Zbe TIlntversttE of Cbfcago
FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER
THE SOURCES OF TYNDALE'S VER-
SION OF THE PENTATEUCH
A DISSERTATION
submitted to the faculty of the graduate divinity
school in candidacy for the degree
of doctor of philosophy
(department of old testament literature and interpretation)
BY
JOHN ROTHWELL SLATER
CHICAGO
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
1906
Copyright 1906, By
The University of Chicago
Published August, 1906
Composed and Printed By
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.
THE SOURCES OF TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE
PENTATEUCH
Among the heroes and martyrs of the English Reformation none is
more worthy of the historian's study than William Tyndale. The singular
gaps in the records of his life, which have contributed to the popular
neglect of Tyndale, remind one of the similar hiatus in our knowledge of
Shakspere's career; the more because these two sixteenth-century leaders,
different in every other respect, were alike in the depth of the impression
they made on the English language at a critical stage of its development.
It is known to scholars, but hardly to the general public, that the English
New Testament of our own time is essentially the work of Tyndale. A V
comparison of his pioneer version with the later sixteenth-century trans-
lations and with the Authorized Version of 1611 shows conclusively that
all the changes and improvements from Coverdale down to the American
Revision are numerically far less than the phrases and sentences of the
exiled scholar of the Reformation period. As one begins to perceive that
our rich heritage of perfect phrases and melodious rhythm in the English
Testament has descended, not from the bishops of 161 1 or of 1558, but
from this much-abused martyr of King Henry's reign, the wonder grows
that his very name is strange to the ordinary Bible reader, and that his
romantic history is all but forgotten. No less intrepid and original than
his great predecessor Wiclif, he lived at a time when the new learning
made possible a translation from the original tongues, and when the
English language had become more flexible, richer in synonyms, and better
fitted to render the Hebrew and Hellenic Greek idioms without violence.
No less aflame with indignation against the abuses of the priesthood and
the wrongs of the English people than was Wiclif, he entered upon his
work at precisely the moment when the long-smoldering fires of reforma-
tion wanted but a spark to set them off in England, as they had been
kindled in ■ Germany by Luther's attack on Tetzel. It was Tyndale's
Testament more than Henry's divorce or the minor ecclesiastical reforms
of the bishops that started the English Reformation. It was Tyndale's
words that were on men's lips in the dark days that followed; Tyndale's
matchless rendering of the gospels that the martyrs recited in their dungeons
and at the stake; Tyndale's bold doctrines of scriptural interpretation
that saved England from the bibliolatry of German Protestantism after
3
15<
\s
4 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
Luther's death. Some of his ideas were too radical for the age. Modern
writers who suggest, as if for the first time, that the translator of Scripture
should avoid words of ecclesiastical connotation foreign to the original
learn with surprise and admiration that Tyndale substituted "congrega-
tion" for "church," used "love" in i Corinthians, chap. 13, and antici-
pated other modern innovations in an age when such ideas were strange
in England.
It has been often said that in this popularizing of the Scripture, as in
other phases of his work, Tyndale simply copied Luther. We shall have
to consider at length the direct and the indirect obligations of the English
to the German reformer; and shall find large elements of indebtedness
which none would have been freer to acknowledge than Tyndale himself,
had the question been put to him by his friends rather than by his enemies.1
But this may be said at the very outset, that to charge a man with "copying
Luther" is to pay him a unique compliment, for a more original and
inimitable person never lived than the good doctor of Wittenberg, to
match whose countless whims and fancies and homely German idioms
would be a task for a master-actor. If it be true that Tyndale, moved by
Luther's spirit and aided by his genius, brought the gospel to the people
of England in a way as suited to the English situation as Luther's was to
the very different state of affairs in Germany, it can hardly be a detraction
from his merits to acknowledge the relation. The facts have long been
obscured by partisans, who have sought to prove either that Tyndale
worked absolutely without aid, or that he was a mere camp-follower of
the German reformers. Like many other questions touching the Reforma-
tion in England, this long-standing controversy over Tyndale's originality
has been entangled in ecclesiastical side issues and historical mazes, with
which the modern investigator need have little to do. A study of the
sources is much more profitable than a fruitless attempt to balance the
prejudiced or ignorant opinions of superficial historians.
The present inquiry is devoted to a neglected phase of the work of
Tyndale, of much interest to the Old Testament scholar, and not without
its bearing on English literary history. Having published his version of
the New Testament, and several doctrinal treatises to be mentioned shortly,
the reformer proceeded to begin a much larger enterprise, which unhappily
he never completed — the translation of the Old Testament. The Penta-
teuch was issued in 1530. It is a rare book, of which only a few copies
exist, and never reprinted until the careful and admirable edition of Dr.
1 On Tyndale's indebtedness to Luther see Eadie, The English Bible, Vol. I, pp.
143-46, 209-12; Moulton, The History oj the English Bible, pp. 87, 88.
TYNDALE S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 5
J. I. Mombert appeared in 1884.1 This, the first English version from
the Old Testament since the fourteenth century, possesses a peculiar
interest for all students of the English Bible. When it appeared, the study
of Hebrew was a novelty in England, the first chair of Hebrew in an Eng-
lish university having been established in 1524 at Cambridge,Mn the year
that Tyndale had left his native land never to return. On the continent
scholars had been studying Hebrew, with the aid of learned Jews, for half -^
a century. Hebrew studies flourished in Italy and Spain. Johann
Reuchlin, Sebastian Miinster, and others had cultivated the language with
zeal and genius in Germany, and in several of the German universities
great advance had been made in this difficult branch of philology. But
England was a generation behind Germany in this, as she has since been
in some other branches of sacred learning, and Tyndale, when he began
his task of rendering the Old Testament into English, had no native prece-
dents to follow. The interesting question arises: How far did he succeed
in his aim ? To what extent did he use the Hebrew in his version of the
Pentateuch? Was he, as his detractors have declared, a mere dabbler in
Semitic grammar, parading his etymologies of proper names to hide igno-
rance of the language itself, and depending almost entirely on the Vulgate
and on Luther ? Or was the father of our English New Testament also
the father of English Hebrew scholarship, who, under many limitations,
acquired in Germany an adequate mastery of the language, and made his (
own version independently and with scholarly discrimination ?
That this is no trivial or academic question is shown by two facts:
first, that Tyndale's Pentateuch is essentially our own Pentateuch in s^
style and substance, and, so to speak, set the style of rendering Hebrew
prose which, as carried out by later translators in the remainder of the
Old Testament, has become the grand style for religious compositions in
English; second, that, if tradition is to be given due weight, we are to
attribute to Tyndale's hand, not only the Pentateuch, published during
his lifetime, but the historical books from Joshua through Chronicles as -"
they appeared in print for the first time in the so-called "Matthew's Bible,"
edited by the martyr John Rogers in 1536, and adopted by Coverdale a
year later.3 It is the testimony of early historians that Tyndale left these
1 William Tyndale's Five Books of Moses Called the Pentateuch. (New York:
A. D. F. Randolph, 1884.)
2 Robert Wakefield was the first incumbent. See Atkenceum, 1885, pp. 500 ff.
3 See Demaus, Life of William Tyndale, p. 478; Foxe, Acts and Monuments,
p. 1484; Anderson, Annals of the English Bible, p. 295. Foxe's reference is as follows:
"John Rogers brought up in the Universitie of Cambridge, where hee profitably trauelled
in good learning, at the length was chosen and called by the Merchants Aduenturers, to
6 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
books in manuscript, the work at least in part of his imprisonment, and
that they were secretly conveyed to Rogers and issued by him. On this
hypothesis we owe to Tyndale nearly the entire historical portion of the
Old Testament, comprising more than one-half of the whole. In the
absence of any proof of this tradition, it would be improper to base any
independent argument upon these books; but the certainty that Tyndale
carried his Hebrew studies beyond the Pentateuch, and pursued them
with eagerness up to the very end of his life, justifies us in regarding him
as more than a mere beginner and amateur in the language.
The inquiry is the more interesting because it has been neglected. The
historians of the English Bible, devoting large space to Tyndale's New
Testament, pass over his Pentateuch with scanty mention, as a minor
episode in his career, of only incidental biographical interest. The New
Testament, of course, lay nearest to his heart, and was the work by which
his influence upon the course of events in England was chiefly exerted.
