunst's  (1936)  article  points  out  resemblances 
between  the  music  and  instruments  of  Indonesia,  Java,  and  central 
Africa.  C.  S.  Myers  (1907)  contributed  a  paper  on  "The  Ethnolog- 
ical Study  of  Music."  The  music  of  Tanganyika  has  been  recorded 
by  P.  H.  Molitor  (1913),  and  R.  A.  C.  Oliver  (1932)  has  published 
his  research  on  the  "Musical  Talent  of  Natives  of  East  Africa." 
F.  Pulestone  (1930)  has  published  a  work  on  African  drums. 
R.  Skene's  (1917)  article  is  useful  in  the  study  of  Arab  influences 
on  the  dances  and  ceremonies  of  east  Africa.  A.  N.  Tucker  (1933) 
described  "Children's  Games  and  Songs  in  the  Southern  Sudan." 
An  article  on  the  tuning  of  African  musical  instruments  was  published 
by  H.  Tracey  (1935).  A  bibliography  by  D.  H.  Varley  (1936a)  gives 
many  references  to  African  m.usic.  A  comprehensive  study  of 
African  drums  (H.  Wieschhoff,  1933),  and  their  cultural  relationship 
to  forms  outside  of  Africa  should  be  used  in  conjunction  with  the 
contribution  by  Von  Kunst  (1936). 

Initiation  into  the  Tribe 

MAIN  factors  of  INITIATION 

Consideration  so  far  has  been  given  to  education  which  is  chiefly 
of  an  informal  kind.  The  educational  agencies  described  are  family 
life,  youthful  companionships,  tradition,  folklore,  games,  imitative 
play,  music,  and  dancing.  These  factors  operate  from  infancy  to 
initiation,  when  a  sudden  break  is  made  with  juvenile  life,  and 
special  ceremonies  are  held  for  making  a  transfer  to  adult  status. 
The  phrase  rites  de  passage,  used  first  by  A.  van  Gennep  (1909),  is 
an  apt  description  of  the  transitional  nature  of  the  initiation  rites 
recorded  below. 

The  initiation  ceremonies  of  Negro  tribes  achieve  their  purpose 
of  education  and  incorporation  by  definite  social,  religious,  and 


Education  of  Children  457 

economic  training.  Moreover,  certain  corporal  operations  and 
processes  are  commonly  employed  either  at  the  initiation  rites  or 
in  the  years  preceding  them. 

Social  training  is  given  by  enforcing  the  fact  that  the  novices 
are  a  united  body  with  a  common  purpose,  and  in  some  tribes 
recognition  of  each  initiation  class  as  a  definite  group  persists  for 
life.  This  is  especially  so  among  Nilotic  Negroes  and  Half-Hamites. 
Knowledge  of  tribal  law,  sex  training,  and  obedience  to  elders  are 
also  important  elements  in  the  social  training  afforded  by  initiation. 

A  religious  element  is  in  some  instances  distinctly  seen  in  sacrifices 
to  ancestors,  in  the  assumption  that  masked  officers  of  the  initiation 
are  visitors  from  the  dead,  and  in  the  supposed  death  of  the  novices, 
who  are  reborn  and  receive  new  names  and  an  adult  standing  in  the 
tribe.  Lustration  by  water  or  fire  is  a  means  of  emphasizing  this 
rebirth. 

In  some  camps  handicrafts  are  taught  to  boys,  and  girls  receive 
instruction  in  domestic  work.  A  common  feature  of  camp  training 
is  the  demand  that  each  novice  shall  be  self-supporting.  He  must 
live  frugally,  and  he  may  be  required  to  trap  and  collect  all  his  own 
food.     In  this  way  the  economic  aspect  of  tribal  life  is  recognized. 

Frequently  initiation  depends  on  arrival  at  puberty,  and  the  rites 
are  often  associated  with  circumcision  of  boys,  and  for  girls  clitori- 
dectomy,  defloration,  or  some  more  drastic  operation  on  the  sex 
organs.  Scarification  of  the  body,  mutilation  of  the  teeth,  boring 
of  the  ears,  and  the  fattening  of  girls  are  operations  commonly 
associated  with  puberty  rites,  though  some  tribes  perform  these 
ritual  acts  during  the  years  preceding  puberty. 

Initiation  rites  do  not  invariably  coincide  with  puberty.  In 
some  regions,  for  example,  among  the  Vachokwe  of  eastern  Angola, 
initiation  ceremonies  are  held  once  in  four  years:  therefore,  the  ages 
of  the  novices  in  one  camp  have  a  considerable  range.  The  dis- 
crepancy in  age  and  physical  development  is  shown  in  the  illustration 
of  boys  in  camp  at  Cangamba  (Fig.  78,  a).  Frequently  the  initiation 
of  girls  is  begun  soon  after  their  first  menstrual  period. 

The  following  account  of  initiation  rites  illustrates  the  main 
principles  and  procedures  of  such  ceremonies  among  Bantu,  Sudanic, 
and  Nilotic  Negroes.  Details  vary  considerably,  and  the  age-grade 
ceremonies  adopted  by  Nilotes  and  Half-Hamites  have  factors  which 
do  not  enter  into  the  rites  of  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes.  Yet 
tribal  initiation  is  based   on  certain  fundamental  principles  and 


458  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

procedures,   and,   in  comparison  with  these,   local  variations  are 
relatively  unimportant. 

The  main  function  of  initiation  as  a  social  rebirth  is  illustrated 
by  an  account  of  a  rite  performed  by  the  Akikuyu,  a  tribe  of  the 
northeastern  Bantu.  The  importance  of  the  rite  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  an  M'kikuyu  who  has  not  been  "born  again"  loses  rights 
of  inheritance  and  is  debarred  from  taking  part  in  any  religious 
ceremony  (W.  S.  and  K.  Routledge,  London,  1910,  p.  151). 

The  ritual  of  rebirth  is  performed  for  both  boys  and  girls,  usually 
when  they  are  about  ten  years  of  age.  If  the  uterine  mother  is  dead, 
another  woman  acts  as  substitute.  The  ceremony  is  a  recapitulation 
of  the  procedure  of  childbirth;  therefore,  only  women  are  allowed 
to  be  present.  The  child  is  dressed  in  the  skin  and  the  stomach  of 
an  animal  which  has  been  killed  for  the  purpose,  and  the  mother, 
who  acts  as  if  in  labor,  sits  on  the  floor  of  the  hut  with  the  child 
between  her  knees. 

Gut  from  the  sacrificed  animal  is  passed  round  the  mother  and 
the  child.  The  mother  groans,  the  child  gives  a  cry,  and  a  female 
attendant  cuts  the  gut.  Assistants  wash  the  child,  who  that  night 
sleeps  in  the  same  hut  as  the  mother.  This  custom  is  not  general 
among  Negroes,  but  it  is  important  as  a  particular  instance  of  the 
widespread  emphasis  which  is  placed  on  initiatory  rites  as  a  social 
rebirth. 

TYPICAL  BANTU  INITIATION 

Most  of  the  fundamental  points  involved  in  initiation  can  be 
illustrated  from  personal  observations  among  the  Vachokwe  of  east- 
ern Angola. 

At  the  village  of  Ngongo  in  east-central  Angola  a  mixture  of 
tribes — Vachokwe,  Ovimbundu,  Vanyemba,  and  Vangangella — hold 
initiation  ceremonies  once  in  four  years.  When  a  number  of  boys 
are  ready  for  circumcision,  and  this  is  judged  from  their  genital 
development,  they  go  together  to  older  men  to  ask  for  an  initiation 
ceremony.  Their  request  is  passed  to  the  village  headman,  and  a 
large  enclosure  of  boughs  is  constructed  in  the  adjacent  bush.  The 
father  of  each  boy  has  to  arrange  that  a  guardian  accompanies  his 
son  to  camp,  but  in  some  instances  one  guardian  is  appointed  for 
two  or  three  of  the  novices. 

Each  boy  takes  with  him  a  chicken,  which  is  killed  at  the  cere- 
mony for  changing  the  names  of  the  novices  after  the  rite  of  circum- 
cision has  been  performed.    The  new  names  are  announced  in  the 


Education  of  Children  459 

village  from  which  the  boys  came.  Circumcision  is  a  test  of  en- 
durance, and  disgrace  attaches  to  any  signs  of  pain;  therefore,  to 
stifle  the  cries  so  that  they  will  not  be  heard  outside  the  enclosure, 
a  band  of  male  drummers  is  engaged  to  play  drums  during  the 
operation. 

The  period  spent  in  seclusion  is  variable  at  different  centers  and 
at  different  times,  but  the  ceremonies  are  usually  continued  during 
a  period  varying  from  three  to  six  months.  The  rule  is  that  camp 
must  not  be  disbanded  until  healing  is  complete;  therefore,  one  septic 
case  can  delay  the  final  ceremonies  for  weeks  or  months.  Moreover, 
all  boys  must  be  proficient  in  the  dances  which  are  performed  when 
they  leave  camp,  and  those  novices  who  are  slow  to  learn  delay  the 
final  rites. 

One  custom  of  Ngongo  differs  from  those  followed  at  other  centers 
of  eastern  Angola.  Each  boy  has  to  take  from  the  fire  a  burning 
stick,  which  he  holds  in  his  hand  while  running  between  two  lines 
of  men  who  beat  him.  If  he  drops  the  brand  he  has  to  start  his 
course  once  more.  Should  a  boy  die  during  the  rites  a  hole  is  bored 
in  his  food  platter,  which  is  returned  to  his  mother  as  an  indication 
that  he  will  not  require  more  food.  Every  guardian  has  a  stick  to 
represent  each  of  the  boys  under  his  care.  These  sticks  are  sent  to 
the  respective  mothers  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies,  but 
if  a  boy  has  died  bark  is  cut  from  both  ends  of  the  stick  which  repre- 
sents him. 

On  the  day  of  leaving  camp  the  boys  pass  between  the  legs  of 
a  man  and  a  woman  who  stand  on  the  bank  of  a  river.  In  this  water 
the  boys  bathe  by  taking  three  dips,  between  which  they  stand  on 
the  bank  to  dry.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony  the  novices  are 
warned  that  they  will  die  if  they  disclose  information  to  women  or 
to  uncircumcised  boys.  A  feast  and  beer-drinking  is  given  to  wel- 
come the  novices  home,  but  for  two  months  they  wear  similar  skirts 
of  bark,  learn  dances  from  an  older  initiate,  and  must  move  about 
the  village  as  a  company. 

Near  the  village  of  Katoko  procedure  is  variable  with  regard  to 
the  food  supplied  to  novices.  Sometimes  parents  are  allowed  to 
place  food  in  bowls  on  the  bank  of  a  stream,  whence  it  is  brought 
to  camp  by  the  boys.  Before  eating,  the  boys  have  to  give  profuse 
thanks  to  their  guardians,  and  in  some  camps  a  boy  depends  entirely 
on  the  food  he  can  catch  or  collect. 

Boys  who  have  been  circumcised  are  not  allowed  to  wear  clothes ; 
neither  may  they  have  a  fire,  although   the   nights  are   cold   in 


460  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

comparison  with  daytime  temperatures.  During  isolation,  costumes 
are  made  for  use  at  the  final  dances.  The  garments  consist  of  tightly 
fitting,  coarse  netting,  masks,  and  fiber  skirts.  No  female  is  allowed 
near  the  enclosure,  and  women  are  supposed  to  be  totally  ignorant 
of  the  nature  of  the  rites.  Females  and  uninitiated  boys  believe 
that  the  masked  novices  (Fig.  78,  a)  who  appear  after  seclusion  are 
ovinganji  (great  judges)  or  spirits  of  the  dead  who  have  come  to 
life.  Initiated  boys  who  have  returned  to  their  village  have  to  keep 
together  as  a  company  during  a  period  of  three  months,  and  they 
are  forbidden  to  speak  to  uncircumcised  boys  in  this  period. 

At  Cangamba,  the  chief  center  of  the  Vachokwe  tribe,  the  novices' 
enclosure  was  constructed  of  poles  and  boughs.  These  formed  a  high 
fence  whose  narrow  entrance  was  guarded  by  an  adult  male.  In 
the  arena  were  several  small  wicker  structures  in  which  the  boys 
lie  for  two  weeks  after  circumcision  (Fig.  78,  6).  The  ordinary 
dress  during  seclusion  is  a  fiber  skirt,  but  masks  of  barkcloth  and 
mesh  suits  of  fiber  are  made  for  use  at  a  final  ceremony.  Within 
the  compound  were  several  drums,  and  to  the  accompaniment  of  these 
the  novices  were  taught  the  dances  that  are  performed  when  the 
seclusion  is  ended.  Masks  I  purchased  were  carefully  wTapped  in 
barkcloth,  with  the  request  that  they  might  not  be  seen  by  women. 

During  a  final  ceremony  which  lasted  for  twelve  hours,  the 
novices,  who  were  masked  and  clad  in  netting  suits,  performed 
ceremonial  dances  to  the  accompaniment  of  drums.  Stilt-walkers 
and  a  masked  medicine-man  played  a  prominent  part  in  this  cere- 
mony. Women  and  children  pretended  to  be  afraid  of  the  masked 
figures  who  pursued  them,  and  the  boys  strutted  about  arrogantly 
to  emphasize  their  manhood.  One  boy  had  a  large  artificial  penis 
attached  to  his  costume. 

All  these  factors  are  typical  of  initiation  rites  among  Negro 
tribes,  and  everywhere  the  procedure  emphasizes  a  launching  out 
into  adult  status  with  new  privileges  and  obligations.  The  boy 
enters  upon  a  period  of  seclusion,  hardship,  and  instruction.  He 
dies  in  a  social  and  psychological  sense  but  is  reborn  as  an  adult 
member  of  the  village  group  from  which  he  came. 

At  Ngongo  among  the  Vanyemba  tribe  initiation  rites  for  girls 
are  observed.  In  July,  1929,  the  segregation  camp  was  situated  in 
thick  bush  a  mile  from  the  village,  and  no  males  or  uninitiated  girls 
were  allowed  to  approach  the  enclosure.  Three  elderly  women  who 
were  in  charge  of  the  girls  left  their  retreat  and  performed  ceremonial 
dances.    The  photograph  (Fig.  79,  b)  shows  the  decoration  of  these 


Fig.  78.    Initiation  rites,     a.  Newly  circumcised  boys,  Vachokwe,  Cangamba, 
Angola.      b.  Vachokwe  boys  confined  after  circumcision,   Cangamba,   Angola. 


461 


462  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

guardians,  who  were  naked  except  for  their  loin  cloths.  Their  faces 
and  bodies  were  thickly  smeared  with  alternate  bands  of  red  and 
white  clay.  The  women  emerged  from  the  bush,  and,  moving  back- 
ward with  short  steps,  presently  arrived  before  an  orchestra  of  male 
drummers  and  women  who  clapped  their  hands  in  rhythm.  The 
dance  was  no  more  than  a  slow  shuffling  movement  performed  with 
heads  and  bodies  bent. 

The  girls  are  kept  in  seclusion  for  a  month,  but  they  do  not 
suffer  the  privation  and  harsh  treatment  which  are  given  to  boys. 
The  instruction  given  to  the  novices  is  of  a  sexual  kind,  and  deflora- 
tion with  a  lubricated  corncob  is  said  to  take  place. 

In  his  article  "Secret  Societies  of  Lubaland,"  W.  F.  P.  Burton 
(1930)  has  given  information  relating  to  the  initiation  of  girls. 
Secretly,  the  girls  are  sent  in  groups  to  a  hidden  meeting  place  in  the 
forest,  one  or  two  years  before  their  first  menstruation  is  due.  During 
isolation  there  is  enlargement  of  the  vagina  and  labia  minora,  an  act 
which  is  supposed  to  be  a  preparation  for  motherhood,  and  a  general 
belief  exists  that  a  girl  who  is  not  treated  in  this  way  will  not  make  a 
successful  marriage.  The  novices  are  told  that  barrenness  will  result 
from  divulging  the  secrets  of  their  initiation. 

Following  the  first  rites  in  the  bush  a  probationary  period  of  one 
year  is  observed,  and  during  this  time  several  restrictions  are  imposed. 
The  girl  is  regarded  as  a  person  who  is  susceptible  to  baneful  influ- 
ences, and  to  avoid  these  she  is  forbidden  to  draw  water,  to  wash 
herself,  or  to  perform  any  manual  work.  At  the  end  of  her  probation 
the  novice  eats  a  ceremonial  meal  consisting  of  a  chicken.  When 
she  eats  the  heart  of  the  bird  she  is  told  that  she  is  receiving  a 
woman's  heart;  this  is  the  most  important  of  the  symbolic  acts 
emphasizing  transition  from  childhood  to  womanhood.  When  eating 
the  remainder  of  the  chicken  the  novice  has  to  be  careful  not  to  break 
the  bones,  since  this  would  cause  her  child  to  be  born  with  fractures. 
At  the  end  of  her  probationary  year  the  novice  is  said  to  have  '  'come 
into  purification."  She  is  smeared  with  white  pigment  at  the  con- 
clusion of  a  ceremony  (butanda)  and  is  then  considered  marriageable. 

A  detailed  account  of  tribal  initiation  for  girls  of  the  Valenge 
tribe,  who  are  southeastern  Bantu  of  Portuguese  East  Africa,  has 
been  given  by  E.  D.  Earthy  (1933).  The  rites,  which  were  observed 
up  to  a  few  years  ago,  began  with  the  first  menstrual  period,  and  to 
hasten  this  a  medicine-man  could  give  a  potion  containing  the 
pulverized  bones  of  a  tortoise.  Conception  before  marriage  could  be 
avoided  by  a  ceremonial  act. 


Fig.  79.    Initiation    ceremonies.       a.  Whipping    ceremony,    Fulani    tribe, 
Shendam,  Nigeria,     b.  Women  in  charge  of  novices,  Vanyemba,  Ngongo,  Angola. 


463 


464  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  father  of  the  girl  paid  a  call  to  the  chief  to  inform  him  that 
he  had  a  daughter  ready  for  the  initiation  school,  and  to  pay  a  fee. 
An  additional  sum  had  to  be  paid  to  the  mistress  of  the  rites,  who  was 
called  nyambutsi.  This  person  held  office  through  hereditary  right, 
which  persisted  in  the  female  line  for  many  generations.  The 
nyambutsi  offered  sacrifice  to  ancestral  spirits  and  asked  their  help 
during  the  initiation  ceremonies.  During  preparation  for  the  rites 
the  candidates  were  instructed  by  their  mothers,  aided  by  the 
nyambutsi,  and  the  knowledge  imparted  related  to  domestic  work, 
feminine  hygiene,  taboos  connected  with  sacred  things,  and  the 
symbolism  of  objects  used  during  the  initiation  ceremony. 

On  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  the  rites,  the  chief  offered 
sacrifice  and  prayer  to  his  ancestors,  pleading  that  candidates  might 
stand  the  tests.  A  diviner  sought  for  omens  to  foretell  the  future  of 
the  novices.  A  rite  was  performed  to  consecrate  the  symbols,  which 
included  a  horn,  a  drum,  and  carved  dolls,  male  and  female.  These 
regalia  are  regarded  as  media  by  which  ancestral  spirits  keep  in  touch 
with  the  initiatory  ceremonies.  The  principal  wife  of  the  chief  then 
conducted  the  girls  to  the  bush,  where  their  initiation  was  to  take 
place. 

Nyambutsi  began  the  ceremony  with  a  nude  dance  in  which  she 
was  followed  by  the  chaperons  of  the  novices;  the  rhythms  were 
accompanied  by  songs  and  beating  of  the  sacred  drum.  During  this 
time  the  candidates  had  to  cry  with  fright;  they  were  then  deflorated 
with  the  horn,  which  was  symbolic  of  the  male  organ.  Every  day 
during  the  month  of  seclusion  the  novices  danced,  learned  a  secret 
language,  and  were  required  to  avoid  certain  foods.  Instruction  in 
sexual  matters  was  given  with  the  aid  of  the  male  and  female  dolls, 
which  had  a  religious  significance  because  they  were  vehicles  for  the 
ancestral  spirits. 

At  the  end  of  the  month  ablutions  washed  away  impurities,  a 
sacramental  meal  was  taken,  and  the  girls  returned  to  their  homes. 
But  return  to  home  life  was  the  occasion  for  further  ceremonial,  and 
each  novice  had  to  have  a  messenger  to  make  contacts  with  those 
who  were  not  associated  with  the  initiation  school.  Each  novice  had 
to  observe  a  list  of  seventeen  taboos.  The  intended  husbands  visited 
their  respective  partners,  remained  a  night,  and  departed  after  a 
ceremonial  ablution.    Each  girl  finally  received  a  new  name. 

SUDANIC  negro  INITIATION 

The  Golah,  Negroes  of  Liberia,  hold  initiation  schools  for  both 
boys  and  girls,  and  according  to  J.  M.  Ceston  (1911,  pp.  729-754) 


Education  of  Children  465 

the  rites  are  for  "tribal  initiation  and  preparation  for  life."  On 
order  of  the  chief  the  bush  is  cleared  and  rectangular  huts  are  built; 
two  houses  are  provided  for  novices,  one  for  their  attendants,  and  one 
for  the  bush  devil  in  charge  of  the  ceremonies.  The  girls  are  taught 
that  this  masked  person  is  not  human,  but  in  reality  she  is  the  wife  of 
a  chief.  Signs  are  set  up,  warning  people  not  to  use  paths  leading 
from  the  village  to  the  bush  school.  The  operation  of  scarification 
is  carried  out  before  the  novices  enter  the  initiation  school,  and  in  the 
school  clitoridectomy  is  performed  by  the  bush  devil,  who  uses  either 
a  razor  or  a  piece  of  glass.  Instruction  is  given  in  songs  and  dances, 
cooking,  making  fishing  nets  of  fiber,  and  in  matters  relating  to  sex. 
The  final  ceremony  includes  ablutions,  and  the  girls  are  warned  that 
they  must  hold  no  intercourse  with  the  uninitiated;  neither  may 
they  speak  of  their  experiences  in  the  bush. 

In  the  gree-gree  school  for  boys  the  novices  receive  tribal  scarifica- 
tion and  new  names.  If  they  have  not  previously  been  circumcised, 
the  operation  is  performed  in  the  bush.  They  are  taught  handicrafts, 
songs,  and  dances,  and  instruction  is  given  in  sexual  matters.  The 
tribal  marks  are  made  by  a  male  bush  devil  in  charge  of  the  cere- 
monies. This  man  applies  a  healing  salve  to  the  cuts  and  makes  the 
boys  lie  on  their  mats  without  taking  any  exercise  for  one  or  two 
weeks.  In  some  gree-gree  schools  importance  is  attached  to  acrobatic 
exercises  and  juggling.  A  student  should  here  refer  to  chapter  IV  of 
this  section.  Under  the  heading  "Social  Controls,"  a  description  is 
given  of  secret  societies.  Membership  begins  with  juvenile  initi- 
ation at  puberty  and  persists  through  life,  often  in  association  with 
age-grades. 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  pp.  69-76)  reports  that  in  Ashanti  he  was  not 
able  to  discover  any  initiatory  rites  for  adolescent  boys,  but  puberty 
rites  for  girls  are  performed  at  the  time  of  first  menstruation.  At  the 
first  appearance  of  the  menses,  the  mother  of  the  girl  enters  the  village 
beating  a  hoe  with  a  stone  and  announcing  the  fact  publicly  to  other 
women  who  sing  songs.  The  mother  of  the  menstruating  girl  spills 
a  little  wine  on  the  ground,  meanwhile  addressing  the  supreme  sky 
god  and  the  earth  goddess,  "O  mother  who  dwells  in  the  land  of 
ghosts,  do  not  come  and  take  her  away."  All  hair  is  shaved  from  the 
body  of  the  nubile  girl,  who  sits  in  the  street  under  an  umbrella,  with 
her  mother  and  other  clanswomen  in  attendance.  Here  she  remains 
from  dawn  to  sunset,  receiving  congratulations  from  her  friends. 

Girls  wave  flags  and  sing,  "She  has  done  it,  our  sister  has  done  it. 
We  congratulate  her  on  the  doing  of  it."    Then  follows  ceremonial 


466  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

bathing  in  the  river  accompanied  by  songs  addressed  to  the  spirit 
of  the  water,  and  after  ablution  the  girl's  body  is  marked  with  white 
clay.  This  rite  celebrating  arrival  at  puberty  differs  from  other 
instances  quoted,  since  the  novices  are  not  segregated  in  the  bush, 
but  the  method  of  emphasizing  a  transition  is  the  same  in  principle. 
In  Ashanti  a  special  feature  of  the  puberty  rite  is  the  belief  that  up 
to  the  nubile  period  a  child  belongs  partly  to  the  spirit  world.  Adoles- 
cence is  a  transition  from  one  world  to  another,  but  at  puberty  the 
"ghost  child"  becomes  a  man  or  a  woman  with  the  social  status  of  a 
fully  grown  mortal.  R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  165)  states  that 
among  some  tribes  of  the  Ashanti  hinterland  the  operation  of  incision 
of  the  clitoris  is  a  necessary  prelude  to  marriage. 

An  article  by  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm  (1925b,  No.  69)  describes  the 
fattening  of  betrothed  girls  of  the  Efik  tribe  at  Old  Calabar.  He 
states  that  the  duration  of  the  process  is  an  indication  of  social 
standing,  and  only  the  free-born  have  the  means  to  pay  for  this 
preparation  for  marriage.  No  well-born  man  would  marry  a  girl 
who  had  not  been  secluded  and  fattened.  The  girl  is  dressed  in  bright 
ceremonial  clothing  and  ornaments,  and  during  her  seclusion  she  is 
liberally  fed  on  pounded  yams  and  palm  oil,  while  all  exertion  and 
perspiration  are  prevented.  The  face  and  body  of  the  girl  are  washed, 
and  she  is  smeared  with  clay.  White  cloths  are  tied  round  her 
wrists,  neck,  and  ankles  as  charms  to  prevent  evil  spirits  from  retard- 
ing the  fattening  process.  Near  the  end  of  the  seclusion  clitori- 
dectomy  is  performed  by  the  girl's  mother.  The  marriageable  girl 
then  assumes  a  special  dress  and  coiffure,  and  the  rites  are  concluded 
by  a  religious  ceremony  at  the  shrine  of  the  ancestors  in  order  to 
ensure  marital  faithfulness.  P.  A.  Talbot  (1926,  vol.  2,  p.  394  and 
Table  XIV)  gives  a  statement  of  periods  spent  in  the  fattening  house 
by  girls  of  the  Ekoi  and  other  tribes  of  southeast  Nigeria. 

NILOTIC  NEGRO  INITIATION 

Among  Nilotic  Negroes  and  Half-Hamites  initiation  ceremonies 
have,  in  many  tribes,  a  special  procedure  and  sequence.  In  the  region 
of  the  upper  Nile,  among  the  Galla  of  Abyssinia,  and  in  the  Half- 
Hamitic  Masai  and  Nandi  tribes,  initiation  is  periodical.  Boys  and, 
in  some  tribes,  girls  are  subject  to  age-grading,  which  requires  that 
initiatory  rites  shall  be  performed  at  the  end  of  every  seven-year 
period.  This  age-grading  will  be  more  fully  described  in  this  section 
under  the  heading  "Social  Controls,"  because  age-grading  is  the  basis 
of  military  organization  and  government.     But,  despite  peculiar 


Education  of  Children  467 

features  of  the  Hamitic  system  of  initiation,  certain  features  which  are 
comparable  to  traits  of  the  Bantu  Negro  rites  can  be  demonstrated. 

In  the  Bari  tribe,  who  are  Nilotic  Negroes,  girls  pass  through  five 
principal  stages  of  initiation,  each  of  which  includes  a  physical 
operation.  Girls  of  fifteen  years  of  age  are  cicatrized  on  both  sides 
of  the  lumbar  region,  and  two  years  later  tribal  cicatrices  are  cut  on 
the  abdomen.  A  year  is  then  allowed  to  elapse  before  cicatrices  are 
cut  on  the  back,  from  the  loins  to  the  shoulders.  At  nineteen  years 
of  age  the  lower  incisor  teeth  and  the  lower  canines  are  extracted; 
this  ceremony  gives  marriageable  status,  and  failure  to  submit  to 
the  rite  is  thought  to  prevent  fecundity.  Novices  have  to  observe 
taboos,  and  failure  to  do  so  is  said  to  retard  healing  of  the  gums. 
The  girls  must  not  shave  their  heads,  may  not  go  about  alone,  nor 
draw  water  from  the  river.  The  period  of  seclusion  is  spent  in  singing 
special  initiation  songs,  learning  dances,  bathing,  and  making 
charms  to  avert  the  evil  eye  or  other  calamity.  Complete  healing  of 
the  gums  is  celebrated  by  a  dance,  a  feast,  and  drinking  of  beer. 

One  or  two  years  after  extraction  of  the  teeth,  the  final  scarification 
is  given  in  the  form  of  a  triple  row  of  dots  on  each  side  of  the  breast 
bone.  Following  three  months  of  seclusion  the  girls  are  allowed  to 
go  to  the  homes  of  their  respective  husbands.  For  each  age-grade  a 
name  is  given,  but  the  same  name  is  never  found  twice  in  the  same 
village;  the  same  age-grade  names,  however,  are  used  in  different 
villages  (L.  M.  Spagnolo,  1932,  pp.  393-403). 

P.  Crazzolara  (1932a,  pp.  28-40)  reports  that  the  operation  of 
cicatrizing  the  foreheads  of  Nuer  boys  marks  entrance  to  manhood. 
The  rite,  which  may  last  from  three  months  to  a  year,  takes  place  at 
intervals  of  four  years.  The  decision  to  hold  such  a  ceremony  is 
made  by  a  village  headman,  who  also  inaugurates  the  rites.  A 
period  of  seclusion,  which  lasts  for  several  months  after  the  operation, 
is  closed  by  a  dancing  ceremony.  The  boys  become  men  and  members 
of  a  new  age-class,  with  certain  definite  obligations  and  privileges  in 
relation  to  their  tribe  and  age-group. 

The  data  adduced  up  to  the  present  give  a  general  background 
of  Negro  beliefs  and  rites  affecting  conception,  pregnancy,  delivery, 
twins,  and  other  phenomena  of  childbirth.  The  fundamentals  of 
education  have  been  considered  by  examining  the  nature  of  play, 
music,  dancing,  and  rites  of  formal  initiation.  The  procedure  of 
founding  a  family  has  been  observed,  the  children  have  taken  their 
place  in  the  tribe,  and  now  the  kinship  relations  of  family  members 
should  be  considered. 


468  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Supplementary  reading  on  the  subject  of  initiation  will  be  found 
in  the  following  books  and  articles:  R.  Andree  (1880-82),  S.  Bagge 
(1904;  Masai  circumcision),  H.  von  Baumann  (1932;  Vachokwe),  G. 
Beyer  (1926;  northwest  Transvaal),  J.  T.  Brown  (1921;  Bechuana), 
G.  St.  J.  0.  Browne  (1915;  northeast  Africa),  F.  Bugeau  (1911; 
Kikuyu),  G.  Charon  (1933;  Malinke  of  west  Africa),  P.  Crazzolara 
(1932a;  Nuer  of  Upper  Nile),  E.  D.  Earthy  (1933;  Valenge,  Portuguese 
East  Africa),  L.Frobenius  (1898;  masks),  L.H.Gray  (1913b;  general); 
W.  D.  Hambly  (1935b;  Angola),  C.  P.  Holdredge  and  K.  Young 
(1927;  Vachokwe),  A.  E.  Jensen  (1933;  a  comprehensive  general  work 
on  initiation),  N.  Jones  (1921,  No.  92;  Matabele),  H.  A.  Junod  (1929; 
northern  Transvaal),  C.  Le  Coeur  (1935;  Tibesti  region),  K.  G. 
Lindblom  (1927b;  ceremonial  use  of  stilts),  J.  Maes  (1924;  Congo 
masks  and  circumcision  ceremonies),  G.  Roheim  (1929;  a  psycholog- 
ical study),  M.  Schulien  (1923-24;  Portuguese  East  Africa),  P.  A. 
Schweiger  (1914;  Ama  Xosa  and  Ama  Fingo),  H.  S.  Stannus  (1913b; 
Yao  of  Nyasaland),  H.  Welcker  (1877-78;  circumcision  in  ancient 
Egypt),  C.  A.  Wheelright  (1905;  South  Africa),  W.  C.  Willoughby 
(1909;  Bechuana  tribe),  M.  Zaborowski  (1894;  general,  circumcision 
of  boys  and  girls). 


III.  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 
Kinship  Terms 

{Tables  10,  11) 

A  study  of  social  organization  is  intended  to  show  the  relationship 
of  an  individual  to  his  family,  village,  clan,  and  tribe.  To  each  of 
these  structural  units  members  owe  an  allegiance  which  involves 
both  privileges  and  obligations.  These  reciprocal  duties  form  the 
subject  of  the  present  chapter. 

A.  I.  Richards  (1932)  has  supported  the  theory  that  human 
relationships  within  the  family,  village,  clan,  and  tribe  are  primarily 
determined  by  nutritional  needs.  Within  the  family  a  long  lactation 
results  in  a  growth  of  sentiments  around  the  mother.  But,  after 
weaning,  a  child  begins  to  build  up  new  attitudes  towards  brothers, 
sisters,  parents,  and  relatives  on  both  the  maternal  and  paternal 
sides  of  the  family.  Concurrently  there  is  the  establishment  of 
relationships  betv/een  an  individual  and  all  the  social  groups  which 
unitedly  form  a  system  of  government. 

Family  relationships  result  from  birth  and  marriage,  both  of 
which  factors  determine  the  nature  of  the  kinship  system.  Therefore, 
a  study  of  kinship  terms  and  family  relationships  provides  a  logical 
starting  point  for  investigating  the  mechanism  of  social  organization 
and  government. 

The  following  list  of  kinship  terms  used  by  Ngonga,  a  male  of  the 
Ovimbundu  tribe,  explains  the  nature  of  the  scheme  of  relationships 
commonly  used  among  Bantu  and  some  Sudanic  Negroes.  Elements 
of  a  similar  classificatory  system  of  relations  are  found  among  some 
Nilotic  Negroes  and  Half-Hamites. 

Kinship  Terms. — The  numbers  on  the  left  of  the  kinship  terms 
distinguish  those  terms  in  Tables  10  and  11.  Roman  numerals  on  the 
right  of  the  tables  denote  the  generation.  Numbers  on  the  left  of 
the  sign  (= )  refer  to  males,  those  on  the  right  to  females. 

(1)  Ukai  wange  is  my  wife;  the  reciprocal  is  veyange,  my  husband. 

(2)  Mume,  manja,  vianjange  means  younger  brother. 

(3)  Kota,  huva,  older  brother. 

(4)  Mbuale,  sister,  is  the  direct  form  of  address;  mukai  wange  is  used  if 

speaking  of  a  sister. 

(5)  Nawa  is  the  term  used  for  all  in-laws  of  the  speaker's  own  generation. 

(6)  Ndatembo  is  the  word  used  to  designate  all  in-laws  of  an  ascending  or 

descending  generation. 

(7)  Tate  is  the  word  used  for  my  father,  my  father's  brother,  and  my  mother's 

sister's  husband.    The  reciprocal  term  is  omolange,  my  child. 

469 


470  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

(8)  Mai  means  mother.    The  word  is  used  to  designate  my  uterine  mother, 

my  mother's  sister,  and  my  father's  brother's  wife. 

(9)  Aphai,  my  father's  sister. 

(10)  Omolange,  child. 

(11)  Ocimumba,  children  of  spouse's  family. 

(12)  Manu,  mother's  brother,  the  most  important  of  the  relatives. 

(13)  Kulu,   an   old   person   in   the  grandparents'   generation.     Sekulu  and 

kukululu  are  terms  used  to  designate  male  grandparents. 

(14)  Maikulu  is  the  term  for  female  grandparents. 

(15)  Onekulu  designates  a  grandchild  of  either  sex. 

(16)  Upalume  are  the  father's  sister's  children  and  the  mother's  brother's 

children.  Marriage  with  a  mother's  brother's  child  is  enjoined, 
marriage  with  a  father's  sister's  child  is  permitted  but  not  favored. 
Marriage  with  a  mother's  sister's  child  or  a  father's  brother's  child  is 
strictly  forbidden. 

(17)  Cikulume  is  the  term  applied  to  a  father's  sister's  husband. 

The  foregoing  list  of  kinship  terms  indicates  the  general  nature 
of  the  scheme  of  relationships  which  governs  family  life  among  the 
Ovimbundu.  The  attitudes  existing  among  certain  relatives  demand 
the  recognition  of  definite  obligations  and  privileges,  which  will  be 
more  fully  described  under  the  headings  of  "Family"  and  "Law." 

The  Ba-ila  of  Northern  Rhodesia  have  a  well-developed  and 
functioning  system  of  classificatory  relationships  agreeing  in  principle 
but  differing  in  some  respects  from  that  of  the  Ovimbundu.  The 
Umbundu  use  of  different  terms  for  direct  and  indirect  speech 
obtains  also  with  the  Ba-ila,  who,  in  common  with  the  Ovimbundu, 
have  terms  of  kinship  that  vary  with  the  relative  ages  of  the  speaker 
and  the  person  addressed.  A  Ba-ila  youth  when  speaking  to  his 
older  brother  calls  him  mukando  wangu,  "my  great  one,"  but  if 
addressing  a  younger  brother  he  says  mwanichangu,  "my  junior." 

Of  the  four  possible  cousin  marriages  the  Ba-ila  favor  only  one, 
namely,  marriage  with  a  father's  sister's  daughter.  Marriage  with  a 
mother's  brother's  daughter  is  not  permitted,  but  among  the  Ovim- 
bundu this  is  the  enjoined  form  of  union.  A  man  of  the  Ba-ila  calls 
his  father  and  his  father's  brothers  lata,  and  all  the  sisters  of  his 
father  and  of  his  mother  are  bama,  meaning  "mother."  As  among 
the  Ovimbundu,  the  mother's  brother  is  of  primary  importance  in 
family  life  because  of  the  reciprocal  obligations  that  exist  between 
him  and  his  sister's  children.  The  Ba-ila  use  the  word  achisha  for 
direct  address  of  a  mother's  brother,  and  when  speaking  of  him  they 
employ  the  term  uachisha  (E.  W.  Smith  and  A.  M.  Dale,  1920, 
chap.  12). 

After  giving  a  list  of  kinship  terms  used  by  the  Ashanti,  R.  S. 
Rattray  (1927a,  p.  317)  explains  the  terminology  by  showing  to  what 


Social  Organization  471 

individuals  a  name  is  applied,  why  it  is  so  used,  and  what  marriage 
laws  are  involved  in  this  classificatory  system  of  relationships.  He 
refers  to  a  law  of  cross-cousin  marriage  whereby  a  man  was  enjoined 
to  maiTy  his  father's  sister's  daughter  or  his  mother's  brother's 
daughter.  Breach  of  marriage  prohibitions  was  punished  with  a 
death  penalty  for  incest,  because  marriage  taboos  were  arranged  to 
prevent  a  person  from  marrying  his  or  her  own  ahusua  or  ntoro,  as  the 
matrilineal  and  patrilineal  divisions  were  respectively  called. 

There  is  evidence  to  show  that  a  maternal  uncle  is  powerful  in 
Ashanti  society,  which  is  matriarchal.  This  relative  orders  his 
children  to  marry  his  nieces  and  nephews  (sister's  children).  If  his 
sister's  daughter  marries  his  son,  then  their  offspring  will  possess  the 
maternal  uncle's  spirit  (ntoro),  and  this  fact  would  make  it  possible 
to  name  the  child  after  himself  or  an  ancestor.  The  maternal  uncle 
uses  his  authority  to  arrange  a  marriage  which  facilitates  reincarna- 
tion of  a  ntoro  who  had  been  waiting  to  be  born  in  its  own  ntoro 
lineage.  Ancestor  worship  and  social  organization  are  comple- 
mentary and  mutually  dependent  in  their  functioning. 

The  following  explanation  indicates  a  logical  connection  between 
Ashanti  ideas  of  conception,  reincarnation,  totemism,  and  cross- 
cousin  marriage.  Ntoro,  which  can  be  translated  by  the  word 
"spirit,"  is  transmitted  to  offspring  by  males  only,  though  ntoro  is 
present  in  every  male  and  female.  Ahusua,  the  "clan"  or  "blood," 
can  be  transmitted  by  females  only,  and  under  no  circumstances  can 
a  male  transmit  the  ahusua  which  he  derived  from  his  mother.  "No 
Ashanti  can  have  a  drop  of  the  male  parent's  blood  in  his  or  her 
veins." 

The  physiological  concept  postulates  that  each  man  and  woman 
has  two  distinct  elements,  ahusua  (blood  or  clan)  and  ntoro  (spirit). 
The  ahusua,  which  is  synonymous  with  mogya  (blood),  is  inherited 
from  the  mother  only,  and  clan  descent  is  therefore  traced  through 
females  only.  This  maternal  element,  which  is  transmitted  by  and 
to  females  only,  decides  succession  to  office,  the  tracing  of  descent, 
and  the  inheritance  of  property. 

At  death  an  ahusua  becomes  a  saman  or  ghost  which  lives  in  the 
world  of  spirits,  awaiting  reincarnation  through  some  woman  of  its 
own  blood  and  clan.  The  ntoro  does  not  accompany  the  saman  to 
the  spirit  world  but  becomes  a  spirit  called  obosom  and  is  rein- 
carnated through  any  male  of  the  ntoro  to  which  it  once  belonged 
(L.  H.  D.  Buxton  and  R.  S.  Rattray,  1924,  p.  83). 


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474  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

According  to  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman  (1932,  pp.  21-58)  present 
data  relating  to  kinship  systems  among  Nilotic  tribes  are  insufficient 
for  a  complete  survey,  but  two  types  of  organization  are  evident. 
One  system  of  kinship  terminology  is  distinctly  classificatory,  the 
dominant  feature  being  the  classification  of  many  relatives  under  one 
term.  This  is  best  seen  among  the  Nuba  and  the  Ingassana,  by  whom 
all  cousins,  both  parallel  and  cross-cousins,  are  classed  as  brothers 
and  sisters.  The  father's  brother  is  addressed  as  father,  and  the 
mother's  sister  as  mother.  The  system  of  the  Nilotes  presents  a 
marked  contrast,  since  a  prominent  feature  is  the  accurate  description 
of  all  relatives.  Such  a  system  may  conveniently  be  called  descrip- 
tive, and  the  result  of  such  a  scheme  is  to  distinguish  with  great 
precision  between  each  kind  of  cousin  and  nephew.  Certain  cus- 
toms among  the  Nilotic  Negroes — Nuer,  Shilluk,  and  Dinka — seem 
closely  correlated  with  the  descriptive  system. 

In  considering  kinship  systems  of  African  Negroes,  the  facts  which 
are  observed  today  require  explanation  along  historical,  psychologi- 
cal, and  sociological  lines.  A  comparison  of  the  kinship  systems  of 
the  Nandi,  Masai  (Half-Hamites),  and  Bathonga  (southeastern 
Bantu),  "shows  some  striking  points  of  resemblance  which  can  be 
explained  by  the  prevalence  among  all  three  peoples  of  a  particular 
type  of  marriage,  apparently  dependent  on  the  payment  of  bride 
price."  The  system  of  the  Nandi  has  certain  classificatory  features 
combined  with  traits  of  the  descriptive  system  (B.  Z.  Seligman,  1917, 
No.  46). 

The  Semites  had  a  classificatory  system  the  operation  of  which 
has  been  modified  by  Mohammedan  infiuence.  Islamic  law  encour- 
ages marriage  between  ortho-cousins  (children  of  two  brothers  or  two 
sisters),  an  enjoined  form  of  marriage  which  is  the  opposite  of  the 
cross-cousin  system  which  prevails  in  many  Negro  tribes  (B.  Z. 
Seligman,  vol.  3,  1924b,  pp.  51-68,  261-279). 

The  blending  of  elements  from  kinship  systems,  which  have  pre- 
sumably had  different  origins  and  histories,  is  demonstrated  in  F.  R. 
Rodd's  (1926,  p.  150)  report  of  social  organization  among  the  Tuareg 
(Northern  Hamites).  The  Tuareg  of  Air  reckon  succession  to  office 
in  the  male  line.  But  the  mother's  brother  is  important  in  family 
life,  and  descent  is  traced  through  females.  Some  aspects  of  the 
system  are  typical  of  Negroes  who  have  a  system  of  reckoning 
descent,  succession,  and  inheritance  through  females;  but  other  traits 
of  the  Tuareg  organization  are  of  the  patriarchal  type  (see  section 
II,  chap.  4). 


Social  Organization  475 

Like  other  cultural  phenomena,  types  of  social  organization  are 
subject  to  change,  old  traits  disappear,  and  new  ones  are  introduced. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  4)  points  out  that  among  some  tribes 
of  the  Northern  Territories  cross-cousin  marriages,  which,  with  rare 
exceptions,  are  no  longer  permitted  by  tribal  custom,  were  once  the 
common  form  of  union.  The  nature  of  cultural  processes  in  relation 
to  kinship  and  marriage  is  illustrated  by  B.  Z.  Seligman's  article 
"Marital  Gerontocracy  in  Africa"  (1924a,  pp.  231-250).  The  thesis 
states  that  a  system  of  marriage  (gerontocracy)  between  persons 
separated  by  two  generations  has  intimate  association  with  cross- 
cousin  marriage.  Both  types  of  marriage  are  the  result  of  conflict 
between  patrilineal  and  matrilineal  principles.  There  is  also  a  con- 
nection between  marital  gerontocracy  and  the  reincarnation  of 
spirits  in  the  second  generation. 

SUMMARY  AND  READING 

Despite  the  differences  in  kinship  systems  the  data  confirm  the 
presence  of  certain  fundamental  similarities,  especially  in  the  classi- 
ficatory  systems  of  Bantu  Negroes.  The  resemblances  are  true 
homologies  which  deeply  affect  both  the  structure  and  the  function 
of  social  life  in  all  its  aspects.  The  structure  of  the  classificatory 
system  has  been  considered  by  quoting  kinship  terms  and  explaining 
their  connotation.  The  functional  aspect  of  the  kinship  system  can 
now  be  shown  in  relation  to  the  family  and  the  clan. 

Valuable  data  relating  to  kinship  terms  have  been  contributed  by 
C.  Bullock  (1928,  p.  235),  C.  M.  Doke  (1931c,  pp.  199-202),  E.  D. 
Earthy  (1933,  pp.  11-18),  E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard  (1929,  No.  148; 
1932,  No.  7),  H.  A.  Junod  (1912,  vol.  1,  p.  221),  P.  Kirchoff  (1932, 
pp.  184-191),  A.  L.  Kroeber  (1909),  R.  H.  Lowie  (1916a),  J.  Roscoe 
(1911,  pp.  128-132),  M.  Sanderson  (1923),  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman, 
(numerous  papers  on  kinship  systems  of  Africa),  H.  A.  Stayt  (1931a, 
pp.  181-184),  N.  J.  van  Warmelo  (1932),  J.  H.  Weeks  (1909,  p.  439). 
Useful  studies  of  kinship  terms,  attitudes,  and  behavior,  and  their 
social  implications  have  been  made  by  B.  W.  Aginsky  (1935a  and  b), 
A.  M.  Hocart  (1937),  and  F.  Eggan  (1937,  pp.  41-58). 

The  Family 

When  studying  the  behavior  pattern  within  a  family,  and  the 
extension  of  this  pattern  to  larger  units  such  as  the  village  and  the 
clan,  the  following  considerations  are  of  primary  importance. 
Analysis  of  social  attitudes  implies  a  psychological  study  of  the 
reactions  of  individuals  toward  one  another,  and  toward  their  kindred. 


476  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard  defines  an  attitude  as  "an  enduring,  stereo- 
typed, and  socially-compelled  behavior  pattern,  together  with  its  con- 
comitant psychological  processes,  both  in  the  conscious  (sentiments) 
and  in  the  unconscious  (complexes)."  (Man,  1932,  No.  7.)  These 
attitudes  may  be  characterized  by  reciprocal  aid,  deference,  affection, 
fear,  or  avoidance.  In  addition  to  this  aspect  of  the  sociological  prob- 
lem, attention  should  be  paid  to  the  type  of  inheritance,  reckoning 
descent,  and  succession  to  office  which  prevail  in  a  given  locality. 
The  place  of  family  residence,  either  with  the  kindred  of  the  father 
or  of  the  mother,  is  likewise  important  as  a  controlling  factor  of  the 
social  pattern.  According  to  A.  R.  Radcliffe  Brown  (1924,  pp.  542- 
555),  a  society  may  be  called  patriarchal  when  descent  is  patrilineal, 
marriage  is  patrilocal,  and  the  authority  over  members  of  the  family 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  father  or  his  relatives.  When  descent  is 
matrilineal,  marriage  is  matrilocal,  and  the  authority  is  exercised  by 
the  mother  and  her  kindred,  the  society  is  matriarchal.  Usually 
elements  of  both  systems  are  present,  that  is  to  say,  the  system  is 
bilateral.  A  complete  and  practical  acquaintance  with  all  these  data 
would  furnish  an  explanation  of  social  phenomena  which  today  are 
not  thoroughly  understood. 

Before  describing  concrete  examples  of  family,  clan,  and  village 
organization,  consideration  should  be  given  to  certain  hypotheses, 
without  which  the  observed  facts  appear  as  unexplained  vagaries  of 
human  conduct. 

Historical  explanations  of  conduct  and  attitudes  have  been  based 
on  the  supposition  that  some  of  the  social  phenomena  observed  today 
are  merely  the  result  of  a  conflict  between  two  systems,  the  patri- 
archal and  the  matriarchal.  And,  in  accordance  with  historical 
hypotheses,  the  attitude  of  children  toward  their  mother's  brother, 
likewise  his  reciprocal  treatment,  involving  both  privileges  and 
obligations,  is  the  result  of  a  matriarchal  system  which  may  have 
been  to  some  extent  obscured  by  a  patriarchal  system. 

Modern  hypotheses  tend  toward  the  refutation  of  historical 
explanations  by  a  closer  study  of  behavior  and  an  endeavor  to 
analyze  the  motives  that  determine  conduct.  E.  E.  Evans-Pritchard 
(1929,  No.  148;  1932,  No.  7)  points  out  that  a  man's  patterns  of 
behavior  toward  his  kindred  are  built  up  in  the  family  organization 
into  which  he  is  born  and  in  which  he  grows  up.  During  early  years 
of  childhood,  sentiments  are  formed  in  relation  to  a  father,  mother, 
brothers,  and  sisters.  A  boy's  attitude  toward  his  mother  and  her 
kindred,  especially  her  brothers,  may  be  determined  by  the  attitude 


Social  Organization  477 

of  his  father  toward  his  mother.  The  patterns  of  behavior  which  a 
man  observes  toward  his  kindred,  toward  the  female  sex,  and  in 
relation  to  governing  bodies,  are  the  result  of  sentiments  and  atti- 
tudes that  originated  in  the  family,  Grebert  (1932,  1937). 

The  same  opinion  was  previously  expressed  by  A.  R.  Radcliffe 
Brown  (1924,  pp.  542-555),  when  he  noted  a  tendency  to  extend  to  all 
the  members  of  a  group  a  certain  type  of  behavior  which  had  its 
origin  in  a  relationship  to  one  particular  member  of  the  group.  A  boy 
who  receives  care  and  indulgence  from  his  mother  expects  similar 
treatment  from  the  people  of  his  mother's  group,  but  to  the  paternal 
kindred  a  boy  has  feelings  of  deference,  a  tendency  to  obedience,  and 
even  a  definite  fear,  if  these  traits  have  been  present  in  his  attitude 
toward  his  father.  Using  data  from  H.  A.  Junod's  "The  Life  of 
a  South  African  Tribe,"  A.  R.  Radcliffe  Brown  shows  that  these  atti- 
tudes extend  into  religion.  The  maternal  gods  and  the  maternal 
ancestors  are  more  tender  and  more  popular  than  those  on  the 
father's  side.  With  these  hypotheses  and  general  concepts  in  mind, 
a  more  concrete  study  of  family  life  is  desirable. 

A  restricted  family  of  the  Ovimbundu  consists  of  a  man,  his  wife 
(or  wives),  and  their  unmarried  children.  If  the  marriage  is  monoga- 
mous all  members  of  the  family  inhabit  one  hut,  but  if  the  family  is 
polygynous  each  wife  has  a  hut  where  she  lives  with  her  children,  does 
her  cooking,  and  receives  her  husband  on  his  periodical  visits.  Associ- 
ated with  this  family  there  may  be  pawns  who  are  in  temporary 
residence  to  work  off  a  debt,  either  for  themselves  or  for  a  maternal 
uncle.  In  former  days  the  family  might  include  slaves  who  had  been 
purchased  or  captured  in  warfare,  and  some  adopted  or  inherited 
children  may  be  present.  These  additions  to  a  restricted  family 
lead  to  the  formation  of  a  household. 

Like  many  Bantu  Negroes,  the  Ovimbundu  are  a  patrilocal 
people;  therefore,  a  male  brings  his  bride  to  the  village  where  his 
father  lives,  and  usually  close  to  the  paternal  home.  Among  the 
Ovimbundu  an  extended  family,  having  patrilocal  residence,  includes 
married  sons  with  their  wives  and  dependent  children,  and  also  sup- 
plementary individuals  such  as  those  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
paragraph.  These  persons  who  constitute  the  extended  family 
occupy  land  which  was  allotted  by  the  sekulu  (village  chief  or  head- 
man) when  the  village  was  founded.  When  an  Ocimbundu  uses  the 
words  epata  lia  tate  (or  aluse),  he  means  "family  of  my  father,"  that  is, 
the  group  of  persons  with  whom  he  has  blood  relationship  on  his 
father's  side.     The  words  epata  lia  mai  (or  oroluina)  indicate  the 


478  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

mother's  blood  relatives,  and  the  interpretation  is  "family  of  my 
mother." 

But,  despite  this  clear  recognition  of  the  two  families,  commoners 
of  the  Ovimbundu  remember  little  of  their  genealogy,  perhaps  no 
more  than  the  grandparent  class  of  relatives.  Yet  they  remember 
names  on  both  the  father's  and  the  mother's  side;  that  is,  they  trace 
their  descent  bilaterally.  In  the  families  of  chiefs  and  kings,  descent 
is  traced  through  both  male  and  female  ancestors,  provided  the 
father  married  a  woman  of  the  ruling  house.  This  he  is  supposed  to 
do  when  taking  a  first  wife,  but  later  he  may  marry  commoners,  and 
the  offspring  of  these  will  trace  descent  through  their  father  only, 
since  their  mother,  who  is  a  commoner,  will  know  little  of  her 
genealogy. 

Sentiments  and  attitudes  within  a  polygynous  family  were 
indicated  by  the  terms  which  Ngonga,  my  informant,  used.  A  wife 
of  Ngonga's  father,  other  than  his  uterine  mother,  is  called  mai 
yesepakai;  that  is,  "the  mother  who  is  jealous  of  my  mother."  Mai 
means  "mother,"  and  the  remainder  of  the  term  is  a  derivative  from 
the  word  esepa,  meaning  "woman's  jealousy."  There  is  a  distinct 
word  for  man's  jealousy,  and  in  explaining  this,  Ngonga  said,  "When 
I  see  my  wife  look  at  another  man,  I  have  ukuelume  (man's  jealousy) 
in  my  heart."  If  on  the  death  of  Ngonga's  father  his  mother  married 
again,  this  male  would  be  called  by  Ngonga  "tate  yesepakai"  (the 
father  who  is  jealous).  A  wife  calls  the  children  of  her  husband, 
who  are  not  her  own,  omala  vesepakai;  that  is,  "the  children  who 
are  jealous  of  the  other  children." 

The  most  important  of  the  attitudes  relating  to  marriageability 
is  revealed  by  consideration  of  the  kinship  terms  for  father  and 
mother,  and  the  words  which  are  used  to  designate  their  children. 
Ngonga  uses  the  term  mai,  mother,  for  his  mother's  sisters,  and  thinks 
of  them  as  his  mothers,  while  the  word  tate  is  used,  not  only  for  the 
father,  but  also  for  the  father's  brothers.  Ngonga  said,  "My  mother's 
sister's  children,  and  my  father's  brother's  children  are  my  brothers 
and  sisters.  To  marry  one  of  them  would  make  me  ocinyama,  that 
is,  like  an  animal.  People  would  say  'you  have  shamed  the  family.'  " 
The  terms  for  ortho-cousins  are  the  same  as  for  uterine  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  possibly  the  attitude  toward  these  relatives  has  developed 
to  prevent  a  brother-sister  type  of  incest. 

In  common  with  most  Negro  tribes,  the  Ovimbundu  have  definite 
rules  of  avoidance  which  determine  the  attitudes  of  children  toward 
their  parents-in-law.    If  a  son-in-law  meets  his  mother-in-law  on  the 


Social  Organization  479 

path,  they  must  pretend  not  to  see  each  other.  Therefore,  one  steps 
aside  and  turns  away  while  the  other  passes  on.  If  necessity  for  con- 
versation arises,  the  two  sit  facing  in  opposite  directions,  or  one  sits 
in  the  hut  and  the  other  outside,  with  the  wall  between  them.  These 
rules  apply  to  a  man  and  his  mother-in-law,  also  to  a  woman  and  her 
father-in-law.  A  taboo  against  eating  together  applies  to  these 
relatives.  The  object  of  the  parent-in-law  taboos  may  be  to  prevent 
incest  of  the  parent-child  type;  various  theories  have  been  advanced 
and  these  are  discussed  by  Professor  R.  H.  Lowie  in  "Primitive 
Society." 

The  importance  of  the  mother's  oldest  brother  is  evident  in  the 
family  life  of  the  Ovimbundu.  Ngonga  said  that  manu,  which  is  the 
name  applied  to  this  relative,  could  pawn  his  sister's  children,  so 
sending  them  out  to  work  in  order  to  pay  his  own  debts.  "But," 
continued  Ngonga,  "if  I  am  a  thief  and  escape,  it  is  right  that  my 
mother's  brother  should  pay  the  fine  for  me."  A  normal  marriage, 
and  one  that  is  enjoined,  is  that  between  a  man  and  the  daughter  of  his 
mother's  oldest  brother.  A  father's  oldest  sister,  whom  the  Ovim- 
bundu call  aphai  (female  father),  is  regarded  with  the  kind  of  respect 
which  is  shown  to  manu,  but  I  was  unable  to  find  any  specific  recipro- 
cal functions  between  aphai  and  her  brother's  children. 

A  family  of  the  Ba-ila  (Smith  and  Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  p.  283)  is 
constituted  in  the  way  described  for  the  Ovimbundu,  and  of  family 
life  as  a  social  control  one  may  say  that  parental  duties  and  privileges 
differ  scarcely  at  all  from  those  prevailing  in  European  families.  A 
strong  family  affection  expresses  itself  in  parental  care  of  children, 
but  the  power  of  the  father  is  limited  by  clan  rules  which  give  to  the 
mother's  oldest  brother  an  influence  and  prerogative  greater  than  that 
which  is  exercised  by  the  father  himself.  Descent  is  reckoned  pri- 
marily through  the  father,  so  giving  a  genealogy  known  as  mukwashi, 
while  descent  through  the  mother's  line  is  called  mukoa. 

Among  the  Bakongo  the  word  for  family  is  vumu,  which  literally 
means  "stomach"  or  "womb."  Families  are  grouped  into  clans 
called  ekanda,  each  of  which  has  its  origin  in  a  woman.  "It  must  be 
remembered  that  all  relationship  is  on  the  mother's  side,  and  with 
the  exception  of  the  father,  no  paternal  relationship  has  any  force." 
The  importance  of  a  maternal  uncle  is  seen  by  the  fact  that  a  suitor 
does  not  ask  permission  from  the  father  of  the  girl  whom  he  wishes 
to  marry,  but  he  interviews  her  mother's  brother.  Since  Bakongo 
descent  is  reckoned  unilaterally,  and  through  the  female  line,  pro- 
hibitions of  marriage  are  strict  on  the  m^other's  side.    For  example, 


480  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

marriage  is  forbidden  with  maternal  cousins,  no  matter  whether  they 
are  children  of  the  mother's  brothers  or  of  the  mother's  sisters  (J.  H. 
Weeks,  1914,  p.  96).  The  method  of  reckoning  descent  and  the 
marriage  taboos  are  linked  factors  showing  a  difference  between 
the  family  organization  of  the  strictly  matrilineal  Bakongo  and  the 
bilateral  Ovimbundu. 

Examples  of  family  life  among  Negroes  have  so  far  been  chosen 
from  Bantu  tribes,  but  to  broaden  the  comparative  study  instances 
should  be  selected  from  Sudanic  Negro  tribes  of  west  Africa.  Maurice 
Delafosse  (1931,  pp.  173-192)  makes  the  general  statement  that  in 
Negro  society  of  west  Africa  the  rights  of  a  father  are  inferior  to 
those  of  a  mother's  brother.  The  reckoning  of  relationship  only  on 
the  mother's  side  is  widespread  and  ancient;  in  fact,  this  method  was 
at  one  time  the  only  system  of  reckoning  descent,  and  the  founders 
of  the  most  illustrious  families  were  women. 

But  the  Wolofs  of  Senegal  have  now  a  system  of  reckoning  descent 
through  males  when  tracing  the  genealogies  of  commoners,  yet  for 
the  nobility  descent  is  still  traced  only  on  the  female  side.  The 
Walata  are  Mohammedans,  and  as  such  would  be  likely  to  favor  a 
method  of  tracing  their  lineage  through  the  paternal  kindred,  yet 
sons  are  named  after  their  maternal  uncles,  from  whom  they  inherit. 
Moreover,  Arab  writers  of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  speaking  of  the 
important  states  of  Ghana  and  Manding,  record  that  inheritance  was 
from  brother  to  brother  on  the  mother's  side,  or  from  a  mother's 
brother  to  his  sister's  son.  In  addition,  Delafosse  points  out  that  the 
Bambara,  some  of  the  Mandingo,  also  the  Fulani  and  the  Serer 
decide  rights  of  inheritance  by  tracing  out  relationships  through 
females. 

The  effect  of  this  matrilineal  system  on  family  life  is  important, 
for  although  a  family  group,  consisting  of  father,  mother  (or  mothers), 
and  their  dependent  children,  exists,  the  offspring  belong  to  their 
mother's  kindred,  and  the  mother's  oldest  brother  exercises  paternal 
rights  over  them.  Delafosse  concludes  that  "the  custom  of  admitting 
relationship  only  on  the  mother's  side  must  formerly  have  been 
universally  observed  among  west  African  Negroes,  and  there  still 
exist,  at  various  stages,  multiple  and  undeniable  traces  of  it." 

The  research  of  C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  pp.  79-110)  among  the 
Jukun-speaking  tribes  of  Nigeria  supports  the  evidence  of  Delafosse 
by  showing  the  operation  of  two  systems  of  family  organization, 
and  the  transitions  that  are  taking  place.  The  Jibu  reckon  descent 
in  the  female  line  and  practice  matrilocal  marriage;  they  also  have 


Social  Organization  481 

a  matrilineal  system  of  inheritance.  On  the  contrary,  another 
section  of  the  Jukun  is  wholly  patriarchal,  and  Meek  believes  that 
the  later  patriarchal  system  was  imposed  by  the  Fulani,  who  sub- 
jugated the  Jukun  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Succession  to  chief- 
tainship is  almost  without  exception  in  the  male  line,  yet  the  Jukun 
generally  reckon  rights  of  inheritance  to  property  through  female 
kindred.  The  position  of  the  mother's  brother  is  important,  and  a 
Jukun  says  of  this  relative,  "Was  it  not  he  who  bore  me,  and  am  I 
not  his  umbilical  cord?"  In  former  times,  when  blood-feuds  v/ere 
rife,  a  maternal  uncle  was  under  obligation  to  secure  revenge  for 
one  of  the  murdered  kin. 

The  functional  aspect  of  kinship  terms,  and  the  psychology  of 
family  relationships  is  illustrated  by  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  pp.  273- 
277).  The  most  instructive  facts  are  those  relating  to  the  attitudes 
toward  a  mother's  brother,  a  father's  sister,  and  a  mother-in-law. 
The  way  in  which  sentiments  that  are  primarily  directed  toward  a 
uterine  mother  are  extended  to  her  kindred  is  also  clearly 
demonstrated. 

It  is  not  unusual  for  Nankanse  children  to  be  brought  up  in  the 
compound  of  a  maternal  uncle  (aseba),  and  this  is  done  with  the 
full  consent  of  their  natural  parents.  The  attitude  toward  aseba  is 
one  which  recognizes  privileges  and  obligations;  his  sister's  children 
help  themselves  to  his  possessions,  and  familiarly  call  his  mother 
"old  grey  hairs."  The  mother's  brother  is  expected  to  provide  a 
dowry  when  his  sister's  son  wishes  to  marry,  and,  if  the  dowry  is 
not  provided,  this  youth  is  entitled  to  take  his  mother's  brother's 
cows  for  the  purpose.  Nephews  and  nieces  have  to  assist  a  maternal 
uncle  with  work  on  his  farm,  and  when  the  mother's  brother  dies, 
his  nephew  offers  sacrifice  to  the  ancestors,  asking  for  material 
possessions  and  children.  A  youth  sometimes  marries  the  widow 
of  his  mother's  brother. 

The  reciprocal  relationship  has  its  counterpart  on  the  father's 
side  of  the  family.  Of  the  father's  sister,  the  Nankanse  say,  "She 
is  your  father,  and  came  from  the  same  navel  string  as  your  father." 
The  name  given  to  a  father's  sister  is  pugera,  and  the  kind  of  respect 
accorded  to  her  is  extended  to  her  husband,  "who  is  not  to  be  treated 
lightly."  Marriage  with  a  father's  sister's  child  is  prohibited,  and 
for  such  children  the  terms  for  brothers  and  sisters  are  used.  Pugera 
may  become  the  head  of  a  compound,  and  as  the  head  of  a  house 
she  may  have  the  duty  of  handing  property  of  her  dead  brother 
to  her  brother's  son.    When  a  man  dies,  his  pugera  takes  charge  of 


482  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  funeral  customs  even  if  her  brothers  are  alive.  Pugera  may 
revoke  a  curse  spoken  by  her  brother  and  not  revoked  before  his 
death. 

Extension  of  sentiments  associated  with  the  term  "mother"  to 
the  mother's  sisters  has  been  mentioned  with  the  data  for  Bantu 
Negroes,  but  a  far  wider  concept  of  the  term  is  possible.  The 
Nankanse  say  that  "all  the  women  in  my  mother's  town,  who  are 
of  my  mother's  age,  are  my  mothers.  All  the  males  of  my  mother's 
generation  are  my  brothers.  The  children  of  these  people  are  my 
brothers  and  sisters.  All  persons  who,  because  of  their  age  and 
locality,  come  within  the  concept  of  mother  and  mother's  brother 
are  entitled  to  great  respect." 

Among  western  Negroes  the  mother-in-law  taboo  is  as  frequent 
as  with  Bantu  Negroes.  The  attitude  of  the  Ashanti  toward  a 
mother-in-law  is  typical  of  the  in-law  relationship  of  parents  and 
children  in  many  tribes.  A  man  may  not  eat  with  his  mother-in-law 
or  sit  on  the  same  mat  with  her.  He  may  not  abuse  anyone  in  her 
presence,  for  this  would  be  an  attack  on  the  relative  herself.  A 
mother-in-law  receives  presents  from  her  son-in-law  at  the  birth  of 
his  first  child,  and  whenever  he  reaps  a  crop.  A  son-in-law  may 
not  have  sexual  relations  with  his  wife,  or  with  any  other  woman,  in 
the  home  of  his  mother-in-law.  The  fear  and  respect  toward  parents- 
in-law  is  due  to  the  power  they  have  to  take  away  their  daughters 
if  the  dowry  is  not  paid.  Moreover,  parents-in-law,  if  treated 
lightly,  may  influence  their  daughters  to  leave  the  men  whom  they 
have  married  (Rattray,  1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  274). 

The  association  of  attitude  and  relationship,  and  the  change  of 
sentiments  that  may  occur  with  altered  circumstances,  is  indicated 
by  the  following  instance.  A  male.  A,  did  not  follow  a  common 
custom  of  marrying  his  mother's  brother's  daughter,  B,  but  he 
married  his  mother's  brother's  daughter's  daughter.  The  husband 
of  B  died ;  then  A  married  B,  who  became  his  wife  while  at  the  same 
time  she  was  his  mother-in-law  (Rattray,  1927a,  p.  99). 

The  actual  functioning  of  schemes  of  relationship  is  not  difficult 
to  understand,  but  the  reasons  for  changes  in  attitudes  and  senti- 
ments are  not  so  easy  to  follow.  R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  273) 
points  out  that  among  the  Nankanse  inheritance  is  in  the  male  line, 
first  to  brothers,  then  to  sons,  while  inheritance  by  a  sister's  son  is 
exceptional.  This  seems  to  be  the  opposite  of  the  Ashanti  system 
which  prevails  only  a  few  hundred  miles  away,  for  the  Ashanti  trace 
inheritance  and  descent  through  a  sister's  son  to  the  exclusion  of  a 


Social  Organization  483 

man's  own  son.  "The  change  over  from  the  so-called  'matrilineal' 
to  a  'patrilineal'  way  of  reckoning  has  been  so  comparatively  recent, 
however,  as  to  leave  extraordinary  survivals  of  the  older  institution." 

Maurice  Delafosse  (1931,  p.  173)  does  not  favor  an  explanation 
of  these  changes  on  historical  grounds.  He  says  that  one  might  be 
tempted  to  believe  that  the  substitution  of  a  paternal  for  a  maternal 
kinship  system  is  primarily  due  to  the  influence  of  Islam,  but 
the  facts  contradict  this  hypothesis.  He  then  gives  instances  of 
partially  Mohammedanized  tribes  who  retain  the  chief  factors  of 
a  matriarchal  system.  These  instances,  quoted  by  Delafosse,  do 
not,  in  my  opinion,  refute  the  historical  hypothesis  as  an  explanation 
of  the  blendings  and  substitutions  of  social  organization  as  seen  at 
present.  Mixtures  and  changes  are  the  logical  outcome  of  a  contact 
of  two  different  types  of  organization,  and  one  would  hardly  expect 
to  witness  the  complete  overthrow  of  an  old  and  well-entrenched 
matriarchal  system,  even  under  a  patriarchal  Mohammedan  conquest. 

If  historical  hypothesis  does  not  account  for  changes  in  the 
system  of  reckoning  descent,  inheritance,  and  succession,  together 
with  new  attitudes  toward  certain  types  of  cousin  marriage,  then 
the  changes  are  due  to  some  unexplained  psychological  processes 
that  are  taking  place  within  the  family  itself.  When  the  attitudes 
and  sentiments  that  characterize  a  kinship  system  are  actually 
established,  their  functioning  is  understandable,  but  ethnologists  do 
not  know  the  primary  reasons  for  the  establishment  of  entirely  new 
attitudes.  What  is  there  within  the  family  itself,  and  apart  from 
extraneous  contacts,  that  can  bring  about  a  revulsion  of  feeling 
toward  the  former  type  of  cousin  marriage,  or  the  operation  of  a 
system  of  descent,  inheritance,  succession,  or  matrilocal  residence? 

Changes  in  the  economic  life,  or  in  sex  ratios,  might  possibly 
influence  a  social  system,  but  so  far  the  changing  conditions  remain 
unexplained,  unless  one  accepts  the  hypothesis  of  a  clash  of  two 
different  systems  which  originated  in  different  places,  at  different 
times,  and  under  different  circumstances. 

To  the  subject  of  social  organization  and  kinship,  H.  von  Baumann 
(1926)  has  contributed  a  long  and  detailed  study  of  father-right  and 
mother-right  in  Africa.  E.  Burton  has  written  on  the  social  organiza- 
tion of  the  Baluba,  and  P.  A.  W.  Cook  on  that  of  the  Bomvana.  E.  J. 
Krige's  (1936b)  social  study  of  the  Zulus  is  a  comprehensive  work. 
H.  S.  Mekeel  (1937)  has  written  on  the  social  administration  of  the 
Kru  of  Liberia.  A.  I.  Richards  (1934)  has  an  essay  on  "Mother 
Right  among  the  Central  Bantu."    Rivers'  (1924)  work  on  "Social 


484  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Organization"  is  a  useful  background  for  African  and  other  regional 
studies  of  this  subject.  F.  de  Zeltner  (1908)  has  reported  on  the 
sociology  of  the  western  Sudan. 

Clans  and  Totems 

These  units  of  social  organization  are  based  on  family  systems 
of  inheritance  and  succession,  whereby  children  take  the  clan  and 
totem  of  their  father  or  mother.  Consequently  we  have  to  consider 
the  extension  of  family  attitudes  to  wider  groups.  The  structure  of 
clans,  which  in  some  Negro  tribes  are  totemic,  together  with  the  social 
and  religious  functions  of  these  units,  will  now  be  considered  in  rela- 
tion to  Bantu,  Sudanic,  and  Nilotic  Negroes. 

A  word  of  warning  to  students  of  totemism  is  necessary.  Rattray 
(1936,  p.  19)  states: 

"Anthropologists  have  been  over-ready,  I  believe,  to  range  all 
over  the  uncivilized  world,  and  seek  for,  or  imagine  that  they  ought 
to  find  a  kind  of  genus  Americanus  Totemi.  I  doubt  if  we  should 
even  always  be  justified  in  labelling  as  a  species  or  sub-species  of 
our  orthodox  totemic  conception  many  institutions  which  at  first 
sight  seem  to  bear  some  resemblance  to  it. 

"I  should,  therefore,  make  it  a  first  principle  to  treat  every 
manifestation  of  totemic  symptoms  in  Africa  on  its  own  merits. 
I  should  advise  an  approach  to  all  such  phenomena  with  a  very  open 
mind.  I  should  carry  this  good  resolution  to  the  point  of  being 
prepared  to  discard  the  term  "totemism"  altogether,  where  what 
is  found  bears  only  a  superficial  resemblance  to  what  the  word 
implies  in  its  original  home." 

For  a  discussion  of  the  meaning  of  totemism  and  the  tendency  to 
confuse  animal  cults,  and  reverence  for  certain  animals  with  totem- 
ism, A.  A.  Goldenweiser  (1910,  pp.  179-293),  R.  H.  Lowie  (1911, 
pp.  189-207),  and  Boas  (1916)  on  the  "Origin  of  Totemism"  should 
be  consulted.  J.  G.  Frazer's  (1910)  studies  range  over  the  world 
for  comparative  data,  a  method  criticised  by  Goldenweiser  (1910). 
One  of  the  main  objections  to  Frazer's  method  is  the  use  of  an  unde- 
fined and  too  comprehensive  term  for  the  classification  of  many 
beliefs  and  customs  that  are  radically  different, 

BANTU  TOTEMS  AND  CLANS 

I  was  unable  to  find  among  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  any  func- 
tioning of  a  clan  or  totemic  system,  but  by  inference  from  the  nature 
of  their  family  organization  and  the  frequency  of  clans  and  totems 
among  the  Bantu,  the  Ovimbundu  probably  had  a  clan  organization 


Social  Organization  485 

which  has  fallen  into  desuetude  as  a  result  of  four  centuries  of  Euro- 
pean contacts.  But  a  few  hundred  miles  to  the  east  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  the  Ba-ila  have  totemic  clans  that  are  named  after  animals 
and  plants,  including  the  duiker  antelope,  lions,  pigeons,  and  the 
baobab  tree  (Smith  and  Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  p.  289). 

Totemic  clans  of  the  Ba-ila  have  a  social  function  as  exogamic 
units.  Members  of  different  clans,  though  living  in  the  same  village, 
may  marry,  but  members  of  the  same  totemic  clans  are  not  allowed 
to  marry  even  though  they  live  great  distances  apart.  The  totem 
animal  is  not  to  be  eaten  by  members  of  the  clan  because  the  animal 
is  a  kinsman.  This  prohibition  is  still  observed  by  old  men,  but  the 
young  men  are  disregarding  the  taboo,  so  providing  an  instance  of 
the  decline  of  totemism  as  a  social  control.  A  child,  whether  male  or 
female,  takes  the  mother's  clan  and  totem,  and,  as  previously  noted, 
descent  is  reckoned  in  both  the  male  and  female  lines.  Mutual  aid 
between  clan  members  and  also  a  sense  of  communal  responsibility 
within  the  clan  are  strongly  developed.  The  clans  of  the  Ba-ila 
are  mutual-aid  societies  whose  members  are  pledged  to  give  reciprocal 
assistance  in  redeeming  debts,  avenging  murder,  and  extending 
hospitality  to  all  members  of  the  clan. 

Of  the  Bakongo  tribe,  J.  H.  Weeks  (1914,  pp.  96,  307)  states  that 
clans  are  not  localized,  each  in  its  own  area,  but  that  any  village  is 
likely  to  contain  members  of  several  clans.  The  existence  of  totemism 
is  uncertain,  yet  the  Bakongo  speak  of  the  "cowrie  people,"  the  mole- 
cricket  people,"  and  the  "tortoise  people."  At  the  present  time,  no 
inflexible  rule  exists  with  regard  to  the  marital  relationships  of  two 
clans,  but  there  prevails  a  general  understanding  respecting  the 
inter-clan  marriages  which  are  permissible  or  disapproved. 

The  social  organization  of  the  Baganda  (northeastern  Bantu) 
includes  broad  kinship  divisions,  each  of  which  receives  the  name 
kika  (clan).  The  origin  of  this  unit  is  traced  to  one  ancestor,  and  all 
members  of  a  kika  have  two  common  totems,  of  which  one  is  the 
principal  and  the  other  subsidiary.  Both  the  totems  are  sacred, 
and  for  this  reason  members  are  forbidden  to  kill  or  eat  their  totemic 
animals.  All  men  of  the  same  generation  and  of  the  same  kika  are 
called  brothers,  and  all  women  of  the  same  generation  and  the  same 
clan  are  sisters.  Children  apply  the  name  of  father  to  all  their  clans- 
men of  a  generation  older  than  themselves,  and  all  women  of  that 
generation  are  called  mother.  One  of  the  names  given  to  a  child 
indicates  the  clan  to  which  it  belongs.  In  former  times,  all  the  clans, 
with  one  exception,  were  exogamous,  yet  there  was  a  practice  of 


486  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

taking  a  second  wife  from  the  paternal  grandmother's  clan,  and  this 
spouse  had  special  family  functions  in  relation  to  her  husband;  for 
example,  she  was  responsible  for  the  custody  of  clippings  from  his 
hair  and  nails.  A  wife  adopts  her  husband's  totems  but  does  not 
discard  her  own,  and  children  are  taught  to  respect  the  totems  of 
both  their  father  and  their  mother.  Yet  children  are  allowed  to  dis- 
regard their  father's  totem  when  they  have  reached  adult  age. 
Descent  is  reckoned  on  the  father's  side  of  the  family,  and  every 
child  takes  his  or  her  father's  clan  and  totem.  But  an  exception  is 
made  in  the  royal  family,  in  which  each  prince  belongs  to  the  clan 
of  his  mother  and  takes  his  mother's  totem.  (J.  Roscoe,  1911, 
pp.  133-185). 

Clan  organization  among  the  Baganda  has  effects  other  than 
those  affecting  marriage  and  family  organization.  Civil  administra- 
tion is  based  on  the  kika  and  its  subdivisions.  The  first  of  these  is  a 
siga,  ruled  over  by  a  chief  who  is  regarded  as  a  clan  father,  since  he 
hears  complaints  and  tries  delinquents.  An  enda  is  a  subdivision  of 
a  siga.  The  chief  of  an  enda  has  judicial  power,  though  members 
tried  by  him  have  rights  of  appeal  to  the  chief  of  a  siga,  and  from 
that  person  appeal  can  be  made  to  the  head  of  a  kika.  The  religious 
aspect  of  clan  organization  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  chief  of  each 
kika  has  a  priestly  office  by  virtue  of  his  custody  of  the  clan  god  and 
the  temple  used  for  worship. 

In  addition  to  affecting  legal  procedure,  religious  observances, 
and  family  life,  the  clans  had  at  one  time  specific  functions  in  relation 
to  the  king,  who  was  supreme  ruler.  Members  of  the  Lion  clan  had 
charge  of  certain  small,  sacred  drums;  these  clansmen  did  no  work 
for  the  king  in  his  royal  enclosure  because  they  were  related  to  him. 
The  Colobus  Monkey  clan  gave  the  king  his  chief  butler  and  provided 
also  a  man  who  had  charge  of  the  king's  drinking  water.  From  this 
clan  was  chosen  a  potter  who  made  the  royal  cooking  vessels.  The 
chief  duty  of  the  Otter  clan  was  to  make  barkcloths  and  to  supply 
the  king  with  one  of  his  wives,  whose  duty  it  was  to  make  the  royal 
bed ;  this  was  a  hereditary  office. 

SUDANIC  TOTEMS  AND  CLANS 

The  nature  and  meaning  of  clan  organization  in  west  Africa  has 
been  examined  by  M.  Delafosse  (1931,  pp.  192-200),  who  states 
that  a  clan  is  an  ensemble  of  the  families  of  a  distant  ancestor,  but 
a  clan  division  may  or  may  not  be  totemic.  If  the  members  of  a 
clan  are  not  too  widely  scattered,  they  may  retain  some  cohesion  by 


Social  Organization  487 

acknowledgment  of  one  headman,  but  traditions  have  become 
obscured,  until  at  last  the  dispersed  members  of  a  clan  cease  to  know 
each  other.  In  some  instances,  the  name  of  a  man  recalls  his  former 
clan  membership;  thus,  among  the  Mandingo  the  personal  name 
San  Bamba  means  San  of  the  Bamba  clan.  A  legend  or  a  surviving 
prohibition  sometimes  points  to  the  former  existence  of  a  clan;  for 
example,  the  Diara  men  of  the  Mandingo  have  respect  for  a  lion 
ancestor,  who  was  suckled  by  a  lioness  because  his  mother  had  no 
milk.  A  clan  taboo  generally  means  that  members  of  the  clan  have 
to  refrain  from  killing  or  eating  the  emblem  animal  of  their  clan, 
and  usually  clan  exogamy  is  practiced  when  clans  are  functioning. 
Professor  D.  Westermann  (1921,  pp.  54-57;  87;  216-219)  has 
reported  several  important  aspects  of  totemism  and  clan  organization 
in  Liberia.  Among  the  Kpelle,  totemism  is  of  two  kinds,  individual 
and  collective,  so  that  in  addition  to  having  a  clan  totem  a  man  has 
his  personal  emblem,  which  may  be  either  a  plant  or  an  animal.  If 
a  man  regards  the  leopard  as  his  personal  totem,  he  reverences  all 
leopards  and  regards  them  as  friends  and  helpers.  He  must  not 
injure  a  leopard  and  may  not  eat  its  flesh.  If  he  finds  a  dead  leopard, 
he  is  under  obligation  to  bury  it.  Other  personal  totems  are  the 
elephant,  several  kinds  of  antelope,  the  banana  tree,  the  kola-nut 
tree,  and  the  oil  palm.  Both  personal  and  clan  totems  are  trans- 
mitted from  father  to  son  and  from  mother  to  daughter,  and  each 
totem  has  a  mythology  to  explain  its  origin  and  history.  Westermann 
regards  totemism  as  part  of  a  complex  religious  belief,  and  the  social 
importance  of  totemism  is  shown  by  prohibition  of  marriage  between 
clan  members  of  the  same  totem. 

The  data  so  far  considered  have  usually  shown  that  clan  mem- 
bership does  not  imply  a  particular  local  residence;  on  the  contrary, 
clan  members  are  scattered  throughout  many  villages.  But  among 
the  Kpelle  there  are  instances  of  one  totemic  clan  occupying  a  village 
to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  totems,  and  under  such  organization  the 
head  of  the  totemic  clan  is  the  village  headman.  All  children  belong 
to  their  mother's  clan.  Westermann  has  called  attention  to  the 
need  for  greater  precision  in  the  use  of  the  word  totemism.  He  notes 
that  some  creatures  whose  flesh  is  forbidden  are  not  totemic.  In  his 
discussion  of  totemism  among  tribes  of  the  western  Sudan,  J.  Brun 
(1910,  pp.  844-870)  has  pointed  out  the  need  for  careful  discrimina- 
tion between  the  several  types  of  belief  and  ritual  associated  with 
animals. 


488  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  Ashanti  a  type  of  clan  organization  in  which  descent,  inheri- 
tance, and  succession  are  traced  through  females  is  fundamental  to 
all  laws  regulating  the  succession  of  kings,  disposal  of  property, 
marriage,  and  the  functioning  of  a  classificatory  kinship  system. 
R.  S.  Rattray  says,  "If  a  woman  married  twenty  husbands  in  succes- 
sion, and  these  were  of  every  possible  clan,  all  the  children  would  be 
of  her  own  blood  and  her  own  clan." 

Totemism  is  one  aspect  of  the  ntoro  divisions,  of  which  Rattray 
notes  nine.  Each  of  these  nine  divisions  has  a  principal  totem  and 
several  subsidiary  totems.  The  Bosommuru  is  one  of  the  most 
important  divisions  of  ntoro,  which  is  a  word  describing  the  exogamic 
divisions  to  one  of  which  each  Ashanti  belongs.  Connected  with 
the  Bosommuru  ntoro  division  is  the  following  legend  of  origin  in  a 
mythical  ancestor,  the  python,  which  was  the  founder  of  the  clan. 

In  remote  times  two  people  who  had  no  children  lived  by  Lake 
Bosommuru,  where  a  python  sent  by  the  sky  god  sprayed  them  with 
water  and  told  them  to  lie  together.  The  woman  conceived  and 
gave  birth  to  the  first  children  in  the  world ;  therefore,  the  python  is 
an  ancestor  with  whom  the  Bosommuru  people  claim  relationship. 
To  their  principal  totem,  the  python,  they  show  respect  by  refusing 
to  kill  the  reptile  or  to  eat  the  flesh.  A  dead  python  must  be  cere- 
monially buried  by  the  Bosommuru  people.  The  rite  known  as 
"washing  the  ntoro"  is  a  ceremonial  cleansing  of  members  of  the 
python  totem,  who  then  partake  of  a  ritual  meal.  When  a  woman 
marries,  she  takes  all  her  husband's  ntoro  taboos  as  her  own  (Rattray, 
Ashanti,  1923,  pp.  47-49;  52-53). 

With  regard  to  the  Nankanse,  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  pp.  234-236) 
points  out  that  the  tribe  is  now  composed  of  twenty-six  or  more 
clans,  and  from  these  he  selects  the  Leopard  clan  as  a  typical  example 
of  clan  organization.  The  Leopard  clan,  which  has  a  legendary 
history  of  origin  and  descent,  is  divided  into  three  main  subsections, 
each  of  which  traces  descent  from  one  of  three  half-brothers  by  the 
same  father  but  by  different  mothers.  This  father  was  the  founder 
of  the  Leopard  clan. 

Members  of  this  clan  state  that  when  an  old  man  is  about  to  die 
a  leopard  is  seen  in  the  compound,  and  the  deceased  "rises  up"  as  a 
leopard.  Women  and  children  who  have  not  begun  to  observe  the 
clan  taboos  do  not  turn  into  leopards  when  they  die.  On  the  death 
of  a  clansman,  a  fowl  is  killed  and  part  of  the  bird  is  buried  with  the 
corpse.  Usually  a  clansman  will  not  kill  a  leopard,  and  if  he  does 
so    because    of    the    animal's    depredations    a    ceremony    will    be 


Social  Organization  489 

performed  at  a  sacred  grove.  A  dead  leopard  must  be  buried  by  those 
members  of  the  clan  who  find  it.  Two  of  the  important  points 
established  by  Rattray's  observations  are  the  formation  of  new 
subtotems,  and  the  localized  residence  of  members  of  a  clan.  The 
present  tendency  is  for  clan  reserves  to  become  more  cosmopolitan, 
but  clan  exogamy  still  prevails  with  some  modification.  A  wife 
keeps  the  taboos  of  her  own  and  her  husband's  clan,  and  a  husband 
respects  his  wife's  taboos.  "Descent  in  these  clans  is  patrilineal. 
Females,  equally  with  males,  fall  into  clans,  taking  as  they  do  that 
of  the  father,  but  they  are  unable  to  transmit  their  clan  to  their 
children,  who  inherit,  or  are  initiated  or  adopted  into,  that  of  the  male 
parent." 

Evidence  respecting  the  structure  and  function  of  totemic  clans 
in  Nigeria  is  indefinite.  The  Yoruba  use  a  word  orile,  which  is  said 
to  have  a  totemic  significance  in  relation  to  a  family.  Some  families 
claim  descent  from  a  totem  animal,  while  others  state  that  their 
totems  were  ancient  family  gods  who  granted  fecundity  and  other 
blessings.  Totems  include  the  elephant;  Ogun,  the  god  of  war;  and 
Agbo,  a  ram.  Information  is  meager,  but  apparently  both  boys  and 
girls  took  their  father's  totem.  A  woman  could  not  adopt  her  hus- 
band's totem,  and  marriage  of  members  of  the  same  totem  was  for- 
bidden. 

C.  K.  Meek  (1931,  pp.  74-78)  describes  sacred  animals,  including 
crocodiles  and  manatees,  whose  flesh  may  not  be  eaten,  while  these 
sacred  animals  must  be  accorded  burial  and  mourning  rites.  Yet 
this  is  not  totemism,  since  the  sacred  animals  are  not  emblems  of 
clans;  neither  are  they  individual  totems.  The  creatures  belong  to  a 
large  class  of  revered  animals,  some  of  which  have  a  legendary  history 
indicating  their  service  to  the  country.  Again,  a  hunter  may  perform 
rites  to  destroy  the  power  of  the  soul  of  an  animal  he  has  killed,  but 
this  practice  has  no  connection  with  totemism.  That  family  groups 
of  the  Jukun  may  originally  have  formed  clans  seems  probable,  but 
the  social  organization  is  now  so  indeterminate  that  the  previous 
existence  of  a  totemic  clan  organization  is  doubtful. 

A  widespread  occurrence  of  totemic  ideas  in  northern  Nigeria 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  "society  was,  at  one  time,  among  many 
of  the  tribes,  probably  organized  on  a  totemic  basis."  At  the  present 
time,  many  tribes  are  organized  into  exogamous  clan-divisions  which 
are  frequently  totemic.  The  Mahalbawa  of  Katsina,  the  Rumawa 
of  Kano,  also  the  Durbawa  and  Yan  Gido  of  Katsina,  were  exogam- 
ous, since  men  of  the  clan  would  not  marry  women  of  the  same  totem 


490  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

as  themselves.  The  researches  of  C.  K.  Meek  emphasize  the  impor- 
tance of  local  exogamy,  "presumably  on  grounds  of  original  kinship 
relationship."  The  Kona  and  Pongo  forbid  marriage  between  people 
of  the  same  section  of  a  village;  and  among  the  Nasarawa,  organiza- 
tion for  marriage  purposes  is  on  a  territorial  and  not  a  totemic  basis. 
Exogamous  rules  are  enforced  between  villages  (C.  K.  Meek,  1925, 
vol.  1,  pp.  185-187). 

According  to  H.  Labouret  (1931,  pp.  222-250),  certain  western 
Sudanic  tribes,  the  Lobi,  Birifor,  Dian,  and  Gan,  are  divided  each 
into  four  sections,  and  each  of  these  tribal  divisions  may  be  con- 
sidered as  a  clan.  Subclans  are  distinguished  by  the  names  of  animals 
which  may  not  be  killed  or  eaten  by  members  of  the  subclan.  But 
in  some  subclans  the  prohibitions  have  completely  disappeared, 
though  legendary  histories  of  subclan  origins  still  persist.  Apparently 
there  is  no  initiation  into  a  clan,  neither  does  clan  exogamy  exist,  but 
exogamic  rules  forbid  marriage  between  members  of  the  same  subclan. 
Labouret  is  uncertain  whether  the  concept  of  a  totemic  clan  is  dis- 
integrating or  is  in  process  of  formation. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  in  different  regions,  or  even  in  the  same 
localities,  the  two  processes  of  disintegration  and  formation  of  new 
social  elements  and  usages  are  simultaneously  active,  so  giving  rise 
to  types  of  organization  which  are  not  readily  explained  on  either 
historical  or  psychological  grounds. 

Yet,  despite  differences  in  the  data  considered,  the  main  functions 
of  clans  and  totems  are  clear.  The  evidence  has  indicated  that  these 
units  affect  tribal  structure,  possibly  the  place  of  residence,  and  the 
extension  of  kinship  concepts  from  the  family  outward  to  broader 
groups.  Totemic  clan  organization  has  a  bearing  on  mythology, 
personal  attitudes,  collective  responsibility,  marriage,  descent,  inher- 
itance, succession,  and  the  discharge  of  religious  observances,  includ- 
ing sacrifice  and  funeral  rites.  These  aspects  of  clan  organization 
observed  among  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes  are  not  incompatible 
with  the  functions  of  the  clan  among  Nilotic  Negroes. 

NILOTIC  NEGRO  TOTEMS  AND  CLANS 

In  the  Lango  tribe  (Driberg,  1923,  p.  190)  the  clan  at  one  time 
functioned  as  a  unit  for  the  communal  ownership  of  land;  the 
functional  basis  of  the  clan  appears  to  have  been  territorial.  At 
present  this  function  of  the  clan  survives,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  fact 
that  a  person  who  is  alien  to  the  clan  has  to  make  a  present  to  the 
head  of  the  clan,  in  return  for  which  he  receives  a  tenancy  and  equal 


Social  Organization  491 

rights  in  the  usufruct  of  the  land,  without  being  a  member  of  the  clan 
itself.  But  a  village,  and  not  a  clan  territory,  is  now  the  unit  of 
tribal  life. 

The  Lango  do  not  retain  a  clear  conception  of  the  origin  of  their 
clan  system,  but  say  that  clan  divisions  were  founded  by  remote 
ancestors.  The  clan  system  is  based  on  prohibitions  and  require- 
ments. Members  of  the  Monkey  clan  mourn  as  for  a  man  if  a  monkey 
is  killed.  If  a  member  of  the  Duiker  clan  kills  one  of  these  antelopes, 
the  clan  buries  it,  mourns,  and  covers  the  grave  with  leaves.  The 
clans  are  exogamous,  and  marriage  is  forbidden  within  either  the 
maternal  or  the  paternal  clans.  When  a  woman  marries,  she  observes 
the  rules  of  her  husband's  clan  and  continues  to  do  so  even  after  she 
is  divorced.  Up  to  the  time  of  puberty  no  boy  may  eat  the  flesh  of 
his  totem  animal,  and  females  of  all  ages  must  observe  this  taboo 
toward  their  totem  animals. 

The  religious  function  of  clan  organization  is  emphasized  by  the 
evidence  of  Driberg,  since  several  clans  have  special  privileges  and 
obligations  connected  with  rain-making — the  most  important  relig- 
ious rite  of  the  Lango  tribe.  Making  of  ceremonial  weapons  called 
"rain-spears"  is  the  prerogative  of  the  clan  Jo  Angodya,  whose  black- 
smiths manufacture  these  articles  free  of  charge.  An  old  man  of  this 
clan  washes  the*  spear  in  water  which  has  been  blessed  with  his 
spittle,  and  then  he  prays,  "May  the  harvest  be  a  rich  one."  The  Jo 
Inomo  clan  has  the  duty  of  sacrificing  a  he-goat  and  a  ram,  which 
are  contributed  by  a  particular  family.  The  Jo  Atengoro  clan 
performs  a  ceremony  to  ward  off  attacks  of  locusts  (Driberg,  1923, 
p.  250). 

The  probability  is  that  in  former  times  all  clans  were  totemic,  but 
at  present  clans  show  a  tendency  to  subdivide  as  a  result  of  migra- 
tions, warfare,  and  dissensions.  These  subclans  allow  intermarriage 
of  their  members,  although  these  trace  their  descent  from  one  clan. 
The  conditions  suggest  a  breaking  down  of  the  controls  of  clan  and 
totemic  organization.  But  what  is  true  for  one  tribe  does  not  apply 
generally.  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1916,  p.  107)  says  of  the  Akamba 
(Bantu),  "The  clan  system  does  not  seem  to  be  by  any  means  an  anti- 
quated institution,  but  is  still  vigorous,  and  new  clans  often  spring  up." 

The  Dinka  are  divided  into  exogamous  clans,  each  of  which  has  a 
totem  animal  that  is  regarded  as  an  ancestor.  In  addition  to  his  clan 
totem,  a  man  may  have  a  personal  totem ;  this  is  usually  an  animal 
which  he  treats  with  respect  because  of  a  mystical  relationship 
between  them.    Children  take  the  totem  of  their  father,  but  they  also 


492  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

respect  the  taboos  relating  to  their  mother's  totem.  Among  the 
Lotuka-speaking  tribes,  exogamous,  totemic  clans  exist.  Members  of 
these  clans  trace  descent  in  the  male  line,  and  at  death  they  are 
reincarnated  in  totemic  animals  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1912,  p.  705). 

Clan  organization  and  totemism  are  known  among  some  of  the 
Half-Hamites.  According  to  A.  C.  Hollis  (1909,  p.  6),  each  clan  of 
the  Nandi  has  one  or  more  totem  animals,  among  which  are  the 
leopard,  grasshopper,  spotted  sheep,  and  goat.  Each  of  these 
animals  is  a  family  totem,  and  although  persons  with  the  same 
family  totem  may  not  marry,  marriage  within  a  clan  is  permissible. 
In  former  times,  killing  of  a  totem  animal  was  punishable  by  death 
or  banishment  from  the  clan,  and  all  the  cattle  of  the  defaulter  were 
confiscated.  At  the  present  time,  and  especially  among  young  men, 
an  apology  to  the  slain  totemic  animal  is  said  to  be  sufficient  redress. 
Therefore,  a  Nandi  who  has  killed  his  totemic  elephant  says,  "I  am 
sorry,  I  mistook  you  for  a  rhinoceros." 

JOKING  RELATIONSHIP 

A  joking  relationship  between  members  of  certain  clans  of  the 
same  tribe  is  a  social  phenomenon  that  has  been  mentioned  by 
several  ethnologists,  but  the  subject  has  not  been  thoroughly  investi- 
gated. Data  relating  to  a  joking  relationship  between  certain 
individuals  who  have  a  definite  place  in  a  scheme  of  kinship  have 
been  mentioned,  and  there  is  a  probability  that  joking  relationships 
between  clans  is  merely  an  extension  of  the  "respect  attitude"  existing 
between  persons  within  a  family.    See  F.  Eggan  (1937,  pp.  75-81). 

A  typical  example  of  joking  between  individuals  is  given  by  C.  K. 
Meek  (1931,  pp.  115-117).  Among  the  Jukun,  a  certain  kind  of 
banter  is  indulged  in  between  a  man  and  his  sister-in-law,  whom  he 
may  one  day  inherit  as  a  wife  if  his  brother  predeceases  him.  A  man 
says  to  his  sister-in-law,  "You  know  I  don't  think  much  of  your  cook- 
ing, and  if  you  don't  improve,  I'll  have  to  drive  you  out  and  marry 
someone  else."  To  this  the  sister-in-law  replies,  "If  you  got  rid  of 
me,  there  isn't  another  woman  in  the  whole  world  who  would  think 
of  marrying  you."  Meek  examines  joking  relationships  between 
various  relatives  in  the  Jukun  and  other  Nigerian  tribes.  Where 
such  an  attitude  of  familiarity  exists  between  grandchildren  and 
grandparents,  a  concept  of  reincarnation  may  be  the  psychological 
explanation ;  on  the  contrary,  the  prevalence  of  a  junior  and  a  senior 
levirate  may  account  for  some  of  the  joking  relationships. 

Henri  Labouret  (1929,  pp.  244-254)  has  described  a  joking 
relationship  between  clans  of  the  Mandingo,  Fulani,  and  Yolof  tribes. 


Social  Organization  493 

He  points  out  the  gradual  extension  of  this  type  of  relationship  from 
cousins  to  clans  within  a  tribe,  and  between  representatives  of  friendly 
tribes.  Among  two  clans  of  the  Yolof ,  the  joking  relationship  implies 
the  existence  of  duties  of  a  reciprocal  kind.  One  clan  serves  the  other 
at  Mohammedan  festivals  by  killing  animals  for  a  feast  and  cooking 
the  meat.  Of  the  two  joking  clans,  one  is  subservient  to  the  other, 
and  the  servants  in  return  for  presents  take  charge  of  sowing, 
harvesting,  and  the  sale  of  produce  for  their  employers. 

Some  tribes  of  northern  Ashanti  have  a  privileged  familiarity 
between  certain  relatives.  A  joking  relationship  may  exist  between 
grandparents  and  grandchildren  on  both  the  father's  and  the  mother's 
side.  A  child  will  inquire  when  a  grandparent  intends  to  die,  will 
spread  false  reports  of  the  death  of  this  relative,  will  abuse  him,  take 
food  without  asking,  and  play  practical  jokes.  Privileged  familiarity 
exists  between  the  tribes  Nankanse,  Dagomba,  and  Moshi,  whose 
members  spread  false  news  which  sometimes  states  that  a  chief  of 
one  of  the  tribes  has  died  (R.  S.  Rattray,  1932a,  vol,  1,  p.  8;  vol.  2, 
pp.  336,  390). 

BLOOD  BROTHERHOOD 

Another  concomitant  of  social  organization  is  blood  brotherhood, 
which  has  not  been  thoroughly  studied.  The  rites  of  the  brotherhood 
(drinking  milk  and  blood ;  sucking,  smearing  and  eating  kola  nuts)  are 
well  known,  and  the  distribution  of  the  practices  has  been  plotted 
(Frobenius,  1922),  but  only  recently  has  attention  been  paid  to  the 
psychological  and  social  implications  of  the  practice.  Among  the 
Ovimbundu,  a  blood  compact  is  sometimes  made  secretly  between 
husband  and  wife,  but  more  commonly  in  Negro  tribes  the  alliance 
is  made  between  village  headmen,  heads  of  clans,  or  tribal  chiefs. 

The  Bangala  commonly  observed  a  blood  brotherhood  between 
headmen  of  villages.  J.  H.  Weeks  (1909,  p.  444)  states  that  "all  the 
important  men  of  the  district  had  many  cicatrices  on  their  arms, 
indicating  the  frequency  with  which  they  had  performed  this  cere- 
mony." The  effect  of  the  rite  is  to  stop  feuds  and  to  cause  the  con- 
tracting persons  to  act  as  blood  relations.  Men  who  performed  the 
rite  were  supposed  to  warn  each  other  of  danger,  to  hold  property  in 
common,  like  members  of  a  family,  and  to  lend  without  interest  and 
without  asking  for  repayment.  A  blood  brotherhood  was  often  made 
between  headmen  of  villages. 

When  discussing  blood  brotherhood  among  the  Zande,  E.  E. 
Evans-Pritchard  (1933,  pp.  370-402)  points  out  that  drinking  the 
blood  of  each  other  may  seal  an  individual  pact,  or  the  rite  may 


494  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

imply  a  bond  between  two  social  groups  of  which  the  two  participants 
are  members.  Is  the  rite  a  bond  of  true  kinship?  Is  the  alliance 
based  on  homeopathic  principles  of  magic  or  on  the  mechanism  of 
the  curse?  Are  we  to  regard  this  exchange  of  blood  chiefly  as  a  per- 
sonal act  or  as  a  collective  bargain?  The  answer  to  these  questions 
asked  by  Evans-Pritchard  will  depend  on  the  locality  and  particular 
rite  which  is  under  consideration.  The  blood  rite  between  husband 
and  wife,  as  practiced  by  the  Ovimbundu,  is  a  purely  personal  matter, 
and  the  main  idea  involved  is  one  of  contagious  magic,  for  the  two 
believe  that  death  of  one  will  result  in  death  of  the  other.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  instances  of  blood  brotherhood  cited  by  J.  H.  Weeks 
show  that  the  Bangala  regard  the  exchange  of  blood  as  a  contract 
between  social  groups,  which  are  represented  by  their  leaders  who 
make  the  exchange.  J.  Raum  (1907)  has  discussed  the  subject 
of  blood  brotherhood  and  the  ceremonial  use  of  spittle  among  the 
Wachagga.  Other  contributions  to  the  subject  of  blood  brotherhood 
are  those  of  A.  M.  Hocart  (1935),  F.  L.  Williams  (1935),  and 
P.  Hazoum^  (1937).  J.  H.  Driberg  (1935,  No.  110)  has  contributed 
an  article  concerning  a  relationship  known  as  the  "best  friend." 

The  evidence  has  indicated  that  among  some  tribes  a  clan  organi- 
zation has  a  territorial,  exogamic,  and  totemic  basis.  A  clan  unit 
may  coincide  with  a  village  unit,  or  each  of  several  subclans  may  be 
restricted  to  a  definite  part  of  the  same  village.  This  territorial 
basis  of  the  clan  is,  however,  by  no  means  general,  and  village  life  as 
an  institution,  which  can  and  actually  does  function  apart  from  clan 
or  totemic  organization,  will  be  investigated  (p.  495). 

For  the  further  study  of  totemism,  B.  Ankermann  (1915)  has 
compiled  data  relating  to  the  forms  and  distribution  of  this  institu- 
tion. In  a  later  publication  (1918),  Ankermann  considers  totem  cults 
and  beliefs  in  the  soul.  C.  Bullock  (1913)  and  D.  Blackburn  (1904, 
No.  115)  have  contributed  to  the  study  of  reverence  for  animals 
among  the  Mashona  and  Zulu,  respectively.  P.  J.  A.  Correia  (1921- 
22)  published  notes  on  a  Nigerian  totem,  and  C.  H.  Harper  has  pre- 
pared brief  notes  on  totemism  on  the  Gold  Coast.  Further  studies 
in  west  Africa  have  been  made  by  E.  R.  Langley,  who  describes  the 
clans  of  the  Kono  people  of  Sierra  Leone.  R.  H.  Lowie  (1917)  has  a 
chapter  on  African  kinship  systems  in  his  "Culture  and  Ethnology." 
L.  P.  Mair  (1935,  No.  71)  published  notes  on  totemism  among  the 
Baganda,  and  P.  W.  Schmidt  (1914)  made  a  contribution  under  the 
general  title,  "Das  Problem  desTotemismus."  R.  P.  H.  Trilles  (1912b) 
produced  a  substantial  work  on  totemism  among  the  Fan  (Fang). 


Social  Organization  495 

P.  F.  Wolf  (1911)  examines  some  factors  of  totemism  in  Togoland. 
Material  exists  for  a  more  thorough  general  survey  of  clans  and 
totems.  It  is  true  that  more  field  work  is  needed,  but  the  data  now 
available  have  not  been  fully  examined  and  compared. 

The  Village  and  the  Kingdom 

The  founding  of  a  new  village,  together  with  the  organization 
and  functions  of  a  village  unit  among  the  Ovimbundu,  illustrates 
several  important  principles  of  government.  Usually  a  Negro  village 
is  a  basic  unit  in  law  and  taxation  for  which  a  village  headman  or 
minor  chief  is  responsible,  while  religious  observances  are  often 
dependent  on  a  medicine-man  who  has  charge  of  sacred  groves, 
sacred  drums,  shrines,  figurines,  and  the  poison  ordeal  during  litiga- 
tion. Economically,  too,  a  village  is  often  a  self-contained  unit,  with 
typical  handicrafts,  agricultural  activities,  fishing  rights,  and  a 
public  market.  But  the  headmen  of  villages  are  subject  to  the  juris- 
diction of  a  supreme  chief  or  king,  for  whom  they  act  as  intermediaries 
in  legal  procedure  and  taxation. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  each  village  is  governed  by  a  sekulu  or 
petty  chief,  and  a  kingdom  is  formed  by  a  large  number  of  villages 
having  an  osoma  (king  or  major  chief)  at  the  head  of  the  administra- 
tion. Throughout  the  country  occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu,  several 
olosoma  rule,  each  having  jurisdiction  over  a  definite  area  composed 
of  village  units.  Despite  jealousies  and  even  strife,  the  olosoma  of  the 
Ovimbundu  formerly  united  both  for  warfare  and  for  the  formation 
of  large  caravans  which  traded  far  into  the  interior  of  Africa. 

A  capital  village  where  an  osoma  resides  is  called  omhala,  and  the 
site  is  usually  distinguished  by  the  planting  of  trees,  a  custom  which 
is  not  followed  in  ordinary  villages.  In  addition  to  the  house  of  the 
king  (osoma),  which  has  to  be  occupied  without  repairs  until  it 
becomes  untenable,  there  is  a  house  of  meditation  to  which  the  king 
retires  for  communion  with  ancestral  spirits  during  time  of  drought. 
In  the  omhala  of  Ngalangi,  which  is  influenced  by  the  Vangangella 
culture,  there  is  a  burial  hut  for  kings  and  their  wives,  and  here  a  fire 
is  kept  burning  continually.  The  house  of  bows  is  an  important 
structure  associated  with  ancestor  worship.  In  this  hut  are  kept 
the  sleeping  mats,  bows  and  arrows,  tobacco  pipes,  and  carved 
wooden  staffs  of  dead  kings.  In  each  village,  and  not  only  in  the 
capital  village,  a  house  of  bows  contains  similar  relics  of  the  village 
headmen  (olosekulu).  A  village  must  be  regarded  as  a  religious  as 
well  as  an  administrative  unit. 


496  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

A  new  village  site  may  be  selected  because  of  epidemic  disease 
or  exhaustion  of  the  land,  and  the  choice  is  made  by  the  sekulu,  who 
is  accompanied  by  a  medicine-man  and  several  elders.  Unpaid, 
communal  labor  is  employed  for  constructing  the  house  of  a  chief 
or  king,  the  house  of  bows,  the  guest  house  where  strangers  are 
accommodated,  and  the  onjango  or  men's  house.  The  onjango,  where 
males  foregather  for  their  evening  meals  apart  from  women,  is  the 
focus  of  village  life.  Here  trials  are  conducted  by  the  sekulu,  from 
whose  judgment  there  is  right  of  appeal  to  the  osoma,  and  here  there 
is  discussion  touching  all  matters  relating  to  taxation  and  village 
administration. 

Land  is  distributed  by  a  sekulu  to  the  heads  of  families,  who 
among  the  Ovimbundu  are  the  maternal  uncles.  A  father  of  a  family 
receives  his  allotment,  not  directly,  but  from  his  wife's  oldest  brother. 
Some  villages  are  not  enclosed,  but  others  are  stockaded  with  high 
poles,  and  heavy  wooden  doors  are  provided  at  intervals.  The 
interior  of  a  village  may  or  may  not  be  divided  by  palisades  to  mark 
off  family  divisions.  Completion  of  the  site  is  celebrated  by  drinking 
beer  and  feasting.  The  beer  is  stirred  with  the  claws  of  chickens 
that  have  been  killed  to  provide  a  medicine-man  (ocimbanda)  with 
blood  which  he  uses  for  sprinkling  the  walls  of  new  houses.  New  fire 
is  made  by  the  ocimbanda,  who  employs  the  twirling  method,  although 
more  modern  ways  of  producing  fire  are  known.  After  fire  has  been 
kindled  in  the  house  of  a  sekulu,  or  in  the  home  of  the  osoma  if  the 
village  is  the  ombala,  a  distribution  of  fire  is  made  to  every  house. 

The  Ba-ila  country  of  Northern  Rhodesia  is  divided  into  com- 
munities numbering  about  eighty,  and  these  are  strictly  demarcated, 
with  a  ruling  chief  for  each  community  and  a  headman  for  each 
village  (Smith  and  Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  p.  109;  vol.  2,  p.  178).  This 
arrangement  corresponds  to  that  of  the  Ovimbundu,  with  their 
osoma  as  the  head  of  a  large  district  and  a  sekulu  as  a  village  head- 
man. Data  relating  to  the  selection  of  a  village  site,  and  the  ritual 
employed  in  consecrating  this,  are  similar  among  the  Ba-ila  and  the 
Ovimbundu.  Among  the  Lambas,  villages  are  of  different  functional 
types.  In  addition  to  villages  ruled  by  chiefs  who  are  in  the  direct 
lineage  of  chiefs,  and  those  administered  by  commoners,  a  certain 
type  of  village  is  known  as  ichipembive,  which  is  of  importance  in 
legal  procedure.  Such  a  village  is  a  place  of  refuge  for  one  who  is 
pursued  by  an  avenger,  who  must  halt  outside  the  village.  Within 
the  village  the  fugitive  is  caught  and  tried,  but  the  sanctuary  gives 
him  temporary  protection  (Doke,  1931c,  p.  56). 


I 


Social  Organization  497 

summary  and  reading 

The  arrangement  of  marriage  contracts,  the  founding  of  a  family, 
the  employment  of  kinship  terms,  the  organization  of  clans,  and  the 
acceptance  of  village  life  as  a  basic  unit  in  government,  have  illus- 
trated some  fundamental  practices  of  Negro  society.  Despite  local 
differences  of  procedure,  the  examples  chosen  can  be  regarded 
as  the  essentials  of  social  organization  among  Negro  tribes,  whose 
further  internal  control  is  affected  by  the  formation  of  secret  societies, 
age-groups,  and  customary  laws. 

The  data  recorded  under  "Social  Organization"  are  not  merely  of 
academic  interest;  the  importance  of  the  facts  is  functional  rather 
than  historical.  Schemes  of  relationships,  family  duties,  laws  of 
descent,  inheritance,  and  succession,  the  clan,  the  village,  chieftain- 
ship, and  the  association  of  religion  with  all  these  factors  of  organiza- 
tion, are  of  the  greatest  practical  importance  in  European  adminis- 
tration. This  has  been  clearly  demonstrated  by  S.  F.  Nadel  (1935), 
who  has  prepared  an  account  of  the  social  organization  of  the  Nupe 
of  Nigeria,  with  special  regard  to  the  family,  village  communities, 
the  subtribe,  the  tribe,  and  the  state.  He  also  distinguishes  dif- 
ferences between  rural  and  urban  organization.  His  description 
deals  with  the  social,  economic,  religious,  and  political  obligations 
of  individuals  to  these  institutions,  and  the  importance  of  age- 
grades  as  a  control  is  stressed.  Structurally  and  functionally,  this 
western  Negro  organization  resembles  Bantu  examples. 

A  study  of  village  life  has  been  made  by  J.  Decorse  (1905a)  for 
the  Congo,  and  in  most  ethnological  monographs  some  description 
of  a  village  community  is  given.  E.  D.  Earthy  (1936)  has  examined 
the  social  structure  of  a  town  of  the  Gbande  in  Liberia.  W.  S. 
Plauen  (1929)  has  described  in  detail  various  insignia  of  chiefs. 
M.  Read  (1936)  has  prepared  an  article,  "Tradition  and  Prestige 
among  the  Ngoni."  R.  S.  Seton  (1928)  gives  an  account  of  the 
installation  of  an  Attah  (ruler)  of  Idah  in  Nigeria,  and  P.  H.  van 
Thiel  (1911)  considers  the  dynasty  of  Bahinda.  0.  G.  Williams 
(1935,  No.  130)  has  published  a  study  of  "Village  Organization 
among  the  Sukuma."  C.  D.  Forde  (1937a)  has  considered  "Social 
Change  in  a  West  African  Village  Community."  See  also  P.  von 
Werder  (1937),  and  E.  J.  Krige  (1936b,  pp.  42-52).  As  with  other 
subjects,  data  for  study  of  the  village  community  and  chieftainship 
are  available,  but  tedious  work  is  necessary  to  classify  the  facts, 
and  political  experiment  is  now  needed  to  harmonize  African  proce- 
dure with  methods  of  European  administration. 


IV.  SOCIAL  CONTROLS 
Secret  Societies 

Criticism  directed  against  an  undefined  use  of  the  word  "totem- 
ism"  also  applies  to  the  term  "secret  society."  Since  any  secluded 
concourse  of  people  is  a  secret  gathering,  the  words  have  been  vaguely 
used  to  describe  different  types  of  organization. 

Ethnology  deals  with  complicated  psychological  processes,  and 
with  institutions  whose  structures  and  functions  are  intimately 
associated;  therefore,  clearly  cut  divisions  such  as  secret  societies, 
age-grades,  and  legal  codes  are  not  to  be  expected.  For  example,  a 
secret  society  may  prove  to  be  an  organization  which  has  its  incep- 
tion in  puberty  rites,  and  the  structure  of  the  secret  society  may 
depend  on  the  grouping  of  members  according  to  their  ages.  More- 
over, a  society  of  this  kind  often  has  legal  functions  to  perform. 
Hence,  there  is  a  blending  of  institutions  and  their  functions.  But, 
despite  the  difficulty  of  separating  and  defining  the  controlling 
agencies  of  Negro  society,  there  is  the  possibility  of  studying  concrete 
examples  to  show  how  the  controls  function. 

The  type  of  secret  society  now  under  consideration  has  a  dis- 
tribution from  Sierra  Leone  through  west  Africa  into  Nigeria,  the 
Cameroons,  and  the  forest  region  of  the  River  Congo.  Secret  societies 
may  be  ancient  or  modern.  They  are  usually  formed  either  for  men 
or  for  women  only,  and  one  of  their  functions  is  the  preservation  of 
sex  prerogatives  and  the  sex  dichotomy  which  is  characteristic  of 
tribal  life.  But  E.  de  Jonghe  (1907,  1936)  points  out  that  the  sexes 
are  not  always  separated  when  secret  societies  are  formed.  The 
lower  Congo  region  has  a  society  called  nkimba,  from  which  women 
are  excluded;  yet  there  is  the  ndemho,  to  which  women  are  admitted 
together  with  the  men. 

The  standing  of  a  member  within  a  society  usually  depends  on 
social  position  outside  the  society,  and  on  the  possession  of  sufficient 
wealth  to  pay  for  initiation  from  one  grade  to  another  within  the 
society.  Interference  in  politics  and  trade  with  a  view  to  giving 
members  of  the  secret  society  special  privileges  is  a  common  practice 
of  secret  organizations,  and  in  some  regions  officers  of  the  society 
may  act  not  only  as  judges  of  those  who  have  offended  the  society 
but  also  as  executioners. 

Secret  societies  have  at  times  exerted  their  influence  to  place  a 
check  on  the  despotism  of  a  native  ruler.   Again,  officers  of  the  society 

498 


Social  Controls  499 

have  by  terrorism  upheld  tribal  laws,  and  in  doing  so  extortionate 
methods  have  been  used,  especially  against  persons  who  were  not 
members  of  the  society.  But  if  the  European  concept  of  law  can 
be  forgotten  in  order  to  regard  secret  societies  from  an  African  point 
of  view,  a  functional  value  must  be  granted  to  the  native  institution. 
No  doubt,  in  certain  stages  of  social  development,  secret  societies 
served  as  a  crude  but  necessary  form  of  social  control,  though  their 
procedure  cannot  now  be  tolerated  by  European  governments. 

A  report  on  the  Leopard  Society  of  Sierra  Leone  (D.  Burrows, 
vol.  13,  1913,  pp.  143-151)  indicates  that  human  sacrifice  and  cere- 
monial cannibalism  were  essentials  of  the  society  which  was  formed 
about  a  century  ago.  Unity  of  the  members  was  symbolized  by 
their  partaking  of  a  ceremonial  meal  from  the  flesh  of  human  victims, 
who  were  cut  up  so  that  minute  parts  could  be  sent  by  messengers  to 
those  members  of  the  society  who  lived  too  far  away  to  attend  the 
bush  meetings. 

The  object  of  the  Leopard  Society,  which  had  the  Crocodile 
Society  as  a  branch,  was  resistance  to  other  societies,  and  a  counter 
move  against  European  control.  The  main  aims  were  therefore 
political  and  social,  but  a  religious  cult  based  on  fertility  rites  was 
included;  and  the  members  held  in  great  reverence  an  object  called 
horfimah,  which  was  said  to  be  the  womb  of  the  world. 

Borfimah  was  a  bag  of  leather,  or  a  calabash  stuffed  with  a  con- 
coction which  was  sealed  within  the  receptacle  by  applying  a  coating 
of  wax,  mud,  and  blood  to  the  aperture.  The  outside  of  the  borfimah 
was  decorated  with  cowrie  shells  and  brightly  colored  seeds.  Mem- 
bers of  the  society  bore  peculiar  scars  on  their  hips.  Notice  of  a 
meeting  was  carried  to  members  verbally,  and  a  sacrificial  victim, 
who  was  usually  an  aged  person  or  a  sickly  child,  was  obtained  by 
making  payment  to  the  nearest  relatives  or  owners.  On  the  night 
of  the  sacrifice,  the  Leopard  men  wore  cloaks  of  leopard  skins  to 
which  wooden  models  of  leopard's  feet  were  fastened,  so  that  these 
might  be  pressed  to  the  ground  to  suggest  that  a  prowling  leopard 
killed  the  victim.  After  sunset,  a  reed  pipe  was  blown  as  a  signal 
for  all  to  keep  indoors  while  the  victim  was  murdered.  Court  evi- 
dence proved  that  the  body  of  the  victim  was  opened  and  omens 
were  read  by  inspection  of  the  liver  and  membranes.  Fat  from  the 
kidneys  was  removed  and  used  for  giving  new  life  to  the  horfimah. 

Two  of  the  most  important  secret  societies  of  Sierra  Leone  and 
Liberia  are  the  Porro  for  men  and  the  Bondu  for  women.  These 
ancient   societies  were  political    in    origin,  and    their    formation 


500  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

was  necessary  in  order  to  resist  chiefs  who  were  selling  their 
subjects  as  slaves.  Members  were  distinguished  by  cicatrized  marks, 
and  certain  corporal  markings  designated  rank  among  the  members. 
The  age  of  members  is  still  of  importance  in  deciding  status,  since 
males  who  belong  to  a  local  Porro  m.ust  not  be  under  thirty  years  of 
age,  and  for  enrollment  in  the  Grand  Porro  they  must  have  attained 
fifty  years.  This  society  is  said  to  have  been  a  protection  against 
the  Leopard,  Crocodile,  and  Baboon  societies.  Revelation  of  secrets 
was  punishable  by  death,  and  although  details  of  the  rites  are  not 
well  known,  homosexuality  is  reported. 

The  Porro  and  Bondu  societies  are  definitely  connected  with 
tribal  initiation  of  boys  and  girls,  for  at  that  time  membership  in 
the  secret  society  begins.  Newland's  observations  indicate  that 
the  first  stage  of  membership  for  boys  includes  initiation  in  the  bush 
and  a  ceremonial  restoration  to  the  villages  from  which  the  novices 
were  taken.  Initiation  rites  for  the  women's  society,  Bondu,  con- 
form to  those  described  under  "Education."  The  Bondu  is  important 
among  the  Mendi,  Vai,  and  Temne  of  Sierra  Leone  and  Liberia. 
Girls  are  initiated  at  the  age  of  ten  years,  and  as  a  sign  of  member- 
ship they  are  cicatrized;  then  follows  a  training  in  sex  knowledge, 
domestic  work,  and  ceremonial  dances.  At  the  end  of  their  seclusion, 
the  names  of  the  girls  are  changed  and  they  appear  as  masked, 
painted  figures.  Shortly  after  this  ceremony,  the  girls  are  marriage- 
able (H.  0.  Newland,  1922,  pp.  186-206). 

So  far  the  initiation  camps  of  the  Bondu  and  the  Porro  are  seen 
to  resemble  those  of  ordinary  tribal  initiation,  but  membership  of 
the  Bondu  continues  into  adult  life  as  an  association  for  resisting 
tyranny  of  husbands.  Newland  states  that  some  societies  for  males 
have  admitted  females,  but  no  female  society  admits  males.  Informa- 
tion relating  to  secret  societies  leaves  many  important  points  un- 
explained, but  apparently  the  Porro  and  the  Bondu  societies  are 
social  and  political  groups  arising  from  ordinary  tribal  initiation. 
G.  W.  Brown  (1937,  No.  3)  has  described  the  importance  of  the 
Porro  in  modern  business. 

The  words  Ekkpe,  Ngbe,  and  Egbo  are  different  tribal  names  for 
Leopards,  whose  secret  societies  have  a  wide  distribution  in  west 
Africa.  In  Nigeria  the  Egbo  society  was  at  one  time  extremely 
powerful  because  it  controlled  all  the  most  important  functions  of 
government  and  was  ruled  by  a  free-born  chief  whose  office  was 
hereditary.  The  society  still  exists,  with  limited  activities,  some  of 
which  are  concerned  with  regulating  trade  and  recovering  debts  for 


Social  Controls  501 

members  of  the  society.  Details  of  the  writing  of  a  secret  society 
have  been  given  (chap.  VII,  "Languages  and  Literature"). 

Age  is  important  for  securing  advancement  in  the  society,  since 
no  male  is  allowed  to  learn  all  the  secrets  until  he  is  of  middle  age. 
Advancement  through  the  grades,  of  which  there  are  seven,  depends 
on  payments  by  the  member  to  his  society.  The  fee  for  initiation 
into  the  second  grade  is  $150.  Members  of  the  grades  are  dis- 
tinguished by  painting  the  body,  and  in  addition  each  grade  has 
peculiar  accouterments,  dances,  tunes,  and  insignia  of  office.  (P.  A. 
Talbot,  1926,  vol.  3,  pp.  754-801). 

Of  the  Ogboni  league,  S.  Johnson  (1921,  p.  77)  states  that  at 
Abeokuta  the  members  constituted  a  town  council  to  which  even 
the  king  was  amenable.  Among  the  Egba  and  Ijebu,  the  Ogboni 
had  power  of  life  and  death,  while  the  enacting  of  laws  or  the  repeal 
of  these  was  an  ordinary  function  of  the  society.  The  Ogboni  Society 
is  a  political  oligarchy  to  which  few  women  are  admitted,  and  from 
this  exclusive  body  a  few  members  are  chosen  to  form  the  king's 
cabinet.  In  accordance  with  the  general  rules  affecting  these  political 
societies,  the  Ogboni  can  inflict  punishments,  including  banishment 
from  the  society. 

Of  the  Nigerian  societies,  R.  E.  Dennett  (1916-17a,  pp.  16-29) 
says,  "Secret  Societies  are  religious,  medical,  economic,  and  social. 
They  are  found  among  the  ruling  classes  and  also  among  the  slaves. 
Many  of  them  are  called  after  beasts,  birds,  or  reptiles.  .  .  .  Secret 
societies  in  Africa  appear  to  be  of  two  kinds;  firstly,  those  that  help 
the  rulers  to  keep  their  people  in  order;  and,  secondly,  those  that 
aid  the  people  to  resist  the  despotism  of  their  rulers."  Dennett  then 
considers  types  of  secret  political  organization  among  the  Bini  and 
the  Yoruba.  He  deals  also  with  the  economic  aspects  of  trade  guilds 
of  farmers  and  hunters,  who  are  members  of  a  secret  society. 

The  use  that  J.  H.  Driberg  (1931,  pp.  413-420)  makes  of  the 
words  "secret  society"  in  reference  to  the  Yakan  organization  of  the 
Lugbwara  tribe  of  northeast  Africa  illustrates  the  present  lack  of  an 
ethnological  definition  of  the  words.  Yakan  is  a  secret  organization, 
but  the  society  differs  in  several  fundamental  respects  from  the 
secret  societies  of  the  forest  regions  of  west  and  central  Africa. 

The  age  of  Yakan  is  unknown,  but  the  society  has  been  revived 
from  time  to  time,  and  it  has  spread  among  the  Dinka  and  the  Bari. 
The  main  object  of  the  society  has  been  the  maintenance  of  tribal 
culture  against  aggression  from  Europeans  and  rival  African  tribes. 
The  operation  of  the  society  shows  "what  a  strongly  integi'ating 


502  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

factor  such  a  cult  may  be  in  welding  together  unrelated  tribes." 
There  is  a  ritual  preparation,  housing,  and  distribution  of  sacred 
water  containing  various  ingredients.  The  water  is  believed  to 
restore  ancestors  to  life,  to  resurrect  dead  cattle,  and  to  give  those 
who  drink  it  immunity  in  flouting  all  government  orders,  and  in 
refusing  to  pay  taxes.  In  battle,  the  drinkers  of  the  sacred  water 
were  said  to  be  invulnerable.  Those  who  refused  to  drink  the  water 
would  become  termites  when  they  died.  The  aims  of  the  society  are 
therefore  political  and  social,  with  a  strong  backing  of  magic  and 
religion.  But  only  in  these  very  general  principles  does  the  Yakan 
resemble  typical  secret  societies. 

Many  additional  publications  further  illustrate  the  social,  politi- 
cal, legal,  and  magico-religious  nature  of  secret  societies.  W.  Addison 
(1936),  K.  J.  Beatty  (1915),  Bouccin  (1936c),  F.  W.  Butt-Thompson 
(1929),  H.  P.  F.  Marriott  (1899-1900),  and  N.  W.  Thomas  (1917, 
1919)  have  described  secret  societies  in  west  Africa.  P.  A.  Arnoux 
(1913)  deals  with  Ruanda.  W.  F.  P.  Burton  (1930)  and  A.  L.  Cureau 
(1912)  have  described  secret  societies  of  the  Belgian  Congo. 

Age-Groups 

In  Negro  society,  the  power  of  exercising  social  control  advances 
with  age,  and  we  have  noted  that  up  to  the  time  of  tribal  initiation 
boys  and  girls  are  classed  as  children;  after  initiation  they  are  soon 
free  to  marry  and  their  adult  life  begins.  Instances  have  been  noted 
in  which  children  of  the  same  initiation  school  form  an  age-grade 
that  persists  so  long  as  they  live.  Study  of  secret  societies  has 
indicated  that  distinctions  of  age  are  preserved  within  the  organiza- 
tion, and  that  certain  prerogatives  are  associated  with  each  age- 
group.  Yet  these  examples  do  not  touch  the  most  important  organi- 
zations and  functions  that  are  associated  with  age-groups. 

HAMITIC  TYPE  OF  AGE-GRADES 

The  most  specialized  type  of  grading  by  age  and  duty  is  found, 
not  among  Negroes,  but  among  the  Hamitic  Galla  and  the  Hamiti- 
cized  Masai  and  Nandi.  In  these  tribes,  age  brings  prerogatives  of 
government.  There  is,  however,  no  decisive  evidence  to  prove  that 
age-grades  among  Negroes  are  derived  from  the  Hamitic  System. 
Obviously,  the  mere  grouping  of  people  according  to  age,  and  the 
granting  of  administrative  power  to  elders,  are  procedures  that  would 
be  likely  to  occur  independently  in  many  parts  of  the  world  and  at 
different  periods.  R.  H.  Lowie  (1916,  pp.  883-951)  has  made  a 
comparative  study  of  age-grades  in  Africa,  Melanesia,  and  among 


Social  Controls  503 

the  Plains  Indians,  and  has  demonstrated  the  important  differences 
of  institutions  that  ethnologists  classify  under  the  same  generic  term. 

The  Galla  system  of  age-grading  as  described  by  E.  Cerulli  (1932, 
pp.  167-176)  is  tjHpical  of  the  Hamitic  method  of  organization. 
E.  Cerulli  distinguishes  ten  gada,  each  of  which  retains  powers  of 
administration  during  a  period  of  eight  years.  The  working  of  the 
scheme  is  such,  that  every  man  arrives  at  each  of  the  periods  for 
initiation  into  a  new  grade  exactly  forty  years  after  his  father  had 
reached  it.  This  is  so  because  five  gada  periods  elapse  between  the 
gada  of  father  and  son.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  since  there  are  ten 
gada,  and  each  gada  group  rules  for  eight  years,  a  period  of  eighty 
years  elapses  from  the  rule  of  a  certain  gada  back  to  the  same  gada 
again.  Membership  in  a  gada  does  not  depend  on  age,  but  is  heredi- 
tary, and  a  boy  is  placed  in  the  gada  opposite  to  his  father.  The 
meaning  of  these  statements  is  explained  by  Cerulli,  who  divides  a 
circle  into  ten  equal  divisions  lettered  from  A  to  J. 

A  description  of  age-grading  for  purposes  of  government  in  the 
Nandi  tribe  has  been  recorded  by  A.  C.  Hollis  (1905,  pp.  261,  288, 
291,  303,  312;  1909,  pp.  12,  62,  69,  77-80),  who  explains  that  males 
are  divided  into  boys,  warriors,  and  elders,  while  females  have  two 
age-groups,  namely,  girls  and  married  women.  After  this  preliminary 
sex  division  has  been  recognized,  males  are  separated  into  seven 
cycles,  each  of  which  is  an  impinda.  A  circumcision  festival  for  boys 
takes  place  every  seven  and  a  half  years,  and  lasts  for  two  years. 
All  males  circumcised  at  the  same  time  belong  to  the  same  impinda, 
and  since  there  are  seven  of  these  age-cycles  the  total  time  of  revolu- 
tion from  the  first  impinda  to  the  same  again  is  fifty-three  years. 
In  each  impinda  three  "fires"  are  recognized,  and  members  gather 
round  their  own  "fire,"  to  which  members  of  another  "fire"  are  not 
admitted.  Each  "fire"  has  a  distinguishing  name  such  as  "big  ostrich 
feathers"  or  "the  young  bulls." 

The  ceremony  of  transferring  the  government  of  the  country 
from  one  impinda  to  another  is  the  most  important  rite  in  the  lives 
of  the  Nandi,  because  those  who  are  inaugurated  become  responsible 
for  the  safety  of  the  country  and  the  welfare  of  the  inhabitants.  The 
entire  male  population  is  present  at  the  ceremony,  at  which  a  white 
bullock  is  slaughtered.  The  meat  is  eaten  by  old  men,  while  the 
young  ones  cut  up  the  hide  to  make  rings  that  are  worn  on  the  fingers 
of  their  right  hands.  The  performance  of  the  ceremony  is  dependent 
on  the  chief  medicine-man,  who  supervises  the  rite  of  taking  over  the 
government.    Men  of  the  warrior  grade  discard  their  skin  clothing 


504  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  accouterments,  which  are  replaced  by  the  fur  garments  worn  by 
old  men  who  constitute  the  governing  class. 

A  similar  system  exists  among  the  Waikoma  of  Tanganyika  Terri- 
tory (E.  C.  Baker,  1927,  No.  151).  At  one  time,  government  was  a 
dictatorship  vested  in  war-doctors,  wizards,  and  rain-makers,  whose 
authority  was  upheld  by  the  age-grades.  Circumcision  gave  the 
first  right  of  entry  into  age-grades,  and  among  the  Waikoma  the 
grades,  which  numbered  twelve,  were  divided  into  three  groups. 
The  first  age-grade  of  each  group  ruled  for  eight  years,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  it  was  driven  out  by  the  succeeding  grade,  who  made  a 
sham  fight  for  acquisition  of  office.  "When  each  of  the  first  grades 
of  the  three  groups  had  ruled,  the  sons  of  members  of  the  first  grade 
came  into  power,  and  in  due  course  they  were  succeeded  by  the  sons 
of  members  of  the  second  grade,  and  then  by  those  of  the  third  grade, 
after  which  the  grandsons  of  the  three  first  grades  ruled  in  turn. 
These  men  were  succeeded  by  the  great-grandsons  of  members  of 
the  original  grades,  which  completed  the  cycle,  and  when  their  terms 
of  office  were  finished  their  sons  succeeded  them  and  took  the  names 
of  the  original  grades.  Each  grade  ruled  for  eight  years  and  there- 
fore the  cycle,  which  is  continuous,  is  completed  in  ninety-six  years." 

These  examples  illustrate  a  legitimate  use  of  the  term  age-grade, 
and  no  doubt  can  exist  with  regard  to  the  historical  connection  of 
the  instances  quoted,  for  the  complex  systems  are  so  similar  in  struc- 
ture and  function  that  the  resemblances  could  hardly  be  fortuitous. 
Reference  has  been  made  to  somewhat  similar  series  of  grading  and 
periodical  initiation  among  some  Nilotes.  The  extent  to  which  the 
age-grading  system  has  been  adopted  independently  and  the  part 
which  diffusion  has  played  is  difficult  to  determine,  but  no  doubt 
the  system  of  the  Wachagga  should  be  included  with  this  genuine 
group  of  gradings.  The  Chagga  system  demands  that  circumcised 
youths  join  a  group  called  a  rika,  that  is,  a  circumcision-age  to  which 
a  specific  name  is  given.  The  institution  and  the  names  are  derived 
from  the  Masai,  and  the  names  of  the  rikas  are  in  many  instances 
identical  with  those  of  the  Masai  (C.  K.  Dundas,  1924,  p.  209).  There 
has  apparently  been  a  transfer  of  custom  from  the  Half-Hamitic 
Masai  to  the  Chagga,  who  are  northeastern  Bantu. 

negro  types  of  age-grades 

The  following  instances  are  typical  of  the  kind  of  age-grading 
which  functions  among  Negroes.  In  the  Ba-ila  tribe  all  men  and 
women  born  in  the  same  year,  who  have  gone  through  tribal  initia- 
tion ceremonies  at  the  same  time,  apply  to  one  another  a  term 


I 


Social  Controls  505 

musama,  which  designates  a  primary  age-grade.  As  a  secondary 
form  of  age-grade,  a  person  associates  with  all  people  who  belong 
to  his  or  her  parental  age-grade,  and  these  persons  form  a  group 
called  musela.  Usually  the  Ba-ila  are  polite,  and  ridicule  is  forbidden, 
but  a  joking  relationship  exists  between  two  persons  of  the  same 
musama  or  the  same  musela.  Previous  mention  has  been  made  of  a 
joking  relationship  between  certain  relatives  and  clan  members,  but 
this  instance  of  exceptional  familiarity  between  members  of  the 
same  age-grade  is  a  new  aspect  of  the  joking  practice  (Smith  and 
Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  p.  308). 

The  Ba-ila  system  has  not  the  appearance  of  an  organization 
which  is  derived  from  the  Hamitic  age-grading  system,  although  the 
idea  of  basing  the  age-grade  on  the  age  and  time  of  tribal  initiation 
is  fundamental  to  both  the  Hamitic  and  the  Ba-ila  (Bantu)  systems. 
Age-grading  among  the  Ba-ila  is  not  the  basis  of  government  and 
military  service,  as  among  the  Masai  and  the  Nandi. 

According  to  P.  A.  Talbot  there  exist  in  Southern  Nigeria 
age-classes,  comprising  those  persons  born  within  certain  periods, 
usually  extending  over  two  or  three  years  but  sometimes  longer. 
Separate  grades  for  males  and  females  exist,  and  each  of  these  forms 
a  club  whose  members  try  minor  cases  or  quarrels  occurring  among 
themselves.  Age-grades  vary  in  number  from  seven  to  twelve 
according  to  tribe.  A  first  grade  may  include  children  whose  ages 
range  from  four  to  seven  years;  more  often,  however,  the  first  grade 
includes  those  who  have  reached  puberty,  have  had  their  teeth  filed, 
the  cicatrization  marks  made,  and  circumcision  performed.  Usually 
special  rites  are  observed  when  the  first  age-grade  is  entered.  Fre- 
quently an  age-grade  chooses  a  president  from  men  of  an  older  grade. 

The  age-classes  form  an  essential  link  in  the  chain  of  govern- 
ment and  without  them  the  administration  could  scarcely  be  carried 
on  even  at  the  present  day.  One  of  the  chief  prerogatives  of  this 
age-grade  organization  used  to  be  the  selection  of  those  who  were 
to  go  to  war,  and  those  who  were  either  too  old  or  too  young  for 
fighting.  Every  member  of  the  community  passes  automatically 
through  the  consecutive  groups,  which  appear  to  be  a  very  primitive 
and  ancient  organization.  The  custom  of  purchasing  membership 
of  a  senior  grade  in  order  to  avoid  the  work  relegated  to  lower  grades 
is  probably  a  comparatively  late  innovation. 

Talbot  (1926,  vol.  3,  pp.  543-555)  illustrates  the  operation  of 
these  general  principles  by  giving  instances  from  the  Yoruba,  Bini, 
Ibo,  Ido,  Ijaw,  and  Ibibio  tribes.     If  attention  is  directed  to  the 


506  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

similarity  of  basic  ideas,  namely,  ages  and  their  respective  duties, 
one  may  recognize  a  similarity  in  all  age-grading  systems.  But  the 
generic  concept  is  of  such  an  elementary  kind  that  it  would  be  likely 
to  recur  at  many  places  and  in  various  periods.  In  all  society,  the 
tendency  is  for  age  to  bring  increased  dignity  and  social  prerogative. 

In  the  Munshi  (Tiv)  tribe,  the  whole  social  structure  is  based  on 
age-grades  (kwagh).  Boys  born  in  the  same  year  are  members  of 
the  same  kwagh,  and  all  are  circumcised  at  the  same  time.  Members 
pledge  themselves  to  give  mutual  help  in  resisting  anti-social  magic, 
in  performing  farm  work,  and  in  preserving  marriage  regulations 
(R.  M.  Downes,  1933).  H.  L.  M.  Butcher  (1935)  has  given  a  detailed 
description  of  the  functioning  of  age-grades  among  the  Edo  people 
of  Nigeria. 

Hamitic  age-gradings  of  the  Galla,  Masai,  and  Nandi  are  primary 
factors  in  social  organization  and  control.  But,  generally  speaking, 
the  age-grades  of  Negroes  are  less  specific,  less  complicated,  and  not 
so  fundamental  to  military  organization  as  are  the  pure  Hamitic 
forms  of  age-groupings,  as  seen  among  the  Galla  and  the  Half- 
Hamites, 

Law 

The  student  of  African  law  among  Negroes,  Hamites,  and  Half- 
Hamites  should  bear  in  mind  three  main  cultural  divisions:  purely 
pastoral  tribes,  tribes  whose  social  organization  is  based  on  agri- 
culture, and  tribes  which  have  a  mixed  pastoral  and  agricultural 
background. 

For  each  of  these  divisions,  research  should  take  into  consideration 
historical  factors,  especially  Mohammedan  and  European  influences. 
Law  must  be  considered  in  close  relationship  to  the  family  structure 
and  kinship,  village  organization  and  chieftainship,  and  religion  and 
magic.  Such  an  outline  will  give  legal  codes  their  true  cultural  set- 
ting, and  at  the  same  time  will  explain  the  mechanisms  of  the  law. 
The  main  points  for  study  are  the  theory  behind  the  law,  the  social 
and  psychological  sanctions  of  law,  and  the  system  of  administration. 
One  must  bear  in  mind  that,  apart  from  Mohammedan  and  European 
influences,  laws  are  not  statutory ;  the  absence  of  writing  has  prevented 
the  recording  of  principles  and  precedents.  These  exist,  however,  in 
the  minds  of  chiefs,  tribal  elders,  and  heads  of  families.  Considerable 
latitude  of  judgment  exists,  but  decisions  are  in  accord  with  tribal 
customs,  social  attitudes,  and  moral  concepts.  At  the  end  of  this 
section  on  law,  references  are  given  to  concrete  studies  of  African  law, 
and  to  the  social  and  psychological  basis  of  law. 


Social  Controls  507 

religion  and  law 

The  religious  concepts  which  enter  into  the  legal  systems  of 
African  Negroes  are  the  sacred  oath,  trial  by  ordeal,  and  ancestor 
worship.  The  oath  is  a  form  of  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  a  spiritual 
power  which  is  higher  than  human  agency.  "Among  the  Jukun 
the  king's  body  is  believed  to  be  charged  with  a  divine  dynamism 
which  communicates  itself  to  everything  he  touches.  The  most 
potent  oath,  therefore,  that  a  Jukun  can  take  is  to  swear  by  the  mat, 
couch,  or  slippers  of  the  king.  In  taking  an  oath  the  litigant  or 
accused  is  required  to  place  his  hand  on  the  mat  or  couch.  If  he  has 
sworn  falsely  it  is  believed  that  he  will  be  struck  dead  as  though 
killed  by  an  electric  shock."    (Meek,  1931a,  p.  27.) 

Test  of  guilt  by  drinking  poison  is  a  form  of  legal  procedure  from 
Sierra  Leone,  through  west  Africa,  over  a  great  part  of  the  Congo 
region,  and  into  Angola.  Usually  the  cup  is  prepared  from  sasswood, 
and  at  a  public  trial  a  medicine-man  administers  the  draft  to  the 
accused  persons.  Those  who  are  guilty  succumb,  while  the  innocent 
persons  vomit.  The  spiritual  backing  of  this  procedure  is  seen  in  the 
use  of  ritual  in  preparing  the  cup,  the  form  of  oath  taken  before 
drinking,  and  the  part  played  by  the  medicine-man  who  is  acting 
as  an  intermediary  between  the  accused  persons  and  judgment  of  a 
non-human  kind.  The  procedure  of  the  Ba-ila  illustrates  the  sacred 
character  of  the  poison  ordeal.  The  hand  of  a  young  child  must 
gather  the  drug  for  the  poison,  and  the  feet  of  the  child  must  not  be 
allowed  to  touch  the  ground  as  he  carries  the  drug  back  to  the  village. 
(C.  Gouldsbury  and  H.  Sheane,  1911,  p.  61). 

A  basic  idea  in  trial  by  ordeal  is  the  belief  that  an  innocent 
person  will  escape  the  harmful  effects  of  any  tests  he  is  asked  to 
perform.  The  accused  may  submit  to  boring  of  his  tongue  with  a 
feather,  swallowing  a  fish-hook,  licking  a  red-hot  hoe,  eating  hot 
rice,  carrying  a  hot  iron  ring,  or  swimming  a  river  that  is  infested 
with  crocodiles,  but  innocence  will  give  immunity. 

Trial  of  accused  persons  and  of  litigants  by  proxy  is  a  common 
procedure,  and  each  individual  is  required  to  substitute  for  his  own 
person  a  dog  or  a  chicken.  The  animals  are  poisoned,  and  the  guilt 
of  the  owners  is  determined  by  the  effect  of  the  poison  on  their  respec- 
tive animals.  In  former  days,  wealthy  men  were  allowed  to  substitute 
slaves  who  submitted  themselves  to  the  tests  in  place  of  their  masters. 
The  details  of  procedure  and  the  geographical  distributions  of  all 
forms  of  African  trial  by  ordeal  have  been  described  and  mapped 
by  C.  Wiedemann  (1909). 


508  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Negro  high  gods  are  not  so  important  as  ancestral  spirits  in 
relation  to  conduct  and  legal  procedure.  Nzambi,  Kalunga,  Suku, 
and  other  deities  who  are  credited  with  creative  power  are  too  remote 
to  be  closely  concerned  with  the  affairs  of  men.  The  high  gods  are 
often  thought  to  be  benevolent,  yet  jealous  if  they  do  not  receive 
sacrifices;  but  they  are  not  concerned  with  the  issuing  of  commands; 
they  do  not  define  right  and  wrong,  or  promise  punishments  or 
rewards  in  a  spirit  world. 

Deism  is,  hov/ever,  only  one  aspect  of  religion,  and  consideration 
of  ancestor  worship  shows  a  positive  connection  between  religious 
concepts  and  law.  The  gods  may  be  otiose,  but  the  ancestors  are 
powerful  in  the  lives  of  the  living,  whose  tenure  of  land,  adultery, 
and  incest  are  matters  of  deep  concern  to  dead  relatives.  If  these 
are  offended,  the  whole  community,  not  only  individual  culprits, 
will  suffer. 

The  importance  of  religious  sanction  to  conduct  and  legal  pro- 
cedure should  not,  however,  be  over-emphasized.  Conduct,  custom, 
and  law  have  in  many  tribes  a  strong  social  sanction ;  everyone  knows 
what  is  right  or  wrong  according  to  the  codes,  but  the  religious  sanc- 
tion, though  perhaps  subconscious,  is  not  always  apparent.  Family 
life,  the  power  of  suggestion  from  elders,  and  the  direct  training  of 
initiation,  appear  to  establish  social  attitudes  and  standards  in 
which  the  demands  of  gods  and  ancestors  are  not  stressed  though 
they  operate  indirectly.    See  Rattray  (1929,  pp.  372-378). 

An  extremely  useful  summary  of  the  foregoing  controls  and  atti- 
tudes has  been  provided  by  G.  Wilson  (1936).  The  main  body  of 
customs  may  be  divided  as  follows  by  distinguishing  between  the 
different  factors  which  provide  sanctions  for  conformity  to  law:  (1) 
manners,  sanctioned  by  public  approval  and  disapproval ;  (2)  moral- 
ity, sanctioned  by  religion;  (3)  common  policy,  sanctioned  by  rewards 
and  punishments  that  make  honesty  the  best  policy;  (4)  law,  sanc- 
tioned by  institutionalized  inquiry  followed  by  compulsion  or  punish- 
ment. The  sanctions  are  not  separated  but  are  combined  in  various 
ways  to  form  social  controls.    Consult  F.  Eggan  (1937,  pp.  341-373). 

LAW  AND  CHIEFTAINSHIP 

Responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  individuals  and  for  adminis- 
tration of  the  law  is  intimately  connected  with  family  and  clan 
organization,  with  the  village  unit,  and  with  the  kingdom.  In 
Negro  society,  a  king  or  supreme  chief  is  regarded  as  the  spiritual, 
legal,  and  economic  head  of  the  tribe  by  virtue  of  his  ancestry,  posi- 
tion, and  sacred  attributes.    But  more  active  in  actual  administration 


Social  Controls  509 

and  legal  procedure  is  the  village  headman,  who  tries  all  offenders 
and  hears  all  the  litigation  of  the  village  over  which  he  rules.  Yet  his 
judgments  are  under  the  veto  of  the  king,  and  appellants  have  a 
right  to  transfer  their  cases  from  the  village  headman  to  the  king. 

On  account  of  his  sacredness,  a  king  has  many  prerogatives, 
including  absolute  power  over  the  lives  of  his  subjects,  their  property, 
their  military  service,  and  taxation.  These  wide  powers  leave  a 
general  impression  of  despotism,  for  the  king's  decisions  are  final; 
yet  a  chief  or  king  has  definite  obligations  which  often  include  the 
performance  of  religious  ceremonies  by  which  he  alone  can  obtain 
the  blessing  of  royal  ancestors.  A  ruler  also  has  definite  economic 
obligations  whose  nature  has  been  explained  by  I.  Schapera  (1928, 
p.  175)  in  his  description  of  chieftainship  in  south  Africa. 

"At  the  same  time  all  this  accumulation  of  wealth  by  the  chief 
was  really  made  on  behalf  of  the  tribe.  The  chief  gave  out  his  cattle 
to  the  poorer  members  of  the  tribe  to  herd  for  him  and  allowed  them 
to  use  the  milk."  Instances  of  extreme  despotism  and  wanton 
cruelty  are  not  unknown  in  the  history  of  Negro  kingdoms,  but  these 
do  not  represent  the  general  relationship  between  a  supreme  ruler 
and  his  subjects. 

In  addition  to  the  juridical  functions  of  chiefs  and  kings,  law  is 
administered  through  a  regular  procedure  of  trial,  including  pleadings, 
questioning  of  the  accuser  and  the  accused,  and  the  examination  of 
witnesses.  Am^ong  the  Ovimbundu,  an  appellant  who  states  his  case 
is  omhile,  the  defendant  is  ovilue,  and  a  witness  is  uvangi.  False 
witness  was  at  one  time  punishable  by  fines  and  flogging.  Ukuenje 
welombe,  a  king's  messenger,  was  responsible  for  witnessing  the 
execution  of  sentences  passed  in  the  king's  court,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  kings'  executioners  has  been  a  common  Negro  custom.  But 
in  many  tribes  execution  of  a  sentence  was  left  in  the  hands  of  near 
relatives,  who,  in  case  of  avenging  a  murder,  were  entitled  to  use  the 
kind  of  weapon  that  had  been  employed  to  commit  the  crime. 

PERSONAL  AND  COMMUNAL  RESPONSIBILITY 

An  important  point  to  consider  is  the  recognition  of  inten- 
tional and  unintentional  offences  in  different  regions.  In  some 
tribes  no  distinction  is  made;  but  instances  of  sanctuary  occur,  and 
an  offender  could  take  refuge  at  a  shrine,  in  a  chief's  hut,  or  at  some 
other  place  which  gave  temporary  immunity  until  the  charges  were 
investigated  (CM.  Doke,  1931c,  p.  73).  Allowing  time  for  agitation 
to  subside  is  an  important  point  in  Negro  procedure,  and  an  offender 


510  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

usually  absconds,  leaving  his  chief  and  relatives  to  negotiate.  With 
the  help  of  clansmen,  he  will  ultimately  pay  a  fine  on  account  of  his 
misconduct,  for  example,  adultery,  for  which  he  might  have  been 
killed  by  an  aggrieved  husband,  who  would  have  been  within  his 
legal  rights. 

The  subject  of  responsibility  for  misconduct  is  one  that  touches 
the  core  of  family  and  clan  organization.  In  family  life,  a  maternal 
uncle  may  be  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  sister's  children.  He 
may  pay  the  fines  imposed  on  them,  but,  reciprocally,  they  will  work 
to  discharge  his  obligations.  A  husband  is  responsible  for  the  con- 
duct of  his  wife,  his  dependent  children,  and  his  slaves.  For  these, 
he  will  have  to  pay  fines;  then  he  himself  administers  punishment, 
which  is  often  a  flogging. 

Punishment  imposed  by  a  regular  court  was  apt  to  recognize  a 
principle  of  communal  responsibility.  Therefore,  a  death  sentence 
might  be  extended  to  several  near  relatives,  or  a  whole  family  might 
be  sold  into  slavery  because  of  the  offence  of  one  member. 

Trial  by  ordeal  in  which  a  slave  was  substituted  for  his  master 
has  been  mentioned,  and  this  proxy  was  sometimes  extended  to  such 
punishments  as  flogging  and  mutilation.  The  willingness  of  com- 
moners to  perjure  themselves  and  to  suffer  for  their  social  superiors 
has  sometimes  proved  an  obstacle  to  European  administration. 
Another  basic  point  in  Negro  law  is  the  correlation  between  the 
magnitude  of  an  offence  and  the  social  standing  of  the  aggrieved 
person.  Theft  or  adultery  against  a  king  was  always  far  more 
serious  than  the  same  offence  against  a  commoner. 

The  codes  of  punishment  which  are  characteristic  of  Negro  law 
have  several  common  traits.  Death,  banishment,  mutilation, 
flogging,  and  fines  are  frequently  mentioned  in  descriptions  of  legal 
procedure.  Selling  delinquents  into  slavery  was  common,  but  pro- 
longed imprisonment  was  never  a  factor  of  the  Negro  penal  code. 
Imprisonment  of  debtors  and  malefactors  in  a  dungeon  has  been 
common  under  Mohammedan  influence;  for  example,  the  dungeons 
of  Kano  were  crowded  at  the  time  of  the  British  occupation  in  1903, 
but  usually  under  Negro  law  an  offender  is  tried  and  punished 
as  soon  as  possible. 

These  general  principles  relating  to  the  influence  of  religion  and 
social  organization  on  law  can  now  be  illustrated  by  examining  legal 
procedure  in  its  bearing  on  inheritance,  succession,  ownership  of  land, 
adultery,  theft,  and  murder.  But  while  examining  the  data  in  this 
way  the  cautions  of  B.  Malinowski  (1932)  should  be  borne  in  mind, 


Social  Controls  511 

since  obedience  to  law  does  not  depend  entirely  on  "any  wholesale 
motive  like  fear  of  punishment  or  a  general  submission  to  all  tradi- 
tions, but  on  very  complex  psychological  and  social  inducements." 

LAW  OF  INHERITANCE 

Our  previous  studies  of  kinship  and  of  the  family  showed  that 
two  main  types  of  reckoning  descent,  inheritance,  and  succession  have 
to  be  taken  into  consideration.  H.  von  Baumann  (1925,  pp.  62-161) 
has  prepared  a  number  of  maps  showing  the  distribution  of  systems 
that  recognize  descent  by  females  only,  by  males  only,  or  by  both. 
The  maps  indicate  the  areas  of  Africa  in  which  inheritance  of  property 
and  succession  to  office  is  the  right  of  a  son  or  brother  of  the  deceased ; 
this  system  is  prevalent  on  the  east  side  of  Africa.  Among  many 
Negro  tribes,  a  wife  and  children  inherit  no  property  from  the  dead 
father;  all  bequests  are  made  to  a  sister's  sons.  Von  Baumann  in- 
dicates areas  in  which  the  Mohammedan  system  of  inheritance  and 
succession  has  mingled  with  or  actually  superseded  other  codes.  The 
following  instances,  which  are  selected  from  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negro 
tribes,  illustrate  the  main  principles  explained  by  Von  Baumann. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  a  husband  makes  no  bequest  to  his 
widow  or  children;  property  passes  to  the  sons  of  the  sister  of  the 
deceased.  But  a  small  gift  is  likely  to  be  made  to  the  widow  and  her 
children,  since  the  men  who  have  inherited  the  property  are  afraid  of 
being  held  up  to  ridicule*  for  their  meanness.  The  oldest  brother  of 
the  widow  has  the  task  of  settling  any  disputes  that  may  arise. 
Widows  are  classed  with  movable  property,  and  they  are  inherited  by 
brothers  of  the  deceased.  In  some  tribes,  the  question  of  inheritance 
fees  arises.  This  subject  has  been  discussed  by  J.  H.  Driberg  (Man, 
1929,  No.  64). 

The  Ovimbundu  recognize  the  right  of  a  woman  to  possess 
property.  When  a  wife  is  divorced,  she  removes  her  domestic  utensils 
to  her  home.  When  a  wife  dies,  these  small  possessions  are  divided 
among  her  sisters. 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  271)  makes  clear  that  among  the 
Nankanse  a  married  woman  may  own  property  independently  of  her 
husband.  The  things  she  contributed  to  the  home  and  the  articles 
she  has  made  since  marriage  are  her  individual  belongings.  On  her 
death  without  issue  this  private  property  reverts  to  her  own  family. 
Beads  and  all  things  pertaining  to  women  go  to  her  daughters.  The 
live  stock  owned  by  a  deceased  wife  may  be  inherited  by  her  son  or 
by  her  parents,  but  never  by  her  husband.    In  general,  the  codes  of 


512  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Negro  law  dealing  with  bequest  of  property  recognize  the  independent 
ownership  of  property  by  women.  Often  the  possessions  are  insignifi- 
cant, but  the  principle  is  of  importance  in  legal  procedure. 

Laws  of  the  Ba-ila  are  complicated  in  their  relation  to  inheritance, 
and  descent  of  property  is  often  determined  by  the  combativeness  of 
the  legatees.  But  to  prevent  quarreling,  a  testator  sometimes 
nominates  the  heirs  before  his  death.  Widows  are  inherited  by 
brothers  of  the  deceased.  A  chief  may  nominate  his  successor,  but  if 
he  fails  to  do  so  a  man  is  elected  by  village  elders  (Smith  and  Dale, 
1920,  vol.  1,  pp.  303-305,  390).  Normally,  among  the  Ovimbundu  a 
king  or  village  chief  is  succeeded  by  the  oldest  son  of  his  principal 
wife,  but  if  the  youth  is  not  suitable  another  son  is  chosen. 

Describing  inheritance  of  property  among  the  Bakongo,  J.  H. 
Weeks  (1914,  p.  102)  shows  that  the  legal  code  is  one  which  is 
common  in  Negro  tribes.  He  states  that  property  is  bequeathed 
from  a  dead  man  to  the  oldest  son  of  the  deceased's  oldest  sister. 
A  wife  and  her  children  do  not  inherit  from  a  father,  but  though 
neglected  in  this  way  they  are  the  beneficiaries  of  their  maternal  uncle. 
Maps  prepared  by  H.  von  Baumann  (1925)  indicate  the  wide  dis- 
tribution of  this  kind  of  inheritance  throughout  the  Congo  region 
and  Angola. 

Laws  of  inheritance  described  by  M.  Delafosse  (1931,  p.  190) 
indicate  differences  in  local  procedure.  If  a  husband  predeceases  his 
wives,  they  are  returned  to  their  own  kin,  wlio  then  refund  to  the  heir 
the  value  of  the  dowries  which  were  paid  for  these  women.  The  heir 
of  a  dead  man  becomes  the  legal  father  of  the  deceased's  children  and 
the  husband  of  his  wives,  but  some  local  customs  forbid  the  heir  to 
have  sexual  relations  with  these  women.  Usually  the  heir  restores 
the  widows  to  their  kindred  in  consideration  of  compensation,  but  the 
women  may  work  for  him,  and,  if  they  remarry,  the  dowries  are  given 
to  the  man  who  inherited  them.  Delafosse  remarks  that  from  the 
legal  point  of  view  no  widows  or  orphans  exist,  since  these  are  inher- 
ited and  put  to  work,  or  they  are  restored  to  their  kindred  who 
make  compensation. 

LAW  AND  LAND  OWNERSHIP 

When  describing  the  establishment  of  a  new  village  site  in  the 
territory  of  the  Ovimbundu  tribe,  I  called  attention  to  the  distri- 
bution of  land  by  a  king  or  chief  to  the  heads  of  families.  Retention 
depended  on  continuous  cultivation,  but  when  a  man  was  going  away 
on  a  caravan  journey — and  this  frequently  happened — another  man 
might  cultivate  the  land  of  the  absentee  and  retain  the  produce. 


Social  Controls  513 

Disputes  arising  from  this  arrangement  were  settled  by  the  village 
headman. 

In  a  polygynous  family  of  the  Ovimbundu,  land  is  divided  among 
the  wives,  each  of  whom  is  responsible  for  cultivating  her  own  plot. 
Each  wife  is  entitled  to  a  part  of  the  produce,  which  must  be  sufficient 
to  buy  her  clothes,  ornaments,  and  palm  oil.  Failure  of  the  husband 
to  give  such  a  part  of  the  produce  justifies  the  wife  in  claiming  a 
divorce.  At  the  present  day  each  unmarried  girl  who  is  living  at 
home  has  a  portion  of  land,  the  produce  of  which  she  sells  solely  for 
her  own  benefit.  The  money  obtained  is  spent  on  cloth,  palm  oil, 
and  trinkets.  These  usages  are  commonly  found  among  land-ov/ning 
Negroes. 

Reverence  for  dead  ancestors  in  their  capacity  of  land  owners  is 
the  determining  principle  of  land  ownership  and  distribution.  The 
chief  who  distributes  land  is  acting  in  a  priestly  capacity,  and  his 
concessions  are  equitable  loans,  not  absolute  gifts. 

In  this  section,  chap.  VI,  the  religious  sanction  of  law  will  be 
more  fully  described. 

LAW  OF  ADULTERY 

Consideration  of  laws  relating  to  the  punishment  of  adultery  calls 
attention  to  the  further  influence  of  religious  belief  on  legal  codes. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  p.  50)  states  that  the  offence  of  adultery  is 
greatly  aggravated  if  committed  with  a  pregnant  woman,  because 
the  two  ntoro  (male  elements)  meeting  in  the  womb  may  cause  death 
of  the  child.  If,  however,  the  husband  and  the  adulterer  are  of  the 
same  ntoro  the  offence  is  less  serious.  This  view  of  adultery  is  a 
natural  corollary  of  Ashanti  beliefs  in  reincarnation  and  the  part 
played  by  male  and  female  in  an  act  of  conception. 

Adultery  of  a  wife  is  generally  regarded  as  a  danger  to  her  husband, 
especially  if  he  is  away  hunting  or  on  a  journey.  Misconduct  of  a 
wife  may  cause  her  husband  to  injure  himself  in  his  work  or  make 
him  incapable  as  an  artisan.  These  are  instances  of  magical  beliefs 
of  a  sympathetic  kind  that  are  associated  with  adultery,  and  to 
these  may  be  added  the  difficult  parturition  of  an  adulterous  woman, 
who  can  secure  delivery  only  by  a  full  confession.  E.  Torday  (1929b, 
p.  285)  quotes  instances  of  widows  who  have  to  appease  the  spirits 
of  dead  husbands  before  remarriage.  This  is  done  in  deference  to 
the  dead,  and  to  avoid  even  a  semblance  of  adultery.  Widows  who 
remarry  and  have  offspring  are  regarded  as  producers  of  children 
for  their  dead  husbands,  and  not  for  their  living  spouses. 


514  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

H.  Labouret  (1931,  p.  377)  points  out  instances  in  which  adultery 
is  more  than  a  civil  offence.  Spouses  are  placed  under  the  protection 
of  a  family  deity,  and  infidelity  of  either  husband  or  wife  angers  the 
ancestral  spirits,  who  retaliate  with  a  curse  of  barrenness. 

Before  European  intervention  punishments  for  adultery  were 
severe,  but  at  present  the  tendency  is  for  compensation  to  be  made 
by  payment  to  the  aggrieved  husband.  E.  Torday  (1929b,  pp.  255- 
290)  has  adduced  evidence  from  many  Bantu  tribes  to  show  the 
cruelty  of  punishments  that  were  inflicted  on  male  and  female 
offenders.  Former  punishments  included  burning  alive,  burial  while 
alive,  and  mutilations ;  the  severity  of  the  punishment  increased  with 
the  social  position  of  the  seduced  woman. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  the  penalty  for  adultery  was  the  same  as 
for  murder.  The  culprit's  neck  was  fastened  in  a  yoke  of  wood  and 
his  feet  hardly  touched  the  ground  until  a  fine  was  paid.  If  he 
was  unable  to  pay  the  fine,  the  husband  of  the  seduced  woman  had 
the  right  to  kill  him.  An  adulterous  woman  usually  escaped  with 
a  chastisement.  At  the  present  time,  an  aggrieved  husband  has  the 
right  of  deciding  whether  he  will  retain  his  wife  or  allow  her  to  go  to 
her  seducer  after  the  compensation  has  been  paid.  The  disposal  of 
the  children  of  an  adulteress  depends  on  their  ages;  all  children  under 
three  years  of  age  go  with  their  mother. 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1927a,  pp.  86,  93,  98)  has  described  the  dis- 
crimination made  by  the  Ashanti  between  adultery  with  a  woman  of 
the  commoners  and  adultery  with  the  wife  of  a  king.  A  wronged  king 
demanded  a  death  penalty  for  both  culprits,  their  parents,  and  their 
maternal  uncles,  which  was  a  drastic  application  of  the  principle  of 
communal  responsibility.  A  series  of  tortures  was  inflicted  on  the 
adulterer  by  the  king's  executioner. 

The  sacred  character  of  kings  and  chiefs,  and  not  merely  their 
high  social  position,  accounts  for  the  severity  of  punishments 
inflicted  on  adulterers  with  the  royal  wives.  The  offence,  which  is 
normally  a  violation  of  property  rights,  becomes  a  dangerous  sacrilege 
when  perpetrated  in  the  royal  household.  Laws  relating  to  adultery 
among  the  Ovimbundu — and  these  laws  are  typical  of  those  pre- 
vailing in  Bantu  tribes — demanded  castration  of  a  seducer  of  the  wife 
of  a  king,  but  the  death  penalty  was  not  always  demanded.  A 
culprit  sometimes  escaped  emasculation  by  payment  of  a  heaA^^  fine, 
but  he  himself  along  with  his  sisters  and  her  sons  became  slaves  of 
the  king.  This  was  equivalent  to  confiscation  of  all  inheritable 
property  since  bequest  is  in  the  female  line  to  a  sister's  sons. 


Social  Controls  515 

laws  of  theft 

Negro  laws  relating  to  theft  lay  particular  stress  on  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  head  of  a  family  for  delinquencies  of  the  members. 
Theft  is  regarded  as  an  offence  against  an  individual  who  must 
be  compensated  by  the  thief  or  by  his  kindred.  Punishment  takes 
the  form  of  restitution  of  the  stolen  articles,  or  perhaps  repayment  of 
twice  or  thrice  their  value.  Flogging  as  a  punishment  for  theft  was 
common  before  European  control ;  so  also  were  mutilations.  Penalties 
were  usually  graded  for  first,  second,  and  third  offences;  the  first  theft 
was  sometimes  punished  by  flogging,  the  second  by  a  light  mutilation 
such  as  lopping  fingers,  and  the  third  incurred  extreme  mutilation 
such  as  loss  of  hands  and  feet.  The  gravity  of  the  offence  increased 
with  the  social  status  of  the  person  who  was  robbed. 

Laws  of  the  Ovimbundu  illustrate  a  sense  of  family  responsibility. 
A  woman  who  is  caught  in  the  act  of  stealing  from  a  garden  is  taken 
to  her  husband,  who  beats  her  and  makes  restitution.  A  child  who 
steals  is  beaten  by  his  maternal  uncle  or  by  his  father.  The  owner 
of  a  slave  takes  responsibility  for  the  delinquencies  of  his  servant, 
pays  the  fines  incurred,  then  flogs  the  culprit.  K.  G.  Lindblom 
(1916,  pp.  170-172)  mentions  a  peculiar  form  of  family  punishment 
whereby  parents  place  curses  on  delinquent  children,  who  have  to 
show  signs  of  reform  before  the  curse  is  ceremonially  removed. 

The  Bakongo  have  laws  for  punishing  a  receiver  of  stolen  goods 
who  has  acted  wittingly,  and  there  is  a  law  recognizing  a  form  of 
theft  that  is  dangerous  to  the  community  because  of  offence  to 
ancestors.  A  culprit  who  takes  articles  from  a  grave  is  beheaded 
and  his  body  is  thrown  into  the  bush.  Such  was  the  ancient  law 
before  European  control  (J.  H.  Weeks,  1914,  p.  65). 

Among  the  Temne  of  Sierra  Leone,  a  thief  might  be  flogged,  sold 
into  slavery,  or  his  hands  might  be  cut  off.  The  more  severe  punish- 
ments were  given  to  habitual  offenders.  First  offences  were  punished 
by  confinement  in  the  stocks  and  repayment  of  treble  the  value  of  the 
stolen  goods  (N.  W.  Thomas,  1916,  Part  I,  p.  156). 

LAW  OF  HOMICIDE 

Study  of  the  punishment  of  murderers  brings  out  the  following 
points  of  importance  involved  in  social  attitudes  toward  this  offence. 
Murder  upsets  the  equilibrium  of  social  groups  and  restoration  has 
to  be  made.  Communal  responsibility  of  the  family  and  the  clan  of 
the  murderer  is  involved.  Private  revenge  is  usually  condoned, 
and  blood-revenge  of  this  kind  occurs  when  a  murderer  is  unable  to 


516  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

hide  pending  settlement  of  the  indemnity.  After  payment  of 
indemnity,  ceremonial  purging  of  the  murderer  may  be  necessary 
in  order  to  appease  the  ghost  of  the  victim.  The  religious  element  is 
further  shown  by  rites  of  purification  for  the  executioner,  who  is 
thus  protected  against  the  ghost  of  the  criminal. 

The  Ovimbundu  prescribed  severe  penalties  for  murder,  the  com- 
monest of  which  was  fixing  the  culprit's  head  in  a  triangle  of  wood  and 
suspending  him  with  his  feet  barely  touching  the  ground.  Some- 
times a  murderer's  head  was  placed  through  a  hole  in  the  wooden 
door  of  his  hut  so  that  he  faced  the  street.  If  the  murderer  could  not 
pay  the  blood-money  and  his  kindred  were  unable  to  meet  the  obli- 
gation, he  was  executed.  The  sentence  might  be  carried  out  by 
ukuenje  welombe,  the  king's  servant,  or  relatives  of  the  victim  might 
be  allowed  to  kill  the  murderer  with  the  weapon  he  had  used  for  his 
crime.  If  a  man  murdered  one  of  the  royal  family,  he  was  executed, 
and  in  addition  to  this  his  kindred  had  to  pay  the  blood-money. 
Payment  of  compensation  in  addition  to  other  punishment  is  com- 
mon in  Negro  law.  When  dealing  with  adultery,  theft,  and  murder, 
the  law  aims  at  imposing  physical  punishment,  making  compensation 
to  the  aggrieved  person,  and  adjusting  the  claims  of  family  and 
clan  groups. 

To  test  the  guilt  of  an  accused  murderer,  the  Ovimbundu  used  the 
poison  cup.  This  practice  is  forbidden  by  Portuguese  law,  but  a 
mild  form  of  ordeal  is  substituted.  Accuser  and  accused  sit  opposite 
a  m^edicine-man,  who  holds  two  potatoes,  one  of  which  is  poisoned 
but  not  sufficiently  to  cause  death.  The  poisoned  potato  causes 
swelling  of  the  mouth,  the  man  is  afraid,  and  confesses  if  guilty. 
Combined  with  the  ordeal  is  a  form  of  oath.  The  accuser  says,  "If 
this  man  is  not  the  murderer  this  potato  will  be  poison  for  me,  but  if 
he  is  the  murderer  this  potato  will  be  food  for  me."  The  accused 
makes  a  similar  statement. 

In  the  Bakongo  tribe,  a  family  was  responsible  for  finding  and 
handing  over  for  trial  any  member  of  the  family  who  was  guilty  of 
murder.  If  found  guilty  by  the  village  chief,  the  murderer  was  made 
drunk  with  palm  wine  and  executed  in  the  market  place,  after  which 
his  body  was  destroyed  by  fire  so  that  his  ghost  could  not  haunt  the 
executioners.  A  family  that  failed  to  deliver  a  kinsman  who  was 
accused  of  murder  was  heavily  fined  (H.  J.  Weeks,  1914,  p.  63). 
Accidental  homicide  was  not  distinguished  from  an  intentional  act. 
The  law  went  further.  If  a  Bakongo  murderer  had  been  known 
as  dangerous,  and  if  a  warning  had  been  given  to  his  kin,  a  very 


Social  Controls  517 

heavy  fine  was  imposed  on  his  family,  but  the  murderer  was  not 
punished  if  he  was  known  to  be  of  defective  intellect.  The  mentally 
deficient  who  had  homicidal  tendencies  disappeared,  presumably  by 
poison,  and  the  responsibility  of  the  family  no  doubt  induced  them 
to  make  a  quiet  removal  of  a  potential  murderer  (J.  H.  Weeks,  ibid.). 

C.  M.  Doke  (1931c,  p.  74)  states  that  among  the  Lambas  a  person 
who  has  provoked  a  suicide  by  wrongful  accusation,  or  by  insistent 
demand  for  payment  of  a  debt  is  held  responsible  for  the  suicide. 

Although  the  instances  quoted  indicate  that  a  death  penalty 
is  sometimes  inflicted  for  murder,  the  general  evidence  stresses  the 
restoration  of  equilibrium  by  compensation  of  the  victim's  family 
and  clan.  The  Ba-ila  say  that  "to  kill  a  person  because  he  has  killed 
another  is  ridiculous;  why  make  a  bigger  hole  in  the  community? 
Fine  him,  yes,  but  unless  he  is  a  veritable  danger  to  the  others,  let 
him  live."  Killing  a  human  being  is  regarded  as  an  offence  against 
the  clan  of  the  victim,  against  the  communal  god,  against  the 
victim's  ghost,  and  against  the  hidden  forces  of  nature  (Smith  and 
Dale,  1920,  vol.  1,  p.  413). 