In it he found the true doctrine of salvation with which he sought to dis-
place the erroneous teachings of the church; in it he found the true con-
stitution of the church, which in his controversial writings he set over
against the abuses of the hierarchy, the "practice of prelates" which dis-
graced Christendom. But Tyndale held broad views of Scripture. In
his thought the Bible was a progressive revelation, no part of which could
be neglected by the Christian believer. In the lives of the patriarchs, the
story of the exodus, the history of Israel, he saw innumerable parallels to
the experiences of the believer and to the progress of the church ; and these
depended for their force, not on any allegorizing interpretation such as
captivated many of the later reformers, but on a just appreciation of the
true relation between sacred and modern history.1 He deprecated all
attempts to veil the historical sense of the Scripture in elaborate mystical
metaphor. For him, as for Luther, the men of the Bible were real men,
with real trials and defeats and victories from which the Christian might
be their Chaplaine at Antwerpe in Brabant, w home he serued to their good contentation
many yeares. It chaunced him there to fal in company with that worthy seruant and
Martyr of God, William Tindall, and with Miles Couerdale (which both for the hatred
they bare to papish superstition and idolatry, and loue to true religion, had forsaken
their native country). In conferring with them the scriptures, he came to great know-
ledge in the Gospell of God, in so much that he cast of the heauy yoke of Popery, per-
ceiuyng it to be impure and filthy Idolatry, and ioyned himselfe with them two in that
paynefull & most profitable labour of translating the Bible into the Englishe tongue,
which is intituled: The Translation of Thomas Mathew."
1 For his view of biblical allegories and their legitimate exposition, one of the
pithiest passages in his writings, see the Preface to Leviticus (Mombert, p. 294).
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 7
learn as from other biography, with added force because of the relation of
these ancient worthies to events supreme in their sacred significance, s*
The marginal notes which so scandalized Sir Thomas More and Tyndale's
other enemies, lacking, as they sometimes are, in good taste, as when he
appends to the inspired text sarcastic flings at the Pope and the bishops,
convey to the modern reader a sense of reality and candor.1 Here was a
man for whom the Bible was a living book, in vital touch with the affairs
of distant ages, having its lessons for priest and plowman, king and subject,
master and servant, saint and sinner. As contrasted with the older exe-
getes and with the post-Reformation reactionary school, Tyndale stands
revealed to us as in many respects a modern of the moderns in his attitude
toward the older Scriptures.
Holding such a view of the meaning of the law and the prophets of
Israel, he certainly did not look upon his arduous task of translating the
Old Testament as an irksome undertaking, to be got through with in the
easiest way possible, merely to complete his version of the Bible. Rather
did he regard this great undertaking as the crowning achievement of his
life, and gave to it all the learning and enthusiasm with which he carried
through the earlier works of his exile. When the news came to him at
Vilvorde that his days were numbered, and he faced death with his task
more than half undone, it must have been the bitterest disappointment to
him to know that the matchless poetry of the Psalms, the pleadings and
warnings and promises of the prophets, must be rendered by other hands
than his. History has shown that his successors were capable of carrying
on the work in the same large spirit with which he began it, falling naturally
into the style which he originated; so that the English Old Testament, as
we have it, shows no break, but is essentially a literary unit. But the fact
that the men who gave us the English Psalms and Proverbs and Isaiah
could doubtless have translated the historical books as well as Tyndale,
had his version never been begun, should not lead us to belittle the worth
of that beginning, nor to underrate its influence on the subsequent history
of our Bible.
We shall inquire, first, under what circumstances Tyndale gained his
knowledge of Hebrew; second, what sources he used in his version of the
Pentateuch and to what extent his work was original; third, what influence
his version exerted upon later translations and upon English literature.
These are the three phases of the subject upon which there has been most
controversy among those writers who have dealt with the matter at all,
and upon which no agreement has been reached. The uncertainty which
1 See Demaus, p. 238.
8 TVNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
x
still prevails is due in part to scanty evidence, in part to preconceived
theories.1
It will be desirable, before considering the first question, to introduce
an outline of Tvndale's life, to serve as a groundwork for chronological
references. The sources are not abundant. Foxe's account in the Acts
and Monuments is the basis of all the later narratives. While biographers
accept large portions of it as authentic, they reject certain statements
which conflict with other sources, with less hesitation because of Foxe's
well-known inaccuracy in matters of historical data. To Foxe must be
added the indirect evidence in the controversial works of Sir Thomas
More directed against Tyndale, a voluminous correspondence preserved
in the English state papers bearing upon the attempts first to apprehend
Tyndale, and afterward to induce him to return to England as a tool of
the ministry; and a few scanty but interesting hints in the Belgian state
papers relating to the imprisonment and trial. Autobiographical references
in Tvndale's own writings are the most important of all, but these are
unfortunately too rare and ambiguous to give much assistance in correcting
the romancing instinct of Foxe and filling the large gaps left by existing
documents. The materials have been worked up in Anderson's Annals of
the English Bible, Westcott's History of the English Bible, and similar
works; but most elaborately and impartially in the standard biography
by R. Demaus (London, 1871), which has not been superseded and is not
likely to be. It is based upon a careful study of the sources, and is marked
by judicious, but not intemperate, admiration of the great reformer. Mr.
Demaus had access to many manuscript records not known to the earlier
biographers, spent years in the unraveling of ingenious clues, and produced
what will probably continue to be the authoritative life. For the study of
Tvndale's New Testament in its historical and bibliographical phases
there is a much larger body of literature, including bibliographical colla-
tions, facsimiles, reprints, etc. But for his fife, particularly his work on
the Old Testament, not much can be added to the list given above. The
article in the Dictionary of National Biography (Vol. LYII, p. 428) by
Edward Irving Carlyle is longer than that in the Encyclopaedia Britannica
or other general works of reference, but contains no new material, and
appears to be based chiefly on Demaus.
William Tyndale was born in Gloucestershire2 between 1480 and
1490. The date 1484 assumed by Demaus rests upon general considera-
1 On the subject of Tvndale's Hebrew Scholarship see Demaus, pp. 217, 233-37;
Mombert, p. lxxxvi; Athenceum, 18S5, pp. 500, 562, an unsigned review of Mombert's
book. 2 Foxe, "About the Borders of Wales" (p. 1075).
TYNDALE's VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 9
tions rather than upon direct evidence. Of his early life next to nothing
is known. He was sent to Oxford, entered in Magdalen Hall perhaps
about 1504. and spent some years in the university, winning the bachelor's
and master's degrees. This was the period when the mediaeval seclusion
of Oxford was being invaded by disciples of the new learning from the
continent, and Greek studies were enthusiastically prosecuted by the
younger men. Grocyn and Linacre were teaching the classic Greek;
Latimer and Colet lectured on the Greek Testament. The influence of
.Colet, particularly of his lectures on the Pauline epistles, must be regarded
as fundamental in forming the opinions of young Tyndale. In 1510
Erasmus of Rotterdam began his five years of residence at the sister Uni-
versity of Cambridge, whither Tyndale went to continue his studies. -
Here he imbibed the bold and radical views of the great Dutch scholar,
whose contempt for the obscurantist policy of the church led him into
utterances that aroused the hostility of the authorities. Demaus suggests
that Tvndale's great purpose of translating the Scriptures may have been
incited, or at least strengthened, by the views of Erasmus as expressed in a
famous passage of his works.
How long Tyndale remained at Cambridge is not certain. By 1521,
if not earlier, he returned to his native county of Gloucester to serve as
tutor and chaplain in the family of Sir John Walsh.1 Even in this remote
countrv parish his radical opinions excited controversy among the neighbor-
ins; clergv, and he was rebuked by the chancellor of the diocese.2 It was
during the two years spent there that his plan of translating the New
Testament took form. In this purpose he was not moved by the example
of Luther; for Luther's translation did not appear until 1522, and Tyn-
dale can hardly have known much of Luther's plans prior to this time.
Rather was this great purpose based on a conviction that reformation of
the church in England must come in large part through enlightenment of
the common people, who could not read the Vulgate and were kept in
ignorance bv the cler°v. It was in controversv with a learned man of the
community, says Foxe, that Tyndale uttered his famous promise: "I
dene the Pope and all his lawes: and further added, that if God spared
hvm life, ere many yeares he would cause a boy that driueth the plough
to know more of the Scripture, then he did." 3
In 1523 the young scholar, full of enthusiasm and hope, departed for
London, where he expected to secure the patronage of the new bishop,
Tunstal, a man known to be interested in the Greek studies of Erasmus
1 Foxe spells the name Welche (p. 1075).
* Foxe, p. 1075. 3 Foxe, p. 1076.
10 TYNDALE S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
and More. His reception was unfavorable. The bishop, whatever his
academic sympathies may have been, was an uncompromising opponent
of the Lutheran doctrines then spreading through England, and dismissed
Tyndale without encouragement. Having failed to secure recognition for
his project from the man who seemed the most likely ecclesiastic in En-
gland to afford such help, he saw that he must work henceforth indepen-
dently and in secret. For some months he resided in London with a
wealthy merchant, to whom he had been introduced by Latimer, Humphrey
Monmouth. In Monmouth's household he found that sympathy which
had been denied him at the episcopal palace, met many learned men, and
made some progress in his studies. Having learned that he could not
with safety issue his translation in his native land, he left London in May,
1524, for Germany. Henceforth he was an exile; and his great work for
the English nation was wrought in a foreign land, aided by foreign scholars,
recognized during his lifetime only by the faithful Monmouth and a small
group of courageous Englishmen who were later numbered among the
humbler leaders of the English Reformation.
Reaching Hamburg, he lost no time in journeying to the Saxon city of
Wittenberg to see Luther.1 He arrived at this Mecca of reformers at a
somewhat inopportune time for personal intercourse with the apostle of
German Protestantism. Luther was in the midst of the busiest period of
his career, when the land was torn asunder with the struggle known as the
Peasants' War, and with the political upheaval consequent upon the con-
test between Leo X and the German states. Luther had published his
New Testament two years before, and was now issuing controversial
pamphlets, preaching in the university church, and working on his Old
Testament. Nothing is definitely known of the personal relations of the
English visitor with his German colleague. Those who deny that Tyn-
dale made any use of Luther's labors go so far as to reject altogether the
statements of early writers as to this visit to Wittenberg, but without
sufficient reason. Assuming that these contemporary accounts are cor-
rect, Tyndale must have enjoyed in the university town a measure of
quiet and sympathy which enabled him to make rapid progress with his
version of the New Testament. Hebrew and Greek had been taught in
the university for years. Disciples of Johann Reuchlin, the father of
German Hebraists, were to be found there, as well as Greek scholars and
theologians. During the nine or ten months of his sojourn Tyndale
1 Sir Thomas More, Dialogue, Confutation; Cochlaeus, Commentarii de actis et
scriptis M. Lutheri, p. 132; Foxe, Acts and Monuments, p. 1076. Demaus, pp. 94-97.
Contra, Anderson, Annals 0} the English Bible, pp. 24 ff.
TYND ALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH II
probably began his acquaintance with the Hebrew tongue, facilities for
which were greater at Wittenberg than at Hamburg, Cologne, or Worms —
cities wrhere he spent the following years. For at Wittenberg he might
have the assistance in his Hebrew studies of Christian scholars; while in
the other cities he must depend chiefly or entirely upon Jewish instructors,
many of whom were still suspicious of Christians desiring their aid.
With the help of his amanuensis, William Rove, an eccentric person
who gave him more trouble than his work was worth, Tyndale translated
the New Testament in less than a year. Believing it to be impolitic to
have his work bear the imprint of a Wittenberg printer, and so expose it
at the start to the censorship of German and English enemies, he removed
to Cologne, after a trip to Hamburg to receive a remittance of funds from
Monmouth. The printing of the book at Cologne was interrupted by the
discovery of his project through the investigations of Cochlaeus, an agent
of the church. With the sheets of the first part of the book, Tyndale and
Roye hurried away in time to escape arrest, and resumed the enterprise in
the safer refuge of the city of Worms, already a center of the Protestant
movement. Here, from the press of Peter Schoeffer, was issued in 1526
the octavo Testament of Tyndale. The quarto sheets of the earlier portion
brought from Cologne were also, it is believed, completed in that form,
by Schoeffer or some other printer, and thus two editions were put into
circulation. The only complete copies now in existence, however, are all
of the octavo edition. Buschius states that six thousand copies of the
Testament were printed at Worms,1 and this has been supposed to include
both editions. Of these six thousand only one incomplete quarto and
two octavos are now extant.
Within a few months of its publication, Tyndale's anonymous transla-
tion reached England. In the spring of 1526 it was secretly circulated in
large numbers. Coming soon to the notice of the authorities, it was con-
demned by Tunstal and others, at first without knowledge of its author-
ship, regarded simply as the work of the Lutherans, whose activity was
becoming notorious. The burning of such copies as could be seized did
not retard its circulation. An unauthorized reprint by Christopher of
Endhoven at Antwerp2 helped to swell the supply needed to meet the grow-
ing demand. Desperate attempts were made in England to buy up and
destroy all copies that could be found. This brisk demand merely moved
the Dutch printers to issue still another edition. Their two editions are
said by George Joye to have numbered about five thousand copies. The
1 Spalatinus' Diary in Schelhorn, Amoenitates literariae, IV, 231.
2 Demaus, p. 157.
*
12 TYXDALE S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
investigations set on foot by Tunstal and Wolsey finally succeeded in fixing
the responsibility for the translation upon Tyndale and Rove. But Rove,
already separated from his master because of his erratic habits, had been
lost track of, and Tyndale managed for the time to elude the emissaries
of the English prelates.
In 1527 he left Worms. Direct evidence of his residence for the next
two years is lacking. For reasons of prudence he took care to keep his
movements secret. It has been assumed, however, by biographers, from
certain indications, that he made his home in the university town of Mar-
burg, a center of Reformation influence second only to Wittenberg itself.1
Here, in common with other reformers, he would enjoy the powerful pro-
tection of the Protestant Landgraf Philip of Hesse-Cassel, and the advan-
tages of the new Protestant University of Marburg founded by that ruler.
Here also there was a printing establishment less likely to be invaded by
English spies than those at Cologne and Worms, conducted by Hans
Luft.2 Among his associates here was the learned Hermann Buschius,
whom he had already met at Worms, and whose testimony to his learning
is worthy of note.3 Another illustrious man whom Tyndale probably
met at Marburg was the Scottish protomartyr Patrick Hamilton, who
spent a few months there in 1527 with three companions.
In the following spring, May 8, 1528, Tyndale issued from the press of
Hans Luft his Parable 0} the Wicked Mammon, a work on the Reformation
doctrine of justification by faith, and The Obedience 0} a Christian Man,
treating of the duties of a Christian citizen in his religious, family, social,
and civic relations. Of the contents of these important works, and their
bearing upon the English Reformation, this is not the place to speak.
During 1529 the attacks on Tyndale from English sources increased in
violence. In particular the pamphlet campaign of Sir Thomas More
against him began; a controversy which was renewed several years
later and led to some of Tyndale's ablest polemic writings. During that
year Tyndale visited Antwerp, presumably in connection with arrange-
ments for promoting the exportation of his New Testament and other
works. It happened that More and Tunstal were then on the continent
ing in the negotiation of the Treaty of Cambray; and Tunstal went
1 Demaus, chap. vii.
2 Dr. Mombert attempts to show that "Malborow in the land of Hesse" is not
Marburg, but a pseudonym for Wittenberg. He presents arguments tending to show-
that Hans Luft was never in Marburg. See his preface, p. xxix. Cf., contra, Athe-
naitm, 1885, pp. 500 ft.
3 P. 22.
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 1 3
to Antwerp in the hope of seizing some of Tyndale's Testaments. As in
the former case, the purchase of a large supply for confiscation was easily
effected, but the publication of further editions was thereby made pos-
sible. There is uncertainty as to Tyndale's movements during 1529.
Foxe relates1 that the translator sailed from Antwerp for Hamburg, was
wrecked, with the loss of all his books and manuscripts, reached Hamburg
by another ship, and spent some months there, from Easter to Decem-
ber, translating, with Coverdale's aid, the entire Pentateuch. The refer-
ence to Coverdale is not accepted as very important by biographers, as -
Coverdale could hardly have aided Tyndale in the actual task of translation,
being at that time but slightly acquainted with Hebrew. The entire inci-
dent is believed by Demaus1 to be confused or misdated, as it con-
flicts with the Antwerp anecdote about Tunstal, which is placed in the
late summer of 1529. Demaus thinks it probable that, instead of going
to Hamburg at this time, Tyndale returned to Marburg; and, if so, may
have been present at the famous debate between Luther and Zwingli upon •
the eucharist, which led to the final separation between the German and
the Swiss reformers.