The  Akamba,  Akikuyu,  and  Atheraka,  who  are  Bantu  tribes  of 
northeast  Africa,  have  laws  that  further  illustrate  the  principles 
mentioned  (C.  K.  Dundas,  1915,  pp.  234-305).  A  religious  factor  in 
jurisprudence  is  shown  by  the  use  of  oaths  and  ordeals,  and  com- 
pensation implies  more  than  payment  for  injury  done,  for  a  rite  of 
purification  is  performed  after  every  instance  of  personal  violence. 
The  elders  sacrifice  a  goat  and  attach  a  piece  of  the  skin  to  the  injured 
part  of  the  person  who  was  attacked. 

In  homicide,  provocation,  self-defence,  and  unintentional  acts 
are  not  accepted  as  extenuating  circumstances;  therefore,  blood- 
money  is  always  demanded.  Kikuyu  law  states  that  a  man  may 
refuse  to  accept  blood-money  and  may,  instead  of  compensation,  kill 
the  murderer  of  his  kinsm.an.  The  amount  of  compensation  required 
for  homicide  is  less  if  the  murderer  has  killed  his  own  kinsman.  For 
example,  a  man  who  kills  his  father  has  to  pay  to  his  father's  brothers, 
or  to  their  sons,  half  the  usual  compensation  for  murder.  The 
murderer  took  a  life  that  was  closely  bound  to  his  own  kinship  group; 
therefore,  equilibrium  is  more  easily  restored  than  would  be  the  case 
if  the  victim  were  a  stranger  from  outside  the  assassin's  kindred. 
This  instance  illustrates  one  of  the  most  important  aspects  of  primi- 
tive law. 

A  murderer  visits  all  his  clansmen  and  begs  for  contributions 
toward  the  blood-money.    "To  refuse  such  assistance  is  regarded  as 


518  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

shameful,  and  equivalent  of  a  denial  of  kinship."  Clansmen  con- 
tribute to  help  one  of  their  members,  but  reciprocally  they  share  in 
blood-money  paid  for  the  murder  of  one  of  their  clan. 

Among  the  Akikuyu,  purification  of  a  homicide  consists  of  blunt- 
ing the  weapon  used  and  burying  it,  of  washing  the  offender,  and  of 
shaving  his  head.  Atheraka  law  demands  that  a  murderer  shall 
kill  a  goat.  Elders  make  small  cuts  all  over  the  body  of  the  homicide 
and  into  these  incisions  the  blood  of  the  sacrificed  animal  is  smeared. 
"These  rites  are  intended  for  purification  and  if  omitted  the  direst 
consequences  ensue,  for  the  murderer  will  continue  to  slay  friends 
and  foes  alike."  The  elders  officiate  at  a  peace-making  ceremony 
between  the  murderer  and  relatives  of  his  victim. 

Instances  of  law  relating  to  homicide  among  the  Timne-speaking 
tribes  of  Sierra  Leone  usually  show  a  principle  of  compensation  by 
restoring  the  numerical  equilibrium  of  social  groups.  But  in  one  area 
no  compensation  could  be  accepted  for  a  life,  and,  if  a  murderer 
escaped,  his  relatives  would  be  attacked  by  the  kindred  of  the  mur- 
dered man.  In  another  region,  a  slave  had  to  be  given  to  take  the 
place  of  the  murdered  man,  and  this  slave  became  the  husband  of 
the  victim's  widow.  The  slave  could  not  inherit  property;  he  was 
regarded  as  a  numerical  equalization.  The  crime  was  regarded  as  a 
social  injury  and  not  as  a  personal  affront.  In  districts  where  com- 
pensation was  accepted  for  murder,  and  restitution  was  not  made, 
the  murderer  was  publicly  executed  by  a  brother  of  the  victim.  A 
man  who  murdered  his  wife  had  to  give  a  female  of  his  own  kindred 
to  the  relatives  of  his  wife,  and  sometimes  a  boy  was  given  in  this 
way  as  compensation  for  a  man  who  had  been  murdered  (N.  W. 
Thomas,  1916,  Part  I,  pp.  161,  164). 

Laws  relating  to  homicide  among  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  bring 
out  clearly  the  general  nature  of  Negro  concepts  respecting  com- 
pensation. If  a  master  killed  his  own  slave,  no  crime  was  committed ; 
the  murderer  had  merely  injured  himself,  and  there  was  no  moral 
turpitude  and  no  social  wrong.  But  if  a  free  man  murdered  a  slave 
of  another  free  man,  the  murderer  had  to  pay  money  or  give  two 
slaves  in  place  of  the  one  killed.  An  owner  of  slaves  usually  had  the 
right  of  substituting  a  slave  to  take  a  punishment  that  he  himself 
had  incurred  (A.  K.  Ajisafe,  1924,  pp.  28,  38). 

J.  H.  Driberg  (1928,  pp.  63-72)  has  pointed  out  that  "a  pastoral 
culture  and  one  based  on  husbandry  are  so  inherently  different  that 
they  could  not  safely  be  brought  within  one  survey,  though  doubtless 
much  of  what  is  true  of  one  is  also  true  of  the  other." 


Social  Controls  519 

A  glance  at  some  of  the  laws  of  Nilotic  Negroes  and  Half-Hamites 
shows  certain  basic  similarities  between  the  legal  codes  of  these 
tribes  and  those  of  the  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes.  But  among 
pastoral  tribes  the  ownership  of  cattle  is  fundamental  in  all  questions 
of  fines  and  compensations,  and  even  in  Bantu  tribes  who  have 
become  herdsmen,  though  still  agriculturalists,  cattle  play  the  most 
important  part  in  legal  procedure.  Maclean  (1858)  states  that 
"the  stealing  of  live  stock  is  the  most  important  law  case  in  Kafir- 
land." 

Laws  of  the  Dinka  indicate  the  importance  of  cattle  as  compen- 
sation for  assault  or  murder.  Payment  varies  from  a  hundred  head 
of  cattle  in  case  of  homicide  to  payment  of  a  goat  to  recompense  a 
minor  injury.  Other  points  of  law  resemble  those  of  Bantu  and 
Sudanic  Negroes.  Communal  responsibility  for  an  offense  is  fully 
recognized,  and  the  family  or  clan  of  the  delinquent  must  pay  the 
penalty.  Murder  and  theft  are  a  violation  of  private  rights  and  a 
disturbance  of  social  equilibrium.  An  oath,  taken  on  a  sacred  spear 
before  testifying,  is  important  in  legal  procedure  (H.  O'Sullivan, 
1910,  pp.  171-191). 

Among  the  Kisongo  Masai  of  Tanganyika  Territory,  all  the  cattle 
of  a  murderer  are  taken  by  relatives  of  the  deceased,  but  some  of  the 
animals,  for  example,  cows  that  are  about  to  calve,  are  returned 
after  the  tribal  elders  have  judged  the  case.  Sometimes  private 
revenge  operates  after  two  years  or  more.  Relatives  of  the  mur- 
dered man  raid  the  kraal  of  the  murderer  by  night,  and  the  homicide 
may  be  killed  without  a  trial.  For  every  head  of  cattle  taken  by  a 
thief,  five  have  to  be  returned.  For  personal  assault,  graded  pay- 
ments are  arranged;  these  vary  from  one  ewe  to  twenty-nine  head 
of  cattle,  according  to  the  injuries  of  the  victim  (R.  A.  J.  Maguire, 
1928-29,  pp.  12-18). 

Didinga  law  shows  that  "all  transgressions,  whether  compensated 
for  by  live  stock  or  not,  must  also  be  purged  by  sacrifice."  Uninten- 
tional homicide  is  settled  by  compensation.  If  the  murder  is  inten- 
tional, the  offender  is  killed,  unless  he  can  escape.  Execution  of  a 
murderer  is  not  a  legal  punishment,  but  an  act  of  retaliation,  which  is 
condoned.  If  a  homicide  can  hide  temporarily  his  family  will  arrange 
for  compensation,  and  after  the  matter  is  settled  he  may  safely 
return,  although  the  compensation  has  not  actually  been  paid. 
Theft  is  usually  punished  by  flogging  the  culprit  and  making  him 
return  the  stolen  articles.  Trial  by  ordeal  is  practiced  (J.  H.  Driberg, 
1925,  pp.  153-175). 


520  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

summary  and  reading 

The  foregoing  points  and  others  of  importance  have  been  touched 
upon  by  J.  H.  Driberg  (1934,  pp.  230-231)  in  his  account  of  the  basic 
concepts  of  Negro  law.  He  discusses  the  privileges  of  restricted 
groups,  such  as  the  family,  the  clan,  or  the  tribe,  and  remarks  on  the 
fundamental  differences  between  European  and  African  legal  con- 
cepts. The  points  elucidated  are  those  of  legal  status,  penalties, 
motive  and  intention,  the  displeasure  of  ancestors  (religious  sanc- 
tions), ridicule  and  ostracism  (satirical  songs).  An  appendix  sum- 
marizes the  aspects  of  family,  clan,  tribal,  and  associational  law. 
Driberg's  article  is  a  summary  of  the  points  I  have  tried  to  establish. 

Our  examples  of  social  control  have  indicated  that  secret  societies, 
age-grades,  and  the  operation  of  customary  laws  are  closely  coordi- 
nated social  controls.  These  controls,  aided  by  religious  beliefs  and 
magical  rites,  have  unified  tribal  life  by  establishing  legal  sanctions. 

Working  to  some  extent  in  opposition  to  these  institutions  are  the 
disharmonic  factors  of  warfare  and  slavery,  which  will  now  be  con- 
sidered. These  institutions  tend  to  break  down  cultural  patterns, 
to  disperse  physical  types  and  languages,  and,  by  a  process  of  dif- 
fusion, to  change  the  social  and  economic  structure.  We  have  in 
society,  processes  analogous  to  those  with  which  a  biologist  is  familiar, 
namely,  anabolism  (building  up)  and  katabolism  (a  breaking  down). 

For  a  broad  approach  to  the  subject  of  Negro  law,  the  following 
works  are  important.  R.  R.  Marett  (1936)  has  discussed  the  nature  of 
sanctions  in  primitive  law.  W.  Seagle  (1937)  should  be  read  for  a 
summary  and  criticism  of  the  views  of  A.  R.  Radcliffe  Brown  and 
B.  Malinowski.  A.  S.  Diamond  (1936),  J.  H.  Driberg  (1934) 
on  "The  African  Conception  of  Law,"  H.  I.  Hogbin  (1934),  and  B. 
Malinowski  (1932)  are  important.  R.  R.  Marett's  "Anthropology," 
(1911,  pp.  181-208)  gives  a  brief  helpful  summary  of  legal  attitudes 
of  primitive  people.  Malinowski  discusses  the  views  of  L.  T.  Hob- 
house,  W.  H.  R.  Rivers,  E.  S.  Hartland,  E.  Durkheim,  and  A.  R. 
Radcliffe  Brown  on  the  subject  of  primJtive  law.  C.  Meinhof  (1908, 
pp.  159-164)  describes  "The  Codification  of  Native  Law  in  the 
German  Colonies."  Two  comprehensive  works  in  German  are  E. 
Schultz-Ewerth  and  L.  Adam  (1930)  and  S.  R.  Steinmetz  (1903). 

The  following  works  are  important  contributions  to  the  study 
of  African  law:  B.  Ankermann  (1929),  J.  B.  Danquah  (1928),  J.  S. 
Fenton  (1932),  B.  Gutmann  (1925,  1926),  C.  K.  Meek  (1934),  R.  S. 
Rattray  (1929),  P.  P.  Schumacher  (1912),  W.  G.  Stafford  (1935),  and 
G.  Wilson  (1937).     These  works  sample  Negro  law  in  a  wide  area. 


V.  SOCIAL  CONFLICTS 

A  review  of  warfare  and  slavery  as  aspects  of  social  life  shows 
an  interrelationship  of  cultural  traits.  Warfare  has  resulted  in 
the  capture  of  slaves  whose  reception  into  a  tribe  tends  to  change 
the  economic  organization.  Warfare  and  head-hunting  are  to  some 
extent  kindred  activities,  but  a  fundamental  distinction  exists 
between  a  permanent  military  organization,  such  as  that  developed 
by  the  Zulu,  and  the  intermittent  head-hunting  raids  of  tribes  on  the 
Bauchi  plateau  of  Nigeria.  Cannibalism  may  be  a  factor  associated 
with  head-hunting  and  warfare,  though  this  is  not  invariably  so. 
The  association  of  cannibalism,  slavery,  and  human  sacrifice  is  some- 
what close,  since  slaves  and  captives  were  the  persons  most  fre- 
quently sacrificed  at  ceremonies  for  inaugurating  a  new  king  and 
performing  funeral  rites  at  his  death. 

The  object  of  this  chapter  is  to  show  the  effects  of  warfare  and 
slavery  on  social  organization,  tribal  migrations,  and  diffusion  of 
cultural  elements. 

Warfare  and  Head-hunting 

The  subject  of  warfare  falls  naturally  into  two  divisions:  the  one 
dealing  with  accouterments  and  tactics,  and  the  other  with  historical 
sequences,  cultural  change,  economic  conditions,  and  magical  aids. 

weapons  and  tactics 

Among  numerous  methods  of  defence,  the  most  important  are 
concerned  with  the  protection  of  villages.  These  may  secure  im- 
munity from  attack  because  of  their  inaccessible  position  in  high, 
rugged  hills.  Typical  examples  of  such  defence  are  to  be  seen  in  the 
country  of  the  Vasele  in  the  hinterland  of  Novo  Redondo,  Angola. 
The  small  clusters  of  huts  are  screened  among  masses  of  rocks  which 
make  them  difficult  to  locate  and  more  difficult  to  reach  (Fig.  80,  b). 
The  same  may  be  said  of  the  villages  of  the  Angas  tribe  in  eastern 
Nigeria;  these  small  communities  can  be  reached  only  after  a  long 
climb.    Each  village  is  protected  by  a  stone  wall. 

This  type  of  defence  is  important  as  a  cultural  determinant. 
Isolation  leads  to  the  preservation  of  archaic  forms  of  speech  and 
the  survival  of  customs  that  have  become  obsolete  in  surrounding 
regions  which  are  open  to  cultural  contacts  and  changes.  Villages 
of  the  Bauchi  plateau  have  long  resisted  the  influences  of  Europeans 
and  Mohammedans. 

521 


522  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  economic  results  of  defensive  village  structure  in  mountainous 
regions  are  well  seen  in  relation  to  agriculture.  The  Angas  terrace 
their  hillsides  for  the  growth  of  a  species  of  millet  that  thrives  on 
impoverished  soil  deficient  in  moisture.  The  Vasele  descend  from 
their  hills  to  cultivate  small  gardens  in  the  more  fertile  valleys.  In 
this  way,  economic  habits  are  determined  by  a  primary  necessity 
for  self-defence  by  isolation. 

Villages  on  plains  are  sometimes  defended  by  high  palisades 
in  which  heavy  wooden  doors  are  built  (Fig.  80,  a),  and  in  some 
regions  approach  is  made  dangerous  by  the  planting  of  poisoned, 
pointed  stakes  with  their  sharp  ends  slightly  above  ground  level. 
Walled  cities,  such  as  Kano  and  Katsina  in  Nigeria,  are  not  typical 
of  Negro  defence;  in  common  with  the  general  architecture  of  the 
western  Sudan,  mural  defences  have  their  origin  in  the  styles  of 
north  Africa.  An  existing  example  of  protection  by  moat  and 
earthwork,  now  overgrown  with  dense  vegetation,  may  be  seen 
near  the  city  of  Benin,  but  this  protection  is  occasional  rather 
than  typical. 

Miscellaneous  methods  of  defence  include  signaling  with  smoke. 
The  Nuba  of  southern  Kordofan  warn  the  scattered  hillside  villages 
in  this  way,  but  the  method  is  not  general  (J.  W.  Sagar,  1922,  p.  155). 
Drum  signaling  as  a  warning  and  defence  against  surprise  attack  was 
general  throughout  Negro  Africa  before  European  control.  Personal 
defence  by  the  use  of  magical  preparations  for  smearing  on  the  body, 
and  the  wearing  of  charms  to  give  invulnerability,  are  extremely 
common  practices. 

The  chief  defensive  weapons  are  shields  of  leather,  hide,  wood,  or 
wicker  in  great  variety.  Each  locality  in  which  shields  are  used  has 
a  type  or  types  that  are  readily  distinguishable  (P.  Schebesta  and 
G.  Holtker,  1923-24, 1925;  Storrs-Fox,  1930).  The  Masai  and  Nandi 
make  shields  of  prepared  hide  from  which  the  hair  has  been  removed. 
Zulu  shields  are  of  rawhide;  painting  of  shields  among  the  Half- 
Hamites,  and  the  colors  of  the  hide  among  the  Zulu,  indicate  military 
units  and  age-grades.  The  finest  wicker  shields,  which  are  remark- 
ably well  plaited,  are  made  in  the  northeast  Congo  region.  Among 
wooden  shields,  those  of  the  Buduma  are  distinguished  by  their  great 
size,  wide  curvature  to  protect  the  body,  and  the  lightness  of  ambatch 
wood  from  which  they  are  made.  The  parrying  bow  of  the  Dinka  is 
a  singular  weapon  with  a  limited  distribution  (G.  Schweinfurth,  1875, 
Plate  I,  Fig.  16). 


Fig.  80.    Village    defence.       a.  Door    in    palisade,    Ovimbundu,    Ngalangi. 
b.  Strategic  site  on  hill-top,  Vasele,  Angola. 

523 


524  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Use  of  protective  armor  for  men  and  horses  is  local.  The  history 
of  chain  mail  and  its  probable  origin  in  Persia  are  the  subjects  of  an 
article  by  B.  Laufer  (1913-14).  Field  Museum  possesses  a  cuirass  of 
crocodile  skin  from  the  Batanga  coast  of  the  Cameroons  (Catalogue 
No.  175394).  Berom  horsemen  of  the  Bauchi  plateau,  Nigeria,  wear 
greaves  of  iron  on  their  shins.  But  the  employment  of  body  armor 
of  any  kind  in  Negro  tribes  is  exceptional. 

The  bows  and  arrows  of  Africa  have  formed  the  subject  of  a 
monograph  by  L.  S.  B.  Leakey  (1926).  Bows  vary  greatly  in  length 
from  three  to  six  feet ;  they  may  be  strung  with  thin  strips  of  twisted 
hide  or  with  rattan.  The  methods  of  knotting  and  forming  loops 
for  passing  over  the  ends  of  the  stave  are  various,  and  the  stave 
itself  may  be  flat  or  round  in  cross  section.  Quivers  are  constructed 
from  hide,  thin  sheets  of  bark,  or  from  the  stems  of  bamboo. 

The  shafts  of  arrows  are  often  made  from  strong  hollow  reeds 
into  which  iron  arrowheads  are  tanged  and  bound;  or  the  arrow- 
shaft  may  be  a  solid  piece  of  wood  onto  which  the  iron  arrowhead  is 
socketed.  Feathering  of  arrows  is  usual,  but  not  universal.  The 
technique  of  feathering  shows  many  ways  of  splitting  and  binding 
the  feathers  to  the  arrow-shaft. 

Iron  arrow-points  made  by  Negro  blacksmiths  are  now  general, 
though  some  Bushmen  still  use  bone  points.  The  methods  of  releasing 
the  arrow  in  Africa  and  other  parts  of  the  world  have  been  described 
by  R.  B.  Dixon  (1928). 

Use  of  a  poison  for  arrow-tips  is  common  among  Negroes,  but 
many  tribes,  for  example,  the  Ovimbundu  and  the  Vachokwe  of 
Angola,  do  not  poison  their  arrows.  The  Munshi  of  the  Cameroons 
are  supplied  with  arrow  poison  by  their  medicine-men,  who  make  the 
mixture  from  crushed  heads  of  snakes  mixed  with  Strophanthus 
seeds.    During  the  preparation  a  spell  is  uttered  to  curse  the  enemy. 

The  Konkomba  and  other  tribes  of  northern  Togoland  either 
treat  their  arrows  with  poison  which  is  thickly  smeared  on  the 
points,  or  they  leave  the  arrow-tips  stuck  in  a  putrid  carcass.  A.  W. 
Cardinall  (1927a,  p.  119)  states  that  in  the  Northern  Territories  of 
the  Gold  Coast  tribesmen  collect  Strophanthus  seeds  at  the  beginning 
of  the  first  rains.  Young  men  erect  grass  shelters  away  from  the 
compounds  where  they  live,  and  for  two  days  no  person  is  allowed 
to  approach  the  secret  place  where  the  poison  is  brewed.  A  sacrifice 
of  fowls  is  made  during  this  rite,  and  prohibitions  are  observed.  No 
man  who  is  concerned  with  making  the  poison  may  have  intercourse 


Social  Conflicts 


525 


with  a  woman,  and  wives  are  not  permitted  to  bring  food  to  their 
men  who  are  in  the  sacred  retreat. 

Further  information  on  the  poisoning  of  arrows  is  given  by  I.  C. 
Hall  and  R.  W.  Whitehead  (1927)  and  H.  Neuville  (1916).  The 
types  of  bows  and  arrows  and  their  distribution  have  been  described 
by  L.  Frobenius  (1932),  L.  F.  Mainguard  (1932),  F.  Ratzel  (1891), 
and  K.  Weule  (1899). 

The  magical  element  that  enters  into  warfare  is  mentioned  by 
C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  p.  305)  who  describes  preparations  made  by  the 


Fig.  81.    Vakwanyama  warriors  with  tufted  spears,  bows,  and  throwing-clubs. 


Jukun.  Before  setting  out  for  war,  warriors  and  their  weapons  are 
smeared  with  the  juice  from  tubers.  Some  of  the  warriors  carry  a 
species  of  nut  which  is  supposed  to  prevent  weapons  from  touching 
their  bodies.  Others  obtain  concoctions  that  are  supposed  to  make 
them  invisible  to  the  foe. 

Missile  weapons  include  throwing-knives,  clubs,  light  assagais 
(Fig.  81)  and  slings.  The  use  of  slings  for  thro  wing-stones  is  limited 
to  a  distribution  in  the  west,  north,  and  northeast  of  Africa;  these 
areas  are  shown  on  the  map  prepared  by  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1927c). 

Throwing-knives  take  many  forms,  each  of  which  has  a  definite 
area  of  distribution.    The  iron  throwing-knife  of  the  Tibbu  of  Tibesti 


526  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

is  easily  distinguished,  as  are  the  patterns  used  near  Lake  Chad.  In 
the  northeast  Congo  region,  peculiar  types  occur,  as  they  do  also 
among  the  Fang  tribe  and  the  Bushongo.  The  word  Bushongo 
means  "people  of  the  thro  wing-knife."  When  used  in  open  country, 
for  example,  in  the  eastern  and  western  Sudan,  these  weapons  were 
launched  at  the  fetlocks  of  horses.  The  types  of  throwing-knives, 
the  geographical  distribution  of  the  different  patterns,  also  the 
evolution  of  forms  and  their  generic  relationship  to  throwing-clubs, 
have  formed  the  subject  of  several  articles  (H.  Schurtz,  1889;  E.  S. 
Thomas,  1925).  Light  throwing-assagais  are  sometimes  used  with- 
out shields,  as  among  the  Vakwanyama  of  south  Angola,  but  the 
Zulu  used  to  fight  with  both  shields  and  assagais.  Chaka  converted 
the  assagai  from  a  missile  weapon  to  one  used  for  stabbing.  Further 
information  on  throwing-knives  is  given  by  A.  E.  Robinson  (1935, 
No.  74),  and  D.  Olderogge  (1934,  No.  128). 

The  chief  thrusting  weapons  are  spears,  swords,  knives,  and  dag- 
gers (Joyce  and  Braunholtz,  1925).  The  largest  of  African  thrusting- 
spears  are  employed  by  horsemen  of  Bornu  in  northeast  Nigeria;  the 
butts  of  the  broad-bladed  weapons  are  rested  on  the  stirrups.  Long 
cross-hilted  swords  and  arm-daggers  have  a  wide  distribution  in 
Africa  north  of  15°  N.  Lat. 

Fighting  wristlets  of  iron  furnished  with  formidable  spikes  are 
in  use  among  the  Mittu,  the  Acholi,  and  the  Lango  of  the  upper  Nile, 
and  specimens  of  similar  type  have  been  dug  up  in  the  Bauchi 
plateau,  Nigeria.  C.  K.  Meek  (1927,  No.  29)  has  described  the  use 
of  these  weapons  in  single  combats  that  take  the  form  of  wrestling 
bouts  among  the  Kyanga  and  the  Shanga  after  harvest.  He  states 
that  combatants  face  each  other  and  spar  for  an  opening  until  one 
contestant  gets  a  grip  and  forces  his  spikes  into  the  back  of  his 
opponent.  When  an  opponent  is  down,  he  receives  a  knockout  blow 
on  the  head  that  may  incapacitate  him  for  months,  or  even  cause 
death  (see  also  Lindblom,  1927a). 

Since  the  first  arrival  of  Europeans  four  hundred  years  ago, 
African  Negroes  have  been  anxious  to  obtain  firearms,  and  these 
played  an  important  part  as  currency  during  days  of  trading  for 
slaves.  Among  the  Ovimbundu,  a  few  hunters  may  be  seen  with 
muzzle-loading  guns,  which  they  charge  with  scrap-iron.  This  type  of 
weapon  is  used  by  some  natives  of  the  Cameroons  for  shooting  short 
poisoned  spears  at  elephants.  At  some  of  the  stores  in  Nigeria  these 
muzzle-loading  weapons,  called  Dane  guns,  are  on  sale.  Muzzle- 
loading  guns  have  occasionally  formed  part  of  the  equipment  of  a 


I 


Social  Conflicts  527 

Negro  army,  for  example,  in  Dahomey,  but  the  weapon  has  never 
been  widely  used  for  military  purposes. 

MILITARY  ORGANIZATIONS 

Military  organizations  of  Africa  differed  in  type  according  to 
the  relationship  between  military  service  and  social  structure.  Negro 
kingdoms  of  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  and  Nigeria,  as  well  as  those 
of  Kongo  and  Lunda,  had  military  organizations  on  which  these 
powerful  states  relied,  but  the  standing  armies  were  small  in  relation 
to  the  total  forces  that  could  be  raised  by  calling  on  all  men  for  serv- 
ice. Permanent  war  chiefs  were  appointed,  and  these  were  among 
the  highest  officials  in  the  land.  These  west  African  systems  differed 
radically  from  those  of  the  Masai  and  the  Zulu.  In  these  tribes, 
which  are  Half-Hamitic  and  Bantu  Negro,  respectively,  the  military 
systems  demanded  the  full-time  employment  of  all  men  up  to  the 
age  of  forty  years.  The  armies  ranged  over  wide  territories,  they 
were  aggressive  and  predatory  at  all  times,  and  the  military  organiza- 
tions determined  the  nature  of  the  social  and  economic  structures. 

The  military  organization  of  the  Jagas,  a  Negro  tribe  of  Angola, 
which  was  described  by  Andrew  Battell  (1900)  in  the  year  1600, 
provides  an  instance  of  a  military  organization  which  was  entirely 
predatory  and  itinerant,  and  without  the  civic  background  of  a 
state  and  a  definite  portion  of  territory.  Under  such  a  system,  no 
agricultural  or  pastoral  pursuits  were  possible,  and  even  the  palm 
trees  were  cut  down  to  provide  sap  for  making  wine.  Sedentary 
dwellers  drew  the  sap  at  intervals  without  injuring  the  trees.  Every 
economic  principle  was  sacrificed  to  the  necessity  of  quick  move- 
ments and  surprise  attacks.  The  Jagas  destroyed  their  children, 
since  these  were  an  encumbrance,  but  to  replace  this  loss  by  infanti- 
cide they  adopted  captive  children  who  were  old  enough  to  fend  for 
themselves.  This  is,  however,  an  exceptional  military  organization 
and  not  a  usual  African  type. 

In  describing  the  army  of  Dahomey,  A.  B.  Ellis  (1890)  states  that 
the  whole  effective  male  population  could  be  called  for  service  when 
required,  and  in  addition  to  men,  women  were  employed  for  trans- 
porting baggage.  In  time  of  peace,  a  smaller  standing  army  was  kept. 
The  permanent  fighting  force  included  the  Amazons,  who  formed  a 
bodyguard  for  the  king,  whose  wives  they  were,  at  least  in  name. 
The  corps  of  Amazons  was  recruited  about  1729  as  a  body  of 
armed  women  whose  chief  function  was  to  swell  the  ranks  of  men,  so 
as  to  create  a  more  imposing  sight.  King  Gezo  (1818)  improved  the 
force  by  inspecting  girls  and  enlisting  those  whom   he   thought 


528  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

suitable.  The  ranks  of  the  Amazons  were  increased  by  enhstment  of 
victims  who  had  been  spared  from  the  annual  sacrifice  of  human 
beings.  Female  criminals  and  women  convicted  of  adultery  were 
enlisted  in  the  Amazon  corps.  After  entering  military  service,  women 
were  required  to  abandon  all  relationships  with  men,  and  males 
were  expected  to  withdraw  from  view  whenever  the  Amazon  corps 
approached  and  struck  a  warning  gong.  Jawbones  of  the  enemy 
were  valued  as  trophies,  for  these  were  attached  to  the  handles  of 
swords,  also  to  drums  and  horns  used  by  the  Amazons. 

J.  A.  Skertchly  (1874,  pp.  454-459),  who  was  an  unwilling  guest 
of  the  king  of  Dahomey  in  1871,  witnessed  state  ceremonies  at  which 
the  corps  of  Amazons  was  present.  He  states  that  the  women  were 
"impudent  hussies,"  who  could  not  hit  a  haystack  at  short  range 
when  they  fired  their  blunderbusses.  But  J.  Duncan  (1847,  vol.  2, 
p.  226),  who  saw  the  marching  of  600  Amazons  in  1846,  praises  their 
military  precision.  The  women  marched  to  the  roll  of  drums  which 
were  ornamented  with  the  skulls  of  their  enemies.  The  full  corps 
of  Amazons  comprised  about  eight  thousand  persons,  who  gave  a 
demonstration  of  attack  by  scaling  a  thornbush  enclosure  seventy 
feet  wide  and  eight  feet  high.  The  scalps  of  enemies  taken  in  war- 
fare were  permanently  preserved  and  used  during  maneuvers.  Skulls 
of  enemies  were  used  as  drinking  vessels  on  ceremonial  occasions 
(R.  F.  Burton,  1864,  vol.  2,  pp.  68-85;  and  Le  Heriss^,  1911,  p.  59). 

An  account  of  military  organization  among  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria 
indicates  the  essential  differences  between  the  systems  of  the  western 
Negro  and  the  eastern  Hamite.  S.  Johnson  (1921,  p.  132)  refers  to 
the  absence  of  a  standing  army,  but  states  that  every  man  capable 
of  bearing  arms  was  expected  to  serve  in  war;  yet  "the  law  did  not 
make  it  compulsory  except  for  men  of  rank  and  title,  and  for  home 
defence."  At  the  conclusion  of  war,  which  was  largely  a  matter  of 
quick  predatory  expeditions  into  Dahomey,  every  man  returned  to 
his  farm.  Fanti  war  organization  has  recently  been  described  by 
J.  C.  de  Graft  Johnson  (1932). 

The  influence  of  the  Hamitic  military  system  on  that  of  Bantu 
Negroes  may  be  appreciated  by  considering  the  organization  of  the 
Masai  in  conjunction  with  that  of  the  Zulu,  the  Bathonga,  and  the 
Ba-ila.  The  social  organization  of  the  Masai  (Huntingford,  1935) 
was  permanently  based  on  the  creation  and  maintenance  of  a  large 
army  in  which  all  males  served  as  long  as  they  were  in  the  warrior 
grade,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  military  service  the  soldiers  discarded 


Social  Conflicts  529 

their  weapons  to  enter  the  ruling  grade,  consisting  of  elderly  men 
(Merker,  1904,  pp.  82-85;  Hollis,  1905,  pp.  120,  132,  178). 

No  uncircumcised  boys  were  allowed  to  carry  spears  or  swords, 
but  after  initiatory  rites  the  newly  circumcised  were  enrolled  in  the 
age-grade  of  warriors.  Soldiers  were  not  allowed  to  marry,  but  they 
cohabited  with  girls  who  lived  together  in  charge  of  older  women. 
Each  age-grade  and  subdistrict  had  its  own  design  for  decorating 
shields  and  for  marking  spears.  Magical  preparations  for  war 
included  the  pouring  of  milk  over  the  ground,  and  women  sprinkled 
the  warriors  with  milk.  Among  the  Masai,  milk  and  grass,  which 
are  sacred  symbols  of  pastoral  life,  are  important  in  all  ceremonies, 
including  peace-making  at  the  conclusion  of  hostilities. 

The  military  system  of  the  Masai  affected  the  whole  of  Kenya 
and  Tanganyika  Territory,  but  the  Masai  did  not  come  into  direct 
conflict  with  the  Zulu.  British  and  German  intrusion  came  as  a 
wedge  between  the  southern  advance  of  the  Masai  and  the  northern 
advance  of  the  Zulu.  Extension  of  Zulu  power  up  the  east  side  of 
Africa  imposed  a  military  system  on  the  Bathonga  of  Portuguese 
East  Africa,  while  the  Ba-ila,  the  Wayao,  the  Wahehe,  and  the 
Wanyamiwezi  were  also  affected  by  Zulu  contacts. 

The  Wahehe  (A.  G.  0.  Hodgson,  1926a,  pp.  37-58)  relied  prin- 
cipally on  their  spears  and  shields,  as  did  the  Zulu,  and  in  addition 
to  these  weapons  they  carried  crescentic  axes.  Feather  head-dresses 
were  worn,  and  a  cloth  was  tied  round  the  arm  to  indicate  bravery. 
The  night  before  the  warriors  left  camp  was  occupied  by  making 
war  medicine.  This  task  was  given  to  a  medicine-man  who  worked 
in  the  house  of  spirits  around  which  the  army  paraded  before  setting 
out  the  following  morning.  Each  warrior  gave  himself  speed  by 
rubbing  his  knees  with  the  medicine,  and  he  was  protected  by  taboos 
placed  on  his  wife,  who  was  forbidden  to  bathe  while  he  was  on  a 
journey.     Infraction  of  the  taboos  involved  death  of  the  husband. 

Sexual  relations  with  captured  women  were  forbidden  before  they 
had  been  brought  home  and  distributed  by  the  Sultan,  and  rape  of 
these  women  might  be  punished  with  death.  If  a  female  objected 
to  cohabiting  with  her  captor,  she  was  usually  permitted  to  select 
another  partner.  Sometimes  Wahehe  warriors  drank  the  blood  of 
the  men  they  had  killed,  saying,  "We  are  eating  men."  After  the 
battle,  every  warrior  placed  the  testicles  of  the  man  or  men  he  had 
killed  on  the  point  of  his  spear,  but  the  trophies  were  buried  after 
they  had  been  shown  to  the  Sultan. 


530  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Returning  soldiers  of  the  Wahehe  were  welcomed  by  their  women, 
who  threw  rice  on  the  ground.  A  feast  and  drinking  of  beer  followed, 
and  at  this  ceremony  distinctions  were  conferred  by  the  Sultan,  who 
shared  the  prisoners  equally  between  the  warriors  and  himself. 
Cowards  were  punished  by  having  to  drink  water  until  their  stomachs 
were  greatly  swollen,  or  they  might  have  to  carry  grinding-stones 
on  their  heads  to  indicate  that  they  were  fit  only  for  a  woman's 
occupation. 

So  brutal  was  the  discipline  of  Chaka,  the  Zulu  leader,  that  some 
of  his  generals  rebelled  and  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  inde- 
pendent troops  (W.  S.  Fergusson,  1918,  pp.  197-234).  Moselekatze 
carried  out  conquests  north  of  the  Vaal  and  the  Limpopo  rivers, 
while  Soon-Kundava  advanced  into  the  southern  part  of  Portuguese 
East  Africa.  The  rigors  of  training  in  the  Zulu  army  included  long 
waterless  marches,  military  exercises  in  which  one  company  was 
commanded  to  attack  another  with  the  zest  and  weapons  of  actual 
warfare,  and  the  execution  of  supposed  cowards,  who  were  selected 
by  witchcraft.  The  unsuccessful  were  put  to  death.  An  efficient 
system  of  espionage  was  developed. 

Chaka's  standing  army  numbered  about  fifteen  thousand  men, 
who  were  divided  into  regiments  (ekanda),  each  of  which  contained 
from  six  hundred  to  one  thousand  warriors  commanded  by  an  induna, 
who  had  nine  subordinates.  Near  each  military  camp  were  villages 
that  supplied  meat  and  other  commodities  to  the  troops.  Men 
were  engaged  in  active  service  until  their  fortieth  year  and  during 
that  time  they  were  forbidden  to  marry,  but  they  had  access  to  girls 
living  near  their  camps.  Elderly  disabled  warriors  formed  a  reserve 
class  called  "the  mice,"  and  for  these  domestic  life  was  permitted. 

A  typical  regiment  consisted  of  two  grades  of  warriors:  the 
juniors,  who  carried  shields  of  black  hide;  and  the  veterans,  who  used 
white  shields  with  black  spots.  In  order  to  enlist  in  the  army,  boys 
of  about  sixteen  years  of  age  went  to  the  kraals  of  their  fathers' 
regiments  and  milked  the  cows  in  such  a  way  that  the  milk  came 
directly  into  the  mouths  of  the  milkers.  These  youths  were  then 
paraded  before  the  paramount  chief  and  enrolled  in  the  army.  A 
large  nimiber  of  boys  were  employed  as  camp  followers  who  carried 
baggage  for  the  army,  performed  menial  work,  and  so  received  their 
first  experience  of  warfare.  For  information  on  military  organization 
in  Swaziland,  H.  Beemer  (1937)  should  be  consulted. 

The  story  of  Zulu  exploits  is  one  of  devastation  of  land,  crops, 
and    villages,    together    with    confiscation    of    the    herds    of    the 


Social  Conflicts  531 

conquered.  Over  large  areas,  populations  were  annihilated  and  those 
who  survived  a  massacre  died  of  famine. 

The  military  system,  equipment,  and  tactics  of  the  Bathonga, 
who  were  conquered  by  the  Zulu  about  the  year  1820,  resembled 
that  of  their  conquerors.  Before  this  time,  the  Bathonga  had  not 
been  a  military  tribe,  but  subjugation  changed  the  whole  aspect  of 
their  organization  and  they  became  incorporated  with  the  warlike 
Angoni.  H.  A.  Junod  (1912,  vol.  1,  p.  439)  points  out  that  polygyny 
was  a  direct  result  of  warfare,  since  the  Bathonga  killed  male  pris- 
oners and  married  captured  women. 

The  martial  equipment  of  the  Bathonga  resembled  that  of  east 
African  warriors  in  general.  Head  decorations  consisted  of  ostrich 
feather  plumes  and  porcupine  quills;  arm-bands  of  leather  were 
worn;  oval  shields  of  oxhide  were  carried;  and  spears  were  of  two 
kinds.  The  heavier  spear  was  used  in  hand-to-hand  fighting,  and 
light  assagais  were  carried  for  throwing. 

The  Bathonga  army  was  mustered  by  swift  messengers  who  ran 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country,  blowing  war  trumpets.  All 
men — and  every  man  was  obliged  to  serve — brought  out  their  panoply 
of  war  and  converged  on  the  capital.  Here  they  were  arranged  in 
companies,  each  of  which  had  a  distinguishing  head-dress,  an  animal 
name  as  an  emblem,  and  a  war  cry  in  imitation  of  the  emblematic 
animal. 

The  war  dance  was  a  pantomimic  display  arranged  to  produce 
intense  excitement  and  to  give  unity  of  purpose.  The  medicine-men 
provided  each  man  with  a  concoction  that  the  soldier  put  into  his 
mouth  and  spat  out  again.  The  warriors  were  then  seated  with 
heads  bowed  on  their  knees,  while  an  old  woman  entered  the  circle 
and  sprinkled  medicine  on  their  heads.  Meanwhile  she  cursed  the 
enemy,  "Kill  them!  kill  the  dogs!  break  their  pots!  capture  their 
chief!" 

Further  preparations  consisted  of  killing  a  bull  whose  flesh  was 
cooked,  and  to  the  mixture  were  added  scrapings  from  the  dried 
fingers  of  enemies  killed  in  battle.  This  brew  was  called  "the  medi- 
cine of  hatred,"  and  it  was  fed  to  the  soldiers  by  their  commander, 
who  threw  the  meat  into  their  mouths.  The  commander  consecrated 
shields  by  striking  them,  and  to  test  further  the  loyalty  of  his  men 
he  held  a  flaming  torch  near  their  plumes,  in  the  belief  that  the 
feathers  of  a  coward  would  catch  fire. 

Warriors  returning  from  the  fight  were  thought  to  be  defiled 
because  they  were  followed  by  nuru,  a  name  given  to  the  ghost  of  a 


532  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

slain  enemy.  To  remove  the  defilement,  the  warriors  had  to  observe 
prohibitions  against  sexual  intercourse.  They  had  to  use  special 
vessels  for  cooking.  Cuts  were  made  between  their  eyebrows,  and 
into  these  incisions  protective  medicines  were  rubbed. 

The  Ba-ila  (Bantu)  of  Rhodesia  v/ere  affected  by  contact  with  the 
Matabele,  whose  tactics  were  part  of  the  Zulu  system,  yet  the  Ba-ila 
never  organized  a  military  system  comparable  to  that  of  the  Zulu. 
The  Ba-ila  spent  much  time  in  mimic  warfare,  and,  like  the  Zulu, 
they  indulged  in  realistic  fighting  at  close  quarters  (Smith  and  Dale, 
vol.  1,  pp.  170-179).  In  actual  warfare  no  quarter  was  given,  and 
every  enemy,  whether  dead  or  not,  was  beheaded,  so  that  a  pile  of 
heads,  and  later  the  preserved  skulls,  might  be  exhibited  by  the 
conquerors.  Testicles  of  slain  enemies  were  excised  and  eaten,  but 
it  was  said  that  a  coward  who  partook  of  them  would  vomit,  while 
the  heart  of  a  brave  warrior  would  be  strengthened.  The  practice 
of  piling  skull  trophies  was  a  Matabele  custom.  Eating  parts  of  the 
dead  foe  was  characteristic  of  Zulu  rites;  so  also  was  the  act  of  anoint- 
ing the  tongues  of  the  warriors  to  preserve  the  victors  from  the 
malevolent  ghosts  of  their  enemies. 

HEAD-HUNTING  AND  CANNIBALISM 

These  practices  are  local  and  intermittent.  Head-hunting 
and  cannibal  tribes  were  located  until  recent  times  in  the  central 
pagan  belt  of  Nigeria  from  Yola  to  the  Zaria  province.  All  the 
cannibal  tribes  were  head-hunters,  but  some  head-hunting  tribes 
were  not  cannibals.  C.  K.  Meek  has  prepared  a  list  of  thirty-four 
cannibal  tribes  and  twenty-seven  head-hunting  tribes  (1925,  vol.  2, 
pp.  48-53). 

"The  acquisition  of  an  enemy's  head  is  the  young  man's  passport 
to  manhood.  Until  he  has  attained  this  distinction  his  social  status 
is  no  better  than  that  of  a  girl,  and  no  girl  would  consent  to  marry 
him.  But  when  he  has  won  his  trophy,  and  can  prove  that  it  was 
obtained  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  custom,  he  can  take  his  place 
in  the  ranks  of  warriors,  and  his  prowess  is  celebrated  by  a  public 
feast."  Drinking  from  the  skulls  of  enemies  was  customary  among 
head-hunters,  and  rites  were  performed  to  render  the  spirits  of  the 
victims  harmless. 

Religious  rites  were  performed  in  connection  with  head-hunting. 
The  Tangale  took  the  captured  heads  to  a  sacred  grove,  where  the 
officiating  priest  made  a  prayer  cursing  the  kindred  of  the  dead  man 
and  asking  for  further  success  in  head-hunting.    Flesh  from  the  heads 


Social  Conflicts  533 

was  eaten  at  a  ceremonial  meal,  and  after  one  year  rites  of  purification 
for  the  victors  were  performed.  Cannibalism  was  mainly  ceremonial, 
and  the  bodies  of  victims  were  eaten  at  the  sacred  shrines  of  the 
victors  (see  also  Tremearne,  1912a,  1912b,  and  R.  Steinmetz,  1896, 
pp.  1-60). 

Many  social,  linguistic,  and  physical  miscegenations  can  be 
ascribed  to  warfare  over  extensive  territories  during  a  long  period, 
and  among  cultural  changes  due  to  warfare  the  institution  of  slavery 
is  of  primary  social  and  economic  importance. 

Slavery 
This  heading  includes  several  distinct  divisions  of  the  subject, 
which  differ  in  their  social  and  economic  aspects.  The  main 
divisions  of  the  subject  are:  (1)  The  European  and  American  slave 
trade  with  west  Africa.  (2)  Arab  raids  and  slave  trading  among 
Negro  tribes.  (3)  Slavery  among  Negroes  and  Hamiticized  Negroes 
themselves  as  a  result  of  warfare.  (4)  Domestic  slavery  within 
tribes.  This  institution  includes  the  pawning  of  persons  who  by 
their  labor  discharge  debts,  either  for  themselves  or  for  a  relative. 

EUROPEAN  AND  AMERICAN  TRADE 

The  European  slave  trade  with  Africa,  which  began  about  the 
year  1600,  was  important  economically  because  of  its  contribution 
to  the  commerce  and  exploration  of  the  continent.  During  two 
centuries  the  Dutch,  Portuguese,  British,  French,  Spanish,  and 
American  nations  competed  for  this  lucrative  traffic  in  slaves,  and, 
in  addition,  merchants  carried  on  trade  to  secure  gold  and  ivory  in 
exchange  for  European  commodities. 

Commercial  enterprise  and  exploration  of  the  maritime  region 
from  Sierra  Leone  to  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  rival  European  trading  posts,  whose  governors  entered  into 
alliances  with  African  chiefs.  Gradually  the  control  of  trading  com- 
panies which  were  authorized  by  government  charters  was  replaced 
by  direct  government  control,  until  at  last  a  tense  political  situation 
was  created  and  Africa  was  partitioned  into  spheres  of  influence; 
then  later  a  more  precise  division  into  possessions  was  recognized 
among  European  powers. 

The  foreign  slave  trade  with  Africa  exerted  strong  political 
influence  that  tended  either  to  build  up  or  to  disintegrate  African 
states,  and  the  export  of  Negroes  led  to  a  transfer  of  African  culture 
to  Brazil,  Guiana,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  southern  states  of  North 
America  (Herskovits,  M.  J.  and  F.  S.  London,  1934;  H.  H.  Johnston, 


534  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

1910).  But  at  last  the  traffic  in  slaves  was  repudiated  by  American 
and  European  countries  early  in  the  nineteenth  century,  though  a 
clandestine  trade  survived  for  many  years  after  the  formal  repudia- 
tion. Several  important  journeys  of  exploration  were  undertaken 
with  a  view  to  checking  the  activities  of  slavers,  and  two  instances 
of  such  journeys  are  those  of  David  Livingstone  (1843-70)  and 
Commander  L.  Cameron  (1875). 

Of  the  actual  operation  of  the  European  slave  trade  in  Africa, 
W.  Bosman,  chief  factor  for  the  Dutch  at  Elmina  (1705)  and  Mungo 
Park  (1799),  a  Scottish  explorer  (1795-1805),  have  left  accounts 
in  their  journals.  W.  Bosman  (1907)  states  that  most  of  the  slaves 
who  were  offered  to  Europeans  at  the  coast  were  prisoners  of  war. 
These  unfortunates  were  imprisoned  in  forts  and  compounds  until 
their  prospective  masters  had  made  terms  with  the  vendors.  He 
continues: 

"They  are  all  brought  out  together,  where  by  our  chirurgeons 
whose  province  it  is,  they  are  thoroughly  examined  even  to  the 
smallest  member,  and  that  naked  too,  both  men  and  women,  without 
the  least  distinction  or  modesty.  The  invalids  and  the  maimed 
being  thrown  out  as  I  have  told  you,  the  remainder  are  numbered 
and  it  is  entered  who  delivered  them.  In  the  meanwhile  a  burning- 
iron  with  the  arms  or  names  of  the  companies  lies  in  the  fire,  with 
which  ours  are  marked  on  the  breast.  This  is  done  that  we  may 
distinguish  them  from  the  slaves  of  the  English,  French,  or  others, 
which  are  also  marked  with  their  mark.  I  doubt  not  but  this  trade 
seems  very  barbarous  to  you,  but  since  it  is  followed  by  necessity 
it  must  go  on,  but  we  yet  take  all  possible  care  that  they  are  not 
burned  too  hard,  especially  the  women,  who  are  more  tender  than 
the  men."  Further  information  on  this  subject  is  given  by  G.  E. 
Martin  (1930),  editor  of  N.  Owen's  "Journal  of  a  Slave  Dealer." 
The  attitude  of  the  church  toward  the  slave  trade,  before  the  year 
A.D.  1500  has  been  described  by  R.  W.  Logan  (1932).  Canot's  lurid 
account  has  run  into  many  editions;  he  gives  background,  but  one 
must  beware  of  embellishments. 

ARAB  SLAVE  TRADE 

The  activities  of  Arabs  as  slavers  in  the  interior  of  Africa  aided 
the  spread  of  Mohammedanism,  disseminated  the  Arabic  language, 
led  to  physical  miscegenation  of  different  tribes  of  Negroes,  and  the 
interbreeding  of  Tuaregs,  Berbers,  and  Arabs  with  their  Negro 
slaves.  Cultural  elements  were  also  distributed  by  Arab  contacts 
with  Negroes,  and  in  Tunisia  a  distinct  west  African  culture  survives 


Social  Conflicts  535 

today  among  Hausa  communities.  The  institution  of  slavery  has 
profoundly  affected  the  social  organization  and  the  economic  life 
of  the  Tuareg,  the  Arabs  and  Berbers  of  north  Africa,  and  the  Negro 
tribes  of  the  eastern  Sudan. 

According  to  B.  Meakin,  (1902,  pp.  133-141),  who  studied  the 
subject  of  slavery  in  Morocco,  the  treatment  given  by  Arabs  to  their 
slaves  when  the  desert  journey  was  ended  was  far  more  humane 
than  that  accorded  to  Negroes  who  were  transported  to  the  New 
World  by  Europeans  and  Americans.  In  Morocco,  Negro  blood 
was  not  a  social  disadvantage,  and  slaves,  together  with  their  progeny, 
were  to  some  extent  protected  by  Koranic  law.  Exceptional  instances 
of  cruelty  occurred,  and  slaves  were  openly  sold  in  the  markets,  but 
a  wealthy  master  would  scorn  to  have  his  slaves  ill  fed,  miserably 
clothed,  or  badly  housed. 

Yet  the  lot  of  many  slaves  under  Arab  rule  was  a  hard  one,  for 
not  all  were  comfortably  settled  in  domestic  service,  and  droves 
might  be  sold  like  cattle.  Meakin  states  that  according  to  Koranic 
law  masters  could  mate  their  slaves,  but  they  were  not  allowed  to 
separate  husbands,  wives,  and  their  children.  Children  of  masters 
by  their  slaves  were  free  persons,  and  the  mothers  of  such  children 
could  not  be  sold,  but  gained  their  freedom  on  the  death  of  their 
master. 

No  legal  slavery  exists  in  Africa  today  under  European  rule, 
but  numerous  Negroes  are  slaves,  and  descendants  of  slaves,  who 
are  still  living  in  tribes  foreign  to  them.  Mass  migration  of  these 
domestic  slaves  to  the  places  of  their  origin  is  impossible,  and  they 
continue  as  serfs  who  are  no  longer  subject  to  sale  and  violence. 
Lord  Noel  Buxton  (1932,  p.  450)  reports  that  raiding  villages  and 
taking  away  slaves  still  occurs  in  the  western  lowlands  of  Abyssinia. 

Of  the  Tuareg  of  Air,  F.  R.  Rodd  (1926,  p.  135)  states,  "Neither 
the  advent  of  a  European  power,  nor  subsequent  changes  in  the 
social  structure  of  the  country,  had  very  much  effect  on  the  position 
of  slaves  in  Air."  The  Tuareg  divide  their  slaves  into  two  categories — 
household  slaves  and  outdoor  slaves — and  both  of  these  classes  are 
chattels  in  local  customary  law,  yet  slavery  among  the  Tuareg  never 
involved  real  hardship.  Under  Arabs  and  Tuareg  alike,  the  general 
tendency  has  been  for  the  slave  class  to  settle,  subserviently  it  is 
true,  but  nevertheless  not  unhappily.  Such  facts  do  not,  however, 
mitigate  the  horrors  of  slave  raiding  and  the  gruesome  marches 
through  deserts  and  forests  to  a  destination  that  was  reached  by 
only  a  small  proportion  of  a  slave  gang. 


536  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Arab  slave  caravans  of  Libya  and  the  eastern  Sudan  were  de- 
scribed by  J.  L.  Burckhardt  (1822,  pp.  290-295)  more  than  a  century 
ago.  He  records  that  during  the  journey  from  Dafur  to  Egypt 
males  were  tied  to  a  long  pole,  one  end  of  which  was  fastened  to  a 
camel  saddle,  while  the  forked  end  of  the  pole  was  made  fast  about 
the  slave's  neck.  In  addition  to  this,  the  right  hand  of  the  slave  was 
tied  to  the  pole,  and  in  that  position  he  marched  the  whole  day 
behind  the  camel.  Yet  the  treatment  of  slaves  who  settled  in  domes- 
tic service  was  kind  rather  than  otherwise,  since  they  were  seldom 
flogged,  were  well  fed,  and  were  not  overworked. 

Two  Arab  practices  were  the  castration  of  some  male  slaves  and 
the  infibulation  of  girls.  Emasculation  of  boys  who  were  intended  as 
eunuch  servants  was  a  source  of  profit  to  their  masters.  Burckhardt 
reports  that  the  operation  was  often  performed  at  a  village  near 
Siout  in  upper  Egypt: 

"The  operators  during  my  stay  in  that  part  of  the  country  were 
two  Coptic  monks  who  were  said  to  excel  all  their  predecessors  in 
dexterity,  and  who  had  a  house  in  which  the  victims  were  received. 
The  operation  very  seldom  proved  fatal.  I  know  certainly  that  of 
sixty  boys  on  whom  the  operation  was  performed  in  1813  only  two 
died.  The  usual  age  for  the  operation  is  from  eight  to  twelve  years. 
Before  the  operation  the  boys  are  each  worth  800  piastres,  but  their 
value  after  emasculation  is  a  thousand  piastres.  The  Copts  received 
from  forty-five  to  sixty  piastres  for  each  operation.  This  enormous 
profit  stifles  any  sentiment  of  mercy  which  the  traders  might  other- 
wise entertain."  Castrated  boys  were  sold  into  the  harems  of  north 
Africa,  Egypt,  and  Arabia. 

The  infibulation  of  girls,  described  by  Burckhardt  and  also  by 
W.  G.  Browne  (1799,  pp.  349-350),  preserved  virginity,  and  so  made 
slave  girls  more  valuable  as  concubines. 

In  describing  the  status  of  slaves  among  the  Bedouin  Arabs  of 
Kufra  and  other  Libyan  oases  in  1922,  A.  M.  Hassanein  Bey  (1925, 
pp.  179-181;  259-260)  states  that  in  order  to  avoid  the  vigilance  of 
French  authority  in  Dafur,  where  slavery  and  the  export  of  slaves 
are  forbidden,  Bedouins  contract  slave  marriages  in  Wadai.  This 
the  Arabs  do  with  the  intention  of  divorcing  their  slave  wives  at 
Kufra  where  the  value  of  a  female  slave  is  from  150  to  200  dollars, 
while  the  price  of  a  male  is  rather  less.  If  the  owner  of  a  slave  girl 
marries  her  and  she  bears  him  a  male  child,  the  mother  can  claim  her 
freedom.  The  child  of  a  slave  woman  and  a  free  man  is  always  free, 
and  even  if  left  an  orphan  the  child  of  such  parentage  cannot  be 


Social  Conflicts  537 

enslaved.  Slaves  may  rise  to  positions  of  affluence  in  the  service  of 
their  masters,  and  every  owner  of  slaves  would  think  himself  dis- 
credited if  his  slaves  were  not  well  fed  and  adequately  clothed.  A 
freed  slave  is  disdained  by  slaves  who  are  in  the  service  of  wealthy 
men,  and  slaves  who  are  emancipated  are  ashamed  not  to  be  attached 
to  persons  of  importance.  In  the  absence  of  other  children,  the  son 
of  a  slave  woman  by  her  master  becomes  the  head  of  a  tribe  or  sub- 
tribe  without  any  color  prejudice  whatsoever. 

Canon  C.  H.  Robinson  (1900,  pp.  127-240)  has  provided  a 
detailed  account  of  slavery  in  northern  Nigeria  toward  the  end  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  for,  although  the  British  formally  renounced 
the  export  of  slaves  from  Africa  about  the  year  1836,  slavery  existed 
within  British  spheres  of  influence  in  the  interior  for  a  long  period. 
In  Nigeria,  Mohammedans  attacked  tribes  who  had  not  been  con- 
verted to  Islam,  and  from  Bornu  alone  ten  thousand  slaves  were 
annually  exported  across  the  Sahara  to  Tripoli.  In  the  year  1894, 
five  hundred  slaves  were  daily  sold  in  the  markets  of  Kano.  In 
accordance  with  Koranic  law,  slaves  had  a  legal  status;  they  were 
often  well  treated  and  had  the  position  of  adopted  children  (Meek, 
1925,  vol.  1,  pp.  287-293). 

Eunuchs  and  other  slaves  frequently  attained  high  positions,  and, 
among  the  Fulani,  slaves  were  often  freed  so  that  they  might  assume 
the  guardianship  of  their  master's  property  and  children.  Slaves 
were  sometimes  allowed  to  farm  on  their  own  account,  and  though 
the  master  might  lay  claim  to  the  produce  he  never  did  so;  conse- 
quently, slaves  might  become  persons  of  considerable  substance. 
Slaves  accompanied  their  masters  to  war  and  on  trading  expeditions, 
and  freedom  was  given  to  a  slave  who  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca. 

DOMESTIC  SLAVERY  AND  PAWNING 

Data  given  by  R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  pp.  43,  230)  further  emphasize 
the  degree  of  social  freedom  given  to  slaves.  Wealthy  males  of  the 
Ashanti  purchased  female  slaves,  by  whom  they  had  children.  Since 
these  women  came  from  outside  the  Ashanti  nation,  they  had  no 
abusua  (clan)  in  the  Ashanti  sense  of  the  word,  but  their  children, 
though  lacking  female  lineage  of  the  Ashanti  type,  had  ntoro  (male 
essence  or  spirit)  of  their  father  and  master.  The  slave  woman 
and  her  children  grew  up  within  the  family  of  the  master,  who 
recognized  them  as  members  of  his  household.  If  the  direct  family 
line  became  extinct,  a  slave  child,  who  might  be  a  great-great-grand- 
child of  the  original  female  slave,  would  take  precedence  as  heir 
over  a  distant  relative  who  might  be  likely  to  take  away  movable 


538  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

property,  so  leaving  the  home  and  the  ancestral  spirits  neglected. 
The  slave,  male  or  female,  who  was  chosen  as  successor  and  heir 
remained  at  the  homestead,  where  he  performed  rites  in  honor  of 
the  ancestral  spirits.  Lands  were  sometimes  given  to  a  favorite 
slave  for  life,  but  instead  of  reverting  to  the  owner  this  property- 
was  inherited  by  children  of  the  slave. 

The  conditions  of  slavery  among  the  Wahehe  of  east  Africa 
again  show  that  the  indigenous  African  slavery  was  of  a  more  humane 
type  than  that  practiced  by  European  traders  (Hodgson,  1926a, 
p.  48).  The  Wahehe  derived  their  slaves  from  various  sources. 
The  bondmen  might  be  captives  of  war,  prisoners  for  whom  the 
death  penalty  had  been  commuted,  children  of  a  man  who  had  been 
executed,  or  those  who  had  been  pawned  to  pay  off  debts.  These 
slaves  were  engaged  in  domestic  or  agricultural  work,  and  their 
master  might  sell  or  hire  them  to  another  person.  Slaves  might  be 
beaten  by  their  owners,  but  they  had  rights  of  appeal  to  the  Sultan. 

Females  slaves  were  not  lent  to  a  stranger  without  their  consent. 
No  loss  of  social  standing  occurred  when  a  freeman  married  a  slave 
womian.  The  status  of  a  child  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  mother; 
therefore,  if  a  free  woman  married  a  male  slave,  her  child  would  be 
a  free  person.  Emasculation  was  not  practiced  by  the  Wahehe, 
though  the  Wayao,  a  neighboring  tribe,  sometimes  followed  this 
custom.  Among  the  Wahehe,  a  slave  could  acquire  property  and 
bequeath  it  to  his  or  her  children.  A  male  slave  might  gain  his 
freedom  by  prowess  in  war,  and  if  he  captured  one  of  the  enemy 
he  became  the  master  of  that  man,  and,  therefore,  himself  a  slave 
owner. 

Slavery  among  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  illustrated  several 
forms  of  this  institution.  The  Bih^ans,  who  are  a  northern  section 
of  the  Ovimbundu,  were  renowned  traders  whose  carriers  crossed 
the  Congo  region  and  Rhodesia  to  the  shores  of  Lakes  Nyasa  and 
Tanganyika.  There,  and  along  the  route,  slaves  and  ivory  were 
purchased  with  guns,  powder,  and  other  Portuguese  imports.  The 
slaves  were  eventually  exported  from  the  Angolan  seaport  of  Ben- 
guela  to  the  Portuguese  colony  of  Brazil.  This  traffic  constituted 
an  external  foreign  trade  in  slaves,  and  so  built  up  the  wealth  and 
prestige  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

Slaves  captured  in  warfare,  for  instance,  from  the  Vachokwe  of 
eastern  Angola,  who  were  hostile  to  Umbundu  caravans,  were  some- 
times permanently  incorporated  in  households  of  the  Ovimbundu. 
A  further  class  of  slaves  comprised  individuals  taken  in  warfare 


< 


Social  Conflicts  539 

among  kingdoms  of  the  Ovimbundu  confederacy,  and  in  addition 
to  these  bondmen  many  persons  worked  as  pawns  to  pay  off  debts. 
The  debts  might  be  personal  or  the  liabilities  of  a  relative,  and  in 
some  instances  men  and  their  families  became  slaves  because  they 
were  unable  to  pay  fines  imposed  for  theft,  murder,  or  adultery, 

A  definite  distinction  was  made  between  the  treatment  of  slaves 
acquired  from  hostile  tribes  and  those  who,  either  as  prisoners  or 
pawns  from  the  Ovimbundu  kingdoms,  had  descended  to  the  ranks 
of  slavery.  Over  his  foreign  slaves  a  master  had  rights  of  punish- 
ment, including  a  death  sentence,  but  any  slave  could  appeal  to  the 
headman  of  a  village  for  justice.  All  children  of  foreign  slaves 
became  the  slaves  of  their  master,  and  he  could  sell  them  at  pleasure. 
The  Ovimbundu  never  came  into  touch  with  Mohammedan  law; 
therefore,  Koranic  injunctions  on  this  subject  did  not  apply.  Under 
no  circumstances  could  a  slave  acquire  property  if  he  came  from 
outside  the  Ovimbundu  confederacy.  Foreign  slaves  were  not 
branded,  but  the  general  treatment  was  harsh,  and  runaway  slaves 
were  hunted  with  dogs.  A  foreign  slave  had  no  prospect  of  buying 
his  freedom  since  he  had  no  independent  earnings.  He  might  be  a 
blacksmith  or  other  artisan,  but  his  master  had  no  responsibility 
except  that  of  providing  food. 

The  Ovimbundu  had  no  slave  markets,  but  every  man  knew 
where  slaves  could  be  privately  purchased.  Slave  women  were  not 
lent  out  for  prostitution,  and  a  master  of  slaves  did  not  have  pro- 
miscuous intercourse  with  the  women,  though  he  might  choose  two 
or  three  as  concubines.  In  former  days,  slaves  were  killed  and  eaten 
at  the  accession  of  a  new  king,  and  before  a  large  caravan  set  out,  a 
medicine-man  killed  a  slave  and  an  ox  with  the  same  spear.  The 
meats  were  cooked  together  and  ceremonially  eaten  by  members  of 
the  caravan. 

Slaves  among  the  Ovimbundu  confederacy  were  well  treated, 
adequately  fed,  and  not  overworked,  since  their  master  hoped  that 
the  freedom  of  his  serfs  would  be  purchased.  In  case  of  unpaid 
debts  or  fines,  there  was  always  the  hope  that  relatives  would  dis- 
charge the  obligation,  provided  their  kinsfolk  were  liberated  in  good 
physical  condition. 

Ngonga,  my  informant,  stated  that  he  had  recently  paid  several 
oxen  for  the  redemption  of  his  brother  and  sister,  who  had  worked 
for  a  long  period  to  pay  off  the  debts  of  their  mother's  brother. 
Ngonga's  sister  was  ten  years  of  age  when  she  was  taken  to  serve 
as  a  pawn,  but  when  set  free  she  was  a  woman  with  three  children. 


540  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Ngonga's  brother  was  not  taken  from  his  home,  but  he  worked  for 
a  creditor  of  his  mother's  brother,  and  the  reward  for  the  labor 
was  taken  to  pay  the  debts  of  that  relative.  Pawning  of  this  kind 
still  forms  a  part  of  the  Negro  social  system,  the  abuse  of  which  has 
been  a  subject  of  investigation  by  the  League  of  Nations  in  Liberia 
and  elsewhere  (F.  D.  Lugard,  1933a;  Rattray,  1932). 

A  strong  religious  and  magical  element  has  been  observed  in  all 
the  beliefs  and  institutions  that  are  united  to  form  a  pattern  of 
social  organization  and  types  of  social  control.  The  functions  of 
kinship,  law,  secret  societies,  and  other  aspects  of  tribal  life  have 
been  shown  in  close  relation  to  spiritual  forces  that  are  superior  to 
the  power  of  man.  Finally,  the  nature  of  these  spiritual  forces 
should  be  examined,  especially  with  reference  to  deism,  ancestor 
worship,  the  sacredness  of  kings,  and  the  powers  of  medicine-men 
and  their  magic. 


VI.  RELIGION 
Difficulties  of  Study 

The  difficulty  of  making  a  sympathetic  and  discerning  study  of 
Negro  rehgion  is  illustrated  by  the  words  of  W.  Bosman,  who, 
though  a  capable  observer,  said  of  the  Ashanti,  "Their  religion  is 
so  absurd  that  I  scarce  know  how  to  describe  it."  And  in  summing 
up  he  adds,  "To  conclude  their  ridiculous  religion  I  shall  add  a 
small  account  of  their  festivals."  Bosman,  like  many  more  recent 
observers,  experienced  a  difficulty  in  understanding  the  philosophy 
and  psychology  of  which  the  rites  were  an  expression  (translation, 
A.  Jones,  1907). 

If  an  investigator  confines  his  attention  to  concrete  expressions 
of  beliefs,  he  observes  rites  of  ancestor  worship,  also  the  use  of  shrines 
and  sacred  objects,  together  with  the  ritual  and  equipment  of 
medicine-men,  all  of  which  are  direct,  practical,  and  functional. 
But  if  the  inquiry  is  extended  in  order  to  provide  explanations  of 
conduct,  a  realm  of  abstruse  ideas  is  entered.  The  psychological 
background  of  religious  exercises  and  magical  practices  is  related 
to  ideas  of  God,  the  fate  of  a  soul,  ancestor  worship,  multiple  souls 
and  their  functions,  reincarnation  of  ancestral  spirits,  and  the 
processes  by  which  ritual  acts,  prayers,  and  spells  are  supposed  to 
achieve  their  purpose  by  making  contacts  with  ghosts  of  the  dead. 

The  difficulties  that  beset  inquiry  into  Negro  religion  are  typical 
of  those  that  retard  analysis  of  all  religious  beliefs  and  symbolic 
acts.  Beliefs  and  ritual  are  accepted  by  force  of  suggestion  in  early 
childhood  without  question  of  their  validity,  and  a  definite  attitude 
toward  the  spiritual  is  formed  without  criticism  or  any  attempt  to 
justify  and  explain.  A  Negro,  when  questioned,  may  be  unwilling 
to  discuss  his  rites  and  concepts,  and,  even  if  communicative,  he 
finds  that  his  own  vocabulary,  though  suited  to  the  expression  of 
his  ideas,  has  no  true  equivalents  in  a  European  language. 

In  this  chapter,  an  attempt  is  made  to  give  a  concise  account  of 
functions  rather  than  philosophy.  We  must  recognize  local  differ- 
ences of  belief  and  ritual  among  the  Bantu,  Sudanic,  and  Nilotic 
Negroes;  yet  some  common  beliefs  and  practices  are  present. 
Despite  differences,  certain  fundamentals  can  be  established  with 
regard  to  ideas  of  God,  the  sacredness  of  kings  and  chiefs,  sur- 
vival after  death,  ancestor  worship,  reincarnation,  and  the  functions 
of  medicine-men. 

541 


542  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

An  instructive  example  of  a  philosophical  approach  may  be 
found  in  G.  Landtman's  "The  Origin  of  Sacrifice"  (1934).  This 
writer  reviews  various  theories  respecting  the  nature  of  primitive 
religious  beliefs  and  exercises.  He  takes  practical  examples  to 
gauge  the  extent  to  which  philosophy  has  been  justified  in  its  expla- 
nations of  sacrifice,  taboo,  and  other  aspects  of  spiritual  life. 

These  factors  of  spiritual  life  are  closely  related,  with  great 
complexity  of  belief  and  expression.  Ideas  of  God  and  concepts 
of  the  nature  of  kingship  are  linked  factors,  and  both  are  intimately 
concerned  with  the  theory  and  practice  of  ancestor  worship.  By 
virtue  of  their  training,  their  hereditary  power  in  some  instances, 
and  their  equipment  and  ritual,  all  medicine-men  are  a  liaison 
between  the  sacred  and  the  profane.  There  exist  two  worlds,  those 
of  the  flesh  and  the  spirit,  and  the  practical  problem  of  religion  is 
to  bridge  the  gulf  between  them  so  that  the  spiritual  world  may 
serve  the  interests  of  agriculture,  handicraft,  law,  family  organi- 
zation, human  fecundity,  and  immunity  from  disease  or  catastrophe. 

The  Idea  of  God 

Deistic  beliefs  of  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  are  typical  of  con- 
cepts of  a  supreme  God  among  Bantu  Negroes.  Suku  is  the  most 
important  spiritual  being  of  the  Ovimbundu,  who  say  that  he  made 
the  mountains,  rivers,  sky,  and  people.  Some  informants  associated 
the  name  of  Suku  with  rain,  but  the  word  does  not  mean  rain, 
water,  or  food,  since  these  are  designated  by  the  words  onibela, 
ovava,  and  okulia,  respectively. 

In  connection  with  the  concept  of  Suku  as  a  creator,  a  story 
states  that  in  the  beginning  all  was  water;  then  a  man  came  from 
above  and  caused  land  to  appear.  When  out  hunting,  this  first 
inhabitant  saw  a  strange  animal  which  he  was  about  to  shoot,  but 
refrained  when  he  observed  that  the  creature  was  like  himself.  He 
captured  the  creature,  took  it  home,  mated,  and  raised  a  family. 

Ideas  of  Suku  emphasize  his  importance  as  a  creator,  but  Suku 
gives  no  commands,  offers  no  rewards,  and  threatens  no  punish- 
ments. He  is  too  far  away  to  be  intimately  concerned  with  the 
affairs  of  men,  and  the  concept  of  this  supreme  being  cannot  be 
said  to  influence  ethics,  law,  and  general  behavior;  neither  does 
Suku  demand  sacrifice  or  prayer. 

An  article  by  E.  Torday  (1928c,  pp.  225-245)  summarizes  theistic 
beliefs  of  the  southwestern  Bantu,  of  which  the  Ovimbundu  are  a 
part.    Torday  points  out  that  Nzambi  is  a  god  who,  with  trifling 


Religion  543 

modifications  in  the  name,  is  known  over  a  great  part  of  the  Bantu 
Negro  area,  from  the  Bakongo  to  the  Barotse,  and  from  the  Bangala 
to  the  Ovaherero.  The  Bakongo  call  him  Nzambi  Mpungu.  Anto- 
nio Cavazzi,  who  was  a  missionary  to  the  lower  Congo  in  the 
period  1654-70,  states  that  in  olden  times  the  kings  of  Angola 
adored  an  idol  named  Kalunga,  that  is,  the  sea,  or,  according  to 
others  the  Supreme  Lord.  The  name  still  survives  among  the 
Ovimbundu  as  a  word  of  greeting,  and  as  the  title  of  an  exalted 
spiritual  being. 

South  of  the  Ovimbundu,  the  Vakwanyama  and  other  sections 
of  the  Ovambo  use  the  word  Kalunga  (or  Karunga)  for  a  supreme 
being  who  is  connected  with  Nzambi  in  the  thoughts  of  the  people. 
But  these  deities,  though  benign,  are  too  remote  to  be  interested 
in  the  lives  of  men,  and  in  comparison  with  the  active  ancestral 
spirits  the  higher  gods  are  unimportant. 

Similarly,  among  the  southeastern  Bantu,  there  are  concepts  of 
a  high  god.  P.  V.  Cathrein  (1915,  pp.  307-322)  has  examined  the 
connotations  of  such  words  as  Unkulunkulu  and  Uthlanga,  who  for 
several  Zulu  tribes  were  creators  and  supreme  beings.  After  taking 
into  consideration  the  research  of  Canon  H.  Callaway  (1870),  Cath- 
rein states,  that  notwithstanding  confusion  of  ideas  arising  from 
European  intrusions,  and  a  change  of  concepts  with  place  and 
period,  the  Zulu  had  an  indigenous  idea  of  a  supreme  being.  The 
Zulu  god  was  a  creator,  one  who  punished,  one  who  controlled 
thunder  and  lightning,  and  a  deity  who  demanded  sacrifice.  The 
Zulu  concept  represents  a  god  less  otiose  than  Nzambi  or  Kalunga, 
but  nevertheless  not  so  functional  as  the  spirits  of  dead  ancestors. 

H.  A.  Junod  proves  a  close  connection  between  ancestor  worship 
and  deism  by  showing  that  the  Bathonga  create  their  gods  from 
souls  of  dead  relatives.  "Any  man  who  has  departed  this  earthly 
life  becomes  a  shikwemhu — a  god."  The  two  principal  categories 
revered  by  the  Bathonga  are  those  of  the  family  and  those  of  the 
country.  These  deities  are  developed  from  the  souls  of  dead  com- 
moners and  deceased  royalty,  respectively.  "In  national  calamities 
the  gods  of  the  country  are  invoked,  while  for  purely  family  matters 
those  of  the  family  are  called  on."  The  process  of  making  gods  is 
always  active,  and  several  clearly  defined  classes  of  gods  exist  in 
addition  to  the  two  divisions  mentioned,  namely,  the  national  and 
the  family  deities. 

Each  family  has  two  groups  of  gods,  one  on  the  maternal  and 
one  on  the  paternal  side  of  the  family.     These  gods  are  equal  in 


544  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

power,  and  both  are  invoked  though  there  is  a  general  assumption 
that  the  maternal  gods  are  more  tender-hearted. 

The  "gods  of  bitterness"  are  the  spirits  of  persons  who  have 
been  drowned,  killed  by  a  wild  beast,  or  have  committed  suicide. 
These  gods  include  the  spirits  of  pregnant  women  who  have  been 
buried  without  being  cut  open.  This  palpable  evidence  of  the 
creation  of  deistic  ideas  given  by  H.  A.  Junod  (1912,  vol.  2,  p.  347) 
is  more  instructive  than  a  transcendentalism  that  assumes  the 
existence  of  a  supreme  being  who  directs  the  aspirations  of  all  men. 
The  view  expressed  by  W.  C.  Willoughby  (1928a,  p.  338)  is  to  the 
effect  that  "there  is  an  instinct  for  God  that  tells  upon  behaviour 
— an  upward  urge  that  makes  for  betterment,  and  that  this  is  due 
to  the  unwearied  play  of  the  spirit  of  God  on  the  souls  of  men." 
The  creation  of  gods  is  a  natural  thought-process  that  must  have 
occurred  independently  many  times,  since  the  basic  concept  is  that 
of  a  clever  creator  who  is  all-powerful. 

To  continue  with  the  deism  of  the  southern  Bantu:  the  Bavenda 
have  Khuzwane,  the  creator,  and  his  followers  Thovhela  and  Ralu- 
vhimba.  These  gods  are  honored  lightly,  yet  some  offerings  are  made 
to  them,  and  their  names  are  venerated.  The  lesser  regional  deities 
have,  however,  more  real  spiritual  influence,  and  in  particular  the 
spirits  of  the  dead  ancestors  are  objects  of  veneration,  since  they 
are  believed  to  have  benevolent  as  well  as  malign  influence.  Ani- 
mistic beliefs  relating  to  the  spirits  of  trees,  rivers,  and  mountains 
are  important  (A.  M.  Duggan-Cronin,  1928-31,  vol.  1,  p.  21). 

The  cosmology  of  the  Lambas  indicates  the  functions  of  the 
more  remote  spiritual  beings  who,  though  not  intimate  with  the 
lives  of  men,  are  in  charge  of  controlling  forces.  Rain  is  supplied 
from  a  lake  above  the  dome  of  sky,  and  all  water  is  in  charge  of 
the  god  Lesa.  Thunder  and  lightning  are  the  scoldings  of  Lesa. 
Beings  of  minor  importance  clean  the  sun  and  push  the  orb  across 
the  sky.  They  also  light  the  fires  of  the  sun  and  keep  them  burning. 
The  moon  also  has  workers  who  wash  it  clean,  and  the  relation- 
ship of  the  sun  to  the  moon  is  that  of  maternal  uncle.  This  cos- 
mology shows  what  is  characteristic  of  Bantu  religion,  namely,  the 
projection  of  mundane  ideas  into  a  spiritual  universe  (Doke,  1931c, 
pp.  222-225). 

The  deism  of  Sudanic  Negroes  of  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  and  some 
parts  of  Nigeria  is  more  definite  and  operative  than  that  of  most 
Bantu  Negroes,  yet  concepts  of  supreme  beings  are,  on  the  whole, 
of  secondary  importance  in  comparison  with  the  active  proximity 


I 


Religion  545 

of  lesser  gods  and  ancestral  spirits.  As  an  example  of  functional 
deism,  the  worship  of  Buku,  the  highest  being  of  Atakpame,  Togo- 
land,  may  be  considered.  Beliefs  include  not  only  a  rich  mythology, 
but  many  definite  commands  and  prohibitions.  Buku  is  himself 
represented  by  a  club-like  object  before  which  the  worshipers  have 
to  make  obeisance.  Followers  of  Buku  are  expected  to  give  rever- 
ence, sacrifice,  and  praise  to  their  god,  and  they  must  swear  their 
oaths  by  Buku  in  legal  procedure.  The  outward  symbols  of  al- 
legiance to  Buku  are  corporal  paintings  on  head,  face,  and  feet  as 
well  as  the  wearing  of  a  cowrie-shell  necklace  and  the  carrying  of 
a  staff.    Buku  has  his  own  priesthood  (P.  F.  Muller,  1906-1908). 

Prohibitions  during  sacred  periods  include  sexual  continence, 
abstention  from  all  work,  avoidance  of  bridges  and  canoes,  and 
refusal  to  climb  a  hill  or  to  ascend  to  the  second  story  of  a  house. 
A  worshiper  of  Buku  is  not  allowed  to  sacrifice  a  female  animal, 
and  no  offering  of  a  dog  or  a  pig  may  be  made. 

Evidence  of  deism  in  Ashanti  shows  a  well-developed  worship 
of  supreme  beings,  who,  according  to  R.  S.  Rattray  (1923,  1927), 
are  not  a  result  of  the  theological  teachings  of  Europeans.  Nyame, 
the  Sky  god  and  supreme  being  of  the  Ashanti,  differs  from  the 
Suku,  Nzambi,  and  Kalunga  of  the  southwestern  Bantu  in  having 
shrines,  a  priesthood,  and  a  definite  system  of  worship  with  elabo- 
rate ritual.  Moreover,  Nyame  is  responsible  for  the  lesser  tutelary 
gods,  who  preside  as  genii  of  rivers,  lakes,  and  the  sea.  Some  of 
these  beings  are  the  sons  of  Nyame. 

The  priests  of  Nyame  are  dedicated  to  life  service.  They  dress 
their  hair  in  a  peculiar  manner  and  have  ornaments  with  figures 
of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  embossed  on  them.  Once  a  year, 
offerings  of  mashed  yams  are  made  to  Nyame  with  the  prayer, 
"My  God,  I  pray  you  for  life  and  I  pray  you  for  strength."  Here 
is  a  functioning  god,  a  supreme  being  who  is  in  touch  with  the  needs 
of  men.  But  Rattray  points  out  that  the  ohosum  or  lesser  gods  are 
more  important  than  Nyam.e  in  the  practical  affairs  of  everyday 
life.  A  similar  deism,  with  a  hierarchy  of  gods,  some  of  whose 
names  are  the  same  as  those  of  Ashanti,  is  described  by  L.  Tauxier 
(1932,  pp.  64-125;  219-227). 

A.  Le  H^riss^  (1911,  pp.  96,  99,  137)  states  that  in  Dahomey 
there  is  belief  in  a  supreme  being,  Mahou  or  Se,  but  this  god  is  not 
represented  in  statues  or  symbols;  neither  is  there  a  cult  for  him. 
His  name  means  "principle"  or  "intelligence,"  and  the  word  is 
pronounced  in  exclamations  and  invocations.    Mahou  created  the 


546  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

universe  and  many  holy  objects  (Le  Heriss^  uses  the  word  fetishes), 
which  he  is  said  to  own  through  Vodoun,  whose  name  is  applied  to 
the  sea,  thunder,  a  monstrosity,  and  any  force.  The  local  Vodoun 
are  of  greater  practical  importance  than  Mahou,  since  they  control 
the  lives  of  men.  Legba,  one  of  the  Vodoun,  can  grant  or  refuse 
offspring.  The  guardian  spirits,  which  sometimes  reside  in  trees  and 
stones,  are  the  chief  functional  spiritual  beings. 

According  to  the  data  of  M.  J.  and  F.  S.  Herskovits  (1933), 
Dahomean  religion  includes  a  belief  in  a  Sky  god,  who  partitioned 
the  universe  and  gave  special  powers  to  a  hierarchy  of  lesser  gods. 
This  corresponds  with  the  theistic  beliefs  of  Ashanti  and  the  Ivory 
Coast,  as  reported  by  Rattray  and  Tauxier,  respectively.  Herskovits 
says  that  the  religion  of  Dahomey  is  Vodu  worship;  even  the  cult 
of  ancestors  is  a  Vodu  cult,  for  the  dead  are  deified  and  the  Vodu 
are  the  gods.  Each  Dahomean  identifies  himself  with  the  cult  of 
his  particular  pantheon.  The  great  gods  are  not  individual  deities, 
but  pantheons  on  whom  the  kingdom  is  dependent  for  protection 
and  nourishment.  The  cult  of  the  great  gods  is  not  so  practically 
important  in  daily  life  as  the  cult  of  ancestors,  comprising  deified 
ancestors  and  the  recent  dead.  The  founders  of  the  more  important 
sibs  rank  with  the  great  gods,  and  a  link  between  deism  and  ances- 
tor worship  is  provided  by  a  cult  of  the  spirits  who  represent  the 
first  offspring  of  the  original  supernatural  founders  of  the  principal 
sibs.  The  domain  of  the  goddess  Mawu  is  the  moon,  and  she  is 
represented  as  controlling  the  universe.  Lisa,  who  rules  the  sun, 
is  a  male.  Aido  Hwedo,  the  serpent  deity  who  carries  thunder- 
bolts to  earth  and  lies  under  the  earth  to  support  its  weight,  stands 
for  the  personification  of  gods  who  preceded  those  with  whom 
Dahomean  tradition  begins.  Herskovits  then  describes  the  sky 
pantheon  and  the  thunder  pantheon,  together  with  the  ancestral 
cult  and  the  functioning  of  personal  spirits  and  powers. 

C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  pp.  197,  217)  states  that  "the  Jukun,  for  all 
their  devotion  to  the  cults  of  royal  and  family  ancestors,  have  a 
fundamental  belief  in  the  Supreme  control  of  the  Universe  by  an 
inscrutable  Being  who  is  known  as  Chido  or  Shido,  i.e.,  the  Sky- 
God."  Ama  is  another  god  of  importance,  but  a  distinction  exists 
between  Chido  and  Ama,  although  the  Jukun  sometimes  declare 
that  the  two  deities  are  identical.  Meek  suggests  that  this  idea  of 
the  unity  of  the  gods  comes  from  Mohammedan  teaching.  Chido 
is  identified  with  all  celestial  phenomena  and  with  the  sun  in  par- 
ticular.   Ama  is  a  creator,  and  fashioner  of  men. 


Religion  547 

But  despite  an  advanced  theism  the  "work-a-day  religion  of  the 
Jukun  is  the  cult  of  ancestors.  On  the  national  side,  this  assumes 
the  form  of  the  cult  of  dead  kings,  who  become  gods;  and  in  its 
private  aspect  it  assumes  the  character  of  a  propitiation  of  ances- 
tors who  are  regarded  as  being  in  close  association  with  the  gods 
and  even  with  the  supreme  deities  Chido  and  Ama.  The  cult  of 
ancestors  is  not  to  be  thought  of  as  a  distinct  cult  from  that  of  the 
higher  deities.  For  the  cult  of  the  one  is  the  cult  of  the  other,  and 
conversely.  When  national  rites  are  performed  on  account  of  a  dead 
chief  or  of  any  deity,  the  ancestors  are  thought  to  be  present;  and 
when  private  rites  are  performed  on  behalf  of  ancestors  the  gods 
are  also  believed  to  be  close  at  hand." 

The  Yoruba  believe  in  the  existence  of  an  almighty  god  whom 
they  term  Olorun,  Lord  of  Heaven.  He  is  acknowledged  to  be  the 
maker  of  heaven  and  earth  but  is  too  exalted  to  concern  himself 
directly  with  men  and  their  affairs.  The  word  Olorun  is  applied  to 
god  alone  and  is  never  used  in  the  plural  to  denote  Orisas.  Kings 
and  other  notables  may  be  termed  Orisas,  but  the  word  Olorun  is 
reserved  for  the  great  god  alone.  Sango,  Oya,  Orisa,  and  Oko  are 
deified  heroes.  Orisala,  a  co-worker  with  Olorun,  gave  man  his 
human  form.  Ogun  is  a  god  of  war  and  of  all  instruments  made 
of  iron  (S.  Johnson  1921,  pp.  26-39;  143-150).  He  is  patron  of  the 
blacksmith's  craft;  and  so  the  pantheon  continues,  gods  having  their 
wives  and  other  relatives  who  attain  the  status  of  lesser  gods  after 
the  manner  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  pantheon,  with  which  C.  K. 
Meek  (1931a,  p.  122)  has  drawn  some  arresting  analogies.  Dedica- 
tion to  such  lesser  gods  has  led  to  the  establishment  of  an  Osu 
system  among  the  Ibo  (S.  Leith-Ross,  1937). 

Among  the  Shilluk  and  some  other  Nilotic  Negroes,  the  name 
Jwok  denotes  the  highest  spiritual  being,  who,  though  a  creator, 
is  not  particularly  reverenced.  Yet  he  is  high  above  the  spirits  of 
the  dead  in  the  spiritual  world.  He  dwells  above,  is  the  origina- 
tor of  death,  and  determines  the  fortune  of  men;  but  the  name 
Jwok  is  seldom  mentioned  (P.  W.  Hofmayr  1911,  pp.  120-131;  pp. 
185-242).  The  Shilluk  have  more  regard  for  Nyakang,  a  god  who 
was  once  a  king  and  whose  spirit  is  reincarnated  in  every  king  of 
the  Shilluk  people.  Worship  of  family  ancestors  is  the  activating 
religious  principle  which  is  most  intimately  associated  with  daily 
life  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1930,  pp.  176-179). 

Consideration  of  theistic  ideas  shows  that  these  are  present  to 
varying  degree  among  Bantu,  Sudanic,  and  Nilotic  Negroes.    But 


548  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

in  all  tribes  the  importance  of  the  lesser  gods  is  emphasized  because 
they  are  closely  concerned  with  the  lives  of  man.  I  would  say 
that  the  resemblances  of  deistic  beliefs  among  Negroes  are  far  more 
impressive  than  the  differences. 

Supreme  gods  are  somewhat  otiose,  yet  an  exception  must  be 
made  with  regard  to  some  areas  of  west  Africa.  In  parts  of  the 
Ivory  Coast,  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  and  certain  regions  of  Nigeria  a 
god-concept  is  clearly  defined.  The  supreme  deity,  together  with 
a  hierarchy  of  lesser  gods,  has  definite  functions,  and  a  tangible 
recognition  in  sacrifice  and  prayer.  These  are  lacking  among  Bantu 
Negroes  in  their  concept  of  Nzambi  and  Karunga.  Whether  this 
local  development  of  functional  theism  has  resulted  from  an  impor- 
tation of  ideas,  or  whether  the  theology  is  indigenous,  is  uncertain; 
but  the  special  aspects  of  the  religion  are  clear. 

According  to  R.  P.  J.  van  Wing,  Nzambi  is  not  a  man  or  a 
woman,  nor  an  ancestor  hero,  nor  an  animal,  nor  heaven,  nor  earth. 
Nzambi  is  unique  and  separate  from  the  rest.  Nzambi  is  Nzambi. 
"On  ne  d^finit  pas  Dieu."  (See  ".  .  .  L'Etre  supreme  des  Bakongo," 
Recherches  de  Science  Religieuse,  Paris,  Tome  10,  1920,  pp.  75-81.) 

There  exists,  however,  a  comparable  groundwork  in  Negro  reli- 
gion, since  the  sacredness  of  kings  and  chiefs,  together  with  the 
activity  of  all  ancestral  spirits,  and  a  belief  in  their  reincarnation, 
can  be  shown  to  be  of  paramount  importance  in  all  Negro  life. 

Sacred  Kings 
The  office  of  kingship,  in  both  its  temporal  and  spiritual  aspects, 
is  particularly  well  developed  in  the  region  from  Ashanti  through 
Dahomey,  and  into  Nigeria.  But  similar  beliefs  and  practices 
prevail  among  some  Nilotic  and  Bantu  Negroes,  though  often 
without  the  elaboration  and  the  emphasis  that  characterize  the 
religion  of  certain  western  Negroes. 

WEST  AFRICAN  KINGS 

The  Ashanti  regard  the  souls  of  dead  kings  with  the  deepest 
reverence,  and  a  reigning  king  officiates  as  a  high  priest  at  annual 
ceremonies  for  propitiating  ancestral  souls  and  asking  from  them 
temporal  benefits.  Various  sacred  objects  are  shrines  that  can 
temporarily  accommodate  the  souls  of  the  dead,  and  among  these 
cult  objects,  the  golden  stool,  which  is  the  soul  of  the  nation,  is 
most  important.  Tradition  states  that  the  stool  alighted  from  the 
sky  in  a  black  cloud.  Even  the  king  never  sits  on  this  stool,  but 
makes  pretence  to  do  so  three  times  before  sitting  on  his  own  stool 


Religion  549 

during  the  ceremonies  for  invoking  royal  ancestors  (Rattray,  1923, 
pp.  289-293;  E.  W.  Smith,  1926). 

The  Ashanti  custom  of  preserving  the  bones  of  a  dead  king  so 
that  these  might  serve  as  a  shrine  or  a  medium  through  which  the 
ancestral  spirit  could  find  expression,  will  frequently  be  noted  among 
Bantu  as  well  as  Sudanic  Negroes.  In  Ashanti  ceremonials,  human 
sacrifice  played  an  important  part  since  kings  required  service  in 
a  spirit  world.  The  reigning  king  and  the  victims  repaired  to  the 
mausoleum  where  the  bones  of  dead  kings  were  kept,  and  there 
the  reigning  king  officiated  in  an  ancestral  cult  in  which  fertility 
rites  were  prominent. 

The  feast  of  the  dead  was  a  yam  ceremony,  which  was  performed 
annually  at  the  ripening  of  the  crop  and  before  any  of  the  produce 
was  eaten;  the  procedure  was  an  offering  of  the  first  fruits  to  dead 
ancestors.  The  Ashanti  word  oclwira  means  a  cleansing  of  the 
nation  and  a  purification  of  the  shrines  of  ancestral  spirits,  of  gods, 
and  of  the  less  important  spiritual  powers.  Cleansing  the  stools  of 
past  kings  by  washing  and  offering  yams  is  part  of  the  rites,  and  the 
sanctity  of  the  stools  is  renewed  by  pouring  over  them  the  blood  of 
sacrificed  animals. 

At  the  odwira  ceremony,  each  victim  for  sacrifice  had  a  knife 
passed  through  his  cheeks  to  prevent  him  from  cursing  the  king, 
and  his  arms  were  pinioned  from  behind.  The  officiating  king 
poured  out  wine  before  each  skeleton  of  a  former  king.  Before  each 
sacrifice  a  drummer  sent  out  a  message  of  death,  and  the  executioner 

said,  "Off  with  you  to  the  land  of  ghosts  and  serve ,"  then  the 

name  of  a  dead  king  was  mentioned.  This  routine  was  followed 
before  each  skeleton.  When  a  reigning  king  died,  the  nev/s  went 
forth  that  a  mighty  tree  had  fallen,  for  the  death  of  a  king  could 
not  be  directly  announced.  Then  followed  rites,  at  the  end  of  which 
the  bones  of  the  king  were  placed  in  the  mausoleum,  where  they  were 
preserved  to  participate  in  the  next  cleansing  and  fertility  ceremony. 
At  the  death  of  a  king  his  wives  and  some  of  the  slaves  were  strangled, 
so  that  their  spirits  could  accompany  and  serve  the  ghost  of  their 
master. 

In  the  household  of  the  king,  a  strong  system  of  mother-right 
prevailed,  and  does  today.  A  king's  son  can  never  be  king,  and  the 
royal  successor  is  chosen  by  the  Queen  Mother,  who  also  selects 
the  principal  wife  for  the  new  king.  The  Queen  Mother  has  a  silver 
stool,  and  at  the  ceremony  for  propitiating  ghosts  of  the  royal  dead 
she  takes  a  prominent  part.    The  status  of  women  is  further  indicated 


550  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

by  the  training  of  priestesses  whose  functions  are  as  important  as 
those  of  the  priests. 

In  Dahomey,  as  A.  Le  H4riss^  (1911,  pp.  5,  6,  35,  41,  73)  points 
out,  the  king  was  supreme  ruler,  owner  of  all  forms  of  wealth,  arbiter 
in  war  and  peace,  and  chief  lawgiver,  with  power  of  life  and  death 
in  his  hands.  He  was  also  the  high  priest  at  all  important  religious 
fetes.  Each  king  at  death  became  the  principal  person  venerated 
by  a  section  of  the  community  composed  of  all  his  descendants.  As 
among  the  Yoruba,  the  Jukun,  and  the  Ashanti,  court  officials  of 
high  prestige  were  numerous,  and  the  king's  household  was  ostenta- 
tiously conducted.  At  the  death  of  a  king,  his  wives  and  many  slaves 
were  put  to  death,  so  that  their  souls  might  accompany  that  of  their 
master,  and  elaborate  mourning  rites  were  observed  throughout  the 
kingdom.  Women  of  royal  rank  were  given  a  high  standing  in  the 
king's  household,  and  the  twin  sister  of  Akaba  (1680-1708)  was  a 
joint  ruler  with  restricted  authority. 

In  1871  J.  A.  Skertchly  (1874,  pp.  178-286)  witnessed  at  the 
court  of  Gelele  ritual  connected  with  ancestor  worship,  fertility 
cults,  and  human  sacrifice.  The  ceremonials  recorded  were  repeated 
each  autumn,  and  they  were  of  the  kind  performed  at  the  installation 
of  a  new  king,  yet  not  so  elaborate. 

Skertchly  describes  the  feasting,  buffoonery,  and  military  parades 
that  accompanied  the  So-sin  festivals.  He  pictures  the  twelve  victims 
for  sacrifice  dressed  in  white  shirts  with  scarlet  trimmings  and  having 
a  blood-red  heart  on  the  right  shoulder.  The  victims  were  tied  hand 
and  foot,  but  they  were  cared  for  by  an  attendant  who  fed  them  and 
fanned  off  the  files. 

"Contrary  to  what  some  good  people  in  England  would  have  us 
believe,  the  morituri  were  in  the  best  of  spirits.  Those  ungagged 
were  laughing  and  talking  with  each  other,  while  their  muzzled 
brethren  were  taking  matters  just  as  apathetically,  swaying  their 
heads  from  side  to  side  in  time  to  the  music  of  the  bands." 

Skertchly  touches  the  main  function  of  these  So-sin  customs 
when  he  describes  a  small  hut  erected  for  reception  of  the  ghost 
of  the  dead  King  G^zu.  The  roof  of  this  dwelling  was  decorated 
with  striped  cloth  and  cowrie  shells,  and  inside  was  a  gift  of  tobacco 
and  liquor.  This  hut,  like  the  stools  used  at  similar  rites  in  Ashanti, 
was  a  shrine  for  temporary  residence  of  the  spirit  who  was  to  be 
supplicated.  The  king  of  the  Dahomeans  took  charge  of  all  the 
ritual  and  so  acted  as  intermediary  between  the  living  and  the  dead. 


Religion  551 

Kingship  among  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria  is  of  the  Ashanti  and  Daho- 
mean  type  (S,  Johnson,  1921,  pp.  48-57).  The  king  is  the  head  of 
social  organization,  government,  and  religion.  His  person  is  sacred 
and  he  is  not  allowed  in  the  streets  by  day;  tradition  states  that  a 
king  acquired  his  prestige  by  eating  the  heart  of  his  predecessor. 
During  life  the  king  is  surrounded  by  a  retinue  of  officers  both  male 
and  female.  The  chief  of  these  are  military  leaders,  a  diviner  who 
consults  oracles,  keepers  of  genealogies  and  historical  records,  eunuchs 
who  guard  the  king's  wives,  and  custodians  of  such  ceremonial  objects 
as  state  umbrellas,  drums,  and  ivory  trum.pets. 

Certain  women  of  the  king's  palace  held  exceptionally  important 
positions;  for  example,  the  lyamode  resided  in  special  quarters  where 
she  worshiped  the  spirits  of  former  kings,  and  to  her  the  king  him- 
self knelt  in  salute.  A  priestess  of  high  rank  consulted  oracles  at 
the  tomb  of  a  dead  king,  and  when  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  the 
dead  monarch  she  came  raving  to  the  royal  palace  to  foretell  the 
future  and  to  state  what  kind  of  sacrifice  was  required  by  the  dead 
king. 

A  king  who  was  about  to  take  office  visited  the  mausoleum  of 
his  predecessors  and  asked  their  spirits  for  permission  to  reign,  a 
request  which  was  accompanied  by  sacrifice  and  other  ritual.  At 
the  death  of  a  king,  slaves  were  sacrificed  to  serve  in  the  spirit  world, 
and  a  number  of  persons  of  high  rank  volunteered  for  the  honor 
of  being  executed  at  the  tomb  of  the  king.  During  the  life  of  a  king 
of  the  Yoruba,  men  were  appointed  under  a  title  meaning  "to  die 
with  the  king,"  and  such  persons,  who  were  greatly  honored  during 
their  lives,  were  distinguished  by  a  gift  of  "death  cloth,"  which  was 
a  silk  wrapper.  These  guards  of  the  king  protected  him  against 
poison  and  assassination,  and  they  were  likely  to  be  faithful  since 
they  had  to  commit  suicide  at  the  death  of  the  king. 

A  king  of  the  Yoruba  who  was  unsuccessful  in  a  war  that  he  him- 
self had  provoked  was  expected  to  take  his  own  life.  A  king  of 
Dahomey  who  had  outlived  his  usefulness  received  a  gift  of  parrots' 
eggs  as  an  intimation  that  he  must  commit  suicide.  Among  the 
Baganda  of  Uganda,  and  in  some  Nilotic  Negro  tribes,  self-sacrifice 
by  suicide  on  account  of  age  or  inefficiency  is  one  of  the  traits  linked 
with  an  exalted  kingship.  When  a  king  of  the  Yoruba  ascended  the 
throne,  his  mother  was  "asked  to  go  to  sleep,"  and  after  her  suicide 
an  "official  mother"  was  appointed. 

Some  of  these  features  of  Yoruba  kingship  persist  today,  but 
the  more  crude  customs  were  abolished  in  the  year  1858.     In  the 


552  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

kingdom  of  Benin,  Southern  Nigeria,  customs  of  human  sacrifice 
persisted  until  1897.  The  sacrificial  rites  were  performed  at  an  altar 
in  the  king's  compound.  This  structure  remains  today,  but  without 
so  many  decorative  ivory  tusks.  Heads  of  bronze  are  retained,  but 
these  are  not  comparable  in  workmanship  to  the  older  examples. 
I  noticed  that  the  objects  on  the  altar  were  sprinkled  with  blood, 
and  was  informed  that  goats  and  chickens  are  frequently  sacrificed 
there  in  place  of  human  victims. 

In  eastern  Nigeria,  among  the  Jukun,  the  same  types  of  behavior 
and  belief  are  associated  with  kingship.  The  Aku  of  Wukari  is  a 
supreme  incarnation  of  divine  pov/er  and  as  such  receives  great 
reverence.  He  must  eat  in  private,  and  so  great  is  the  spiritual 
power  within  him  that  every  object  he  touches  becomes  impregnated 
with  divine  force.  In  connection  with  law,  we  noted  that  sacred 
oaths  are  sworn  on  objects  belonging  to  the  king.  The  king  is  believed 
to  control  wind  and  rain ;  therefore,  his  primary  function  is  to  secure 
good  harvests.  Formerly  the  king  was  put  to  death  when  his  physical 
strength  began  to  decline,  for  on  the  vitality  of  the  king  depended 
fertility  of  the  soil  and  fecundity  of  human  and  animal  life  (Meek, 
1931,  p.  123). 

Formerly  a  Jukun  king  was  a  manifestation  of  the  sun's  power, 
and  reverence  for  the  sun  is  still  a  feature  of  spiritual  beliefs  in  the 
Benue  region  of  eastern  Nigeria.  Expressions  equating  the  king 
with  the  moon  still  exist,  for  the  ruler  is  sometimes  called  "he  of 
the  moon"  or  "the  full  moon."  The  phrase,  "The  full  moon  lighted 
the  palace,"  means  that  the  king  gave  an  audience.  C.  K.  Meek 
(1931b,  vol.  2,  pp.  490-549)  states  that  tribes  near  the  Jukun  practice 
rites  of  moon  worship,  and  these  are  closely  associated  with  the  person 
of  a  chief.  A  libation  to  the  moon  is  poured  over  a  monolith  by  a 
priest  who  prays  that  wives  may  be  prolific  and  the  crops  bountiful. 
In  the  Jukun  religion,  kingship  is  associated  with  celestial  bodies, 
divine  power,  and  fertility.  In  connection  with  worship  of  the  sun, 
a  Jukun  priest  prays  at  a  shrine,  saying,  "In  coming  to  you,  0  Sun, 
at  this  season  we  are  following  the  custom  of  our  forefathers.  Grant 
that  all  may  be  blessed  with  an  abundant  harvest,  with  health  and 
offspring,  with  success  in  hunting  and  trade." 

NILOTIC  NEGRO  KINGS 

Among  the  Dinka,  Shilluk,  and  some  other  Nilotic  Negroes, 
religion  is  founded  on  ideas  of  God,  the  sacredness  of  kings  and 
rain-makers,  and  reverence  for  all  ancestral  spirits.  Deism,  king- 
ship, and  ancestor  worship  were  shown  to  be  indispensable  traits 


Religion  553 

of  spiritual  life  among  several  tribes  of  Sudanic  Negroes,  despite 
the  fact  that  their  general  culture  differs  radically  from  that  of 
Nilotic  Negroes.  For  the  former,  agriculture  is  of  primary  im- 
portance, and  religious  rites  are  concerned  with  productivity  of  the 
soil,  but  the  social  and  economic  life  of  the  latter  is  based  on  the 
keeping  of  cattle. 

In  the  religious  beliefs  and  practices  of  Negros,  important 
differences  occur,  though  the  controlling  principles  are  analogous. 
Human  sacrifice  and  ceremonial  cannibalism  are  not  traits  of  the 
Nilotic  region,  and  in  this  area  the  use  of  carved  wooden  figures 
is  relatively  unimportant.  In  Ashanti,  Dahomey,  and  Nigeria,  art 
and  religion  have  combined  to  produce  an  elaborate  expression  of 
spiritual  ideas  through  the  media  of  wood,  bronze,  and  ivoiy.  Wood- 
carving,  and  especially  the  fabrication  of  human  effigies  that  serve 
temporarily  as  shrines  for  the  reception  of  ancestral  spirits,  are 
characteristic  of  the  Bantu  area.  Nilotic  Negroes  are  at  a  dis- 
advantage with  regard  to  raw  materials  for  the  development  of 
esthetic  art  in  connection  with  their  religion. 

The  Dinka  revere  Dengit  (Great  Rain),  and  the  Nile  Dinka  state 
that  Dengit  once  ruled  their  tribe  in  human  form;  this  is  the  same 
belief  as  that  of  the  Shilluk,  who  assert  that  their  god  Nyakang 
was  once  a  king.  The  Dinka  begin  their  supplications  with  the 
phrase,  "God  and  our  ancestors,"  a  phrase  that  correctly  indicates 
the  two  main  elements  of  their  religion.  Rain-making  ceremonies 
take  place  at  the  shrines  of  Dengit,  and  a  harvest  rite  following 
the  cutting  of  durra  is  observed  there.  At  this  shrine  of  Dengit, 
the  Agar  Dinka  install  their  new  rain-makers.  The  deism  of  the 
Dinka  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Shilluk,  who  believe  in  a 
supreme  being  Jwok.  The  Dinka  reverence  Jwok  but  he  is  of  less 
practical  importance  than  Dengit,  and  likewise  with  the  Shilluk, 
Nyakang  is  of  more  functional  importance  than  the  supreme  being. 

Rain-makers  of  the  Shilluk  and  the  Dinka  were  the  king  and 
the  tribal  chief,  respectively,  and  in  both  tribes  these  rulers  were 
slain  if  their  health  and  virility  failed.  The  Dinka  rain-makers 
were  regarded  as  sacred  because  each  of  them  was  controlled  by  an 
ancestral  spirit  that  had  come  to  him  from  several  generations  ago. 
An  aged  rain-maker  who  felt  that  his  powers  were  failing  made  his 
own  funeral  arrangements.  Among  the  Agar  Dinka,  a  wide  grave 
was  prepared,  and  in  this  the  aged  rain-maker  lay  on  a  bed  sur- 
rounded by  his  friends  and  relatives.  The  rain-maker  reviewed  the 
past  and  gave  advice  for  the  future;  then,  after  a  day  or  two  of 


554  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

abstention  from  food  and  water,  he  told  the  watchers  to  cover 
him  with  earth,  and  the  grave  was  filled  in, 

Papit,  a  recent  king  of  the  Shilluk,  traces  his  genealogy  back  to 
Nyakang  through  a  line  of  twenty-eight  kings.  At  the  installation 
of  a  Shilluk  king,  a  statue  of  Nyakang  is  placed  on  the  stool  and  is 
then  taken  away.  After  sitting  on  this  stool  for  a  time  the  king 
retires,  and  in  solitude  he  communes  with  Nyakang  and  his  other 
ancestors  during  a  period  of  ten  days.  During  this  period,  the  spirit 
of  Nyakang  enters  the  new  king  and  so  gives  the  spiritual  power 
that  a  king  must  possess  in  order  to  maintain  the  prosperity  of 
his  people.  (C.  G.  Seligman,  1912;  C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  1932, 
pp.  74-87). 

BANTU  NEGRO  KINGS 

The  Baganda,  a  Bantu-speaking  pastoral  tribe  of  Uganda,  have 
beliefs  and  practices  closely  resembling  those  of  Sudanic  and  Nilotic 
Negroes.  The  associated  ideas  are  those  of  divine  power,  the 
sacredness  of  the  king,  the  worship  of  ancestral  spirits  of  the  royal 
dead,  and  the  dependence  of  national  prosperity  on  all  these  factors. 
Baganda  customs,  especially  those  associated  with  rain-making, 
resemble  those  of  the  Nilotes,  but  in  the  elaboration  of  ritual, 
including  human  sacrifice  on  a  large  scale,  the  Baganda  procedure 
more  closely  resembles  that  of  the  Sudanic  Negroes. 

Canon  J.  Roscoe  reports  that  the  Baganda  based  their  worship 
on  the  idea  that  agricultural  and  pastoral  prosperity  depended  on 
the  vitality  of  the  king,  who  was  never  permitted  to  reign  after  he 
became  old  and  feeble.  If  a  king  felt  that  his  physical  powers  were 
waning,  it  was  his  duty  to  commit  suicide,  and  in  some  instances 
a  king  took  his  own  life  while  in  his  prime.  This  ceremonial  sacrifice 
transferred  the  king  to  a  world  of  spirits  where  he  continued  to 
live  in  affluence  as  owner  of  the  herd  of  cattle  that  was  killed  at 
his  grave.  The  spirits  of  men  slain  at  the  funeral  of  the  king  became 
his  spiritual  retinue.  During  the  king's  life,  men  were  killed  in 
order  to  give  longer  and  more  efficient  life  to  the  ruler.  The  Baganda 
had  thirteen  sacrificial  places,  each  with  its  own  temple  and  priest- 
hood. The  gods  were  intimately  associated  with  these  temples,  and 
at  the  shrines  contained  therein  oracles  were  read  by  the  priests, 
who  were  told  by  the  ghosts  of  kings  what  sacrifices  were  required. 
The  decorated  jawbone  of  a  king  was  preserved,  and,  as  in  Ashanti, 
the  most  important  rites  of  ancestor  worship  were  performed  in  the 
presence  of  the  king's  bones  (J.  Roscoe,  1911,  p.  107). 


Religion  555 

The  idea  of  kingship  as  closely  associated  with  divine  power 
prevailed  among  sections  of  the  Bushongo,  who  are  southwestern 
Bantu.  The  king  had  an  elaborate  court  organization  including 
ministers,  trade  guilds,  and  medicine-men.  Each  king  was  a  re- 
incarnation of  the  spirit  of  Bumba,  the  founder  of  the  tribe,  and 
from  Bumba  the  monarch  derived  his  power,  for  his  ancestor  Bumba 
had  caused  the  sun  to  shine  and  had  sent  the  rain.  C.  G.  Seligman 
(1930,  p.  209)  compares  the  nature  and  power  of  Bushongo  king- 
ship with  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  Shilluk  in  respect  to  Nya- 
kang,  founder  of  a  lineage  of  divine  kings. 

E.  Torday  (1925,  pp.  72,  154-156)  states  that  god  the  creator 
is  the  supreme  spirit  of  the  Baluba;  but  it  is  to  the  relics  of  dead 
ancestors  that  homage  is  paid,  and  to  these  sacred  remains  suppli- 
cations are  addressed.  An  ancestor  is  worshiped  as  founder  of  the 
tribe,  and  his  chief  priest  is  the  head  of  it.  The  human  relics  which 
form  a  sacred  shrine  consist  of  human  nails  and  other  bodily  frag- 
ments; these  are  guarded  by  the  head  of  the  tribe  or  clan. 

The  sacredness  of  kings,  the  power  of  their  departed  spirits, 
and  the  rites  of  ancestor  worship  are  constant  factors  in  Negro 
religion,  yet  beliefs  differ  in  their  intensity  and  in  the  elaboration 
of  their  attendant  ritual.  For  the  Ovimbundu  (southwestern  Bantu) , 
kingship  did  not  imply  great  elaboration  of  court  life  and  ritual, 
yet  the  simple  rites  were  of  the  same  kind  as  those  already  mentioned. 
At  the  death  of  a  king,  slaves  were  beheaded  and  eaten.  A  king's 
head  \\Tapped  in  oxhide  became  a  sacred  relic  which  was  consulted 
on  such  important  occasions  as  warfare,  drought,  or  a  long  caravan 
journey.  At  intervals  the  head  was  pro\aded  with  a  new  covering, 
and  at  this  time  an  ox  was  sacrificed. 

G.  P.  Lestrade  (Editor  Duggan-Cronin,  1929,  vol.  1,  section 
I,  p.  17)  points  out  that  "Venda  life  revolves  round  the  chief.  He 
is  the  absolute  lord  and  master  of  his  people  in  a  way  which  all 
iconoclastic  influence  of  white  contact  and  white  government  has 
done  little  to  diminish.  Indeed,  at  a  certain  age  he  becomes  a  god, 
when  after  abjuring  all  contact  with  women,  and  ridding  himself 
of  his  wives,  he  performs  the  dance  which  confers  godhead  upon  him." 

SUMMARY 

The  ideas  involved  in  the  sacredness  of  kingship  are  of  a  kind 
that  might  develop  independently,  and  outside  Africa  such  concepts 
are  widely  spread,  as  Sir  J.  G.  Frazer  has  pointed  out  in  "The  Golden 
Bough";  but  the  part  played  by  diffusion  as  opposed  to  independent 
invention  remains  undetermined.    So  far  as  Africa  is  concerned,  the 


556  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

concepts,  together  with  the  ritual  that  expresses  them,  may  have 
originated  in  Egypt.  The  sacredness  of  kingship  has  been  broadly 
dealt  with  by  A.  M.  Hocart  (1936). 

The  king  of  Egypt  was  the  son  of  Horus  the  Great,  whose 
attributes  were  later  taken  by  Ra,  the  Sun  god.  The  king,  who  was 
believed  to  be  a  god,  was  worshiped  as  such,  and  his  statue  was 
placed  among  those  of  the  gods.  Statues  of  Ra  were  endowed  with 
the  "fluid  of  life,"  which  they  transmitted  to  the  king  by  contact. 
Each  day  the  king  performed  a  sacred  exercise  to  renew  his  power; 
therefore  he  received  the  title  "Endowed  with  Life,  like  Ra,  for  ever." 

The  deistic  ideas  associated  with  kingship,  and  the  elaborate  rites 
connected  with  royal  ancestors,  some  of  whom  are  deified,  should 
be  regarded  as  a  constant  aspect  of  Negro  religion,  varying  in  intensity 
of  development,  but  in  no  way  isolated  from  other  phases  of  ancestor 
worship.  All  ancestors,  even  those  of  the  most  lowly  commoners, 
are  sacred,  though  remoteness  in  time  and  the  lack  of  organized 
ritual  may  cause  a  decline  in  the  ancestral  power.  Yet  each  Negro 
family  has  gods  of  the  hearth  who  are  intimately  concerned  with 
health  and  fecundity.  No  m.atter  of  family  concern,  be  it  so  trivial 
as  the  sickness  of  a  domestic  animal,  is  beneath  the  notice  of  the 
ancestors. 

The  family  ghosts  can  be  benevolent  or  vindictive.  They  must 
be  placated  by  sacrifice  at  the  hands  of  a  medicine-man  or  the  head 
of  the  family.  This  intimacy  between  the  sacred  and  the  profane 
worlds  can  be  shown  as  the  essence  of  Bantu  religion,  and  despite 
the  special  developments  that  we  have  recognized  with  regard  to 
deism  and  ritual,  the  daily  contact  with  proximate  and  lowly  ancestral 
spirits  is  fundamental  in  all  Negro  religion. 

Survival  after  Death,  and  Ancestor  Worship 

BANTU 

Beliefs  of  the  Ovimbundu  with  regard  to  survival  after  physical 
death,  and  practices  for  securing  the  assistance  of  ancestral  spirits, 
are  typical  of  those  prevailing  among  all  Bantu  Negroes.  The  words 
ekisi  and  ocilulu  mean  a  disembodied  spirit,  but  the  word  generally 
used  for  soul  or  spirit  is  utima,  the  heart.  So  far  as  could  be  ascer- 
tained these  words  are  synonymous,  and  they  do  not  refer  to  separate 
spiritual  counterparts  of  the  physical  body.  Yet  it  is  certain  that 
some  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes  believe  in  the  existence  of  separate 
souls  which  dwell  in  one  person,  and  at  death  the  multiple  souls 
have  different  fates.    Such  souls,  though  distinct,  form  a  unity. 


Religion  557 

Ovimbundu  spirits  of  the  dead  are  in  two  divisions:  the  olosande, 
who  are  good  and  benevolent,  and  the  olondele,  who  are  malevolent. 
In  this  class  are  included  the  spirits  of  suicides  and  of  those  who  were 
wicked  or  discontented  on  earth.  All  spirits  are  feared,  especially 
those  of  the  olondele  group,  and  to  approach  the  olosande  the  services 
of  a  medicine-man  are  usually  required. 

Spirits  move  by  night,  and  whistling  should  be  avoided,  since 
the  sound  calls  ghosts.  Evil  spirits  who  are  afflicting  a  child  can  be 
deceived  by  changing  the  name  of  the  sufferer.  The  rites  of  exorcism, 
of  divination  with  a  basket  of  trinkets,  and  the  consultation  of  wooden 
figurines  are  described  in  connection  with  the  medicine-man.  In 
the  chapter  on  "Economic  Life,"  data  are  given  to  illustrate  the  way 
in  which  the  hunter  and  the  blacksmith  depend  on  ritual  which  is 
associated  with  the  activity  of  spirits. 

The  helpful  nature  of  the  olosande  is  indicated  by  the  words  of 
a  sick  person,  who,  failing  to  recover,  says,  "I  have  no  more  osande." 
Esuvi  is  a  bird  that  flies  by  night,  and  it  is  believed  to  have  the  power 
of  killing  spirits,  who  die  a  second  death,  after  which  they  can  no 
longer  be  helpful  to  the  living.  A  man  who  failed  to  recover  his 
health  after  treatment  by  a  medicine-man  said,  "The  spirit  of  my 
grandfather  has  been  caught  by  esuvi,"  meaning  that  a  protecting 
influence  had  been  withdrawn  from  the  living  relative. 

Funeral  rites  of  the  Ovimbundu  indicates  a  belief  that  the  spirit 
remains  near  the  dead  body  for  several  days.  On  the  third  day  after 
death  the  coffin  is  fastened  to  a  pole  which  is  supported  on  the 
shoulders  of  two  men  (Fig.  82,  a).  An  old  man  questioned  the 
corpse,  saying,  "Today,  my  boy,  we  want  you  to  make  us  glad; 
tell  us  all  that  takes  you  from  earth."  While  asking  this  question, 
the  interrogator  held  out  food  on  a  platter,  and  the  mourners  watched 
for  a  movement  of  the  pole  on  the  shoulders  of  the  bearers. 

In  reply  to  the  question  "Were  you  poisoned?"  the  spectators 
declared  that  the  coffin-pole  swung  backward,  so  indicating  a 
negative.  A  prolonged  interrogation  resulted  at  last  in  a  positive 
answer  to  the  query,  "Did  you  die  from  pains  in  the  belly?"  One 
of  the  questions  asked  has  an  important  bearing  on  all  Bantu  pro- 
cedure connected  with  death.  The  interrogator  demanded,  "Is  it 
witchcraft  that  hates  us  and  killed  you?  If  it  is  witchcraft,  come 
to  the  front."  An  affirmative  answer  would,  before  European 
control,  have  led  to  a  process  of  divining  to  find  the  worker  of  anti- 
social magic.  Such  a  person,  named  onganga,  would  have  been 
compelled  to  take  the  poison  ordeal. 


558  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Preparation  of  the  body  suggests  a  fear  of  a  wandering  ghost, 
for  the  great  toes  are  tied  together  and  the  upper  arms  are  bound 
to  the  torso  with  bark  thongs.  The  mourning  rites  observed  by  a 
widow  further  imply  a  fear  of  a  ghost  which  has  to  be  placated.  A 
widow  must  leave  her  hair  loose  and  without  ornament,  and  she  is 
covered  from  crown  to  sole  in  cloth.  For  three  days  she  has  to  sleep 
close  to  the  corpse  of  her  husband,  with  only  a  thin  stick  between 
them.  During  this  time  she  has  to  abstain  from  food,  and  her 
wailing  is  almost  continuous.  After  the  corpse  has  been  prepared 
for  the  rite  of  questioning,  as  described  above,  the  widow  bids  fare- 
well to  the  dead.  Relatives  hold  the  corpse  upright  and  carry  it 
toward  her  while  she  is  held  by  other  relatives.  At  the  end  of  a 
year  of  mourning,  and  after  a  ceremonial  feast  and  drinking  of  beer, 
the  widow  is  free  to  remarry.  These  proceedings  of  the  Ovimbundu 
have  their  parallels,  or  even  their  exact  facsimiles,  in  many  Negro 
tribes,  both  Bantu  and  Sudanic. 

E.  Torday  (1928c,  pp.  225-245)  states  that  among  several  tribes  of 
the  southwest  Bantu  each  person  is  believed  to  have  two  souls,  a 
spiritual  soul,  moyo,  and  a  sensory  soul  called  mfumu  kutu.  The 
functions  of  the  spiritual  soul  are  to  think  and  to  will,  while  the 
sensory  soul  perceives  through  the  senses.  The  sensory  soul  leaves 
the  body  during  sleep  and  fainting,  but  the  spiritual  soul  adheres 
more  closely  to  the  body,  since  it  is  distributed  through  the  blood, 
though  more  of  this  soul  exists  in  the  heart  and  liver  than  elsewhere. 
The  fact  that  the  spiritual  soul  is  believed  to  be  distributed  in  the 
blood  accounts  for  the  importance  of  blood  in  religious  and  magical 
ceremonies,  including  the  making  of  charms  in  which  blood  is  an 
ingredient.  The  process  of  drying  a  corpse  over  a  slow  fire  is  carried 
out  to  liberate  the  soul  from  the  blood  so  that  the  spirit  can  join 
the  ancestral  ghosts. 

In  most  Bantu  languages,  the  words  for  "embodied  soul"  and 
"disembodied  soul"  are  distinct,  according  to  W.  C.  Willoughby 
(1928a,  pp.  338-347).  Bantu  Negroes  think  of  the  soul  as  an  entity 
that  can  leave  the  body  during  sleep,  and  the  idea  of  a  soul  entering 
temporarily  into  an  animal  is  widely  distributed  among  Negroes. 
R.  S.  Rattray  (1927a,  p.  93)  mentions  "dream  adultery"  whereby  a 
sleeper,  on  waking,  is  held  responsible  for  the  actions  of  his  errant 
soul,  if  he  is  foolish  enough  to  narrate  his  dreams. 

Willoughby  thinks  that  the  Bantu  generally  believe  that  a  soul 
enters  the  fetus  at  the  time  of  quickening,  and  he  describes  a  Bantu 
belief  that  the  spirit  of  a  dead  child  haunts  the  place  where  the  infant 


Fig.  82.    Funeral  rites,    a.  Bearers  of  a  corpse,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.    b.  Grave 
near  Caconda,  Ovimbundu  tribe. 


559 


560  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

body  was  buried.  Women  passing  such  places  are  likely  to  become 
pregnant.  Beliefs  in  reincarnation,  and  the  practice  of  divination 
to  discover  which  ancestral  spirit  is  within  the  newly-born  child 
are  of  wide  distribution.  Usually  commoners  sacrifice  only  to  their 
immediate  ancestors,  but  the  souls  of  chiefs  receive  sacrifices  and 
petitions  for  centuries  after  their  death. 

Despite  a  general  and  well-established  belief  in  the  continued 
existence  of  souls,  there  exists  a  ritual  for  destroying  them.  Instances 
of  destroying  the  soul  are  found  in  connection  with  executions, 
warfare,  and  head-hunting.  A  draft  of  poison  before  execution, 
burning  a  corpse,  or  eating  the  body  are  methods  of  destroying  a 
soul  whose  vindictiveness  is  feared. 

Other  general  beliefs  mentioned  in  Willoughby's  study  of  Bantu 
concepts  of  the  soul  are  the  presence  of  the  spirit  near  the  corpse 
for  several  days  after  death,  the  retributive  conduct  of  neglected 
ancestors,  and  the  preservation  of  social  status  in  a  world  of  spirits; 
a  chief  remains  as  such,  while  slaves  continue  their  servitude. 

The  direct  manner  in  which  Negroes  address  ancestral  spirits 
is  shown  by  R.  P.  J.  van  Wing  (1930,  pp.  401-428).  "In  their  magical 
formulae  and  in  their  prayers,  one  can  discover,  not  so  much  in- 
dividual and  passing  sentiments,  as  the  soul  of  the  whole  people." 
There  is  a  process  of  direct  bargaining  with  the  ancestors  when 
supplication  is  made  for  curing  the  sick.  "The  ancestors  are  informed 
that  they  will  receive  the  honours  they  claim  on  condition  that  they 
restore  the  health  of  the  patient  and  the  prosperity  of  the  clan." 
The  burden  of  most  supplications  is  desire  for  fecundity,  good  crops, 
relief  from  sickness,  and  aid  in  combating  witchcraft. 

The  observations  of  A.  T.  Bryant  (1917,  No.  95)  indicate  that 
according  to  Zulu  philosophy  man  is  composed  of  two  parts,  the 
body  and  the  spirit  or  soul.  In  addition  to  these,  the  concept  of  a 
human  being  includes  an  entity  whose  name  can  be  translated  by 
the  words  heart,  feelings,  or  mind.  There  is  also  something  meaning 
intellect,  memory,  and  understanding.  A  final  part  or  aspect  is 
the  shadow  or  personality.  The  relationship  of  these  things  to  each 
other  and  their  fate  at  death  does  not  seem  clear  in  Zulu  philosophy, 
though  general  beliefs  and  practices  favor  the  hypothesis  that  all 
these  aspects  of  a  human  being  accompany  the  departing  life. 

"The  Zulu  religion  makes  no  definite  statement  on  the  doctrine 
of  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  The  soul  survives  death,  and  is 
offered  sacrifice  practically  continuously  throughout  an  indefinite 
period  of  time;  but  how  long  it  will  continue  to  live,  and  whether 


Religion  561 

or  not  it  will  endure  for  ever,  is  not  defined."  The  spirit  materializes 
into  a  snake  of  a  non-poisonous  kind  which  can  be  recognized  by 
bright  green  color  with  black  marks.  The  kind  of  snake  and  the 
size  are  clues  to  the  status  of  the  visiting  ancestor.  Old  women  prefer 
to  take  the  form  of  small  lizards. 

"The  only  spirits  that  now  really  matter,  that  actually  enter 
into  the  practical  religion  of  the  present-day  Zulu,  are  the  spirits 
of  his  father,  his  grandfather,  and  his  other  immediate  ancestors. 
These  he  feels  he  knows,  and  they  alone,  he  assumes,  have  any 
present  interest  in  him."  Any  neglect  of  sacrifices  will  be  visited  with 
reprisals,  such  as  infliction  of  barrenness  on  wives  and  sickness  on 
children.  The  diviners  act  as  intermediaries  between  the  living  and 
the  dead  by  use  of  various  techniques  that  Bryant  describes  in  detail. 

Ideas  of  the  Zulu  correspond  closely  with  those  recorded  for 
the  Bakongo  and  other  Bantu  tribes.  "The  Zulu  sacrifices  and  prays 
to  the  spirits  only  when  he  wants  something,"  and  the  bargaining 
process  is  shown  in  the  address  to  the  ancestors.  The  words,  which 
are  spoken  as  soon  as  the  sacrificial  ox  has  been  speared,  are:  "Take 
ye  and  eat,  that  thereby  this  child  of  ours  (who  is  sick  and  whom 
you  are  taking  from  us)  may  be  restored  to  health  and  to  us."  If 
the  matter  is  of  national  rather  than  family  concern,  the  king  sacrifices 
to  the  Greatest-great-ones,  his  own  direct  ancestors. 

An  eastern  Bantu  tribe,  the  Wanyamwezi,  make  the  usual  dis- 
tinctions of  rank  among  ancestral  spirits.  The  most  important 
ancestors  are  those  of  kings  and  medicine-men,  and  in  view  of  the 
national  importance  of  these  spirits  appeal  is  made  to  them  by  the 
king,  on  recommendation  of  the  medicine-man  mjumu,  during  times 
of  drought  and  disease.  Family  ancestors  are  grouped  in  two 
categories,  as  with  the  Bathonga.  Ancestors  in  the  paternal  line 
are  ku  buta,  and  in  the  maternal  line,  ku  migongo.  Sacrificial  rites 
to  ancestors  are  typically  a  family  concern,  and  the  presiding  priests 
are  a  grandfather,  a  father,  or  the  oldest  son  of  the  family.  There  are, 
however,  special  instances  in  which  a  mjumu  officiates.  The  spiritual 
relationship  of  a  family  to  the  ancestors  is  that  of  supplicants  who 
do  homage  and  make  gifts  in  return  for  concessions  (F.  Bosch,  1925, 
pp.  200-209;  1930,  pp.  105-167). 

WESTERN    (SUDANIC)   NEGROES 

Beliefs  and  practices  relating  to  ancestor  worship,  and  the  func- 
tional aspects  of  religion  are  similar  among  Sudanic  and  Bantu 
Negroes.    R.  S.  Rattray  (1927a,  pp.  153-156)  emphasizes  the  practical 


562  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

importance  of  lesser  gods  and  ancestral  spirits  in  the  daily  life  of 
the  Ashanti,  though  S.  Clarke  (1930,  pp.  431-470)  thinks  that  the 
sociological  significance  of  ancestor  worship  has  not  been  sufficiently 
stressed  by  Rattray.  Yet,  despite  Clarke's  criticism,  the  observa- 
tions of  Rattray  are  quite  clear  on  many  fundamental  and  practical 
aspects  of  Ashanti  religion. 

The  Ashanti  believe  in  a  plurality  of  non-corporal  elements,  each 
of  which  has  a  distinguishing  name.  The  kra  is  a  spiritual  part 
of  a  human  being,  and  during  the  life  of  a  person  to  which  it  is 
attached  the  kra  leads  a  separate,  shadowy  existence.  When  a  person 
is  dying,  his  kra  leaves  him  gradually,  and  the  difficult  breathing  of 
the  dying  person  is  said  to  be  due  to  the  exertions  of  the  kra  in 
climbing  a  hill  in  the  spirit  world.  The  kra  is  thought  to  have  been 
in  existence  before  the  birth  of  the  person  to  whom  it  became  at- 
tached; it  is  a  spirit  waiting  for  reincarnation.  The  Ashanti  have 
other  words  to  describe  spiritual  parts  that  do  not  perish  with  the 
body.  Saman  is  a  ghost;  samanfo  means  an  ancestral  spirit.  A 
sasa  is  a  spirit  of  either  a  human  being  or  an  animal  which  can 
disturb  the  living  by  casting  a  spell  that  only  magic  can  avert. 
Hunters,  butchers,  and  executioners  are  likely  to  be  haunted  by  a 
sasa  if  precautions  are  not  taken.  A  sunsum  is  the  part  of  a  person 
that  wanders  when  he  is  asleep.  The  ntoro  and  its  sociological  func- 
tions have  been  explained.  The  ohosum  is  the  spirit  of  a  ntoro 
totemic  division. 

In  common  with  all  Negroes,  the  Ashanti  believe  in  the  vindic- 
tiveness  of  ghosts,  which  may  cause  barrenness  of  women,  sexual 
impotence  of  men,  sickness,  and  misfortune.  Widows  mourn  to 
satisfy  the  ghosts  of  dead  husbands,  and  the  belief  prevails  that  a 
widow  who  has  sexual  intercourse  within  the  year  following  the  death 
of  her  husband  will  be  barren  or  die.  The  new  husband  of  a  widow 
has  to  make  a  propitiatory  offering  to  the  ghost  of  the  former 
husband.  This  is  the  fearful  and  negative  side  of  respect  for 
ancestors;  the  positive  rites,  both  family  and  national,  are  of  the 
usual  type  in  which  offerings  are  made  and  favors  are  asked. 

The  wandering  of  a  soul,  its  objective  nature,  and  the  dependence 
of  bodily  welfare  on  the  actions  of  a  soul,  are  exemplified  by  L.  W.  G. 
Malcolm  (1922,  pp.  219-222).  The  Efik  of  southeast  Nigeria  call 
the  bush  soul  ukpon,  and  if  an  animal  that  is  holding  the  ukpon 
falls  sick  or  dies  the  owner  of  that  soul  suffers.  At  Old  Calabar, 
a  man  begged  for  the  release  of  a  trapped  leopard  on  the  ground 
that  the  animal  held  his  bush  soul.    A  man  who  wishes  to  injure 


Religion  563 

an  enemy  pays  a  visit  to  a  medicine-man  to  discover  what  animal 
holds  the  ukpon  of  his  foe.  Injury  can  be  inflicted  by  trapping  or 
killing  this  creature,  but  if  the  plot  is  discovered  a  trial  by  ordeal 
will  result  and  the  punishment  will  be  severe,  since  this  is  anti- 
social magic. 

The  functional  aspects  of  ancestor  worship,  and  the  intimacy  of 
religious  exercises  with  everyday  life  of  the  Dahomeans,  indicate 
that  the  principles  and  practices  of  ancestor  worship  for  these 
Sudanic  Negroes  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  Bantu,  but  religion 
of  Sudanic  Negroes  is  elaborated  in  all  its  aspects.  Family  religion 
among  many  Bantu  tribes  is  exemplified  by  the  simple  rites  followed 
by  the  Ovimbundu.  The  chief  cult  object  of  the  home  is  a  wooden 
figurine  whose  hollow  abdomen  is  filled  with  medicine  by  the  ocim- 
handa.  Then  follows  a  consultation  between  the  ocimbanda  and 
the  figurine,  which  is  a  temporary  shrine  for  an  ancestral  spirit. 

In  Ashanti  and  Dahomey,  the  family  arrangements  are  more 
elaborate.  M.  J.  and  F.  S.  Herskovits  (1933,  pp.  69-74)  describe 
the  walled  compound  of  an  extended  family  with  its  shrine  to  Legba 
and  a  small  square  house  for  worshiping  individual  ancestral  spirits. 
Inside  the  house  of  the  first  wife  is  an  altar  to  Minoa,  the  goddess 
of  women,  and  another  altar  for  Hweli,  protector  of  the  household. 
Herskovits  describes  the  promises  of  a  man  to  his  Vodu,  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  the  obligation,  the  divination  to  find  what  Vodu  is  incensed 
and  why,  also  the  placation  of  the  Vodu.  The  differences  between 
Bantu  and  Sudanic  religious  practices  are  chiefly  of  degree  and  not 
of  kind. 

NILOTIC  NEGROES 

Dr.  C.  G.  Seligman  states  that  among  Nilotic  Negroes,  especially 
the  Shilluk,  the  ancestral  cult  is  overshadowed  by  that  of  Nyakang. 
Yet  there  exists  more  feeling  for  and  fear  of  dead  ancestors  than 
a  cursory  investigation  would  suggest.  Often  there  is  difficulty  in 
showing  the  observance  of  sacrifice  to  ancestors,  apart  from  that 
which  is  associated  with  the  cult  of  royal  ancestors. 

But  the  data  given  by  C.  G.  Seligman  (1931,  pp.  1-20)  prove 
conclusively  that  ancestor  worship  of  the  kind  observed  among 
Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes  is  characteristic  of  some  Nilotes.  The 
Dinka  believe  that  each  human  being  has  a  soul  or  spirit,  atiep 
(shadow),  which  at  death  remains  about  the  house  or  becomes 
associated  with  the  shrine,  huor,  which  is  prepared  for  it.  The  atiep 
may  appear  to  the  living  in  a  dream  to  ask  for  food;  then  the  dreamer 


564  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

in  order  to  escape  sickness  or  other  reprisal  from  an  offended  spirit, 
mixes  durra  with  fat  and  places  this  in  a  pot  in  a  corner  of  the  hut. 

The  word  jok  is  reserved  for  powerful  ancestors  who  died  long 
ago;  some  of  these  jok  are  the  spirits  of  founders  of  clans.  The 
spirit  of  an  animal  ancestor  is  a  powerful  jok.  The  jok,  like  the 
atiep,  are  guardian  spirits  of  house  and  clan;  both  are  vindictive  if 
annoyed  or  neglected.  Men  and  women  who  can  see  the  atiep  and 
jok  are  called  iiet.  These  gifted  persons  communicate  with  the 
ancestral  spirits  to  discover  what  spirit  has  been  offended,  what 
has  caused  displeasure,  and  what  sacrifice  should  be  made  in  placa- 
tion.  A  close  connection  exists  between  the  cult  of  the  dead  and 
the  totemic  belief  concerning  reincarnation  of  an  ancestor  in  some 
animal  which  becomes  emblematic  for  the  clan.  This  totemism  is 
a  special  development  of  religious  belief  among  the  Nilotes;  similar 
beliefs  exist  among  some  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negroes,  but  not 
usually  with  the  same  emphasis  as  among  the  Nilotes. 

P.  W.  Hofmayr  (1911,  pp.  120-131)  agrees  that  in  general  the 
ancestral  cult  of  the  Shilluk  is  restricted  to  worship  of  the  spirits 
of  higher  chiefs  and  kings.  But  each  house  has  its  own  ancestral 
spirits  who  are  interested  in  the  family.  Graves  of  immediate 
family  ancestors  are  reverenced,  and  the  following  procedure  shows 
a  close  similarity  between  family  rites  of  the  Nilotes,  and  those 
practices  which  are  characteristic  of  Bantu  and  Sudanic  worship 
of  immediate  and  lowly  ancestors.  For  the  Shilluk,  states  Hofmayr : 
"A  father  who  intends  to  dispose  of  his  daughter  in  marriage 
goes  to  the  grave  of  a  family  ancestor  and  prays,  'Lord!  here  I 
bring  my  child;  bless  her!  thou  knowest  whether  her  way  will  be 
straight  or  unlucky.  I  offer  a  little  sheep  whose  blood  will  pene- 
trate to  thee  through  the  earth  and  speak  for  me  and  my  child.' " 

ANCESTORS  AND  CANNIBALISM 

In  addition  to  the  kingly  office,  the  employment  of  medicine- 
men, and  the  use  of  shrines,  prayer,  and  sacrifice  as  means  of  estab- 
lishing contact  with  ancestors,  cannibal  rites  are  of  local  importance. 
E.  Torday  (1913,  p.  83)  has  pointed  out  that  the  Banyanzi  were 
not  ashamed  of  cannibalism  and  expressed  a  preference  for  human 
flesh;  but,  generally  speaking,  cannibalism  has  a  ritual  aspect, 
which  has  previously  been  mentioned  in  relation  to  warfare  and 
head-hunting. 

J.  Roscoe  (1924,  pp.  40,  140,  147)  believes  that  cannibalism 
among  the  Bagesu  and  other  northern  Bantu  is  a  ceremonial  feast 


Religion  565 

in  honor  of  the  dead.  Only  certain  clan  members  eat  the  flesh, 
and  only  selected  parts  of  the  corpse  are  cooked.  The  evidence 
adduced  when  describing  secret  societies  showed  the  ritual  impor- 
tance of  cannibal  rites,  and  it  is  a  general  truth  that  medicine-men 
regard  portions  of  the  human  body  as  potent  ingredients.  Medicine- 
men disinter  bones  of  the  dead,  and  the  remains  of  medicine-men 
are  regarded  as  specially  efficacious.  This  is  distinctly  a  form  of 
ceremonial  cannibalism.  The  whole  of  the  evidence  for  cannibalism 
in  the  plateau  belt  of  central  Nigeria  emphasizes  the  ritual  impor- 
tance of  the  institution.  The  alleged  reasons  for  cannibalism  among 
the  Angas  appear  to  be  contradictory.  On  the  one  hand,  the  soul 
of  an  enemy  is  destroyed  by  eating  his  flesh,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
the  soul  of  a  relative  can  be  sent  to  the  spirit  world  if  he  is  killed 
and  the  flesh  is  eaten  ceremonially.  Cannibalism  can  function  as 
a  special  form  of  sacrifice  for  maintaining  connection  with  ancestral 
ghosts,  for  among  the  Angas,  although  flesh  from  the  head  of  a 
relative  is  eaten,  the  skull  is  preserved  in  a  pot  which  becomes  a 
shrine  or  altar  for  family  ancestor  worship  (Meek,  1925,  vol.  2, 
pp.  48,  53-58). 

CONCLUSION 
Consideration  of  ancestor  worship  and  of  survival  after  death 
establishes  uniformity  of  fundamental  beliefs  and  procedures  among 
all  Negroes.  The  departed  spirits  of  kings,  chiefs,  and  important 
rain-makers  are  of  tribal  concern;  they  are  venerated  for  long 
periods  with  elaboration  of  ceremonial  at  which  a  reigning  king  or 
chief  acts  as  high  priest  to  gain  ancestral  blessings.  But  likewise 
important,  though  generally  restricted  to  the  family  or  the  clan, 
are  the  ancestral  spirits  of  people  of  low  social  status.  Between 
the  spiritual  and  the  profane  worlds  these  spirits  come  and  go  at 
will.  By  sacrifice  they  are  cajoled;  they  are  human  in  their  wants 
and  jealousies;  but  by  the  use  of  correct  ritual  their  aid  in  all  mat- 
ters of  family  concern  can  be  solicited.  That  supplicants  of  these 
immediate  ancestors  are  chiefly  concerned  with  obtaining  material 
benefits  is  beyond  dispute;  but  what  are  the  controlling  relation- 
ships between  deism,  ancestor  worship,  and  human  conduct? 

Religion  and  Conduct 
Ancestor  cults  are  the  core  of  Negro  religion,  but  are  the 
ancestral  spirits  concerned  with  morality?  Do  the  ancestors  care 
about  theft,  hospitality,  and  fair  dealing  between  men?  Are  the 
ghosts  concerned  about  adultery,  breach  of  kinship  rules,  and 
homicide? 


I 


566  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  connection  with  a  study  of  law,  evidence  was  adduced  to  prove 
that,  after  legal  obligations  had  been  discharged  with  respect  to  theft, 
murder,  or  adultery,  some  rite  was  necessary  to  emphasize  a  settle- 
ment among  litigants,  and  with  the  ancestral  spirits  as  well.  But 
despite  such  instances  the  impression  is  left  that  a  murderer  is 
primarily  concerned  with  appeasing  the  ghost  of  his  victim,  and  with 
the  payment  of  compensation  to  relatives  of  the  murdered  man. 

But  instances  showing  definite  influence  of  ancestral  commands 
on  conduct  are  not  lacking.  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm  (1925,  No.  69) 
states  that  among  the  Efik  the  marriage  ceremony  is  closely  connected 
with  the  ghost  cult  of  the  tribe.  A  bride  must  promise  on  oath  that 
she  will  be  faithful  to  her  husband,  and  violation  of  the  oath  is 
believed  to  cause  sterility.  According  to  R.  M.  Downes  (1933,  p.  71) 
the  sanctions  and  taboos  which  make  up  the  customary  law  of  the 
Tiv  are  imposed  on  society  by  ancestors.  Everything  is  said  by 
the  old  men  to  have  been  given  by  the  "men  of  old,"  and  this  custom 
has  a  spiritual  sanction.  I.  Q.  Orchardson  (1932-33,  pp.  154-162) 
reports  that  the  Kipsigis  believe  that  anti-social  behavior  of  all 
kinds  is  an  offense  to  the  ancestors,  who  retaliate  by  causing  sickness. 
He  does  not  believe  that  the  phrase  "appeasing  the  ancestors"  is 
a  correct  description  of  the  attitude  of  the  Bantu  toward  ancestral 
spirits.  Yet,  despite  Orchardson's  opinion  of  Kipsigi  rites,  the  body 
of  evidence  shows  the  Negroes'  ancestral  cults  as  a  chaffering  and 
bargaining;  there  are  promises,  procrastinations,  fears,  divinations 
to  discover  the  extent  of  ancestral  displeasure,  and  final  compliance 
is  made  to  avert  ancestral  reprisals. 

In  discussing  the  question  of  supernatural  penalties  among  the 
Baganda,  L.  P.  Mair  (1934b,  pp.  254-256)  states  that  retribution 
may  follow  the  eating  of  the  totem  animal  of  one's  clan,  the  violation 
of  rules  of  avoidance  between  relations-in-law,  or  indulgence  in 
adultery,  especially  under  certain  circumstances.  In  most  of  these 
instances,  the  person  who  suffers  is  not  the  one  who  commits  the 
offence;  it  is  the  husband  who  dies  because  of  his  wife's  misconduct 
during  his  absence.  The  idea  behind  this  concept  of  punishment 
is  not  that  a  supernatural  being  has  been  offended;  neither  is  there 
belief  in  an  impersonal  and  mysterious  force.  The  Baganda  say, 
"It  is  the  sin  itself  which  kills." 

The  eschatology  of  Negro  religion  fails  to  show  that  the  wicked, 
that  is,  the  anti-social  individuals,  such  as  wizards  and  despotic 
rulers,  are  punished  in  a  spirit  world.  Ghosts  of  bad  persons  are 
feared,  since  they  are  thought  to  do  harm  to  the  living,  but  these 


i 


Religion  567 

ghosts  are  not  segregated  and  punished.  On  the  contrary,  they 
continue  their  evil  practices.  In  a  subconscious  way,  the  fear  of 
ancestors  may  influence  all  conduct,  and  the  force  of  ancestral 
wishes  is  often  clear  in  relation  to  incest  and  prohibited  degrees  of 
marriage.  But,  generally  speaking,  the  ancestors  are  more  concerned 
with  their  own  dignity,  the  mourning  rites  due,  and  the  sacrifices 
expected,  than  with  the  conduct  of  one  man  toward  another. 

Sacred  Animals 

Consideration  of  the  social,  religious,  and  economic  life  of 
Negroes  reveals  many  attitudes  toward  the  animal  kingdom  that 
are  of  fundamental  importance  in  tribal  life.  The  special  regard 
for  cattle  which  makes  the  herds  a  focus  of  religious  ceremonies, 
a  basis  of  all  social  organization,  and  in  some  areas  the  only  means 
of  livelihood,  has  been  described  in  connection  with  the  pastoral 
culture  (section  II).  This  culture  provides  the  most  instructive 
instance  of  specialization,  with  domestic  animals  as  the  psychological 
and  sociological  focus.  But  beliefs  and  ceremonies  equally  important 
are  connected  with  many  feral  species. 

A  comprehensive  survey  of  beliefs,  cults,  and  definite  systems  of 
animal  worship  has  been  made  by  J.  Weissenborn  (1905,  pp.  92-165), 
who  describes  totemism,  cults,  and  acts  of  worship,  together  with 
miscellaneous  beliefs  in  transformation  and  transmigration  of  souls. 
The  main  facts  of  totemism  were  discussed  in  connection  with 
organization  of  the  clan  and  the  reincarnation  of  ancestral  spirits, 
and  a  distinctive  feature  of  totemism  was  found  in  the  fact  that 
totemic  beliefs  are  centered  about  a  species,  whereas  animal  worship 
is  the  veneration  of  several  individuals  of  a  species  that  are  kept  in 
captivity. 

With  the  exception  of  totemic  beliefs,  ideas  relating  to  well- 
defined  systems  of  worship  of  the  python  and  the  crocodile  are  the 
most  important  instances  of  reverence  for  animals.  Data  relating 
to  the  worship  of  pythons,  together  with  a  classification  of  beliefs 
and  ritual  acts  pertaining  to  other  kinds  of  snakes,  have  been  collated 
and  classified  in  "Serpent  Worship  in  Africa."  This  publication 
deals  with  the  historical  aspects  of  the  problem  of  serpent  worship, 
the  distribution  of  different  types  of  belief  and  ceremonial  in  Africa, 
and  the  psychological  and  sociological  concepts  that  are  involved 
(Hambly,  1931a). 

At  Ibadan,  Southern  Nigeria,  a  white  crocodile  is  kept  in  cap- 
tivity in  charge  of  a  priest,  and  this  instance  seems  to  be  a  late 


568  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

survival  of  what  was  a  widely  distributed  and  well-defined  cult  less 
than  fifty  years  ago  (Fig.  83,  b).  P.  W.  Hofmayr  (1911,  p.  124) 
mentions  that  the  Shilluk  believe  that  Nikaia,  who  is  the  mother 
of  the  deified  king  Nyakang,  takes  the  form  of  a  crocodile,  but 
this  disguise  she  abandons  in  order  to  appear  as  a  child.  Nikaia  is 
concerned  with  the  welfare  of  mothers  and  their  children.  Offerings 
of  food  are  made  to  this  crocodile  goddess  on  the  bank  of  a  river. 
G.  L.  Ponton  (1932,  pp.  236-240)  has  described  the  feeding  of  a 
sacred  crocodile,  which  is  not  in  captivity,  in  the  canton  of  Reo, 
district  of  Koudougou,  west  Africa;  but  references  to  cults  of  croco- 
diles have  not  been  collated  and  discussed  with  regard  to  their 
functions,  and  their  historical  and  psychological  relationship  to 
python  worship. 

The  principal  centers  of  python  worship  were  Dahomey,  southern 
Nigeria,  and  a  small  area  south  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza.  In 
Dahomey,  the  python  became  at  times  a  shrine  for  the  reception 
of  a  god,  to  whom  the  priests  and  priestesses  had  access.  In  addition 
to  feeding  the  pythons,  the  acolytes  conducted  dances,  carried  the 
python  in  a  procession,  and  made  oracular  utterances.  The  python 
has  been  commonly  associated  with  fertility  of  the  soil  and  human 
fecundity. 

Python  worship  should  not  be  regarded  as  a  trait  which  is  isolated 
from  other  aspects  of  Negro  religion.  The  python  is  a  sacred  medium 
by  which  contact  is  made  with  a  spirit  world  in  order  to  secure 
benefits;  therefore,  the  worship,  with  its  temples  and  priesthood, 
its  sacrifices  and  ceremonies,  is  functionally  a  part  of  ancestor  worship. 

driberg's  summary  of  negro  religion 
The  fundamentals  of  Negro  religion  have  been  summarized  and 
discussed  by  J.  H.  Driberg  (1936),  who  has  valuable  criticisms  and 
hypotheses  to  offer  in  relation  to  all  aspects  of  religious  belief. 
Driberg  has  no  hesitation  in  affirming  that  the  religious  belief  and 
philosophy  of  the  African  are  fixed  primarily  on  the  concept  of  a 
universal  Power  or  Energy  which  is  the  cause  of  all  life,  and  second- 
arily on  deifications  that  develop  in  two  distinct  ways. 

Criticism  is  levelled  against  the  use  of  European  terms,  with  their 
allied  European  concepts  of  "high  gods,"  "soul,"  "prayer,"  "wor- 
ship," "sacrifice,"  and  "shrine."  The  European  concept  of  deity 
when  applied  to  analysis  of  Negro  religion  leads  to  a  misconception 
of  Negro  gods  as  otiose.  Yet  gods  in  the  stricter  sense  of  European 
terminology  do  exist,  but  only  as  a  rare  by-product  of  the  Negro 
ancestral  system.    I  think,  however,  that  this  opinion  needs  some 


Fig.  83.    Sacred  reptiles,      a.  Python  which  has  swallowed  a  goat,  eastern 
Congo.    Photograph  by  E.  Heller,    b.  White  crocodile,  Ibadan,  Nigeria. 


569 


570  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

modification,  since  our  survey  of  western  Negro  religion  revealed 
the  gods  as  something  far  more  vital  than  a  mere  by-product. 

Driberg  agrees  with  most  ethnologists  in  stating  that  "our  sharp 
distinction  between  life  and  death  is  not  a  valid  one  to  the  African, 
who  sees  in  death  only  a  change  of  status.  Clans  consist  of  the 
living  and  the  dead  on  a  complete  parity,  and  the  social  organization 
of  the  living  community  continues  to  operate  beyond  the  grave. 
The  elder  who  dies  and  is  accorded  appropriate  mortuary  ceremonies, 
which  are  rites  of  transition  granting  him  admission  to  his  new  status, 
assumes  a  status  senior  to  the  living  elders,  but  all  within  the  frame- 
work of  a  single  organization. 

"The  theory  of  soul-inheritance,  which  is  what  reincarnation 
amounts  to,  together  with  the  possibility  of  the  substitution  of  a 
contemporary's  soul,  is  no  more  than  a  translation  in  terms  of 
metaphysics  of  the  classificatory  system  common  to  all  African 
societies."  When  a  dead  ancestor  acquires  a  tribal  character  he 
cannot  be  reincarnated,  because  his  tribal  function  has  set  him  apart 
from  the  main  line  of  family  reincarnation,  and  after  the  second 
generation  he  remains  isolated  as  a  culture  hero  about  whom  a 
mythology  aggregates.  These  observations  of  Driberg's  are  in 
accord  with  my  previous  quotations  from  H.  A.  Junod,  relating  to  the 
gradual  evolution  of  tribal  gods  among  the  Bathonga. 

Medicine-men 

Study  of  Negro  religion  has  presented  a  picture  of  parallelism 
and  close  contact  between  worlds  of  the  living  and  the  dead.  The 
conception  is  utilitarian  because  the  good  will  of  the  dead  is  essential 
for  the  welfare  of  the  living.  Contacts  with  the  souls  of  the  dead, 
no  matter  whether  these  are  kings  or  lowly  ancestors,  have  to  be 
made  through  recognized  mediators.  Heads  of  families,  reigning 
kings,  special  priesthoods,  shrines,  sacred  groves,  sacrifices,  and 
prayers  have  been  shown  as  the  essentials  of  ancestor  worship. 
But  the  office  of  medicine-man  is  equally  important  as  a  link  between 
realms  of  the  flesh  and  the  spirit. 

Ethnological  study  does  not  provide  satisfactory  definitions  of 
magic  and  religion,  and  speculation  respecting  the  distinctions  be- 
tween priests  and  medicine-men,  and  between  prayers  and  spells, 
are  only  tentative  attempts  to  explain  the  nature  of  relationship 
between  the  physical  and  the  spiritual  worlds.  D.  Westermann 
(1934,  p.  187)  explains  the  way  in  which  magic  and  religion  may  be 
associated  among  the  Ewe  and  Akan,  who  can  change  magic  into  a 


Religion  571 

deity.  An  object  used  effectively  in  magical  practice  may  become 
a  deity  and  the  center  of  a  cult  whose  priest  is  the  man  who  dis- 
covered the  magic. 

The  medicine-man  himself  is  an  empiricist  who  probably  has  no 
theories  to  explain  his  procedure,  but  he  believes,  and  so  do  his 
clients,  that  certain  ritual  will  produce  desired  results,  provided  no 
stronger  power  is  exerted  against  him.  European  observers  are 
sometimes  too  eager  to  supply  a  rational  foundation  that  does  not 
exist  in  the  mind  of  the  Negro  practitioner,  and  this  kind  of  nimble 
philosophy  may  be  nowhere  near  the  truth.  The  thoughts  of  medi- 
cine-men are,  however,  not  always  obscure.  It  is  clear,  for  instance, 
that  an  ocimhanda  of  the  Ovimbundu,  when  shaking  his  divination 
basket,  believes  that  he  is  making  contact  with  spirits  of  the  dead, 
for  his  declarations  plainly  state  that  this  or  that  ghost  is  the  cause 
of  sickness  or  other  trouble.  In  rain-making,  the  symbolic  acts  are 
evidently  used  as  a  sympathetic  inducement  of  actual  rainfall ;  as,  for 
example,  when  the  medicine-man  reaches  up  with  his  hands,  goes 
through  the  motion  of  drawing  down  rain,  and  of  spreading  it  on  all 
sides.  The  use  of  hair  clippings,  of  human  nails,  and  the  driving  of 
iron  spikes  into  a  wooden  figure  to  injure  an  enemy,  are  all  common 
instances  of  induced  results  that  are  secured  by  a  sympathetic 
process.  Trial  by  ordeal  suggests  that  some  person  or  power  more 
potent  than  man  is  making  a  decision,  yet  the  identity  of  the  person 
or  power  is  not  known.  But  to  speak  of  "sympathetic  magic"  as 
in  rain-making  or  injuring  an  enemy,  is  merely  to  find  a  convenient 
term  which  gives  no  explanation  of  the  working  of  the  process. 

A  point  of  practical  importance,  and  one  that  provides  data  for 
psychological  speculation,  is  the  difference  between  medicine-men 
who  are  respected  for  their  social  services,  and  the  anti-social  wizards 
and  witches  who  are  sought  out  and  executed.  Among  the  Ovim- 
bundu, the  honored  practitioner  is  ocimhanda,  while  the  worker  of 
evil  magic  is  onganga.  In  many  Negro  tribes,  a  terminological 
distinction  of  this  kind  exists,  and  often  the  legitimate  medicine- 
men have  as  one  of  their  main  tasks  the  discovery,  by  poison  ordeal 
or  otherwise,  of  anti-social  magicians. 

In  attempting  to  distinguish  between  types  of  magic,  E.  E.  Evans- 
Pritchard  (1928a,  pp.  1-53, 1937)  shows  that  views  of  Negroes  respect- 
ing permissive  and  evil  magic  do  not  coincide  with  opinions  of 
Europeans  on  this  subject.  The  Azande  believe  that  good  magic 
acts  in  favor  of  justice  and  order,  while  evil  magic  militates  against 
these  conditions.    To  the  Zande,  witchcraft  is  mangu,  a  hereditary 


572  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

trait  that  can  be  discovered  in  the  stomach  of  a  witch.  Mangu, 
therefore,  is  a  physiological  fact,  and  a  hereditary  possession  that 
does  not  require  the  use  of  taboos,  spells,  rites,  and  cult  objects,  all 
of  which  are  necessary  to  legitimate  magic,  called  ngwa. 

The  idea  that  witchcraft  results  from  physiological  causes  is 
supported  by  evidence  from  several  tribes  other  than  the  Zande. 
H.  A.  Junod  (1912,  vol.  2,  p.  461)  states  that  among  the  Bathonga 
witches  are  known  as  haloyi,  or  people  who  have  the  evil  eye.  The 
power  to  give  a  baneful  glance  is  hereditary  in  the  female  line  and 
it  must  be  sucked  from  the  mother's  breast,  then  stimulated  with 
drugs.  The  haloyi  know  each  other  and  form  a  secret  society  that 
meets  at  night  to  eat  human  flesh.  N.  W.  Thomas  (1916,  vol.  1, 
p.  46)  refers  to  a  belief  that  "a  witch  is  born  and  not  made."  A 
witch  mother  eats  human  flesh,  and  her  unborn  child  absorbs  some 
of  the  cannibal  feast.  According  to  R.  S.  Rattray  (1932a,  vol.  1, 
p.  240),  the  Nankanse  believe  that  inheritance  of  witchcraft  is  in 
the  female  line  only.  When  an  attempt  is  made  to  discover  witch- 
craft by  ordeal,  the  test  is  applied  only  to  descendants  of  a  witch 
in  the  female  line.  The  distinctions  between  medicine-men  and 
witches  (or  wizards)  have  not  been  fully  investigated  with  regard 
to  natural  endowments,  training,  equipment,  and  performances,  but 
the  data  given  here  suggest  a  fundamental  physical  distinction. 

In  addition  to  the  difficulty  of  formulating  distinctions  between 
workers  of  altruistic  and  evil  magic,  there  is  uncertainty  in  classi- 
fying ritual  and  material  used.  The  Zande  have  a  medicine  named 
gbo  that  can  be  used  either  legally  or  anti-socially.  A  recognized 
social  use  of  gho  occurs  when  the  medicine  is  employed  to  enable 
a  man  to  carry  on  the  blood  feud  by  murdering  one  of  his  antagonists. 
Family  honor  calls  for  reprisals,  and  gho  is  legitimately  used  in  this 
connection.  On  the  contrary,  a  medicine-man  sometimes  uses  gho 
to  assist  one  of  his  clients  in  committing  an  unprovoked  murder; 
and  in  such  an  instance  the  medicine  is  illegally  employed. 

Although  the  terms  priest  and  medicine-man  are  indefinable, 
certain  distinctions  can  be  made  when  examining  concrete  instances. 
A  father  and  his  two  sons  (Fig.  84,  a),  who  conducted  me  to  a 
sacred  grove  at  If^  in  Southern  Nigeria,  might  rightly  be  called 
priests.  These  men  perform  none  of  the  tasks  of  divination,  rain- 
making,  concocting  medicines,  or  making  charms.  Their  office, 
which  is  hereditary  from  father  to  son,  consists  of  taking  charge  of 
a  box  of  terra-cotta  heads  in  a  sacred  grove.  The  dress  and  bronze 
staffs  are  distinct  from  those  used  in  any  other  office,  and  these 


Fig.  84.    Sacred  groves,      a.  Priests  of  Ife,  Nigeria,  in  charge  of  terra-cotta 
heads,     b.  Terra-cotta  heads  in  sacred  grove,  Ife. 


573 


574  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

men  alone  know  the  actions  and  utterances  that  are  a  necessary- 
prelude  to  opening  the  sacred  box.  A  king  who  performs  rites  in 
connection  with  ancestor  worship  is  exercising  a  priestly  function. 
An  attendant  whose  only  function  is  to  guard  and  replenish  the 
sacred  fire  in  a  hut  where  kings  are  buried,  as  at  Ngalangi  in  Angola, 
is  a  priest  who  has  none  of  the  duties  that  are  associated  with  the 
different  classes  of  medicine-men  in  that  region. 

R.  S.  Rattray  (1927a,  p.  38)  without  attempting  definitions 
brings  out  some  distinctions  between  priests  and  medicine-men  in 
Ashanti.  Priests  and  priestesses  have  a  training  that  differs  from 
that  of  medicine-men,  and  the  two  classes  draw  their  power  from 
different  spiritual  sources.  The  terms  used  help  to  explain  the 
different  concepts.  Dunsefo  is  a  "worker  in  roots"  who  specializes 
in  therapeutics  and  asserts  that  his  skill  has  been  acquired  from 
the  fairies  or  "little  folks,"  who  are  thought  to  be  speedy  messengers 
of  the  gods.  Wizards,  who  work  anti-social  magic,  are  thought  to 
be  in  league  with  the  sasahonsam,  a  hairy  creature  of  the  woods. 

Priests  and  priestesses  adopted  their  profession  because  they 
heard  the  voice  of  Tano  or  fell  down  in  a  fit.  The  initiatory  rites, 
which  extend  over  a  period  of  three  years,  are  designed  "to  make 
the  god  stay  with  them,"  and  during  the  initiatory  rites  the  novice 
receives  suman  or  charms  to  wear.  The  source  of  priestly  power 
is  shown  by  the  invocation  made  while  offering  sacrifices.  The 
priest  then  says,  "Ye  gods,  ye  ghosts,  supreme  being,  spirit  of 
the  earth,  come  and  accept  this  wine.  Stand  behind  me  with  a 
good  standing,  and  let  me  be  possessed  with  a  good  possession." 
Yet  the  same  priest  learns  the  art  of  divining  by  water-gazing  and 
examining  the  kidneys  of  a  fowl;  therefore,  his  priestly  functions 
include  the  duties  of  some  medicine-men. 

Preparation  for  the  position  of  medicine-man  or  medicine-woman 
is  a  simple  procedure  in  many  Bantu  and  other  Negro  tribes;  the 
formalities  connected  with  this  office  among  the  Ovimbundu  are 
an  illustrative  example.  The  position  of  medicine-man  is  not 
necessarily  hereditary,  though  this  is  so  in  some  instances.  The 
general  Umbundu  name  for  medicine-man  or  medicine-woman  is 
ocimhanda,  but  the  female  practitioner  is  sometimes  called  cambula. 
Her  services  are  always  required  in  cases  of  difficult  delivery,  and 
she  makes  the  facial  paintings  on  pregnant  women.  Any  boy  or 
girl  who  wishes  to  become  ocimhanda  visits  a  medicine-man,  generally 
because  of  some  physical  or  mental  disturbance.  The  ocimhanda 
shakes  his  divining  basket  and  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  a  spirit, 


Religion  575 

often  that  of  a  relative,  wishes  his  client  to  become  ocimhanda. 
It  is  said  that  a  boy  or  girl  must  have  "spirit  in  the  head"  in  order 
to  become  ocimhanda.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  intensify  natural 
nervousness  and  a  neurotic  condition  by  seclusion,  starvation,  and 
harsh  treatment,  all  of  which  are  part  of  the  preparation  for  office 
in  many  other  parts  of  the  world  (Hambly,  1926a,  pp.  256-259). 
In  each  village  there  are  usually  several  men  and  women,  each  of 
whom  has  the  title  ocimhanda.  This  is  so  because  of  the  high  degree 
of  specialization  in  rain-making,  divination  with  the  basket,  and 
treatment  of  the  sick  with  herbs;  the  Ovimbundu,  in  common  with 
many  Bantu  tribes,  have  an  extensive  pharmacopoeia. 

FUNCTIONS  OF  MEDICINE-MEN 

The  following  activities  of  medicine-men  are  typical  for  Negro 
tribes,  though  all  of  these  procedures  are  not  to  be  found  in  every 
tribe. 

(1)  Making  accouterments. — These  objects,  which  are  designed 
to  make  the  medicine-man  impressive,  comprise  suits  of  plaited 
fiber,  masks  of  many  kinds  (Fig.  87),  feather  head-dresses,  skins  of 
animals,  rattles,  drums,  whistleS,  switches  of  hair  with  wooden 
handles,  paints  for  applying  to  the  face  and  body,  and  a  variety  of 
charms  and  amulets. 

(2)  Divination. — Four  of  the  main  processes  are:  (a)  Shaking  the 
trinkets  contained  in  a  gourd  or  basket  and  explaining  the  cause  of 
sickness,  or  foretelling  the  future,  by  inspection  of  the  contents 
after  shaking,  (b)  Throwing  bones  (generally  the  astragalus  bones 
of  goats  or  sheep)  and  noting  how  they  fall.  This  method,  together 
with  the  divinatory  use  of  wooden  tablets  with  marks  on  them,  is 
specially  characteristic  of  southeast  Africa,  (c)  Rubbing  one  block 
of  wood  with  another  which  has  been  moistened.  As  friction  con- 
tinues, names  of  likely  culprits  are  uttered,  and  the  rubbing-block 
is  said  to  stick  when  the  name  of  a  guilty  person  is  pronounced. 
This  method  is  common  in  the  southwest  Congo  area,  (d)  Haruspi- 
cation,  that  is,  the  examination  of  entrails  of  slaughtered  animals 
for  purposes  of  prognostication.  This  method,  which  is  commonly 
used  in  east  Africa,  has  been  described  in  great  detail  by  D.  Arnoux 
(1917,  pp.  1-57),  who  gives  explanatory  diagrams. 

The  method  of  divination  with  a  basket  of  trinkets,  which  is 
the  chief  technique  of  a  diviner  among  the  Ovimbundu,  is  typical 
of  this  procedure  in  other  tribes.  To  the  sound  of  a  small  friction 
drum  played  by  his  apprentice,  the  diviner  shakes  his  head  from 


576  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

side  to  side  to  agitate  his  head-dress  of  colored  feathers  or  porcupine 
quills.  Meanwhile  he  sifts  his  basket  gently  to  and  fro  as  he  con- 
centrates on  the  changes  that  take  place  in  the  position  of  objects. 
Finally  he  inspects  the  contents  to  see  what  objects  have  come  to 
the  top.  A  little  wooden  figure  with  beads  on  the  neck  indicates 
that  the  spirit  of  a  dead  infant  wishes  to  return.  Prominence  of 
two  wooden  figures  carved  face  to  face  means  that  two  persons 
are  plotting  a  murder  by  poison.  A  piece  of  wood  twisted  like  a 
snake  indicates  either  binding  or  a  painful  illness  of  the  consultant. 
If  the  medicine-man  favors  the  inference  of  binding,  the  assumption 
is  that  the  client  will  have  some  kind  of  forced  labor  to  do,  or  he  may 
be  accused  of  a  criminal  offence.  A  wooden  figure  of  a  female  with  a 
large  abdomen,  when  prominent  at  the  top  of  the  basket,  indicates 
that  the  trouble  under  investigation  arises  from  the  dissatisfied 
ghost  of  a  woman  who  died  when  pregnant. 

(3)  Curing  the  sick. — The  methods  are  rational  in  some  instances, 
for  example,  in  treating  snake-bite  by  ligaturing  the  limb,  and 
opening  and  sucking  the  wound.  In  some  regions,  a  sweat  bath  is 
employed.  The  vegetable  drugs  used  by  Negro  medicine-men  have 
not  been  extensively  observed  or  analyzed.  Possibly  some  of  them 
are  rationally  used  and  have  curative  properties.  By  divination, 
the  conclusion  is  reached  that  sickness  of  a  client  may  be  due  to 
possession  by  a  bad  spirit,  which  is  then  exorcised,  in  a  variety  of 
ways,  according  to  locality.  Immunization  by  inoculation  is  men- 
tioned by  W.  Cline  (1936,  No.  249).  E.  Scharrer  (1936,  p.  167) 
quotes  references  to  show  that  an  electric  catfish  is  sold  in  the 
medicine  mart  of  Lagos.  Shocks  from  the  fish  are  used  in  the  cure 
of  rheumatism.  The  process  of  cupping  is  shown  in  Fig.  85,  6. 
In  Fig.  85,  a,  the  patient  is  seated  ready  for  ceremonial  washing 
to  a  drummer's  accompaniment. 

(4)  Rain-making. — The  ritual  attains  its  highest  specialization, 
and  the  dignity  of  the  office  is  greatest  among  the  Shilluk,  Dinka, 
and  Bari;  the  Lango  also  have  a  well-developed  ritual  connected 
with  rain-making.  But  elaborate  ceremonies  are  not  confined  to 
northeast  Africa.  The  Bathonga  of  southeast  Africa,  when  needing 
rain,  used  to  send  a  young  man  into  the  sacred  wood  of  the  Matjolo 
clan.  There  the  youth  wandered  until  he  died,  and  the  people  said 
that  a  god  had  taken  him  (H.  A.  Junod,  1912,  vol.  2,  p.  357).  The 
Bavenda  believe  in  a  deity  named  Raluvhimba,  who  calls  the  tribal 
chief  grandchild,  and  the  chief  uses  the  reciprocal  term  grandfather. 
The  chief  has  the  duty  of  supervising  rites  of  rain-making.    Each 


Fig.  85.    Curing  the  sick.     a.  Vachokwe  tribe,  Cangamba,  Angola,     b.  The 
cupping  operation,  Vachokwe,  near  Ngalangi. 


577 


578  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

year  a  messenger,  whose  office  is  hereditary,  is  sent  with  a  black 
ox  to  the  dwelling-place  of  Raluvhimba  in  the  Matoba  Hills.  Here 
the  ox  is  set  free  to  join  the  god's  large  herd  of  oxen,  which  have 
accumulated  through  these  annual  sacrifices.  A  voice  accepts  the 
sacrifice,  and  the  messenger  finds  refreshment  mysteriously  placed 
under  a  tree  (Stayt,  1931a,  p.  231).  Numerous  tribes  have  rain- 
makers, whose  performance  is  a  simple  symbolic  dance  carried  out 
with  no  equipment  other  than  a  hair  switch  and  a  whistle. 

(5)  Making  charms. — After  divination,  a  medicine-man  may 
prescribe  the  wearing  of  a  charm.  Two  cowrie  shells  on  a  strand 
of  fiber  worn  about  the  neck  of  a  woman  may  give  fertility,  as 
among  the  Ovimbundu.  Horns  and  carapaces  of  tortoises  are  used 
by  many  tribes  as  receptacles  for  suspending  round  the  neck.  The 
concoction  within  these  receptacles  has  magical  virtues,  and  some- 
times a  little  of  the  medicine  has  to  be  eaten  every  day.  C.  K. 
Meek  (1931a,  p.  302)  mentions  a  Jukun  belief  that  eating  a  mixture 
containing  dried  portions  of  the  penis  of  a  manatee  gives  virility. 
A  woman  will  return  to  her  husband  if  a  parasitic  plant  is  buried 
under  the  path  she  frequents  when  visiting  her  lover.  A  viscous 
substance  worn  as  a  charm  causes  weapons  to  glance  from  the  body. 
These  examples  are  illustrative  of  thousands  of  like  kind  in  which 
certain  benefits  are  secured  by  a  process  of  sympathetic  magic  in 
which  symbolism  is  the  agent. 

(6)  Charge  of  ritual. — Medicine-men  perform  special  rites  which 
are  often  of  social  importance,  though  not  elaborate.  Among  the 
Ovimbundu,  a  medicine-man  creates  new  fire  by  the  twirling  method 
when  a  new  village  is  founded.  This  fire  is  distributed  from  the 
house  of  a  chief  to  each  home.  A  medicine-man  ceremonially 
washes  the  king  in  water  containing  a  few  drops  of  blood  from  a 
sacrificed  chicken.  This  is  done  in  times  of  epidemic  disease.  Such 
rites  are  typical  of  many  that  are  performed  by  medicine-men,  with 
little  formality  and  few  regalia. 

(7)  Administering  ordeals  and  oaths,  and  pronouncing  curses. — 
The  duties  of  medicine-men  in  conducting  trial  by  ordeal  and 
administering  a  sacred  oath  to  witnesses  were  described  in  con- 
nection with  law.  Pronouncing  curses  is  often  associated  with  the 
use  of  wooden  figurines  into  which  nails  are  driven  as  a  symbol  of 
injury  to  an  enemy  (Fig.  86).  A  curse  is  pronounced  as  the  nail 
is  driven  in,  and  the  person  against  whom  this  magic  has  been 
performed  must  pay  the  medicine-man  to  have  the  curse  removed. 
In  this  instance,  the  medicine-man  is  acting  anti-socially,  yet  his 


Fig. 
River. 


Magical  figure  studded  with  nails,  Loango  Coast,  mouth  of  Congo 


579 


580  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

performances  are  known  and  tolerated.     This  type  of  figurine  has 
been  described  and  illustrated  by  J.  Maes  (1930a,  pp.  347-359). 

(8)  Making  contacts  with  souls  of  the  dead. — The  simplest  way  in 
which  this  can  be  done  is  through  use  of  the  divination  basket, 
whose  symbolic  objects  indicate  the  activity  of  this  or  that  spirit. 
The  trapping  of  souls  has  been  described,  and  this  process  is  under- 
standable if  one  remembers  the  tangible  and  separable  nature  of 
a  soul  which  is  free  to  wander.  The  subject  of  transformation,  as 
well  as  that  of  transmigration,  is  not  well  understood,  though  the 
claims  of  some  medicine-men  are  clear.  A  medicine-man  can  change 
himself  into  an  animal  (transformation),  or  he  may  be  able  to  send 
his  soul,  or  that  of  another  person,  into  an  animal  (transmigration). 
Divination  is  sometimes  practiced  to  discover  what  discontented 
ancestral  spirit  is  within  a  troublesome  wild  animal. 