Whether the work of translating the Pentateuch was accomplished at
Hamburg or at Marburg, it was completed by the latter part of 1529; for l
the Genesis bears the imprint of Hans Luft, the Marburg printer, under
date of Januarv 17, 1530. The Pentateuch was not printed as a whole,
but the several books appear to have been issued at brief intervals, perhaps
in two groups, which were bound together. Genesis and Numbers are in
black-letter; Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy, in roman type. No
satisfactory explanation has been given of this diversity of type. Some
have supposed that the three books in roman were published in some other
city, but Demaus finds that all five books have the same form, the same
style of ornamental title-pages, and the same paper. Each book has an
introduction, marginal notes, and a glossary of Hebrew words and proper
names containing the etymology of these terms as understood by the
translator.
Having seen his Pentateuch safely through the press, Tyndale entered
upon the most important of his controversial works, The Practice of Prel-
ates. This was an attack upon the hierarchy, particularly the Pope and
the English bishops, in which their excesses and extortions were satirically
compared with the simplicity of the New Testament church polity. Wolsey
came in for special denunciation for his selfish ambition, not alone from
1 Acts and Monuments, p. 1077.
2 P. 229.
14 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
the point of view of an ecclesiastical reformer, but considered from
Tyndale's position as a partiot and still loyal supporter of the king.
The attacks of Sir Thomas More upon Tyndale were instigated by
v Tunstal, who wrote to him March 7, 1528,1 requesting that he undertake
the defense of the Catholic faith against Lutheran heretics. More was the
most learned man in England, a Greek scholar, friend of Erasmus and
Colet, author of Utopia, a defender hitherto of liberal principles in religion
and government. The singular contrast between his previous career and
the bitterness and narrowness displayed by him toward his exiled fellow-
countryman, Tyndale, is one of the puzzles of literary history. The first
volume of this controversy, A Dialogue of Sir Thomas More, Knight ....
wherein he treated divers matters .... with many other things touching
the pestilent sect 0} Luther and Tyndale, appeared in June, 1529, just before
More left for Cambray. Tyndale worked on his reply during 1530 and
published it at Amsterdam in 1531. More answered in 1532 with his
Confutation, following this up with passages in the Debellation of Salem
and Byzance, the Apology, and the Answer to the Poisoned Book. Much
of More's bitterness was due to Tyndale's mistaken charge that the lord
chancellor had been moved by mercenary motives in undertaking the task
of defending the church against the reformers. The subject-matter of the
volumes on both sides covers the whole field of the Reformation dogmas,
the alleged abuses of the church, and the merits and defects of Tyndale's
version. Notwithstanding More's superior learning in general history and
politics, and the great advantage he possessed because of his official position
and his intimate acquaintance with the rapidly changing internal affairs of
England, he was unquestionably worsted in the argument. In his later
works he shows that he himself felt this, and from urbane controversy he
descends to vulgar and malicious abuse.
Tyndale in his Obedience of a Christian Man had laid down principles
in regard to the supremacy of the state over the church in all civil affairs
which now became popular in court circles at home. For Wolsey had
been superseded by Thomas Cromwell, and it was Cromwell's plan to
assert the rights of the king against the claims of the Pope. This new
premier, only superficially acquainted with Tyndale's writings, believed
that a pamphleteer so acute and eloquent might render valuable service in
this campaign. He therefore, without full consultation with the king,
directed the envoy at Antwerp, Stephen Vaughan, to ascertain on what
terms Tyndale would return to England. It appears that this was not a
scheme to entrap Tyndale and then put him out of the way, but a genuine
1 Wilkins, Concilia, III, 711; Demaus, p. 263.
TYNDALE S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 1 5
attempt to bring him back as an ally in the new policy inaugurated by
Cromwell. Yaughan, after some correspondence with Tyndale, had three
interviews with him at Antwerp during the early months of 1531, and was
)mpletely won over by the evident sincerity and power of the supposed
[retic. He could not, however, persuade the exile to risk his liberty and
life by setting foot in England, where More and Tunstal were still
^eathing out slaughter against him. Meantime Tyndale's Practice of
relates having come to the notice of Cromwell and of his royal master,
ie situation suddenly changed. The Obedience of a Christian Man was a
^leasing book in a king's ears. The Practice of Prelates was rank heresy
and treason. Cromwell, by Henry's command, made Vaughan cease his
efforts to enlist Tyndale in the king's service. Before long Vaughan was
superseded at Antwerp by a man of another stamp, Sir Thomas Elyot, and
the attitude toward Tyndale became one of hostility. But for a time the
exile evaded his enemies.
During that year, 1531, he translated and published a translation of
the book of Jonah, with a prologue. Subsequently he suspended his
translation work in order to enter upon the task of expounding the Scrip-
ture. In 1 53 1 appeared his exposition of the First Epistle of John. In
1532, after he had left Antwerp, and while he was roaming from one Ger-
man city to another, an exposition of the Sermon on the Mount was pub-
lished. This was to some extent based on Luther's homilies on the same
portion of Scripture, but was nevertheless an original work. In 1533 there
was published anonymously at Nuremberg a treatise entitled The Supper
of the Lord .... wherein incidentally More's letter against John Fryth
is confuted. This is attributed to Tyndale; it is an exposition of the sixth
chapter of John. Written to defend Tyndale's friend John Fryth, now
under arrest in England, it was without avail. Fryth, who had been with
Tyndale on the continent much of the time since 1528, and was his closest
companion, was tried, condemned, and suffered martyrdom July 4, 1533.
The vigor of the pursuit of Tyndale having now temporarily abated,
he settled again in Antwerp, and spent about two years there quietly,
busy with the revision of the Pentateuch and the New Testament. New
editions of both were issued in 1534. In the revised edition of the Penta-
teuch the textual changes were confined to the book of Genesis.1 Some
alterations were made in the glossaries and prologues. The revision of
the New Testament was radical and extensive. Prologues and marginal
notes were also added. This revised edition was preceded by an unauthor-
ized and garbled edition of the Testament by Tyndale's former friend,
1 See a collation of these alterations in Mombert, p. ciii.
1 6 TYXDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
George Jove, who introduced a few changes for doctrinal reasons, and
sought a scholar's credit for a piece of literary piracy. It led to a bitter
controversy between him and Tyndale. Early in 1535 Tyndale had a
second revision ready for the press, but was arrested before its publication.
The plot by which the great translator fell into the hands of his enemies
was not instigated by King Henry nor by the dominant party in England,
now by no means ill disposed toward him. It was rather the work of
the Catholic reactionaries, foiled in their attempt to prevent Henry's
breach with Rome, and furious against Tyndale as one of the leaders in
the Protestant movement, as he was also the most defenseless. Betrayed
through the treachery of a supposed friend, Henry Philips, he was arrested
in the streets of Antwerp by the officers of the Emperor Charles V, and
imprisoned in the castle of Vilvorde, eighteen miles away. The date of
his arrest is fixed by a document still in the archives at Brussels at about
May 23> 1535-
Efforts were made to save him from the heretic's fate. His friend
Thomas Poyntz, at whose house he had resided for a year, risked his own
life in the vain attempt to change the determination of the authorities.
Cromwell, when appealed to, used some pressure to obtain the same end,
but failed. The trial, before a special commission, occupied several
months in 1536. Tyndale answered the elaborate charges of his prosecutors
with ability and eloquence, but the conclusion was foregone. In mid-
summer sentence of death was passed upon him. During his prison life
he pursued his studies so far as he was able. A Latin letter written by
him to the governor of the prison, requesting warmer clothing, candles,
and the use of his Hebrew books, is still extant. On October 6, 1536, he
suffered martyrdom at Vilvorde, being first strangled and then burned.1
Having before us this outline of Tyndale's life, the first question bearing
upon the subject of this paper is: Where and how did he learn Hebrew?
The answer to this question must be wholly inferential. Tyndale,
so far as can be judged from the history of his early fife, knew nothing
of Hebrew when he left England in May, 1524. He was to some extent
acquainted with Hebrew before writing The Parable 0} the Wicked Mammon
and The Obedience 0) a Christian Man, published in the spring of 1528.
He translated the Pentateuch in 1529. This fixes the period of his first
Hebrew studies upon which his translation was based between 1524 and
1528.
1 Foxe tells, in much detail, the story of the arrest, imprisonment, and efforts to
save Tyndale's life (pp. 1077-79).
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 1 7
Between his arrival in Germany in 1524 and his arrest in 1535, Tyndale
spent his time in the following cities, so far as can be discovered or surmised:
Hamburg: May, 1524
(Wittenberg: May, 1524-April, 1525
Hamburg: ' April, 1525
Cologne: April-September, 1525
Worms: October, 1525- ...(?) 1527
Marburg(?): .... 1527-August, 1529
Antwerp: August, 1529
Hamburg(?): .... 1529
Marburg: December, 1529-. . . . 1530
Antwerp: i53I-I535
Since his stay at Hamburg in May, 1524, and again in April, 1525, was
brief, and the period of not more than five months spent at Cologne was
occupied with the printing of the unfinished quarto New Testament,
.Tyndale learned his Hebrew in Wittenberg, Worms, and Marburg. Inas- (
much as the early months of his stay at Wittenberg must have been chiefly
occupied with the translation of the New Testament, not to mention the
acquisition of the German language, we may probably place the earliest
date of his Hebrew studies in the beginning of 1525; and inasmuch as the
translation of the Pentateuch must have occupied the most of 1529, the
study of the language preparatory to that task can hardly have continued
much beyond 1528. This leaves four years during which Tyndale may '
have labored steadily or at intervals upon the Hebrew grammar and
Scriptures. But there is evidence that by the second year of this period
he had already made much progress in the language. Herman Buschius,
one of the group of German Humanists which included Reuchlin, Erasmus,
Ulrich von Hutten, and other leaders in the revival of learning, met Tyndale
at WTorms before August 11, 1526, and told Spalatin that the Englishman
who translated the New Testament was "so skilled in seven languages,
Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, English, French, that whichever
he spoke you would suppose it his native tongue."1 We must allow for
some exaggeration in this statement, since it is highly improbable that
Tyndale could actually converse with any fluency in Hebrew, and unlikely
that he had much fluency in the Italian and Spanish. But the words of
Buschius, recorded by a disinterested third person, certainly show that
Tyndale had made more than a beginning in Hebrew when he had been
in Worms only about nine months. We are led therefore to assume a
period of elementary study at Wittenberg during the latter months of his
1 Diary of Spalatinus, printed in Schelhorn, Amoenitaies li'.crariae, IV, 431-
l8 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
stay there (January-April, 1525); a partial interruption, possibly, during
the busy period of getting the New Testament to press at Cologne and
Worms (April-December, 1525); a renewed study, under Jewish guidance,
at Worms during 1526 and part of the following year; and a further period
of study in a university atmosphere with scholarly associates at Marburg,
1527-29.
It will now be necessary to examine the evidence for the theory above
outlined as to the time and places of Tyndale's Hebrew studies. That he
knew no Hebrew when he left England in May, 1524, is to be inferred
from three considerations. First, Hebrew was not taught at Oxford or
Cambridge prior to that time. Second, in the absence of Christian teachers
at the universities, Tyndale, so far as we can judge, had no opportunity
of learning from Jewish instructors during his sojourn in London (1523-24).
There is no evidence that any impulse had yet reached England from the
enthusiastic campaign of Hebrew study in Germany started by the Pfeffer-
korn-Reuchlin controversy. Third, there is no evidence that copies of
-the Rudimenta Linguae Hebraicae of Reuchlin (1506) or other grammatical
manuals had reached England during Tyndale's residence at the univer-
sities. So we conclude, in the absence of any proof or contemporary hint
to the contrary, that neither from Christians, Jews, nor books did Tyndale
learn anything of Hebrew in England.
Evidence of the progress of Tyndale's Hebrew studies, in addition to
the testimony of Buschius in the summer of 1526, is found in the two
doctrinal treatises published in the spring of 1528, The Parable of the
Wicked Mammon and The Obedience of a Christian Man.
In The Parable of the Wicked Mammon appears this remark on the
word "Mammon":
First, Mammon is a Hebrew word and signifieth riches or temporal goods,
namely all superfluity, and all that is above necessity and that which is required
unto our necessary uses wherewith a man may help another without undoing
or hurting himself: for hamon in the Hebrew speech, signifies a multitude or
aboundance of money, and therehence cometh mahamon or ynammon, abundance
or plenteousness of goods or riches.1
In The Obedience of a Christian Man is this comment on the Hebrew
idiom:
St. Jerome also translated the Bible into the mother tongue, why may not we
also ? They will say it cannot be translated into our tongue, it is so rude. It
is not so rude as they are false liars. For the Greek tongue agreeth more with
the English than with the Latin. And the properties of the Hebrew tongue
1 The Fathers 0; the English Church, Vol. I, p. 103.
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 19
agreeth a thousand times more with the English than with the Latin. The
manner of speaking is both one, so that in a tho usand places thou needest not
but to translate it into the English word for word, when thou must seek a compass
Athe Latin.1
I With reference to the places where Tyndale learned Hebrew and the
■urces of his knowledge many inferential conclusions can be drawn from
le well-known history of the Talmud controversy which ushered in the
Reformation.
Johann Reuchlin was the first German Christian to study Hebrew.
Born at Pforzheim in 1455, educated in Greek at Paris and Basel, he
became a teacher of the classics, though also practicing the profession of
law. In middle life, after a brilliant career in diplomatic service, he
began the serious study of Hebrew with Loans, the Jewish physician to
the emperor Frederick III. In 1498 at Rome he continued these studies
with another learned Jew, Obadiah Sforno. Returning to Germany, he
began to teach the language to the many eager humanists at Heidelberg,
Stuttgart, and other cities where the Greek learning was already cultivated.
In 1506 he issued his Rudimenta Linguae Hebraicae, the first Hebrew
grammar in a European language for the use of Christians, if we except
the brief and imperfect sketch published in 1503 by Conrad Pellicanus,
who had learned something of the language by working over Hebrew
manuscripts almost without instruction. In 1512 Reuchlin issued the
Hebrew text of the penitential Psalms with grammatical notes. He was
regarded as the most learned Hebraist in Germany, though during the
first decade of the century numerous competent scholars had followed
his example and studied the language under the guidance of learned Jews
in Germany, Italy, and France.
When therefore in 1509 an attack on the Jews and confiscation of their
books were planned by certain of the Dominican monks of Cologne, led
by John Pfefferkorn, it was to Reuchlin that the emperor, Maximilian,
referred this subject to investigate and report. His reply, defending the
Jewish books against the charge of insulting Christianity, angered his
enemies beyond measure. A controversy ensued which lasted for six
years, and ultimately involved all the representative men of Germany on
one side or the other; the Humanists siding with Reuchlin in defense of
the Jews, the ecclesiastics and many of the university faculties against him.
Though Reuchlin escaped condemnation in the proceedings brought
against him for his refusal to recant, he suffered much abuse and material
1 Doctrinal Treatises and Introductions to Different Portions 0} the Holy Scriptures
(Parker Society edition, 1848), p. 148.
20
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
losses for his stand. It was the indignation aroused among the liberals
by the bigotry displayed in this controversy, together with the sattoes of
the Encomium Moriae and the Epistolae Obscurorum Virornm,\
prepared the way for the Lutheran Reformation.
The bearing of this Reuchlin-Pfefferkorn controversy upon the
introduction of Hebrew instruction into German universities is
When the young Humanists, hitherto content with the newly di
riches of the Greek classics, found themselves forbidden by the obscurantist
partv in the church to read the dangerous Jewish works or to attempt to
study the Old Testament in the original, that was the very thing they were
the most eager to do. Accordingly, the natural course of events was
hastened; the Hebrew instruction, which under normal conditions might
have taken a generation to spread through the universities, and become
popular, sprang at once into a place second only to Greek. The demand
for teachers sent many men to Reuchlin, Sebastian Miinster, Pellicanus,
and the other pioneers, for grounding in the hitherto despised language.