(9)  Consulting  with  regard  to  dreams,  taboos,  and  omens. — An 
important  part  of  a  medicine-man's  work  is  the  interpretation  of 
dreams,  often  by  divinatory  methods.  For  curing  sickness,  avoiding 
mishap  during  pregnancy,  and  guarding  against  misfortunes  of  all 
kinds,  taboos  are  imposed.  A  client  is  informed  that  he  can  gain 
protection  by  observing  certain  avoidances.  Omens  of  various 
kinds  (and  these  include  some  dreams)  are  interpreted,  often  by 
use  of  a  divination  basket,  throwing  the  bones,  or  some  other  method. 

The  interpretation  of  dreams  is  known  as  oneiromancy,  and  the 
explanation  which  dreams  afford  concerning  a  subconcious  mental 
life  is  now  of  importance  in  modern  therapy.  Several  ethnologists 
have  reported  dreams  recorded  among  Negro  tribes  of  Africa,  but 
the  available  data  relate  chiefly  to  dreams  and  their  interpretation 
by  medicine-men,  rather  than  to  type  dreams  and  the  explanation 
of  their  contents.     (See  section  I,  chap.  VI,  Psychology.) 

The  following  interpretations  of  dreams  by  medicine-men  are 
illustrative  of  the  ideas  which  Negroes  often  associate  with  their 
dreams.  In  Ashanti,  with  the  assistance  of  an  old  woman  and  the 
aid  of  the  gods  (ohosum),  explanations,  which  are  often  the  opposites 
of  the  dream  experiences,  are  given.  A  man  who  dreams  of  gold 
will  be  poor,  and,  in  general,  dreaming  of  a  desired  thing  means 
that  the  dreamer  will  never  possess  it.  Dreams  of  the  dead  mean 
that  the  ancestors  seen  in  the  dream  require  a  sacrifice.  To  dream 
of  fish  means  conception.  A  dream  involving  loss  of  a  tooth  implies 
the  death  of  a  friend.  Wish  fulfilment  is  sometimes  shown  by 
dreaming  of  the  place  where  game  is  actually  found  (Rattray,  1923, 
pp.  93,  192,  194,  197-200). 


Fig.  87.    Head-piece  of  wood  covered  with  skin,  to  be  sewn  to  a  medicine- 
man's costume,  Balessing  tribe,  Cameroons. 


581 


582  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

That  symbolism  plays  a  part  in  the  interpretation  of  dreams  is 
clear.  Pulling  up  a  mushroom  suggests  a  funeral,  since  a  hole  is 
left  in  the  ground.  Dreams  of  snails  also  imply  a  funeral  because 
ghosts  are  said  to  feed  on  snails.  Dreaming  of  an  elephant  means 
that  a  king  or  a  chief  will  die,  since  the  elephant  is  a  royal  symbol. 
A  woman  who  dreams  of  her  dead  husband  will  be  barren,  because 
contact  with  the  dead  is  thought  to  cause  this  condition.  The 
occurrence  of  type  dreams  such  as  those  of  flying,  loss  of  teeth, 
and  nakedness,  which  occur  among  many  people  other  than  Negroes, 
suggests  a  common  human  consciousness.  There  exists  a  possi- 
bility that  many  parallels  in  myth  and  fable  have  arisen  inde- 
pendently among  widely  separated  tribes,  and  among  different 
races,  as  a  result  of  dreams. 

G.  Beresford-Stooke  (1928,  No.  128)  relates  that  the  Akamba 
connect  their  dreams  with  ancestral  spirits.  Dreaming  of  the  death 
of  a  relative  or  the  burning  of  a  house  requires  a  ceremony  the 
next  morning.  The  dreamer  drops  a  smoldering  ember  in  water 
and  prays  to  the  ancestral  spirits,  asking  them  not  to  let  the  dream 
come  true.  A  good  dream  likewise  calls  for  ritual  and  prayer  asking 
the  ancestors  that  the  dream  may  be  fulfilled.  A  man  who  has 
dreamed  that  he  has  many  cattle  spills  water  slowly  on  the  ground 
while  invoking  his  dead  ancestors  thus,  "Drink  this  milk  and  water, 
and  send  me  the  good  things  you  showed  me  last  night."  Should 
the  dream  relate  to  pregnancy  of  a  wife,  the  dreamer  asks  his  ances- 
tors that  the  child  may  be  a  son.  In  this  instance,  the  relationship 
of  dreams  to  ancestor  worship  is  of  exceptional  importance.  CM. 
Doke  (1931c,  pp.  217-222)  has  recorded  many  dreams  of  the  Lambas, 
with  explanations  current  in  the  tribe. 

Taboos  observed  by  the  Ovimbundu  will  serve  to  illustrate  the 
types  of  prohibitions  observed  among  Negro  tribes  in  general.  The 
procedure  assumes  that  a  certain  condition  reproduces  itself  or  some 
similar  state  by  contact  or  contiguity.  Eating  the  flesh  of  a  hare 
will  give  the  fetus  a  split  lip,  and  a  pregnant  woman  who  eats 
flesh  of  an  owl  will  give  birth  to  a  child  with  abnormally  round 
eyes.  Yet  some  prohibitions  do  not  appear  to  have  an  explanation. 
A  medicine-man  must  refrain  from  dogs'  flesh,  and  a  king  may  not 
eat  the  flesh  of  any  animal  that  has  paws.  In  general,  taboos  are  a 
protective  mechanism  of  a  spiritual  kind,  and,  as  R.  R.  Marett  points 
out,  there  is  a  positive  and  a  negative  side  to  magic.  Achievement 
of  a  purpose  may  be  due  to  positive  rites  accurately  performed,  or 
to  negative  rites,  which  are  taboos  or  compulsory  avoidances. 


Religion  583 

There  are  omens,  like  taboos,  which  are  explicable  on  the 
ground  of  contagious  effects.  Thus,  an  Ocimbundu  who  is  proceeding 
to  trial  thinks  himself  unlucky  if  he  meets  someone  carrying  a  bark 
rope,  for  this  indicates  that  he  may  be  tied.  The  sight  of  a  snake 
holding  a  frog  is  unfortunate,  and  one  who  sees  this  should  consult 
a  medicine-man.  The  symbolism  clearly  expresses  distress.  A  fly 
in  the  mouth  is  a  good  sign,  since  a  fly  knows  where  meat  is  kept 
and  is  leading  the  way  to  food.  A  stranger  sitting  in  the  guest 
house  of  a  village  regards  the  appearance  of  a  dog  at  the  door  as 
a  good  omen,  since  dogs  are  sometimes  fed.  But  if  a  goat  appears, 
the  assumption  is  that  no  hospitality  will  be  offered,  because  goats 
are  not  fed;  they  have  to  pick  up  a  living  as  best  they  may.  Omens 
are  closely  related  to  taboos  and  the  practice  of  divination.  A  client 
who  is  disturbed  by  what  he  regards  as  a  prescience  of  evil  consults 
a  medicine-man,  who,  by  divination,  discovers  the  meaning  of  the 
omen  and  prescribes  either  a  positive  rite,  such  as  sacrifice  or  the 
wearing  of  a  charm,  or  a  negative  rite  in  the  form  of  a  taboo;  that 
is,  a  prohibition  against  some  action  which  might  lead  to  fulfilment 
of  the  omen. 

SUMMARY 

The  nature  of  taboo  and  its  connection  with  magico-religious 
beliefs  and  practices  have  been  discussed  by  R.  H.  Lowie  (1920) 
and  R.  R.  Marett  (1907,  pp.  219-234).  The  relation  of  magic  to 
witchcraft  among  the  Akamba  has  been  examined  by  C.  W.  Hobley 
(1934,  pp.  243-249),  and  Evans-Pritchard  (1928a,  1931, 1932-33, 1937) 
has  explained  the  psychological  and  sociological  background  of  mag- 
ical practices  among  the  Azande.  J.  S.  Lincoln  (1935)  has  published 
a  general  textbook  on  the  study  of  dreams. 

Religion  has  been  considered  broadly  as  man's  relation  to  the 
spiritual,  and  the  essential  point  to  grasp  is  the  existence  of  two 
worlds  that  are  similarly  organized.  The  secular  world  is  inhabited 
by  human  beings,  who  realize  their  dependence  on  a  world  of  spirits 
of  graded  power.  These  spirits  are  the  souls  or  ghosts  of  the  dead 
ancestors,  some  of  whom  may  attain  the  rank  of  tribal  gods. 

All  the  data  discussed  in  this  chapter  are  focused  on  one  primary 
requirement,  namely,  man's  manipulation  of  spiritual  powers.  These 
are  separate  from  and  more  potent  than  his  own  physical  and  mental 
endowments.  But  though  this  superiority  of  the  spiritual  is  ad- 
mitted, man's  attitude  is  one  of  deference  combined  with  a  great 
measure  of  confidence  in  his  own  ability  to  direct  ancestral  bene- 
diction for  his  own  benefit,  and  to  avoid  ancestral  displeasure. 


584  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

With  this  object  in  view,  an  elaborate  mechanism  has  been 
evolved.  Kings,  medicine-men,  and  the  heads  of  families  are  the 
chief  means  of  personal  contact  with  the  world  of  spirits.  A  king 
or  chief  is  an  effective  medium  because  of  divine  power  that  is 
either  innate  or  obtainable  by  ritual.  A  medicine-man  owes  his 
position  to  inborn  psychic  qualities  that  are  fostered  by  a  training 
designed  to  bring  him  into  contact  with  spiritual  power. 

In  addition  to  these  personal  agencies,  the  means  of  contact  with 
spirits  are  those  connected  with  sacrifice,  prayer,  groves,  shrines, 
and  innumerable  sacred  objects,  including  trees  and  animals.  Such 
media  may  serve  only  as  temporary  shrines,  but,  according  to  ani- 
mistic belief,  the  objects  are  necessary  for  the  accommodation  and 
localization  of  ancestral  spirits  to  whom  the  appeal  is  directed. 

That  the  religion  of  Negroes  is  functional  in  relation  to  govern- 
ment, law,  and  kingship  has  been  demonstrated,  and  the  belief  in 
reincarnation  of  ancestors  implies  that  the  very  existence  of  man  is 
dependent  on  the  cooperation  of  spirits  from  another  world.  A 
continued  study  of  religion  as  a  dynamic  force  will  now  be  made 
in  relation  to  economic  life. 

ADDITIONAL  REFERENCES 

General  Religion. — J.  G.  Frazer  (1926),  A.  Lang  (1901),  Le  Roy 
(1909),  C.  Meinhof  (1915),  W.  Schneider  (1891),  J.  Speith  (1911). 

Tribal  Religion.— E.  Allegret  (1904,  Fang),  W.  Blohm  (1934, 
Zulu),  E.  Brauer  (1925,  Herero),  P.  P.  Cayzac  (1910,  Kikuyu), 
P.  J.  P.  Crazzolara  (1932b,  Shilluk),  N.  De  Cleene  (1936,  Bayombe), 
R.  P.  E.  Hurel  (1911,  Bakerewe),  J.  Irle  (1917,  Herero),  H.  A. 
Junod  (1921,  Bavenda),  I.  Q.  Orchardson  (1932-33,  Kipsigis), 
J.  E.  T.  Philipps  (1926,  Azande),  F.  W.  T.  Posselt  (1927a,  Southern 
Rhodesia),  N.  Stam  (1908,  Baganda;  1910,  Kavirondo),  L.  Tauxier 
(1927,  Bambara),  C.  H.  Walker  (1933,  Abyssinia),  N.  J.  van  War- 
melo  (1930,  Bavenda). 

Ideas  of  God.— R.  Fokken  (1917,  Masai),  G.  W.  B.  Huntingford 
(1928,  general),  J.  Ittmann  (1935,  Bakwiri),  P.  W.  Schmidt  (1933, 
general),  W.  Wanger  (1923-26,  Zulu),  D.  Westermann  (1928,  West 
Africa,  J.  J.  Williams  (1936,  general),  R.  P.  B.  Zuure  (1926,  Barundi). 

Divi7ie  Kings.— U.  G.  Ba>iies  (1936),  M.  D.  W.  Jeffreys  (1935), 
C.  G.  Seligman  (1933). 

Death,  Cult  of  the  Dead.—M.  W.  H.  Beech  (1913,  No.  30,  suicide), 
T.  Besterman  (1930,  rebirth),  A.  T.  Bryant  (1917,  No.  95,  Zulu), 
T.    Kenyatta    (1937,    Kikuyu),    A.    L.    Kroeber    (1927,    burial), 


I 


Religion  585 

P.  M.  Kusters  (1919-20,  graves),  J.  Roscoe  (1917),  G.  Kiti  (1937b), 
G.  Hulstaert  (1937),  D.  Shropshire  (1934,  ancestor  worship). 

Fertility  and  Phallus  Cult.—F.  A.  Talbot  (1927).  J.  A.  Winter 
(1913). 

Animism,  Sacrifice. — P.  I.  A.  Correia  (1921-22,  Ibo  animism), 
S.  S.  Dornan  (1933,  dog  sacrifice),  A.  Hetherwick  (1902,  animism 
of  the  Yao). 

Medicine-man,  Sorcery,  Witchcraft. — J.  Bertho  (1936,  Sorcery  in 
Dahomey),  W.  G.  N.  Davies  and  C.  Quincke  (1933,  taboos),  A.  De 
Clercq  (1936,  witchcraft),  D.  Delobson  (1933,  di\4nation),  J.  H. 
Driberg  (1933,  No.  3,  divination),  W.  M.  Eiselen  (1932,  divination), 
M.  de  Graer  (1929,  sorcery),  A.  G.  0.  Hodgson  (1931,  No.  263,  rain- 
making),  H.  A.  Junod  (1925,  divination),  H.  Ph.  Junod  (1934,  exor- 
cism), F.  Laydevant  (1933,  divination),  N.  Roberts  (1914,  divination), 
I.  Schapera  (1934b,  sorcery),  D.  Shropshire  (1929,  No.  161,  initiation 
of  a  doctor),  A.  J,  N.  Tremearne  (1913,  1914,  sorcery  and  charms), 
J.  M.  Watt  and  M.  Breyer-Brandwijk  (1932,  medicinal  plants  of 
south  Africa),  T.  C.  Young  (1932,  No.  267,  medicine  men  of  Nya- 
saland),  E.  Ramponi  (1937,  divination,  Logbara  tribe). 

Dreams.— A.  W.  Cardinall  (1927,  No.  59,  Dagomba  tribe),  J.  H. 
Driberg  (1927,  No.  94,  Lango  and  Didinga  tribes),  S.  Freud  (1913, 
1921,  interpretation  of  dreams),  G.  W.  Hatchell  (1927,  No.  60, 
Tanganyika  Territory),  A.  Miiller  (1906,  prophecy  in  southeast 
Africa),  W.  H.  R.  Rivers  (1923,  "Conflict  and  Dream"),  C.  G. 
Seligman  (1921,  1923,  No.  120,  notes  on  dreams). 

Charms.— A.  Bel  (1917,  evil  eye),  W.  Blackman  (1927,  Egypt), 
J.  Herber  (1921,  tattooing),  G.  W.  B.  Huntingford  (1927,  No.  140, 
Nandi  women). 


VII.  ECONOMIC  LIFE 
Agriculture 

Technique. — Typically  the  Negro  is  a  cultivator  of  forest  clearings, 
in  which  manioc,  yams,  groundnuts,  sweet  potatoes,  and  maize  are 
cultivated.  But  this  general  view  of  Negro  agriculture  requires 
modification.  The  Ovimbundu  are  an  example  of  a  Negro  tribe,  or 
congeries  of  closely  related  tribes,  that  have  moved  southward  from 
more  densely  wooded  country  to  open  plateaus  known  as  the  Ben- 
guela  Highlands.  The  heat  is  moderate  and  the  rainfall  is  adequate; 
therefore,  the  open  areas  have  been  used  for  extensive  cultivation 
of  maize.  Cattle,  too,  have  been  acquired,  though  they  are  of 
social  and  religious  rather  than  economic  importance. 

Moreover,  the  terracing  of  hillsides,  as  among  the  plateau  tribes 
of  Nigeria  and  the  Nuba  of  Kordofan,  is  a  well-known  method  of 
growing  millet  where  the  local  topography  does  not  favor  extensive 
cultivation  in  large  patches. 

Terracing  is  practiced  in  Tanganyika  by  tribes  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Meru  and  Kilimanjaro,  by  the  Wambulu  (Iraku)  in  the  north, 
and  by  the  Wabena  in  the  south  (G.  E.  H.  Wilson,  1932,  p.  252). 

Irrigation  also  is  a  local  practice  which  is  not  typical  of  the 
agriculture  of  forest  Negroes  or  of  th(5)se  living  in  areas  that  have 
a  seasonal  rainfall.  Irrigation,  like  the  cultivation  of  European 
vegetables  near  railways  and  mission  stations,  is  local  and  sporadic. 
The  Balante  of  Portuguese  Guinea  provide  an  instance  of  a  Negro 
tribe  with  exceptionally  varied  food  supply,  including  rice,  maize, 
millet,  palm  oil,  beans,  tomatoes,  gourds,  papaya  (paw-paw), 
bananas,  cattle  (milked  by  women),  sheep,  pigs,  goats,  hens,  ducks, 
and  fish  (H.  A.  Bernatzik,  1932,  vol.  1,  p.  8).  West  Africa  affords 
many  examples  of  the  conduction  of  water  in  shallow  channels 
from  rivers  to  the  rice  fields.  The  use  of  animal  manures  is  not 
general,  but  fertilization  is  usually  given  by  cutting  and  burning 
the  bush  to  ashes;  this  is  the  general  method  of  improving  the  mineral 
content  of  the  soil.    If  crops  fail,  change  of  the  village  site  is  common. 

Although  primitive  plows  have  been  used  in  Egypt  for  several 
thousand  years,  their  employment  has  not  become  general  in  Africa. 
Primitive  plows  drawn  by  oxen,  asses,  camels,  or  women  are  in 
use  along  the  Mediterranean  seaboard,  and  in  some  parts  of  Abys- 
sinia and  Somaliland.  The  Bari  and  Dinka  have  plows;  so  also 
have  the  agricultural  sections  of  the  Suk  and  the  Turkana.  But, 
broadly  speaking,  and  making  exceptions  for  sporadic  introduction 

586 


Economic  Life  587 

of  plows  by  Europeans,  cultivation  with  the  hoe  is  typical  of 
Negro  agriculture.  The  hoe  blades  of  iron  are  made  by  local 
blacksmiths,  though  importations  are  now  common.  Usually  the 
blade  is  fixed  in  a  rough  wooden  handle  of  length  varying  from  two 
to  three  feet. 

Granaries  are  of  many  types  (Fig.  88).  The  Ovimbundu  build 
small  thatched  houses  having  mud  and  wattle  walls,  and  the  struc- 
tures are  raised  several  feet  above  the  ground  on  poles.  In  the  south 
of  Angola,  the  Vakwanyama  make  baskets  five  feet  high  for  storing 
grain,  and  each  of  these  containers  is  raised  from  the  ground  under 
a  thatched  shelter.  In  French  Niger  Territory,  I  observed  storage 
of  grain  in  large  earthen  bins  almost  the  size  of  dwelling  huts.  Other 
types  of  storage  bins  exist  in  great  variety. 

Division  of  labor  between  the  sexes  is  important  in  relation  to 
agriculture.  H.  von  Baumann  (1928,  pp.  289-391)  has  studied  this 
subject  in  detail  and  has  prepared  maps  that  are  plotted  to  indicate 
a  correlation  between  two  social  factors.  Cultivation  of  the  soil 
by  women  is  a  concomitant  of  matriarchal  conditions,  but  where 
patriarchal  conditions  prevail,  or  show  a  mingling  with  matriarchal 
organization,  males  assist  with  hoe  cultivation.  The  truth  or 
falsity  of  the  thesis  naturally  depends  on  rigidity  of  definition  of 
the  terms  "matriarchal"  and  "patriarchal,"  but  in  fact  there  exist 
typical  areas  in  which  men  never  use  a  hoe,  though  they  burn  the 
bush  and  prepare  for  the  work  of  their  women.  Again,  there  are 
regions  where  men  prepare  the  ground  by  clearing  the  bush  and 
also  assist  with  the  harvest,  but  they  do  not  hoe  the  ground.  In 
some  regions,  men  assist  with  all  agricultural  operations. 

Facts  relating  to  agriculture  among  the  Ovimbundu  will  serve 
to  introduce  several  general  principles  of  procedure  in  Negro  agri- 
culture, but  my  observations  contain  no  reference  to  the  importance 
of  ritual,  and,  for  this,  recourse  must  be  made  to  other  Negro  tribes, 
both  Bantu  and  Sudanic  (see  section  II,  Culture  Areas,  chap.  VI, 
Agriculture).    For  west  African  technique  see  Forde  (1937b). 

In  addition  to  maize,  beans,  groundnuts,  and  sweet  potatoes,  the 
Ovimbundu  cultivate  five  species  of  manioc,  for  each  of  which  there 
is  an  appropriate  method  of  preparation.  The  sweet  maniocs  are 
eaten  raw,  but  this  is  not  so  with  the  bitter  species.  Olungunga  is 
a  bitter  manioc  whose  roots  are  placed  in  a  stream  for  four  days 
before  they  are  roasted,  after  which  they  may  be  eaten  with  impunity, 
since  the  poisonous  principle  has  been  extracted.  Although  the  roots 
require  this  treatment  to  make  them  edible,  the  leaves  may  be 


588  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

cooked  as  soon  as  gathered,  but  they  should  not  be  eaten  while  warm. 
Generally  the  leaves  are  served  with  salt  and  fat.  Manioc  is  in  use 
all  the  year,  but  the  greatest  quantity  is  consumed  in  November 
and  December  when  the  maize  harvest  is  not  due  and  supplies  of 
grain  from  the  previous  harvest  are  depleted. 

Sweet  potatoes  are  placed  in  an  earthen  pot  without  removal  of 
the  skin.  After  a  period  of  thirty  minutes  they  are  removed,  peeled, 
and  eaten.  Over  the  top  of  the  cooking  pot  a  layer  of  fresh  leaves 
is  placed  to  keep  in  the  steam.  The  first  meal  of  the  day  is  taken 
by  most  of  the  Ovimbundu  very  soon  after  six  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. One  of  the  usual  foods  is  meal  sprinkled  on  water  to  form  a 
mush  which  is  eaten  along  with  sweet  potatoes.  At  night,  mush 
and  beans  are  eaten,  but  no  midday  meal  is  prepared.  The  evening 
meal  is  usually  left  simmering  in  the  pot  over  a  slow  fire  all  day. 
Greens  and  tomatoes  may  be  eaten  as  a  relish. 

Pounding  maize  on  a  rock  is  one  of  the  principal  tasks  for  women, 
who  use  a  pestle  and  mortar  or  a  rubbing  stone  more  rarely.  The 
pounder  employed  is  a  V-shaped  pestle  which  is  swung  rhythmi- 
cally with  the  right  hand  and  brought  down  on  a  pile  of  maize 
between  the  legs  of  the  seated  worker.  Before  a  rock  can  be  used 
for  pounding  grain,  a  medicine-man  kills  a  chicken  and  sprinkles 
the  blood  over  the  surface  of  the  rock.  This  ritual  is  essential,  and 
no  rock  is  used  before  the  ceremony  has  been  performed.  A  pounding 
rock  is  a  social  center  where  the  women  sing  as  they  work,  pausing 
at  times  to  indulge  in  village  gossip. 

Tobacco. — In  connection  with  agriculture,  the  cultivation  of 
tobacco  is  important  from  an  economic  and  social  point  of  view; 
but  the  economic  significance  has  declined  with  the  restriction  of 
caravan  trade  in  which  coils  of  tobacco  were  a  medium  of  exchange 
and  a  standard  for  measuring  values.  Following  a  usual  Negro 
custom,  the  Ovimbundu  raise  tobacco  plants  from  seed,  which  is 
planted  in  screened  patches  of  ground  near  the  huts.  Small  plants 
are  pricked  out  into  a  large  mound  of  earth,  which  may  be  an  ant 
hill  in  the  middle  of  a  field  of  maize.  From  many  of  the  plants  the 
flower-buds  are  picked,  so  that  relatively  few  of  the  plants  come  to 
seed.  Further  to  stimulate  development  the  lower  leaves  are 
removed.  The  Ovimbundu  remove  the  midrib  from  each  leaf 
before  suspending  the  bunches  of  leaves  from  the  inner  side  of 
their  roofs.  At  the  end  of  five  days,  when  the  leaves  are  brown,  they 
are  twisted  into  a  long  rope  which  is  hung  in  the  sun  for  three  days. 
Three  methods  of  packing  tobacco  leaves  are  followed:  there  are 


B 
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ca 


589 


590  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

round  and  oval  coils,  and  spirals  of  tobacco  twisted  round  sticks. 
Snuff  is  made  by  baking  the  leaves  and  pounding  them  to  a  fine 
powder,  which  is  sometimes  mixed  with  wood  ashes.-*? 

Snuff  boxes  and  tobacco  pipes  are  among  the  best  examples  of 
the  wood-carver's  art  (M.  Shaw,  1935,  pp.  141-162).  A  mixture  of 
tobacco  and  hemp  is  sometimes  smoked  in  a  water  pipe  made  from 
a  small  gourd,  or  from  the  horn  of  an  ox  or  an  antelope.  The  wide 
end  of  the  horn  is  plugged  with  clay,  and  a  hole  which  will  be  used 
as  the  mouthpiece  is  bored  at  the  tip.  A  clay  bowl  for  the  tobacco 
is  inserted  in  the  side  of  the  horn.  When  the  smoker  applies  his 
lips  to  the  tip  of  the  horn,  he  draws  smoke  through  the  water 
into  his  mouth. 

Local  customs  of  Negroes  differ  with  regard  to  the  prevalence 
of  smoking  tobacco,  hemp,  or  a  mixture  of  the  two.  Habits  of 
snuffing  and  chewing  vary  regionally,  as  do  also  the  habits  of  males 
and  females  with  regard  to  narcotic  drugs.  A  common  Negro 
custom  is  the  use  of  a  communal  tobacco  pipe  which  is  passed  from 
hand  to  hand  in  the  men's  house  after  an  evening  meal.  A  summary 
of  the  history  of  tobacco  in  Africa,  the  nature  and  distribution  of 
customs  associated  with  its  use,  and  the  types  of  smoking  apparatus 
employed,  is  given  by  Laufer,  Hambly,  and  Linton  (Field  Museum 
Leaflet  No.  29,  1930). 

Beer. — Making  beer  from  such  grains  as  maize,  millet,  durra,  or 
Kafir  corn,  according  to  locality,  is  an  occupation  of  great  social 
and  economic  importance.  Beer  is  consumed  on  all  ceremonial 
occasions,  and  supplies  of  the  beverage  are  essential  for  a  successful 
dance.  During  rites  connected  with  ancestor  worship,  beer  is  poured 
out  as  a  libation,  or  it  is  used  in  lustration  ceremonies.  For  example, 
a  hunter  of  the  Ovimbundu  pours  beer  over  the  bows  of  the  ances- 
tors before  going  to  hunt.  Information  given  with  regard  to  cere- 
monial uses  of  beer  among  the  Balobedu,  by  E.  J.  Kj-ige  (1932, 
pp.  343-357)  is  widely  applicable  in  principle  to  Negro  tribes. 

The  Ovimbundu  make  several  kinds  of  beer  by  methods  which 
are  illustrative  of  general  procedure  among  Negroes.  For  each  kind 
of  beer  the  Ovimbundu  use  their  staple  grain,  maize,  which  is 
moistened  and  buried  in  the  ground  until  it  begins  to  germinate. 
The  sprouting  grain  is  pounded  and  placed  in  large  pots  containing 
sweet  meal  of  corn.  The  mixture  simmers  over  a  slow  fire  for  two 
days,  and  is  stirred  constantly.  A  little  honey  is  added,  and  after 
the  simmering  process  is  finished  the  beverage  is  allowed  to  mature 
for  a  few  days.     This  is  the  beer  with  greatest  alcoholic  content; 


Economic  Life  591 

other  less  intoxicating  kinds  are  made  by  reducing  or  omitting  the 
honey,  or  permitting  only  a  short  time  for  incomplete  germination 
of  the  maize.  With  regard  to  the  most  potent  beer,  my  informant 
said,  "A  man  who  has  drunk  much  of  this  beer  will  sleep  on  the 
ground  all  day  and  say  nothing." 

Salt. — The  desire  for  salt  in  cooking  and  as  food  for  animals  has 
been  of  social  and  economic  importance.  Negro  tribes  who  keep 
cattle  drive  them  periodically  to  saline  marshes  or  to  places  where 
there  is  an  outcrop  of  salt.  Before  salt  could  be  obtained  from 
traders,  who  imported  it  from  Europe,  sea  water  was  evaporated  and 
traded  from  the  coast  inland  to  be  exchanged  for  tobacco,  beeswax, 
and  other  indigenous  products.  In  eastern  Angola,  the  Vachokwe 
follow  a  common  Negro  method  of  making  salt  from  plants.  Leaves 
of  a  river  plant  are  burnt  to  ashes,  which  are  soaked  in  water  and 
strained. 

With  the  advance  of  European  contacts,  the  commercial  value 
of  salt  has  declined,  for  most  Negroes  are  acquainted  with  European 
money.  But  only  thirty  years  ago  E.  Torday  paid  his  carriers  in 
salt  during  journeys  in  the  southwest  Congo  region.  At  that  time 
compensation  for  murder  (blood-money)  was  paid  in  salt.  The  chief 
of  a  village,  which  as  a  social  unit  was  responsible  for  a  murder 
committed  by  one  of  the  inhabitants,  paid  compensation  to  relatives 
of  the  murdered  man.  For  this  purpose,  the  chief  assembled  his 
subjects  and  collected  a  handful  of  salt  from  each  of  them. 

The  importance  of  salt  mines  in  the  Sahara  and  the  stimulus 
that  these  gave  to  trade  with  Negroes  of  west  Africa,  has  been 
described  (section  I).  The  trade  exists  despite  European  competition, 
and  M.  Abadie  (1927,  pp.  274-280)  has  pointed  out  the  effects  of 
present-day  traffic  in  stimulating  the  markets  of  the  western  Sudan. 
The  preparation  of  and  trade  in  salt  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Mweru 
has  been  described  by  R,  J.  Moore  (1937), 

But  before  the  Negroes  of  west  Africa  depended  on  extraneous 
supplies  of  salt  they  could  make  the  commodity,  especially  if  living 
near  the  coast.  J.  Matthews  (1788,  p.  37)  speaks  of  a  coastal  plain 
of  saline  marshes  inundated  by  the  sea  at  intervals.  The  natives 
collected  the  crust  of  mud  left  after  subsidence  of  the  water,  and 
liquid  from  the  mud  was  decanted  into  pans  which  were  placed  over 
a  fire  until  only  crystals  of  salt  remained.  This  salt  of  Sierra  Leone, 
though  impure,  was  preferred  to  the  white  salt  sold  by  Europeans. 

Making  Fire. — Another  factor  linked  with  food  production  and 
cooking  is  the  making  of  fire  by  friction,  a  method  which  still  persists 


592  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

not  only  ceremonially  but  for  ordinary  household  purposes.  Matches 
are  obtainable  in  many  places  and  flint  and  steel  are  widely  used 
for  making  a  spark,  yet  many  tribes  still  rely  on  frictional  methods. 
The  frictional  method  of  widest  distribution  is  that  of  twirling  a 
stick  of  hard  wood  on  a  baseboard  of  softer  wood.  A  quantity  of 
fine  dry  tinder  is  placed  at  the  point  of  friction,  and  when  smoke 
appears  the  tinder  is  puffed  into  a  blaze.  In  everyday  life,  the 
necessity  for  making  fire  seldom  occurs,  since  the  household  fire  is 
not  allowed  to  become  extinguished.  Logs  are  pushed  forward  into 
the  blaze,  and  dying  embers  are  revived  in  the  morning  by  adding 
small  pieces  of  dry  bark  and  blowing  the  embers.  The  method  of 
sawing  a  piece  of  wood  with  a  strip  of  rattan  is  employed  on  the 
lower  east  coast  of  Africa  and  in  the  island  of  Madagascar;  this 
procedure  is  probably  due  to  culture  contacts  with  Indonesia.  The 
"Atlas  Africanus"  gives  maps  showing  the  geographical  distribution 
of  methods  of  making  fire  by  friction  (Frobenius,  1922). 

The  Calendar. — Among  many  Negro  tribes  agricultural  opera- 
tions are  the  basis  of  calendrical  divisions;  these  are  determined 
by  the  alternation  of  wet  and  dry  seasons,  which  control  operations 
in  the  fields.  The  Umbundu  word  oku  lima,  to  cultivate,  gives  the 
word  ulima  for  the  period  between  the  beginnings  of  two  wet  seasons. 
The  main  time-mark  is  the  arrival  of  the  first  rains  in  mid-September. 
The  Ovimbundu  have  no  measure  for  minutes  and  hours,  but  in 
common  with  many  Negro  tribes  the  unit  of  a  day  is  from  sunrise 
to  sunset,  and  questions  about  distance  are  answered  by  pointing 
to  a  place  in  the  sky  where  the  sun  will  be  when  the  traveler  reaches 
his  destination.  Days  are  counted  as  so  many  suns,  and  records 
of  days  are  kept  by  making  notches  on  a  stick,  especially  dui'ing  a 
journey.  In  Umbundu,  a  period  of  three  days  would  be  expressed 
by  akumbi  atatu  (three  suns).  There  is  no  Umbundu  word  for 
week,  but  a  month  is  osai  (moon). 

The  Bakongo  calendar  is  dependent  on  seasonal  divisions,  of 
which  there  are  eight;  these  are  distinguished  by  depths  of  rainfall. 
The  European  week  of  seven  days  is  displacing  the  Congo  week  of 
four  days,  whose  names  were  those  of  the  principal  markets  (J.  H. 
Weeks,  1914,  p.  308). 

C.  K.  Meek  (1931a,  pp.  453-455)  states  that  the  Jukun  have  a 
time  unit  of  five  and  one-half  days,  which  is  the  time  required  to 
make  a  brew  of  beer.  In  terms  of  this  unit  a  person  expresses  length 
of  residence  or  time  taken  on  a  journey.  For  the  Jukun  the  agricul- 
tural  year  is  the  most  important   time  unit,  and  the  fourteen 


Economic  Life  593 

subdivisions  are  known  by  such  names  as  first  rains,  first  weeding, 
thinning  out,  second  weeding,  and  binding.  The  month  of  the  Jukun 
depends  on  lunar  phases,  yet  no  regular  system  has  been  adopted 
for  naming  the  months,  except  that  the  month  in  which  the  harmattan 
is  strongest  is  the  "month  of  the  wind."  The  lunar  months  are  not 
adjusted  to  the  solar  year. 

Consideration  of  agriculture  has  so  far  been  limited  to  a  descrip- 
tion of  typical  farming  operations  and  the  social  factors  involved, 
among  which  di\T[sion  of  labor  between  the  sexes  is  important. 
Linked  with  agricultural  operations  are  several  adherent  traits  of 
importance.  These  include  culinary  operations,  manufacture  of  and 
trade  in  salt,  making  fire,  reckoning  time,  the.  cultivation  of 
tobacco,  and  the  manufacture  of  beer.  Geophagy  is  more  of  a  rite 
than  a  nutritional  custom. 

Geophagy. — The  research  of  B.  Laufer  (Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist., 
Vol.  18,  No.  2,  Chicago,  1930),  shows  a  wide  distribution  of  the 
practice  of  eating  earth.  Geophagy  is  a  custom  often  associated 
with  pregnancy.  A.  J.  N.  Tremearne  (1913,  p.  142)  states  that 
Hausa  women  eat  a  white  earth  during  the  first  three  months  of 
pregnancy,  and  he  makes  further  references  to  earth-eating  in  "The 
Ban  of  the  Bori."  Tremearne  states  that  women  who  eat  earth  do  not 
do  so  during  a  famine;  therefore,  for  the  Hausa  of  whom  he  speaks, 
the  eating  of  earth  appears  to  be  entirely  ceremonial.  R.  F.  Burton 
(1860,  vol.  2,  p.  28)  thought  that  the  Wanyamwezi  of  east  Africa 
found  enjoyment  and  nutritional  value  in  the  earth  of  termite  hills. 
The  earth  contains  a  sticky,  sweet  substance  exuded  by  the  termites 
when  making  their  tunnels.  Mungo  Park  (1799,  p.  327)  says, 
"This  practice  is  by  no  means  uncommon  among  Negroes,  but 
whether  it  arises  from  a  vitiated  appetite  or  from  a  settled 
intention  to  enjoy  themselves,   I  cannot  affirm." 

Ritual. — Important  as  these  factors  may  be,  socially  and  economi- 
cally, they  are  subordinate  to  a  ritual  element  without  which  no 
agricultural  operations  could  be  successful.  The  relation  of  food 
supply  to  ancestor  worship,  and  the  dependence  of  secular  occupa- 
tions on  spiritual  sanction,  have  been  proved  by  typical  examples 
from  Bantu  and  Sudanic  Negro  tribes.  The  instances  chosen  laid 
emphasis  on  the  economic  importance  of  religious  rites  associated 
with  tillage,  sowing,  and  harvesting.  The  concept  of  land  as  a 
possession  of  gods  and  ancestors,  and  the  function  of  a  chief  as 
a  distributor  of  land,  have  likewise  been  emphasized  in  connection 
with  religion  and  the  laws  of  land  tenure  (section  II,  chap.  VI). 


594 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Domestic  Animals 

The  main  facts  relating  to  animal  life  in  Africa  have  been  sum- 
marized in  section  I,  chap.  I,  "Physiography  and  Nature  Notes." 
In  section  II,  "The  Culture  Area  Concept,"  the  main  features  of 
the  camel  cultures  and  the  cattle  cultures  were  described. 

No  general  statement  can  be  made  respecting  the  degree  of  ritual 
connected  with  pastoral  culture  among  Negro  tribes,  but  sometimes 
cattle  are  of  ritual  importance  as  well  as  of  economic  value.  For 
example,  among  the  Vakwanyama  of  south  Angola,  cattle  (Fig.  67,  a) 
are  of  economic  as  well  as  ceremonial  importance.  Oxen  are  killed 
at  a  funeral  feast,  and  their  horns  are  mounted  over  the  grave; 


Fig.  89.    Long-horned  ox,  Kukawa,  Lake  Chad. 


chiefs  are  buried  in  shrouds  of  oxhide.  Meat  is  not  an  ordinary 
article  of  diet,  but  cows  are  milked,  and  butter  is  made  by  swinging 
milk  in  large  calabashes  suspended  from  poles.  A  particularly  fine 
example  of  the  long-horned  ox  is  seen  in  Fig.  89. 

The  Bavenda  preserve  ritual  methods  for  slaughtering  cattle, 
and  the  attitude  of  this  tribe  indicates  that  the  animals  are  of  great 
social  and  ritual  importance.  H.  A.  Stayt  (1931a,  p.  40)  reports 
that  the  slaughterer  holds  an  official  position,  which  is  hereditary 
in  the  larger  villages,  and  if  the  meat  is  unsavory  the  office  is  trans- 
ferred to  another  person.  During  the  killing,  only  the  official  butcher 
is  present,  since  the  flesh  of  the  beast  might  be  contaminated  if 


Economic  Life  595 

other  persons  were  near.  The  animal  is  killed  by  a  spear  which  is 
thrust  behind  the  shoulder,  and  it  is  essential  that  the  spear  should 
have  been  rubbed  with  a  mixture  of  dried  blood  of  steenbok  and 
powdered  root  of  a  tree.  Some  of  this  preparation  is  forced  into 
the  animal's  mouth.  When  the  spear  has  struck,  the  slaughterer 
holds  his  own  mouth  and  nostrils  tightly  so  that,  by  sympathetic 
processes,  the  animal  will  soon  succumb.  For  further  information 
on  the  ritual  associated  with  cattle,  see  section  II,  chapter  III,  "Pas- 
toral Pursuits." 

Many  Negro  tribes  who  are  not  Mohammedanized  keep  pigs. 
These  are  often  of  a  lean,  long-snouted  breed  known  in  animal 
husbandry  as  Keltic;  but  traces  of  European  breeds  are  noticeable 
in  many  regions.  Goats  are  almost  ubiquitous,  and  the  same  may 
be  said  of  lean  poultry.  Sheep  of  the  fat-tailed  Syrian  breed  are 
common.  None  of  these  animals  is  of  ritual  importance,  except  that 
chickens  and  goats  are  the  animals  usually  chosen  for  sacrifice  during 
acts  of  ancestor  worship.  Fig.  13  shows  (a)  the  fat-tailed  sheep  of 
Asiatic  origin,  reared  extensively  in  Cape  Colony,  and  good  for 
surviving  on  scanty  pasture  during  drought;  (b)  the  long-eared 
Syrian  goat;  (c)  a  fat-rumped  sheep  of  Asia,  Arabia,  and  northeast 
Africa,  also  a  good  survivor  in  drought.  Lean  dogs  of  a  greyhound 
type  are  widely  distributed  and  in  many  tribes  are  used  during 
hunting.  Weeks  (1913,  p.  233)  mentions  the  use  of  dogs  as  food  in 
the  Central  Congo  region.  This  custom  may  be  fairly  common, 
but  the  evidence  has  not  been  collated. 

Arguments  relating  to  the  distribution  of  species  and  their 
probable  origins  are  too  detailed  and  controversial  to  recapitulate 
here.  Two  main  breeds  of  cattle  are  the  long-horned  Damara  breed 
and  the  humped  zebu  cattle.  Short-legged  goats  with  heavy  bodies 
are  common  in  west  Africa,  and  long-legged  goats  have  a  wide 
distribution.  Problems  relating  to  domestic  animals,  their  history, 
and  economic  uses  have  been  fully  discussed  by  H.  Kroll  (1928-29, 
pp.  177-290).  L.  S.  B.  Leakey  (1934c,  pp.  70-79)  calls  attention  to 
certain  social  and  economic  problems  associated  with  herding  of 
goats  and  sheep  among  the  Akikuyu.  For  additional  information 
on  oxen,  consult  section  I,  "Animal  Life,"  and  section  II,  chapter 
III,  "Pastoral  Pursuits." 

Kroll's  survey  of  the  economic  use  of  domestic  animals  leaves 
the  general  impression  that  in  concentrating  on  agriculture  Negroes 
fail  to  use  and  develop  sources  of  animal  foods.  Many  tribes  have 
an  aversion  to  milk;  therefore,  cattle  and  goats  are  not  milked,  and 


596  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

butter  and  cheese  are  unknown.  Goats  pick  their  own  food  supply, 
and  since  they  are  almost  omnivorous  in  their  selection  of  vegetable 
foods,  there  is  no  cost  of  maintenance.  But  hundreds  of  Negro  tribes 
who  rear  goats  have  no  system  of  husbandry;  they  make  no  use  of 
the  milk;  and  have  no  system  of  slaughter  and  preservation  of  the 
flesh  by  drying  and  smoking.  Activity  of  this  kind  is,  generally 
speaking,  unknown,  but  such  an  industry  would  often  relieve  the 
distress  resulting  from  a  bad  harvest. 

All  Negroes  are  fond  of  meat  and  will  gorge  themselves  if 
a  large  antelope  is  killed,  but  their  social  and  economic  habits  are 
fixed,  and  it  is  exceptional  to  find  tribes  who  regard  the  flesh  of 
goats,  pigs,  and  chickens  as  part  of  a  normal  diet.  Chickens  are 
housed  at  night  and  hens  often  sit  on  their  clutches  within  the  dwell- 
ings of  their  owners,  but  no  organized  attempt  at  poultry  farming 
is  made,  though  eggs  are  appreciated  in  many  regions. 

The  use  or  neglect  of  valuable  foods  is,  however,  an  inquiry 
leading  to  the  broad  question  of  the  psychology  of  social  customs 
and  economic  habits,  with  their  associated  prejudices  and  taboos. 
A  study  of  Kroll's  data  respecting  the  use  or  avoidance  of  milk  and 
meats  by  Bantu  Negroes  shows  how  arbitrarily  the  factors  of  ac- 
ceptance or  rejection  appear  to  operate.  With  the  advance  of 
technical  education  in  colleges  where  Africans  are  trained  as  demon- 
strators and  teachers,  and  with  progress  in  research  undertaken  by 
government  departments,  a  breaking  down  of  prejudices  may  result 
in  a  fuller  recognition  of  the  value  of  animal  foods  and  a  willing- 
ness to  devote  time  to  animal  husbandry. 

Hunting 

Facts  relating  to  this  activity  among  Negroes  bring  out  clearly 
their  idea  of  the  dependence  of  success  on  religious  belief  and  ritual. 
Hunting  devices  and  technique,  which  have  been  described  by 
K.  G.  Lindblom  (1925,  1926),  and  E.  Keller  (1936),  are  of  great 
variety  and  ingenuity,  but  their  effectiveness  is  thought  by  many 
tribes  to  be  dependent  on  social  and  religious  observances.  (See 
section  II,  chap.  II,  "Hunting  Cultures.") 

Social  and  religious  practices  of  the  Ovimbundu  illustrate  some 
points  of  importance  in  connection  with  hunting.  A  communal 
hunt  is  one  in  which  all  men  of  a  village  may  take  part,  and  women 
and  children  are  employed  in  flring  the  dry  grass  and  driving  the 
game  to  places  where  hunters  are  concealed.  In  this  type  of  hunting 
no  ritual  is  observed.  In  each  village,  however,  there  are  one  or 
more   professional   hunters    (ukongo)   who   depend  for  success  on 


Fig.  90.    Negro  hunters,      a.  Ocimbundu  near  Elende,  Angola.      6.  Munshi 
near  Katsina  Ala,  Nigeria. 

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598  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

specialized  training  and  the  observance  of  ritual  throughout  their 
lives.  These  persons  are  given  special  funeral  rites  and  stone  tombs 
of  peculiar  construction. 

A  boy  who  wishes  to  become  a  professional  hunter  has  to  serve 
for  two  years  with  a  man  known  as  ukongo  (Fig.  90,  a)  before  he 
himself  can  receive  this  title.  At  the  end  of  his  training,  a  feast  is 
given  in  the  village,  and,  though  all  persons  may  attend,  only  pro- 
fessional hunters  may  dance.  The  novice  who  is  to  be  initiated 
may  not  move  or  speak  until  he  feels  "spirit  on  his  head,"  then, 
when  the  impulse  of  spirit  possession  urges  him,  he  distributes  the 
meat  that  hunters  have  provided  for  the  feast.  The  blood  from 
these  animals  is  used  to  smear  on  the  bow,  arrows,  and  spear  that 
the  master  presents  to  his  pupil. 

The  night  before  a  professional  hunter  sets  out  for  the  chase 
is  a  time  of  ritual  dances  and  observances  for  renewing  the  effective- 
ness of  his  weapons.  The  hunter  enters  the  house  of  bows  where 
he  preserves  the  weapons  of  dead  ancestors,  and  there  he  rubs  the 
bows  with  oil  and  pours  libations  of  beer  over  them.  This  is  a 
form  of  ancestor  worship  and  a  recognition  of  the  power  of  the  dead 
to  influence  the  welfare  of  the  living.  The  food  and  cooking  pots 
of  a  hunter  must  never  be  associated  with  the  victuals  and  utensils 
of  ordinary  household  use.  If  a  hunter  is  following  the  tracks  of 
an  animal,  he  should  not  point  with  his  finger  or  with  the  iron  tip 
of  an  arrow,  though  the  feathered  butt  may  be  used.  Failure  to 
observe  this  custom  results  in  driving  away  the  game.  A  hunter 
may  not  sleep  with  his  wife  the  night  before  the  chase.  Early  in 
the  morning  and  before  leaving  for  the  chase,  a  hunter  bathes  his 
eyes  in  a  concoction  of  herbs  to  improve  his  vision. 

Trophies  of  the  hunt  are  placed  on  high  poles  before  a  hunter's 
hut  (Fig.  91,  a),  and  after  the  funeral  of  a  hunter  trophies  of  this 
kind  are  sometimes  laid  on  the  top  of  his  rock  tomb  (Fig.  91,  b). 
The  special  observances  of  the  Ovimbundu  could  be  paralleled  from 
many  tribes.  C.  Seyffert  (1911,  pp.  91-113)  has  described  in  detail 
the  magic  and  ritual  connected  with  hunting  of  elephants  in  the  Cam- 
eroons,  and  I.  Schapera  (1932,  No.  327)  emphasizes  the  importance 
of  ritual  in  connection  with  hunting  lions  in  the  Kalahari.  An  article 
by  A.  Even  (1936)  gives  further  data  on  ritual  and  elephant  hunting. 

Some  Negro  tribes,  for  example,  the  Ashanti  (Rattray,  1927a, 
p.  183),  lay  special  emphasis  on  the  need  for  placating  the  soul  of  an 
animal  killed  in  the  chase.  When  classifying  the  souls  of  animals 
according  to  their  danger  to  a  hunter,  the  Ashanti  disregard  the 


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degree  of  natural  ferocity.  The  buffalo  or  bush  cow  is  a  dangerous 
animal,  but  its  sasa  or  soul  is  said  to  be  harmless.  On  the  contrary, 
an  antelope,  which  is  small  and  timid,  is  classed  with  animals  having 
dangerous  souls,  and  an  antelope  called  the  bongo  has  the  most 
vindictive  sasa  of  all  creatures.  A  hunter  must  not  mention  the 
name  of  this  antelope,  and  he  has  to  speak  of  the  animal  in  a  whisper. 

Dancing  is  essential  after  killing  an  elephant,  and  neglect  of 
the  rite  would  mean  that  the  hunter  who  killed  the  animal  would 
never  again  be  successful  in  hunting  elephants.  The  sasa  of  the 
elephant  would  cause  the  hunter  to  become  fat,  and  he  would  eat 
all  day,  yet  without  any  satisfaction,  until  at  last  he  would  die. 

In  many  Negro  tribes,  some  form  of  ritual  observance,  having 
as  its  object  the  efficiency  of  hunting  dogs,  is  practiced.  The  Ovim- 
bundu  clip  the  ears  of  dogs  to  make  them  hear  well.  The  Bangala 
give  their  dogs  potions  to  make  them  courageous  (J.  H.  Weeks, 
1913,  p.  233).  At  intervals,  the  medicine-men  of  the  Bavenda  rub 
medicines  on  the  eyes  and  noses  of  dogs  in  order  to  quicken  the 
senses.  A  dog  which  has  the  habit  of  seizing  a  buck,  then  releasing 
him,  has  his  teeth  well  rubbed  with  medicine  to  make  him  more 
tenacious  (Stayt,  1931a,  p.  45). 

Often  in  purely  Negro  tribes  hunters  are  of  good  social  standing, 
but  this  is  not  generally  so  in  certain  Hamiticized  tribes  of  north- 
east Africa.  An  article  concerning  the  social  and  economic  relation- 
ship of  some  pastoral  Hamites  and  adjacent  hunters  assesses  the 
relative  social  standing  of  the  two.  The  general  tendency  is  for 
hunters  to  be  regarded  as  inferior  in  status  to  the  pastoral  tribes 
with  which  they  trade  (G.  W.  B.  Huntingford,  1929,  pp.  333-375; 
1931,  No.  262). 

In  addition  to  Lindblom's  account  of  hunting  appliances,  in- 
cluding many  types  of  traps  and  weapons  together  with  maps 
showing  their  geographical  distribution,  students  of  the  technique 
of  hunting  have  a  valuable  source  of  information  in  L.  S.  B.  Leakey's 
(1926,  pp.  259-294)  description  of  the  structure  of  African  bows 
and  arrows,  including  wooden  arrows  for  killing  birds.  Fig.  90,  b 
shows  the  disguise  assumed  by  a  Munshi  hunter  of  Nigeria,  who 
conceals  himself  in  long  grass. 

Crossbows  were  introduced  into  west  Africa  by  the  Portuguese 
about  the  sixteenth  century.  These  weapons,  which  are  used  for 
hunting  rather  than  warfare,  have  a  distribution  limited  to  the 
west  of  the  continent,  chiefly  Nigeria,  the  Cameroons,  and  French 
Equatorial  Africa.     The  Fang  living  north  of  the  Congo  estuary, 


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602  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

also  other  tribes,  use  a  crossbow  to  shoot  light,  poisoned  darts  at 
birds  and  fish  (H.  Balfour,  1909,  pp.  337-356;  P.  G.  H.  Powell- 
Cotton,  1929,  No.  1). 

To  the  instances  of  ceremonial  preparation  of  arrow  poison, 
which  was  previously  mentioned  in  connection  with  warfare,  should 
be  added  the  data  given  by  R.  S.  Rattray  for  the  Ashanti  hinter- 
land (1932a,  vol.  1,  p.  175;  vol.  2,  p.  412).  Among  the  Dagba,  men 
who  are  making  poisoned  arrows  have  to  be  sexually  continent,  and 
during  preparation  of  the  poison  they  are  not  allowed  food  or  drink. 
The  prepared  arrows  are  carried  to  the  village  from  their  secret 
place  of  manufacture  by  a  young  virgin.  It  is  believed  that  with- 
out this  ritual  the  poison  is  ineffective.  H.  Labouret  (1931,  p.  101) 
has  given  a  particularly  instructive  account  of  the  preparation  of 
arrow  poison  from  strophanthus,  which  is  commonly  used  for  this 
purpose  by  west  African  Negroes  and  by  many  other  tribes  in  widely 
separated  parts  of  the  continent. 

Fishing 

This  occupation  is  widely  distributed  among  Negroes  living  near 
lakes,  rivers,  and  the  sea.  Study  of  the  technique  of  fishing  covers 
a  wide  field  of  research  into  the  use  of  nets,  weirs,  baskets,  spears, 
bows  and  arrows,  canoes,  and  poisons.  Several  comprehensive 
articles  have  dealt  with  these  technological  aspects.  The  photo- 
graphs and  descriptions  of  fishing  operations  in  the  Kavirondo 
Gulf,  as  recorded  by  C.  M.  Dobbs  (1927,  pp.  97-100),  give  informa- 
tion which  has  a  wide  application,  though  each  locality  has  its 
own  peculiar  development  of  technique,  and  of  ritual  also.  F.  Glaus 
(1930,  pp.  1095-1114)  has  described  the  use  of  toxic  plants  for 
preparing  poisons  that  stupefy  the  fish.  K.  G.  Lindblom  (1933)  has 
contributed  a  detailed  study  of  the  use  and  geographical  distribution 
of  two  types  of  fishing  basket. 

Apart  from  the  question  of  technical  appliances  and  methods  of 
work,  the  main  considerations  are  (1)  seasonal  variations  in  method ; 
(2)  allocation  of  method  according  to  sex;  (3)  observance  of  ritual 
and  taboo  to  secure  success  in  fishing.  Examination  of  the  practices 
of  the  Ovimbundu  will  exemplify  the  operation  of  these  principles. 

The  chief  methods  of  this  tribe  are  fishing  with  a  rod  and  line, 
the  use  of  weirs  (Fig.  94,  b),  dragging  baskets  against  the  stream, 
fixing  small  nets  to  sticks  in  shallow  water,  and  scattering  poison 
on  the  surface.  Near  the  coast,  large  circular  nets  are  used  for 
casting,  and  fishing  spears  with  sharp  bamboo  prongs  are  employed. 


Economic  Life  603 

Fishing  with  a  baited  line  is  a  method  confined  to  males.  Women 
use  drag-baskets  and  employ  narcotic  poisons.  When  canoes  are 
used,  they  are  paddled  by  men.  If  a  current  flows  swiftly,  men  assist 
women  in  dragging  large  baskets  against  the  stream.  These  are  the 
chief  divisions  of  labor  according  to  sex. 

Two  points  of  ritual  are  observed.  The  night  before  fishing, 
men  must  abstain  from  sexual  intercourse.  And  when  fishing  with 
a  line,  success  depends  on  the  chanting  of  a  spell  to  encourage  the 
fish  to  bite. 

The  fishing  line  of  the  Ovimbundu  consists  of  a  tough  strip  of 
bark  that  varies  in  length  with  the  height  of  the  river  bank  on  which 
the  fisherman  sits.  A  hole  is  bored  through  the  body  of  a  grass- 
hopper, a  worm,  or  a  pupa  taken  from  under  the  bark  of  a  tree. 
Through  this  hole  in  the  bait  is  passed  a  short,  stiff  piece  of  grass 
to  which  the  line  is  attached.  The  fish  is  caught  when  it  swallows 
the  bait  and  the  stiff  piece  of  grass  becomes  transfixed.  When  a 
fisherman  throws  his  line  he  sings: 

0  fish,  come  and  taste  your  good  thing. 

Do  not  send  a  little  fish  to  spoil  the  good  thing. 

Better  you  come  and  take  the  good  thing  with  all  your  strength. 

To  make  fish-poison,  the  tuberous  roots  of  a  plant  are  soaked  in 
water  until  scum  rises  to  the  top.  The  solid  part  of  the  narcotic 
is  not  given  because  it  would  sink,  and  the  fish  that  ate  it  would 
remain  at  the  bottom  of  the  river.  No  fishing  can  be  successful  unless 
the  fish  rise,  and  the  taboo  against  sexual  intercourse  the  night  before 
fishing  must  be  observed  to  prevent  the  fish,  males  and  females, 
from  remaining  together  on  the  river  bed.  Poisonous  scum  causes 
fish  to  gasp  at  the  surface,  where  they  are  seized  by  women  and 
transferred  to  gourds  which  the  women  wear  round  their  necks. 
Poison  is  used  only  in  dry  weather  when  water  is  shallow  and  pools 
have  been  formed  in  the  beds  of  rivers. 

When  a  weir  (olunja)  is  employed,  the  device  consists  of  a  wicker 
fence  with  a  gap  in  the  middle,  and  on  the  lower  side  of  this  aperture 
a  basket  is  placed.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  fish  by  torchlight, 
though  this  is  a  well-known  method  among  Negro  tribes.  The 
poisoning  method  and  all  the  other  techniques  mentioned  are  widely 
used.  Harpoons  with  detachable,  barbed,  iron  heads  are  unknown 
among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  they  are  of  local  occurrence  elsewhere, 
notably  among  the  Buduma  of  Lake  Chad  and  the  Munshi  of 
Katsina  Ala  in  southeast  Nigeria.  H.  A.  Stayt  (1931a,  pp.  80,  237) 
gives  an  account  of  the  Bavenda  method  of  shooting  fish  with  bows 


604  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  arrows.  He  notes  that  fishing  is  a  favorite  pastime  of  young 
boys,  but  the  occupation  is  disliked  by  adult  males  and  is  entirely 
taboo  for  women.  The  dependence  of  occupation  on  religious 
belief  is  aptly  illustrated  by  Stayt's  account  of  Lake  Fundudzi, 
which  is  inhabited  by  ancestral  spirits.  "Although  the  lake  swarms 
with  fish  no  one  has  succeeded  in  landing  a  fish  caught  there.  Water, 
if  carried  away  from  the  lake  in  an  open  receptacle,  simply  vanishes 
away.  Water  sealed  up  for  a  day  or  two  will  burst  the  vessel  that 
holds  it,  leaving  a  curious  characteristic  odour  behind  it." 

A  common  form  of  canoe  in  the  forest  regions  of  west  and  central 
Africa  is  the  heavy  dugout,  which  is  often  made  from  a  bombax 
tree,  whose  massive  trunk  can  provide  a  canoe  thirty  feet  in  length, 
though  the  actual  length  is  sometimes  as  little  as  eight  feet.  The 
dugout  is  employed  outside  forest  areas,  but  the  size  diminishes  away 
from  big  timber  (A.  T.  and  G.  M.  Culwick  1935c,  pp.  265-273). 

Fig.  93,  h  shows  a  type  of  bark  canoe  used  by  the  Vachokwe  of 
eastern  Angola  during  fishing  operations.  A  fisherman  uses  this 
kind  of  vessel  for  short  journeys  into  mid-stream,  where  he  sets 
his  nets.  The  Buduma  of  Lake  Chad  have  a  type  of  canoe  made  by 
lashing  together  bundles  of  reeds  to  make  a  canoe  with  a  prow  (Fig. 
95).  Such  a  vessel  is  employed  for  fishing  and  for  the  transport 
of  natron  and  animals.  With  a  few  weeks  of  constant  use,  these 
reed  canoes  become  waterlogged. 

Contacts  with  Asia  have  resulted  in  the  appearance  of  outrigger 
canoes  near  the  coasts  of  Madagascar  and  east  Africa.  J.  Hornell 
(1919,  No.  55)  points  out  that  a  structural  relationship  exists  between 
this  kind  of  canoe  and  certain  designs  of  outrigger  canoes  from  Java. 
This  Asiatic  influence  has  possibly  affected  the  construction  of  canoes 
on  the  shores  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  where  the  Baganda  build 
large  vessels  consisting  of  dugout  hulls  having  their  sides  built  up 
with  planks.  The  details  of  construction  have  been  described  and 
sketched  by  P.  Kollmann  (1899,  pp.  22-26).  Other  contributors 
to  the  subject  of  Indonesian  influences  are  A.  C.  Haddon  (1918, 
No.  29;  1920,  pp.  69-134),  A.  T.  and  G.  M.  Culwick  (1935c),  and 
R.  B.  Dixon  (1928). 

Nature  Lore  and  Collecting 
Purely  hunting  tribes,  such  as  the  Bushmen  of  the  Kalahari 
Desert  and  the  Pygmies  of  the  Ituri  Forest,  show  a  high  degree  of 
specialization  in  nature  knowledge  and  in  the  collecting  of  wild 
produce,  both  vegetable  and  animal.  This  work  is  a  staple  task  of 
women  and  children. 


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605 


606  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  many  Negro  tribes  also  these  tasks  are  relegated  to  women 
and  children,  and  supplies  of  food  gathered  in  this  way  are  highly 
valued,  despite  an  abundance  and  variety  of  agricultural  produce. 
In  the  large  markets  of  Ibadan  in  Nigeria,  the  Yoruba,  though 
provided  with  yams  and  other  cultivated  products,  carry  on  a  brisk 
trade  in  tortoises,  large  land  snails,  and  rats  on  skewers. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  in  addition  to  medicine-men  who  have 
detailed  knowledge  of  curative  plants,  all  men  and  boys  have  a 
large  vocabulary  relating  to  trees,  birds,  reptiles,  and  many  varieties 
of  edible  rats  and  mice.  Every  man  knows  what  timbers  are  best 
suited  for  building  houses  that  will  resist  the  attacks  of  termites, 
and  all  are  acquainted  with  the  best  woods  for  making  bows. 
Timbers  for  drums,  for  domestic  utensils,  and  for  charcoal  are  readily 
recognized. 

Names  of  fifty  distinct  species  of  birds  were  obtained  from  the 
Ovimbundu,  who  imitate  bird  calls  and  interpret  their  meaning. 
Nature  lore  of  this  kind  not  only  serves  a  practical  purpose  in  con- 
nection with  food  supply  and  handicrafts,  but  it  enriches  the  vocabu- 
lary and  is  the  basis  for  folklore  stories  of  animals  and  their  habits. 

One  bird  makes  a  cry  which  is  a  warning  that  guests  will  visit 
the  village,  for  the  bird  calls,  "Where  will  the  guests  stay?  Where? 
Where?  Where?"  The  calls  and  answers  between  male  and  female 
birds  are  interpreted  as  conversation  of  a  human  kind.  The  female 
hornbill  says,  "I'm  going,  I'm  going,  I'm  going  to  our  village." 
To  this,  the  male  replies,  "Don't  go,  don't  go;  the  rain  has  come; 
let  us  plant."  In  distinguishing  small  mammals,  lizards,  and  snakes, 
men  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  adept,  but  at  times  a  difference  of  opinion 
arises  when  two  closely  related  varieties  are  discussed. 

In  common  with  many  Negro  tribes,  the  nature  lore  of  the 
Ovimbundu  includes  knowledge  of  the  weather,  which  to  some 
extent  is  thought  to  be  under  the  control  of  ocimbanda  opulia,  the 
medicine-man  of  the  rain.  No  man  thinks  that  the  course  of  the 
sun  can  be  changed,  but  a  magical  rite  can  retard  the  setting.  A 
traveler  who  is  almost  benighted  breaks  a  piece  of  earth  from  a 
termite  hill,  then  with  the  words,  "0  sun,  wait  for  me  a  little  while," 
he  places  the  earth  in  the  forked  branch  of  a  tree.  An  eclipse  of  the 
sun  is  uteke  vutana,  meaning  night  in  daylight.  Some  of  the  stars 
are  named;  these  serve  to  give  direction  during  journeys,  and  the 
phases  of  the  moon  mark  intervals  of  time. 

Although  the  Ovimbundu  have  advanced  far  beyond  the  stage 
of  dependence  on  hunting  and  collecting,  both  occupations  are 


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607 


608 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


followed  with  zest,  and  this  is  true  of  most  Negro  tribes.  Ovim- 
bundu  boys  shoot  small  birds  with  blunt  wooden  arrows  or  snare 
them  with  mucilage.  Children  catch  rats  and  mice  in  cane  traps 
of  conical  form;  these  are  set  in  dry  grass  which  is  ignited.  Boys 
search  diligently  for  nests,  which  are  robbed  of  their  eggs  or  fledglings. 
Women  and  children  collect  caterpillars,  which  are  squeezed  into 
boiling  water  to  make  soup.  Locusts  are  sometimes  eaten  fresh  after 
roasting  them  on  hot  ashes,  or  they  may  be  preserved  in  fat  or  salt. 
Wild,  edible  fruits  are  collected  by  women  and  children. 

Apiculture  consists  of  placing  hives  in  forest  trees;  this  method 
of  the  Ovimbundu  is  common  in  many  parts  of  east  Africa  as  well 


Fig.  95.    Canoe  of  papyrus  reeds,  Buduma,  Lake  Chad. 


as  in  the  southwest.  The  hives  so  employed  are  generally  made  of 
cylinders  of  bark  (Fig.  93,  a).  The  Ovimbundu  of  Elende  remove 
honey  from  these  hives  in  August  and  December.  One  man  ascends 
a  tree  to  lower  the  hive  with  a  rope  of  bark  or  plaited  fiber,  while 
beneath  the  tree  stand  men  and  boys  who  receive  the  hive  and  open 
it  over  a  smoky  fire.  The  workers  have  no  protection;  consequently, 
they  are  at  times  badly  stung.  Boys  who  run  away  in  fear  are  denied 
a  share  of  the  honey. 

Honey  is  eaten  alone  or  with  manioc,  and  portions  of  the  comb 
are  added  to  maize  when  making  beer.  Wax  from  the  combs  is 
rolled  into  balls  which  form  a  unit  of  trade.  Wax  is  now  collected 
at  stores  of  traders  who  export  the  commodity  to  the  coast. 


Economic  Life  609 

Some  hill  tribes  of  Nigeria  construct  hives  in  the  mud  walls  of 
their  houses  by  inserting  pots  with  their  covered  mouths  directed 
outward;  a  small  hole  is  left  in  this  cover  for  the  entrance  and  exit 
of  the  bees.  To  collect  honey,  the  bees  are  driven  out  by  heating  the 
pot,  which  is  then  emptied  and  resealed.  Men  who  empty  the  hives 
give  themselves  protection  against  stings  by  smearing  their  bodies 
with  a  vegetable  juice.  A.  T.  Culwick  (1936,  No.  95)  has  contributed 
to  the  subject  of  honey-gathering,  and  a  complete  survey  of  apiculture 
among  Negroes  has  been  published  by  C.  Seyffert  (1930). 

The  manner  in  which  collecting  of  wild  produce  can  develop 
into  a  well-organized  industry  is  exemplified  by  an  instance  given 
by  A.  W.  Cardinal!  (1927a,  p.  78).  During  a  period  of  three  years, 
some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Northern  Territories  of  the  Gold  Coast 
prohibited  the  gathering  of  snails  because  of  rapid  depletion  of  the 
stock.  But  in  normal  years  the  collecting  season  begins  with  the 
rains  and  lasts  for  six  weeks.  During  the  collecting  period,  men, 
women,  and  children  migrate  to  the  forests,  where  they  work  all 
day  collecting  large  snails.  Women  break  the  shells  with  wooden 
platters,  dry  the  meat  and  smoke  it,  then  place  it  on  large  skewers. 
This  meat  is  sold  to  neighboring  tribes,  but  visitors  from  these 
tribes  are  permitted  to  collect  snails  for  themselves,  provided  they 
pay  a  tax  of  one  skewer  of  snails  in  every  ten  gathered. 

Commerce 

Study  of  commerce  in  Negro  tribes  should  include  an  examination 
of  small  trade,  organization  of  caravans,  establishment  of  large 
markets,  the  use  of  currencies,  systems  of  counting,  and  units 
of  measurement.  Contacts  with  Europeans  during  four  centuries 
have  given  an  incalculable  stimulus  to  African  trade.  New  com- 
modities have  been  introduced,  and  though  some  indigenous  handi- 
crafts have  been  discouraged,  for  example,  wea\ing,  other  activities 
have  been  stimulated.  European  contacts  have  given  an  impetus 
to  artistic  work  in  leather  and  brass,  for  instance,  in  Nigeria,  and 
especially  when  these  subjects  are  taught  in  industrial  schools. 

With  the  exception  of  large  markets  at  coast  towns  of  Benguela, 
Loanda,  and  Lobito,  Portuguese  West  Africa  is  a  colony  of  small 
trade,  for  the  famous  caravan  trade  has  fallen  into  desuetude.  One 
may  travel  thousands  of  miles  in  the  interior  of  Angola  without 
seeing  a  large  market;  all  trade,  apart  from  the  sale  of  European 
commodities  in  stores,  is  carried  on  by  petty  barter  in  villages.  Here 
the  blacksmith  makes  hoe  blades,  ax-heads,  and  arrow-points  which 
he  barters,  or  sells,  using  the  Portuguese  angolare  (about  five  cents) 


610  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

as  a  unit  of  value.  Most  of  the  trade  is  measured  in  this  paper  unit 
and  larger  denominations  are  regarded  with  suspicion;  they  are  not 
well  understood  by  the  natives. 

As  an  extreme  contrast  from  this  condition  of  small  trade,  the 
permanent  markets  of  Nigeria  may  be  mentioned.  The  largest  of 
these  are  at  Ibadan,  Ilorin,  Kano,  Sokoto,  and  Maiduguri,  where 
great  emporia  of  trade  were  anciently  established.  Introduction 
of  European  trade  has  increased  the  size  of  the  markets,  but  they 
were  organized  on  a  large  scale  before  European  influence  was  felt. 
From  miles  around,  artisans  bring  their  wares,  including  pottery, 
mats,  baskets,  brasswork,  leather  goods  and  foods.  Some  industries 
are  permanently  established  in  markets;  for  example,  the  market 
of  Kano  has  sections  for  leather,  silverwork,  gourds,  and  weaving  of 
baskets.  Markets  of  northern  Nigeria,  and  especially  the  market  at 
Kano,  still  show  an  enormous  caravan  trade;  trains  of  camels, 
donkeys,  and  oxen  arrive  daily  from  all  directions,  and  for  centuries 
Kano  has  been  the  great  emporium  for  the  western  Sudan,  eastern 
Sudan,  and  the  trans-Saharan  trade.  In  east  Africa,  the  town  of 
Omdurman  has  a  corresponding  commercial  standing. 

The  caravan  trade  and  the  development  of  markets  were,  during 
several  centuries,  stimulated  by  American  and  European  demands 
for  slaves,  ivory,  and  gold  dust.  European  goods,  such  as  cloth, 
muzzle-loading  guns,  powder,  brass  rods,  gin  and  rum,  were  supplied 
to  caravans,  or  the  commodities  were  traded  at  the  coast,  to  which 
caravans  from  the  far  interior  brought  their  slaves  and  ivory.  The 
Bih^an  section  of  the  Ovimbundu  organized  caravans  that  crossed 
Africa  to  Lake  Tanganyika,  where  they  came  in  touch  with  Arab 
traders  from  the  east  coast,  and  the  Arabs  themselves,  after  raiding 
villages  of  the  Congo  region,  formed  caravans  of  slaves  who  carried 
ivory  to  Zanzibar. 

In  connection  with  the  Bih^an  caravan  trade  certain  ritual  was 
practiced.  The  skull  of  a  chief  was  consulted  and  asked  for  a  bless- 
ing, while  sacrifice  was  made  and  a  new  piece  of  oxhide  wrapping 
was  given  to  the  skull.  Each  caravan  was  accompanied  by  one  or 
more  medicine-men,  who  gave  advice  concerning  the  route  and  the 
welfare  of  the  enterprise.  For  this  purpose  they  consulted  a  small 
female  figurine  of  wood  having  a  feather  head-dress.  By  ventrilo- 
quism this  figure  ngeve,  which  is  still  obtainable  in  Angola,  was  made 
to  give  audible  replies.  Horns  of  antelope  were  filled  with  "medi- 
cine," including  fat  and  charcoal,  and  these  charms  were  stuck  in 
the  ground  near  camps  to  keep  away  thieves  and  wild  animals. 


Economic  Life  611 

There  is  evidence  to  indicate  that  the  founding  of  a  successful 
market  does  not  depend  entirely  on  secular  considerations,  such  as 
choice  of  a  site  which  is  easily  accessible  by  river.  H.  Labouret 
(1931,  p.  353)  points  out  that  a  diviner  is  consulted  so  that  a  propi- 
tious situation  may  be  chosen.  M.  J.  and  F.  S.  Herskovits  (1933, 
p.  70)  refer  to  a  guardian  divinity  of  the  market  to  whom  twins  must 
be  shown  before  they  are  members  of  their  group.  "Buried  under 
its  mound,  this  market  Aiza,  which  is  made  of  the  earth  of  seven 
prosperous  markets,  has  ingredients  dug  out  of  the  earth  that  are 
called  the  'eyes'  and  'heart'  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  samplings  of  all 
that  is  sold  in  the  markets:  grains,  fruits,  cloth,  animals,  slaves." 
A  complete  survey  of  trade  among  Negroes  would  prove  that  com- 
merce, like  agriculture,  hunting,  and  fishing,  has  a  spiritual  as  well 
as  a  secular  aspect;  therefore,  success  is  dependent  on  the  coopera- 
tion of  some  power  or  patron  who  is  more  effective  than  the  intelli- 
gence of  man. 

The  chief  mechanisms  of  trade  are  currencies,  methods  of  count- 
ing, and  the  use  of  standards  for  measuring  length,  weight,  and 
capacity.  In  time  past,  one  of  the  most  general  currencies  has  been 
cowrie  shells,  which  have  been  traded  from  the  Indian  Ocean  all  over 
the  continent  south  of  10°  N.  Lat.  S.  Johnson  (1921,  p.  118)  states 
that  as  late  as  the  year  1897  coins  were  a  curiosity  if  seen  far  from 
the  coast  of  Nigeria,  and  the  general  table  of  reckoning  counted 
forty  cowries  one  string,  fifty  strings  one  head,  and  ten  heads  one 
bag.  Then  later,  when  money  and  cowries  circulated  together,  two 
thousand  cowries  were  valued  at  sixpence. 

Emin  Pasha  found  that  in  Uganda  in  the  year  1888  one  hundred 
cowries  on  a  string  was  a  unit  of  currency,  and  that  five  strings  were 
valued  at  three  shillings  and  sixpence.  An  ox  was  valued  at  fifty 
strings  of  cowries;  that  is,  five  thousand  shells.  On  the  east  coast,  a 
Maria  Theresa  dollar  was  valued  at  five  strings  of  cowries,  and  every 
animal  or  commodity  had  a  value  expressed  in  cowries. 

J.  A.  Skertchly  (1874,  p.  227)  states  that,  during  his  visit  to 
Dahomey  (1870),  G^lele,  the  king,  threw  bunches  of  cowries  to  his 
nobles,  causing  them  to  indulge  in  a  wild  scramble.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  similar  competition  for  ambassadors  and  strangers. 
Cowries  were  placed  on  the  heads  of  victims  who  were  about  to  be 
sacrificed  to  provide  service  for  dead  kings.  The  cowries  were 
intended  for  use  of  the  victims  in  a  spirit  world.  Despite  an  increas- 
ing use  of  European  coins  and  paper  money,  cowries  are  still  exten- 
sively employed  in  parts  of  west  Africa,  and  large  payments  are 


612  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

made  through  this  medium,  for  example,  in  the  city  of  Djenne 
(Monteil,  1932,  pp.  267-273)  and  in  Ashanti  hinterland  (Rattray, 
1932a,  vol.  2,  pp.  414,  416).  For  large  transactions,  cowrie  shells  are 
not  counted  but  measured  in  a  vessel  of  known  capacity. 

In  addition  to  cowrie  shells,  many  kinds  of  currency,  some  of 
them  extremely  cumbersome,  have  been  used.  The  principal  of 
these  were  spearheads,  hoe  blades,  brass  rods  (A.  C.  Haddon,  1908, 
No.  65),  X-shaped  ingots  of  copper,  ivory  measured  by  the  hand's 
span,  tobacco,  salt,  rubber,  wax,  gin,  rum,  and  manillas.  The  last- 
named  are  still  procurable  in  southern  Nigeria.  The  form  of  the 
token  is  that  of  an  open  oval  bracelet,  made  of  bronze  and  thickened 
at  each  end.  R.  P.  Wild  (1936,  No.  99)  has  written  an  article  on 
"Iron  Disc  Currency  from  Ashanti." 

In  Ashanti,  gold  dust  was  a  form  of  currency  which  was  measured 
by  little  weights  of  cast  brass;  these  were  made  by  the  lost- wax 
process  to  be  described  in  connection  with  handicrafts.  If  the  weight 
was  not  heavy  enough,  a  small  amount  of  metal  was  added  by  filling 
cavities,  and  if  the  weight  was  too  heavy  it  could  be  reduced  by  filing. 
A  king  was  allowed  to  obtain  revenue  by  using  a  special  set  of  weights 
rather  heavier  than  those  employed  in  ordinary  trade;  therefore,  he 
received  an  advantage  when  gold  dust  was  weighed  out  to  him. 
Each  weight  represents  a  proverb,  and  definite  mass  relationships 
exist  between  some  of  the  weights.  The  subject  has  been  dealt  with  in 
scientific  books  and  articles  (Rattray,  1923,  pp.  300-313 ;  1927a,  p.  311 ; 
N.  W.  Thomas,  1920b,  pp.  52-68;  R.  Zeller,  1912,  pp.  1-77). 

Two  widely  distributed  methods  of  keeping  tallies  of  numbers 
are  the  notching  of  sticks  and  the  tying  of  knots  in  cords.  The  Ekoi 
and  other  tribes  of  southeast  Nigeria  keep  numerical  records  by 
dropping  small  stones  or  grains  of  corn  into  a  calabash.  Records 
of  payments  are  sometimes  made  by  chalking  vertical  strokes  on 
walls.  The  Ekoi  system  of  reckoning  consists  of  counting,  first  on 
the  fingers,  then  on  the  toes,  but  if  the  number  exceeds  twenty  the 
accountant  lays  on  the  ground  a  stick  for  each  group  of  five.  P.  A. 
Talbot  (1912,  p.  304)  mentions  the  use  of  finger  signs  for  numbers; 
such  methods  of  counting  are  common  among  Negroes.  The  Ovim- 
bundu  count  quickly  up  to  ten  by  hand  signs,  and  J.  H.  Weeks 
(1909,  p.  419)  has  made  a  study  of  the  Bangala  system  of  digital 
counting,  which  he  has  illustrated  in  detail  to  show  the  positions 
of  the  fingers. 

Hausa  traders  of  west  Africa  make  use  of  parts  of  their  bodies 
as  standards  of  measurement  (C.  K.  Meek,  1925,  vol.  2,  p.  153). 


Economic  Life  613 

Thus  a  span  from  the  forefinger  to  the  thumb  is  teki,  the  length  of 
the  foot  is  taiki,  from  the  elbow  to  the  knuckles  is  dungu,  and  the 
distance  between  the  tips  of  the  middle  fingers  when  the  arms  are 
stretched  in  line  with  the  shoulders  is  gaha.  Counting  is  done  on 
fingers  and  toes,  and  ya  gurum,  "the  whole  man,"  means  all  the 
fingers  and  toes.  The  number  two  hundred  is  ya  gurum  tar,  meaning 
"the  whole  man  ten  times  over." 

A  system  of  measures  used  by  the  Ovimbundu  is  illustrative  of 
the  general  nature  of  such  measurements  among  trading  Negroes. 
The  Ovimbundu  have  measures  of  length,  area,  and  capacity,  but 
no  measure  of  weight  which  is  not  of  Portuguese  origin.  The  unit 
of  length,  epaluma,  is  the  distance  from  the  tip  of  the  thumb  to  the 
tip  of  the  middle  finger  when  the  hand  is  outstretched.  This  is  used 
to  measure  tobacco  before  it  has  been  coiled.  Cloth  is  measured  by 
stretching  the  arms  to  their  full  extent  in  line  with  the  shoulders; 
the  distance  between  the  tips  of  the  middle  fingers  is  epeka.  The 
stride  for  measuring  land  is  elianga.  Ondjimha  is  an  area  of  land 
about  twenty-five  feet  square.  Etemo,  meaning  a  hoe,  is  an  area 
of  land  two  hundred  yards  long  and  thirty  feet  broad. 

Measures  of  capacity  are  provided  by  various  baskets.  A  large 
conical  basket  called  ohumha  has  an  interwoven  mark  which  indicates 
a  measure  for  maize,  meal,  and  beans.  Ocitenge  is  a  coarsely  made 
basket  used  as  a  unit  of  capacity.  Palm  oil  is  measured  in  a  gourd 
of  definite  size.  The  forked  stick  of  a  porter  is  made  to  hold  a  load 
of  about  sixty  pounds,  which  is  carried  for  a  distance  of  twenty 
miles  each  day.  A  load  for  a  woman  is  about  twenty  pounds  lighter. 
An  extensive  study  of  African  weights  and  measures  has  been  pub- 
lished by  D.  Kiirchoff  (1908,  pp.  289-342). 

Trade  has  resulted  in  the  exchange  of  tangible  commodities 
of  many  kinds,  including  Negro  slaves,  and  a  great  variety  of  Euro- 
pean goods.  The  less  tangible  effects  of  commerce  are  found  in 
distribution  of  vocabularies  of  such  trade  languages  as  Hausa, 
Umbundu,  and  Swahili,  and  in  the  reciprocal  exchange  of  cultural 
traits,  including  handicrafts  and  the  technical  processes  associated 
with  these.  In  the  course  of  time,  these  newly  acquired  factors 
become  so  welded  into  the  culture  which  adopted  them  that  the 
acquired  traits  appear  to  be  part  of  the  original  pattern. 

Arts  and  Handicrafts 
The  only  satisfactory  study  of  this  subject  must  be  practically 
made  in  a  well-equipped  museum,  where  objects  can  be  handled  and 
compared.     Nevertheless,  an  outline  of  the  chief  industries,  with 


I 


614  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

notes  on  their  techniques  and  distribution,  can  be  given.  Negro 
artisans  are  concerned  mainly  with  working  in  iron,  wood-carving, 
making  pottery,  and  weaving  baskets  and  mats.  Dyes  are  manu- 
factured from  vegetable  substances  and  used  for  coloring  basketry 
and  cotton  cloth.  Despite  the  importation  of  foreign  cloth  many 
Negroes,  both  men  and  women,  are  expert  weavers  on  primitive 
looms.  Working  in  leather  and  hides  is  a  common  industry  which 
is  highly  developed  in  some  parts  of  west  Africa,  and  here  brass 
casting  is  carried  on  in  several  centers.  Carving  in  ivory,  which  was 
formerly  a  major  industry  in  several  localities,  is  now  rapidly  falling 
into  desuetude.  Bark  cloth  is  still  made,  but  the  general  tendency  is 
to  replace  this  clothing  with  imported  cotton  goods.  Elaborate 
beadwork,  some  of  which  is  made  with  cowrie  shells,  or  with  colored 
imported  beads,  is  a  Negro  industry,  the  best  examples  of  which 
are  made  by  tribes  of  the  Cameroons  in  west  Africa  and  by  Zulu 
tribes  of  the  southeast  of  the  continent. 

In  this  section,  the  details  of  technical  processes  are  subordinate 
to  social,  religious,  and  economic  problems  associated  with  handi- 
crafts, since  technology  has  been  described  in  many  scientific  articles 
quoted  in  the  bibliography.  Division  of  labor  according  to  age,  sex, 
and  special  aptitude  is  important,  as  is  the  hereditary  right  to  an 
occupation,  and  the  formation  of  guilds  of  artisans.  The  best  art 
of  Africa  has  been  produced  under  strong  religious  influence,  as  at 
Benin,  and  even  the  simplest  industrial  operations  are  by  some 
tribes  thought  to  be  dependent  on  magical  rites,  together  with  the 
observance  of  prohibitions  and  the  consultation  of  omens.  G.  A. 
Stevens  (1935,  p.  113)  states,  "Primitive  art  is  the  most  pure,  most 
sincere  form  of  art  there  can  be,  partly  because  it  is  deeply  inspired 
by  religious  ideals  and  spiritual  experiences,  and  partly  because  it  is 
entirely  unself-conscious.  There  are  no  tricks  which  can  be  acquired 
by  the  unworthy." 

Wood-carving. — The  skill  of  Negroes  in  wood-carving  has  attracted 
more  attention  than  any  other  form  of  Negro  art.  Many  of  the  tim- 
bers used  are  extremely  hard  species,  such  as  mahogany  and  ebony;  the 
skill  of  the  workers  is  attested  by  the  beautiful  results  achieved  with 
only  an  adze,  an  ax,  and  a  knife  as  tools.  The  adze  and  the  ax  are 
generally  one  tool  whose  form  is  changed  by  reversing  the  direction 
of  the  cutting  edge.  A  Negro  wood-carver  does  not  attempt  joinery, 
but  hacks  each  form  from  a  solid  block  of  wood,  securing  a  rough 
outline  with  his  adze  and  ax,  then  carving  the  details  with  his  knife. 
Joinery  may  be  seen  here  and  there;  for  example,  the  Ovimbundu 


k^.'     ^s^-'^.^-  '^ 


Fig.  96.    Carved  wooden  drum,  Bamendjo  tribe,  Cameroons.   Scale  about  1 : 8. 


615 


616  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

make  stools  with  neatly  jointed  legs,  but  this  is  due  to  European 
influence,  and  older  stools  were  well  carved  from  one  matrix. 

The  most  massive  wood-carvings  of  Africa  are  made  in  the  cen- 
tral area  of  the  Cameroons,  where  elaborately  carved  window  frames, 
door  posts,  beds,  stools,  drums  (Fig.  96),  and  large  effigies  of  human 
beings  are  produced.  Small  carving  is  exquisitely  done  by  the  Bush- 
ongo  of  the  southwest  Congo,  whose  memorial  figurines  and  drinking 
cups  are  works  of  art.  The  Ovimbundu  are  skilled  in  carving  animals, 
ornamental  staffs  and  batons  for  chiefs  (Figs.  99, 100) ;  so  also  are  the 
Zulu  and  some  tribes  of  the  Cameroons.  Carving  of  small  hmnan  fig- 
ures that  are  used  in  magical  rites  and  ancestor  worship  is  typical  of 
the  west  coast  regions  from  Sierra  Leone  to  Nigeria,  thence  through 
the  Cameroons  into  the  Congo  region  and  Angola. 

General  resemblances  in  the  styles  of  Negro  art  are  noticeable, 
but  with  practice  local  styles  are  soon  recognized.  Masks  from  the 
Ivory  Coast,  Dahomey,  the  Yoruba  of  Nigeria,  and  the  tribes  of  the 
central  Cameroons  have  each  their  distinguishing  characteristics. 
The  use  of  masks  is  connected  with  initiation  ceremonies  and  rites, 
in  which  performers  who  wear  the  masks  are  impersonating  spirits 
of  the  dead.  That  the  art  of  the  wood  carver  is  closely  connected 
with  religious  symbolism  may  be  seen  by  inspection  of  wooden 
figurines  in  the  temple  of  the  god  of  Thunder  at  Ibadan.  Carved 
drums  and  stools  are  in  some  localities  shrines  for  the  reception  of 
ancestral  spirits  during  rites  of  ancestor  worship.  Wood-carving 
of  Negroes  should  not  be  considered  merely  as  a  form  of  esthetic 
expression;  on  the  contrary,  the  whole  background  of  the  social  and 
religious  life  should  be  taken  into  account  for  the  interpretation  of 
styles  and  symbolic  patterns. 

Some  domestic  utensils  show  excellent  workmanship,  and  among 
these  are  well-carved  wooden  spoons  and  food  bowls.  Wooden 
pillows  are  often  beautifully  carved,  and,  before  the  introduction  of 
metal  combs  from  Europe,  wooden  hair  combs  were  delicately 
wrought.  The  Vachokwe  of  eastern  Angola  still  produce  wooden 
combs  of  great  artistic  merit.  The  Barotse  and  the  Ovimbundu 
specialize  in  carving  figures  of  animals  in  natural  poses,  but  these 
have  no  magical  significance. 

Negro  carvers  have  a  trained  eye  for  geometrical  designs  (Fig. 
97,  a),  which  include  triangles  and  lozenges  that  are  well  arranged  in 
adaptation  to  the  form  of  the  surface  which  has  to  be  covered.  The 
most  intricate  design  is  one  formed  like  a  figure  eight  with  inter- 
sections, yet  devoid  of  confusion  and  overlapping.    This  design  may 


Fig.  97.    Wood-carving,  Nigeria. 


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Fig.  99.    Carved  wooden  staffs  and  clubs,  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokwe,  Angola. 
Scale  about  1:10. 

619 


620  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

be  seen  on  cups  carved  by  the  Bakuba,  on  the  lids  of  boxes  from 
Benin  (Fig.  98),  on  the  brasswork  of  Nigeria  (Fig.  105)  and  on  the 
appliqu^  leather  work  of  Kano. 

Decoration  of  gourds  (Fig.  101),  which  are  the  hard  outer  cases  of 
fruits  like  pumpkins,  is  a  widely  spread  occupation  of  Negroes;  the 
artisans  are  male  or  female  according  to  locality.  The  tools  generally 
used  are  a  thin  saw  for  dividing  gourds  and  a  long  scraper  for  cleaning 
out  the  contents.  A  long-necked  gourd,  when  divided  symmetrically 
along  its  length,  makes  two  ladles.  Sometimes  a  hole  is  cut  in  the 
rounded  portion  of  a  gourd  and  the  neck  is  used  as  a  handle.  Round 
gourds  if  cut  in  two  make  open  dishes  or  basins.  If  a  gourd  splits, 
the  crack  is  neatly  repaired  with  rattan  laced  through  holes. 

The  surface  of  the  gourd  may  be  left  in  a  natural  state,  and  the 
patterns  cut  with  a  pointed  knife;  or  they  may  be  burned  with  a 
hot  wire.  Techniques  are  of  great  variety.  In  southeast  Africa,  the 
decorative  incisions  are  often  filled  with  soft  white  clay  in  which 
colored  beads  are  embedded ;  these  are  kept  in  position  when  the  clay 
hardens.  In  Nigeria  alone,  at  least  six  distinctive  local  styles  may  be 
observed.  The  Yoruba  of  Ogbomosho  scrape  the  gourds  and  cut 
deeply  incised,  geometrical  patterns  on  the  surface,  which  is  quite 
white.  The  Nupe  of  Bida  stain  the  surfaces  deeply  with  indigo,  so 
that  the  incised  patterns  stand  out  boldly  in  white  on  a  blue  back- 
ground. In  Kano  and  Maiduguri  a  red  stain  is  used;  then  the  pat- 
terns are  produced  by  scraping  away  portions  of  the  red  stain  so  as 
to  show  the  original  yellow  or  white  color. 

Wood-carving  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  males  among  Negro 
tribes,  and  specialization  follows  personal  choice  and  natural  apti- 
tude. In  Ashanti  and  at  Bida  in  Nigeria,  the  making  of  stools  is  a 
highly  specialized  craft.  Among  the  Ovimbundu,  some  wood-carvers 
make  animals,  others  are  expert  as  carvers  of  stools,  and  certain 
specialists  make  drums. 

In  building  houses,  specialization  according  to  sex  is  followed; 
for  example,  among  the  Ovimbundu  men  cut  the  timbers,  dig  trenches 
for  the  insertion  of  upright  poles,  and  assisted  by  boys  cut  coarse 
grass  for  the  thatch.  Women  are  responsible  for  making  clay  to 
plaster  the  walls,  which  men  construct  by  fixing  crosspieces  of  timber 
to  the  uprights  by  lashings  of  bark  rope.  All  the  water  for  puddling 
the  clay  is  carried  by  women,  but  children  of  both  sexes  have  the 
task  of  tramping  the  clay  to  make  it  plastic.  Women  carry  clay  to 
the  male  plasterers.  The  workers  were  amused  with  my  suggestion 
that  a  change  of  tasks  could  take  place;  they  said  that  if  a  man 


Fig.  100.    Wood-carving,  Ovimbundu  tribe,  Angola. 
621 


622  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

carried  water  the  people  would  laugh  and  call  him  a  "he  woman." 
Division  of  labor  in  tribal  life  does  not  imply  inferiority  of  women, 
and  amusement  arises,  not  from  contempt  of  a  male  who  assists  in  a 
woman's  work,  but  from  a  sense  of  incongruity.  Men  readily  help 
women  to  drag  their  fishing  baskets  if  the  current  is  swift,  but  a 
youth  (homosexual)  who  dresses  as  a  girl  and  pounds  corn  with 
women  is  beaten  and  ridiculed. 

That  division  of  labor  is  not  a  disparagement  of  woman  by  giving 
her  menial  tasks,  is  indicated  by  the  local  differences  in  allocation  of 
tasks  to  males  and  females  respectively.  Usually  Negro  women 
make  pottery,  and  among  the  Ovimbundu  the  occupation  is  confined 
entirely  to  women ;  but  among  the  Baganda,  men  make  pottery,  and 
a  map  prepared  by  H.  Schurtz  (1900,  Plate  I)  shows  that  this  occupa- 
tion is  followed  by  males  in  several  parts  of  Uganda,  and  in  Bornu 
to  the  west  of  Lake  Chad.  The  distribution  map  indicates  an  area 
near  Gambia  and  Senegal  where  both  sexes  are  potters. 

In  some  Negro  tribes  both  men  and  women  are  weavers  of  cotton, 
and  the  task  of  spinning  is  given  to  males  or  females  according  to 
locality.  Women  of  the  Ovimbundu  tribe  make  all  the  baskets,  but 
only  men  make  mats,  and  a  general  study  of  sex  dichotomy  in  labor 
leaves  the  impression  of  arbitrary  selection.  Yet  the  division  of 
labor  may  not  be  fortuitous,  for  H.  von  Baumann's  research  tended  to 
show  that  division  of  labor  in  agriculture  depended  on  the  dominance 
of  matriarchal  or  patriarchal  conditions,  and  the  inference  is  that 
sex  division  of  labor  may  have  a  historical  connection  and  logical 
linkage  with  types  of  social  organization. 

In  connection  with  wood-carving,  some  of  the  principles  of  Negro 
art  will  be  mentioned ;  these  principles  apply  also  to  work  in  ivory 
and  casting  in  bronze.  But,  despite  the  similarity  of  the  esthetic 
principles  involved,  the  different  limitations  due  to  the  nature  of  the 
materials  in  which  the  artisan  is  working  should  be  recognized.  Knots 
and  flaws  in  wood,  bubbles  in  molten  bronze,  and  cracks  in  ivory 
test  the  patience  and  skill  of  the  worker.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
manufacturing  large  pots,  since  breakages  result  from  the  difficulty 
of  applying  heat  uniformly  to  the  entire  surface  at  the  same  time. 
To  prevent  such  an  occurrence,  the  pots  may  be  hardened  inside  by 
lighting  small  fires  in  them  before  the  batch  is  fired  in  the  kiln. 
Negroes  have  in  many  ways  shown  consummate  skill  in  overcoming 
difficulties  imposed  by  the  nature  of  the  material. 

Only  in  recent  years  have  Negro  sculpture  in  wood,  brass  work, 
and  carving  in  ivory  been  appreciated  in  Europe  and  America,  and 


Fig.  101.    Ornamented  gourds,  Nigeria.    Scale  about  1:7. 


623 


624  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

even  now  the  recognition  of  merit  is  dependent  on  a  consideration 
of  the  esthetic  principles  involved,  while  the  impetus  of  social  and 
religious  forces  is  neglected.  Art  should  never  be  considered  in  the 
abstract,  but  in  relation  to  the  cultural  background  which  is  funda- 
mental to  the  art  itself. 

Negro  art  is  an  expression  of  soul  and  power.  In  this  art  there  is 
a  projection  of  a  mental  background  which  has  brought  the  carving 
of  masks  and  figurines  to  its  present  perfection.  On  first  acquaintance 
with  African  art,  the  lack  of  natural  proportions  in  the  human  figures 
is  a  hindrance  to  the  perception  of  esthetic  values;  the  mass  is  seldom 
divided  so  as  to  give  natural  proportions  to  head,  body,  and  lower 
limbs. 

But  presently  a  student  realizes  that  the  peculiar  merit  of  Negro 
carving  arises  from  a  conventionalized  and  deliberately  planned 
treatment  of  line,  plane,  and  mass  according  to  the  laws  of  balance 
and  rhythm  accepted  by  Negro  craftsmen.  But,  in  achieving  an 
individual  standard  and  a  characteristic  style,  proportion  and 
naturalism  have  been  sacrificed.  The  art  of  Negroes  has  an  urge 
and  a  number  of  fundamental  concepts  that  an  observer  must  learn 
to  appreciate. 

These  comments  can  be  illustrated  by  consideration  of  three  con- 
crete examples  of  Negro  wood-carving  (Fig.  102).  Object  b  is  the 
head  of  an  ornamental  club,  which  consists  of  a  narrow  oval  mass 
of  wood  horizontally  placed.  This  oval  is  too  constricted  to  give 
a  natural  shape  to  the  head,  and  an  observer's  first  judgment  is  that 
the  long  axis  of  the  oval  should  be  in  the  same  plane  as  the  handle 
and  not  at  right  angles  to  it.  But  such  a  position  would  not  have 
satisfied  the  artist's  concept  for  carving  the  eyes  and  mouth;  he  felt 
that  all  the  ovals  must  lie  in  the  same  direction. 

Within  the  oval  mass  representing  the  head,  a  broad  swelling 
plane  at  each  side  represents  the  cheeks,  which  are  marked  by  pleasing 
curves  giving  a  sense  of  balance.  In  order  to  conform  in  contour 
with  the  head,  the  eye-sockets  are  deep  ovals  whose  major  axis  is 
parallel  with  the  axis  of  the  oval  head.  Within  the  eye-sockets, 
narrow  oval  eyes  are  carved.  These  are  separated  by  a  narrow  nose, 
not  a  life-like  nose,  but  one  designed  to  avoid  interference  with  the 
eye-sockets  and  the  curves  of  the  cheeks.  The  neck  is  too  long  to  be 
natural,  but  this  departure  from  proportion  was  necessary  in  order 
to  raise  the  head  above  the  shaft  of  the  club,  for  a  sculptured  head 
too  close  to  the  shaft  would  have  been  ineffective  and  paltry. 


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626  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  head  is  covered  with  carving  representing  the  usual  coiffure 
of  the  Vachokwe  tribe.  In  imitating  closely  braided  hair,  the  sculptor 
has  adopted  the  pleasing  effect  of  a  large  number  of  curves  repeated 
at  intervals,  with  symmetry.  When  carving  this  club,  the  artist 
conventionally  divided  the  mass.  He  effectively  employed  planes 
for  the  cheeks,  and  lines  served  his  purpose  for  details  of  hairdressing. 
Thus  he  intelligently  used  the  three  dimensions  of  mass,  plane,  and 
line  to  produce  a  preconceived  effect,  but  the  result  is  not  one  that 
conforms  to  the  natural  shapes  and  proportions  of  human  features. 

In  the  small  figurine  of  a  female  (Fig.  102,  a),  the  matrix  has  been 
divided  into  three  almost  equal  parts.  This  was  done  to  give  promi- 
nence to  the  main  feature,  which  is  an  abdominal  cavity  for  holding 
magical  substances,  when  the  figurine  is  used  in  connection  with  an 
ancestral  rite.  Had  the  legs  been  of  the  right  proportion,  the  abdomen 
would  have  been  too  high;  the  artist  desired  this  part  to  be  central. 
The  knees  were  flexed  to  shorten  the  legs,  and  the  importance  of  the 
cavity  was  emphasized  by  sculpturing  one  hand  of  the  figurine  on 
each  side  of  the  abdominal  hole.  The  use  of  mass,  plane,  and  line 
is  such  that  the  figure  can  be  turned  into  various  positions  with 
pleasing  results  in  the  combination  of  curves  and  planes  that  give 
symmetry  and  balance. 

A  squatting  hmnan  figure  (Fig.  102,  c)  on  the  top  of  a  hair  comb 
has  the  trunk  erect  and  the  knees  sharply  bent.  The  elbows  are 
flexed  and  the  forearms  are  vertical,  with  the  elbows  resting  on  the 
knees  and  the  fists  under  the  chin.  The  head  is  disproportionately 
large.  By  flexing  both  the  upper  and  the  lower  limbs  to  bring  the 
shins  and  forearms  into  a  straight  line,  then  by  enlargement  of  the 
head,  the  matrix  is  divided  into  three  equal  parts,  namely,  the  head, 
the  torso,  and  the  lower  limbs.  The  rigid  limbs  form  a  perfect  rec- 
tangle, and,  to  conform  with  the  outline  of  this,  the  sides  of  the  head 
are  straight  lines. 

Use  of  Bark. — Bark  of  trees  is  used  for  various  purposes.  The 
Ovimbundu  strip  cylinders  of  bark  from  trees,  divide  these  pieces 
longitudinally,  and  so  make  trays  for  carrying  objects.  A  small  pig 
is  transported  in  a  tray  of  this  kind  by  placing  the  animal's  feet 
through  holes  in  the  tray  and  tying  them  underneath.  Large  recep- 
tacles for  grain  are  made  by  rolling  strips  of  bark  and  sewing  the 
edges  together;  such  vessels  are  used  by  the  Vachokwe  of  eastern 
Angola.  Artistic  work  in  bark  is  a  specialized  craft  among  the  Wasu- 
kuma    and    Washashi    of    Tanganyika    Territory.      Illustrations 


Economic  Life 


627 


prepared  by  P.   Kollmann  (1899)  indicate  that  a  high  degree  of 
artistry  is  attained. 

Bark  cloth  is  still  made  by  some  Negro  tribes,  though  the  manu- 
facture is  falling  into  desuetude  owing  to  importation  of  foreign  cloth. 
In  eastern  and  central  Angola,  the  Vachokwe  and  the  Vangangella 
follow  a  typical  technique.  The  workers  strip  the  outer  bark  from 
a  tree  which  is  specially  chosen  for  this  purpose,  and  after  removal 
the  bark  is  soaked  for  several  days.    At  the  end  of  this  time  the  inner 


Fig.  103.    Grove,  Ife,  sacred  to  Ogun,  patron  of  blacksmiths.    Contains  first 
hammer  and  anvil  of  Ogun.    Remains  of  a  sacrificed  dog  are  on  the  anvil. 

layer  of  bark  is  easily  detached,  and  after  this  process  has  been  com- 
pleted the  sheet  is  laid  over  a  log  and  beaten  with  wooden  mallets. 
In  some  areas  from  which  bark  cloth  has  disappeared  from  common 
use  as  clothing,  it  is  still  employed  ceremonially  for  such  purposes  as 
wrapping  a  corpse  or  making  masks  and  costumes  for  initiation 
ceremonies.  Painting  of  bark  cloth  is  not  usual  in  Africa,  but  the 
art  is  known  among  the  Ashanti  of  west  Africa  and  the  Baganda  of 
the  northeast  (M.  Anna,  1936,  No.  1,  pp.  12-14). 


628 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Ironwork. — The  blacksmith's  craft  is  the  most  widely  distributed 
of  the  metal-working  industries,  and  forging  is  important  among 
all  Negro  and  Hamiticized  Negro  tribes.  The  ritualistic  aspect  of 
the  craft  is  sufficiently  important  to  require  separate  description, 
together  with  data  of  like  kind  relating  to  other  industries.     Iron- 


FlG.  104.    Bronze-casting  from  Benin.    Scale  about  1:4. 

work  is  discussed  by  W.  Belck  (1907,  pp.  335-381),  W.  Gowland 
(1912,  pp.  235-287),  and  F.  von  Luschan  (1909,  pp.  23-59).  Parting- 
ton and  Portier  (1935)  have  fully  considered  the  occurrence  and 
utilization  in  Africa  of  gold  and  silver  (pp.  23-39),  copper,  bronze, 
and  tin  (pp.  65-79),  and  iron  (pp.  97-100).  For  a  valuable  summary 
on  metallurgy  see  Cline  (1937,  large  bibliography). 


Economic  Life  629 

Rival  h3rpotheses  place  the  origin  of  the  craft  in  Asia,  in  Egypt, 
or  among  the  Negroes  themselves.  Data  given  by  W.  Gowland 
emphasize  the  importance  of  iron-smelting  in  Asia  and  southern 
Europe,  and  in  Egypt  also,  during  periods  predating  European  con- 
tacts with  Negro  Africa.  When  the  European  penetration  of  Negro 
Africa  began  in  the  early  sixteenth  century,  Negroes  were  expert 
blacksmiths,  and  so  far  as  chronological  considerations  are  con- 
cerned they  might  well  have  obtained  their  technique  from  Asiatic 
or  Egyptian  sources.  But  iron  ore  is  abundant  in  Africa  near  the 
surface,  and  Negroes  have  a  natural  aptitude  for  handicrafts;  there- 
fore, there  is  no  convincing  objection  to  the  theory  that  Negroes 
are  responsible  for  the  invention  of  their  craft,  though  certain  new 
ideas  relating  to  types  of  bellows  and  smelting  furnaces  may  have 
been  derived  from  Asia  Minor  or  India.  To  assume  that  Hamitic 
incursions  are  responsible  for  introducing  the  blacksmith's  craft 
into  Africa  seems  unwarranted,  since  the  pastoral  Hamites  as  they 
are  known  today  relegate  handicrafts  and  agriculture  to  sections  of 
their  communities  whose  social  status  is  considered  to  be  inferior 
to  that  of  herdsmen. 

The  practice  of  winning  iron  ore  and  smelting  it  in  high  furnaces 
in  which  alternate  layers  of  ore  and  charcoal  are  placed  is  becoming 
rare  among  Negroes,  who  now  collect  European  scrap  iron  and  forge 
it  in  charcoal  fires.  Blacksmiths  make  their  own  tools,  including 
hammers,  tongs,  files,  cutters,  borers,  punches,  and  pincers.  Anvils 
may  be  large  flat  stones  or  flat-topped,  iron  spikes  driven  in  the 
ground.  The  most  common  form  of  bellows  consists  of  two  or  four 
chambers  hollowed  from  a  large  block  of  wood;  the  fore  part  of  the 
block  tapers  to  a  nozzle  which  projects  into  a  clay  pipe  that  leads 
into  the  fire.  Over  the  chambers  coverings  of  hide  are  lashed,  and 
to  these,  long  straight  sticks  are  attached.  Air  is  pumped  by  working 
the  sticks  vigorously  up  and  down. 

Principal  products  of  the  forge  are  hoe  blades,  spearheads, 
arrowheads,  ax  blades,  and  in  regions  where  horses  are  used  bits, 
stirrups,  and  hobbles  are  manufactured.  Blades  of  knives  and 
swords  are  products  of  the  forge,  and  European  influence  is  some- 
times seen  in  the  manufacture  of  scissors,  tweezers,  and  razors  of 
jack-knife  pattern.  Some  blacksmiths  make  iron  wire  by  drawing 
strands  of  hot  iron  through  holes  in  an  iron  plate,  but  this  branch 
of  the  craft  is  not  of  general  distribution.  From  an  economic  and 
industrial  point  of  view,  the  blacksmith's  craft  is  of  fundamental 


630  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

importance  in  Negro  tribes.  For  distribution  of  types  of  bellows, 
see  L.  Frobenius'  "Atlas  Africanus." 

Metal-casting. — Working  with  imported  brass  has  two  main 
divisions  of  technique,  casting  in  molds  and  beating  the  metal  into 
sheets.  The  casting  process,  which  is  known  as  cire-perdue  or  "lost- 
wax,"  was  carried  out  with  bronze  at  Benin  when  the  Portuguese 
first  arrived  there  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  (Fig.  104). 
Both  copper  and  tin  are  obtainable  in  Nigeria,  and  the  alloy  consisted 
of  nine  parts  of  copper  to  one  part  of  tin.  At  the  time  of  first  Euro- 
pean contact,  the  art  had  reached  its  zenith,  but  a  decline  of  tech- 
nique has  gradually  taken  place. 

At  the  present  time,  the  Obba  of  Benin  maintains  in  his  courtyard 
a  small  industrial  school.  Here  he  endeavors  to  revive  the  ancient 
skill  and  pride  which  were  formerly  associated  with  carving  in  wood 
and  ivory,  and  casting  in  bronze.  Brass  is  now  used  for  metal 
work,  but  the  process  is  the  ancient  one  of  making  the  object  first  in 
wax.  The  wax  model  is  embedded  in  a  mass  of  clay,  which  is  heated 
so  that  the  wax  runs  out  from  a  hole  provided  for  that  purpose. 
Molten  brass  is  poured  into  the  mold  to  take  the  place  of  the  melted 
wax,  and  when  the  brass  has  solidified  the  mold  is  broken  away. 
The  object  is  then  smoothed  with  a  file  (H.  Balfour,  1910,  pp.  525- 
528;  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm,  1923,  No.  1). 

In  this  manner  bronze  heads,  staffs,  bells,  and  masks  were 
formerly  manufactured  for  use  in  religious  ceremonies  that  were 
performed  about  an  altar  in  the  Obba's  compound.  At  the  present 
day,  only  a  few  bronze  heads  remain  on  this  altar.  The  famous 
carved  ivory  tusks  were  absent  in  1930,  but  some  have  recently 
been  replaced  In  the  year  1897,  a  British  punitive  expedition 
sacked  Benin  as  a  reprisal  for  the  murder  of  British  subjects.  The 
treasures  of  bronze,  wood,  and  ivory  which  now  appear  in  museums 
and  private  collections  were  looted  at  that  time  (H.  L.  Roth,  1903; 
Marquart,  1913 ;  Von  Luschan  1916, 1919).  Unfortunately,  very  little 
information  was  obtained  respecting  the  uses  and  symbolism  of 
the  objects. 

The  geographical  distribution  of  centers  of  casting,  together  with 
similarity  of  technique  in  different  localities,  suggests  a  process  of 
diffusion  rather  than  several  independent  inventions.  The  origin  of 
the  craft  is  unknown,  but  casting  in  bronze  was  practiced  in  Egypt 
more  than  three  thousand  years  ago,  and  the  technique  of  west 
African  Negroes  may  well  be  a  derivative  from  that  of  ancient 
Egypt  (Petrie  1910,  p.  101).     Brass  is  still  cast  in  Ashanti,  Dahomey, 


Fig.  105.    Beaten  brasswork,  Nupe  tribe,  Bida.    Scale  about  1:5. 


631 


632  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  Cameroons,  and  Nigeria.  In  former  years,  casters  of  bronze 
formed  a  special  trade  clique  which  worked  only  in  the  ruler's  com- 
pound, where  materials,  personnel,  and  technique  were  under  royal 
control.  At  the  present  day,  casting  in  brass  tends  to  be  the  preserve 
of  particular  clans.  In  Nigeria,  the  Bachama  and  the  Bata,  like  the 
Bura  of  Bornu,  make  brass  tobacco  pipes  and  ornaments  by  the 
cire-perdue  process,  the  industry  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Killa 
clan  (Meek,  1931b,  vol.  1,  p.  23). 

Two  notable  centers  for  beaten  brasswork  are  Bida  (Fig.  105), 
and  Old  Calabar  in  Nigeria.  Workers  at  Bida  beat  out  the  cold 
metal  rods  into  thin  sheets,  which  are  gradually  pounded  to  the 
forms  of  bowls  and  trays.  Some  of  the  bowls  are  symmetrical  octa- 
gons or  hexagons,  and  trays  two  feet  in  diameter  are  made  in  this 
way.  Complex  geometrical  patterns  are  punched  on  the  surfaces. 
Certain  objects  show  European  influence,  but  scabbards  for  knives, 
bowls  for  holding  kola  nuts,  and  vessels  for  containing  water  for 
ablutions  before  prayer  are  of  Negro  provenance  and  technique. 

Silver. — Working  in  silver  is  geographically  restricted.  The 
distribution  and  technique  of  the  craft  suggest  that  this  trade 
migrated  across  the  Sahara  from  north  Africa,  where  in  Algeria  and 
Morocco  the  art  has  been  developed  for  a  long  period.  At  Agades 
in  the  south-central  Sahara,  silver  work  is  a  specialized  occupation, 
though  the  craft  is  sometimes  combined  with  that  of  the  blacksmith. 
Beaten  silver  work  is  made  at  Kano  in  northern  Nigeria  and  among 
the  Nupe  of  Bida  in  the  southwest  (J.  W.  Scott-Macfie,  1912,  pp. 
281-286).  Craftsmen  of  Bida  make  silver  sword  scabbards  and  hilts 
for  daggers.  The  finer  work  includes  satchels  for  charms,  and  the 
chains  for  suspension  are  of  excellent  technique.  Silver  rings  are 
cast  by  the  cire-perdue  process.  At  Kano,  the  beating  of  little  silver 
bowls,  finely  chased,  is  a  special  aspect  of  the  silversmith's  art. 

Pottery. — Making  pottery  is  a  staple  occupation  in  Negro  Africa, 
and  great  symmetry  is  obtained  without  the  use  of  a  potter's  wheel. 
Frequently  two  women  work  together,  one  preparing  sausage-like 
rolls  of  clay,  while  the  other  uses  these  to  build  up  the  pot  in  a  basket. 
The  clay  is  made  more  binding  by  adding  to  it  pulverized  fragments 
of  an  old  pot.  A  pot  is  usually  molded  to  shape  by  the  hands  of  the 
potter,  whose  only  tool  is  a  piece  of  gourd  with  which  she  smoothes 
the  wet  pot  inside  and  out.  Some  artisans  polish  the  outer  surface 
with  a  smooth  pebble  (Fig.  106,  a).  When  making  a  large  pot,  the 
lower  part  of  the  vessel  is  allowed  to  dry  before  the  middle  and  top 
sections  are  added;  otherwise,  the  weight  of  the  upper  part  would 


Fig.  106.    Making  pottery,  Ogbomosho,  Nigeria,     a.  Polishing  a  pot  with  a 
pebble,     b.  Firing  insides  of  pots. 


633 


» 


634  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

cause  the  damp  base  to  sag.  Some  workers  use  a  slat  of  wood  and  a 
stone  pounder  with  a  hand-grip  for  shaping  a  pot.  This  method  is 
followed  in  Kano,  Nigeria  (Fig.  107,  b). 

While  the  clay  is  damp,  ornament  may  be  added  by  pressing  a 
rope  round  the  pot,  by  rolling  a  grooved  stick,  by  notching  with  a 
sharp  sliver,  or  by  running  an  ornamented  metal  bracelet  round  the 
moist  clay.  After  the  pots  have  been  dried  in  the  sun,  they  are  baked 
in  a  kiln  made  from  a  heap  of  dry  grass.  In  some  regions,  a  vegetable 
or  mineral  varnish  is  applied  while  the  pots  are  hot,  so  that  a  bright- 
colored  surface  is  obtained.  Jet-black  pottery  is  sometimes  produced 
by  holding  the  vessels  in  smoke  which  permeates  the  pores.  The  insides 
of  pots  are  fired  to  prevent  cracking  while  in  the  kiln  (Fig.  106,  h). 

Glass. — Glass  is  made  at  Bida  in  Nigeria  and  at  another  center  in 
Ashanti  not  far  away.  The  origin  of  the  industry  is  unknown,  but 
the  few  men  who  are  employed  at  Bida  belong  to  a  family  which  has 
a  monopoly  of  the  glass  industry  by  hereditary  right.  The  artisans 
used  to  make  their  glass  from  silica,  but  now  they  melt  European 
bottles,  which  are  made  into  bangles  and  beads.  A  worker  takes 
from  the  clay  furnace  a  glowing  mass  of  glass,  which  he  manipulates 
at  the  ends  of  two  long  iron  rods  until  the  viscous  glass  is  drawn 
out  to  the  necessary  thickness.  White  streaks  are  introduced  into 
green  or  blue  glass  by  laying  on  the  molten  mass  thin  wisps  of  white 
glass  made  by  melting  European  beads.  The  product  is  a  colored 
bangle  flaked  with  white.    (R.  P.  Wild,  1937.) 

Stone. — Working  in  stone  is  not  a  common  Negro  industry,  but 
at  Ilorin  some  Yoruba  workmen  make  excellent  beads  from  cylinders 
of  hard,  polished  stone  about  two  inches  long.  The  beads  are  drilled 
with  an  iron  punch  that  is  tapped  with  a  small  hammer  while  the 
worker  holds  the  beads  between  his  toes.  The  beads  are  rubbed 
smooth  on  a  stone  (Hambly  1935a,  pp.  432,437;  F.  Daniel,  1937,  No.  2). 

Ivory. — Working  in  ivory  is  becoming  increasingly  rare  for 
reasons  previously  noted.  In  past  centuries,  the  Bini  of  Benin  pro- 
duced the  finest  ivory-carving  in  Negro  Africa,  chiefly  in  the  form 
of  large  ornamented  tusks  which  were  placed  at  each  side  of  the 
Benin  altar.  In  1930  only  two  small  tusks  were  in  the  artisan's  shop 
at  Benin.  Under  the  direction  of  the  Obba,  an  effort  was  being  made 
to  carve  these  in  the  traditional  manner.  A  knife  with  a  sharp  point 
was  the  instrument  used. 

The  Monbuttu  of  the  northeast  Congo  region  still  produce  carv- 
ing in  ivory.  The  statuettes  with  Negro  motifs  are  of  great  merit, 
but  much  of  the  work,  including  napkin  rings,  spoons,  crocodiles. 


Economic  Life  635 

and  elephants,  is  due  to  European  demand.  In  all  parts  of  Negro 
Africa,  ivory  bracelets  and  large  anklets  were  used,  but  these  are 
now  rare  owing  to  scarcity  of  ivory  and  introduction  of  European 
ornaments.  Near  the  coasts  of  Nigeria,  the  Cameroons,  and  French 
Equatorial  Africa,  pen  holders,  cigarette  holders,  flower  vases,  and 
animals  forms  are  carved  in  ivory  for  sale  to  foreigners  calling  at 
the  ports.  The  fashioning  of  ivory,  past  and  present,  has  been 
described  by  H.  Lang  (1918,  pp.  527-552),  and  E.  D.  Moore  (1931, 
pp.  649-655,  718-723)  has  shown  the  importance  of  the  ivory  and 
slave  trade  in  the  social  and  economic  life  of  Negroes. 

Hides  and  Leather. — Treatment  of  hides  is  an  industry  that  needs 
a  preliminary  classification  into  two  kinds  of  technique.  On  the 
one  hand,  there  is  the  elaborate  workmanship  of  centers  such  as 
Agades,  Kano,  Timbuktu,  and  areas  inhabited  by  the  Mandingo; 
here  the  products  are  carefully  tanned,  dyed  with  colors  of  indigenous 
make,  and  fashioned  into  a  variety  of  articles,  including  bags  and 
cushions  of  an  ornamental  kind.  This  industry  of  west  Africa  is 
probably  a  derivative  from  Morocco,  and  more  remotely  from  Egypt. 
Saddles  and  other  trappings  for  camels  and  horses  are  of  advanced 
technique,  and  each  center  of  manufacture  has  a  distinctive  style  of 
cutting,  and  ornamenting  by  pasting,  sewing,  or  plaiting.  The  use 
of  dyes  is  distinctive  of  certain  localities.  This  type  of  leather  work  has 
been  described  by  A.  van  Gennep  (1913),  and  Dupuis-Yakouba  (1921). 

On  the  other  hand,  and  as  a  noticeable  contrast  to  this  elaborate 
work,  there  are  widely  distributed  processes  of  treating  hides,  which 
are  neither  tanned  nor  dyed.  Men  of  the  Vakwanyama  tribe  of 
south  Angola  make  belts  and  skirts  for  women.  The  hides  are  soaked 
and  trodden  under  foot  (Fig.  94,  a)  until  they  are  pliable;  then  they 
are  pleated,  cut  as  skirts,  and  dressed  with  grease  and  red  powder 
made  by  desiccating  takula  wood  (Fig.  66,  a).  The  hair  is  not 
removed  from  the  hide.  Unprepared  hides,  from  which  the  fat  has 
been  scraped  without  any  other  operation,  are  used  by  many  tribes 
and  for  a  variety  of  purposes.  Women  of  the  Angas  tribe,  Nigeria, 
carry  infants  in  hide  bags  on  their  backs.  The  Ovimbundu  of  Angola 
cover  the  tops  of  their  wooden  stools  with  hide.  Zulu  and  Hottentot 
tribes  make  skin  cloaks  (karosses)  from  pelts  of  the  lynx  and  the  rock 
rabbit  (hyrax).  Many  Negro  tribes  make  leather  shields,  quivers, 
pouches,  and  membranes  for  drums,  by  a  simple  technique  such  as 
that  described  by  Vaughan-Kirby  (1918,  No.  23). 

Weaving. — The  history  of  the  cotton  shrub  in  Africa  is  uncertain, 
but  for  centuries  certain  Negroes  have  cultivated  the  plant,  and 


636  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

before  the  arrival  of  Europeans  weaving  on  primitive  looms  had 
attained  a  high  degree  of  proficiency.  The  types  of  African  looms 
have  been  described  in  detail  by  H.  Ling  Roth  (1917,  pp.  113-150), 
who  distinguishes  seven  main  varieties.  He  provides  a  map  showing 
the  geographical  distribution  of  each  type  and  discusses  the  possi- 
bilities of  their  introduction  from  foreign  sources,  together  with  the 
likelihood  of  independent  invention  in  Africa.  The  article  is  techni- 
cal, with  detailed  descriptions  of  the  parts  of  each  type  of  loom,  and 
an  account  of  the  methods  of  inweaving  colored  patterns.  Ling  Roth 
suggests  the  probability  that  the  loom  for  weaving  raffia  mats  (Fig. 
108,  6)  is  indigenous  to  the  heart  of  Africa,  and  the  vertical  cotton 
loom  may  have  been  adopted  from  an  ancient  Egyptian  prototype 
which  spread  over  north  Africa,  then  southward  into  west  Africa. 

In  addition  to  the  weaving  of  cotton,  the  spinning  of  cotton 
thread  is  an  important  industry  even  after  looms  have  been  aban- 
doned, because  the  yarn  is  required  for  repair  of  imported  cotton 
cloth.  The  employment  of  males  or  females  according  to  local  custom 
has  previously  been  mentioned.  In  Nigeria,  men  use  a  horizontal 
loom  for  weaving  cotton  (Fig.  108,  a)  but  women  use  an  upright  loom. 

The  dyeing  of  cotton  yarn,  especially  by  use  of  indigo  which  is 
contained  in  deep  pits  or  in  earthenware  vats,  is  a  typical  industry 
from  Sierra  Leone  to  the  Cameroons.  Imported  dyes  for  cotton  yarn 
and  basketry  are  recognizable  by  the  crudity  of  their  colors,  which 
are  a  noticeable  contrast  to  the  soft  shades  of  native  products.  Tie- 
dyeing  of  cloth  occurs  in  west  Africa,  but  the  procedure  is  not  general 
among  Negroes.  S.  de  la  Rue  (1930,  p.  192)  gives  an  account  of  the 
processes  he  saw  in  Liberia.  Several  dozen  stones  were  tied  in  a 
piece  of  imported  white  shirting.  Each  stone  was  tied  separately. 
White  marks  were  left  in  the  places  which  the  dye  could  not  touch 
because  of  the  tight  strings.  Some  of  the  finest  weaving  of  wool  is 
done  in  north  Africa  (Fig.  109),  and  compared  with  this,  Negro  work 
in  cotton  and  raffia  is  extremely  coarse. 

Weaving  in  raffia  fiber,  which  is  made  from  the  leaves  of  the 
raflia  palm,  is  carried  out  in  regions  of  west  and  central  Africa.  The 
photograph  (Fig.  108,  b)  shows  two  men  of  the  Cameroons  working 
typical  looms  of  the  upright  pattern.  With  this  apparatus  mats  are 
made,  and  into  these  colored  strands  of  raffia  are  worked  to  form 
geometrical  patterns.  The  technique  of  this  industry,  which  attains 
a  high  degree  of  specialization  in  the  southwest  Congo  regions,  has 
formed  the  subject  of  technical  articles  by  T.  A.  Joyce  (1925,  pp.  105- 
110)  and  J.  Maes  (1930b,  pp.  393-408). 


to 


W 


be 
c 

3 


as 
,0 


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•s 

55 


.!S 


bo 

a 


Fig.  108.    Weaving  by  men.     a.  Weaving  cotton,  Kano,  Nigeria,     b.  Weav- 
ing raffia  fiber,  Cameroons. 


638 


Economic  Life 


639 


The  plaiting  of  mats  and  baskets  by  hand  from  raffia  and  grass 
is  a  common  occupation  of  Negroes,  male  or  female,  according  to 
locality.  Specialization  is  practiced  in  the  manufacture  of  different 
types;  among  the  Ovimbundu  three  kinds  of  mats  are  used,  and  mat 
makers,  who  are  always  males,  specialize  in  one  of  the  three  varieties. 
Binding  wisps  of  grass  to  make  coils,  and  the  fastening  of  these  to 
form  baskets  was  an  Egyptian  craft  several  thousand  years  ago. 


Fig.  109.    Woven  Kabyle  rug  (presented  to  Field  Museum  by  Mr.  Homer 
E.  Sargent). 


Fig.  110.    Beaded  gourds  for  holding  palm  wine.    Scale  about  1 : 5. 


640 


Fig.  111.    Beaded  wooden  stool,  central  Cameroons.    Scale  about  1:5. 


641 


642  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  Ovimbundu,  in  common  with  many  Negro  tribes,  excel  in 
making  dyes  for  coloring  the  vegetable  fiber  used  for  weaving  patterns 
into  the  baskets;  the  colors  are  amber,  blue,  red,  and  black.  All  the 
shades  are  soft  and  the  colors  do  not  fade  when  exposed  to  sunlight. 
The  method  of  making  these  dyes  consists  of  boiling  the  fiber  in  a 
solution  of  the  color  required;  the  pigments  are  extracted  from 
indigenous,  uncultivated  plants.  Black  coloring  is  produced  by 
soaking  fiber  in  a  particular  kind  of  black  mud.  Variety  in  shade  is 
secured  by  adding  to  the  boiling  pigment  a  quantity  of  mud  in  which 
an  iron  stain  is  found;  this  changes  a  bright  red  to  a  reddish  brown. 

Bead  Work. — Skilled  work  with  imported  beads  is  characteristic 
of  the  central  Cameroons,  where  beaded  flasks,  stools,  and  stems  for 
tobacco  pipes  are  made  (Figs.  110,  111).  For  a  description  of  aggrey 
beads  see  C.  H.  Read  (1905),  Cardinall  (1924-25).  Zulu  tribes  make 
girdles  and  headbands  with  inwoven  colored  beads. 

Covering  basketry  closely  with  cowrie  shells  is  an  indigenous 
Negro  occupation  which  reaches  its  highest  development  at  Kano 
in  northern  Nigeria,  and  parts  of  Cameroons.  Artisans  cover  bas- 
kets and  platters  with  neatly  sewn  cowries  placed  so  closely  that  the 
basket  cannot  be  seen.  In  a  few  centers  glass,  stone,  or  eggshell  beads 
are  made  by  Negroes,  but  artisans  rely  chiefly  on  imported  beads. 

Ritual  and  Occupation 

Even  among  the  Ovimbundu  and  other  Negro  tribes  which  have 
been  in  contact  with  Europeans  for  centuries,  ritual  and  occupa- 
tion are  not  yet  divorced.  The  ceremony  of  inaugurating  a  young 
blacksmith  among  the  Ovimbundu  is  typical  of  the  rites  which  pre- 
vail among  Negroes  in  connection  with  the  ironworker's  craft. 
While  the  master  blacksmith  is  finishing  the  large  hammer  onjundo, 
which  will  be  presented  to  the  pupil  together  with  other  tools,  the 
youth  stands  on  an  anvil.  After  the  sacrificial  animals  have  been 
slain  and  the  tools  sprinkled  with  their  blood,  the  master  says, 
"You  may  speak  and  tell  us  what  name  you  want."  Perhaps  the 
novice  will  say,  "I  am  Ndumbu,"  whereupon  the  spectators  clap 
hands,  make  a  trilling  with  their  mouths,  and  shout  the  name 
Ndumbu  as  the  boy  steps  from  the  anvil.  This  and  other  ritual  acts 
connected  with  occupations  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  reported  by 
Hambly  (1934a,  pp.  157-167). 

This  instance  of  rites  in  connection  with  a  blacksmith's  work  is 
typical  of  beliefs,  ritual,  and  taboos  associated  with  this  craft  in 
Negro  and  Hamiticized  tribes;  seldom  is  the  ironworker's  occupation 


Economic  Life  643 

regarded  as  secular  only.  Reference  to  Fig.  103  illustrates  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  blacksmith's  occupation  at  If  ^  in  Nigeria.  There  the  grove 
sacred  to  Ogun,  patron  of  the  blacksmiths,  may  be  seen  today.  A 
large  stone,  said  to  be  the  first  hammer  of  Ogun,  is  prominent  in  the 
grove,  and  not  far  away  is  a  stone  anvil  on  which  a  sacrifice  of  a  dog 
is  made  periodically.  Blacksmiths  of  the  Ibo  of  Nigeria  form  a 
union  which  resents  any  attempt  to  pry  into  the  craft  secrets. 

Southwest  of  Lake  Bangweolo  a  small  shrine  is  erected  near  the 
smelting  furnace,  where  a  prayer  is  offered  to  the  spirits  of  former 
smelters  before  the  work  of  smelting  is  begun  (H.  B.  Barnes,  1926, 
p.  191).  The  Ba-ila  have  a  principal  blacksmith  named  the  "iron 
doctor,"  who  conducts  ceremonies  connected  with  digging  iron  ore 
and  smelting  it.  Secrets  of  the  craft,  which  is  hereditary  from 
father  to  son,  are  handed  down  in  families  (Smith  and  Dale,  1920, 
vol.  1,  p.  102).  Torday  and  Joyce  (1905,  p.  406)  say  that  blacksmiths 
of  the  Bambala  have  a  T-shaped  hammer  with  a  pointed  handle. 
"It  is  practically  impossible  to  obtain  a  specimen  of  these  hammers, 
since  death  is  the  portion  of  a  smith  who  parts  with  his  tools."  The 
Masai  and  other  Hamiticized  pastoral  tribes  declare  that  blacksmiths 
are  unlucky  with  cattle  and  must  not  keep  them ;  therefore,  workers 
in  iron,  though  not  necessarily  despised,  form  a  separate  caste,  with 
their  own  rites,  occupations,  and,  in  some  instances,  language 
(G.  W.  B.  Huntingford,  1931,  No.  262;  W.  Cline,  1937,  pp.  114-128). 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  traces  of  ritual  other  than  that  pertaining 
to  blacksmiths  still  remain,  and  in  the  majority  of  tribes  there  are 
similar  acts  that  may  be  vestigial  rites  of  ceremonies  that  were 
formerly  more  complex.  The  researches  of  R.  S.  Rattray  indicate 
that,  in  Ashanti,  ritual  associated  with  handicrafts  is  particularly 
well  preserved  (Rattray,  1923,  pp.  215-315). 

In  former  days,  Ashanti  craftsmen,  including  metal  workers, 
weavers,  potters,  and  wood-carvers  settled  near  Kumasi  to  work  for 
the  king,  and  the  idea  of  trades  guilds  was  developed.  A  black- 
smith's forge  was  consecrated  by  killing  a  fowl  and  allowing  the 
blood  to  drip  on  the  forge.  In  Ashanti,  eggs,  which  are  symbols  of 
fertility,  are  often  used  in  making  sacrifices.  The  breaking  of  eggs 
against  a  forge  and  rubbing  the  bellows  with  broken  eggs  are  typical 
of  many  similar  rites.  Sometimes  the  bellows  of  a  blacksmith  are 
used  as  a  shrine  on  which  the  wife  of  a  blacksmith  has  to  swear  her 
innocence  if  accused  of  adultery. 

Bark  cloth  is  still  of  ceremonial  importance.  At  the  odwira 
ceremony  for  invoking  aid  from  the  spirits  of  dead  kings,  the  reigning 


644  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

king  discards  his  robes  and  attires  himself  in  bark  cloth.    Bark  cloth 
is  used  as  shrouds  for  the  royal  dead. 

Weaving  cotton  is  confined  to  Ashanti  males,  but  women  who 
have  reached  the  menopause  plant  cotton  seeds,  pick  the  cotton, 
remove  the  seeds  (ginning),  and  spin  the  thread  in  preparation  for 
weaving.  Women  are  debarred  from  weaving  because  of  their 
menstrual  periods,  and  a  menstruating  woman  must  not  touch  a 
loom  or  speak  directly  to  her  husband  if  he  is  a  weaver.  A  weaver's 
sons  generally  become  weavers,  and  a  hereditary  right  to  certain 
patterns  is  handed  down  in  families.  In  olden  times,  the  king  held 
the  copyright  of  all  new  designs,  some  of  which  he  reserved  for  his 
own  use,  while  the  use  of  other  patterns  was  granted  to  court 
officials.  Plain  cloth  is  sometimes  stamped  with  wooden  blocks 
that  have  been  dipped  in  dye  prepared  from  bark  boiled  with  iron 
slag,  and  the  designs  have  names  with  historical,  allegorical,  and 
magical  significance.  Facts  bearing  on  weaving  show  the  develop- 
ment of  a  specialized  industry  with  advanced  technique,  whose 
success  depends  on  division  of  labor  according  to  sex,  hereditary 
rights,  and  the  observance  of  rites  and  prohibitions. 

Wood-carving  is  closely  associated  with  religious  belief  in  Ashanti 
because  of  the  sacred  nature  of  the  products  which  are  used  as  sym- 
bols and  shrines.  Ancestral  stools  which  now  function  in  rites  of 
ancestor  worship  are  the  most  important  product  of  the  wood -carver, 
while  figurines  representing  sacred  persons,  drums,  and  umbrellas 
have  more  than  a  secular  function  because  of  their  association  with 
religious  rites.  Before  wood  can  be  used  for  making  a  sacred  object, 
the  tree  which  is  to  be  felled  receives  a  sacrifice  of  eggs  or  a  fowl,  in 
order  to  propitiate  the  spirit  within  the  wood.  Wine  and  blood  are 
poured  over  tools  so  that  they  will  cut  well,  yet  without  danger  to 
the  artisan.  Unfaithfulness  of  a  wife  will  cause  her  husband  to  cut 
himself.  Many  objects  made  by  wood-carvers  are  evidently  tangible 
links  between  the  sacred  and  the  secular. 

In  connection  with  the  potter's  art  in  Ashanti,  many  beliefs  and 
prohibitions  exist.  Making  pots  is  a  hereditary  craft  which  is  handed 
from  mother  to  daughter,  but  men  fashion  bowls  for  their  tobacco 
pipes,  also  certain  forms  of  pottery  that  a  woman  must  not  make 
lest  she  become  barren.  A  lucky  girl  is  chosen  to  ignite  the  fire  for 
baking  the  pots,  and  the  pots  must  not  be  counted  before  baking. 
To  break  a  pot  intentionally  is  a  serious  offence  which  is  expiated  by 
sacrifice  of  a  sheep.  Taffo  near  Santan  River  is  a  center  for  pottery, 
but  clay  must  not  be  taken  from  the  river  on  Friday.    Sacrifice  has 


Economic  Life  645 

to  be  offered  at  the  Santan  River  as  an  annual  ceremony,  and  as  a 
special  rite  if  baking  is  resulting  in  the  fracture  of  pots.  The  sacri- 
fices consist  of  fowls  and  palm  oil,  offered  to  the  spirit  of  the  river, 
to  whom  a  petition  for  success  in  making  pottery  is  addressed. 

The  most  impressive  fact  in  connection  with  every  phase  of 
economic  life,  whether  hunting,  agriculture,  fishing,  rearing  cattle, 
or  proficiency  in  handicraft,  is  the  spiritual  attitude  of  the  workers. 
Training  and  skill  are  not  disdained;  on  the  contrary,  both  are 
fostered  by  selection  according  to  natural  ability,  hereditary  right, 
and  the  formation  of  guilds.  Fundamental  factors  in  the  division 
of  labor  are  age,  sex,  and  specialization  within  each  trade.  All 
these  social  factors  constitute  the  secular  requirements  necessary 
for  industrial  efficiency.  But  more  important  are  spiritual  require- 
ments, which  give  an  urge  and  a  guarantee  of  success. 

Religion  and  magic  are  the  vitalizing  principles  of  economic  life; 
therefore,  industrial  competence  is  thought  to  depend  on  the  preserva- 
tion of  beliefs,  ritual  observances,  and  prohibitions.  Foremost 
among  the  spiritual  aids  to  successful  labor  are  rites  of  ancestor 
worship  on  which  fruitful  agriculture  depends,  while  successful 
hunting  is  likewise  dependent  on  magical  observances  or  definite 
acts  of  ancestor  worship.  But,  in  addition  to  these  major  observances 
which  assure  a  supply  of  food,  achievement  in  industry  depends  on 
numerous  minor  rites  and  taboos  without  which  an  artisan  feels  that 
his  skill  will  be  void. 

ADDITIONAL  REFERENCES 

Agriculture  and  General  Economics. — M.  J.  Field  (1930,  food  in 
west  Africa),  E.  E.  Hoyt  (1926,  primitive  trade),  L.  P.  Mair  (1933b, 
pp.  187-205,  land  tenure  among  the  Baganda),  R.  R.  Marett  (1934, 
pp.  197-208,  food  and  ritual),  M.  Mead  (1936,  general  primitive 
economics),  A.  I.  Richards  (1932,  nutrition  as  the  basis  of  society), 
R.  C.  Thurnwald  (1932,  general  economics  of  primitive  people). 

Domestic  Animals.— M.  Hilzheimer  (1930,  pp.  472-483). 

Hunting.— A.  G.  0.  Hodgson  (1926b,  pp.  59-70),  S.  Lagercrantz 
(1934b,  pp.  793-807,  harpoons). 

Fishing. — H.  A.  Fosbrooke  (1934,  east  Africa),  G.  Hartter  (1906, 
pp.  51-63,  Ewe  people,  west  Africa),  S.  Lagercrantz  (1934a,  types 
of  fish  hooks). 

Calendar  and  Counting. — G.  Beyer  (1919,  astronomy  of  the  Suto), 
R.  E.  Dennett  (1916-17b,  Yoruba  counting),  K.  R.  Dundas  (1908, 
No.  19,  Kikuyu  calendar),  L.  H.  Gray  (1913a,  general  description 


646  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

of  African  calendars),  W.  Hirschberg  (1931,  Arabian  and  Persian 
influence  on  calendar;  1933a,  time  reckoning  among  the  Masai),  P.  G. 
Holtker  (1928,  time  and  counting  in  northwest  Africa),  H.  F. 
Matthews  (1917,  pp.  84-94),  C.  Monteil  (1905,  pp.  485-502,  Man- 
dingo  numeration),  M.  P.  Nilsson  (1920,  general  work  on  primitive 
time  reckoning),  J.  Sechefo  (1909-10,  Basuto  lunar  calendar). 

Art  and  Handicraft,  General  Principles. — F.  Boas  (1927),  H. 
Clouzot  and  A.  Level  (1919),  C.  Einstein  (1920),  J.  W.  Gill  (1931), 
P.  Guillaume  and  T.  Munro  (1926),  G.  Hardy  (1927),  H.  S.  Harrison 
(1926,  No.  74;  1926,  No.  101;  1927,  No.  28,  factors  involved  in 
invention  and  diffusion),  W.  Hausenstein  (1923,  world-wide  study); 
T.  A.  Joyce  and  H.  J.  Braunholtz  (1925,  pp.  189-259),  R.  Karutz 
(1927),  J.  Maes  and  L.  Lavachery  (1926,  1930),  0.  Nuoffer  (1928), 
F.  Poncetton  (1930),  L.  Rutimeyer  (1911),  E.  von  Sydow  (1928, 
1930,  1932),  K.  Weule  (1926). 

REGIONAL  AND  TRIBAL  STUDIES 

West  Africa.— D.  Clarke  (1935,  pp.  129-137,  sculpture),  F.  de 
Coutouly  (1931,  houses),  P.  Germann  (1910,  the  Cameroons  plastic 
art),  H.  U.  Hall  (1923,  1928a,  b),  W.  Hein  (1900),  H.  Himmelheber 
(1935),  E.  A.  Hooton  (1917,  Benin  antiquities  in  Peabody  Museum), 
C.  Kjersmeier  (1934),  D.  Real  (1920,  art  of  Dahomey),  G.  A. 
Stevens  (1935),  E.  G.  Waterlot  (1926,  Dahomey),  F.  de  Zeltner 
(1915,  Sudan),  M.  Delafosse  and  R.  Verneau  (1894). 

Belgian  Congo. — Annales  du  Mus^e  du  Congo  Beige  (see  Bibliog- 
raphy of  Periodicals),  G.  Schweinfurth  (1875),  H.  von  Baumann 
(1927,  pp.  1-131). 

East  Africa.— F.  Stuhlmann  (1910). 

South  Africa.— G.  Quick  (1935). 

TECHNOLOGY 

Baskets. — H.  H.  Bobart  (1936,  a  general  work  on  all  types  of 
baskets),  F.  H.  Sterns  (1918,  Bisharin  baskets). 

Carved  Gourds. — F.  H.  Sterns  (1917,  Darfur  gourds),  M.  Griaule 
and  G.  Dieterlen  (1935,  Dahomey). 

Clothing. — H.  Schurtz  (1891),  an  important  article  on  all  types 
of  African  clothing,  leather,  palm  fiber,  etc. 

Iron.—T.  C.  Crowhall  (1933,  No.  48),  E.  D.  Earthy  (1934,  No. 
180),  G.  A.  Wainwright  (1936). 

Pottery.— J.  W.  Crowfoot  (1925),  G.  M.  Culwick  (1935,  No.  185), 
P.  W.  Laidler  (1932),  H.  A.  MacMichael  (1922,  pp.  33-88),  W.  E. 
Nicholson  (1929,  No.  34),  T.  P.  O'Brien  and  S.  Hastings  (1933,  No.  202) . 


Section  IV.    The  European  Period 


I.  EXPLORATION 

Maritime  Enterprise 

Exploration  of  the  coast  and  interior  regions  of  Africa  by  geogra- 
phers, adventurers,  traders,  and  missionaries  provides  a  logical 
introduction  to  a  review  of  the  political,  commercial  and  social 
problems  of  the  present  day. 

In  exploration,  as  in  literature  and  art,  the  achievements  of  one 
genius  have  stimulated  the  ambition  of  others;  consequently,  progress 
has  been  marked  by  periodical  activity,  with  intervals  in  which  no 
advance  was  made  except  the  addition  of  details  by  those  who 
followed  the  steps  of  a  first  pioneer.  Therefore,  the  natural  tendency 
has  been  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  a  few  names  of  distinction, 
while  ignoring  the  efforts  of  many  who  consolidated  the  initial 
enterprise. 

But  to  rectify  these  omissions  by  attempting  a  detailed  account 
of  the  opening  up  of  Africa  would  result  only  in  a  colorless  list  of 
names  and  dates,  and  space  will  permit  no  more  than  an  outline 
that  provides  a  basis  for  discussing  the  problems  which  have  resulted 
from  the  partitioning  of  Africa  among  European  powers.  Details 
of  exploration  may  be  filled  in  by  consulting  Keane  (1907)  and 
Featherman  (1885)  for  the  period  A.D.  1600-1880.  Two  useful 
introductory  textbooks  on  the  opening  up  of  Africa  are  by  H.  H. 
Johnston  (1899,  1911).  Current  exploration  is  reported  in  the 
periodicals  listed  in  the  Bibliography  of  Periodicals  under  the 
following  abbreviations:  BSGI,  BSNG,  GJ,  GR,  L'AF,  LG,  NGM, 
PM,  UE. 

The  first  achievement  in  a  long  but  interrupted  period  of  maritime 
enterprise  is  that  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (IV,  42),  who  gives  an 
account  of  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  Phoenicians  sent  out 
by  Necho,  king  of  Egypt,  about  600  B.C.  The  voyage  occupied  three 
years,  during  which  the  navigators  sailed  round  Africa  from  the  Red 
Sea  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  now  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar.  In 
modern  times,  there  is  a  difficulty  in  appreciating  the  courage  which 
was  necessary  for  early  maritime  enterprise.  Navigators  of  the 
fifteenth  century  feared  that  the  edge  of  the  world  might  be  reached, 
while  imagination,  unrestrained  by  scientific  knowledge,  pictured 
Cyclopean  giants,  strange  monsters  of  land  and  sea,  and  the  wrath 
of  a  deity  who  might  punish  an  impious  curiosity. 

To  Herodotus  (500  B.C.),  historians  are  indebted  for  a  description 
of  the  silent  trade  of  the  Carthaginians  on  the  northwest  coast  of 

649 


650  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Africa.  Merchants  from  Carthage  set  their  merchandise  ashore. 
Then  they  retired  to  their  ships  and  made  a  great  smoke,  while  the 
inhabitants  deposited  gold  and  withdrew  to  a  distance.  If  the 
quantity  of  gold  was  sufficient  payment  for  the  goods,  the  Carthagin- 
ians accepted  it  and  sailed  away,  possibly  without  a  glimpse  of  their 
customers;  but  if  dissatisfied  with  the  gold  tendered,  the  Carthagin- 
ians returned  to  their  vessels  and  awaited  a  further  offer.  Neither 
party  wronged  the  other,  and  long  after  the  Phoenician  city  of 
Carthage  had  been  sacked  by  Rome  this  silent  trade  continued 
between  Spaniards  and  Africans,  even  into  the  fifteenth  century 
(Grierson,  1903;  Bovill,  1929). 

From  Carthage  sailed  Hanno,  whose  voyage  to  the  Island  of 
Gorillas  (or  chimpanzees),  about  the  year  500  B.C.  is  one  of  the 
classical  exploits  of  early  discovery.  Hanno's  Mountain  of  Cave 
Dwellers  may  be  the  Atlas  Range,  the  River  of  Crocodiles  and 
Hippopotamuses  is  possibly  the  Senegal,  and  the  "high  green  head- 
land" is  likely  to  have  been  Cape  Verde.  The  island  of  Sherbro 
near  the  coast  of  Sierra  Leone  might  be  Hanno's  "island  of  hairy 
men."  But  none  of  the  attempts  to  reconcile  the  geography  of 
Hanno's  narrative  with  the  present  coast-line  have  been  successful 
(Palmer,  1931;  Bovill,  1933a,  p.  15). 

The  Nilotic  explorations  of  centurions  sent  by  Nero  about  60 
A.D.,  and  the  Saharan  journey  of  Julius  Maternus  about  eighty  years 
later  have  previously  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  history 
of  the  Roman  Empire  in  north  Africa. 

The  most  important  document  relating  to  early  exploration  of 
the  Indian  Ocean  (Erythrean  Sea)  is  the  Periplus.  Copies  of  this 
manuscript  in  London  and  Heidelberg  do  not  enable  historians  to 
determine  either  the  exact  date  or  the  authorship  of  the  record. 
But  the  descriptions  of  trade  along  the  east  coast  of  Africa,  and 
with  India,  indicate  that  the  writer  was  an  Egyptian  merchant  of 
Greek  extraction,  who  was  personally  engaged  in  commerce.  W.  H. 
Schoff  (1912)  finds  that  the  document  was  prepared  probably  about 
A.D.  60.  An  important  contribution  of  the  Periplus  to  geographical 
knowledge  is  a  proof  of  the  extension  of  Africa  and  India  far  to  the 
south  of  points  that  had  been  previously  considered  as  the  southern 
limits  of  land. 

A  map  prepared  by  Strabo  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  our  era 
shows  an  inaccurate  outline  of  Europe,  a  small  portion  of  north 
Africa  marked  Libya,  the  Arabian  peninsula,  and  a  rectangle  of  land 
for  Asia.    Twenty-five  years  later  Mela  gave  a  rough  outline  of  a 


Exploration  651 

mass  of  land  in  the  southern  hemisphere,  as  if  he  guessed  at  the 
southern  extension  of  Africa  and  the  presence  of  Australia.  This 
southern  land  was  later  mapped  by  Ptolemy,  a  Greek,  who  lived  in 
Alexandria  about  a.d.  150.  A  complete  survey  of  early  cartography 
has  been  made  by  De  la  Ronciere  (1925),  who  reproduces  many  maps 
from  the  time  of  Ptolemy  to  a.d.  1600.  Bovill's  "Caravans  of  the 
Old  Sahara"  also  includes  prints  of  several  old  maps,  and  a  summary 
of  explorations. 

Following  a  period  of  speculative  geography,  a  remarkable  era 
of  navigation  and  interior  exploration  was  begun  by  the  Portuguese. 
Under  the  direction  of  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  (1394-1460),  a 
school  for  mariners  and  cartographers  was  founded  near  Cape  Saint 
Vincent.  With  the  aid  of  Genoese  shipbuilders  and  men  trained  in 
the  school  of  Prince  Henry,  tentative  explorations  of  the  northwest 
coast  of  Africa  began. 

In  1419  the  Portuguese  discovered  the  Madeira  Islands,  which 
are  still  a  Portuguese  possession,  and  there  they  introduced  the  vine. 
Exploration  in  the  Gulf  of  Guinea  resulted  in  Portuguese  occupation 
of  the  islands  of  Fernando  Po,  Sao  Thom^,  and  Principe.  A  fort  was 
built  at  Elmina  on  the  Gold  Coast,  but  later  this  was  taken  by  the 
Dutch,  who  settled  on  the  coast  of  Dahomey,  Nigeria,  and  the 
Cameroons.  In  1460  a  Portuguese  captain  reached  the  Cape  Verde 
Islands,  and  another  navigator  of  the  same  school  entered  the 
mouth  of  the  River  Gambia. 

The  year  1487,  five  years  before  the  discovery  of  America,  is  an 
important  date  in  the  history  of  Portuguese  navigation.  In  this 
year  Bartholomew  Diaz  sailed  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  but 
contrary  winds  and  a  threatened  mutiny  of  his  crew  deprived  him 
of  the  success  that  a  few  years  later  rewarded  the  intrepidity  of 
Vasco  da  Gama. 

After  sailing  round  the  southern  extremity  of  south  Africa, 
Vasco  da  Gama  touched  Malindi  on  the  east  coast,  where  he  found 
an  Arab  navigator  who  piloted  his  vessel  to  India  in  twenty-three 
days;  but  three  months  were  spent  in  tacking  back  to  Africa  against 
contrary  winds.  This  voyage  led  to  the  founding  of  Portuguese 
settlements  on  the  west  and  east  coasts  of  Africa,  the  opening  of  a 
sea  route  from  Europe  to  India,  and  a  consequent  decline  of  the 
overland  trade  from  Europe  to  Asia.  J.  de  Barros  (1496-1570)  was 
the  first  great  Portuguese  historian.  He  had  practical  experience 
in  west  Africa  and  India,  and  in  addition  to  this  he  was  a  careful 
compiler  of  historical  and  geographical  records  which  bear  on  the 


652  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

activities  of  Arabs  and  Portuguese,  The  first  volume  of  his  "Asia" 
was  pubHshed  in  the  year  1522;  the  last  volume  appeared  in  1615, 
posthumously. 

The  name  of  Diogo  Cao  (1482)  is  associated  with  exploration 
along  the  lower  Congo,  formerly  known  as  the  Zaire.  He  sailed  up 
the  river  to  the  Falls  of  Yelala  and  there  left  on  the  rocks  inscriptions 
that  remain  to  this  day.  The  sculptured  record  includes  the  royal 
arms  of  Portugal,  the  Christian  symbol  of  the  Cross,  and  a  list  of 
members  of  the  expedition,  some  of  whom  are  known  to  have  sailed 
later  with  Vasco  da  Gama.  Eleven  years  later,  Diogo  Cao  ascended 
the  Congo  and  founded  the  town  of  San  Salvador.  This  settlement 
became  a  center  of  missionary  enterprise  and  political  intrigue,  both 
of  which  deeply  affected  the  course  of  events  among  powerful  Negro 
confederacies  of  the  region. 

Gradually  the  Portuguese  established  themselves  on  the  coast 
of  Angola  (Portuguese  West  Africa).  A  small  part  of  Angola  is 
situated  north  of  the  Congo  estuary,  but  this  is  unimportant  com- 
pared with  the  large  portion  of  Angola  south  of  the  river.  From 
1576  onward  the  maritime  towns  of  Loanda,  Benguela,  and  Mos- 
samedes  were  founded,  providing  bases  from  which  military  and 
commercial  expeditions  penetrated  the  interior. 

The  Portuguese  made  a  contribution  to  the  culture  of  Africa  by 
introducing  maize,  manioc,  groundnuts,  and  possibly  sweet  pota- 
toes, from  South  America.  Angolan  tribes,  especially  the  Bih^ans, 
were  encouraged  to  conduct  caravans  into  the  far  interior  in  search 
of  ivory  and  slaves,  two  items  of  merchandise  that  have  colored 
the  history  of  Africa.  From  the  eastern  side  of  the  continent,  the 
Portuguese  were  equally  active,  for  they  wished  to  gratify  the 
ambition  of  connecting  their  west  and  east  coast  possessions  by  a 
chain  of  military  and  trading  centers. 

Colonial  expansion  of  the  Portuguese  is  attributable,  not  only 
to  enterprising  explorers  and  traders,  but  also  to  Jesuit  missionaries, 
who  made  converts  of  powerful  African  chiefs.  These  chiefs  then 
exerted  their  influence  in  favor  of  the  Portuguese.  As  early  as  1491, 
Diogo  Cao  brought  missionaries  to  the  Congo,  and  an  important 
evangelizing  center  was  founded  at  San  Salvador.  The  writings  of 
A.  Cavazzi  (1687)  and  J.  Merolla  (see  A.  and  J.  Churchill  1704, 
vol.  1)  contain  material  of  historical  and  ethnological  importance. 
Torday  (1928b)  has  collated  historical  evidence  to  show  the  widely 
spread  political  and  cultural  influence  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Congo. 


Exploration  653 

On  the  east  side  of  Africa,  Portuguese  Jesuit  missions,  together 
with  military  and  commercial  enterprise,  attempted  exploration 
of  the  Zambezi  basin.  Two  important  Portuguese  centers  were 
founded  at  Tete  and  Zumbo,  but  an  attempt  at  Christianizing  the 
powerful  kingdom  of  Monomotapa  was  unsuccessful. 

Near  Massawa,  which  is  now  in  the  Italian  territory  of  Eritrea, 
the  Portuguese  penetrated  Abyssinia,  where  they  exerted  a  strong 
religious  and  military  influence  during  the  sixteenth  century  (Alvarez, 
1881).  The  Portuguese  were  successful  in  aiding  the  Abyssinians 
to  preserve  their  Coptic  Christianity  against  Mohammedan  aggres- 
sion (Ray,  1928). 

One  of  the  most  absorbing  narratives  of  missionary  travel  in 
Africa  is  that  of  Father  Lobo  (1622),  who,  with  great  danger  and 
privation,  traveled  extensively  in  Abyssinia.  Still  more  remarkable 
is  the  romance  of  Andrew  Battell,  who  was  associated  with  both  the 
Portuguese  and  the  native  tribes  of  north  Angola  about  the  year 
1600.  Battell,  who  was  a  sailor  of  the  little  town  of  Leigh  in  Essex, 
England,  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Brazil  and  seized  by  Indians, 
who  delivered  him  to  the  Portuguese  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  From  this 
town,  which  was  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  with  Angola,  Battell 
was  deported,  and  finally  he  found  himself  with  a  warlike  tribe 
named  the  Jagas  of  north  Angola,  whom  he  was  obliged  to  accompany 
on  their  depredations. 

For  a  period  of  eighteen  years  Battell  gathered  information  in 
several  parts  of  Angola  and  the  lower  Congo.  This  knowledge  he 
communicated  to  the  Reverend  Samuel  Purchase  after  returning  to 
England.  Time  has  proved  the  reliability  of  Battell's  observations, 
and  in  "Strange  Adventures  of  A.  Battell"  (Hakluyt  Society,  vol.  6, 
1900),  ethnologists  have  a  valuable  anthropological  source  book. 

The  preceding  paragraph  shows  that  without  the  interest  of  the 
recorder,  Samuel  Purchase,  the  story  of  Battell  might  have  died 
with  him,  and  a  further  instance  of  the  enduring  ethnological  work 
of  a  man  who  did  not  cross  his  own  national  boundary  is  to  be  seen 
in  "An  Accurate  Description  of  Africa,"  by  0.  Dapper  (1668). 
Dapper  showed  a  critical  faculty  in  his  analysis  of  the  reports  of 
many  travelers.  His  scientific  acumen  winnowed  the  grain  from  the 
chaff,  with  the  result  that  certain  aspects  of  Negro  religion  and  social 
structure  were  clearly  interpreted. 

In  the  following  summary  of  facts  relating  to  the  exploration 
of  Africa,  confusion  can  be  avoided  by  noting  that  attempts  to  open 


654  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

up  the  continent  were  concentrated  on  exploration  of  the  rivers 
Niger,  Nile,  Congo,  and  Zambezi.  Therefore,  the  pioneer  attempts 
will  be  grouped  about  these  rivers  as  focal  points  in  the  history 
of  discovery. 

In  addition  to  the  works  quoted,  the  following  are  important: 
R.  Brown  has  summarized  the  exploration  of  Africa  in  four  volumes. 
Hakluyt's  "Principal  Navigations"  in  eight  volumes,  and  the  works 
of  Gollock  (1928),  are  valuable  sources.  Hirth  (1909),  in  considering 
early  Chinese  references  to  east  Africa,  has  touched  a  field  that  is 
not  well  explored.  J.  Pinkerton's  seventeen  volumes  form  a  com- 
pendium containing  accounts  of  voyages  of  Portuguese  and  other 
early  explorers.  The  translations  of  A.  and  J.  Churchill  and  of 
J.  Pinkerton  are  particularly  useful,  since  the  originals  are  expensive 
and  difficult  to  obtain. 

The  Sahara  and  the  Niger 

In  north  and  west  Africa,  exploration  was  for  several  centuries 
concentrated  on  the  course  of  the  River  Niger,  whose  termination 
had  been  a  source  of  controversy  since  500  B.C.  The  river  had  been 
said  to  flow  across  the  continent  to  join  the  Nile,  and  a  later  rival 
theory  stated  that  the  Niger  was  a  tributary  of  the  Congo.  The 
solution  of  this  mystery  was  in  the  minds  of  all  who  approached 
the  problem,  no  matter  whether  they  entered  the  River  Gambia 
on  the  extreme  west  of  Africa  to  follow  the  Niger  from  its  source, 
or  crossed  the  Sahara  Desert  to  the  bend  of  the  Niger,  where  Tim- 
buktu is  situated.  In  the  twelfth  century,  Idrisi  declared  that  the 
Niger  flowed  west,  for  he  had  confused  the  Niger  with  the  Senegal, 
as  the  Portuguese  did  three  hundred  years  later.  This  error  was 
perpetuated  by  Leo  Africanus,  whose  faulty  account  was  widely 
accepted  even  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

From  the  time  of  Leo  Africanus  in  the  sixteenth  century,  explora- 
tion of  the  Sahara  made  no  progress  until  a  revival  of  interest  began 
in  the  early  nineteenth  century.  A  pioneer  of  the  new  movement 
was  Hornemann,  who  was  sent  from  Tripoli  by  the  British  African 
Association  (1799);  but  he,  like  Major  A.  G.  Laing,  who  crossed 
from  north  Africa  to  Timbuktu  in  1825,  was  murdered  in  the  desert. 
Contrary  to  popular  belief.  Major  Laing  was  not  the  first  European 
to  enter  Timbuktu.  It  was  visited  by  a  Florentine  named  Benedetto 
Dei  in  the  year  1470,  and  possibly  an  earlier  visitor  was  Anselm 
d'Isalguier  of  Toulouse,  who  spent  eight  years  in  Gao  (1402).  The 
observations  of  these  early  European  explorers  have  been  discussed 
by  M.  C.  de  la  Ronciere  (1925,  vol.  3,  pp.  1-6). 


Exploration  655 

R^ne  Cailli^  (1830)  entered  west  Africa,  journeyed  to  Timbuktu, 
and  crossed  the  Sahara  to  Morocco.  Cailli^  relates  that  he  was 
educated  at  a  charity  school  in  France,  where  he  was  made  to  learn 
a  trade  which  yielded  small  interest  compared  with  his  study  of 
books  of  travel.  He  says,  "The  history  of  Robinson  Crusoe  in 
particular  inflamed  my  young  im.agination,  and  I  was  impatient  to 
encounter  adventures.  At  last  came  the  start,  and  all  that  I  possessed 
was  sixty  francs,  with  which  trifle  I  proceeded  to  Rochefort  in  1816 
and  embarked  in  the  brig  Loire,  bound  to  Senegal." 

From  Tripoli  (1821),  Denham,  Clapperton,  and  Oudney  crossed 
the  Sahara  between  Murzuk  and  Bornu  on  the  line  15°  E.  Long., 
which  was  a  route  leading  through  the  salt-producing  oasis  where 
Bilma  is  situated,  to  Kuka  on  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Chad.  Denham 
explored  this  region  and  encountered  many  adventures  as  a  result 
of  the  constant  warfare  between  native  rulers.  Clapperton  visited 
Sokoto  in  northwest  Nigeria,  an  excursion  that  cost  the  life  of 
Oudney,  while  Ensign  Toole,  who  had  remained  with  Denham, 
succumbed  to  fever.  The  diaries  of  the  expedition  contributed  to 
historical,  geographical,  and  ethnological  facts  concerning  the  Hausa 
state  of  Sokoto,  the  Bornu  sultanate,  and  the  desert  route  through 
Bilma  and  Tibesti  (Denham,  Clapperton,  Oudney,  1828;  Rodd,  1936). 

To  these  Saharan  enterprises  belongs  the  well-equipped  and 
successful  expedition  of  H.  Barth  (1857-59),  who  was  accompanied 
by  Richardson  and  Overweg.  Preliminary  explorations  of  Ritchie 
and  Lyon  (1821),  and  Richardson,  the  companion  of  Barth,  had 
aroused  European  interest  in  desert  travel.  Political  and  scientific 
motives  were  responsible  for  Barth's  journey  from  Tripoli  south- 
ward through  Murzuk,  from  which  point  he  and  his  companions 
crossed  the  desert  to  Air.  There  they  stayed  in  the  ancient  city 
of  Agades,  of  which  little  was  known  in  Europe.  The  desert  was 
crossed  after  the  explorers  had  been  robbed  and  had  barely  escaped 
with  their  lives;  but  disease  proved  the  greatest  enemy,  for  only 
Barth  returned  to  Europe,  after  five  years  of  uninterrupted  explora- 
tion in  the  period  1850-55. 

During  this  time  Barth's  command  of  Arabic  and  Hausa,  com- 
bined with  his  assiduous  recording  of  observations,  resulted  in  the 
publication  of  five  volumes  entitled  "Travels  and  Discoveries  in 
North  and  Central  Africa."  His  researches  were  linguistic,  ethno- 
logical, botanical,  and  zoological.  At  Kuka,  Barth  met  Vogel,  who 
had  been  sent  from  Europe  in  charge  of  a  relief  expedition.     But 


656  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Vogel  himself  died,  and  his  assistant  Corporal  McGuire  was  murdered 
at  Bilma. 

F.  G.  Rohlfs  (1875,  1881)  was  prepared  for  arduous  desert 
journeys,  which  took  him  across  the  Sahara  and  later  into  Libya, 
by  service  in  the  French  Foreign  Legion,  in  which  he  enlisted  in 
1855.  He  was  the  second  European  to  reach  Tafilet,  where  he  was 
robbed,  but  though  abandoned  as  dead  he  revived  and  reached 
Algiers.  In  1865  Rohlfs  left  Tripoli  and  journeyed  through  Ghadames 
and  Murzuk  to  Bornu,  the  southern  terminus  of  the  trans-Saharan 
route  from  Tripoli.  He  passed  through  eastern  Nigeria,  reached 
the  Benue,  a  tributary  of  the  Niger,  and  followed  that  affluent  to 
its  junction  with  the  main  river.  After  ascending  the  Niger  to 
Rabba,  he  journeyed  through  Ilorin  to  Lagos  on  the  coast.  About 
this  time,  H.  Duveyrier  (1864)  was  exploring  the  northern  Sahara, 
between  the  Hoggar  Mountains  and  the  Fezzan,  in  Tripolitania. 

In  1869  Gustav  Nachtigal  (1879)  set  out  from  Tripoli,  visited 
Tibesti  and  Borku,  and  continued  southward  to  Baghirmi,  at  the 
south  of  Lake  Chad.  He  turned  east,  and  after  crossing  the  unex- 
plored regions  of  Wadai  and  Kordofan  reached  Khartum  in  1874. 
For  political  reasons,  Nachtigal  crossed  the  Sahara  a  second  time  to 
undertake  a  mission  that  resulted  in  the  addition  of  Togoland  and  the 
Cameroons  to  the  German  Empire.  But  he  did  not  live  to  realize 
his  acliievement,  for  death  claimed  him  on  the  homeward  voyage. 
Miss  Tinn^,  who  accompanied  Nachtigal  as  far  as  Murzuk  in 
Tripoli,  continued  her  journey  independently  but  was  murdered 
in  the  desert. 

Oscar  Lenz  (1878,  1884)  traveled  through  the  far  western  Sahara. 
The  route  chosen  is  of  exceptional  interest,  and  the  achievement 
is  of  outstanding  merit,  because  in  recent  times  and  perhaps  even 
today  the  region  is  dangerous  on  account  of  banditry  in  the  Spanish 
territory  of  Rio  de  Oro  and  in  the  French  possession  of  Mauretania. 
Oscar  Lenz  reached  Timbuktu,  and  his  notes,  though  of  a  general 
nature,  are  the  best  we  possess  for  the  region  through  which  he  passed. 

The  name  of  Edwin  von  Bary  is  associated  with  exploration  of 
the  Sahara  in  the  period  1870-80.  But  his  route  from  north  Africa 
to  Air  followed  too  closely  the  trail  of  Barth  to  give  the  distinction 
which  the  hardships  merited.  In  common  with  Mungo  Park,  Von 
Bary  was  deprived  of  all  his  possessions,  and,  like  Clapperton  at 
Sokoto,  Von  Bary  died  under  mysterious  circumstances  that  suggest 
poisoning. 


i 

I 


Exploration  657 

In  the  year  1881  Colonel  Flatters  and  Captain  Masson  were 
killed  by  Tuareg,  but  their  companion  Dianous  escaped.  The 
murder  was  not  avenged  until  twenty  years  later,  when  Lieutenant 
Cottenest  defeated  the  Tuareg  of  the  Hoggar  Mountains,  with  heavy 
losses  to  the  enemy  and  only  light  casualties  to  his  own  force. 

The  life  of  Charles  de  Foucauld  (Bazin,  1923),  gay  liver,  army 
officer,  religious  hermit,  linguist,  and  ethnologist,  is  one  of  the  most 
colorful  lives  in  the  history  of  African  exploration.  Early  in  his 
career  De  Foucauld  (1888)  was  a  cavalry  officer,  but  he  abandoned 
army  routine  for  a  life  of  exploration  in  Morocco  in  the  disguise  of  a 
Jew  (1883-84)  and  later  entered  the  monastery  of  Beni  Abbas  to 
become  a  Trappist  monk.  Subsequently,  he  became  a  friend  of  the 
Tuareg  of  Hoggar,  where  he  built  a  hermitage.  In  1916  he  was 
murdered,  not  by  the  Tuareg  among  whom  he  lived  and  whose 
language  he  studied  so  thoroughly,  but  by  a  band  of  Senussi  from 
the  Fezzan. 

A  notable  achievement  of  France  in  founding  her  north  and  west 
African  dominion  was  the  Foureau-Lamy  expedition  of  1899,  which 
consisted  of  three  sections  converging  on  Lake  Chad  from  the  north, 
west,  and  south.  The  western  column  under  command  of  Captain 
Voulet  and  Lieutenant  Chanoine  was  almost  disbanded,  owing  to 
mutiny  among  the  personnel.  The  Saharan  or  northern  section 
crossed  to  Air,  where  opposition  was  encountered,  and  the  column 
narrowly  escaped  annihilation  through  the  treachery  of  Tuareg 
guides  (Foureau,  1902).  The  column  under  Gentil  advanced  from 
the  south  and  the  three  columns  met  at  Lake  Chad.  There 
Rabeh,  who  had  harassed  the  country  for  ten  years,  was  defeated 
and  killed,  but  not  before  he  had  taken  the  life  of  Major  Lamy,  the 
French  commander  (Von  Oppenheim,  1902;  Chevalier,  1907).  A  few 
years  before  this  event.  Colonel  Monteil  explored  the  upper  and 
middle  courses  of  the  Niger;  then  he  extended  his  journey  to  Lake 
Chad,  from  which  he  crossed  the  Sahara  to  Tripoli.  This  conquest 
of  the  Sahara  by  France  followed  as  a  natural  expansion  southward 
from  Algeria,  whose  chief  town,  Algiers,  had  been  captured  in  1830. 
Not  only  has  France  pressed  southward  across  the  Sahara;  gradually 
her  African  protectorate  has  extended  over  Tunisia  and  Morocco. 

French  conquests  in  west  Africa  began  in  1637  when  Captain 
Lambert  and  De  Rochfort  penetrated  more  than  two  hundred  miles 
inland  from  the  Gambia  in  the  far  west  and  established  trading 
stations.  But  many  vicissitudes  followed,  including  loss  of  the 
Senegambian  forts  to  the  Dutch,  and  despite  the  work  of  Andr^ 


658  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

de  Briie,  French  settlements  in  the  west  passed  into  British  hands 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  In  1798  the  defeat 
of  Napoleon  in  Egypt  by  the  British  checked  French  expansion  in 
that  quarter.  But  the  persistence  of  French  exploration  and  settle- 
ment on  the  west  coast  was  continued  intermittently  until  the 
Tuareg  were  defeated  and  Timbuktu  was  captured,  in  1893.  About 
this  time  Colonel  Binger,  who  had  been  interested  in  west  African 
exploration  since  1887,  defeated  a  powerful  congeries  of  tribes  known 
as  the  Mandingo.  Consequently,  French  territory  now  extends 
without  interruption  from  the  west  coast  to  Lake  Chad  and  across 
the  Sahara  to  the  Mediterranean. 

Meanwhile  the  British  had  not  been  idle,  though  their  early 
initiative  on  the  west  coast  was  concerned  chiefly  with  the  founding 
of  trading  stations,  in  keen  rivalry  with  the  French,  Dutch,  and 
Portuguese.  To  the  Portuguese  must  be  given  the  credit  of  first 
entering  the  famous  city  of  Benin  in  southern  Nigeria,  a  place  noted 
for  the  technique  of  bronze-casting,  the  carvings  in  ivory  and  wood, 
the  pomp  of  the  court,  and  the  human  sacrifices  on  a  large  scale. 
Sequira,  a  Portuguese,  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  European  to 
enter  Benin,  and  not  until  1553,  about  eighty  years  after  the  Portu- 
guese entry,  did  the  British  make  contact  with  the  Bini  through  the 
enterprise  of  Windham  and  Pinteals.  Ten  years  later,  Sir  John 
Hawkins  was  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  from  west  Africa  to  the  West 
Indies  and  Brazil.  Then  followed  a  great  expansion  of  commercial 
enterprise  based  largely  on  this  inhuman  traffic,  in  which  several 
European  nations  and  America  competed. 

Although  the  coastal  regions  of  west  Africa  had  long  been  a 
center  of  attraction,  despite  the  heavy  death  toll,  enterprise  and 
opportunity  were  lacking  for  exploratory  conquest  of  the  far  interior. 
But  in  1795  Mungo  Park  (1799),  a  young  Scottish  surgeon  acting  for 
the  newly  formed  African  Association,  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Gambia  with  the  intention  of  exploring  the  Niger  from  source  to 
mouth,  and  while  doing  so  he  planned  to  visit  Timbuktu  at  the  bend 
of  the  river.  After  two  years  of  peril  and  captivity,  Park  escaped 
from  AH  of  Benowm,  only  to  be  turned  back  from  Segu  on  the  Niger 
by  the  Sultan  of  that  town.  The  explorer,  robbed  of  all  possessions 
and  in  ill-health,  returned  to  Scotland.  But  in  1805  he  was  in  west 
Africa  again  with  the  same  quest  in  view,  and,  on  this  occasion,  with 
better  protection  and  equipment.  The  history  of  the  second  attempt 
to  follow  the  Niger  from  source  to  mouth  is  one  of  increasing  sickness, 


Exploration  659 

theft  by  natives,  mutiny  among  the  escort  of  soldiers,  and  complete 
disorganization. 

When  Bamaku  on  the  Niger  was  reached  after  a  journey  of  six 
hundred  miles  from  the  coast,  only  seven  of  the  thirty-four  white 
men  survived.  In  comparison  with  the  hardships  of  the  march,  the 
river  journey  proceeded  with  ease,  though  the  canoe  was  unwieldy 
and  sickness  was  rife.  The  explorers  continued  for  a  thousand  miles 
by  water,  fighting  against  great  odds,  and  on  one  occasion  they  dis- 
persed sixty  hostile  canoes.  Near  Busa,  where  the  river  narrows, 
a  determined  attack  was  made  from  the  bank,  until  at  last,  in  despera- 
tion. Park  and  his  companions  jumped  to  save  their  lives.  They 
were  drowned  in  the  rapids.  For  several  years,  no  news  reached 
England,  and  even  today  the  exact  circumstances  are  unknown 
(J.  Thomson,  1890;  Gwynn,  1934).  Peddie  (1816)  and  Major  Gray; 
then  Dochard,  two  years  later;  and  Park's  son,  who  disbelieved  the 
reports  of  his  father's  death;  followed  the  course  of  the  Niger.  But 
all  laid  down  their  lives  in  the  unsuccessful  quest  of  following  the 
river  to  the  estuary. 