Textbooks were issued in rapid succession.1
Thus, when Tyndale reached Germany, Hebrew was no longer a
novelty in the centers of learning. Reuchlin was dead, but his younger
associates and pupils were fairly well equipped to carry on his work.
-<_.
1 The following list of Hebrew textbooks published from 1500 to 1530 is given in
the Jewish Encyclopedia. Many of these ran through several editions.
1504. Pellicanus, Conrad. De modo legendi et intelligendi Hebraeum (Strasburg).
mo6. Reuchlin, Johann. Rudimenta Linguae Hebraicae una cum Lexico (Pforzheim)
1508. Tissardus, Franciscus. Grammatica Hebraica et Graeca (Paris).
1513-1521. Guidaccerius, Agathius. Institutiones Graecae Hebraicae (Rome).
1516. Capita, W. F. Institutiuncula in Hebraicam Linguam (Basel).
1518. Boeschenstein, John. Hebraicae Grammaticae Institutiones (Wittenberg).
15S2. Miinster, Sebastian. Epitome Hebraicae Grammaticae (Basel).
1520. Pagninus, Sanct. Institutiones Hebraicae (Lyons).
1522. Anonymous. Rudimenta Hebraicae Grammaticae (Basel).
1524. Miinster, Sabastian. Institutiones Grammaticae in Hebraicam Linguam (Basel).
1525. Aurigallus, Matthew. Compendium Hebraicae Chaldaeaeque Grammaticae
(Wittenberg).
1526. Zamorensis, Alphonsus. Introductions Artis Grammaticae Hebraicae (Com-
plutum).
1528. Van Campen, John. Ex Variis Libellis Eliae .... quidquid ad Graecam
Hebraicam est necessarium (Louvain).
1528. Fabricius, Theodoras. Institutiones Linguae Sanctae (Cologne).
1528. Pagninus, Sanct. Institutionum Hebraicaritm Abbrrciatio (Lyons).
1529. Clendardus, Nicolas. Tabulae in Graecam Hebraicam (Louvain).
1530. Sebastianus, Augustus. Grammatica Linguae Ebraae (Marburg)
TYND ALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 21
Chairs of Hebrew existed at Heidelberg, Wittenberg,1 and perhaps at
others of the universities, while one was established at the new University
of Marburg about the time of Tyndale's arrival there.
When Tyndale, in the year 1529, set about the work of translating the *"
Pentateuch, his equipment for the task was by no means meager. He
had, first of all, acquired facility in the difficult art of translation by his
New Testament. In that task he had chosen the style which seemed best
fitted for rendering the Scriptures — a style so simple in its structure, so
close to the paratactic quality of Hellenic Greek, that it is well-nigh trans-
parent. The reader imagines he is reading the one inevitable, obvious
sentence which alone could render the original into English; and not
until it is compared with the painful artificialities of modern attempts to
translate the New Testament into contemporary speech, not until the
scholar compares Tyndale's Testament with the current English of the
early Tudor period, is the full significance of this first modern version
perceived. Those who are never content to leave a writer more than the
merest vestige of originality point to Wiclif 's version, and seek by parallel
columns to demonstrate Tyndale's heavy indebtedness of Wiclif. It is
not to be denied that manuscript copies of Wiclif 's Testament circulated 1
freelv as late as the latter half of the fifteenth century, and that Tyndale
was, of course, familiar with it. Neither can it be denied that in the choice
of words, notwithstanding the obsolete diction of the earlier translator,
Tyndale was often content to adopt phrases that commended themselves
to him. No friend of Tyndale needs to exalt him by depreciating Wiclif.
But Tyndale expressly declares that he was not dependent on his prede
cessor, making his own translation throughout rather than revising the old.2
On the question of Tyndale's English style as a translator we have for-
tunatelv a considerable basis for comparison in his voluminous doctrinal,
controversial, and expository works. As might be expected, in these
writings the sentences are longer, the rhetorical balance more elaborate;
but both in invective and in exhortation, in the biting epigram and the
eloquent homily, we find evidence of that genius for cadences and rhythmic
flow of syllables which marks our English Bible above all other works of
English prose. The only writers of his age in whom we find this style
1 Among the Hebraists in Luther's circle at Wittenberg were Matthaeus Auro-
gallus, Johann Forster, Bernhard Ziegler, and George Rorer. See Buchwald, Doktor
Martin Luther, p. 321.
2 " I had no man to counterfeit, neither was helped with English of any that had
interpreted the same or such like another in the Scripture beforetime" ("Epistle to
the Reader," subjoined to the New Testament).
22 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
developed, with its nice balance of the Latin and Anglo-Saxon words and
syntax, are Latimer, in his sermons, for the short sentence and pithy
phrase, and Cranmer, translator of the larger part of the Prayer Book for
the rhythms. It was not the common style of learned men in the reign of
Henry YIII. Sir Thomas More shows few traces of it. He writes a Latin-
ized English without flexibility and without melody. The English version
of the Utopia is, of course, not by More at all, but by one Ralph Robinson,
and belongs to the following generation.
This style of Tyndale's, which set the fashion for Coverdale and all his
successors, owes not a little of its charm to the fact that it was shaped in
its phrasing by the loose syntactical structure of the Greek Testament. It
is to be noted that among the numerous translations of the Early Tudor
period those from the French — for example, Lord Berners' version of
Froissart — most nearly approach this style of Tyndale's; and for the
obvious reason that the translator in each case happened to be too good a
scholar to paraphrase in Latinized periods a narrative told in short words
and co-ordinate clauses. We have but to compare Tyndale at his worst —
that is, in his most vehement tirades against More — with the typical pam-
phlets and formal correspondence of Henry's reign, to feel instantly the
individuality of the man and his feeling for the new English prose that had
so lately come into being.
If this was the first and one of the most important of Tyndale's quali-
fications, when he undertook the translation of the Pentateuch, a second
was his Hebrew studies, already referred to. The apparatus at his com-
mand can be estimated with some approach to probability.
For Hebrew grammar he had at his command the considerable number
of textbooks enumerated above, of which those by Reuchlin (1506), Miin-
ster (1520), and the two published at Wittenberg by the leading Hebraists
there, Boeschenstein (1518) and Aurigallus (1525), were probably his
chief authorities, since they would naturally be the most accessible.
For lexicons he had the vocabulary accompanying Reuchlin 's Rudi
menta (1506), Sebastian Minister's Lexicon hebraicum chaldaicum (Basel,
1508, 1523), and perhaps Pagninus' Thesaurus linguae sanctae sive lexicon
hebraicum (Lyons, 1529).
For the Hebrew text there was no want of printed editions. At least
five had been printed in Italy and Spain since 1488, the most popular of
which was that of Bomberg, published at Venice in 151 7. This included
the Targum of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, of which Tyndale is supposed
by some editors to have made occasional use.
For the Vulgate there were, of course, many printed editions. Of the
TYXDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 23
Septuagint, editions were to be found in the Comphitensian Polyglot
(1514), the Aldine edition (1518), and the Strasburg edition of 1526.
Luther's translation of the five books of Moses, the first part of his
Old Testament, appeared in 1523, and was of course constantly before
Tyndale in his work.
The question arises whether Tyndale had with him in Germany a
manuscript of the Wiclifite Old Testament by Nicholas de Hereford or its
revision by John Purvey, or whether such resemblances as can be traced
between these early versions and his are either accidental or due to recol-
lections of a version familiar to him in his youth. These resemblances
are much less numerous than in the New Testament, where there is no
possible doubt that Tyndale used Wiclif's work. If Foxe's story of the
shipwreck on the voyage to Hamburg in 1529 be accepted,1 we must con-
clude that any such manuscript of either of the fourteenth-century Old
Testament versions, even if Tyndale originally had one and used it in his
first draft of Deuteronomy, was lost in that disaster; and it does not seem
likely that it could be promptly replaced by friends in England in time to
be used in the work on the Pentateuch.
We come now to the central problem of this inquiry: To what extent
did Tyndale use the Hebrew in his Pentateuch ?