Commander  Clapperton  (Denham,  Clapperton,  and  Oudney, 
1828),  who  had  crossed  the  Sahara  with  Denham  and  Oudney  in  1821, 
landed  on  the  Nigerian  coast  four  years  later  to  continue  his  explora- 
tion of  Nigeria  in  the  company  of  Pearce,  Morrison,  and  Richard 
Lander.  The  only  survivor  of  this  expedition  from  the  coast  to 
Sokoto  in  northwest  Nigeria  was  Lander,  who  lived  to  solve  the 
problem  of  the  Niger  on  a  later  expedition.  Clapperton  reached 
Sokoto,  where  he  died  under  circumstances  that  indicated  poisoning 
(Lander,  1830). 

R.  Lander  (1832),  the  sole  survivor,  returned  to  England  and  there 
obtained  a  parsimonious  grant  from  the  British  Government;  then 
again  he  sailed  for  Nigeria,  where  he  landed  with  his  brother  John 
in  the  year  1830.  The  explorers  set  out  on  foot  for  Yauri,  where 
dugout  canoes  were  obtained  for  the  voyage  down  the  Niger  to  the 
estuary.  After  many  perils,  they  passed  the  point  where  the  Benue 
joins  the  Niger.  Continuing  south,  they  reached  the  coast  at  Brass, 
after  exploring  the  river  from  the  point  where  Mungo  Park  lost  his 
life.  While  according  credit  to  Richard  and  John  Lander  for  their 
achievement,  the  pioneer  work  of  Park  should  not  be  forgotten,  for 
the  two  journeys  of  Park  along  the  course  of  the  Niger  were  one  of 
the  most  dogged  enterprises  in  the  history  of  African  exploration. 

The  ill-fated  Niger  expedition  of  1841  has  been  described  by 
W.  Allen    and    T.   R.    H.  Thomson    (1848),    in    their    narrative. 


660  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

On  the  staff  were  145  scientists,  missionaries,  and  business  men,  of 
whom  one-third  fell  victims  to  fatal  attacks  of  malarial  fever.  Mc- 
Gregor Laird,  who  had  led  an  expedition  to  the  lower  Niger  in  1830, 
opposed  the  venture  of  1841  and  foretold  disaster.  The  failure  of  this 
expedition  discouraged  further  attempts  to  such  an  extent  that 
McGregor  Laird  had  great  difficulty  in  carrying  out  his  project  of 
1854.  Yet,  contrary  to  expectation,  this  expedition  not  only  secured 
results  of  commercial  importance  and  scientific  value  but  returned 
without  loss  of  a  single  member  of  the  staff.  Under  command  of 
W.  B.  Baikie,  the  Pleiad  ascended  the  Niger  as  far  as  the  junction 
of  the  Benue,  which  was  explored  for  a  distance  of  250  miles.  The 
name  of  Governor  John  Beecroft  is  associated  with  indefatigable 
labors  in  exploring  the  Nigerian  coast  and  hinterland,  but  untimely 
death  prevented  him  from  assuming  the  leadership  of  the  successful 
expedition  of  1854.  Major  J.  Duncan  (1847),  who  survived  the 
disastrous  expedition  of  1841,  traveled  in  Dahomey  and  described 
the  country,  where  he  later  lost  his  life. 

From  this  time  onward,  the  history  and  exploration  of  west 
Africa  is  concerned  with  the  commercial  and  political  rivalry  of 
trading  companies,  to  which  administrative  powers  and  spheres  of 
influence  were  given  by  several  European  countries.  Apathy  of  the 
British  government,  together  with  jealousy  between  England, 
France,  and  Germany,  added  to  the  dangers  and  uncertainties 
caused  by  warfare  between  powerful  west  African  chiefs.  But  during 
this  period  of  competition  the  work  of  exploration  continued. 

In  the  period  from  1500  to  1900,  ethnology  was  not  systematically 
and  intensively  studied,  yet  many  valuable  ethnological  notes  were 
given  among  general  observations.  A  trader  named  W.  Bosman 
(1705)  has  left  a  work  of  great  merit,  in  which  he  describes  personal 
observations  of  the  ceremonies  and  habits  of  the  Ashanti. 

The  journey  of  Lieutenant  Boyd  Alexander  (1907)  in  1904  was 
of  a  general  exploratory  nature,  yet  he  made  valuable  observations 
relating  to  many  tribes  which  are  not  well  described  even  today.  His 
route  followed  the  Niger  to  Lokoja,  from  which  point  he  passed 
through  the  Munshi  country,  then  hostile  to  strangers  and  only 
recently  opened  to  travelers.  When  crossing  the  Bauchi  plateau,  he 
met  with  tribes  who  at  the  present  time  are  unaffected  by  either 
Christianity  or  Mohammedanism.  Boyd  Alexander's  record  included 
a  description  of  Bornu  and  a  brief  account  of  the  Buduma,  a  fishing 
community  living  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Chad. 


Exploration  661 

Mary  Kingsley's  "West  African  Studies"  and  "Travels  in  West 
Africa"  show  her  courage  in  exploring  unknown  country  in  Nigeria 
and  the  Congo  estuary,  with  only  African  servants  as  companions. 
Vivid  description,  ethnoJogical  information,  and  a  humorous  outlook 
have  established  her  books  as  works  of  permanent  value  (Gw>nin, 
1932;  Nathan,  1908). 

Crossing  of  the  Sahara  by  camel  caravan  has  been  accomplished 
by  several  explorers  in  modern  times.  Hanns  Vischer  (1910)  trav- 
ersed the  desert  from  Tripoli  to  Lake  Chad,  and  about  the  same  tim.e 
A.  H.  W.  Haywood  (1912)  crossed  from  Timbuktu.  A.  Buchanan's 
trans-Saharan  expedition  of  1924  added  valuable  zoological  material 
to  the  Rothschilds'  Museum  at  Tring,  England,  and  the  observations 
on  migratory  birds  have  proved  a  welcome  addition  to  ornithology 
(Buchanan,  1926). 

Hazards  and  difficulties  arising  in  part  from  Bedouin  suspicion, 
and  in  part  from  topographical  and  climatic  factors,  fell  to  the  lot 
of  Hassanein  Bey  (1925),  who  explored  Libya  in  1922.  He  checked 
the  map  of  d'Anville,  1749,  and  surveyed  oases  that  had  not  been 
visited,  except  by  the  Senussi  Arabs,  since  the  time  of  Rohlfs  (1872). 

Additional  references  of  importance  in  their  bearing  on  the 
history  and  exploration  of  the  Sahara  and  west  Africa  are  given 
below. 

North  and  Central  Sahara. — Bourbon  (1933),  Bovill  (1928), 
D.  R.  G.  Cameron  (1928),  Haardt  and  Dubreuil  (1924),  Harris  (1895), 
Kilian  (1935),  Mondadori  (1926),  Ness  (1931). 

Eastern  Sahara  (Libya)  .—Bagnold  (1933,  1936),  Ball  (1927),  Ber- 
mann(1934),  Kadar  (1934),  King  (1931),  Newbold  (1924),  Newbold 
and  Shaw  (1928),  Tilho  (1920),  Umberto  (1935). 

West  A/nca.— Migeod  (1925),  Utting  (1931). 

The  Congo  and  Zambezi  Rivers 

Although  Portuguese  exploration  and  settlement  were  continued 
along  the  lower  course  of  the  River  Congo  from  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  no  attempt  was  made  to  explore  the  river  to  its  source. 
Not  until  late  in  the  nineteenth  century  was  demonstration  given 
that  the  Lualaba  River  of  southeast  Africa  is  the  beginning  of  the 
Congo  itself. 

In  the  year  1816  Captain  Tuckey  (1818)  of  the  British  Navy, 
with  Lieutenant  Hawkey  as  second  in  command,  and  a  complement 
of  scientists,  sailed  against  the  current  of  the  Congo  until  he  reached 


662  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Yelala  Falls,  about  120  miles  from  the  estuary.  When  I  recall  the 
slow  progress  of  a  modern  steam  vessel  against  the  current,  Tuckey's 
success  seems  the  more  remarkable.  He  speaks  of  large  whirlpools 
that  swept  the  sloop  round  despite  the  use  qf  oars  and  sails,  and  his 
record  describes  a  phenomenon  that  impresses  every  traveler,  namely, 
the  deep  conical  vortices  that  open  here  and  there  without  warning. 

At  the  outset,  Tuckey  proved  himself  to  be  not  only  a  skilled 
navigator  and  fighter  but  a  shrewd  observer  whose  orders  indicated 
a  sympathetic  understanding  of  native  life.  He  advised  his  col- 
leagues to  be  guarded  without  showing  suspicion,  and  he  pointed  out 
that  a  display  of  possessions  would  lead  to  thefts  which  would  make 
reprisals  necessary.  The  commander  ordered  that  presents  were  not 
to  be  given  before  the  rank  of  the  recipients  had  been  ascertained. 
This  rule  holds  good  today,  and  a  modern  traveler  could  make  no 
greater  mistake  than  that  of  slighting  a  village  headman.  Respect 
for  native  women  was  one  of  Tuckey's  maxims,  and  above  all  he 
enjoined  his  men  not  to  interrupt  native  ceremonies,  although  the 
rites  might  be  crude  and  offensive  to  Europeans.  He  also  told  his 
men  to  avoid  offending  native  beliefs  in  any  of  the  venerated  objects, 
especially  sacred  trees.  The  narrative  refers  appreciatively  to  the 
work  of  four  scientists,  who,  after  the  manner  of  the  period,  made 
some  miscellaneous  observations  on  African  customs,  vocabularies, 
plants,  and  animals.  Tuckey  and  Hawkey,  who  had  seen  many 
years  of  naval  service  together,  including  a  period  as  prisoners  of 
war  in  France,  sailed  on  the  homeward  voyage,  but  both  died  before 
the  vessel  reached  home.  The  total  loss  of  personnel  in  this  expedi- 
tion was  heavy. 

In  his  preface  to  "A  Journey  to  Ashango-Land"  (1867),  Paul 
du  Chaillu  expresses  the  chagrin  he  felt  when  discredit  was  thrown 
on  his  statements  respecting  the  Ogowe  River  region,  north  of  the 
Congo  estuary.  His  observations  of  Pygmies,  whom  he  called 
Obongo  dwarfs,  and  his  notes  on  gorillas  were  received  with  mistrust. 
Du  Chaillu  remarks  on  the  unfortunate  position  of  a  pioneer  in 
unknown  countries:  "If  he  returns  home  with  nothing  new  or  striking 
to  relate,  he  is  voted  a  bore,  and  his  book  has  no  chance  of  being  read. 
But  if  he  has  some  wonders  to  unfold  connected  with  geography, 
the  natives,  or  natural  history,  the  fate  of  Abyssinian  Bruce  too 
often  awaits  him,  his  narrative  being  held  up  to  ridicule  as  a  tissue 
of  figments."  H.  Barth  of  Saharan  fame  doubted  the  statements 
of  Du  Chaillu,  yet  time  and  further  observation  have  established 
the  value  of  the  records. 


Exploration  663 

To  know  something  of  the  biography  of  an  explorer  is  to  enhance 
the  interest  in  his  discoveries,  and  a  study  of  the  childhood  of  H.  M. 
Stanley  supports  this  view.  Like  R^n^  Cailli^,  he  spent  his  early 
years  in  a  charity  school.  He  was  born  in  Wales  (1840)  with  the 
name  of  John  Rowlands,  but  at  the  age  of  three  years  he  was  sent 
to  a  poorhouse,  where  he  remained  until  the  age  of  thirteen.  About 
that  time  he  shipped  as  a  cabin  boy  to  New  Orleans,  where  a  wealthy 
merchant  adopted  him  but  unfortunately  died  intestate,  so  that  his 
ward  received  no  bequest.  Stanley  had  an  adventurous  life  among 
Indians,  as  a  miner  in  California,  and  as  a  soldier  in  the  American 
Civil  War,  at  the  close  of  which  he  went  to  Crete  as  a  correspondent 
for  the  New  York  Herald.  Travel  in  Turkey  and  Asia  Minor,  in 
addition  to  his  previous  adventures,  provided  an  ideal  training  for 
African  exploration,  which  from  the  year  1869  onward  placed  him 
in  the  front  rank  of  pioneers  (D.  Stanley,  1909). 

Stanley  (1878,  1891)  landed  at  Zanzibar  in  1871  and  marched 
to  Ujiji  on  Lake  Tanganyika,  where  he  met  with  Livingstone,  whose 
fate  was  unknown  in  England.  Livingstone  was  not  lost — he  was 
far  too  experienced  not  to  know  his  geographical  situation — but 
he  was  sick  and  near  death.  The  achievements  of  Stanley  include  the 
following  of  the  Lualaba  from  the  source  to  its  junction  with  the 
Congo,  and  thence  in  a  westerly  direction  to  the  mouth  of  the  Congo, 
so  establishing  the  continuity  of  the  two  rivers.  He  explored  lakes 
Albert  and  Albert  Edward,  together  with  the  Semliki  River  that 
flows  between  them.  Then  he  reconnoitered  a  large  region  of  the 
central  Congo  in  the  interest  of  King  Leopold  of  Belgium,  who 
financed  an  expedition  which  was  aided  by  the  African  International 
Association. 

Stanley  was  one  of  the  most  determined  and  successful  of  African 
explorers,  with  no  scruples  against  fighting  his  way,  and  he  did  so 
with  the  aid  of  four  hundred  men.  In  his  ascent  of  the  Congo  in  1877, 
he  had  an  initial  force  of  389  men,  of  whom  only  174  remained  at  the 
end  of  the  journey,  and  these  were  reduced  to  exhaustion. 

Students  who  are  interested  in  the  psychology  of  leadership  will 
find  a  field  of  research  in  the  personalities  and  achievements  of 
African  explorers. 

Among  men  who  had  a  strong  social  and  financial  backing, 
Stanley  for  the  Congo  and  Barth  for  the  Sahara  are  prominent. 
The  political  and  commercial  achievements  of  Stanley  surpass  those 
of  Barth  because  of  the  advantage  of  the  former  in  exploring  a  rich 
country  with  waterways  that  aided  commercial  development.    But 


664  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  greater  scientific  honors  are  due  to  Barth,  whose  books  are  master- 
pieces of  accurate  recording  and  relevant  interpretation.  On  the 
contrary,  Stanley's  records  of  the  Congo  are  often  journalistic. 

Some  successful  explorers  had  ample  funds,  government  backing, 
and  the  prospect  of  a  relief  expedition.  But  others,  of  whom  R^ne 
Cailli^  is  an  example,  set  out  almost  penniless,  with  only  the  moral 
support  of  a  few  friends  and  their  own  indomitable  courage. 

Mungo  Park  was  gentle  and  chivalrous,  with  a  mind  unable  to 
appreciate  the  fact  that  cunning,  greed,  and  religious  intolerance 
cannot  be  matched  with  courtesy,  frankness,  and  tolerance.  Living- 
stone had  a  mentality  similar  to  that  of  Park,  and  he  survived  for 
thirty  years  without  relinquishing  moral  principles  that  regulated 
his  contact  with  natives.  But  one  must  remember  that,  although 
Livingstone  was  hated  by  Arabs  and  sometimes  tricked  by  native 
chiefs,  he,  unlike  Park,  was  not  usually  moving  in  a  country  of  hostile 
Mohammedan  despots. 

The  period  from  1870  to  1890  was  one  of  concentrated  effort  in 
the  opening  up  of  the  Congo  region  and  Angola.  Closely  associated 
with  exploration  in  Angola  are  the  names  of  Capello  and  Ivens  (1880), 
Monteiro  (1875),  Pogge  (1880),  and  Pinto  (1881).  Monteiro's 
volumes  have  for  many  years  provided  the  only  ethnological  notes 
on  the  Vasele,  who  inhabit  rugged  country  in  the  hinterland  of  Novo 
Redondo.  In  the  year  1930  I  found  the  Vasele  as  Monteiro  describes 
them.  The  men  still  chip  all  their  teeth  to  points.  They  roast  rats 
on  skewers  as  a  delicacy,  and  continue  to  live  high  on  the  hillsides 
(Fig.  80,  h),  from  which  they  descend  to  the  valleys  to  cultivate  small 
gardens.  Monteiro  describes  their  cannibalism,  for  which  they  still 
have  a  reputation.  The  most  recent  account  of  exploration  in  Angola 
is  by  0.  Jessen  (1936),  and  in  Hambly  (1934a)  a  bibliography  for 
Angola  may  be  consulted. 

North  of  the  Congo  estuary,  Oscar  Lenz  (1878),  the  explorer  of 
Saharan  fame,  made  a  reconnaissance  of  the  Ogowe  River,  and  from 
that  point  passed  along  the  Congo  and  so  across  the  continent  to 
Tanganyika.  One  of  the  most  notable  names  connected  with  the 
founding  of  the  French  Congo  is  that  of  Count  de  Brazza,  who  first 
became  interested  in  the  Ogowe  region  when  serving  as  a  French 
naval  officer  near  that  coast. 

When  in  Gaboon  in  1874,  De  Brazza  thought  that  the  Ogowe  River 
might  be  the  lower  course  of  the  Lualaba  of  the  eastern  Congo  area. 
But  this  impression  was  corrected  when  De  Brazza  returned  to  Paris 
and  learned  of  the  discoveries  of  H.  M.  Stanley,  who  had  proved 


Exploration  665 

the  Lualaba  to  be  the  upper  course  of  the  Congo.  In  1880  Count 
de  Brazza  founded  the  Ogowe  station,  and  Brazzaville  near  Stanley 
Pool  on  the  main  River  Congo.  A  few  years  later  he  became  Com- 
missioner-General of  this  new  colony  of  France,  and  when  he  died 
in  1905  his  administrative  career  was  recognized  as  sound,  enduring, 
and  sympathetic  toward  indigenous  African  cultures.  French 
colonial  expansion  in  central  Africa  was  aided  by  Malamini,  a  man 
of  Berber-Negro  origin,  who  for  a  time  effectively  opposed  the 
political  schemes  of  H.  M.  Stanley  on  the  River  Congo  in  the  year 
1881.  Stanley  had  hoped  to  add  territory  to  the  Congo  State,  but 
to  his  disappointment  the  French  flag  was  flying  in  some  coveted 
areas  before  Belgium  could  establish  a  claim.  Malamini  yielded 
only  by  order  of  France,  who  decided  to  waive  some  of  her  claims. 

Lieutenant  H.  von  Wissmann  (1907)  was  a  distinguished  explorer 
and  later  an  administrator  of  German  East  Africa,  whose  early 
exploration  in  the  north  of  Angola  was  carried  out  in  conjunction 
with  Pogge.  Von  Wissmann  crossed  from  Loanda  in  Angola  to 
Zanzibar,  so  traversing  the  continent,  and  rather  later  (1886)  he 
engaged  in  survey  work  in  the  Kasai  region  of  the  southwest  Congo. 

The  decade  from  1890  to  1900  brought  a  further  extension  and 
consolidation  of  French  enterprise  from  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  to 
Lake  Chad,  an  achievement  with  which  the  names  of  Dybowski 
(1893),  Maistre  (1895),  and  Gentil  are  associated.  Gentil  has  been 
mentioned  above  in  connection  with  the  Foureau-Lamy  expedition 
across  the  Sahara.  With  this  column  Gentil  united  his  forces  for  the 
overthrow  of  Rabeh,  a  deserter  from  the  army  of  the  Mahdi,  who 
was  opposing  British  forces  in  the  eastern  Sudan.  Dybowski  (1893) 
states  that  his  object  in  traveling  from  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  to 
Lake  Chad  was  imperialistic  and  commercial.  He  was,  in  fact, 
carrying  out  the  scheme  of  Crampel  for  a  large,  compact,  central 
African  territory  that  the  French  could  unite  with  their  possessions 
in  north  and  west  Africa. 

A  few  years  after  the  journey  of  Dybowski,  General  Marchand 
entered  the  French  Congo  at  the  Loango  coast,  explored  the  Congo 
and  Ubangi  rivers,  then  settled  at  Fashoda,  until  conflict  with  the 
British  under  Kitchener  caused  him  to  withdraw.  Marchand  ex- 
plored the  Sobat  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Nile,  then  traveled  east 
to  the  port  of  Jibuti  in  French  Somaliland.  The  journey  across 
Africa  reflected  great  credit  on  Marchand,  since  the  traverse  was 
made  with  only  slight  losses  of  personnel  and  equipment. 


666  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

When  studying  the  Congo  region,  the  following  works  are  of 
importance  as  sources  for  ethnology,  history,  and  geography: 
Bentley  (1900),  V.  L.  Cameron  (1877),  Junker  (1890-92),  L'Enfant 
(1909),  Chevalier  (1907,  1908,  1910),  Coquilhat  (1888),  Foa  (1900), 
Humphrey  (1933),  H.  H.  Johnston  (1908),  0.  Macleod  (1912),  Meck- 
lenburg (1913),  Lopez  (1591),  Schoeller  (1901),  Schweinfurth 
(1874,  1883),  F.  Stuhlmann  (1894),  Torday  (1928b),  Ihle  (1929). 

South  and  East  Africa 

From  the  time  of  the  Dutch  settlement  at  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  in  the  year  1652,  the  history  of  South  Africa  has  been  charac- 
terized by  warfare  and  political  rivalry  between  these  first  settlers 
and  later  English  pioneers.  Other  important  factors  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  country  are  geographical  exploration  and  intermittent 
warfare  between  colonists  and  hordes  of  Bushman,  Hottentot,  and 
Zulu  tribes.  Early  English  and  Dutch  observers  made  ethnological 
observations  which  have  been  translated  and  compiled  (Schapera, 
1930a,  Schapera  and  Farrington,  1933). 

Bushman  and  Hottentot  tribes  were  so  disintegrated  before 
any  systematic  anthropological  study  was  begun  that  present  in- 
vestigation has  to  rely  to  some  extent  on  gleanings  from  the  works 
of  early  explorers.  In  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century 
(1803-1806),  Lichtenstein  (1811-12)  made  valuable  observations, 
and  W.  Burchell's  "Travels  in  the  Interior  of  South  Africa"  is  another 
work  to  which  anthropologists  and  zoologists  refer  for  information 
relating  to  the  condition  of  South  Africa  in  the  period  from  1822 
to  1824.  The  travels  of  J.  Campbell  (1815,  1822),  the  researches 
of  Andersson  (1856)  near  Lake  Ngami,  and  reports  of  J.  Chapman 
(1868)  are  valuable  source  books  for  study  of  customs,  now  obsolete. 
Writings  of  R.  Poch  (1910),  S.  Passarge  (1907),  and  L.  Schultze 
(1907)  are  of  ethnological  value.  E.  E.  Mossop  (1935),  and  H.  C. 
Notcutt  (1935)  have  published  extracts  from  the  works  of  early 
explorers. 

The  missionary  labors  of  Robert  Moffat  (1842)  among  the 
Bechuana  tribe  continued  for  fifty  years,  until  he  returned  to 
England.  Moffat  translated  the  Bible  into  Sechuana,  a  scholarly 
task.  He  also  demonstrated  practical  ability  as  a  teacher  of 
carpentry,  blacksmith's  work,  and  building.  The  name  of  R.  Moffat 
is  associated  with  geographical  research,  the  founding  of  mission 
stations,  ethnological  observations,  and  a  determined  fight  against 
the  slave  trade. 


Exploration  667 

The  missionary  work  and  explorations  of  David  Livingstone 
were  undertaken  in  the  period  from  1843  to  1873.  From  early 
boyhood,  Livingstone  worked  in  a  Scottish  cotton  mill,  but  despite 
long  hours  of  labor  he  found  time  for  evening  study,  which  was  later 
continued  in  medicine  and  biology  at  a  missionary  college  in  England. 
In  the  year  1840,  Livingstone  proceeded  to  Kuruman  mission  station, 
about  seven  hundred  miles  north  of  Algoa  Bay,  south  Africa.  Four 
years  later  he  married  Mary  Moffat,  daughter  of  the  pioneer  mission- 
ary Robert  Moffat,  and  for  many  years  she  shared  the  hardships 
of  travel  with  her  husband. 

One  of  Livingstone's  journeys  led  him  to  Lake  Ngami,  then 
west  across  Angola  to  the  port  Benguela,  where  he  had  the  offer 
of  a  passage  to  England.  Though  sick  and  exhausted,  Livingstone 
carried  out  his  contract  with  his  porters,  whom  he  had  promised 
to  lead  back  to  their  home  in  Rhodesia.  Other  explorations  of 
Livingstone  covered  a  large  field  between  the  Rovuma  River  in 
east  Africa  and  lakes  Nyasa  and  Tanganyika.  Livingstone  reached 
Ujiji  near  the  north  end  of  Tanganyika,  crossed  the  lake,  explored 
the  Lualaba  River,  and  returned  to  Ujiji,  where  he  was  met  by 
H.  M.  Stanley. 

After  they  parted  Stanley  marched  north,  while  Livingstone 
traveled  west  to  Lake  Bangweolo,  where  he  arrived  weakened  by 
fever  and  exhausted  by  long  marches.  The  men  who  found  him 
dead  in  an  attitude  of  prayer  preserved  the  body  and  carried  it 
to  Zanzibar,  whence  it  was  transferred  to  England  and  buried  in 
Westminster  Abbey.  Two  of  Livingstone's  notable  achievements 
were  the  discovery  of  Lake  Nyasa  and  the  exploration  of  the  Shir^ 
River.  He  was  aided  by  John  Kirk,  later  Sir  John  Kirk,  who  was 
appointed  as  Britain's  representative  in  Zanzibar  (Livingstone,  1858, 
1866;  H.  Waller,  1880). 

A  note  in  Livingstone's  diary  is  an  indication  of  the  frankness, 
gentleness,  and  disinterested  effort  for  which  he  was  renowned. 
He  says,  ''As  far  as  I  myself  am  concerned,  the  opening  of  the  new 
central  country  is  a  matter  for  congratulation  only  in  so  far  as  it 
opens  up  a  prospect  for  the  elevation  of  the  inhabitants.  ...  I  have 
not  mentioned  half  the  favours  bestowed,  but  I  may  just  add  that 
no  one  has  cause  for  more  abundant  gratitude  to  his  fellow-men 
and  to  his  Maker  than  I  have,  and  may  God  grant  that  the  effect 
on  my  mind  be  such  that  I  may  be  more  humbly  devoted  to  the 
service  of  the  Author  of  all  our  mercies." 


668  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

In  the  decade  following  the  death  of  Livingstone,  Emil  Holub 
(1879,  1881),  by  birth  a  native  of  Bohemia,  and  a  surgeon  at  the 
Kimberley  mines,  explored  the  country  of  the  hostile  Ba-ila  in 
Northern  Rhodesia.  With  his  wife  and  a  companion  named  Sollner, 
Holub  ventured  into  the  unknown  districts,  where  Sollner  was 
murdered  by  natives,  while  the  others  arrived  at  the  Zambezi  after 
suffering  extreme  privation.  Holub's  works  describe  the  tribes  of 
Northern  Rhodesia  and  eastern  Angola.  As  a  compendium,  Theal's 
(1907-10)  three  volumes  dealing  with  the  history  and  ethnography 
of  south  Africa  are  valuable  though  not  infallible  source  books. 

The  name  of  V.  L.  Cameron  (1877)  is  associated  with  his  crossing 
of  Africa  from  Zanzibar,  an  achievement  which  was  the  first  east  to 
west  traverse  made  by  an  Englishman .  He  mapped  Lake  Tanganyika, 
explored  the  Lualaba  River,  and  then  proceeded  westward  to 
Benguela  in  Angola  (Foran,  1937).  His  notes  on  tribes  of  eastern 
Angola  are  valuable,  because  even  today  there  is  a  paucity  of  in- 
formation about  the  Vachokwe,  who  from  the  time  of  Livingstone  have 
preserved  a  reputation  for  truculence.  Yet  the  gaps  in  our  ethno- 
logical knowledge  of  the  eastern  border  of  Angola  are  gradually 
being  filled  (H.  von  Baumann,  1935;  F.  and  W.  Jaspert,  1930). 

A  possibility  exists  that  the  first  crossing  of  Africa  was  made 
by  early  pombeiros,  a  name  given  by  the  Portuguese  to  leaders  of 
caravans.  But  such  men  were  concerned  with  trade  in  slaves, 
ivory,  and  copper;  moreover,  most  of  them  were  untutored  pioneers 
who  made  no  written  records,  and  consequently  their  knowledge  died 
with  them.  One  of  the  most  famous  leaders  who  penetrated  Africa 
from  the  east  coast  was  Jos^  de  Lacerda  e  Almeida,  who  advanced 
from  Mozambique  to  the  Great  Lakes.  But  unfortunately  all  his 
records  were  lost  when  he  perished  in  the  interior  in  the  year  1798. 
R.  F.  Burton  (1873)  has  given  an  account  in  English  of  Almeida's 
exploration. 

The  Nile  and  Northeast  Africa 

Exploratory  activity  in  northeast  Africa  centered  in  discovery 
of  the  source  of  the  Nile,  and  toward  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  a  group  of  talented  explorers  appeared;  these  attempted 
to  solve  a  problem  that  had  puzzled  the  Egyptians  six  thousand 
years  before.  Among  the  pioneers  in  this  work  were  James  Bruce, 
John  Lewis  Burckhardt,  W.  G.  Browne,  and  Henry  Salt.  James 
Bruce  (1804)  traced  the  Blue  Nile  from  its  Abyssinian  source  to 
the  junction  with  the  White  Nile.  Finally  he  reached  Assuan,  but 
had  to  return  to  the  desert  for  his  baggage,  which  had  been  abandoned 


Exploration  669 

owing  to  the  death  of  all  his  camels.  Like  Du  Chaillu,  Bruce  was 
offended  by  the  incredulity  with  which  his  reports  were  received, 
but  his  volumes  entitled,  "Travels  to  Discover  the  Source  of  the 
Nile  in  the  Years  1768-1773,"  have  completely  demonstrated  the 
thoroughness  and  the  accuracy  of  his  exploration.  Stimulated  by 
the  research  of  Bruce,  W.  G.  Browne  (1799)  traveled  in  the  Libyan 
Desert.  He  visited  the  oasis  of  Siwa,  and  then  proceeded  south  to 
Darfur,  where  he  remained  in  captivity  for  three  years  before  being 
able  to  return  to  Egypt. 

Burckhardt  (1819)  relied  on  his  ability  to  speak  Arabic,  his  knowl- 
edge of  Koranic  law,  and  his  effective  Arab  disguise,  for  traveling 
in  Arabia  and  later  in  the  Nubian  Desert  east  of  the  Nile.  In  the 
year  1815  he  arrived  in  Cairo  in  a  state  of  extreme  exhaustion.  He 
recovered  partially,  but  succumbed  two  years  later  when  planning 
a  journey  to  Tripoli.  Henry  Salt,  one-time  British  Consul  in  Egypt, 
explored  parts  of  Abyssinia  and  the  Zanzibar  coast  in  the  first  decade 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Exploration  of  Abyssinia  is  connected  with  activities  of  members 
of  the  Church  Missionary  Society,  and  notable  among  these  are 
Krapf  and  Rebmann  (1860).  The  former  tells  of  a  severe  illness 
in  early  youth  and  a  near  approach  to  death,  at  which  time  he 
resolved  to  devote  himself  to  mission  work.  Krapf,  like  Livingstone, 
was  imbued  with  a  sincere  piety  that  sustained  him  through  many 
years  of  peril  and  exhaustion. 

Krapf  and  Rebmann  worked  their  way  from  Mombasa  north- 
ward to  the  region  of  the  great  mountains  Kilimanjaro  and  Kenya, 
in  1848.  The  interest  aroused  by  the  reports  of  these  missionaries 
led  to  further  exploration  by  R.  F.  Burton  (1856)  and  Speke  (1858). 
Burton  discovered  Lake  Tanganyika,  and  Speke  explored  the  south 
shore  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza.  On  this  journey  Burton  had  the 
misfortune  to  fall  ill  near  Tanganyika;  therefore,  greater  acclaim 
was  given  to  Speke,  who  continued  northward  alone,  discovered 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  and  was  the  first  to  reach  England.  Under 
the  auspices  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  which  had  evolved 
from  the  African  Association,  Speke  and  Grant  explored  the  south 
shore  of  Victoria  Nyanza  and  traveled  down  the  Nile. 

During  this  return  journey  Speke  and  Grant  met  Sir  Samuel 
Baker  and  his  wife,  who  had  explored  the  River  Atbara,  a  tributary 
of  the  Nile,  and  were  working  southward  in  the  hope  of  discovering 
the  source  of  the  White  Nile.  Despite  the  disappointment  of 
learning  that  they  had  been  forestalled  by  Speke  and  Grant,  Baker 


670  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

(1867)  and  his  wife  continued  their  journey,  and  acting  on  informa- 
tion given  by  their  rivals  they  were  able  to  explore  Lake  Albert 
Nyanza,  of  whose  existence  Speke  and  Grant  had  given  assurance. 
This  was  in  the  year  1862,  but  for  several  years  the  region  round 
the  source  of  the  Nile  remained  imperfectly  explored,  and  even  the 
reconnaissance  of  H.  M.  Stanley,  about  ten  years  later,  left  many 
details  to  be  added  to  the  cartography  of  the  region. 

From  the  Church  Missionary  Society  came  R.  W.  Felkin,  1878, 
who  traveled  from  Suakin  on  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Nile,  which  he 
followed  to  Uganda.  The  name  of  Joseph  Thomson  (1885)  is  asso- 
ciated with  exploration  between  Lakes  Nyasa  and  Tanganyika,  then 
with  travels  farther  north,  where  he  pioneered  in  the  Rift  Valley 
and  in  the  region  of  Lakes  Naivasha  and  Baringo. 

In  Abyssinia,  and  along  the  border  between  that  country  and 
Kenya,  valuable  exploration  was  carried  out  by  A.  D.  Smith  (1897), 
Bottego  (see  Vannutelli,  1899),  Stefani,  Teliki  (see  Von  Hohnel,  1894), 
and  Maud  (1904).  See  also  Von  Heuglin  (1877)  and  Maydon  (1925). 
Matteuci  and  Massari  advanced  from  Suakin  on  the  coast  through 
Abyssinia,  Kordofan,  Wadai,  and  Bornu — a  difficult  route  owing  to 
the  hostility  of  Sudanese  Arab  tribes.  From  the  year  1291,  when 
the  Vivaldi  brothers  touched  the  coast  of  Guinea,  Italians  contributed 
to  the  opening  up  of  Africa.  Giuseppe  Sapeto  founded  the  Italian 
colony  of  Eritrea  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea.  Casati  (1891) 
contributed  two  volumes  describing  his  explorations,  and  ethnological 
observations.  Antonio  Cecchi  (1885-86)  penetrated  Abyssinia,  and 
among  modern  explorers  the  late  Duke  of  Abruzzi  is  famous.  A 
bibliography  for  the  Italian  names  will  be  found  in  "Voyageurs 
italiens  en  Afrique,"  published  by  the  Minister  of  Colonies,  Rome, 
1931,  and  a  similar  compendium  of  Italian  discoveries  has  been 
prepared  by  E.  Cerulli  (1933). 

For  supplementary  reading  on  Abyssinia  and  the  upper  Nile 
region,  the  following  books  and  articles  are  recommended.  0.  Bau- 
mann  (1894),  Cheeseman  (1928),  Cohen  (1913,  1914),  Jensen  (1936), 
Lepsius  (1853),  J.  Lobo  (see  P.  Wyche,  and  Pinkerton's  "Voyages 
and  Travels"  (1808-1814),  C.  F.  Ray  (1923),  Stern  (1862),  who 
describes  the  Falashas,  and  Wylde  (1901). 

G.  Schweinfurth  (1874,  1883)  was  primarily  a  botanist,  who 
began  his  explorations  with  a  journey  in  the  northeast  area  of  the 
Congo  basin.  He  made  several  subsequent  expeditions  which  gave 
valuable  records  of  the  Dinka,  Bongo,  Mittu,  and  other  tribes  of 
the  upper  Nile.    With  the  same  region,  the  explorations  of  W.  Junker, 


Exploration  671 

1875-90,  are  associated  (1890-92).  The  name  of  Emin  Pasha  is  im- 
portant in  the  history  of  exploration  in  northeast  Africa  (1870-92). 
He  was  born  in  Russia  of  Jewish  parents  named  Schnitzer.  After 
being  educated  in  Breslau  and  other  towns,  he  acted  as  surgeon 
in  the  Turkish  army;  then  later  he  served  with  General  Gordon  in 
the  Sudan.  Gordon  was  killed  in  the  defence  of  Khartum  against 
the  dervish  followers  of  the  Mahdi  in  1885  (B.  M.  Allen,  1931). 

As  a  result  of  hostilities  in  the  Sudan,  Emin  Pasha  was  com- 
pletely isolated  from  his  associates,  and  he  refused  to  accompany 
H.  M.  Stanley  to  a  place  of  safety.  Emin  Pasha  suffered  a  long 
imprisonment  but  later  entered  the  services  of  the  German  East 
African  Company,  after  Kitchener  had  subdued  the  Mahdi's  re- 
bellion. The  exploratory  work  of  Emin  Pasha  has  been  described 
by  Dr.  Stuhlmann  (1894),  who  persisted  in  exploration  despite 
failing  eyesight,  only  to  meet  his  death  at  the  hands  of  Arab  assassins. 

Although  no  new  and  astonishing  geographical  discoveries  can 
be  expected,  much  surveying  and  cartography  remain  to  be  done, 
especially  in  the  Sahara  from  Mauretania  to  Libya.  In  conjunction 
with  exploration  geological  surveys  are  essential,  and  better  topo- 
graphical tribal  maps  must  be  prepared.  To  keep  in  touch  with 
modern  exploration,  the  various  geographical  journals  listed  in  the 
bibliography  of  periodicals  should  be  consulted. 

A  new  edition  (1930)  of  H.  H.  Johnston's  "A  History  of  the  Coloni- 
zation of  Africa  by  Alien  Races"  is  a  valuable  textbook.  The  work 
contains  a  chronological  table  of  all  the  major  explorations  and 
political  events  up  to  the  year  1912.  For  literature  bearing  on 
history  and  administration  after  1912  consult  the  following  pages 
(672-689). 


II.  EUROPEAN  GOVERNMENTS 
The  Partitioning  of  Africa 

(Map  5) 
Long  rivalry  between  European  commercial  and  political  interests 
has  resulted  in  a  partitioning  of  Africa  to  the  mutual  dissatisfaction 
of  European  powers  and  with  injustice  to  Africans,  since  political 
boundaries  cut  across  ethnological  divisions.  Instances  of  this 
disregard  for  tribal  unity  are  to  be  found  in  the  division  of  the  Masai 
tribes  between  Kenya  Colony  and  Tanganyika  Territory,  and  again 
in  the  separation  of  the  Vakwanyama  in  Portuguese  Angola  from 
the  Ovambo  of  South  West  Africa,  which  is  now  under  British 
mandate,  though  formerly  under  German  rule. 

The  extent  of  territory  administered  by  each  European  country 
which  is  represented  in  Africa  may  be  seen  from  the  accompanying 
map  showing  the  areas  occupied  by  Britain,  France,  Belgium, 
Portugal,  Italy,  and  Spain,  At  the  close  of  the  World  War,  German 
territories  were  divided  among  the  Allies,  who  now  administer  them 
by  mandate  from  the  League  of  Nations.  To  this  body,  in  theory 
at  any  rate,  the  governing  European  powers  are  responsible. 

Tanganyika  and  South  West  Africa  are  under  British  mandate. 
The  Cameroons  were  divided  in  such  a  way  that  the  British  added 
a  narrow  strip  to  Nigeria,  while  France  received  the  greater  portion 
for  inclusion  in  her  Congo  territory.  Togoland  was  divided  between 
the  British  possessions  of  Ashanti  and  French  Dahomey.  The 
partitioning  of  Africa  has  been  discussed  by  Beer  (1923),  and  by 
Lucas  (1922). 

If  a  student  is  doing  research  with  a  political  unit  as  the  subject, 
the  following  sources  are  indispensable.  Fitzgerald  (1934)  gives  an 
exposition  of  the  relationship  between  geography,  history,  adminis- 
tration, and  economic  problems.  Topographical  details  of  areas, 
climate,  communications,  and  products  for  each  political  division 
are  fully  treated.  See  also  bibliographies  arranged  according  to 
political  divisions  (pp.  836-839), 

The  catalogues  of  H.  M.  Stationery  Office,  Kingsway,  London,  are 
a  list  of  British  Government  publications,  each  dealing  with  a 
separate  political  division  or  with  a  specific  educational  or  economic 
problem.  Similar  official  reports  are  issued  by  the  Ministries  of 
Colonies  in  Paris,  Rome,  Brussels,  and  Lisbon,  for  French,  Italian, 
Belgian,  and  Portuguese  territory.    A  student  should  write  to  the 

672 


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0 


EUROPEAN  POSSE 


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Maps 


Map  5.    Approximate  political  boundaries  of  European  possessions. 
Scale:  1  inch=804  miles. 


European  Governments  673 

foreign  consulate  in  his  own  city  asking  for  information.  Hand- 
books of  the  well-indexed,  encyclopedic  type,  with  maps,  are 
available  for  most  political  divisions.  The  recent  handbook  for 
Uganda  (H.  B.  Thomas  and  R.  Scott,  1935)  is  exceptionally  well 
compiled  and  illustrated.  History,  geology,  economics,  natural 
history  and  all  aspects  of  native  welfare  are  well  described.  The 
"South  and  East  African  Year  Book  and  Guide"  (A.  S.  and  G.  G. 
Brown,  1935,  and  periodically)  is  indispensable  as  a  south  African 
background.  The  maps  are  excellent.  Many  useful  publications  are 
issued  by  Crown  Agents  for  the  Colonies,  4  Millbank,  London, 
England. 

Consultation  of  the  bibliography  of  periodicals  at  the  end  of 
this  work  will  indicate  that  a  wide  field  of  current  literature  is 
available  for  social  and  political  study.  The  title  of  the  periodical 
usually  suggests  the  nature  of  the  contents. 

For  study  of  a  political  area,  a  detailed  map  is  essential.  E.  Stan- 
ford, Long  Acre,  London,  issues  a  large  catalogue  of  ordnance  survey 
maps  for  Africa. 

Independent  Territory 

When  describing  the  partitioning  of  Africa,  three  territories, 
Egypt,  Liberia,  and  until  recently  Abyssinia,  require  special  consider- 
ation because  of  their  independence.  In  1935,  Egypt  was  a  sovereign 
state  ruled  by  an  Egyptian,  King  Fuad,  who  was  aided  by  an  elected 
body,  but  Britain  retained  rights  of  veto  over  legislation,  and  a 
British  garrison  guarded  the  Suez  Canal.  This  canal  was  cut  in 
the  year  1869,  and  its  geographical  situation  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea  and  the  Red  Sea  gives  it  commercial  and  strategic  value. 
Toward  the  close  of  1935,  and  as  a  result  of  protest  by  powerful 
Egyptian  Nationalists,  Great  Britain  made  considerable  restoration 
of  constitutional  government  to  Egypt.  The  form  of  independence 
conceded  was  of  the  type  which  had  been  suspended  in  the  year 
1923.  On  the  death  of  King  Fuad,  Prince  Faruk,  a  minor,  succeeded, 
and  the  virtually  independent  country  was  ruled  by  an  Egyptian 
Regency  Council.  In  1937  Faruk  was  crowned.  Lord  L.  Dolobran 
(1933)  has  published  a  work  which  will  bring  a  student  almost  up 
to  date  with  the  Egyptian  situation. 

The  internal  affairs  of  Liberia  have  received  such  recent  attention 
from  the  League  of  Nations,  and  the  past  history  of  the  country  is 
so  closely  linked  with  American  enterprise,  especially  through  the 
agency  of  the  Firestone  Tire  and  Rubber  Company,  that  this  small 
republic  of  the  west  coast  is  of  exceptional  political  interest.    The 


674  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

country  is  without  a  railway  line,  and  the  general  development  of 
mineral  and  other  resources  is  backward.  An  unexplored  field  for 
ethnological  work  remains.  Sibley  and  Westermann  (1929)  published 
a  handbook  which  summarizes  the  political  and  educational  situation. 

In  the  year  1820  the  American  Colonization  Society,  which  was 
a  private  body,  sent  out  a  company  of  freed  Negroes  from  America 
to  Liberia.  These  established  themselves  on  the  promontory  where 
Monrovia  now  stands,  purchased  land  from  Liberian  chiefs,  and 
entered  on  a  precarious  existence  marked  by  warfare  with  native 
Liberians  and  slave  raiders  of  English,  French,  and  Spanish  nation- 
ality. General  Roberts,  in  the  year  1841,  was  the  first  man  to  take 
charge  of  Liberian  affairs,  and  a  few  years  later  Liberia  adopted  a 
republican  constitution  which  was  recognized  by  Great  Britain. 

This  political  growth  does  not  imply  the  attainment  of  unity 
and  autonomy.  For  many  years  the  hinterland  of  Liberia  remained 
unexplored  and  unaffected  by  political  movements  that  concerned 
only  the  coastal  region.  Even  today  no  sense  of  general  cooperation 
exists,  and  a  pressing  problem  before  the  League  of  Nations  has 
been  the  unfair  exploitation  of  the  hinterland  chiefs  and  their  subjects 
by  the  more  sophisticated  Negro  politicians  of  the  coast. 

In  the  year  1926  the  Firestone  Tire  and  Rubber  Company  ob- 
tained a  concession  of  a  million  acres  on  a  lease  of  ninety-nine  years. 
But  recent  events  affecting  the  economic  outlook  of  the  world  have 
retarded  the  commercial,  and  perhaps  the  social,  benefits  that  might 
have  resulted  from  this  enterprise.  Liberian  problems  were  sum- 
marized by  Christy  (1931a,  b),  Dyke  (1935),  and  J.  C.  Young  (1934). 

In  view  of  recent  Italian  conquests,  information  on  Abyssinia, 
which  was  independent  for  centuries,  must  now  be  included  with 
notes  on  Italian  possessions. 

Britain 

A  helpful  introduction  to  the  study  of  British  possessions  in 
Africa  has  been  published  by  A.  W.  Pimm  (1934),  who  makes  a 
general  survey.  Geographically,  a  convenient  starting  point  for 
the  study  of  British  territory  is  the  colony  of  Sierra  Leone  on  the 
west  coast,  which,  with  Gambia,  a  narrow  strip  of  land  bordering 
a  river  of  that  name,  has  historical  connections  with  Britain  going 
back  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Following  a  period 
of  administration  and  development  by  trading  companies,  govern- 
ment rule  was  established  about  the  close  of  that  century. 

The  name  of  the  largest  town,  Freetown,  recalls  the  use  of  the 
colony  as  a  home  for  freed  slaves  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 


European  Governments  675 

century.  From  this  busy  seaport,  a  narrow  gauge  railway  line  extends 
a  distance  of  227  miles  to  Pendembu,  with  a  branch  more  than  a 
hundred  miles  in  length.  Many  motorable  roads  exist.  The  colony 
has  an  area  of  30,000  square  miles  and  a  population  of  about  one 
and  one-half  millions.  Palm  kernels  and  kola  nuts  are  valuable 
exports. 

Experimental  work  on  plantations  will  perhaps  overcome  the 
disadvantage  arising  from  wasteful  methods  of  obtaining  oil  from 
wild  palms.  At  present  the  commodity  is  inferior  to  that  of  Sumatra 
and  is  therefore  at  a  disadvantage  in  the  American  market.  Of  the 
goods  consumed  in  Sierra  Leone,  62  per  cent  is  obtained  from  the 
United  Kingdom,  and  a  similar  value  of  products  is  exported  to 
that  country,  with  slight  fluctuations  in  the  balance  of  trade  from 
year  to  year. 

Farther  east,  and  on  the  west  coast,  are  the  Gold  Coast  (T.  S. 
Thomas,  1929;  W.  E.  Ward,  1935),  Ashanti,  and  the  Northern 
Territories,  situated  between  two  French  possessions — the  Ivory 
Coast  and  Dahomey.  From  Accra  a  railway  line  about  a  hundred 
miles  long  extends  northward  to  Kumasi,  which  is  connected  by 
rail  with  the  seaport  of  Sekondi.  Important  among  the  exports  are 
palm  oil,  copra,  rubber,  cocoa,  sisal  hemp,  mangoes,  bananas,  hides, 
rice,  tapioca,  and  timber.  The  chief  minerals  are  manganese,  gold, 
bauxite  and  graphite,  which  are  yet  undeveloped.  H.  0.  Newland 
(1922)  compiled  a  handbook  of  economic  and  general  information 
relating  to  British  west  African  possessions.  Byrne  (1929)  has 
described  trade  and  transport. 

The  largest  and  most  important  British  territory  in  west  Africa 
is  Nigeria,  having  an  area  of  256,000  square  miles.  It  is  entirely 
surrounded  by  French  territory  except  for  the  six  hundred  miles 
of  Atlantic  seaboard.  The  chief  rivers  are  the  Niger  in  the  west 
and  its  tributary,  the  Benue,  which  serve  as  a  commercial  highway 
for  the  entire  southeastern  area.  When  traveling  northward  from 
the  coast,  a  broad  area  of  dense  forest  is  crossed,  but  this  gradually 
becomes  sparse,  until  open  parkland,  semi-desert,  and  true  desert 
are  reached.  Hambly  (1935a)  gave  a  general  account  of  the  history 
and  ethnology  of  Nigeria.  Reference  should  be  made  to  the  Nigeria 
Handbook  (Government  Printing  Press,  Lagos). 

In  addition  to  mineral  wealth,  which  includes  tin,  silver,  lead, 
iron,  and  coal,  the  vegetable  products — palm  oil,  shea  butter,  peanuts, 
cocoa,  kola  nuts,  and  cotton — are  important.  Railway  systems  are 
well  developed  in  western  Nigeria,  while  the  Niger  and  its  tributary, 


676  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

the  Benue,  are  valuable  supplementary  routes.  Thousands  of 
miles  of  motorable  roads  exist.  Some  of  these  highways  are  in  use 
all  the  year,  but  others  are  closed  for  periods  during  the  wet  season 
from  May  to  October,  and  later,  in  places  where  floods  have 
caused  damage. 

From  Lagos  and  Port  Harcourt,  main  railway  lines  extend  to 
Kano,  nearly  eight  hundred  miles  from  the  coast,  and  to  Jos,  an 
important  town  in  the  tin-mining  region  of  the  Bauchi  plateau.  In 
the  wet  season,  steamers  ply  the  Benue  from  Lokoja,  at  the  junction 
of  the  Benue  and  the  Niger,  to  Yola,  in  the  far  east  of  Nigeria.  In 
Nigeria  are  two  of  the  largest  bridges  in  Africa,  one  across  the  Niger 
at  Jebba,  and  the  other  across  the  Benue  at  Makurdi.  The  story 
of  Nigeria  has  been  told  by  H.  Clifi'ord  (1924).  The  history  has 
been  surveyed  by  Mockler-Ferryman  (1902),  and  by  Lady  F.  L. 
Lugard  (1905).   M.  Perham  (1936b)  has  described  administration. 

Sir  Robert  Williams  (1933),  founder  of  the  Benguela  Railway 
Company,  first  came  to  Africa  in  1881  as  a  mining  engineer.  He 
was  closely  associated  with  Cecil  Rhodes,  who  died  in  1902  after 
spending  many  years  in  organizing  and  developing  railways  and 
mines  in  south  Africa.  In  the  year  1929  Sir  Robert  Williams'  scheme 
of  a  transcontinental  railway  from  Benguela  in  Angola,  through  the 
Belgian  Congo  and  Rhodesia,  to  Portuguese  East  Africa,  was  com- 
pleted. But  the  railway  line  from  Cairo  to  Cape  Town  is  not  yet 
finished.  South  Africa  has,  however,  a  netv/ork  of  railways,  which 
are  connected  with  the  trans-African  line  from  Benguela  to  Beira. 
The  system  contains  several  notable  engineering  feats,  including  the 
bridging  of  the  Zambezi  near  Victoria  Falls.  Millin's  (1933)  biog- 
raphy of  Cecil  Rhodes  includes  a  large  bibliography  and  a  clear 
summary  of  this  period  of  British  expansion.  By  the  same  author 
(1936)  is  an  important  historical  work  dealing  with  the  career  of 
General  Smuts. 

From  Cape  Town  a  main  railway  line  extends  northeast  to  the 
junction  of  De  Aar,  and  from  that  town  northward  to  Windhoek, 
thence  to  Grootfontein,  with  lateral  branches  to  the  west  coast 
ports  of  Liideritz  Bay  and  Swakopmund.  The  Transvaal,  Orange 
Free  State,  and  Durban  have  adequate  railway  communication 
which  connects  the  main  towns  of  South  Africa  with  Bukuma  and 
Elisabethville  in  the  Belgian  Congo.  Some  transport  problems  have 
been  discussed  by  P.  Johnson  (1933) ;  and  Smuts  (1930a)  with  other 
authors  has  published  a  pictorial  account  of  railway  expansion  in 
south  Africa. 


European  Governments  677 

The  British  dominions  of  south  and  east  Africa  are  connected 
with  England  by  a  regular  air  service  from  London  to  Cape  Town. 
This  service  is  part  of  an  Imperial  Airways'  scheme  fostered  by 
Sir  Sefton  Brancker.  A  description  of  air  routes,  with  map,  has 
been  published  by  H.  Burchell  (1933). 

Politically,  the  Union  of  South  Africa  includes  Cape  Colony, 
Natal,  the  Transvaal,  the  Orange  Free  State,  and  the  mandated 
territory  of  South  West  Africa.  Pietermaritzburg  is  the  capital  of 
Natal.  Pretoria  is  the  administrative  center  of  the  Transvaal,  and 
Johannesburg  is  an  important  mining  town  concerned  with  the  pro- 
duction of  gold  and  diamonds.  Mining,  a  complete  survey  of  which 
has  been  made  by  P.  Duncan  (1936),  is  intimately  connected  with 
problems  of  native  welfare. 

Swaziland,  which  is  not  part  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  is 
ruled  by  a  native  chief  under  the  veto  of  a  resident  British  Com- 
missioner. Basutoland  is  a  protectorate  governed  by  a  High  Com- 
missioner who  represents  the  British  Crown.  Bechuanaland  is  also 
a  protectorate.  An  excellent  account  of  the  economic  geography 
of  Swaziland  has  been  published  by  Doveton  (1936).  L.  Barnes 
(1933)  has  described  the  difRculties  of  administration  in  Bechuana- 
land. The  country  was  unable  to  balance  the  budget  and  was  faced 
with  a  heavy  deficit.  Foot  and  mouth  disease  was  preventing  export 
of  cattle.  Migration  of  laborers  was  disrupting  indigenous  cultures 
and  social  controls.  Disease  was  widespread,  and  hospital  accommo- 
dation was  inadequate.  The  need  for  extended  education  is  urgent. 
A  scheme  for  developing  adequate  supplies  of  water  is  imperative. 

Southern  Rhodesia  and  Northern  Rhodesia  are  two  valuable 
tracts  on  the  British  route  from  the  Cape  to  Cairo.  The  former, 
which  is  now  a  self-governing  colony,  is  part  of  the  high  plateau  of 
south  Africa  which  rises  to  elevations  of  three  thousand,  and  even 
five  thousand  feet.  Consequently,  tropical  heat  is  modified  and 
large  areas  are  suitable  for  settlement  by  white  people,  a  fact  which 
raises  certain  social  and  political  problems. 

Southern  Rhodesia  has  rich  pastoral  country  from  which  herds 
of  cattle  find  a  ready  market  in  the  towns,  and  still  greater  develop- 
ment of  the  country  is  to  be  expected  with  lateral  extension  of 
railway  lines  from  Salisbury  and  Bulawayo.  Northern  Rhodesia 
is  a  country  of  grasslands,  and  forests  of  varying  density,  and 
though  the  tsetse  fly,  the  carrier  of  sleeping  sickness  to  human  beings 
and  devastating  disease  to  cattle,  is  present,  herds  are  reared  in 
the  highlands.    Mining  is  important,  and  the  center  named  Broken 


678  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Hill,  where  lead  and  zinc  are  obtained,  is  on  the  main  railway  line 
from  the  Cape  to  Elisabethville  in  the  south  of  the  Belgian  Congo. 
Standing  (1935)  has  written  a  history  of  the  Rhodesias,  with  maps 
and  illustrations. 

The  British  regions  described  have  abundant  mineral,  agricul- 
tural, and  pastoral  wealth.  Local  products  vary  considerably,  but 
among  the  minerals,  gold,  copper,  and  diamonds  are  the  most  valu- 
able. The  gold  mines  of  Witwatersrand  (The  White  Water's  Ridge) 
produce  a  third  of  the  world's  supply  of  this  mineral.  Wine,  fruits, 
cereals,  tobacco,  ostrich  feathers,  mohair,  and  hides  are  important, 
while  the  coal  supply  is  sufficient  for  internal  needs,  and  a  surplus 
is  exported  from  Durban  eastward  along  the  coast. 

Communication  by  river  in  south  Africa  is  not  so  important  as 
one  might  at  first  glance  suppose,  owing  to  rapids,  the  drying  of 
affluents,  and  the  formation  of  gorges  that  hinder  transport.  The 
Limpopo,  which  crosses  Portuguese  East  Africa  to  the  Indian  Ocean, 
forms  the  boundary  between  Southern  Rhodesia  and  the  Transvaal. 
The  Orange  River,  with  its  chief  tributary,  the  Vaal,  rises  in  the 
Drakenberg  Mountains.  The  Molopo  dries  up  in  the  rainless  season. 
The  course  of  the  Zambezi  is  interrupted  by  the  Victoria  Falls, 
where  the  river  has  cut  a  deep  gorge  forty  miles  long;  at  a  place 
where  the  waters  are  a  mile  wide  the  river  plunges  360  feet. 

Nyasaland  is  a  desirable  strip  of  territory  along  the  west  side 
of  Lake  Nyasa.  The  lake  is  drained  by  the  Shir^  River,  which  flows 
south  to  Port  Herald,  a  town  on  the  railway  line  from  Blantyre  to 
the  Portuguese  port  of  Beira.  Settlers  occupy  highlands  near  the 
Shir6  River,  and  the  wealth  of  Nyasaland  includes  cattle,  rubber, 
cotton,  coffee,  tobacco,  maize,  and  millet. 

For  a  general  survey  of  British  policy,  history,  and  economic 
development  in  south  Africa  several  excellent  textbooks  are  available. 

L  L.  Evans  (1934)  gives  an  account  of  the  history,  problems, 
and  legislation  affecting  Negro  and  White  populations  in  the  Union 
of  South  Africa,  the  High  Commission  Territories  of  Basutoland, 
Bechuanaland,  and  Swaziland,  and  also  in  Southern  Rhodesia  and 
in  South  West  Africa. 

E.  A.  Walker  (1934)  has  written  a  history  of  south  Africa,  and 
Kennedy  and  Schlosberg  (1935)  have  examined  "The  Law  and 
Custom  of  the  South  African  Constitution."  A  short  article  on  "The 
Constitutional  Position  of  the  South  African  Protectorates"  by 
C.  Tredgold  is  a  useful  introduction  to  the  larger  work  of  Kennedy 
and  Schlosberg. 


European  Governments  679 

Tanganyika  Territory,  formerly  German  East  Africa  but  now 
under  British  mandate,  has  tropical  coastal  plains  and  a  higher 
hinterland,  whose  productiveness  was  greatly  improved  by  German 
research  and  industry.  Agricultural  products  are  coconuts,  rubber, 
cocoa,  sugar,  tea,  coffee,  and  sisal.  Sisal  was  introduced  from 
Central  America  by  German  planters  about  thirty  years  ago,  because 
the  leaf  fiber  is  valuable  for  making  rope  and  sacking. 

The  main  railway  line  extends  across  Tanganyika  from  Dar-es- 
Salam  to  Lake  Tanganyika,  a  distance  of  seven  hundred  miles.  The 
Zanzibar  Protectorate  imports  large  quantities  of  cotton  cloth  and 
petroleum,  while  the  exports  of  importance  include  rice,  ivory,  and 
cloves. 

North  of  Tanganyika  Territory  is  Kenya  Colony  (British  East 
Africa),  of  which  Mombasa  is  the  chief  port  and  Nairobi  the  principal 
town,  now  greatly  modernized.  The  main  railway  line  is  laid  from 
Mombasa  through  Nairobi  to  Port  Florence  on  Lake  Victoria 
Nyanza.  About  a  hundred  miles  inland  from  Mombasa,  a  branch 
line  has  been  constructed  to  Moshi  in  Tanganyika  Territory,  and 
from  that  point  to  the  coast  opposite  Zanzibar. 

Although  Kenya  Colony  is  close  to  the  equator,  the  tropical 
heat  is  so  modified  by  elevation  of  the  land  that  the  country  is 
suitable  for  settlement  by  Europeans.  The  entry  of  Indian  traders 
has  given  rise  to  a  problem  involving  the  interests  of  white  men, 
Bantu  Negroes,  pastoral  Hamites,  and  Indian  traders.  The  chief 
economic  wealth  consists  of  copra  (the  dried  tissue  from  coconuts) 
hides,  grain,  oil-seeds,  sisal,  and  ivory. 

Lord  Lugard's  (1893)  comprehensive  work  on  the  growth  of  the 
east  African  empire  is  historically  important,  and  of  recent  problems 
he  has  written  (1926)  under  the  title  of  "The  Dual  Mandate  in 
British  Tropical  Africa."  A  more  recent  contribution  (1936)  is  a 
discussion  of  the  political  rivalry  of  the  British  and  other  European 
powers.  D.  J.  Richter's  work  (1934)  on  "Tanganyika  and  Its 
Future"  is  a  useful  text;  Gillman  (1936)  has  prepared  a  map  of 
population  distribution  in  Tanganyika,  and  in  conjunction  with 
this  R.  C.  Jerrard's  list  of  tribes  in  that  political  area  should  be 
consulted.  The  bibliography  of  periodicals  gives  the  titles  of  several 
journals  which  keep  a  reader  in  touch  with  current  events  in  east 
Africa.  W.  H.  Ingrams'  (1931)  work  deals  with  the  history  of 
Zanzibar  and  the  social  condition  of  the  population.  N.  M.  Leys 
(1924)  has  produced  a  brief  general  account  of  Kenya,  and  Speller 
(1931)  has  written  on  land  policy  and  economic  development. 


680  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

North  of  Kenya  is  situated  Uganda,  bordering  the  shore  of 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  and  still  farther  north  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan.  After  a  tragic  period  during  which  the  population  of  the 
Sudan  was  harried  and  enslaved  by  the  Mahdi  (B.  M.  Allen,  1931), 
a  slow  return  of  prosperity  and  settlement  followed  Kitchener's 
defeat  of  the  dervishes  at  the  battle  of  Omdurman  in  1898  (R.  A, 
Bermann,  1931).  The  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  is  a  portion  of  the  belt 
of  grassland  and  semidesert  that  extends  across  Africa  from  Abys- 
sinia to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  products  of  the  Sudan  are  gum 
from  desert  hardwoods,  a  commodity  for  which  the  province  of 
Kordofan  is  particularly  noted,  and  cotton,  millet,  wheat,  maize, 
beans,  dates,  shea  butter,  gold,  and  ivory. 

A  railway  line  from  Alexandria  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea  passes 
through  Cairo  and  south  to  Assuan,  where  the  first  cataract  is 
situated.  A  journey  up  the  White  Nile  from  Assuan  brings  the 
traveler  to  Wadi  Haifa,  on  the  border  between  Egypt  and  the 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan.  The  line  then  continues  across  the  Nubian 
Desert  in  the  great  bend  of  the  Nile,  and  from  that  point  to  Khartum 
at  the  junction  of  the  White  Nile  and  the  Blue  Nile. 

From  Khartum  the  railway  proceeds  southward  through  rich 
cotton  fields  to  Gebel  Moya  fHill  of  Water)  between  the  White  and 
the  Blue  Nile.  Turning  west  at  this  small  station,  the  line  continues 
to  the  terminus  at  El  Obeid  after  crossing  a  fine  bridge  at  Kosti. 
To  El  Obeid  come  camel  caravans  from  Kordofan  and  Darfur.  Port 
Sudan,  a  town  on  the  Red  Sea,  is  of  great  commercial  importance, 
and  from  this  seaport  railway  lines  extend  to  Kassala  on  the  border 
of  Italian  Eritrea,  and  to  Atbara  on  the  White  Nile.  The  latter 
line  passes  through  rugged  desert  country  inhabited  by  the  Hadendoa 
(Fig.  37,  a)  and  kindred  Hamitic  tribes.  Count  Gleichen  (1905) 
edited  two  volumes  which  are  a  compendium  of  information  on  the 
Sudan,  and  the  reports  of  the  W^ellcome  Laboratories,  Gordon 
College,  Khartum,  are  valuable  sources.  Crabites  (1935)  has 
described  the  conquest  of  the  Sudan,  and  MacMichael  (1934)  has 
published  a  general  history.  Logan's  (1931)  article  deals  with  the 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan  as  a  problem  in  international  relations. 

British  Somaliland,  on  the  border  of  the  Red  Sea,  is  torrid 
country  of  semi-desert  type,  but  important  from  a  strategic  point 
of  view  because  of  its  situation  near  the  town  of  Aden  at  the  narrow 
southern  entrance  to  the  Red  Sea.  The  chief  port  of  British  Somali- 
land  is  Berbera.  For  observations  on  British  Somaliland,  F.  L.  James 
(1888),  Swayne  (1895),  Kittermaster  (1932),  Nesbitt   (1934),   and 


European  Governments  681 

J.  Parkinson  (1936),  should  be  consulted,  but  detailed  information 
on  this  region  is  meager. 

France 

With  the  exception  of  French  Somaliland,  which  has  a  strong 
strategic  position  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Red  Sea,  France  owns 
no  territory  on  the  east  side  of  the  continent,  but  French  dominions 
are  extensive  in  north,  west,  and  central  Africa,  as  the  map  of  political 
divisions  indicates.  French  colonization  has  been  so  directed  as  to 
give  continuity  of  dominion,  even  though  the  policy  involves  admin- 
istration of  two-thirds  of  the  Sahara  Desert,  which  is  mainly  a  barren 
and  uninhabited  region. 

In  north  Africa,  French  rule  has  improved  the  social  and  economiic 
outlook  in  Algeria  since  the  conquest  of  1834,  while  more  recent 
enterprise  has  established  French  protectorates  over  Tunisia  and 
the  greater  part  of  Morocco.  Railways  and  motor  roads  have  been 
developed,  so  aiding  commerce  and  assisting  a  lucrative  tourist 
traffic.  From  Tunisia  phosphates  and  olive  oil  are  valuable  exports, 
and  Morocco  contains  unexploited  mineral  wealth.  Hides,  barley, 
wheat,  maize,  dates,  cork,  alfalfa  grass,  and  fruits  are  typical  prod- 
ucts of  the  subtropical  regions  of  north  Africa. 

In  Algeria,  a  railway  extends  as  far  south  as  Tuggurt,  where 
the  trans-Saharan  caravan  journey  begins.  Experiments  with 
Citroen  cars  used  by  Haardt  and  Dubreuil  (1927),  and  tests  with 
six-wheeled  Renault  cars,  first  proved  the  feasibility  of  crossing 
the  desert  with  specially  constructed  automobiles;  then  later,  after 
the  easiest  route  was  chosen,  less  specialized  automobiles  were  used. 

For  details  of  modern  motor  transport  in  the  Sahara,  with  map, 
see  editorial  notes  in  L'AF,  vol.  36,  1936,  pp.  654-655;  and  "Ren- 
seignements  coloniaux,"  which  is  a  supplement  to  this  volume  of  L'AF. 

Crossing  the  Sahara  by  railway,  a  project  first  suggested  by 
M.  Duponchel  in  1879,  presents  many  problems  relating  to  engineer- 
ing, economics,  and  military  strategy.  Millions  of  francs  have  been 
spent  in  preliminary  investigations,  and  committees  have  reported 
on  the  feasibility  of  the  scheme.  These  minutes  have  been  published 
(De  Warren,  L'AF,  vol.  37,  1927,  pp.  221-223)  and  according  to 
the  judgment  of  select  committees  the  railway  scheme  is  desirable, 
both  commercially  and  politically.  The  report  of  the  council  calls 
attention  to  a  supremacy  of  German  man-power,  which  might 
necessitate  the  bringing  of  French  colonial  troops  to  Europe,  and 
if  this  were  done  the  transports  would  be  menaced  by  German 
submarines  as  they  were  during  the  World  War.    This  danger  could 


682  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

be  avoided  by  conveying  west  African  colonial  troops  across  the 
Sahara  by  rail.  Moreover,  the  report  emphasizes  the  desirability 
of  linking  north  Africa  with  the  western  Sudan,  Lake  Chad,  and 
the  Congo  basin,  so  coordinating  the  various  possessions  of  France 
by  a  single  system  of  railways. 

Economically,  the  scheme  appears  to  be  justified.  More  extensive 
cultivation  of  rice  on  the  well-watered  banks  of  the  Niger  would 
be  encouraged;  so  also  would  the  production  of  maize  and  wheat. 
Manioc,  from  which  tapioca  is  made,  mucilage,  and  industrial  alcohol 
distilled  from  grain,  are  mentioned  as  commercial  possibilities  which 
are  now  handicapped  by  the  absence  of  an  outlet  by  rail. 

The  report  states  that  France  obtains  a  relatively  small  proportion 
of  her  cotton  supply  from  her  west  African  possessions.  The  bulk 
of  this  material  is  now  imported  from  Egypt,  India,  and  the  United 
States  of  America,  so  making  French  indebtedness  greater  than 
would  be  necessary  if  a  railway  system  were  developed  in  north  and 
west  Africa.  Iron  is  reported  to  be  abundant  in  French  West  Africa, 
and  prospectors  entertain  a  hope  of  obtaining  more  gold  from  the 
mountains  of  the  Sudan. 

Apparently,  technical  difficulties  in  constructing  a  railway  across 
the  Sahara  are  not  so  great  as  some  experts  have  assumed,  because 
the  dunes  of  soft  sand  occupy  only  one-third  of  the  route,  and  tracks 
could  be  laid  across  the  stony  desert.  The  expense  would  be  great, 
but  construction  of  the  railroad  would  at  once  raise  the  value  of 
land  in  the  Sudan.  Those  who  are  concerned  with  the  welfare  of 
African  natives  wish  to  know  what  measures  are  to  be  taken  to 
protect  native  rights  during  the  gamble  for  territory  by  mercantile 
companies. 

The  argument  that  water  supply  for  locomotives  would  exhaust 
desert  wells  is  countered  by  a  statement  that  the  power  for  engines 
would  be  supplied  by  internal  combustion  of  vegetable  oils  made 
from  palm-nut  pulp. 

Administration  and  development  of  Morocco  as  a  protectorate 
under  the  direction  of  Marshal  Lyautey  have  shown  the  efficiency 
of  French  colonial  policy.  When  France  assumed  control  of  Moroccan 
affairs  about  the  year  1912,  with  the  reservation  of  Tangier  as  a 
neutral  zone,  the  country  was  in  a  backward  and  chaotic  condition. 
Moorish  troops  mutinied,  massacred  French  officers,  and  attacked 
the  town  of  Fez,  but  finally  the  rebels  were  subdued,  though  desultory 
warfare  and  intermittent  revolts  continue  in  outlying  regions. 


European  Governments  683 

France  has  spent  large  sums  of  money  on  medical  service,  a 
statement  that  is  attested  by  the  erection  of  a  Pasteur  Institute 
at  Rabat,  an  anti-syphilitic  institute  at  Fez,  and  a  medical  clinic 
for  ophthalmic  diseases  at  Casablanca.  Veterinary  science,  agricul- 
ture, town  lighting,  education,  and  inspection  of  foods  have  all  been 
brought  under  the  control  of  scientific  bureaus. 

In  west  Africa,  the  principal  French  possessions  are  Senegal, 
French  Guinea,  the  Ivory  Coast,  and  Dahomey,  all  of  which  are  in 
the  littoral  forest  zone,  which  has  a  wealth  of  timber  and  vegetable 
products.  In  French  Guinea,  a  railway  has  been  constructed  from 
Konakry  for  a  distance  of  four  hundred  miles  to  the  upper  reaches 
of  the  Niger,  which  is  also  tapped  by  a  railway  from  Dakar  in  Senegal 
to  Bamako,  a  distance  of  seven  hundred  miles.  These  lines,  together 
with  the  River  Niger,  maintain  communication  with  Timbuktu, 
which  is  situated  at  the  southern  end  of  trans-Saharan  routes  from 
the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

The  Ivory  Coast  has  a  railway  from  Bingerville  inland  to  Bouake, 
and  in  Dahomey  are  lines  from  Kotonu  to  Abomey  and  Parakou, 
and  from  the  port  of  Lome  to  Atakpane.  The  former  of  these  parallel 
lines  from  the  coast  has  a  length  of  two  hundred  miles,  while  the 
latter  extends  more  than  half  that  distance;  therefore,  inland  products 
have  ready  access  to  the  sea.  The  Governor-General  for  the  region 
of  French  West  Africa  resides  at  Dakar,  from  which  administrative 
center  Lieutenant-Governors  are  sent  to  take  charge  of  the  principal 
provinces:  namely,  Mauretania,  the  French  Sudan,  the  Upper  Volta, 
Gabun,  (Gaboon)  Cameroons,  Middle  Congo,  Ubangi  Shari,  and  Chad 
and  French  Niger  Territory.  French  Equatorial  Africa  includes 
Colony,  which  occupy  an  enormous  tract  of  country  between  the 
southern  Sahara  and  the  River  Congo. 

For  a  general  history  of  French  colonial  policy,  S.  H.  Roberts 
(1929)  should  be  consulted.  G.  Bruel  (1935)  has  published  a  com- 
prehensive work  dealing  with  French  Equatorial  Africa.  The  book 
is  well  illustrated  and  is  furnished  with  six  maps.  A  brief  article 
by  R.  Montagne  (1934)  deals  with  the  political  situation  in  north 
Africa.  For  history  and  recent  administration  by  the  French  in 
west  Africa,  Pelleray  (1923)  and  J.  L.  Monod  (1926)  are  serviceable. 
Chazelas  (1931)  discusses  the  political  situation  in  French  mandated 
territory.  See  also  Mumford  (1936).  "L'Afrique  Fran^aise"  is  a 
most  valuable  periodical  for  keeping  in  touch  with  French,  Belgian, 
and  Italian  administration  in  Africa. 


684      Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Belgium 

The  Belgian  Congo  occupies  a  tropical  forest  region  of  about 
a  million  square  miles;  that  is,  approximately  one-third  the  size 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  Communication  by  the  River 
Congo  and  its  many  tributaries  is  an  indispensable  aid  to  exploitation 
of  the  vast  resources  of  vegetable  and  mineral  wealth.  The  southern 
portion  of  the  Belgian  Congo  is  served  by  the  transcontinental  line, 
starting  from  Lobito  Bay  in  Angola.  The  line  extends  across  Angola 
to  Dilolo  in  Belgian  territory,  and  from  that  town  serves  the  southern 
Belgian  Congo  as  far  as  Elisabethville,  which  is  in  the  copper- 
producing  district  of  Katanga.  The  southern  Congo  region  is  famous 
for  mineral  earths  from  which  radium  is  extracted.  In  addition  to 
minerals  and  ivory  there  are  forest  products — rubber,  palm  oil,  palm 
kernels,  copal,  and  timber — while  in  the  future  the  production  of 
tobacco,  cotton,  and  cocoa  will  be  further  developed.  The  found- 
ing of  the  Congo  Free  State  is  described  by  Stanley  (1885)  and  by 
Hinde  (1897).  Warthin  (1928)  has  given  a  brief  account  of  trans- 
portation developments. 

Portugal 

Portuguese  possessions  include  a  small  area  on  the  extreme 
west  coast,  situated  between  French  Guinea  and  the  British  posses- 
sion of  Gambia;  but  larger  and  more  important  than  Portuguese 
Guinea  are  the  colonies  of  Angola  (Portuguese  West  Africa)  and 
Portuguese  East  Africa. 

The  north  of  Angola  is  topographically  part  of  the  southern 
Congo  region  and  resembles  that  area  in  temperature,  humidity, 
and  the  growth  of  dense  timber.  Central  Angola  is  occupied  by 
rugged  mountains  and  high  plateaus  which  arrest  moisture  from  the 
prevailing  northeast  winds  and,  in  addition,  modify  tropical  heat  so 
that  cultivation  of  maize  and  beans  is  possible  on  a  large  scale. 
The  coast  region  is  extremely  dry,  and  so  also  are  parts  of  the 
south  and  east.  But  in  the  south,  water  is  stored  in  deep  wells, 
and  cattle-raising  by  the  Vakwanyama  is  a  principal  industry. 

In  central  Angola,  roads  are  excellent,  but  in  the  far  east  the  tracks 
are  deeply  rutted ;  troublesome  sand  hills  are  encountered,  and  weak 
wooden  bridges  cause  many  delays.  In  1929  I  thought  that  the 
development  of  Angola  was  retarded  by  excessive  import  and  export 
duties,  high  taxation  of  producers,  and  the  preferential  tariff  given 
to  goods  imported  in  Portuguese  vessels.  The  abandoned  homes 
of  Boer  farmers  attest  the  inability  of  industrious  settlers  to  develop 
the  land  under  existing  laws. 


European  Governments  685 

Diamond  mines  of  the  northeast  are  of  great  value,  while  sisal, 
coffee,  and  tobacco  are  grown  and  exported.  Prospecting  for  oil 
is  in  progress,  but  a  journey  of  five  thousand  miles  in  Angola  left 
the  impression  that  exploitation  of  resources  has  only  begun.  In 
addition  to  the  transcontinental  line  from  Lobito  Bay  and  Benguela 
to  Portuguese  East  Africa,  two  short  lines  exist.  One  of  these 
extends  from  Loanda  on  the  coast  to  Malange,  which  is  situated 
in  a  coffee-producing  area,  while  the  other  runs  inland  from  Mossa- 
medes  to  Lubango,  in  the  Huila  district.  Here  pastoral  pursuits 
prevail,  under  the  auspices  of  a  well-equipped  research  station  at 
Umpata. 

In  Portuguese  East  Africa,  low  coastal  plains  gradually  give  place 
to  healthier  inland  plateaus  near  Lake  Nyasa.  Mozambique  exports 
rubber,  coffee,  and  ivory,  while  other  important  products  are  coco- 
nuts, sisal,  sugar,  and  mangrove  bark  for  tanning.  The  importance 
of  Beira  as  a  terminus  for  railways  of  the  South  African  system  and 
the  transcontinental  line  is  unequaled,  for  the  town  has  direct 
railway  connections  with  Salisbury  in  Southern  Rhodesia  and 
Blantyre  in  Nyasaland.  Lourengo  Marques  is  a  notable  seaport 
in  the  south  of  the  colony,  across  which  a  line  extends  to  form  a 
link  with  the  South  African  transport  system. 

For  general  information  on  the  Portuguese  colonies,  the  Boletim 
da  Agenda  Geral  das  Colonias,  Rua  da  Prata,  34,  Lisbon,  is  of  service. 
This  compendium  is  in  Portuguese.  The  Lourengo  Marques  Directory 
is  in  English.  T.  A.  Barns  (1928)  gives  much  miscellaneous  informa- 
tion about  Angola,  and  Dias  (1934)  has  given  a  brief  account  of 
the  policies  behind  Portuguese  administration  at  the  present  day. 
Hambly  (1931b)  has  written  a  travel  book  on  Angola;  the  reading 
is  light  but  informative.  For  further  information  on  Angola,  see 
under  "Exploration,"  pp.  652,  664. 

Italy 
Before  the  conquest  of  Abyssinia,  Italy  administered  only  a  large 
area  of  barren  territory.  At  the  close  of  the  World  War,  Italy 
received  some  concessions  at  the  expense  of  the  Turks,  but  the 
hinterland  of  Cyrenaica,  Tripolitania,  and  Libya  is  mainly  desert, 
relieved  by  a  few  oases.  Italy  has  two  primary  needs:  facilities  for 
emigration,  and  a  supply  of  raw  materials  from  her  own  dominions. 
Italy  is  only  one-half  the  size  of  France,  but  the  Italian  population, 
42,000,000,  is  slightly  greater  than  that  of  France,  and  much  of  the 
surface  of  Italy  is  unproductive  land. 


686  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  agi'icultural  department  of  Tripolitania  is  surmounting 
difficulties  of  soil,  aridity,  and  shifting  sands,  while  sources  of  water 
are  being  tapped.  But  absorption  of  Italians  as  settlers  will  always 
be  too  small  to  relieve  the  congestion  at  home ;  neither  can  settlement 
in  Libya  solve  the  difficulty  of  growing  raw  materials. 

A  camel  caravan  trade  goes  on  between  Tripoli  and  Benghazi 
and  the  interior;  this  commerce  the  Italians  wish  to  strengthen  by 
making  a  territorial  extension  in  the  direction  of  Lake  Chad.  French 
and  Italian  interests  clash,  not  only  in  the  Tibesti  region  of  the 
east-central  Sahara,  but  also  in  Tunisia,  which  is  under  French 
protection,  though  the  Bey  of  Tunisia  is  still  a  sovereign.  France 
urges  the  nationalization  of  Italians  in  Tunisia,  and  her  policy 
discriminates  against  those  who  do  not  comply.  On  the  other  hand, 
Italy  claims  that  her  subjects  in  French  dominions  should  suffer 
no  educational  or  other  disabilities.  But  an  agreement  between 
France  and  Italy,  1934,  is  likely  to  establish  a  better  understanding 
of  their  respective  rights  and  policies.  Italy  has  received  territorial 
concessions  on  the  borders  of  Libya  and  Eritrea,  and  Italians  in 
Tunisia  are  to  maintain  their  own  nationality  for  thirty  years  if 
they  desire  to  do  so. 

On  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  Italy  owns  Eritrea,  a  narrow  strip 
of  territory  seven  hundred  miles  long.  A  large  part  of  the  area  is 
salt  desert  or  sparse  bush,  yet  pasturage  exists,  and  a  recent  sugges- 
tion favors  a  greater  development  of  coffee  plantations,  whose  product 
would  have  a  market  in  Italy.  A  railway  150  miles  long  connects 
Massawa  on  the  Red  Sea  with  Asmara  in  the  interior.  The  colony 
is  of  strategic  importance  because  of  its  geographical  situation  near 
the  narrow  strait  of  Bab-el-Mandeb,  which  leads  from  the  Indian 
Ocean  to  the  Red  Sea.  The  possession  tends  to  preserve  a  balance 
of  power  in  favor  of  Italy  against  the  adjacent  territories  of  France 
and  Britain. 

The  long  coast  belt  of  Italian  Somaliland  extends  along  the 
eastern  side  of  the  promontory  known  as  the  Horn  of  Africa.  The 
country  is  desert,  semi-desert,  and  scrub  land,  relieved  by  higher 
areas  in  which  maize  can  be  grown.  Mucilage  from  hard  desert 
woods  is  a  valuable  commodity,  which  is  exported  for  the  manu- 
facture of  varnishes,  while  hides  and  ostrich  feathers  are  the  chief 
animal  products,  L.  Venieri  (1935,  pp.  5-58). 

The  troubled  history  of  Abyssinia  has  previously  been  mentioned, 
and  in  this  connection  the  main  factors  to  remember  are  the  early 
introduction  of  Christianity  in  the  fourth  century,  the  proselytizing 


European  Governments  687 

and  exploratory  work  of  Portuguese  missions,  and  the  invasion  of 
Abyssinia  by  Mohammedanism.  The  political  intrigues  of  Britain, 
France,  and  Italy,  who  have  all  coveted  an  interest  in  Abyssinia, 
are  important  factors  in  the  political  life  and  development  of  the 
country.  For  a  time,  Abyssinian  independence  seemed  to  be  assured 
by  the,  defeat  of  the  Italians  at  Adowa  in  1896,  but  even  so,  the 
development  of  the  country  was  retarded  by  lack  of  a  seaport. 
Abyssinia  was  shut  off  from  the  Red  Sea  by  three  coastal  territories, 
Italian  Eritrea,  French  and  British  Somaliland.  But  in  1935  Italy 
began  a  war  of  conquest  by  invading  Abyssinia,  an  act  which  ended 
with  the  exile  of  the  Abyssinian  ruler  Ras  Tafari  and  caused  con- 
siderable political  turmoil  in  Europe. 

The  word  "Abyssinian"  has  no  precise  ethnological  meaning, 
since  a  native  of  the  country  might  be  a  Galla,  a  mixed  Negro  type, 
an  Arab,  or  a  Jew,  while  linguistically  there  is  no  uniformity  of  speech, 
though  Hamitic  and  Semitic  languages  prevail.  Abyssinia  is  often 
referred  to  as  a  Christian  kingdom,  but  this  is  misleading,  since  a 
large  part  of  the  population  is  Mohammedan  and  some  tribes 
retain  their  own  religious  background.  To  read  of  the  court  of 
Ras  Tafari,  and  to  see  motion  pictures  of  the  railway  line  from 
Addis  Ababa  to  Jibuti  leaves  a  false  impression  of  the  general  devel- 
opment of  Abyssinia. 

As  a  whole,  the  country  is  undeveloped,  though  mineral  wealth 
exists,  while  cotton,  coffee,  and  cereals  are  cultivated.  Pastoral 
pursuits  are  concerned  with  rearing  and  pasturing  horses,  sheep, 
goats,  and  cattle.  In  the  arid  stretches  of  country,  camels  are  used 
for  transport  into  the  Sudan  and  British  East  Africa.  Slave-raiding 
still  takes  place,  and  slaves  are  brought  from  the  Sudan  to  the  Red 
Sea  to  be  shipped  into  Arabia.  In  the  rural  areas  feuds  are  common, 
and  the  uncertainty  of  boundaries  has  led  to  disputes  concerning 
grazing  rights  on  the  borders  between  Abyssinia  and  contiguous 
territory  belonging  to  Britain. 

A  valuable  general  account  of  Italian  expansion  in  Africa  has 
been  prepared  by  Bovill  (1933b),  and  MacCreagh  (1935)  has  described 
"The  Last  of  Free  Africa."  Varley's  (1936b)  "Bibliography  of 
Italian  Colonization"  contains  a  section  on  Abyssinia.  Problems 
of  Italian  government  in  Abyssinia  have  been  briefly  outlined  by 
Bouleminne  (1935).  Abraham  and  Villari  (1935)  presented  argu- 
ments for  and  against  Italian  expansion.  A,  H.  M.  Jones  and 
E.  Monroe  (1935)  have  published  a  work  summarizing  the  whole 
history  of  Abyssinia.     C.   H.   Walker's   (1933)   account  of   "The 


688  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Abyssinian  at  Home,"  is  more  technical  than  the  title  would  imply. 
He  gives  an  account  of  Abyssinian  Christianity  in  relation  to  the 
family,  the  social  status  of  women,  education,  religious  ritual  and 
magic,  and  the  administration  of  law.  For  general  description  of 
the  country,  students  will  enjoy  Fuertes  and  Osgood  (1936),  who 
give  an  account  of  the  Field  Museum-Chicago  Daily  News  Abys- 
sinian Expedition  of  1926.  For  descriptions  of  Italian  rule  in  north 
Africa,  De  Agostini  (1917, 1923),  Mondadori  (1926),  Minutelli  (1912), 
and  Despois  (1935),  are  useful.  The  work  of  Despois  describes 
problems  and  methods  of  Italian  rule  in  Libya. 

Spain 
The  arid  territory  owned  by  Spain  lies  on  the  northwest  coast 
and  its  hinterland.  Geographically,  the  Rio  de  Oro  is  part  of  the 
Sahara  Desert  and  is,  therefore,  sparsely  populated  by  an  itinerant 
and  restive  population.  Near  the  west  coast,  Spain  holds  the 
productive  islands  of  Fernando  Po  and  Annobon,  in  the  Gulf  of 
Guinea.  On  the  mainland,  just  north  of  the  equator,  Spain  ad- 
ministers a  very  small  territory  known  as  Spanish  Guinea,  which 
is  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  French  territory  and  is  bounded 
on  the  west  by  the  Atlantic  seaboard.  Morocco,  formerly  Spanish, 
is  a  French  Protectorate  by  treaty  signed  in  1912  with  Moulay 
Hafid,  the  Sultan  of  that  time.  Tangier  was  recognized  as  an 
international  zone  in  1923,  with  amendments  admitting  Italian 
rights  in  1928.  In  connection  with  Moroccan  affairs,  Segonzac 
(1934)  and  Simon  (1934)  should  be  consulted  for  an  account  of  the 
life  of  Marshal  Lyautey  and  his  gradual  pacification  of  Morocco 
by  French  administration. 

EFFECTS  OF  EUROPEAN   INTRUSION 

During  the  European  development  of  Africa,  Negro  tribes  were 
depleted  by  the  slave  trade,  and  later  native  populations  have  been 
pressed  into  European  service  as  rubber  gatherers,  miners,  and 
laborers  on  engineering  works.  Moreover,  a  rapid  extermination 
of  animal  life  has  been  in  progress,  but  of  late  years  the  appoint- 
ment of  game  wardens  and  the  establishment  of  national  parks  as 
game  sanctuaries  have  arrested  this  destruction  by  ivory  traders 
and  so-called  sportsmen.  The  establishment  of  reservations,  and 
the  appointment  of  game  wardens  such  as  those  of  Kivu  in  the 
eastern  Belgian  Congo,  and  of  Kruger  Park  in  south  Africa,  will 
preserve  some  of  the  most  interesting  forms  of  life. 


European  Governments  689 

The  foregoing  account  of  exploration,  the  partitioning  of  Africa, 
and  the  development  of  natural  resources,  serves  as  an  introduction 
to  a  series  of  social  problems  which  are  not  mere  ethical  abstractions. 
The  history  of  contacts  between  Europeans  and  Africans  has  shown 
that  both  suppression  by  violence  and  a  laissez-faire  policy  in  politics 
are  dangerous.  Clearly,  the  harmonious  development  of  Africa 
depends  on  rational  schemes  relating  to  health,  labor,  education, 
and  the  political  rights  of  the  African  population. 


III.  WELFARE  OF  AFRICANS 

Study  of  the  history  and  ethnology  of  Africa  has  shown  the 
existence  of  different  peoples,  languages,  and  modes  of  life.  Follow- 
ing this  inquiry,  an  outline  of  exploration,  annexation,  and  economic 
development  by  Europeans  explained  the  nature  of  the  impact  of 
a  foreign  culture  on  African  tribes. 

The  essentials  of  the  controversy  respecting  treatment  of  Africans 
are  focused  upon  problems  of  native  health  and  population,  the 
type  of  education  that  should  be  given,  and  the  extent  to  which 
native  institutions  should  be  allowed  to  function.  Laws  regulating 
the  employment  of  Africans  by  Europeans,  ownership  of  land,  and 
the  ability  of  Africans  to  participate  in  government  are  also  basic 
problems. 

The  complex  facts  of  history  and  ethnology  make  clear  that 
many  abstruse  problems  of  administration  are  unavoidable,  and,  in 
addition  to  this,  European  powers  are  not  agreed  respecting  the 
treatment  that  should  be  given  to  Africans;  England,  France, 
Portugal,  and 'Italy  have  different  views  and  policies.  Moreover, 
the  statesmen  of  any  one  European  country  are  not  unanimous 
respecting  administrative  measures  affecting  the  education  and 
political  rights  of  Africans.  Mair  (1936a)  has  given  a  clear  account 
of  the  differences  in  national  policies. 

Health  and  Population 
If  the  governing  powers  decided  on  a  policy  which  ignored  the 
rights  of  Africans,  the  native  problem  might  become  a  negligible 
factor.  That  this  idea  is  not  wholly  fanciful  is  proved  by  the  history 
of  the  aborigines  of  Australia,  the  Tasmanians,  the  Maoris  of  New 
Zealand,  and  the  North  American  Indians.  European  intruders 
had  to  fight  for  their  own  existence;  and  sense  of  obligation,  which 
was  usually  expressed  by  creation  of  reservations  for  natives,  came 
too  late  to  preserve  the  indigenous  populations  and  their  customs. 
Therefore,  we  see  today  effete  samples  of  former  tribes  and  cultures, 
which  provide  entertainment  for  tourists  and  a  safe  field  of  research 
for  ethnologists.  There  is,  however,  a  recent  increase  in  numbers 
among  the  Maori  and  a  few  North  American  tribes. 

MORTALITY  AND  MORBIDITY 

Is  it  possible  that  suppression  and  elimination  will  reduce 
Africans  to  a  position  of  social  and  political  impotence?  In  South 
Africa,  Bushmen  and  Hottentots  have  declined  in  numbers  as  a 

690 


Welfare  of  Africans  691 

result  of  European  contacts,  and  warfare  with  Germany  reduced 
the  Herero  to  a  fragment  of  their  former  strength.  G.  St.  J.  0. 
Browne  (1925)  has  written  on  the  "Vanishing  Tribes  of  Kenya." 
The  British  have  waged  destructive  wars  against  the  Zulu  and  the 
Masai,  and  in  the  year  1931  Italian  forces  were  bombing  Senussi 
Arabs  from  the  Libyan  oases.  Yet  these  processes  have  been  local, 
and  European  administration  has  still  to  consider  a  vigorous  popula- 
tion of  Negroes,  Arabs,  Berbers,  and  Hamiticized  Negroes,  many 
of  whom  readily  accept  many  aspects  of  European  culture. 

P.  Ryckmans  (1933)  states  that  the  demography  of  central 
Africa  is  little  known,  and  opinions  respecting  the  future  of  the 
natives  are  subjective  and  conjectural.  This  statement  is  true  for 
the  greater  part  of  Africa,  since  reliable  statistics  of  births  and 
deaths  are  the  exception,  and  for  this  reason  demography  relates 
chiefly  to  native  communities  that  have  been  under  European 
control  for  long  periods.  Ethnologists  wish  to  know  the  death 
rate  at  birth  and  at  all  ages  for  both  males  and  females.  What 
is  the  incidence  of  male  and  female  births  in  different  tribes?  How 
does  polygyny  affect  the  fecundity  of  a  tribe? 

Mortality,  especially  between  the  ages  of  three  years  and  puberty, 
is  high,  and  before  prophylactic  measures  were  adopted  the  ravages 
of  smallpox  were  severe.  In  some  areas,  populations  were  reduced 
by  epidemics  of  influenza,  and,  in  addition  to  these  factors,  unjust 
labor  laws  have  in  certain  regions  broken  up  family  life  and  swept 
aside  native  institutions,  so  contributing  to  a  decline  of  population 
despite  a  high  birth  rate. 

It  would  be  erroneous  to  suppose  that  African  chiefs  have  made 
no  attempt  at  a  census,  quite  apart  from  European  influence.  Leaders 
of  military  organizations,  such  as  those  of  the  Zulu  and  the  Masai, 
knew  well  the  numerical  strength  of  their  standing  armies  and 
reserves.  In  Dahomey,  the  king  had  a  method  of  keeping  vital 
statistics  by  dropping  pebbles  in  baskets  (M.  J.  Herskovits,  1932c). 
But  the  methods  employed  and  the  data  preserved  by  tradition  are 
of  little  use  in  modern  statistical  study. 

Some  data  relating  to  demography  are  given  by  L.  W.  G.  Malcolm 
(1924),  who  examines  statistics  for  certain  west  African,  east  African, 
and  southern  Bantu  tribes.  He  states  that  "an  examination  of  the 
figures  shows  that  so  far  as  these  tribes  are  concerned  there  is  a 
low  degree  of  masculinity  in  the  majority  of  cases.  But  the  pre- 
ponderance of  females  over  males  at  maturity  may  be  due  to  arti- 
ficial  causes."      The    normal    sex    ratio    has   been    disturbed    by 


692  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

intertribal  warfare,  slavery,  and  forced  labor.  The  tertiary  sex  ratio, 
that  is,  the  proportion  of  adult  males  to  adult  females,  is  90;  but 
this  figure  is  based  on  small  samples,  and,  in  view  of  the  different 
degrees  of  social  and  economic  development  of  the  tribes  considered, 
the  significance  of  such  an  average  is  of  doubtful  value  in  determining 
causality.  Demographic  research  seeks  to  establish  correlations 
between  vital  statistics  and  all  the  social  and  physical  factors  of 
environment.  This  can  be  done  only  by  an  intensive  study  of  a 
statistical  kind  in  limited  areas,  where  all  contributory  conditions 
have  been  analyzed.  The  fallacies  that  enter  into  census  returns 
by  Africans  have  been  pointed  out  by  E.  W.  Smith  (1935,  p.  52). 

A  sample  of  the  Lobi  has  been  considered  by  H.  Labouret  (1931, 
pp.  51-55),  who  states  that  from  457  conceptions  a  deduction  of 
87  abortions  has  to  be  made.  The  mortality  of  infants  aged  from 
one  to  two  years  is  surprisingly  low  in  this  sample;  only  8  per  cent 
of  the  total  die  within  the  two  first  years  of  childhood.  Between 
the  ages  of  forty  and  forty-five  years  45  per  cent  die.  In  the  age 
period  from  thirty  to  forty  years,  17  per  cent  succumb,  and  the 
same  percentage  survives  to  the  age  period  between  fifty  and  sixty 
years. 

In  Nigeria,  a  decennial  census  was  taken  in  the  year  1931  when 
the  estimated  population  was  nearly  22,000,000,  an  increase  of 
seven  per  cent  over  the  figures  for  1921.  Fall  in  infant  mortality 
at  Lagos  is  said  to  have  resulted  from  work  done  by  the  Massey 
Street  Dispensary,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  primary  require- 
ment in  all  parts  of  Africa  is  the  establishment  of  clinics  that  reduce 
mortality  in  early  years  (Arnett,  1933a;  Perham,  1933;  P.  A.  Talbot, 
1926,  vol.  4,  pp.  1-193). 

Census  reports  for  Tanganyika  Territory  indicate  an  increase 
of  22  per  cent  in  the  population  during  the  period  from  1921  to  1931, 
which  is  a  tribute  to  improved  living  conditions  and  the  eradication 
of  disease.  The  ratio  60:100  expresses  the  proportion  of  non-adults 
to  adults,  and  the  figures,  when  compared  with  those  from  similar 
territories,  indicate  satisfactory  economic  and  sanitary  conditions. 
In  Tanganyika  the  excess  of  females  over  males  is  nearly  7  per  cent, 
and  in  Uganda  the  excess  of  females  is  nearly  9  per  cent  (Melland, 
1934).  See  also  S.  J.  K.  Baker  (1937)  for  an  account  of  the  distri- 
bution of  native  population  over  east  Africa;  and  for  Africa  as  a 
whole  consult  Ki'zywicki  (1934). 

The  physical  causes  of  mortality  are  so  obvious  that  the  less 
apparent  psychological  and  social  factors  are  likely  to  be  neglected. 


Welfare  of  Africans  693 

since  they  are  more  abstruse  and  difficult  to  assess.  Is  it  possible 
that  interference  with  African  institutions  and  habits  will  lead  to 
apathy  and  a  moribund  condition  of  indigenous  races? 

The  Tuareg  of  the  Sahara  are  a  proud  and  sensitive  people  who 
might  decline  under  social  and  political  pressure,  and  at  the  other 
extremity  of  the  continent  the  Bushmen  hunters  are  more  likely 
to  become  extinct  than  to  be  assimilated  with  European  culture. 
But  Negroes  and  Hamiticized  Negroes,  who  form  the  bulk  of  the 
African  population,  are  unlikely  to  become  extinct  as  a  result  of 
cultural  pressure  from  Europeans.  The  question  of  disruptive  social 
and  psychological  forces  will  be  studied  later  in  connection  with 
problems  of  education  and  administration,  but,  for  the  present, 
attention  will  be  given  only  to  physical  determinants  that  affect 
population. 

The  International  Conference  on  African  Children,  which  was 
presided  over  by  Rennie  Smith  (1931),  was  attended  by  African 
educationists  and  administrators,  who  made  a  survey  of  infant 
mortality  in  Africa.  The  report,  which  illustrates  the  general  nature 
of  the  African  health  problem,  is  in  agreement  with  what  has  been 
previously  written  by  government  and  missionary  officials.  Syphilis, 
yaws,  malaria,  sleeping  sickness,  and  respiratory  diseases,  all  con- 
tribute to  adult  and  infant  mortality,  while  other  causes  of  a  high 
death  rate  among  children  are  miscarriages,  abortions,  excessive 
work  of  expectant  mothers,  and  lack  of  competent  attention  at 
childbirth.  The  death  rate  of  Africans  is  said  to  be  surprisingly 
high  in  comparison  with  European  standards,  and  the  remedies 
are  thought  to  be  an  extended  use  of  hospitals,  dispensaries,  welfare 
centers,  itinerant  doctors,  and  health  visitors. 

In  the  year  1929, 1  questioned  53  adult  males  of  the  Ovimbundu 
tribe  with  regard  to  the  numbers  of  their  brothers  and  sisters,  living 
and  dead,  and  also  as  to  the  number  of  their  children,  living 
and  dead.     I  concluded  that  the  death  rate  was  about  40  per  cent. 

This  pessimistic  report  on  mortality  and  morbidity  does  not 
imply  that  no  effort  has  been  made  to  aid  survival  and  to  reduce 
suffering.  The  medical  and  sanitary  reforms  of  French  administra- 
tion in  Morocco  have  been  mentioned.  For  many  years  the  labora- 
tories of  Sir  Henry  Wellcome  have  been  established  at  Gordon 
College,  Khartum,  for  research  into  tropical  diseases.  The  Rocke- 
feller Institute  at  Lagos  has  a  skilled  staff  of  officers  engaged  with 
research  into  the  transmission  of  yellow  fever  and  the  prophylactic 
measures  that  should  be  adopted.    In  French  Niger  Territory,  I 


694  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

traveled  with  a  French  physician  who  was  on  his  way  to  the  Tuareg 
of  Air  with  suppUes  of  quinine  for  treatment  of  malaria,  and  vaccine 
as  a  prophylactic  against  smallpox.  On  the  Gold  Coast,  59,000 
children  attended  clinics  in  the  year  1928,  and  at  Accra  a  maternity 
home  renders  excellent  service.  Harvard  African  Expeditionary 
Reports  (Editor,  R.  P.  Strong,  1931)  give  a  comprehensive  survey 
of  tropical  diseases  in  Liberia  and  the  Belgian  Congo.  W.  H.  Hoff- 
mann (1932)  has  written  on  leprosy,  and  Horn  (1933)  on  the  control 
of  disease.  An  article  by  Millous  (1935)  is  a  valuable  summary  of 
the  incidence  and  treatment  of  sleeping  sickness  and  other  diseases 
in  the  Cameroons. 

FOOD,    POPULATION,   AND  POLITICS 

Although  millions  of  natives  and  large  areas  are  yet  unaffected 
by  modern  research  and  treatment,  such  work  makes  steady  progress, 
and  if  the  medical  and  hygienic  schemes  are  broadened  and  per- 
fected, the  attainment  will  lead  to  a  social  problem  which  should  be 
examined.  Every  social  worker  knows  that  in  solving  one  problem 
he  not  infrequently  creates  another.  At  present,  Africans  are  far 
superior  to  Europeans  in  numbers,  and  at  times  there  is  truculence 
and  unrest.  But  the  present  disaffection  indicates  only  the  beginning 
of  national  consciousness,  and  a  sense  of  unity  will  doubtless  be 
strengthened  by  extension  of  education  and  an  increase  of  population. 

Against  this,  it  might  be  argued  that  pressure  of  the  growing 
population  on  food  supply  will  assure  an  adjustment  of  numbers  to 
their  means  of  subsistence.  But  research  in  agriculture  and  animal 
husbandry  is  meanwhile  tending  to  make  the  supply  of  food  equal 
to  the  demand  of  a  growing  population.  Hoe  cultivation  will  give 
way  to  the  plow.  The  quality  of  maize,  beans,  and  millet  will  be 
improved,  and  rotation  of  crops  will  be  better  understood.  Breeds 
of  cattle  will  be  selected  because  of  their  milk-giving  qualities,  im- 
munity from  disease,  and  food  value;  and,  as  a  result  of  European 
example,  native  prejudice  against  certain  types  of  food  will  break 
down.  For  example,  the  Ovimbundu  are  now  relinquishing  the 
concept  of  cattle  merely  as  a  sign  of  wealth,  and  people  are  beginning 
to  use  milk  as  food.  In  many  localities,  there  is  evidence  that 
Africans  are  becoming  less  conservative,  for  they  are  willing  to  cul- 
tivate vegetables  introduced  by  Europeans.  The  subject  of  agricul- 
ture in  relation  to  population  and  health  has  been  discussed  by 
A.  D.  Hall  (1936).  The  most  comprehensive  work  we  have  on  the 
sociological  aspects  of  nutrition  is  "Hunger  and  Work  in  a  Savage 
Tribe"  (A.  I.  Richards  1932).    There  has  recently  been  a  concentration 


Welfare  of  Africans  695 

on  the  importance  of  diet,  and  to  this  subject  a  whole  number 
of  "Africa"  (vol.  9,  No.  2,  1936,  various  contributors)  has  been 
devoted.  In  his  introductory  article  to  this  series  of  essays,  J.  B. 
Orr  outlines  the  problems  thus  (p.  148): 

"(a)  What  does  the  native  eat?  i.e.  what  types  of  food  and  with 
what  nutritive  values;  quantities  of  food  consumed,  as  a  yearly 
average  and  at  different  seasons;  distribution  of  food  as  between 
different  members  of  the  community. 

"(6)  What  effects  does  this  diet  have?  On  the  physique  of  the 
native;  the  vital  statistics  of  the  tribal  area;  the  rate  of  incidence 
of  various  diseases,  especially  those  believed  to  result  from  dietetic 
deficiency;  and  the  type  of  work  carried  out. 

"(c)  What  determines  the  native's  choice  of  diet?  the  potential 
food  resources  of  the  environment  and  the  native  methods  of  exploit- 
ing them;  incentive  to  work  and  the  labor  strength  available;  his 
dietetic  theory  and  practice,  emotional  attitudes  to  different  food- 
stuffs, and  religious  and  magical  beliefs. 

"It  is  obvious  that  to  complete  a  study  of  this  type  scientific 
experts  of  different  kinds  must  cooperate.  The  chemical  constituents 
of  the  native  diet  can  be  estimated  by  the  bio-chemist.  The  physique 
and  health  of  the  natives  must  be  described  by  a  qualified  medical 
officer,  while  for  a  knowledge  of  the  chemical  composition  of  the 
soil,  or  the  possible  developments  of  animal  husbandry,  the  agricul- 
turalist or  the  veterinary  officer  must  lend  his  aid.  Lastly,  for 
a  knowledge  of  the  native's  attitude  to  food  and  its  production,  his 
eating  customs  and  methods  of  distribution,  the  anthropologist  with 
his  linguistic  knowledge  and  training  in  observation  will  be  an 
essential  member  of  the  team." 

The  question  then  arises,  will  scientific  control  aid  the  survival 
of  Europeans  in  such  a  way  that  the  numerical  ratio  of  Europeans 
to  Africans  is  unaltered?  The  fact  cannot  be  denied  that  Europeans 
exist  in  Africa  today  in  a  measure  of  health  and  comfort  that  would 
have  been  thought  impossible  only  fifty  years  ago.  The  nature  of 
foods,  clothing,  houses,  and  habits  of  life  have  been  controlled  by 
medical  knowledge  so  as  to  give  Europeans  a  measure  of  immunity 
from  tropical  Africa,  and  no  one  can  foretell  the  extent  to  which 
acclimatization  may  advance.  Yet,  so  far  as  present  evidence  is 
trustworthy,  no  amount  of  scientific  research  will  enable  Europeans 
to  compete  numerically  with  Africans. 

If  this  argument  is  sound,  a  serious  situation  is  inevitable;  in 
fact,  a  crisis  has  arisen  in  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  where  politicians 


696  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

are  divided  in  their  views  on  the  native  problem.  The  nature  of 
this  problem,  which  arises  from  numerical  superiority  of  Africans  and 
a  rise  of  social  consciousness  resulting  from  elementary  education, 
has  been  presented  in  a  series  of  articles  edited  by  I.  Schapera 
(1934d).  Some  of  the  main  contributions  to  the  volume  include  a 
description  of  the  background  of  Bantu  culture,  the  organization 
of  reserves,  discussion  of  the  effects  of  Christianity,  the  segregation 
policy,  and  the  part  which  will  be  played  by  the  Bantu  languages 
and  music  in  future  cultural  development.  This  volume,  though 
confined  to  the  study  of  conditions  in  South  Africa,  is  a  helpful 
introduction  to  all  the  problems  of  administration. 

Labor  Laws 

A  European  demand  for  African  labor  has  forced  attention  to 
the  difficulty  of  securing  manual  help  without  injustice  to  Africans. 
Recruiting  has  sometimes  meant  that  Africans  have  either  involun- 
tarily, or  with  the  lightest  camouflage  of  consent,  made  contracts 
which  they  have  not  understood.  In  the  period  1925-26,  reports 
on  this  subject  were  prepared  under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau  of 
International  Research  of  Harvard  University  and  Radcliffe  College 
(Buell,  1928). 

The  terms  of  agreements  made  between  Europeans  and  Africans 
relate  to  duration  of  service,  the  nature  of  the  work,  the  distance 
from  home,  and  the  restrictions  imposed  in  labor  camps.  These 
points  are  not  clearly  apprehended  by  untutored  natives,  who  press 
their  thumbs  on  the  ink  pad  and  then  place  their  marks  on  the 
indentures  they  cannot  read. 

In  some  instances  no  formal  agreement  has  been  made,  and  from 
the  office  of  a  High  Commissioner  an  order  has  gone  forth  to  sub- 
ordinates, demanding  a  quota  of  men  from  each  village  under  the 
administration.  The  labor  may  be  demanded  for  work  on  roads, 
for  privately  owned  mines,  or  for  engineering  works.  Labor  of  this 
kind  may  be  demanded  in  lieu  of  hut  tax;  but  the  period  of  service 
required  has  often  been  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  short  service 
which  should  have  been  accepted  instead  of  a  monetary  tax. 

One  obvious  abuse  of  a  recruiting  system  is  the  intervention  of 
a  government  in  order  to  obtain  labor  for  a  private  industry  which 
pays  the  government  a  per  capita  sum  for  each  laborer.  Moreover, 
if  a  government  officer  passes  an  order  for  labor  to  each  of  several 
village  headmen,  their  choice  falls  unjustly.  Some  persons  who  are 
in  favor  with  their  chief  never  serve  in  the  corvee..   But  others  have 


Welfare  of  Africans  697 

no  sooner  returned  home  than  they  are  again  selected  because  they 
are  impecunious  and  unable  to  make  a  bargain  with  their  chief. 
Under  a  system  of  forced  labor,  villages  are  depopulated,  agri- 
culture is  at  a  standstill,  family  life  is  disturbed,  health  suffers 
through  concentration  in  labor  camps,  and  female  laborers  may  be 
in  charge  of  male  overseers  who  do  not  respect  them.  Fortunately, 
some  of  these  flagrant  abuses  have  been  remedied,  but  further  reform 
is  still  desirable,  since  a  great  hiatus  exists  between  passing  a  law, 
formulating  a  principle,  and  the  actual  prevention  of  abuses. 

One  inquiry  conducted  by  the  League  of  Nations  is  a  warning 
to  those  critics  who  believe  that  injustices  to  Negroes  arise  only 
from  administration  of  labor  laws  by  Europeans.  Recent  events  in 
Liberia  indicate  that  some  of  the  grossest  abuses  of  the  system  of 
indentured  labor  have  been  perpetrated  by  educated  Negroes  on 
the  primitive  tribes  of  the  interior.  A  report  of  the  League  of  Nations 
states  that  in  Liberia  there  has  been  a  policy  of  the  closed  door 
which  has  hindered  research,  cramped  education,  and  stifled  com- 
mercial enterprise.  Intimidation  has  been  the  chief  instrument  of 
Liberian  policy,  which  has  allowed  no  presentation  of  grievances 
and  no  redress.  The  system  of  pawning  debtors  or  their  relatives  in 
order  to  pay  creditors  has  been  greatly  abused,  and  so  also  has  govern- 
ment recruitment  of  labor  (Christy,  1931a,  b;  M.  D,  Mackenzie,  1934). 

The  year  1930  was  one  of  great  moment  in  relation  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  African  labor  laws.  The  French  Government  passed  an 
act  demanding  preliminary  medical  examination  of  laborers,  and 
arranged  that  the  men  should  be  transported  to  the  site  of  work 
if  the  distance  exceeded  fifty  kilometers  from  their  village.  The 
Belgium  Government  sent  commissioners  to  investigate  conditions 
of  native  labor  in  the  Belgian  Congo.  The  policy  of  the  British 
Colonial  Oflfice  was  concerned  with  the  absence  of  factory  legislation, 
the  employment  of  women  and  children,  and  the  lack  of  compensation 
for  disabled  workmen.  As  a  result  of  deliberations  on  these  points, 
mining  laws  were  adopted  for  east  Africa.  In  Uganda,  factory  work 
for  children  under  twelve  years  of  age  was  forbidden,  and  children 
between  that  age  and  fourteen  years  may  now  be  employed  only 
under  special  regulations. 

The  International  Labor  Conference  urged  suppression  of  com- 
pulsory labor  in  all  its  forms,  and  the  progressive  abolition  of  labor 
which  is  now  demanded  in  lieu  of  taxes.  In  1930  France  passed  a 
decree  against  the  recruitment  by  government  of  labor  for  private 
enterprises,  and  acts  were  passed  to  regulate  all  forms  of  labor. 


698  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Portugal  decreed  that  the  state  may  not  compel  natives  to  labor 
except  on  public  works,  or  at  work  which  is  profitable  to  the  natives 
themselves,  or  in  expiation  of  a  penal  sentence,  or  in  fulfilment  of 
monetary  liabilities.  Clearly,  codes  of  this  kind  are  ineffective 
unless  they  are  administered  in  the  spirit  of  the  agreement  made 
with  the  League  of  Nations,  for  it  is  evident  that  the  clauses  of  the 
acts  may  be  interpreted  in  different  ways. 

As  an  introduction  to  labor  problems  in  general,  a  work  by 
G.  St.  J.  0.  Browne  (1933)  is  important.  Two  short  general  papers 
on  the  labor  and  economic  life  of  Africans  have  been  published  by 
W.  Benson  (1931)  and  A.  Werner  (1932).  To  the  subject  of  migra- 
tion of  labor  and  the  recruiting  of  Africans  for  service  in  South  African 
mines,  Schapera  (1933,  1934d)  and  W.  C.  A.  Shepherd  (1934)  con- 
tributed. Schapera  (1928)  has  discussed  the  economic  changes  that 
are  taking  place  in  South  African  native  life,  and  a  similar  study  of 
the  same  problem  has  been  made  by  J.  D.  R.  Jones  and  A.  L.  Saffery 
(1933).  Schapera's  most  recent  contribution  to  the  study  of  cultural 
contacts  is  an  article  (1936)  relating  to  western  civilization  and  the 
Kxatla  tribe. 

A  report  by  J.  M.  Davis  (1933)  is  a  consideration  of  the  effect 
of  service  in  the  copper  mines  of  central  Africa  on  Negro  customs 
and  institutions.  Research  of  a  similar  kind  has  been  done  by 
Leubuscher  (1931)  in  considering  the  South  African  native  as  an 
industrial  worker  and  a  town  dweller,  and  by  Hellmann  (1935)  who 
has  described  "Native  Life  in  a  Johannesburg  Slum  Yard."  One 
of  the  most  detailed  studies  of  African  laborers  has  been  made  by 
G.  A.  Oldfield  (1936)  in  his  economic  and  social  analysis  of  the 
position  of  railway  workers  in  Nigeria.  Wages,  food,  housing, 
education,  social  status,  and  personal  reactions  to  the  work  have 
all  been  taken  into  consideration.  The  article  indicates  that  an 
almost  unlimited  field  of  inquiry  exists,  since  similar  studies  could 
be  made  for  other  occupations  that  attract  African  laborers  in  various 
parts  of  the  continent.  Economic  facts  and  social  trends  observed 
in  one  area  may  not  be  true  in  another;  consequently  a  wide  com- 
parative study  will  be  necessary  after  local  data  have  been  obtained. 

These  facts  pertaining  to  physical  welfare  and  employment  of 
Africans  by  Europeans  lead  to  the  broader  question  of  general  educa- 
tion in  relation  to  administration. 

Education  and  Administration 

Although  these  two  aspects  of  government  are  not  identical,  a 
close  reciprocal  relation  exists  between  them.     In  the  first  place 


Welfare  of  Africans  699 

a  system  of  administration  decides  what  type  of  education  shall 
be  given,  and  the  system  of  instruction  deeply  affects  the  social 
and  political  situation. 

Primarily,  administration  has  to  decide  whether  Negroes  are 
educable,  and,  if  it  be  granted  that  some  form  of  education  is  de- 
sirable, what  the  method,  the  curriculum,  and  the  ultimate  aim  are 
to  be.  For  example,  is  the  system  of  education  to  aim  at  provid- 
ing inexpensive  forms  of  labor  for  Europeans?  Or,  on  the  contrary, 
should  the  instruction  be  devised  to  aid  Africans  to  follow  their  own 
pursuits  of  agriculture,  handicrafts,  or  cattle-rearing  with  greater 
intelligence  and  success?  And  what  is  the  administrator's  point  of 
view  respecting  an  education  that  will  enable  natives  to  exercise 
the  franchise  and  so  take  an  intelligent  part  in  their  own  government? 

These  may  appear  to  be  trite  questions,  but  the  fact  remains 
that  they  have  not  been  satisfactorily  answered.  Consequently, 
administrative  policy  shows  a  tendency  to  subterfuge,  and  in  the 
absence  of  clear  aims  and  the  courage  to  pursue  them,  legislation 
merely  tends  toward  temporizing  and  avoidance  of  open  conflict. 
There  is  a  clash  between  ethical  ideals  and  expediency,  for  it  is 
well  known  that  an  educated  Negro  can  be  a  political  embarrassment 
if  he  agitates  for  extended  social  and  economic  privileges. 

In  Africa  a  hiatus  often  exists  between  legislative  theory  and 
the  practical  application  of  ideals  expressed  in  statutes,  and  this 
consideration  emphasizes  the  fact  that  problems  of  Africa  have  to 
be  dealt  with  on  a  local  basis.  Marcus  Garvey  did,  indeed,  organize 
a  group  having  as  their  slogan  "Africa  for  the  Africans,"  but  the 
linguistic  and  cultural  evidence  adduced  here  should  have  made 
clear  that  the  great  size  of  Africa  together  with  racial  and  other 
diversities  make  a  unification  impracticable.  Yet,  despite  the 
necessity  for  recognizing  the  local  nature  of  social  problems,  some 
general  principles  are  profitably  discussed,  and  one  of  these  is  the 
different  attitudes  of  various  European  powers  toward  African 
subjects. 

In  British  territory,  the  color  line  is  strongly  drawn,  and  a  person 
having  even  a  small  proportion  of  African  blood  belongs  to  African 
people;  therefore,  such  an  individual  is  at  a  social  discount.  In 
Portuguese  possessions,  for  example,  European  males,  through  sanc- 
tion of  custom,  may  live  openly  with  colored  females.  A  home 
may  be  formed,  mulatto  children  may  be  raised,  and  some  of  these 
are  sent  to  Europe  for  education.  In  British  territory,  union  of  a 
European  male  with  a  colored  female  is  always  a  temporary,  and 


700  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

usually  a  clandestine  affair,  without  recognition  of  progeny.  L.  P. 
Mair  (1934)  points  out  three  main  European  attitudes  toward 
Africans.  There  is  white  man's  country,  where  the  native  is  merely 
contributory.  France  and  Portugal  follow  a  policy  of  assimilation. 
The  British  have  in  certain  regions  adopted  a  system  of  indirect  rule 
or  parallel  development. 

Further,  the  social,  political,  and  industrial  relationship  between 
Europeans  and  Africans  is  dependent  on  density  of  native  popula- 
tion, the  cultural  status  and  occupations  of  native  tribes,  the  existing 
cohesion  and  sense  of  solidarity  among  these  tribes,  and  lastly  the 
climate  as  a  factor  which  might  either  prohibit  or  encourage  settle- 
ment of  Europeans. 

But,  despite  the  complexity  of  these  problems,  there  is  a  possibility 
of  examining  general  trends  of  competent  opinion  respecting  axioms 
of  administration  and  education.  In  this  connection,  several  main 
points  to  keep  in  view  are  the  educability  of  Africans,  the  methods 
and  subjects  which  best  fulfil  the  ideals  of  education,  the  place  of 
religion  in  education,  and,  finally,  the  political,  social,  and  economic 
results  of  training  Africans  in  schools  founded  by  Europeans, 

A  problem  bearing  on  educability  is  not  likely  to  find  a  ready 
answer,  since  various  technical  points,  together  with  practical  con- 
siderations, have  to  be  deliberated.  Psychologists  are  interested  in 
testing  innate  intelligence,  and  they  wish  to  know  whether  inborn 
mental  endowment  determines  the  achievement  of  races,  quite  apart 
from  the  influence  of  social  background  and  general  environment. 
So  far  as  Africa  is  concerned,  tests  of  intelligence  have  been  applied 
only  in  a  few  schools  of  Kenya  and  South  Africa,  and  such  research 
is  in  the  earliest  experimental  stage.  This  fact,  combined  with 
the  diversity  of  views  respecting  the  scientific  values  of  "scores"  and 
"intelligence  quotients,"  makes  the  method  unsuitable  for  assessing 
educability  and  determining  the  instruction  that  should  be  given. 

But  on  turning  to  more  practical  criteria  it  must  be  granted  that 
the  mental  qualities  of  Negroes  and  other  races  can  be  judged  by 
achievement  in  their  own  environments.  Yet  any  attempt  to  place 
these  attainments  in  a  category  and  to  label  the  achievements  as 
high  or  low  is  too  artificial  and  arbitrary,  since  the  criterion  is 
really  one  of  adaptability  and  survival,  rather  than  complexity. 

The  foregoing  chapters  describing  African  cultures  have  proved 
that  Negro  agriculturalists,  Hamitic  pastoral  tribes,  Bushman  hunt- 
ers, and  people  of  the  Saharan  camel  culture  have  all  realized  great 
achievements  in  adaptation  and  survival,  during  which  process  an 


Welfare  of  Africans  701 

intelligent  control  of  repressive  factors  has  operated.  The  social, 
religious,  political,  and  economic  life  of  Negroes  demonstrates  a 
power  to  coordinate  these  elements  into  definite  social  patterns  to 
which  loyalty  is  secured  by  various  methods,  including  initiation 
rites.  In  music,  handicraft,  and  unwritten  literature,  African  Negroes 
have  reached  a  high  standard,  and  Negro  art,  especially  in  the  form 
of  wood-carving  and  metal  work,  has  during  recent  years  been 
keenly  appreciated  by  European  and  American  critics.  Therefore, 
with  such  evidence  before  us,  the  relegation  of  Negroes  to  a  low 
order  of  intelligence  is  illogical. 

Those  who  deny  the  educability  of  Africans  have  often  made 
at  least  a  tacit,  if  not  an  expressed  assumption,  that  the  crucial 
test  of  intelligent  response  is  readiness  to  absorb  European  education. 
But  this  postulate  is  fallacious,  since  some  intelligent  African  tribes 
wilfully  resent  European  culture.  Yet  it  must  be  conceded  that  some 
assimilation  of  European  education  is  essential  if  Africans  are  to 
cooperate  in  the  higher  tasks  of  commerce,  engineering,  and  political 
control. 

That  some  natives  are  able  to  benefit  by  European  education 
so  as  to  attain  high  standards  in  literature,  medicine,  and  political 
life  is  attested  by  achievements  of  full-blooded  Negroes.  Such 
progress  is  exceptional,  but  perhaps  the  attainments  are  rare  only 
because  of  lack  of  opportunity.  If  a  tree  brings  forth  samples  of 
fruit  that  are  pronounced  excellent,  one  may  ask  why  there  is  not 
a  higher  yield,  but  the  potentiality  of  the  tree  to  yield  something 
of  high  quality  can  no  longer  be  questioned.  The  argument  that 
the  average  achievement  of  Negroes  is  low  in  comparison  with 
European  and  American  attainment,  though  true,  is  not  admissible 
as  a  protest  against  schemes  for  the  further  education  of  Negroes 
and  their  gradual  absorption  into  political  life. 

If  one  may  judge  from  the  Negro  writers  of  Africa,  who  include 
A.  K.  Ajisafe  (1924),  S.  Johnson  (1921),  J.  H.  Soga  (1930),  and 
T.  Mofolo  (1931),  European  contacts  and  education  reveal  great 
natural  ability.  Results  obtained  by  the  International  Institute 
of  African  Languages  and  Cultures  in  the  encouragement  of  Africans 
to  write  books  in  their  own  languages  have  been  gratifying.  Com- 
petitions have  proved  the  ability  of  African  scholars  to  take  advantage 
of  European  education  for  the  development  of  their  own  languages 
as  modes  of  thought  and  expression.  These  facts  further  demonstrate 
the  injustice  of  denying  that  Negroes  are  capable  of  profiting  by 
European  education. 


702  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

The  opinions  of  Europeans  who  have  been  in  contact  with  Negro 
tribes  for  a  long  period  are  valuable  in  connection  with  the  problem 
of  educability.  When  speaking  of  the  Yao  of  Nyasaland,  H.  S. 
Stannus  (1910,  p.  295)  remarks  that  a  certain  degree  of  precocity 
is  apparent  in  young  boys,  but  this  is  lost  when  they  arrive  at 
puberty.  Sexual  excesses  seem  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  semi- 
imbecility,  but  from  this  apathy  they  may  recover,  or,  on  the 
contrary,  they  may  remain  less  receptive  and  intelligent  than  they 
were  during  boyhood.  This  is  a  somewhat  general  opinion,  and  if 
the  observation  is  true,  what  is  to  become  of  the  ideal  of  education 
as  a  preparation  for  participation  in  European  administration? 

Here  lies  the  difficulty.  A  Negro  social  system  has  encouraged 
early  marriage,  which  usually  follows  soon  after  puberty  rites.  The 
institution  of  early  marriage  and  the  desire  for  progeny  are  corner 
stones  of  the  social  structure  of  Negroes,  whereas  in  European  society 
marriages  are  delayed  long  after  puberty,  for  social,  educational, 
and  economic  reasons. 

This  European  custom  of  delayed  marriages  has  advantages  in 
fostering  mental  development  after  puberty  has  been  reached,  since 
matrimony  inevitably  brings  restrictions  because  of  early  mother- 
hood, and  the  fact  that  the  husband  must  concentrate  on  supporting 
a  family.  Postponement  of  marriage  is  a  form  of  birth  control  in 
the  Malthusian  sense,  and  this  control  leads  to  improved  education, 
economic  stability,  and  a  higher  level  of  material  and  intellectual 
culture. 

The  remedies  for  marital  customs  that  keep  African  life  at  a  low 
economic  level  and  retard  further  education  are  not  obvious.  Is  it 
possible  that  neo-Malthusian  birth  control  will  be  taught  by  Euro- 
peans? Is  there  a  prospect  that  early  sexual  interests  may  be 
sublimated  by  rival  attractions,  including  athletics?  No  remedy 
seems  feasible  except  a  slow  substitution  of  European  marriage  cus- 
toms and  a  changed  economic  outlook  in  native  life.  Gradually,  and 
as  a  result  of  European  influence,  a  higher  standard  of  life  will  be 
desired.  Boys  and  girls  will  covet  greater  variety  of  food  and  cloth- 
ing, while  better  dwellings  will  be  demanded ;  then  early  marriages 
will  no  longer  be  possible  and  unions  must  be  postponed.  But  such 
changes  in  marital  custom  may  lead  to  illegitimate  births,  more 
abortions,  and  an  increase  of  prostitution.  We  may  be  certain  that 
in  partly  solving  one  social  problem  another  will  be  created. 

After  long  experience  as  a  missionary  among  natives  of  the 
middle  Congo  region,  J.  H.  Weeks  (1909,  p.  131)  states  that  up  to 


Welfare  of  Africans  703 

the  age  of  fourteen  years  boys  are  easily  taught,  but  after  that  age 
comparatively  few  make  any  real  advance  in  learning.  Their 
thoughts  become  focused  on  other  matters,  such  as  trade,  hunting, 
building  homes,  and  matrimony.  The  European  system  of  education 
is  of  such  short  duration,  and  its  attraction  is  so  slight  compared 
with  the  native  social  background,  that  the  latter  proves  dominant. 
The  report  continues  to  state  that  pupils  were  clever  in  handiwork 
of  all  kinds,  and  that  their  memories  were  good  for  native  lore. 
Respect  was  shown  for  force,  but  gentleness  was  despised  and 
interpreted  as  weakness  and  inefficiency.  Many  European  observers 
in  other  parts  of  Africa  will  agree  with  this  estimate  of  Negro 
character  and  ability,  and,  while  urging  that  a  system  of  education 
is  desirable,  there  is  no  denial  of  the  existing  unstable  emotions  and 
juvenile  reactions  of  untutored  Negroes. 

The  loyalty  of  Bushongo  natives  to  their  chiefs  has  been  described 
by  E.  Torday  (1925,  p.  20).  Trials  depending  on  evidence  from 
natives  became  a  mere  farce  owing  to  the  adherence  of  every  witness 
to  his  chief  or  tribesman.  "If  necessary,  the  witness  went  joyously 
to  prison  for  perjury  or  contempt  of  court,  his  conscience  satisfied 
by  knowledge  of  having  done  the  right  thing."  Torday  points  out 
the  educational  possibilities  in  this  attitude  of  allegiance.  A.  C.  L. 
Donohugh  (1935)  discusses  the  possibility  of  utilizing  basic  factors 
in  Negro  life  during  the  process  of  accommodation  to  European  cul- 
ture. Negro  civilization  respects  authority,  has  powers  of  economic 
and  political  cooperation,  and  possesses  an  educational  background 
of  music,  art,  and  folklore.  These,  according  to  Donohugh,  are  the 
essentials  of  African  culture. 

That  Negroes  are  highly  educable  along  familiar  lines,  such  as 
handicrafts  and  music,  is  not  open  to  doubt.  In  addition  to  this, 
administrators  may  be  sure  that  the  Negro  race  has  no  inherent 
defect  which  renders  it  incapable  of  profiting  by  education  of  a 
European  type,  including  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  But 
no  one  is  able  to  forecast  the  general  level  of  attainment  to  which 
Negroes  might  rise  under  favorable  educational  conditions,  and  with 
a  social  background  that  is  encouraging  instead  of  repressive.  The 
solution  of  this  question  can  come  only  from  experiment  throughout 
several  generations  during  which  home  conditions  and  general 
environment  are  gradually  improved.  The  question  of  the  Negro 
as  a  biological  inferior  has  been  discussed  by  Reinhardt  (1927). 

If  some  kind  of  education  is  desirable,  what  is  it  to  be?  All 
who  have  met  African  Negroes  on  the  west  coast  are  aware  that  the 


704  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

rudiments  of  education  have  tended  to  produce  a  cheap  class  of 
labor  for  Europeans.  A  strong  tendency  exists  towards  the  acquisi- 
tion of  superficial  knowledge  of  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic. 
Then  native  village  life  is  despised,  and  a  low  grade  of  employment 
is  sought  at  the  coast.  There  the  sartorial  habits  of  Europeans  are 
imitated,  and  impudent  cunning  takes  the  place  of  the  qualities  of 
honesty,  courtesy,  and  hospitality  which  a  traveler  often  receives 
from  untutored  natives  of  the  interior,  who  have  not  experienced 
much  contact  with  Europeans. 

A  consensus  of  opinion  among  administrators,  ethnologists,  and 
missionaries  favors  the  primary  importance  of  native  languages  in 
the  education  of  African  students.  The  acquisition  of  a  European 
language  is  desirable,  but  possibly  of  secondary  importance.  H. 
Labouret  (1935),  who  was  for  many  years  an  administrator  in 
French  West  Africa,  maintains  that  the  languages  of  the  Mossi, 
Mandingo,  and  Hausa  are  understood  by  sufficient  numbers  of  West 
Africans  to  justify  their  selection  as  standard  languages  which  should 
be  taught  over  wide  areas. 

Dr.  J.  van  der  Poel  (1935)  argues  that  the  language  favored  as 
a  medium  of  instruction  should  be  the  one  from  which  the  pupil 
will  derive  the  greatest  social  and  economic  benefit.  Dr.  Van  der 
Poel,  speaking  of  education  of  Negroes  in  South  Africa,  considers 
that  administrators  flatter  themselves  in  speaking  of  their  system 
of  education.  At  a  generous  estimate,  about  24  per  cent  of  native 
children  between  the  ages  of  6  to  16  are  in  school,  which  means  that 
about  1,200,000  are  receiving  no  education  whatever.  He  then 
shows  what  a  small  percentage  of  those  receiving  education  advance 
to  a  standard  which  can  fit  them  for  social,  economic,  and  political 
cooperation  v/ith  Europeans. 

The  problem  of  providing  a  written  medium  for  the  expression 
of  African  languages  has  occupied  the  attention  of  many  experts. 
The  idea  of  having  a  standard  alphabet  which  could  be  used  for 
any  language  is  not  a  new  one.  So  far  back  as  the  year  1853,  C.  R. 
Lepsius  invented  a  universal  alphabet  which  was  thought  to  be 
adequate  for  the  writing  of  any  language.  But  research  has  proved 
that  the  number  of  sounds  produced  by  human  voices  is  far  larger 
than  Lepsius  surmised.  The  International  Institute  of  African 
Languages  and  Cultures  has  made  great  progress  with  a  system  of 
symbols  which  are  adequate  for  expressing  all  the  sounds  of  African 
languages.  After  further  research  and  agreement  respecting  the 
affinities  of  certain  dialects  and  languages,  still  more  vernaculars 


Welfare  of  Africans  705 

will  be  reduced  to  book  form  for  purposes  of  instruction  (D.  Wester- 
mann  and  I.  C.  Ward,  1933).  It  is  desirable  that  Africans  should 
learn  to  think  and  write  in  their  own  languages,  for,  as  H.  A.  Junod 
has  pointed  out,  a  native  speaking  his  own  tongue  can  be  strong  and 
eloquent,  but  if  obliged  to  speak  a  foreign  tongue  he  becomes  a 
caricature,  so  ill  adapted  is  the  European  language  for  African  modes 
of  thought  and  expression. 

An  apt  illustration  of  the  humorous  results  of  forcing  the  teaching 
of  English  is  given  by  A.  W.  Cardinall  (1927a,  p.  261),  who  quotes 
a  native's  contribution  to  a  newspaper:  "I  must  again  include  that 

he  was  a  servant  to  Dispenser  X while  in  S ,  and  was  feeding 

on  him  as  mistletoe.  On  my  taking  over  the  duties  he  allures  me 
the  simplicity  of  approach,  and  to  cooperate  I  made  a  drawback 
by  not  getting  into  his  association  and  colleague  as  my  predecessor 
was  with  him." 

H.  H.  Johnston  tells  of  the  Negro  founder  of  a  cricket  club, 
who  advertised  that  the  new  venture  "would  redown  to  the  glory 
of  God  and  to  our  fellow  men."  Another  Negro,  who  was  engaged  in 
a  suit  for  defamation  of  character,  sued  his  opponent  for  "definition 
of  character."  Julian  Huxley  in  "Africa  View"  gives  many  instances 
of  humorous  English  from  essays  of  east  African  school  boys,  and 
points  out  that  educational  effort  which  aims  primarily  at  making 
Negroes  speak  and  write  English  is  misdirected. 

When  discussing  the  selection  of  a  curriculum  for  African  schools, 
the  problems  raised  are  similar  in  principle  to  those  which  have 
perplexed  educators  in  Europe  and  America,  but  with  additional 
difficulties.  The  experimental  nature  of  educational  theory  and 
practice  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized,  for  everywhere  great 
divergence  of  views  exists.  The  reports  of  Matthew  Arnold  prove 
the  complexity  of  the  problem  in  England  during  the  growth  of 
a  system  of  public  education,  and  the  more  recent  philosophical 
writings  of  John  Dewey  for  American  education  show  the  difficulties 
respecting  choice  of  subjects,  methods  of  teaching,  finance,  and  the 
ultimate  aims  of  education.  How  shall  educational  method  blend 
instruction  in  "bread  and  butter"  subjects  with  training  in  citizen- 
ship, and  to  what  extent  shall  pupils  be  introduced  to  disciplines 
which,  though  of  no  gi^eat  utilitarian  value,  give  a  wider  mental 
outlook  and  keener  enjoyment  of  life? 

Nearly  a  century  ago,  Robert  Moffat  (1842),  working  in  his 
mission  schools  of  South  Africa,  realized  the  importance  of  develop- 
ing Negro  pupils  in  the  direction  of  their  own  natural  aptitudes, 


706  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

instead  of  attempting  to  give  a  European  veneer  of  education. 
Moffat  demonstrated  the  value  of  handicraft  and  the  elements  of 
secular  education  in  raising  the  tone  of  native  life,  and  at  the  present 
time  such  educational  ideals  are  steadily  gaining  ground. 

In  "Race  Problems  in  the  New  Africa,"  W.  C.  Willoughby  (1923) 
expresses  the  idea  that  education  for  the  Negro  should  include  a 
wide  diffusion  of  information  relating  to  fundamentals  of  scientific 
agriculture  and  an  improvement  in  the  technique  of  native  handi- 
crafts. This  suggestion  is  important  since  these  occupations  are 
basic  in  Negro  life.  At  the  present  time,  technical  education  at  tlie 
Jeanes  School  near  Nairobi;  Kampala  in  Uganda;  Gordon  College 
at  Khartum ;  and  at  Achimota  College  on  the  Gold  Coast,  is  highly 
advanced,  and  the  aim  is  to  disseminate  this  knowledge  widely  by 
the  agency  of  native  teachers.  I  observed  in  Angola  and  Nigeria 
that  missionarj'^  and  government  schools  were  concentrating  on 
handicrafts  and  agriculture  in  the  hope  of  improving  the  economic 
conditions  in  native  villages,  for  it  is  logical  to  suppose  that  improve- 
ment in  material  comforts  and  a  raising  of  the  standard  of  living 
are  necessary  preliminaries  to  more  advanced  teaching. 

After  years  of  missionary  work  among  the  Bathonga  of  Portu- 
guese East  Africa,  Henri  A.  Junod  (1912,  vol.  2,  pp.  269-277)  thinks 
that  the  teaching  of  reading  and  writing  in  the  vernacular  should 
be  the  basis  of  education.  He  believes  also  in  the  oral  teaching 
of  one  European  language,  arithmetic,  and  of  elementary  science  to 
show  the  rationale  of  agricultural  operations  and  the  futility  of 
magic  and  witchcraft. 

The  extent  to  which  instruction  can  help  Africans  to  improve  their 
handicraft,  agriculture,  pastoral  pursuits,  and  sanitation  is  a  matter 
of  controversy.  Possibly  the  hard  crust  of  custom  may  be  broken, 
but  for  a  time  Negroes  will  continue  to  carry  their  wheelbarrows  on 
their  heads,  and  the  use  of  plows  will  be  slow  in  superseding  the 
more  cumbersome  use  of  hoes.  Chapters  describing  modes  of  life 
indicated  that  many  pastoral  tribes  had  great  aversion  for  vegetable 
food,  and,  on  the  contrary,  many  Negro  tribes  rely  entirely  on 
vegetable  diet.  A  Negro  prejudice  against  the  use  of  milk  exists,  and 
the  flesh  of  pigs,  sheep,  and  goats  is  rarely  utilized.  In  course  of  time, 
pastoral  tribes  may  be  induced  to  combine  agriculture  with  cattle- 
raising,  and  Negroes  may  be  persuaded  to  realize  more  fully  the  eco- 
nomic importance  of  animal  life. 

Problems  of  education  are  closely  related  to  the  activities  of 
Christian  missions  and  the  proselytizing  power  of  Mohammedanism. 


Welfare  of  Africans  707 

The  views  of  several  missionaries  have  been  quoted  here,  and  the 
general  acceptance  of  practical  ideals  in  education  is  evident.  With 
the  spiritual  value  of  missionary  work  it  is  impossible  to  deal,  since 
the  subject  is  highly  controversial.  Christian  missionaries  of  all 
sects  are  numerous,  and  most  of  these  perform  valuable  medical 
and  educational  work,  but  the  confusion  of  mind  resulting  from  con- 
flict between  Christian  and  native  religion,  together  with  the  disparity 
between  European  ideals  and  European  conduct,  must  be  consider- 
able, as  Bernard  Shaw  satirically  shows  in  his  account  of  "The 
Adventures  of  a  Negro  Girl  in  Search  of  God." 

Africans  are  taught  that  murder  is  a  civil  and  spiritual  offence, 
and  a  murderer  knows  that  he  will  be  punished,  not  in  a  hypothetical 
hereafter  but  within  measurable  time  at  the  court  of  the  District 
Commissioner.  Neighbors  may  raid  his  cattle  or  they  may  put  an 
unpardonable  affront  on  him,  yet  he  must  refrain  from  using  his 
spear;  but  when  Europeans  are  at  war  he  may  join  one  side  or  another 
and  kill  with  impunity,  and  if  he  is  the  owner  of  a  police  uniform  he 
is  expected  at  command  to  turn  his  machine  gun  on  his  own  rebel 
tribesmen. 

A  cynic  might  ask  why  Christian  theology  should  add  another 
god  to  the  pantheon  of  rather  otiose  African  deities:  Njambe, 
Kalunga,  Suku,  and  others.  But  the  fact  remains  that  European 
contacts  are  breaking  down  native  restraints,  which  have  been 
exercised  through  chieftainship,  social  customs,  and  ancestor  worship ; 
and  what  substitute  is  to  be  made  for  these  controls? 

It  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  Negroes  should  attain  the  standard 
of  intellectual  control  and  social  ethics  recommended  in  Bertrand 
Russell's  philosophy.  Concepts  of  rationalism  through  education, 
intelligence,  and  self-control  are  not  readily  assimilated  by  Europeans. 
Then  how  can  educators  hope  to  fortify  African  Negroes  with  in- 
tellectual idealism?  Negroes  require  some  simple  standards  of 
conduct — many  of  their  own  are  excellent — therefore,  if  native 
thought  is  to  be  disintegrated,  perhaps  the  simple  doctrine  of 
Christiantiy,  apart  from  theism  and  mysticism,  may  provide  a 
social  control.  T.  Cullen  Young  (1935)  doubts  the  compatibility 
of  Bantu  and  Christian  beliefs,  since  the  former  are  founded  on  an 
indestructible  human  relationship,  while  the  latter  are  based  on 
God  and  personal  relationships  with  Him.  The  present  Christian 
system  fails  in  not  offering  comradeship  and  association.  Discussion 
of  missionary  problems  will  be  found  in  J.  H.  Oldham  (1934,  1935), 
R.  Thurnwald  (1931),  W.  Blohm  (1933)  and  D.  Westermann  (1937). 


708  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Mohammedanism  (Saintyves,  1933)  has  had  far-reaching  effects 
on  law,  art,  social  life,  and  political  organization,  and  this  religion 
helps  to  lift  natives  from  naked  paganism.  Mohammedanism  in 
Egypt,  India,  and  Persia  has  a  cultured  background  of  art,  architec- 
ture, philosophy,  and  poetry.  Arabic  script  has  proved  of  practical 
value  for  writing  several  languages,  including  Hausa  and  Mandingo. 
Absorption  of  Africans  into  the  Islamic  faith  may  be  of  a  perfunctory 
kind,  depending  merely  on  the  repetition  of  a  creed;  but  may  this 
not  be  true  of  acceptance  of  Christianity  and  other  religions? 
Mohammedanism  has  crude  beliefs  and  base  practices;  so  have  other 
religions,  not  excepting  Christianity.  Provided  the  best  of  Islamic 
teaching  could  be  given,  and  granted  that  certain  reform  movements 
which  are  now  advancing  in  Turkey  and  Egypt  continue,  Moham- 
medanism may  prove  satisfactory  as  an  educational  and  religious 
stimulant. 

Museums  exist  in  all  the  principal  towns  of  South  Africa,  north 
Africa,  and  Egypt.  Such  institutions  are  also  functioning  at  Nairobi, 
Zanzibar,  and  in  Sierra  Leone.  But  more  museums  should  be 
erected  in  order  to  preserve  records  of  indigenous  cultures,  for 
Africans  have  a  right  to  be  proud  of  their  achievements. 

At  least  in  theory,  the  cinema  is  an  educational  factor  for  showing 
modes  of  life  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  historical  events,  current  nev/s, 
and  natural  history.  But,  unfortunately,  m.any  of  the  motion  pictures 
seen  at  the  larger  towns  of  the  coast,  and  in  the  inland  cities,  portray 
a  sordid  side  of  European  and  American  life,  with  detrimental  results 
to  African  morals.  The  censorship  requires  greater  severity  and 
discrimination  (Besson,  1934).  An  improvement  in  the  quality  of 
motion  picture  films  is  likely  to  be  effected  by  the  department  of 
Social  and  Industrial  Research  of  the  International  Missionary 
Council,  which  now  has  the  matter  under  consideration  (Notes  and 
News,  JRAS.,  vol.  34,  1935,  p.  351). 

A  primary  aim  should  be  the  assistance  of  Africans  in  living 
their  own  social  patterns  more  efhciently  with  respect  to  agriculture, 
handicrafts,  and  pastoral  pursuits.  Yet  the  success  of  European 
administration  does  depend  to  some  extent  on  the  teaching  of  sub- 
jects which  are  normally  part  of  a  curriculum  in  European  schools. 
But  while  imparting  a  groundwork  of  reading,  writing,  arithmetic, 
and  geography,  together  with  some  elementary  science,  the  medium 
of  instruction  should  be  the  vernacular. 

Education,  as  the  etymology  of  the  word  implies,  should  be  a 
drawing  out  of  possibilities  in  order  to  give  equality  of  opportunity; 


Welfare  of  Africans  709 

there  should  be  no  forcibly  submerged  classes,  but  under  no 
system  is  equality  of  attainment  possible  or  desirable.  Differences 
in  individual  endowment  will  secure  a  grading  of  employment; 
therefore,  education  will  never  deprive  Europeans  of  the  manual 
labor  which  is  essential  for  developing  Africa.  This  labor  Negroes 
are  usually  willing  to  furnish,  under  protective  legislation. 

In  making  a  selection  for  reading,  attention  should  first  be  called 
to  contributions  dealing  with  general  facts  and  principles.  There 
are  countless  local  problems  of  education  that  cannot  be  considered 
here,  but  all  these  are  variants  of  certain  major  trends  and  conditions. 

A  valuable  source  of  inform.ation,  in  addition  to  government 
handbooks,  are  the  reports  of  the  Phelps-Stokes  Commissions. 
"Overseas  Education,"  "Africa,"  "L'Afrique  Frangaise,"  and  "Outre 
Mer"  are  four  of  the  most  important  periodicals  for  following  dis- 
cussion of  educational  ideas  and  experiments.  The  following  are 
all  contributions  to  the  background  needed  for  detailed  study. 
H.  Jowitt  (1932)  has  produced  a  work  setting  forth  the  principles 
of  education  for  teachers  in  the  African  field.  R.  Smith  (1932) 
and  E.W.  Smith  (1934b)  have  contributed  articles  dealing  respectively 
with  "Education  in  British  Africa"  and  "Indigenous  Education  in 
Africa."  L.  P.  Mair's  (1935a)  article  regards  the  education  of 
Africans  from  an  anthropologist's  point  of  view.  A.  W.  Hoernle 
(1931)  discusses  the  African's  conception  of  education,  while  Mum- 
ford  (1929),  A.  V.  Murray  (1935),  and  Lord  Lugard  (1933b)  have 
respectively  considered  education  in  relation  to  social  adjustment 
to  Europeans,  to  indirect  rule,  and  to  racial  relations. 

Special  studies  of  African  languages  as  an  educational  medium 
have  been  conducted  by  Meinhof  (1928),  Barnouw  (1934),  A.  L. 
James  (1928),  and  R.  M.  East  (1936,  1937). 

Topographical  studies  of  education  and  administration  are  the 
subjects  of  articles  by  G.  C.  Latham,  who  considers  the  relationship 
between  education  and  indirect  rule  in  east  Africa,  and  by  J.  Currie, 
who  gives  an  account  of  educational  experiments  in  the  Anglo- 
Egyptian  Sudan.  A.  D.  Power  has  reported  on  health  in  relation 
to  education  in  Nigeria,  and  among  numerous  studies  of  education  in 
South  Africa  are  works  by  E.  H.  Brookes  (1930),  P.  A.  W.  Cook  (1934), 
and  an  article  by  Van  Der  Poel  (1935).  The  literature  on  this  subject 
of  education  in  relation  to  administration  is  extensive  and  grows 
rapidly,  but  the  references  given  may  be  regarded  as  a  representative 
sample  of  current  views  and  experiments  over  the  greater  part  of 
Negro  Africa. 


710      Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Anthropology  and  Government 

In  the  African  field  of  research,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world 
as  well,  anthropology  has  in  recent  years  taken  a  practical  trend 
in  the  effort  to  establish  a  definite  liaison  between  ethnological 
science  and  administration. 

Under  British  rule  in  Ashanti  and  Nigeria,  government  anthro- 
pologists have  proved  that  the  ethnological  study  of  African  tribes 
is  of  the  greatest  practical  importance  in  avoiding  conflicts.  It  is 
self-evident  that  legislation  should  be  based  on  a  study  of  local  con- 
ditions, including  indigenous  forms  of  government,  social  organiza- 
tion, land  laws,  magic,  and  religious  beliefs,  for  without  understanding 
of  these  institutions  injustice  and  lack  of  harmony  are  likely  to 
prevail.  A  European  understanding  of  African  thought,  supplemented 
by  education  of  Africans,  is  the  best  means  of  avoiding  clashes, 
which  result  chiefly  from  misunderstandings  and  ignorance. 

Everyone  is  willing  to  admit  that  a  gap  exists  between  sound 
theory  and  efficient  practice,  and  no  anthropologist  supposes  that 
academic  instruction  in  ethnology  will  by  itself  ensure  successful 
administration.  Some  of  the  most  successful  commissioners  were 
in  the  field  before  ethnology  was  a  university  subject,  and  these 
pioneers  won  their  way  by  courage,  common  sense,  and  intuitive 
insight  into  African  character.  Yet  this  empirical  success  is  no 
argument  against  the  need  of  ethnological  training  for  all  who 
intend  to  come  into  contact  with  African  institutions. 

The  foregoing  summary  of  the  ethnology  of  Africa  will  have 
made  clear  that  African  attitudes  and  reactions  to  European  in- 
fluences are  extremely  complex.  The  philosophy  of  Negro  religion 
is  abstruse,  and  mistakes  might  be  made  through  ignorance  of  the 
Negro  concept  of  land  as  a  sacred  possession  of  dead  ancestors. 
Neither  is  a  European  likely  to  make  due  allowance  for  the  impor- 
tance attached  to  certain  objects,  such  as  sacred  trees  and  stones, 
which  are  the  shrines  of  tutelary  spirits.  Social  controls  of  African 
tribes  through  chiefs,  secret  societies,  witchcraft,  and  magic  of 
medicine-men  are  further  factors  which  are  not  always  sympathet- 
ically understood  by  administrators.  Moreover,  initiation  rites  and 
the  institution  of  polygyny  are  sometimes  obstacles  to  schemes  of 
adjustment  between  Negroes  and  Europeans. 

Reaction  to  European  discipline  is  sometimes  of  a  humorous  kind, 
since  the  effect  produced  by  punitive  measures  is  the  opposite 
from  the  expected  result.  Some  primitive  tribesmen  from  the  Jos 
plateau  in  Nigeria  were  imprisoned  and  employed  on  government 


Welfare  of  Africans  711 

work  for  a  period,  during  which  time  they  wore  clothes  and  received 
rations.  The  clothes  were  admired  and  the  food  appreciated.  On 
release,  the  prisoners,  instead  of  returning  to  their  own  tribe  sought 
employment  from  Europeans,  and  in  making  application  boasted, 
"I  be  government  man,"  in  proud  reference  to  their  detention  and 
enforced  labor  for  the  government. 

The  obstacles  to  adjustment  between  Africans  and  Europeans 
are  of  two  kinds,  the  economic  and  the  psychological.  For  example, 
difficulties  relating  to  taxes  on  huts,  the  ownership  of  land,  the 
right  to  migrate,  and  the  demand  for  native  labor,  are  likely  to 
arise  when  people  and  cattle  are  dying  from  epidemics,  when  the 
rows  of  corn  are  thin,  or  when  locusts  strip  the  vegetation,  and 
against  these  disasters  research  and  palliative  measures  are  always 
directed.  But  an  experienced  administrator  knows  that  disaffection 
and  open  rebellion  are  just  as  likely  to  be  the  result  of  European 
disregard  for  a  sacred  rite  or  a  social  custom. 

The  guiding  principle  of  British  administration  states  that 
interests  of  African  natives  must  be  paramount,  and,  if  these  are 
in  conflict  with  European  interests,  the  former  should  prevail. 
Progress  toward  self-government  should  be  left  to  take  the  course 
which  the  passage  of  time,  and  the  growth  of  experience,  indicate 
as  being  best  for  the  country. 

On  first  reading,  this  dictum  may  seem  to  meet  all  the  require- 
ments of  justice,  but  the  value  of  the  ideal  lies  entirely  in  the  spirit 
and  method  of  interpretation  through  legislation,  and  in  the  procedure 
followed  when  dealing  with  specific  crises.  What  is  intended  as  a 
high  precept  may  in  effect  be  no  more  than  a  platitude,  and  at  every 
point  in  the  application  of  the  guiding  principle  great  latitude  is 
allowed  to  the  European  ruler,  since  he  is  the  person  to  decide 
what  is  for  the  welfare  of  the  African. 

If  the  general  principle  of  government  is  interpreted  quite 
literally,  then  the  ultimate  situation  of  the  white  race  must  be 
inferior  to  that  of  the  black  race;  but  such  a  condition  would  be 
anomalous,  for  the  white  men  are  the  rulers.  What  does  the  injunc- 
tion really  mean?  Perhaps  the  interpretation  is  that  Africans  should 
be  treated  with  kindness  and  consideration  so  long  as  their  interests 
and  political  power  do  not  conflict  too  violently  with  the  ambitions 
of  their  rulers.  But  if  education,  combined  with  medical  care, 
produce  a  numerically  superior  and  discontented  people,  what  is  to 
be  done  when  they,  conscious  of  their  strength,  demand  a  large  share 
of  political  power? 


712  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

At  present,  Europeans  are  often  justified  in  rebutting  a  demand 
for  further  political  rights  by  stating  that  the  general  standards 
of  education  and  intelligence  are  too  low  for  such  rights  to  be  effec- 
tively used.  But  an  answer  of  this  kind  will  not  always  be  valid, 
and  so  long  as  Africans  have  great  numerical  superiority,  a  backing 
of  armaments  appears  to  be  inevitable  for  maintaining  the  supremacy 
of  European  control. 

Only  the  general  nature  of  the  administrative  problem  has  so 
far  been  mentioned,  but  each  locality  calls  for  specific  consideration 
and  an  adjustment  of  administration  to  local  needs.  With  the 
gradual  advance  of  European  rule  and  culture,  the  strong-man  type 
of  administration,  in  which  one  officer  arbitrarily  ruled  a  large 
territory,  is  becoming  rare,  though  the  method  was  well  known  in 
early  days  of  administration.  I'his  kind  of  personal  rule  depended 
for  success  on  a  strong  individual  who,  within  wide  limits,  was  both 
the  law  and  the  executive.  At  present  the  system  is  of  necessity 
more  complicated.  More  is  done  for  Africans,  more  is  expected 
from  them,  and  a  greater  number  of  men  is  required  to  effect  super- 
vision. 

Naturally,  the  degree  of  self-government  has  to  depend  on  the 
level  of  culture  which  had  been  attained  before  European  interven- 
tion. A  report  on  government  in  the  Province  of  Oyo,  Nigeria,  in 
the  year  1931,  illustrates  the  operation  of  administration  through 
the  agency  of  African  chiefs  themselves.  But  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  tribal  life  and  the  authority  of  chiefs  have  in  some  areas 
so  far  broken  down  that  government  through  native  leaders  and 
tribal  institutions  is  not  possible.  The  report  states  that  under 
indirect  rule  general  progress  and  prosperity  were  satisfactory.  All 
the  native  powers  continued  to  exercise  their  prerogatives  wisely, 
and  collection  of  taxes  proceeded  with  punctuality  and  good  order. 
The  native  administration  has  its  own  schools,  police,  public  works, 
hospitals,  and  dispensaries,  all  of  which  are  organized  with  freedom, 
but  under  the  possible  veto  of  British  officers.  The  Yoruba  under- 
stand the  nature  and  benefit  of  services  for  whose  maintenance 
taxes  are  paid,  and  they  are  satisfied  that  the  organization  is  for 
their  own  benefit    See  C.  K.  Meek  (1937)  for  detailed  study. 

So  far  as  can  be  seen  at  present,  Nigeria  and  the  west  coast 
generally  will  continue  to  present  a  definite  type  of  contact  problem 
which  is  somewhat  simplified  by  the  topographical  and  climatic 
conditions.  White  settlers  could  not  reside  permanently  and  raise 
their  families  as  they  do  in  south  Africa  and  in  some  parts  of  Kenya 


Welfare  of  Africans  713 

and  Nyasaland.  The  contact  of  Europeans  and  Negroes  in  west 
Africa  is,  therefore,  not  complicated  by  European  desire  for  per- 
manent settlement  of  the  most  desirable  areas.  But  of  course  the 
outlook  in  west  Africa  might  be  changed  by  an  extension  of  railways, 
improved  irrigation,  and  the  further  conquest  of  disease. 

A  system  of  administration  based  on  ethnological  study  has 
been  tried  in  Tanganyika  under  the  aegis  of  Sir  H.  Byatt  and  Sir 
Donald  Cameron.  The  scheme  seeks  to  utilize  tribal  institutions; 
therefore,  all  important  innovations  in  administrative  method  are 
explained  by  itinerant  officers  before  the  enactment.  A  month 
after  this  explanation  has  been  given,  the  officers  again  make  their 
rounds  in  order  to  test  the  reaction  to  the  proposed  methods.  Grad- 
ually, in  accordance  with  the  determining  principle  cited,  administra- 
tion becomes  less  arbitrary,  yet  at  present  no  one  can  forecast  the 
degree  of  political  rights  which  can  be  granted  in  the  future.  But 
granting  of  anything  like  a  general  franchise  appears  to  be  impossible, 
since  the  European  rulers  would  find  themselves  outvoted  on  every 
measure  involving  a  conflict  between  the  interests  of  Africans  and 
Europeans. 

The  so-called  "native  question"  of  South  Africa  and  Kenya  is 
in  reality  a  series  of  problems  connected  with  disparity  between 
numbers  of  Africans  and  Europeans,  the  presence  of  immigrants 
from  India,  division  of  land,  qualifications  required  for  exercise  of 
a  franchise  by  Africans,  and  the  reservation  of  certain  lands  and 
occupations  as  spheres  of  influence  for  Europeans  only.  These 
are  indeed  a  formidable  series  of  problems  all  of  which  are  closely 
related. 

Lord  Lugard  thinks  that  the  difficulties  of  land  ownership  are 
exaggerated,  and  that,  with  improved  methods  of  cultivation  and 
the  combination  of  agricultural  and  pastoral  pursuits,  enough  fertile 
land  will  exist  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  both  Africans  and  Europeans. 
In  South  Africa,  General  Hertzog's  policy  calls  attention  to  certain 
alternatives,  and  of  these  the  policy  of  segregation,  sometimes  called 
parallel  development,  makes  an  appeal  to  many  who  are  qualified 
to  judge.  A  policy  of  segregation  implies  that  if  Africans  associate 
freely  with  Europeans  they  do  so  on  a  definitely  inferior  grading, 
and  the  color  line  must  be  drawn  both  socially  and  politically.  But, 
on  the  contrary,  if  Africans  accept  reservations  (and  it  is  not  clear 
why  they  should  do  so  in  their  own  country),  they  may  govern  there 
and  rise  in  any  occupation  as  high  as  their  abilities  will  allow. 


714  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

But  such  a  system  of  closed  reservations  would  not  suit  all  of 
the  European  settlers,  since  many  of  them,  farmers,  for  example, 
desire  to  employ  African  labor.  In  South  Africa,  the  crux  of  the 
problem  appears  to  be  the  numerical  superiority  of  the  Africans, 
together  with  the  fact  that  education  has  advanced  far  enough  to 
stimulate  a  desire  for  political  rights  and  participation  in  occupations 
which  have  hitherto  been  regarded  as  European  preserves. 

H.  S.  Scott  (1936)  has  given  a  summary  of  some  major  differences 
between  the  problems  of  west,  east,  and  south  Africa.  In  west 
Africa,  a  vast  area  is  being  developed  by  Africans  themselves  under 
the  guidance  of  a  small  number  of  government  officials.  Traders 
and  commercial  companies  work  through  natives,  with  as  little 
disturbance  as  possible  of  native  ownership  of  the  soil.  At  the  other 
extreme  is  the  case  of  South  Africa,  where  the  native  has  been 
deprived  of  the  bulk  of  the  land,  and  has  become  a  wage-earner  in 
mines  or  on  farms. 

In  Kenya,  the  European  has  assumed  proprietorship  of  a  part 
of  the  land,  but  the  bulk  of  the  land  remains  available  for  the  African 
population.  Scott  proceeds  to  contrast  the  position  in  Kenya  with 
that  in  South  Africa.  The  relations  between  the  European  and 
African  in  Kenya  are  unaffected  by  native  wars,  or  by  the  record 
of  slavery.  The  conditions  are  friendly  and  not  hostile.  "To  any- 
one who,  after  living  in  South  Africa,  comes  to  Kenya,  the  change 
in  atmosphere  is  amazing  and  delightful." 

Space  has  permitted  no  more  than  a  brief  outline  of  the  history 
of  European  intrusion  and  the  nature  of  the  general  and  local 
problems  that  have  arisen  through  contacts  of  Europeans  and 
Africans.  Social  studies  relating  to  physical  welfare  of  Africans, 
labor  laws,  education,  and  tribal  disintegration  are  rapidly  becoming 
pre-eminent  in  anthropological  work,  not,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  to  the 
detriment  of  ethnology  with  a  historical  and  ethnological  basis. 
On  these  older  forms  of  anthropological  investigations,  sociologists, 
educators,  and  administrators  will  have  to  rely  for  their  datum  line, 
as  L.  P.  Mair  (1934)  so  well  shows  in  a  comparative  study  of  the 
present  Baganda  and  their  forebears,  whose  indigenous  institutions 
were  studied  by  Canon  J.  Roscoe. 

In  conclusion,  emphasis  should  be  placed  on  the  need  for  studying 
several  recent  and  important  contributions  to  the  examination  of 
culture  contacts.  G.  C.  Brown  and  A.  McD.  B.  Hutt,  the  authors 
of  "Anthropology  in  Action,"  think  that  the  first  step  should 
be  to  obtain  a  general  historical  account  of  the  tribe,  its  origin. 


Welfare  of  Africans  715 

traditions,  and  organization,  to  be  followed  by  a  description  of  the 
present  political,  economic  and  social  condition.  "A  comparison 
might  follow  of  the  old  tribal  hierarchy  with  the  existing  adminis- 
trative and  judicial  organs,  showing  differences  and  if  possible 
accounting  for  them.  These  inquiries  might  be  regarded  as  an 
examination  of  the  means,  and  investigation  would  follow  into  the 
measure  of  success  in  achieving  the  desired  end.  This  would  neces- 
sitate an  attempt  to  formulate  with  some  precision  what  the  end 
should  be,  and  a  distinction  between  immediate  and  distant  objec- 
tives would  emerge. 

"An  investigator  will  wish  to  know  something  of  the  native 
political  organization,  the  status  of  the  various  tribal  functionaries, 
and  the  position  occupied  by  the  subject  in  the  tribe.  He  should 
understand  the  importance  of  the  family  and  the  part  which  kinship 
plays  in  tribal  activities.  He  will  also  study  the  rules  of  marriage 
and  divorce  and  the  attitude  of  the  tribe  toward  religion  and  the 
introduction  of  new  beliefs. 

"As  the  majority  of  African  tribes  obtain  their  living,  directly 
or  indirectly,  from  the  land,  it  is  necessary  for  the  administrator 
to  investigate  the  question  of  native  land  tenure  in  all  its  aspects. 
He  will  examine  the  system  under  which  it  is  held,  the  law  of  succes- 
sion regarding  it,  the  uses  to  which  it  is  put  by  the  tribe,  and  their 
present  and  future  requirements  in  this  direction. 

"In  the  economic  sphere,  the  administrator  should  be  in  posses- 
sion of  a  great  deal  of  knowledge  before  any  attempt  is  made  to  raise 
the  standard  of  living.  It  is  necessary,  first,  to  study  the  economic 
organization  in  relation  to  the  whole  social  structure  of  the  tribe, 
so  as  to  ensure  that  any  development  will  rest  on  sound  foundations. 
This  will  include  an  examination  of  the  customary  division  of  labor, 
the  extent  of  community  cooperation  and  the  sources  of  income  of 
the  average  peasant.  This  later  line  of  inquiry  will  in  turn  bring 
into  review  the  question  of  wage-labour,  and  information  will  be 
sought  as  to  the  general  conditions  under  which  it  is  recruited,  and 
how  it  travels,  lives,  and  works." 

The  conception  of  applied  anthropology  is  then  extended  to 
include  a  study  of  magic  and  witchcraft.  This  subject  in  itself 
offers  a  wide  field  of  research,  so  different  are  the  local  concepts 
and  so  varied  are  the  mores  respecting  the  nature  and  functions  of 
sorcery,  witchcraft,  and  the  functions  of  medicine-men  (E.  E.  Evans- 
Pritchard  and  other  contributors,  1935, 1937) .  Other  points  discussed 
(by  Brown  and  Hutt)  are  the  powers,  responsibilities,  and  succession 


716  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

of  chiefs,  the  position  of  woman  before  European  intervention,  the 
extent  to  which  polygyny  is  practiced,  the  practical  bearing  of  rever- 
ence for  ancestors  on  everyday  life,  and  the  social  instability  which 
is  likely  to  ensue  from  interference  with  these  basic  designs  of  the 
cultural  pattern. 

R.  C.  Thurnwald  and  his  wife  (1935)  preface  their  study  of 
conditions  in  east  Africa  by  pointing  out  that  definite  reciprocal 
benefits  result  from  contact  of  Africans  and  Europeans:  "The 
advantage  of  one  party  does  not  necessarily  imply  the  disadvantage 
of  the  other.  This  must  be  emphasized  in  face  of  scores  of  miscon- 
ceptions of  people  who  have  never  acquainted  themselves  with  the 
countries  and  the  problems  of  Africa,  and  of  the  propaganda  which 
is  founded  upon  unbalanced  or  distorted  reports  of  others  who  are 
not  able  to  take  into  consideration  all  the  factors  concerned.  There 
are,  of  course,  extremes  of  genuine  exploitation.  But  these  belong, 
for  the  most  part,  to  past  epochs." 

Thurnwald's  study  in  social  contact  and  adaptation  of  life  in 
east  Africa  views  impartially  the  former  position  of  woman,  in 
comparison  with  her  present  status  resulting  from  changes  in  marital 
relationships  following  the  spread  of  both  Christian  and  Moham- 
medan teaching.  Decline  in  polygyny  has  far-reaching  economic 
as  well  as  social  effects,  since  reduction  of  the  number  of  wives 
interferes  with  the  former  division  of  labor  between  men  and  women. 
The  investigators,  in  addition  to  surveying  the  religious  and  social 
upheavals  that  are  due  to  increasing  dominance  of  foreign  influence, 
give  a  clear  exposition  of  economic  changes  resulting  from  immigra- 
tion of  Indians  and  Arabs. 

So  complex  is  the  situation  arising  from  European  and  other  con- 
tacts with  African  institutions,  and  so  diverse  are  the  local  problems, 
that  the  methodology  outlined  by  R.  Redfield,  R.  Linton,  and  M.  J. 
Herskovits  (1935)  is  welcome  as  a  guide  to  field  workers  who  feel 
confused  with  the  play  of  social,  religious,  and  economic  factors,  and 
hardly  know  where  to  begin  the  analysis. 

A  definition  of  terms  shows  that  "acculturation  comprehends 
those  phenomena  which  result  when  groups  of  individuals  having 
different  cultures  come  into  direct  and  continuous  contact,  with 
subsequent  changes  in  the  original  cultural  patterns  of  either  or 
both  groups."  "Culture  change"  is  a  broader  term  including  the 
processes  of  acculturation,  assimilation,  and  diffusion  of  traits,  the 
relationships  of  which  processes  are  not  constant,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, are  highly  variable.    The  results  of  acculturation  are  discussed 


Welfare  of  Africans  717 

under  the  headings  of  acceptance,  adaptation,  and  reaction.  This 
formulation  of  principles  by  the  Social  Science  Research  Council 
of  America  will  give  greater  precision  to  research,  which,  without 
such  guidance,  might  easily  degenerate  into  a  haphazard  narration 
of  changes  without  recognition  of  their  nature,  intensity,  and  inter- 
relationship. 

That  practical  studies  of  the  kind  here  outlined  will  constitute  a 
large  proportion  of  future  research  in  Africa  is  beyond  doubt.  The 
ultimate  aim  is  harmonious  adjustment  of  African  and  European 
interests.  The  future  of  Africa  is  obscure,  and  v/e  are  in  an  adminis- 
trative twilight.  The  existing  literature  dealing  with  the  relationship 
between  anthropology  and  administration  is  already  formidable  in 
quantity,  and  there  is  much  more  to  follow.  But  a  student  will 
no  doubt  be  helped  by  a  classification  of  the  references  as  given  below. 

GENERAL   REFERENCES 

I  would  place  foremost  among  general  works  Westermann's 
book  (1934),  "The  African  To-day,"  which  gives  a  continental 
review  of  the  fundamental  problems  of  health,  labor,  education, 
mission  influence,  and  administrative  adjustments.  Pitt-Rivers 
(1927)  has  published  a  work  of  wide  scope  dealing  with  general 
principles  involved  in  studying  the  clash  of  cultures,  Malinowski 
(1929)  has  explained  what  he  means  by  "Practical  Anthropology." 
The  social  and  economic  problems  of  Africa  are  reviewed  compre- 
hensively by  Willoughby  (1923),  I.  L.  Evans  (1929),  C.  R.  Buxton 
(1931),  and  Mair  (1936a).  Hambly's  articles,  "Racial  Conflict  in 
Africa,"  and  "Africa  in  the  World  Today,"  are  of  service  as  brief 
sum.maries.  J.  C.  Smuts  (1930b)  on  "African  Settlement"  should 
be  consulted,  while  F.  Krause  (1932)  and  G.  Wagner  (1936)  have 
made  short  studies  of  ethnology  in  relation  to  cultural  changes  and 
administrative  policy.  The  mandate  system  has  been  explained 
by  Van  Maanen-Helmer  (1930). 

Reference  to  G.  St.  J.  0.  Browne  (1935),  Oldham  (1931),  Mair 
(1933a),  and  Von  Gutm.ann  (1928, 1935)  give  titles  of  a  general  kind 
serviceable  to  students  v/ho  are  preparing  the  way  for  topographical 
study.  Michelet  (1932)  has  explained  the  general  policy  of  France 
in  her  African  empire.  We  have  also  in  French  H.  A.  Junod's 
(1931)  plea  for  a  more  sympathetic  consideration  of  the  Bantu 
point  of  view.  See  also  Nyabongo  (1936),  "Africa  Answers  Back," 
and  J.  E.  Lips,  "The  Savage  Hits  Back."    In  connection  with  this 


718  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

reading   Malinowski's  (1936b)  discussion  of  "Culture  as  a  Deter- 
minant of  Behavior"  will  prove  useful. 

For  the  difficulties  of  inquiry  in  the  field,  Schapera  (1935), 
Mair  (1934c),  and  A.  T.  and  G.  M.  Culwick  (1935a,  b)  should  be 
read,  for  all  are  valuable  contributions  to  field  method. 

Ormsby-Gore  (1935)  has  described  indirect  rule,  and  this 
explanation  should  be  read  in  conjunction  with  articles  on  chief- 
tainship under  European  rule  (Mair,  1936a,  b;  R.  C.  Northcote, 
1933;  and  Tagart,  1931).  De  Cleene  (1935)  has  a  valuable  article 
on  the  former  and  present  status  of  Mayombe  chiefs. 

regional  studies 

West  Africa.— 'The  Golden  Stool,"  by  E.  W.  Smith  (1926),  will 
take  a  student  to  the  core  of  the  subject  by  showing  how  the  soul 
of  a  people  is  centered  in  indigenous  beliefs  and  customs.  These 
are  focused  on  sacred  objects  that  are  the  life  of  the  nation.  E.  J. 
Arnett  (1933b)  has  made  a  comparison  of  French  and  British  policy 
in  west  Africa.  Fortes'  (1936)  article  deals  with  culture  contacts 
in  the  Northern  Territories  of  the  Gold  Coast.  Maz^  (1935)  has 
dealt  with  the  effects  of  English  legislation  on  marriage  customs. 
Schober  (1936)  describes  the  culture  contact  situation  in  Togoland. 

East  Africa. — The  value  of  the  researches  of  R.  C.  Thurnwald 
(1935),  of  G.  G.  Brown  and  A.McD.  B.  Hutt  (1935),  and  of  L.  P.  Mair 
(1934)  should  again  be  emphasized  as  detailed  regional  studies.  Mair 
(1931)  also  wrote  on  native  land  tenure  in  east  Africa,  and  on  the 
"Growth  of  Economic  Individualism."  Kayamba  (1932)  gives  a 
glimpse  of  the  present-day  life  of  east  Africans.  M.  F.  Perham  (1931) 
describes  native  administration  in  Tanganyika,  and  (1934)  gives  some 
notes  on  indirect  rule.  Orchardson  (1931)  describes  culture  contacts 
between  the  Kipsigis  and  Europeans.  Leakey's  exposition  of  con- 
trasts and  problems  in  Kenya  (1936b)  is  not  only  interesting  reading 
but  contains  views  that  are  valuable  owing  to  the  author's  long 
acquaintance  with  that  region.  He  deals  with  the  present  condi- 
tions and  future  possibilities  of  education,  missions,  and  industry. 
Huxley's  "Africa  View"  should  not  be  forgotten. 

South  Africa. — The  extensive  literature  on  administrative  prob- 
lems in  South  Africa  will  permit  only  a  brief  summary.  Works  of 
reference  to  the  history  of  administration  and  legal  procedure  are: 
E.  H.  Brookes  (1927,  1934,  1936),  I.  E.  Edwards  (1934),  I.  L. 
Evans  (1934),  Goold-Adams  (1936),  Hofmeyer  (1931),  Milhn  (1927), 
Rogers  (1933),  Whitfield  (1929).    All  these  are  major  works.    Other 


Welfare  of  Africans  719 

substantial  publications  are  those  of  W.  M.  Macmillan  (1927,  1930), 
giving  a  historical  survey  of  the  ''Cape  Colour  Question"  and  a 
discussion  of  "Complex  South  Africa." 

Numerous  books  and  articles  deal  either  with  specific  problems, 
or  with  several  problems  of  a  small  area.  M.  Hunter  (1933,  1936) 
should  be  consulted  for  social  studies  of  the  Pondo  tribe.  Problems 
of  culture  contact  and  administration  in  Rhodesia  have  been  ex- 
amined by  Carbutt  (1934),  W.  M.  Macmillan  (1933),  A.  I.  Richards 
(1935a, b),  and  Shropshire  (1933).  C.  T.  Loram's  (1933)  article  con- 
cerning the  improvement  of  racial  relations  in  South  Africa  is  of 
general  interest.  E.  J.  Krige  (1936a)  has  considered  the  effect  of 
modern  urban  life  on  marital  relationships  and  parental  duties  among 
the  South  African  Bantu.  The  vexed  question  of  areas  of  segrega- 
tion has  been  dealt  with  by  R.  F.  Hoernl^  in  two  articles  (1936a,  b). 
For  cultural  changes  that  are  taking  place  in  Ovamboland  and 
southern  Angola,  under  British  mandate  and  under  Portuguese  rule 
respectively,  P.  C.  Estermann   (1932,  1934)  should  be  consulted. 


IV.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  RESEARCH 

History  of  Anthropology 

A  long  retrospect  of  anthropological  progress  may  be  obtained 
from  A.  C.  Haddon's  "History  of  Anthropology"  (1910;  2nd  ed., 
1934).  Another  valuable  source,  though  not  sufficiently  appreciative 
of  American  research,  is  T.  K.  Penniman's  (1935)  survey,  "A  Hun- 
dred Years  of  Anthropology."  But  we  need  not  recede  so  far  to  re- 
view the  changes  that  have  taken  place  in  anthropological  method. 

In  the  past  fifty  years  anthropologists  have  taken  different 
points  of  view  respecting  methods  of  studying  human  life  and 
cultural  relationships.  As  a  natural  consequence  of  the  publication 
of  Darwin's  "Origin  of  Species"  in  the  year  1859,  evolutionary 
thought  has  colored  all  hj^potheses  relating  to  man's  physical  growth, 
to  the  development  of  his  social  institutions,  economic  activities, 
artistic  expression,  and  elaboration  of  religious  ideas. 

Students  have  been  invited  to  note  a  steady  progress  from  col- 
lecting and  hunting  to  agriculture,  and  from  vague  ideas  of  spirit 
and  animism  to  concepts  of  a  supreme  being.  From  widely  sepa- 
rated regions,  data  were  gleaned  with  regard  to  totemism,  kinship 
systems,  polygamy,  father-right  and  mother-right;  then  comparisons 
were  made  and  theories  were  promulgated  with  respect  to  the  origins 
and  diffusion  of  these  customs. 

The  earliest  of  English  sociological  works  is  "Principles  of 
Sociology,"  by  H.  Spencer,  whose  attempt  to  formulate  laws  of 
association  for  sociological  data  created  a  precedent  which  many 
prominent  anthropologists  followed  in  their  treatment  of  magic, 
religion,  marriage,  and  other  basic  factors  of  human  society.  Human 
life  was  regarded  as  a  whole;  therefore,  the  field  of  discourse  was 
unlimited  geographically  and  ethnologically. 

Such  a  method  is  rational,  since  the  aim  of  science  is  the  estab- 
lishment of  general  laws  which  reveal  relationships  between  cause 
and  effect.  But  so  changing  are  the  conditions  of  human  life  through 
contacts,  so  diverse  are  the  geographical,  biological,  and  historical 
factors,  and  so  incalculable  are  human  caprices,  that  general  laws 
determining  human  conduct  will  be  difficult  to  formulate.  A 
physicist  who  studies  concomitant  variations  creates  his  laboratory 
conditions  and  makes  his  own  controls,  but  a  sociologist  is  dealing 
with  constantly  fluctuating  conditions  and  mental  factors  that  he 
does  not  understand;  his  human  laboratorj^  is  complex  and  erratic. 

720 


Suggestions  for  Research  721 

Some  anthropologists  have  favored  a  school  of  anthropogeography 
which  has  aimed  at  interpreting  the  efforts  and  destinies  of  human 
life  in  terms  of  geographical  and  biological  conditions.  These 
physical  factors  have  been  regarded  as  primary  determinants  in 
the  growth  of  social,  economic,  and  political  conditions  as  we  see 
them  today.  Our  examination  of  modes  of  life  in  Africa  indicates 
that  this  point  of  view  is  radically  sound,  but  the  thesis  should  not 
be  allowed  a  monopoly,  since  the  conquests  of  man  have  to  be 
recognized,  and  with  increasing  inventive  power  the  scope  of  natural 
determinants  will  be  further  limited. 

Certain  ethnologists  are  of  the  opinion  that  some  branches  of 
historical  and  archaeological  study  are  unimportant  because  of  their 
lack  of  practical  application.  But  in  anthropology,  as  in  other 
sciences,  it  is  arbitrary  and  hazardous  to  say  where  theoretical  interest 
ends  and  practical  considerations  begin.  Search  for  the  principles 
of  a  fundamental  Ur-Bantu  language  may  seem  highly  speculative 
and  theoretical,  but  the  work  of  examining  and  classifying  Bantu 
languages  may  eventually  lead  to  the  establishment  of  a  few  languages 
which  will  serve  as  a  means  of  communication  and  an  instrument 
for  education. 

Prehistoric  events,  including  the  spread  of  the  boomerang,  bow, 
and  other  types  of  culture,  as  expounded  by  the  Graebnerian  school, 
may  not  be  of  practical  importance  even  if  the  hypotheses  are  true, 
but  another  type  of  historical  work,  for  example,  that  relating  to 
the  spread  of  Mohammedanism  in  Africa,  is  essential  to  ethnological 
study  and  sound  administrative  method  in  north  and  west  Africa. 
The  history  of  contacts  of  the  Portuguese  with  Negro  tribes  of  Angola 
is  an  essential  factor  in  a  study  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Negro  con- 
federacies of  Kongo  and  Lunda.  The  facts  of  history  and  their 
bearing  on  the  growth  and  welding  of  cultures  should  not  be  disre- 
garded; but  cultural  history  and  the  study  of  cultural  adjustment 
is  not  the  whole  of  the  problem. 

The  regrettable  tendency  is  for  students  to  ally  themselves  with 
one  ethnological  outlook  and  technique,  forgetting  that  method  is 
flexible  and  that  each  approach  to  an  ethnological  problem  has  some 
validity  (Hambly,  1929b).  In  recent  years,  the  practical  value  of 
intensive  studies  of  individuals,  families,  and  village  groups  has  been 
advocated  in  order  to  provide  data  of  practical  importance  in  educa- 
tion and  administration.  An  investigator  wishes  to  know  the  changes 
in  personal  and  social  attitudes  that  are  due  to  culture  conflicts,  and 
his  method  includes  a  close  psychological  study  of  individuals,  and 


722  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

their  reactions  to  cultural  changes.  Admittedly,  this  technique  is 
of  practical  importance,  but  the  method  is  one  that  should  follow 
and  not  entirely  supersede  the  geographical,  historical,  and  purely 
ethnological  approach. 

The  Present 

In  conclusion,  I  must  emphasize  the  importance  of  a  general  back- 
ground of  sociology  and  anthropology,  for  every  African  problem 
is  part  of  a  larger  complex,  as  I  have  tried  to  show  in  studying 
prehistory,  history,  physical  anthropology,  and  social  conditions. 
Our  research  at  many  points  leads  outside  the  continent  of  Africa 
to  Asia,  Europe,  and  America,  which  have  contributed  to  the 
African  problems  of  today. 

Sociology  and  philosophy  are  necessary  coordinating  sciences  that 
assist  the  visualization  of  human  life  as  a  whole,  and  an  attempt  to 
study  Africa  in  isolation  will  be  ineffective. 

M.  Ginsberg  (1934)  has  prepared  a  short  study  of  sociology  which 
begins  with  a  description  of  the  scope  and  methods  of  that  science. 
The  terms  "society,"  "culture,"  and  "civilization"  are  defined,  and 
problems  of  race  and  environment  are  presented.  The  psychological 
basis  of  social  life  and  the  growth  of  societies  are  principal  divisions; 
then  consideration  of  social  classes  and  economic  organization  leads 
to  a  discussion  of  some  aspects  of  mental  development.  H.  Spencer's 
brief  work,  "The  Study  of  Sociology,"  is  less  labored  than  the  large 
"Principles"  and  really  contains  the  essence  of  his  views.  In  Ger- 
man, L.  von  Viese's  "Allgemeine  Soziologie"  is  a  modern  exposition, 
with  emphasis  on  the  methods  of  the  German  school.  Another 
helpful  book  for  sociological  background  is  a  study  of  "Culture  and 
Progress,"  by  W.  D.  Wallis.  There  are  also  several  books  of  the 
type  produced  by  W.  Goodsell,  who  studies  the  history  of  the  family 
in  a  comprehensive  way.  In  considering  "Theories  of  Social  Prog- 
ress," A.  J.  Todd  has  produced  a  general  survey  which  would 
serve  admirably  as  a  background  for  the  study  of  social  problems 
in  Africa. 

R.  Linton's  "Study  of  Man,"  Goldenweiser's  "Anthropology" 
(1937),  Lowie's  "Primitive  Society"  and  his  "An  Introduction  to  Cul- 
tural Anthropology,"  bring  us  from  the  generalities  of  sociology  to 
the  more  concrete  subject  of  social  anthropology.  It  is  here  that  we 
realize  the  hiatus  between  field  work  and  the  generalizations  of 
philosophy  and  sociology.  No  ethnologist  can  doubt  the  inadequacy 
of  research  in  the  field  as  a  basis  for  our  existing  systems  of  soci- 
ology.  The  two  need  a  closer  co-ordination.  In  the  words  of  Linton, 


Suggestions  for  Research  723 

our  attempts  at  generalizations  are,  owing  to  paucity  of  data,  too 
freely  sprinkled  with  "probably"  and  "perhaps." 

For  a  generous  introduction  to  the  study  of  African  religion  and 
magic,  students  will  read  the  works  of  R.  R.  Marett,  and  Durkheim's 
"Les  formes  ^l^mentaires  de  la  vie  religieuse."  Lowie's  "Primitive 
Religion"  is  a  companion  volume  that  gives  reviews  of  these  philoso- 
phies of  religion,  in  term.s  understandable  to  students  who  do  not 
readily  follow  ingenious  philosophical  flights. 

In  the  sphere  of  economics,  R.  C.  Thurnwald's  (1932)  general  treat- 
ment of  primitive  trade  and  industry  is  a  serviceable  textbook.  For 
psychological  work,  the  broad  generalization  of  L^vy-Bruhl  should 
be  contrasted  with  the  local  studies  of  M.  Mead.  Dr.  M.  Mead,  and 
R.  Benedict  as  well,  find  such  radical  psychological  differences  in 
social  attitudes,  even  in  adjacent  communities,  that  one  might  well 
despair  of  generalizations  about  human  reactions  and  mentality. 

There  need  be  no  misunderstanding  about  the  ideals  and  methods 
of  "functional"  study.  Reference  to  A.  Lesser  (1935),  Radcliffe 
Brown  (1935),  and  Malinowski  (1932, 1936b)  gives  a  clear  exposition. 
The  word  "functional"  is  perhaps  not  well  chosen,  but  the  term  is 
meant  to  imply  that  we  are  studying  with  inner  vision  the  dynamic 
social  forces.  No  longer  are  we  observing  objectively,  as  a  biologist 
studies  colonies  of  animalculae  through  the  microscope.  Yet  to 
some  of  us  it  would  seem  that  any  complete  monograph  with  geo- 
graphical and  historical  introduction,  and,  above  all,  a  coordination 
of  chapters  dealing  with  religious  life,  social  organization,  and 
economics,  is  a  functional  study. 

The  question  of  diffusion  enters  so  largely  into  the  understand- 
ing of  present-day  Africa  that  wide  reading  is  necessary  to  give  a 
silhouette  of  African  cultural  relationships. 

All  the  works  of  F.  Graebner  and  of  P.  W.  Schmidt  go  to  the  heart 
of  the  problem  of  the  Kulturkreis  theory,  which  Hambly  (1934a) 
attempted  to  explain  in  its  African  bearing.  For  criticism  of 
Hambly's  views,  a  review  by  W.  Hirschberg  (1935)  should  be  read, 
for  it  contains  references  of  importance  and  calls  attention  to  new 
aspects  of  the  Kulturkreis  problem.  Frobenius  (1933),  Lowie 
(1913),  and  Hornell  (1934)  are  useful  in  this  connection.  Kluckhohn 
(1936),  and  H.  von  Baumann  (1934)  have  made  important  summaries 
of  this  theory.  The  best  textbook  for  comparative  study  of  diffusion 
of  culture,  as  expounded  by  Graebner,  Elliot  Smith,  Wissler  and 
others,  is  that  of  R.  B.  Dixon  (1928),  "The  Building  of  Cultures." 


724  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

My  survey  of  Africa  began  with  an  account  of  the  fundamental 
facts  of  geology,  geography,  and  natural  history.  These  physical 
and  biological  factors  were  described  because  they  are  essential  for 
an  intelligible  study  of  human  life. 

The  second  method  of  approach  was  historical,  and,  for  this 
investigation,  discussion  relied  on  the  data  of  archaeology,  physical 
anthropology,  the  distribution  of  language  families,  and  the  occur- 
rence of  types  of  culture.  The  aim  was  to  discover  a  sequence  of 
events  which  might  aid  an  explanation  of  the  cultures  of  today. 
Historical  study  is  not  a  mere  academic  exercise;  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  a  valuable  adjunct  to  a  true  appreciation  of  the  construction  of 
a  social  pattern  and  the  functioning  of  the  parts. 

The  continent  was  then  divided  into  regions,  in  each  of  which 
a  definite  mode  of  life  is  followed.  An  attempt  was  made  to  show 
the  diversity  of  cultures,  such  as  those  adopted  by  hunters,  camel 
keepers,  pastoral  tribes,  and  agriculturalists.  Each  type  of  culture 
was  treated  as  a  living,  functioning  entity,  with  many  variations, 
and  analysis  was  made  of  the  contributing  factors  in  each  of  the 
cultural  patterns. 

A  section  was  devoted  to  an  examination  of  Negro  culture  with 
a  view  to  establishing  some  general  aspects  before  considering  the 
main  specific  developments.  The  outlines  of  social,  economic,  and 
spiritual  life  were  examined  so  as  to  show  their  unity  and  mutual 
dependence,  and  this  was  done  without  making  a  selection  of  some 
one  trait,  such  as  food  or  sex,  as  a  predominating  factor.  The  pivotal 
point  of  a  cultural  pattern  is  difficult  to  select  if  the  culture  is  complex, 
and  rather  than  arbitrarily  choosing  only  one  factor,  it  is  desirable 
to  demonstrate  the  mutual  dependence  of  the  constituent  parts. 
For  example,  in  considering  the  culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola, 
one  might  justifiably  select  one  of  several  traits  as  a  pivotal  point 
around  which  a  monograph  could  be  wi'itten.  Agriculture,  chief- 
tainship, ancestor  worship,  or  the  magical  rites  of  the  ocimbanda 
might  each  serve  as  a  focus  for  study,  but  selection  of  one  of  these 
factors  as  primary  would  be  misleading,  since  they  are  so  closely 
related  in  their  functions. 

A  study  of  the  European  period  began  with  an  account  of  explora- 
tion, assumption  of  control  by  European  powers,  and  the  partitioning 
of  the  African  continent.  This  survey  led  to  a  formulation  of  problems 
that  have  arisen  from  the  continued  contact  of  Europeans  and 
Africans.     Questions  of  health,  education,  labor,  and  the  service 


Suggestions  for  Research  725 

of  ethnology  in  administration  were  discussed,  with  special  reference 
to  present  difficulties  and  the  probable  trend  of  future  events. 

My  aim,  therefore,  has  been  to  preserve  a  well-balanced  view, 
which  recognizes  the  fundamental  unity  of  geography,  biology, 
history,  ethnology,  and  modern  problems  of  European  administra- 
tion. What  kind  of  future  investigation  will  preserve  flexibility  of 
method  and  coordinated  research? 

The  Future 

The  text  and  bibliography  have  indicated  where  the  gaps  in 
our  knowledge  lie.  In  preparing  detailed  topographical  and  tribal 
maps,  much  cartography  remains.  Ethnobotany  deserves  more 
attention  because  our  knowledge  of  African  food  plants  and  the 
African  pharmacopoeia  is  incomplete. 

In  historical  work,  more  numerous  and  more  accurate  translations 
are  needed  from  Arabic  and  other  sources.  Eg>'ptologists,  together 
with  specialists  in  Greek,  Roman,  and  Phoenician  history  should 
produce  a  comprehensive  volume,  showing  in  detail  the  influence  of 
these  cultures. 

Field  work  in  prehistoric  archaeology  affords  an  almost  unlimited 
outlet  for  new  enterprise,  especially  in  the  central  and  western 
regions.  Statistics  for  physical  anthropology  on  both  the  living 
subject  and  on  skeletal  material  are  deplorably  inadequate,  and  far 
more  type  photographs  are  needed.  No  student  should  enter  the 
field  without  becoming  a  competent  photographer.  Apart  from  the 
value  of  photography  in  studying  physical  types,  photographs  are 
needed  to  supplement  descriptions  of  ceremonies  and  handicrafts. 

The  chapter  on  psychology  was  of  necessity  brief,  and  the  biblio- 
graphy of  serious  psychological  studies  of  dreams,  folklore,  social 
life,  and  individual  case  records,  is  a  small  one.  For  a  student 
qualified  in  psychology,  with  ethnology  as  a  companion  subject,  there 
is  unlimited  scope. 

A  vast  amount  of  field  work  remains  to  be  done  in  recording 
languages  and  dialects,  and  in  making  a  comparative  study  of  these 
so  as  to  produce  adequate  linguistic  maps.  Such  research  is  essential 
to  aid  the  educationist  in  preparation  of  textbooks  for  Africans. 

Study  of  the  culture  area  concept  clearly  indicates  that  far 
more  well-indexed  monographs  are  necessary  before  the  details  of 
culture  areas  can  be  filled  in.  Taking  religion,  social  organization, 
law,  and  economics  as  factors  for  division,  anthropologists  should 
aim  at  defining  types  of  Negro  society  more  clearly.    We  know  of 


726  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

physical,  linguistic,  and  cultural  differences  between  Negroes  who 
speak  either  Bantu  or  Sudanic  languages,  and  the  common  founda- 
tions of  their  culture  have  been  summarized,  but  a  clearer  concept 
of  subdivisions  is  required.  The  phylogenetic  relationship  between 
Bantu  and  Sudanic  languages  is  not  clearly  worked  out,  and  anthro- 
pometric figures  are  absolutely  inadequate  for  expressing  the  physical 
differences  between  linguistic  group  of  Negroes. 

With  regard  to  the  fundamentals  of  Negro  culture  (section  III), 
a  vast  amount  of  concentrated  research  is  needed  on  marital  relations, 
especially  on  polygyny  and  divorce.  Full  tables  of  kinship  and 
notes  on  duties  of  Idndred  are  surprisingly  few.  Religion,  magic, 
and  witchcraft  call  for  more  study.  The  whole  economic  system, 
including  land  tenure  and  food  production,  requires  more  detailed 
research.  Law  in  pastoral  and  agricultural  tribes  has  never  been 
adequately  studied. 

The  practical  application  of  all  this  knowledge  leads  to  study  of 
specific  problems  of  administration.  The  theme  may  be  a  tribe,  a 
political  area,  a  native  village,  a  Negro  colony  in  a  city,  or  the 
application  of  a  principle  of  government,  but  the  aim  is  the  same: 
anthropology  must  aid  the  process  of  social  and  political  adjustment. 

The  urgent  need  is  for  more  field  work  of  all  kinds,  but  a  great 
task  of  comparing  and  compiling  the  facts  already  available  remains 
to  be  done;  the  work  of  surveying  the  whole  field  can  be  revised 
repeatedly  as  new  data  are  acquired.  We  need  far  more  books  of 
the  type  prepared  by  I.  Schapera  on  the  Khoisan  peoples;  such  books 
show  the  ethnological  gains  and  losses  up  to  date,  and  they  are 
invaluable  as  a  point  of  departure  for  further  work  of  every  kind. 

For  field  work,  the  difficulty  of  mastering  an  African  language 
so  as  to  dispense  with  interpreters  is  indeed  a  serious  obstacle.  But 
perhaps  the  dem.ands  of  those  whose  work  has  kept  them  in  Africa 
for  long  periods  are  rather  too  exacting,  so  severe,  in  fact,  that 
ethnological  work  as  we  know  it  today  in  connection  with  m.useum 
and  university  expeditions  is  entirely  discouraged.  I  think  there 
is  some  fallacy  in  stressing  the  value  of  publishing  in  the  native  text. 
The  native  script  has  to  be  translated,  since  anthropologists  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  keep  in  touch  with  a  wide  field  of  literature 
in  numerous  languages.  If  the  need  for  translation  is  admitted, 
then  we  have  the  same  kind  of  distortion  that  may  result  from  use 
of  an  interpreter,  because  linguistic  equivalents  for  absolutely  accu- 
rate translation  are  lacking. 


Suggestions  for  Research  727 

Instead  of  expecting  an  anthropologist  to  be  polyglottic,  or  to 
spend  some  years  in  learning  a  single  language  which  will  be  of  no 
service  in  his  next  field  of  work,  there  might  be  a  possibility  of  some 
permanent  scheme  of  training  interpreters  at  educational  institutions 
near  the  field  of  research.  Or  the  most  promising  African  pupils  might 
be  sent  to  European  or  American  universities  Vs^ith  one  object  in  view, 
namely,  linguistic  training  and  a  study  of  the  best  possible  methods 
of  translation. 

Finally,  no  matter  what  direction  a  student  may  take  in  his 
African  research,  let  there  be  an  endeavor  to  see  Africa  as  a  whole, 
before  becoming  absorbed  in  a  specific  problem  or  method. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PERIODICALS 

Abbreviations 

AA  American  Anthropologist.     University  of  California,   Berkeley,   Calif. 

AAE         Archivio  per  I'Antropologia  e  la  Etnologia.    Florence,  Italy. 
AE  Ancient  Egypt.    University  College,  Gower  Street,  London. 

AES  Africa  Espanola,  Revista  de  Colonization,  Industria,  Comercio,  Intereses 

Morales  y  Materiales.    Madrid,  1913  to  date. 

Aethiopica.    Revue  Philologique.    Paris.    Ed.  S.  Grebaut. 

AFA         Archiv  fur  Anthropologie.    Braunschweig. 

AFK         Archiv  ftir  Kulturgeschichte.    Leipzig  and  Berlin. 
AFR         Archiv  fur  Religionswissenschaft.    Leipzig. 

Africa.     Journal  of  the  International  Institute  of  African  Languages 

and  Cultures.  Miss  D.  G.  Brackett,  Secretary.  Millbank  House, 
2  Wood  Street,  London,  S.  W.  1. 

AI  Ars  Islamica.    University  of  Michigan  and  the  Detroit  Institute  of  Arts. 

Ann  Arbor,  Michigan.    Semi-annually. 

AJPA  American  Journal  of  Physical  Anthropology.  Ed.,  A.  Hrdlicka.  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  Washington,  D.C.    Quarterly. 

AJS  American  Journal  of  Sociology.    University  of  Chicago  Press,  Chicago. 

AJSL  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literature.  University  of 
Chicago  Press,  Chicago. 

AMCB     Annales  du  Musee  du  Congo  Beige.    Tervueren,  Brussels. 

AnAn        Anthropologischer    Anzeiger.      Anthropologischen    Instituts,    Munich. 

ANNM  Argeologiese  Navorsing  van  die  Nasionale  Museum.  Bloemfontein, 
South  Africa. 

Anthropologie.    Ed.,  J.  Matiegka  and  J.  Maly.    Prague. 

Anthropos.    St.  Gabriel-Modling,  Vienna. 

Antiquity.    Ed.,  0.  G.  S.  Crawford.    Nursling,  Southampton,  England. 

Quarterly  review  of  Archaeology. 
AO  African  Observer.     18  Warwick  St.,  Regent  Street,  London.     Monthly 

review  covering  all  African  affairs. 
ASAM      Annals  of  the  South  African  Museum.    Cape  Town. 
ATM        Annals  of  the  Transvaal  Museum.    Pretoria. 
AW  African   World,   and   Cape   Cairo   Express.     London   Wall,   Salisbury 

House,  London. 
BA  Baessler-Archiv.    Ed.,A.  Maas.    Koniglichen  Museums  fiir  Volkerkunde, 

Berlin. 
BAOF       Bulletin  du  Comite  d'Etudes  Historiques  et  Scientifiques  de  I'Afrique 

Occidentale  Frangaise.    Goree. 
BECB      Bibliographie  Ethnographique  du  Congo  Beige.     Brussels,  Musee  du 

Congo  Beige,  1932.    Contains  a  list  of  periodicals. 
BELA       Biblotheca  Ethnologica  Linguistica  Africana.     Ed.,  A.  Drexel.     Inns- 
bruck, Innallee,  Austria. 
BIE  Bulletin    de   I'lnstitut    d'Egypt.      L'Institut    Frangais    d'Archeologie 

Orientale.  Cairo. 

Biometrika.    University  College,  London. 

BJID  Bulletin  des  Juridictions  Indigenes  et  du  Droit  Coutumier  Congolais 
(Supplement  a  la  Revue  Juridique  du  Congo  Beige).  Societe  d'Etudes 
Juridiques  du  Katanga,  B.  P.  600,  Elisabethville,  Congo  Beige. 
Published  bi-monthly,  or  whenever  there  is  sufficient  material  in  hand. 

BL'ELO  Bibliotheque  de  I'Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales  Vivantes.  Librairie 
Orientaliste,  Paul  Geuthner.     13  Rue  Jacob,  Paris,  Vie. 

BMNH  Bulletin  Museum  National  d'Histoire  Naturelle  Paris.  57  Rue  Cuvier, 
Paris,  Ve. 

BMSA  Bulletins  et  Memoires  de  la  Societe  d' Anthropologie  de  Paris.  Masson 
et  Cie,  Libraires  de  I'Academie  de  Medecine,  Boulevard  Saint-Germain. 

728 


Bibliography  of  Periodicals 


729 


BS  Bantu   Studies.     University  of  Witwatersrand,   Johannesburg,   South 

Africa. 

BSAP  Bulletins  de  la  Societe  d'Anthropologie  de  Paris.  120  Boulevard  Saint- 
Germain,  Paris. 

BSGA  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geographie  d'Alger  et  de  I'Afrique  du  Nord. 
5,  Rue  Clouzel.    Algiers. 

BSGI        Bollettino  della  Reale  Societa  Geografica  Italiana.     Rome. 

BSI  Bulletin  des  Seances,  Institut  Royal  Colonial  Beige,  7  Place  Royale, 

Brussels.  Marcel  Hayez,  Imprimeur  de  I'Academie  Royale  de  Bel- 
gique,  112  Rue  de  Louvain,  Brussels.    Published  three  times  a  year. 

BSNG  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  Neuchateloise  de  Geographie.  Neuchatel,  Switzer- 
land. 

BSOS  Bulletin  of  the  School  of  Oriental  Studies.  Vandon  House,  Vandon 
Street,  London,  S.  W.  1. 

BSSN  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  des  Sciences  Naturelles  au  Maroc.  Ed.,  E.  Larose, 
Rue  Victor-Cousin,  Paris,  Ve. 

CAC  Crown  Agents  for  the  Colonies.  Millbank,  London,  S.  W.  1.  Publish 
handbooks  and  pamphlets  on  British  possessions  in  Africa. 

Cahiers  d'Art,  14  Rue  due  Dragon,  Paris,  Vie. 

CIAA       Congres  International  d'Anthropologie  et  d'Archeologie  Prehistoriques. 

120  Boulevard  Saint-Germain,  Paris,  Vie. 
CO  Church  Overseas.    An  Anglican  review  of  missionary  activities.    Church 

House,  Westminster,  London,  S.  W.  1. 
— —  Congo.     Ed.,  Goemaere.     21  Rue  de  la  Limite,  Brussels.     Monthly. 

DE  Das  Eingeborenenrecht.    Stuttgart. 

EA  East  Africa.     91  Great  Titchfield  Street,  London,  W.  1. 

EtAn        Ethnologischer  Anzeiger.    Ed.,  M.  Heydrich  and  G.  Buschan.   Stuttgart. 

Ethnos.    Statens  Etnografiiska  Museum.    Stockholm. 

FL  Folk-Lore.     W.  Glaisher,  265  High  Holborn,  London.     Quarterly. 

GCR         Gold  Coast  Review.    Accra,  West  Africa. 

GJ  Geographical  Journal.     Royal  Geographical  Society,   London,   S.   W. 

Globus.    Now  affiliated.    See  Petermanns  Mitteilungen. 

GR  Geographical  Review.    American  Geographical  Society,  New  York. 

GSNI  Geographical  Section  Naval  Intelligence  Division.  Handbooks.  Portu- 
guese East  Africa,  Kenya,  Tanganyika,  etc.  Publishers,  H.  M. 
Stationery  Office,  Kingsway,  London. 

HAS  Harvard  African  Studies.  Peabody  Museum,  Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 

HB  Human  Biology.     Ed.,  Raymond  Pearl.     Baltimore,  Md.     Quarterly. 

HERE  Hastings  Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics.  Ed.,  J.  Hastings, 
New  York  and  Edinburgh. 

Hesperis.     Libraire   Laross,   11    Rue   Victor-Cousin,   Paris.     Contains 

studies  of  Berbers  of  Morocco  and  Algeria. 
HMSO      His  Majesty's  Stationery  Office,  Kingsway,  London.     Publishes  many 

reports  on  education,  commerce,  social  conditions.    List  on  application. 
HS  Hakluyt  Society.    Agent,  B.  Quaritch,  11  Grafton  Street,  London,  W.  1. 

Many  volumes  dealing  with  early  exploration  of  Africa. 
HU  Hamburg   University.     Abhandlungen   des   Hamburgischen   Kolonial- 

instituts. 
lAFE        Internationales  Archiv  fiir  Ethnographic.     Leiden,  Germany. 
IRM         International  Review  of  Missions.     Oxford  University  Press,  London. 

Quarterly. 
IRMI       Islamic  Review  and  Muslim  India.    Ed.,  Khwaja  Kamal-Ud-Din,  The 

Mosque,  Woking,  England.     Monthly. 
JAFL        Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore.     G.  E.  Stechert  and  Company,  New 

York,  Agents.    Quarterly. 
JAI  See  under  JRAI 

JAS  Journal  of  the  African  Society.     Now,  Journal  of  the  Royal  African 

Society.     Imperial  Institute,  South  Kensington,  London,  S.  W.  7. 


730  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

JEA  Journal  of  Egyptian  Archaeology.    Published  by  the  Egypt  Exploration 

Society,  13  Tavistock  Square,  London,  W.  C.  1. 
JEAU       Journal  East  Africa  and  Uganda  Natural  History  Society.    Ed.,  V.  G.  L. 

van  Someren.    East  African  Standard,  Ltd.,  London. 
JNH         Journal  of  Negro  History.    Ed.,  C.  G.  Woodson.    The  Association  for 

the  Study  of  Negro  Life  and  History.     Washington,  D.C. 
JPEK       Jahrbuch  flir   Prahistorische   und   Ethnographische   Kunst.     Leipzig, 

Germany. 
JRAI        Journal  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

JAI  for  volumes  issued  before  grant  of  Royal  Charter.     52  Upper 

Bedford  Place,  Russel  Square,  London.    The  Institute  issues  "Man," 

"Occasional  Papers,"  and  "Anthropological  Notes  and  Queries,"  a 

handbook  for  use  in  the  field. 
JRAS        See  under  JAS. 
JRD         Journal  of  Race  Development.    Now,  Journal  of  International  Relations, 

since  vol.  9,  1918-19.    Ed.,  George  H.  Blakeslee  and  G.  Stanley  Hall. 

Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 
JSA  Journal  de  la  Societe  des  Africanistes.     61  Rue  de  BufTon,  Paris,  Ve, 

JVFE       Jahresbericht  des  Vereins  fiir  Erdkunde,  zu  Dresden.     Dresden. 
KO  Kongo-Overzee.     Tijdschrift  voor  en  over  Belgisch  Kongo,  Ruanda- 

Urundi  en  aanpalende  Gewesten.    Ed.,  Dr.  A.  Burssens,  34  Brussel- 

schesteenw,  Melle  bij  Gent.    Bi-monthly. 
KR  Kolonial   Rundschau.     Potsdamerstrasse  97,   Berlin,  W.  35.     Merged 

with  MDS. 
L'AF         L'Af rique  Frangaise.    21  Rue  Cassette,  Vie,  Paris.    Deals  with  education, 

ethnology,  administration,  and  commerce. 
L'AI         L'Africa  Italiana.     Bollettino  della  Societa  Africana  d'ltalia,  219  Via 

Duomo,  Naples. 

L'Anthropologie.     Ed.,  H.  Vallois  and  R.  Vaufrey,  Libraires  de  I'Aca- 

demie  de  Medecine,  120  Boulevard  Saint-Germain,  Paris. 

L'Ethnographie.     Societe  d'Ethnographie  de  Paris.     3  Rue  du  Sabot, 

Paris,  Vie.    A  useful  bibliography. 

LG  La  Geographie.     La  Societe  de  Geographie,  10  Avenue  d'lena,  Paris. 

MAAA     Memoirs  American  Anthropological  Association.     University  of  Cali- 
fornia, Berkeley,  Calif. 

MAG        Mitteilungen  der  Anthropologischen  Gesellschaft  in  Wien.    Vienna. 

Man.      Royal    Anthropological    Institute,    52    Upper    Bedford    Place, 

London,  W.  C.    Monthly. 
MDS        Mitteilungen  aus  den  Deutschen  Schutzgebieten.    Ed.,  Mit  Benutzung 

Amtlicher  Quellen  herausgegeben  von  Hans  Meyer,  Albrecht  Penck, 

Paul   Staudinger.     Pub.  im    Kommissionsverlag  von  E.  S.   Mittler 

and  Sohn,  Berlin,  Kochstr.  68-71.    Half-yearly. 
MIE         Memoires  de  I'lnstitut  d'Egypte.    E.  &  R.  Schindler,  Cairo. 
MJ  Museum  Journal.    University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum.    Philadelphia. 

MSAP      Memoires  de  la   Societe  d'Anthropologie   de   Paris.     120,   Boulevard 

Saint-Germain,  Paris. 
MSFO      Mitteilungen  des  Seminars  fiir  Orientalischen  Sprachen.    Berlin. 
MSSN      Memoires  de  la  Societe  des  Sciences  Naturelles  du  Maroc.    Ed.,  Emile 

Larose,  11  Rue  Victor-Cousin,  Paris,  Ve. 
MW  Moslem  World.    Missionary  Review  Publishing  Company,  Fifth  Avenue, 

New  York.    A  Christian  Review  of  Current  Events  and  Literature. 

Quarterly. 

Nada.     Native  Affairs   Department.     Salisbury,   Southern   Rhodesia. 

Annually. 
NAM        Neue  Allgemeine  Missionszeitschrift.     Grillparzerstr.     15  Berlin  Steg- 
Htz. 

Nature.     Publishing  and  Editorial  Office,  Macmillan  and  Company, 

Ltd.,  St.  Martin's  Street,  London,  W.  C.  2. 


Bibliography  of  Periodicals 


731 


NF  Nigerian  Field.     The  Journal  of  the  Nigerian  Field  Society.     Ed.,  E. 

F.  G.  Haig,  Enugu,  S.  Nigeria.  Pub.,  H.  F.  and  G.  Witherby,  326 
High  Holborn,  London,  W.  C.  1.    Quarterly. 

NGM  National  Geographic  Magazine.  Washington,  D.  C.  Contains  popular, 
well  illustrated  articles. 

NPN  Northern  Provinces  News.  Government  Printing  Office.  Kaduna, 
Nigeria.  Known  locally  as  Jarida,  articles  in  English,  Hausa,  and 
Arabic. 

NYB  Negro  Year  Book.  Tuskegee  Normal  and  Industrial  Institution.  Ala- 
bama. 

OC  Open  Court.     Open   Court  Publishing  Company,   Chicago,  U.  S.  A, 

Quarterly. 

OE  Overseas  Education.     Oxford  University  Press.     Quarterly. 

OM  Outre-Mer,  Revue  General  de  Colonisation.     Paris,  Libraire  Larose, 

11  Victor-Cousin. 

PM  Petermanns  Mitteilungen.    Vereinigt  mit  der  Zeitschrift  Globus.   Gotha, 

Germany. 

PrM  Primitive  Man.     Bulletin  of  the  Catholic  Anthropological  Conference. 

Washington,  D.  C.    Quarterly. 

PRSA  Proceedings  of  the  Rhodesian  Science  Association.  Bulawayo.  Con- 
tains numerous  papers  on  South  African  Archaeology. 

RAn  Revue  Anthropologique.     Librairie  Emile  Nourry,  62  Rue  des  Ecoles, 

Paris,  Ve. 

RAr  Revue  Archeologique.    Ed.,  E.  Pottier  et  S.  Reinach.    Librairie,  Ernest 

Leroux,  28  Rue  Bonaparte,  Paris,  Vie. 

RE  Revue  d'Ethnographie.     Ed.,  R.  Dussaud.     28  Rue  Bonaparte,  Paris. 

REES  Revue  des  Etudes  Ethnographiques  et  Sociologiques.  Libraire,  Paul 
Geuthner,  6S  Rue  Magazin,  Paris. 

REI  Revue  des  Etudes  Islamique.    Formerly  Revue  du  Monde  Musulmane. 

Libraire  Orientaliste,  Paul  Geuthner,  13  Rue  Jacob,  Paris. 

RES  Revue  d'Ethnographie  et  de  Sociologie.    28  Rue  Bonaparte,  Paris,  Vie. 

Res  Catalogue  Royal  Empire  Society,  Catalogues  and  bibliographies  of;  see 

Prostov's  Bibliography. 

REVA  Rechtsverhaltnisse  von  Eingeborenen  Volkern  in  Afrika  und  Ozeania. 
Berlin. 

RHR  Revue  de  I'Histoire  des  Religions.  Libraire,  Ernest  Leroux,  28  Rue 
Bonaparte,  Paris,  Vie. 

RiEt  Riksmuseets  Etnografiska  Avdelning:  Smarre  Meddelanden.  Stock- 
holm, Sweden.    See  K.  G.  Lindblom. 

RR  Race  Relations.    Official  Journal  of  the  South  African  Institute  of  Race 

Relations.    P.  O.  Box  1176,  Johannesburg.    Published  six  times  a  year. 

RSR         Recherches  de  Science  Religieuse.    5  Place  Saint  Frangois-Xavier,  Paris. 

RTS  Religious  Tract  Society.     4  Bouverie  St.,  London,  E.  C.  4.     Issues 

publications  on  African  Languages. 

SAJS  South  African  Journal  of  Science.  Johannesburg,  South  Africa.  Con- 
tains reports  of  the  South  African  Association  for  the  Advancement 
of  Science. 

SAO  South  African  Outlook.    Lovedale,  South  Africa. 

SLS  Sierra   Leone   Studies.     Ed.,   D.   B.   Drummond,   Government   Press, 

Freetown,  Sierra  Leone. 

SM  Scientific  Monthly.     Ed.,  J.  McKeen  Cattell,  The  Science  Press,  Lan- 

caster, Pa. 

SNR  Sudan    Notes   and    Records.      Wellington    House,    Buckingham    Gate, 

London,  S.  W.  1.     A  publication  of  the  Sudan  Government. 

TC  Togo-Cameroun.     L'Agence  Economique  des  Territories  Africains.    27 

Boulevard  des  Italiens,  Paris,  He.    Monthly. 

TMIE      Travaux  et  Memoires  de  I'lnstitut  d'Ethnologie.     Universite  de  Paris. 

TNR  Tanganyika  Notes  and  Records.  The  Secretariat,  Dar  es  Salam, 
Tanganyika  Territory.    Half  yearly. 


732  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

TRS  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  South  Africa.    Cape  Town.    See 

TSA. 
TSA  Transactions  South  African  Philosophical  Society.    Capetown.    Change 

of  name  in  1909.    See  TRS. 
UE  United  Empire.     The  Journal  of  the  Royal  Empire  Society.     Ed.,  E. 

Salmon.     Published  by  Sir  Isaac  Pitman  and  Sons,   Ltd.,  Parker 

Street,  London,  W.  C.  2.     Contains  non-technical  articles  on  trade, 

politics,  and  education  in  British  Colonies. 
UJ  Uganda  Journal.     Ed.,  E.  F.  Twining,  M.B.E.     Organ  of  the  Uganda 

Literary  and  Scientific  Society,  P.  O.,  Kampala,  Uganda.    Quarterly. 

Deals  with  history,  natural  history,  and  ethnography. 
VRS  Van   Riebeeck  Society.     Cape  Town.     London   Agent,   F.   Edwards, 

83  High  Street,  Marylebone,  London,  W.  1.     The  Society  publishes 

historical  documents  and  reprints  of  rare  books. 
WAR        West  African  Review.    London.    Monthly. 
WTRL     Wellcome  Tropical  Research  Laboratories  Reports.    Gordon  Memorial 

College,  Khartum.    Contains  articles  on  Sudanese  and  Nilotic  Tribes. 
YT  Ymer   Tidskrift.     Stockholm.     Svenska   Sallskapet  for  Anthropologi 

och  Geografi. 
ZFAO       Zeitschrift  fiir  Afrikanischen  und  Ozeanische  Sprache.     Berlin. 
ZFE  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie.    Berlin. 

ZFR  Zeitschrift  fiir  Rassenkunde.    Ed.,  Prof.  Dr.  E.  Freiherr  v.  Eickstedt, 

Breslau  16.     Pub.,  Ferdinand  Enke,  Stuttgart  W.     Yearly  edition 

of  two  volumes  of  three  parts  each. 
ZFVR       Zeitschrift  fiir  Vergleichende  Rechtswissenschaft.     Stuttgart. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  AUTHORS 

Abadie,  G.  M. 

1927.     L'Afrique  centrale,  la  colonie  du  Niger.    Paris. 

Abbot,  W.  J.  L. 

1913.     Pygmy  implements  from  Cape  Colony.    Man,  No.  81. 

Abraham  E.  and  Villari,  L. 

1935.  Abyssinia  and  Italy.    JRAS,  vol.  34,  pp.  363-377. 

Addison,  W. 

1934.     The  Nomori  of  Sierra  Leone.    Antiquity,  vol.  8,  pp.  336-338. 

1936.  The  Wunde  society.  Sierra  Leone.     Man,  No.  273. 

Aginsky,  B.  W. 

1935a.     The  mechanics  of  kinship.    AA,  vol.  37,  pp.  450-457. 

1935b.     Kinship  systems  and  the  forms  of  marriage.    MAAA,  No.  45. 

Agostini,  E.  de 

1917.     Le  popolazione  della  Tripolitania.    Tripoli. 

1923.  Le  popolazione  della^  Cerenaica.    Rome  and  Bengazi. 

1937.  II   Sahara   Italiano.     Reale   Soc.   Geog.   Italiana.     vol.   15.     Agostini, 
part  editor. 

Ajisafe,  a.  K. 

1924.  Laws  and  customs  of  the  Yoruba.    London  and  Lagos. 

Akeley,  C. 

1923.     In  brightest  Africa.     New  York.     Travel  book,  popular,  informative. 

Albeca,  a.  L.  D. 

1895a.     L'avenir  du  Dahomey  le  pays,  le  commerce,  la  situation  politique. 

Paris. 
1895b.     Le  Dahomey  en  1894.    Paris. 

Aldrich,  C.  R. 

1931.     The  primitive  mind  and  modern  civilization.    London. 

Alexander,  B. 

1907.     From  the  Niger  to  the  Nile.    2  vols.    London. 

Alexander,  D. 
1910.     Dubbo-Dubbo.    Punch  and  Judy  in  Bornu.    Man,  No.  85. 

Alldridge,  T.  J. 

1901.     The  Sherbro  and  its  hinterland.    London. 
1910.     Sierra  Leone,  a  transformed  colony.    London. 

Allegret,  E. 

1904.     Les  idees  religieuses  des  Fan.     RHR,  vol.  50,  pp.  214-233. 

Allen,  B.  M. 

1931.     Gordon  and  the  Sudan.    London. 

Allen,  J.  A.,  Lang,  H.  and  Chapin,  J.  P. 

1917.     The  American   Museum  Congo  Expedition  collection  of  bats.     Bull. 
Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  vol.  37.     Beliefs  concerning  bats,  pp.  493-494. 

733 


734  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Allen,  W.  and  Thomson,  T.  R.  H. 

1848.     Narrative  of  an  expedition  to  the  River  Niger  in  1841  under  Captain 
H.  D.  Trotter.    London. 

Alsberg,  p. 

1934.     The  Taungs  puzzle.    Man,  No.  179. 

Alvarez,  F. 

1881.     Narrative  of  the  Portuguese  Embassy  to  Abyssinia,  1520-1527  (trans, 
by  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley).     Hakluyt  Soc.  Publ. 

See  also  Hakluyt  Soc,  vol.  10,  1902,  for  accounts  of  the  Portuguese  Abys- 
sinian expedition  of  1541. 

Anders,  H.  D. 

1937.     The  Clicks.     SAJS,  vol.  33,  pp.  926-939. 

Andersson,  C.  J. 

1856.     Lake  Ngami  or  exploration  and  discoveries  during  four  years'  wanderings 
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BOSWELL,  P.  G.  H. 

1935.     Human  remains  from  Kanam  and  Kanjera,  Kenya  Colony.     Nature, 
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1935.     Les  Babali.     Congo,  pp.  685-712. 

1936a.     Le   Mambela  (rites  de  I'initiation  chez  les  Babali).     BJID,  vol.  10, 

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1936b.     Les  Babali  (histoire  de  leurs  migrations).    BJID,  vol.  10,  pp.  185-192. 
1936c.     Les  Anoito  (hommes-leopards).    BJID,  vol.  10,  pp.  252-258. 

BOUCHE,  J.  E. 

1876.     Le  Dahomey  et  son  histoire.    Paris. 

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1885.     Sept  ans  en  Afrique  occidentale.    La  Cote  des  Esclaves  et  le  Dahomey. 
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BOULEMMINE,  E. 

1935.     Les  difRcultes  italo-ethiopiennes.    L'AF,  vol.  45,  pp.  23-30. 

BOULENGER,  G.  A. 

1909-16.     Catalogue  of  the  fresh  water  fishes  of  Africa  in  the  British  Museum. 
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Bourbon,  Prince  Sixte 

1933.  Great  routes  of  the  Sahara,  past  and  future.    GJ,  vol.  81,  pp.  97-107. 

BOURRILLY,  J. 

1932.     Elements  d'ethnographie  marocaine.    Paris. 
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1925.  Le  paleolithique  stratifie  des  environs  du  Caire.    L'Anthropologie,  vol. 
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Bovill,  E.  W. 

1926.  The  Moorish  invasion  of  the  Sudan.    JAS,  vol.  26,  pp.  245-262,  380-387. 

1928.  Saharan  explorers  of  the  15th  century.     JAS,  vol.  28,  pp.  19-27. 

1929.  The  silent  trade  of  the  Wangara.    JAS,  vol.  29,  pp.  27-28. 
1931.     North  Africa  in  the  middle  ages.    JAS,  vol.  30,  pp.  128-141. 
1933a.     Caravans  of  the  old  Sahara.    London. 

1933b.     Italy  in  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  32,  pp.  178-186,  351-361. 

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1878.     Mission  from  Cape  Coast  Castle  to  Ashanti.    London. 

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1934.  Geography  in  relation  to  social  sciences.     Am.  Hist.  Assn.   Rep.  of 
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1874.     Through  Fanteeland  to  Coomassie.    London. 

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Brauer,  E. 

1925.  Ziige  aus  der  religion  der  Herero.    Leipzig. 

Brauner-Plazikowski,  H. 

1914.     Ein  athiopisch-amharisches  glossar.     MSFOS,  vol.  17,  pp.  1-96. 

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1926.  Stone  implements  from  Nigeria.     Geological  Survey  of  Nigeria,  Occa- 
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1931.     The  game  of  mweso  in  Uganda.    Man,  No.  131. 

Breasted,  J.  H. 

1910.  A  history  of  Egypt  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  Persian  conquest. 
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1927.  Beitrage  zur  ethnographie  der  Kpando-Leute.  Anthropos,  vol.  22, 
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Brelsford,  V. 

1933.  Lubambo.  A  description  of  the  Baila  custom.  JRAI,  vol.  63,  pp. 
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1935.  History  and  customs  of  the  Basala.    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  205-215, 

Breuil,  H. 

1930a.  The  paleolithic  art  of  northeast  Spain  and  the  art  of  the  Bushman — 
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1930b.  Premieres  impressions  de  voyage  sur  la  prehistoire  sud-africaine. 
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1931.  L'Afrique  prehistorique.     In  Cahiers  d'Art.     Paris.     Bibliography. 

Breuil,  H.  and  Kelley,  H. 

1936.  Les  collections  africaines  du  departement  de  prehistoire  exotique  du 
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Brockelmann,  C. 

1932.  Gibt  es  einen  hamitischen  Sprachstamm?  Anthropos,  vol.  27,  pp. 
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Brookes,  E.  H. 

1927.  The  history  of  native  policy  in  South  Africa  from  1830  to  the  present 
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1930.  Native  education  in  South  Africa.    Pretoria. 

1934.  The  colour  problems  of  South  Africa.    London. 

1936.     The  South  African  native  bills.    JRAS,  vol.  35,  pp.  65-70. 

Brooks,  C.  E.  P. 

1925.     Evolution  of  climate.    London. 

1931.  The  correlation  of  pluvial  periods  in  Africa  with  climatic  changes  in 
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1925.     Africa.    Book  3,  series  New  Regional  Geographies.    London. 


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Broom,  R. 

1923a.     A  contribution  to  the  craniology  of  the  yellow-skinned  races  of  South 

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1936.  A  new  ancestral  link  between  ape  and  man.    Illustrated  London  News, 
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Brown,  A.  R.  Radcliffe 

1924.  The  mother's  brother  in  South  Africa.     SAJS,  vol.  21,  pp.  542-555. 
1935.     On  the  concept  of  function  in  social  science.    AA,  vol.  37,  pp.  394-402. 

Brown,  A.  S.  and  G.  G. 

1935.     The  South  and  East  African  year  book  and  guide.     London. 

Brown,  C. 

1904-1906.  Catalog  of  musical  instruments  of  all  nations.  Metropolitan 
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Brown,  E.  F. 

1935.     Hehe  grandmothers.    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  83-96. 

Brown,  G.  B. 

1928.     The  art  of  the  cave  dweller.    London. 

Brown,  G.  G. 

1932.  Paternity  and  legitimacy  among  the  Hehe.     AJS,  pp.  187-188. 

Brown,  G.  G.  and  Hutt,  A.  McD.  B. 

1935.  Anthropology  in  action.  An  experiment  in  the  Iringa  District  of  Tan- 
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Brown,  G.  W. 

1937.  The  Poro  in  modern  business.    Man,  No.  3. 

Brown,  J.  T. 

1921.     Circumcision  rites  of  the  Bechwana  tribes.    JRAI,  vol.  51,  pp.  419-427. 
1926.     Among  Bantu  nomads.    London.     Popularly  written  but  informative. 

Brown,  R. 

1894-95.     The  story  of  Africa.    4  vols.    London. 

Browne,  G.  St.  J.  Orde 

1915.     The  circumcision  ceremony  in  Chuka  (N.  E.  Africa).     Man,  No.  39. 

1925.  The  vanishing  tribes  of  Kenya.    London. 

1933.  The  African  labourer.    London. 

Browne,  W.  G. 

1799.     Travels  in  Africa.    London. 

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1911.  Note  on  the  possibility  of  analysing  race  mixtures  into  their  original 
elements  by  the  Mendelian  formula.     JRAI,  vol.  41,  pp.  179-199. 

Bruce,  J. 

1804.     Travels  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Nile.    7  vols.    Edinburgh. 

Brue,  a. 

1747.  Voyages  du  Sieur  Andre  Brue  au  long  des  cotes  occidentales  d'Afrique. 
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Bruel,  G. 

1918.  L'Afrique  equatoriale  frangaise.    4  vols.    Paris. 
1935.     La  France  equatoriale  africaine.    Paris. 

Brun,  J. 

1910.  Le  totemisme  chez  quelques  peuples  du  Soudan  occidentale.    Anthropos, 
vol.  5,  pp.  844-870. 

Brunet,  L.  and  Giethlen,  L. 

1901.     Dahomey  et  dependances,  histoire,  organisation,  administration,  ethno- 
graphie,  productions,  agriculture,  commerce.    Paris. 

Brunhes,  J. 

1925.  La  geographic  humaine,  3rd  ed.,  3  vols.    Paris. 

Brunton,  G.  and  Caton-Thompson,  G. 

1928.  The  Badarian  civilization.  .  .  .    London. 

Bruun,  D. 

1898.     The  cave  dwellers  of  southern  Tunisia.    London. 

Bryant,  A.  T. 

1917.     The  Zulu  cult  of  the  dead.    Man,  No.  95. 

1929.  Olden  times  in  Zululand  and  Natal.     London  and  New  York. 

Bryk,  F. 

1928.     Neger-Eros,  ethnologische    Studien  iiber  des  Sexualleben  bei  Negern. 
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Buchanan,  A. 

1922.     Out  of  the  world  north  of  Nigeria.    New  York. 

1926.  Sahara.    London. 

Both  books  useful  for  general  descriptions,  biological  notes. 

BUELL,  R.  L. 

1928.     The  native  problem  in  Africa.    2  vols.    New  York. 

BuFE,  Missionar 

1914.     Die  Poesie  der  Duala-Neger  in  Kamerum.     AFA,  vol.  13,  pp.  35-60. 

BUGEAU,  F. 

1911.  La  circoncision  au  Kikuyu.     Anthropos,  vol.  6,  pp.  616-627. 

BuissoN,  E.  M. 

1934.     De  la  signification  des  certains  tatouages  en  relief  chez  quelques  tribus 
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Bullock,  C. 

1913.     Totemism  among  the  Mashona  tribes.    Man,  No.  185. 
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BUNBURY,  E.  H. 

1883.     History  of  ancient  geography  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans.    2nd  ed. 

2  vols.    London. 

BUNDY,  R.  C. 

1919.  Folk  tales  from  Liberia.    JAFL,  vol.  32,  pp.  406-427. 

BURCHELL,  H. 

1933.     Air  services  in  Africa  (with  a  valuable  map).    JAS,  vol.  32,  pp.  55-73. 

BURCHELL,  W. 

1822-24.     Travels  in  the  interior  of  South  Africa.    2  vols.    London. 


746  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

BURCKHARDT,  J.  L. 

1822.     Travels  in  Nubia.    London. 

BURGT,  J.  M.  M.  VAN  DER 

1903.     Dictionnaire  Frangais-Kirundi.    Bois-le-Duc,  Holland. 

BURKITT,  M.  C. 

1921.     Prehistory.    Cambridge,  England. 

1928.  South  Africa's  past  in  stone  and  paint.     Cambridge,  England. 

Burrows,  D. 

1913-14.     The  human  leopard  society  of  Sierra  Leone.     JAS,  vol.   13,  pp. 
143-151. 

Burton,  E. 

1936.     L'organisation  sociale  des  Baluba.    BJI,  pp.  150-153. 

Burton,  R.  F. 

1856.     First  footsteps  in  East  Africa.    2  vols.    London. 
1860.     The  lake  regions  of  Central  Africa.    2  vols.    London. 
1864.     Mission  to  Gelele  king  of  Dahomey  (with  account  of  early  travelers 
in  Dahomey).    2  vols.    London. 

1872.  Zanzibar.    2  vols.    London. 

1873.  The  lands  of  Cazembe,  Lacerda's  journey  to  Cazembe  in  1798.    London. 

Burton,  W.  F.  P. 

1930.  Secret  societies  of  Lubaland,  Congo  Beige.    BS,  vol.  4,  pp.  217-250. 

BuscHAN,  G.,  and  others 

1922-26.     Illustrierte   Volkerkunde.     3  vols.     Section  on  Africa,  vol.  1,  pp. 
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Butcher,  H.  L.  M. 

1935.     Some  aspects  of  the  Otu  system  of  the  Isa  sub-tribes  of  the  Edo  people 
of  Southern  Nigeria.    Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  149-162. 

Butt-Thompson,  F.  W. 

1926.     Sierra  Leone:  Its  history  and  tradition.    London. 

1929.  West  African  secret  societies.    London. 

Buttel-Reepen,  H.  von 

1913.     Man  and  his  forerunners  (trans,  by  A.  G.  Thacker).    London. 

BiJTTIKOFER,  J. 

1890.     Reisebilder  aus  Liberia.    2  vols.    Leyden. 

Buxton,  C.  R. 

1931.  The  race  problem  in  Africa.    London. 

Buxton,  L.  H.  D. 

1932.  Standardization   of   the   technique   of   physical   anthropology.      Man, 
No.  192. 

Buxton,  L.  H.  D.  and  Morant,  G.  M. 

1933.  The  essential  craniological  technique.     JRAI,  vol.  63,  pp.  19-47. 

Buxton,  L.  H.  D.  and  Rattray,  R.  S. 

1924.     Cross  cousin  marriages.    JAS,  vol.  24,  pp.  83-91. 

Buxton,  N. 

1932.     Slavery  in  Abyssinia.    London  Weekly  Times,  April  14. 


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Buxton,  P.  A. 

1925.     Animal  life  in  deserts.    London. 

Byrne,  J. 

1929.     Sierra  Leone,  trade  and  communications.    JAS,  vol.  29,  pp.  1-6. 

Cabral,  a.  a.  p. 

1925.     Ragas,  usos,  e  costumes  dos  indigenas  da  Provincia  de  Mozambique. 
Lourengo  Marques. 

Cagnat,  R. 

1909.     Carthage,  Timgad,  and  Tebessa.    Paris. 

Cagnolo,  C. 

1933.     The  Akikuyu:  their  customs,  traditions,  and  folklore.    Nyeri,  Kenya. 

CAILLlfi,  R. 

1830.     Travels  through  Central  Africa  to  Timbuctoo  and  across  the  great 
desert  to  Morocco.    2  vols.    London. 

Callaway,  H. 

1870.     The  religious  system  of  the  Ama  Zulu.    London   and    Cape  Town. 
Reprint  by  folklore  society,  1935.    London. 

Calvert,  A.  F. 

1912.     Nigeria  and  its  tin  fields.    London. 

1916.  South  West  Africa  during  the  German  occupations,  1884-1914.    London. 

1917.  The  Cameroons.    London. 

1918.  Togoland.    London.    Non-technical  books  for  general  information. 

Calzoni,  U. 

1933.     Scoperte  preistoriche  nelle  Tane  del  Diavolo  presso  Parrano  (Orvieto). 
AAE,  vol.  63,  pp.  267-282. 

Cameron,  D.  R.  G. 

1928.     A  journey  across  the  Sahara  from  Kano  to  Ouarghla.     GJ,  vol.  71, 
pp.  538-560. 

Cameron,  V.  L. 

1877.     Across  Africa.    2  vols.    London. 

Campbell,  J. 

1815.     Travels  in  South  Africa.    London.    And  under  same  title,  2  vols.,  1822, 
the  account  of  a  second  journey.    London. 

Candela,  p.  B. 

1936.     Blood-group  reactions  in  ancient  human  skeletons.     AJPA,  vol.  21, 
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Candolle,  a.  de 

1890.     Origin  of  cultivated  plants.    New  York. 

Canot,  T. 

1855.     Captain  Canot,  or  twenty  years  of  an  African  slaver.    Ed.  by  B.  Mayer, 
London.    And  under  title  La  vie  d'un  negrier  le  chacha  de  Wydah.    Paris, 
1868.    Also  an  account  by  M.  Cowley,  New  York,  1928. 
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is  lurid  and  embellished. 

Capello,  H.  and  Ivens,  R. 

1880.     From  Benguella  to  the  territory  of  Yacca  (trans,  by  Alfred  Elwes). 
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Carbutt,  c.  l. 

1934.     The  racial  problems  in  southern  Rhodesia.     Nada,  vol.  12,  pp.  6-12. 

Cardinall,  a.  W. 

1923.     Stone  armlets  in  the  Gold  Coast.    Man,  No.  106. 

1924a.     Natives  of  the  Northern  Territories  of  the  Gold  Coast.    London. 

1924b.     A  Gold  Coast  library.   A  bibliography  (bookseller's  catalogue)  published 

by  Francis  Edwards,  83a  High  Street,  Marylebone,  London. 
1924-25.     Aggrey  beads  of  the  Gold  Coast.    JAS,  vol.  24,  pp.  287-298. 
1927a.     Ashanti  and  beyond.    London. 
1927b.     Dreams  of  the  Dagomba  and  Moshi.    Man,  No.  59. 
1929.     The  state  of  our  present  ethnographical  knowledge  of  the  Gold  Coast. 
Africa,  vol.  2,  pp.  405-412. 

1931.  Tales  told  in  Togoland.    Oxford. 

1933.     A  bibliography  of  the  Gold  Coast.    Government  Press.    Accra. 

Cardoso,  F. 

1916.     Anthropologia  Angolense.     Arquivo  de  Anat.  e  de  Antro.  vol.  2,  pp. 

323-356. 
1918.     Ibid.,  vol.  4,  pp.  283-321. 

Carpenter,  G.  D.  H. 

1925.     A  naturalist  in  east  Africa.    Oxford. 

Cartailhac,  E.,  and  Breuil,  H. 

1904.     Les  peintures  et  gravures  murales  des  cavernes  pyreneennes.    L'Anthro- 
pologie,  vol.  15,  pp.  625-644. 

Casalis,  E. 

1859.     Les  Bassoutos.    Paris. 

Casati,  G. 

1891.     Ten  years  in  Equatoria  and  the  return  with  Emin  Pasha.     2  vols. 
London  and  New  York,  1891. 

Cathrein,  p.  V. 

1915.     Der  Gottesbegriff  der  Sulus.    Anthropos,  vol.  10,  pp.  307-322. 

Caton-Thompson,  G. 

1927.     Explorations  in  the  northern  Fayum.    Antiquity,  vol.  1,  pp.  326-340. 
1929a.     The  Zimbabwe  culture,  ruins  and  excavations.    Oxford. 
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1931a.     Royal  Anthropological  Institute's  prehistoric  research  expedition  to 

Kharga  Oasis,  Egypt.    Man,  No.  91. 
1931b.     Note  on  prehistoric  research  in  Kharga  Oasis.     Man,  No.  58. 

1932.  Royal   Anthropological   Institute's   prehistoric  research  expedition   to 
Kharga  Oasis,  Egypt.     The  second  season's  discoveries.     Man,  No.   158. 

1934a.     The  desert  Fayum.    London. 

1934b.     The  camel  in  dynastic  Egypt.    Man,  No.  24. 

Cavazzi,  a. 

1687.     Istoria  descrizione  de  tre  regni  Congo,  Matamba  e  Angola.    Bologna. 

Cayzac,  p.  p. 

1910.     La  religion  des  Kikuyu.    Anthropos,  vol.  5,  pp.  309-319. 

Cecchi,  a. 

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Cerulli,  E. 

1922.     The  folk-literature  of  the  Galla  of  southern  Abyssinia.     HAS,  vol.  3, 

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1933.     Etiopia  occidentale.     2  vols.    Nos.  6  and  16  of  monographs  published 

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1935.     Gruppi  etnici  negri  nella  Somalia.    AAE,  vol.  64,  pp.  177-184. 

Cesard,  E. 

1935-37.     Le  Muhaya  (L'Afrique  orientale).    Anthropos,  vol.  30,  pp.  75-106, 
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1911.  Le  Gree-Gree  bush   (initiation  de  la  jeunesse)   chez  les  Negres-Golah, 
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Champion,  A. 

1912.  The  Atharaka.    JRAI,  vol.  42,  pp.  68-90. 

Champion,  A.  M. 

1933.     Soil  erosion  in  Africa.     GJ,  vol.  82,  pp.  130-139. 

Chantre,  E. 

1895.     Recherches  anthropologiques  en  Asie  occidentale.     Archives  du  Musee 

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Chapin,  J.  P. 

1932.  Birds  of  the  Belgian  Congo.    Bull.  Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  vol.  65. 

Chapman,  J. 

1868.     Travels  in  the  interior  of  South  Africa.    2  vols.    London. 

Charles,  L. 

1911.     Les  Lobi.    RES,  vol.  2,  pp.  202-220. 

Chatelain,  a.  and  Roch,  A. 

1918.     Heli  Chatelain  I'ami  de  I'Angola.    Lausanne. 

Chatelain,  H. 

1894.     Folk  tales  of  Angola.    Mem.  Amer.  Folklore  Soc. 

Chaudoin,  E. 

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1931.     Territoires  africains  sous  mandat  frangais.    Paris. 

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Chevalier,  A. 

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1932.     Ressources  vegetales  du  Sahara  ....  Paris. 

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1932.  Le  antiche  rovine  e  miniere  della  Rhodesia.    Firenze. 

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1935.  II  significato  anthropologico  di  alcune  popolazioni  Nord  Africane. 
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1930.     Culture  changes  among  the  Warega.    Man,  No.  49. 

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1935.  Negro  art.     Sculpture  from  West  Africa.     JAS,  vol.  34,  pp.  129-137. 

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1934.  The  drum  language  of  the  Tumba  people.     AJS,  vol.  40,  pp.  34-48. 

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1935.     The  writing  of  Njoya,  Sultan  of  Bamoun.    Antiquity,  vol.  9,  pp.  435-442. 

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1932.  A  re-survey  of  the  morphology  of  the  nose  in  relation  to  climate.    JRAI, 
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1935.  Les  chefs  indigenes  au  Mayombe,  hier,  aujourd'hui,  demain.  Africa, 
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1936.  L'element  religieux  dans  I'organisation  sociale  des  Bayombe.  Congo, 
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1936.     Mupongo-Buloji  (study  of  witchcraft).    BJID,  vol.  10,  pp.  167-173. 

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1930.     La  vache  au  Ruanda.    Anthropos,  vol.  25,  pp.  945-952. 

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1887.     Seven  years  among  the  Fjort.    London. 
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1927.     Fishing  in  the  Kavirondo  gulf,  Lake  Victoria.     JEAU,  pp.  97-100. 

DOKE,  C.  M. 

1931a.     A  comparative  study  in  Shona  phonetics.    Johannesburg. 
1931b.     Text-book  of  Zulu  grammar.    2nd  ed.    London. 
1931c.     The  Lambas  of  Northern  Rhodesia.    London. 

1933.  A  preliminary  investigation  of  languages  of  south  Africa.    BS,  vol.  7, 
pp.  1-98. 

1934.  Lamba  literature.    Africa,  vol.  7,  pp.  351-370. 

1935a.     Vernacular  text-books  in  south  African  native  schools.    Africa,  vol.  8, 

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1935b.     Bantu  linguistic  terminology.     London. 

DOLOBRAN,  L. 

1933.  Egypt  since  Cromer.    London. 

DONOHUGH,  A.  C.  L. 

1935.  Essentials  of  African  culture.    Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  329-339. 

DoNOHUGH,  A.  C.  L.  and  Berry,  P. 

1932.     A  Luba  tribe  in  Katanga.    Africa,  vol.  5,  pp.  176-183. 

DOOLEY,  C.  T. 

1934.  Child  training  among  the  Wanguru  (Tanganyika).     PM,  vol.  7,  pp. 
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Door,  T.  and  Basiel,  P. 

1929.  Congo  bibliotheek.    Brussels. 

DORNAN,  S.  S. 

1917.     The  Tati  Bushmen   (Masarwas)  and  their  language.     JRAI,  vol.  47, 

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1925.     Pygmies  and  Bushmen  of  the  Kalahari.    London. 

1932.  Beliefs  and  ceremonies  connected  with  the  birth  and  death  of  twins 
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1933.  Dog  sacrifice  among  the  Bantu.    SAJS,  vol.  30,  pp.  628-632. 

DOUGALL,  J.  W.  C. 

1932.     Characteristics  of  African  thought.    Africa,  vol.  5,  pp.  249-265. 


758  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Doughty,  C.  M. 

1888.     Travels  in  Arabian  deserts.    2  vols.     Cambridge.     2nd  ed.  in  one  vol., 
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DOVETON,  D.  M. 

1936.     The  economic  geography  of  Swaziland.    GJ,  vol.  88,  pp.  321-331. 

DowNES,  R.  M. 

1933.  The  Tiv  tribe.    Kaduna,  Nigeria. 

Dozy,  R. 

1913.     Spanish  Islam  (trans.  F.  G.  Stokes).    London. 

Drennan,  M.  R. 

1932.  L'ordre  d'eruption  des  dents  permanentes  chez  les  Boschimans.    L'An- 
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1934.  Two  witch  doctors'  outfits  from  Angola.    BS,  vol.  8,  pp.  383-387. 

1935.  The  Florisbad  skull.    SAJS,  vol.  32,  pp.  601-602. 

Drexel,  a. 

1925.     Gliederung  der  afrikanischen  Sprachen.     Anthropos,  vol.  20,  pp.  210- 
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1928.     Kann  das  Ful  als  hamitische  Sprache  gelten?    Festschrift  P.  W.  Schmidt, 
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Dreyer,  T.  F. 

1931.     The  Bushman-Hottentot-Strandlooper  tangle.    TRS,  vol.  20,  pp.  79-91. 

Driberg,  J.  H. 

1922.  A  preliminary  account  of  the  Didinga.     SNR,  vol.   5,  pp.  208-222. 

1923.  The  Lango,  a  Nilotic  tribe  of  Uganda.    London. 
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1928.  Primitive  law  in  east  Africa.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  63-72. 

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1930.  People  of  the  small  arrow.    London. 

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1932a.     At  home  with  the  savage.    London. 
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1932c.     The  status  of  women  among  the  Nilotics  and  Nilo  Hamitics.    Africa, 
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1933.  Divination  by  pebbles.    Man,  No.  3. 

1934.  The  African  conception  of  law.    Journal  of  Comparative  Legislation  and 
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1935.  The  best  friend  am.ong  the  Didinga.    Man,  No.  110. 

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Drummond,  H. 

1899.     Tropical  Africa.    London. 

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1896.     Tombouctou  le  mysterieux.    Paris. 
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1903.  Adventures  in  the  great  forest  of  equatorial  Africa  and  the  country  of 
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1904.  Morphology  and  anthropology.    Cambridge. 

1911.  Prehistoric  man.    Cambridge. 

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1928-1936.      The   Bantu  tribes   of   south   Africa.     4   vols.      Cambridge  and 
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1847.     Travels  in  west  Africa  in  1845-46.    2  vols.    London. 

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1936.     The  mineral  resources  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa.    Dept.  of  Mines. 
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1915.     The  organization  and  laws  of  some  Bantu  tribes  in  east  Africa.    JRAI, 

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DUNDAS,  K.  R. 

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1914.  Notes  sur  Tombouctou.    RES,  vol.  5,  pp.  248-263. 

1921.     Industries  et  principales  professions  des  inhabitants  de  la  region  de 
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1912.  Les  formes  elementaires  de  la  vie  religieuse.     Paris.     Trans.  J.  Ward, 
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DUVEYRIER,  H. 

1864a.     Les  Touareg  du  nord.    Paris. 

1864b.     Exploration  du  Sahara.    2  vols.    Paris. 

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1893.     La  route  du  Tchad  au  Loango  au  Chari.    Paris. 

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1935.  The  problem  of  Liberia.    JAS,  vol.  34,  pp.  169-178. 

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1933.  Valenge  women.    London. 

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1936.  The  social  structure  of  a  Gbande  town,  Liberia.    Man,  No.  271. 


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1936.  A  first  essay  in  imaginative  African  literature.   Africa,  vol.  9,  pp.  350-358. 

1937.  Modern  tendencies  in  languages  of  N.  Nigeria.   Africa,  vol.  10,  pp.  97-105. 

Eberl-Elber,  R. 

1937.  Die  Masken  der  Mannerbiinde  in  Sierra  Leone.  Ethnos,  vol.  2,  No.  2, 
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1924-32.     Reallexikon  der  Vorgeschichte.    Berlin. 

Eboue,  F. 

1933.  Les  peuples  de  I'Oubanghi-Chari.    Paris. 

1935.     La  clef  musicale  des  langages  tambourines  et  siffles.    BAOF,  pp.  335-360. 

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1910.  Elements  of  Negro  religion.  A' contribution  to  the  study  of  Indo-Bantu 
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1934.  The  1820  settlers  in  south  Africa.    London. 

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1937.  Social  anthropology  of  North  American  tribes.  Chicago  Univ.  Press. 
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1910     Die  allgemeine  Mythologie  und  ihre  ethnologischen  Grundlagen.    Leipzig. 

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1927.     Die  Negritos  und  das  Negritoproblem.    AnAn,  vol.  4,  pp.  275-293. 

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1885.     West  African  islands.    London. 

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1890.  The  Ewe-speaking  peoples  of  the  Slave  Coast  of  west  Africa.  London. 
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1934.     Serological  differences  between  various  groups  of  the  Bantu  of  southern 
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1936.  Les  tribus  bantoues  du  sud  de  I'Angola  sont  elles  fortement  metissees 
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1934.  Essays  presented  to  C.  G.  Seligman.    London. 

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Evans,  I.  L. 

1929.     The  British  in  tropical  Africa.    London. 

1934.  Native  policy  in  southern  Africa.    Cambridge. 

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1933.  The  wealth  of  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  32,  pp.  12-20. 

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1936.  Les  ceremonies  propitiatoires  et  expiatoires  de  la  chasse  a  I'elephant 
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Falconer,  J.  D. 

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1936.  Some  race  problems  in  south  Africa.    SM,  vol.  42,  pp.  151-168. 

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Feilden,  H.  W. 

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Fenton,  J.  S. 

1932.     Outline  of  native  law.     Government  printer.    Freetown,  Sierra  Leone 

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Field,  H. 

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1932.  The  cradle  of  Homo  sapiens.    Amer.  Jour.  Arch.,  vol.  36,  No.  4. 

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1930.  Food  of  west  African  people.    Achimota. 

1934.  The  asamanukpai  of  the  Gold  Coast.    Man,  No.  211. 

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1932.     Statistical  methods  for  research  workers.    London. 

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Fitzgerald,  W. 

1934.     Africa:  a  social,  economic  and  political  geography.     London. 

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1937.  African  Odyssey.    The  story  of  commander  Lovett-Cameron.     London. 
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1934.     Habitat,  economy  and  society.    London. 

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1936.  Culture  contact  as  a  dynamic  process.    Africa,  vol.  9,  pp.  24-55. 

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1934.     Some  aspects  of  the  Kimwani  fishing  culture,  with  comparative  notes  on 
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FOUREAU,  F. 

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1935.     Le  neolithique  au  Cameroun.    JSA,  voL  5,  fasc.  1,  pp.  67-83. 

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Frazer,  D. 

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1897.  Die  Erdgebaude  in  Sudan.    Hamburg. 

1898.  Die  Masken  und  Geheimbunde  Afrikas.    Halle. 
1910.     Der  schwarze  Dekameron.    Berlin. 

1913.  The  voice  of  Africa  (trans,  from  German  by  R.  Blind).    2  vols.    London. 

1922.  Atlas  Africanus.    Munich. 

1923.  Das  unbekannte  Afrika.    Munich. 
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1932.  Morphology  of  the  African  bow-weapon  (trans.  B.  Lommel).    Berlin. 

1933.  Kultur-Geschichte  Afrikas.    Vienna. 

1937.     Ekade  Ektab  die  Felsbilder  fezzano.     Ergebnisse  der  Diafe.     German 
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Frobenius,  L.  and  Obermaier,  H. 

1925.  Hadschra  Maktuba.    Munich. 

1935.  Madsimu  Dsangara,  chronicle  of  S.  African  rock  paintings.  2  vols.  Oxford. 

Fuertes,  L.  a.  and  Osgood,  W.  H. 

1936.  Artist  and  naturalist  in  Ethiopia.    New  York.     Travel  book,  beautifully 
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FULLEBORNE,  F. 

1902.     Beitrage  zur  physische  anthropologic  der  nord-Nyassalander.    Berlin. 

1906.  Das   deutsche   Njassa-und-Ruwuma-Gebiet,    Land    und    Leute    nebst 
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Fyzee,  R. 

1914.  Indian  Music.    London. 

Gaden,  H. 

1912.     Legendes  et  coutumes  senegalaises.    RES,  vol.  3,  pp.  118-137,  191-202. 

Gaillard,  R.  C.  J. 

1907.  Etude  sur  les  lacustres  du  Bas-Dahomey.     L'Anthropologie,  vol.  18, 
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Galloway,  A. 

1935a.     Some  prehistoric  skeletal  remains  from  the  Natal  Coast.    TRS,  vol.  23, 

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1935b.     Symposium  on  human  skeletal  remains  from  the  Northern  and  Eastern 

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Gardner,  E.  W.  and  Caton-Thompson,  G. 

1926.  The  recent  geology  and  neolithic  industry  of  the  Northern  Fayum  desert. 
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1933.     Summary  report  on  the  Kharga  expedition  of  1932-33.    Man,  No.  183. 

Gardner,  Father 

1928.     Stone  implements  of  Rhodesia.     Excavations  in  a  Wilton  industry  at 
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Gardner,  G.  A. 

1936.     The  first  discovery  of  South  Africa.    Discovery,  vol.  17,  pp.  178-181, 198. 

Garth,  T.  R. 

1931.     Race  psychology:  A  study  of  racial  mental  differences.    New  York. 


766  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Gates,  R.  R. 

1930.     Heredity  in  man.    London. 

1934.  Blood  groups  and  physiognomy  of  British  Columbia  Coastal  Indians. 
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1935.  Eskimo  blood  groups  and  physiognomy.    Man,  No.  36. 

1936.  Resume  of  Marett:  Race,  sex,  environment.    Man,  No.  217. 

Gaudry,  M. 

1929.  La  femme  chaouia  de  I'Aures,  etude  de  sociologie  berbere.    Paris. 

Gautier,  E.  F. 

1904.     Gravures  rupestres  sud-oranaises  et  sahariennes.    L'Anthropologie,  vol. 

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1921.     Nomad  and  sedentary  folks  of  northern  Africa.     GR,  vol.  2,  pp.  3-15 

1928.  Le  Sahara  (trans,  by  D.  F.  Mayhew.    New  York,  1935).    Paris. 

1937.  Le  passe  de  I'Afrique  du  Nord,  les  siecles  obscurs.     Paris. 

Gavett,  G.  I. 

1937.     A  first  course  in  statistical  method.    New  York  and  London. 

Geilinger,  W. 

1930.  Der  Kilimandjaro,  sein  Land  und  sein  Menschen.    Berlin. 

Gennep,  a.  van 

1909.  Les  rites  de  passage.    Paris. 

1911a.     Etudes  d'ethnographie  algerienne.    Paris. 

1911-12.  Etudes  d'ethnographie  algerienne.  RES,  vol.  2,  pp.  266-346;  vol.  3, 
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1912.  North  African  gypsies.  Journ.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  n.  ser.,  vol.  5,  pp. 
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1913.  L'ornamentation  du  cuir.    RES,  vol.  4,  pp.  200-210. 
1920,     L'etat  actuel  du  probleme  totemique.    Paris. 

Gentil,  E. 

1901.     La  chute  de  I'empire  de  Rabah.    Paris. 

George,  P. 

1929.  Ed.  Putnam's  economic  atlas.    London. 

Germann,  p. 

1910.  Das  plastische  figiirliche  Kunstgewerbe  im  Grasland  von  Kamerun. 
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Exceptionally  well  illustrated. 

1933.  Die  Volkerstamme  in  norden  Liberia.    Leipzig. 

GiBB,  H.  A.  R. 

1926.     Arabic  literature.    London. 

Gill,  J.  W. 

1931.  Handbook  and  guide  to  the  African  collection  in  the  public  museums. 
Liverpool. 

GiLLMAN,  C. 

1936.  Population  map  of  Tanganyika  Territory.  Tanganyika  Government 
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Ginsberg,  M. 

1934.  Sociology.    Home  University  Library  Series.    London. 


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GiRARD,  H. 

1900.     Les  Dinkas  nilotiques.    L'Anthropologie,  vol.  11,  pp.  409-429. 

GiRAUD,  V. 

1890.     Les  lacs  de  L'Afrique  equatoriale.    Paris. 

GiRONCOURT,  M.  G.  DE 

1914.     L'art  chez  les  Touareg.    RES,  vol.  5,  pp.  42-56. 

Gleichen,  Count 

1905.     The  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan — a  compendium  prepared  by  officers  of  the 
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GOBERT,  G. 

1924.  Notes  sur  les  tatouages  des  indigenes  tunisiens.     L'Anthropologie,  vol. 
34,  pp.  57-89. 

GODDARD,  T.  N. 

1925.  The  handbook  of  Sierra  Leone.    London. 

GOLDENWEISER,  A.  A. 

1910.     Totemism,  an  analytical  study.    JAF,  vol.  23,  pp.  179-293. 
1922.     Early  civilization,  an  introduction  to  anthropology.     New  York. 
1937.     Anthropology,  an  introduction  to  primitive  culture.     London,  Bombay, 
Sydney. 

GOLLMER,  C.  A. 

1884.     African  symbolic  messages.    JAI,  vol.  14,  pp.  169-181. 

GOLLOCK,  G.  A. 

1928a.     Lives  of  eminent  Africans.    London. 
1928b.     Sons  of  Africa.    London. 

GoocH,  W.  D. 

1881.     Stone  implements  of  South  Africa.     The  stone  age  of  South  Africa. 
JAI,  vol.  11,  pp.  124-183. 

GOODSELL,  W. 

1927.     A  history  of  the  family  as  a  social  and  educational  institution.    New 
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Goodwin,  A.  J.  H. 

1926.  A  handbook  to  the  collection  of  stone  implements.    Guide  leaflet  No.  2, 
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1927.  South  African  archaeology.    Man,  No.  14. 

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JRAI,  vol.  59,  pp.  429-438. 
1935.     A  commentary  upon  South  African  prehistory  (with  large  bibliography). 

BS,  vol.  9,  pp.  294-517. 

Goodwin,  A.  J.  H.  and  Lowe,  C.  van  Riet 

1929.     The  stone  age  cultures  of  south  Africa.    ASAM,  vol.  27. 
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1935.  Archaeology  of  the  Cape  St.  Blaize  cave  and  raised  beach,  Mossel  Bay. 
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Goold-Adams,  R.  J. 

1936.  South  Africa,  today  and  tomorrow.    London. 
Gordon,  H.  L. 

1934.     The  mental  capacity  of  the  African.    JAS,  vol.  33,  pp.  226-242. 


768        ■      Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Gore-Browne,  S. 

1935.  The  relations  of  black  and  white  in  tropical  Africa.     JRAS,  vol.  34, 
pp.  378-386. 

GORODZOV,  V.  A. 

1933.  The  typological  method  in  archaeology.    AA,  vol.  35,  pp.  95-102. 

GOTTSCHLING,  E. 

1905.     The  BaWenda,  a  sketch  of  their  history  and  customs.    JAI,  vol.  35,  pp. 
365-386. 

GOULDSBURY,  C.  and  Sheane,  H. 

1911.  The  great  plateau  of  Northern  Rhodesia.    London. 

GOWLAND,  W. 

1912.  The  metals  of  antiquity.    JRAI,  vol.  42,  pp.  235-287. 

Graebner,  F. 

1909.     Die  melanesische  Bogenkulter  und  ihre  Verwandten.     Anthropos,  vol. 

4,  pp.  726-780,  998-1032. 
1911.     Methode  der  Ethnologie.    Heidelberg. 

Graer,  M.  de 

1929.     L'art  de  guerir  chez  les  Azande.    Congo,  pp.  220-254,  361-408. 

Gray,  L.  H. 

1913a.     African  calendars.    HERE,  vol.  3,  pp.  64-65. 
1913b.     Circumcision.    HERE,  vol.  3,  pp.  659-670. 

Grebert,  F. 

1932.  La  famille  pahouine  en  1931.     Africa,  vol.  5,  pp.  192-201. 

1934.  Arts  en  voie  de  disparition  au  Gabon.    Africa,  vol.  7,  pp.  82-88. 

Grebert,  F.  and  Keller,  J. 

1937.     La  famille  Galoase  et  son  evolution  desiree  par  la  jeunesse.      Africa, 
vol.  10,  pp.  329-334. 

Green,  M.  M. 

1936.  The  present  linguistic  situation  in  Ibo  country.    Africa,  vol.  9,  pp.  508- 
523. 

Gregory,  J.  W. 

1896.     The  great  Rift  Valley.    London. 

1920.  The  African  rift  valleys.    GJ,  vol.  56,  pp.  13-47. 

1921.  The  rift  valleys  and  geology  of  east  Africa.    London. 

Gregory,  W.  K. 

1934.  Man's  place  among  the  anthropoids.    Oxford. 

Griaule,  M.  and  Dieterlen,  G. 

1935.  Calebasses  dahomeennes.    JSA,  vol.  5,  pp.  203-246. 

Grierson,  H. 

1903.     The  silent  trade.    Edinburgh, 

Griffin,  G.  G. 

1933.  Among  Congo  Pygmies.    London.    Translation  of  Schebesta:    Bambuti, 
die  Zwerge  vom  Kongo.     Leipzig,  1932. 

Griffith,  T.  R. 

1886.    Races  inhabiting  Sierra  Leone.    JAI,  vol.  16,  pp.  301-310. 

Griffiths,  J.  B. 

1935.     Glimpses  of  a  Nyika  Tribe  (Waduruma).    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  267-296. 


Bibliography  of  Authors  769 

GSELL,  S. 

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1927.  Les  premiers  temps  de  la  Carthage  romaine.    Revue  Historique.    No. 
156. 

GUEBHARD,  P. 

1911.     Notes  contributives  a  I'etude  de  la  religion,  des  moeurs  et  des  coutumes 
des  Bobo,  Soudan  frangais.    RES,  vol.  2,  pp.  125-145. 

GUILLAUME,  P.  and  MUNRO,  T. 
1926.     Primitive  Negro  sculpture.    New  York. 

GUNDERT,  H. 

1875.     Vier  Jahre  in  Asante,  Tagebiicher  der  Missionare  Remseyer  und  Kuhne. 
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GUSINDE,  M. 

1936.     Bei  den  Ituri  Pygmaen.    EA,  Band  4,  Heft  2,  pp.  68-76,  a  review. 

GUTMANN,  B. 

1909.     Dichten  und  Denken  der  Dschagganeger.    Leipzig. 

1911.     Psychologic  des  Dschaggaratsels.    ZFE,  vol.  43,  pp.  423-540. 

1923.  Die  Imkerei  bei  den  Dschagga.    AFA,  vol.  19,  pp.  8-35. 

1925.  Der  Beschworer  bei  den  Wadschagga.    AFA,  vol.  20,  pp.  46-57. 

1926.  Das  Recht  der  Dschagga.    Munich. 

1932.     Die  Stammeslehren  der  Dschagga.    Munich. 

GUTMANN,  D.  B.  VON 

1928.  Aufgaben  der  Gemeinschaftsbildung  in  Afrika.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  429- 
445. 

1935.  The  African  standpoint.    Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  1-19. 

GWYNN,  S. 

1932.     Life  of  Mary  Kingsley.    London. 

1934.     Mungo  Park  and  the  quest  of  the  Niger.     In  the  Golden  Hind  series, 
ed.  by  M.  Waldman.    London. 

Haardt,  G.  M.  and  Dubreuil,  L.  A. 

1924.  Le  raid  Citroen,  la  premiere  traversee  du  Sahara  en  automobile  de 
Touggourt  a  Tombouctou.    Paris. 

1926.  Les  nuits  du  Haggar,  poemes  touareg.    Paris. 

1927.  La  croisiere  noire.    Paris. 

Items  1924,  1926,  1927,  popular,  beautifully  illustrated. 
Haardt,  R.  R. 

1926.     Poemes  touareg.    Paris. 

Haarhoff,  T.  J. 

1936.  Afrikaans:  Its  origin  and  development.    Clarendon  Press,  Oxford. 
Haddon,  a.  C. 

1905.  The  races  of  South  Africa.    SAJS,  Section  H,  pp.  511-527. 

1906.  String  figures  from  South  Africa.    JAI,  vol.  36,  pp.  142-158. 
1908.  Copper  rod  currency  from  the  Transvaal.    Man,  No.  65. 
1911.  The  wanderings  of  peoples.     Cambridge,  England. 

1918.  The  outrigger  canoe  of  east  Africa.    Man,  No.  29. 

1919.  Negrillos  and  negritos.    HERE,  vol.  9,  pp.  271-274. 

1920.  The  outriggers  of  Indonesian  canoes.    JRAI,  vol.  50,  pp.  69-134. 

1925.  The  races  of  man  and  their  distribution.    Africa,  pp.  37-58.    New  York. 
1934.  History  of  anthropology.    London. 


770  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Haddon,  k. 

1930.     Artists  in  string.     London. 

Haddon,  K.  and  Trelea\'en,  H.  A. 

1936.     Some  Nigerian  string  figures.    NF,  vol.  1,  pp.  31-38,  86-95. 

Hagen,  G.  von 

1912.     Die  Bana  (Cameroons).    BA,  vol.  2,  pp.  77-122. 

Hahn,  C.  H.  L. 

1928.     The  Ovambo.     The  native  tribes  of  South  West  Africa.     Cape  Town. 

Hahn,  E. 

1896.     Die  Haustiere  und  ihre  Beziehungen  zur  Wirtschaft  des  Menschen, 
Leipzig. 

Hakluyt,  R. 

1927.     The  principal  navigations,  voyages,  traffiques,  and  discoveries  of  the 
English  nation.    8  vols.    London,  Toronto,  and  New  York. 

Halkin,  M.  J. 

1911.     Les  Ababua.    Brussels. 

Hall,  A.  D. 

1936.  The  improvement  of  native  agriculture  in  relation  to  population  and 
health.    Oxford  University  Press.    London. 

Hall,  C.  R. 

1937.  A  lake  village  in  west  Africa.     Man.  No.  188. 

Hall,  H.  U. 

1919.     Examples  of  African  Art.     The  Museums  Journal.    Mus.  Univ.  Penn., 

Philadelphia,  vol.  10.  pp.  77-101. 
1923.     Notes  on  some  Congo  and  west  African  wood-carvings.     Ibid.,   vol.  14, 

pp.  101-134. 
1928a.     A  large  wooden  drum  from  Benin.    Ibid.,  vol.  19,  pp.  130-143. 
1928b.     Twins  in  Upper  Guinea.     Ibid.,  vol.  19.  pp.  403-427. 

Hall,  I.  C.  and  Whitehead,  R.  W. 

1927.     A  pharmaco-bacteriologic  study  of  African  poisoned  arrows.     Journal 
of  Infectious  Diseases,  vol.  41,  pp.  69-72. 

Hall,  L. 

1927.  Timbuctoo.  London. 

Hall,  R.  N. 

1905.     Great  Zimbabwe.    London. 

Hambly,  W.  D. 

1925.     The  history  of  tattooing  and  its  significance.    London. 
1926a.     Origins  of  education  among  primitive  people.    London. 
1926b.     Tribal  dancing  and  social  development.    London. 

Items  1925,  1926a,  1926b,  contain  many  indexed  references  to  Africa. 
1927.     Racial  conflict  in  Africa.    JNH,  vol.  12,  pp.  577-589. 
1929a.     The  serpent  in  African  belief  and  custom.    AA,  vol.  31,  pp.  655-666. 
1929b.     The  flexibility  of  methodology.    AA,  vol.  31,  pp.  816-819. 
1930a.     Ethnology  of  Africa.     Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Guide,  pt.  3.  Chicago, 
1930b.     Objects  from  Cameroons.    Man,  No.  45. 

1931a.     Serpent  worship  in  Africa.    Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  vol.  21,  No.  1. 
1931b.     With  a  motor  truck  in  West  Africa.    New  York.     Travel  book. 
1931c.     A  trident  from  Sierra  Leone.    Man,  No.  44. 


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1933.  Africa  in  the  world  today.    OC,  vol.  47,  pp.  517-528. 

1934a.     The  Ovimbundu  of  Angola.    Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Anthr.  Ser.,  vol. 

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1934b.     Hunting  customs  of  the  Ovimbundu.    BS,  vol.  8,  pp.  151-156. 
1934c.     Occupational  belief,  and  custom,  among  the  Ovimbundu.     AA,  vol. 

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1934d.     The  tenacity  of  indigenous  culture.    OC,  vol.  48,  pp.  202-218. 
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Hamy,  E.  T. 

1879.  Essai  de  coordination  des  materiaux  recemment  recueillis  sur  I'ethnologie 
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Hanoteau,  L.  J.  a.  C.  and  Letourneux,  A. 

1893.     La  Kabylie  et  les  coutumes  kabyles.    2nd  ed.,  3  vols.    Paris. 
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Hard,  H.  P. 

1934.  The  topography  of  Punic  Carthage.    Williamsport,  Pa. 

Hardy,  G. 

1927.     L'art  negre,  I'art  animiste  des  noirs  d'Afrique.    Paris. 

Harman,  H.  a. 

1934.     The  Gold  Coast.    Africa,  vol.  7,  pp.  60-69. 

Harmer,  S.  F.  and  Shipley,  A.  E.  (Editors) 
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Harper,  C.  H.  and  others 

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Harris,  W.  B. 

1895.     Tafilet.    London. 

Harrison,  H.  S. 

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Hartland,  E.  S. 

1914.     Traditions  of  the  Baganda  and  the  Bushongo.    FL,  vol.  25,  pp.  428-456. 

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1928.  Some  customs  of  the  Nilotic  Kavirondo.  Anthropos,  vol.  23,  pp.  263- 
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Hartter,  G. 

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Harttmann,  H. 

1927.     Ethnographische  Studie  uber  die  Baja.    ZFE,  vol.  59,  pp.  1-61. 

Harvard  African  Expeditionary  Reports  (Editor,  R.  P.  Strong) 

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772  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Hassanein  Bey,  A.  M. 

1924.  Through  Kufra  to  Darfur.    GJ,  vol.  64,  pp.  353-366. 

1925.  The  lost  oases.    London. 

Hatchell,  G.  W. 

1927.     Some  dreams  from  Urwira,  Tanganyika  Territory.    Man,  No.  60. 

Hattersley,  C.  W. 

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Haughton,  S.  H.  (Editor) 

1935.  Lexicon  de  stratigraphie,  Africa.    London.    Several  contributors, 

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1923.     Barbaren  und  Klassiker  (comparative  study  of  art).     Munich. 

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1912.     Through  Timbuktu  and  across  the  great  Sahara.    London. 
1937.     Game  animals  of  west  Africa.     JRAS,  vol.  36,  pp.  421-437. 

Haywood,  C.  W. 

1927.     To  the  mysterious  Lorian  Swamp.    London. 

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1937.     Le  pacte  de  sang  au  Dahomey.     TMIE,  vol.  25,  pp.  1-170. 

Heath,  D.  F. 

1937.     Busa  Regalia  (Nigeria).    Man,  No.  91. 

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1925.     The  Yao  tribe;  their  culture  and  their  education.    No.  4,  Studies  and 
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Hee,  a. 

1937.     Le   ngo,   societe  secrete   du   Haut-Ogowe   (Gaboon).     Africa,  vol.  10, 
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1900.     Musees  et  collections  (West  African  art).    lAFE,  vol.  13,  pp.  164-170. 

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1936.  The  Arab  civilization  (transl.  from  German  by  S.  K.  Bukhsh).     Cam- 
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1935.  Native  life  in  a  Johannesburg  slum  yard.    Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  34-61. 

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1910.     L'ame  d'un  peuple  africain,  les  Bambara.     Anthropos  Bibli.     Munster. 

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1936.  The  linguistic  expression  of  emotion.    AA,  vol.  38,  pp.  250-256. 

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1923.     Les  tatouages  du  pied  au  Moroc.    L' Anthropologic,  vol.  33,  pp.  87-102. 

Herrman,  L. 

1930.     A  history  of  the  Jews  in  South  Africa.    London. 


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1937b.     A  note  on  'woman  marriage'  in  Dahomey.     Africa,  vol.  10,  pp.  335-341. 
1937c.     African  gods  and  catholic  saints  in  New  World  Negro  belief.     AA  vol 
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1933.  An  outline  of  Dahomean  religious  belief.    MAAA,  No.  41. 

1934.  Rebel  destiny.    London. 

1936.  Suriname  Folk-Lore.    Columbia  University  Press,  New  York. 
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1933.  Recording  primitive  music  in  Africa  and  America.  Bull.  Folk-Song 
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1934.  Speech-melody  and  primitive  music.  The  Musical  Quarterly,  vol  20 
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1936.  Jabo  proverbs  from  Liberia.    London. 
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1912-13.  Kritisch  Darstellung  der  neuesten  Ansichten  uber  Gruppierungen 
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1877.     Reise  in  Nordost-Afrika.    Brunswick,  Germany. 
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Hildebrand,  E. 

1937.  Die  Geheimbunde  westafrikas  als  Problem  der  Religionswissenschaft. 
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Hilton-Simpson,  M.  W. 

1911.     Land  and  peoples  of  the  Kasai.    London. 

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HiLZHEIMER,  M. 

1930.  Die  altesten  Beziehungen  zwischen  Asien  und  Afrika  nachgewiesen  an 
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HiMMELHEBER,  H. 

1935.     Negerkiinstler.      Ethnographische    Studien    liber    den    Schnitzkiinstler 
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1897.     The  fall  of  the  Congo  Arabs.    London. 

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1927      Cephalic   index   of   American-born   children   of   three   foreign   groups. 
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HiRSCHBERG,  W. 

1931      Die  arabisch-persisch-indische  Kultur  an  der  Ostkliste  Afrikas.    MAG, 

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1933b.     Die  Zeitrechnung  der  Masai  und  werwandter  Volker.     ZFE,  vol.  65. 

pp.  241-264. 

1934.  The  problem  of  relationship  between  Pygmies  and  Bushmen.     Africa, 
vol.  7,  pp.  444-451. 

1935.  Review  of  W.  D.  Hambly:  Ovimbundu  of  Angola.    Anthropos,  vol.  30, 
pp.  914-915. 

HiRTH,  F. 

1909.  Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.    Journ.  Amer.  Oriental 
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HOBLEY,  C.  W. 

1902.  Eastern  Uganda.    Mem.  Roy.  Anth.  Inst.,  Occasional  Papers,  No.  1. 
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1903.  Anthropological  studies  in  Kavirondo  and  Nandi.     JAI,  vol.  33,  pp. 
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1910.  Ethnology  of  the  A-Kamba  and  other  East  African  tribes.     Cambridge, 
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1912.     Bantu  beliefs  and  magic.    London. 

1929-30.     Game  and  its  relation  to  mankind.    JAS,  vol.  29,  pp.  139-148. 

1933.  Soil  erosion:  a  problem  in  human  geography.    GJ,  vol.  82,  pp.  139-150. 

1934.  Some  reflections  on  native  magic  in  relation  to  witchcraft.    JAS,  vol.  33, 
pp.  243-249. 

HOCART,  A.  M. 

1935.  Blood  brotherhood.    Man,  No.  127. 

1936.  Kings  and  councillors.    London. 

1937.  Kinship  Systems.     Anthropos,  vol.  32,  pp.  545-551. 

Hodgson,  A.  G.  O. 

1926a.     Some  notes  on  the  Wahehe  of  Mahenge  district,  Tanganyika.    JRAI, 

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1931.  Rain-making,  witchcraft,  and  medicine  among  the  Anyanja.    No.  263. 

HODSON,  A.  W. 

1912.     Trekking  the  great  thirst   (Bushmen  of  Kalahari  Desert).     London. 
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HOEFLER,  p. 

1930.     In  Pygmy  land.    The  Sphere,  January  25.    Excellent  illustrations. 


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HOERNLE,  A.  W. 

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1925.     Social  organization  among  the  Nama  Hottentots.    AA,  vol.  27,  pp.  1-24. 

1931.  Native  conception  of  education  in  Africa.    Africa,  vol.  4,  pp.  146-163. 

HOERNLE,  R.  F. 

1936a.     Can  south  African  natives  develop  along  their  own  line?     SAO,  vol. 

66,  pp.  56-58. 
1936b.     Anatomy  of  segregation.    RR,  vol.  3,  pp.  14-21. 

Hoffmann,  W.  H. 

1932.  Leprosy  and  cultural  development  of  Africa.    Africa,  vol.  4,  pp.  455-463. 

Hoffmann,  W.  J. 

1895.     The  beginnings  of  writing.    New  York. 

HOFMAYR,  p.  W. 

1911.     Religion  der  Schilluk.    Anthropos,  vol.  6,  pp.  120-131. 
1925.     Die  Schilluk.    Vienna. 

HOFMEYER,  J.  H. 

1931.     South  Africa.    Modern  World  Series,  No.  13.    London. 

HOFSTRA,  S. 

1937.     Personality  and  differentiation  .  .  .  Mendi.  Africa,  vol.  10,  pp.  436-457. 

Hogarth,  D.  G. 

1922.     A  history  of  Arabia — from  our  earliest  knowledge  to  1914.     Oxford. 

Hogbin,  H.  I. 

1934.     Law  and  order  in  Polynesia.     A  study  of  primitive  legal  institutions. 
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Hohnel,  L.  von 

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1927.  Circumcision  rites  among  the  Bajok.    AA,  vol.  29,  pp.  661-669. 

HOLLIS,  A.  C. 

1905.     The  Masai.    Oxford. 
1909.     The  Nandi.    Oxford. 

HOLTKER,  p.  G. 

1928.  Zeit  und   Zahl   in   Nordwestafrika.     Festschrift  for   P.   W.   Schmidt, 
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HOLUB,  E. 

1879.     Eine  Kulturskizze  des  Marutse-Mambunda  Reiches.    Vienna, 
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HOMBURGER,  L. 

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Hooton,  E.  a. 

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HooTON,  E.  A.  (cont.) 

1925.  The  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands.    HAS,  vol.  7. 

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1932.  The  control  of  disease  in  tropical  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  33,  pp.  21-30. 

HORNBOSTEL,  E.  M.  VON 

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1928.  African  Negro  music.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  30-62. 

1933.  The  ethnology  of  African  sound  instruments.    Africa,  vol.  6,  pp.  129- 
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HORNELL,  J. 

1919.  The  affinities  of  East  African  outrigger  canoes.    Man,  No.  55. 

1930.     String  figures  from  Sierra  Leone,  Liberia,  and  Zanzibar.     JRAI,  vol. 
60,  pp.  81-114. 

1934.  Indonesian  influences  on  east  African  culture.    JRAI,  vol.  64,  pp.  305- 
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1935.  African  bark  canoes.    Man,  No.  198. 

HOVELACQUE,  A. 

1889.     Les  Negres  de  I'Afrique  sus-equatorial.    Paris. 

Howard,  C.  G. 

1921.     Shuwa  Arabic  stories.    Oxford. 

HOYT,  E.  E. 

1926.     Primitive  trade;  its  psychology  and  economics.    London. 

Hrdlicka,  a. 

1920.  Anthropometry.    Wistar  Inst,  of  Anatomy  and  Anth.,  Philadelphia. 
1926.     The  Rhodesian  man.    AJPA,  vol.  9,  pp.  173-204. 

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HUBAC,  H. 

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Hubert,  H. 

1908.     Mission  scientifique  au  Dahomey.    Paris. 

Hudson,  R.  S. 

1935.     The  human  geography  of  Balovale  district.  Northern  Rhodesia.    JRAI, 
vol.  65,  pp.  235-266. 

Hughes,  P. 

1895.     A  dictionary  of  Islam.    London, 

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1935.     De  telefoon  der  Nkundo  (Belgisch  Kongo).     Anthropos,  vol.  30,  Nos. 
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1937.  Coutumes  funeraires  des  Nkundo.     Anthropos,  vol.  32,  pp.  502-527. 


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HULSTERT,  R.  P.  G. 

1934.     Les  tons  en  Lonkundo  (Congo  Beige).    Ibid.,  vol.  29,  pp.  399-419, 

Humphreys,  N. 

1933.     Ruwenzori;  flights  and  further  exploration.     GJ,  vol.  82,  pp.  481-514. 

Hunt,  D.  R. 

1931.     An  account  of  the  Bapedi.    BS,  vol.  5,  pp.  276-326. 
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Hunter,  M. 

1933.  Effects  of  European  contacts  on  the  status  of  Pondo  women.    Africa, 
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1934.  Methods  of  study  of  culture  contacts.    Africa,  vol.  7,  pp.  335-350. 

1936.  Reaction  to  conquest.    Effect  of  contact  with  Europeans  on  the  Pondo 
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1937.  An  African  Christian  Morality.     Africa,  vol.  10,  pp.  265-292. 

HUNTINGFORD,  G.  W.  B. 

1927.  Charms  worn  by  Nandi  women.    Man,  No.  140. 

1928.  Notes  on  some  names  for  God.    Man,  No.  138. 

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1931.     Free  hunters  and  serf  tribes  in  east  Africa.     Man,  No.  262. 

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1933b.     The  Azanian  civilization  of  Kenya.     Antiquity,  vol.  7,  pp.  153-165. 

1935.  The  Nandi  pororiet  (military  organization).    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  133-143. 
1937.     Boats  of  Victoria  Nyanza.     Man,  No.  177. 

Huntington,  E. 

1907.     The  pulse  of  Asia.    A  journey  in  central  Asia  illustrating  the  geographic 
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1915.  Civilization  and  climate.    New  York. 

1926.     The  pulse  of  progress,  including  a  sketch  of  Jewish  history,  with  a  chapter 
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HUREL,  R.  P.  E. 

1911.     Religion  et  vie  domestique  des  Bakerewe.    Anthropos,  vol.  6,  pp.  62-94, 
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Hurst,  C.  C. 

1935.  Heredity  and  the  ascent  of  man.    New  York. 

Husmann,  H. 

1936.  Marimba  und  Sansa  der  Sambesikultur.    ZFE,  vol.  68,  pp.  197-210. 

Huss,  B. 

1931.     The  evolution  of  the  South  African  native  mind.     Africa,  vol.  4,  pp. 
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1931.     Flora  of  west  tropical  Africa.    London. 

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Huxley,  J. 

1931a.     Africa  view.    London. 

1931b.     Travel  and  politics  in  east  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  30,  pp.  245-261. 

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1929.     Travels  in  Asia    and    Africa    (1325-54).      Broadway    Travelers    Series 
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1800.     The  oriental  geography  (trans,  by  W.  Ousley).    London. 

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1925.     Histoire  des  Berberes  (trans,  by  W.  M.  Slane).    2  vols.    Paris. 

Ihle,  a. 

1929.     Das  alte  Konigreich  Kongo.    Leipzig. 

Immenroth,  W. 

1933.     Kultur  und  umwelt  der  Kleinwiichsigen  in  Afrika.    Leipzig. 

Imms,  a.  D. 

1924.     A  general  textbook  of  entomology.    New  York. 
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Ingrams,  W.  H. 

1931.     Zanzibar:  its  history  and  people.    London. 

Irle,  J. 

1906.     Die  Herero.  Giitersloh. 

1917.     Die  religion  der  Herero.    AFA,  vol.  15,  pp.  337-367. 

Irving,  W. 

1911.     Life  of  Mahomet.    Everyman's  Library.    London. 

ISSERLIS,  L. 

1914.     Formulae  for  determination  of  the  capacity  of  the  Negro  skull  from 
external  measurements.    Biometrika,  vol.  10,  pp.  188-192. 

Ittmann,  J. 

1935.     Von  der  Gottesvorstellung  der  Bakwiri.     Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  355-372. 

Jackson,  H.  C. 

1923.     The  Nuer  of  the  upper  Nile  Province.    SNR,  vol.  6,  pp.  59-189. 

Jackson,  J.  G. 

1820.     An  account  of  Timbuctoo  and  Hausa.    London. 

Jacquier,  M. 

1935.     Note  sur  I'existence  probable   de   negrilles  dans  les  forets  vierges  de 
I'ouest  de  la  Cote  d'lvoire.    BAOF,  vol.  18,  pp.  57-62. 

Jadin,  J. 

1935.  Les  groupes  sanguins  des    Pygmees.   Institut    Royal    Colonial    Beige. 
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1936.  Groupes  sanguins  des  Pygmees  et  des  Negres  de  I'lturi  (Congo  Beige), 
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James,  A.  L. 

1923.     The  tones  of  Yoruba.    BSOS,  vol.  3,  pp.  119-128.    London, 
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James,  F.  L. 

1888.     The  unknown  horn  of  Africa.    London. 
Useful  record  of  pioneer  travels. 

Jaspert,  F.  and  W. 

1930.  Die  Volkerstamme  Mittel-Angolas.  Stadtischen  Volker-Museum.  Frank- 
fort, Germany. 

Jeffreys,  M.  D.  W. 

1935.  The  divine  Umundri  king.    Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  346-355. 

Jensen,  A.  E. 

1933.  Beschneidung  und  Reifezeremonien  bei  Naturvolkern.  Stuttgart.  In 
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1936.  Im  Lande  des  Gada.    Stuttgart. 

Jerrard,  R.  C. 

1936.  List  of  tribes  of  Tanganyika,  with  tribal  map.  Tanganyika  Govern- 
ment Publications.    Crown  Agents  for  the  Colonies.     London. 

Jessen,  O. 

1936.     Reisen  und  forschungen  in  Angola.    Berlin. 

Johnson,  A. 

1929.  In  the  land  of  the  marimba  (Angola).    Stockholm. 

1930.  Mbundu  (Kimbundu),  English-Portuguese  Dictionary.  Philadelphia 
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Johnson,  J.  C.  de  Graft 

1932.  The  Fanti  asafu  (war  organization).    Africa,  vol.  5,  pp.  307-322. 

Johnson,  J.  P. 

1910.  The  prehistoric  period  in  South  Africa.    London. 

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1933.  The  Baggara  tribes  of  Darfur.    SNR,  vol.  16,  pp.  97-118. 

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1934.  The  origin  of  sacrifice.    Essays  to  C.  G.  Seligman,  pp.  103-112.    London. 

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1901.     A  history  of  Egypt  in  the  middle  ages.    London. 

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1897.     Modern  mythology.    London. 

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1932.     The  Kono  people  of  Sierra  Leone:  their  clans  and  names.    Africa,  vol. 
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1926,  1927.     Impressions  of  the  Azande.    SNR,  vol.  9,  pp.  1-55;  vol.  10,  pp. 
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1930.     In  the  land  of  the  pepper  bird  (Liberia).    New  York. 
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1934.     Indirect  rule  and  education  in  East  Africa.    Africa,  vol.  7,  pp.  423-430. 

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1930.     Editor  of  "Journal  of  a  slave  dealer,"  by  N.  Owen.     London. 

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1936.  A  tribal  survey  of  Mongalla  Province.     London. 

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NORDEN,  H. 

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1932.  Sudan  drums.     Man,  No.  300. 

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1935.  The  Anthropology  of  the  Rwala  Bedouins.    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  375-390, 
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1923.     The  vegetation  and  soils  of  Africa.    New  York. 

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1934.     Recruiting  in  Portuguese  East  Africa  of  natives  for  the  mines.     JAS, 
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1897.     Through  unknown  African  countries.    London  and  New  York. 

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1932.     The  place  of  folk  tales  in  African  Life.    Man,  No.  119. 

1934a.     Anthropology  and  the  practical  man.    JRAI,  vol.  64,  pp.  13-37. 

1934b.     Indigenous  education  in  Africa.    Essays  presented  to  C.  G.  Seligman, 

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1935.     Africa.    What  do  we  know  of  it?    JRAI,  vol.  65,  pp.  1-81. 

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1920.     The   Ila-speaking   peoples  of   Northern   Rhodesia.     2   vols.     London. 

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1911.     The  ancient  Egyptians.    London. 

1927.  The  evolution  of  man.    London. 

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1931.  Report  internat.  conference  on  African  children.  JAS,  vol.  30,  pp.  272-276. 

1932.  Education  in  British  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  31,  pp.  54-76. 

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1889.     Lectures  on  the  religion  of  the  Semites.    New  York. 
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1932.     Climate  and  man  in  Africa.    SAJS,  vol.  29,  pp.  98-131. 

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1926.     Human  blood  groups,  their  inheritance  and  racial  significance.    AJPA, 
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1930.  The  southeastern  Bantu.    Johannesburg. 
1932.     The  Ama-xosa,  life  and  customs.    Lovedale. 

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1879.    Aus  west  Afrika.    Leipzig. 

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1932.     Some  notes  on  initiation  of  young  men  and  girls  in  the  Bari  tribe.    Africa, 
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Speke,  J.  H. 

1858.     Journal  of  the  discovery  of  the  source  of  the  Nile.    Edinburgh. 

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1931.     Land  policy  and  economic  development  in  Kenya.     JAS,  vol.  30,  pp. 
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Spellig,  F. 

1927.  Die  Wanyamwezi.    ZFE,  vol.  59,  pp.  201-252. 

Spencer, H. 

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1930.     Descriptive  sociology  of  African  races.    London.    Editor  E.  Torday. 

Spies,  O. 

1928.  Tunesisches  Schattentheatre.    Festschrift  P.  W.  Schmidt,  pp.  693-702. 
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1918.     Bedeutung  der  Personennamen  der  Ewe-Neger  in  West  Africa.     AFA, 
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1935.     A  short  history  of  Rhodesia  and  her  neighbours.    With  maps  and  illustra- 
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1909.  The  autobiography  of  Sir  H.  M.  Stanley  edited  by  his  wife.     Boston 
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Stanley,  H.  M. 

1874.     Coomassie  and  Magdala.    The  story  of  two  British  campaigns  in  Africa. 

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1878.     Through  the  dark  continent.    New  York. 

1885.     The  Congo  and  the  founding  of  its  free  state.    2  vols.    New  York. 
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Stannus,  H.  S. 

1910.  Notes  on  some  tribes  of  British  Central  Africa.  JRAI,  vol.  40, 
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1914.  Congenital  anomalies  in  a  native  African  race.  Biometrika,  vol.  10, 
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1915.  Pre-Bantu  occupants  of  east  Africa.    Man,  No.  76. 
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1900.     The  birds  of  south  Africa.    4  vols.    London. 

Starr,  F. 

1909.     Ethnological  notes  from  the  Congo  Free  State.    Davenport. 

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1917.     Die  Banjangi  Cameroons.    BA,  vol.  8,  pp.  1-65. 

Statham,  J.  C.  B. 

1922.     Through  Angola.    London. 

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1891.     Im  Herzen  der  Haussalander.    Oldenburg  and  Leipzig. 

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Steere,  E. 

1906.     Swahili  tales  as  told  by  the  natives  of  Zanzibar.    London. 
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Steggerda,  M. 

1928.  Physical  development  of  Negro-White  hybrids  in  Jamaica,  British  West 
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Steinmetz,  R. 

1896.     Endokannibalismus.    MAG,  vol.  26,  pp.  1-60. 

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Stern,  H.  A. 

1862.  Wanderings  among  the  Falashas  in  Abyssinia,  together  with  a  descrip- 
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Sterns,  F.  H. 

1917a.     Palaeoliths  of  the  eastern  desert.    HAS,  vol.  1,  pp.  48-82. 

1917b.     Darfur  gourds.    HAS,  vol.  1,  pp.  193-196. 

1918.     Bisharin  baskets  in   Peabody   Museum.     HAS,   vol.   2,   pp.   194-196. 

Stevens,  C.  G. 

1931.     The  Zimbabwe  temple.    JRAI,  vol.  61,  pp.  181-186. 

Stevens,  G.  A. 

1935.     A  contributor  to  Arts  of  West  Africa.     London.     Editor,  M.  E.  Sadler. 

Stibbe,  E.  p. 

1930.     An  introduction  to  physical  anthropology.    London. 

Stigand,  C.  H. 

1907.     Notes  on  the  natives  of  Nyasaland,  north  east  Rhodesia,  and  Portuguese 

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1909.     Notes  on  the  tribes  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Manning,  Nyasaland. 

JRAI,  vol.  39,  pp.  35-43. 
1913.     The  land  of  Zinj.    London. 
1923.     Equatoria,  the  Lado  Enclave.    London. 

Stigler,  R. 

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Stirke,  D.  W. 

1922.     Barotseland,  eight  years  among  the  Barotse.    London. 

Stokes,  F.  G. 

1913.     Translation  of  R.  Dozy's  Spanish  Islam.    London. 

Storrs-Fox,  D. 

1930.  Description  of  Masai  shields  and  spears.    JEAU,  No.  37,  pp.  201-202. 

Stow,  G.  W. 

1905.     The  native  races  of  south  Africa.    London. 

1931.  Rock  paintings  in  south  Africa  with  introduction  and  descriptive  notes 
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1930.  The  African  republic  of  Liberia  and  the  Belgian  Congo.  Harvard 
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1908a.     African  ideas  on  the  subject  of  earthquakes.    JAS,  vol.  8,  pp.  398-411. 
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Stuhlmann,  F. 

1894.  Mit  Emin  Pascha  ins  Herz  von  Afrika.    Berlin. 

1910.  Handwerk  und  Industrie  in  Ostafrika.    Hamburg. 

1914.  Die  Mazigh-volker  (south  Tunisia).    Hamburgischen  Kolonialinstituts, 
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1909.     Das  Antlitz  der  Erde  (trans.,  The  face  of  the  earth,  H.  B.  C.  Sollas, 
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SUGGATE,  L.  S. 

1929.  Africa.    London. 

SUK,  V. 

1927.  Anthropological  and  physiological  observations  on  the  Negroes  of  Natal 
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Sumner,  A.  T. 

1932.     Mendi  writing.    SLS,  No.  17.    See  Africa,  1934,  vol.  7,  pp.  97-99. 

S WAYNE,  H.  G.  C. 

1895.  Seventeen  trips  through  Somaliland.     London. 

Sydow,  E.  von 

1921.     Exotische  Kunst,  Afrika  und  Ozeanien.    Leipzig. 

1928.  The  renaissance  of  primitive  art  in  Europe.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  214-218. 

1930.  Handbuch  der  afrikanischen  Plastik.    Berlin. 

1932.     The  image  of  Janus  in  African  sculpture.     Africa,  vol.  5,  pp.  14-27. 

Tagart,  E.  S.  B. 

1931.  The  African  chief  under  European  rule.    Africa,  vol.  4,  pp.  63-73. 

Talbot,  P.  A. 

1911.  The  Buduma  of  Lake  Chad.    JRAI,  vol.  41,  pp.  245-259. 

1912.  In  the  shadow  of  the  bush.    London. 

1916.  Notes  on  the  anthropometry  of  some  central  Sudan  tribes.     JRAI, 
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1923.  Life  in  southern  Nigeria.    London. 

1926.  The  peoples  of  southern  Nigeria.    4  vols.    Oxford. 

1927.  Some  Nigerian  fertility  cults.    Oxford. 

Tamakloe,  E.  F. 

1931.     A  brief  history  of  the  Dagamba  people.    Accra. 

Tate,  H.  R. 

1904.     Notes  on  the  Kikuyu  and  Kamba  tribes  of  British  East  Africa.    JAI, 
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Tautain,  L. 

1885.     Etudes  critiques  sur  I'ethnologie  et  I'ethnographie  des  peuples  du  bassin 
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Tauxier,  L. 

1915.  Noirs  du  Soudan.    Paris. 

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1932.     Etudes  soudanaises,  religion,  moeurs,  et  coutumes    des  Agnis  de    la 
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1937.     Moeurs  et  histoire  des  Peuls.     Paris. 

Taylor,  F.  W. 

1923.     A  practical  Hausa  grammar.    Oxford. 

1932a.     A  Fulani-English  dictionary.    Oxford. 

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Taylor,  F.  W.  and  Webb,  A.  G.  G. 

1932.     Accounts  and  conversations  .  .  .  customs  of  the  Hausa.     Oxford. 

Taylor,  G. 

1927.  Environment  and  race.     Oxford  University  Press. 

1930.     Racial  migration  zones  and  their  significance.    Human  Biology,  vol.  2, 
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1916-17.     The  Timne  and  other  tribes  of  Sierra  Leone.    JAS,  vol.  16,  pp.  36-51. 

Tessmann,  G. 

1913.     Die  Pangwe.    Berlin. 

1923.     Die  Bubi  auf  Fernando  Poo.    Darmstadt. 

1928.  Die  Mbaka-Limba,  Mbum,  und  Lakka.     ZFE,  vol.  60,  pp.  305-352. 
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1932.     Die  Volker  und  Sprachen  Kameruns.    PM,  vol.  78,  pp.  113-120, 184-190. 
1934a.     Die  Bafia  und  die  Kultur  der  Mittelkamerun-Bantu.    Stuttgart. 
1934b.     Die  Baja,  ein  Negerstamm  im  Mittleren  Sudan.    Stuttgart. 

Thacker,  a.  G. 

1913.     Translation  of  H.  von  Buttel-Reepen,  Man  and  his  forerunners.    London. 

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1882.     Kaffir  folklore.    London. 

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1911.  Buzina  unter  der  Dynastie  der  Bahinda.   Anthropos,  vol.  6,  pp.  497-520. 

Thomas,  B. 

1929.  Among  some  unknown  tribes  of  South  Arabia.    JRAI,  vol.  59,  pp.  97-111. 
1932.     Anthropological  observations  in  South  Arabia.    JRAI,  vol.  62,  pp.  83- 

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1925.  The  African  throwing  knife.    JRAI,  vol.  55,  pp.  129-145. 

1926.  A  comparison  of  drawings  from  ancient  Egypt,  Libya,  and  the  south 
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Thomas,  H.  B.  and  Scott,  R. 

1935.     Uganda  handbook.    London. 
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Thomas,  N.  W. 

1908.  Bibliography  of  anthropology  and  folklore.    London. 

1910a.     Anthropological  report  on  the  Edo-speaking  peoples  of  Nigeria.    4  vols. 
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1913.  Anthropological  report  on  the  Ibo-speaking  peoples  of  Nigeria.    6  vols. 
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1914.  Specimens  of  languages  from  Southern  Nigeria.    London. 

1916.  Report  on  the  Timne-speaking  peoples  of  Sierra  Leone.    4  vols.    London. 

1917.  Secret  societies  in  west  Africa.    Man,  No.  118. 

1919.  Secret  societies.    HERE,  vol.  11,  pp.  287-303. 

1920a.  The  Sudanic  languages.    BSOS,  vol.  1,  pt.  4,  pp.  16-124. 
1920b.  Ashanti  and  Baule  gold  weights.    JRAI,  vol.  50,  pp.  52-68. 

1922.  Birth  customs  of  the  Edo-speaking  peoples.    JRAI,  vol.  52,  pp.  250-258. 
1924.     The  week  in  west  Africa.    JRAI,  vol.  54,  pp.  183-209. 

1928.  Counting  on  the  fingers.     Festschrift  to  P.  W.  Schmidt,  pp.  726-733. 
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Thomas,  T.  S. 

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Thompson,  A.  B. 

1933.     The  development  of  subsoil  water  in  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  32,  pp.  334-341. 

Thomson,  A.  and  Buxton,  L.  H.  D. 

1923.  Man's  nasal  index  in  relation  to  certain  climatic  conditions.    JRAI,  vol. 
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Thomson,  J. 

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1930.  Relics  of  pre-European  culture  in  Rhodesia.    JRAI,  vol.  60,  pp.  389-399. 

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1935.     A  short  history  of  the  Gold  Coast.    London. 

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1930.  Contributions  toward  Venda  history,  religion  and  tribal  ritual.  South 
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1927.  Eine  morphologisch-anthropologisch  Studie  durchgefiihrt  an  100  west- 
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1936.  Untersuchungen  iiber  Hautleisten  System  der  Buschmanner.  Ein 
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1906.     The  natives  of  British  Central  Africa.    London. 

1914.  The  Galla  of  the  East  African  Protectorate.  JAS,  vol.  13,  pp.  121-142, 
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1917.     Nyika  tribe.    HERE,  vol.  9,  pp.  424-427. 

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1933.  Myths  and  legends  of  the  Bantu.    London. 

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1927.     A  first  SwahiH  book.    2nd  ed.,  1930.    London. 

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1928.  Gottesvorstellungen  in  Oberguinea.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  189-209. 

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1933.     Practical  phonetics  for  students  of  African  languages.    London. 
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1930.     Wit  and  wisdom  in  Morocco.    London. 

1933.  Pagan  survivals  in  Mohammedan  civilization.    London. 

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1936.     Methods  in  social  anthropology.     JRAI,  vol.  66,  pp.  223-248. 

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832  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

WiESCHHOFF,  H.  (cont.) 

1937a.  Names  and  naming  customs  among  the  Mashona  in  Southern  Rhodesia. 
AA,  vol.  39,  pp.  497-499. 

1937b.  Marriage  among  the  Babudja  in  S.  Rhodesia.  Twenty-fifth  anniver- 
sary studies,  Philadelphia  Anthrop.  See.    Pp.  221-235.    Univ.  of  Penn.  Press. 

Wild,  R.  P. 

1934a.     Baked  clay  heads  from  graves  near  Fomena  Ashanti.    Man,  No.  1. 
1934b.     Stone  age  pottery  from  the  Gold  Coast  and  Ashanti.    JRAI,  vol.  64, 
pp.  203-215. 

1936.  Iron  disc  currency  from  Ashanti.    Man,  No.  99. 

1937.  A  method  of  bead-making  practised  on  the  Gold  Coast.      Man,  No.  115. 

Wilkin,  A. 

1900.     Among  the  Berbers  of  Algeria.    London. 

WiLLEY,  M.  M.  and  Herskovits,  M.  J. 

1927.     Psychology  and  culture.     Psych.  Bull.,  vol.  24,  No.  5,  pp.  253-278. 

Williams,  F.  L. 

1935.  Blood  brotherhood  in  Ankole.    UJ,  vol.  2,  pp.  33-41. 

Williams,  J.  J. 

1930.     Hebrewisms  of  west  Africa.    New  York. 

1936.  Africa's  God:  (1)  Gold  Coast  and  its  hinterland,  (2)  Dahomey,  (3) 
Nigeria,  (4)  French  West  Africa.  Anthr.  ser.,  Boston  College  Graduate 
School.    Boston  College  Press,  Massachusetts. 

Williams,  L. 

1934.  Arabic  music.    OC,  vol.  48,  pp.  77-98. 

Williams,  O.  G. 

1935.  Village  organization  among  the  Sukuma.    Man,  No.  130. 

Williams,  R. 

1933.  Milestones  from  Cape  Town  to  Cairo  (Cape-Cairo  Railway).  UE,  vol. 
24,  43-47. 

Willis,  B. 

1936.  Studies  in  comparative  seismology.  East  African  plateaus  and  rift 
valleys.    Carnegie  Institution,  Washington,  D.  C. 

WiLLMORE,  J.  F. 

1927.     Handbook  of  spoken  Egyptian  Arabic.    London. 

WiLLOUGHBY,  W.  C. 

1909.     Notes  on  the  initiation  ceremonies  of  the  Bechwana.     JRAI,  vol.  39, 

pp.  228-245. 
1923.     Race  problems  in  the  new  Africa.    Oxford. 
1928a.     Some  conclusions  concerning  the  Bantu  conception  of  the  soul.    Africa, 

vol.  1,  pp.  338-347. 
1928b.     The  soul  of  the  Bantu.    New  York. 

WiLMAN,  M. 

1933.  The  rock  engravings  of  Griqualand,  West  Bechuanaland.  Cambridge 
and  Kimberley. 

Wilson,  C.  T.  and  Felkin,  R.  W. 

1882.     Uganda  and  the  Egyptian  Sudan.    2  vols.    London. 


Bibliography  of  Authors  833 

Wilson,  G. 

1936.  An  African  morality.    Africa,  vol.  9,  pp.  75-99. 

1937.  Introduction  to  Nyakyusa  law.    Africa,  vol.  10,  pp.  16-36. 

Wilson,  G.  E.  H. 

1932.     Ancient  civilizations  of  the  Rift  Valley.    Man,  No.  298. 

Wilson-Haffenden,  J.  R. 

1927.     Ethnological  notes  on  the  Shuwalbe  group  of  the  Bororo  Fulani.    JRAI, 

vol.  57,  pp.  275-293. 
1930.     The  red  men  (Fulani)  of  the  Niger.    London. 

Windle,  B.  C.  a. 

1894.     A  philological  essay  concerning  the  Pygmies  of  the  ancients.    London. 
See  Tyson. 

Wing,  R.  P.  J.  van 

1920-21.     Etudes  Bakongo,  et  I'etre  supreme  des  Bakongo.     Recherches  de 

Science  Religieuse,  Paris,  t.  10,  pp.  75-81. 
1921.     Etudes  Bakongo,  histoire  et  sociologie.    Brussels. 
1930.     Bakongo  incantations  and  prayers.    JRAI,  vol.  60,  pp.  401-428. 

Winter,  J.  A. 

1912.  Hymns  in  praise  of  famous  chiefs.    SAJS,  vol.  9,  pp.  377-382. 

1913.  The  phallus  cult  among  the  Bantu — particularly  the  Ba  Pedi  of  Eastern 
Transvaal.    SAJS,  vol.  10,  pp.  131-136. 

1914.  The  mental  and  moral  capabilities  of  the  natives  of  the  eastern  Transvaal, 
SAJS,  vol.  11,  pp.  371-383. 

WiSSMANN,  H.  von 

1907.  Meine  zweite  Durchquerung  Aequatorial-Afrikas.    Berlin. 

WiTTE,  P.  A. 

1906.     Lieder  und  Gesange  der  Ewhe-Neger.     Anthropos,  vol.  1,  pp.  65-81, 
194-209. 

1910.  Zur  Trommelsprache  bei  den  Ewe-Leuten.    Anthropos.  vol  5,  pp.  50-53. 

WOHLRAB,  VON 

1918.     Das  Recht  der  Schambala.    AFA,  vol.  16,  pp.  160-181. 

Wolf,  P.  F. 

1911.  Totemismus:  soziale  Gliederung  und  Rechtspflege  bei  einigen  Stammen 
Togos.   Anthropos,  vol.  6,  pp.  449-465. 

1912.  Beitrage  zur  Ethnographie  der  Fo-Neger  in  Togo.    Anthropos,  vol.  7» 
pp.  81-94,  296-308. 

Wolff,  W. 

1889.     Vom  Banana  zum  Kiamwo.    Oldenburg. 

WOLLASTON,  A.  F.  R. 

1908.  From  Ruwenzori  to  the  Congo.     London. 

Woods,  C.  A. 

1934.  Criticism  ofWissler's  N.American  culture  areas.  AA,  vol.  36,  pp.  517-523. 
Woodson,  C.  G. 

1936.     Handbook  for  the  study  of  the  Negro.    Washington,  D.  C. 

Woodward,  A.  S. 

1935.  Recent  progress  in  the  study  of  early  man.     Report  of  the  British 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  p.  130.    London. 


834  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

WORSFOLD,  W.  B. 

1899.     Portuguese  Nyasaland.    London. 

WORTHINGTON,  E.  B.  and  OTHERS 

1936.     On  the  food  and  nutrition  of  African  natives.    Africa,  vol.  9,  pp.  150-165. 

WORTHINGTON,  E.  B.  and  WORTHINGTON,  S. 

1933.     Inland  waters  of  Africa.     Geology  and  biology  of  the  Central  African 
lake  system.    London. 

WUNDT,  W.  M. 

1916.     Elemente  der  Volkerpsychologie  und  die  moderne  Ethnologie  (trans,  by 
E.  L.  Schaub,  2nd  ed.    London  and  New  York,  1921).    Leipzig. 

Wylde,  a.  B. 

1901.     Modern  Abyssinia.    2  vols.    London. 

Wyman,  L.  C.  and  Boyd,  W.  C. 

1935.     Human  blood  groups  and  anthropology.    AA,  vol.  37,  pp.  181-200. 

Wyche,  p. 

1829.     Relation  de  la  riviere  du  Nil,  being  a  translation  of  Portuguese  accounts 
of  the  travels  of  J.  Lobo  (1596-1678)  in  Abyssinia.     See  also  J.  Pinkerton. 

Yates,  T.  J.  A. 

1932.  Bantu  marriage  and  the  birth  of  the  first  child.    Man,  No.  159. 

Young,  C.  T. 

1933.  Tribal  intermixture  in  northern  Nyasaland.    JRAI,  vol.  63,  pp.  1-18. 

Young,  J.  C. 

1934.  Liberia  rediscovered.    New  York. 

Young,  M. 

1928.     Blood  tests  and  racial  differences.     Man,  No.  116. 

Young,  T.  C. 

1932.     Three  medicine-men  in  northern  Nyasaland.    Man,  No.  267. 

1935.  How  far  can  African  ceremonial  be  incorporated  in  the  Christian  system? 
Africa,  vol.  8,  pp.  210-220. 

Yule,  G.  U. 

1912.     An  introduction  to  the  theory  of  statistics.    London. 

1924.  The  function  of  statistical  method  in  scientific  investigation.    Rep.  28, 
Medical  Research  Council.    H.  M.  Stationery  Office,  London. 

Yunis,  Y.  N. 

1922.     Notes  on  the  Baggara  and  Nuba  of  western  Kordofan.     SNR,  vol.  5, 
pp.  200-207. 

Zaborowski,  M. 

1894.     De  la  circoncision  des  gargons  et  de  I'excision  des  filles  comme  pratiques 
d'initiation.    Bull.  Soc.  Anthrop.  de  Paris,  vol.  5,  4th  ser.,  pp.  81-104. 

Zache,  H. 

1899.     Sitten  und  Gebrauche  der  Suaheli.    ZFE,  vol.  31,  pp.  61-86. 

Zelizko,  J.  V. 

1925.  Felsgravierungen  der  Siidafrikanischen  Buschmanner.    Leipzig. 

Zeller,  R. 

1912.     Die  Goldgewichte  von  Asante.    BA,  vol.  3,  pp.  1-77.    Leipzig. 


Bibliography  of  Authors  835 

Zeltner,  F.  de 

1908.     Notes  sur  la  sociologie  soudanaise.    L'Anthropologie,  vol.  19,  pp.  217- 

233. 
1911.     Les  grottes  a  peintures  du  Soudan  frangais.    L'Anthropologie,  vol.  22, 

pp.  1-12. 
1913.     Les  gravures  rupestres  de  I'Air.    L'Anthropologie,  vol.  24,  pp.  171-184. 
1914a.     Etude  anthropologique  sur  les  Touareg  du  sud.     L'Anthropologie, 

vol.  25,  pp.  460-476. 
1914b.     Les  Touareg  du  Sud.    JRAI,  vol.  44,  pp.  351-375. 
1915.     Notes  sur  quelques  industries  du  Soudan  frangais.     L'Anthropologie, 

vol.  26,  pp.  219-234. 

ZiNTGRAFF,  E. 

1895.     Nord  Kamerun.    Berlin. 

ZOLI,  A.  S.  E.  C. 

1935.  Relazione  preliminare  delle  ricerche  compiute  nel  Fezzan  dalla  missione 
di  archeologia,  etc.    BSGI,  vol.  13,  pp.  163-179. 

ZUURE,  R.  P.  B. 

1926.     Immdna  le  Dieu  des  Barundi.    Anthropos,  vol.  21,  pp.  733-776. 
1929.     Croyances  et  pratiques  des  Barundi.    Brussels. 

Zyhlarz,  E. 

1936.  Das   geschichtliche   Fundament   der   Hamitischen   Sprachen.     Africa, 
vol.  9,  pp.  433-452. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  FOR  POLITICAL  AREAS 
OCCUPIED  BY  NEGROES 

In  the  absence  of  a  satisfactory  classification  of  Negroes  on  ethnic  grounds, 
the  references  are  given  according  to  political  divisions.  These  sources  are  books 
and  articles  of  general  treatment;  contributions  of  a  specific  kind  are  classified 
with  their  appropriate  chapters — religion,  economics,  social  organization,  etc. 
For  example,  most  of  Rattray's  works  are  given  here  under  "Ashanti,"  but  his 
book,  on  "Laws  and  Constitution  of  the  Ashanti"  would  be  included  in  section 
III,  chapter  IV,  "Social  Controls,"  subsection,  "Law."  Similarly,  Doke's  (1931) 
"Lambas  of  Northern  Rhodesia"  would  be  listed  here,  but  not  his  "Shona 
Phonetics,"  since  this  is  previously  quoted  in  our  chapter  on  languages.  Our 
classification  of  books  and  articles  according  to  political  areas  can  be  only  approxi- 
mate in  some  instances,  since  a  tribe  about  which  a  monograph  is  written  may 
extend  into  two  or  more  political  areas.  An  asterisk  over  an  author's  name  indi- 
cates that  his  contribution  is  of  primary  importance. 

Angola  (See  Portuguese  West  Africa) 

Ashanti  (Gold  Coast  and  Northern  Territories) 

J.  Beecham  (1841),  C.  J.  Biss  (1901),  W.  Bosman  (1705),  T.  E.  Bowditch 
(1878),  F.  Boyle  (1874),  A.  W.  Cardinall*  (1924,  1927,  1929,  1931,  1933;  bibliog- 
raphy), H.  Casely  (1903),  R.  M.  Connolly  (1896-97),  A.  B.  Ellis  (1887),  M.  J. 
Field*  (1937),  R.  A.  Freeman  (1898),  H.  Gundert  (1875),  Handbook  to  the  Gold 
Coast,  Crown  Agent  for  the  Colonies,  Millbank,  London,  W.C.,  periodically, 
H.  A.  Harman  (1934),  D.  Johnstone  and  H.  A.  Blair  (1932),  G.  MacDonald  (1898), 
J.  W.  Maxwell  (1928),  E.  Perregaux*  (1906),  R.  S.  Rattray*  (1923,  1927,  1931), 
H.  M.  Stanley  (1874),  E.  F.  Tamakloe  (1931),  E.  Torday  (1931,  No.  116). 

Belgian  Congo 

Annales  du  Musee  du  Congo  Beige*  (see  Bibliography  of  Periodicals),  R.  de 
Beaucorps  (1933),  L.  Bittremieux*  (1923,  1934),  A.  S.  Clarke  (1930),  R.  P.  Colle 
(1913),  A.  L.  Cureau  (1912),  P.  Daigre  (1932),  C.  de  Chaise  (1909),  De  Hutereau 
(1909),  A.  C.  L.  Donohugh  and  P.  Berry  (1932),  T.  Door  and  P.  Basiel  (1929, 
a  bibliography),  L.  Franck  (1929),  F.  Grebert  (1934),  M.  J.  Halkin  (1911),  M.  W. 
Hilton-Simpson  (1911),  A.  Ihle  (1929),  H.  Kiendl  (1935),  E.  Labrecque  (1933), 
C.  R.  Lagal  (1926),  P.  M.  Larken  (1927),  J.  Maes*  (1909,  1931,  1933,  bibliog- 
raphy), J.  Maes  and  0.  Boone*  (1935,  gazetteer  of  tribes),  E.  Manker  (1929), 
H.  Meyer  (1916),  G.  van  Overbergh  and  E.  De  Jonghe*  (editors,  1907-1909), 
G.  Pages  (1919-20, 1925),  R.  Schmitz  (1912),  F.  Starr  (1909),  C.  H.  Stigand  (1923), 
G.  Tessmann*  (1913),  E.  Torday*  (1921,  1925,  1928),  E.  Torday  and  T.  A.  Joyce* 
(1905-1907,  1922),  R.  P.  H.  Trilles  (1912),  G.  M.  Vassal  (1925),  E.  Verhulpen 
(1935),  E.  Viaene  and  F.  Bernard  (1910,  large  bibliography),  H.  Ward  (1891), 
E.  J.  Wayland  (1929),  J.  H.  Weeks*  (1909-10,  1913,  1914),  R.  P.  J.  van 
Wing*  (1921). 

The  Cameroons 

B.  Ankermann  (1910),  A.  F.  Calvert  (1917),  E.  S.  Fegan  (1929-30),  G.  von 
Hagen  (1912),  H.  Harttmann  (1927),  F.  Hutter*  (1902,  1911),  W.  H.  Koch  (1913), 
H.  Labouret  (1934),  A.  Mansfeld*  (1908),  H.  Marquardsen  (1914),  H.  Meyer 
(1909),  F.  W.  H.  Migeod  (1925),  C.  Morgen  (1893),  Y.  Nicol  (1929),  C.  Partridge 
(1905),  S.  Passarge  (1895),  A.  Plehn  (1904),  I.  T.  Sanderson  (1935),  A.  Seidel 
(1906),  G.  Siebe*  (1925),  F.  Staschewski  (1917),  P.  A.  Talbot*  (1926,  vol.  4),  G. 
Tessmann*  (1928,  1934a,  1934b),  F.  Thorbecke*  (1909,  1914,  1916),  J.  W.  Vander- 
cook  (1931),  E.  Zintgraff  (1895). 

Dahomey 

A.  L.  D.  Albeca  (1895a,  1895b),  J.  E.  Bouche  (1876),  P.  Bouche  (1885), 
A.  Brue  (1747),  L.  Brunet  and  L.  Giethlen  (1901),  R.  F.  Burton*  (1864),  T.  Canot 
(1855),  Chaudoin  (1891),  A.  Chevalier  (1910),  Conchard  (1911),  A.  D.  Cortez  (1887), 
P.  E.  Courdioux  (1875),  A.  Dalzel  (1793),  J.  Duncan  (1847),  A.  B.  Ellis*  (1890),  A. 

836 


Bibliography  of  Political  Areas  837 

Featherman  (1885,  p.  220,  bibliog.),  F.  Foa  (1895),  F.  E.  Forbes*  (1851), 
G.  Francois  (1906),  R.  C.  J.  Gaillard  (1907),  H.  Hentsch  (1905),  M.  J.  Herskovits* 
(1932),  H.  Hubert  (1908),  G.  Kiti  (1937),  H.  Labouretand  P.  Rivet*  (1929),  A.  Le 
Herisse*  (1911),  Lemoine  (1911),  H.  van  Looy  (1892),  J.  Macleod  (1820),  R.  Norris 
(1879),  Pietri  (1891),  A.  Sarmento  (1891),  F.  Schelameur  (1898),  J.  A.  Skertchly* 
(1875),  J.  Spieth*  (1906),  G.  J.  Toutee  (1898). 

French  Equatorial  Africa 

A.  L.  Bennett  (1899-1900),  G.  Bruel*  (1918),  F.  J.  Clozel  (1896),  R.  E. 
Dennett  (1887),  F.  Eboue*  (1933),  E.  Pechuel-Loesche*  (1907). 

French  Guinea,  French  Niger  Territory,  French  Sudan 

G.  M.  Abadie*  (1927),  A.  Arcin  (1907),  L.  le  Barbier  (1906),  L.  Charles  (1911), 
G.  Cheron  (1913),  E.  de  Chetelat  (1935),  J.  Cremer*  (1924),  F.  Daniel  (1910), 
M.  A.  Delacour  (1912,  1913),  M.  Delafosse*  (1931),  F.  Dubois  (1909),  M.  A, 
Dupuis-Yakouba*  (1921),  J.  Francis-Boeuf  (1931),  P.  Guebhard  (1911),  L.  Hall 
(1927),  J.  Henry  (1910),  J.  G.  Jackson  (1820),  H.  Labouret*(1928,  1931,  biblio- 
ography),  C.  Leon  (1911),  E.  Mangin*  (1914,  1915),  L.  Marc*  (1909),  H.  Menjaud 
(1932),  C.  Monteil*  (1903, 1915, 1924, 1932),  A.  Olivier  (1882),  G.  L.  Ponton  (1934), 
A.  Poupon  (1915,  1918-19),  E.  Ruelle  (1904),  H.  Sarrazin  (1901),  E.  Segaud*(1934, 
describes  Mauretania,  with  good  map),  P.  Staudinger  (1891),  L.  Tauxier*  (1912, 
1915,  1917,  1921,  1924). 

Ivory  Coast 

F.  J.  Clozel  (1902),  M.  Delafosse*  (1908, 1909),  G.  Joseph  (1917),  H.  Labouret* 
(1914),  d'Ollone  (1901),  L.  Tauxier*  (1931). 

Kenya 

S.  A.  Barrett*  (1928,  excellent  photographs  of  Masai,  Embu,  Suk,  Turkana), 
J.  Barton  (1921),  M.  J.  H.  Blackwood  (1926),  C.  Cagnolo  (1933),  A.  Champion 
(1912),  K.  R.  Dundas  (1913),  A.  Eichhorn  (1911,  1913),  E.  D.  Emley  (1927), 
D.  S.  Fox  (1930),  C.  W.  Haywood  (1927),  C.  W.  Hobley*  (1902,  1903,  1910), 
H.  B.  Johnstone  (1902),  L.  S.  B.  Leakey  (1934),  K.  G.  Lindblom*  (1916, 1921, 1932), 
R.  A.  J.  Maguire  (1927-28),  J.  A.  Massam  (1927),  P.  G.  H.  Powell-Cotton  (1904), 
H.  Rayne  (1918),  W.  S.  and  K.  Routledge*  (1910),  M.  Schoeller  (1901),  C.  H. 
Stigand  (1913),  H.  R.  Tate  (1904),  A.  Werner*  (1914,  1917,  1919),  R.  F.  White 
(1920).  Bibliography  for  the  pastoral  Half-Hamites  of  Kenya  was  given  in 
section  II,  chap.  III. 

Liberia 

N.  Azikiwe  (1935),  E.  Biyu  (1929),  J.  Biittikofer*  (1890),  C.  Christy*  (1931), 
P.  Germann*  (1933),  H.  H.  Johnston*  (1906),  A.  Karnga  (1926),  H.  Neel  (1913), 
A.  Sharpe  (1923),  J.  L.  Sibley  and  D.  Westermann  (1929),  W.  Volz  (1911), 
D.  Westermann*  (1921),  J.  C.  Young  (1934). 

Nigeria 

G.  T.  Basden  (1921),  J.  A.  Budon  (1909),  A.  F.  Calvert  (1912),  C.  H.  Elgee 
(1914),  A.  B.  Ellis  (1894),  W.  D.  Hambly*  (1935,  with  large  bibliography  of  books 
and  periodical  literature),  S.  Johnson  (1921),  E.  Landeroin  (1910-11,  for  the 
Buduma),  A.  G.  Leonard  (1906),  C.  K.  Meek*  (1925,  1931a,  1931b),  E.  D.  Morel 
(1911),  S.  F.  Nadel  (1935),  P.  A.  Talbot*  (1912,  1923,  1926),  G.  Tessmann  (1923), 
A.  J.  N.  Tremearne  (1912). 

Nyasaland 

B.  Heckle  (1925),  A.  G.  0.  Hodgson*  (1931),  H.  H.  Johnston  (1897),  H.  S. 
Stannus*  (1922),  C.  H.  Stigand  (1907,  1909),  A.  Werner*  (1906). 

Portuguese  West  Africa  (Angola) 

American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions,  14  Beacon  Street, 
Boston,  Massachusetts  (a  useful  source  of  information  for  missionary  publications), 
H.  von  Baumann*  (1935),  P.  Borchardt*  (1912,  a  large  bibliography),  A.  Chatelain 


838  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

and  A.  Roch  (1918),  T.  Delachaux  (1936),  T.  Delachaux  et  C.  E.  Thiebaud 
(1934),  J.  0.  F.  Diniz*  (1918),  M.  R.  Drennan  (1934),  W.  D.  Hambly*  (1934, 
with  large  bibliography),  L.  Homburger*  (1925),  F.  and  W.  Jaspert*  (1930),  O. 
Jessen*  (1936),  S.  Marquardsen  (1928),  A.  Schachtzabel*  (1923,  1926),  J.  T. 
Tucker  (1933). 

Portuguese  East  Africa 

A.  A.  P.  Cabral  (1925),  H.  D.  Collins  (1929),  E.  D.  Earthy*  (1933),  F.  Ftille- 
born*  (1902,  1906),  M.  J.  Herskovits  (1923),  H.  A.  Junod*  (1912,  1927),  D.  R. 
Mackenzie  (1925),  R.  C.  F.  Maugham  (1910),  Mozambique  Secretaria  (1928), 
P.  M.  Schulien  (1926,  1928),  W.  B.  Worsfold  (1899). 

Portuguese  Guinea 

H.  A.  Bernatzik*  (1932).  A  comprehensive  survey  of  the  territory  in  two  large 
volumes,  exceptionally  well  illustrated.     D.  L.  Simoe  (1937). 

Senegal  and  Gambia 

L.  J.  B.  Berenger-Feraud  (1879),  E.  Chantre*  (1918),  M.  Delafosse*  (1912), 
H.  Gaden*  (1912),  A.  Hovelacque  (1899),  L.  Tautain  (1885). 

Sierra  Leone 

T.  J.  Alldridge  (1901,  1910),  F.  W.  Butt-Thompson  (1926),  T.  N.  Goddard 
(1925),  T.  R.  Griffith  (1886),  E.  R.  Langley  (1932),  H.  C.  Luke*  (1925),  F.  W.  H. 
Migeod  (1926),  H.  0.  Newland  (1916),  T.  C.  A.  (1916-17),  N.  W.  Thomas*  (1916), 

F.  J.  R.  Utting  (1931). 

South  Africa  (Basutoland,  Bechuanaland,  Natal,  Orange  FYee  State,  Rhodesia, 
Swaziland,  Transvaal) 
E.  Beguin  (1903),  A.  Bertrand  (1918),  W.  Blohm  (1934),  V.  Brelsford  (1935), 
J.  T.  Brown  (1926),  A.  T.  Bryant*  (1929),  C.  Bullock*  (1928),  H.  Callaway*  (1870, 
reprint  1935),  E.  Casalis  (1859),  J.  C.  C.  Coxhead  (1914),  C.  M.  Doke*  (1931),  J. 
A.  Farrar  (1879),  E.  Gottschling  (1905),  C.  Gouldsbury  and  H.  Sheane*  (1911), 
A.  E.  Jensen*  (1936),  D.  Kidd  (1904,  1906,  1908),  A.  Kropf  (1889),  E.  Labrecque 
(1933),  G.  Lagden*  (1910),  V.  Lebzelter*  (1930),  D.  Leslie  (1875),  G.  P.  Lestrade* 
(1927),  F.  Mayr  (1906-1907),  F.  H.  Melland  (1923),  F.  W.  T.  Posselt  (1927),  A.  I. 
Richards*  (1932),  I.  Schapera*  (1934,  1937,  bibliography),  E.  W.  Smith  and 
A.  M.  Dale*  (1920),  J.  H.  Soga*  (1930,  1932),  H.  S.  Stannus  (1910),  H.  A.  Stayt* 
(1931),  C.  H.  Stigand  (1907,  1909),  D.  W.  Stirke  (1922),  E.  W.  Stow  (1905), 

G.  M.  Theal  (1907, 1910),  L.  Walk  (1928,  bibliography),  N.  J.  van  Warmelo*  (1935). 

South  West  Africa 

K.  Angebauer  (1927),  E.  Brauer*  (1925),  A.  F.  Calvert  (1916),  0.  T.  Crosby 
(1931),  P.  C.  Estermann*  (1932),  L.  Fourie  and  others*  (1928),  J.  Irle*  (1906),  V. 
Lebzelter*  (1933),  H.  G.  Luttig  (1934),  E.  Meinecke  (1897),  H.  Tonjes  (1911), 
H.  Vedder*  (1923,  1934).  See  section  II,  chap.  II  and  III,  Hunting  Cultures  and 
Pastoral  Pursuits,  for  additional  references. 

Tanganyika  Territory 

W.  E.  H.  Barrett  (1911),  W.  Blohm*  (1931,  1933),  F.  Bosch*  (1930),  R.  F. 
Burton  (1856,  1860,  1872),  H.  Claus*  (1911),  H.  Cole*  (1902),  J.  E.  E.  Craster 
(1913),  A.  T.  and  G.  M.  Culwick*  (1935),  G.  Dale  (1895),  O.  Dempwolff*  (1916), 
C.  K.  Dundas  (1924),  J.  F.  Elton  (1879),  M.  French-Sheldon  (1892),  F.  Fulle- 
born*  (1906),  W.  Geilinger  (1930),  C.  Gillman*  (1936),  J.  B.  Griffiths  (1935), 
R.  C.  Jerrard  (1936),  M.  van  de  Kimmenade  (1936),  J.  Macdonald  (1892),  D.  R. 
Mackenzie  (1925),  M.  Merker*  (1902),  H.  Meyer  (1909,  1916,  1918),  P.  E.  Meyer 
(1917-18),  W.  B.  Mumford*  (1934),  E.  Nigmann  (1908),  0.  Reche*  (1914),  H.  von 
Rehse  (1910),  J.  Schanz*  (1913),  F.  Spellig*  (1927),  D.  Vix  and  B.  Struck  (1911), 
G.  Volkens  (1897),  M.  Weiss  (1910),  C.  W.  Werther  (1898),  K.  Weule  (1909), 
A.  Widenmann  (1899),  Von  Wohlrab  (1918),  H.  Zache  (1899),  R.  P.  B.  Zuure 
(1929). 


Bibliography  of  Political  Areas  839 

TOGOLAND 

P.  E.  Breitkopf*  (1927),  A.  W.  Calvert  (1918),  A.  W.  Cardinall*  (1927),  R. 
Fisch  (1913),  H.  Klose  (1899),  G.  Meinecke  (1897),  J.  Spieth*  (1906,  1911),  D. 
Westermann*  (1935),  P.  F.  Wolf  (1912). 

Uganda 

W.  J.  Ansorge  (1899),  R.  P.  Ashe  (1889),  E.  Cesard*  (1935-37),  M.  A. 
Condon  (1910-11),  J.  F.  Cunningham*  (1905),  J.  H.  Driberg*  (1923),  H.  Hart- 
mann  (1928),  C.  W.  Hattersley  (1908),  C.  W.  Hobley*  (1902),  H.  H.  Johnston* 
(1902),  H.  G.  Jones  (1926),  A.  Kagwa*  (1934),  R.  Kmunde  (1913),  P.  Kollmann* 
(1899),  K.  G.  Lindblom*  (1932),  R.  E.  McConnel!  (1925),  G.  A.  S.  Northcote  (1907), 
J.  Roscoe*  (1911,  1921,  1923),  N.  Stam  (1929),  R.  Stigler*  (1922),  H.  B.  Thomas 
and  R.  Scott*  (1935),  A.  R.  Tucker  (1908),  E.  J.  Wayland*  (1931),  C.  T.  Wilson 
and  R.  W.  Felkin  (1882). 

For  further  references  to  these  political  areas  consult  the  General  Index,  and 
the  Index  to  Bibliographies. 


I 

i 


I 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SOURCES 

BY 

Eugene  Victor  Prostov 

Ethnology  and  anthropology  are  well  served  by  several  periodical  bibliogra- 
phies. First  should  be  mentioned  "Verzeichniss  der  anthropologischen  Litteratur," 
a  part  of  the  "Archiv  fiir  Anthropologie"  (Braunschweig,  1866-date).  "Eth- 
nologischer  Anzeiger"  (Stuttgart,  1928-date)  attempts  to  list  all  ethnological 
publications  since  1924.  "Anthropologischer  Anzeiger,"  issued  by  the  Anthro- 
pologisches  Institut  (Stuttgart,  1924-date),  is  equally  useful. 

"Volkskundliche  Bibliographie,"  edited  by  Eduard  Hoffmann-Krayer,  cur- 
rently continued  by  P.  Geiger  (Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1920-date),  forms  a  record  of 
folklore  studies  since  1917,  accumulated  in  biennial  volumes.  "Geographisches 
Jahrbuch"  (Berlin  and  Gotha,  1866-date)  contains  fifteen  instalments  of  "Berichte 
liber  die  anthropologisch-ethnologische  Forschung,"  1872-1911,  including  mate- 
rials down  to  1908,  continued  as  "Die  volkerkundliche  Forschung,  1909-1931," 
edited  by  R.  Grau,  vol.  47  (1932),  pp.  271-347;  vol.  48  (1933),  pp.  3-35. 

The  "International  Catalogue  of  Scientific  Literature,"  Series  P,  Physical 
Anthropology,  published  for  the  Royal  Society  of  London  (London,  1902-19, 
14  vols.),  records  the  titles  of  books  and  articles  on  African  anthropology  and 
ethnology  published  between  January,  1901,  and  October,  1915. 

"Social  Science  Abstracts"  (New  York,  1929-33,  5  vols.)  is  a  comprehensive 
abstracting  and  indexing  journal  of  the  world's  periodical  literature  in  the  social 
sciences  including  ethnology.  Subject  and  author  indexes  (vol.  5)  permit  easy 
location  of  abstracts  dealing  with  African  ethnology. 

The  list  of  sources  of  ethnological  bibliographies  would  not  be  complete  without 
the  mention  of  some  of  the  more  important  subject  catalogues  of  large  general 
and  special  libraries.    Among  these  must  be  noted: 

British  Museum,  Department  of  Printed  Books,  "Subject  Index  of  the  Modern 
Works  Added  to  the  Library,  1881-1900,"  edited  by  G.  K.  Fortescue  (London, 
1902-03,  3  vols.,  and  supplements  1901-30,  6  vols.). 

For  the  period  before  1881,  this  is  supplemented  by  R.  A.  Peddie,  "Subject 
Index  of  Books  Published  before  1880"  (London,  1933-35,  2  vols.). 

"London  Bibliography  of  the  Social  Sciences,"  compiled  under  the  direction 
of  B.  M.  Headicar  and  C.  Fuller  (London,  1931-34,  4  vols.,  and  supplement). 
This  union  catalogue  lists  materials  in  nine  London  libraries,  including  those 
of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  London  University,  and  University 
College.  The  African  headings  include  a  record  of  the  most  extensive  collec- 
tion of  anthropology  and  ethnology  in  existence.  This  bibliography  is  continued 
by  supplements,  the  first  of  which  covers  the  years  1929-31. 

t^nited  States  Surgeon-General's  Office,  Index-catalogue  of  the  library 
(Washington,  1880-date;  ser.  1-3,  1880-1932,  47  vols.;  ser.  4,  vol.  1,  1936). 
The  Surgeon-General's  Library  contains  one  of  the  largest  collections  of 
anthropological  literature  in  America.  The  Index-catalogue  analyzes  under 
subject  and  author  many  anthropological  publications,  including  periodical  litera- 
ture. The  lists  of  references  on  such  subjects  as  tattooing,  circumcision,  craniology, 
and  child  care  among  primitive  peoples  are  among  the  most  complete  in  existence. 

For  key  to  abbreviations  see  Bibliography  of  Periodicals,  pp.  728-732. 

MISCELLANEOUS   BIBLIOGRAPHIES,    INCLUDING  AFRICA 

Bibliographie  Geographique  Internationale 

1891-date.     Paris.     Until  1914  published  with  Annales  de  Geographie;  after 
vols.  25-29,  1921-date,  published  separately. 

Bloxam,  G.  M. 

1893.     Index  to  the  publications  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland.    London. 

840 


Bibliography  of  Sources  841 

Ebert,  M.  (Editor) 

1924-32.     Reallexikon  der  Vorgeschichte.     15  vols.     Berlin. 
Contains  bibliographies  dealing  with  African  archaeology. 

Encyclopaedia  of  Islam 

1913-34.     A  dictionary  of  the  geography,  ethnography  and  biography  of  the 

Mohammedan  peoples.    4  vols.    Leyden  and  London. 

Includes  extensive  bibliographies  on  ethnology  of  African  Moslem  peoples 
and  lands:  e.g.,  Barka,  Benghazi,  Berbers,  Bornu,  Fezzan,  Kenya,  Zanzibar. 

GOODLAND,  R. 

1931.     A  bibliography  of  sex  rites  and  customs.    London. 
Especially  rich  in  African  references. 

Hastings,  J.  (Editor) 

1911-27.     Encyclopaedia  of  religion  and  ethics.    11  vols,  and  index.    Edinburgh 

and  New  York. 

See  extensive  bibliographies  appended  to  articles  dealing  with  African  religions, 
mythology,  folklore,  and  related  subjects. 

Jackson,  S.  M.  and  Gilmore,  G.  W. 

1891.  A  bibliography  of  foreign  missions.  Pp.  575-661.  Reprinted  from 
Encyclopaedia  of  Missions.    New  Y'ork. 

Lagden,  G.  Y^. 

1924.  Native  races  of  the  Empire.  British  Empire  Survey,  vol.  9.  London. 
Bibliog.,  pp.  346-368. 

Maddox,  J.  L. 

1923.     The  medicine  man.    New  York.    Bibliog.,  pp.  294-311. 

Martin,  R. 

1928.     Lehrbuch  der  Anthropologie.    Jena. 

The  whole  of  vol.  3  is  a  bibliography  of  physical  anthropology. 

Monro,  Isabel  and  Cook,  D.  E.  (Editors) 

1937.     Costume  index.     A  subject  index   to  plates  and  to  illustrated  text. 

New  York. 

See  "African  Tribes,"  "Algeria,"  "Arabs  in  Africa,"  "Berbers,"  "Bushmen," 
"Ethiopia,"  "Hottentots,"  "Tuaregs,"  "Zanzibar,"  etc. 

Nippgen,  J. 

1928-29.  Bibliographie  et  depouillement  des  articles  d'ethnographie  parus 
dans  les  publications  periodiques.    Ethnographie,  pp.  17-18,  161-275. 

Quatrefages  de  Breau,  a.  de 

1895.     The  Pygmies.    New  York.    Bibliog.,  pp.  239-248. 

Ragatz,  L.  J. 

1935.     A   bibliography   of   articles,   descriptive,   historical   and   scientific,   on 
colonies  and  other  dependent  territories,  appearing  in  American  geographical 
and  kindred  journals  through  1934.    2  vols.    London. 
This  lists  many  ethnological  articles  in  other  than  ethnological  journals. 

Steinmetz,  S.  R. 

1911.  Essai  d'une  bibliographie  systematique  de  I'ethnologie  jusqu'a  I'annee 
1911.  Brussels.  Institut  de  Sociologie.  Monographies  bibliographiques, 
vol.  1. 

Thomas,  N.  W. 

1906.  Bibliography  of  anthropology  and  folklore,  containing  works  published 
within  the  British  Empire,  London. 


842  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

general  bibliographies  of  africa 

Africa:  Journal  of  the  International  Institute  of  African  Languages  and 
Cultures 
1928-date.     London.     Includes  in  each  issue  a  bibliography  of  current  litera- 
ture dealing  with  African  languages  and  literature. 

African  Society 

1908.  Catalogue  of  linguistic  works  in  the  library  of  the  African  Society. 
JAS,  vol.  7,  pp.  284-306,  410-429. 

Albertini,  E. 

1927.  Antiquites  africaines,  1925-26.  Bibliographic,  methodologie,  organisa- 
tion du  travail,  musses.    Revue  africaine,  pp.  274-302.    Alger. 

Ashenden,  C. 

1918.  Selected  bibliography  of  Africana  for  1916.  HAS,  vol.  2,  pp.  305-313. 
Continues  R.  F.  Carroll's  bibliography. 

BiBLIOTHEQUE  NATIONALS  (PaRIS) 

1895.     Catalogue  de  I'histoire  de  I'Afrique.    Paris. 

Carroll,  R.  F. 

1917.  Selected  bibliography  of  Africana  for  1915.  HAS,  vol.  1,  pp.  273-282. 
Includes  "only  those  African  titles,  which  would  prove  useful  to  the  anthro- 
pologist."   Continued  by  Ashenden. 

Chauvin,  V.  C. 

1892-1922.  Bibliographie  generale  des  ouvrages  arabes  ou  relatifs  aux  arabes 
publiees  dans  I'Europe  chretienne  de  1810-1885.    12  vols.    Liege. 

Cline,  W. 

1937.     Mining  and  metallurgy  in  Negro  Africa.     AA,  Gen.  ser.  in  Anth.,  No.  5. 
G.  Banta  Pub.  Company,  Menasha,  Wis. 
Large  bibliography  on  metallurgy. 

CusT,  R.  N. 

1883.     A  sketch  of  the  modern  languages  of  Africa,  vol.  2.     A  list  of  works 

relating  to  the  modern  languages  of  Africa.    London. 
1893.     Essay  on  the  progress  of  African  philology  up  to  the  year  1893.    Appendix 

A,  "A  bibliographical  table  of  languages,  dialects,  localities,  and  authorities, 

1883-1893."    London. 

Dubois,  H. 

1932.     Le  repertoire  africain.    Traite  de  missiologie.    Rome. 

Contains  a  very  important  scientific  and  missionary  bibliography. 

Edwards,  F. 

1902.  Catalogue  of  books,  pamphlets,  views,  maps,  transactions  of  societies 
relating  to  Africa  and  African  islands.    London. 

Freer,  P. 

1934.  Bibliografie  van  Afrikaanse  bibliografiee.  South  African  Libraries, 
vol.  1,  p.  56. 

Gattefosse,  J.  and  Roux,  C. 

1926.     Bibliographie  de  I'Atlantide  et  des  questions  connexes.    Lyon. 

Gay,  J. 

1875.     Bibliographie  des  ou\Tages  relatifs  a  I'Afrique  et  a  I'Arabie.    San  Remo. 


Bibliography  of  Sources  843 

Hache,  J. 

1934.  Bibliographie  africaine  de  periodiques.  Vol.  1,  Periodiques  edites  en 
Belgique.    Brussels. 

Heydrich,  M. 

1914.  Afrikanische  Ornamentik:  Beitrage  zur  Erforschung  der  primitiven 
Ornamentik  und  zur  Geschichte  der  Forschung.  lAFE,  Bd  22,  supplement. 
Bibliog.,  pp.  77-82. 

HOFSTRA,  S. 

1933.  Differenzierungserscheinungen  in  einigen  afrikanischen  Gruppen.  Am- 
sterdam.   "Litteraturverzeichnis,"  pp.  210-214. 

Kayser,  G. 

1887.  Bibliographie  d'ouvrages  ayant  trait  a  I'Afrique  en  general  dans  ses 
rapports  avec  I'exploration  et  la  civilisation  des  ces  contrees.       Brussels. 

Kegan,  Paul,  Trench,  Trubner  &  Company. 

1936.     Catalogue  No.  28.    2800  African  items.     London. 

KoNINKLIJKE  BiBLIOTHEEK  (the  HAGUE) 

1904.     Catalogue  der  Geschiedens:  Africa.     The  Hague. 

Kroll,  H. 

1928.     Die  Haustiere  der  Bantu.    ZFE,  vol.  60,  pp.  177-190. 
Includes  a  bibliography  of  512  titles. 

Leakey,  L.  S.  B. 

1936.  Stone  Age  Africa,  an  outline  of  prehistory  in  Africa.  London.  Bibliog., 
pp.  197-206. 

Lester,  D. 

1931.     Bibliographie  Africaniste.    Journal  de  la  Societe  des  Africanistes,  vol.  1, 
pp.  315-428,  et  seq.    Paris. 
Lists  books  and  articles  on  anthropology,  archaeology,  linguistics  and  folklore. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue  of  the  Library  of  the  Royal  Empire  Society,  formerly 

Royal  Colonial  Institute.     Vol.  1,  the  British  Empire  generally,  and  Africa. 

London. 

The  section  of  the  volume  dealing  with  Africa  lists  approximately  35,000 
books  and  articles.  The  subdivision  "Native  Races"  under  each  country  or 
colony  forms  an  important  bibliography  of  African  ethnology  up  to  1930,  con- 
taining books  and  articles,  as  well  as  analytical  contents  of  books  and  essays. 

LuzAC  AND  Company 

1894.  Bibliographical  list  of  books  on  Africa  and  the  East,  published  in  England 
between  the  meetings  of  the  eighth  Oriental  Congress  at  Stockholm  in  1889 
and  the  tenth  Oriental  Congress  at  Geneva  in  1894.    2  vols.    London. 

Meinhof,  C. 

1912.     Die    Sprachen  der  Hamiten,  nebst  einer  Beigabe,  hamitische   Typen, 

von  T.  von  Luschan.     Abhand.  Hamb.  Kolonialinstituts,  vol.  9,  6  pp.  bibliog. 
1914.     Afrikanische  Rechtsgebrauche.    Berlin.    Bibliog.,  pp.  154-162. 
1926.     Die  Religionen  der  Afrikaner  in  ihrem  Zusammenhang  mit  dem  Wirt- 

schaftsleben.       Oslo,    Institutet   for   sammelignende   Kulturforskning,    Pub. 

Ser.  A,  No.  7.    Bibliog.,  pp.  91-94. 

Moulin,  A. 

1920.     L'Afrique  a  travers  les  ages.     Paris.     Bibliog.,  pp.  447-458. 


844  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

New  York  Museum  of  Modern  Art 

1935.  African  Negro  art  (ed.  by  J.  J.  Sweeney).    Bibliog.,  pp.  25-29. 

New  York  Public  Library 

1909.  List  of  grammars,  dictionaries,  etc.,  of  the  languages  of  Africa.  New 
York  Pub.  Lib.  Bull.,  vol.  13,  pp.  499-554. 

Paulitschke,  p. 

1882.  Die  Afrika-Litteratur,  1500-1750.    Vienna. 

Rowling,  F.  and  Wilson,  C.  E. 

1923-27.     Bibliography   of   African    Christian   literature.     2   vols.     London. 

Seyffert,  C. 

1930.  Biene  und  Honig  im  Volksleben  des  Afrikaner.  Veroff.  d.  Staatl.  Sachs. 
Forschungsinstitut,  vol.  3.    Bibliog.,  pp.  195-209. 

Smith,  E.  W. 

1926.  Some  periodical  literature  concerning  Africa.  International  Review  of 
Missions,  vol.  15,  pp.  602-607. 

Spannaus,  G.  and  Henning,  J. 

1932-34.  Afrika:  volkerkundliche  Bibliographie  von  1928  an.  EtAn,  vol.  3, 
pp.  166-316. 

Sydow,  E.  von 

1930.     Handbuch  der  westafrikanischen  Plastik.     Berlin.    Vol.  1,    "Handbuch 
der  afrikanischen  Plastik." 
Bibliographical  references  are  incorporated  in  the  text. 

Tantet,  V. 

1905.  Catalogue  methodique  de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Ministere  des  Colonies. 
Melun. 

Ternaux-Compans,  H. 

1841.  Bibliotheque  asiatique  et  africaine,  ou  catalogue  des  ouvrages  relatifs 
a  I'Asie  et  a  I'Afrique  qui  ont  paru  depuis  la  decouverte  de  I'imprimerie  jus- 
qu'en  1700.    Paris. 

Tissot,  C. 

1883.  A  list  of  works  relating  to  the  modern  languages  of  Africa.     London. 

TORDAY,  E.  (Editor) 

1930.     Descriptive  sociology  of  African  races.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  382-383. 
See  p.  825. 

Varley,  D.  H. 

1936.  African  native  music:  an  annotated  bibliography.  Royal  Empire 
Society  Bibliographies,  No.  8.    London. 

See  especially  bibliography  of  bibliographies  of  African  music,  p.  107. 

Veth,  p.  J. 

1874.  Proeve  eener  Bibliog.  van  Nederlandsche  boeken,  brochuren,  karten, 
enz.  over  Afrika.    Utrecht. 

Weisberger,  C.  H. 

1910.  Les  blancs  d'Afrique.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  pp.  389-395. 

Werner,  A.  and  Russel,  J.  S.  (Editors) 

1935-date.  Notes:  American  and  foreign  books  and  articles  bearing  on  the 
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Westermann,  D. 

1934.     The  African  of  to-day.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  341-343. 

WiLLOUGHBY,  W.  C. 

1928.     Soul  of  the  Bantu.    Garden  City.    Bibliog.,  pp.  461-476. 

1931.     Native  worship  and  taboo.    Hartford,  Conn.    Bibliog.,  pp.  281-293. 

Woodward,  S.  C. 

1915.     Bibliography  of  Africa.    Hartford,  Conn. 

Work,  M.  N. 

1928.     Bibliography  of  the  Negro  in  Africa  and  America.    New  York. 


BRITISH   POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

General 
Great  Britain:  Foreign  Office  Library 
1926.     Catalogue  of  printed  books.    London. 

King,  P.  S.  and  Son 

1899.     Catalogue  of  parliamentary  reports,  papers,  etc.,  relating  to  Africa. 
London. 

Lagden,  G.  Y". 

1924.     Native  races  of  the  British  Empire.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  346-368. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue  of  the  library  of  the  Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  37-76. 

East  Africa 
Egypt  and  the  Sudan  (Egypt  now  virtually  independent) 
Almagia,  Roberto  (Editor) 

1926.     L'opera  degli  Italiani  per  la  conoscenza  dell'Egitto.     Roma. 

Gauthier,  H. 

1919.     Bibliographie  des  etudes  de  geographie  historique  egyptienne.     Soc. 
Sultanich  Geogr.,  vol.  9,  pp.  209-281. 

Gauthier,  H.  and  Munier,  H. 

1926-.     Bibliographie  geographique  de  I'Egypte,  1925-26,  et  seq.  Bull.  Soc. 
Royale  Geog.  d'Egypte,  vol.  14,  et  seq. 

Gleichen,  a.  E.  W. 

1905.     Bibliography  and  cartography  of  the  Sudan;  in  his  Anglo-Egyptian 
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Hilmy,  I. 

1886.     Literature  of  Egypt  and  the  Sudan.    A  bibliography.    2  vols.    London. 

JOLOWICZ,  H. 

1858-61.     Bibliotheca  Aegyptiae  to  1857,  and  suppl.  to  1861.     Leipzig. 

KuMM,  H.  K.  W. 

1910.     Khont-Hon-Nofer,  the  lands  of  Ethiopia.     London.     "Bibliography  of 
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LORIN,  H.  (Editor) 

1928-29.  Bibliographie  geographique  de  I'Egypte.  Cairo.  Tome  1:  Geo- 
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graphic historique,  par.  .  .  H.  Munier;  chaps.  5  and  6,  Anthropologie,  Eth- 
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This  bibliography  attempts  to  list  all   references  published  before   1925; 
it  is  kept  up  to  date  by  H.  Gauthier. 