This question is to be decided only by a comparison of his version with
the original, with the Vulgate, with Luther's version, and with Hereford's
and Purvey's. It is not so easy of settlement as prejudiced writers on
either side have attempted to prove. If his authorship of the books from
Joshua to Chronicles in Rogers' and Coverdale's Bibles could be assumed,
we should have a larger basis for induction. The Pentateuch consists so
largely of straightforward narrative, in which alternative renderings of the
Masoretic text are seldom possible; it has so few obscurities as compared
with the poetical and prophetic books, that we may diligently compare
many chapters in Tyndale, Luther, and the Vulgate, as the present writer
has done, without being able to find a single datum for our inquiry. On
the other hand, there are in the Pentateuch certain well-known difficulties,
due either to rare words, poetic diction, or a corrupt text, which afford a
more promising field for such study.
It would be manifestly impracticable to present here in parallel columns
the several versions of the entire Pentateuch, or of an entire book. Four-
fifths of such material would yield negative results. The method chosen,
after a comparison of the entire Pentateuch in the manner indicated, is to
select such chapters as offer tangible evidence upon one side or the other —
1 Acts and Monuments, p. 1077.
24 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
Tyndale's originality on the one hand, his dependence on the Vulgate and
Luther on the other hand. Words and phrases presenting variations
deemed significant for one reason or another are quoted, with their equiva-
lents in the Hebrew, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, the two Wiclifite ver-
sions, and Luther's version. The first chapter of Genesis is given entire,
as a fair specimen of straight narrative prose, and the number and char-
acter of data for our inquiry to be found in such prose. Isolated passages
from Genesis present further typical examples. From the three consider-
able poetic pieces in the Pentateuch, Genesis, chap. 49, Deuteronomy,
chaps. 32 and 33, are taken such passages as show facts bearing on the dis-
cussion; affording, by reason of their difficulties, more numerous tangible
instances of dependence or independence than any other portion of the
material.
For the Hebrew the Masoretic text is given; for the Septuagint, Swete's
text;1 for the Vulgate, the standard Vatican edition, from a copy printed
at Frankfort in 1829 collated with a Venetian edition of 1478 (Newberry
Library); for Hereford and Purvey, the edition of the Wiclif Bible by
Forshall and Madden (Oxford, 1850); for Luther, a Bible printed at
Frankfort in 1583, now in the Newberry Library; for Tyndale, the critical
reprint edited by Dr. J. I. Mombert (New York, 1884), the only reprint
ever made of Tyndale's Pentateuch. Dr. Mombert's work was conducted
with every precaution to insure literal accuracy of reproduction, and is to
be depended on so far as the text is concerned. His introduction contains
a large amount of bibliographical and other information, together with
certain conclusions as to the unsettled historical questions of Tyndale's
life, which are at some points in conflict with other authorities. He has
also taken the singular course of appending to the text of the Pentateuch,
in the form of footnotes, glosses selected from Luther's version and the
Rogers Bible of 1537, which at times are confusing to the student. The
book was unfavorably reviewed in the Athenceum (1885, Vol. I, pp. 500,
562). The reviewer points out many alleged errors in Mombert's biblio-
graphical statements, and ridicules his theory that the Pentateuch was
really printed at Wittenberg instead of Marburg. He does not, however,
criticise in any respect the fidelity of the reprint of the text of the Penta-
teuch, with which we are here concerned.
1 The Hebrew and Greek have been collated with the texts in Walton's Polyglot
(1657), no copy of the Complutensian Polyglot first edition being available. No
variations from the modern text were found in the passages herein quoted.
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
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TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
41
va
■-
<
I >i iregexds L's cor-
K 1 1 translation.
Follows 1 .'s fantastic
conjecture!
Independent in trans-
lating TT3 •
Avoids the bold Heb.
figure. His para-
pbraaeis independ
cnt.
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ing of ffOTQ ■ '"
keeping with the
context, which L's
is not.
r1
The blessinges of thy
father were
stronge: euen as
the blessinges of
my elders, alter the
dcsyrc oi the hicsl
in the worlde, and
these blessinges
shall fall on the
head of Eoseph,
and on the loppe
of the head of him
yt was separat from
his brcthcrn.
lie is a nuke and
pcrfcctc arc liis
deadcs, for all his
wayes arc with dis
crerion. God is
faithful! and with
out wekednessc,
both rightuous and
juste is he.
The frowarde and
ouerthwarte gen-
eration hath
marred them seines
to himward, and
are not his soiinc
for their deform-
ities sake,
J
Die segen dcines Vat
tcrs gehen slercker
denn die segen
meiner Voriillcrn
(nach wiindsch dcr
Ilohen in die Welt)
und sollen kom
men au ff das
Haupt Joseph 1
und a u ff die
Schcitel desz Nasir
unter scincn Brud
em.
Er ist cin Kelsz 1
seine Wcnk sind
unstrilfllich | Denn
allcs was er thut
das ist rccht.
Trew isl C.,.tt i
und kein boscs an
jm I ('.credit und
fromb ist er.
Die verkehrcte und
bose art sellel von
jm ab | Sic sind
Schandtflei ken i
und nil lit seine
Kinder.
t-
The blessyngis
of thi fadir ben
coum for lid, the
blessyngis of his
fadris, til the desire
of euerlastynge
hillis cam; bless
yngis ben maad in
the heed of Joseph,
and in the nol oi
Na/.arei among his
brithercn.
The werkis of God
ben perfiti and alle
hise wcics ben
domes ; G od i
feithful, and with
out ony wickid-
ncssc; God is iust
and rigtful.
Thci synneden agens
hym, and not hise
soncs in lilthis,
that is, of Idolatrie;
schrewid and wai-
ward generadoun,
S
The blissyngis of
thi fader ben coum
fortid with the
blissyngis of the
fadris of hym, to
the tymc that were
comcn the desyrc
of euerlastynge
hillis; ben thci
maad in the heed
of Joseph, and in
the heed of Naza-
rei amonge his
bretheren.
Of God perfitbenthe
wcrkys, and alle
his weyes domes; a
trewe God, and
with outcn eny
wickidncs, rygt wis
and eucn.
Thci han synncd to
hym, and not his
soncs in lilthis;
shrcwid kynred.
and mysturnyd.
>
Hcncdictinncs patri:
tui confortatae sunt
benediction! bus
patrum ejus, donCI
vcniret desiderium
collium actcrno
rum, bant in capitc
Joseph, el in ver
ticc Nazaraci inter
fratrcs suos.
1 Id pcrfecta sunt
u|K-ra, et omnes
viae ejus Judida;
Dens fidclis, el
absque uUa iniqul
tate, Justus ct rec-
tus.
Peccaverunt ci, et
non filii ejus in
sordibus; genera
tio prava atque
perversa.
X
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TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
49
X
as
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-2
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Follows V I. which
do not siiiuly ren-
der the Heb.
H
With goodly frute
of the cith and off
the fulnesse there
Of. Anil the good
will of him ilia!
dwelleth in the
bush shall Come
vppon the heed of
Joseph and vppon
—
£ J3
0 —
il
ern
His bewtye is as a
lirslborne 0X6 and
his homes as the
homes of an vny-
corne. And with
them he shall push
the nacions to
gether, euen vnto
the endes of the
worlde. These
are the in a D y
thousandesof Eph
raim and the thou
S3
E
1 |
3 s
-
1'iuihh'ii von der
F.rden | und was
drinnen ist. Die
Grade desz | der
in dem 11 u sell
wohnete 1 komme
auff das Haupt Jo
Seph 1 und auff
den Scheytel desz
e
c
a
Seine Herrligkeil isl
wie ein F.rslge
borner Ochse 1
und seine Horner
sind wie Einhor
ners Htirner. Mil
denselbigen wirt er
die Volcker stossen
zuhaulf 1 his/, an
dcs Landes ende 1
Das sind die tau
send Ephraim 1
und die tausend
a
2
e*
and of the fruytis
of the loud, and
of the fulnesse
thereof. The
blessyng of hym
that apperide in
the busch come
on the heed of
Joseph, and on
u
"o
u
=
As the first gendrid
of a bole is the
feirnesse of hym;
the homes of an
vnicorn ben the
homes of hym; in
t h 0 h e s c h a 1
wyndene folk is,
til to the termes
nl erthe. These
ben the multitudis
of Effraym, and
these hen the thou
a
s
0
4 i
as
And of fruytis of
the erthe, and
pie nte of it. K less
ynge of hym
that aperyde In the
busshe come vpon
the heed of Jo-
seph, und vpon the
fortop of Nazarey
J3
ao
a
0
As of the first goten
bool the feirnes of
hym; homes of an
vnicorn the homes
nf him, in hem he
shal wyndowe gen-
tilys, vnto the leer-
mes of the erthe
Thes ben the mul
titudys of Effraym,
and thes t hou-
sandis of manasse.