MacMichael,  H.  a. 

1912.     Tribes  of  North  and  Central  Kordofan.    Cambridge.    Bibliog.,  pp.  xi-xv. 

1922.  History  of  the  Arabs  in  the  Sudan,  and  some  account  of  the  people  who 
preceded  them  and  of  the  tribes  inhabiting  Darfur.  Cambridge.  Bibliog., 
pp.  xiii-xx. 

Maunier,  R. 

1918-25.  Bibliographie  economique,  juridique  et  sociale  de  I'Egypte  moderne, 
1798-1916.  Cairo.  Supplement  (addenda  et  corrigenda  par  Gabriel  Guc- 
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Murray,  G.  W. 

1923.  An  English-Nubian  comparative  dictionary.  HAS,  vol.  4.  "Bibliog- 
raphy of  works  on  or  referring  to  the  Nubian  language,"  pp.  191-192. 

Paulitschke,  p. 

1885.  Die  Sudanlander  nach  dem  gegenwartigen  Stande  der  Kenntniss. 
Freiburg  im  Breisgau.     Bibliog.,  pp.  280-311. 

Pratt,  I.  A. 

1929.  Modern  Egypt.  A  list  of  references  to  material  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library.  N.Y.  Pub.  Lib.  Bull.,  vol.  32,  pp.  589-634,  660-692,  729-765,  825- 
849;  vol.  33,  pp.  17-58,  91-123,  162-169,  267-281. 

1929a.     Ibid.    Published  separately.    New  York. 

Sherkorn,  CD. 

1915.  Bibliography  of  scientific  and  technical  literature  relating  to  Egypt, 
1800-1900.    2nd  ed.    Cairo. 

Struck,  B. 

1928.  A  bibliography  of  the  languages  of  the  Southern  Sudan.  SNR,  No.  11, 
pp.  217-226. 

Kenya 
Herskovits,  M.  J. 

1926.  ■  The  cattle  complex  in  East  Africa.  AA,  Menasha,  Wisconsin.  Bibliog., 
pp. 131-137. 

Hill,  W.  C. 

1927.  Bibliography  of  publications  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Colonial  In- 
stitute, dealing  with  East  Africa.    Typewritten. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.  Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  167-191. 

LiNDBLOM,  K.  G. 

1920.     The  Akamba.    2nd  ed.  Upsala.    Bibliog.,  pp.  585-592. 

Struck,  B. 

1906.  Collections  toward  a  bibliography  of  the  Bantu  languages  of  British 
East  Africa.    JAS,  vol.  6,  pp.  390-404. 


Bibliography  of  Sources  847 

Nyasaland 
African  Society 

1918.     The  future  of  Central  Africa,  nucleus  bibliog.    JAS,  vol.  17,  pp.  304-306. 

FiJLLEBORN,  F.  G.  H.  H. 

1906.  Das  deutsche  Njassa-  und  Ruwumagebiet,  Land  und  Leute.  Berlin. 
Bibliog.  at  end  of  each  chapter. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  216-224. 

Werner,  A. 

1906.     The  natives  of  British  Central  Africa.    London.    Bibliog.,  p.  288. 

Sierra  Leone 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  114-123. 

Somaliland 
Drake-Brockman,  R.  E. 

1912.     British  Somaliland.     London.     Bibliog.,  p.  xvi. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  164-167. 

Tanganyika  Territory 

British  Empire  Exhibition:  Central  Committee  on  Tanganyika 

1925.  Tanganyika  Territory  handbook.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  173-176. 

Hill,  W.  C. 

1915.  Select  bibliography  of  publications  on  foreign  colonization  in  the  Library 
of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  London. 

Reche,  O. 

1914.  Zur  Ethnologie  des  auflusslosen  Gebietes  Deutsch-Ostafrikas.  Abhandl. 
Hamburg  Kol.  Inst.,  vol.  17.     Bibliog.,  pp.  129-130. 

RiED,  H.  A. 

1915.  Zur  Anthropologie  des  abfiusslosen  Rumpfschollen  Landes  in  nordostlichen 
Deutsch-Ostafrika.  Abhandl.  Hamburg  Kol.  Inst.,  vol.  31.  Bibliog.,  prelim, 
pages. 

Struck,  B. 

1909.  Suaheli — Bibliographie,  mit  einer  Einftihrung  in  die  moderne  Suaheli- 
literatur.    Orientalische  Literaturbericht,  vol.  1,  No.  3.    Leipzig. 

Zache,  H. 

1926.  Deutsch-Ostafrika,  Tanganyika  Territory.    Berlin.    Bibliog.,  2  pp. 

Uganda 
Brendel,  Horst 

1934.     Die  Kolonisation  Ugandas.     Dissertation,  Leipzig.     Bibliog.,  pp.  139- 

150. 

H ADDON,  E.  B. 

1934.     Uganda.     In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  4.-  Bibliog.,  p.  993. 


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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  191-202. 

MULLINS,  J.  D. 

1908.  Wonderful  story  of  Uganda.    2nd  ed.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  216-222. 

Thomas,  H.  B.  and  Scott,  R. 

1935.     Uganda.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  480-501. 

Zanzibar 
Grohman,  a.  and  Werner,  A. 

1934.     Zanzibar.    In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  4.    Bibliog.,  pp.  1216-17. 

Ingrams,  W.  H. 

1924.     Zanzibar:  an  account  of  its  people,  industries,  and  history.     British 
Empire  Exhibition.    Bibliog.,  pp.  i-xx,  at  end. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  202-206. 

Lyne,  R.  N. 

1905.     Zanzibar  in  contemporary  times.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  313-320. 

ISLANDS 

General 
Edwards,  F. 

1902.     Catalogue  of  books  and  pamphlets  regarding  Madagascar,  Mauritius, 
Reunion,  Rodrigues,  the  Seychelles,  etc.    London. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  455-468. 

Mauritius 
Mauritius  Institute 

1913.     Catalogue  of  English  and  French  works  in  Bookcase  No.  19:  Mauritius 

and  dependencies,  Bourbon,  Madagascar.    Port  Louis. 
1924.     Catalogue  des  ouvrages  frangais  de  la  bibliotheque  de  I'lnstitut.    Port 
Louis. 

Neill,  W.  N. 

1919.     A  Mauritius  bibliography.     Manuscript,  Res  Library.    2  vols. 

Pike,  J. 

1923.     List  of  books  relating  to  Mauritius  in  the  Library  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute.    London. 

Saint  Helena 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  470-473. 

Seychelles 
Fauvel,  a.  a. 

1909.  Unpublished  documents  on  the  history  of  the  Seychelle  Islands  anterior 
to  1810,  together  with  a  bibliography.    Mahe. 

Sauzier,  Th. 

1894.     Bibliographie  des  lies  Seychelles.     Revue  historique  de  Mauritius,  vol.  7, 
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Tristan  da  Cunha 
Game,  D.  M. 

1932.  Tristan  da  Cunha,  an  empire  outpost  and  its  keepers.  London.  Bibliog., 
pp. 17-20. 

SOUTH  AFRICA  , 

General 
Auckland  Free  Public  Library 

1888.     General  catalogue  of  the  Gray  collection.    Auckland.    5  pts.  in  1. 
Includes  many  rare  South  African  items. 

Belgium:  Ministere  des  Colonies 

1913.  Catalogue  de  la  bibliotheque.    Ire  section:  Afrique.    Brussels. 

Besselaar,  G. 

1914.  Zuid-Africa  in  de  Letterkunde.    Amsterdam. 

Bleek,  W.  H.  I. 

1858.  Library  of  His  Excellency,  Sir  George  Gray.  Philology,  vol.  1,  pt.  1: 
South  Africa.    London. 

Burkitt,  M.  C. 

1928.  South  Africa's  past  in  stone  and  paint.  Cambridge.  Bibliog.,  pp.  175- 
177. 

Crocker,  N.  J.  (Editor) 

1929.  South  Africa  and  science.  Johannesburg.  "Bibliog.  of  physical  anthro- 
pology," pp.  284-286. 

Duggan-Cronin,  a.  M.  (Editor) 

1928-36.  The  Bantu  tribes  of  South  Africa.  2  vols,  in  3.  Cambridge,  England. 
Includes  bibliographies  of  separate  tribes. 

Evans,  I.  L. 

1934.  Native  policy  in  southern  Africa.    Cambridge.    Bibliog.,  pp.  155-172 

Fairbridge,  C.  a.  and  Noble,  J. 

1886.     Bibliography  of  books  relating  to  South  Africa.    Cape  Town. 

Goodwin,  A.  J.  H.  (Editor) 

1935.  Bibliography  of  South  African  prehistory  to  August,  1935.  In  his  Com- 
mentary on  the  history  and  present  position  of  South  African  prehistory. 
BS,  vol.  9,  pp.  387-417. 

Hollway,  H.  C.  S. 

1898.  Bibliography  of  books,  pamphlets,  maps,  magazine  articles,  relating 
to  South  Africa.    TSA,  vol.  10,  pp.  131-293. 

Lagden,  G.  Y. 

1924.     Native  races  of  the  Empire.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  346-368. 

MacOwan,  p..  Bolus,  H.  and  Gamble,  J.  G. 

1882.  Catalogue  of  printed  books  and  papers  relating  to  South  Africa.  TSA, 
vol.  2,  pp.  111-190. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.  South  African  bibliography.  2  vols.  London.  The  most  extensive  bibli- 
ography of  the  subject. 

MOLEMA,  S.  M. 

1920.     The  Bantu,  past  and  present.    Edinburgh.    Bibliog.,  pp.  ix-xii. 


850  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Manfred,  N. 

1925.     South  African  literature.    Cape  Town. 

New  York  Public  Library 

1899.  Works  relating  to  South  Africa  in  the  library.  N.  Y.  Pub.  Lib.  Bull., 
vol.  3,  pp.  429-461,  502-505. 

Schapera,  I. 

1930.     The   Khoisan   peoples   of   South   Africa.     Bushmen   and   Hottentots. 

London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  439-445. 
1932-34.     South  African  publications  relating  to  African  life  and  languages, 

1930-31,  1932-33.     Africa,  vols.  5,  7,  pp.  233-241,  470-475. 
1934a.     Select  bibliography  of  ethnographical  research  in  South  Africa.     BS, 

vol.  8,  pp.  280-342. 
1934b.     Western  civilization  and  the  natives  of  South  Africa.    London.    "The 

old   Bantu   culture,"  bibliog.,   pp.   35-36;   "Select   bibliog.,"  pp.   301-306. 

South  Africa:  Government  Printing  and  Stationery  Office 

1927.  List  of  Union  publications  issued  by  the  Government  printing  and 
stationery  department.  Pretoria.  See  N.J.  van  War  melo  in  bibliog.  of  authors. 

Theal,  G.  M. 

1910.  History  and  ethnography  of  Africa  south  of  the  Zambezi,  from  the 
settlement  of  the  Portuguese  at  Sofala  in  September,  1505,  to  the  conquest 
of  the  Cape  Colony  by  the  British  in  1795.  London.  "Notes  on  books," 
vol.  3,  pp.  363-406. 

1913.  Catalogue  of  books  and  pamphlets  relating  to  Africa  south  of  the  Zam- 
bezi.   Cape  Town  and  Pretoria. 

Basutoland 
Casalis,  E. 

1930.     Mes  souvenirs.    Paris. 

Includes  a  bibliography  of  Basutoland  up  to  1930. 

Jacottet,  E. 

1908.     Treasury  of  Ba-Suto  lore.    Morija  and  London.    Bibliog.,  2  pp. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  444-446. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  926-928. 

Schapera,  I. 

1933.  A  bibliography  of  southern  Basotho.  In  A.  M.  Duggan-Cronin,  "The 
Bantu  tribes  of  South  Africa,"    Cambridge.    Vol.  2,  sec.  3,  pp.  59-80. 

Bechuanaland 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  443-444. 

Schultze,  L.  S. 

1907.     Aus  Namaland  und  Kalahari.    Jena.    Bibliog.,  pp.  709-713. 

Schwarz,  E.  H.  L. 

1928.  The  Kalahari  and  its  native  races.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  229-232. 

Struck,  B. 

1906.  Bibliographic  der  Setzwana  und  Se-Sotho.  Jour,  fiir  Phil.,  Oct.-Nov., 
pp.  12-15. 


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Cape  Colony 
BUELL,  R.  L. 

1928.     Native  problem  in  Africa.    2  vols.    London.    Bibliog.,  vol.  2,  pp.  983- 
1049. 

KiDD,  Dudley 

1904.     The  essential  Kaffir.    London.    Bibliog.,  pp.  417-428. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  390-413. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  933-973. 

Mandated  Territory  (South  West  Africa).     See  also  under  German  colonies. 

Hahn,  C.  H.  L.,  Vedder,  H.,  and  Fourie,  L. 

1928.     Native  tribes  of  South  West  Africa.    Capetown. 

Contains  bibliographies  of  Ovambo,  Berg  Damara,  Bushmen,  Nama,  and 
Uerero. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  447-454. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  974-978. 

PiMIENTA,  R. 

1920.     L'ancienne  colonie  allemande  du  Sud  Quest  Afrique.    Paris.    Bibliog., 
2  pp. 

Range,  P. 

1914.     Beitrage  und  Erganzungen  zur  Landeskunde  des  deutschen  Namalan- 
den.     Abhand.   Hamb.   Kolonialinstituts,  vol.   30.     Bibliog.,   pp.   106-120. 

South  Africa:  Rehoboth  Commission 

1927.     Report  . .  .  Capetown.    Bibliog.,  pp.  108-111. 

* 
Natal  and  Zululand 
Bird,  J. 

1888.     Annals  of  Natal,  1496-1845.    Pietermaritzburg. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  414-423. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  982-997. 

Orange  Free  State 
Johnson,  J.  P. 

1910.     Geological  and  archaeological  notes  on  Orangia.    London.    Bibliog.,  5  pp. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.  Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  424-427. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  998-1001. 

Rhodesia 
Caton-Thompson,  G. 

1931.  The  Zimbabwe  culture.    Oxford.    Bibliog.,  pp.  xix-xxii. 


852  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  224-249. 

Swaziland 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  446-447. 

Transvaal 
Bishop,  H.  L. 

1907.  Recent  works  on  the  Ba-Ronga.  London  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  108, 
pp.  74-86. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  427-429. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.     South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  1080-93. 

WEST  AFRICA 

General 

Butt-Thompson,  F.  W. 

1929.  West  African  secret  societies:  their  organization,  officials,  and  teaching. 
London.    Bibliog.,  8  pp. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.  Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  93-111. 

Marees,  p.  de 

1912.  Beschryvinge  ende  historische  verhael  van  het  Gout  Koninckrijk  van 
Gunea  anders  de  Gout-Custe  de  Mina  genaemt  liggende  in  het  deel  van 
Afrika.    Edited  by  S.  P.  I'Honore  Naber.    The  Hague.    Bibliog.,  pp.  299-312. 

Martin,  E.  C. 

1927.  The  British  West  African  settlements,  1750-1821.  London.  Bibliog., 
pp.  167-177. 

Newland,  H.  0. 

1922.  West  Africa,  a  handbook  of  practical  information.  London.  Bibliog., 
pp.  435-441. 

Sadler,  M.  E. 

1935.     The  arts  of  West  Africa  (excluding  music).   London.   Bibliog.,  pp.  97-101. 

Williams,  J.  J. 

1930.     Hebrewisms  of  West  Africa.    New  York.    Bibliog.,  pp.  357-409. 

ASHANTI  and  the  GOLD  CoAST 

Cardinall,  a.  W. 

1924.     A  Gold  Coast  library.    London. 
1933.     A  bibliography  of  the  Gold  Coast.    Accra. 
Issued  as  a  companion  volume  to  the  census  report  of  1931. 

Fuller,  F.  C. 

1924.  Bibliography  of  the  Gold  Coast,  including  Ashanti  and  the  Northern 
Territory.    London. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  137-138. 


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Gambia 

GWYN,  C. 

1921.  Chronological  account  of  James  Island  and  Albreda.    Bathurst.    "Refer- 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  112-114. 

Nigeria 
Hambly,  W.  D. 

1935.     Culture  areas  of  Nigeria.    Field   Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Anthr.  Ser.,  vol.  21, 
No.  3.    Chicago.    Bibliog.,  pp.  482-495. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  139-157. 

LUSCHAN,  F.  VON 

1919.     Die  Altertiimer  von  Benin.    Berlin  and  Leipzig.    Bibliog.,  pp.  515-516. 

Nigeria:  Government  Printer 

1934.     Publications  on  sale  at  the  C.  M.  S.  bookshop,  Lagos,  and  at  the  S.  I.  M. 
bookshop,  Lagos. 

SCHULZE,  A. 

1913.     Sultanate  of  Bornu.     Transl.  by  P.  A.  Benton.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp. 
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Struck,  B. 

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1922.  Chronologic  der  Benin-Altertiimer.    ZFE,  vol.  55,  pp.  113-166. 
Extensive  bibliography  as  footnotes  on  every  page. 

Sierra  Leone 
Butt-Thompson,  F.  W. 

1926.     Sierra  Leone,  history  and  tradition.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  261-264. 

Luke,  H.  C. 

1925.  Bibliography  of  Sierra  Leone,  with  an  introductory  essay  on  the  origin, 
character,  and  peoples  of  the  colony.    2nd  ed.     Oxford. 

Migeod,  F.  W.  H. 

1926.  A  view  of  Sierra  Leone.    London.    "Bibliog.  of  Mende  country,"  p.  345. 

FRENCH  POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

General 
Biblioth6que  Nationale  (paris) 

1895.     Catalogue  de  I'histoire  de  I'Afrique.    Paris. 
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Bulletin  Bibliographique  Colonial 

1902.     Pub.  par  I'Union  coloniale  frangaise.    Vol.  1,  Nos.  1-5.    Paris. 

Martineau,  a.,  Roussier,  p.,  and  Tramond,  J. 

1932.     Bibliographic  d'histoire  coloniale,  1900-31.     ler  Congres  international 
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Petit,  M.  (Editor) 

1902.     Les  colonies  frangaises;  petite  encyclopedie  coloniale.     Paris.     2  vols. 
Bibliog.,  vol.  2,  pp.  819-831. 


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Roberts,  S.  H. 

1929.  Historyof  French  colonial  policy,  1870-1925.    London.    2  vols.    Bibliog., 
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Tantet,  V. 

1905.  Catalogue  methodique  de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Ministere  des  Colonies. 
Melun. 

CENTRAL  AFRICA 

Cameroons  (See  also  under  German  possessions.) 
Bruel,  G. 

1914.     Bibliographie  de  I'Afrique  Equatoriale  Frangaise.    Paris. 
Includes  references  to  Cameroons. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.  Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  517-521. 

Malcolm,  L.  W.  G. 

1921.     Islam  in  the  Cameroons.     JAS,  vol.  21,  pp.  35-46. 
Includes  bibliography. 

Chad 
Chevalier,  Auguste 

1907.     Mission  Chari-  Lac  Tchad,  1902-1904.     Paris.     Bibliog.,  pp.  587-606. 

Gaillard,  R.  C.  J.  and  Poutrin,  L. 

1914.     Etude  anthropologique  des  populations  du  Tschad  et  du  Kanem.    Paris. 
Bibliog.,  pp.  110-111. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  521-522. 

Equatorial  Africa 
Bruel,  G. 

1914-32.     Bibliographie  de  I'Afrique  Equatoriale  Frangaise.     Paris. 

BURGT,  J.  M.  M.  VAN  DER 

1903.     Un  grand  people  d'Afrique  Equatoriale.     Elements  d'une  monographic 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  512-517. 

Rouget,  F. 

1906.  L'expansion  coloniale   au  Congo   Frangais.     2me  ed.     Paris.  Bibliog., 
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EAST  AFRICA 

SOMALILAND 
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1928.     Die  franzosische  Somalkiiste.     Koloniale  Studien,  Hans  Meyer  Fest- 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  522-523. 

ISLANDS 

Comoro  Islands 
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1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  p.  527. 


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Dandouau,  a. 

1922.  Geographic  de  Madagascar.    Paris. 

Contains  bibliographical  notes  at  the  end  of  each  chapter. 

Edwards,  F. 

1902.  Catalogue  of  books  and  pamphlets  regarding  Madagascar,  Mauritius, 
etc.    London. 

Ferrand,  G. 

1928.     Madagascar.     In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  3.    Bibliog.,  pp.  64-75. 

Grandidier,  G. 

1935.  Bibliographie  de  Madagascar,  1904-1933.  Paris.  Also  in  Grandidier, 
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jAEGLfi,  E. 

1927-29.  Essai  de  bibliographie:  Madagascar  et  dependances,  1905-29. 
Tananarive.     3  pts.     Bull,  economique  de  Madagascar,  special  issues. 

MONDAIN,  G. 

1930.  Bibliographie  des  publications  historiques  parus  sur  Madagascar  de 
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Platt,  E.  T. 

1937.     Madagascar,  a  bibliographical  survey.     GR,  vol.  27,  pp.  301-308. 

Sibree,  J. 

1885.  A  Madagascar  bibliography.    Antananarivo. 

Mauretania 
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1909-11.  A  travers  la  Mauritanie  occidentale.  2  vols.  Paris.  Bibliog., 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  p.  500. 

Richet,  E. 

1920.     La  Mauritanie.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  5  pp. 

Reunion 
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1923.  L'lle  de  la  Reunion,  ancienne  He  Bourbon.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  2  pp. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  526-527. 

NORTH   AFRICA 

General 
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1898-1903.  Revue  bibliographique  des  travaux  sur  la  geographic  de  I'Afrique 
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Berthelot,  a. 

1927.  L'Afrique  saharienne  et  soudanaise.  Ce  qu'en  ont  connu  les  anciens. 
Paris.    Bibliog.,  pp.  428-431. 

Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geographie  d'Alger  et  de  l'Afrique  du  Nord 
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1906-.     Table  decennale,  1906,  1922  (1896-1905;1906-1922). 

France:  Ministere  de  la  Guerre,  Etat  Majeur 
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frangais  ou  traduits  en  frangais,  relatifs  a  I'Algerie,  a  la  Tunisie  et  au  Maroc, 
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ROUARD  DE  GaRD,  E. 

1911.  Livres  frangais  du  XVII  et  XVIII  siecles  concemant  les  etats  barbares- 
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Algeria 

La  Martiniere,  M.  A.  C.  H.  P.  de,  and  Lacroix,  N. 

1894-97.  Documents  pour  servir  a  I'etude  du  nord  ouest  Africaine.  Algiers. 
4  vols.  Vol.  1,  Rif  and  Djebala:  bibliog.,  pp.  537-540.  Algeria:  vol.  2,  pp. 
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Playfair,  R.  L. 

1888-98.  A  bibliography  of  Algeria  from  the  expedition  of  Charles  V  in  1541 
to  1887,  and  Supplement  to  1895,  2  vols.  London.  Also  published  in  Royal 
Geographic  Society,  Supplementary  Papers,  vol.  2  (1889),  pp.  127-430. 

Revue  Historique 

1931.     Histoire  et  historiens  de  I'Algerie.    Paris. 

A  collection  of  articles.  See  critical  bibliographies  appended  to  M.  Reygasse, 
Les  ages  de  la  pierre  dans  l'Afrique  du  Nord;  and  Ely  Leblanc,  Le  probleme 
des  Berberes. 

Societe  de  Geographie  et  d'Archeologie  d'Oran:  Bulletin 

1930.  Table  generale,  2me  ser.    1908-27.    Oran. 

Stahlmann,  Franz 

1912.  Ein  kulturgeschichtlicher  Ausflug  in  den  Aures  (Atlas  von  Siid-Algerien). 
Abhandl.  Hamb.  Kolonialinst.,  vol.  10.    Bibliog.,  pp.  197-205. 

Taillart,  C. 

1925.  L'Algerie  dans  la  litterature  frangaise,  essai  de  bibliographie  methodique 
et  raisonnee,  jusqu'a  I'annee  1924.    Paris. 

YVER,  G. 

1913.  Algerie.     In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  1,  pp.  263-276. 

Morocco 
Cenival,  p.  de 

1926.  Bibliographie,  Rif  et  Jbala.  Publ.  de  I'enseignement  publique  du  Maroc, 
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Charton,  a. 

1924-26.  Bibliographie  marocaine.  Btill.  Soc.  Geog.  du  Maroc.  1924,  pp.  220- 
242;  1925,  pp.  159-171;  1926,  pp.  148-169. 

Coon,  C.  S. 

1931.  Tribes  of  the  Rif.    HAS,  vol.  9.    Bibliog.,  pp.  413-417. 


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Dresch,  J. 

1933.  Bibliographie  marocaine,  1932.  Revue  de  Geographie  marocaine,  vol 
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Emberger,  L. 

1934.  La  science  au  Maroc.  For  the  fifty-eighth  session  of  Association  fran- 
gaise  pour  I'avancement  des  sciences.  Casablanca.  See  Chap.  3,  "L'homme 
et  ses  oeuvres,"  including  ethnological  bibliography  since  1914. 

Funck-Brentano,  C.  and  others 

1921-.     Bibliographie  marocaine,  1920-21,  et  seq.    Hesperis,  vol.  1,  et  seq. 

La  Martiniere,  H.  M.  P.  de 

1889.  Morocco,  journeys  in  the  kingdom  of  Fez.  Bibliography  of  Morocco. 
1844-87.    London. 

Lebel,  R. 

1926.  Le  Maroc  dans  la  litterature  frangaise.  Bull,  de  I'enseignement  pub- 
lique  au  Maroc,  vol.  12,  pp.  387-402. 

MOTYLINSKI,  A.  de  C. 

1881.     Bibliographie  du  Mzab.    Paris.    Repr.  from  Bull,  de  corresp.  africaine. 

Nouvel,  S. 

1919.     Nomades  et  sedentaires  du  Maroc.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  6  pp. 

Playfair,  R.  L.  and  Brown,  R. 

1892.     Morocco.     London.     Pt.  4  of  Playfair's  Bibliography  of  the  Barbary 
States.    Also  published  in  Royal  Geographic  Society,  Supplementary  papers, 
vol.  3  (1893),  pt.  3,  pp.  201-476. 
Includes  references  up  to  1891. 

ViDALENC 

1932.  Memoire  sur  le  Maroc.  Actes  de  I'Acad.  Scientif.  Coloniale,  vol.  5, 
pp.  71-152.     Linguistic,  ethnological,  and  sociological  bibliog.,  pp.  144-152. 

YvER,  G.,  Levi-Provencal,  E.,  and  Colin,  G.  S. 

1932.     Morocco.     Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  3,  pp.  579-606. 
Includes  special  bibliographies  of  religion  and  ethnology. 

Tunis 
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1889.  A  bibliography  of  Tunisia  to  1888.  London.  Pt.  2  of  R.  L.  Playfair, 
Bibliography  of  the  Barbary  States. 

Begouen,  H.  de 

1901.  Notes  et  documents  pour  servir  a  une  bibliographie  de  I'histoire  de 
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Brunschvig,  R. 

1934.     Tunisia.   In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  4,  pp.  847-868.    Bibliog.,  pp. 

865-868. 

Marcy,  a.  de 

1869.     Essai  de  bibliographie  tunisienne.    Paris. 

Pace,  B.  and  Lantier,  R. 

1925.  Ricerche  cartaginesi.  R.  Accad.  Naz.  dei  Lincei:  Monumenti  Antichi, 
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St.  Marie,  E.  de 

1875.  Bibliographie  carthaginoise.  Paris.  Also  in  Notes  et  memoires  de  la 
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CoMiTfi  d'Etudes  historiques  et  scientifiques  de  l'Afrique  Occidentale 
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1918-.     Bulletin.    Goree.     Tables  decennales,  1916-25  (Paris,  1927). 
Contains  current  bibliography  with  abstracts  of  French  West  Africa. 

Hardy,  G. 

1916.     Le  bilan  scientifique  de  l'Afrique  Occidentale  Francaise.     Renseigne- 
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JOUCLA,  E.  A. 

1912.     Bibliographie  de  l'Afrique  Occidentale  Frangaise,    Paris. 

Labouret,  H. 

1928.     L'ethnologie    dans    I'Ouest-Africain.       Bibliog.     sommaire,    1920-27. 

Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  240-248. 
1934.     Les  Handings  et  leur  langue.     BAOF,  vol.  17,  pp.  1-274.     Bibliog., 

pp.  13-23. 

Lebel,  a.  R. 

1925.     L'Afrique  occidentale  dans  la  litterature  francaise  (depuis  1870).    Paris. 

Leca,  N. 

1934.     Les  pecheurs  de  Guet  N'dar,  with  a  note  on  Wolof  secret  languages  by 
H.  Labouret.    BAOF,  vol.  17,  pp.  275-382. 

Tuaillon,  G. 

1936.     Bibliographie  critique  de  l'Afrique  Occidentale  F^angaise.    Paris. 

Dahomey 
Francois,  G. 

1906.     Notre  colonie  du  Dahomey.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  pp.  i-ii. 

Hubert,  H. 

1908.     Mission  scientifique  au  Dahomey.     Documents  consultes,  pp.  20-36. 
Paris. 

Lannoy,  a.  p.  de   (See  Pawlowski,  Auguste.) 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  504-505. 

Pawlowski,  A. 

1895.     Bibliographie  raisonnee  des  ouvrages  concernant  le  Dahomey.     Revue 
maritime  et  coloniale,  vol.  125,  pp.  193-215,  491-510. 

Regelsperger,  G. 

1895.     Essai  de  bibliographie  des  etablissements  frangais  de  la  Cote  des  Esclaves 
et  du  Dahomey.    Mouvement  airicain,  pp.  170-174. 

Guinea 
Marees,  p.  de 

1912.     Beschryvinge  ende  historische  verhael  van  het  Gout  Koninckrijk  van 
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ROUGET,  F. 

1906.     La  Guinee.    Corbeil.    Bibliog.,  pp.  447-451. 

Westermann,  D. 

1928.     Gottesvorstellungen  in  Oberguinea.    Africa,  vol.  1,  pp.  189-209. 
Includes  bibliography. 

Ivory  Coast 
Delafosse,  M. 

1900.  Essai  de  manuel  de  la  langue  agni,  parlee  dans  la  moitie  orientale  de  la 
Cote  d'lvoire.  Paris.  Bibliog.  ethnographique  et  philologique  des  peuples 
de  famille  agni-achanti,  pp.  222-226. 
1904.  Vocabulaires  comparatifs  de  plus  de  60  langues  ou  dialectes  paries  a  la 
Cote  d'lvoire  et  dans  les  regions  limitrophes,  avec  des  notes  philologiques  et 
ethnologiques,  une  bibliographie  et  une  carte.  Paris.  Bibliog.,  pp.  267-284. 

Tauxier,  L. 

1921.     Le  Noir  de  Bondoukou.    Paris.    Bibliog.,  pp.  xi-xii. 
1924a.  Negres  Gouro  et  Gagou.     Paris.     Bibliog.,  2  pp. 

1924b.  Nouvelles  notes  sur  le  Mossi  et  le  Gourounsi.     Paris.     Bibliog.,  pp. 
iii-viii. 

ViLLAMUR,  Roger  and  Richard,  Leon 

1903.     Notre  colonie  de  la  Cote  d'lvoire.     Paris.     Bibliog.,  pp.  387-395. 

Niger  Colony 
Abadie,  G.  M. 

1927.     La  colonie  du  Niger.    Paris. 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  p.  509. 

Sahara 
Funck-Brentano,  C. 

1930.     Bibliographie  du  Sahara  occidental.     Hesperis,  vol.  11,  pp.  203-296. 

Gautier,  E.  F. 

1935.     Sahara,  the  great  desert,  translated  by  Dorothy  Ford  Mayhew.     New 
York.     Bibliog.  at  end  of  most  chapters. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  509-512, 

MONOD,  Th. 

1933-34.     Notes  bibliographiques  sur  le  Sahara  occidental.     JSA,  vol.  3,  pp. 
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Supplements  Funck-Brentano's  bibliography. 

Senegal 
Clozel,  M. 

1891.     Bibliographie  des  ouvrages  relatifs  a  la  S^negambie  et  au  Soudan  Occi- 
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Supplemented  by  V.  Chauvin.     Zentralblatt  fiir  Bibliothekswesen,  vol.  9, 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  501-502. 


860  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Sudan  (former  Upper  Senegal  Niger) 
Clozel,  M.  F.  J. 

1891.  Bibliographie  des  ouvrages  relatifs  a  la  Senegambie  et  au  Soudan  Occi- 
dental.   Paris. 

Also  in  Revue  de  Geographie,  vols.  27-29.     Reviewed  and  supplemented  by 
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Delafosse,  M. 

1912.  Haut-Senegal-Niger  (Soudan  Frangais).  Paris.  "Bibliographie  lin- 
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Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  p.  508. 

MONTEIL,  C.  V. 

1932.  Une  cite  soudanaise,  Djenne,    Paris.    Bibliog.,  p.  303. 

TOGOLAND  (See  also  references  under  German  possessions.) 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  505-507. 

Upper  Volta 
Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  p.  507. 

BELGIAN   POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

Belgium:  Corps  L^gislatif 

1912.  Table  alphabetique  decennale  des  pieces  imprimees  par  I'ordre  de  la 
chambre  des  representants  et  du  senat,  1901-1902  a  1910-1911,  suivie  des 
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Belgium:  Ministere  des  Colonies 

1913.  Catalogue  de  la  bibliotheque.  Ire  section — Afrique.    Brussels. 

Bibliographie  Ethnographique  du  Congo  Belge  et  des  Regions  Avoisinantes, 
1925-30 
1932-.     Musee  du  Congo  Beige,  Tervueren.    Publications  du  Bureau  de  docu- 
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Congo:  Revue  Generale  de  la  Colonie  Belge 

1920-.  Contains  annual  bibliography,  since  vol.  14  also  published  separately 
by  the  Musee  du  Congo  Beige  {v.s.,  under  Belgium). 

HocHE,  J.  and  Kessel,  H. 

1934.  Bibliographie  africaine  de  periodiques,  Ire  partie.  P^riodiques  edites  en 
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HuiSMAN,  M.  and  Jacquet,  P. 

1933.  Cinq  siecles  d'effort  colonial,  apergu  bibliographique.     Congo,  vol.  14 
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Ihle,  a. 

1929.     Das  alte  Konigreich  Kongo.    Leipzig.    Bibliog.,  pp.  273-285. 

Simar,  M.  Th. 

1912.     Bibliographie  congolaise,  1895-1910.    Brussels. 


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SOCIETE   BELGE  D'ETUDES   CoLONIALES,   BRUXELLES:   BiBLIOTHfeQUE 

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Starr,  F. 

1908.  Bibliography  of  Congo  languages.  University  of  Chicago,  Dept.  of 
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VlAENE,  E. 

1908.  Essai  sur  la  numeration  de  quelques  peuplades  du  Congo  Beige.  Brussels. 
Bibliog.,  3  pp. 

1910.  Contribution  a  I'ethnologie  congolaise,  essai  de  classification  des  peu- 
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Wauters,  a.  J. 

1895.     Bibliographie  du   Congo,   1880-95.     Brussels. 
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PORTUGUESE  POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

General 
Almeida,  Fortunato  de 

1918.     Portugal  e  as  colonias  portuguesas.     Coimbra.     Bibliog.,  pp.  239-406. 

Aranha,  Brito 

1900.  Bibliographie  des  ouvrages  portugais  pour  servir  a  I'etude  des  villes, 
des  villages,  des  moeurs  et  coutumes  du  Portugal,  Azores,  Madere  et  posses- 
sions d'outremer.    Lisbon. 

Bell,  A.  F.  G. 

1922.     Portuguese   bibliography.     Hispanic   Society   Notes,   No.    1.     Oxford. 

Botelho  de  Andrade  de  Camara  et  Castro,  J.  A. 

1881-84.  Bibliographia  Camoniana  dos  Azores  por  occasiao  e  posterior  ao 
centenario.    Ponta  Delgada. 

Canto,  Ernesto  do 

1890.  Bibliotheca  agoriana,  noticia  bibliographica  das  obras  impressas  e 
manuscriptas  nacionales  e  estrangeiras,  concernentes  ^  ilhas  dos  Agores. 
Ponta  Delgada. 

Castro  e  Almeida,  E.  de 
1907-09.     Archivio  da  Marinha  e  Ultramar,  Biblioteca  Nacional  de  Lisboa. 
Inventario.    Madeira  e  Porto  Santo,  1613-1883.    2  vols.    Coimbra. 

CiVEZZA,  F.  M.  DA 

1879.     Saggio    di    bibliografia    geografica-storica    etnografica    sanfrancescana. 
Prato. 
A  bibliography  of  Portuguese  Franciscan  missions. 

Consiglieri  Pedroso,  E.  de 

1912.  Catalogo  bibliographico  das  publicagoes  relativas  aos  descobrimentos 
Portugueses.    Lisboa. 

Leite  de  Vasconcelos  Cardos  Pereira  de  Melo,  Josfi 

1915.  Historia  do  Museu  Etnologico  Portugues.  Bibliog.,  pp.  41-44,  74, 
229-257,  275,  337-338. 

Meyer,  H. 

1918.  Das  portugiesische  Kolonialreich  der  Gegenwart.  Berlin.  Bibliog. 
pp.  68-74. 


862  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Portugal  em  Africa,  Revista  Scientifica 
1894-1901.     8  vols.    Lisbon. 

Contains  bibliographical  information. 

SCHiJTZE,  J. 

1929.     Bibliographie  der  Canarischen,  Madeirischen  und  Capverdischen  Inseln 
und  der  Azoren  bis  1920.    Graz. 

SOCIETADE  DE  GEOGRAFIA  DE  LiSBOA 

1893-97.     Indices  e  catalogos.     A  bibliotheca.     I  obras  impressas.     2  vols. 
Lisbon. 

VaSCONCELLOS,  E.  J.  DE  C.  E.  DE 

1919.  Colonias  portuguesas.    3  vols.    Lisbon. 
Includes  bibliographies  under  each  colony. 

Angola 
Angola:  Imprensa  Nacional 

1922.     Catalog©  das  obras  existentes  no  deposito  da  Imprensa  Nacional  de 
Angola.    Loanda. 

Borchardt,  p. 

1912.     Bibliographie  de  I'Angola,   1500-1910.     Institut  de  Sociologie:  Mono- 
graphies  bibliographiques,  No.  2.    Brussels. 

Hambly,  W.  D. 

1934.     The  Ovimbundu  of  Angola.    Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Anthr.  Ser.,  vol.  21, 
No.  3.    Chicago.    Bibliog.,  pp.  349-355. 

Marquardsen,  H. 

1920.  Angola.     Berlin.     Includes  bibliographies. 

Guinea 
Vasconcellos,  E.  J.  de  C.  E.  de 

1919.     Colonias  Portuguesas,  vol.  2.    Guine  Portuguesa,    Lisbon. 
Includes  bibliographies. 

Mozambique 
Great  Britain:  Admiralty 

1918.     Manual  of  Portuguese  East  Africa.    London.    Bibliog.,  3  pp. 

Mendelssohn,  S. 

1910.  South  African  bibliography.    London.    Vol.  2,  pp.  1002-09. 

Mozambique:  Imprensa  nacional. 

1932.     Primero  catalogo  bibliografico  de  Mocambique.     Lourengo   Marques. 

ITALIAN  POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

General 
Cucinotta,  E. 

1924-27.      Rassegna  bibliografica,  Rivista  coloniale,  vol.  19-22.      Continued 
as  (1927)  Bibliografia  d'Africa,  L'Oltramare,  vol.   1,  Nos.  48,   54,  et  seq., 
every  month. 
1928.     Piccola  guida  bibliografica  delle  piu  recenti  pubblicazioni  suUe  colonie 
italiane.    Rome. 

Italy:    Direzione  Centrale  degli  Affari  Coloniali 

1911.  Raccolta  di  pubblicazioni  coloniali  italiane.     Primo  indice  bibliografico. 
Rome. 


Bibliography  of  Sources  863 

MONDAINI,  G. 

1912-23.  Bolletino  bibliografico.  In  Rivista  coloniale,  vols.  7-18.  Continued 
by  E.  Cucinotta  as  Rassegna  bibliografica. 

Rivista  Coloniale 

1921.     Indici  della  Rivista  coloniale  dal  maggio  1906  a  decembre  1920.    Rome. 

Studi  Orientali  in  Italia  durante  il  Cinquantenario  1861-1911. 
1913-27.     Rivista  degli  studi  orientali.    Vol.  5. 

Varley,  D.  H. 

1936.  A  bibliography  of  Italian  colonization  in  Africa,  with  a  section  on  Abys- 
sinia.   Royal  Empire  Society  Bibliographies,  No.  7.    London. 

Abyssinia 
Beccari,  C. 

1903.  Notizie  e  saggi  di  opere  riguardanti  la  storia  di  Etiopia  durante  i  secoli 
XVI,  XVII,  e  XVIII.     Rerum  Aethiopicarum  Scriptores,  vol.  1.     Rome. 

Black,  G.  F. 

1928.  Ethiopica  and  Amharica.  A  list  of  works  in  the  New  York  Pub.  Lib. 
N.  Y.  Pub.  Lib.  Bull.,  vol.  32,  pp.  443-481,  et  seq.  Also  separately.  New  York. 

Conti-Rossini,  C. 

1927.  Etiopia,  1915-17.     Bolletino  bibliografico.     Aevum,  vol.  1,  pp.  459-520. 

FUMAGALLI,  G. 

1893.  Bibliografia  etiopica.  Catalogo  descrittivo  e  ragionato  degli  scritti 
pubblicati  dalla  invenzione  della  stampa  fino  a  tutto  il  1891,intorno  allaEtiopia 
e  regioni  limitrofe.  Milano.  A  review  by  A.  Fischer  in  Zentralblatt  fiir 
Bibliothekswesen,  vol.  11,  p.  229,  supplies  many  omissions. 

GOLDSCHMIDT,  L. 

1893.  Bibliotheca  aethiopica:  vollstandige  Verzeichniss  und  ausfuhrliche  Be- 
schreibung  samtlicher  athiopischer  Druckwerke.    Leipzig. 

Hakluyt  Society 

1902.  Bibliography  of  Abyssinia,  in  Castanhoso's  Portuguese  expedition  to 
Abyssinia.    HS,  vol.  10,  pp.  civ-cxii. 

Lester,  P. 

1928.  Etude  anthropologique  des  populations  de  I'Ethiopie.  L'Anthropologie, 
vol.  38,  pp.  289-315. 

Includes  bibliography. 

Pellegrineschi,  a.  V. 

1935.  Bibliografia  etiopica.    Cultura  fascista,  vol.  2,  pp.  603-613. 

Regismanset,  C. 

1909.  Bibliographic  abyssine.  In  Duchesne-Fournet,  Mission  en  Ethiopie, 
vol.  2,  pp.  357-388. 

Rein,  G.  K. 

1918-20.     Abessinien.     3  vols.     Berlin. 
Special    bibliographies,    "Sprache,"    "Kunst,"    "Anthropologie,"    "Ethno- 
graphie,"  vol.  3. 

Talanova,  E.  B. 

1936.  Bibliografia  po  Abissinii.  Sovetskaia  Etnografia,  No.  1,  pp.  168-176; 
No.  2,  pp.  144-151.  Leningrad.    An  up-to-date  bibliog.  of  anthrop.  and  ethnoL 

Thomas,  T.  H. 

1937.  Selected  geog.  bibliog.     GR,  vol.  27,  pp.  120-128. 


864  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

United  States  Library  of  Congress 

1935.  List  of  references  on  Ethiopia  (Abyssinia).  Comp.  by  H.  F.  Conover. 
Washington. 

Zanutto,  S. 

1929-32.  Bibliografia  etiopica.  In  continuazione  alia  Bibliografia  etiopica  di 
Fumagalli.    2  vols.    Rome. 

Eritrea 
Allix,  a. 

1914.  Travaux  recents  sur  I'Erythree  Italienne.  La  Geographie,  vol.  29,  pp. 
417-427. 

Danielli,  G.,  Marinelli,  O.,  and  Mori,  A. 

1907.     Bibliografia  geografica  della  colonia  Eritrea:    1,  anni  1891-1906.    Rivista 
geografica  italiana,  vol.  14,  supplement. 
Continues  Eritrean  section  of  Fumagalli's  Bibliografia  etiopica. 

Fumagalli,  G. 

1893.     Bibliografia  etiopica.    Milan. 
Includes  Eritrea. 

IWARSON,  J. 

1928.     Islam  in  Eritrea  and  Abyssinia.    MW,  vol.  18,  pp.  356-364. 
Includes  bibliography. 

Pollera,  a. 

1933.  Piccola  bibliografia  dell'  Africa  Orientale,  con  speciale  riguardo 
alia  Eritrea  e  paesi  confinanti.     Asmara. 

Libya 

Archivio  Bibliografico  Coloniale  (Libia) 

1915-21.  Pub.  by  Societa  italiana  per  lo  studio  della  Libia  e  delle  altre  colonie. 
Florence. 

Bates,  O. 

1914i     The  eastern  Libyans.     London.     Bibliog.,  pp.  263-275. 

Ceccherini,  U. 

1915.  Bibliografia  della  Libia.    Rome. 
Supplements  Minutilli's  work. 

CUFINO,  L. 

1912a.     Un  contribute  alia  bibhografia  dalla  Tripolitania.    Naples. 
1912b.     Secondo    contributo    alia    bibliografia    della    Tripolitania.      Naples. 
Reprint  from  Bull,  della  Soc.  Afric.  d'ltalia. 

Italy:     Ministero  delle  Colonie   (Exposition  du  Sahara,  Paris) 

1934.  Le  Sahara  italien.  Guide  officiel  de  la  section  italienne.  Bibliog., 
pp.  117-124.    Rome. 

Minutilli,  F. 

1903.     Bibliografia  della  Libia.    Torino. 

Mori,  A. 

1927.     L'esplorazione  geografica  della  Libia.    Rassegna  storica  e  bibliografica. 
Firenze. 
Corrected  re-issue  of  an  earlier  article  in  Archivio  bibliografico  coloniale. 

Playfair,  R.  L. 

1889.  Bibliography  of  the  Barbary  States.  Pt.  1:  Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica. 
London.  Also  in  Royal  Geographic  Society,  Supplementary  Papers,  vol.  2, 
pt.  4,  pp.  557-616. 


Bibliography  of  Sources  865 

TULLI,  A. 

1911.     Verso  un  primo  profile  di  litteratura  geografica  sulla  Tripolitania.    Rivista 
di  fisica,  matematica,  e  scienze  naturali,  pp.  555-570. 

somaliland 
Almagia,  R. 

1926.     Pubblicazioni  colonial!  italiane:  Somalia.      Rivista  coloniale,  pp.  406- 
413. 

Cerulli,  E. 

1934.     Somaliland.     In  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  vol.  4,  pp.  483-488. 
Contains  bibliography. 

Malacchini,  V. 

1931.  Piccola  bibliografia  somalo-galla  con  cenno  cartografico.    Rome. 

Palieri,  M. 

1928.     Contribute  alia  bibliografia  e  cartografia  della  Somalia  Italiana.     Le 
Vie  deir  Impero,  vol.  4,  No.  2,  pp.  29-30,  et  seq. 

SPANISH   POSSESSIONS   IN   AFRICA 
General 

Africa  Espanola:  Revista  de  Colonizacion,  Industria,  comercio,  Intereses 
Morales  y  Materiales 

1913.  Madrid. 

Lannoy,  C.  de  and  Vander  Linden,  H. 

1907.     Histoire  de  I'expansion  coloniale  des  peuples  europeens.   Vol.  1 :  Portugal 
et  Espagne.    Brussels.    Bibliog.,  11  pp. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  573-575. 

Canary  Islands 
HooTON,  E.  A. 

1925.    The  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands.    HAS,  vol.  7.    Bibliog., 
pp.  397-401. 

Millares-Carlo,  a. 

1932.  Ensayo  de  una  bio-bibliografia  de  escritores  naturales  de  las  Islas  Cana- 
rias.    Madrid. 

Fernando  Po 
Baumann,  0. 

1888.     Eine  afrikanische  Tropeninsel,  Fernando  Poo  und  die  Bube.     Vienna. 
Bibliog.,  pp.  143-145. 

Bravo  Carbonel,  J. 

1917.     Fernando  Poo  y  el  Muni.     Madrid.    Bibliog.,  pp.  393-397. 

Fernando  Poo 

1924.     Fernando  Poo.    In  Encyclopaedia  universal  ilustrada  europeo-americana. 
Vol.  33,  pp.  832-843.    Bibliog.,  pp.  842-843. 

Guinea 
Bruel,  G. 

1914.  Bibliographic  de  I'Afrique  Equatoriale  Frangaise.    Paris. 
Includes  references  to  Spanish  Guinea. 


866  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Morocco 
Bauer  and  Landauer,  I. 

1922.     Apuntes  para  una  bibliografia  de  Marrueccos.    Madrid. 

Coon,  C.  S. 

1931.    Tribes  of  the  Rif.    HAS,  vol.  9.    Bibliog.,  pp.  413-417. 

Farmhouse,  J. 

1915.     Subsidio  bibliografico  para  a  historia  da  conquista  de  Ceuta.    Lisbon. 

Rio  de  Oro 

Busch-Zautner,  Richard 

1934.     Die  spanische  West  Sahara.    Geographische  Zeitung,  vol.  40,  pp.  321- 
332.    Bibliog.,  pp.  331-332. 

GERMAN  (FORMER)  POSSESSIONS  IN  AFRICA 

See  also  Tanganyika,  South  West  Africa,  Togoland,  Cameroons,  and  Mandates. 

Deutsche  Kolonialgesellschaft 

1897-1908.     Die  deutsche  Koloniallitteratur  von  1884-1895  [-1906].    4  vols. 
Berlin. 

Henoch,  H. 

1909-10.     Die    deutsche   Koloniallitteratur   im   Jahre   1907   [-1908].     2  vols. 
Berlin. 

Lewin,  E.  M. 

1930.     Subject  catalogue.    Res,  vol.  1,  pp.  527-535. 

Publications  Di verses  sur  les  Colonies  Allemandes 
1909.     Quinzaine  coloniale,  pp.  54-56. 

Schnee,  Heinrich  (Editor) 

1920.  Deutsches  Koloniallexikon.    3  vols.    Leipzig. 
Contains  numerous  bibliographies. 

LIBERIA 
Brawley,  B.  G. 

1921.  A  social  history  of  the  American  Negro,  including  a  history  and  study 
of  the  republic  of  Liberia.    New  York.    Bibliog.,  pp.  390-408. 

Germann,  p. 

1933.     Die  Volkerstamme  in  Norden  von  Liberia.     Veroffentlichungen  statl 
sachs.  Forschungsinst.  fiir  Volkerkunde,  vol.  1,  Bd.  9.    Leipzig. 
Includes  bibliography. 

Hasse,  a. 

1919.    Index  to  U.  S.  documents  relating  to  foreign  affairs.   Washington.   Vol.  2, 
pp. 892-898. 

Johnston,  Sir  H.  H. 

1906.     Liberia.     2  vols.     London.     Bibliog.,  vol.  1,  pp.  xiii-xvii. 

Sibley,  J.  L.  and  Westermann,  D. 

1928.     Liberia,  old  and  new.    London.    Bibliog.,  2  pp. 

Westermann,  D. 

1921.     Die  Kpelle,  ein  Negerstamm  in  Liberia,     Gottingen.     Bibliog.,  3  pp. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Should  be  used  in  conjunction  with  "Bibliographical  Index' 


Aardvark,  62;  illus.,  66 

Ababda,  physical  measurements  on,  198 

Abbasids,  an  Arab  dynasty,  85 

Abduction,  and  payment  for  women,  418 

Abnormalities,  of  physique,  255,  256 

Abomey,  in  Dahomey,  683 

Abortion,  432,  692;  in  Bushman  tribe, 
338;  decline  of  population  as  result 
of,  693;  possible  increase  of,  702 

Abruzzi  (Duke  of),  explorations  of,  670 

Abu  Bakr,  86 

Abydos,  on  the  Nile,  24;  paleoliths  of, 
106;  predynastic  graves  at,  54 

Abyssinia,  686-687;  cattle  kept  in,  358; 
cheetahs  in,  61;  exploration  of,  668, 
669,  670;  gum  trees  in,  48;  horsemen 
of,  illus.,  391;  horses  in,  56;  hunters 
in,  346;  initiation  rites  in,  466;  Jews 
in,  83,  84;  languages  used  in,  301,  306; 
literature  relating  to,  687;  plateau 
vegetation,  49;  Portuguese  explora- 
tion in,  653;  present  government  of, 
673;  Pygmies  in,  242;  round  shields 
used  in,  77;  scenery  in,  illus.,  39; 
slavery  in,  535;  stone  monuments  of, 
155;  water  hole  in,  illus.,  53 

Abyssinians,  illus.,  196 

Acacias,  as  food  for  camels,  50,  362; 
in  Kalahari,  329;  seeds  of,  used  in 
tanning,  382;  yield  gums,  48 

Accouterments,  56;  see  Camels,  Horses, 
Leather,  Oxen 

Accra,  maternity  home  at,  694;  railway 
to  Kumasi,  695 

Acculturation,  698-719;  methods  of 
study  of,  716;  see  Culture  contacts. 
Migrations 

Acheulean  culture,  in  Europe,  103;  at 
Oldoway,  97;  see  Stone  implements, 
99-137 

Achimota  College,  706 

Acholi,  iron  wristlets  for  fighting  used 
by,  526;  war  song  of,  317 

Adansonia  digitata,  baobab  tree,  48;  see 
Baobab 

Addax,  an  antelope,  habitat  of,  362 

Addis  Ababa,  railway  line  from,  687 

Aden,  strategic  position  of,  680 

Administration,  assisted  by  anthropo- 
logical training,  710-719;  in  Bech- 
uanaland,  677,  see  European  govern- 
ments, 672-689;  of  Europeans  in 
Africa,  literature  relating  to,  717- 
719;  problems  of ,  in  E.  Africa,  litera- 
ture relating  to,  718;  problems  of 
Europeans,  690-719 


Adolescence,  see  Children,  Initiation, 
Puberty 

Adowa,  defeat  of  Italians  at,  687 

Adule,  ancient  sea  port,  158 

Adultery,  among  Bushmen,  338;  check- 
ed by  matrilocal  marriage,  413; 
dangerous  effect  of,  on  husband,  644; 
and  difficult  confinement,  513;  and 
divorce,  419-424;  in  dreams,  558; 
effect  of,  on  fetus,  439;  as  ground  for 
divorce,  420;  among  Kababish,  384; 
laws  and  punishments  of,  513-515; 
and  service  in  army  in  Dahomey,  528; 
among  Tuareg,  371 

Adze,  used  in  wood-carving,  614 

Aedes  aegypti,  70 

Aegeans,  81 

Affrits,  Arab  beliefs  in,  376;  beliefs  in, 
among  Kababish,  386;  in  Siwa,  393 

African  Association,  669;  and  explora- 
tion, 658 

African  buffalo,  not  domesticated,  58 

Agades,  architecture  of,  366;  center  for 
leather  work,  635;  remarkable  camel 
journeyfrom,369;sex  morality  in,  371 

Agades  cross,  an  ornament,  83 

Agate,  Tuareg  ornaments  of,  364 

Age-grades,  466,  502-506;  and  cattle- 
keepers,  359;  indicated  by  shields  in 
Nuer  tribe,  467,  522;  of  warriors,  529 

Aggrey  beads,  642 

Agni,  marriage  customs  of,  414 

Agriculture,  in  Air,  50;  in  Algeria,  395; 
ancient  terracing  and  irrigation,  157; 
considered  menial,  356;  disdained  by 
cattle-keepers,  349;  and  European 
enterprise  672-689;  and  future  re- 
search in  Africa,  694;  and  health  of 
king,  554 ;  literature  on,  645;  neglected 
by  hunters  and  by  Nilotic  Negroes, 
346,  351;  not  practiced  by  Bushmen, 
331;  religious  background  of,  398- 
404;  ritual  of,  593;  of  Tanganyika, 
679;  technique  of,  586-588;  terraces 
for,  79;  in  Tibesti,  374;  in  Tripoli- 
tania,  686;  among  Tuareg,  366;  see 
Beans,  Cereals.  Durra,  Groundnuts, 
Maize,  Manioc,  Millet,  Rice,  Yams 

Aido  Hwedo,  serpent  deity  of  Dahomey, 
546 

Aims  and  methods  in  anthropology, 
720-727 

Air  (Asben),  agriculture  in,  50;  Jews 
migrated  through,  84;  mountains  of, 
26;  rainfall,  vegetation,  and  topog- 
raphy of,  34,  362;  Tuareg  of,  364-372 


867 


868 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Airplane,  used  in  archaeology,  24,  100 

Air   services,    London    to   Africa,    677 

Aka  Pygmies,  202;  deform  their  skulls, 
208;  location  of,  206;  physical  meas- 
urements of,  212;  see  Bambuti, 
Pygmies 

Akamba,  clan  system  vigorous,  491; 
dreams  of,  582;  physical  measure- 
ments of,  178;  size  of  families  of,  418 

Akikujoi,  ears  mutilated  among,  262; 
herding  of  sheep  and  goats  by,  595; 
marriage  customs  of,  411;  murder 
and  purification  rights  for,  517,  518; 
physical  measurements  of,  178;  re- 
birth ceremony  of,  458;  wire  orna- 
ments of,  274 

Akoa  Pygmies,  location  of,  206 

Albert  and  Albert  Edward  Nyanza 
Lakes,  explorations  of,  21,  663,  670 

Albinism,  in  crocodiles,  64;  in  human 
beings,  255,  256,  illus.,  257;  in  sacred 
crocodile  at  Ibadan,  567 

Alcohol,  590;  little  used  by  Tuareg,  370; 
Mohammedans  prohibit,  387;  used  by 
Namib-Bushmen,  332;  see  Beer,  In- 
toxication, Wine 

Alexander  the  Great,  82 

Alexander  (Lieutenant  Boyd),  explora- 
tions of,  660 

Alexandria,  ancient  buildings  at,  81; 
Christianity  in,  81 ;  Jewish  colony  in, 
84;  railway  communications,  680; 
trade  of,  with  Siwa,  393 

Alfalfa  grass,  from  N.  Africa,  681 

Algaita,  390,  450;  illus.,  389 

Algeria,  conquered  by  France,  657; 
French  development  of,  681;  gums 
from,  48;  Jews  in,  83;  life  and  customs 
of  Bedouins  in,  395;  political,  com- 
mercial, 681;  rainfall  of,  38;  rock 
engravings  in,  140;  wheat  grown  in,  50 

Allah,  beliefs  in,  by  Kababish,  386;  see 

Koran,  Mohammedanism 
Alloys,  25,  73;  see  Bronze 
Almeida,  Portuguese  explorer,  668 
Almoravides,  Mohammedan  sect,  86 
Alms,  Mohammedan  customs  of,  387 
Altar,    at    Benin,    552;    to    deities    in 

Dahomey,  563;  see  Shrine 
Ama,  God  of  Jukun,  546 
Amazons,  female  fighters  of  Dahomey, 

527 
Ambatch  wood,   for   shields,    used    by 

Buduma,  522 
America,  influence  of,  in  Liberia,  673; 

as  market  for  African  palm  oil,  675; 

physical    characters    of    Negroes    in, 

164;  plants  from,  40;  and  slave  trade. 


533-534;  and  studies  in  social  an- 
thropology, 722-723 

Amharic,  an  ancient  Semitic  language, 
301,  302,  304,  306 

Amphibia,  64 

Amulets,  in  mummy  swathing,  74;  in 
Tibesti,  373;  see  Charms,  Evil  eye, 
Magic 

Anatomy,  and  racial  differences,  235 

Ancestors,  and  agriculture,  398-404; 
bargaining  with,  560;  cattle  sacrificed 
to,  356;  clan  system  founded  by, 
among  Lango,  491;  and  conduct  of 
Baganda,  566;  influence  of,  over  con- 
duct, 565-567;  and  initiation  cere- 
monies, 464,  466;  names  of,  among 
Dinka,  564;  rank  of,  among  spirits, 
561;  reincarnation  in  serpents,   561 

Ancestor  worship,  556-564;  and  ideas 
of  God  among  Bathonga,  543;  among 
Jukun,  547;  summary  of  points  on, 
556,  565 

Ancestral  spirits,  and  adultery,  514; 
within  animals,  580;  petitioned  for 
rain,  495;  and  sterility,  438 

Andersson,  explorations  of,  in  S.  Africa, 
666 

Andropogon,  nutritious  grasses,  46 

Angas  tribe,  cannibalism  among,  565; 
drums  of,  451;  scanty  clothing  of, 
270;  scarification  of  male,  illus.,  259; 
village  defenses  of,  521;  women,  illus., 
268 

Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  educational 
experiment  in,  709;  historical,  680; 
see  Dinka,  Nilotic  Negroes,  Nuer, 
Shilluk 

Angola,  albinos  in,  256;  ancient  stone 
buildings  in,  154;  bark  cloth  made  in, 
627;  beans  cultivated  in,  41;  climate 
of,  38;  communication,  products  and 
administration  of,  684;  cultural 
changes  and  literature  relating  to, 
719;  diamonds  in,  26;  dwelling  house 
of,  399;  eastern  tribes  of,  described 
by  Holub,  668;  explorations  of  Wiss- 
mann  in,  665;  initiation  ceremonies 
in,  458;  locusts  eaten  in,  70;  mapped 
inadequately,  28;  military  organ- 
izations of  Jagas  in,  527;  missionary 
and  government  schools  of,  706;  ox- 
carts used  in,  56;  physical  measure- 
ments of  tribes  in,  176;  polygyny  in, 
418;  Portuguese  enterprise  in,  652; 
python  bones  used  in,  64;  raffia  palms 
in,  47;  railway  communication  of, 
676;  recent  explorations  of,  664; 
slavery  in,  538;  trade  system  of,  609; 
wet  and  dry  seasons  in,  34 

Angoni,  and  Zulu  warfare,  531 

Animal  emblems,  in  warfare,  531 


General  Index 


869 


Animal  husbandry,  and  future  research 
in  Africa,  694 

Animal  life,  51-71;  and  art,  61;  Bush- 
man paintings  of,  329;  and  handi- 
craft, 61;  preservation  of,  in  parks,  688 

Animals,  carved  in  wood,  616;  cults  of, 
and  confusion  with  totemism,  484; 
hunted  by  Naron  Bushmen,  334;  in 
reUgion,  60;  in  rock  sculpture,  137- 
152;  sacred,  and  worshipped,  567;  see 
Clans,  Game,  Hunting,  Totems 

Animism,  585;  connected  with  drums  in 
Ashanti,  321;  tests  for,  in  children,  286 

Anklets,  274;  of  ivory,  635 

Annobon  Island,  Gulf  of  Guinea, 
Spanish  possession,  688 

Anopheles  mosquito,  70 

Anteaters,  64 

Antelopes,  58-59;  a  Ba-ila  totem,  485; 
magical  use  of  flesh  of,  258;  in  park- 
land, 32;  in  rock  engravings,  141, 
142;  souls  of,  feared  by  hunters,  600 

Anthropoid  apes,  91-93;  see  Chim- 
panzee, Gibbon,  Gorilla,  Orang- 
outang, Paleontology 

Anthropology,  administration  assisted 
by,  710-719;  history  of,  and  future 
research,  720-727;  and  native  prob- 
lems, 715 

Anthropometry,  161-226;  Bushmen 
212-216;  Hottentots,  213,  214 
Negroes,  168-170,  173,  176,  178,  179 
Nilotic  Negroes,  181;  Pygmies,  212 
Semites,  Hamites,  Half-Hamites,  198, 
199 

Antimony,  262;  see  Kohl 

Ants,  49;  see  Termites 

Anuak,  23;  cattle  not  so  important  as 
among   other   Nilotic   Negroes,    351 

Anvil,  kinds  of,  135;  legendary,  of 
stone,  643 

Apes,  of  Africa,  91-93 

Api,  elephants  tamed  at,  54 

Apiculture,  608;  see  Bees,  Hives,  Honey 

Apricots,  grown  in  Algeria,  395 

Apron,  worn  by  Bushmen,  330 

Aqueducts,  Roman,  80 

Arabia,  camels  from,  55;  culture  of,  in 
Africa,  379-397;  slaves  shipped  to, 
from  Abyssinia,  687;  Strabo's  map 
shows,  650 

Arabian  Nights,  85 

Arabic,  301;  dialects  various,  301; 
modern  use  of,  306;  spoken  by  Kaba- 
bish,  381;  spoken  in  N.  Africa,  393 

Arabs   (Bedouin),  illus.,   378;    cooking 
method  of,  367;  as  culture  carriers 
38,  76;  east  African   trade  with,  87 
as  geographers  and  historians,  52,  87 


literature  of,  85,  301;  music  of,  391, 
455;  as  navigators,  651;  as  observers 
of  Negro  social  organization,  480; 
physical  measurements  on,  190,  198, 
see  Bedouin  Arabs;  Semitic  customs 
of,  84;  of  Senussi  sect,  369;  slave  trade 
of,  534-537;  a  vigorous  population, 
691 

Arachis  hypogaea,  see  Groundnuts 

Archaeology,  91-160;  of  Carthage,  79; 
of  Congo  region  and  west  Africa, 
132-136;  of  east  Africa,  118-123;  of 
Egypt,  111;  of  north  Africa,  106-118; 
of  Roman  Africa,  81;  scope  of,  72;  of 
South  Africa,  123-133;  summary  of, 
159;  technique  of,  99-101 ;  of  Uganda, 
121,  122;  of  western  Sudan,  86,  87; 
of  Zimbabwe,  87-89,  88-90;  see  Axes, 
Implements,  Stone 

Archaic  speech,  how  preserved,  289 

Architecture,  in  Agades,  366;  Arabian, 
85;  Byzantine  influence  on,  83; 
Mohammedan  features  of,  392;  of 
N.  Africa,  illus.,  389;  of  Zimbabwe, 
88;  see  Houses,  Stone  buildings. 
Temples 

Area,  of  Africa,  20 

Ariangulu,  hunting  tribe  of  E.  Africa, 
346 

Aristotle,  23 

Arkenu,  oasis  in  Libya,  374 

Armadillo,  64 

Arm-bands,  of  leather  for  warriors,  531; 
of  stone,  73 

Arm-daggers,  in  Tibesti,  373 

Armlets,  of  stone,  274;  worn  by  Tuareg, 
364 

Armor,  of  chain  mail,  56,  77;  formerly 
used  by  Kababish,  383;  of  horsemen, 
illus.,  391;  for  men  and  horses,  524 

Arnold  (Matthew),  and  educational 
aims,  705 

Aromatophora,  ancient  spice  market  in 
E.  Africa,  158 

Arrowheads,  of  flint,  25;  of  iron  among 
Bushmen,  332;  neolithic  in  Egypt,  73; 
of  stone  in  South  Africa,  124;  in  W. 
Africa,  134 

Arrow  poison,  from  juice  of  liana  among 
Pygmies,  342;  literature  on,  525 

Arrows,  butt  only  used  for  pointing, 
598;  for  drawing  blood  from  cattle, 
352;  magical,  of  Bushmen,  339;  types 
of  release  of,  524;  of  wood  for  shoot- 
ing birds,  608;  see  Bows,  Cross-bows 

Art,  and  handicraft  of  Negroes,  613-646; 
and  ivory,  52;  literature  on,  646; 
Mohammedan  forms  of,  85,  392; 
nature  of,  624;  not  well  developed 
among  Nilotic  Negroes,  553;  primi- 
tive, 137-152;  principles,  illus.,  625; 


I 


870 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


and  religious  influence  in  Ashanti, 
Dahomey,  and  Nigeria,  553;  see 
Beads,  Bronze,  Caves,  Colors,  En- 
gravings, Gourds,  Handicrafts,  Iron, 
Rock  painting.  Sculptures,  Weaving, 
Wood-carving 

Aruwimi  River,  Pygmies  near,  illus.,  205 

Asben,  region  in  Sahara,  34;  see  Air 

Ashanti,  agricultural  deities  in,  402; 
agricultural  rites  in,  400;  barkcloth 
made  and  painted  in,  270,  627;  brass 
casting  in,  630;  clans  and  totems  of, 
488;  cloth  made  in,  77;  drums  for 
signaling  in,  448;  forests  in,  32;  gold 
dust  as  currency  in,  612;  grounds  for 
divorce  in,  422;  handicrafts  and 
ritual,  643;  ideas  of  soul  in,  562; 
initiation  rites  in,  465;  interpretation 
of  dreams  in,  580;  kinship  terms  in, 
470;  law  of  adultery  in,  513;  marriage 
customs  of,  412;  physical  measure- 
ments in,  169;  political  and  com- 
mercial, 675;  pottery  of,  in  early  days, 
136;  priests  in,  76;  proverbs  from, 
309;  religious  system  of,  545;  several 
types  of  marriage  in,  415;  slavery  in, 
537;  treatment  of  twins  in,  439;  use 
of  cowrie  shells  in,  612;  witchcraft 
in,  572;  wood-carving  in,  44 

Ashes,  for  fertilizing  ground,  586;  mixed 
with  snuff,  590;  of  plants  yield  salt, 
591;  from  sacred  fire  for  rubbing  war 
chief,  350;  for  smearing  body,  270 

Asia,  cheetahs  trained  in,  62;  junction 
with  Africa,  19;  plants  from,  40; 
trade  of,  with  Europe,  651 ;  see  Arabs, 
Culture  contacts,  India,  Migrations, 
Persia 

Asmara,  railway  connections  with,  686 

Assagais,  526;  see  Spears,  Vakwanyama, 
Zulu 

Asselar,  fossil  man  near,  116 

Asses,  in  rock  engravings,  141;  see 
Donkeys 

Assuan,  railway  communication  with, 
680;  reached  by  Bruce,  668 

Assyria,  conquers  Egyptians,  78 

Atakpane  in  Dahomey,  683 

Atbara,  railway  communication  with, 
680 

Atbara  River,  23;  explored  by  Baker, 
669 

Atheraka,  tribal  law  on  murder,  518 

Atiep,  guardian  spirits  of  Dinka,  564 

Atlas  Mountains,  and  rainfall,  38; 
residual  fauna  in,  31 

Attitudes,  481;  and  kinship  system, 
476;  in  polygynous  family,  478;  see 
Joking  relationship,  Mother-in-law, 
Uncle 


Auderas  in  Air,  agriculture  of,  50 

Auen  Bushmen,  physical  measurements 
of,  214-216;  stature  of,  213;  treat 
snake  bite,  339 

Aures  Mountains,  Bedouin  life  near,  395 

Aurignacian  culture,  in  Europe,  103; 
in  Kenya,  97;  migration  of,  in  north 
Africa,  129;  types  of  implements,  126; 
in  Uganda,  121;  see  Stone  imple- 
ments, 99-137 

Australopithecus,  92,  94 

Automobiles,  for  crossing  Sahara,  681 

Aves,  see  Birds 

Axes,  from  Cameroons,  135;  of  chipped 
stone,  25;  from  Congo  region,  133; 
from  south  Africa,  125;  used  in  wood- 
carving,  614;  as  weapons  of  Wahehe, 
529;  see  Archaeology,  Stone  imple- 
ments, 99-137. 

Azande,  blood  brotherhood  of,  493; 
homosexual  customs  of,  427 ;  physical 
measurements  of,  217;  witchcraft 
among,  571 

Azanian  culture,  in  E.  Africa,  158 

Azilian  period,  103 

Azilian-Tardenoisian  culture,  106 

Bab-el-Mandeb    Strait,    19;    strategic 

importance  of,  686 
Babemba,  and  matrilocal  conditions,  412 
Babinga  Pygmies,  location  of,  206 
Babira,  physical  measurements  of,  173 
Baboons,     and     folklore,     91;     secret 

society  of,  500 
Babunda,  teeth  mutilated,  262 
Baby,  carried  in  cloak,  330;  see  Children 
Bacwa  Pygmies,  location  of,  206 
Badarian  stone  culture.  111 
Baganda,  barkcloth  made  by,  270;  clan 
system  of,  described,  485;  paint  bark- 
cloth, 627;  physical  measurements  of, 
178;  present  child  to  moon,  437;  rites 
of  sacred  kings  among,  554;  totemic 
system  and  clans  of,  485;  tribal  move- 
ments of,  245;  types  of  canoes  used 
by,  604 
Bagesu,  ceremonial  cannibalism  of,  564 
Baggara,  cattle  customs  of,  358 
Baghirmi,  explored  by  Nachtigal,  656; 
physical    measurements    of   inhabit- 
ants, 170 
Bags,  of  hide  for  carrying  infants,  635; 
of  leather,   635;   of  string  used   by 
Bushmen,  331 
Bahima,   brother   and  sister  marriage 

among,  75 
Ba-ila,  administrative  divisions  of,  496; 
age-grades  of,  505;  blacksmith's  work 
among,  643;  as  cattle-keepers,  354; 


General  Index 


871 


family  life  of,  476;  kinship  terms  of, 
470;  laws  of  inheritance  of,  512; 
military  system  of,  532;  and  poison 
ordeal,  507;  punishment  for  murder, 
517;  totemic  clans  of,  485;  visited  by 
Holub,  668 

Bailundu,  house  with  painted  walls,  399 

Bait,  used  in  fishing,  603 

Baker  (Sir  Samuel),  explorations  of,  669 

Bakondjo,  physical  measurements  of, 
173 

Bakongo,  516;  albinos  among,  255; 
calendar  of,  592;  clan  organization  of, 
485;  inheritance  of  property  among, 
512;  and  laws  of  theft,  515;  meaning 
of  word  "family"  among,  479;  sexual 
morality  of,  411 

Balante,  many  foods  of,  586;  nasal  index 
of,  168 

Balobedu,  ceremonial  use  of  beer 
among,  590 

Baluba,  religious  ideas  of,  555 

Bamaku,  on  Niger,  visited  by  Mungo 
Park,  659 

Bambala,  blacksmith's  hammer  sacred, 
643 

Bambara,  descent  reckoned  through 
females,  480 

Bambata  Cave,  excavated,  127,  130; 
sequence  of  paintings  in,  150 

Bamboo  palm,  41 

Bambuti  Pygmies,  209;  and  Bantu 
Negroes,  341;  illus.,  207,  343,  344 

Bamum,  writing  of,  308 

Banana  tribe,  measurements  of,  170 

Bananas,  40;  exported  from  Ashanti, 
675;  in  Kufra,  375;  leaves  of,  used 
for  thatch,  346;  many  uses  of,  42; 
as  totems  in  Liberia,  487 

Bang,  narcotic  in  N.  Africa,  taken  as 
pills,  394;  see  Narcotics 

Bangala,  blood  brotherhood  among, 
493;  give  potions  to  hunting  dogs, 
600;  physical  measurements  of,  173; 
sexual  morality  of,  427;  system  of 
counting,  612 

Bangles,  of  glass,  634;  of  gold,  89 

Bangweolo  Lake,  and  explorations  of 
Livingstone,  667;  iron  ore  near,  643 

Bantu,  languages,  296-299;  migrations 
in  S.  Africa,  71,  247;  see  Table  of 
Contents  for  detailed  list  of  subjects 
under  Culture  areas.  Languages,  Phys- 
ical  anthropology 

Banyankole,  cattle  customs  of,  349; 
polyandry  among,  417;  wife-lending 
among,  424 

Banyanzi,  and  cannibalism,  564 


Baobab  trees,  40;  a  Ba-ila  totem,  485; 
in  Kalahari,  329;  many  uses  of,  48 

Bapedi,  head  shaving  of,  370;  sacred 
fire  of,  359;  twins  killed  among,  434 

Baraka,  Kababish  believe  in,  386; 
spiritual  power  of,  376 

Barbary  sheep,  in  Air,  362 

Barbers,  itinerant,  392 

Bari,  illus.,  182;  initiation  of  girls 
among,  467;  physical  measurements 
of,  181;  secret  society  of,  501 

Bark,  of  baobab,  how  used,  48;  canoe 
of,  in  Angola,  illus.,  605;  for  canoes, 
604;  cloth,  for  boys  newly  initiated, 
460;  cloth,  ceremonial  use  of,  643; 
cloth,  as  clothing,  270,  627;  cloth, 
made  by  Otter  clan  among  Baganda, 
486;  for  houses  of  Bushmen,  330; 
lasso  used  in  a  game,  444;  for  making 
beehives,  608;  rope,  as  a  bad  omen, 
583;  of  trees  smeared  with  drugs,  402; 
used  as  a  fishing  line,  603;  used  in 
house  building,  620;  various  uses  of, 
626-627;  see  Sasswood 

Barley,  50;  in  Kufra,  375 

Barotse,  wood-carving  of,  616 

Barrenness,  and  adultery,  514;  and 
dreams,  582 ;  gift  of  another  wife,  418; 
as  ground  for  divorce,  420;  how 
caused,  462;  among  Valenge,  438; 
see  Demography,  Divorce,  Fecundity, 
Sterility 

Barter,  in  Angola,  609 

Barth,  explorations  of,  655 

Bary  (Edwin  von),  explorations  of,  656 

Baskets,  46 ;  of  ancient  Egypt,639 ;  antiq- 
uity of,  77;  covered  with  cowrie  shells, 
642;  for  divination,  575,  580;  of  fiber, 
42;  for  fishing,  67,  602;  grain  stored 
in,  among  Vakwanyama,  587;  made 
by  Kababish,  382;  made  in  Kufra, 
375;  as  measures  of  capacity,  613; 
as  rattles,  452;  used  in  building  up 
pottery,  632;  see  Dyes,  Weaving 

Basoko,  physical  measurements  of,  173 

Bastinado,  in  N.  Africa,  394 

Basua  Pygmies,  206 

Basuto  Highlands,  wheat  grown  in,  50 

Basutoland,  maize  cultivated  in,  44; 
political,  677 

Bataung  tribe,  and  stone  building,  157 

Batembo  Pygmies,  location  of,  206 

Batetela,  cephalic  index  of,  173 

Bathonga,  agricultural  rites  of,  402; 
educational  possibilities  of,  706;  gods 
of,  543;  maternal  and  paternal  gods 
of,  477;  military  system  from  Zulu, 
529;  physical  measurements  of,  176; 


872 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


pregnancy  customs  of,  436;  present 
child  to  moon,  437;  and  Zulu  war- 
fare, 531 

Bats,  62;  folklore  story  of,  312 

Battell  (Andrew),  travels  of,  653 

Batwa  Pygmies,  described,  208,  242 

Bauchi  Plateau,  early  exploration  of, 
660;  iron  wristlets  found  on,  526; 
penis  cover  worn,  270;  stone  circles 
on,  153;  stone  implements  of,  135; 
tin  mining  region  of,  676;  tribes  of, 
resist  Mohammedanism,  86 

Bauxite,  mined  in  Ashanti,  675 

Bavenda,  as  cattle-keepers,  354;  cere- 
monial slaughter  of  cattle  by,  594; 
chief  sacred  among,  555;  dislike  of 
twins  among,  434;  divorce  proceed- 
ings of,  421;  ideas  of  God  among,  544; 
marriage  customs  of,  411;  physical 
measurements  of,  176;  present  child 
to  moon,  437;  shoot  fish  with  bow,  603 

Baya  Seyarum,  Buduma  village  on 
shore  of  Lake  Chad,  26 

Bazaars,  in  Mohammedan  Africa,  390 

Beads,  aggrey  beads,  642;  in  ancient 
Egypt,  73;  made  by  Negroes,  634; 
of  ostrich-egg-shell  disks,  68,  151, 
illus.,  223;  of  various  kinds,  642;  at 
Zimbabwe,  89 

Beadwork,  gourds  and  stools  covered 
with,  illus.,  640,  641;  ornament  for 
Bushwomen,  330 

Beans,  eaten  by  Ovimbundu,  588; 
introduced  into  Africa,  41 

Bears,  60 

Bechuana,  and  Robert  Moffat,  666; 
twins  killed  by,  434 

Bechuanaland,  customs  relating  to 
cattle  in,  356;  Dutch  conquest  of,  71; 
political,  677;  stone  implements  in, 
126 

Bedouin  Arabs,  culture  of,  379-397; 
illus.,  185-187,  191,  192,  378;  in 
Libya,  375;  status  of  slaves  among, 
536;  of  Tunisia,  394;  type  of  family 
control  among,  370 

Beds,  used  by  Tuareg,  366 

Beehive,  in  Angola,  illus.,  605;  placed 
in  trees,  347 

Beer,  brewing  by  Kababish,  methods 
of,  44,383,590-591;  ceremonial  drink- 
ing of,  496;  ceremonially  used  by 
hunters,  590;  drinking  on  conclusion 
of  war,  530;  drinking  at  dance,  447; 
given  to  newly  born  child,  432 ;  taken 
after  initiation,  459,  467;  see  Intoxica- 
tion, Wine 

Bees,  in  Nigeria,  609;  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 608;  see  Hives,  Honey 


Behavior,  patterns  of,  in  kinship  systems, 
477;  see  Psychology 

Beira,  88,  678;  railway  center,  676,  685 

Beja,  resemblances  to   Kababish,   380 

Bekwi  Pygmies,  location  of,  206 

Belgian  Congo,  animal  life  surveyed  in, 
52;  blood  group  tests  in,  239;  copper 
in,  25;  elephants  tamed  in,  54; 
gazetteer  of  tribes  in,  28;  Harvard 
expedition  to,  71;  home  of  Okapi,  59; 
measurements  of  tribes  in,  172-174; 
Pygmies  in,  341-346;  railway  com- 
munications of,  676,  684;  reservation 
for  preserving  wild  animals,  688; 
Tumbian  culture  in,  122 

Belgium,  African  possessions  of,  684; 
and  exploration  of  Congo,  663;  regu- 
lations for  African  laborers  by,  697 

Bellows,  629,  630;  ceremonial  treat- 
ment of,  643 

Bells,  of  bronze,  630;  for  decorating 
cattle,  354 

Belts,  of  Okapi  skin,  59 

Benedetto  Dei,  visited  Timbuktu,  654 

Benghazi,  camel  caravan  from,  686 

Benguela,  founding  of,  652;  highlands 
of  Angola,  home  of  Ovimbundu,  356; 
railway,  676,  685;  visited  by  Cam- 
eron, 668 

Beni  Amer,  language  of,  301;  physical 
measurements  on,  198;  physique  like 
that  of  ancient  Egyptians,  249 

Beni  Hillal  Arab  invasion,  85 

Benin,  bronze  casting  at,  630;  catfish 
designs  of,  67;  early  visits  of  explorers 
in,  658;  human  sacrifice  in,  552;  see 
Bini 

Benue,  242;  steamers  on,  676;  tributary 
of  Niger,  675 

Berberines,  speak  Sudanic  language, 
300 

Berbers,  and  Carthage,  79;  culture  of, 
393-397;  defeat  Arabs,  86;  have 
Hamitic  language,  299;  life  and  cus- 
toms of,  396;  method  of  cooking  of, 
367;  physical  measurements  on,  198; 
and  Roman  conquest,  82;  speech  of, 
in  Tibesti,  372;  stone  implements  of, 
119;  a  vigorous  population,  691;  see 
Hamites  (northern),  Kabyles 

Best  friend,  494 

Bestiality,  426 

Betrothal,  among  Kababish,  386,  among 
Negroes,  409-416,  see  Courtship, 
Marriage 

Beverages,  see  Banana,  Beer,  Maize, 
Palms,  Water,  Wells,  Wine 

Bible,  translated  into  Sechuana,  666; 
see  New  Testament,  Old  Testament 


General  Index 


873 


Biblical  history,  and  Jews,  83;  of  the 
Nile,  22 

Bibliographies,  of  author's  names,  733- 
835;  of  periodicals,  728-732;  of  politi- 
cal areas,  836-838;  of  sources  for 
studying  Africa,  840-866 

Bida,  brass  work  at,  illus.,  631;  gourds 
ornamented  at,  620;  stools  elabor- 
ately carved  at,  620 

Bidyogo,  measurements  of,  168 

Biheans,  caravans  conducted  by,  610, 
652 

Bilateral  descent  among  Ovimbundu, 
477 

Bilma,  center  of  salt  trade,  26,  369; 
early  exploration  of,  655;  oasis  in,  82; 
prostitutes  in,  371 

Binger  (Colonel),  and  W.  African  ex- 
ploration, 658 

Bingerville,  on  Ivory  Coast,  683 

Bini,  age-grades  of,  505;  secret  societies 
of,  501 

Biram,  a  Mohammedan  feast,  394 

Birds,  of  Africa,  catch  spirits  of  dead, 
557;  closely  studied  by  Ovimbundu, 
606;  cries  imitated  by  Bushmen,  334; 
general  information,  68;  killed  with 
wooden  arrows,  600;  of  Sahara,  362; 
shot  with  cross-bow,  602;  shot  with 
wooden  arrows,  608 

Birifor,  clans  of,  490 

Birth,  control,  future  of,  in  Africa,  702; 
customs,  429-442;  see  Childhood 

Bisharin,  physical  measurements  on, 
198 

Blacksmiths,  25,  628-630;  and  archaic 
languages,  288;  initiation  of,  among 
Ovimbundu,  642;  itinerant  in  Kordo- 
fan,  383;  not  among  Pygmies  and 
Bushmen,  342;  Ogun  the  God  of,  547; 
among  Tuareg,  367 

Bladder,  and  parasitic  worms,  70 

Blankets,  of  wool  and  hair  among 
Kababish,  382;  woven  by  Kabyles, 
illus.,  639 

Blantyre,  678;  Nyasaland,  railway 
center,  685 

Bleeding  of  patients,  392;  illus.,  577;  see 
Cupping 

Blemmeys,  ancient  tribe  of,  81 

Blessings,  from  ancestors,  356;  see 
Ancestor  worship,  Ancestors 

Blood,  of  cattle  drunk,  352;  of  cattle 
used  in  ordeal,  352;  of  chicken  cere- 
monially used  for  washing  king,  578; 
of  chicken  sprinkled  on  pounding 
rock,  588;  drunk  for  blood  brother- 
hood, 493;  drunk  by  warriors,  529; 
of  females  transmitted,  471;  fertil- 


ization of  soil  with,  402;  poured  over 
tools,  644;  smeared  on  weapons  of 
hunter,  598;  soul  contained  in,  558; 
used  in  secret  societies,  499;  used  in 
trial  by  ordeal,  354 

Blood  brotherhood,  493-495;  by  drink- 
ing blood,  354;  and  kola  nuts,  48; 
Semitic  form  of,  387;  and  feuds,  493 

Blood  feuds,  among  Bushmen,  337; 
among  Jukun,  481 ;  among  Kababish, 
384;  in  Libya,  377;  in  Tibesti,  373; 
in  Tunisia,  394 

Blood  groups,  and  race,  237-240 

Blood  in  the  head,  disease  of  camels, 
375 

Blood  money,  paid  by  murderer  among 
Ovimbundu,  515;  paid  in  salt,  591; 
and  revenge,  515 

Blue  Nile,  23,  680;  exploration  of,  668 

Boas,  constrictor  snakes,  64 

Boers,  71;  farms  of,  in  Angola,  684 

Bolewa  girl,  ornamentation  of,  illus., 
269 

Bomako  railway  center,  683 

Bombax  tree,  for  making  canoes,  604 

Bondu,  a  secret  society,  500 

Bones,  of  dead  king  preserved,  549,  see 
Sacred  kings;  of  enemy  as  trophies, 
528;  human,  mixed  in  medicine,  274; 
implements  of,  in  South  Africa,  124; 
of  king  worshipped  among  Baganda, 
554;  made  into  whistles,  452;  used 
for  arrow-tips  among  Bushmen,  333; 
used  in  divination,  575;  see  Pale- 
ontology 

Bongo,  an  antelope,  soul  of  much 
feared,  600;  tribe,  described  by 
Schweinfurth,  670 

Boni,  hunting  tribe  of  east  Africa,  346 

Book  of  the  dead,  74 

Borassus  flabellifer  (Borassus  palm),  44, 
45,  46 

Bori,  types  of  dancing,  392 

Borku,  and  explorations  of  Nachtigal, 
656;  rock  engravings  in,  142 

Bornu,  early  exploration  of,  660;  horse- 
men use  large  spears  in,  526;  horses 
bred  in,  56;  Italian  exploration  of,  670 

Boskop  skull,  96 

Bosporus,  site  of  Byzantium,  83 

Botany,  38-51;  and  archaeology,  100; 
need  for  ethnobotany,  50 

Bottego,  explorations  of,  670 

Bottles,  melted  to  make  beads,  634 

Bouake,  railway  center  of  Ivory  Coast, 
683 

Bouchers,  stone  implements  of  South 

Africa,  125 
Bovidae,  59;  see  Antelopes 


874 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Bowls,  of  soapstone,  88;  of  wood, 
Tuareg,  368 

Bows,  in  boy's  game,  444;  distribution 
of  types  in  Africa,  524;  literature  on 
African  types  of,  600;  as  musical 
instruments,  452;  as  parrying 
weapons  among  Dinka,  522;  in  rock 
sculpture,  137,  143;  sacred  house  for, 
among  Ovimbundu,  495;  sigmoid 
form  of,  77;  symbol  of  matrimony 
among  Bushmen,  337;  types  of  used 
by  Bushmen,  333;  in  use  by  Bush- 
men, illus.,  331;  in  use  by  Ovim- 
bundu, illus.,  597;  see  Arrows,  Cross- 
bows, Hunting,  Poison,  Warfare 

Boxes,  for  kola  nuts,  illus.,  618 

Bracelets,  274;  of  ivory,  635 

Brain  weight  and  intelligence,  277 

Brancker  (Sir  Sefton),  and  air  services, 
677 

Branding,  of  camels,  377;  of  camels 
among  Kababish,  382;  of  slaves,  534 

Brass,  in  accouterments,  56;  beaten 
into  vessels,  77;  casting  of,  630; 
oriental  influence  on,  76;  rods,  as 
currency,  612;  used  as  weights  in 
Ashanti,  612 

Brazil,  plants  from,  40;  slaves  exported 
to,  538 

Brazza,  Count  de,  explorations  of,  664 

Bread,  made  by  Kababish,  383 

Breadfruit,  see  Jackfruit 

Bride,    Bushmen    fight   to    take,    337 
forcibly   taken   among   Dinka,   416 
forcibly     taken     from     home,     374 
Ovimbundu    customs    of,    409;    see 
Betrothal,  Courtship,  Marriage 

Bridegroom,  works  for  parents-in-law, 
411-413;  see  Betrothal,  Courtship, 
Marriage,  Matriarchy 

Bridges,  badly  constructed  in  Angola, 
684;  modern  engineering  of,  676,  680 

Britain,  African  possession  of,  674-681; 
and  labor  laws  for  Africans,  697; 
policy  of,  toward  Africans,  699 

British,  conquer  Nigeria,  56;  Museum, 
stone  implements  in,  103 

Broken  Hill,  a  mining  center  of  South 
Africa,  92,  678 

Bronze,  age  and  stone  monuments, 
152;  an  alloy,  25,  77,  79;  in  ancient 
Egypt,  73;  casting  of,  630;  plaques 
from  Benin,  67;  at  Zimbabwe,  89 

Brothers,  Negro  use  of  term,  482; 
share  one  wife,  350;  see  Kinship 

Browne,  and  exploration  of  Nile,  668 

Bruce,  and  exploration  of  Nile,  668 

Brue,  French  explorer,  658 


Bubalics  antiquus,  in  rock  engravings, 
138 

Bubalus  bainii,  in  rock  engravings,  151 

Bubo  maculosus,  sacred  owl,  68 

Buchanan,  and  Saharan  exploration, 
661 

Buchu,  body  powder  used  by  Bushmen, 
331 

Buduma,  described  by  Boyd  Alexander, 
660;  harpoons  used  by,  77,  603;  kind 
of  shield  used  by,  522;  stature  of,  169 

Buffalo,  African,  never  domesticated, 
58;  soul  of,  regarded  as  harmless,  600 

Buffoons,  in  bazaars,  390 

Buildings,  of  stone  at  Zimbabwe,  88; 
elsewhere,  152-157;  see  Archaeology, 
Stone 

Bukere,  inventor  of  Vai  script,  308 

Buku,  a  God  in  Togoland,  545 

Bukuma,  railway  communications  of, 
676 

Bulawayo,  stone  implements  near,  126 

Bull-roarers,  453-454 

Bulls,  carry  loads,  358;  killed  for 
warriors,  531;  as  sacrifice  for  rain 
in  Bushman  ceremony,  339;  treat- 
ment of,  in  N.  E.  Africa,  349 

Bumba,  sacred  being  of  Bushongo,  555 

Burchell,  exploration,  in  S.  Africa,  666 

Burckhardt,  exploration  of,  669;  explora- 
tion of  Nile,  668 

Burial,  African  methods  of,  584;  of 
ancient  Egyptians,  249;  among  Bush- 
men, 337;  chambers,  of  Jukun,  76;  in 
eastern  Kalahari,  339;  among  Kaba- 
bish, 386;  not  among  Dorobo,  347; 
of  pregnant  woman,  433,  439;  am.ong 
the  Suk,  352;  in  Tibesti,  374;  among 
Tuareg,  370;  see  Dead,  Funeral, 
Graves 

Burning,  of  designs  on  gourds,  620; 
see  Branding 

Burton,  travels  of,  669 

Busa  rapids  on  the  Niger,  24;  Mungo 
Park  was  drowned  at,  659 

Bushmen,  34,  329-340;  animal  life  of, 
61;  art  and  N.  African  rock  en- 
gravings of,  142;  blood  group  tests 
of,  239;  and  Boskop  type,  96;  com- 
pared with  Hottentots,  242-243; 
compared  with  Pygmies,  210;  culture 
of,  summarized,  340;  cut  off  finger 
joints,  266;  decline  in  number,  690; 
693;  languages  of,  291-293;  magical 
scarification  of,  258;  material  culture 
of,  330;  measurements  of,  213-216; 
migration  of,  240;  ostrich  eggs  used 
by,  68;  paintings  of,  and  those  of 
Spain,  129;  paintings  and  engravings 
of,  147-148;  paintings  show  hunters' 
disguise,   334;   practice   circumcision 


General  Index 


875 


and  clitoridectomy,  333;  rock  en- 
gravings and  Libyan  styles  of,  143; 
rock  paintings  and  engravings  of,  146; 
skeletons  of,  96;  social  and  religious 
life  of,  334-340;  stone  implements  of, 
126;  twins  killed  by,  434;  see  Caves, 
Hunting,  Paintings,  Rock  engravings 

Bushongo,  measurements  of,  173;  psy- 
chology of,  703;  raffia  weaving  of, 
42,  270;  and  sacred  kings,  555; 
throwing  knives  of,  526;  tribal  move- 
ments of,  245;  wood-carving  of,  616 

Bustards,  north  of  Lake  Chad,  362 

Butcher,  official  position  and  cere- 
monies of,  among  Bavenda,  594 

Butter,  churned  by  Banyankole  women, 
349;  in  Libyan  oases,  375;  made  by 
Fulani,  358;  made  by  Kababish,  383; 
made  by  Tuareg,  367;  shea-butter 
tree,  46 

Butyrospermum  parkii,  shea-butter  tree, 
46 

Byzantium,  83 

Cactus,  chewed  by  fanatics,  393 

Caffeine,  in  kola  nuts,  48 

Caille,  explorations  of,  655 

Cairo,  railway  communications  of,  680; 
rise  of  Nile  at,  23;  visited  by  Burck- 
hardt,  669 

Calendar,  76;  and  agricultural  oper- 
ations, 398-404,  592;  literature  on, 
645;  Mohammedan,  390;  unlucky 
days  among  Kababish,  386 

Caliphs  of  Egypt,  85 

Camel  bactrianus,  368;  dromedarius,  368 

Camels,  34;  absent  from  sculptures, 
138;  breeds  of,  in  Sahara,  368;  cara- 
vans of,  in  eastern  Sudan,  680;  care 
of,  among  Kababish,  380-387;  care  of, 
in  Libya,  375;  culture  depending  on, 
360-378;  culture  depending  on,  sum- 
mary of  traits,  377;  as  dowry  in 
Tibesti,  374;  general  treatment  of, 
368-369;  historical  notes  on,  54; 
kept  by  Bedouins,  394;  leather  trapp- 
ings for,  635;  in  rock  engravings,  141, 
143;  in  South  West  Africa,  55;  in 
Tibesti,  373-375;  for  transport  in 
Abyssinia,  687;  of  Tuareg,  illus.,  363 

Cameron,  explorations  of,  668 

Cameroons,  44;  added  to  German  Em- 
pire, 656;  administration  under  man- 
dates, 672;  baskets  decorated  with 
cowrie  shells  in,  642;  beadwork,  illus., 
641;  brass  work  in,  632;  climbing  a 
palm  in,  47;  cross-bows  used  in,  600; 
forest  in,  32;  houses  of,  illus.,  399; 
literature  on  diseases  in,  694;  magi- 
cian's head-dress  in,  illus.,  581;  meas- 


urements of  tribes  in,  165-171;  raffia 
weaving,  illus.,  638;  rainfall  in,  34;  ter- 
mites in,  49;  wood-carving  well  de- 
veloped in,  616;  writing  of,  308 

Campbell,  explorations  of  in  S.  Africa, 
666 

Campignian  culture,  106 

Camwood  powder,  260 

Canary  Islands,  successive  inhabitants 
of,  116-118 

Candles,  burned  as  an  offering,  395; 
from  copra,  42 

Cangamba,  in  east  Angola,  initiation 
at,  460;  sickness  cured  at,  577 

Cannibalism,  531;  and  ancestor  wor- 
ship, 564-565;  forbidden  by  Moham- 
med, 387;  of  head-hunters,  532;  king 
eating  heart  of  his  predecessor,  551; 
not  among  Nilotic  Negroes,  553;  in 
secret  society,  61;  slaves  eaten,  539; 
by  warriors,  532 

Canoes,  of  reeds,  77;  of  reeds  on  Lake 
Chad,  604;  songs  for  paddlers,  316; 
various  types  of,  and  Indonesian  in- 
fluence on  construction,  604;  see 
Bark,  Dugouts,  Fishing 

Cape,  Colony,  maize  grown  in,  44, 
political,  677;  of  Good  Hope,  Diaz 
sailed  around,  651;  Town,  railway 
communication  of,  676;  Verde  Is- 
lands, discovered,  651 

Cape  to  Cairo  Railway,  677 

Capello  and  Ivens,  explorations  of,  664 

Capsian  culture,  divisions  and  origin  of, 
104,  114;  see  Stone  implements,  99- 
137,  particularly,  106-118 

Caravans,  from  ancient  Egypt,  74;  ar- 
riving in  Nigerian  markets,  610;  and 
boys'  games,  444;  of  camels  in  East- 
ern Sudan,  680;  for  salt,  26;  of  slaves 
in  Angola,  538;of  slaves  in  Libya,  536; 
of  Tibesti,  373;  trade  with  bazaars  in 
North  and  West  Africa,  390;  trade, 
coils  of  tobacco,  588;  trade  from 
Kufra,  375;  trade  in  Sahara,  361; 
trade  in  Tripolitania,  395;  from 
Tuggurt,  681 

Carica  papaya,  41 

Carnacian  culture,  106 

Carnivorous  animals,  60 

Carriers,  loads  and  distance  traveled, 
613 

Carthaginians,  influence  of,  in  Nigeria, 
137;  leader  of,  54;  and  silent  trade, 
650;  and  stone  monuments,  153; 
tamed  elephants,  54 

Cartography,  28,  29,  651;  see  Maps 

Carts,  drawn  by  elephants,  54;  drawn 
by  oxen,  56 


876 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Casablanca,  treatment  of  ophthalmic 
diseases  at,  683 

Casati,  explorations  of,  670 

Cassava,  see  Manioc 

Cassinga,  Angola,  Bushmen  from,  illus., 
211 

Castes,  see  Blacksmiths,  Hunting, 
Social  status 

Casting,  of  metal;  630,  see  Brass, 
Bronze,  Jewelry,  Silver 

Castor-oil  plant,  40 

Castration,  for  adultery,  514;  of  slaves, 
536 

Cataracts,  on  main  rivers,  24 

Caterpillars,  made  into  soup  among 
Ovimbundu,  608 

Catfish,  sacred,  67;  shocks  from,  to 
treat  rheumatism,  576 

Cats,  domesticated,  58;  among  Tuareg, 
368;  wildcats  in  Air,  362;  worshipped 
in  ancient  Egypt,  58 

Cattle,  in  Abyssinia,  687;  Angolan 
types  of,  illus.,  355;  and  Banyankole, 
350;  blacksmiths  unlucky  with,  643; 
breeds  of,  56;  brought  to  life  by  mag- 
ical water,  502;  ceremonially  killed, 
354,  among  Bavenda,  594;  and  cli- 
mate, 34;  culture,  349-360;  diseases 
of,  in  Bechuanaland,  677;  as  dowry, 
416,  see  Lobola;  dreamed  of,  582;  on 
Egyptian  murals,  54;  inheritance  of, 
among  Fulani,  358;  and  insect  pests, 
70;  kept  by  agricultural  Negroes,  407; 
kept  by  Kababish,  381;  and  laws  of 
Nilotic  Negroes,  351;  medicines  for, 
356;  not  for  transport,  354;  in  park- 
land zone,  32;  reared  in  Nyasaland, 
678;  relation  of,  to  law  and  punish- 
ment, 519;  in  rock  engravings,  143; 
and  sacred  kings  among  Baganda, 
554;  sacred,  among  Semites,  387;  salt 
given  to,  591;  summary  of  customs 
relating  to,  359-360;  used  in  trans- 
port, 56,  358;  and  zones  of  vegetation, 
327;  see  Goats,  Sheep 

Caucasus  region,  and  Aurignacian  man, 
132 

Cavally  River,  Liberia,  proverbs  from 
region  of,  309 

Cavalry,  55;  see  Armor,  Horses,  Mail 

Cavazzi,  early  missionary,  652 

Caves,  Bushman  paintings  in,  146;  and 
engravings  in  Spain,  142;  European 
paintings  in,  103;  excavated  at  Bam- 
bata,  127,  near  Port  Elizabet'h,  124, 
in  South  Africa,  96,  in  Kenya,  97,  in 
Matopo  Hills,  126;  paintings  of,  in  W. 
Africa,  140;  and  stone  implements  of 
Uganda,  122;  used  by  Bushmen,  330 

Cecchi,  explorations  of,  670 


Celts,  of  W.  Africa,  134 

Cement,  not  used  in  Negro  buildings, 
156 

Census  returns,  692;  see  Demography, 
Population 

Centurions,  early  exploration  of,  23 

Cephalic  index  and  race,  233;  see  An- 
thropometry for  detailed  references 
to  tables  of  indices 

Cereals,  European  types  of,  50;  see 
Barley,  Wheat 

Cerulli,  compendium  of  Italian  dis- 
coveries, 670 

Cervidae,  deer,  59 

Cervus  dama,  59 

Cervus  elaphus  barbarus,  59 

Chad,  animal  life  near,  362;  Colony, 
French  political  unit,  683;  and  com- 
munication with  N.  Africa,  682;  and 
early  exploration,  655;  and  French 
exploration,  657;  Italian  schemes  con- 
cerning, 686;  Lake,  barley  near,  50; 
Lake,  Buduma  tribe  on,  77;  Lake,  and 
natron,  26;  Lake,  Rabey's  army  near, 
55;  Lake,  rice  grown  near,  42;  meas- 
urements of  tribes  near,  169;  throw- 
ing knives  used  near,  526 

Chaetochloa,  a  genus  of  millets,  46 

Chagga,  see  Wachagga 

Chain  mail,  524 

Chaka,  discipline  inflicted  by,  530;  and 
weapons  of  Zulu,  526 

Chanoine,  French  exploration  by,  657 

Chapman,  explorations  of,  in  S.  Africa, 
666 

Charcoal,  for  blacksmith's  fire,  629;  in 
making  magical  concoction,  610;  in 
medicines,  274;  timbers  for,  606 

Chariots,  in  Egypt,  55 

Charms,  274;  kinds  of,  and  beliefs  in, 
among  Negroes,  578;  literature  on, 
585;  in  Siwa,  393;  in  Tibesti,  373; 
used  in  hunting  by  Bushmen,  334; 
used  by  Pygmies,  345;  used  in  war- 
fare, 522;  worn  by  Kababish,  386 

Chastity,  410-411;  see  Adultery,  Be- 
trothal 

Cheese,  made  by  Tuareg,  367 

Cheetah,  trained  to  hunt,  61 

Cheiroptera  (Bats),  62,  312 

Chellean  culture,  and  Oldoway,  97; 
implements,  and  Kanjera  skulls,  98; 
Period,  19,  103;  see  Stone  imple- 
ments, 99-137 

Chewing  tobacco,  590;  see  Narcotics, 
Snuff,  Tobacco 

Chickens,  see  Poultry 

Chido  (Shido),  sky  God  of  Jukun,  546 


General  Index 


877 


Chiefs,  animal  emblems  of,  60;  of  Bush- 
men, 336;  functions  of,  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  495-496;  head  of,  wrapped  in 
oxide,  356;  among  Kababish,  383; 
and  legal  system,  509;  obligations  of, 
to  people,  509;  power  of,  resisted  by 
secret  societies,  500;  of  Pygmies,  205; 
and  supply  of  labor  to  Europeans, 
696;  of  Tuareg,  370;  of  village,  and 
divorce  proceedings  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  420;  see  Kings,  Law,  Sacred 
kings 
Chieftainship,    literature    relating    to, 

718;  reckoned  in  male  line,  481 
Childbirth,    among    Tuareg,    371;    see 

Abortion,  Birth,  Infanticide 
Children,  adopted,  438,  477,  by  Jagas, 
527;  collect  food  substances,  608; 
custody  of,  after  divorce,  420;  death 
rate  of,  high  among  Tuareg,  371; 
early  betrothal  of,  412;  education  of, 
429-468;  games  and  songs  for,  456; 
minds  of,  and  primitive  man,  286; 
necessary  for  social  status,  429;  in 
polyandrous  family,  417;  treatment 
of,  by  Kababish,  385;  of  Tuareg,  371; 
work  of,  in  building  houses,  620 
Chimpanzee,  91 

China,  ivory  from  Africa  in,  54;  and 
labor  in  mines,  26;  and  porcelain  at 
Zimbabwe,  89;  rice  from,  40;  stage 
plays  and  puppets  used  in,  320 
Chocolate,  family  of  trees,  48 
Christian  era,  55 

Christianity,  in  Abyssinia,  81,  688;  and 
African  morality,  707;  in  Egypt,  81; 
introduced  into  Abyssinia,  686;  and 
Portuguese  navigators,  652;  see  Mis- 
sionary enterprise,  Missions 
Chronology,  72;  of  prehistory,  104;  of 
rock  art  in  N.  Africa,  141;  of  rock  en- 
gravings in  N.  Africa,  143 
Church    Missionary   Society,    and   ex- 
plorations, 670 
Churning,  see  Butter 
Cicatrization,   and   admission   to   age- 
grades,  505;  and  blood  brotherhood, 
493 ;  of  girls  in  Bari  tribe,  467 ;  of  Nuer 
boys,  467;  see  Scarification 
Cigarettes,  offered  to  guests,  377 
Cinema,  educational  value  of,  in  Africa, 

708 
Circumcision,  and  age-grades,  503-506; 
of  Bushmen,  333;  of  Kababish,  385; 
knives  for,  392;  and  military  service, 
529;  rite  of,  among  Vachokwe  tribe, 
458;  in  Tibesti,  374;  of  Tuareg,  370; 
see  Clitoridectomy,  Initiation 
Cire-perdu  process,  632;  see  Benin, 
Brass,  Bronze,  Silver 


Citroen  cars,  and  desert  travel,  681 
Civet  cat,  commercial  use  of,  62 
Civilization,  and  minerals,  24-26 
Clans,  484-493;  animal  emblems  of,  61; 
brothers   of,  share   wife,    417;  cere- 
monial   cannibalism    in,    565;    com- 
munal responsibility  of,  510;  founded 
by  ancestors,   564;  functions  of,  at 
Mohammedan  festivals,  493;  heredi- 
tary right  of,  to  occupations,  632 ;  and 
joking  relationship,  492;  and  kinship 
terms  of,  471;  and  marks  of  owner- 
ship on  cattle,  352;  and  mutual  aid 
of,   485;   among   Pygmies,    342;   re- 
sponsibility of,  for  member's  crime, 
517 
Clapperton,  explorations  of,  655 
Classificatory  system  of  relationships, 
485-493;  see  Clans,  Kinship,  Totems 
Clay,    for    furnace    in     glass-making, 
634;  made  by  women  for  plastering 
walls,  620;  not  to  be  taken  from  river 
on  Friday,  644;  for  nozzle  of  bellows, 
629;   for   ornamenting   gourds,   620; 
for   painting    body,    439,    462,   466; 
prepared  by  women  for  making  pot- 
tery, 632 
Cleavers,  134;  see  Axes,  Celts 
Cleopatra,  80 
Clicks,  in  Bushman  language,  291-293; 

used  by  Zulus,  298;  see  Sandawe 
Climate,   20-22,   30-38;   and   archaeo- 
logy, 30;  changes  of,  in  E.  Africa,  119, 
in  Europe,  104,  in  N.  Africa,  115;  and 
cultural    changes,    30;    of    Kalahari 
Desert,  329;  of  Kordofan,  381;  and 
language,    290;    and    migration    of 
animals,  59;  and  population,  31;  and 
vegetation,  41-50;  see  Culture  areas 
Clitoridectomy,  on  Efik  girls,  466;  by 
Kababish,  385;  practiced  by  Bush- 
men, 333;  in  Tibesti,  374 
Cloaks,  of  fur,  270;  of  fur  for  Bushmen, 

330;  of  sheepskin  in  Tibesti,  373 
Clothing,  270-274;  absence  of,  270;  of 
bark  cloth,  627;  of  Bushmen,  330;  of 
hide,  illus.,  353;  illus.,  272-274;  litera- 
ture on,  646;  made  by  Tuareg  males, 
368;    map    showing    distribution    of 
kinds    of,    274;    of    Pygmies,    342; 
stamped  in  Ashanti,  77;  in  Tibesti, 
373;  of  Tuareg,  364;  see  Bark,  Cot- 
ton, Hides,  Raffia,  Weaving 
Cloves,  exported   from   Zanzibar,   679 
Clubs,  ornamental  among  Ovimbundu, 
illus.,    619;    stone    headed,    135;    of 
Vachokwe,   illus.,    625;  of   Vakwan- 
yama,  illus.,  525 
Coast    line  of  Africa,   20;   dryness   of 
some  parts  of,  34,  38 


878 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Cobra,  spits  venom,  64 

Cock,  used  ceremonially,  320 

Cocoa,  exported  from  Ashanti,  675; 
future  production  in  Belgian  Congo, 
684;  from  Nigeria,  675;  in  Tangan- 
yika Territory,  679 

Coconut,  grown  in  Tanganyika  Terri- 
tory, 679;  from  Mozambique,  685; 
palm  yields,  40;  tree,  and  ceremony 
with  umbilical  cord,  440 

Cocos  nucifera  (coconut  palm),  41 

Coffee,  40;  from  Angola,  685;  forbidden 
by  Senussi,  370;  future  developments 
in  Eritrea,  686;  grown  in  Abyssinia, 
687;  from  Mozambique,  685;  pur- 
chased by  Kababish,  383;  some 
Mohammedans  prohibit,  387;  in 
Tanganyika  Territory,  679 

Coffin,  fastened  to  a  pole,  557;  of  Ovim- 
bundu,  illus.,  559 

Cola  acuminata,  48;  vera  48;  see  Kola 

Collars,  of  brass  for  women,  274 

Collecting  of  foods  by  Negroes,  604-609 

Colleges,  for  Africans  in  Africa,  706 

Colobus  monkey,  clan  emblem  of 
Baganda,  486 

Colonial  office,  British,  and  labor  laws 
for  Africans,  697 

Color,  bar  of  Africans  by  European 
powers,  699;  of  cattle  in  inheritance 
laws  among  Fulani,  358;  distinguishes 
cattle,  349;  in  leather  work,  635; 
painted  on  walls  of  house,  illus.,  399; 
for  painting  body,  260;  for  painting 
shields,  522;  used  in  cave  paintings, 
140;  used  in  initiation  as  body 
paint  in  Angola,  462;  used  in  rock 
paintings,  149;  see  Bambata,  Dyes, 
Gourds,  Henna,  Indigo,  Kohl,  Pig- 
ments 

Combs,  Vachokwe,  illus.,  625;  of  wood 
in  Angola,  616 

Commerce,  609-613 

Communal,  hunting,  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  596;  ownership,  337;  property, 
among  Pygmies,  342;  responsibility, 
for  crime,  509-511 

Communication,  22;  see  Airplane  ser- 
vice. Canoes,  Lakes,  Physical  fea- 
tures, Railways,  Rivers,  Valleys 

Compensation,  see  Adultery,  Blood 
money.  Law,  Murder,  Theft 

Conception,  429-432;  how  to  avoid, 
462 ;  and  kinship  system,  472 ;  serpent, 
a  symbol  of,  404;  see  Birth,  Child- 
birth, Physiology 

Concubinage,  under  Mohammedanism, 
390;  probable  increase  if  polygyny  is 
abolished,  419 


Conduct,  influences  affecting,  508;  see 
Age-grades,  Education,  Kinship,  Law, 
Morality,  Religion,  Secret  societies 
Coney,  60 
Confinement,  wife  returns  to  her  kin 

for,  338;  see  Birth 
Congo,  22,  24;  communications  of,  with 
N.  Africa,  682;  cultural  zones  of,  326 
details  of  French  possessions  in,  683 
educability  of  natives  in,   702-703 
exploration  of,  general,  661-666;  and 
explorations  of  Schweinfurth,  670;  ex- 
plored   by    Stanley,    663;    measure- 
ments of  tribes  in,  173;  method  of 
divination  in,  575;   military  organi- 
zation,  527;  mutilation  of  teeth  in, 
262;  population  of,  32;  Portuguese  ex- 
ploration of,  652;  Pygmy  groups  in, 
206;  raffia  weaving  in,  42,  636;  rice 
grown  in  region  of,  42 ;  secret  societies 
in,  498;  stone  implements  found,  133; 
throwing  knives  in,  526;  tribal  move- 
ments in,  245;  tribes  much  scarified, 
260;  women  wear  brass  collars,  274; 
wood-carving  of,  44,  616;  see  Belgian 
Congo,  Kongo 
Conjurers,  in  bazaars,  390 
Constantinople,      (Istanbul)     site     of 

Byzantium,  83;  taken  by  Turks,  89 
Continental  junctions,  in  ancient  geo- 
logical periods,  19 
Convolvulaceae,  41 

Cooking,  in  Algeria,  395;  of  bananas, 
42;   among   Bedouins,   394;   Berber- 
Arab   method  of,   394;   of  Borassus 
palm    fruits,    46;    forbidden    during 
menstruation,  437;  incompetence  as 
ground  for  divorce,  420;  methods  of 
Ovimbundu,    587-588;    salt    needed 
for,  591;  special  vessels  for  warriors 
used  in,  532;  Tuareg  method  of,  367; 
wives  take  turns  in,  419 
Copal,  from  Belgian  Congo,  684 
Copper,    25;    as    currency,    612;   from 
Cyprus,  79;  in  Egypt,  73;  in  S.  Africa, 
678;  used  by  Badarians,  112;  weapons 
of,  from  graves  of  west  Africa,  134; 
at  Zimbabwe,  89;  see  Bronze 
Copra,    exported,    42;    exported    from 
Ashanti,  675;  from  Kenya  Colony, 
679 
Coptic  scriptures,  81;  writing,  302 
Copts,  perform  castration,  536 
Coquilhatville,  Pygmy  groups  near,  206 
Cork,  from  N.  Africa,  681;  see  Bark 
Corn,  querns  for  grinding,  25;  see  Maize 
Corporal  marks,  258-262 
Corpse,  dried  over  fire,  558;  prepared 
for  burial  among  Ovimbundu,   558; 
questioned,    557;   of   relative   eaten, 


General  Index 


879 


565;  wrapped  in  bark  cloth,  627;  see 
Burial,  Cannibalism,  Death,  Funerals 

Cosmetics,  38;  see  Henna,  Kohl,  Paint, 
Personal  ornament,  see  Takula 

Cosmology,  of  Lambas,  544 

Cottenest  (Lieutenant),  defeated  the 
Tuareg,  657 

Cotton,  38;  countries  which  supply  it 
to  France,  682;  future  development 
of,  in  W.  Africa,  682;  future  produc- 
tion in  Belgian  Congo,  684;  grown  in 
Abyssinia,  687;  grown  in  eastern 
Sudan,  680;  grown  in  Nigeria,  675; 
shrub  of,  635;  spinning  and  weaving 
of,  636;  winding  and  weaving,  illus., 
637,  638;  see  Dyes,  Ginning,  Indigo, 
Looms 

Council  house,  for  men  only,  419 

Counting,  ability  of  Ovimbundu,  436; 
by  cutting  sticks  and  knotting  cords, 
612;  literature  on,  645;  use  of  fingers 
and  toes,  612 

Coups  de  poing,  of  Somaliland,  119; 
in  Morocco,  112,  of  S.  Africa,  124,  of 
W.  Africa,  134;  see  Axes,  Celts 

Courtship,  among  Bushmen,  337;  of 
Negroes,  409-416 

Cousins,  marriage  of,  among  Kababish, 
384;  marriage  of, under  Mohammedan 
law,  474;  prohibitions  observed  by 
Bakongo,  480;  types  of  marriage 
between,  470-474 

Couvade,  431 

Cowards,  punishment  of,  530 

Cowrie  shells,  as  charms  to  give  fer- 
tility, 578;  as  counters,  445;  as  deco- 
ration, 499,  550;  necklace  of ,  worn  in 
religious  rites,  545;  as  ornaments  by 
Kababish,  382,  in  Tibesti,  373;  still 
used  as  currency  in  Africa,  612;  sym- 
bol of  fertility  among  Ovimbundu, 
430;  and  symbolic  messages,  320;  as 
totem  emblems,  485;  used  by  Edo 
women,  440,  in  trade,  611 

Crampel,  scheme  for  French  coloniza- 
tion by,  665 

Cranial  capacity  and  intelligence,  277 

Cricket,  70;  folklore  story  of,  312;  a 
totem  emblem,  485 

Crocodile,  carved  in  ivory,  634;  sacred, 
64, 489,  illus.,  569 ;  sacred  white,  among 
Yoruba,  567;  skin  of,  as  body  armor 
524;  society,  in  Sierra  Leone,  499 
spiritual  being  transformed  into,  568 
and  trial  by  ordeal,  507 

Cro-Magnons,  in  Europe  and  N.  Africa, 
114,  115 

Cromerian  culture,  in  Uganda,  122 


Crops,  list  of,  grown  by  Negroes,  586; 
magically  protected,  394;  see  Agri- 
culture 

Cross-bows,  600 

Cross-cousins,  474;  see  Cousins,  Kin- 
ship 

Crucibles,  at  Zimbabwe,  89 

Crusaders,  77 

Cucurbita,  38 

Culture,  adjustment,  and  guide  to  study 
of,  328;  change  of,  and  climate,  30,  34; 
contacts  with  Indonesia,  604,  and 
slavery,  533-540;  diffusion  of,  and 
literature  recommended,  723;  heroes, 
313,  314;  migrations,  and  stone  age 
in  N.  Africa,  117;  of  Morocco  ana- 
lyzed, 396;  periods,  of  stone  age  in 
W.  Africa,  135;  sequences  in  excava- 
tions, 101 ;  and  warfare,  533 ;see  Arabs, 
Archaeology,  Culture  areas,  section 
II,  Egyptians,  Greeks,  History,  Per- 
sians, Phoenicians,  Romans 

Culture  areas,  325-404;  agriculture, 
398-404;  camel  keepers,  361-378; 
future  research  necessary,  725;  hunt- 
ing, 329-348;  pastoral  pursuits,  349- 
360;  Semitic  and  Mohammedan  ele- 
ments of,  379-397 

Cupping,  illus.,  577 

Cups,  of  wood  among  Bakuba,  620 

Currency,  copper  ingots  as,  25;  various 
forms  of,  611,  612 

Curriculum,  for  African  schools,  704- 
710 

Curses,  of  barrenness,  514;  charms 
against,  274;  on  enemy,  531,  532;  how 
revoked  among  Nankanse,  482;  on 
king  prevented,  549;  of  parents  on 
children,  515;  pronounced  by  medi- 
cine-men, 578 

Curtains,  of  fiber,  48 

Cushions,  of  leather,  635 

Cyphanthropus,  93 

Cyprus,  copper  from,  79 

Cyrenaica,  Italian  possession  of,  685; 

Jewish  colony  in,  84;  literature  on, 

397;  a  Roman  province,  80 

Dagba,  manufacture  arrow  poison  cere- 
monially, 602 

Daggers,  of  Tuareg,  83 
Dagomba,  and  joking  relationship,  493 
Dahomey,  brass  casting  of,  630;  ex- 
plorations of  Major  Duncan  in,  660; 
family  rites  of  worship  in,  563;  fire- 
arms for  native  troops  in,  527;  forests 
in,  32;  homosexual  customs  of,  427; 
importance  of  kingship  in,  550;  king 
kept  record   of  population  of,   691; 


880 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


military  organization  of,  527;  rail- 
ways of,  political,  commercial,  683; 
religious  beliefs  in,  545-546;  several 
types  of  marriage  in,  414;  some  cul- 
tural traits  of,  76;  special  cultural 
developments  in,  407;  use  of  cowrie 
shells  in,  611;  wood-carving  in,  44 

Dakar,  administrative  center,  683 

Damara,  cattle,  56,  595;  woman,  illus., 
267 

Damergu,  animal  life  in,  362 

Danakil,  cephalic  index  of,  199;  lan- 
guage is  Hamitic,  300 

Dancing,  446-448;  of  Bushmen,  334; 
during  initiation  in  Angola,  459;  and 
initiation  of  girls  in  Angola,  460;  at 
initiation  of  hunter,  598;  after  killing 
elephant,  600;  learned  during  initia- 
tion, 467;  in  Libya,  377;  magical  by 
Pygmies,  345;  of  rain  maker,  578;  of 
Tuareg,  370;  and  warfare,  531 

Dane  guns,  526 

D'Anville,  map  of,  661 

Dar-es-Salam,  679 

Darfur,  camel  caravans  in,  680;  caravan 
route  from,  375;  slave  caravans  of, 
536;  visited  by  Browne,  669 

Dates,  as  food  for  camels,  50;  grown  in 
Siwa,  393;  as  human  food,  50;  of  N. 
Africa,  681;  palms  40,  48,  illus.,  43; 
used  by  Kababish,  383,  in  Tibesti,  374, 
by  Tuareg,  367 

De  Aar,  railway  communications,  676 

Dead,  cult  of,  and  literature  on,  584; 
dreaming  of,  580-582;  king,  customs 
observed  among  Banyankole,  350; 
left  in  forest,  347;  survive  in  spirit 
world,  556-564;  see  Ancestor  cults 
Coffin,  Corpse,  Funeral  rites.  Graves 
Religion,  Soul,  Spirit,  Tombs 

Debts,  539;  clan  responsibility  for,  485. 
see  Domestic  slavery.  Law,  Maternal 
uncle 

Deer,  only  in  north  Africa,  59;  see 
Cervus 

Defense,  with  thornbushes,  528;  village 
palisades  for,  496;  of  villages,  521 

Defloration,  464 

Deformities,  255-266;  and  infanticide, 
439 

Deities,  Egyptian,  23;  see  Ancestor 
worship,  Gods,  Religion,  Sacred 
kings 

Demography,  691,  692;  see  Census 

Demons,  beliefs  concerning,  376,  among 
Kababish,  386;  Mohammedan  beliefs 
in,  392;  see  Affrits,  Bori,  Jinns 

Dengit,   God  of  Nilotic  Negroes,   553 

Denham,  explorations  of,  655 


Dental  mutilation,  see  Teeth 

De  Rochfort,  on  French  exploration, 
657 

Dervishes,  671;  defeated  at  Omdurman, 
680 

Descent,  names  of  parents  given  in,  436; 
reckoned  through  females,  471;  reck- 
oning of,  by  Ba-ila,  476,  by  Tuareg, 
372,  by  Wolofs,  480 

Deserts,  36,  37;  animal  Hfe  in,  52;  heat 
of,  21;  of  Libya  described,  375; 
monasteries  of,  81;  Pliocene  desert, 
37,  illus.,  36;  types  of,  32,  361 

Dewey  (John),  and  educational  aims, 
705 

Diabase,  implements  of,  133 

Diamonds,  24;  from  Angola,  685;  mined 
in  S.  Africa,  25,  677,  678 

Dian,  clans  of,  490 

Dianous,  explorer,  escaped  from  Taureg, 
657 

Diaz  (Bartholomew),  discoveries  of,  651 

Didinga,  importance  of  cattle  among, 
351;  law  and  sacrifice  of,  519 

Diet,  value  of,  and  future  changes, 
scientific  study  of,  695;  see  Agri- 
culture, Cattle,  Foods,  Hunting, 
Meat,  Milk,  Plants 

Diffusion,  of  Egyptian  Culture,  74,  75; 
of  traits,  86;  see  Culture 

Digging  stick,  used  by  Bushwomen,  331 

Dik-dik,  smallest  antelope,  59 

Dilolo,  railway  center  in  Belgian  terri- 
tory, 684 

Dinka,  23;  cattle  and  law  of,  351,  519; 
clan  and  personal  totems  of,  491; 
described  by  Schweinfurth,  670;  exo- 
gamous  clans  of,  491;  Hamitic  ele- 
ments in  language  of,  300;  marriage 
customs  of,  416;  physical  measure- 
ments of,  181;  psychology  of,  283; 
rain-making  and  religion  of,  553; 
secret  society  of,  501 

Diodorus  Siculus,  Roman  explorer,  81 

Diogo  Cao,  explored  in  Congo,  653 

Dioscorea,  yams,  41 

Diptera,  flies,  70 

D'Isalguier,  explorations  of,  654 

Discipline,  of  children,  442-443;  by  se- 
cret societies,  498-501;  see  Age- 
grades,  Education,  Law,  Religion 

Diseases,  70;  affecting  African  popu- 
lations, 693;  and  new  village  site,  496; 
tropical,  source  for  study  of,  694 

Disguise,  used  in  hunting  by  Bushmen, 
334;  illus.,  139,  597 

Dispersal  of  human  types,  227-229;  see 
Culture,  Diffusion,  Migration 


General  Index 


881 


Distribution,  of  animals,  51-71;  see 
Culture,  Human  migration,  Vege- 
tation zones 

Divination,  in  Ashanti,  574;  in  Libyan 
oases,  376;  literature  on,  585;  and 
reincarnation,  440;  560,  561;  in  the 
sand,  390;  types  of,  575;  Zulu 
methods  of,  561;  see  Medicine-men, 
Ordeal 

Divorce,  among  Kababish,  385;  in 
matriarchal  and  patriarchal  society, 
423;  among  Negroes,  419-424;  of 
slave  wives,  536;  among  Tuareg,  371; 
see  Adultery,  Law,  Marriage 

Dogs,  58;  flesh  of,  tabooed,  582;  for 
food,  595;  forbidden  as  a  sacrifice, 
545;  as  a  good  omen,  583;  magically 
treated  for  hunting,  600;  Naron 
Bushmen  hunt  with,  334;  only 
domestic  animal  of  Dorobo,  346; 
sacrifice  of,  401,  585,  643;  story  of, 
313;  among  Tuareg,  368;  used  for 
hunting  slaves,  539;  used  by  Pygmy 
hunters,  341 

Dolls,  in  marionette  shows,  319;  as 
playthings,  446;  as  symbols  in  initi- 
ation, 464 

Dolmens,  158;  and  Neolithic  man,  99; 
see  Menhirs,  Stone  monuments, 
Tombs 

Domestic  animals,  54-58,  69,  349-360; 
from  Asia,  76;  dog,  the  only  one 
among  Pygmies,  341;  illus.,  57;  kept 
by  Negroes,  594-596;  of  Libyan 
oases,  375;  in  rock  sculpture,  143; 
in  Siwa,  393;  and  slavery,  537-540;  of 
Tuareg,  368 

Dom  palm,  46;  in  Air,  50;  fronds  of, 
used  for  baskets  among  Kababish,  382 

Donkeys,  on  Egyptian  murals,  54; 
location  of,  and  how  used,  58;  in 
Siwa,  393;  used  by  Tuareg,  368 

Doors,  in  village  palisades,  522;  illus., 
523 

Dorobo,  366;  hunters  of  E.  Africa,  346; 
social  organization  of,  borrowed  from 
Nandi,  347;  see  Wandorobo 

Dowry,  410-414;  contributed  by  broth- 
ers, 417;  cows  of  mother's  brother 
used  as,  481;  and  divorce  pro- 
ceedings, 420,  421;  when  refunded, 
512;  see  Divorce,  Marriage 

Drakenberg  Mountains,  in  S.  Africa, 
678 

Drama,  319,  320 

Dreams,  285;  and  ancestral  spirit,  582; 
and  beliefs  in  soul,  558;  dead  appear 
in,  563;  interpreted  by  medicine-men, 
580;  literature  on,  585;  as  origin  of 
writing,  308;  types  of,  classified,  285 

Droughts,  34;  see  Deserts,  Kalahari, 
Pluvial  periods,  Rainfall,  Sahara 


Drugs,  in  poison  ordeal,  507 

Drum  language,  320-322 

Drums,  448-451;  beaten  while  cattle 
are  milked,  354;  human  bones 
attached  to,  528;  literature  con- 
cerning, 456;  in  Mohammedan  dance, 
393;  played  in  circumcision  ceremony, 
459;  played  during  divination,  575, 
during  initiation,  464;  played  by 
women,  451;  of  pottery,  77;  sacred 
among  Baganda,  486,  among  Ban- 
yankole,  350;  in  sacred  ceremonies  in 
Ashanti,  549;  of  Tuareg,  370;  of 
wood,  well  carved  in  Cameroons, 
illus.,  615 

Dryopithecus  mogharensis,  91,  92 

Du  Chaillu,  explorations  of,  662 

Ducks,  69 

Dugout  canoes,  604;  see  Canoes 

Duiker,  a  Ba-ila  totem,  485;  clan 
emblem,  491 

Dum  palm,  see  Dom  palm 

Dume  Pygmies,  near  Lake  Stefani. 
346 

Dung,  for  smearing  body,  270 

Durban,  railway  communications,  676; 
stone  implements  near,  123 

Durra,  ceremonial  oflFering  of,  to  an- 
cestors, 564;  as  food  for  camels,  50; 
location  of  cultivation  of,  46;  used 
for  making  beer  among  Kababish,  383 

Dutch,  expansion  of,  in  S.  Africa,  71; 
settle  at  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  666; 
and  slave  trade,  534;  use  ox-carts,  56; 
see  Boers 

Duveyrier,  explorations  of,  656 

Dwarf,  illus.,  264 

Dybowski,  explorations  of,  665 

Dyes,  in  Algeria,  395;  for  cotton  yarn, 
636;  for  finger  and  toe  nails  among 
Tuareg,  366;  imported,  636;  of  indigo, 
38,  270;  in  leather  work,  635;  made 
by  Kababish,  382;  of  Phoenicians,  79; 
for  raffia,  42;  used  in  Tunisia,  394; 
on  wooden  blocks  for  stamping  cloth 
in  Ashanti,  644;  see  Baskets,  Colors, 
Cotton,  Gourds,  Henna,  Indigo,  Kohl, 
Weaving 

Eagles,  68 

Ears,  of  bride  pierced,  413;  mutilated, 
262;  ornaments  for,  in  Tibesti,  373 

Earth,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  eaten, 
593;  Mother,  402;  see  Geophagy 

East  Africa,  literature  on  history, 
politics,  and  commerce,  679;  social 
and  political  problems,  713-716;  see 
Kenya,  Somaliland,  Tanganyika, 
Uganda 

Ebony,  used  in  wood-carving,  44,  614 

Echinochloa,  a  genus  of  millets,  46 


882 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Eclipse  of  sun,  and  history,  246 

Ecology,  of  animals,  51-71;  of  plants, 
50 ;  see  Culture  areas.  Vegetation  zones 

Economic  changes,  and  agriculture, 
586-593;  and  education,  698,  717- 
719;  and  geography,  672-689;  among 
Kababish,  381-383;  see  European 
governments 

Edentata,  62 

Edo,  childbirth  customs  of,  440 

Education,  in  Africa,  journals  and 
books  recommended  on,  709;  African 
customs  are  a  difficulty,  702;  of 
Africans,  698-710,  literature  dealing 
with,  709;  aims  of,  in  relation  to 
agriculture,  pastoral  pursuits,  and 
handicrafts,  705,  708;  and  curri- 
culum desirable,  704-708;  and  Euro- 
pean opinions,  702;  and  Negro 
writers,  701;  and  other  problems  in 
Africa,  literature  relating  to,  717-719; 
and  political  problems  in  Tangan- 
yika Territory,  714;  possibilities  of, 
699;  possible  aims  and  achievements 
of,  706;  and  status  of  natives,  700 

Efe  Pygmies,  and  circumcision,  345; 
location  of,  206;  measurements  of,  208 

Efik,  marriage  ceremony  of,  566;  a 
trade  language,  288 

Egba,  secret  societies  of,  501 

Egbo,  secret  society  of  Nigeria,  500 

Eggs,  of  chigoe  flea,  70;  in  Libyan  oases, 
375;  of  locusts  destroyed,  70;  of 
parrot  as  symbolic  message,  321; 
production  of,  69,  should  be  in- 
creased, 596;  sacrificed  by  wood- 
carver,  644;  sacrificial  use  of,  in 
Ashanti,  643;  of  wild  birds  collected 
by  boys,  608 

Egrets,  68 

Egypt,  ancient  races  of,  physique  de- 
scribed, 249-251;  basketry  very  an- 
cient in,  639;  bronze  casting  in,  630; 
camels  in,  54;  caravan  routes  to,  375; 
change  in  Mohammedan  law  in,  390; 
charms  used  in,  585;  history  of,  73- 
78;  ibis  sacred  in,  68;  jerboa  in,  62; 
Jews  in,  83;  leather  industry  ancient 
in,  635;  and  the  Nile,  23;  population 
in,  32;  present  government  in,  673; 
rock  drawings  from,  142 ;  and  Romans, 
80;  sacredness  of  kings  in,  556;  stone 
implements  of,  105-112;  and  use  of 
horses,  55;  see  Nile 

Egyptians,  Hamitic  language  of,  299; 
physique  of,  249;  types  of,  illus.,  195 

Ekkpe,  secret  society  of  Nigeria,  500 

Ekoi,  and  initiation  customs  for  girls, 
466;  physical  measurements  of,  168, 


170;  skull  deformation  of,  266;  system 
of  counting  of,  612;  women  shave 
heads,  270 

Elaeis  guineensis,  oil  palm,  43 

Eland,  an  antelope,  59;  illus.,  53 

El  Bekri,  87 

Elende  in  Angola,  47 

Elephantiasis,  70 

Elephants,  52-53;  Carthaginian,  31; 
carved  in  ivory,  635;  ceremonial 
dance  after  killing,  600;  clan  totems 
of  Yoruba,  489;  hunted  by  Pygmies, 
345;  hunting  of,  and  magic,  598;  and 
rock  engravings,  138,  142;  symbolism 
of,  in  dreams,  582 

Eleusine,  a  genus  of  millets,  46;  cora- 
cana,  location  of  cultivation  of,  46 

Elevation,  and  climate,  21,  34;  see 
Angola,  Mountains,  Nigeria,  Physical 
features 

Elisabethville,  railway  center,  676,  684 

Elliptical  temple  at  Zimbabwe,  88 

El  Mansur,  conquests  of,  87 

Elmenteita,  culture  of,  in  E.  Africa,  119; 
region  of,  in  Kenya,  97 

Elmina,  built  by  Portuguese,  taken  by 
Dutch,  651 

El  Obeid,  railway  center  in  eastern 
Sudan,  680 

Emasculation,  266;  not  practiced  by 
Wahehe,  538;  see  Castration,  Eunuchs 

Embabaan  River,  stone  implements 
from,  124 

Embu,  physical  measurements  of,  178 

Emetics,  used  by  Banyankole,  349 

Emin  Pasha,  explorations  of,  671 

Emotions,  suppressed,  285;  see  Psy- 
chology 

Encyclopaedias,  29;  see  Handbooks 

Engineering,  African  labor  employed 
in,  696;  and  harbors,  21;  and  reser- 
voirs, 23;  see  Bridges,  Railways, 
Reservoirs 

England,  and  African  exploration,  655- 
674;  possessions  of,  674-681;  see 
Britain 

English,  teaching  of,  in  African  schools, 
705 

Engravings,  in  caves,  103;  of  ostrich 
eggs,  68,  331;  on  rocks,  137-152;  see 
Cave  paintings,  Petroglyphs,  Picto- 
graphs 

Ennedi,  rock  engravings  near,  142 

Entomology,  71;  see  Flies,  Locusts 

Environment,  and  culture;  325-404, 
and  effect  on  race,  231;  of  Pygmies 
and  Bushmen  compared,  341;  of 
South  Africa,  124 


General  Index 


883 


Equator,  20;  and  climate,  41;  and 
climatic  zones,  34;  forests  of,  34; 
and  gorilla,  91 

Equiis  capensis,  in  rock  engravings,  151 

Eritrea,  physical  measurements  taken 
in,  190;  railway  communication  in, 
680;  railways  and  political  impor- 
tance of,  686 

Erosion,  24 

Erythrean,  colony  founded,  670;  Sea, 
76,  exploration  of,  650;  see  Indian 
Ocean,  Periplus,  Red  Sea 

Esarhaddon,  invaded  Egypt,  78 

Eschatology,  566,  570;  see  Ancestor 
worship.  Death,  Ghosts,  Religion, 
Soul 

Estuaries,  of  Congo,  24;  see  Niger,  Nile, 
Zambezi 

Ethiopia,  23;  language  of,  301;  Tamahu 
ruled  in,  143;  see  Abyssinia 

Etiological  stories,  74 

Etruscans,  80 

Eunuchs,  status  of,  under  slavery,  537; 
among  Yoruba,  551;  see  Castration 

Euphorbia  menelikii,  illus.,  49 

Euphorbias,  as  poison  for  wells  among 
Bushmen,  334;  used  for  arrow  poison, 
333 

Europe,  and  Africa  connected,  19-20; 
archaeological  terms  of,  used  in  E. 
Africa,  119,  in  S.  Africa,  127;  archae- 
ology of,  101-106;  contacts  of,  and 
effect  on  Negro  industries,  609; 
demands  of,  for  ivory  carving,  635; 
governments  of,  672-719,  for  details 
see  Table  of  Contents;  governments 
of,  and  their  rivalry  inW.  Africa,  660; 
influence  of,  on  brass  work,  632,  on 
Pygmy  beliefs,  345;  methods  of 
administration  of,  and  conflict  with 
African  thought,  710-719;  period  of, 
649-727;  poultry  imported  from,  68; 
salt  imported  from,  591;  slave  trade 
with,  533-534;  stone  implements  of, 
and  S.  African  compared,  125;  terms 
of,  for  Negro  religion  not  satisfactory, 
568;  trade  of,  with  Africa,  672-689; 
trade  of,  and  influence  on  Africa,  610 

Europeans,  attracted  by  trade,  25; 
health  of,  in  Africa  and  future  increase 
of,  695;  introduce  new  vegetables, 
694;  ride  oxen,  56 

Evil  eye,  392;  in  Algeria,  395;  of 
Bathonga  witches,  572 ;  charm  against, 
274;  and  conception  of  twins,  440; 
in  Libyan  oases,  376;  in  Siwa  oases, 
393;  see  Charms,  Tattooing 

Evolution,  biological  concepts  and 
sociological  theories  of,  720 


Executions,  and  destruction  of  soul, 
560;  and  protection  against  ghost  of 
criminal,  516 

Exogamy,  in  Nigeria,  490;  and  psycho- 
analysis, 284;  among  Pygmies,  345; 
and  totemism  of  Ba-ila,  485;  see 
Clans,  Kinship,  Totemism 

Exorcism,  of  demons,  393;  see  Bori 

Exploration,  649-671;  difficulties  of,  20; 
literature  relating  to,  649,  654;  of 
rivers,  22-24;  of  Romans,  82;  of  W. 
Africa,  literature  on,  661 

Exports,  of  coffee,  48;  of  dates,  50;  of 
kola  nuts,  48;  of  maize,  48;  of 
rubber,  48;  see  European  govern- 
ments, 672-688 

Eyebrows,  plucked  out,  266 

Eyelashes,  darkened  with  kohl,  366; 
plucked  out,  266 

Faiyum,  ancient  races  of,  250;  culture, 
illus.,  112;  stone  implements  of,  108 

Falashas,  of  Abyssinia,  illus.,  200;  Jews 
of  Abyssinia,  84;  literature  on,  670 

Family,  475-484;  broad  sociological 
study,  and  literature  recommended, 
722;  and  divorce  proceedings,  419; 
groups,  of  Bushmen,  329;  life,  of 
Africans  under  European  interfer- 
ence, 702;  life,  among  Kababish,  384; 
organization,  among  Bushmen,  336, 
among  Pygmies,  342;  relationship, 
469,  see  Kinship;  responsible  for 
crime,  516,  see  Law,  Uncle;  size  of 
under  polygyny,  418;  worship  in,  563; 
see  Census,  Demography 

Famine,  caused  by  Zulu  warfare,  531 

Fang  (Fan)  tribe,  throwing  knives  of, 
totems  of,  526,  826;  use  crossbow,  600 

Fan  palm,  in  Liberia,  46 

Fantasia,  burlesque  play  in  Libya,  377 ; 
among  Kababish,  383 

Fanti,  military  organization  of,  528 

Fashoda,  clash  of  Kitchener  and  Mar- 
chand, 665 

Fast,  of  Banyankole,  349 

Fat,  ceremonial  offering  to  ancestors, 
564;  eaten  with  manioc,  588;  of 
human  kidneys  magically  used,  499; 
for  preserving  locusts,  608;  rubbed 
on  corpse,  354;  scraped  from  hides, 
635;  from  shea-butter  tree,  46;  for 
smearing  body  by  Bushmen,  331; 
used  for  baking  armlets,  364;  see 
Oil,  Palms 

Father,  meaning  of,  in  Negro  kinship, 
478;  right,  subordinate  to  mother 
right  in  W.  Africa,  480;  see  Kinship 

Fatima,  lucky  hand  of,  395;  symbol  of, 
260 


884 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Fattening  of  girls,  before  marriage,  466 

Fauna,  see  Animals 

Fauresmith,  stone  age  site  in  S.  Africa, 

128 
Feasts,  and  age-grades,  503;  at  initi- 
ation of  hunter,  598 ;  among  Kababish, 
386;  Mohammedan,  387,  and  clan 
service,  493;  in  N.  Africa,  394;  after 
warfare,  530;  see  Cannibalism. 
Feather  plumes,  of  a  coward  catch  fire, 

531;  see  Ostrich 
Feathers,  for  arrows,  524;  not  used  on 
Pygmies'  arrows,  342 ;  of  sacred  birds, 
68;  used  for  arrows  by  Bushmen,  333; 
for  warriors'   head-dress,   529 
Feet,  deformities  of,  70;  not  allowed 

to  touch  ground,  507 
Fekis,  holy  men  of  Kababish,  386 
Felkin,  explorations  of,  670 
Felup,  nasal  index  of,  168 
Females,    descent    reckoned    through, 
480;   see   Ashanti,    Kinship,    Labor, 
Women 
Fermentation,  of  palm  sap,  41 
Fernando  Po,  651;  Spanish  possession, 

688 
Fertility,  charms  to  give,  274;  of  crops 
and  ancestor  worship,  560;  cults,  at 
Zimbabwe,  88;  Legba,  God  of  in 
Dahomey,  546;  rites,  585,  for  cattle, 
358,  and  secret  societies,  499;  of  soil, 
and  religion,  398-404;  symbols  of,  on 
corn  bins,  403;  see  Barrenness, 
Divorce 
Fez,   anti-syphilitic   institute   at,    683; 

captured  by  Arabs,  86 
Fezzan,   explored   by   Duveyrier,   656; 

Garamantes  tribe  in,  81 
Fiber,   of  baobab   used,   48;   of  wood 
used  by  Bushmen,  331;  see  Palms, 
Raffia,  Sisal 
Field  work,  difficulties  of  languages  and 
interpretation  in,  726-727;  and  future 
research,    725;    and    recording    lan- 
guages, 322 
Figs,  40,  50;  grown  in  Algeria,  395 
Figurines,  carved  from  wood,  616;  of 
wood  among  Ovimbundu,  illus.,  625 
Figwort,  used  in  game,  444 
Filariasis,  71 
Finger,   joints   lopped   off,   266;   nails, 

allowed  to  grow  long,  266 
Fingers  and  toes,  used  in  counting,  612 
Fire,  carried  by  boys  in  initiation,  459; 
ceremonial,  and  new  village  site  of 
Ovimbundu,  496;  by  friction  among 
Tuareg,  367;  lucky  girl  must  light,  for 
baking  pots,  644;  made  by  hunters, 
346;  made  by  twirling  among  Pyg- 


mies, 341;  methods  of  making,  591- 
592;  produced  by  friction  among 
Bushmen,  332;  sacred,  356,  359; 
sacred,  in  burial  hut  of  kings  in 
Angola,  495;  sacred,  in  king's  kraal, 
349;  sacred,  and  made  by  twirling 
stick  among  Bushmen,  338;  for 
smoking  bees  from  hives,  608;  sticks, 
of  Bushmen,  330,  carried  in  hair,  270; 
see  Branding,  Burning,  Cooking 

Firearms,  526-527 

Firestone  Rubber  Company,  673 

Fish,  dreaming  of,  580;  in  lakes,  22; 
methods  of  catching,  67;  sacred,  67; 
shot  by  crossbow,  602 

Fish  Hoek  Bay,  96 

Fisher,  skirts  of,  42 

Fishing,  literature  on,  645;  of  Negroes, 
602-604 ;  nets  for,  made  during  initia- 
tion, 465;  sometimes  practiced  by 
Bushmen,  333;  by  torchlight,  603; 
by  weir,  illus.,  607 

Flaking,  of  stone  in  Egypt,  73;  see 
Stone  implements 

Flamingoes,  68 

Flatters  (Colonel),  killed  by  Tuareg,  657 

Flax,  40 

Flies,  and  entomology,  70;  as  omens, 
583 

Flint,  24;  knapping  of,  in  Egypt,  73; 

and  steel,  592;  see  Stone  implements 
Flogging  contests,  446;  see  Initiation, 

Law,  Punishments 

Flora,  see  Botany,  Palms,  Plants,  Zones 
of  vegetation 

Flour,  from  baobab  fruit,  48;  see  Durra, 
Maize,  Manioc,  Meal,  Millet 

Flutes,  452 

Folklore,  Arabian,  in  Siwa,  393;  and 
culture  contacts,  314;  stories,  311- 
315;  theories  of  origin,  315;  about 
Zimbabwe,  88;  see  Mohammedanism, 
Semitic  customs 

Fontanelle,  of  newly  born  child  covered, 
432 

Food,  of  Africans,  modern  studies  of, 
694-695;  chemical  analysis  of,  51;  in 
Libyan  oases,  375;  locusts  as,  70; 
offered  to  sacred  crocodile,  568; 
offered  in  sacrifice,  395;  plants,  dis- 
tribution of,  50;  plants,  research 
needed  on,  51;  prejudices  against, 
595-596;  restrictions  during  preg- 
nancy, 429-433,  436;  taboos  on 
method  of  serving  of,  525;  taboos 
relating  to,  487,  see  Totemism;  of 
Tuareg,  366;  see  Agriculture,  Diet, 
Domestic  animals.  Hunting 
Foot,  of  Negro  dissected,  235 


General  Index 


885 


Forestry,  institute  of,  in  Oxford,  51; 
schools  of,  44;  sources  for  study  of,  44 

Forests,  of  Belgian  Congo,  684;  clear- 
ings of,  and  agriculture,  42,  586;  and 
climate,  21;  dense  equatorial,  32; 
destruction  of,  30;  life  of  Pygmies  in, 
341-345;  of  Nigeria,  675;  in  Rhodesia, 
677;  snails  collected  in,  609;  zones  of, 
and  cultures,  326 

Forge,  629;  see  Anvil,  Bellows,  Black- 
smith, Charcoal,  Iron 

Formulae,  for  comparing  averages,  164, 
165;  for  racial  likeness,  224 

Fossil  man,  91-99;  in  Africa,  summary 
of,  99;  distribution  of,  in  Africa,  92; 
in  Europe,  106;  of  Mechta,  115;  see 
Paleontology 

Fossils,  discontinuous  distribution  of, 
30;  of  prehistoric  man,  226;  see 
Paleontology 

Foster  mothers,  433 

Foureau-Lamy  expedition,  657 

Fowls,  from  Asia,  76;  see  Chickens, 
Ducks,  Poultry 

Foxes,  60;  in  Air,  362;  flying,  62 

France,  expeditionary  work  of,  657, 
see  Exploration;  policy  of,  toward 
Africans,  700;  possessions  in  Africa, 
681-683;  and  regulations  for  African 
laborers,  697 

Freetown,  674 

Freezing  point,  at  high  elevations,  21 

French,  administration  of,  in  Africa, 
literature  relating  to,  717;  defeat 
Rabeh,  55;  defeat  Turks,  89;  Equato- 
rial Africa,  political  unit  of,  683, 
population  of,  32;  Guinea,  railways 
of,  political,  commercial,  683;  Niger 
Territory,  political  unit  of,  683, 
Tuareg  and  camels  in,  363;  Sudan, 
rock  sculpture  in,  138 

Fresh  water  systems,  22-23;  see  Lakes, 
Rivers 

Friction  drum,  453 

Friendships,  best  friend,  494;  of  boys 
and  girls  before  marriage,  410-411 

Frigidity,  Ovimbundu  custom,  420 

Frogs,  64;  as  a  bad  omen,  583 

Fruits,  41;  of  baobab  as  food,  48;  of 
borassus  palm  eaten,  46;  collected 
by  women  and  children  among 
Ovimbundu,  608;  first  fruits  offered 
to  dead  ancestors,  549,  see  Sacred 
kings;  of  kola  tree,  48;  offering  of 
first,  338,  398-404;  see  Harvesting, 
Sacrifice 

Fulani,  cattle  customs  of,  358;  cattle 
kept  by,  56;  clothing  and  ornament, 
illus.,  271 ;  descent  how  reckoned,  480, 


481;  joking  relationship  among,  492; 
sell  cattle  to  Tuareg,  368;  subdued 
by  British,  56;  use  of  baobab  tree  by, 
48;  whipping  ceremony  of,  illus.,  463 

Functional  studies,  literature  relating 
to,  723 

Funeral,  boat  used  for,  76;  customs 
among  Nankanse,  481;  feast,  cattle 
used  in,  354;  of  hunter  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 598;  rites,  548-555,  of  Ban- 
yankole  king,  350,  of  Kababish,  386, 
of  Ovimbundu,  illus.,  559,  of  Tuareg, 
370,  see  Sacred  kings;  symbolism  of, 
in  dreams,  582 ;  see  Burial,  Death 

F\ir,  cloak  presented  to  Bushman  bride, 
337 ;  garments,  for  governing  class,  504 

Furnaces,  at  Zimbabwe,  89;  see  Black- 
smith, Forge,  Iron,  Smelting 

Gabes,  Gulf  of,  in  Neolithic  times,  117 
Gaboon  (Gabun),  French  political  unit 

in,  683;  Pygmies  in,  202,  345;  River, 

reached  by  Carthaginians,  79 
Gaetuli,  ancient  tribe,  81 
Gafsa  (Tunis),  104 
Gall,   bladder,  of  python  used,  64;  of 

mamba  in   treating  wound,  used  by 

Bushmen,  339 
Galla,  age-grades  of,  503;  initiation  of 

boys  of,  466;  language  is   Hamitic, 

300;  physical  measurements  on,  199 
Gambia,  674 
Gamble's  Cave,  97 
Gambling  games,  445 
Gambos,  in  Angola,  270 
Game,  destroyed  by  hunters,  59;  herds 

of,  32;  how  divided  by  Pygmies,  342; 

see  Animal  life.  Antelopes,  Hunting 
Games,  443-446;  of  Negroes  classified, 

443 
Gan,  clans  of,  490 
Gao,  early  visit  by  Italian  explorer,  654; 

stone  implements  near,  134 
Garamantes,  81,  144 
Gazelle,    in    desert,    59;    hunted    with 

cheetahs,  61;  illus.,  53;  trapped  by 

Kababish,  383;  trapped  by  Tuareg, 

368 
Gebel  Moya,  railway  communications, 

680 
Geckos,  used  as  food  by  Bushmen,  329 
Ge'es  (Ethiopic),  301 
Genealogy,     and     history,     72;     little 

remembered  by  commoners,  478;  of 

Shilluk  kings,  554;  see  Kinship 
General  Gordon,  671 
Genetics,  231 
Gentil,  explorations  of,  665;  and  French 

exploration,  657 


886 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Geographers,  ancient,  81;  see  Arabs, 
Exploration,  Periplus 

Geography,  593;  of  Africa,  source  book 
for,  672;  of  animals,  see  Animal  life; 
compendium  for  Africa,  29;  con- 
ditions of,  and  life  of  Kababish,  381; 
factors  of,  19-23;  and  human  life, 
227;  of  Egyptian,  Roman,  Greek, 
and  Arab  writers,  144;  and  popula- 
tion section  III  on  Culture  areas; 
of  plants,  see  Zones  of  vegetation; 
of  Swaziland,  677 

Geology,  and  archaeological  method, 
100;  factors  of,  in  human  culture,  26; 
formation,  in  relation  to  physical 
features, minerals,  and  climate,  19-28; 
and  fossils  in  Kenya,  98;  research  on, 
needed,  28;  see  Minerals,  Paleon- 
tology Physical  features 

Geometrical  designs,  on  brass,  632;  in 
raffia  mats,  636;  in  wood  carving, 
616;  see  Brasswork 

Germany,  colonial  developments  of, 
679;  expeditionary  work  of,  656,  see 
Exploration;  and  French  interest  in 
Africa,  681;  possessions  acquired  by, 
656;  school  of  sociology  of,  722; 
warfare  of,  reduced  the  Herero,  691 

Gerontocracy,  475;  see  Age-grades, 
Social  controls 

Getulian  culture,  114 

Gezo,  king  of  Dahomey,  and  female 
warriors,  527 

Ghadames,  rock  engravings  near,  141 

Ghana,  kingdom  of,  87;  kinship  and 
descent  in,  480 

Ghat,  rock  engravings  near,  141 

Ghomara,  a  Berber  tribe,  physical 
measurements  on,  198;  pigmentation 
of,  252 

Ghosts,  75;  appeasing  of,  566;  Bushman 
beliefs  in,  339;  and  divination,  576; 
interest  of,  in  conduct  of  living  people, 
565;  as  judges  during  initiation,  460; 
of  murdered  victims,  516;  Pygmy 
beliefs  in,  345;  of  royal  dead  pro- 
pitiated, 549;  vindictiveness  of,  562; 
see  Ancestor  worship.  Religion,  Soul 

Ghuls,  beliefs  in,  among  Kababish,  386 

Gibbons,  91 

Gibraltar,  19;  and  Phoenicians,  79 

Gin,  as  currency,  612 

Ginning,  of  cotton,  644 

Giraffes,  59;  in  Kordofan,  383;  north  of 
Chad,  362;  in  rock  engravings,  59; 
and  rock  sculpture,  144 

Girls,  as  companions  of  unmarried 
warriors,  529;  enlisted  in  army  of 
Dahomey,  527;  fattened  before  mar- 
riage,   466;    initiation    of,    461-463; 


members  of  secret  societies,  498-502; 
unmarried,  own  land,  513 ;  see  Females, 
Games,  Handicrafts,  Labor,  Women 

Glaciations,  30;  in  Europe,  104 

Glaciers,  in  Europe  and  Africa,  103; 
periods  of,  in  Europe  and  pluvial 
periods  of  east  Africa,  120 

Glands,  and  normal  development,  278 

Glass,  beads  of,  in  Egypt,  73;  made  at 
Bida,  634;  ornaments  of,  worn  by 
Tuareg,  364;  of  Phoenicians,  79;  at 
Zimbabwe,  89;  see  Aggrey  beads, 
Beads,  Stone 

Glazes,  used  by  Badarians,  112 

Glossinia  morsitaTis,  70;  palpalis,  70;  see 
Tsetse  fly 

Gnostics,  an  early  Christian  sect,  81 

Goats,  in  Abyssinia,  687;  in  Algeria, 
395;  as  bad  omen,  583;  better  hus- 
bandryneeded  for,  596;  breeds  of,  595; 
hair  of,  for  rugs  by  Kababish,  382; 
kept  by  Kababish,  381,  by  Tuareg, 
366;  long-eared,  Syrian,  illus.,  57; 
as  payment  for  injury,  519;  in  rock 
engravings,  142;  sacrificed  at  birth 
of  child,  440;  in  Siwa,  393;  skin  of, 
used  for  clothing,  364,  for  making 
bags  by  Tuareg,  367;  widely  used,  58 

Gods,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  Egyp- 
tian, 23;  ideas  of,  542-548,  and  litera- 
ture on,  584,  among  Masai,  354;  and 
law,  508;  maternal  and  paternal, 
among  Bathonga,  477;  see  Religion, 
Sacred  kings 

Golah,  initiation  rites  of,  464 

Gold,  24,  25;  bangles  of,  at  Zimbabwe, 
89;  of  Byzantines,  83;  dreaming  of, 
580;  dust  as  currency  in  Ashanti, 
612;  future  mining  prospects  of,  in  W. 
Africa,  682;  mined  in  Ashanti,  675, 
in  S.  Africa,  677;  and  Phoenicians,  78; 
stool  of,  in  Ashanti,  548-549;  Zim- 
babwe mines  of,  87,  89 

Gold  Coast,  clinics  at,  694;  political  and 
commercial,  675;  and  racial  mixture 
of,  246;  slave  trade  on,  425 

Gomera,  an  island  in  the  Canary  group, 
117 

Gongs,  452 

Gora,  see  Goura 

Gordon  College,  at  Khartum,  680 

Gorilla,  91 

Goura,  musical  instrument  of  Bushmen, 
336,  453 

Gourds,  38;  for  collecting  palm  sap,  42 
for  holding  palm  wine,   illus.,   640 
hung  around  neck  during  fishing,  603 
literature  on,  646;  for  making  musi- 
cal instruments,  453;  ornamentation 


General  Index 


887 


of,  illus.,  623;  as  rattles,  452;  various 
designs  on,  620;  see  Calabashes,  Dyes, 
Indigo 

Government,  publications  of,  672;  trans- 
fer of,  under  age-grade  system,  503- 
506;  see  European  governments. 
Law,  Social  controls 

Graebnerian  School,  721;  see  Kultur- 
kreis 

Grain,  botanical  names  of,  44;  grinding 
of,  by  Tuareg,  366;  measures  of 
quantity  of,  613;  purchased  by  Kaba- 
bish,  383;  stored  in  baskets  by  Vak- 
wanyama,  587 ;  see  Agriculture,  Durra, 
Maize,  Millet,  Wheat 

Granada,  Arabian  influence  in,  85 

Granaries,  illus.,  589;  of  Negroes,  587 

Gran  Canaria,  117 

Grandparents,  and  joking  relationship, 
493;  see  Age-grades,  Gerontocracy, 
Kinship 

Grant's  gazelle,  53;  zebra,  illus.,  53 

Grapes,  50;  in  Kufra,  375 

Graphite,  mined  in  Ashanti,  675 

Grass,  area,  34,  in  Rhodesia,  677;  for 
building  shelter,  524;  coarse  in  semi- 
desert,  34;  as  human  food,  46;  for 
making  baskets  and  mats,  639;  set 
on  fire  by  Ovimbundu  to  drive  out 
game,  608;  shelters  game,  59;  sym- 
bolism of,  354,  529;  see  Vegetation 
zones 

Grasshoppers,  70;  used  in  fishing,  603; 
see  Orthoptera 

Graves,  ancestral  rites  at,  among  Shilluk, 
564;  in  ancient  Egypt,  73;  cattle 
sacrifice  near,  350;  lined  with  hides, 
354;  marked  with  horns  of  cattle,  356; 
monuments  on,  155;  of  Ovimbundu, 
illus.,  559;  theft  from,  punished  by 
death,  515;  see  Burial,  Death,  Fune- 
rals, Tombs 

Greaves,  used  on  Bauchi  Plateau,  524 

Greece,  Mediterranean  race  in,  249; 
philosophers  of,  23;  and  scriptures,  81 

Greeks,  in  Africa,  80-82 

Grinders,  of  stone,  123,  530 

Griquas  (Hottentots),  craniometry  of, 
217 

Grootfontein,  railway  communications, 
676 

Grotten  kultur,  in  north  Africa,  115 

Groundnuts,  41,  675;  see  Nigeria, 
Sierra  Leone 

Groves,  sacred,  489;  sacred  to  black- 
smith, 643;  in  Nigeria,  80,  illus.,  573 

Guanches,  racial  relationship  of,  116 

Guava,  41 

Guides,  for  desert  travel,  375 


Guilds,  for  blacksmiths,  643;  see  Benin, 
Bronze 

Guinea,  corn,  50,  see  Durra;  fowl,  do- 
mesticated, 69;  Gulf  of,  38;  Gulf  of, 
explored,  651;  Gulf  of,  and  rainfall, 
38;  see  French,  Portuguese,  Spanish 

Gumban,  culture  of,  in  east  Africa,  119 

Gums,  of  commerce,  48;  from  hard 
woods  of  Italian  Somaliland,  686; 
from  Sudan,  680;  see  Acacias 

Guns,  see  Firearms 

Gwari,  and  polyandry,  417 

Gypsies,  397;  see  Nomadism 

Hadendoa,  illus,  197;  locations  of,  680; 
physical  measurements  on,  168;  skulls 
of,  250 

Hair,  dressing  of,  by  priests  in  Ashanti, 
545,  of  Tibesti  women,  373;  human, 
worn  as  girdles  by  Kababish,  385; 
ornamentation  of,  266-270;  repre- 
sented in  wood-carving,  626;  shaved 
from  head  by  Kababish,  385,  in 
Tibesti,  373;  Tuareg  ornaments  for, 
366 

Half-Hamites,  clans  and  totems  of,  492; 
kinship  system  of,  474;  physical 
measurements  on,  199,  202;  see 
Masai,  Nandi 

Hamaches,  a  Mohammedan  order,  393 

Hamites,  and  Berber  culture,  393-397; 
divisions  of,  163;  and  iron  work,  629; 
migrations  of,  75,  85;  military  system 
of,  528-530;  physical  measurements 
on,  198;  social  status  of  hunters,  600; 
system  of  initiation  of,  466;  see 
Berbers,  Cattle  culture,  Hadendoa, 
Somali 

Hamitic,  age-grades,  502-506;  lan- 
guages, 299-302,  in  Abyssinia,  687; 
relation  to  other  African  languages, 
300;  speech  in  Tibesti,  372;  traits,  in 
Hottentot  language,  291;  types,  illus. 
and  measured,  195-199,  and  Spring- 
bok man,  97 

Hammers,  of  blacksmith  sacred,  642- 
643;  of  stone,  123,  135 

Hammer  stones,  used  by  Bushmen,  332 

Hanbalites,  a  Mohammedan  sect,  388 

Handbook,  of  Nigeria,  675;  on  political 
divisions,  673;  on  Portuguese  colonies, 
685;  on  W.  African  possessions,  675 

Handicrafts,  in  ancient  Egypt,  73;  con- 
sidered menial,  356;  of  Negroes,  613- 
646,  literature  on,  646,  points  sum- 
marized, 614;  seen  in  markets  of 
Nigeria,  610;  taught  by  missionaries, 
666;  see  Baskets,  Bronze,  Iron,  Pot- 
tery, Wood-carving 

Hands,  signs  made  by,  318 


888 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Hanifites,  a  Mohammedan  sect,  388 

Hannibal,  54;  in  Italy,  80;  used  horses, 
55 

Hanno,  Carthaginian  leader,  79;  voy- 
age of,  650 

Harbors,  20 

Harems,  Eunuchs  supplied  for,  536 

Hares,  in  Air,  362;  flesh  of,  forbidden 
during  pregnancy,  430;  flesh  tabooed, 
582;  in  folklore,  62,  313;  hunted  by 
Bushmen,  334 

Harmattan  wind,  22 

Harpoons,  77;  used  in  fishing,  603 

Harun-al-Rashid,  Arab  chief,  85 

Haruspication,  575;  of  human  victim, 
499 

Harvard,  African  expedition,  694;  ex- 
pedition to  Liberia,  71;  University, 
report  on  labor  conditions  in  Africa, 
696 

Harvesting,  storing  of  grain,  587 

Hassenein  Bey,  and  exploration  of 
Libya,  661 

Hausa,  communities  of,  in  N.  Africa, 
392;  geography  among,  593;  Hamitic 
features  of  language,  300;  language 
suitable  for  wide  adoption,  704;  males 
make  clothing,  368;  measurements  of, 
165-172;  and  salt  caravan,  369;  stage 
plays  of,  319;  subdued  by  British,  56; 
system  of  counting  and  measuring  of, 
612-613;  a  trade  language,  288; 
traders,  and  Negro  writing,  308 

Hawaiian  Chinese  hybrids,  233 

Hawk,  sacred,  68 

Hawkins  (Sir  John),  and  the  slave 
trade,  658 

Hayward,  and  Saharan  exploration,  661 

Head,  of  bronze,  630;  dress,  for  magician 
in  Cameroons,  illus.,  581;  form,  sum- 
mary of  African  people,  222;  hunting, 
532-533;  hunting,  and  destruction  of 
soul,  560 

Health,  of  Africans,  factors  concerned, 
690-694 

Heart,  of  animal  sacrificed  by  Pygmies, 
345;  human  soul  contained  in,  556- 
558 

Hebrews,  and  ancient  Semitic  customs, 
390;  customs  of,  392;  language  of,  83; 
see  Jews,  Semites 

Hegira,  year  of  Prophet's  flight  from 
Mecca,  390 

Hehe,  see  Wahehe 

Heikum  Bushmen,  ceremony  of  first 
fruits  of,  334;  marriage  customs  of, 
337;  stature  of,  213 

Heliolithic  culture,  75 

Helmet,  for  horsemen,  56 


Hemp,  narcotic,  used  in  N.  Africa,  394; 
smoked  by  Bushmen,  332;  smoked  in 
water  pipe,  590 

Henna,  38,  392;  for  fingernails  in 
Tibesti,  373;  plant  grows  in  Air,  366 

Henry  the  Navigator,  651 

Herbs,  for  bathing  eyes  of  hunter,  598; 
see  Medicine-man 

Herdsmen,  duties  of,  among  Banyan- 
kole,  349;  see  Cattle 

Herero,  as  cattle  keepers,  356;  subju- 
gated by  Germans,  691 

Herodotus,  81;  and  exploration,  649; 
and  the  Niger,  82 

Heroes,  stories  about,  313;  see  Folklore, 
Mythology 

Heuglin,  explorations  of,  670 

Hides,  635;  as  clothing,  270,  for  Bush- 
men, 330,  among  hunters,  346;  for 
corpse  of  king,  350;  exported  from 
Ashanti,  675;  graves  lined  with,  354; 
pouch  of,  for  carrying  infant,  330; 
preparation  of,  270;  preparation  of, 
by  Vakwanyama,  607;  rings  of,  worn 
on  fingers,  503;  shields  of,  522;  used 
as  a  shroud,  354;  various  uses  of,  635 

Hiechware  Bushmen,  practice  circum- 
cision and  clitoridectomy,  333;  prac- 
tice ground  smoking,  332;  stature  of, 
213 

Hieroglyphs,  302,  304 

Hippopotamus,  59;  goddess  in  Egypt, 
23;  hunted,  753;  and  rock  engravings, 
142 

History,  as  aid  to  anthropology,  721; 
of  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  680;  of 
anthropology,  720-722;  of  Asiatic 
contacts  with  Africa,  72-78;  of 
Bantu  migrations,  248-249;  of  Bel- 
gian Congo,  684;  of  Egypt,  72-78;  of 
French  possessions  and  sources  for 
study  of,  683;  of  Greeks,  80-83;  of 
Jews,  83;  of  kinship  systems,  476;  of 
Phoenicians,  78-80;  of  plants,  38;  of 
Romans,  80-83;  of  South  Africa,  678; 
of  Tuareg,  253,  254;  in  writing,  72; 
see  section  I,  chap.  II,  III 

Hives,  for  bees,  347,  608 

Hoe,  blades,  as  currency,  612;  chiefly 
used  in  Negro  agriculture,  587;  cul- 
tivation, future  of,  in  Africa,  694 

Hoggar  Mountains,  34;  breed  of  camels 
from,  368;  explored  by  Duveyrier, 
656;  Tuareg  of,  364;  Tuareg  defeated 
in,  657 

Holcus  sorghum,  46;  see  Durra,  Millet, 
Sorghum 

Holub,  explorations  of,  668 

Homa  Mountain,  and  Kanam  mandible, 
98 


General  Index 


889 


Home,  influence  on  children,  442;  see 
Family,  Kinship 

Homicide,  see  Murder 

Homo,  kanamensis,  98;  nordicus,  251, 
252;  rhodesiensis,  92,  94;  sapiens,  91, 
origin  of,  226,  original  home  of,  not  in 
Africa,  114,  type  of,  116 

Homosexuality,  general  information; 
424;  in  secret  society,  500 

Honey,  added  to  beer,  590,  608;  col- 
lected by  Pygmies,  341;  as  food  for 
Bushmen,  329;  gathered  by  Ovim- 
bundu,  608;  method  of  collecting,  in 
Nigeria,  609;  from  nests  of  wild  bees, 
347;  used  for  making  intoxicating 
drink  by  Bushmen,  332 

Hope  Fountain,  stone  implements  near, 
127 

Horn  of  Africa,  Italian  possessions  in, 
686 

Hornbills,  68 

Hornemann,  explorations  of,  654 

Horns,  blown  by  mother  of  twins,  433; 
of  cattle  anointed,  359,  ornamen- 
tally twisted,  352;  as  charms,  578;  for 
cupping,  392;  filled  with  magical 
medicine,  274,  610;  human  bones 
attached  to,  528;  as  musical  instru- 
ments, 452;  of  sacrificed  animals, 
how  used,  356;  as  symbol  in  initiation, 
464;  used  for  point  of  digging  stick, 
331;  used  for  tobacco  pipe  by  Bush- 
men, 332 

Horsemanship,  of  Kababish,  383;  see 
Fantasia 

Horsemen,  highly  skilled  in  Libya,  377; 
illus.,  391 

Horses,  34;  in  Abyssinia,  687;  accouter- 
ments  of,  made  by  blacksmiths,  629; 
diseases  of,  56,  71;  on  Egyptian  mu- 
rals, 54;  hair  of,  for  musical  instru- 
ments, 77,  390;  historical  notes  on, 
55,  56;  kept  by  Kababish,  381 ;  leather 
trappings  for,  635;  in  Libyan  oases, 
375;  in  rock  engravings,  142;  and 
tsetse  fly,  56;  of  Tuareg,  illus.,  365; 
where  used  and  bred,  55 

Horus,  sacred  hawk  of,  68 

Hospitality,  and  clan  membership,  485; 
great  among  Bedouins,  377;  of  Ovim- 
bundu,  443;  and  wife-lending,  424 

Hottentots,  and  Boskop  type,  96;  com- 
pared with  Bushmen,  214;  cut  off 
finger  joints,  266;  decline  in  number, 
690;  illus.,  225;  languages  of,  291-293; 
languages  of,  Hamitic,  300;  physical 
characters  of,  217;  physical  measure- 
ments of,  213;  supply  iron  to  Bush- 
men, 332;  use  cattle,  358 


Houses,  of  agricultural  Negroes,  399; 
Bedouin-Arab  tent,  illus.,  380;  built 
for  initiation,  465;  for  burial  of  kings, 
495;  of  Bushmen,  330;  of  Dorobo 
hunters,  346;  dream  of  burning  of, 
582;  of  Kababish,  382;  in  Kano,  389; 
for  men  only,  409,  410;  method  of 
building,  by  Ovimbundu,  620;  Mo- 
hammedan styles  of,  392;  one  for 
each  wife,  418;  of  Pygmies,  346;  in 
Tibesti,  373;  of  Tuareg,  366;  where 
girls  are  fattened,  466 

Huila  (Angola),  railway  communi- 
cations, 685 

Human,  bones,  in  medicine,  274;  bones 
and  monuments  in  N.  Africa,  153; 
control,  see  Engineering;  sacrifice, 
79,  528,  in  Ashanti,  549,  of  Baganda, 
554,  in  Benin,  552,  to  crocodiles,  64, 
in  Dahomey,  550,  forbidden  by  Mo- 
hammed, 387,  by  secret  society,  499; 
stocks,  origins  of,  228 

Humidity,  21 ;  in  forests,  32;  see  Climate, 
Rainfall 

Humor,  in  English  essays  of  Negroes, 
705;  illus.,  by  folklore,  311-313,  by 
proverbs,  309-311 

Hunters,  destroy  soul  of  slain  animal, 
489;  disguised,  334,  illus.,  597;  houses 
of  Wandorobo,  illus.,  601 ;  modern,  52 ; 
in  rock  engravings,  137;  scattered 
groups  of,  346;  and  social  status  of, 
600;  tomb,  illus.,  599;  trophy  of 
Ovimbundu,  illus.,  599;  use  firearms, 
526;  see  Bushmen,  Pygmies 

Hunting,  and  boys'  games,  444;  Bush- 
men dancers  in  ceremony  of,  334;  and 
ceremonial  dancing,  447;  cultures, 
ancient  in  Sahara,  115;  cultures,  sum- 
marized, 347;  dogs  magically  treated 
for,  600;  among  Kababish,  383;  of 
lions  by  Masai,  352;  literature  on, 
645;  mantis  gives  good  luck  in,  338; 
and  mythology,  542;  in  Negro  tribes, 
596-602;  of  Pygmies  and  Bushmen 
compared,  341;  and  rock  engravings, 
144;  territory,  336;  among  Tuareg, 
368 

Husband,  Bushman,  lives  with  wife's 
kin,  337;  see  Betrothal,  Bridegroom, 
Divorce,  Marriage 

Huwe,  supernatural  being  of  Kung 
Bushmen,  334 

Hweli,  protector  of  household  in  Da- 
homey, 563 

Hybridization  of  races,  233 

Hyenas,  60;  in  Air,  362;  folklore  story 
of,  313;  illus.,  63;  in  rock  engravings, 
141 

Hylobates,  91 


890 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Hymns,  to  Nile,  24;  in  praise  of  chiefs, 

318;  see  Poetry,  Songs,  Spells 
Hyphaene  thebaica,  dum  palm,  46 
Hyracoidea,  see  Hyrax 
Hyrax,  60 

Ibadan,  food  market  at,  606;  nature  of 
market  trade  at,  610;  sacred  white 
crocodile  of,  567;  school  of  forestry 
at,  44 

Ibex,  of  Abyssinia,  illus.,  200 

Ibibio,  age-grades  of,  505;  marionettes 
used  by,  319 

Ibis,  sacred  in  ancient  Egypt,  68 

Ibn,  Batuta,  87;  Edrisi,  87;  Haukal,  87; 
Khaldun,  87;  Yacin,  86 

Ibo,  age-grades  of,  505;  agricultural 
rites  of,  401;  blacksmiths  form  a 
union  among,  643;  proverbs  from, 
310;  twins  detested  by,  440 

Ice  Age,  in  Europe,  102-104 

Idols,  forbidden  by  Mohammed,  387 

Ife,  67;  cultural  influences  at,  80; 
sacred  groves  in,  illus.,  573;  terra 
cotta  heads  from,  136 

Ijaw,  age-grades  of,  505 

Ijebus,  secret  societies  of,  501 

Illegitimate  births,  possible  increase  of, 
702;  see  Chastity,  Infanticide 

Illuminant,  fat  used  for,  48 

Ilorin,  nature  of  market  trade  of,  610; 
stone  beads  made,  634 

Imperial  airways,  routes  to  Africa  by, 
677 

Implements,  of  stone,  99-136 

Imports,  see  European  trade 

Impotence,  of  male  and  divorce,  439 

Incest,  see  Cousins,  Cross-cousins,  Kin- 
ship systems.  Law,  Marriage 

Independent  territory,  673-674 

India,  Arabs  in,  85;  beads  from,  189; 
cheetahs  trained  in,  61;  and  early 
navigation,  651;  fowls  from,  76;  and 
ivory  from  Africa,  54;  rice  from,  40; 
and  trade  with  Zimbabwe,  88 

Indian,  corn,  see  Maize;  elephant,  54; 
influences,  76;  music  in  Africa,  455; 
Ocean,  and  early  exploration  of,  650, 
and  strategic  importance  of,  686; 
traders,  in  Kenya  Colony,  679 

Indigo,  38;  cloth,  worn  by  Tuareg 
women,  364;  dye,  used  in  tattooing, 
260;  plant,  48;  staining  gourds,  620 

Indonesia,  and  African  music,  456; 
general  influences  of,  604 

Industries,  of  Berber  women,  395;  see 
Handicrafts,  Labor,  Occupations 

Infanticide,  411,  432;  an  ancient  Sem- 
itic practice,  387;  by  Jagas  of  Angola, 


527;  not  among  Tuareg,  371;  of 
twins,  433-434;  see  Abortion,  Be- 
trothal, Chastity 

Infants,  betrothal  of,  411-413;  mortal- 
ity of,  in  Lobi  tribe,  692,  among 
Ovimbundu,  693;  see  Demography 

Infibulation,  among  Kababish,  385;  of 
slave  girls,  536 

Ingots,  of  copper,  89 

Inheritance,  471;  of  cattle,  358;  among 
Kababish,  385;  of  land,  402;  laws  of, 
511-512;  in  male  line  by  Nankanse, 
482;  of  medicine-man's  power  and  of 
priestly  functions,  574;  of  occupation 
of  mother  by  daughter,  644;  in  occu- 
pation, 632;  system  of,  in  Libya,  377; 
see  Father-right,  Law,  Mother-right 

Initiation,  Bantu,  458-464;  of  black- 
smith, 642;  of  a  hunter  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 598;  illus.,  461,  463;  Nilotic, 
466-468;  of  priests  and  medicine-men, 
574;  rites,  and  literature  recom- 
mended, 468;  and  secret  societies, 
500;  Sudanic  type  of,  464-466;  sum- 
mary of  factors,  456-458;  see  Age- 
grades,  Puberty,  Secret  societies 

Ink,  used  for  writing  Koranic  texts,  392 

In-laws,  and  joking  relationship,  492; 
taboos  concerning,  482;  see  Kinship, 
Mother-in-law,  Taboos 

Inoculation,  of  human  beings,  576 

Insalah,  physique  of  inhabitants  of,  253; 
rock  engravings  near,  145 

Insectivora,  62 

Insults,  by  hand  signs,  318 

Intelligence,  and  race,  276;  tests  of,  279 

International  Institute  of  African  Lan- 
guages and  Cultures,  288;  and 
schemes  for  writing  African  lan- 
guages, 704;  see  periodical  "Africa" 

Intoxicating  drink,  41 

Intoxication,  41,  332,  393;  see  Alcohol, 
Beer,  Hemp,  Narcotics,  Wine 

Inundation,  of  Nile,  23 

Ipomaea  batatas,  sweet  potato,  41 

Iron,  25;  for  arrowheads,  524;  arrow 
tips  of,  among  Bushmen,  332;  as  cur- 
rency, 612,  see  Hoe-blades,  Spear- 
heads; early  use  of,  in  W.  Africa,  134; 
in  Egypt,  73;  forged  by  Tuareg,  367; 
formerly  worked  in  Kordofan,  383; 
future  mining  prospects  of,  in  W. 
Africa,  682;  gongs,  452;  for  heads  of 
harpoons,  603;  historical  notes  on, 
628;  hoe-blades  made  from,  587; 
literature  on,  646;  not  forged  by 
Bushmen,  332;  not  made  by  Dorobo, 
347;  points  for  arrows  of  Pygmies, 
342;  punch  for  making  beads,  634; 


General  Index 


891 


rods,  used  in  glass-making,  634 ;  scraps 
of,  for  loading  guns,  526;  spearhead 
under  stone  monument,  154;  and 
stone  implements  of  W.  Africa,  134, 
135;  tools  of,  and  methods  of 
making,  629-630;  work,  oriental  in- 
fluence on,  76;  at  Zimbabwe,  89;  see 
Blacksmith,  Weapons 

Irrigation,  586;  in  Air,  50;  ancient  in  E. 
Africa,  157;  in  Egypt,  23;  by  Kabyles, 
50;  in  Kufra,  375;  in  Nigeria,  401; 
oxen  turn  wheels  for,  56;  Romans 
and  Persians  used,  25 

Iseyin,  weaving  of,  illus.,  637 

Islam,  see  Arabs,  Koran,  Moham- 
medanism, Semites 

Israelites,  83;  see  Hebrews,  Jews 

Istanbul,  on  site  of  ancient  Byzantium, 
83 

Italy,  archaeological  work  of,  112;  and 
Capsian  Culture,  129;  expansion  of, 
and  literature  relating  to,  687;  ex- 
ploration of,  in  E.  Africa,  670;  Hanni- 
bal's campaign  in,  55,  80;  influence  of, 
in  N.  Africa  and  literature  relating 
to,  688;  Mediterranean  race  in,  249; 
population  of,  685;  possessions  of,  in 
Africa,  685-688;  rights  of,  in  Tangier, 
688 

Ituri,  Pygmies  of,  202;  type  of  dwelling, 
illus.,  601;  see  Belgian  Congo,  Pyg- 
mies 

Ivory,  52,  634-635;  from  Belgian  Congo, 
684;  of  Byzantines,  83;  carving, 
European  influences  in,  635;  as  cur- 
rency, 612;  exported  from  Zanzibar 
Protectorate,  679;  from  Mozambique, 
685;  musical  horns  of,  452;  as  orna- 
ment, 274;  and  Roman  hunters,  31; 
and  slave  trade,  538;  trade  in,  245; 
trumpets  of,  among  Yoruba,  551; 
tusks  at  Benin,  630 

Ivory  Coast,  forest  in,  32;  railways  of, 
political,  commercial,  683;  wood- 
carving  of,  44 

Jackals,   60;   in   Air,   362;   hunted   by 

Bushmen,  334 
Jack  fruit,  40 
Jagabub  Oasis,  headquarters  of  Senussi 

sect,  376 
Jagas,    military   organization    of,   527; 

and  slave  raids,  245;  war-like  tribe 

of  Angola,  452 
Jalelo,  stone  implements  near,  118 
Ja-luo  tribe,  stone  clubs  of,  135 
Java,  and  African  music,  456;  influence 

of,  on  African  canoes,  604 
Javelins,  barbed,  in  Tibesti,  373;  see 

Spears 
Jealousy,  in  polygynous  family,  478 


Jebba,  modern  bridge  at,  676 

Jerboas,  62;  in  Air,  362 

Jerd,  an  article  of  Bedouin  clothing,  375 

Jesuits,  and  Portuguese  exploration, 
652-653;  see   Christianity,   Missions 

Jewelers,  among  Tuareg,  367 

Jewish  population  in  Tripolitania,  396 

Jibuti,  railway  from,  to  Addis  Ababa, 
687;  reached  by  Marchand,  665 

Jigger,  70 

Jinns,  beliefs  concerning,  376;  Kababish 
believe  in,  386;  in  Siwa,  393 

Johannesburg,  conditions  of  African 
labor  in,  698;  importance  of  mining 
in,  677 

Joking  relationships,  492-493;  and  Ba- 
ila  age-grades,  505 

Jos,  railway  communications  of,  676 

Journals,  dealing  with  archaeology  in 
Africa,  112 

Jugglers,  as  entertainers,  446 

Jugurtha,  enemy  of  Romans,  82 

Juice,  baobab,  added  to  milk,  48;  mag- 
ical use  of,  on  weapons,  525;  vegetable, 
as  protection  against  stings  of  bees, 
609;  see  Sap 

Jukun,  birth  customs  of,  439;  father- 
right  and  mother-right  among,  480; 
funeral  boat  of,  76;  joking  relation- 
ship of,  492;  religious  beliefs  of,  546; 
sacred  oath  of,  507;  special  cultural 
developments  of,  407;  status  of  mar- 
ried women  among,  423;  and  stone 
buildings,  153;  time  reckoning  of,  592 

Julius  Maternus,  and  exploration  in 
Sahara,  650;  a  Roman  explorer,  82 

Junker,  explorations  of,  670 

Juvenile  mind,  286;  see  Animism, 
Children,  Psychology 

Jwok,  high  god  of  Shilluk,  547 

Ka,  a  ghost,  75 

Kaaba,  temple  at  Mecca,  387 

Kababish,  Arab  influence  on,  253;  life 
of,  described,  380-387;  Negro  in- 
fluence on,  253;  physical  measure- 
ments on,  198 

Kabyles,  agriculture  of,  50;  customs  of, 
395,  396;  pigmentation  of,  252 

Kafir  corn,  46;  ceremony  connected 
with,  by  Bathonga,  403;  see  Durra 

Kafirs,  stories  of  stone  using  people,  123 

Kafuan,  culture  in  Uganda,  122;  stone 
implements  of  E.  Africa,  119 

Kagoma,  agricultural  rites  of,  400 

Kagoro,  agricultural  rites  of,  400 

Kairwan,  near  Carthage,  85 


892 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Kalahari  Desert,  34;  and  Bushmen 
illus.,  218;  a  cultural  zone,  327;  lion 
hunting  and  magic  in,  598;  locusts 
eaten,  70;  ostriches  in,  68;  physical 
features  of,  described,  329;  physique 
of  Bushmen  of,  210-216;  rainfall  in, 
38 

Kampala,  educational  institution  at, 
706 

Kanam  mandible,  98 

Kanembu,  measurements  of,  169 

Kanjera  skulls,  98 

Kano,  center  for  leather  work,  635; 
gourds  ornamented  at,  620;  and 
groundnut  trade,  41;  males  make 
clothing  in,  368;  Mohammedan  pris- 
ons in,  510;  nature  of  market  trade 
of,  610;  pottery,  illus.,  637;  railway 
communications,  676;  slave  market 
at,  537;  temperature  near,  32;  and 
trade,  26;  walls  around,  522;  weaving 
of,  illus.,  638 

Kanuri,  Greek  words  in  language  of,  81 

Kaross,  fur  cloak  for  Bushmen,  60,  330 

Karunga,  God  of  S.  W.  Bantu,  543 

Kasai,  region,  surveyed  by  Wissmann, 
665;  River,  rice  grown  near,  42 

Kassala,  railway  communications  of, 
680 

Katanga,  copper  mines  at,  25;  copper 
produced  at,  684;  stone  implements 
near,  132 

Katsina,  and  trade,  26;  walls  around, 
522 

Katsina  Ala,  603;  see  Munshi 

Kavirondo  Gulf,  fishing  operations  near, 
602;  and  Kanam  mandible,  98;  popu- 
lation near,  32 

Keloids,  258-260 

Kenya,  ancient  terracing  in,  157; 
archaeology  of,  118-123;  big  game  in, 
59;  canoes  in,  21 ;  climatic  and  geologi- 
cal changes  of,  31;  Colony,  political 
and  commercial,  679;  culture  periods, 
compared  with  European,  119;  decline 
in  population  of,  691;  educational 
and  political  problems  of,  713-714; 
explorations  in,  670;  and  glaciers, 
102;  houses  of  Wandorobo,  illus.,  601; 
human  fossils  in,  97;  hunting  tribes 
of,  346;  military  system  of,  529; 
mountain  of,  21;  problems  of  admin- 
istration and  literature  relating  to, 
718;  travels  of  Krapf  in,  669;  wheat 
grown  in,  50 

Kernels,  for  making  soap,  42 

Kharga,  oasis  of,  24;  in  Libya,  374; 
stone  implements  in,  108,  112 

Khartum,  education  in,  680;  educa- 
tional institution  at,  706;  geographi- 


cal position  of,  680;  reached  by 
Nachtigal,  656 

Khnemu,  Egyptian  God,  74 

Khoisan,  divisions  of,  163;  languages  of, 
291-293;  physical  measurements  of, 
210-220 

Khoms  (Lebda),  in  Tripoli,  80 

Khrumirs,  Berbers  of  Tunisia,  394 

Khuzwane,  God  of  Bavenda,  544 

Kif,  smoked  in  N.  Africa,  394 

Kikuyu,  see  Akikuyu 

Kilimanjaro,  21;  and  explorations  of 
Krapf,  669;  and  glaciers,  102;  pop- 
ulation near,  32;  and  terracing,  157 

Kiln,  for  burning  pottery,  illus.,  632 

Kindred,  customs  relating  to,  among 
Tuareg,  371;  names  of  kin  given,  436 

King,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  attired 
in  bark  cloth,  644;  becomes  a  god, 
Jukun  belief,  547;  ceremonially  killed, 
75;  and  clan  organization  of  Baganda, 
486;  Faruk,  of  Egypt,  673;  Fuad,  of 
Egypt,  673;  house  of  meditation  for, 
495;  and  legal  system,  509;  as  owner 
of  all  cattle,  349;  polygyny  of,  418; 
presented  with  one  of  triplets,  433; 
privilege  of,  in  weighing  gold  dust, 
612;  sacred,  in  Ashanti,  548,  among 
Bantu,  554-555,  in  Dahomey,  550,  in 
Egypt,  74,  among  Jukun,  552,  among 
Nilotic  Negroes,  553-554,  among 
Ovimbundu,  555,  summary  of  sacred 
attributes,  555-556,  among  Yoruba, 
551;  sacred  character  of,  514,  548- 
556;  seriousness  of  offenses  against, 
510;  Solomon,  55,  and  Zimbabwe,  87; 
succession  and  descent  of,  through 
females  in  Ashanti,  488 

Kingdom,  as  a  unit  of  government, 
495-497 

Kingfishers,  68 

Kingsley  (Mary),  explorations  of,  661 

Kinship,  among  Kababish,  384;  litera- 
ture relating  to,  475;  organization 
among  Bushmen,  336;  rules  and  di- 
vorce, 422;  terms  used  by  Ovim- 
bundu, 469-475;  see  Family,  Kindred 

Kipsigi,  ancestors  and  conduct  of,  566 

Kirk  (Sir  John),  667 

Kish,  Arabs  of,  and  their  physical 
measurements,  190 

Kisongo  Masai,  punishment  of  murder 
by,  519 

Kitchener,  defeat  of  dervishes  by,  680; 
and  rebellion  of  Mahdi,  671 

Kitchens,  one  for  each  wife,  419 

Kivu,  reservation  for  preserving  wild 
animals,  688 


General  Index 


893 


Knapsacks,  of  fiber,  48 

Knives,  for  throwing,  525-526;  used  in 
wood-carving,  614;  see  Daggers 

Kohl,  392;  for  eyelashes  in  Tibesti,  373; 
used  in  Egypt,  262;  used  by  Tuareg, 
366 

Kola  nuts,  and  blood  brotherhood,  493; 
brass  bowls  for  holding,  632;  cere- 
monially used,  48;  exported  from 
Sierra  Leone,  675;  produced  in  Ni- 
geria, 675;  as  symbolic  message,  321; 
wooden  boxes  for,  illus.,  618 

Kola  nut  tree,  and  ceremony  with  um- 
bilical cord,  440;  as  totem  in  Liberia, 
487;  uses  of,  48 

Kom  Ombo,  114;  plain  in  Egypt,  stone 
implements  from.  111 

Konakry,  railway  center,  683 

Konde,  physical  measurements  of,  179 

Kongo  (kingdom  of),  and  Portuguese 
influence  in,  652;  see  Belgian  Congo, 
Congo 

Konkomba,  use  of  arrow  poison  by,  524 

Koran,  85;  recitations  from,  at  funeral 
in  Tibesti,  374;  teaching  of,  388,  on 
divorce,  371;  and  treatment  of  slaves 
in  Libya,  377;  see  Mohammed 

Korana,  language  is  Hamitic,  300 

Koranic  law,  and  property  of  Kababish, 
385;  and  slavery,  535,  537;  see  Mo- 
hammedanism 

Koranic  texts,  as  charms,  274;  copied 
by  children,  306;  repeated  over  cattle, 
359;  in  Tibesti,  373;  worn  by  Tuareg, 
364;  written  on  boards,  392 

Kordofan,  camel  caravans  of,  680;  cara- 
van route  from,  375;  cattle  customs 
in,  56,  358;  crossed  by  Nachtigal, 
656;  early  exploration  of,  82;  hard 
woods  and  gums  from,  48,  680;  and 
Italian  exploration,  670;  life  of  Ka- 
babish in,  380-387;  Nuba  terrace 
hillsides  in,  586;  rock  engravings  in, 
143;  rock  paintingS  in,  145;  seasonal 
migration  in,  34 

Kosti,  modern  bridge  at,  680 

Kotonu,  in  Dahomey,  683 

Kowar,  oasis  in  Sahara,  361 

Kpelle,  divorce  among,  422;  totemism 
among,  487 

Kra,  Ashanti  term  for  a  soul,  75 

Kraal,  ceremonial  use  of,  in  puberty 
rites,  358;  of  king,  Banyankole  cus- 
toms in,  349;  of  murderer  raided,  519; 
as  place  of  burial,  352;  sacred  fire  in, 
356;  see  Cattle 

Krapf,  explorations  of,  669 

Kruger  Park,  reservation  for  preserving 
wild  animals,  688 

Krugersdorp,  human  fossil  found  at,  95 


Kufra,  cultivation  of  gardens  in,  375; 

dates  used  in,  50;  oasis  in  Libya,  374; 

and  rock  engravings,  144;  and  slave 

trade,  536 
Kuka,  visited  by  Earth,  655 
Kulturkreis,    134,    723;    see    Culture, 

Migrations 
Kumasi,    handicrafts   located    at,  643; 

railway  communications  from,  675 
Kumba,    agricultural    deity    of    Sierra 

Leone,  401 
Kunene  River,  in  S.  Angola,  356 
Kung  Bushmen,  of  Angola,  212;  illus., 

211;  prayer  of,  334;  stature  of,  213 
Kunu,  a  porridge,  48 
Kus-kus,  a  Berber-Arab  food,  394 

Labor,  conditions  for  Africans  and  lit- 
erature on,  698;  division  of,  341,  360, 
in  agriculture,  398,  587,  among  Bush- 
men, 332,  in  house  building  among 
Ovimbundu,  620,  in  making  pottery, 
622,  among  Tuareg,  367-368,  in 
weaving,  636;  laws,  imposed  by 
Europeans  on  Africans,  696-698;  in 
mines,  25,  26;  ritual  connected  with, 
642-645; see  Handicrafts,  Occupations 

Lactation,  in  Bushman  tribe,  338;  dur- 
ation of,  431;  by  a  foster  mother,  433; 
weaning,  438;  see  Birth,  Infants 

Lacustrine  features,  22 ;  see  Fresh  water 
systems;  Lakes,  for  example,  Chad, 
Tanganyika,  Victoria  Nyanza 

Lagos,  676;  climate  near,  32;  decline 
in  infant  mortality  in,  692 

Laing  (Major),  and  Timbuktu,  654 

Lakes,  21-22;  dried  up,  30;  and  geo- 
logical research,  28;  sacred,  no  fishing 
there,  604 

Lambas,  beliefs  of,  regarding  twins,  435; 
cosmology  of,  544;  dreams  explained 
by,  582;  functions  of  village  units 
among,  496 

Lamy,  a  French  commander,  657 

Land,  distributed  by  chiefs,  496; 
grazing  rights  on,  352;  laws  of  owner- 
ship of,  512-513;  ownership  and 
European  administration,  415;  see 
Agriculture 

Lander  brothers,  explorations  of,  659 

Landins,  physical  measurements  of,  178 

Lango,  clans  and  totems  of,  490-491; 
desire  twins,  440;  divorce  rules 
among,  423;  marriage  customs  of, 
415;  use  iron  wristlets  for  fighting,  526 

Languages,  72-87;  288-322;  adopted 
by  hunting  tribes,  347;  African,  as 
medium  of  study  in  African  schools, 
709;  classified,  289;  future  research 
necessary  on,  726;  general  textbooks 


894 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


on,  290;  Greek,  81;  of  hunters,  347; 
migration  of,  in  Africa,  290;  mixture 
of,  288,  289;  of  Phoenicians,  79; 
recorded  in  the  field,  322;  secret, 
during  initiation,  464;  by  signs,  318, 
319;  of  Tibesti,  372;  and  trade,  288; 
see  Bantu,  Bushmen,  Hamitic,  Sem- 
itic, Sudan 

Lapidaries,  in  Egypt,  73;  see  Armlets 
of   stone.    Beads,    Soapstone,    Stone 

Law,  506-520;  on  adultery,  514;  and 
age-grades,  502-506;  among  Bush- 
men, 337;  and  cattle  among  Dinka, 
351;  cattle  important  in,  354;  and 
chieftainship,  509;  and  clan  organi- 
zation of  Baganda,  486;  of  divorce, 
419-424;  enforced  by  secret  societies, 
498-502;  European,  in  S.  Africa,  678; 
of  inheritance,  511-512;  and  land 
ownership,  398,  512-513;  of  Moham- 
medans, 388;  on  murder,  515-519;  and 
punishments,  510;  and  religion,  507, 
508;  and  religious  rites,  566;  responsi- 
bility to,  509,  510;  sanctions  of,  506; 
sociology  and  establishment  of  prin- 
ciples on,  720,  722-725;  summary  and 
literature  on,  520;  on  theft,  515 

Lead,  mined  in  S.  Africa,  678 

League  of  Nations,  673;  and  con- 
ditions in  Liberia,  697;  and  views  on 
labor  laws  for  Africans,  698 

Leather,  635;  apron  used  in  Tibesti,  373; 
as  arm  and  leg  ornaments  by  Bush- 
men, 330;  buckets  of,  394;  for 
clothing,  270,  among  hunters,  346; 
goods  made  in  Kufra,  375;  pads  for 
feet  of  camels  in  Libya,  375;  for 
sandals,  364;  shields  of,  522;  trap- 
pings for  camels  among  Kababish, 
382,  for  horses  and  camels,  392;  work 
in  ancient  Egypt,  73;  see  Hides, 
Skins,  Tanning 

Leaves,  as  clothing,  270,  illus.,  268; 
for  covering  dead  totem  animal,  491; 
keep  steam  in  cooking  pot,  588;  made 
into  magical  preparations,  438;  of 
manioc,  how  eaten,  588;  of  palm, 
raffia  fiber  from,  636;  as  seasoning, 
48;  of  tobacco,  how  prepared,  588; 
worn  as  a  sign  of  motherhood,  438 

Lebanon,  78 

Leghoya  tribe,  and  stone  buildings,  157 

Lemons,  50 

Lenz,  explorations  of,  656;  and  ex- 
plorations of  Ogowe  River,  664 

Leo  Af ricanus,  and  exploration  of  Niger, 
654 

Leopard,  60;  as  clan  emblem,  488; 
contains  soul  of  man,  562;  hunted  by 
Bushmen,    334;    imitated    in    games 


444;  and  secret  society,  61;  Society 
of  Sierra  Leone,  499;  a  totem  in 
Liberia,  487 

Leprosy,  71;  source  for  study  of,  697 

Leptis  Magna,  in  Tripolitania,  80 

Lesbianism,  426 

Levalloisian  culture,  term  defined,  104; 
in  Uganda,   122 

Levirate,  416;  under  Mohammedan  law, 
390;  in  Tibesti,  374 

Liberia,  catfish  sacred  in,  67;  coloni- 
zation and  development  of,  674;  and 
drum  language,  321;  and  fair  con- 
ditions of  native  labor,  697;  forests 
of,  32;  Harvard  expedition  to,  71; 
an  independent  territory,  674;  initi- 
ation in,  464;  palms  in,  46;  pawning 
of  slaves  in,  540;  present  govern- 
ment of,  673;  proverbs  from,  309; 
stone  statuettes  from,  136;  survey 
of,  152;  tie-dyeing  in,  636;  totemism 
in,  487;  twins  welcome  in,  440 

Libya,  desert  of,  airplane  photographs 
of,  24;  engravings  on  rocks  of,  141; 
explored  by  Browne,  669,  by  Rohlfs, 
656;  Hamitic  language  of,  299;  an 
Italian  possession,  685,  686,  688; 
life  in  the  oases  of,  375-377;  marked 
on  Strabo's  map,  650;  oases  of,  374; 
rock  engravings  of,  143 

Libyans,  historical  importance  of,  78; 
pigmentation  of,  252;  symbols  of, 
138;  at  war  with  Romans,  82;  writing 
of,  302,  305 

Lichtenstein,  explorations  of,  in  S. 
Africa,  666 

Limpopo  River,  a  political  boundary, 
678 

Linguistic  changes,  very  rapid,  289 

Lions,  60;  a  Ba-ila  totem,  485;  hunting 
of,  and  magic,  598;  probably  extinct 
in  Air,  362;  in  rock  sculpture,   140 

Lips,  mutilated,  262 

Lisa,  rules  the  sun  in  Dahomey,  546 

Litham,  Tuareg  veil,  362 

Livingstone,  explorations  of,  667 

Livy,  Roman  historian,  54 

Lizards,  old  women  reincarnated  in, 
561;  skin  of,  for  covering  musical 
instruments,  453 

Loanda,  founding  of,  652 ;  railway  com- 
munications with,  685 

Loango  Coast,  explored  by  Marchand, 
665;  wooden  figure  with  nails  driven 
in,  illus.,  579 

Lobi,  clans  of,  490;  demography  of,  692; 
physical  measurements  of,  169 

Lobito  Bay,  railway  communications 
with,  685 

Lobo  (Father),  travels  of,  653 


General  Index 


895 


Lobola,  a  dowry  of  cattle,  354;  used  by 

Bavenda,  411;  see  Cattle,  Marriage, 

Zulu 
Locusts,    destructive,     70;    eaten    by 

Ovimbundu,  608;  food,  Bushmen,  329 
Lokoja,  diseases  of  horses  near,  71;  and 

early    exploration,     660;    trade     by 

steamers,  676 
Lome,  port  of  Dahomey,  683 
London,  air  service  from,  to  Africa,  677 
Looms,    African     types    of,     636;    in 

ancient  Egypt,  73;  used  by  Bedouin 

Arabs,  382;  used  in  Tunisia,  394;  see 

Cotton,  Raffia,  Weaving 
Lotuka,  clans  and  totems  of,  492 
Lotus  blossoms,  in  Egypt,  23 
Lourengo  Marques,  railway  communi- 
cations of,  685 
Lualaba  River,  explored  by  Cameron, 

663,   668;   see    Congo,    Livingstone, 

Stanley 
Lubango,  railway  communications,  685 
Liideritz  Bay,  railway  lines,  676 
Luena,  physical  measurements  of,  176 
Luimbe,  physical  measurements  of,  176 
Lunates,  stone  implements  of  Uganda, 

123 
Lunda,  diamond  mines  in,  26;  Negro 

military  organization  of,  527 
Luvando,  female  types  of,  illus.,  268; 

hair  dressing  of,  270 
Lying,  disapproved  by  Ovimbundu,  443 
Lymph  system,  and  parasitic  worms,  70 
Lynx,  hunted  by  Bushmen,  334 

Machete,  for  slitting  palms,  42 
Maguas,  physical  measurements  of,  178 
Madagascar,    boa   in,    64;    method    of 
making  fire  in,  592;  rice  grown  in,  42; 
stone  monuments  of,  156;  sugar  cane 
grown  in,  42;  types  of  canoes  in,  604 
Madeira  Islands,  discovered,  651 
Magdalenian  period,  103;  see  Archae- 
ology, Stone  implements 
Magic,      570-585;      associated      with 
weaving,  wood-carving,  and  pottery, 
644;  of  Bushmen,  345;  charms  used 
in,  274;  at  childbirth,  429-436;  con- 
nected  with    occupations,    642-645; 
and  dancing,  447;  and    methods  of 
slaughtering  cattle  by  Bavenda,  595 
in  preparation  of  arrow  poison,  524 
and  protecting  body  in  warfare,  522 
and  rainfall,  350;  and  rites  of  Pyg- 
mies, 345;  and  secret  societies,  498- 
502;    in  Siwa  oases,  393;    types  of, 
571;     see    Medicine-men,    Religion, 
Sorcery,  Witchcraft 
Maglemosean  culture,  104,  106 


Magosian  culture,  and  stone  implements 
of  east  Africa,  119;  in  Uganda,  121 

Mahdi,  671,  680;  Rabeh  deserted  from, 
665;  see  Eastern  Sudan,  Kitchener 

Mahogany  tree,  ceremony  before  felling, 
402;  used  in  wood-carving,  44,  614 

Mahou,  a  god  of  Dahomey,  545 

Maiduguri,  fishing  operations  near, 
illus.,  607;  gourds  ornamented  at, 
620;  nature  of  market  trade  in,  610 

Mail,  armor  used,  56;  worn  by  horse- 
men, illus.,  391 

Maistre,  explorations  of,  665 

Maize,  from  America,  40;  cultivated 
in  W.  Africa,  682;  exported  from  S. 
Africa,  44;  grown  by  Bathonga,  402; 
in  Kufra,  375;  location  of  growth  of, 
42;  method  of  pounding,  among 
Ovimbundu,  588;  sowing  of,  and 
time  reckoning,  436;  see  Agriculture, 
Cooking 

Makalanga  tribe,  dislike  of  twins 
among,  434;  near  Zimbabwe,  87 

Makurdi,  modern  bridge  at,  676 

Malamini,  and  French  colonial  expan- 
sion, 665 

Malange  (Angola),  railway  communi- 
cations, 685 

Malaria,  and  decline  of  population,  693 

Malekites,   a   Mohammedan  sect,   388 

Mali  Empire,  85 

Malindi,  touched  by  Vasco  da  Gama, 
651 

Mallams,  of  Algeria,  write  texts,  395; 
make  charms,  392 

Mallets,  for  beating  bark  cloth,  627 

Mamba,  poison  of,  used  by  Bushmen  in 
treating  wounds,  339 

Mammals,  52-64 

Manatee,  penis  eaten  to  give  virility, 

578;  sacred,  489 
Mancala,  a  game,  445 
Mancas,  physical  measurements  of,  178 
Mandari,  physical  measurements  of,  181 
Mandates,    French,    683;    political   di- 
visions  under,   672;   of   Tanganyika 
Territory,  679;  for  territory  in  S.  W. 
Africa,  677;  see  Liberia,  Togoland 
Manding,  kinship  and  descent  at,  480 
Mandingo,  build  Kingdom  of  Melle,  87; 
clan  system  of,  487;   defeat   of,  by 
French,  658 ;  descent  reckoned  through 
females,  480;  joking  relationship,  492 
language  suitable  for  wide  adoption 
704;    produce    leather    goods,    635 
stage   play  among,   319;  trade  lan- 
guage of,  288 
Manganese,  mined  in  Ashanti,  675 


896 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Mangbetu,  skull  deformation  of,  208, 

262 
Mangoes,  grown  in  Ashanti,  675 
Manillas,  as  currency,  612 
Manioc,    from    America,    41;    species 
cultivated  by  Ovimbundu,  587;  where 
grown  and  varieties,  44 
Mansur,  crossed  the  Sahara,  55 
Mantis,  70;  in  Bushman  folklore,  338 
Manufactures,  of  Phoenicians,  79;  see 

Handicrafts,  Labor,  Occupations 
Manure,  not  used  by  Bathonga,  403; 

used  in  Nigeria,  401 
Maps,  of  air  routes  to  Africa,  677;  of 
archaeological  sites  in  Europe,  103; 
of  motor  transport  in  Sahara,  681; 
old  ethnographical,  81;  of  paleo- 
lithic sites  in  north  Africa,  114; 
prepared  by  early  geographers,  650- 
651 ;  recommended  for  students,  672- 
673;  of  Rhodesia,  678;  showing  dis- 
tribution of  hunting  apparatus,  600; 
showing  distribution  of  types  of 
looms,  636;  sites  where  fossil  man 
was  discovered,  92;  sources  recom- 
mended for,  28,  29;  of  Tanganyika 
Territory,  679;  see  Table  of  Contents 
for  list  of  maps  in  this  work 
Mapungubwe,  archaeology  at,  89,  763 
Marabouts,  Mohammedan  holy  men,  86, 

394 
Maradi,  cattle  used  as  transport  near, 

357 
Marchand    (General),  explorations  of, 

665 
Marcus     Garvey,     and     schemes     for 

uniting  Africans,  699 
Maria  Theresa  dollar,  value  of,  in  cowrie 

shells,  611 
Marimba,  how  played,  452;  music  of, 

456 

Marionettes,  and  bazaars,  390;  history 

of,  320;  used  by  Hausa,  Ibibio,  319 

Maritime  enterprise,  649-653 

Markets,    ceremonies    observed    when 

founding,  611;  large  in  Nigeria,  610; 

murderers     executed     in,     516;     of 

Nigeria,  food  supplies  in,  606;  slaves 

sold  in,  535;  see  Kano,  Omdurman 

Marrakesh,  founding  of,  86 

Marriage,  African  and  European  ideas 

clash,  702;  and  age-grade  authority, 

506;   approval  of  ancestors   needed, 

566;  cattle  given  to  bride's  parents 

in,    354;    ceremonies   of,   in   Tibesti, 

374;  ceremonies  of,  among  Tuareg, 

370;  and  clan  relationships,  484-493; 

complex  forms  of,  414;  customs  of, 

among  Bushmen,  337;  forbidden   to 

warriors,  530;  and  head-hunting,  532; 


among  Kababish,  384,  386;  in  Lango 
tribe,  491;  in  Libyan  oases,  377; 
and  membership  of  secret  society, 
500;  of  Negroes,  409-419;  and  pay- 
ment of  cattle,  354;  prohibitions, 
478,  see  kinship  terms;  and  sacri- 
fice to  ancestors  among  Shilluk,  564; 
summary  of  Negro  beliefs,  416;  see 
Divorce,  Lobola,  Polygyny 
Marshes,  of  upper  Nile,  23 
Masai,  attitude  toward  blacksmiths, 
643;  cattle  customs  among,  352-354; 
destructive  wars  against,  691;  divided 
between  political  units,  672;  ears 
mutilated  among,  262;  illus.,  203; 
initiation  of  boys,  466;  language, 
Hamitic,  300;  physical  measure- 
ments on,  199;  shields  of,  522;  tribal 
movements  of,  245;  wire  ornaments 
of,  274 
Mashona,  husband  serves  wife's  family, 

411;  see  Matriarchy,  Matrilocal 
Masks,   of  bronze,    630;   carved   from 
wood,  616;  worn  during  initiation  in 
Angola,  460;  worn  in  secret  societies, 
500 
Massage,  of  newly  born  infant,  432 
Massari,  explorations  of,  670 
Massawa,    Portuguese    penetrated    at, 

653;  railway  connections  of,  686 
Masturbation,  427 
Masudi,    Arab     geographer,    52,    and 

historian,  87 
Matabele,  custom  of  preserving  enemies' 

skulls,  532 
Matches,  Negroes  obtain,  592 
Material  culture,  textbooks  on,  28;  see 

Handicrafts,  Occupations 
Maternal  relationship,  most  important, 
479;  see  Ashanti,   Bakongo,   Matri- 
archal, Matrilocal,  Mother-right 
Matoba   Hills,   rain-making   ceremony 

in,  578 
Matriarchal  system,  defined,  476;  and 
traits    among    Kababish,    384;    and 
women's  work  in  agriculture,  587 
Matrilocal  conditions,  412;  among  Kona 
and  Jibu,  413;  and  marriage  among 
Bushmen,  337 
Mats,   of  bride   displayed   in    Tibesti, 
374;  of  fiber,  42;  of  king,  sacred,  507; 
made   by   Kababish,   382;   made   in 
Kufra,    375;    of  raffia,  636;  used  in 
house  structure  of  Tibesti,  373;  used 
by  Tuareg,  366 
Matteuci,  explorations  of,  670 
Maud,  explorations  of,  670 
Mauretania,  explored  by  Oscar  Lenz, 
656;  a  French  possession,  683;  gums 
from,  48;  Jewish  colony  in,  84 


General  Index 


897 


Maydon,  explorations  of,  670 

Mazices,  144 

McGregor  Laird,  expedition  of,  660 

McGuire,  explorer,  companion  of  Vogel, 
656 

Mealies,  see  Maize 

Meals,  etiquette  at,  395;  etiquette  of, 
among  Bedouins,  377 ;  kinds  of,  among 
Ovimbundu,  588;  see  Cooking,  Diet, 
Food 

Measurements,  ranges  and  terms  used 
in,  163,  see  Tables  1-8;  of  substances 
and  distances  by  primitive  methods, 
613;  see  Anthropometry 

Meat,  of  camels  eaten  by  Kababish, 
383;  of  cattle  not  used  as  food,  356; 
ceremonially  eaten  by  Ovimbundu, 
539;  eaten  at  age-grade  ceremonies, 
503;  methods  of  preservation  of, 
needed,  596;  seldom  eaten  by  Fulani, 
358;  supplied  to  Zulu  troops,  530; 
used  by  Tuareg,  367;  see  Agriculture, 
Cattle,  Goats,  Pastoral  pursuits.  Pigs, 
Sheep 

Mecca,  face  of  corpse  turned  to,  370; 
pilgrimage  to,  537;  Prophet's  flight 
from,  390;  temple  at,  387 

Mechta  man,  115 

Medicine,  for  cattle,  356;  kept  in  horns, 
274 

Medicine-men,  561,  570-585;  adminis- 
ters poison  ordeal,  507;  and  age-grade 
ceremonies,  503;  and  agriculture,  398- 
404;  among  Bushmen,  339;  concoc- 
tions of,  274;  discover  fate  of  soul, 
563;  functions  of,  summarized,  575- 
580;  make  arrow  poison,  524;  and 
new  village  site,  496;  not  among 
Tuareg,  371;  prepare  warriors,  531; 
send  souls  into  animals,  60;  specializa- 
tion of,  575;  use  feathers,  68;  use  parts 
of  dead,  565;  use  quills  of  porcupine, 
62;  see  Ancestor  worship.  Magic, 
Religion,  Sorcery,  Witchcraft 

Mediterranean,  region,  and  Aurignacian 
man,  129;  climate  of,  34;  communica- 
tion with  Timbuktu,  683;  exports  to 
Libyan  oases,  375;  land  bridges 
across,  19;  and  Phoenicians,  78; 
products  of,  50;  race,  branches 
of,  228,  and  its  migrations,  248, 
physical  features  of,  248;  rivers  of, 
31;  Roman  power  in,  80;  and  stone 
monuments,  152;  strategic  position 
of,  673;  varieties  of  man  in,  251 

Megaliths,  152-159;  and  human  migra- 
tions, 155 

Mela,  early  map  of,  650 

Melle,  kingdom  of,  87 

Memphis,  conquered  by  Assyrians,  78 


Mende  tribe,  secret  societies  of,  500; 
stone  figurines  from,  136;  trade 
language  of,  288 

Mendel,  and  genetics,  232 

Menhirs,  153,  158;  see  Stone  monu- 
ments 

Menstruation,  and  initiation,  462,  465; 
milk  forbidden  during,  350;  and 
taboos  against  weaving,  644;  and 
time  of  marriage,  412;  see  Initiation, 
Taboos 

Menufie,  Egypt,  population  of,  32 

Merolla,  early  missionary,  652 

Mesopotamia,  cultural  relations  of,  with 
Egypt,  112 

Messages,  by  symbols  and  drums,  320- 
322 

Messengers,  of  king,  carry  out  sentences, 
509;  in  warfare,  531 

Metabolism,  differs  with  race,  236 

Metallurgy,  and  archaeology,  100;  at 
Zimbabwe,  89;  see  Bronze,  Copper, 
Gold,  Iron,  Tin 

Metals,  general  uses  of,  in  Africa,  628 

Metamorphosis,  from  human  to  animal 
form,  61 

Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 
York,  Mohammedan  art  in,  85; 
musical  instruments  in,  456 

Meziered,  archaeologist,  87 

Mice,  caught  in  cane  traps  by  Ovim- 
bundu, 608;  many  species  of,  62 

Microliths,  114,  121,  126 

Midgan  hunters,  77 

Midwives,  naming  of  child  by,  439;  see 
Birth,  Childbirth 

Migration,  ancient,  in  E.  Africa,  157; 
of  animals,  59;  of  cattle-keepers,  354; 
of  colored  laborers  in  S.  Africa,  677; 
of  culture,  72-89;  of  culture  from 
Indonesia,  604;  of  early  human  types, 
227-229;  of  Hamites  and  Semites, 
248;  of  Herero,  356;  human,  24,  in 
Africa,  242-254,  and  physical  features 
of  country,  21;  in  north  Africa,  251; 
and  the  Pleistocene,  19,  in  south 
Africa,  71,  and  stone  monuments, 
159;  of  plants,  38;  seasonal  in  Kordo- 
fan,  34;  of  Tuareg,  253 

Military  organization,  general  account, 
527-533;  of  Zulu  and  Masai,  691 

Military  service,  and  age-grades,  498- 
505;  see  Masai,  Wahehe,  Warfare. 
Zulu 

Milk,  addition  of  baobab  pod  juice  to, 
48;  aversion  to,  by  Negroes,  595;  and 
blood  brotherhood,  493;  of  camels 
drunk  by  Kababish,  383;  of  camels 
and  goats  in  Tibesti,  374;  drunk  with 


898 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


blood,  352 ;  of  goats  used  by  Kababish, 
383;    magically   used    in    war,    529; 
prejudice  disappearing  among  Ovim- 
bundu,    694;    as   royal    diet    among 
Banyankole,  349;  as  symbol  of  peace, 
352;  used  by  Tuareg,  366 
Milking,  customs,  356;  as  indication  of 
military  age  among  Zulu,   530;  not 
by  menstruating  women,  358;  while 
drums  are  played,  354;  work  of  men 
only,  349;  see  Cattle 
Millet,  40,  46;  in  Air,   50;  grown  by 
Tuareg,  366;  sowing  rite  of,  among 
Bathonga,  402 
Mind,  see  Psychology 
Mindel  glaciation,  104 
Minerals,  24;  exported  from  Ashanti, 
675;  future  development  of,  in  Abys- 
sinia, 687;  of  Nigeria,  675;  wealth  of, 
in   Tunisia   and    Morocco,    681;   see 
Copper,  Gold,  Iron,  Silver,  Tin 
Mining,  conditions  of  African  laborers, 
698;  of  copper,  25;  native  labor  em- 
ployed in,  696;  in  Rhodesia,  677;  in 
South  Africa,  677;  see  Literature  on 
minerals  and  mining,  628,  630,  632 
Minoa,  goddess  of  women  in  Dahomey, 

563 
Miocene  period,  and  anthropoids,  91; 

Dryopithecus  in,  95 
Miscarriages,  and  high  death  rate,  693 
Miscegenation,  of  Arabs  and  Negroes, 
86;  of  cultures,  326,  328;  of  races,  233; 
see  Culture  areas.  Languages,  Physi- 
cal anthropology 
Missile  weapons,  525 
Missionary  enterprise,  of  De  Foucauld 
in  Sahara,  657;  of  Portuguese,  652; 
views  of,  on  educability  of  Africans, 
702-709 
Missions,  and  education,  707 
Mittu,    and   explorations   of   Schwein- 
furth,    670;    use    iron    wristlets    for 
fighting,  526 
Mixture,  of  physical  types  in  Africa, 

240-254;  see  Culture,  Migrations 
Mjauas,  physical  measurements  of,  178 
Moat,  an  earthwork  near  Benin,  522 
Moffat,  and  education  of  Africans,  705; 

missionary  enterprise  of,  666 
Mohammedanism,  387-393;  in  Abys- 
sinia, 358,  687;  in  art,  85;  and  camel 
cultures,  361-378;  and  changes  in 
kinship  systems,  483;  effects  of,  on 
Negro  life,  708;  effects  of,  on  Negro 
religious  beliefs,  546;  influence  of,  on 
kinship  systems,  474;  in  Libyan 
oases,  376;  in  Tunisia,  394 
Mohammedans,  charms  of,  274;  culture 
of,  84-87,  see  Arabs,  Semites;  dis- 


approve of  body  marks,  260;  elements 
of  culture  of,  379-397;  festivals  and 
stage  shows  of,  319;  religion  of, 
adopted  by  Tuareg,  369;  rites  of,  and 
welfare  of  cattle,  359;  schools  of,  306, 
illus.,  307 

Molds,  used  in  bronze  casting,  630;  at 
Zimbabwe,  89 

Moles,  62 

Moloch,  God  of  Phoenicians,  79 

Molopo  River,  678 

Mombasa,  Turks  defeated  near,  89 

Momvou,  physical  measurements  of, 
173 

Monasteries,  of  Sinai,  81 

Monbuttu,  ivory  carving  of,  634 

Money,  611;  beeswax  used  as,  608;  of 
copper,  25;  of  paper  used  in  Angola, 
610;  tobacco  used  as,  588;  see  Com- 
merce, Cowries,  Currency,  Trade 

Mongoloid  features  in  Negroes,  229 

Mongoose,  illus.,  65 

Monkeys,  91;  clan  emblem  among 
Lango,  491;  said  to  teach  writing,  309 

Monogamy,  modern  tendency  to,  among 
Negroes,  418,  and  Pygmies,  206,  342 

Monoliths,  80;  and  moon  worship 
among  Jukun,  552;  see  Menhirs, 
Stone  monuments 

Monomotapa,  efforts  to  Christianize, 
653 

Monophysites,  an  early  Christian  sect, 
81 

Monteiro,  explorations  of,  in  Angola, 
664 

Monuments,  of  stone,  152-159 

Moon,  children  presented  to,  437;  and 
goddess  Mawu  in  Dahomey,  546;  and 
pastoral  ceremony,  352;  reverence  for, 
by  Bushmen,  338;  a  symbol  of  king- 
ship, 552;  symbolism  of,  in  Ashanti 
religion,  545;  in  time  reckoning 
among  Jukun,  593;  in  time  reckoning 
among  Ovimbundu,  592;  see  Cos- 
mology 
Moor,  explanation  of  the  term,  395 
Morality,  conflicting  ideas  of  Christi- 
anity and  African  culture,  707;  and 
education  of  Africans,  698-710;  and 
Mohammedanism,  392;  sexual,  410- 
411,  424-428;  taught  to  children, 
442-443;  of  Tuareg,  369;  and  wishes 
of  ancestors,  565;  see  Age-grades, 
Cousins,  Initiation,  Kinship  rules. 
Law,  Ordeal,  Punishments,  Religion, 
Secret  societies 
Morals,  in  proverbs  and  folklore,  309- 

315 
Morocco,    Arabic    dialects    in,    301;    a 
center  of  leather  work,   635;  gums 


General  Index 


899 


from,  48;  Jews  in,  83;  locusts  eaten 
in,  70;  political,  commercial,  681; 
political  development  of,  682-683; 
rainfall  of,  38;  Spanish  concessions 
to  France,  688;  treatment  of  slaves 
in,  535 

Mortality,  of  Africans,  690-696;  see 
Census,  Demography,  Diseases, 
Health,  Welfare 

Mortars,  for  grain  among  Tuareg,  366; 
not  used  at  Zimbabwe,  88;  for  pound- 
ing food  among  Bushmen,  331;  used 
as  a  drum  by  Tuareg,  370 

Mosaics,  in  Mohammedan  architecture, 
392 

Moselekatze,  Zulu  leader,  530 

Moshi,  and  joking  relationship,  493 

Mosquitoes,  70 

Mossamedes,  founding  of,  652;  railway 
communication  with,  685 

Mossel  Bay,  caves  explored  near,  124 

Mossi,  language  of,  suitable  for  wide 
adoption,  704;  physical  measure- 
ments of,  169;  resist  Mohammedan- 
ism, 86 

Mother,  meaning  of,  in  Negro  kinship, 
478;  right,  410-413,  and  succession 
to  throne  in  Ashanti,  549 

Mother-in-law,  482;  attitude  by  Bush- 
men toward,  337;  avoidance  of,  by 
Kababish,  384;  avoidance  of,  by 
Ovimbundu,  478;  receives  presents, 
412; see  Taboos 

Mother's  brother,  debts  paid  for,  539 

Mountains,  21;  and  rainfall,  38 

Mourning  rites,  among  Ovimbundu,  558 

Mousterian,  stone  implements  in  south 
Africa,  127;  technique  in  Egypt,  110 

Mozambique,  exports  from,  685;  physi- 
cal measurements  of  tribes  in,  178 

Mucilage,  686;  for  snaring  birds,  608; 
see  Gums 

Mukuru,  a  god,  giver  of  fire,  356 

Mulattos,  European  attitudes  toward, 
699;  see  Hybrids,  Miscegenation, 
Mixtures 

Mummies,  and  amulets,  74;  of  birds,  68 

Mundong,  measurements  of,  170 

Mungu,  God  of  Pygmies,  345 

Munshi,  age-grades  among,  506;  and 
early  exploration,  660;  hunter,  illus., 
597;  measurements  of,  168;  scari- 
fication of,  258,  illus.,  259;  use  arrow 
poison,  524;  use  harpoons  for  fishing, 
603;  wire  ornaments  of,  274 

Mural  art,  in  Egypt,  54;  see  Bushmen, 
Cave  paintings.  Colors,  Petroglyphs, 
Pictographs 


Murder,  clan  responsibility  for,  485; 
compensation  for,  in  salt,  591;  ex- 
tenuating circumstances  of,  517; 
penalties  for,  352;  by  secret  society, 
499;  of  wife's  seducer,  422;  see 
Blood  feud.  Blood  money 

Murzuk,  caravan  trade  from,  395; 
early  exploration  of,  655;  rock  sculp- 
ture near,  137 

Musa,  see  Banana 

Museums,  educational  value  of,  in 
Africa,  708 

Mushroom,  symbolism  of,  in  dreams,  582 

Music,  of  Bushmen,  334;  in  Libya,  377; 
among  Mohammedans,  390;  played 
to  sick  camels,  375;  recorded  in  the 
field,  322;  and  songs,  316-318;  tech- 
nique of,  in  Africa,  454,  455,  456;  of 
Tuareg,  370;  and  whistling,  318 

Musical  bow,  452;  of  Bushmen,  336; 
instruments,  448-456,  illus.,  449,  used 
by  medicine-men,  575;  played  in  the 
game,  445 

Musicians,  playing  drum  and  algaita, 
illus.,  389 

Musk,  from  civet  cat,  62 

Mutilation,  of  body,  258-266;  under 
Mohammedan  law,  388;  of  sex  organs 
among  Kababish,  385;  and  trial  by 
ordeal,  507;  see  Cicatrization,  Cir- 
cumcision, Clitoridectomy,  Ornament, 
Tattooing,  Teeth 

Mutton,  eaten  by  Kababish,  383;  as 
food  in  Libyan  oases,  375;  see  Sheep 

Mwanza,  python  worship  at,  350 

Mythology,  313,  314;  and  agricultural 
rites,  402;  and  clan  system,  487;  of 
Egypt,  23,  54,  74;  and  founding  of  a 
clan,  488;  and  heavenly  bodies  among 
Lambas,  544;  and  history,  72;  result- 
ing from  dreams,  582;  see  Folklore, 
Gods,  Heroes,  Religion 

Nachtigal,  explorations  of,  656 
Nagile,    a    water-pipe    smoked    in    N. 

Africa,  394 
Nails,  of  fingers  allowed  to  grow  long, 

266 ;  of  fingers  stained  with  henna,  373 ; 

magical  use  of,  driven  into  wooden 

figures,  578,  illus.,  579;  not  used  in 

woodwork,  383 
Nairobi,    Jeanes    School    at,    706;    a 

modern  town,  679 
Nakuru  Culture,  of  E.  Africa,  119 
Nama   Hottentots,   language   of,   291; 

language,     Hamitic,     300;    physical 

measurements  of,  213 
Names,   and    age-grades,   467;    change 

of,  435;  changed  at  initiation,  465; 

of  dead  not  mentioned,  435;  given  to 


900 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


children,  435-441;  plurality  of,  441; 

in  secret  societies,  500 
Namib    Bushmen,    make    intoxicating 

liquor,  332 
Nandi,  age-grade  organizations  of,  503; 

charms  used  by  women  among,  585; 

initiation  of  boys  among,  465;  shields 

of,  522;  supply  objects  to  Dorobo, 

347;  totems  of,  492 
Nankanse,  and  joking  relationship,  493; 

kinship  system  and  attitudes  of,  481 
Napoleon,  political  effect  of  his  defeat, 

658 
Naraguta,  stone  circles  near,  153 
Narcotics,  in  N.  Africa,  394;  see  Bang, 

Hashish,  Hemp, Opium, Snuff,Tobacco 
Naron  Bushmen,  animals  hunted  by, 

334;  grammar  of  language  of,  292; 

houses  of,  330;  stature  of,  213 
Nasal  index,  232;  see  Physical  anthro- 
pology, Tables  1-8 
Natal,  political,  677;  stone  implements 

of,  123 
National  Geographic  Magazine,  29 
Natron,  27;  from  Chad,  26;  transported 

in  canoe,  604 
Natural  history,  source  books  on,  51,  52 
Nature  lore,  of  Negroes,  604-609 
Navigation,  see    Canoes,   Exploration, 

Maritime  enterprise 
Navigators,  Arab,  Persian,  and  Indian, 

76;  see  Portuguese 
Neanderthal  man,  distribution  of,  226; 

and  Homo  rhodesievsis,  94;  in  North 

Africa,  115;  and  Rhodesian  man,  94 
Neanthropic  man,  130 
Necho,  and  voyage  of  Phoenicians,  649 
Negritos,   possible   origin   of,  228;  see 

Bushmen,  Pygmies 

Negroes,  achievements  of,  in  Africa,  701 ; 
admixture  of,  in  Badarians,  112;  blood 
group  tests  of,  239;  as  cattle  keepers, 
354-356;  cultural  classification  of, 
difficult,  407;  cultural  classification 
and  future  research  necessary,  726; 
culture  of,  407-625;  culture  traits 
briefly  summarized,  703,  and  divisions 
of  culture,  see  Table  of  Contents, 
section  III;  dispersal  of,  in  Africa, 
243;  divisions  of,  163;  element  of,  in 
Tripolitania,  396;  influence  of,  on 
Kababish,  253;  kinship  system  of, 
among  Tuareg,  474;  main  somatic 
traits  of,  164;  measurements  of,  163- 
186;  mixed  with  Hamites,  253;  mix- 
ture with  Egyptians,  250,  251;  Mo- 
hammedanized,  85;  physical  measure- 
ments of  eastern,  177-180,  of  Nilotic, 
181,  of  southern  and  southwestern, 
175-177;  physical  traits  of,  234;  phy- 


sique of  American,  164;  as  slaves 
among  Tuareg,  366;  vigor  of  popula- 
tion of,  691,  693;  as  writers,  701; 
writing  of,  304 

Neolithic  age,  103;  in  Congo  region, 
133;  and  cultural  divisions  in  north 
Africa,  115;  cultural  subdivisions  of, 
in  Europe,  106;  culture  of,  in  Egypt, 
73,  111;  and  culture  of  Uganda,  122; 
human  fossils  of,  in  north  Africa, 
99;  implements  of,  in  Faiyum,  108; 
implements,  and  rock  engravings  of, 
in  north  Africa,  142;  people  of,  in 
Gafsa  and  Tebessa,  116;  and  stone 
monuments,  155;  in  west  Africa,  134 

Nero,  and  exploration  of  Nile,  650; 
Roman  emperor,  23 

Nestorians,  81 

Nests,  robbed  by  boys,  608;  see  Birds, 
Collecting,  Ostrich 

Nets,  used  in  fishing,  67,  603;  used  in 
hunting,  342 

Netting  suits,  for  boys  during  initiation, 
460 

New  Empire  of  Egypt,  and  cattle,  56 

New  Testament,  and  stories  in  Koran, 
388 

New  world,  plants  from,  41 ;  see  America, 
Culture  migration,  Slave  trade.  South 
America,  United  States  of  America 

New  York,  20 

Ngalangi,  burial  hut  for  kings  at,  495; 
cupping  operation  near,  577 

Ngami  Lake,  exploration  of,  666;  and 
explorations  of  Livingstone,  667 

Ngbe,  secret  society  of  Nigeria,  500 

Niamey,  armor  used  at,  383 

Niger,  22;  Arab  kingdom  near,  85; 
barley  grown  near,  50;  historical,  82; 
Jewish  migration  along,  84;  measure- 
ments of  tribes  of,  171;  rice  grown 
near,  42;  and  Songhai  empire,  87 

Nigeria,  agricultural  rites  in,  400-401; 
albinos  in,  255;  armor  for  horses  in, 
524;  bees  kept  in,  609;  blacksmith's 
occupation  and  ceremony  for,  643; 
brass  casting  in,  632;  Carthaginian 
influences  in,  80;  catfish  sacred  in, 
67;  cattle  in,  56;  census  of  population 
of,  692;  climates  of,  21;  copper  and 
tin  found  in,  630;  cross-bows  used  in, 
600;  drum  language  in,  321;  educa- 
tion in,  709;  exploration  of,  654-661; 
firearms  sold  at,  526;  fishing  with 
harpoons  in,  603;  forests  in,  32; 
Fulani,  illus.,  271;  gourds  of,  illus., 
623;  groundnuts  from,  41;  head- 
hunting tribes  in,  532;  initiation 
customs  of  Ekoi  of,  466;  kola  trees 
grown  in,  48;  large  markets  of,  68, 


General  Index 


901 


610;  ornamentation  of  gourds  at,  620. 
political  and  commercial,  675;  poly- 
andry in,  417;  population  of,  32 
priests  of,  illus.,  573;  raffia  mats  in, 
42;  rainfall  of,  34;  sacred  kings  of, 
552,  see  Jukun,  Yoruba;  school  of 
forestry  in,  44;  secret  societies  in, 
500,  501;  stone  implements  from,  135; 
stone  monuments  in,  153;  tempera- 
tures of,  32;  terra  cotta  heads  from, 
136;  totemism  in,  489;  use  of  armor 
in,  383;  walled  cities  of,  522;  warfare 
in,  56;  wood-carving  of,  44 
Nightjars,  68 
Nikaia,  supernatural  being  of  Shilluk, 

takes  form  of  a  crocodile,  568 
Nile  River,  22;  early  exploration  of,  650; 
exploration  of,   668-671;  gum  trees 
near,  48;  rice  grown  near,  42 
Nile  Valley,  Arab  dynasties  in,  85;  a 
cultural  zone,  325;  date  palms  in,  48; 
historical,  73-78;  population  of,  32; 
sugar  cane  grown  in,  42;  wheat  grown 
in,  50;  see  Egypt 
Nilotic    Negroes,    23;    cultural    classi- 
fication  of,   407;   have   plows,    586; 
initiation  rites  of,  466-467;  kinship 
system  of,  474;  marriage  customs  of, 
415;  physical  measurements  of,  180- 
181;  religious  belief  of,  547;  totems 
and  clans  of,  490;  see  Anuak,  Bari, 
Didinga,  Dinka,  Nuer,  Shilluk 
Njoroan  culture  of,  east  Africa,  119 
Nkundu  Negroes,  of  Congo,  Pygmies 

associated  with,  208 
Nobatae,  ancient  tribe,  81 
Nomadism,  in  Aures  Mountains,  395; 
among    Bushmen,    329-340;    among 
Fulani,  358;  among  Kababish,  382; 
in  Libya,  375;  in  north  Africa,  397; 
in  Tibesti,  373;  among  Tuareg,  54; 
in  Tunisia,  394;  see  Camel  culture. 
Hunting,  Pygmies,  Sahara 
Nomori  figurines,  from  west  Africa,  136 
Northern  territories,  675 
Nose,  of  Africans,  summary  on,  222; 
a    flute    for,    452;    mutilated,    262; 
ornaments  for,  in  Tibesti,   373;   see 
Nasal  index,  Physical   anthropology 
Novo  Redondo,  explorations  near,  664 
Nsibidi  writing,  302;  of  Efik,  308 
Nuba,  physical  measurements  of,  181; 
terrace  hillsides  for  cultivation,  586 
Nubae,  144 

Nubia,  stone  implements  of,  109 
Nubian  Desert,  railway  over,  680 
Nudity,  270 

Nuers,  23;  clothing  not  used  among, 
270;  initiation  of  boys  among,  467; 
physical  measurements  of,  181 


Numidians,  horsemen  among,  55 

Nupe,  brass  work  of,  illus.,  631;  kola 
trees  grown  by,  48;  making  of  gourds 
by,  620 

Nurab,  a  section  of  the  Kababish,  383 

Nutrition,  and  social  organization,  469; 
sociological  effects  of,  694;  see  Agri- 
culture, Cattle,  Diet,  Domestic  ani- 
mals, Food 

Nuts,  magical  use  of,  525;  from  palms, 
42;  see  Groundnuts,  Kola  nuts 

Nyakang,  God  of  Shilluk,  547 

Nyame,  God  of  Ashanti,  545;  sky  God 
and  celts,  135 

Nyasa  Lake,  drainage  of,  678;  and 
explorations  of  Livingstone,  667 

Nyasaland,  albinos  in,  255;  ancient 
terracing  in,  157;  educational  pos- 
sibilities in,  702;  products  and  com- 
munications of,  678;  tribal  mixture 
in,  246 

Nzambi,  defined  548;  a  Negro  god,  543 

Oases,  34;  date  palms  in,  48;  illus.,  43; 
of  Kharga,  24;  of  Libya,  374,  375, 
conquered  by  Italians,  691,  and  rock 
engravings,  144;  near  Aures  Moun- 
tains, 395;  now  lost,  144;  of  Sahara, 
Jews  in,  84,  population  in,  32;  stone 
implements  in,  112;  of  Tunisia,  394; 
of  Yarda  and  rock  engravings,  142; 
see  Bilma,  Kharga,  Kufra,  Siwa 

Oaths,  administered  by  medicine-men, 
578;  in  legal  procedure,  507;  and 
marriage  rites,  566;  taken  by  God 
Buku,  545;  taken  on  sacred  spear,  519 

Oats,  50 

Obba,  of  Benin  encourages  handicrafts, 
630 

Obosum,  Gods  of  Ashanti,  412 

Obscenities,  285 

Occupations,  ritual  connected  with, 
642-645;  see  Agriculture,  Camel 
culture.  Handicrafts,  Hunting,  Labor, 
Pastoral   pursuits 

Ocean,  and  climate,  20 

Ogbomosho,  gourds  ornamented  at, 
620;  making  pottery  at,  illus.,  633 

Ogboni,  501;  league  and  secret  messages 
of,  320 

Ogowe  River,  exploration  of,  by  Du 
Chaillu,  662;  explored  by  Lenz,  664; 
Pygmies  near,  206 

Ogun  (God  of  war),  and  blacksmiths, 
547;  and  Yoruba,  489 

Oil,  methods  of  obtaining  from  palms, 
675;  mineral,  prospecting  for,  in  An- 
gola, 685;  from  oil  palm,  as  food,  44; 
for  proposed  Saharan  railways,  682 


902 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Oil  palm,  41,  43;  as  totem  in  Liberia,  487 

Okapi,  hunted  by  Pygmies,  59 

Okiek  (Dorobo),  hunters  of  east  Africa, 
346 

Old  Calabar,  brass  casting  at,  632; 
initiation  ceremonies  at,  466 

Oldowan  culture,  122 

Oldoway,  and  fossil  man,  97 

Old  Testament,  customs  like  those  of 
Kababish,  382;  and  Semitic  customs, 
84;  songs,  383;  and  stories  in  Koran, 
388 

Oligarchy,  501;  see  Age-grades,  Secret 
societies 

Olive  oil,  produced  in  Siwa,  393;  from 
Tunisia,  681 

Olives,  40,  50;  grown  in  Algeria,  395 

Olorun,  a  Yoruba  God,  547 

Omayyad  dynasty,  85 

Omba  shells,  illus.,  353 

Omdurman,  battles  at,  680;  market, 
610;  sale  of  spears  at,  383;  see  Der- 
vishes, Gordon,  Kitchener,  Mahdi 

Omens,  given  by  medicine-men,  580; 
in  Libyan  oases,  376;  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 583 

Oneiromancy,  580;  see  Dreams 

Ophiolotry,  567;  see  Pythons,  Serpents, 
Snakes 

Opium,  used  in  north  Africa,  394 

Orange  Free  State,  political,  677;  rail- 
way communications,  676 

Orang-outang,  91 

Ordeal,  administered  by  medicine-men, 
578;  blood  used  in  trial  by,  354;  for- 
bidden by  Mohammedanism,  387; 
types  of,  classified  and  mapped,  507 

Oriental  Institute  of  Chicago,  109 

Orisas,  Gods  of  Yoruba,  547 

Ornaments,  of  feathers  and  egg  shell, 
68;  personal,  258-270;  of  Tuareg, 
368;  see  Agate,  Silver 

Orthoptera,  70 

Oryx,  hide  of,  used  for  shields,  362;  in 
rock  engravings,  143 

Osiris,  74 

Ostrich,  Bushmen  mark  site  of  nests  of, 
336;  domesticated,  68;  eggshells  used 
for  carrying  water,  330,  for  making 
beads  by  Bushmen,  330;  feathers  of, 
for  decorating  cattle,  352;  feathers  of, 
exported  from  South  Africa,  678; 
feathers  of,  from  Italian  Somaliland, 
686;  feathers  of,  as  warriors'  head- 
dress, 531;  in  Kordofan,  383;  north 
of  Chad,  362;  in  rock  engravings,  59, 
138,  143 

Ottoman  Empire,  89 


Oudney,  explorations  of,  655 

Ouenat,  oases  in  Libya,  374;  and  rock 

sculpture,  144 
Outrigger  canoes,  604 
Ovambo,  cattle  customs  of,  356 
Ovimbundu,    agriculture    of,    587-588; 
belief  in  souls  of  dead  among,  557; 
birds     reverenced     by,     68;     blood 
brotherhood  among,  493;  caravans 
of,  245;  courtship  and  marriage  of, 
409;  face  painting  of,  260;  family  life 
of,  477;  games  of,  444-445;  grounds 
for  divorce  among,  420;  homosexual 
customs  among,  426;  hunters  use  fire- 
arms among,  526;  hunting  customs 
of,  596-597;  kinship  terms  of,  469- 
470;  laws  of  inheritance  among,  511; 
laws  relating  to  theft  among,   515; 
methods  of  fishing  among,  602;  mor- 
tality among,  693;  naming  customs 
among,    435;    nature    lore    of,    606; 
physical  measurements  of,  176;  prov- 
erbs from,  310;  punishments  for  mur- 
der   among,    516;    religious    beliefs 
among,  542;  sacred  kings  among,  555; 
scarification  of,  258;  sign  language  of, 
318;   singing   and    dancing    customs 
among,    448;    slavery    among,    538; 
taboos     of,     582;     teeth     mutilated 
among,  262;  twins  among,  434;  use 
manioc,  44;  use  quills  of  porcupine, 
62;  village  as  a  unit  of  government 
among,   495;  wood-carving  of,   614, 
616,  619,  621,  illus.,  619 
Owl,  flesh   of,  forbidden  during   preg- 
nancy, 430;  sacred  in  Angola,  68 
Oxen,  ceremonially  used  in  rain-making, 
578;  hide  of,  for  constructing  Tuareg 
shelters,  366 ;  hide  of,  used  as  a  shroud, 
356;  with  long  horns  illus.,  594;  paid 
to   redeem  slaves,   539;   ridden,   56; 
ridden  in  Angola,  illus.,  357;  in  rock 
sculptures,  138;  used  by  Tuareg,  368; 
see  Cattle,  Fulani,  Hottentots,  Sacri- 
fice, Transportation 

Paddles,  as  symbols  of  authority,  321 

Painting,  of  bark  cloth,  627;  of  body, 
260;  of  body  in  honor  of  God  Buku, 
545;  of  Bushmen,  147-149;  on  rocks, 
illus.,  139 

Paleoliths,  of  Africa,  illus.,  105;  art  of,  in 
Europe,  106;  divisions  of,  in  Europe, 
103;  see  Archaeology,  Stone  imple- 
ments 

Paleontology,  226;  and  archaeology, 
100;  evidence  of,  is  very  meager,  159; 
human,  91-99 

Palestine,  and  crusades,  77;  Egyptian 
invasion  of,  78;  fossil  mammals  of, 
20;  Jewish  homeland,  83 


General  Index 


903 


Palm,  41;  cut  down  by  armies,  527;  fi- 
ber, rope  from,  367;  fiber,  for  sandals, 
364;  kernels,  exported  from  Sierra 
Leone,  675;  leaves,  used  in  house 
building  by  Tuareg,  366;  in  Libyan 
oases,  375;  method  of  climbing,  41; 
not  cut  down,  370;  see  Borassus, 
Coconuts,  Dates,  Dum  palm.  Oil, 
Raffia 

Palm  oil,  from  Belgian  Congo,  684; 
eaten  during  initiation,  466;  for  hair 
and  skin,  260;  measurement  of 
quantity  of,  613;  rubbed  on  newly 
born  child,  432;  used  in  divorce  cere- 
mony, 420 

Palm  wine,  gourds  for  holding,  640 

Palmyra  palm,  46 

Pangolin,  62,  64;  illus.,  66 

Panicutn,  a  genus  of  millets,  46 

Pantheons,  of  ancient  Egypt,  547;  of 
Dahomey,  546;  see  Gods,  Religion 

Papaya,  41 

Papyrus,  23 

Parakou,  in  Dahomey,  683 

Parapithecus,  92 

Park  (Mungo),  explorations  of,  658 

Parkland,  32,  44;  and  horses,  55;  in 
Nigeria,  675;  zone  of,  326 

Parrots,  68;  eggs  of,  as  demand  for 
suicide  of  king,  551;  eggs  of,  as  sym- 
bolic message,  321 

Parturition,  see  Birth,  Childbirth,  Preg- 
nancy 

Pasteur  Institute  at  Rabat,  Morocco, 
683 

Pastoral,  culture  among  Kababish,  380- 
387;  elements  of,  349-360;  pursuits 
of,  in  Abyssinia,  687 

Pathological  conditions,  255-258 

Patination,  108;  of  rock  sculpture,  143; 
of  stone  implements,  124 

Patriarchal  system,  defined,  476;  and 
government  among  Tuareg,  370; 
among  Kababish,  384;  in  Libya,  377; 
and  man's  work  in  agriculture,  587; 
in  Tunisia,  394 

Patrilineal  descent,  among  Kababish, 
384 

Patrilocal  marriage,  410 

Pawning,  of  human  beings,  537-540,  in 
Liberia,  sources  of  information  on, 
697;  of  labor  for  creditors,  477 

Peaches,  50;  grown  in  Algeria,  395 

Peanuts,  see  Groundnuts 

Pears,  grown  in  Algeria,  395 

Peas,  ceremonies  connected  with  grow- 
ing of,  402 

Pebbles,  and  early  stone  age  culture  in 
Uganda,  121;  used  in  counting  popu- 


lation, 691;  used  in  making  pottery, 
632 

Pendembu,  675 

Penis  cover,  270 

Pennisetum,  a  genus  of  millets,  46 

Pens,  made  of  reeds,  306,  392 

Pepel,  measurements  of,  168 

Perforated  stone,  used  for  digging  stick, 
331 

Periodicals,  bibliography  of,  728-732 

Periplus,  a  document  relating  to  early 
navigation  in  Indian  Ocean,  650 

Persia,  Arabs  in,  85;  cheetahs  trained 
in,  61;  conquest  of  Egypt  by,  54;  con- 
tact of,  with  Egypt,  77;  fowls  from, 
76;  glaze  of,  at  Zimbabwe,  89;  in- 
fluences of,  76;  origin  of  chain  mail 
in,  524 

Persian  Gulf,  and  ancient  trade,  157 

Personal  ornaments,  258-270;  of  gold, 
25 

Petroglyphs,  see  Rock  sculptures 

Phacochoerus,  a  warthog,  20 

Phallus,  in  rock  engravings,  143;  at 
Zimbabwe,  88 

Phallus  cult,  585;  see  Fecundity,  Fer- 
tility rites 

Pharmacopoeia,  585;  see  Medicine-men 

Pharos  Lighthouse,  81 

Phaseolus  vulgaris,  beans,  41 

Phelps-Stokes,  commissions  in  Africa, 
709 

Philistines,  and  Phoenicians,  78 

Philosophy,  and  psychology,  276 

Phoenicians,  78-80;  agricultural  rites 
of,  survive  in  Algeria,  395;  and  Sem- 
itic customs,  84;  voyages  of,  649;  see 
Carthage,  Punic 

Phoenix  dadylifera,  date  palm,  43,  48 

Phonetics,  methods  of  recording,  322 

Phonograph,  for  making  field  records, 
454;  records  of  Ashanti  drum  lan- 
guage, 321;  see  Phonetics 

Phosphates,  from  Tunisia,  681 

Physical  anthropology,  161-254;  see 
Anthropometry,  and  divisions  given 
in  Table  of  Contents 

Physical  features,  of  Africa,  19-27 

Physical  types,  of  Africa  compared, 
220-226;  sources  for  illustrations  of, 
161,  classified,  163;  in  Tibesti,  373; 
see  Anthropometry,  List  of  Illustra- 
tions, Physical  anthropology 

Physiography,  19-27 

Physiology,  and  ideas  of  conception, 
471;  and  psychology,  277;  and  race, 
276;  and  tests  of  race,  236;  see  Ana- 
tomy, Blood  groups 


904 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Pictographs,  of  Efik,  308;  see  Rock 
sculpture,  Writing 

Pictures,  Egyptian,  23 

Pietermaritzburg,  capital  city,  677 

Pigeons,  a  Ba-ila  totem,  485 

Pigment,  smeared  on  body  at  initiation, 
462;  see  Clay,  Colors,  Painting 

Pigmentation,  of  albinos,  255;  of  Bush- 
men, 217;  of  Kabyles,  252;  of  Medi- 
terranean race,  248;  in  north  Africa, 
117 

Pigs,  breeds  of,  in  Africa,  595;  Keltic 
breed  of,  illus.,  57;  not  to  be  sacri- 
ficed, 545 

Pilgrimage,  to  Mecca,  388 

Pillars  of  Hercules,  649 

Pillows,  carved  from  wood,  616 

Pinteals,  visit  to  Benin,  658 

Pinto,  explorations  of,  664 

Pipes,  of  clay  for  draining  roofs,  366; 
of  reeds  played  by  Bedouins,  376;  see 
Tobacco 

Pisces,  see  Fishes 

Pits,  as  traps  for  animals,  334 

Place  names,  see  bibliographies,  Map 
facing  page  16 

Placenta,  treatment  of,  440;  see  Birth, 
Childbirth 

Plantain-eater,  in  Angola,  68 
(Plants,  38-51;  burnt  to  yield  salt,  591; 
source  books  on,  51;  used  as  charms, 
578;  used  medicinally,  585;  see  Agri- 
culture, Botany 

Plateaus,  21;  in  desert,  32;  maize  grown 
on,  44;  in  Sahara,  361;  of  Tibesti,  373 

Platycmeric  condition,  in  Bushmen,  217 

Play,  see  Dancing,  Games,  Music 

Pleistocene,  animals,  in  N.  Africa,  138; 
bones  of  camels,  in  N.  Africa,  54;  in 
Europe,  101-106;  glaciations,  30; 
land  bridges,  19;  period,  and  cli- 
matic changes,  30;  period,  duration 
of,  90;  period,  in  Kenya,  97;  see 
Archaeology,  Physiography 

Pliny,  81 

Pliocene,  and  fossil  apes,  92;  human 
fossils  of,  95;  man  not  in  Egypt,  109; 
stone  implements  in  England,  126; 
and  Taungs  skull,  95 

Plows,  in  N.  Africa,  394;  used  by  Bath- 
onga,  403,  in  Egypt  and  by  some 
Negroes,  586 

Pluvial  periods,  30;  in  E.  Africa,  119 

Pods,  of  baobab  as  food,  48 

Poetry,  316-318 

Pogge,  explorations  of,  664,  665 

Poison,  on  arrow  points  among  Bush- 
men, 333;  for  arrows,  524;  for  arrows, 
antidotes   against,  339;    for  arrows, 


ceremonially  manufactured,  602;  for 
arrows,  literature  on,  525;  on  arrows 
used  by  Pygmies,  341;  of  cobra,  67; 
on  darts  of  crossbows,  602;  in  drink- 
ing water  of  wild  animals  hunted  by 
Bushmen,  334;  extracted  from  man- 
ioc, 587;  for  fishing,  602,  603;  ordeal 
among  Ovimbundu,  516;  plot,  and 
divination  basket,  576;  on  stakes, 
used  in  warfare,  522;  as  test  of  guilt, 
507 

Pokomo,  poetry  of,  317 

Polar  ice  cap,  30,  102-104 

Political  methods,  of  European  coun- 
tries, 690;  and  studies  of  African 
problems,  718-719 

Polyandry,  417;  in  N.  E.  Africa,  350 

Polygyny,  417-419;  among  Bushmen, 
338;  and  effect  on  birth  rate,  691; 
under  Mohammedanism,  390;  among 
Pygmies  rare,  342 ;  result  of  European 
influence  on,  702;  result  of  warfare 
on,  531;  a  social  problem,  419;  among 
Tuareg,  371;  see  Family,  Marriage, 
Polyandry 

Pombeiros,  early  Portuguese  adventur- 
ers, 668 

Population,  and  climate,  31;  density  of, 
32;  distribution  of,  in  E.  Africa,  692; 
of  N.  Africa  and  physical  features  of, 
251;  of  Tripolitania  analyzed,  396; 
see  Census,  Demography,  Health, 
Welfare  of  Africans 

Porcupine,  62;  in  Air,  362;  in  proverb, 
309;  quills,  531 

Porridge,  from  baobab  fruit;  see  Maize 

Porro,  a  secret  society,  500 

Port  Elizabeth,  caves  explored  near,  124 

Porters,  see  Carriers 

Port  Harcourt,  676 

Port  Herald,  678 

Port  Sudan  (on  Red  Sea),  railway  com- 
munication of,  680 

Portugal,  Jews  expelled  from,  84;  and 
labor  laws  for  Africans,  698;  policy  of, 
toward  Africans,  700;  possessions  of, 
in  Africa,  684-685 

Portuguese,  defeat  Turks,  89;  early 
visit  to  Benin,  630;  and  historical 
data,  246,  248;  missions,  in  Abys- 
sinia, 687 ;  riding  oxen,  illus.,  357 ;  rule, 
in  Angola  and  cultural  changes,  719; 
slave  trade  of,  40;  and  slavery  in 
Angola,  538;  W.  Africa,  21;  see 
Angola 

Portuguese  E.  Africa,  exploration  of, 
651-653;  railways,  676,  685;  Zulu  in- 
vasion of,  530 

Portuguese  Guinea,  foods  for  Negroes 
used  in,  586 


General  Index 


905 


Portuguese  W.  Africa,  see  Angola,  0 vim- 
bundu,  Vachowke,  Vakwanyama 

Possession,  by  a  spirit,  551;  spiritual,  of 
priests,  574;  see  Bori,  Demons 

Potash,  near  Chad,  26;  in  making  soap, 
42 

Potatoes,  in  poison  ordeal  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  516;  sweet,  from  America,  41 

Potiskum,  armor  worn  at,  383 

Pots,  for  cooking,  42;  used  as  beehives, 
609 

Potter's  wheel,  in  Egypt,  74;  not  used 
by  Negroes,  632 

Pottery,  in  Algeria,  395;  in  ancient 
Egypt,  112;  Badarian,  112;  drums  of, 
390,  450;  drums  of  among  Tuareg, 
370;  early  Mediterranean  types  of, 
80;  especially  made  for  king  of 
Baganda,  486;  formerly  made  by 
some  Bushmen,  332;  labor  of  males 
and  females  on,  622;  literature  on, 
646;  made  in  Agades,  367;  made  dur- 
ing play,  446;  and  magical  beliefs, 
644;  methods  of  making,  illus.,  633; 
of  Negroes,  632-634;  neolithic,  of 
Canary  Islands,  118;  neolithic,  in 
Uganda,  123;  and  N.  African  cultures, 
80;  in  paleolithic  times,  121;  pur- 
chased by  Kababish,  383;  of  stone 
age  in  W.  Africa,  136;  of  strand- 
loopers,  125;  of  Tuareg,  367;  at 
Zimbabwe,  89 

Poultry,  68;  better  attention  needed  for, 
596;  eaten  during  initiation,  cere- 
monially, 462;  in  Libyan  oases,  375; 
in  proverbs,  309;  sacrificed,  401,  438, 
to  blacksmith's  forge,  643,  to  earth, 
402,  at  funeral,  488,  at  initiation,  458, 
before  pounding  grain,  588;  among 
Tuareg,  368;  used  in  divination,  574; 
see  Chickens,  Cock,  Ducks,  Eggs, 
Guinea  fowl 

Prairie  grasses,  46 

Prayer,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  to 
ancestors  after  dreaming,  582;  in 
Ashanti,  545;  of  Bushmen,  334,  338; 
connected  with  smelting  of  iron,  643; 
for  good  harvest  by  Jukun,  552;  at 
initiation,  465;  at  initiation  of  priests 
in  Ashanti,  574;  of  Lango  tribe,  491; 
Mohammedan  ablutions  before,  632; 
Mohammedan  customs  of,  387;  of- 
fered at  tombs  in  N.  Africa,  395;  by 
Pygmies,  345;  of  Shilluk  at  grave  of 
ancestors,  564;  see  Ancestor  worship, 
Religion,  Sacrifice 

Praying  mantis,  70 

Pregnancy,  429-435,  436-440;  and 
adultery,  513;  death  during,  544;  and 
divination,  576;  and  eating  earth, 
593;  among  Edo  tribe,  440;  magically 


obtained,  560;  more  care  of  mothers 
needed  during,  693;  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  410;  and  painting  of  face  at, 
260;  and  polyandry,  417;  see  Abor- 
tion, Birth 

Prehistory,  91-160 

Prejudices,  of  Africans  to  be  overcome 
by  education,  706 

Pretoria,  administrative  center,  677; 
and  Springbok  man,  97 

Priestesses,  in  Ashanti,  550;  of  Yoruba, 
551 

Priests,  548-556;  and  agriculture,  398- 
404;  and  archaic  language,  288;  in 
Ashanti,  545;  compared  with  medi- 
cine-men, 572;  distinguished  from 
medicine-men  in  Ashanti,  574;  in 
Egypt,  74;  at  Ife,  80;  and  python 
worship,  568;  see  Sacred  kings 

Primates,  91 

Primitive  races,  decline  of,  690 

Principe,  occupied  by  Portuguese,  651 

Prisoners,  of  war  made  slaves,  534;  in 
warfare,  treatment  of,  529 

Prisons,  under  Mohammedan  law,  390, 
510 

Property,  disposal  of,  511;  see  Camels, 
Cattle,  Inheritance,  Land,  Law 

Propliopithecus,  92 

Prostitution,  424,  425,  426;  possible 
increase  of,  702;  among  Tuareg,  371 

Protectorates,  British,  in  S.  Africa,  677; 
constitutional  position  of,  678 

Proverbs,  309-311 

Proxy,  in  litigation  and  punishment, 
507;  see  Law,  Ordeal 

Psidium,  genus  of  guava,  41 

Psittacus  erithacus,  tail  feathers  used,  68 

Psychoanalysis,  284 

Psychology,  276-287;  and  achieve- 
ments of  Africans,  701,  see  Educa- 
tion; and  anthropology  aid  adminis- 
tration, 710-719;  and  causes  for 
decline  of  population,  692;  and 
changes  in  kinship  system,  483;  of 
collective  mentality,  282;  of  Congo 
natives,  703;  of  dreams,  580;  and 
educability  of  Africans,  700;  and 
explanations  of  kinship  systems,  476; 
of  family  life  among  Ovimbundu, 
478;  of  family  relationships,  481;  and 
folklore,  311-316;  and  food,  595,  694; 
general  conclusions,  287;  and  growth 
of  societies,  literature  recommended 
on,  722;  of  intelligence  and  race,  277; 
of  juvenile  mind,  286;  literature  re- 
commended, 723;  and  mental  tests, 
278-280;  methods  of  study  of,  276; 
methods  of  summarized,  276,  287; 
and   physiology,  277;   of  songs  and 


906 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


dancing,  456;  and  stories,  280;  and 
study  of  cultural  types,  328;  of  un- 
conscious mind, 283-285 

Ptolemy,  81;  and  data  for  ancient 
tribes,  144;  early  map  of,  651 

Puberty,  and  age-grades,  498-505;  and 
educational  possibilities,  702;  rites, 
457,  and  fecundity  of  cattle,  358;  see 
Circumcision,  Initiation 

Puff-adder,  poison  of,  used  for  arrow 
points,  333 

Punch  and  Judy  shows,  390 

Punic,  language  of  Carthaginians,  79; 
symbols,  305;  wars,  80 

Punishment,  510;  and  ancestral  dis- 
pleasure, 566;  among  Bushmen,  337, 
338;  European  type  not  understood 
by  Negroes,  710;  inflicted  by  secret 
societies,  498-502;  under  Moham- 
medan law,  388;  for  murder,  515-519; 
of  warriors,  530;  see  Adultery,  Law, 
Theft 

Puppets,  319 

Purgatives,  used  by  Banyankole,  349 

Purification,  at  initiation,  459;  of 
shrines  of  ancestors,  549;  of  warriors, 
533 

Pygmies,  341-346;  in  Abyssinia,  242; 
Bambuti,  202;  Bambuti,  illus.,  207; 
blood  group  tests  of,  239,  240;  com- 
pared with  Bushmen,  210;  dispersal 
of,  206;  early  observation  of  by  Du 
Chaillu,  662;  general  description  of, 
208;  general  physical  traits  of,  202- 
204;  as  hunters,  ingenuity  of,  61; 
implements  of  stone,  called  "pygmy," 
150;  language  of,  206,  208,  289;  map 
of  distribution  of,  206;  marry  with 
Negroes,  341;  measurements  of,  212; 
migration  of,  240;  numbers  of,  in 
Ituri,  206;  physical  anthropology  of, 
202-210;  possible  origin  of,  228;  stone 
implements  of,  129 

Pyrenees,  and  cave  paintings,  103 

Python,  as  founder  of  clan,  488;  illus., 
569;  sacred,  64;  sacred  among  Ban- 
yankole, 350;  worship  of,  567,  568 

Python  sebae,  64 

Quaternary  age,  31 
Querns,  25;  used  by  Tuareg,  366 
Quilimane,  physical   measurements   of 
tribes,  178 

Quills,  531;  attached  to  musical  instru- 
ment, 453;  of  porcupine,  uses  of,  62; 
see  Porcupine 

Ra,  sun  God  of  Egypt,  24,  74,  556 
Rababa,  a  stringed  instrument,  453 
Rabat,  Pasteur  Institute  at,  683 


Rabbit,  rock  rabbit  or  hyrax,  60 
Rabeh,  55;  conquests  of,  245;  predatory 

journeys  of,  657 
Race,  ancient,  of  N.  Africa,  measure- 
ments and  migrations  of,  251,  252 
biological    differences    of,    231-232 
difficulty  of  defining,  161,  229-231. 
and   intelligence,    276;    physiological 
tests   of,    236;    see    Anthropometry, 
Physical  anthropology 
Race  problems,  literature  on,  706 
Racial  differences,  anatomical,  235 
Racial  likeness,  formula  for  estimating, 

224 
Radium,  from  southern  Congo,  684 
Raffia,  for  clothing,  270;  weaving  of,  636 
Raffia  fiber,  for  mats,  baskets,  skirts,  42 
Raffia  palm,  illus.,  47 
Railway  communications,  in  Tangan- 
yika Territory,  679 
Railways,  in  Abyssinia,  687;  of  Algeria 
and  Morocco,  681;  of  French  Africa, 
683;  of  Nigeria,  676;  not  in  Liberia, 
674;    planned    for    Sahara,    681;    of 
Sierra  Leone,  675;  of  S.  Africa,  678; 
and  tsetse  fly,  71 
Rain,  controlled  by  king,  552;  sent  by 
mantis,  338;  serpent  a  symbol  of,  404 
Rainbows,  and  snake  beliefs,  404 
Rainfall,  34-38;  in  ancient  Egypt,  109; 
and  the  calendar,  592;  in  Kalahari 
Desert,    329;    in    Nigeria,    676;    in 
Pygmy    territory,    341;    in    Sahara, 
361-362;  see  Climate,  Pluvial  periods 
Rain-making,  and  agriculture,  398-404; 
by  Banyankole,  350;  Bushmen  rites 
for,    339;    a    clan    privilege    among 
Lango,  491;  importance  of,  to  Nilotic 
tribes,  351,  553;  various  methods  of, 
described,  576-578 
Ramadan,  Mohammedan  festival,  376; 

387,  394 
Rameses  III,  conquests  of,  78 
Rape,  punishment  of,  529;  see  Abduc- 
tion 
Raphia  vinifera,  a  palm,  41 
Ras  Tafari,  former  ruler  of  Abyssinia, 

687 
Rats,    caught    in    cane    traps    among 
Ovimbundu,  608;  eaten  by  Yoruba, 
606;  kinds  of,  62;  roasted  by  Vasele, 
664 
Rattan,  used  for  repairing  gourds,  620; 

see  Bows 
Rattle,  general,  452;  illus.,  449;  shaken 

by  mother  of  twins,  433 
Razors,  392;  made  by  blacksmith,  629 
Rebirth  ceremony,  458 
Rebmann,  explorations  of,  669 


General  Index 


907 


Recent  period  (geological  term),  dur- 
ation of,  90 

Red  Sea,  19;  and  ancient  voyages  on, 
157;  geographical  position  of,  680; 
Italian  influence  on  coast  of,  686; 
Italian  possessions  near,  687;  strate- 
gic position  of,  673 

Reed  pipes,  played  by  Bushmen,  336; 
signal  in  secret  society,  499 

Reeds,  used  for  arrows,  333;  used  for 
canoes  by  Buduma,  604;  used  for 
pens,  392 

Reincarnation,  440;  in  animals,  60;  and 
childbirth,  437-438;  and  divination, 
560;  of  God  in  king,  547-548,  see 
Sacred  kings;  of  king  among  Bush- 
ongo,  555;  and  kinship  terms,  471 

Relationship,  tables  of,  472-473;  see 
Family,  Kinship  terms 

Religion,  541-585;  in  Abyssinia,  688; 
and  agriculture,  398-404;  of  Bush- 
men, 336-339;  conflicting  ideas  of 
African  and  European  teaching  on, 
707;  effects  of,  on  handicrafts,  642- 
645;  in  Egypt,  23;  of  Egypt  and 
Christianity,  81;  general  concepts  of, 
541-542;  and  handicrafts,  614;  in- 
fluence of,  on  conduct,  565-567;  of 
Kababish,  383-387;  and  law,  508;  in 
Libyan  oases,  376;  literature  on,  584; 
of  Negroes,  points  summarized,  568- 
570;  in  north  Africa,  395;  points 
summarized,  and  bibliography,  583- 
584;  of  Pygmies,  345;  and  python 
worship,  64;  a  stimulus  to  art,  553; 
and  stone  monuments,  156;  in  Tibesti, 
374;  of  Tuareg,  369-370;  at  Zim- 
babwe, 88;  see  Egypt,  Headings  in 
Table  of  Contents,  Magic,  Medicine- 
men, Mohammedanism,  Morality, 
Phoenicians,  Soul 

Reptilia,  64;  see  Crocodiles,  Serpents, 
Snakes,  Tortoises,  Turtles 

Research,  botanical,  38;  future  of,  in 
Africa,  28,  720-727 

Respiratory  diseases,  and  decline  of 
population,  693 

Rhapta,  ancient  sea  port,  158 

Rheumatism,  cured  by  shocks  from  cat- 
fish, 576;  python  bones  a  cure  for,  64 

Rhinoceros,  53,  59;  and  rock  engrav- 
ings, 142 

Rhodes  (Cecil),  engineering  accom- 
plishments of,  676 

Rhodesia,  ancient  terracing  in,  157; 
Boer  conquest  of,  71;  fossil  man  of, 
92-94;  political,  677;  railway  com- 
munication, 676;  Southern,  and 
Zimbabwe,  87;  and  stone  implements, 
126;  topographical  study  of,  29;  and 
tribes  described  by  Holub,  668 


Rice,  40;  ceremonially  used,  530;  cere- 
mony of  planting  in  Sierra  Leone, 
401;  cultivation  along  Niger,  682; 
distribution  of,  in  Africa,  42;  exported 
from  Ashanti,  675;  exported  from 
Zanzibar  protectorate,  679;  in  Libyan 
oases,  375;  from  Mesopotamia,  76 

Riddles,  309-311 

Riff,  physical  measurements  on,  198; 
pigmentation  of,  252 

Rift  Valley,  21;  and  human  migration, 
157 

Riga,  worn  in  W.  Africa,  392 

Rio  de  Oro,  explored  by  Oscar  Lenz, 
656;  Spanish  possession,  688 

Riss,  glaciation  in  Europe,  104 

Ritual,  medicine-men  in  charge  of,  578; 
and  occupation,  642-645;  see  Kings, 
Magic,  Religion,  Sacrifice 

River-drift  period,  and  implements  of 
Nile  Valley,  106;  near  Zambesi,  124; 
see  Acheulean,  Axes  of  stone,  Chel- 
lean,  Stone  implements 

Rivers,  dried  up,  33;  and  human  en- 
deavor, 22-24 

Roads,  71;  motorable  in  Algeria  and 
Morocco,  681;  motorable  in  Nigeria, 
676;  motorable  in  Sierra  Leone,  675; 
native  labor  employed  on,  696;  well 
constructed  in  central  Angola,  684 

Roan,  large  antelope,  59 

Robenhausian  culture,  106 

Rockefeller  Institute  at  Lagos,  693 

Rock  engravings,  59;  age  of,  in  Libya, 
143;  attributed  to  demons,  376;  in 
Libya,  chronology  of,  144;  school  of, 
in  north  Africa,  141;  type  of,  145;  see 
Art,  Bushmen 

Rock  paintings,  illus.,  139;  of  N.  Africa, 
137-143;  and  present  ritual,  145;  of 
S.  Africa,  146-152;  of  S.  E.  Africa, 
145-146;  see  Art,  Bushmen,  Colors 

Rock  rabbit,  60 

Rocks,  inscribed  by  Portuguese,  652; 
see  Physiography 

Rock  shelters,  142;  in  Tibesti,  373;  see 
Caves 

Rodents,  62 

Rohlfs,  explorations  of,  656 

Roman  Empire,  extent  of,  80 

Romans,  in  Africa,  23;  and  early  ex- 
ploration, 650;  exploration  of,  82; 
historian  Livy,  54;  traits  diffused  by, 
82 

Rome,  destroyed,  82;  founded,  80 

Ropes,  of  baobab  fiber,  48;  of  fiber,  42; 
made  by  Kababish,  382;  made  from 
sisal  fiber,  679;  see  Fiber,  Plaiting, 
String 


908 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Rostrocarinate    stone  implements,  126 

Rotation  of  crops,  future  improvements 

needed  in,  694;  in  Nigeria,  401;  not 

observed  among  Bathonga,  403 

Rovuma    River,    and    explorations    of 

Livingstone,  667 
Royal  Geographical  Society,  669 
Ruanda,  importance  of  cattle  in,  351 
Rubber,    and   American   enterprise   in 
Liberia,   674;   from   Belgian   Congo, 
684;  burnt  and  rubbed  in  cuts,  258; 
as  currency,  612;  from  Mozambique, 
685;  from  Tanganyika  Territory,  679 
Rum,  ceremonially  used  at  childbirth, 

439;  as  currency,  612 
Ruwenzori,  21;  and  glaciers,  102 

Sabaean,  ancient  language  of  S.  Arabia, 
301;  likeness  to  T'ifinagh  script,  306 

Sacred  fire,  359;  in  king's  kraal,  349; 
replenished  by  attendant  in  Angola, 
574;  see  Cattle  culture,  Fire 

Sacred  kings,  548-556 

Sacred  texts,  of  Egypt,  23 

Sacrifice,  at  age-grade  ceremonies,  503; 
and  ancestor  worship,  560,  561,  565; 
to  blacksmiths,  642,  643;  of  camel, 
374;  of  cattle,  354,  356;  during  pottery 
making,  645;  and  fertility  of  soil, 
398-404;  of  first  fruits  by  Bushmen, 
334;  to  gods,  544;  of  human  beings, 
79,  548-552,  see  Sacred  kings;  litera- 
ture on,  585;  nature  of,  542;  of  oxen 
in  rain-making  by  Bathonga,  578;  by 
Pygmies,  345;  in  rain-making  by 
Lango  tribe,  491;  in  relation  to  law, 
519;  Semitic  form  of,  387;  against 
sterility,  438;  see  Cattle,  Magic, 
Religion 

Saddles,  for  camels,  83;  of  Tuareg,  367 

Sahara,  camel  cultures  in,  361,  378; 
crossed  by  Mansur,  55;  exploration 
of,  654-658;  French  administration 
in,  681;  geological  and  climatic 
changes  in,  31;  gum  trees  in,  48;  jer- 
boa in,  62;  maps  of,  651;  natural 
history  of,  52;  Phoenician  influence 
in,  79;  rainfall  in,  38;  rock  engravings 
of,  54,  137;  rock  sculpture  of,  140; 
Roman  exploration  in,  82;  stone 
implements  in,  115;  trade  across,  25; 
zone  of,  326;  see  Arabs,  Bedouins, 
Camel  culture,  Mohammedanism, 
Oases,  Tibesti,  Tuareg 

St.  Mark's,  Venice,  83 

Salisbury,  Southern  Rhodesia,  railway 
center,  685 

Salt,  annual  caravan  for,  in  Sahara,  369; 
caravan  of,  from  Bilma,  26;  for  cattle, 
352;   as   currency,   612;   eaten   with 


manioc,  588;  methods  of  preparation 
and  distribution,  591;  mined  in  Sa- 
hara, 591;  for  preserving  locusts,  608; 
for  preserving  meat  by  Tuareg,  367; 
in  Sahara,  26;  from  sea  water,  591 
Salt  (Henry),  and  exploration  of  Nile, 

668 
Saltpeter,  added  to  chewing  tobacco,  370 
Sanctions  of  law,  506;  see  Law,  Religion 
Sanctuary,  509;  among  Lambas,  496; 

see  Blood-feuds 
Sandals,  in  Tibesti,  373;  used  by  Bush- 
men, 331;  worn  by  Tuareg,  364 
Sandawe,  clicks  in  language,  291 
San  Francisco,  20 

Sanga  River,  Pygmies  near,  242,  meas- 
urements of,  212 
Sangoan  culture,  stone  implements  of, 

in  E.  Africa,  119 
San  Salvador,  founded  by  Portuguese, 

652 
Sanye,  hunting  tribe  in  E.  Africa,  346 
Sao  Thome,  island,  651 
Sap,  of  palm  for  making  wine,  527;  of 

palms,  41 
Sapeto,  explorations  of,  670 
Sara,  teeth  mutilated  among,  illus.,  262 
Sasswood,  used  in  poison  ordeal,  507 
Savannah  lands,   32;  shea-butter  tree 
grown  in,  46;  see  Zones  of  vegetation 
Saw,  used  in  dividing  gourds,  620 
Sawmills  site,  S.  Africa,  stone  imple- 
ments from,  126 
Scalps,  taken  in  warfare,  528 
Scapegoat,  a  Semitic  rite,  84 
Scarification,   258-260,   illus.,   259;   at 
initiation,    465;    among    Kababish, 
385;   magical,  for  warriors,    532;    of 
members  of  secret  society,  499;  not 
much  used  in  Tibesti,  373 
Scenery,  illus.,  33,  35,  36,  37,  39,  40 
Schweinfurth,  explorations  of,  670 
Scilly  Islands,  and  tin  supply,  79 
Scissors,  made  by  blacksmith,  629 
Scrapers,    from    Nile    Valley,    106;    of 
stone  from  Morocco,  112;  types  of,  in 
stone,  129 
Scrub,  34 

Scylax,  historian,  81 
Seasons,  see  Climate,  Rainfall 
Sebilian  culture,  114;  and  implements, 

111; term  defined,  109 
Sechele,  a  Zulu  chief,  71 
Secret  societies,  61,  498-502;  and 
archaic  languages,  289;  literature  re- 
lating to,  502;  and  painting  the  body, 
260;  and  scars  on  body,  260;  of 
witches,  572;  see  Initiation 


General  Index 


909 


Secretary  bird,  68 

Sects,  of  early  Christians,  81;  of  Mo- 
hammedans, 388 

Seduction,  payment  for,  412 

Seeds,  of  kola  tree,  48;  of  sesamum,  46; 
see  Rattles 

Segu,  on  Niger,  visited  by  Mungo  Park, 
658 

Sekondi,  675 

Semantic  tones,  301;  see  Tones 

Semi-desert,  34;  in  British  Somaliland, 
680,  illus.,  39;  and  horses,  55;  in 
Nigeria,  675 

Semites,  beliefs  of,  in  Libyan  oases,  376; 
customs  of,  370;  customs  of,  and  kin- 
ship systems,  474;  customs  of,  among 
Tuareg,  367,  372;  divisions  of,  163; 
elements  of  culture  of,  379-397;  lan- 
guages of,  79,  299-302;  languages  of, 
in  Abyssinia,  687;  languages  of,  and 
Bantu,  290;  matrix  of,  78,  83 1  physi- 
cal measurements  on,  198;  see  Arabs, 
Jews,  Kababish,  Phoenicians 

Semliki  River,  explored  by  Stanley,  663 

Senegal,  Jewish  migration  to,  84;  rail- 
ways of,  political,  commercial,  683; 
River,  and  Carthaginians,  650 

Senhaja,  physical  measurements  on, 
198;  pigmentation  of,  252 

Senussi  sect,  Arabs  of,  369;  bombed  by 
Italians,  691;  in  Libya,  376;  and  mur- 
der of  De  Foucauld,  657;  in  Siwa,  393 

Sequira,  early  Portuguese  explorer,  658 

Serer  tribe,  descent  reckoned  through 
females,  480 

Serpentine  stone,  for  tobacco  pipes  by 
Bushmen,  332 

Serpents,  67;  ancestors  reincarnated  in, 
561;  deity  of,  in  Dahomey,  546;  in- 
habited by  demons,  386;  molded  on 
corn  bins  of  Ba-ila,  403;  worship  of, 
567;  see  Cobra,  Python 

Sesame,  46 

Sesamum  indicum,  seeds  used,  46 

Sex,  determined  by  magic  during  gesta- 
tion, 431;  in  drums,  321;  and  occu- 
pation, 621-622,  639,  see  Labor; 
organs,  of  Bushmen  and  Hottentots 
deformed,  216;  ratios,  691,  in  Tan- 
ganyika Territory,  692;  and  secret 
societies,  498;  and  types  of  labor, 
360;  see  Family,  Father-right,  Kin- 
ship, Mother-right 

Sexual  intercourse,  424-428;  with  cap- 
tured women,  529;  ceremonial,  439; 
forbidden  before  fishing,  603;  of 
warriors   forbidden,   532 

Sexual  life,  409-428;  see  Betrothal,  Con- 
ception, Divorce,  Marriage 


Sexual  morality,  of  Nilotic  Negroes, 
415;  see  Betrothal,  Chastity,  Court- 
ship 

Shadow  and  soul,  563 

Shaduf,  77 

Shafeits,  a  Mohammedan  sect,  388 

Shango,  Thunder  God,  and  celts,  134 

Shaving  of  head,  general  references,  270; 
at  initiation,  465;  among  Kababish, 
385;  in  Tibesti,  373 

Shea  butter,  produced  in  Nigeria,  675; 
tree,  46 

Sheep,  in  Abyssinia,  687;  from  Asia,  76; 
in  Aures  Mountains,  395;  Barbary, 
in  Air,  362;  breeds  of,  595;  cooked 
whole,  395;  domesticated  by  Egyp- 
tians, 58;  kept  by  Bedouins,  394; 
kept  by  Kababish,  381;  in  Libyan 
oases,  375;  and  pigs,  58;  roasted 
whole,  394;  sacrificed  by  Kababish, 
385;  sacrificed  if  pottery  is  broken  in- 
tentionally, 644;  sacrificed  by  Shilluk 
at  grave  of  ancestor,  564;  in  Siwa, 
393;  skin  of,  for  clothing,  364;  skin  of, 
worn  in  Tibesti,  373;  Syrian,  58;  torn 
and  devoured  by  Mohammedan 
fanatics,  393;  varieties  of,  illus.,  57 

Sheikhs,  among  Kababish,  381,  383 

Shell,  as  ornament,  274;  see  Beads, 
Cowrie,  Ostrich 

Sherbro  Island,  stone  statuettes  from, 
136 

Shields,  522;  consecration  of,  for  war, 
531;  different  types  of,  for  Zulu 
warriors,  530;  of  Tuareg,  362,  364 

Shila,  dialect  is  Hamitic,  301 

Shilluks,  23;  beliefs  in  ancestral  spirits 
among,  564;  have  bone-pointed  spear, 
135;  and  importance  of  cattle,  351; 
kill  their  king,  75;  language  of,  Ham- 
itic elements  in,  300;  physical 
measurements  of,  181;  rain-making 
and  religion  of,  553;  religion  of,  547 

Shire  River,  drains  Lake  Nyasa,  678; 
explored  by  Livingstone,  667 

Shrews,  62 

Shrines,  in  Ashanti,  548;  of  Banyankole 
king,  350;  cannibalism  at,  533;  drums 
as,  450;  erected  during  smelting  of 
iron,  643;  of  Nilotic  Negroes,  553, 
563;  parts  of  human  bodies  in,  among 
Baluba,  555;  and  skulls  of  ancestors 
of,  Angas,  565;  see  Altar 

Shrubs,  see  Coffee,  Cotton,  Guava 

Shuwa  Arabs,  illus.,  269;  nose  orna- 
ment of,  262 

Shuwalbe  Fulani,  cattle  customs  among, 
358 

Sicily,  ancient  source  for  tin,  19 

Sickles,  of  flint,  73 


910 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Sickness,  caused  by  offended  ancestors, 
566;  and  change  of  name,  435;  due  to 
mosquitoes,  70;  magical  diagnosis  and 
treatment,  576;  see  Magic,  Medicine- 
men, Welfare  of  Africans 

Sidon,  Phoenician  city,  78 

Sierra  Leone,  agricultural  rites  in,  401; 
forest  in,  32;  gambling  game  in,  445; 
law  relating  to  murder  in,  518;  and 
Phoenician  trade,  79;  political  and 
commercial,  674-675;  rice  grown  in, 
42;  secret  society  in,  260,  499;  stone 
figurines  from,  136 

Signaling,  with  drums,  448;  with  smoke, 
522,  650;  see  Drums 

Sign  language,  318;  used  in  counting, 
612 

Silent  trade,  650 

Silk,  of  Phoenicians,  79 

Silver,  of  Byzantines,  83;  charms  of,  in 
Algeria,  395;  details  of  craft  on,  632; 
from  Nigeria,  675;  ornaments,  in 
Tibesti,  373;  ornaments,  of  Tuareg 
women,  364,  367;  stool  of,  in  Ashanti, 
549;  wire  of,  77 

Silversmiths,  392 

Sin,  and  ancestral  displeasure,  566;  see 
Law,  Morality,  Religion 

Sinai  Peninsula,  19;  entry  point  into 
Africa,  58 

Sinew,  used  for  bows  among  Bushmen, 
333 

Singing,  446-448;  while  pounding  grain, 
588;  see  Dancing,  Music,  Poetry 

Sisal,  from  Angola,  685;  grown  in 
Ashanti,  675;  grown  in  Tanganyika 
Territory,  679;  from  Kenya  colony, 
679;  from  Mozambique,  685 

Sister,  Negro  use  of  term,  482;  see 
Cousins,  Kinship  terms 

Siwa  oasis,  Berber  and  Arab  customs 
of,  393;  dates  exported  from,  50; 
language  of,  300;  physique  of  inhabi- 
tants of,  252;  situated  in  Libya,  374; 
stone  implements  of,  112;  visited  by 
Browne,  669 

Size  of  Africa,  20 

Skildergat  Cave,  96 

Skins,  for  carrying  water  among  Kaba- 
bish,  382;  for  making  cloaks,  635;  see 
Animals,  Clothing,  Hides,  Leather 

Skulls,  of  ancestors  preserved  among 
Angas,  565;  of  Bushmen  and  Hot- 
tentots, 217;  of  Bushmen  and  Pyg- 
mies compared,  214;  of  enemy  as 
drinking  vessels,  528,  532;  of  enemy 
preserved  among  Ba-ila,  532;  of 
Hadendoa,  250;  of  Negroes,  measure- 
ments on,  180,  184,  185 


Sky  God,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  in 
Ashanti,  545;  of  Jukun,  546 

Slave  trade,  and  efforts  of  Robert 
Moffat,  666;  and  ivory,  52;  plants 
introduced  by,  40;  and  prostitution, 
425 

Slaves,  533-?40;  and  American  customs, 
445;  in  Ashanti,  537;  and  beginnings 
of  European  trade  in  W.  Africa,  658; 
caravans  and  race  mixture,  245; 
caravans  of,  across  Sahara,  537; 
causes  for,  538-539;  exported  from 
Bornu,  537;  exported  to  Brazil,  538; 
have  vegetable  diet,  349;  among 
Kababish,  380;  master  legally  respon- 
sible for,  515;  among  Mohammedans, 
388;  murder  of,  518;  in  Nigeria,  537; 
among  Ovimbundu,  538;  position  of, 
in  spirit  world,  560;  and  race  mix- 
ture, 234;  raiding  for,  in  Abyssinia, 
687;  sacrifice  of,  548-552,  see  Sacred 
kings;  sent  from  Sudan  into  Libya, 
377;  status  of,  among  Kababish,  385; 
status  of,  as  a  punishment,  510; 
strangled  at  death  of  king,  549; 
substituted  for  masters  in  ordeal,  507; 
treatment  of,  by  Mohammedans,  537; 
among  Tuareg,  372;  among  the 
Wahehe,  537 

Sleep,  soul  sleeps  in  body  temporarily, 
558;  see  Dreams 

Sleeping  sickness,  70-71;  in  Cameroons, 
694;  and  decline  of  population,  693; 
in  Rhodesia,  677 

Slippers,  of  king  sacred,  507;  see 
Sandals 

Smelting,  of  iron,  629,  643;  see  Bronze, 
Gold,  Iron,  Silver 

Smith  (Donaldson),  explorations  of,  670 

Smithfield  culture,  and  its  affinities,  151 ; 
and  stone-age  site  of,  S.  Africa,  128 

Smoke,  for  coloring  pottery,  634; 
signals,  at  coast  for  traders,  650,  in 
warfare,  522 

Smoking,  41;  of  tobacco,  many  methods 
used  in,  332;  see  Hemp,  Narcotics, 
Opium,  Pipes,  Tobacco 

Smuts  (General),  political  work  of,  676 

Smutsia  temminckii,   64;  see   Pangolin 

Snails,  eaten  by  Yoruba,  606;  method 
of  collecting  and  preservation  of,  on 
Gold  Coast,  609;  symbolism  of,  in 
dreams,  582 

Snake,  as  bad  omen,  583;  bite,  charm 
against,  260,  274,  treated  by  Bush- 
men, 339;  charmers,  in  bazaars,  390; 
and  divination,  576;  double-headed, 
67;  as  food  for  Bushmen,  329;  parts 
of,  used  in  medicine  among  Bushmen, 
339;  see  Cobra,  Puff-adder,  Python, 
Serpent 


General  Index 


911 


Snares,  made  by  Bushmen,  334 

Snow,  melting  of,  23;  on  mountains,  21 

Snuff,  41;  boxes,  590;  carried  in  hair, 
270;  how  made,  590 

Soap,  from  exported  oil,  42;  from  sap 
of  banana  trunk,  42;  from  shea  butter, 
48 

Soapstone,  objects  of,  at  Zimbabwe,  88; 
Tuareg  armlets  of,  364 

Sobat  River,  explored  by  Marchand, 
665 

Social  control,  498-520,  for  details,  see 
Table  of  Contents;  and  occupation, 
351;  and  organization,  469-497,  af- 
fected by  slavery,  534-535,  among 
Kababish,  383-387,  in  Libyan  oases, 
377,  of  Tuareg,  369-372;  and  prob- 
lems of  Africa,  difficulties  of  solution 
of,  694,  literature  relating  to,  717-719; 
and  progress,  reading  recommended, 
722;  and  status,  538,  among  Kaba- 
bish, 383,  in  Libya,  377 

Sociology,  of  Africa,  29;  aids  in  study 
of  African  problems,  720-727;  Amer- 
ican contributions  to,  722-723;  litera- 
ture recommended  on,  722;  and  men- 
tality, 278;  and  study  of  nutrition, 
398 

Sodium  arsenite,  to  kill  locusts,  70 

Sodomy,  426,  427 

Soil  erosion,  28 

Sokoto,  horses  bred  at,  56;  nature  of 
market  trade  in,  610;  and  trade,  26; 
visited  by  Clapperton,  655 

Soleim,  an  Arab  invasion,  85 

Sollner,  companion  of  Holub,  668 

Solomon  (King),  and  Egypt,  55;  and 
Zimbabwe,  87 

Solutrean  period,  103;  in  Egypt,  111; 
and  technique  in  S.  Africa,  130;  see 
Stone  implements 

Somali,  illus.,  197;  language,  Hamitic, 
300;  physical  measurements  on,  199 

Somaliland,  British,  680;  cheetahs  in, 
61;  hunters  in,  77,  346;  (Italian), 
products  of,  686;  sources  of  informa- 
tion on,  680;  stone  implements  of, 
119;  (French),  strategic  position  of, 
681 

Somme  River,  terraces  of,  103 

Songhai  Empire,  55,  87 

Songs,  316-318;  during  initiation,  465; 
of  harvest,  thanksgiving,  401;  his- 
torical value  of,  246;  of  Kababish, 
383;  of  love  and  war  in  Libya,  377; 
magical,  of  fishermen  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  603;  sung  while  marching, 
444;  see  Hymns,  Poetry 

Soninke  dynasty,  85 


Soon-Kundava,  Zulu  leader,  530 

Sorcery,  literature  on,  585;  see  Magic, 
Medicine-men,  Witchcraft,   Wizards 

Sorghum,  44;  see  Durra,  Millets 

Sororate,  418 

Soul,  556-564;  of  animals  feared  by 
hunters,  598;  of  animals  killed  by 
hunter,  489;  beliefs  of,  among  Nilo- 
tic Negroes,  563-564 ;  beliefs  of,  among 
Pygmies,  345;  contacts  with,  made  by 
medicine-men,  580;  enters  fetus,  558; 
ideas  of,  in  Ashanti,  562;  of  man  in 
leopard,  562;  methods  of  destroying, 
560;  reincarnated,  60;  trapped  in 
animal,  562;  see  Animism,  Ghosts, 
Kings,  Reincarnation,  Spirits,  Trans- 
formation, Transmigration 

Soup,  from  baobab  fruit,  48;  from 
caterpillars,  608 

Sources  of  rivers,  22,  23;  see  Congo, 
Exploration,  Niger,  Nile,  Zambezi 

South  Africa,  ancient  stone  buildings 
in,  157,  see  Zimbabwe;  archaeology 
in,  123-132;  archaeology,  climate, 
and  geology  in,  30;  commercial,  pro- 
ducts and  exports,  678;  condition  of 
laborers  in,  698;  exports  maize,  44; 
history  of,  666;  literature  dealing  with 
education  in,  709;  Museum  of,  stone 
implements  in,  129;  political  con- 
ditions in,  696;  railway  communica- 
tions, 676;  topography  and  human 
life  in,  29;  see  Union  of  South  Africa 

South  America,  foods  introduced  from, 
by  Portuguese,  652;  monkeys  of, 
compared  with  those  of  Africa,   91 

Spain,  and  Capsian  culture,  129;  cave 
art  of,  and  that  in  N.  Africa,  141; 
entered  by  Arabs,  85;  Jews  expelled 
from,  84;  Mediterranean  race  in,  249; 
possessions  of,  in  Africa,  688 

Spanish  Guinea,  688 

Spearheads,  as  currency,  612 

Spears,  526;  of  Bathonga  warriors,  531; 
with  bone  points,  135;  ceremonial, 
for  rain-making  in  Lango  tribe,  491; 
for  killing  cattle  among  Bavenda, 
595;  sacred  oath  taken  on,  519;  shot 
by  guns  at  elephants  in  Cameroons, 
526;  sometimes  used  by  Bushmen, 
332;  of  Tuareg,  364;  used  as  payment, 
427;  see  Assagais 

Speke,  travels  of,  669 

Spell,  sung  during  fishing  among  Ovim- 
bundu,  603;  see  Prayer 

Spelling,  of  tribal  names,  28 

Spiders,  poison  of,  used  for  arrows,  333 

Spindle  whorls,  at  Zimbabwe,  89 

Spirits,  exorcised,  576;  good  and  bad, 
among  Ovimbundu,  557;  possession 


912 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


of,  by  young  hunter,  598;  of  river, 
lake,  and  sea,  545;  see  Animism,  Soul 

Spitting,  as  a  blessing,  439,  491 

Spoons,  of  ivory,  634;  among  Tuareg, 
368;  of  wood,  616 

Springbok  man,  97 

Squirrels,  62;  in  Air,  362 

Staffs,  of  ancestors  sacred,  356;  of 
bronze,  630;  carved  in  wood,  illus., 
619;  of  dead  kings  sacred,  495 

Stage  plays,  319,  320 

Stamping  of  cloth  with  wooden  blocks, 
644 

Stanford,  publisher  of  maps,  29 

Stanley,  and  Congo  Free  State,  684; 
explorations  of,  663;  meeting  with 
Livingstone,  667 

Stanley  Pool,  665 

Starch,  vegetables  containing,  44 

Stars,  Bushmen  beliefs  concerning,  338; 
observed  and  named  by  Ovimbundu, 
606;  symbolism  of,  among  Lambas, 
544 

Stationery  Office  of  London,  a  source 
for  publications,  29 

Statistics,  and  anthropometry,  162; 
showing  mixtures  of  types,  251,  252, 
253 

Statuettes,  of  stone  and  clay  in  W. 
Africa,  136 

Statures,  of  Africans,  summary  of,  220; 
of  Nilotes,  23;  see  Tables  1-8 

Steatopygy,  in  Bushmen  and  Hotten- 
tots, 215;  in  cave  paintings  of  Europe, 
129;  in  rock  sculpture,  143 

Stefani,  explorations  of,  670 

Stegomyia  fasciata,  70 

Steppes,  32;  of  Kordofan,  34;  see  Vege- 
tation zones 

Sterculiaceae,  chocolate  family  of  trees, 
48;  see  Kola 

Sterility,  of  male  as  ground  for  divorce, 
421;  among  Valenge,  438;  see  Barren- 
ness, Conception,  Divorce,  Preg- 
nancy 

Sterkfontein,  human  fossil  found  at,  95 

Still  Bay,  stone-age  site  in  S.  Africa,  128 

Stilts,  in  Angola  at  initiation,  460 

Stimulants,  48 ;  see  Alcohol,  Beer,  Hemp, 
Kola,  Narcotics,  Snuff,  Tobacco, 
Wine 

Stocks,  for  confining  thieves,  515 

Stone,  as  anvils,  629;  beads  of,  73,  634; 
dwelling  places  of  demons  among 
Kababish,  386;  for  grinding,  530; 
implements  of,  99-136;  legendary 
hammer  of,  643;  perforated,  124, 
used  for  digging  stick,  331;  pounder 


for  making  pottery,  634;  removed 
from  patient,  339;  for  rubbing  beads, 
634;  used  at  Zimbabwe,  88 

Stone  age,  for  Africa  summarized  in 
one  book,  160;  cultures,  correlated, 
130,  migration  of,  in  Africa,  131,  of 
N.  E.  and  S.  Africa  compared,  132; 
man,  and  beds  of  flint,  24;  termi- 
nology of,  30;  see  Archaeology,  Stone 
implements.  Stone  monuments 

Stone  armlets,  274 

Stone  borers,  used  by  Bushmen,  332 

Stone  dams,  for  fishing  among  Bush- 
men, 333 

Stone  implements,  99-136;  of  Africa 
illus.,  105,  107,  113;  of  Congo  region 
in  W.  Africa,  132-136;  and  iron  in 
W.  Africa,  135;  of  Nile  Valley,  106- 
111;  of  South  Africa,  123-132;  of 
Uganda,  121;  see  Table  of  Contents 

Stone  monuments,  80;  in  Abyssinia, 
155;  in  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  155; 
and  buildings,  152-158;  see  Mega- 
liths, Menhirs,  Tombs 

Stone  pounders,  for  grain,  135 

Stone  statuettes,  136 

Stone  tools,  from  Natal,  123;  see  Stone 
implements,  99-136 

Stone  walls,  defend  villages  among 
Angas,  521 

Stools,  of  Ashanti  and  Bida,  620; 
covered  with  beadwork,  illus.,  641; 
sacred  in  Ashanti,  548;  sacred  among 
Shilluk,  554;  tops  covered  with  hide, 
635 

Stories,  ethnological,  276,  and  studies  of 
mentality,  280;  see  Folklore,  Myth- 
ology 

Story  tellers,  in  bazaars,  390 

Strabo,  81;  map  prepared  by,  650 

Strait  of  Gibraltar,  and  early  explor- 
ation, 649;  see  Gibraltar 

Strandloopers,  96,  124 

String,  from  baobab  fiber,  48;  figures 
of,  446 

Strophanthus,  used  in  arrow  poison, 
524,  602 

Stuhlmann,  explorations  of,  671 

Suakin,  starting  point  of  exploration, 
670 

Sudan  (western),  communication  with 
N.  Africa,  682;  compendium  of 
information  on,  680;  durra  cultivated 
in,  46;  (western),  historical,  86,  87; 
languages  of,  classified,  294;  periodical 
Uterature  for,  52;  (eastern),  slave 
caravans  of,  536;  (eastern),  vegetable 
products  of,  680;  (eastern),  warfare 
in,  671;  see  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan, 
Darfur,  Kordofan,  Sennar 


General  Index 


913 


Suez  Canal,  673 

Sugar,  from  Mozambique,  685;  from 
palm  sap,  46 

Sugar  cane,  40;  where  grown,  42 

Suicide,  584;  causes  of,  517;  at  death 
of  king,  551;  nature  of  ghosts  after, 
544;  of  rain-maker  among  Nilotic 
Negroes,  553 

Suk,  hair  dressing  of  men  among,  270; 
importance  of  cattle  and  agriculture 
among,  351 

Suku,  God  of  Ovimbundu,  542 

Summaries,  of  methods  in  studying 
African  problems,  721-727;  see  con- 
cluding paragraphs  of  chapters  and 
sections 

Sun,  eclipse  of,  and  history,  246;  eclipse 
of,  observed  by  Ovimbundu,  606; 
God  of,  in  Egypt,  23,  74,  556;  magical 
rite  to  delay  setting,  606;  ruled  by 
a  deity  in  Dahomey,  546;  and  time 
reckoning  among  Ovimbundu,  592; 
as  wife  of  the  moon,  338;  worship  of, 
and  power  of  king,  552;  worship  of, 
and  stone  monuments,  156 

Surface  contours,  21 

Surf  boats,  20 

Surgery,  266;  and  castration,  536; 
primitive  in  Algeria,  395 

Swahili,  301;  and  Arabic  writing,  306; 
a  trade  language,  288 

Swakopmund,  railway  communication, 
676 

Swaziland,  economic  geography  of,  677; 
military  organization  of,  530;  politi- 
cal, 677 

Sweat  bath,  576 

Sweet  potatoes,  from  America,  41; 
method  of  cooking,  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 588;  where  grown,  44 

Swords,  526;  of  Tuareg,  83,  364 

Symbolic  messages,  varieties  of,  320 

Symbolism,  of  blood,  milk,  and  grass, 
352;  and  interpretation  of  dreams, 
582;  in  wood-carving,  616 

Syphilis,  71;  decline  of  population  as 
result  of,  693 

Syria,  cultural  relations  of,  with  Egypt, 
112;  fossils  in,  20;  invaded  by 
Egyptians,  78 

Taboos,  484-493;  in  agricultural  opera- 
tions, 398-404;  and  childbirth,  429- 
441;  connected  with  handicrafts,  644; 
against  eating  totem,  485;  during 
hunting,  596-600;  during  initiation, 
467;  during  manufacture  of  arrow  poi- 
son, 602;  imposed  by  medicine-men, 
580;  and  mother-in-law  in  Ashanti, 


482;  observed  by  Bushmen  hunters, 
334;  observed  by  fishermen,  602-603; 
of  Ovimbundu,  582;  Semitic,  387; 
against  sexual  intercourse,  400;  and 
totem  animals  among  Pygmies,  342; 
and  worship  of  Buku,  545;  see  Initi- 
ation, Magic,  Medicine-men,  Re- 
ligion, Totems 

Takula,  wood,  coloring  from,  262 

Tales,  see  Folklore 

Tamahu  (Libyans),  and  rock  engrav- 
ings, 143 

Tamashek,  Hamitic  language,  299 

Tangale,  head-hunting  among,  532 

Tanganyika  Lake,  22;  exploration  of, 
by  Burton,  669;  and  explorations 
of  Livingstone,  667;  mapped  by 
Cameron,  668 

Tanganyika  Territory,  145;  age-grades 
in,  504;  archaeology  of,  118-123;  big 
game  in,  59;  census  reports  for,  692; 
commercial  information  on,  679; 
educational  and  political  problems 
of;  military  system  of,  529;  music  of, 
456;  problems  of  administration  and 
literature  relating  to,  718;  terracing 
of  hillsides  in,  586;  work  in  bark  in, 
626 

Tangier,  and  international  zone,  688 

Tanning,  635;  mangrove  bark  used  in, 
685;  method  of,  among  Kababish,  382; 
in  Tunisia,  394;  see  Hides,  Leather 

Tano,  earth  God  in  Ashanti,  400 

Tapioca,  development  of  industry  in 
W.  Africa,  682;  exported  from  Ash- 
anti, 675 

Tardenoisian  period,  103;  and  culture 
in  S.  Africa,  127 

Tarik,  Arab  ruler,  85 

Tassili  des  Ajjers,  rock  art  near,   141 

Tattooing,  of  Libyans,  78;  by  puncture, 
in  N.  Africa,  260 

Taungs,  and  culture  periods,  125;  skull 
of,  94 

Taxes,  labor  instead  of,  696;  paid  in 
cattle,  350 

Tea,  in  Libyan  oases,  375;  purchased 
by  Kababish,  383;  sanctioned  by 
Senussi,  370;  in  Tanganyika  Terri- 
tory, 679 

Tebessa,  old  Roman  city,  80 

Tebu,  life  and  occupation  of,  372-375; 
see  Tibbu 

Technology,  literature  on,  646;  see 
Baskets,  Beads,  Brass,  Handicrafts, 
Iron,  Mats,  Pottery,  Stone,  Wood- 
carving 

Teda,  life  of,  372;  see  Tibesti  Plateau, 
372 


914 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Teeth,  of  camels,  guide  to  age,  382; 
congenital  defects  of,  256;  dreaming 
of  loss  of,  580;  eruption  of,  among 
Bushmen,  217;  extracted,  262;  ex- 
tracted at  initiation,  467;  of  human 
beings  cleaned  with  wood,  320;  of 
hunting  dog  rubbed  with  medicine, 
600;  mutilated,  262,  illus.,  261; 
mutilated  in  Tibesti,  373;  mutilation 
of,  and  admission  to  age-grade,  505; 
omens  concerning,  436,  437 

Teghaza,  26;  salt  mines  of,  25 

Teknonymy,  429;  see  Naming 

Telegraph  system,  321;  see  Drums, 
Signaling 

Tel-el-Amarna,  paleoliths  of,  106 

Teliki,  explorer,  670;  see  Hohnel  in 
bibliog. 

Temnes,  a  secret  society,  500 

Temperatures,  21,  32 

Temple,  of  Baganda,  554;  of  God  of 
Thunder  of  Ibadan,  616;  at  Mecca, 
387;  for  python  worship  at  Victoria 
Nyanza,  350;  see  Priests,  Sacred 
kings.  Shrines 

Teneriffe,  117 

Tents,  of  Bedouin  Arabs,  illus.,  380 
of  Kababish,  382 

Terminology,  474;  in  archaeology,  104 
in   physical   anthropology,    161;   for 
stone  implements  of  S.  Africa,  128 
see  Kinship  terms 

Termites,  earth  of  hills  magically  used 
606;  hills,  49,  destroyed  by  aardvark 
62,  earth  of  hills  eaten,  593;  human 
beings  turn  into,  502;  selecting  wood 
to  resist,  606;  used  as  food  by  Bush- 
men, 329 

Terraces,  for  agriculture,  157;  for  agri- 
culture among  Angas,  522;  and 
glaciation,  102;  of  hillsides,  79;  by 
Kabyles,  50;  of  Somme,  103;  and 
stone  implements  in  Egypt,  109,  111 

Terra  cotta,  heads  of,  80,  illus.,  573; 
heads  and  statues  of,  136 

Testicles,  of  bull  crushed,  349;  of  enemy 
eaten,  532;  as  trophies,  529;  see 
Castration 

Tests  of  intelligence,  279 

Tete,  and  Portuguese  exploration,  653 

Teutonic  tribes,  and  Roman  Africa,  82 

Thatching,  palm  leaves  used  in,  46; 
see  Houses 

Theatre,  319,  320;  see  Drama 

Thebes,  paleoliths  of,  106;  stone  imple- 
ments at,  110 

Theft,  515;  children  punished  for,  443; 
punishment  of,  by  Didinga,  519 

Therapeutic  treatment,  by  scarifica- 
tion, 260;  see  Cupping,  Medicine-men 


Thieving,  as  ground  for  divorce,  420 

Thomson,  explorations  of,  670 

Thornbush,  34 

Threshing,  ceremonies  connected  with, 
403 

Throwing-knife,  526;  in  Tibesti,  373 

Thunderbolts,  and  serpent  deity  in 
Dahomey,  546;  and  Shango,  134 

Thunderstorm,  in  Sahara,  361 

Tibbu,  physical  measurements  of,  253; 
throwing-knife  of,  525 

Tibesti,  34;  early  exploration  of,  655- 
656;  French  and  Italian  interests  in, 
686;  physical  types  in,  373;  physique 
of  inhabitants  of,  253;  Plateau,  des- 
cription of  customs  and  occupations 
on,  372;  throwing-knife  of,  525 

Tie-dyeing,  636 

T'ifinagh,  alphabet  of  Tuareg,  79;  and 
Greek  characters,  82;  script  in  rock 
engravings,  140;  used  by  Tuareg 
women,  371;  writing  of  Tuareg,  302, 
306 

Tiger  Kloof,  stone  implements  of,  126 

Tigre,  a  Semitic  language,  301 

Timber,  44;  from  Belgian  Congo,  684; 
for  canoes,  604 ;  exported  from  Ashan- 
ti,  675;  resinous,  from  Sudan,  680; 
used  in  wood-carving,  614;  uses  of,  by 
Ovimbundu,  44;  see  Forests,  Wood- 
carving 

Timbuktu,  87;  captured  by  French, 
658;  center  for  leather  work,  635; 
early  explorers  of,  654;  fossil  man 
near,  116;  industries  of,  368;  lines  of 
communication,  683;  reached  by 
Oscar  Lenz,  656 

Timgad,  old  Roman  city,  80 

Timne,  law  relating  to  murder  among, 
518 

Tin,  25,  73;  of  Nigeria,  and  stone  im- 
plements, 135,  675;  at  Zimbabwe,  89 

Tinne  (Miss),  explorations  of,  656 

Toads,  64 

Tobacco,  from  America,  41;  from 
Angola,  685;  chewed  by  Tuareg,  370; 
as  currency,  612;  as  gift  to  ancestors, 
550;  methods  of  cultivation  of,  among 
Ovimbundu,  588;  presented  to 
mother-in-law,  412;  some  Moham- 
medans prohibit,  387;  used  by  Bush- 
men, 332;  uses  in  Africa,  general 
account,  332;  see  Smoking 

Tobacco  pipes,  bead-work  ornament  for, 
642;  of  brass,  632;  of  Bushmen,  88, 
330;  made  by  men,  644;  see  Nagile 

Toes,  beads  held  with,  during  manu- 
facture, 634;  see  Counting 


General  Index 


915 


Togoland,  added  to  German  Empire, 
656;  divided  under  mandates,  672; 
drum  language  in,  321;  religious 
ideas  in,  545 

Tomatoes,  eaten  by  Ovimbundu,   588 

Tombs,  of  hunter,  598;  of  hunter 
among  Ovimbundu,  598;  of  kings  in 
Ashanti,  549;  in  Madagascar,  156; 
of  saints  have  healing  power,  394; 
of  stone,  153,  154,  see  Stone  monu- 
ments; visited  by  ghost,  75 

Tones,  in  Bantu  languages,  298;  in 
Bushman  languages,  292;  in  Sudanic 
languages,  295 

Tongues,  anointed,  532 

Tonkoh,  part  of  camel  equipment,  382 

Toole  (Ensign),  explorations  of,  655 

Tools,  of  blacksmith,  629;  for  carving 
gourds,  620;  used  in  making  pottery, 
632;  used  in  wood-carving,  614;  see 
Handicrafts,  Occupations,  Stone  im- 
plements 

Topography,  28;  and  culture,  325-327; 
see  Maps 

Tops,  as  playthings,  445 

Tornadoes,  in  Nigeria,  34 

Tortoise,  carapace  of,  used  as  spoon,  331 ; 
eaten  by  Yoruba,  606;  as  food,  67; 
points,  of  stone,  archaeological  term, 
106;  shell,  as  part  of  Bushman  musi- 
cal instrument,  336;  shells  of,  as 
charms,  578;  shells  as  receptacles  for 
arrow  poison,  333;  a  totem  emblem, 
485 

Torture,  for  adultery,  514;  see  Murder, 
Punishment,  Theft 

Totems,  484-493;  doubtful  use  of  term, 
484;  ideas  of,  61;  and  kinship  terms, 
471;  and  psychoanalysis,  284;  and 
reincarnation  of  ancestors  among 
Dinka,  564;  used  by  Pygmies,    342 

Trade,  African,  609-613;  and  dif- 
fusion of  lafiguage,  613;  between 
Europe  and  Africa,  688;  European, 
with  Africa,  672-689;  and  firearms, 
526;  of  Phoenicians,  79;  silent,  650; 
in  slaves,  41;  and  tobacco,  41;  see 
Caravans,  Currency,  Ivory,  Markets, 
Money,  Slaves,  Transportation 

Trade  winds,  and  climate,  38 

Transformation,  580;  see  Transmigra- 
tion 

Transjordan,  measurements  on  Arabs 
of,  198 

Transmigration,  580;  of  soul,  562 

Transport,  brief  survey  quoted,  50;  by 

camels,  361-378;  of  cattle,  illus.,  357; 

cattle  used  and  not  used  in,  354-356; 

and  tsetse  fly,  71;  weight  of  loads  in, 

613;    of   wheat,    50;   see   Airplanes, 


Camels,  Canoes,  Donkeys,  Horses, 
Lakes,  Oxen,  Porters,  Railways, 
Rivers 

Transvaal,  archaeology  in,  89;  human 
fossils  in,  95;  marriage  customs  in, 
411;  political,  677;  railway  com- 
munications in,  676;  and  tsetse  fly,  71 

Traps,  distribution  of  types  of,  600; 
for  fish,  602;  used  by  Bushmen,  334 

Travel,  rate  of,  oxen  and  camels  in,  56 

Trays  of  brass,  illus.,  631 

Trees,  ceremony  before  felling  among 
Bathonga,  402;  inhabited  by  demons 
among  Kababish,  386;  sacrifice  to, 
before  felling,  644;  see  Forests, 
Timber,  Wood-carving 

Trephining,  in  Algeria,  395 

Tribes,  divided  between  political  units, 
672;  marks  of,  see  Scarification; 
names  of,  on  maps,  28;  sources  for 
names  of,  408;  see  Map  1,  facing 
p.  16 

Triplets,  433 

Tripoli,  camel  caravan  from,  686; 
Italian  possession,  685;  pottery  of, 
80;  a  starting  point  in  early  explora- 
tion, 655 

Tripolitania,  Jews  in,  83;  population  of, 
analyzed,  396;  rock  engravings  in, 
141 

Trocadero  Museum  of  Paris,  stone 
implements  in,  133 

Tropical  diseases,  source  for  study  of, 
694 

Trumpets,  blown  in  warfare,  531 

Trypanosomes,  70 

Trypanosomiasis,  in  horses,  71 

Tsetse  fly,  70;  and  history,  71;  in 
Rhodesia,  677 

Tuareg,  54;  aphorisms  of,  309;  attitude 
of,  toward  Arabs,  86;  blending  of 
kinship  systems  of,  474;  caravans  of, 
in  Tripolitania,  395;  clothing  of,  364; 
conflicts  with  the  French,  657;  deco- 
rative art  of,  83;  engravings  of,  on 
rocks,  141;  history  of,  253;  illus., 
193,  362,  363,  365;  life  and  customs 
of,  described,  362-372;  literature 
about,  364;  main  divisions  of,  364; 
malaria  and  smallpox  among,  694; 
material  culture  of,  364-369;  and  Mo- 
hammedanism, 85;  physical  features 
of ,  364 ;  physical  measurements  on,  1 98 ; 
pigmentation  of,  364;  probable  future 
of  population,  693;  proverbs  of,  366, 
371,  372;  raids  of,  on  Tibesti,  373; 
religion  and  social  organization  of, 
369-372;  slavery  among,  535;  wear 
stone   armlets,   274;   writing   of,   79 

Tubulidentata,  64 

Tuckey  (Captain),  explorations  of,  661 


916 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Tuggurt,  railway  center  of  Algeria,  681 
Tumbian  culture,  in  Congo  region,  133; 

in  Uganda,  122 
Tunis,  Bedouin-Arabs  from,  illus.,  185, 

187,  191,  192 
Tunisia,  Bedouin  life  in,  394;  French 

and  Italian  interests  in,   686;  Jews 

in,  83;  political,  681 
Turacus  livingstonii,  plantain-eater,  68 
Turbans,  392;  worn  in  Tibesti,  373 
Turkana,  hair-dressing  of  men  of,  270; 

physical  measurements  of,  181 
Turkey,  change  in  Mohammedan  law 

in,  390 
Turks,  capture  Egypt,  89;  loss  of  pos- 
sessions of,  in  Africa,  685 
Turtle,  in  proverbs,  310;  see  Tortoise 
Tusks,  54;  see  Elephants,  Ivory 
Tut-Ankh-Amen,  tomb  of,  74 
Tweezers,  392;  made  by  blacksmith,  629 
Twins,  and  ceremony  in  market,  611; 

customs  relating  to,   433-435,   437- 

441;    wooden    figure    of    dead    twin 

carried,  433 
Typology,   of  stone  implements,    160; 

see  Archaeology,   Stone   implements 
Tyre,  Phoenician  city,  78 

Ubangi  River,  explored  by  Marchand. 
665 

Ubangi  Shari,  French  political  unit,  683 

Uganda,  ancient  terracing  in,  157; 
archaeology  of,  118-123;  compre- 
hensive handbook  on,  673;  custom 
of  killing  king  in,  75;  handbook  for, 
29;  importance  of  cattle  in,  351; 
journal  for,  52;  labor  laws  for  Africans 
in,  697;  males  make  pottery  in,  620; 
political  and  commercial,  680;  trade 
with  cowrie  shells  in,  611 

Ujiji,  and  explorations  of  Livingstone, 
667 

Umbilical  cord,  cut  by  father,  385; 
treatment  of,  432,  439 

Umbrellas,  used  at  initiation,  465; 
among  Yoruba,  551 

Umbundu  language,  288;  examples 
from,  297,  298;  names  for  trees,  44; 
see  Ovimbundu 

Umpata  (Angola),  research  in  animal 
husbandry  at,  685 

Umsilikatsi,  Zulu  Chief,  71 

Uncle,  duties  of,  among  Kababish,  385; 
important  among  Tuareg,  474; 
mother's  brother,  472;  mother's 
brother,  functions  of,  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 476;  obligations  of,  among 
Jukun,  481;  see  Family,  Kinship 

Unconscious  mind,  283 


Ungulates,  55-60 

Unilateral  descent,  of  Bakongo,  479 

Union  of  South  Africa,  defects  in  educa- 
tion of,  704;  educational  and  political 
problems  of,  714;  and  minerals,  25; 
musical  instruments  in,  455;  political 
crisis  of,  695;  political  divisions  of, 
677;  problems  of  administration  and 
Hterature  relating  to,  718 

United  Kingdom,  trade  of,  with  Sierra 
Leone,  675;  see  Britain,  England 

United  States  of  America,  24;  size  of, 
20;  see  America 

Unkulunkulu,  Zulu  God,  543 

Unlucky  days,  386 

Upper  Volta,  a  French  possession,  683 

Utensils,  carved  from  wood,  616;  for 
milk,  customs  relating  to,  356;  used 
by  Ovimbundu,  410;  of  wood  among 
Kababish,  383;  of  wood  among 
Tuareg,  368;  see  Bark,  Baskets, 
Brasswork,  Iron,  Pottery,  Wood- 
carving 

Utfa,  part  of  camel  equipment  among 
Kababish,  382;  used  in  Tripolitania, 
395 

Uthlanga,  Zulu  God,  543 

Vaal  River,  678;  terraces  of,  studied,  31 

Vachokwe,  albinos  among,  256;  canoes 
of  bark  among,  604;  curing  the  sick, 
577;  make  bark  cloth,  627;  observa- 
tions on,  by  Cameron,  668;  physical 
measurements  of,  176 

Vai  writing,  302,  306 

Vais,  secret  society  of,  500 

Vakwanyama,  clothing  of,  illus.,  353; 
and  cosmetics,  260;  granary  of,  illus., 
589;  houses  of,  illus.,  355;  and  political 
division  of  tribal  units,  672;  prepa- 
ration of  hides  by,  607;  use  assagais, 
526 

Valenge,  initiation  of  girls  among,  462 

Valleys,  21,  formation  of,  22 

Valuchazi,  physical  measurements  of, 
176 

Vampire,  62 

Vandals,  82 

Vangangella,  make  bark  cloth,  627 

Vanhaneca,  hair-dressing  of,  270 

Vannutelli,  explorations  of,  670 

Vanyemba,  initiation  of  girls  among, 
460 

Varnish,  applied  to  pottery,  634 
Vasco  da  Gama,  explorations  of,  651 
Vasele,  nose  ornaments  of,  262;  scari- 
fication   of,    260;    teeth    mutilated 
among,  262;  village  defenses  among, 
521;  visited  by  Monteiro,  664 


General  Index 


917 


Vegetables,  672-689;  collected  by  Bush- 
men, 334;  collected  by  women,  341; 
as  drugs,  used  by  medicine-men,  576; 
as  food,  considered  unclean  by  cattle- 
keepers,  349;  grown  in  Air,  50;  stews 
of,  42;  see  Agriculture 
Vegetation    zones,    32-34,    41-50;    see 
Botany,   Climate,   Forests,   Rainfall, 
Timber,  Trees 
Veils,  disregarded  by  Tuareg  women, 
371;    for    Tuareg   women,    366;    for 
women    in    Libya,    377;    worn    by 
Tuareg  men,  362 
Venereal    disease,    fear    of,    427;    see 

Diseases 
Venice,  Byzantine  architecture  in,  83 
Ventriloquism,   in    consulting    figurine 
among  Ovimbundu,  610;  and  puppet 
shows,  319 
Veterinary  science,  in  Morocco,  683 
Victoria  Falls,  678;  on  the  Zambezi,  24 
Victoria  Nyanza  Lake,  22;  cattle  culture 
near,  349;  explorations  of,  by  Speke, 
669;   and  fossil  man  near,   92;  and 
Kanam  mandible,  98;  types  of  canoes 
used  on,  604 
Victoria    West,    stone-age    site    in    S. 

Africa,  128 
Villages,  blood  brotherhood  of  headman 
of,  493;  defense  of,  521;  defense  of, 
illus.,  523;  depopulated  by  European 
demands  for  labor,  697;  and  exogamy, 
490;  as  totemic  units,  487;  as  units  of 
government,  495-497;  see  Chief,  Law 
Vine,    41;    introduced    into     Madeira 

Islands,  651;  see  Grapes 
Virginity,  410-411 ;  and  infibulation,  536 
Vischer,  and  Saharan  explorations,  661 
Vital   statistics,    690-696;   see    Demo- 
graphy, Health 
Vivaldi,  explorations  of,  670 
Vodoun,  God  of  Dahomey,  546 
Vodu,  worship  in  Dahomey,  546 
Vogel,  companion  of  Barth,  655 
Volcanic  plateaus,  32 
Volcanoes,  21 

Voulet,  and  French  exploration,  657 
Voyages  of  discovery,   649-671;   peri- 
plus,  76;  see  Exploration,  Phoenicians, 
Portuguese 
Vultures,  68 

Wabena,    physical    measurements    of, 

179;  and  terracing,  157 
Wachagga,  age-grades  of,  504;  sexual 

morality  of,  411 
Wadai,  crossed  by  Nachtigal,  656;  and 

Italian  exploration,  670;  slave  trade 

in,  536 


Wadies,  in  Egypt,  109;  how  formed  in 

Sahara,  361 
Wadi  Haifa,  on  White  Nile,  680 
Wadi  Telisaghe,  and  rock  sculpture,  137 
Wadschagga,  physical  measurements  of, 

178;  see  Chagga,  Wachagga 
Wady  Sheikh,  paleoliths  at,  106 
Waft,  Egyptian  political  organization, 

673 
Waganda  tribe,  uses  of  bananas  in,  42; 

see  Baganda 
Wahehe,     military     system     of,     529; 

slavery  among,  538 
Waikoma,  age-grade  ceremonies,  504 
Walata,  descent  how  reckoned,  480 
Walfish  Bay,  minimum  rainfall  at,  34 
Walls,  around  cities,  522;  of  mud,  366; 

at  Zimbabwe,  88 
Wandali,  physical  measurements  of,  179 
Wandorobo,  346;  houses  of,  illus.,  601; 

see  Dorobo 
Wanyakyuma,  physical  measurements 

of,  178 
Wanyamwezi,  eat  earth,  593;  physical 
measurements     of,     178,     179;     see 
Nyamwezi 
Warfare,   521-533;   and   age-grade   or- 
ganization, 502-506;  and  blood-feuds 
among  Kababish,  384;  in  boys'  games, 
444;  conquerors  have  no  right  to  the 
land,  401;  customs  observed  in,  by 
chief  among  Banyankole,  350;  grass  as 
a  sign  of  peace  in,  352;  horses  used  in, 
55;  among  Kababish,   383;  magical 
element    in,     525,     529,     531,     532; 
magical   water   drunk   in,   502;   and 
mixture   of   population,   245;   Rome 
and  Carthage  in,  80,  see  History,  72- 
87;  songs  of,  317;  and  trade  rivalry, 
26;  of  Tuareg,  370,  371;  of  Tuareg 
now  checked,  369 
Warji,  abduction  of  women  among,  418 
Warthogs,  20;  in  Air,  362 
Washashi,  work  in  bark,  626 
Washing,   ceremonial,   464,   466;   cere- 
monial,   after  childbirth,  440;  cere- 
monial, for  the  sick,  576 ;  of  ceremonial 
spear,   491;   before   prayer,   387;   of 
totem,  488 
Wasukuma,  work  in  bark,  626 
Water,  carried  in  goat-skins,  390;  car- 
ried by  women  in  house  building,  620; 
ceremonially  used  by  secret  society, 
502;  and  construction  of  railways  over 
Sahara,  682;  drunk  in  large  quantities 
as  punishment,  530;  gazing,  by  priests 
in  Ashanti,  574;  holes,  illus.,  53;  holes, 
in     Kalahari,     330;    for    king,    486; 
method  of  smoking  tobacco  and  hemp 
through,  590;  in  ostrich  eggshells,  68, 


918 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


333,  illus.,  335;  and  parasitic  worms, 
70;  pipes,  for  tobacco  among  Bush- 
men, 332;  poured  on  ground  for 
ancestors,  582;  requirements  by  dif- 
ferent grain  crops,  46;  skins,  used  by 
Kababish,  382;  sucked  from  ground 
by  Bushmen,  333;  supply,  in  baobab 
trees,  329;  supply,  in  Kordofan,  381; 
supply,  in  Sahara,  361;  supply,  in 
Tripolitania,  686;  transported  across 
Sahara,  56;  of  Tuareg,  367;  under- 
ground supplies  of,  34;  see  Irrigation, 
Lakes,  Rainfall,  Rivers,  Wells 

Watta,  hunters  of  Abyssinia,  346 

Watwa,  hunters  of  E.  Africa,  346 

Wax,  of  bees,  used  in  trade,  608;  as 
currency,  612;  used  for  hair-dressing 
in  Tibesti,  373;  used  in  making  dolls, 
446;  used  in  metal  casting,  630 

Wazaramo,  albinos  among,  256 

Weaning,  438;  see  Lactation 

Weapons,  521-527;  ceremonial,  in  rain- 
making  by  Lango  tribe,  491;  charms 
against,  578;  in  Tibesti,  373;  of 
Tuareg,  368;  see  Arrows,  Bows, 
Daggers,  Knives,  Shields,  Spears, 
Swords,  Warfare 

Weather,  studied  by  Ovimbundu,  606; 
see  Climate,  Rainfall 

Weaver  birds,  68;  illus.,  69 

Weavers,  392 

Weaving,  635-642;  in  Algeria,  395;  in 
ancient  Egypt,  73;  in  Ashanti,  644; 
of  clothing,  270;  of  cotton,  illus.,  637, 
638;  of  raffia,  42;  see  Cotton,  Dyes, 
Looms,  Raffia,  Wool 

Weddings,  among  Kababish,  386 

Weights,  611;  of  brass  in  Ashanti,  612; 
and  measures,  611-613;  of  stone  for 
digging-sticks,  123 

Weirs,  among  Bushmen,  333;  used  in 
fishing,  67,  603 

Welfare  of  Africans,  690-719;  for  de- 
tails, see  Table  of  Contents 

Wellcome  Laboratories,  as  a  source  of 
information  on  the  Sudan,  680 

Welle  region,  stone  implements  from, 
133 

Wells,  28,  55,  361;  known  by  camels, 
376;  in  Libyan  oases,  375;  in  north 
Africa,  394;  not  poisoned,  370;  in 
oases,  25;  in  Sahara,  56;  and  the 
shaduf,  77;  of  southern  Angola,  684; 
in  Sudan,  55;  see  Irrigation,  Water 

West  Indies,  and  chigoe  flea,  70;  slave 
trade  with,  40 

Wheat,  50;  grown  by  Tuareg,  366;  from 
Mesopotamia,  76;  in  N.  Africa,  681 

Wheels,  for  pumping  water,  56 


Whips,  used  in  ceremony  among  Fulani, 
463;  used  in  endurance  contest,  446; 
used  in  Mohammedan  religious  cere- 
mony, 393 

Whistles,  452;  call  ghosts  among  Ovim- 
bundu, 557 

Whistling  language,  318 

White  Nile,  24,  668;  communications 
along,  680;  see  Egypt,  Nile 

White  rhinoceros,  where  found,  59 

Whorls,  for  spindles,  89 

Wicker,  shields  of,  522;  work,  42;  see 
Baskets 

Widows,  how  disposed  of,  481;  in- 
herited, 512;  under  Mohammedan 
law,  390;  new  husband  sacrifices  to 
ghost  of  former  husband,  562;  among 
Ovimbundu,  ceremonies  at  husband's 
death,  558;  regard  of,  for  dead  hus- 
bands, 513;  restriction  of  sexual  inter- 
course for,  562;  see  Inheritance, 
Levirate 

Wife,  chief,  rights  of,  422;  lending  of, 
424;  taboos  of,  while  husband  absent, 
529;  see  Betrothal,  Divorce,  Family, 
Marriage,  Polygyny 

Wild  cats,  in  Air,  362 

Wild  dogs,  60;  never  domesticated,  58 

Williams  (Sir  Robert),  and  engineering, 
676 

Wilton,  culture,  126;  industry,  com- 
pared with  Capsian,  129;  stone  age 
industry,  129 

Windham,  visit  to  Benin,  658 

Windhoek,  railway  communications  of, 
676 

Winds,  22;  and  elevation,  21;  see 
Climate,  Rainfall 

Wine,  exported  from  S.  Africa,  678; 
from  palm  sap,  41,  46;  poured  over 
tools,  644 

Wire,  arm  and  leg  ornaments  of,  274; 
made  by  blacksmith,  629 

Wissmann,  explorations  of,  665 

Witchcraft,  ancestors'  help  against,  560; 
in  Ashanti,  572;  among  Bathonga, 
572;  charms  against,  274;fordetecting 
cowards,  530;  education  to  combat, 
706;  as  grounds  for  divorce,  422;  in- 
herited powers  of,  572;  questioning 
corpse  to  decide  about,  557;  in  Siwa 
oases,  393;  see  Charms,  Evil  eye. 
Magic,  Medicine-men,  Wizard 

Witnesses,  in  legal  procedure  among 
Ovimbundu,  509 

Witwatersrand,  gold  mining  at,  678 

Wives,  of  king  killed,  549;  see  Family, 
Marriage,  Polygyny,  Wife 

Wizards,  how  power  is  obtained  by, 
574;  see  Medicine-men,  Witchcraft 


General  Index 


919 


Wolofs,  reckoning  of  descent  by,  480 
Women,  age-grades  of,  503;  of  Bavenda 
must  not  fish,  604;  of  Bushman  tribe, 
physique  of,  214-216;  collect  wild  pro- 
duce, 604;  descent  reckoned  through, 
among  Bakongo,  479;  of  Fulani,  milk 
cows,  358;  high  social  status  of,  in 
Ashanti,  549-550;  lives  and  work 
of,  among  Berbers,  395;  in  military 
service  in  Dahomey,  527;  not  allowed 
near  boys'  camp,  460;  occupations  of, 
among  Tuareg,  367;  occupied  in  fish- 
ing, 603;  and  Ovimbundu  ceremony, 
410;  as  priestesses  and  medicine- 
women,  574;  recent  emancipations  of, 
in  Egypt  and  Turkey,  390;  restrictions 
against,  525 ;  rights  of,  to  clothing  and, 
ornament  among  Ovimbundu,  421; 
rights  of,  under  Negro  law,  511;  rights 
of,  among  Pygmies,  342;  secrets  kept 
from,  319;  and  slavery,  536;  slaves, 
treatment  of,  538;  social  status  of,  in 
Abyssinia,  688;  social  status  of,  in 
royal  houses,  548-552;  social  status 
of,  in  secret  societies,  498-502;  social 
status  of,  among  Shilluk,  416;  social 
status  of,  among  Tuareg,  371;  status 
of,  among  Kababish,  385;  status  of, 
among  Negroes,  419;  transmission  of 
clan  name  to,  in  Ashanti,  471;  used 
for  plowing,  586;  work  of,  in  agri- 
culture, 587;  work  of,  among  Bush- 
men, 332;  work  of,  among  Pygmies, 
341;  see  Ashanti,  Labor,  Sacred  kings 

Wood,  fiber  of,  used  by  Bushmen,  331 
figure  of,  with  nails  driven  in,  and 
magical  use  of,  579;  shields  of,  522 
see  Forests,  Timber,  Trees 

Wood-carving,  44;  of  Benin,  illus.,  618 
of  blacksmith's  bellows,  629;  of 
Kababish,  383;  of  Negroes,  614-626 
of  Nigeria,  617;  and  ritual  in  Ashanti 
644;  of  snuff  boxes,  590;  by  Tuareg 
blacksmiths,  367;  see  Animals,  Beds 
Combs,  Drums,  Gourds,  Houses 
Masks,  Pillows,  Posts,  Spoons,  Stools 
Tools,  Utensils 

Wool,  goods  of,  of  Phoenicians,  79;  for 
rugs  by  Kababish,  382;  weaving  of  in 
N.  Africa,  636;  see  Sheep 

World  War,  50,  681;  political  effects  of, 
685;  and  Turkish  rule,  89 

Worms,  parasitic,  70;  used  in  fishing, 
603 

Worship,  and  agriculture,  398-404;  of 
Pygmies,  345;  see  Ancestors,  Magic, 
Medicine-men,  Mohammedanism, 
Prayer,  Rain-making,  Religion,  Sacred 
groves,  Sacrifice 

Wrestlers,  446;  in  bazaars,  390 

Wrestling,  with  iron  wristlets,  526 


Wristlets,  of  iron,  526;  with  spikes,  446 

Writing,  ancient  Egyptian,  75;  mythical 
origin  of,  305;  painted  on  faces  of 
girls,  308;  in  secret  society,  501; 
specimens  of,  302-309;  systems  de- 
sirable for  African  languages,  704; 
tablets  from  palm  leaf  used  for,  46; 
see  Koran,  Mallam,  Texts 

Written  history,  72 

Wiirm  glaciations,  104 

X-ray  photographs,  of  mummies,  74 

Yakan,  secret  society  of  Lugbwara 
tribe,  501 

Yalala  Falls,  on  Congo  River,  24,  652; 
reached  by  Captain  Tuckey,  662 

Yams,  from  America,  41;  offered  in 
sacrifice,  401;  sacred  ceremony  of, 
549;  sacrificed  to  Nyame,  545;  where 
grown,  44 

Yao,  educational  possibilities  of,  702 

Yarda  oasis,  rock  engravings  at,  142 

Yauri,  and  exploration  by  Landers,  659 

Yaws,  71;  and  decline  of  population  as 
result  of,  693 

Year  books,  29;  see  Handbooks,  Biblio- 
graphy of  Periodicals 

Yellow  fever,  70-71;  research  on,  at 
Lagos,  693 

Yemen,  measurements  on  Arabs  of,  198 

Yola,  head-hunting  in,  532;  river  com- 
munication with,  676 

Yolofs,  joking  relationship  of,  492;  and 
stone  monuments  of,  154;  see  Wolofs 

Yoruba,  age-grades  of,  505;  agricultural 
rites  of,  401;  and  Carthaginian  influ- 
ence, 80;  carving  of  gourds  among, 
620;  clans  and  totems  of,  489;  dolls  of, 
446;  drum  language  of,  321;  law  re- 
lating to  murder  among,  518;  make 
stone  beads,  634;  military  organiza- 
tion of,  528;  priests  among,  76;  re- 
ligious beliefs  of,  547;  reverence  for 
celts  among,  134;  secret  societies  of, 
501;  special  cultural  developments  of, 
407;  symbolic  messages  of,  320;  use 
impluvium,  82;  various  foods  of,  606 

Yusuf,  and  history  of  western  Sudan,  86 

Zagawa  tribe,  85 

Zaire  (old  name  for  Congo),  explored, 
652 

Zambezi  River,  22,  24;  Portuguese  ex- 
ploration of,  653;  stone  implements 
from,  124;  stone  implements  near, 
126;  terraces  of,  studied,  127 

Zande,  see  Azande 


920  Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 

Zanzibar    Protectorate,    imports    and  Zones,  of  culture,  325-327;  stone  age 

exports  of,  679;  rice  grown  near,  42;  culture  in  W.  Africa,  135;  of  vegeta- 

slave  markets  in,  245  tion,     32-34,     41-50;     see     Culture 

Zaria,  head-hunting  in,  532  ^  areas,  325-398 

„,'__.„-'           .         J    ,  Zoology,    m    Sahara,    361,    362;    see 

Zebras,    59;    illus.,    53;    poisoned    by  Animal  life 

Bushmen,  334  Zoomorphic  symbols,  61;  see  Animals, 

Zebu  cattle,  595  Totems 

Zechariah,  reference  to  Phoenicians,  78  Zulu,    assagais   of,    526;   beliefs  of,  in 

Zeila,  modern  name  for  ancient  Adule,  multiple  soul,  560;  cults  of  the  dead, 

158  584;  destructive  wars  against,   691; 

„                  ,               •          4-   100  fur  cloaks  of,  60,  270,  635;  language, 

Zenaga,  rock  engravings  at,  138  ^^^j^g  j^^^  291,  examples  from,  298; 

Zendj,  88  military  organization  of,  530;  north- 
Zimbabwe,  87-89  ern  migration  of,  245;  physical 
r,-  ■  J  •  c  A*  •  „  CTO  measurements  of,  176;  physiological 
Zmc,  mined  m  S.  Africa,  678  ^^^^^  ^^^  236;  religious  ideas  of,  543; 
Zinder,  remarkable  camel  journey  to,  sexual  morality  of,  411;  shields  of,  522 
369;  and  trade,  26;  Tuareg  near,  363  Zumbo,  and  Portuguese  exploration, 
Zolat  el  Hammad,  rock  sculpture  at,  143  653 


I 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  INDEX       ' 

Should  be  used  in  conjunction  with  the  "General  Index" 


Ababda  tribe,  799 

Ababua  tribe,  770 

Abomey,  study  of  art  and  architecture 
at,  755 

Abyssinia,  788;  Amharic  language  of, 
743,  751;  archaeology  of,  general, 
735;  art  and  natural  history  of,  765; 
bibliogs.  for,  863-864;  ethnography  of, 
Cohen,  751;  ethnological  groups  in, 
CeruUi,  749;  ethnological  studies  of, 
two  articles  on,  788;  ethnology  of 
Danakil,  Galla,  Harari,  Somali,  803; 
ethnology  of  Galla  tribe  in,  749;  ex- 
ploration of,  about  1885,  748,  in 
Ghimirra,  798,  by  Lobo,  789,  by 
Salt,  811,  by  A.  D.  Smith,  818,  of 
southern  border,  795,  by  Vannutelli, 
827;  Falashas,  travels  among,  821; 
general  description  of,  2  vols.,  834; 
history  of,  808,  modern,  1935,  780; 
Italian  conquest  of,  733;  Italian  dif- 
ficulties in,  742;  life  in,  803;  linguistic 
studies  of,  751;  Magdala,  campaign 
near,  820;  megalithic  monuments  in, 
800;  monograph  of,  on  Kaflfa  tribe, 
740;  Portuguese  embassy  to,  734;  re- 
ligion in  general,  C.  H.  Walker,  828; 
and  search  for  source  of  Nile,  736; 
travel  and  description  of,  795;  travels 
of  Lobo  in,  834 

Acculturation,  808;  Herskovits,  1937a, 
773;  see  Culture  changes.  Culture 
contacts,  Culture  patterns.  Diffusion 
of   culture 

Achimota  College,  study  of  Negro 
foods  at,  762 

Adamaua,  Bachama  tribe  of,  762; 
monograph  on,  803 

Administration,  Africans'  point  of  view 
on,  769,  Perham,  1936a,  804;  of 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  MacMichael, 
792;  anthropology  and  the  practical 
man,  818;  British  policy  on,  761;  and 
conflict  of  races  in  Africa,  770;  and 
constitutional  position  in  S.  Africa, 
826;  and  cultural  changes  in  Babemba 
tribe,  809;  culture  contacts,  and  de- 
termination of  policy,  828;  and  edu- 
cational problems  in  S.  Africa,  775; 
and  French  colonial  policy,  history 
of,  809;  French  policy  in  Africa,  799; 
and  indirect  rule,  804,  meaning  of, 
802;  in  Kenya,  some  problems  of, 
787;  of  Kru  tribe,  796;  law  and  cus- 
tom of,  in  S.  African  constitution,  782; 
native  policies  on,  793;  of,  natives  in 


Union  of  S.  Africa,  810;  in  Nigeria, 
Norden,  801;  at  peace  conference, 
738;  problems  of,  768,  791;  and  race 
problems  in  New  Africa,  832;  and 
reservations  for  natives  in  Bechuana- 
land,  812;  scientific  aspects  of,  793; 
in  south  Africa,  various  articles  by 
Brookes  on,  743;  and  tribal  control, 
evolution  of,  801;  Westermann,  1934, 
831;  see  Bibliogs.  of  European  pos- 
sessions, 840-866;  see  Politics 

Adultery,  Vendeix,  827;  see  Marriage 

African  Society,  London,  catalogues 
and  bibliogs.  of,  842 

Afrikaans,  origin  and  development  of, 
769 

Agades,  chronicles  of,  803 

Age-grades,  in  Tanganyika  Territory, 
735;  societies,  790 

Aggrey  beads,  from  Gold  Coast,  748 

Agni  tribe,  bibliog.,  Delafosse,  859;  cus- 
toms, manners,  and  religion  of,  823 

Agriculture,  African  methods  of,  770; 
and  division  of  work  between  sexes, 
737;  and  the  earth  goddess  in  west 
Africa,  780;  and  nutritious  grasses  of 
E.  Africa,  815,  see  Botany;  and  sub- 
soil water,  development  of,  824 

Air,  rock  engravings  of,  De  Zeltner, 
1913,  835;  see  Tuareg 

Akamba  tribe,  774,  789;  article  on,  740; 
bibliog.  on,  846;  dreams  of,  739;  folk- 
lore, proverbs,  and  riddles  of,  789;  and 
fortune  teUing,  739;  long  article,  822 

Akas,  measurements  of  skeletons  of, 
763;  see  Pygmies 

Akikuyu  tribe,  calendar  of,  759;  large 
monograph  on,  811;  long  article  on, 
822 ;  religion  of,  748,  782 ;  some  aspects 
of,  787;  suicide  among,  738 

Albert  Nyanza,  exploration  of,  736 

Algeria,  Berber  tribes,  general  work  on, 
832;  bibliogs.  for,  856;  ethnographical 
studies  of,  766;  evidence  of  Roman 
occupation  in,  741;  Kabyles  of, 
general  account,  771,  773;  magical 
beliefs  in,  773;  people  of,  735;  peri- 
odical Hesperis,  729;  Pleistocene 
mammals  of,  810;  rock  engravings 
of,  763;  stone  implements  from  caves 
of,  734 

Ama  Fingo,  circumcision  ceremony  of, 
815;  see  Fingo,  Natal,  Zulu 

Ama  Ndebele  tribe,  taboos  and  eti- 
quette of,  754 


921 


922 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Ama  Xosa  tribe,  circumcision  rites  of, 
815;  life  and  customs  of,  818;  see  Zulu 

Amatonga,  788 

Ambo  tribe,  827 

America,  bibliographical  sources  in 
libraries  of,  840;  Negroes  in,  bibliog. 
of.  Work,  845,  dimensions  of  body  of, 
825,  Herskovits,  M.  J.,  773,  peri- 
odical JNH,  730,  NYB,  731,  physical 
studies  of,  776,  T.  W.  Todd,  825; 
periodicals  AA,  728.  AI,  728,  AJPA, 
728;  studies  of  Negro  physique  in,  773 

Amharic,  standard  work,  743,  by  Cohen, 
751 

Amulets,  Spanish  forms  of,  773 
Anatomy,  of  foot  of  S.  African  native,  380 
Ancestor     cults,     of     Eyap     tribe     in 
Cameroons,  793 

Ancestor  worship,  811;  in  Akikuyu 
tribe,  782;  in  Ashanti,  750;  among 
Banyamwezi,  741;  secular  aspects  of, 
758;  of  Wa  Barwe  tribe,  817;  see 
Religion 

Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  Bari  tribe, 
initiation  in,  819;  bibliogs.  of,  845- 
846;  Fung  tribe,  kingship  of,  810; 
government  handbook  on,  767;  Ham- 
itic  problems  in,  815;  historical,  792; 
and  international  relations,  790; 
Lotuko  tribe,  article  on,  819;  Mon- 
galla  Province,  tribal  survey  in,  800; 
Nuba  tribe,  customs,  history,  and 
religion  of,  811;  periodical  reports, 
Wellcome,  830;  periodicals  WTRL, 
732;  and  Uganda,  2  vols.,  832;  see 
Blue  Nile,  Khartum,  Kordofan,  Mon- 
galla.  Red  Sea  Province,  Sennar. 
Sudan,  White  Nile 

Angola,  bibliog.  for,  837-838,  862,  from 
year  1500-1900,  741;  Bushman  tribes 
in,  740;  circumcision  rites  of  Bajok 
(Vachokwe)  tribe  in,  775;  early  travel 
in,  about  1879,  775;  ethnography  of, 
in  Cunene  region,  755;  ethnological 
handbook  and  general  survey  of 
tribes,  in  Portuguese  language,  757- 
ethnology,  recent  (1936)  travel,  and 
general  information  of,  779;  ethnology 
and  general  information,  Marquard- 
sen,  794;  exploration  of,  761,  798 
Pogge,  805;  folklore  from,  749- 
general  ethnology  of,  737,  Delachaux, 
755,  Jaspert,  779;  journey  through, 
820;  medicine-man's  outfit  from, 
758;  mission  interests  in,  J.  T 
Tucker,  826;  Ovimbundu  tribe  of, 
Hambly,  770,  771;  physical  anthro- 
pology of  tribes  in,  Cardoso,  748;  re- 
searches of  Chatelain  in,  749;  review 
of    Hambly 's    Ovimbundu    of,    774; 


traces  of  Bushman  influence  in,  761 
travel  and  ethnological  notes  on,  812 
travels   in   a   motor   truck   in,    770, 
Vachokwe  tribe  in,  737;  see  Portu- 
guese West  Africa 
Angoni  tribe,  chieftainship  among,  808 ; 
see  Ngoni 

Animals,  and  beliefs  of  Zulus,  740;  life 
of,  in  E.  Africa,  740;  worship  of,  long 
article,  Weissenborn,  829;  see  Totem- 
ism 

Animism,  in  Ibo  tribe,  752;  and  Negro 
art,  771;  and  thought  of  primitive 
children,  795;  among  Yaos  in  Nyasa- 
land,  773 

Anthropoid  apes,  man's  relation  to,  768; 
see  Paleontology,  Physical  anthro- 
pology 

Anthropological  Institute,  London,  in- 
dex to  Journal  of,  840 

Anthropologischer  Anzeiger,  a  biblio- 
graphical source,  840 

Anthropology,  bibliog.  of,  Thomas,  841 

Anthropometry,  of  Angolan  tribes, 
Cardoso,  748;  of  Arabs  and  Bathonga. 
750;  of  Bavenda  tribe,  820;  bibliog, 
for,  Martin,  841;  of  Cameroon  tribes, 
Mansfeld,  793;  of  Chagga  tribe, 
thirty  skulls  measured,  831;  of  cranial 
capacity  and  linear  dimensions  825, 
see  Cranial  capacity.  Physical  anthro- 
pology. Skulls;  of  eastern  Sudan,  826; 
of  Eritrea,  737;  Hausa,  a  hundred 
measured,  826;  of  Negro  skulls,  739; 
of  Somali  tribe,  806,  807;  textbook 
on,  776;  of  tribes  in  E.  Africa,  780; 
W.  African  Negroes,  a  hundred  meas- 
ured, Weninger,  830;  see  Physical 
anthropology 

Anuak  tribe,  735 

Apiculture,  of  Africa,  general,  SeyflFert, 
816 

Arabia,  Arabian  travelers  and  authors, 
Slane's  translations,  818;  Bedouin 
Arabs  of  northern,  762;  bibliog.  of, 
works  on.  Gay,  842;  historical,  775; 
language  of,  handbook  on,  832; 
physical  anthropology  of,  in  southern 
portion,  with  measurements,  823; 
travels  of  Doughty  in,  758 

Arabs,  bibliography  of,  Chauvin,  842, 
Mac  Michael,  846;  civilization  of,  772; 
culture  of,  in  E.  Africa,  774;  dances 
of,  818;  as  explorers  and  geographers, 
778;  folklore  stories  of,  776;  games 
and  puzzles  of,  754;  historical  and 
geographical  observations  on,  by 
Palmer,  803;  history  of,  in  Africa, 
738,  774;  medicine  and  surgery  of, 
773;  music  of,  important  article,  832; 


Bibliographical  Index 


923 


outline  of  literature  of,  766;  physical 
characters  of,  815;  of  Transjordan, 
physical  anthropology  of,  817 

Archaeology,  in  Abyssinia,  735;  of 
Algeria,  734;  of  Algeria  and  Tunisia, 
741;  and  ancient  civilization  of  Rift 
Valley,  832;  and  ancient  hunters,  819; 
of  Aurignacians,  751 ;  and  Azanian  civ- 
ilization of  Kenya,  777;  of  Bambata 
Cave,  735;  of  Belgian  Congo,  stone 
implements  from,  796;  bibliog.  of, 
Leakey,  843;  Byzantine,  754;  of 
Canary  Islands,  751;  of  Carthage, 
756;  of  Cathkin  Peak,  Natal,  830;  of 
cave  paintings  of  Pyrenees,  748;  of 
caves,  implements  and  shell-mounds 
in  S.  Africa,  787;  of  clay  heads  and 
stone  age  pottery  from  Ashanti,  832; 
and  collections  at  Trocadero  Museum, 
782;  and  comparison  of  paleoliths  of 
Europe  and  Africa,  742;  a  com- 
pendium of,  Ebert,  760,  841;  of 
Egypt,  recent  research  in  (1929- 
1934),  Sandford,  812;  and  exploration 
of  caves  in  S.  Africa,  782;  and  Fezzan 
region,  835;  general,  of  Africa,  743; 
general,  in  S.  Africa,  743,  762;  among 
Kabyles,  789;  of  Kenya,  stone  age 
cultures,  787;  of  Kerma,  excavations 
at,  809;  at  Marsa  Matruh,  737;  of 
Mashonaland,  739;  of  mediaeval 
Rhodesia,  791,  807;  near  Cairo,  742; 
of  Nomori,  figures,  733;  in  north 
Africa,  765;  and  periodicals  Antiq- 
uity, 728,  CIAA,  729,  JEA,  729, 
JPEK,  730,  RAr,  731;  and  Pleisto- 
cene pluvial  periods  in  Uganda,  Way- 
land,  829;  of  Pygmy  implements,  733; 
of  Rhodesia,  826;  and  Rhodesian  man, 
806;  of  rock  engravings  of  N.  Africa, 
763;  and  ruined  towns  of  Somaliland, 
753;  of  Sahara  (central),  804;  of 
Sebilien  stone  industry,  828;  in  S. 
Africa,  765,  767,  779,  790,  Lebzelter, 
787;  of  S.  Africa,  periodical  PRSA, 
731;  of  Spanish  caves,  809;  of  stone 
age  of  all  Africa,  787;  of  stone  age 
culture  of  S.  Africa,  796;  of  stone 
age  sites  in  Northern  Rhodesia,  792; 
of  stone  huts  of  Vechtkop,  790;  of 
stone  implements,  in  British  Museum, 
guide  to,  808,  of  Natal,  811,  of  Ni- 
geria, 743,  from  Somaliland,  816,  of 
S.  Africa,  762,  from  Taungs,  780, 
world  distribution,  Menghin,  1931, 
796,  from  Zambezi  Valley,  786;  and 
study  of  climatic  changes,  743;  in 
Tripolitania,  Frobenius,  765;  typo- 
logical method  of,  768;  of  W.  Africa, 
785;  see  Egypt,  S.  Africa,  Zimbabwe 

Archiv  fiir  Anthropologie,  bibliograph- 
ical source,  840 


Ardra,  W.  Africa,  evangelization  in 
seventeenth  century,  785 

Arrows,  African  forms  of,  Weule,  831; 
of  Bushmen,  790;  poisons  for,  770, 
800;  see  Bows  and  arrows 

Art,  in  Africa,  general  work  on,  Ponce- 
ton,  805;  African  forms  of,  Frobenius, 
765;  Afrikanische  Plastik,  801;  baked 
clay  heads  from  Formena  Ashanti, 
832;  of  bas-reliefs  of  Abomey  and 
Dahomey,  829;  bibliogs.  on,  Sydow, 
844;  Byzantine  forms  of,  754;  chiefly 
wood-carving  in  W.  Africa,  821;  com- 
parative world-wide  study  of,  772; 
of  Dahomey,  808;  disappearing  from 
Gaboon,  768;  Einstein,  760;  gourds 
decorated,  768;  of  Habbe  tribe,  783; 
and  handicrafts,  education  of  Bemba 
youth  in,  807;  and  industries  of  N. 
Africa,  809;  Mohammedan  influence 
on,  757;  of  Negroes,  books  and 
articles  on,  751,  769,  Sydow,  822, 
psychology  of,  792,  in  relation  to 
animism,  771;  in  Negro  sculpture 
from  W.  Africa,  750;  and  New  York 
Museum  of  Modern  Art,  bibliog., 
844;  of  N.  Africa  and  Sahara,  765; 
paleolithic,  in  Spain,  743;  in  periodical 
Cahiers  d'Art,  729;  plastic  forms  of, 
in  Cameroons,  766;  principles  of, 
among  primitive  people,  741;  and 
religion  in  Ashanti,  807;  and  Spanish 
caves,  809;  survivals,  of  successive 
styles  in  N.  Africa,  800;  of  Tuareg, 
767;  of  W.  Africa,  772,  bibliog.  of, 
Sadler,  852 ;  in  wood-carving  of  Ivory 
Coast,  774;  in  wood  sculpture  in  W. 
Africa,  811;  in  wooden  statuettes,  770; 
see  Basketry,  Benin,  Bronze  Gourds, 
Handicrafts,  Iron,  Ivory,  Rock  paint- 
ings. Rock  sculpture,  Weaving, 
Wood-carving 

Asben  records,  803 

Ashango  tribe,  759 

Ashanti,  about  1874  and  1878,  742; 
ancestor  worship  in,  750;  bibliog.  for, 
836,  852;  campaign  in,  820;  clay 
heads  from,  832;  conditions  of,  about 
1875,  769;  general  description  of, 
about  1840,  738;  general  description 
of  social  life  in,  751;  general  ethnol- 
ogy of,  748;  gold  weights  of,  824; 
golden  stool  of,  818;  historical,  808; 
iron  disc  currency  from,  832;  Kumasi 
described,  740,  795;  marriage  cus- 
toms of  Fanti  in,  762;  and  numerous 
contributions  of,  Rattray,  807;  Pit- 
tard,  short  article,  805;  pottery  of 
stone  age  from,  832;  and  substantial 
ethnological  contribution  of,  Per- 
regaux,  804;  travels  of  Freeman,  in 


924 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


1898,  764;  war  organization  in,  779; 
see  Gold  Coast,  Northern  Territories 

Asia,  culture  contacts  of,  with  Africa, 
774,  see  Egypt;  geographic  conditions 
of,  777;  see  Culture  contacts.  Dif- 
fusion, Migration 

Astronomy,  and  Suto  beliefs,  740;  see 
Moon,  Sun 

Atchwabo  tribe,  sacrifice  and  prayer 
among,  814 

Atharaka  tribe,  749 

Atlas,  of  African  arts,  customs,  and 
handicrafts,  Frobenius,  765;  econom- 
ic, Bartholomew,  737,  766;  Times,  29 

Atutu  tribe,  wood-carving  of,  774 

Atxuabo  tribe,  in  Portuguese  E.  Africa, 
initiation  of  girls  among,  814 

Aurignacians,  archaeology  of,  in  Europe 
and  N.  Africa,  751;  see  Archaeology, 
Stone  implements 

Autobiography,  of  H.  M.  Stanley,  819; 
see  Biography 

Axes,  of  stone  in  N.  E.  Congo,  807;  see 
Archaeology,  Celts,  Stone  imple- 
ments 

Azande  tribe,  blood  brotherhood  in, 
761;  book  concerning,  785;  and 
Evans-Pritchard,  761;  magic  among, 
761,  768;  material  culture  of,  737; 
medicine-men  of,  761;  oracles  of,  761; 
religion  of,  805;  therapeutics  in, 
761;  two  important  articles  on, 
786;  witchcraft  in,  761 

Azanian  civilization,  in  Kenya,  777 

Baamba  tribe,  of  N.  E.  Congo,  short 

article  on,  829 
Babali,  history  and  migration  of,  742; 

initiation  rites  of,  742 
Babemba  tribe,  cultural  changes  among, 

809;  short  article  on,  785 
Babenga  tribe   (Sanga  Pygmies),  eth- 
nological notes  on,  808 
Babudja    tribe,    marriage    among,    in 

Southern  Rhodesia,  832 
Babunda  tribe,  weaving  of,  780 
Bachama  tribe,  of  Adamaua,  762 
Bafia    tribe,    in    Cameroons,    general 

culture,  monograph  on,  823 
Baganda    tribe,    book    on,    772;    land 
tenure  among,  793;  Mair,  1934b,  793; 
make  bark  cloth,  734;  a  monograph 
on,   Roscoe,   810;   study  of  customs 
among,  781;  totemism  in,  793;  tra- 
ditions of,  771 
Bagba  tribe,  divination  among,  756 
Bagesu  tribe,  monograph  on,  Roscoe,  811 
Baggara  tribe,  brief  notes  on,  786,  834 
Bahanga  tribe,  long  article  on,  819 


Bahima  tribe,  article  on,  810 

Bahinda  tribe,  823 

Baholoholo,  Belgian  Congo,  book  on, 

814 
Bahr-el-Ghazal,  Dinka  tribes  of,  753, 

825 
Bahuana   tribe,   brief   article   on   eth- 
nology of,  825 
Baia    tribe,     elephant    hunting,     and 

equipment  for,  816 
Baila  tribe,  some  sex  customs  of,  743 
Baja  tribe,  in  Cameroons,  long  article, 

771;  general  culture,  monograph  on, 

823 
Bajok   (Vachokwe)  tribe,  circumcision 

rites  of,  775;  see  Vachokwe 
Bakarewe  tribe,  religion  and  domestic 

life  of,  777 
Bakhaka  tribe,  circumcision  rites  of,  781 
Bakimbas,  notes  on,  by  Bittremieux, 

740 
Bakitara  tribe,  811 
Bakoko  tribe,  in  Cameroons,  book  on, 

801 
Bakongo     tribe,     ethnological     work. 

Weeks,  829;    prayers,    religion,    and 

sociology.  Wing,  833 
Bakonjo  tribe,  pottery  of,  801 
Bakuba,  Torday,  Joyce,  AMCB,  ser.  3, 

t.  2,  fasc.  1,  1910,  1-286 
Bakxatla   tribe,    cattle,   herding   rites, 

magic,  medicine,  riddles,  and  Western 

civilization,  Schapera,  812-813 
Balemba  tribe,  short  article  on,  820 
Balobedu   tribe,   social   significance   of 

beer  among,  784 
Baluba  tribe,  751;  book  on,  827 
Bama  tribe,  in  Cameroons,  770 
Bambala  tribe,  brief  article  on,  825 
Bambara  tribe,  736;  monograph  on,  798; 

religion  of,  823;  social  life  of,  772 
Bambata,  stone  implements,  caves,  735 
Bambuti,  Congo  Pygmies,  813 
Bamum  (Bamoun)  tribe,  in  Cameroons, 

writing  of,  752 
Banda    tribe,    in    French    Equatorial 

Africa,  753 
Bangala    tribe,    monograph    on,    802; 

several  important  articles  on,  829 
Banjangi    tribe,    in    Cameroons,    long 

article  on,  820 
Bantu  tribes,  blood  group  tests  of,  761; 

language  of,  752,  Doke,  757;  working 

classification  of,  812;  see  Languages 
Banyamwezi,  ancestor  worship  among, 

741;    general    work    on,     741;    see 

Nyamwezi,  Wanyamwezi 


Bibliographical  Index 


925 


Banyankole  tribe,  monograph  on,  811 

Baobab  tree,  short  article  on,  827 

Baoule  tribe,  ethnological  studies  of, 
785 

Bapedi  tribe,  divination  by  tablets 
among,  781;  history  of,  777;  phallus 
cult  among,  833;  sacred  fire  among, 
760 

Bari  tribe,  initiation  in,  819;  long 
article  on,  816 

Bark,  canoes  made  from,  776;  cloth, 
made  by  Baganda,  734 

Barotsi  tribe,  eight  years  among,  821; 
general  description  of,  739 

Barundi  tribe,  797;  ideas  of  God  and 
other  beliefs  among,  Zuure,  835 

Basala  tribe,  history  and  customs  of,  743 

Baskets,  of  Bisharin  tribe,  in  Peabody 
Museum,  821;  book  on,  741;  for 
fishing,  789 

Basoga-Batamba  tribes,  ethnography 
of,  two  important  articles,  751 

Basonge  tribe,  monograph  on,  802 

Basutoland,  bibliography  of,  838,  850 

Basuto  tribe,  beliefs  concerning  animals 
among,  740;  calendar  of,  815;  general 
ethnology  of,  748;  two  volumes  con- 
cerning, 785;  use  of  divination  bones 
by,  787;  see  Suto 

Batauala  tribe,  book  on,  794 

Batetela  tribe,  cultural  differences  in, 
important  article,  825 

Bathonga  tribe,  important  monograph, 
2  vols,  on,  781 

Bats,  beliefs  associated  with,  in  Belgian 
Congo,  733 

Batwa  tribe,  and  study  of  Congo 
groups,  755 

Ba  Ushi  tribe,  and  smelting  of  iron,  736 

Bavenda  (Ba  Wenda),  ethnology  of, 
788;  history  and  customs  of,  768; 
history,  religion,  tribal  ritual  of,  829; 
monograph  on,  820;  religion  of,  781 

Baya  tribe,  ethnographical  study  of, 
806;  general  ethnological  and  linguis- 
tic information  on,  751 

Bayaka  tribe,  ethnography  of,  brief 
article  on,  825 

Bayansi  tribe,  738 

Beads,  called  aggrey,  from  Gold  Coast, 
748;  of  glass  in  W.  Africa,  808;  made 
at  Ilorin  in  Nigeria,  754;  method  of 
making,  on  Gold  Coast,  832 

Bechuana  (Bechwana)  tribe,  initiation 
in,  article  on,  832 

Bechuanaland,  bibliogs.  for,  838,  850; 
cattle  magic  and  medicines  among, 
812;  labor  migration  from  native 
reserve  in,  812;  native  reserves  of, 


812;  plants  of,  801;  political  crisis  in, 
736;  rock  engravings  of,  832;  and 
sorcery  among  natives,  812 

Bedouin  Arabs,  article,  popular,  762; 
of  Egypt,  799;  laws  and  customs 
among,  782;  physical  anthropology 
of,  in  Egypt,  817;  of  Tunisia,  776 

Beer,  social  significance  of,  in  Balobedu 
tribe,  784 

Bees,  methods  of  keeping,  monograph 
on,  816 

Beja  tribe,  799 

Belgian  Congo,  Ababua  tribe  of,  770; 
articles  and  books  on,  Torday,  825; 
Baholoholo  tribe  in,  monograph  on, 
814;  Baluba  tribe  in,  751;  Bangala, 
Basonge,  Mangbetu,  Mayombe, 
monographs  on,  802;  Bayansi  tribe 
of,  738;  bibliog.  of,  792,  836,  860-861, 
Basiel  and  Door,  757;  birds  of,  749; 
Bland  Kristallbergens  Folk,  793; 
Bushongo,  traditions  of,  771;  demog- 
raphy of,  811;  dictionary  of  lan- 
guages of,  739;  drum  signals  used  in, 
776;  early  missionary  enterprise  in, 
Cavazzi,  748,  Merolla,  797;  early 
settlements  in,  Lopez,  790;  elements 
of  ethnography  of,  792 ;  ethnographi- 
cal album,  Leyden-Riks  Museum 
collections,  794;  ethnological  notes 
from,  small  volume,  Starr,  820;  ex- 
ploration of,  W.  Wolff,  833;  five  years 
in,  H.  Ward,  828;  founding  of  the 
state  of,  820;  gazetteer  of  tribes  in, 
Boone  and  Maes,  792 ;  general  descrip- 
tion and  ethnology  of  N.  E.  portion 
of,  739,  753;  general  ethnology  of, 
with  large  bibliography,  828;  Har- 
vard expedition  to,  821;  history  of 
Arabs  in,  774;  important  books  and 
articles  on,  Weeks,  829;  journey 
from,  to  Niger  and  Nile,  796; 
Kasai  tribes  of,  773;  languages, 
bibliog.  of,  Starr,  861;  languages  of, 
handbook  of,  820;  Loango  region  of, 
804;  Luba  tribe  of,  757;  mythology 
of,  792;  natural  history  expeditions 
to,  733;  neolithic  axes  from,  807; 
periodicals  AMCB,  728,  BECB,  728, 
BUD,  728,  BSI,  729,  Congo,  729, 
KO,  730;  physical  anthropology 
(general)  in,  782,  of  Pygmies,  806; 
popular  work.  Vassal,  827;  Pygmies 
of  Ituri  forests,  Schebesta,  813; 
Pyginy  tribes  of,  768;  report  of 
Harvard  expedition  to,  771;  Ruanda, 
ethnological  and  general,  803;  Sanga 
River  Pygmies  in,  784,  808;  secret 
societies  of,  780;  S.W.,  general  eth- 
nological notes  on,  825;  standard  work 
on,  Franck,  764;  Stone  Age  in,  819; 
story  of  pioneering  in,  739;  study  of 


926 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Bantu  tones  in  speech  of,  777;  study 
of  skulls  from,  739;  weaving  near 
Lake  Leopold,  792;  work  of  George 
Grenfell  in,  779 

Bemba  tribe,  arts  and  handicrafts 
among,  807;  see  Babemba 

Benin,  antiquities  of,  in  Peabody 
Museum,  775;  bibliogs.  for,  853;  celts 
as  thunderbolts,  736;  collection  from, 
in  Leiden  Museum,  794;  historical 
and  ethnological,  811;  wooden  drum 
from,  770;  works  of  art,  catalogues 
and  monographs,  791 ;  see  Art,  Bronze, 
Ivory,  Nigeria 

Berbers,  of  Algeria,  general  ethnology 
and  magic,  773,  832;  belief  of,  in  evil 
eye,  738;  French-Berber  vocabulary, 
756;  and  periodical  Hesperis,  729; 
political  life  of,  798;  religion  of,  737; 
social  studies  of,  766;  sociology  of, 
809;  standard  work  on,  Bertholon 
and  Chantre,  739 

Bergdama  tribe,  important  book  on,  827 

Bezirks  Molundu,  people  in  Cameroons, 
long  article  on,  783 

Bibliographies,  of  Africa,  period  1500- 
1750,  Paulitschke,  803;  general,  all 
Africa,  840-866 

Biography,  of  Chaka,  Zulu  chief,  798; 
of  De  Foucauld,  781;  of  eminent 
Africans,  767;  of  Gordon,  733;  of 
Mary  Kingsley  and  Mungo  Park, 
769;  of  Mahomet,  778;  of  Stanley, 
819;  see  Administration,  History,  and 
under  personal  names,  as,  Grenfell, 
Rhodes,  etc. 

Biology,  of  central  African  lake  sys- 
tems, 834;  see  Botany,  Game,  Natural 
history 

Birds,  of  Africa,  3  vols,  and  Atlas,  808; 
of  Belgian  Congo,  749;  of  Egypt,  2 
vols.,  796;  of  Europe  and  N.  Africa, 
807;  of  Nyasaland,  738;  of  S.  Africa, 
820;  of  Southern  Rhodesia,  806;  of 
W.  Africa,  736 

Birth,  Bantu,  first  child  important,  834; 
custom  of  couvade,  755,  in  Edo  tribe, 
short  article  on,  824;  see  Childbirth, 
Children,  Marriage,  Twins 

Bisharin  tribe,  baskets  of,  in  Peabody 
Museum,  821 

Blacksmith,  see  Iron 

Blood  brotherhood,  in  Ankole,  832;  in 
Azande  tribe,  761;  in  Chagga  tribe, 
808;  in  Dahomey,  772;  general  study 
of,  774 

Blood  feuds,  among  Berbers,  831;  see 
Bedouin  Arabs 

Blood  groups,  766;  and  anthropology, 
834;  of  Bantu  Negroes,  805;  classifi- 


cation of,  784;  geographical  distri- 
bution of,  754;  inheritance  and  racial 
significance  of,  818;  of  Pygmies,  778, 
780;  and  race,  797,  834;  tests  for, 
by  Biilmer,  740,  Elsdon-Dew,  761; 
Wellisch,  830;  of  W.  Africa  and 
totemism,  807;  of  western  Asia  and 
N.  Africa,  803;  see  Nature,  vol.  140, 
1937,  927 

Blue  Nile,  exploration  of  sources  of, 
749;  pottery  manufactured  near,  792; 
see  Abyssinia 

Boats,  see  Canoes 

Bobo  tribe,  customs,  manners,  and 
religion  of,  769;  general  work  on,  752 

Bomvana  tribe,  ceremonial  institutions 
and  social  organization  of,  751 

Bondei,  tribes  of  the  region,  general 
account  of,  754 

Borku,  see  Tibesti 

Bornu,  and  across  Sahara,  Vischer,  828; 
bibliography  for,  853;  Punch  and 
Judy  show  in,  733 

Bororo  Fulani,  articles,  743,  833;  see 
Fulani 

Botany,  761;  baobab  tree,  827;  grasses, 
nutritious,  of  E.  Africa,  815;  Karsten, 
781;  Laufer,  786,  see  Sino-Iranica; 
medicinal  and  poisonous  plants  of 
southern  Africa,  829;  and  plant 
geography,  813;  and  plants  of  Bechu- 
analand,  801;  plants  useful  to  man, 
809;  terms  in  Hausa  language,  754; 
vegetation,  and  soils,  817;  of  W. 
Africa,  777 

B6ttego  (Vittorio),  explorations  by,  827 

Bows  and  arrows,  African  types  of, 
Frobenius,  765,  790,  and  general 
study,  807;  Bushman  types  of,  812; 
culture  and  spread  of,  768;  history  of, 
and  distribution  in  S.  Africa,  792; 
types  classified  for  all  Africa,  Leakey, 
787 

Bozos,  a  tribe  on  the  Niger,  764 

Brass,  casting  in  W.  Africa,  736; 
weights  in  Ashanti,  834 

Britain,  British  Museum,  handbook  to 
ethnographical  collections  in,  780, 
subject  index  of  modern  works,  a 
bibliographical  source,  840;  period- 
ical "Africa,"  728;  political  policy  of, 
in  W.  Africa,  735;  possessions  of, 
article  on,  805,  bibliographies  on, 
837-839,  845-853 

British  Central  Africa,  820;  natives  of, 
popular  book  on,  830;  see  Nyasaland 

British  E.  Africa,  Akikuyu  and  Akamba 
tribes  of,  long  article  on,  822;  see 
Kenya 

British  Empire,  races  of,  bibliographical 
sources,  837-839,  845-853 


Bibliographical  Index 


927 


British  Somaliland,  see  Somaliland 
(British) 

Bronze  casting,  weights  of  Ashanti,  824; 
see  Benin 

Bubi  tribe,  Fernando  Po,  823 

Buduma  tribe,  brief  article,  822;  eth- 
nology of,  several  important  articles 
on,  Landeroin,  786 

Buildings,  types  of,  in  western  Sudan, 
Frobenius,  765;  see  Houses 

Bukoba,  rock  paintings  at,  735 

Burial,  methods  of  disposal  of  dead  in 
Africa,  784;  see  Funerals 

Busa,  ruler's  regalia  at,  772 

Bushmen,  of  Angola,  761;  art  of,  com- 
pared with  cave  paintings  in  Spain, 
743;  bibliog.  of,  849-850,  see  south 
Africa;  books  on,  803,  805;  bows  and 
arrows  of,  classified,  790;  compared 
with  Pygmies,  comprehensive  study 
of,  Immenroth,  778;  culture  of,  dis- 
cussed, Hirschberg,  774;  eruption  of 
teeth  among,  758;  folklore  of,  740; 
funeral  customs  of,  816;  general 
studies  of,  757;  informative  travel 
book  of,  774;  numerous  articles  re- 
lating to,  740;  paintings  of,  799,  825; 
physical  anthropology  of,  814;  physi- 
cal relation  of,  to  Hottentots  and 
Strandloopers,  758;  platymery  of, 
805;  pottery  of,  785;  relationship  of, 
to  Pygmies  discussed,  774;  religion 
of,  787;  rock  engravings  of,  Zelizko, 
834;  rock  paintings  of,  in  S.  W. 
Africa,  801;  Schapera's  research,  812, 
813;  skin  studies  of,  Weninger,  1936, 
830;  skull  formation,  study  of,  784; 
of  S.  W.  Africa,  752,  787;  hair  of,  764 

Bushongo  tribe,  popular  account  of,  825; 
traditions  of,  771;  see  Torday,  825; 
AMCB,  ser.  3,  t.  2,  fasc.  1,  1910, 
1-286 

Byzantium,  archaeology  of,  754;  and 
influence  in  N.  Africa,  757 

Calabar,  fattening  of  girls  in,  Efik  tribe, 
793 

Calendars,  African  types  of,  768;  of 
Basuto,  815;  of  Kikuyu  tribe,  759;  of 
Masai  tribe,  774;  of  N.  W.  Africa, 
775;  and  primitive  time  reckoning, 
801;  and  the  week  in  W.  Africa,  824 

Camels,  antiquity  of,  810;  branding  of, 
in  Kordofan,  792;  historical  study  of, 
for  N.  Africa,  763;  history  of,  in 
Egypt,  748;  use  and  management  of, 
788;  use  of  the  utfa  (camel  litter),  810 

Cameron,  explorations  of,  763 

Cameroons,  Adamaua,  book  on,  803; 
ancestor  worship  of  Eyap  tribe  in, 


793;  anthropometry  of,  Mansf  eld,  793 
Baja  tribe  in,  long  article  on,  771 
Bakoko  tribe  in,  book  on,  801;  Bana 
tribe  in,  ethnological  study  of,  770 
Banjangi    tribe,    long    article,    820 
bibliog.   of,    836;   bibliogs.   for,    854 
disease     and     prevention     in,     797 
elephant   hunting  in   Baia   tribe  of 
816;    ethnological    observations    in 
Labouret,   785;  exploration   in,  734 
explorations  of  southern  portion  of 
752;  general   book   on,   Seidel,    815 
general    description    of,    777,     794 
Grassland  area,  tribes  of,  793;  high- 
land   region,    general    ethnology    of, 
Thorbecke,    824;    journey    through, 
797,  799;  mandate  of,  827;  neolithic 
stone  age  in,  764;  objects  from,  in 
Field  Museum,  770;  observation  on, 
general     notes,     805;     people     and 
speech  of,  823;  periodical  TC,  731; 
plastic  art  in,  766;  recent  expedition 
to,  811;  several  monographs  on,  G. 
Tessmann,    823;    study    of    Bezirks 
Molundu    tribe    in,    783;    study    of 
ninety-three  skulls  from,  784;  tone 
in   language  spoken  at  Duala,    800; 
Wute    tribe,    monograph    on,    817; 
Zintgraf's  general  treatment  of  nor- 
thern area,   835 

Canary  Islands,  736;  ancient  inhabi- 
tants of,  large  standard  work  on,  776; 
archaeology  of,  751;  bibliog.  of, 
Schiitze,  862;  bibliogs.  for,  865;  con- 
quest of,  739 

Cannibalism,  general  treatment  of, 
P.  Steinmetz,  820 

Canoes,  of  bark,  776;  of  E.  Africa,  776; 
with  outriggers,  769 

Cape  Colony,  bibliogs.  for,  851;  Pygmy 
stone  implements  from,  733;  stone 
implements  from,  764 

Cape  Flats  skulls,  stone  implements 
found  with,  767 

Cape  Verde  Islands,  bibliog.  of,  J. 
Schutze,  862 

Capsian  stone  culture,  827;  see  Archae- 
ology of  north  Africa 

Carthage,  archaeology  of,  756,  769; 
bibliogs.  of,  by  Pace  and  by  St. 
Marie,  857;  Ehrenberg,  760;  exca- 
vations at,  782;  topography  of,  771 

Carthaginians,    voyage   of,    round    W. 

Africa,  803 
Catalogues,  of  books  on  Africa,  issued 

by  publishers,  Edwards,  842,  Kegan, 

Paul,  843,  Luzac,  843 
Cattle,    African    breeds    of,    technical 

articles  on,  753;  culture,  bibliog.  by 

Herskovits,  846;  customs  relating  to, 


928 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


among  Ruanda,  756;  and  Fulani 
tribe,  743;  and  general  survey  of 
pastoral  culture  in  E.  and  S.  Africa, 
773;  herding  rites  of,  in  Bakxatla 
tribe,  812;  magic  and  medicines  for, 
in  Bechuanaland,  812;  in  Nuer  tribe, 
752;  raised  by  Nandi  tribes,  777;  see 
Baganda,  Dinka,  Masai,  Ovahero, 
Ovimbundu,  Shilluk,  Suk,  Vakwan- 
yama 

Caves,  of  Algeria,  stone  implements 
from,  734;  archaeological  studies  in, 
W.  J.  Sollas,  819;  cliff  dwellers  of 
Kenya,  794;  near  Knysna  in  S. 
Africa,  exploration  of,  782;  modem 
dwellers  of,  near  Mt.  Elgon,  789,  799; 
paintings  of,  in  W.  Sudan,  835;  of 
Pyrenees,  wall  paintings  in,  748;  of 
S.  Africa  explored,  787;  of  Spain,  809 

Celts,  as  thunderbolts,  736;  see  Axes, 
Neolithic  Stone  Age,  Thunderbolts 

Census,  and  culture  contacts  in  S. 
Africa,  809;  in  E.  Africa,  796;  of 
population  in  Nigeria,  735;  returns  in 
Nigeria,  804 

Cephalic  indices,  stability  of,  804;  see 
Anthropometry,  Craniology,  Physi- 
cal anthropology.  Skulls 

Ceramics,  see  Pottery 

Cerenaica,  see  Cyrenaica 

Chad  (a  French  political  unit,  and  a 
lake)  bibliogs.  for,  854;  Buduma 
tribe  near,  brief  article,  822;  Buduma 
tribe,  several  important  articles  on, 
786;  expedition  to,  750;  exploration 
near,  759;  linguistic  situation  near 
the  lake,  791 

Chagga  (Dschagga)  tribe,  book  by 
Geilinger,  766;  ceremonial  use  of 
blood  and  spittle  in,  808;  near  Kili- 
manjaro, 759,  797;  laws  and  customs 
of ,  797 ;  long  article,  ethnology  of ,  812 ; 
thirty  skulls  measured,  831;  various 
studies  in,  Gutmann,  769;  see  Kili- 
manjaro, Wachagga 

Chain  mail,  in  Africa,  786;  see  Horses, 
Warfare 

Charms,  worn  by  Nandi  women,  777 

Chieftainship,  792;  in  Angoni  tribe, 
808;  of  Chaka,  chief  of  Zulus,  798; 
under  European  rules,  822;  in  Igala 
tribe,  Nigeria,  750;  in  Mayombe 
tribe,  755;  insignia  of,  Plauen,  805; 
installation  of  Attah  of  Idah,  Ni- 
geria, 816;  Meek,  1937,  796;  in 
modern  Africa,  793;  in  W.  Sudan, 
Werder,  830;  see  Administration, 
Europeans,  Social  organization 

Childbirth  customs,  in  Kanuri  tribe, 
761;  see  Birth,  Children,  Twins 


Childhood,  first  year  of,  among  African 
Negroes,  828 

Children,  international  conference  on, 
818;  in  proverbs  and  folklore  of  ^ 
Ashanti,  807;  of  Pygmies,  physical 
characters  of,  813;  studies  of,  in 
French  West  Africa,  809;  thoughts  of, 
and  animism,  795 

China,  and  ancient  records  of  E.  Africa, 
774 

Christianity,  in  Africa,  bibliography  of 
literature,  Rowling,  844;  and  African 
ceremonial,  834;  and  attitude  toward 
slavery,  790;  see  Administration, 
Education,  Missions,  Village  organ- 
ization 

Cinematograph,  influence  of,  in  Africa, 
739 

Circumcision,  article  by  Andree,  734; 
article  on,  in  encyclopaedia  HERE, 
768;  in  Bajok  (Vachokwe)  tribe,  775; 
among  Ba-Khaka  tribe  of  northern 
Transvaal,  781;  a  general  mono- 
graph on,  779;  general  treatment  of, 
Zaborowski,  834;  of  Masai,  735;  rites 
in  Belgian  Congo,  masks  worn  during, 
792;  rites,  in  S.  Africa,  740;  among 
Teda  tribe  of  Tibesti,  787;  of  Va- 
chokwe, 737;  in  Zoutpansberg  dis- 
trict, in  S.  Africa,  831;  see  Clitori- 
dectomy.  Initiation 

Click  language,  734;  of  Sandawe  tribe, 
756;  in  Tanganyika,  740;  see  Bush- 
men, Languages 

Climate,  effects  of,  on  human  life,  777, 
818,  on  language,  784;  evolution  of, 
743;  and  nasal  index,  824;  and  pluvial 
periods  in  Uganda,  829;  textbook  of 
African  conditions,  a  large  mono- 
graph, 783;  see  Rainfall 

Clitoridectomy,  in  Malinke  tribe,  749; 
Zaborowski,  834;  see  Circumcision, 
Initiation,  Seligman,  C.  G.  and  B.  Z., 
816,  item  1918 

Clothing,  African  types  of,  781;  bibli- 
ography of,  Monro,  841;  geographical 
distribution  of,  different  kinds  of, 
Schurtz,  815;  and  ornament,  in  Atch- 
wabo  tribe  of  Portuguese  E.  Africa, 
814 

Coefficient,  of  racial  likeness,  804;  see 
Statistics 

Colonization,  of  Africa  by  Europeans, 
general  monograph  on,  779;  and 
partitioning  of  Africa,  790;  suflerings 
of  native  Africans  under,  Reade,  808; 
see  Administration,  Political  areas 

Comoro  Islands,  bibliog.  for,  854 

Congo,  French,  751;  kingdom  of,  his- 
torical notes  on,  825;  periodicals 
AMCB,    728;    BECB,    728;    River, 


Bibliographical  Index 


929 


exploration  of,  by  Tuckey,  826;  see 
Belgian    Congo,    French    Equatorial 
Africa,  Gaboon,  Ituri 
Congo  Free  State,  see  Belgian  Congo 
Counting,  in  N.  W.  Africa,  775;  on  the 
fingers,  824;  systems  of,  in  western 
Sudan,  large  treatise  by  Kluge,  783; 
by  Yoruba,  756;  see  Calendar,  Time 
reckoning 
Couvade,  general  book  on,  755 
Craniology,  of  Hottentots,  805 
Cranium,    deformation    of,    757,    skull 
from  Siwa,  775;  indices  of,  in  many 
African     tribes,     Struck,     821;     see 
Anthropometry,  Physical  anthropol- 
ogy, Skulls 
Crocodile,  sacred,  806 
Crossbows,  of  French  Equatorial  Africa, 

806;  in  W.  Africa,  736 
Cross  River,  in  Nigeria,  economic  study 
of  village  life  of,  763;  tribes  of, 
general  work  on,  803 
Culture,  adjustments  of  (acculturation), 
773;  areas,  M.  J.  Herskovits,  773, 
De  Preville,  806;  changes,  ethnological 
study  of,  784,  in  Indian  tribes,  795; 
clash  of,  805;  contacts,  of  Asia 
and  Africa,  774,  see  Egypt,  and 
determination  of  policy,  828,  effects 
of,  on  Pondo  women,  777,  of  Euro- 
peans and  natives  of  Kenya,  815,  and 
field  methods  of  study,  777,  813,  and 
migrations,  Dixon,  757,  practical 
problems  of,  793,  R.  C.  Thurnwald, 
1935,  824,  in  Tanganyika,  753,  some 
principles  of,  763,  in  south  Africa, 
813,  and  Western  civilization  in  S. 
Africa,  813;  a  determinant  of  be- 
havior, 793;  differences  of,  in  Batetela 
tribe,  825;  early  migrations  of,  818; 
elements  of,  and  their  origins,  765; 
factors  of  invention  and  diffusion  of, 
Harrison,  771;  how  to  study  patterns 
of,  738;  influences  of,  on  Africa,  from 
Indonesia  and  Java,  784;  migrations 
of,  Roscoe,  1923c,  811;  migrations  of, 
in  S.  Africa,  754;  patterns  of,  and 
geographic  conditions,  805;  and  prog- 
ress, 828;  psychology  of,  832;  tenac- 
ity of  original  forms  of,  771;  see 
America,  Arabia,  Asia,  India,  Indo- 
nesia, Psychology 
Cunene  region,  S.  Angola,  ethnog.  of,  755 
Cyrenaica,  description  of  population 
of,  733 

Dagamba  tribe,  763;  brief  history  of, 

822;  dreams  of,  748 
Dagbon  kingdom,  constitution,  laws,  779 
Dahomey,  763;  aspects  of  ethnology  in, 

773;  bas-reliefs  of,  829;  bibliog.  of, 


836-837;  bibliogs.  for,  858;  blood 
brotherhood  in,  772;  customs  and 
funeral  rites  in,  783;  descriptive  notes 
of,  749;  early  voyage  to,  in  1820,  791; 
ethnology  of,  about  1874,  818;  eth- 
nology, a  standard  work  by  Le 
Herisse,  787;  general  description  of, 
764,  772;  general  description  of,  in 
Dutch,  790;  general  expeditionary 
work  in.  Chevalier,  750;  God,  ideas 
of,  832;  historical,  742,  754,  801; 
lake  dwellings  of,  765;  linguistic 
study  of,  about  1879,  752;  magical 
practices  in,  739;  marriage  of  two 
women  in,  773;  Negro  art  in,  808; 
ornamentation  of  gourds  in,  768; 
political  and  commercial,  733;  popula- 
tion statistics  in,  773;  Portuguese 
influence  in,  812;  a  scientific  mission 
to.  in  1908,  776;  souvenirs  of  cam- 
paign in,  813;  statues  of  kings  of,  755; 
a  voyage  to,  826;  see  Herskovits, 
773 

Dancing,  of  Arabs  and  Suahili,  818; 
and  social  developments,  770;  social 
significance  of,  761;  see  Music 

Darfur,  803;  Baggara  tribes  of,  786; 
bibliog.  of,  MacMichael,  846;  orna- 
mented gourds  of,  821;  recent  explo- 
ration in,  772 

Death  ceremonies,  of  Eyap  tribe  in 
Cameroons,  793 

Deformation,  of  lips,  799;  of  lips  with 
stone  plugs,  789 

Deformities,  Stannus,  1914,  820 

Demography,  of  Belgian  Congo,  811; 
of  east  Africa,  736,  796;  of  Nigeria, 
735;  and  sex  ratios  in  African  tribes, 
793;  of  Tanganyika  Territory,  766; 
Uhden,  826 

Dictionary,  of  botanical  terms  in 
Hausa,  754;  of  Congo  languages,  739; 
English-Nubian,  799;  English-Portu- 
guese, Mbundu  (Kimbundu),  779; 
Fulani-English,  823;  of  Hausa  lan- 
guage, 736,  810;  of  Mohammed- 
anism, 776;  Ovambo-German,  825; 
see  Languages 

Didinga  tribe,  article  on,  798;  brief 
account  of,  758 

Diet,  problems  of,  series  of  articles  on, 
802;  sociological  study  of,  763;  of 
west  Africa  Negroes,  762;  see 
Agriculture,  Corn,  Domestic  animals. 
Fishing,  Foods,  Groundnuts,  Maize, 
Meat,  Milk,  Millet,  Wheat,  Yams 

Dinka  tribe,  753,  767;  laws  and  cus- 
toms of,  802;  long  article  on,  825; 
many  articles  and  books  on,  Selig- 
man,  816 


930 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Diseases,  in  Cameroons,  797;  control  of, 

in  tropical  Africa,  776 
Divination,  of  Bagba  and  Mossi  tribes, 
756;  with  bones  among  Basuto,  787; 
of  Logbara  tribe  in  N.  Uganda,  807; 
notes  on,  in  northern  Transvaal,  809; 
by  pebbles,  758;  practiced  by  Bamas- 
emola,  760;  in  Ruanda,  735;  with 
tablets  in  Bapedi  tribe,  781 
Djenne,  archaeology  and  ethnology  of, 

798 
Dogs,  sacrifice  of,  by  Bantu,  757 
Domestic  animals,  784;  derivation  of, 
from  Asia,  774;  goats  and  sheep  of 
Akikuyu,  787;  treatise  on,  770 
Dorobo  tribe,  792;  hunters  of  Kenya, 

777 
Drama,    in    Mandingo    theatre,    785; 

marionettes  used  in,  786 
Dreams,     of     Akamba,     739;     among 
Didinga  and  Lango  tribes,  758;  and 
mental  conflicts,  809;  psychology  of, 
764;     recent     monograph     on,     and 
methods  of  study  of,  789;  recorded 
among  Dagomba  and  Moshi  tribes, 
748;     studies     of,     in     Tanganyika 
Territory,  772 
Drums,  of  Africa,  general  survey  on, 
806;  all  African  forms,  and  their  dis- 
tribution  outside  Africa,   important 
monograph     on,     Wieschhoff,     831; 
friction,    distribution    of,    736;    lan- 
guage of,  807,  in  Ewe  tribe,  833;  note 
on,    816;    ritual    importance    of,    in 
Fika    tribe,    809;    for    signalling    in 
Belgian  Congo,  776;  of  Sudan,  810; 
of  Tumba  tribe,  750;  wooden,  from 
Benin,  770;  of  Zulu,  783 
Dutch,  crossed  with  Hottentots,  763, 
see  Rehobother  bastards;  journals  of, 
translated    by    Mossop,    799;    peri- 
odical VRS,  732 
Dwarfs  (legendary),  in  forests  of  Gold 
Coast,  762 

Earth,  goddess,  in  W.  Africa,  780; 
worship,  764 

Earth  eaters,  see  Geophagy 

Earthquakes,  African  ideas  on,  821; 
and  geology  of  E.  Africa,  832 

East  Africa,  anthropometric  measure- 
ments from  various  tribes  of,  780; 
Arabian  and  Persian  influences  in, 
774;  bibliogs.  of,  845-848;  cattle  cul- 
ture in,  773;  distribution  of  popula- 
tion in,  735;  earthquakes,  plateaus, 
and  rift  valleys  of,  832;  educational 
and  biological  problems  of,  Huxley, 
778;  English  laws  affecting  marriage 
in,  795;  ethnology  of  Akamba,  Kavi- 
rondo,   Nandi  in,  Hobley,  774;  eth- 


nology of,  various  works,  Roscoe,  810; 
French  possessions  in,  bibliographies 
for,  854-855;  general  travel  in,  764; 
geological  studies  of  Rift  Valley  in, 
768;  handwork  and  industry  in,  822; 
indirect  rule  and  education  in,  786; 
Indonesian  influences  on,  776;  land 
of  Zinj,  821;  language  perversions  in, 
808;  laws  of  Bantu  tribes  in,   759; 
modern  life  of  natives  in,  781;  native 
life  in,  831;  natural  history  of,  748; 
Nyika  tribe  of,  768;  outrigger  canoes 
of,  769;  periodicals  EA,  729,  JEAU, 
730,  TNR,  731,  UJ,  732;  pre-Bantu 
in,  820;  primitive  law  in,  758;  rise  of 
British  Empire  in,  791 
East  African  Protectorate,  Bantu  coast 
tribes  of,  830;  see  East  Africa,  Kenya 
Economics,  changes  of,  in  south  Afri- 
can native  life,  812;  competition  and 
co-operation,  795;  and  goats  and  sheep 
of  Akikuyu  tribe,  787;  and  individ- 
ualism  in   African   society,    793;   in 
Kenya,    819;    in    Liberia,    817;    and 
native  life  in  south  Africa,  780,  see 
Administration;  and  natives  of  south 
Africa   employed   in    industry,    788; 
and  natural  resources  of  Africa,  796; 
and  a  primitive  community,  824;  and 
railway  workers  in  Nigeria,  802;  and 
social  systems  of  Africa,  824;  and  soil 
erosion,  774;  and  wealth  of  Africa,  762 
Edo  tribes,  birth  customs  of,  824;  of 

Nigeria,  4  vols.,  824 
Education,  and  adjustments  of  Africans 
to  European  culture,  799;  of  Africans, 
818;  animism  and  thoughts  of  chil- 
dren, 795;  anthropologists'  approach 
to,   793;   of  Bemba  youth,   807;   in 
British  Africa,  818;  and  childhood  of 
S.  African  Kafirs,  782;   of  children, 
studies  of,  in  French  West  Africa,  809; 
and  children's  games  and  songs  in 
southern  Sudan,  826;  and  experiments 
in  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  753;   and 
health  of  natives  in  Nigeria,  806;  and 
indirect  rule,  799;  and  indirect  rule  in 
east    Africa,    786;    in    Liberia,    817; 
native      conception      of,      775;      of 
natives     in     S.     Africa,     805;     and 
nutrition,  815;  origins  of,   770;  and 
parental  duties  among  urbanized  A_fri- 
cans,  784;  periodicals  AO,  728,  AW, 
728,  CAC,  729,  EA,  729,  HMSO,  729, 
JAS,  729,  L'AF,  730,  OE,  731,  OM, 
731,  UE,  732;  Phelps-Stokes  reports 
on,  804;  principles  for  African  teach- 
ing, 780;  and  race  relations,  791;  and 
remaking  of  man  in  Africa,  802;  of 
south  African  natives,  743,  751;  and 
study  of  Negro  achievement.  Shep- 
herd,   817;    in    Wanguru    tribe    of 


Bibliographical  Index 


931 


Tanganyika,    757;    in    west    Africa, 
785;  in  Yao  tribe,  772 

Efik  tribe,  fattening  of  girls  in,  793 

Egypt,  ancient  history  of,  761;  anthro- 
pology and  anthropometric  measure- 
ments in,  799;  archaeology  of,  Caton- 
Thompson,  748;  arts  and  crafts  of, 
804;  Bedouin  Arabs  of,  and  their 
laws  and  customs,  782,  799;  bibliogs. 
of,  845-846;  birds  of,  796;  Cairo, 
anthropometric  measurements  in, 
802;  craniological  studies  in,  798; 
diffusion  of  culture  in,  804;  evolution 
of  stone  implements  in,  781;  excava- 
tions at  Kerma,  809;  Fellahin,  general 
account  of,  740;  handbook  of  Arabic 
spoken  in,  832;  history  of,  743;  and 
history  of  Middle  Ages,  786;  Lepsius, 
notes  on,  788;  modern  archaeological 
research,  1934,  812;  modern  physical 
types  of,  Fritsch,  764;  and  periodicals 
AE,  728,  BIE,  728,  JEA,  729,  MIE, 
730;  physical  anthropology  of,  818, 
Chantre,  749;  Ptolemaic  dynasty  of, 
792;  recent  history  of,  Dolobran,  757; 
under  Roman  rule,  797;  social  life  in, 
804;  and  spread  of  culture  to  Ivory 
Coast,  755;  stone  age  in,  804,  816; 
stone  implements  from,  765;  stone 
implements  of,  earliest  discoveries  of, 
805;  X-ray  studies  of  mummies  from, 
798 

Elephants,  795;  book  devoted  to,  741; 
hunting  of,  native  equipment  for,  in 
Baia  tribe,  816;  ritual  during  hunting, 
in  Mindassa  tribe,  762 

Elgon,  stone  age  culture  near,  799 

Embu  tribe,  source  for  pictures  of,  736 

Emin  Pasha,  biographical  and  his- 
torical, 822;  history  of,  748;  history 
of,  substantial  volume,  815 

Encyclopaedias,  of  Mohammedanism, 
841;  of  religion  and  ethics,  periodical 
HERE,  729,  841 

Ennedi,  see  Tilho,  824 

Entomology,  research  on,  in  Nigeria, 
817;  see  Diseases 

Environment,  and  race,  823;  in  relation 
to  race  and  sex,  794;  see  Botany, 
Climate,  Culture  areas.  Natural 
history.  Occupations,  Rainfall 

Erdi,  see  Tibesti 

Eritrea,  bibliogs.  for,  864;  physical 
anthropology  of,  737;  scientific  mis- 
sion to,  827 

Erosion,  of  soil,  774,  effects  of,  749 

Erythrean  Sea,  historical  account  of 
voyages  in,  Schoff,  814 

Ethiopia,  see  Abyssinia 


Ethnologischer  Anzeiger,  a  bibliograph- 
ical source,  840 

Ethnology,  general  textbook  for  Africa, 
770;  see  Textbooks 

Europe,  administration  by,  French  and 
British  in  W.  Africa  compared,  735; 
climatic  changes  of,  correlated  with 
those  in  Africa,  743 ;  and  colonization 
of  Africa,  general  monograph  on, 
779;  and  conquests  of  Africa,  791; 
contacts  of,  with  Kipsigi,  802;  and 
partitioning  of  Africa,  790;  as  seen 
by  Africans,  789;  see  Administration, 
Politics 

Europeans,  possessions  of,  bibliography 
of  political  areas,  836-839;  settle- 
ment of,  in  Africa,  J.  C.  Smuts,  1930b, 
818;  see  Administration 

Evil  eye,  in  N.  Africa,  738;  see  Magic 

Evolution,  Darwin,  754;  of  hand,  head, 
and  heart,  Marett,  794;  of  tribal 
control,  801;  see  Biology 

Ewe  tribe,  book  by  Ellis,  760;  drum 
language  of,  833;  language  of,  Wester- 
mann,  831,  tone  values  in,  814;  nam- 
ing system  of,  819;  religion  and 
general  ethnology  of,  Spieth,  819; 
songs  of,  833;  textbook  of  language 
of,  Bickford-Smith,  a  translation  of 
Westermann's  book,  740 

Exogamy,  764 

Exorcism,  in  Vandau  tribe,  781;  see 
Magic,  Medicine-men 

Exploration,  of  Abyssinia,  789,  811;  in 
Abyssinia  about  1885,  748;  in  Abys- 
sinia, near  southern  border,  795;  in 
Abyssinia,  travels  of  Lobo,  834; 
across  Africa  in  1881,  805;  across 
Africa,  Wissmann,  833;  of  Arabian 
travelers,  778;  Astley's  compendium 
of,  735;  Barth's  work  on,  737;  of 
Battell  in  Angola,  737;  in  Belgian 
Congo,  739;  of  central  Africa  and 
Uganda,  Schoeller,  814;  Clapperton's 
expedition,  786;  compendium  of, 
781,  by  Pinkerton,  805;  compendium 
of  travels,  by  Churchill,  750;  of 
Congo  to  Niger,  793;  of  Congo  River, 
Tuckey,  826;  of  east  Africa,  784;  by 
Foa,  763;  of  French  territory  in 
central  Africa,  787;  Hakluyt's  voy- 
ages, 770;  Italian  achievements  in, 
797;  of  Lakes  Rudolf  and  Stefani, 
775;  of  Landers  brothers  on  Niger, 
786;  in  Liberia,  828;  of  Libya  about 
1875,  809;  of  Libya,  pioneers  in,  782; 
of  Livingstone,  828;  among  Masai, 
738;  of  Mauch,  Offe,  801 ;  by  Mecklen- 
burg, 796;  Mission  Rohan-Chabot  in 
Angola,  775;  modern,  of  year  1936, 
in  Angola,  779;  from  the  Niger  to 


932 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


the  Nile,  733;  in  N.  Africa  about 
1891,  791;  of  N.  E.  Belgian  Congo, 
Schweinfurth,  815;  and  opening  of 
Africa,  779;  of  Park  on  Niger,  824; 
periodical  HS,  729,  see  Geography, 
and  VRS,  732;  and  periplus  of 
Erythrean  Sea,  814;  and  pioneer- 
ing in  central  Africa,  828;  of  river 
Niger,  734;  Ronciere,  compendium 
by,  3  vols.,  810;  near  Ruwenzori,  777; 
Ruwenzori  to  the  Congo,  833;  in 
Sahara,  742,  782;  of  Sahara,  Italian 
enterprise  in,  Umberto,  827;  of 
Sahara,  Lenz,  788;  for  source  of 
Nile,  819;  of  S.  Africa,  749,  789;  in 
inner  S.  Africa,  795;  in  S.  Africa  and 
Zambezia,  789;  of  H.  M.  Stanley, 
820;  of  Tibesti  and  adjacent  regions, 
824 

Faiyum,  archaeology  in,  748;  neolithic 

implements  from,  765;  see  Egypt 
Falashas,  of  Abyssinia  described,  821 
Family,  and  gerontocracy,  816;  names 
studied,    811;    organization    of,    in 
Mayombe    tribe,    755;    studies    of, 
among     Galoas     of     Gaboon,     768; 
studies  of,  in  Pahouine  tribe,  768;  see 
Kinship 
Fan    (Pang)   tribe,   ethnological   notes 
on,  739;  monograph  on,  826;  religion 
of,  733;  totemism  of,  large  volume  on, 
826 
Fanti,    Boyle's    travels    among,    742; 
marriage  customs  of,  762;  war  organ- 
ization among,  779;  see  Ashanti 
Father-right,  distribution  of,  in  Africa, 

737;  see  Family,  Kinship 
Fellahin,  general  account  of,  740 
Fernando  Po,  738;  bibliogs.  for,  865 
Fertility    cults,    of    Nigeria,    822;    of 

women,  739;  see  Birth,  Phallus 
Fezzan  region,  archaeology  of,  835 
Fighting,  with  iron  wristlets,  796 
Figurines,  of  wood  in  Belgian  Congo, 

792;  see  Wood-carving 
Fika  tribe,   of  Nigeria,   drums,   ritual 

importance  of,  809 
Fire,  sacred  among  Ba  Pedi,  760 
Fishes,  of  Africa,  standard  work  on,  742 
Fishing,  aspects  of,  in  a  fishing  com- 
munity, 763;  baskets  and  nets  used 
for,  789;  fish  hooks  for,  types  and 
distribution,    785;    methods    of,    in 
Kavirondo  Gulf  and  Lake  Victoria, 
757 ;  of  Senegal,  787 ;  by  use  of  poisons, 
750;  in  W.  Africa,  771 
Fjort  tribe,  general  ethnology  and  folk- 
lore of,  756 
Flora,  see  Botany 


Florisbad  skull,  758 

Flutes,  of  reeds  in  S.  Africa,  783 

Folklore,  of  Angola,  749;  Arabian 
examples  of,  776;  bibliog.  of,  N.  W. 
Thomas,  823,  841;  of  Bushmen,  740; 
and  children,  807;  earthquakes  ex- 
plained by,  821;  of  Fjort  tribe,  756; 
of  Hausa  tribe,  807;  of  Kafirs,  823; 
myths  and  legends  of  Bantu  tribe,  a 
volume,  830;  periodicals  FL,  729, 
JAFL,  729;  place  of,  in  African  Ufe, 
818;  psychology  of,  794;  Rattray, 
807;  in  Shilluk  tribe,  831;  of  S. 
American  Negroes,  773;  of  southern 
Nigeria,  755;  specimens  of  Bantu, 
826;  of  Swahili,  820;  of  Togoland, 
748;  of  W.  Africa,  Dekameron,  765, 
807 

Food,  agriculture,  improvement  of,  770; 
and  education,  815;  gathering  of, 
Rodenberg,  810;  and  nutrition  of 
African  natives,  important  articles, 
834;  rites,  794;  see  Bushmen,  Diet, 
Domestic  animals.  Pygmies 

Forestry,  west  African,  827 

Fox,  folklore  stories  of,  740 

France,  colonial  policy  of,  799;  polonies 
of,  in  W.  Africa,  Delafosse,  La- 
bouret,  Monteil,  Tauxier,  798,  804; 
education  and  politics,  in  periodical 
L'AF,  730;  empire  of,  in  Africa,  797; 
history  of  colonial  policy  of,  809;  and 
mandates  in  Africa,  749;  periodical 
"Aethiopica,"  728;  political  policy  of, 
in  W.  Africa,  735 

French  Equatorial  Africa,  Baya  and 
Kouyou  tribes  of,  ethnography  of, 
806;  bibliog.  of,  837;  bibhogs.  for, 
854;  crossbows  of,  806;  exploration 
of,  Dybowski,  759;  see  Administra- 
tion, Exploration 

French  Guinea,  734;  bibliog.  of,  837 
bibliogs.  for,  858;  exploration  of,  in 
1901,  802;  Tenda  tribe  of,  755 
travel  and  description  of,  749 

French  Niger  Territory,  Abadie,  733 
bibhog.  of,  837 

French  possessions,  bibliogs.  for,  853- 
860 

French  Somaliland,  see  Somaliland 
(French) 

French  Sudan,  bibliog.  of,  837;  Bobo 
tribe  in,  studies  of,  769;  book  on 
tribes  of,  Sarrazin,  812;  ethnological 
monographs  on,  Tauxier,  822,  823; 
industries  of,  835;  standard  work  on, 
Delafosse,  755 

French  West  Africa,  children,  studies 
of,  809;  God,  ideas  of,  832;  Toura 
tribe  in,  religion  of,  823;  tribes  of, 
and  their  distribution,  with  map,  811 


Bibliographical  Index 


933 


PViction  drums,  types  and  distribution 
of,  in  Africa,  736 

Friendship,  best  friend  among  Didinga, 
758 

Fulani  (Bororo),  article  on,  833;  diction- 
ary, 823;  of  Djafun-Bororo,  Ngaun- 
dere,  804;  general  notes  on,  742;  is 
the  language  Hamitic?  758;  see  notes 
on  customs  of,  808;  see  Bororo,  Fulbe, 
Peuls,  Shuwalbe 

Fulbe,  743;  history  of,  803;  see  Fulani 

Functionalism,  and  social  anthropology, 
788 

Funeral  customs,  of  Bushmen,  Hotten- 
tots, and  Pygmies,  816;  of  Goun  tribe 
M  in  Dahomey,  783;  in  Nkundo  tribe, 
^        776 

F^ing  tribe,  kingship  in,  810 

Ga  people,  religion  and  medicine  of, 
762 

Gaboon,  and  explorations  of  Du  Chaillu, 
759;  family  studies  among  Galoase 
in,  768;  primitive  arts  disappearing 
from,  768;  secret  society  of,  772; 
study  of  skulls  from,  739 

Galla  tribe,  book  on,  811;  ethnology  of, 
749,  803;  two  articles  on,  830;  see 
Abyssinia 

Galoa  tribe,  Gaboon,  studies  of  family 
among,  768 

Gambia,  bibliog.  of,  838;  bibliogs.  for, 
853;  stone  circles  of,  795,  803,  825 

Game,  and  life  histories  of  animals,  810; 
in  relation  to  mankind,  774;  stalking 
with  a  camera,  795;  in  W.  Africa,  772 

Games,  of  Arabs,  754;  of  children  in 
southern  Sudan,  826;  mancala,  board 
from  Mombasa,  817;  with  string 
figures,  general,  753,  789,  in  Liberia, 
Sierra  Leone,  and  Zanzibar,  776, 
among  the  Yoruba  tribe,  803;  see 
Mancala,  String  figures 

Gbanda  tribe,  Liberia,  social  structure 
of  town  of,  759 

Genetics,  766;  study  of  heredity  in 
man,  777 

Geography,  bibliographie  geographique 
international,  840;  compendium  of, 
781;  and  cultural  patterns,  805;  en- 
vironment, and  human  life,  816;  and 
human  development  in  S.  Africa,  754; 
and  human  life,  740;  and  human  life 
in  Northern  Rhodesia,  776;  of  north- 
ern Nigeria,  762;  periodicals  BSGA, 
729,  BSGI,  in  Italian,  728,  BSNG, 
729,  GJ,  729,  Globus,  729,  GR,  729, 
GSNI,  729,  HS,  729,  LG,  730,  NGM, 
731,  PM,  731;  and  social  sciences, 
742;  and  soil  erosion,  774;  a  standard 


textbook  for  Africa,  Fitzgerald,  763; 
a  standard  textbook  by  L.  Brooks, 
743;  of  Swaziland,  758 

Geology,  earth  before  history,  804; 
earthquakes,  plateaus,  and  rift  val- 
leys of  E.  Africa,  832;  the  face  of  the 
earth,  general  treatise,  4  vols.,  818, 
822;  manual  of,  772;  of  northern 
Nigeria,  762;  and  origin  of  continents 
and  oceans,  829,  standard  work  on, 
784;  studies  of,  in  Rift  Valley,  768; 
textbook  of,  Schuchert  and  Dunbar, 
814 

Geophagy,  786 

Germany,  colonies  of,  in  1896,  796; 
colonies  of,  Meyer,  797;  periodicals 
AFA,  728,  AFK,  728,  AFR,  728,  KO, 
730,  MBS,  730,  REVA,  731,  TC,  731; 
possessions  (former)  of,  bibliography 
for,  866;  see  Cameroons,  S.  W. 
Africa,  Tanganyika  Territory,  Togo- 
land 

Gerontocracy,  and  kinship  organization, 
816 

Giraffe,  in  history  and  art,  786 

Girama  tribe,  customs  and  beliefs  of,, 
useful  article,  736 

God,  beliefs  in,  by  Bakwiri  tribe,  778; 
Africa  surveyed,  832;  in  Barundi 
tribe,  long  article,  835;  among 
Hamites  and  Negroes,  Wiedemann, 
831;  names  for,  777;  among  Zulus, 
828;  see  Religion 

Gogo  tribe,  general  ethnology  of,  two 
important  articles,  750,  751 

Golah  tribe,  of  Liberia,  initiation  rites 
in,  749 

Gold,  brass  weights  for  measuring,  834 

Gold  Coast,  aggrey  beads  from,  748; 
asamanukpai,  dwarfs  of  the  forests, 
762;  beads,  method  of  making  of, 
832;  bibliogs.  of,  748,  836,  852; 
general  description  of,  about  1840, 
738;  general  notes  on,  735;  historical, 
791,  808,  829;  ideas  of  God  on,  832; 
medicine  and  religion  on,  762;  native 
institutions  of,  752;  native  tribes  of, 
748;  people  of,  760;  periodical  GCR, 
729;  short  article  on,  771,  824;  stone 
age  pottery  from,  832;  stone  armlets 
from,  748;  totemism  on,  771;  tribal 
marks  of,  735;  see  Ashanti 

Golden  stool,  Rattray,  807;  E.  W. 
Smith,  818 

Gordon  (General),  military  career  of, 
in  Sudan,  733 

Goun  tribe,  of  Dahomey,  customs  and 
funeral  rites  of,  783 

Goiira,  a  stringed  instrument,  distri- 
bution of,  736;  technical  study  of,  783 


^36 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Italian  Somaliland,  bibliogs.  for,  865 

Italy,  colonization  of,  in  Africa,  large 
bibliog.  of,  827;  and  conquest  of 
Abyssinia,  733;  and  expansion  in 
Africa,  742;  periodicals  AAE,  728, 
BSGI,  729,  L'AI,  730;  political  diffi- 
culties of,  in  Abyssinia,  742;  posses- 
sions of,  bibliogs.  for,  862-865;  and 
problems  of  colonization,  756;  voy- 
ages of  Italians  in  Africa,  797 

Ituri  forest,  769;  Pygmies  of,  806,  813; 
see  Belgian  Congo,  Pygmies 

Ivory,  in  Belgian  Congo,  H.  Lang,  786; 
in  China,  786;  collection  and  trans- 
port of,  by  slaves,  798 

Ivory  Coast,  Agni  tribe  of,  monograph 
on,  823;  Baoule  tribe  of,  ethnological 
study  of,  785;  bibliog.  of,  837,  859; 
ethnological,  and  general,  780;  ex- 
ploration of,  in  1901,  802;  general 
description  of  customs  on,  751;  lan- 
guages, bibliog.  of,  Delafosse,  859; 
possibility  of  Pygmies  in  forests  of, 
778;  traces  of  Egyptian  traits  on, 
755;  wood-carving  from,  774 

Jamaica,     crossing     of     Negroes     and 

Whites  in,  820;  race  crossing  in,  754 
Jewelry,  made  in  northern  Nigeria,  815 
Jews,  Hebrewisms  of  W.  Africa,  832; 

history   of,    777;    history   of,    in    S. 

Africa;  772 
Johannesburg,   study   of  life   in   slum 

yard  of,  772 
Joking  relationship,  Labouret,  1929,  785 
Jukun  tribe,  large  monograph  on,  796 

Kababish  tribe,  important  article  on, 
816 

Kabyles,  782;  archaeological  and  an- 
thropological studies  among,  789; 
customs  of,  771;  Hilton-Simpson, 
studies  by,  773;  houses  and  villages 
of,  795;  pigmentation  of  eyes,  hair 
and  skin,  782;  pottery  of,  800;  see 
Algeria,  Berbers 

Kaffa  tribe,  of  Abyssinia,  740 

Kafirs,  folklore  of,  823;  of  Natal,  795; 
in  S.  Africa,  magic  and  prophecy 
among,  799;  studies  of,  Kidd,  782 

Xagoro  tribe,  Nigeria,  long  article  on, 
826 

Kalahari  Desert,  hunting  lions  in, 
ritual  of,  812;  Schultze,  814;  see 
Bushmen 

Kanam,  human  fossils  from,  742 

Kanjera,  human  fossils  from,  742 

Kanuri  tribe,  marriage  and  childbirth 
customs  of,  761 

Kapando  tribe,  743 


Kasai  River,  general  account  of  tribes 
in  region  of,  773,  825 

Katanga,    Luba   tribe   of,    757;   tribes      I 
near,  Verhulpen,  827  * 

Kavirondo  Gulf,  fishing  methods  near, 
757 

Kavirondo  tribe,  774;  article  on,  801; 
ethnological  notes  on,  long  article, 
789;  Nilotic,  771;  religion  of,  819;  of 
Uganda,  734 

Kenya,  anthropometric  study  of  skulls 
from,  783;  articles  on  Kipsigis,  Suk, 
and  Turkana,  737;  Azanian  civi- 
Hzation  of,  777;  bibliog.  of,  837, 
846;  book  on,  788;  cliff  dwellers 
of,  794;  Dorobo  hunters  of,  777; 
European  settlement  and  native 
development  in,  815;  human  fossil 
skeletons  of,  741;  Kavirondo  and 
Nandi  tribes  of,  774;  Kipsigi  tribe  of, 
ethnological  notes  on,  802;  land 
policy  and  economic  development  in, 
819;  Masai  tribe  of,  notes  on,  764, 
787;  source  for  pictures  of,  of  Embu, 
Masai,  Suk,  Turkana,  736;  stone 
implements  in,  from  cave  shelters  of 
Mt.  Elgon,  799;  tribes  of  Mombasa 
district  of,  779;  Wawanga  and 
adjacent  tribes  of,  759;  see  Akamba, 
Akikuyu,  Archaeology,  British  East 
Africa,  Masai,  Nandi,  Suk,  Turkana 

Kharga,  archaeological  expedition  to, 
765;  oasis  of,  archaeological  research 
in,  748 

Khassonke  tribe,  monograph  on,  798 

Khoisan  people,  Bushmen  and  Hotten- 
tots, Schapera,  812 

Kilimanjaro,  general  ethnology  of, 
Volkens,  828;  population  near,  831; 
study  of  tribes  near,  766;  tribes  near, 
759;  see  Chagga  tribe 

Kingship,  broad  study  of,  774;  and 
divinity,  738,  750,  779,  816;  of  Fung 
tribe,  Sennar,  810 

Kingsley  (Mary),  biography  of,  769; 
reminiscences  of,  800 

Kinship,  classificatory  system  of,  784; 
and  cross-cousin  marriage,  816;  inter- 
pretations of,  790;  of  Masai,  Nandi, 
and  Tonga  tribes,  816;  meaning  of 
terms,  733;  principles  of  study,  by 
Eggan,  760;  Semitic  type  of,  816; 
studies  of,  761;  systems,  broad 
study  of,  774,  in  early  Arabia,  818, 
B.  Z.  Seligman,  816;  a  terminology  of, 
783;  terms  of  S.  African  Bantu,  829; 
of  Vandau  tribe,  741 ;  of  Wahenge  and 
Wangonde  tribes  of  Nyasaland,  812 

Kipsigi  (Lumbwa),  737;  and  European 
contacts,  802;  religion  of,  802 


Bibliographical  Index 


937 


Kissi  tribe,   iron-working   in,    759;   in 

Liberia,  long  article  on,  Neel,  800 
Kitui  Akamba,  general  article  on,  740; 

see  Akamba 
Kivu  region.  Pygmy  tribes  of,  815 
Knives,  for  throwing,  article  by  Robin- 
son,  810;   of   Darfur,   802;   Schurtz, 
article  by,  815 
Knysna,  cave  exploration  near,  782 
Konde  tribe,  religion  and  magic  of,  791 
Kono  tribe,  of  Sierra  Leone,  clans  and 

names  of,  786 
Koran,  translation  of,  810;  see  Arabs, 

Mohammedanism,  Semites 
Kordofan,  Baggara  and  Nuba  tribes  of, 
brief    notes    on,    834:    bibliog.     of, 
MacMichael,  846;  Kababish  in,  im- 

rportant  article  on,  816;  Nuba  tribe 
of,    physical    anthropology   of,    815; 

Paulitschke's    notes,    803;    physical 

types  and  language  groups  of,  821; 

rock  paintings  in,  792;  rock  pictures 

of,  810;  a  student's  journey  in,  796; 

tribes  of  northern  and  central  regions 

of,  792 
Kouyou  tribe,  ethnographical  study  of, 

806 
Kpelle    tribe,    in    Liberia,    important 

volume,  831 
Kru  tribe,  social  administration  of,  796; 

two  brief  articles,  740;  see  Liberia 
Kufra,    exploration    by    Rohlfs,    809; 

oasis  of,  explored,  772;  Tebu  tribe 

of,  811 
Kulturkreise,  articles  on,  734,  737,768; 

Frobenius,  765;  method  and  theory 

of,  783 
Kumasi,  742;  article  on,  795;  campaign 

of,  820;  military  expedition  to,  740 
Kwango  river,  tribes  near,  ethnology 

of,  825 
Kwilu  river,  Bayansi  tribe  near,  738; 

see  Kasai 

Labor,  division  of,  and  agriculture,  737; 
of  Negroes  in  modern  industry,  754; 
problems  of,  in  Africa,  739;  recruiting 
of,  in  Portuguese  East   Africa,   817 

Lado  Enclave,  821 

Lake,  regions,  of  East  Africa,  general 
information  on,  767;  system,  of  east 
Africa,  geology  and  biology  of,  834; 
village  built  on,  C.  R.  Hall,  770;  see 
Tanganyika,  Victoria  Nyanza 

Lamba  tribe,  of  Northern  Rhodesia,  757 

Land,  ownership  of,  in  east  Africa,  793; 
policy  in  Kenya,  819;  tenure  of,  by 
Baganda,  793;  see  Administration, 
Law 

Lango  tribe,  of  Uganda,  758 


Languages,  African  literature  on,  760; 
Afrikaans,  769;  alphabets  and  tele- 
graph system,  826;  Amharic,  a  de- 
tailed and  standard  article  on,  743; 
Arabic,  handbook  of  spoken  Egyp- 
tian, 832;  Bantu,  bibliog.  on,  up  to 
1906,  Struck,  846;  and  Bantu  gram- 
mar, 796;  Bantu,  series  of  articles  on, 
752;  bibliog.,  Cust,  842;  bibliog.  of, 
for  southern  Sudan,  821;  bibliog., 
Tissot,  844;  bibliogs.  for  northern 
Nigeria,  of  Fulani,  Hausa,  and 
Yoruba,  Struck,  853;  catalogue  on, 
in  library  of  African  Society,  821; 
clicks  in,  734;  comparative  study  of 
Bantu  and  semi-Bantu,  779;  of 
Congo,  bibliog.  of,  Starr,  861;  and 
drum  signals  in  W.  Africa,  807; 
early  grammar  of  Bantu,  740;  Efik, 
phonetic  and  tone  structure  of,  829; 
and  emotional  expression,  772 ;  English 
contributions  to  study  of ,  830 ;  English- 
Portuguese  dictionary  of  Mbundu 
(Kimbundu),  779;  Ewe,  814,  gram- 
mar of,  831,  textbook  of,  740; 
families  of  Africa,  830;  French- 
Berber  vocabulary  of,  756;  Fulani- 
English  dictionary,  823;  Fulani- 
Hausa  readings  in  native  script,  823; 
general  divisions  of,  in  Africa,  758; 
general  textbook  of,  Sapir,  812; 
general  treatise  on,  Cust,  753;  Ham- 
itic,  743;  Hamitic,  foundation  of, 
Zyhlarz,  835;  Hamitic,  what  are  the 
characteristics  of?  828;  handbook, 
Congo  languages,  820;  Hausa  diction- 
ary, 810;  Hausa  grammar,  823;  of 
Ibo  tribe  of  Nigeria,  768;  of  Kordofan, 
821;  near  Lake  Chad,  791;  Libyan, 
transcription  of,  796;  linguistic  group- 
ing, for  whole  of  Africa,  Hestermann, 
773;  list  of  grammars  and  diction- 
aries of  African  languages,  at  New 
York  Public  Library,  844;  Mandingo 
755,  785;  of  Masarwa  Bushmen,  757 
Meinhof,  several  major  works,  796 
methods  of  study  of,  741;  of  Mozam- 
bique, 802;  of  Nigeria,  Efik  and  Ibo 
tribes,  829;  Nilotic,  799;  and  orthog- 
raphy of  Bantu,  796;  in  Ovambo  and 
Vakwanyama  tribes,  825;  periodicals 
"Aethiopica,"  728,  AJSL,  728,  BELA, 
728, BL'ELO, 728;  BSOS,  729,  MSFO, 
730,  RTS,  731,  ZFAO,  732;  per- 
versions of,  in  E.  Africa,  808;  prac- 
tical suggestions  for  learning  a  lan- 
guage in  the  field,  829;  preliminary 
investigation  of,  in  S.  Africa,  757; 
present  situation  of,  in  southern 
Sudan,  826;  problems  of  Bantu,  830; 
in  relation  to  climate,  784;  secret 
forms  of,  in  Yolof  (Wolof)  tribe,  787; 


938 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Semitic,  history  of,  809;  of  Shilluk 
831;  Shona,  phonetics  used  in,  757 
of    Siwa,    737;    of    S.    Africa,    736 
structure   and   relationship   of,   830 
study  of,  based  on  Bantu,  783;  study 
of  in  relation  to  prehistory  and  eth- 
nology of  south  Africa,  792;  Sudanic 
types  of,  long  important  article  on, 
824;  Swahili,  820,  elementary  gram- 
mar   book,    830;     Tamachek,    771; 
tones  of,  in  Bantu,  800,  in  Lonkundo 
speech,    777;   of  W.   Africa,  general 
account  of,  797;  of  western  Sudan, 
and   relation   to   Bantu,   831;   whis- 
tling, 785;  and  Zulu  grammar,  757 

Law,  African  conception  of,  758;  of 
Akan,  754;  of  Ashanti,  807;  of  Bantu 
tribe  of  E.  Africa,  759;  among 
Bedouins  and  Egyptians,  782;  in 
Chagga  tribe,  769,  797;  codification 
of,  in  German  colonies,  796;  crime 
and  custom  in  relation  to,  793;  and 
customs  of  Dinka  tribe,  802;  of 
Dagbon  Kingdom,  779;  in  Didinga 
tribe,  758;  in  E.  Africa,  734;  general 
treatise  on,  S.  R.  Steinmetz,  820;  in 
Ibo  tribe,  796;  and  land  ownership 
in  E.  Africa,  793;  for  Negroes  in 
Natal,  819;  for  Negroes  in  W.  Africa, 
762;  of  Nyakyusa  tribe,  introduction 
to,  833;  penal  code  of  Masai,  792; 
periodicals  DE,  729,  REVA,  731, 
ZEVR,  732;  primitive  forms  of,  756; 
primitive,  nature  of  sanctions  in,  794; 
primitive  law,  2  vols.,  Schultz-Ewerth 
and  Adam,  1930,  814;  of  S.  African 
Kafirs,  791;  of  S.  African  natives,  831; 
of  Schambala  tribe,  in  Tanganyika 
Territory,  article  on,  833;  and  study 
of  primitive  legal  institutions,  775; 
and  theories  of  Malinowski,  Seagle, 
815;  of  Yoruba,  733 

League  of  Nations,  and  Liberia,  791 

Leather,  methods  of  working  with, 
Van  Gennep,  766;  Zulu  methods  of 
preparing,  827 

Leopard,  and  secret  societies,  738,  742; 
society,  807;  see  Leopard  priestess 

Leprosy,  and  cultural  developments, 
775 

Liberia,  bibhog.  of,  837,  866;  black 
republic,  817;  economic  and  general, 
834;  education  and  economics,  817; 
ethnology,  natural  history,  general, 
2  vols.,  779;  Harvard  expedition  to, 
821;  history  of,  781;  Jabo  proverbs 
from,  773;  journey  in  the  hinterland, 
828;  Kissi  and  Toma  tribes  in,  eth- 
nology of,  800;  Kpelle  tribe,  mono- 
graph on,  831;  Kru  tribe,  administra- 
tion of,  796;  and  League  of  Nations, 


791;  marriage  customs  in,  810; 
pawning  of  human  beings  in,  750; 
political,  735;  political  problems  of, 
759;  proverbs  of  Gweabo  tribe  in,  812; 
report  of  Harvard  expedition  to,  771; 
social  structure  of  Gbande,  a  town 
in,  759;  string  figures  from,  776; 
travel  book  of,  786;  tribal  studies  in 
northern  area  of,  766;  Vai  script  of, 
783,  794 

Libraries,  and  bibliographical  sources, 
840 

Libya,  ancient  history  of,  737;  ancient 
inscriptions  of,  796;  bibliogs.  for,  864; 
desert  of,  some  problems  of,  736;  ex- 
ploration of,  800,  Umberto,  827; 
general  notes  on,  807;  historical 
problems  of,  739;  mysteries  of  the 
desert  of,  782;  oases  explored  in,  772; 
pioneer  exploration  in,  782;  prob- 
lems of  Italian  colonization  in,  756; 
recent  exploration  in,  735;  rock 
paintings  of  Owenat  in,  799;  rock 
pictures  in,  800;  study  of  the  Sand 
Sea  in,  781;  see  Italy,  Kharga,  Siwa 

Linguistic  changes,  in  E.  Africa,  808;  in 
northern  Nigeria,  760 

Lions,  hunted  in  Kalahari,  ritual  of, 
812;  see  Natural  history 

Lips,  ornamented  with  stone  plugs,  789 

Livingstone  (David),  explorations  of, 
828 

Loango  region,  in  Belgian  Congo,  804 

Lobi  tribe,  788;  general  ethnology  of, 
749;  of  W.  Africa,  785 

Lobo,  travels  of,  in  Abyssinia,  834 

Locusts,  brief  article  on,  779 

London  libraries,  bibliog.  of  socia 
sciences,  840 

Looms,  standard  work  and  long  article 
on,  811;  see  Weaving 

Lotuko  tribe,  ethnological  study  of, 
article  on,  819;  social  organization 
of,  816 

Luba  tribe,  757 

Lugbwara  tribe,  secret  society  of,  758 

Lugwari  tribe,  in  central  Africa,  795 

Lumbwa  (Kipsiki)  tribe,  737 

Lyautey  (General),  and  administration 
of  Morocco,  815;  see  French  colo- 
nization, Morocco 

Madagascar,  bibliogs.  for,  855;  stone 
monuments  in,  788;  Tanala  tribe  of, 
monograph  on  ethnology  of,  789 

Madeira,  bibliog.  of,  Schutze,  862 

Magdala,  campaign  of,  820 

Magic,  Algerian,  and  amulets  of  Spain, 
773;  of  Azande  tribe,  761;  Bantu 
beliefs  in,  774;  charms  worn  by  Nandl 


Bibliographical  Index 


939 


women,  777;  costumes  of  medicine- 
men in  W.  Africa,  790;  in  Dahomey, 
739;  divination  of  Logbara  tribe  in 
N.  Uganda,  807;  and  elephant  hunt- 
ing, 762;  Evans-Pritchard,  principles 
discussed,  761;  Hausa,  ban  of  Bori, 
826;  of  Konde  tribe,  791;  and  medi- 
cines for  cattle  in  Bechuanaland,  812; 
and  Moorish  designs,  831;  in  relation 
to  witchcraft  in  E.  Africa,  774;  and 
religion,  786;  of  Shilluk  tribe,  752; 
taboos,  as  a  form  of,  794;  and  witch- 
craft in  Northern  Rhodesia,  796;  see 
Amulets,  Ancestor  worship,  Divina- 
tion, Medicine-men,  Religion 

Magosian  culture,  of  Uganda,  829 

Mahenge  district,  in  Tanganyika  Ter- 
ritory, notes  on  Wahehe  tribe,  774 

Makonde  tribe,  notes  on,  751 

Malinke  tribe,  circumcision  rites  in,  749 

Mancala,  a  board  from  Mombasa,  817; 
general  description  of  African  forms 
of  the  game,  752;  in  the  New  World, 
773;  in  Uganda,  743 

Mandates,  of  British  E.  Africa,  Lugard, 
791;  of  Cameroons,  827;  and  French 
territory  in  Africa,  749;  principles 
of,  Maanen-Helmer,  791;  see  S.  W. 
Africa,  Tanganyika,  Togoland 

Mandingo  tribe,  language  of,  785, 
standard  work  on,  755;  Monteil,  798 

Mangbetu,  material  culture  of,  737; 
monograph  on,  802 

Mantis,  sacred  nature  of,  740 

Map,  of  African  arts,  customs,  handi- 
crafts, Frobenius,  765;  of  all  Afri- 
can tribes,  810,  Torday,  1931,  825; 
of  Cameroon  tribes,  Tessmann,  1928, 
823;  clothing,  types  of  and  distribu- 
tion, Schurtz,  815;  Congo  tribes, 
AMCB,  ser.  3,  t.  2,  fasc.  1,  1910,  eco- 
nomic, Bartholomew,  737;  of  Maure- 
tania,  Segaud,  1934,  815;  showing 
distribution  of  population  in  Tangan- 
yika Territory,  766;  of  Tanganyika, 
showing  tribes,  779 

Marimba,  a  musical  instrument,  777 

Marionettes,  origin,  distribution  of,  786 

Ma-Rotse,  general  account  of  tribe, 
738;  see  Barotsi 

Marriage,  and  adultery  in  Africa,  827; 
of  Babudja  tribe  in  Southern  Rho- 
desia, 832;  Bantu,  and  birth  of  first 
child,  834;  and  bride-wealth  of  Ubena 
in  Tanganyika,  753;  changing  con- 
ditions of,  among  urbanized  Africans, 
784;  of  cross-cousins,  816;  customs 
of,  in  Natal,  783;  customs  of  Vandau 
tribe  in  Portuguese  E.  Africa,  773; 
customs  of  Zulu  tribes,  742;  in  early 
Arabia,  818;  in  E.  Africa,  and  English 


laws  affecting,  795;  by  exchange  in 
Nigeria,  796;  in  Eyap  tribe  in 
Cameroons,  793;  in  Kanuri  tribe,  761; 
and  kinship  system,  733;  Liberian 
customs  of,  810;  matrilocal  type  of, 
in  Rhodesia,  812;  and  other  sex  cus- 
toms of  the  Baila,  743;  preferential 
forms  of,  830;  principles  of  Bantu 
ceremonies  in,  825;  in  Ruanda,  814; 
state  of,  758;  study  of  changes  in  rites 
of,  in  Tanganyika,  753;  of  two 
women  in  Dahomey,  773;  in  Wa- 
bende  tribe,  793;  see  Cross-cousins, 
Kinship 

Marsa  Matruh,  archaeology  of,  737; 
see  Egypt 

Masai  tribe,  calendar  of,  774;  circum- 
cision in,  735;  early  explorations 
among,  738;  kinship  system  of,  816; 
monographs  on,  775,  797;  notes  on, 
764,  787;  penal  code  of,  792;  shields 
and  spears  of,  821;  source  for  pictures 
of,  736 

Masailand,  journey  through,  824 

Masarwa  (Bushmen)  tribe,  757 

Mashona  tribe,  names  and  naming 
customs  in,  832 

Mashonaland,  archaeology  of,  739 

Masks,  in  Belgian  Congo,  792;  in 
Sierra  Leone,  760;  types  of,  used  by 
secret  societies,  765;  see  Initiation, 
Magic 

Matabele  tribe,  initiation  rites  among, 
780 

Mauretania,  bibliogs.  for,  855;  good 
map  of,  Segaud,  815 

Mauritius,  bibliogs.  for,  848 

Mayombe  tribe,  monograph  on,  802; 
studies  of,  in  chieftainship,  family, 
religion,  and  social  organization,  De 
Cleene,  755;  works  by  Bittremieux 
on,  740 

Mazigh  people,  of  south  Tunisia,  book 
on,  822 

Mbum,  Lakka,  Mbaka-Limba  tribes, 
Cameroons,  important  article  on, 
with  tribal  map,  823 

Medicine-men,  of  Angola,  outfits  used 
by,  758;  in  Anjanja  tribe,  774;  of 
Azande  tribe,  768;  bibliog.  of,  Mad- 
dox,  841;  costumes  of,  in  W.  Africa, 
790;  of  Ga  people  of  Gold  Coast, 
762;  initiation  of,  in  Wa  Barwe  tribe, 
817;  of  Nyasaland  (northern),  834; 
see  Magic,  Masks,  Sorcery,  Witch- 
craft 

Mediterranean  race,  816 

Megalithic    monuments,    builders    of, 

804 ;  see  Menhirs,  Stone  circles.  Stone 

monuments 


940 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Mende  tribe,  polygamy  in,  752;  psychol- 
ogy and  political  life  of,  775;  writing 
of,  822 

Menhirs,  of  Madagascar,  788;  see  Stone 
monuments 

Messages,  sent  by  symbols,  741,  767; 
see  Drums,  Signalling 

Metallurgy,  of  brass,  bronze,  and  iron, 
Cline,  751,  gives  large  bibliog. 

Metals,  in  Africa,  bibliog.,  Cline,  842; 
of  Africa  described,  Partington,  803; 
historical  consideration  of,  768;  see 
Brass,  Bronze,  Iron,  Silver 

Methodology,  the  flexibility  of,  in 
ethnology,  770;  functionalism  and 
social  anthropology,  788;  see  A.  R. 
Brown,  744,  Eggan,  760,  Mead,  795, 
Westermarck,  831 

Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  Moham- 
medans, decorative  arts  of,  757; 
musical  instruments  in,  744,  797 

Migrations,  of  Babali,  742;  of  culture, 
734;  human,  Haddon,  769;  human, 
zones  of,  and  their  significance, 
several  important  articles,  823;  of 
labor  in  Bechuanaland,  812;  of 
Negroes  in  relation  to  their  intelli- 
gence, 783;  see  Culture,  Diffusion, 
Miscegenation 

Military  organization,  of  Fanti  tribe, 
779;  of  Nandi  tribe,  777;  in  Swazi- 
land, 738;  see  Masai,  Warfare,  Zulus 

Mindassa  tribe,  ritual  during  elephant 
hunting  in,  762 

Minerals,  of  south  Africa,  759 

Minianka  tribe,  material  culture  of,  749 

Miscegenation,  of  American  Negroes, 
773;  on  Gold  Coast,  797;  of  Negroes 
and  Whites  in  Jamaica,  820;  in  N. 
Africa,  Maunier,  795;  in  northern 
Nyasaland,  834;  of  people  in  S.  Africa, 
762,  see  Physical  anthropology;  of 
Pygmies  and  Negroes,  813;  Re- 
hobother  bastards,  763;  researches  at 
Harvard  University,  776;  see  Phys- 
ical anthropology 

Miscellaneous  bibliographies  (including 
Africa),  840-841 

Missionaries,  of  Belgian  Congo,  Merolla, 
797;  concerned  with  sociology  and 
psychology,  824;  Livingstone,  789; 
Moffat,  798;  see  Administration, 
Christianity,  Education 

Missions,  in  Angola,  J.  T.  Tucker,  826; 
to  Ardra,  785;  bibliogs.  of,  Dubois, 
842,  Jackson,  841,  Smith,  844; 
Christianity  in  Africa,  831;  educa- 
tional work  and  modern  enterprise, 
Oldham,  802;  periodicals  CO,  729, 
IRM,  729,  MW,  730,  NAM,  730 


Moeris,  problems  of  the  lake,  748;  see 
Egypt,  archaeology  of,  and  Faiyum 

Mohammedanism,  734;  brief  textbook 
of,  794;  and  decorative  arts,  well 
illustrated  guide  to  collections  in 
Met.  Mus.  of  Art,  N.  Y.,  757; 
dictionary  of,  776;  encyclopaedia  of, 
841;  in  Eritrea  and  Abyssinia, 
bibliog.  for,  Iwarson,  864;  intro- 
duction to  sociology  of,  monograph 
on,  2  vols.,  788;  Koran,  translation  of, 
810;  life  of  Mohammed,  778;  pagan 
survivals  in,  831;  periodicals  AI,  728, 
Hesperis,  729,  IRMI,  729,  MW,  730, 
REI,  731;  in  Spain,  758,  821;  in 
western  and  central  Sudan,  789;  see 
Arabs,  Religion,  Semites 

Mombasa,  tribes  of  hinterland  of,  779 

Money,  copper  rods  as  currency,  769; 
iron  disc  currency  from  Ashanti,  832 

Mongalla  province,  present-day  tribal 
survey  of,  800 

Moon,  see  Calendars,  Time  reckoning 

Moorish  designs,  and  magical  signifi- 
cance of,  831 

Morality,  African  and  Christian  ethics 
compared,  777;  African  forms  of,  833; 
foundations  of,  793;  and  mental  and 
moral  capabilities  of  natives  of  E. 
Transvaal,  833;  see  Adultery,  Ances- 
tor worship.  Law,  Marriage,  Missions, 
Religion 

Morocco,  bibliogs.  for,  856-857,  866; 
blood  feud  in,  831;  early  exploration 
of,  Foucauld,  763;  ethnological  stud- 
ies in,  784;  ethnology  of,  742;  eth- 
nology of  Moors  in,  excellent  mono- 
graph, 796;  and  General  Lyautey, 
815;  and  invasion  of  W.  Sudan,  742; 
natural  history,  periodicals  BSSN, 
729,  MSSM,  730;  old  stone  age  in, 
817;  pacification  of,  817;  periodical 
Hesperis,  729;  ritual  and  belief  in,  831; 
standard  work  of,  physical  anthro- 
pology. Coon,  751 ;  tattooing  of  feet  in, 
772;  wit  and  wisdom  (folklore  and 
proverbs  in),  831;  see  Westermarck's 
numerous  works,  831 

Moshi  tribe,  dreams  of,  748 

Mossel  Bay,  in  S.  Africa,  archaeology 
of,  767 

Mossi  tribe,  divination  among,  756; 
ethnology  of,  articles  on,  793;  mono- 
graph on,  794 

Mother-right,  distribution  of,  in  Africa, 
737;  essay  on,  809;  see  Kinship, 
Marriage 
Mozambique,  anthropometry  of  native 
tribes  of,  789;  bibliogs.  for,  862;  races 
and  languages  of,  802 
Muhaya  tribe,  749 


Bibliographical  Index 


941 


Mummy,  sex  of,  studied,  829 

Munshi  (Tiv,  tribe  of  Nigeria),  anthro- 
pometry of,  793;  ethnology  of,  brief 
monograph,  758 

Music,  760;  African  influence  of,  in 
North  America,  753;  African,  large 
bibliog.  827;  African  melodies,  801; 
of  Arabs,  important  article,  832; 
bibliog.  of  bibliogs.  on,  Varley,  844; 
ethnological  study  of,  799;  general 
characters  of  Negro,  776;  of 
India,  765,  806;  influences  from 
Indonesia  and  Java,  784;  of  Negroes, 
749;  of  Negroes  in  Tanganyika,  798; 
recording  of  primitive  forms  of,  in 
Africa,  773;  of  Siwa  oasis,  813;  and 
speech-melody,  773;  talent  of  Negroes 
of  E.  Africa,  801;  see  Dances,  Songs 

Musical  bow,  736 

Musical  instruments,  catalogue  of,  734; 
description  of,  776;  Kirby,  books  and 
articles  by,  783 ;  marimba  and  sansa, 
111;  tuning  of,  826 

Mutilations,  finger  joints  lopped  off, 
785;  see  Cranium,  deformation  of. 
Law,  Lips  and  stone  plugs.  Scarifi- 
cation, Tattooing 

Mweru,  industry  and  trade  on  shores 
of  Lake,  798 

Mythology,  of  Belgian  Congo,  792; 
creation  myths,  737;  Ehrenreich's 
theories  of,  760;  Lang's  theories  of, 
786;  and  psychology.  Rank,  807;  of 
various  races,  850;  see  Folklore,  and 
Marett,  1920,  794 

Naivasha  Masai,  circumcision  of,  735 

Nama  Hottentots,  social  organization 
of,  775;  Vedder's  general  description, 
827 

Names,  among  Ewe  Negroes,  819;  of 
individuals  in  families,  811;  and 
naming  customs  of  Mashona  tribe, 
832 

Nandi  tribe,  774;  cattle  raising  by,  777; 
charms  worn  by  women  in,  777;  kin- 
ship system  of,  816;  military  organ- 
ization of,  777;  monograph  on,  775 

Naron,  article  on,  740 

Nassawara  Province,  in  Nigeria,  Nungu 
tribe  of,  795 

Natal,  archaeology  of  Cathkin  Peak  in, 
830;  bibliog.  of,  838;  bibliogs.  of,  851; 
law  for  Negroes  in,  819;  marriage 
customs  of,  783;  physical  anthropol- 
ogy and  physiology  of  natives  in, 
822;  stone  implements  from,  811; 
Zulu  tribes  of,  795 

Natural  history,  comprehensive  treatise 
on,  771;  of  E.  Africa,  748;  and  eth- 
nology of  middle  Sudan,  806;  of  life 


histories   of   African   game   animals, 
810;   Musee   Congo  Beige,   Reports, 
814;  periodicals  BMNH,  728,  BSSN, 
729,     JEAU,     730,      MSSN,     730; 
of    reptiles    and    amphibians,     790; 
Scharrer,  813 
Navigation,  see  Canoes 
Negrillos  and  Negritos,  769 
Neolithic  axes  of  N.  E.  Congo,  807 
Neolithic  stone  age,  in  Cameroons,  764; 

see  Archaeology 
Nets,  for  fishing,  789 
Ngami,  explorations  of  Lake,  734 
Niam-Niam  tribe,  book  concerning,  785; 

see  Azande 
Niger,  758;  bibliogs.  for,  859;  Colony 
of,  history  of  population  in,  827; 
exploration  of,  734;  exploration  of,  by 
Park,  769,  824;  French  colony  of,  733; 
French  territory,  bibliog.  of,  837; 
Lander's  expedition  to,  786;  study 
of  Bozo  tribe  on,  764;  and  tribes  of 
lower  river,  788;  voyage  to,  826 
Nigeria,  administration  of,  804;  ani- 
mism and  divinities  of  Ibo  tribe  in, 
752;  anthropometry  of  Hausa  in, 
826;  bead  workers  of  Ilorin  in,  754; 
bibliog.  of,  837;  bibliogs.  for,  853; 
British  poHcy  in,  791;  census  of 
population  in,  735;  census  returns  of, 
804;  Cross  river  natives  of,  803; 
culture  areas  of,  771;  drums  of, 
in  Fika  tribe,  809;  early  account  of, 
about  1860,  751;  education  and 
health  in,  806;  Ekoi  tribe  of,  Talbot, 
1912,  822;  entomology  in,  817;  evo- 
lution of  Ibadan  in,  760;  fertility 
cults  of,  822;  folklore  of,  755;  general 
account  of,  797;  general  description 
of,  about  1905,  791;  general  ethno- 
logical studies  of,  756;  general  study 
of  plateau  region  in,  755;  God,  ideas 
of,  832;  historical  and  political,  750; 
Ibo-speaking  peoples  of,  824;  Ibo 
tribe  in,  Osu  system  of,  787;  in- 
stallation of  Attah  of  Idah  in, 
816;  Kagoro  head-hunters  of,  826; 
Hnguistic  changes  in,  760;  lin- 
guistic studies  of,  among  Ibo,  768; 
linguistic  tour,  Ibo  language,  tonal 
structure  of,  829;  Meek,  796;  native 
jewelry  made  in,  815;  northern 
tribes  of,  796;  Nungu  tribe  of, 
795;  Nupe  tribe  of,  800;  people  and 
problems  of,  799;  periodicals  NF,  731, 
NPN,  731;  potters  of  Sokoto  in,  801; 
railway  workers  in,  802;  regalia  of,  at 
Busa,  772;  secret  society  of  Ogboni 
in,  756;  several  important  works  by 
Talbot,  822;  soul  trapping  in,  793; 
stone  implements  of,  736,  743;  string 


942 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


figures  made  in,  770;  tandu  industry 
of,  736;  thunder  stones  from,  759; 
Tiv  (Munshi)  tribe  of,  758;  totemism 
in,  752;  travels  in  a  motor  truck  in, 
770;  tribal  marks  in,  826;  and  tribes 
of  lower  Niger,  788;  the  "Voice  of 
Africa,"  Frobenius,  765;  Yoruba 
string  figures  in,  803 

Nile,  description  of,  Ludwig,  790;  dis- 
covery of  source  of,  819;  exploration 
of  source  of,  736;  general  ethnology 
of  upper  region,  753 

Nilotic  Negroes,  Bari,  Dinka,  Shilluk, 
and  others,  large  general  monograph, 
C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  816;  pic- 
torial and  popular  account  of,  739; 
C.  G.  Seligman  on,  816 

Nkundo  tribe,  funeral  customs  of,  776 

Nomadism,  in  Morocco,  Nouvel,  857; 
in  N.  Africa,  766;  in  Tunisia,  776;  see 
Bedouin  Arabs,  Gypsies 

Nomori,  figures,  from  W.  Africa,  780; 
stone  figures  from  Sierra  Leone,  733 

North  Africa,  archaeology  of  Fezzan 
region  in,  835;  arts  and  industries  of, 
809;  birds  of,  807;  French  possessions 
in,  bibliogs.  for,  855;  physical  anthro- 
pology of,  752;  rock  engravings  of,  763 

Northern  Territories,  bibliog.  of,  836; 
of  Gold  Coast,  native  tribes  of,  748 

Nsibidi,  a  Negro  writing  of  Nigeria,  791 ; 
symbolic  writing  of  Nigeria,  755 

Nuba  tribe,  brief  notes  on,  834;  cus- 
toms, history,  and  religion  of,  811;  of 
Kordofan,  physical  anthropology  of, 
815 

Nubia,  dictionary  of,  799;  rock  en- 
gravings in,  803 

Nuer  tribe,  customs  relating  to  twins 
in,  761;  daily  routine  of  life  in,  761; 
initiation  of  boys  in,  752;  long  article 
on,  778;  pastoral  pursuits  in,  752 

Nungu  tribe,  of  northern  Nigeria,  795 

Nupe  tribe,  state  and  community  of,  800 

Nyakyusa  tribe,   law  of,   introduction 

to,  832 

Nyamwezi  tribe,  long  article  on,  819; 
several  works  by  Blohm,  741;  songs 
of,  776;  see  Banyamwezi,  Wan- 
yamwezi 

Nyasaland,  779;  animism  of  Yaos,  773; 
bibliog.  of,  837;  bibliogs.  on,  847; 
Negro  songs  from,  782;  notes  on 
native  tribes  of,  Stigand,  821;  physi- 
cal anthropology  of,  765;  Portuguese, 
833;  three  medicine-men  in,  article, 
834;  tribal  mixture  in  northern, 
834;  tribes  of,  long  article,  820; 
Wangonde  and  Wahenge  tribes,  kin- 
ship system  of,   812;   Yao  tribe  in, 


cultural  education  of,  772;  Yao  tribe 
of,  initiation  into,  820;   see   British 
Central  Africa 
Nyika  tribe,  768;  brief  notes  on,  830; 
see  Waduruma 

Obscenity,  psychology  of,  761 

Occupation,  and  social  status,  777 

Ogboni,  secret  society  in  Nigeria,  756 

Oil-palm,  uses  of,  812 

Oracles,  761;  see  Divination,  Magic 

Orange  Free  State,  bibliog.  of,  838; 
bibliogs.  for,  851 

Ornaments,  of  Atchwabo  tribe  in 
Portuguese  East  Africa,  814;  de- 
formation of  lips  as,  799;  lip-plugs 
of  stone  as,  789;  personal,  bibliog.  of, 
Heydrich,  843;  of  silver,  how  manu- 
factured in  Nigeria,  815;  of  Tuareg, 
734,  803; see  Beads 

Ostrich  eggshell,  uses  of,  786 

Oubangi-Chari,  Banda  tribe  of,  753; 
people  of,  760 

Outrigger  canoes,  of  E.  Africa,  769,  776; 
see  Canoes,  Indonesia 

Ovahero,  see  Herero 

Ovamboland,  monograph  on,  825 

Ovambo  tribe,  books  and  articles  on, 
734,  752,  770;  cultural  changes 
among,  761 

Ovimbundu,  book  of,  reviewed,  774; 
see  Hambly,  770-771 

Owenat,  rock  paintings  at,  799;  see 
Libya 

Owerri  Province,  Ibo  tribe  in,  Osu 
system  of,  787 

Oxen,  as  riding  animals,  789;  see  Bag- 
gara  tribe.  Cattle,  Fulani  tribe 

Pahouine  tribe,  of  Gaboon,  768 

Paintings,  in  caves  of  Pyrenees,  748; 
in  caves  of  western  Sudan,  835;  see 
Art,  Bushmen,  Cave  paintings.  Rock 
paintings 

Paleoliths,  of  eastern  Sahara,  821;  see 
Archaeology,  Stone  Age,  Stone  imple- 
ments 

Paleontology,  Duckworth,  759;  of  early 
man,  recent  progress  and  study 
of,  833;  and  evolution  of  man, 
818;  of  Florisbad  skull,  758;  of 
human  origins,  791;  of  man  and  his 
forerunners,  823;  and  mandible  from 
Kopje  Enkel,  813;  of  Natal  Coast, 
765;  of  Oldoway  skeleton  in  Tan- 
ganyika, 808;  of  Pleistocene  mammals 
of  Algeria,  810;  of  Rhodesian  man, 
750,  776,  806;  of  stone  age  races  of 
Kenya,  787;  of  Taungs  skull,  734 

Palms  (oil),  uses  of,  812 


Bibliographical  Index 


943 


Pangwe  tribe,  monograph  on,  823; 
see  Fan  (Fang),  Gaboon,  Loango 
Coast,  Pahouine 

Park  (Mungo),  biography  of,  769 

Pastoral  pursuits,  see  Cattle 

Patterns,  of  culture,  738 

Pawning,  on  Gold  Coast,  807;  of  human 
beings  in  Liberia,  750;  see  Slavery 

Peabody  Museum,  Benin  antiquities  in, 
775 

Pemba,  general  description  of  the 
island,  751 

Periodicals,  by  countries  of  origin  (see 
pp.  728-732)  of  Algeria,  BSGA,729;of 
America  (U.S.A.),  AA,  728,  AI,  728, 
AJPA,  728,  AJS,  728,  AJSL,  728, 
GR,  729,  HAS,  729,  HE,  729,  JAFL, 

729,  JNH,   730,  JRD,  730,  MAAA, 

730,  MJ,  730,  MW,  730,  NGM,  731, 
NYE,  731,  OC,  731,  PrM,  731,  SM, 
731;  of  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  SNR, 
371,  WTRL,  732;  of  Austria,  An- 
thropos,  728,  EELA,  728,  MAG,  730; 
of  Belgium,  AMCE,  728,  BECE,  728, 
BJID,  728,  ESI,  729,  Congo,  729, 
KO,  730,  bibliog.  of,  Hache,  843;  of 
Britain,  Africa,  728,  Antiquity,  728, 
AO,  728,  AW,  728,  Biometrika,  728, 
ESOS,  729,  CAC,  729,  CO,  729,  EA, 
729,  FL,  729,  GJ,  729,  GSNI,  729, 
HERE,  729,  HMSO,  729,  HS,  729, 
IRM,  729,  IRMI,  729,  JAI,  729, 
JAS,  729,  JEA,  729,  JRAI,  730, 
Man,  730,  Nature,  730,  OE,  731, 
Res,  731,  RTS,  731,  UE,  732;  see 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  East  Africa, 
Nigeria,  Sierra  Leone,  South  Africa, 
Sudan,  Tanganyika,  West  Africa;  of 
Czechoslovakia,  Anthropologie,  728;  of 
East  Africa,  JEAV,  730;  of  Egypt,  BIE, 
728,  MIE,  730;  of  France,  Aethiopica, 
728,  AFA.  728,  BAOF,  728,  BL'ELO, 

728,  EMNH,  728,  EMSA,  728, 
BSAP,  729,  ESSN,  729,  Cahiers 
d'Art,  729,  CIAA,  729,  Hesperis,  729, 
JSA,  730,  L'AF,  730,  L' Anthropolo- 
gie, 730,  L'Etnographie,  730,  LG.  730, 
MSAP,  730,  MSSN,  730,  OM,  731, 
RAn,  731,  RAr,  731,  RE,  731, 
REES,  731,  REX,  731,  RES,  731, 
RHR,  731,  RSR,  731,  TC,  731, 
TMIE,  731;  of  Germany,  AFK,  728, 
AFR,  728,  AnAn,  728,  EA,  728,  DE, 

729,  EtAn,  729,  Globus,    729,    HU, 

729,  lAFE,  729,  JPEK,  730,  JVFE, 

730,  KR,  730,  MDS,  730,  MSFO,  730, 
NAM,  730,  PM,  731,  REVA,  731, 
ZFAO,  732,  ZFE,  732,  ZFR,  732, 
ZFVR,  732;  of  the  Gold  Coast,  GCR, 
729;  of  Holland,  ANNM,  728;  of 
Italy,  AAE,  728,  BSGI,  729;  L'AI, 
730;    of    Nigeria,    NF,    731,    NPN, 


731;  of  Rhodesia,  Nada,  730,  PRSA, 
731,  see  South  Africa;  of  Sierra  Leone, 
SLS,  731;  of  South  Africa,  ANNM, 
728,   ASAM,   728,    ATM,   728,  BS, 

728,  Nada,  730,  PRSA,  731,  RR,  731, 
SAJS,  731,  SAO,  731,  TRS,  732, 
TSA,  732,  VRS,  732;  of  Spain,  AES, 
728;  of  Sudan,  SNR,  731,  see  Anglo- 
Egyptian  Sudan;  of  Sweden,  Ethnos, 

729,  RiEt,  731,  YT,  732;  of  Switzer- 
land, BSNG,  729;  of  Tanganyika, 
TNR,  731;  of  Uganda,  JEAU,  730, 
UJ,  732;  of  West  Africa,  GCR,  729, 
SLS,  731,  WAR,  732,  see  Nigeria, 
Sierra  Leone 

Persians,  their  culture  in  E.  Africa,  774 

Personal  ornament,  in  western  Sudan, 
755;  see  Deformation,  Scarification, 
Tattooing 

Peuls,  823,  see  Fulani 

Philosophy,  of  primitive  man,  807;  see 
Psychology 

Phoenicians,  studies  of,  788;  see 
Carthage 

Phonetics,  of  Efik  tribe,  829;  practical, 
for  students,  831;  and  study  of 
African  languages,  778;  see  Lan- 
guages, Tones 

Physical  anthropology,  816;  of  African 
types,  popular  article,  Seligman,  1932, 
816 ;  of  American  Negroes  and  Whites, 
measurements  compared,  825;  of 
Angolan  tribes,  748;  and  anthro- 
pometry of  central  Sudan  tribes,  822; 
and  anthropometry  of  E.  African 
natives,  788;  and  anthropometry  of 
natives  of  Portuguese  E.  Africa,  789; 
and  anthropometry  of  93  skulls  from 
Cameroons,  784;  and  anthropometry 
of  skulls  from  Kenya,  783;  and 
anthropometry  in  S.  Arabia,  823; 
and  antiquity  of  man,  782;  of  Arabs, 
815;  of  Arabs  of  Iraq,  762;  bibliogs. 
of,  Crocker,  849,  Martin,  841 ;  of  Bush- 
men-Hottentot-Strandlooper  tangle, 
758;  and  capacity  of  Negro  skulls, 
778;  and  catalogue  of  skulls  in  U.  S. 
Nat.  Mus.,  Washington,  776;  cephalic 
index  of  American-born  children,  774; 
cephalic  indices,  804;  changes  in 
bodily  form,  741;  climate  and  nasal 
width,  754;  contributions  of  Von 
Bonin,  741;  crania  from  Siwa,  756; 
cranial  capacities  determined,  formula 
for,  824;  cranial  indices  of  Negro 
tribes.  Struck,  821;  Duckworth,  759; 
early  general  work  on,  Topinard, 
825;  of  Egypt,  Chantre,  749;  of 
Egyptians,  ancient,  818;  environment 
and  race,  823;  of  Eritrea,  737;  evolu- 
tion of  man,  818;  foot  of  S.  African 
native,     anatomical      details,      830; 


942 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


figures  made  in,  770;  tandu  industry 
of,  736;  thunder  stones  from,  759; 
Tiv  (Munshi)  tribe  of,  758;  totemism 
in,  752;  travels  in  a  motor  truck  in, 
770;  tribal  marks  in,  826;  and  tribes 
of  lower  Niger,  788;  the  "Voice  of 
Africa,"  Frobenius,  765;  Yoruba 
string  figures  in,  803 

Nile,  description  of,  Ludwig,  790;  dis- 
covery of  source  of,  819;  exploration 
of  source  of,  736;  general  ethnology 
of  upper  region,  753 

Nilotic  Negroes,  Bari,  Dinka,  Shilluk, 
and  others,  large  general  monograph, 
C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  816;  pic- 
torial and  popular  account  of,  739; 
C.  G.  Seligman  on,  816 

Nkundo  tribe,  funeral  customs  of,  776 

Nomadism,  in  Morocco,  Nouvel,  857; 
in  N.  Africa,  766;  in  Tunisia,  776;  see 
Bedouin  Arabs,  Gypsies 

Nomori,  figures,  from  W.  Africa,  780; 
stone  figures  from  Sierra  Leone,  733 

North  Africa,  archaeology  of  Fezzan 
region  in,  835;  arts  and  industries  of, 
809;  birds  of,  807;  French  possessions 
in,  bibliogs.  for,  855;  physical  anthro- 
pology of,  752 ;  rock  engravings  of,  763 

Northern  Territories,  bibliog.  of,  836; 
of  Gold  Coast,  native  tribes  of,  748 

Nsibidi,  a  Negro  writing  of  Nigeria,  791 ; 
symbolic  writing  of  Nigeria,  755 

Nuba  tribe,  brief  notes  on,  834;  cus- 
toms, history,  and  religion  of,  811;  of 
Kordofan,  physical  anthropology  of, 
815 

Nubia,  dictionary  of,  799;  rock  en- 
gravings in,  803 

Nuer  tribe,  customs  relating  to  twins 
in,  761;  daily  routine  of  life  in,  761; 
initiation  of  boys  in,  752;  long  article 
on,  778;  pastoral  pursuits  in,  752 

Nungu  tribe,  of  northern  Nigeria,  795 

Nupe  tribe,  state  and  community  of,  800 

Nyakyusa  tribe,  law  of,  introduction 
to,  832 

Nyamwezi  tribe,  long  article  on,  819; 
several  works  by  Blohm,  741;  songs 
of,  776;  see  Banyamwezi,  Wan- 
yamwezi 

Nyasaland,  779;  animism  of  Yaos,  773; 
bibliog.  of,  837;  bibliogs.  on,  847; 
Negro  songs  from,  782;  notes  on 
native  tribes  of,  Stigand,  821;  physi- 
cal anthropology  of,  765;  Portuguese, 
833;  three  medicine-men  in,  article, 
834;  tribal  mixture  in  northern, 
834;  tribes  of,  long  article,  820; 
Wangonde  and  Wahenge  tribes,  kin- 
ship system  of,   812;   Yao  tribe  in, 


cultural  education  of,  772;  Yao  tribe 
of,  initiation  into,  820;   see   British 
Central  Africa 
Nyika  tribe,  768;  brief  notes  on,  830; 
see  Waduruma 

Obscenity,  psychology  of,  761 

Occupation,  and  social  status,  777 

Ogboni,  secret  society  in  Nigeria,  756 

Oil-palm,  uses  of,  812 

Oracles,  761;  see  Divination,  Magic 

Orange  Free  State,  bibliog.  of,  838; 
bibliogs.  for,  851 

Ornaments,  of  Atchwabo  tribe  in 
Portuguese  East  Africa,  814;  de- 
formation of  lips  as,  799;  lip-plugs 
of  stone  as,  789;  personal,  bibliog.  of, 
Heydrich,  843;  of  silver,  how  manu- 
factured in  Nigeria,  815;  of  Tuareg, 
734,  803; see  Beads 

Ostrich  eggshell,  uses  of,  786 

Oubangi-Chari,  Banda  tribe  of,  753; 
people  of,  760 

Outrigger  canoes,  of  E.  Africa,  769,  776; 
see  Canoes,  Indonesia 

Ovahero,  see  Herero 

Ovamboland,  monograph  on,  825 

Ovambo  tribe,  books  and  articles  on, 
734,  752,  770;  cultural  changes 
among,  761 

Ovimbundu,  book  of,  reviewed,  774; 
see  Hambly,  770-771 

Owenat,  rock  paintings  at,  799;  see 
Libya 

Owerri  Province,  Ibo  tribe  in,  Osu 
system  of,  787 

Oxen,  as  riding  animals,  789;  see  Bag- 
gara  tribe.  Cattle,  Fulani  tribe 

Pahouine  tribe,  of  Gaboon,  768 

Paintings,  in  caves  of  Pyrenees,  748; 
in  caves  of  western  Sudan,  835;  see 
Art,  Bushmen,  Cave  paintings.  Rock 
paintings 

Paleoliths,  of  eastern  Sahara,  821;  see 
Archaeology,  Stone  Age,  Stone  imple- 
ments 

Paleontology,  Duckworth,  759;  of  early 
man,  recent  progress  and  study 
of,  833;  and  evolution  of  man, 
818;  of  Florisbad  skull,  758;  of 
human  origins,  791;  of  man  and  his 
forerunners,  823;  and  mandible  from 
Kopje  Enkel,  813;  of  Natal  Coast, 
765;  of  Oldoway  skeleton  in  Tan- 
ganyika, 808;  of  Pleistocene  mammals 
of  Algeria,  810;  of  Rhodesian  man, 
750,  776,  806;  of  stone  age  races  of 
Kenya,  787;  of  Taungs  skull,  734 

Palms  (oil),  uses  of,  812 


Bibliographical  Index 


943 


Pangwe  tribe,  monograph  on,  823; 
see  Fan  (Fang),  Gaboon,  Loango 
Coast,  Pahouine 

Park  (Mungo),  biography  of,  769 

Pastoral  pursuits,  see  Cattle 

Patterns,  of  culture,  738 

Pawning,  on  Gold  Coast,  807;  of  human 
beings  in  Liberia,  750;  see  Slavery 

Peabody  Museum,  Benin  antiquities  in, 
775 

Pemba,  general  description  of  the 
island,  751 

Periodicals,  by  countries  of  origin  (see 
pp.  728-732)  of  A/(/ma,BSGA,729;of 
America  (U.S.A.),  AA,  728,  AI,  728, 
AJPA,  728,  AJS,  728,  AJSL,  728, 
GR,  729,  HAS,  729,  HB,  729,  JAFL, 

729,  JNH,  730,  JRD,  730,  MAAA, 

730,  MJ,  730,  MW,  730,  NGM,  731, 
NYB,  731,  OC,  731,  PrM,  731,  SM, 
731;  of  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudaji,  SNR, 
371,  WTRL,  732;  of  Austria,  An- 
thropos,  728,  BELA,  728,  MAG,  730; 
of  Belgium,  AMCB,  728,  BECB,  728, 
BJID,  728,  BSI,  729,  Congo,  729, 
KO,  730,  bibliog.  of,  Hache,  843;  of 
Britain,  Africa,  728,  Antiquity,  728, 
AO,  728,  AW,  728,  Biometrika,  728, 
BSOS,  729,  CAC,  729,  CO,  729,  EA, 
729,  FL,  729,  GJ,  729,  GSNI,  729, 
HERE,  729,  HMSO,  729,  HS,  729, 
IRM,  729,  IRMI,  729,  JAI,  729, 
JAS,  729,  JEA,  729,  JRAI,  730, 
Man,  730,  Nature,  730,  OE,  731, 
Res,  731,  RTS,  731,  UE,  732;  see 
Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  East  Africa, 
Nigeria,  Sierra  Leone,  South  Africa, 
Sudan,  Tanganyika,  West  Africa;  of 
Czechoslovakia,  Anthropologie,  728;  of 
East  Africa,  JEAV,  730;  oi Egypt,  BIE, 
728,  MIE,  730;  of  France,  Aethiopica, 
728,  AFA.  728,  BAOF,  728,  BL'ELO, 

728,  BMNH,  728,  BMSA,  728, 
BSAP,  729,  BSSN,  729,  Cahiers 
d'Art,  729,  CIAA,  729,  Hesperis,  729, 
JSA,  730,  L'AF,  730,  L' Anthropolo- 
gie, 730,  L'Etnographie,  730,  LG.  730, 
MSAP,  730,  MSSN,  730,  OM,  731, 
RAn,  731,  RAr,  731,  RE,  731, 
REES,  731,  REI,  731,  RES,  731, 
RHR,  731,  RSR,  731,  TC,  731, 
TMIE,  731;  of  Germany,  AFK,  728, 
AFR,  728,  AnAn,  728,  BA,  728,  DE, 

729,  EtAn,  729,   Globus,    729,    HU, 

729,  lAFE,  729,  JPEK,  730,  JVFE, 

730,  KR,  730,  MDS,  730,  MSFO,  730, 
NAM,  730,  PM,  731,  REVA,  731, 
ZFAO,  732,  ZFE,  732,  ZFR,  732, 
ZFVR,  732;  of  the  Gold  Coast,  GCR, 
729;  of  Holland,  ANNM,  728;  of 
Italy,  AAE,  728,  BSGI,  729;  L'AI, 
730;    of    Nigeria,    NF,    731,    NPN, 


731;  of  Rhodesia,  Nada,  730,  PRSA, 
731,  see  South  Africa;  of  Sierra  Leone, 
SLS,  731;  of  South  Africa,  ANNM 
728,   ASAM,   728,    ATM,   728,  BS, 

728,  Nada,  730,  PRSA,  731,  RR,  731, 
SAJS,  731,  SAO,  731,  TRS,  732. 
TSA,  732,  VRS,  732;  of  Spain,  AES, 
728;  of  Sudan,  SNR,  731,  see  Anglo- 
Egyptian  Sudan;  of  Sweden,  Ethnos, 

729,  RiEt,  731,  YT,  732;  of  Switzer- 
land, BSNG,  729;  of  Tanganyika. 
TNR,  731;  of  Uganda,  JEAU,  730, 
UJ,  732;  of  West  Africa,  GCR,  729, 
SLS,  731,  WAR,  732,  see  Nigeria, 
Sierra  Leone 

Persians,  their  culture  in  E.  Africa,  774 

Personal  ornament,  in  western  Sudan, 
755;  see  Deformation,  Scarification, 
Tattooing 

Peuls,  823,  see  Fulani 

Philosophy,  of  primitive  man,  807;  see 
Psychology 

Phoenicians,  studies  of,  788;  see 
Carthage 

Phonetics,  of  Efik  tribe,  829;  practical, 
for  students,  831;  and  study  of 
African  languages,  778;  see  Lan- 
guages, Tones 

Physical  anthropology,  816;  of  African 
types,  popular  article,  Seligman,  1932, 
816;  of  American  Negroes  and  Whites, 
measurements  compared,  825;  of 
Angolan  tribes,  748;  and  anthro- 
pometry of  central  Sudan  tribes,  822; 
and  anthropometry  of  E.  African 
natives,  788;  and  anthropometry  of 
natives  of  Portuguese  E.  Africa,  789; 
and  anthropometry  of  93  skulls  from 
Cameroons,  784;  and  anthropometry 
of  skulls  from  Kenya,  783;  and 
anthropometry  in  S.  Arabia,  823; 
and  antiquity  of  man,  782;  of  Arabs, 
815;  of  Arabs  of  Iraq,  762;  bibliogs. 
of,  Crocker,  849,  Martin,  841 ;  of  Bush- 
men-Hottentot-Strandlooper  tangle, 
758;  and  capacity  of  Negro  skulls, 
778;  and  catalogue  of  skulls  in  U.  S. 
Nat.  Mus.,  Washington,  776;  cephalic 
index  of  American-born  children,  774; 
cephalic  indices,  804;  changes  in 
bodily  form,  741;  climate  and  nasal 
width,  754;  contributions  of  Von 
Bonin,  741;  crania  from  Siwa,  756; 
cranial  capacities  determined,  formula 
for,  824;  cranial  indices  of  Negro 
tribes.  Struck,  821;  Duckworth,  759; 
early  general  work  on,  Topinard, 
825;  of  Egypt,  Chantre,  749;  of 
Egyptians,  ancient,  818;  environment 
and  race,  823;  of  Eritrea,  737;  evolu- 
tion of  man,  818;  foot  of  S.  African 
native,     anatomical      details,      830; 


944 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


general  work  on  races  of  mankind, 
754;  and  genetics,  766;  the  gorilla, 
751;  and  human  migrations,  Dixon, 
757;  human  origins  and  migrations, 
Montandon,  1928,  798;  introduction 
to,  821;  Jamaica,  crossing  of  Negroes 
and  Whites  in,  820;  of  Kabyles, 
pigmentation  of  skin,  hair,  and  eyes, 
782;  of  Kordofan,  Struck,  821;  man 
and  his  forerunners,  823;  and  meas- 
urements of  skeletons  of  Akas,  763; 
and  measurements  on  100  W.  African 
Negroes,  Weninger,  830;  of  Munshi 
tribe  in  Nigeria,  793;  nasal  index  and 
climate,  824;  Negro  features,  specific 
and  entrenched,  825;  of  Negroes  of 
Congo  region,  782;  of  Negroes  of 
Natal  and  Zululand,  822;  of  N.  Africa, 
750,  752,  Chantre,  749,  Cipriani, 
Coon,  751 ;  of  Nuba  tribe  in  Kordofan, 
815;  of  Nyasaland,  765;  and  Oldoway 
skeleton,  808;  and  origin  of  man, 
Hooton,  776;  of  the  os  coxa  in  man, 
806;  periodicals  AJPA,  728,  Biome- 
trika,  728,  HB,  729,  JRD,  730,  ZFR 
732,  see  Statistics;  of  platymery  of 
Bushmen  and  Hottentots,  805;  of 
Pygmies  and  physical  characters 
of  their  children,  813;  of  Pygmies, 
standard  work,  anthropometry,  Leb- 
zelter  and  Schebesta,  1933,  813;  of 
Pygmy  and  Bushman  skulls  com- 
pared, 784;  and  race  crossing  in 
Jamaica,  754;  of  race,  sex,  and 
environment,  766,  794;  and  races  of 
mankind,  general  textbook,  814;  and 
racial  characteristics,  741;  and  re- 
lation to  cultural  anthropology, 
776;  of  Rwala  Bedouins,  817;  of  S. 
African  Negroes,  754;  and  study  of 
Negro  skulls  with  measurements,  739; 
textbook,  3  vols.,  Martin,  841;  of 
Transjordan  Arabs,  817;  of  Zenata 
tribe  of  Sahara,  787 

Physiology,  Bantu  ideas  concerning, 
781;  of  Negroes  of  Natal  and  Zulu- 
land,  822;  and  study  of  racial  meta- 
bolism, 738 

Pigmentation,  anomalies  of,  820;  see 
Physical  anthropology 

Pleistocene,  mammals  of  Algeria,  810; 
see  Paleontology 

Poetry,  833;  of  Hausa,  807;  see  Hymns, 
Music,  Songs 

Poisons,  for  arrows,  770;  in  plants  of 
southern  Africa,  829;  used  in  fishing, 
750 

Pokomo  tribe,  brief  notes  on,  830 

Political  areas,  bibliog.  of,  836-839; 
Prostov's  bibliog.,  840-866 


Politics,  of  Africa,  external  relations  of, 
791;  of  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan,  790; 
and  European  partitioning  of  Africa, 
790;  periodicals  relating  to,  AO,  728; 
AW,  728,  CAC,  729,  EA,  729,  HMSO, 
729,  JAS,  729,  L'AF,  730,  OM,  731, 
Res,  731,  RR,  731,  UE,  732;  and 
position  of  Africa  in  the  world  today, 
771;  see  Administration 

Polygamy,  in  Mende  tribe,  752 

Pondo  women,  effects  of  European 
contacts  with,  777 

Population,  distribution  of,  in  E. 
Africa,  736;  old  method  of  registra- 
tion in  Dahomey,  773;  problems  of, 
Uhden,  826;  see  Census,  Demography 

Portugal,  and  Dahomey,  812;  early 
settlements  of,  in  Congo,  Cavazzi, 
748,  Lopez,  790;  embassy  of,  to 
Abyssinia,  734;  history  of,  in  Abys- 
sinia, 808;  methods  of  colonization 
by,  756;  possessions  of,  in  Africa, 
Meyer,  1918,  797;  possessions  of, 
bibliogs.  for,  861-862;  see  Angola, 
Portuguese  East  Africa,  Portuguese 
Guinea 

Portuguese  East  Africa,  751;  anthro- 
pometry of  natives,  789;  bibliog.  of, 
838;  ethnological  questionnaire  of, 
799;  general  description  of,  795;  kin- 
ship system  of  Vandau  tribe  in,  741; 
labor  recruited  in,  817;  races  and 
languages  of  Mozambique  in,  802; 
scarification  in,  759;  three  important 
articles  on,  clothing  and  ornament, 
initiation,  sacrifice  and  prayer, 
Scheulien,  814;  see  Bathonga,  Ma- 
konde,  Vandau 

Portuguese  Guinea,  Bernatzik,  stand- 
ard work  on  ethnology,  2  vols.,  739; 
bibliog.  of,  838;  bibliogs.  for,  862; 
Simoe,  817 

Portuguese  Nyasaland,  book,  general 
information,  833 

Portuguese  West  Africa,  bibliog.  of, 
837;  bibliogs.  for,  862;  see  Angola 

Portuguese  Zambezia,  notes  on  native 
tribes  of,  821 

Possession,  by  spirit  in  Vandau  tribe, 
781 

Pottery,  of  Bakonjo  tribe,  801;  of 
Bantu  tribes  in  S.  Africa,  785;  and 
culture  contacts  of  Egypt,  Meso- 
potamia, and  Syria,  764;  of  eastern 
Sudan,  752 ;  of  Edo  peoples  in  Nigeria, 
article  on,  824;  of  Hottentot  and 
Bushman  tribes,  785;  of  Kabyles,  800; 
manufacture  of,  near  Blue  Nile,  792; 
at  Sokoto,  801;  stone  age  types  of, 
from  Gold  Coast  and  Ashanti,  832 


Bibliographical  Index 


945 


Prayer,  in  Atchwabo  tribe  of  Portu- 
guese East  Africa,  814;  see  Magic, 
Religion,  Sacrifice 

Priestess,  of  Leopard  society,  Rattray, 
807 

Property  concepts,  of  Vandau  tribe, 
773;  see  Inheritance,  Law 

Prostitution,  all  Africa  considered, 
Vendeix,  827;  and  tattooing,  785 

Proverbs,  of  Gweabo  tribe  in  Liberia, 
812;  of  Hausa  tribe,  807;  of  Jabo 
tribe  in  Liberia,  773;  of  Kamba  tribe, 
789;  of  Mayombi  tribe,  740;  Meinhof, 
1911,  796;  of  Tonga-Shangaan  people, 
781 

Psychoanalysis,  and  anthropology,  780; 
applied  to  ethnology,  741;  and  prim- 
itive cultural  types,  810;  the  un- 
conscious and  social  heritage,  816 

Psychology,  733,  741,  and  anthropology, 
737,  816;  back  of  black  man's 
mind,  756;  of  Chagga  tribe,  769;  and 
character  development,  810;  and 
characteristics  of  African  thought, 
757;  and  childhood,  first  year  of,  in 
S.  Africa,  Walk,  828;  conflict  and 
dreams,  809;  cranial  capacity  and  in- 
telligence, 808;  and  culture,  800,  832; 
and  dreams  of  Dagomba  and  Moshi 
tribes,  748,  see  Dreams;  and  dreams, 
note  on,  816;  of  dreams  and  totem- 
ism,  Freud,  764;  of  east  African 
Negroes,  Weule,  1926,  831;  and 
ethnology,  modern  treatise  in  Ger- 
man and  translation,  834;  evolution 
of  S.  African  native  mind,  777; 
and  folklore,  794;  and  folklore,  Rat- 
tray, 807;  Frahsle,  764;  Freudian 
mechanisms  and  Negro  mentality, 
773;  and  gaiety  of  the  Negro,  817; 
and  intelligence  tests,  801;  and  intel- 
ligence tests  in  S.  Africa,  762;  of 
Mende  tribe,  775;  and  mental  capac- 
ity of  Africans,  767;  and  mental 
and  moral  capabilities  of  natives 
in  eastern  Transvaal,  833;  and 
missionary  enterprise,  824;  and 
monograph  on  study  of  dreams,  789; 
and  mythology,  807;  of  Negro  art, 
792;  and  obscene  expressions,  761; 
and  performance  tests  of  Negro  chil- 
dren, 801;  and  primitive  man  as 
philosopher,  807;  and  primitive  men- 
tality, 788,  Aldrich,  733,  Boas,  741; 
of  primitive  trade  and  economics, 
776;  psychoanalysis  and  anthro- 
pology, 780,  793;  psychoanalysis  and 
ethnology,  741;  psychoanalysis  and 
sex  repression,  793;  and  race,  Lowie, 
790;  and  racial  differences  in  mental 
capacity,  754,  765;  of  sex  and 
temperament,    795;    of    the    uncon- 


scious mind  and  social  heritage,  816; 
see  Intelligence  tests.  Psychoanalysis 

Puberty  rites,  779;  and  fattening  of 
girls  in  Efik  tribe,  793;  see  Circum- 
cision, Initiation,  Secret  society 

Punch  and  Judy  show,  733 

Pygmies,  anatomy  of,  old  book  on,  1699, 
Tyson,  826;  article,  popular,  excellent 
pictures,  733;  bibliog.  of,  Quatre- 
fages,  841;  blood-group  studies 
among,  780;  blood-group  tests  among, 
778;  compared  with  Bushmen,  com- 
prehensive study  of,  Immenroth,  778; 
of  Congo  region,  768;  culture  of, 
large  volume,  826;  Du  Chaillu,  759; 
early  book  on,  806;  Eickstedt,  brief 
article,  760;  in  forests  of  Ivory  Coast, 
778;  funeral  customs  of,  816;  general 
account  of,  739,  750,  771,  779; 
historical  theories  concerning,  volume 
on,  814;  of  Ituri  forest,  769,  806;  of 
Kivu,  815;  measurements  on  six,  791; 
measurements  on  skeletons  of  Akas, 
763;  monograph  on,  788;  numerous 
books  and  articles  on,  Schebesta,  813; 
philological  essay  on,  833;  physical 
anthropology  of,  Cipriani,  750;  rela- 
tionship of,  to  Bushmen  discussed, 
774;  of  Sanga  river,  784,  and  their 
language,  802,  physical  anthropology 
of,  806;  skull  formation  of,  784;  stone 
implements  of,  from  Cape  Colony,  733 

Rabeh,  exploits  of,  802 
Races,  likeness  of,  763;  migrations  of, 
823;  sex  and  environment,  794;  see 
Anthropometry,      Physical     anthro- 
pology 
Raik  Dinka,  long  article  on,  825;  see 

Dinka,  Nilotic  Negroes 
Railways,  Cape  Town  to  Cairo,  818,  832 
Rainfall,  of  S.  Africa,  781;  see  Climate 
Rain-making,  in  Anjanja  tribe,  774 
Rehobother  bastards,  763;  see,  Hotten- 
tots, Miscegenation 
Reincarnation,  African  beliefs  in,  739 
Religion,  of  Africa  in  general,  814;  and 
African  names  for  God,  777;  African 
type    of,    796;    in    Agni    tribe,    823; 
agriculture,  and  the  earth  goddess  of 
W.  Africa,  780;  of  Akikuyu  tribe,  748, 
782;  and  ancestor  worship,   Roscoe, 
810-811;  and  ancestor  worship,  secu- 
lar aspect  of,  758;  and  animal  cults, 
long   article   on,    Weissenborn,    829; 
animism  and  beliefs  in  God  in  Ibo 
tribe,  752;  and  art  in  Ashanti,  807; 
of  Azande  tribe,  805;  in   Bakarewe 
tribe,  777;  of  Bakongo  tribe.  Wing, 
833;     of     Bakwiri     tribe,     778;     in 
Bambara    tribe,    823;     and    Bantu 


946 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


conception  of  soul,  832;  Barundi 
tribe,  ideas  of  God  in,  835;  of  Bavenda 
tribe,  781;  bibliographical  sources, 
Meinhof,  843;  of  Bobo  tribe  in 
French  Sudan,  769;  of  Bushmen, 
articles  on,  787,  814;  of  Cameroons, 
in  Eyap  tribe,  793;  comparative 
study  of,  in  Indo-Bantu  region,  760; 
Dahomean  beliefs,  773;  Durkheim, 
theories  of,  759;  of  Ewe  tribe,  819;  of 
Fan,  733;  Frazer,  on  sky  and  earth 
worship,  764;  of  Ga  people  of 
Gold  Coast,  762;  God,  ideas  of,  all 
Africa  surveyed,  832,  among  Bantu, 
Hamites,  and  Sudanic  Negroes, 
Wiedeman,  831,  in  Zulu  tribes,  several 
important  articles,  828;  of  Herero 
tribe,  743,  778,  791;  of  Ituri  Pygmies, 
813;  of  Kavirondo  and  other  Uganda 
tribes,  819;  of  Kipsigi  tribe  in  Kenya, 
802;  of  Logbara  tribe,  of  north 
Uganda,  807;  and  magic,  786;  magic 
and  sorcery,  Torday,  1929a,  825;  in 
Mayombe  tribe,  755;  Mohammedan- 
ism, pagan  survivals  in,  831;  and 
mythology,  786;  in  Nuba  tribe,  811; 
and  origin  of  idea  of  God,  treatise  on, 
P.  W.  Schmidt,  814;  Osu  system  of, 
in  Ibo  tribe  of  Nigeria,  787;  of  Ovim- 
bundu  of  Angola,  771;  periodicals 
AFR,  728,  HERE,  729,  OC,  731, 
RHR,  731,  RSR,  731,  RTS,  731;  and 
phallus  cult,  among  Ba  Pedi  tribe, 
833;  primitive  faith,  hope,  and 
charity  in,  794;  primitive  forms  of, 
studied,  Lowie,  790;  of  primitive 
people,  788;  problems  of,  Hildebrand, 
773;  and  puberty  rites,  810;  and 
reincarnation,  739;  of  Semites,  818; 
and  serpent  worship,  770;  of  Shilluk 
tribe,  752,  775;  and  social  organiza- 
tion, Bantu  traits,  825;  and  soul  of 
the  Bantu,  832;  and  soul  trapping  in 
Nigeria,  793;  in  Southern  Rhodesia, 
806;  and  tattooing,  772;  in  Togoland, 
799;  of  Toura  tribe  in  W.  Africa,  823; 
of  tribes  of  White  Nile,  816;  of  Wa 
Barwe  tribe,  817;  of  W.  Africa, 
Westermann,  1928,  831;  of  Zulus, 
748;  see  Christianity,  God,  Magic, 
Medicine-men,  Missions,  Mohammed- 
anism 
Reptiles,  790;  world  study  of,  757;  see 

Pythons,  Serpents,  Tortoises 
Reunion,  bibliogs.  for,  855 
Rhodes  (Cecil),  biography  of,  797 
Rhodesia,     archaeology    of,     Bambata 
Cave  in,  735;  Babemba  tribe  in,  cul- 
tural  changes   among,    809;   bibliog. 
of,  838,  851-852;  ethnological  studies 
of,  768;  geography  and  human  life 
in,  776;  history  of,  with  maps,  819; 


Lamba  tribe  in,  757;  matrilocal  mar- 
riage in,  812;  in  medieval  times,  791, 
native  development  in,  817;  native 
tribes  of  N.  E.,  752;  Northern,  Baila 
tribe  in,  2  vols.,  818;  relics  of  pre- 
European  culture  in,  826;  Southern, 
marriage  in  Babudja  tribe  in,  832, 
names  and  naming  customs  in, 
832,  native  tribes  of,  surveyed, 
806;  stone  age  in,  780,  792;  stone 
implements  from,  736,  765;  stone 
implements  from  sawmills  in,  780 

Rhodesian  man,  article  on,  750;  and 
associated  remains,  806;  Hrdlicka's 
study  of,  776;  see  Paleontology 

Riddles,  of  Akamba  tribe,  789;  of 
Kxatla  tribe,  812;  see  Proverbs 

Rift  Valley,  ancient  civilization  of,  832; 
and  earthquakes,  Willis,  832;  geo- 
logical studies  of,  768 

Rio  de  Oro,  bibliog.  for,  866 

Ritual,  and  occupations,  771 

Rock  engravings,  of  Adrar  Ahnet,  in 
Sahara,  798;  in  Air,  835;  of  Bush- 
men, Zelizko,  834;  of  Egyptians, 
Libyans,  and  Spanish  caves  com- 
pared, 823;  of  Griqualand,  832;  of 
N.  Africa,  784;  in  N.  and  S.  Africa, 
804;  in  Nubia,  803 

Rock  paintings,  of  Bushmen,  825;  and 
engravings,  of  N.  Africa,  765;  of 
Kordofan,  810;  of  northern  Kor- 
dofan,  792;  at  Owenat,  799;  of 
Sahara,  803,  809;  of  S.  Africa,  740, 
765,  821;  in  Tanganyika  Territory, 
735,  753,  800;  see  Bushmen,  Painting, 
Sculpture 

Rohan-Chabot  scientific  mission,  in 
Angola,  775 

Rome,  history  of  rule  in  Egypt,  797; 
influence  of,  in  Africa,  archaeological 
evidence  for,  741;  influence  of,  on 
Carthage,  769;  Negro  influence  in 
art  and  literature  of,  738 

Rotse,  general  account  of  tribe,  738; 
see  Barotse,  Marotse 

Royal  Colonial  Institute,  library  and 
bibliogs.  of,  now  Royal  Empire 
Society,  843 

Royal  Empire  Society,  bibliogs.,  Varley, 
827;  library  and  bibliogs.  of,  843 

Ruanda  tribe,  cattle  customs  relating 
to,  756;  divination  in,  735;  ethno- 
logical and  general,  several  articles, 
803;  foreign  cultural  influences  in, 
782;  marriage  ceremonies  in,  im- 
portant articles,  814;  secret  societies 
of,  735 

Rudolf  Lake,  explored,  775 

Ruwenzori,  exploration  near,  777;  jour- 
ney from,  to  Congo,  833 


Bibliographical  Index 


947 


Sacraments,  794 

Sacrifice,  of  Akikuyu  tribe,  782;  of 
Atchwabo  tribe  in  Portuguese  East 
Africa,  814;  of  dogs,  757;  origins  of, 
786;  see  Cattle,  Magic,  Religion 

Sahara,  De  Agostini,  733;  automobiles 
for  crossing  ,769;  bibliog.  of,  Monod, 
798;  bibliogs.  for,  855-857,  859, 
caravan  routes  of,  742;  central 
region,  archaeological  observations 
of,  804;  a  crossing  from  Tripoli  to 
Bornu,  828;  Denham's  exploration 
of,  Rodd,  810;  early  exploration 
about  1828,  756;  exploration,  764, 
782,  788,  800;  exploration  about 
1864,  759;  exploration  of  Libya  and 
Tibesti,  Umberto,  827;  and  explora- 
tion of  Tibesti  and  adjacent  regions, 
824;  general  description  of  Tuareg 
of,  738;  general  exploration  of,  750; 
general  monograph  on,  814;  historical, 
books  and  articles  on,  by  Bovill,  742, 
and  Palmer,  803;  historical,  geo- 
logical, ethnological  information  by 
Gautier,  766,  and  Mayhew,  795;  life 
of  Charles  de  Foucauld  in,  738; 
modern  developments  and  trans- 
portation in,  756;  population  and 
migration  in,  735;  rock  engravings 
of  Adrar  Ahnet  in,  798;  rock  en- 
gravings and  paintings  of,  766,  809; 
rock  paintings  in,  803;  Tafilet  de- 
scribed, 771;  travel  in,  800;  Tuareg 
of,  and  their  ornaments,  734;  see 
Libya,  Teda,  Tibbu,  Tibesti,  Tim- 
buktu, Tuareg,  Zaghawa 

Saint  Helena,  bibliog.  for,  848 

Sanctions,  794;  see  Law,  Religion 

Sandawe  tribe,  782 

Sanga  River,  Babenga  Pygmy  tribes 
near,  808;  language  of  Pygmies  near, 
802;  Pygmies  living  near,  short 
article,  784;  Pygmies  of  region,  phy- 
sical anthropology  of,  806 

Sansa,  musical  instrument,  777 

Sarakole  tribe,  754;  book  on,  811;  see 
Soninke 

Scarification,  Decorse  on  W.  Sudan, 
755;  of  Gold  Coast  tribes,  735;  in 
Nuer  tribe,  752;  in  S.  Africa,  826; 
tribal  marks  in  Nigeria,  826;  of 
tribes  in  Portuguese  East  Africa,  759 

Schambala  tribe,  law  of,  article  on,  833 

Sculpture,  chiefly  wood-carving,  Sydow, 
822;  clay  heads  from  Fomena  in 
Ashanti,  832;  see  Art,  Bronze, 
Figurines,  Wood-carving 

Secret  societies,  738,  742;  of  Belgian 
Congo,  780;  of  Gaboon,  772;  of 
Lugbwara  tribe,  758;  masks  used  by, 
765;    of    Ogboni,    756;    of    Ruanda 


tribe,  735;  of  Sierra  Leone,  733;  of 
W.  Africa,  794,   824;  see    Initiation 

Segregation,  policy  of,  in  S.  Africa,  775 

Semites,  history  and  languages  of,  809; 
kinship  system  of,  816;  languages  of, 
Cohen,  751;  origins  of,  737;  periodical 
AJSL,  728;  see  Arabs,  Bedouins, 
Jews,  Phoenicians 

Senegal,  bibhog.  of,  838;  bibliogs.  for, 
859-860;  and  Gambia,  population 
of,  generally  described,  739;  legends 
and  customs  from,  765;  religion  of, 
818;  tribes  of  region  of,  ethnological 
notes  on,  three  articles,  Tautain,  822 

Sennar,  803;  Fung  tribe,  kingship  in, 
809 

Senoufo  tribe,  see  Siena 

Serf     tribes,     777;     see     Blacksmiths, 

Hunting,  Ironwork 
Serpents,  in  African  belief  and  customs, 

Hambly,  article  and  book  on,  770 
Sex,  phallus  cult,  among  Ba  Pedi  tribe, 

833;    ratios,    793,    see    Demography; 

and  repression,  793;  rites,  Goodland, 

841;  study  of,  in  Egyptian  mummy, 

829;  and  temperament,  795 
Seychelles,  bibliogs.  for,  848 

Shawia  Berbers,  773;  see  Algeria, 
Berbers,  Kabyles 

Shell-mounds,  of  S.  Africa,  787 

Sherbro,  733 

Shields,  important  articles  on  types  and 

distribution   of,   with   map,    813;    of 

Masai,  821 
Shilluk,  books  and  articles  on,   Selig- 

man,  816;  folklore  and  language  of, 

831;    magic    and    religion    of,    752; 

religion  of,  monograph  on,  775 
Shona  tribe,  phonetics  of  language  of, 

757;  see  Mashona 
Shuwa  Arabs,  folklore  of,  776 
Shuwalbe  Fulani,  article  on,  833;  see 

Bororo,  Fulani 
Siena  tribe,  755 

Sierra  Leone,  bibliog.  of,  838,  847,  853; 
general  account  of  tribes  of,  768; 
general  description  of,  797;  general 
work  on,  733;  handbook  of,  767,  800; 
Kono  tribe  in,  clans  and  names  of, 
786;  masks  of,  760;  Mende  psycho- 
logy and  political  life  of,  775;  Negro 
law  in,  762;  Nomnri  figures  from,  733, 
780 ;  periodical  SLS,  73 1 ;  secret  society 
of,  733;  story  of  development  of,  827; 
string  figures  from,  776;  Timne  tribe 
in,  short  article,  823;  trident  from, 
770;  voyage  to,  in  1788,  795;  writing 
of  Mende  tribe  in,  822 


948 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


Signaling,  alphabets,  and  telegraph 
system,  826;  drum  language  of  W. 
Africa,  807;  by  drums,  776;  see  Drums 

Silverwork,  a  substantial  book  on,  811 

Sinai,  general  description  of,  see  Arabia, 
Egypt,  788 

Siwa,  a  deformed  skull  from,  775; 
general  ethnology  of,  750;  general 
and  rather  popular  accounts  of,  738; 
language  of,  737,  W.  S.  Walker,  828; 
music  of,  813;  study  of  crania  from, 
756 

Skulls,  from  Abyssinia,  Sergi,  1912,  816; 
of  African  Bush  races,  817;  catalogue 
of,  in  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.,  Washington, 
776;  Chagga  tribe,  30  skulls  meas- 
ured, 831;  in  Coryndon  Memorial 
Museum,  787;  cranial  capacity  of, 
and  linear  dimensions,  825;  and 
cranial  capacity  of  Negroes,  778,  824; 
cranial  capacity  of,  in  relation  to 
intelligence,  808;  fossilized,  from 
Eyassai,  787;  of  Negroes,  anthro- 
pometric study  of,  783;  study  of 
Negro  types  of,  with  measurements, 
739;  see  Anthropometry,  Cranium, 
Physical  anthropology 

Sky  worship,  764 

Slave  Coast,  742;  about  1875,  752;  see 
Ashanti,  Dahomey,  Guinea 

Slavery,  in  all  its  forms,  791;  attitude 
of  church  toward,  790;  journal  of 
slave  dealer,  794,  802;  see  Pawning 

Slings,  use  of,  Lindblom,  1927c,  789 

Smuts  (General),  biography  of,  797 

Snakes,  of  Belgian  Congo,  814;  world 
study  of,  757 

Snuff  boxes,  in  S.  African  Museum,  817 

Social  organization,  809;  of  Bomvana 
tribe,  751;  general  African  survey  of, 
824;  of  Latuko  tribe,  C.  G.  Seligman, 
1925,  816;  and  occupation,  777;  see 
Age-grades,  Chieftainship,  Kinship, 
Secret  societies 

Social  science,  abstracts  of,  a  biblio- 
graphical source,  840;  bibliogs.  of, 
840;  and  diet,  763;  and  relation  of,  to 
geography,  742;  Westermarck,  831; 
see  Methodology 

Sociology,  of  African  races,  819;  "Allge- 
meine  Soziologie,"  828;  culture  and 
ethnology,  Lowie,  790;  Institute  of, 
bibliogs.  published,  Steinmetz,  841; 
periodicals  AJS,  728,  JRD,  730, 
REES,  RES,  731;  principles  and 
study  of,  819;  recent  elementary  text- 
book of,  766;  study  of  man,  Linton, 
789;  theories  of  social  progress,  825 

Soil  erosion,  economic  effects  of,  749, 
774;  properties  of,  817 


Sokoto,  pottery  made  at,  801 

Somali  tribe,  762;  anthropology  and 
ethnography  of,  803;  anthropometry 
of,  806,  807;  political  development 
of,  short  article,  783 

Somaliland,  general  travel  in,  779; 
(British),  bibliog.  on,  847;  (French), 
bibliogs.  for,  854;  (Italian),  bibliogs. 
for,  865;  (British),  customs  in  west- 
ern portion  of,  803;  (British),  ruined 
towns  of ,  7  53 ;  seventeen  trips  through , 
822;  stone  implements  from,  816 

Songs,  of  children,  in  southern  Sudan, 
826;  of  Ewe  tribe,  833;  general,  of 
Africans,  Seidel,  815;  of  Nyamwezi 
tribe,  776;  from  Nyasaland,  782;  see 
Games,  Music,  Poetry 

Soninke  tribe,  ethnological  notes,  754 

Sorcery,  Evans-Pritchard,  761;  general 
study  of,  756;  used  by  natives 
of  Bechuanaland,  812;  in  western 
Bantu,  825;  see  Magic,  Medicine- 
men, Witchcraft 

Sources,  bibliog.  of,  by  Prostov,  840- 
866 

South  Africa,  administration,  education, 
and  politics  of,  Macmillan,  792; 
Balemba  tribe  of,  short  article,  820; 
Bantu  tribes  of,  Eiselen,  760;  (Ba- 
sutoland,  Bechuanaland,  Natal,  Or- 
ange Free  State,  Rhodesia,  Swazi- 
land, Transvaal),  bibliog.  of,  838; 
Bavenda  tribe  of,  important  work, 
820;  bibliog.,  Schapera,  1934c,  812; 
bibliogs.  for,  849-852;  biographies  of 
Rhodes  and  Smuts,  Millin,  797; 
birds  of,  820;  blood-group  tests  of 
Bantu  in,  761;  bows  and  arrows  in, 
history  and  distribution  of,  792; 
caves,  implements,  and  shell-mounds 
in,  787;  constitutional  position  of, 
826;  culture  contacts  studied  in,  813; 
customs  relating  to  twins  in,  812; 
early  exploration  of,  765;  economic 
and  social  conditions  of  native  life 
in,  780;  education  of  natives  in,  805; 
ethnological  studies  in,  census  of 
village,  functional  studies,  mother- 
right,  tribal  government  in  transition, 
Richards,  809;  ethnological  survey  of 
tribes  in,  813;  ethnology,  linguistic 
study,  and  prehistory  of,  792;  first 
year  of  childhood  in,  828;  general 
ethnology  and  physical  anthropology 
of,  Fritsch,  764;  general  travel  and 
exploration  of,  775;  geographical 
factors  of,  754;  historical,  828;  his- 
torical and  political,  767;  history  of 
Jews  in,  772;  human  skeletal  re- 
mains from  the  Cape  Coast  in, 
830;  hunters  and  food  gatherers  of, 


Bibliographical  Index 


949 


monograph  on,  810;  Kafir  laws  and 
customs  of,  791;  law  and  custom  of 
the  constitution  in,  782;  mineral  re- 
sources of,  759;  monograph  on,  775; 
music  and  musical  instruments  of, 
783;  native  law  of,  831;  native  races 
of,  monograph  on,  821;  periodicals 
ASAM,  728,  ATM,  729,  BS,  728, 
NADA,  730,  PRSA,  731,  SAJS,  731, 
SAO,  731,  TRS,  732,  TSA,  732; 
physical  types  of,  769;  pottery  of 
Bantu  tribes  in,  785;  pottery  of 
Bushmen  and  Hottentots,  785;  pre- 
historic skeletons  from,  765;  present 
and  future  of  ethnographical  research 
in,  812;  race  relations  of,  and  im- 
provement, 790;  rainfall  in,  780; 
rock  paintings  and  sculptures  of, 
765;  some  race  problems  in,  762; 
southeastern  Bantu,  monograph  on, 
818;  stone  huts  in,  790;  stone  imple- 
ments of,  762,  767;  stone  implements 
from  Taungs  in,  780;  string  figures 
from,  769;  survey  of  Bantu  tribes  in, 
829;  tribal  marks  of  natives  in,  826; 
tribes  of,  759;  tsetse-fly  in,  influence 
of,  on  human  life,  756;  various  articles 
on  administration  of,  743;  see  Basuto- 
land,  Bechuanaland,  Natal,  Orange 
Free  State,  Rhodesia,  S.  W.  Africa, 
Swaziland 

South  America,  Negroes  of  Dutch 
Guiana  in,  773 

Southern  Rhodesia,  birds  of,  806; 
religion  of  natives  of,  806;  see 
Rhodesia,  South  Africa 

South  West  Africa,  bibliog.  of,  838; 
languages  of  Ovambo  and  Vakwan- 
yama  tribe  in,  825;  native  tribes  of, 
764;  various  tribes  of,  important 
works,  Vedder,  827 

Spain,  amulets  from,  series  of  articles 
on,  773;  caves  of,  809;  Moham- 
medanism in,  758,  821;  paleolithic 
art  in,  743;  periodical  AES,  728; 
possessions  of,  in  Africa,  756,  bibliogs. 
for,  865-866 

Spanish  Guinea,  bibliog.  for,  865 

Spears,  of  Masai,  821;  with  two  or 
more  points,  789 

Spelling,  of  geographical  names  stand- 
ardized, pamphlets  by  GJ,  729 

Spittle,  ceremonial  use  of,  in  Chagga 
tribe,  808 

Staffs,  with  two  or  more  points,  789 

Stanley,  H.  M.,  autobiography,  edited 
by  his  wife,  819 

Statistics,  and  coefficient  of  racial 
likeness,  804;  introduction  to  the 
theory  and  function  of,  834;  peri- 
odicals    AJPA,     Biometrika,     HB, 


ZFR,  728;  textbook  on,  763,  766; 
see  Anthropometry,  Physical  anthro- 
pology 

Statuettes,  of  stone  and  clay  in  W. 
Africa,  800 

Steatite,  Nomori  figures  of,  from  W. 
Africa,  780 

Stefani  Lake,  explored,  775 

Stilts,  ceremonial  use  of,  789 

Stone,  lip-plugs  of,  789;  see  Stone  age, 
Stone  implements 

Stone  age,  in  Belgian  Congo,  819;  in 
Congo  region,  796;  cultures  of,  in 
Kenya,  787;  cultures  of,  in  S.  Africa, 
796;  in  eastern  Sahara,  821;  in 
Egypt,  816;  in  Europe  and  Africa, 
742;  guide  to  objects  in  British 
Museum,  808;  in  Morocco,  817; 
periods  of,  in  Egypt,  748;  pottery  of, 
from  Ashanti  and  Gold  Coast,  832; 
sites  in  Rhodesia,  792;  in  Uganda, 
Wayland,  829 

Stone  armlets,  from  Gold  Coast,  748 

Stone  circles,  in  Gambia,  795,  803,  825 

Stone  huts,  of  Vechtkop  in  S.  Africa,  790 

Stone  implements,  African,  in  Troca- 
dero  Museum,  782;  from  Cape 
Colony  and  Griqualand-East,  764; 
cleavers  of  Nigeria,  736;  evolution  of 
Egyptian  types  of,  781;  from  Mt. 
Elgon,  799;  of  Natal,  811;  of  neo- 
lithic type  in  Cameroons,  764;  of 
Nigeria,  743;  and  notes  on  Capsian 
culture,  827;  of  Pygmy  form,  seven 
from  Cape  Colony,  733;  from  Rho- 
desia and  Zambezi,  736;  from  Somali- 
land,  816;  of  S.  Africa,  762,  767,  804; 
from  Swaziland,  780;  from  Zambezi 
Valley,  786 

Stone  monuments,  of  Madagascar,  788 

Strandloopers,  physical  relations  of,  to 
Bushmen  and  Hottentots,  758 

String  figures,  770,  789;  of  central 
Africa,  753;  from  Liberia,  Sierra 
Leone,  and  Zanzibar,  776;  from  S. 
Africa,  769;  of  Yoruba  tribe,  803; 
see  Games 

Sudan  (eastern),  803;  (eastern),  anthro- 
pometry in,  826:  anthropometry  of 
central  tribes  in,  822;  (middle),  Baja 
tribe  of,  monograph  on,  823;  (French), 
bibliog.  of,  837;  (southern),  bibliog. 
of  languages,  821;  (Anglo-Egyptian), 
bibliogs.  on,  846;  (western),  counting 
systems  of,  large  treatise  on,  Kluge, 
783;  (eastern),  and  educational  ex- 
periments in,  753;  (western),  explo- 
ration of,  about  1868,  792;  (western), 
geographical  conditions  of,  784; 
(eastern),  historical,  751;  (western). 


950 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


historical,  Palmer,  803;  languages  of, 
important  article,  824;  and  life  of 
Gordon,  733;  (southern),  linguistic 
situation  in,  826;  (western),  Negro 
tribes  of,  ethnological  monographs 
by  Tauxier,  822,  823;  (Anglo-Egyp- 
tian), periodical  SNR,  731,  WTRL, 
732;  (western),  physical  anthropology 
of,  Chantre,  749;  plants  and  animals 
of,  and  their  relation  to  ethnology, 
806;  (western),  sociological  notes  on, 
835;  (southern),  some  little-known 
tribes  of,  816;  throwing  knives  of, 
810;  warfare  with  Mahdi  in,  739; 
(northern),  wedding  customs  in,  752 

Suicide,  among  Akikuyu,  738 

Suk  tribe,  737;  general  work  on,  738; 
source  for  pictures  of,  736 

Sukuma  tribe,  village  organization 
among,  832 

Surgeon-General's  office,  Washington, 
index  catalogue,  a  bibliographical 
source,  840 

Surgery,  of  Arabs  in  N.  Africa,  773;  see 
Circumcision,  Clitoridectomy,  Medi- 
cine-men, Therapeutics 

Swahili,  bibliog.  of,  847;  customs  and 
usages,  834;  dances  of,  818;  a  first 
book  of,  830;  tales,  820 

Swaziland,  bibliog.  of,  838,  852;  eco- 
nomic geography  of,  758;  military 
organization  of,  738;  stone  imple- 
ments from,  780 

Sweden,  periodicals  Ethnos,  729,  RiEt, 
731,  YT,  732 

Swords,  for  throwing,  810;  see  Knives, 
Throwing  knives 

Symbolic  messages,  741,  767 

Taboos,  as  negative  magic,  794;  and 
totemism,  764;  see  Magic,  Medicine- 
men, Religion,  Ritual  and  occupation 

Tanala  tribe,  Madagascar,  monograph 
on  ethnology  of,  789 

Tanganyika   Territory,   administration 
in,   804;  age-grades  in,  735;  bibliog. 
of,    838;    bibliogs.    on,    847;    child 
training   among   Wanguru   tribe   in, 
757;    and    cultural    influences    from 
Indonesia,  753;  ethnographical  notes 
on,     Reche,     808;    future    of,     809 
general   description   of,   Rehse,   808 
general     ethnology     of,     Vix,     828 
Hehe  tribe  of,  ethnological  study  of 
799;    hunting    of    hippopotamus    in 
753;  Kimwani  fishing  culture  in,  763 
laws  of  Chagga  tribe  in,  797;  list  of 
tribes    of,    and    map,    779;    making 
pottery,  by  Wabena  in,  753;  music  of 
Negroes  of,  798;  northern  highlands, 
general  description  of,  Werther,  830; 


northern  portion,  monograph,  excel- 
lent pictures,  physical  types,  Weiss, 
829;  Nyamwezi  tribe  of,  important 
article  on,  819;  Oldoway  skeleton 
from,  808;  periodical  TNR,  731;  rock 
paintings  in,  753,  800;  Sandawe 
tribe  in,  782;  studies  of  population 
in,  766;  Ubena  area  in,  ethnological 
study  of,  753;  Wabende  tribe  in, 
marriage  customs  of,  793;  Wahehe 
(Hehe)  tribe  of,  ethnological  notes 
on,  774;  Waschamba  tribe  in,  760 

Tati  Bushmen,  general  notes  on,  and 
study  of  language  of,  757 

Tattooing,  770,  772;  significance  of, 
785;  in  Tunis,  811;  in  Tunisia,  781; 
in  western  Sudan,  755 

Taungs,  human  fossil  bones  from,  734; 
stone  implements  from,  780 

Tebu  tribe,  740,  811 

Teda  tribe,  801;  clans  of,  809;  of 
Tibesti,  circumcision  rites  of,  787; 
see  Tibbu  (Tebu),  Zaghawa 

Teliki  (Count),  explorations  of,  775 

Tenda  tribe,  of  French  Guinea,  755 

Textbooks,  of  anthropology,  B.  N. 
Azikiwe,  anthropology  and  the 
African  races,  Lincoln  University, 
Pa.,  1934,  mimeographed,  Kroeber, 
784,  Lowie,  790;  of  anthropology, 
races  of  Africa,  Seligman,  1930,  816; 
anthropometry,  776;  of  archaeology 
of  Africa,  stone  age  in  all  parts  of 
continent  described,  787;  of  archae- 
ology, stone  age  throughout  the  world, 
Menghin,  1931,  796;  of  Bantu, 
Meinhof,  1932,  796;  of  climates  of 
Africa,  783;  of  entomology,  778;  of 
general  anthropology,  767;  of  geology, 
Schuchert  and  Dunbar,  814;  guide 
to  African  ethnology,  770;  on  lan- 
guage famiHes  of  Africa,  830;  for 
linguistic  study,  Sapir,  812;  Marett, 
1912,  794;  of  Mohammedanism,  794; 
of  physical  anthropology,  3  vols., 
Martin,  841;  of  races  of  mankind, 
814;  Smith,  E.  W.,  article  1935,  an 
excellent  introduction  to  textbook 
study  of  Africa,  818;  of  Uganda,  823; 
see  Languages 

Theatre,  of  Mandingo  tribe,  785; 
shadow  plays  in.  Spies,  819 

Theatricals,  marionettes,  786 

Throwing  knives,  all  African  forms  of, 
823;  see  Knives 

Thunderbolts,  759;  celts  representing, 
736 

Tibbu  (Tebu),  see  Teda,  Tibesti, 
Zaghawa 

Tibesti,  circumcision  rites  in,  787; 
clans  of  Teda  tribe  in,  809;  recent 


Bibliographical  Index 


951 


explorations  of,  824,  by  Umberto, 
827;  Teda  tribe  of,  801 

Timbuktu,  articles  and  books  on,  758, 
770,  772,  788;  early  account  of,  about 
1820,  778;  industries  at,  759 

Time  reckoning,  calendar,  768,  775; 
see  Moon,  Sun 

Times  Atlas,  29 

Timne  tribe,  of  Sierra  Leone,  short 
article  on,  823;  Thomas,  N.  W.,  4 
vols,  on,  824 

Tiv  (Munshi)  tribe,  of  Nigeria,  758 

Tobacco,  uses  of,  in  Africa,  787 

Togoland,  bibliog.  of,  839,  860;  ethno- 
graphy of  Fo-Negroes  in,  833;  Ewe 
tribe  in,  important  work  on,  Wester- 
mann,  1935b,  831;  folklore  stories 
from,  748;  under  German  adminis- 
tration, 783;  periodical  TC,  731; 
religion  in,  799;  religion  of  Ewe 
tribe  in,  819;  totemism  in,  P.  F.  Wolf, 
833 

Toma  tribe,  in  Liberia,  800 

Tones,  in  Efik  speech,  829;  in  language, 
777;  in  language  of  Ewe  tribe,  814; 
significance  of,  in  Bantu  speech,  800; 
in  speech,  of  Yoruba  tribe,  778 

Tonga  tribe,  kinship  system  of,  816; 
see  Bathonga 

Totemism,  764;  in  Baganda  tribe,  793; 
and  blood  groups  of  W.  Africa,  807; 
distribution  and  types  of,  734;  on 
Gold  Coast,  771;  a  new  conception 
of,  790;  in  Nigeria,  752;  origin  of, 
suggested,  741;  problem  of,  articles 
on,  766,  814;  religion  and,  823;  in 
Togoland,  P.  F.  Wolf,  833;  a  world 
survey,  767 

Trade,  primitive,  psychology  of,  776; 
on  shores  of  Lake  Mweru,  798; 
silent  form  of,  742,  768;  weights  and 
measures,  785;  see  Counting,  Econo- 
mics, Transportation 

Transjordan  Arabs,  physical  anthro- 
pology of,  817 

Transportation,  some  African  problems 
on,  779;  developments  of,  in  central 
Africa,  829;  modern  developments  of, 
in  Sahara,  756;  oxen  as  pack  animals, 
789;  see  Camels,  Canoes,  Donkeys, 
Economics,  Horses,  Trade 

Transvaal,  852;  archaeological  excava- 
tions in,  and  recent  report  on,  790; 
bibliog.  of,  838;  circumcision  in  Ba- 
Khaka  tribe  of,  781;  copper-rod  cur- 
rency from,  769;  (northern),  divin- 
ation practiced  in,  809;  human  fossil- 
ized mandible  from  Kopje  Enkel  in, 
813;  (eastern),  mental  and  moral 
capabilities  of  natives  in,  833;  phallus 


cult  among  Bapedi  in,  833;  skeletal 
remains  from,  765;  see  S.  Africa 

Traps,  for  animals,  distribution  of 
types  of,  782;  harpoon  downfall  and 
its  distribution,  785;  spiked  wheel- 
trap,  distribution  of,  789;  see  Fishing, 
Hunting 

Travel,  in  Angola,  736;  book  on,  by 
Akeley,  733;  Churchill's  collection  of 
voyages,  750;  compendium  of,  781; 
in  E.  Africa,  740;  and  exploration  in 
Sahara,  786;  in  interior  of  S.  Africa, 
801;  Junker,  781;  map  of,  for  all 
Africa,  810;  in  W.  Africa,  about  1845, 
759;  of  west  and  central  Africa,  792 

Tridents,  770,  789;  Lindblom,  789 

Tripoli,  to  Bornu,  Vischer,  828 

Tripolitania,  archaeology  in,  Frobenius, 
765;  description  of  population  of,  733; 
general  account  of,  797;  racial  types 
and  pictures  of,  799;  regeneration  of, 
798 

Tristan  Da  Cunha,  bibliog.  for,  849 

Trocadero  Museum,  stone  implements 
from  Africa  in  collections  of,  782 

Tsetse-fly,  influence  of,  on  human  life, 
756 

Tshi  speaking  people,  760 

Tuareg,  759;  art  of,  767;  and  De  Fou- 
cauld,  763;  general  description  of,  738; 
general  work  concerning,  735;  his- 
torical, Palmer,  803;  important  article 
on,  835;  and  hfe  of  De  Foucauld,  738, 
781;  ornaments  of,  734,  803;  poetry 
of,  769;  Rodd,  810;  Tamachek  lan- 
guage of,  771;  see  Camels,  Sahara 

Tumbakultur,  and  stone  age  in  Belgian 
Congo,  796 

Tumba  tribe,  drum  language  of,  750 

Tunis,  bibliogs.  for,  857;  tattooing  in, 
811 

Tunisia,  Bedouin  Arabs  of,  776;  evid- 
ence of  Roman  occupation  in,  741; 
Mazigh  people  of,  book  on,  822; 
shadow  plays  in,  819;  tattooing  in,  781 

Turkana  tribe,  brief  notes  on,  737,  831; 
ethnology  of,  761;  source  for  pictures 
of,  736;  two  articles  on,  808 

Twins,  beliefs  and  ceremonies  con- 
nected with,  in  S.  Africa,  757;  cus- 
toms relating  to,  in  Nuer  tribe,  761; 
customs  relating  to,  in  S.  Africa,  812; 
in  upper  Guinea,  770 

Ubena  tribe,  of  Tanganyika,  general 
ethnology  and  marriage  customs  of, 
753 

Uganda,  archaeology  of,  Wayland,  829; 
Baganda  traditions  in,  771;  Baganda 


952 


Source  Book  for  African  Anthropology 


tribe  of,  described,  772;  bark  cloth 
made  in,  734;  bibliog.  of,  839;  bib- 
liogs.  of,  847-848;  blood  brotherhood, 
in  Ankole,  832;  cultural  and  political 
changes  in,  780;  and  Egyptian  Sudan, 
2  vols.,  832;  eighteen  years  in, 
826;  ethnography  of  Basoga-Batamba 
tribes  in,  751;  ethnological  and 
general,  eastern  portion  of,  774: 
ethnology  and  general  information 
of,  good  photographs,  779;  game  of 
mancala  in,  743;  general  description 
of,  783;  general  ethnology  of,  and 
photographs,  753;  handbook  of,  an 
excellent  compendium,  823;  Kavi- 
rondo  tribe  of,  734;  kings  of,  735; 
Lango  tribe  in,  758;  Logbara  tribe 
of,  divination  and  religion  of,  807; 
northern  tribes  in,  notes  on,  Stigler, 
821;  periodicals  JEAU,  730,  UJ,  732; 
religious  conceptions  of  certain  tribes 
of,  819;  stone  age  cultures  of,  801; 
study  of  Baganda  customs  in,  781; 
see  Baganda,  east  Africa 
Upper  Volta,  bibliogs.  for,  860 

Vachokwe  (Bajok)  tribe,  circumcision 
rites  of,  775;  initiation  rites  of,  737, 
771 ;  see  Angola 

Vai  tribe,  marriage  customs  in,  810; 
writing  of,  738,  794,  797 

Vakwanyama  tribe,  cultural  changes 
among,  761;  see  Hambly,  1934a 

Valenge  tribe,  women  of,  759 

Vandau  tribe,  exorcism  among,  781; 
marriage  customs  and  property  con- 
cepts of,  773 

Variolation,  751 

Verzeichniss  der  anthropologischen 
Litteratur,  a  bibliographical  source, 
840 

Victoria  Nyanza  Lake,  fishing  methods 
of,  in  Kavirondo  Gulf,  757;  general 
description  of,  784;  Kimwani  fishing 
culture  near,  763 

Villages,  built  on  lake,  W.  Africa,  Hall, 
C.  R.,  770;  of  Kabyles,  795;  life  in, 
economic  and  social  studies  of, 
Forde,  1937b,  763;  organization  of, 
among  Sukuma  tribe,  832;  struc- 
ture of,  in  French  Equatorial  Africa, 
755;  studies  of.  Earthy,  759 

Volkskundliche  bibliographie,  bibli- 
ographical source,  84.0 

Volta  (upper),  bibliog.  for,  860 

Wabarwe  tribe,  ancestor  worship  in, 
817;  initiation  of  medicine-men  in, 
817 

Wabena  tribe,  in  Tanganyika  Terri- 
tory, pottery  of,  753 


Wabende  tribe,  marriage  customs  of, 
793 

Waduruma  tribe,  768;  see  Nyika  tribe 

Wagogo  tribe,  see  Gogo 

Wahehe  tribe,  ethnological  notes  on, 
774;  monograph  on,  801;  see  Hehe 

Wambuti  Pygmies,  material  culture  of, 
792;  see  Bambuti,  Ituri,  Pygmies 

Wandamba  tribe,  hunting  customs  of, 
774;  method  of  hunting  hippo- 
potamus among,  753 

Wangonde  tribe,  of  Nyasaland,  kin- 
ship system  of,  812 

Wanguru  tribe,  education  of  children 
in,  757;  position  of  women  in,  795 

Warega  tribe,  cultural  changes  among, 
750;  ethnological  study  of,  756 

Warfare,  chain  mail  used  in,  786; 
Chaka,  798;  and  military  organiza- 
tion in  Swaziland,  738;  Nandi  or- 
ganization for,  777;  see  Masai, 
Military  organization,  Zulu 

Warumbi,  article  on,  792 

Waschamba  tribe,  study  of,  by  Eich- 
horn,  760 

Washington,  D.  C.,  and  bibliographical 
sources,  840 

Watindega,  click  language  of,  740 

Wawanga,  and  adjacent  tribes,  759 

Wayao  tribe,  long  article  on,  820;  see 
Yao 

Weapons,  ancient  forms  of,  and  their 
significance,  811 

Weaving,  of  Babunda  tribe,  780;  in 
Belgian  Congo  near  Lake  Leopold, 
792;  standard  work  and  article  on, 
Roth,  811 

Wedding  customs,  of  northern  Sudan, 
752 

Weights,  of  bronze  in  Ashanti,  824; 
and  measures  used  in  trade,  785;  and 
weighing  gold  in  Ashanti,  834;  see 
Brass,  Bronze 

Wellcome  Research  Laboratories,  830 

West  Africa,  administration  of  French 
and  British  in,  compared,  735; 
archaeology  of,  785;  art  and  sculpture 
of,  Sadler,  811;  (British),  bibliog.  for, 
852;  bibliog.  for  French  W.  Africa, 
period  1920-1927,  Labouret,  1928, 
785;  bibhogs.  for,  858-860;  drum 
language  of,  807;  explorations  of,  by 
Kingsley,  782;  explorations  of,  by 
Park,  803;  handbook  of  practical 
information  on,  800;  Hebrewisms  of, 
832;  Negro  sculpture  from,  750; 
periodicals  GCR,  729,  NF,  731, 
NPN,  731,  SLS,  731,  WAR,  732; 
secret  societies  of,  794;  study  of 
foods  in,  used  by  Negroes,  762 


Bibliographical  Index 


953 


Whistling  language,  785 
Wilton,  stone  implement  industry,  765 
Witchcraft,    in    Anjanja     tribe,     774; 
articles  of  importance  on,  755,  762; 
among  the  Ga  people.  Field,  M.  J., 
1937,    762;    of    Northern    Rhodesia, 
796;    in    relation    to   magic  in   east 
Africa,   774;   see    Magic,    Medicine- 
men,   Sorcery 
Women,  position  of,  in  Wanguru  tribe, 
795;   social    position    of,    824;   social 
study  of,  in  Australia,  Roheim,  810; 
status    of,    among    Nilotic    Negroes, 
758;   see  Family,   Kinship,   Mother- 
right 
Wood-carving,  from  Congo,  notes  on, 
770;  of  Ivory  Coast,  774;  in  Lower 
Congo,  792;  see  Figurines 
Worship,  of  sky  and  earth,  764 
Wristlets,  of  iron,  796;  see  Bangles 
Writing,  of  Bamum  tribe  in  Cameroons, 
752;  beginnings  of,  775;  of  Eyap  tribe 
in  Cameroons,  793;  history  of,  794; 
of  Mende  tribe,  822;  Nsibidi  signs  in, 
755,  791;  of  Vai  script,  783,  794,  797 
Wute  tribe,  general  monograph  on,  817 

X-rays,  of  Egyptian  mummies  in  Field 
Museum,  798 

Yao  tribe,  animism  among,  773;  culture 

and  education  of,  772;  initiation  into, 

820 
Year   books,   of    Milwaukee    Museum, 

736;  see  Handbooks 
Yolof  (Wolof),  secret  language  of,  787 
Yoruba  tribe,  historical  study  of,  779; 

laws    of,   733;   method    of    counting 


among,  756;  speech  of,  760;  string 
figures  of,  803;  tones  in  speech 
among,   778 

Zaghawa  tribe,  792 

Zaire  River,  explored,  826;  see  Congo 

Zambezi  Valley,  stone  implements 
from,  735,  736,  786 

Zande,  see  Azande 

Zanzibar,  bibliogs.  of,  848;  history  and 
people  of,  778;  string  figures  from, 
776;  Swahili  tales  from,  820;  see 
Pemba 

Zenata  tribe,  anthropometry  of,  787 

Zimbabwe,  770;  bibliog.  for,  Caton- 
Thompson,  851;  excavations  at,  748; 
Mauch,  795;  temple  of,  brief  descrip- 
tion, 821 

Zoology,  animals  of  all  countries,  777; 
see  Animals,  Natural  history 

Zululand,  bibliogs.  for,  851;  physical 
anthropology  and  physiology  of 
natives  of,  822;  see  Natal 

Zulus,  beliefs  of,  concerning  animals, 
740;  beliefs  of,  in  God,  748;  book  by 
Kropf,  784,  by  Leslie,  788;  circum- 
cision rites  of,  815;  drums  of,  783; 
God,  notion  of,  several  important 
articles,  828;  intelligence  test  of,  762; 
marriage  customs  of,  742;  military 
system  of,  762;  Mofolo,  798;  of  Natal, 
795;  old  account  of,  about  1879,  762; 
religious  beliefs  of,  Schweiger,  815; 
skin  dressing  by,  methods  of,  827; 
social  system  of,  important  work, 
784;  textbook  of  language,  757;  two 
substantial  works,  Soga,  818;  see 
Kafirs,  Pondo,  S.  Af.  Bantu 


DEC*  9, 937