>
et de frugibus terrae,
et de plenitudine
ejus; benedictio
Illius, qui apparuit
in rubo, veniat
super caput Jo-
seph, et super ver-
ticem nazaraei
intei fratres suns.
Quasi priniogeniti
tauri pulchritudo
ejus, cornua rhi-
nocerotis cornua
illius, in ipsis veil
tilaliit gentes usque
ad terminos Ter-
rae; hae sunt mill
titudines Kphraim,
e t h 11 e c in i 1 1 i a
Manasse.
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TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
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TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
51
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52 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
From such comparisons, carried through the Pentateuch, we discover:
(i) that Tyndale did not make a literal, unaided version from the Hebrew,
as if no other translation existed; (2) that he did not modernize and revise
the work of Nicholas de Hereford and John Purvey; (3) that he did not
make a translation from the Vulgate and then revise it by comparison with
the Hebrew and Luther's version.
1. If Tyndale had confined himself to the Hebrew, referring only
occasionally to the Vulgate or Luther for help on obscure passages, we
should expect only occasional coincidences of phraseology and interpre-
tation with those versions, and these in places where some special reason
for difficulty existed. But this is not the condition shown by the parallel
versions. In simple narrative prose there is little room for alternative
renderings, hence examples taken from such material yield negative results:
if Tyndale in such chapters follows V and L closely, it is simply because
they in turn follow the Hebrew closely, and no one can say in any given
verse which text lay before Tyndale's eyes when he wrote his translation
of it. But coincidences in such passages as the three poetic chapters
quoted afford positive evidence of borrowing, not only in the difficult, but
in the easy verses. A Hebrew sentence in the poetic style, even though not
obscure, may be translated with many more chances of variety than a
prose sentence; and a large proportion of agreements with Luther here
cannot be accidental.
But the comparison of the versions, even in the few passages presented
in the preceding pages, establishes beyond any question what has some-
times been seriously denied — that Tyndale did use the Hebrew in his
Pentateuch. The cases where he, against all the versions, renders the
Hebrew literally are not numerous, but they are incontrovertible. Evi-
dence of Tyndale's acquaintance with Hebrew, drawn from his own auto-
biographical references in his writings, and in the glossaries of proper
names attached to the books of the Pentateuch, may be held by some
judges not conclusive as to anything more than a smattering of the lan-
guage. But these cases of independent correct rendering from the Hebrew
imply thorough study.
It is to be noted that Tyndale learned, either from Luther's version or
from his own study, much of the correct syntax of dependent clauses
introduced by Waw. He translates many of these more in accordance
with the correct principles of rendering Semitic idiom into English than
our English translators of later times have shown. He is generally right
in his treatment of the Hebrew tenses, abandoning the slavish literalness
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 53
of the Septuagint and Vulgate;1 though here again one must often admit
his indebtedness to Luther. In common with the ancient versions and
with Luther, he sometimes ignores the construct as shown by the pointing
and the absence of the article, which seems a rather serious fault in a trans-
lator. One characteristic difference from Luther is that he retains certain
Hebrew idioms which lend themselves well to rhythms of English style;
for example, where the Hebrew would say "sacrifices of righteousness,"
Luther would make it perhaps "righteous sacrifices," but Tyndale would
keep the construct with the abstract noun. One might trace this idiom
from Tyndale's Pentateuch down through the later translators of the Old
Testament into its many ramifications in English prose style.
Tyndale is too honest to slip out of a difficulty by a vague paraphrase,
as Luther did. Examples of this are found in the chapters quoted. In
few cases did Tyndale possess the scholarship to hit on the correct clue to
a puzzle due to corrupt text or a hapax legomenon; but he at least has the
courage to abandon Luther when the German translator merely blinked
the difficulty. Sometimes he prefers in such cases to cling to the time-
honored rendering of Jerome; sometimes he offers his own conjecture,
which is often wrong. There is at least a measure of independence in this
attitude.
Tyndale was a much better scholar in Greek than in Hebrew, and we
should therefore expect extensive use of the Septuagint. There are suffi-
cient data to prove that he consulted it constantly; but, after all, it afforded
him comparatively little assistance, because the chief value of this version —
as a guide in textual emendation — was unknown in Tyndale's day. There
is no evidence in Tyndale's Pentateuch, so far as the present writer has
discovered, that he ventured a single emendation of the Masoretic text on
textual grounds.2
2. As to the use made of the Wiclifite versions, Tyndale's own declara-
tion that he derived no aid from them is on the whole supported by the
comparison. Both Hereford's and Purvey's versions are not only Middle
English, thoroughly obsolete in 1529, but they are very crabbed and unidio-
1 This knowledge he used in his translation of the New Testament Greek.
"If ought seme chaunged, or not alto gether agreyng with the Greke, let the finder of
the faute cosider the Hebrue phrase, or maner of speache left in the Greke wordes.
Whose preterperfectence and presentence is of both one, and the futurtence is the
optative mode also, and the futurtence is of the imperative mode in the active voyce
and in the passive ever. Like wise person for person, nombre for nobre, and inter-
rogative for a condicionall and suche lyke is with the Hebrues a comon usage."
("Preface to N. T., William Tindale unto the Christian Reader.")
3 See, for example, Gen. 49:19.
54 TYNBALE S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
matic Middle English, because copied bodily, and often unintelligently.
from the Vulgate. The case is far different from that of Wiclif's own
version of the New Testament, connection between which and Tyndale's
New Testament is much closer, as has been shown by writers on that sub-
ject. Where we find coincidences of phrase between Tyndale's Pentateuch
and the two fourteenth-century versions, we can usually trace them to the
common Latin source. Occasionally a combination of words occurs
which cannot be referred to such a source, and we are led to surmise that
Tyndale's recollection of versions doubtless familiar to him in early life
influenced him in the choice of a phrase; but these instances are not suffi-
ciently numerous to establish any presumption that he had a manuscript
of either version before him in Germany.
3. Nothing is made clearer by the comparison than that the Vulgate
was not Tyndale's basis in his work. He was fond of saying that Hebrew
was much more like English than it was like Latin ; and, indeed, he showed
in many little ways that he had no love for the official ecclesiastical version.
If he had worked directly and primarily from it, he could not have avoided
many Latin idioms, especially in the syntax, which are absent from his
translation. While no doubt influenced by the Vulgate in the choice of
words, such as "create," "firmament," and many more, it is most certainly
not the text from which he directly translated.
The conclusion at which we arrive, therefore, by the process of exclu-
sion, is that Tyndale in translating his Pentateuch kept constantly before
him the Hebrew text and Luther's version, with the Septuagint and Vul-
gate within easy reach, and fragments of the Middle English archaisms
running through his mind as he worked; that he probably made his first
draft from the German, checking it constantly by the Hebrew, and departing
from it in nearly every case where he detected Luther in an evasion; that
he carried into this work the same principle already established in his New
Testament, of making an idiomatic English work in the language of the
common people rather than of the learned; transferring such Semitic
idioms as approved themselves to him as easily understood and more
vigorous than paraphrase.
It has been pointed out, in the earlier part of this paper, that the
unhappy fate by which Tyndale's Old Testament was cut off so near the
beginning should not detract from the honor due to him as the father of
Hebrew scholarship among Englishmen, and the author of the first version
in English made from the Hebrew. To attempt to estimate his influence
on the style of the men who completed the Old Testament after his death
would lead us too far into the realm of conjecture. It will suffice to insist
TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH 55
that in the year 1529 there were many different ways of translating the five
books of Moses, any one of which might have been adopted by an English-
man with Tyndale's equipment; many styles, most of which would have
been Latinized, cumbrous, and periphrastic; and that of all these the one
which we find in our Bible today is the style of Tyndale, which no English-
man had used before him. Whether one should call this a case of direct
literary lineage, or should rather refer it to widely diffused linguistic influ-
ences which brought about a great change between the beginning and the
middle of the sixteenth century, is a matter of opinion. If we bring into
our field of view at this point Tyndale's New Testament, the popularity and
influence of which were so much greater, there can remain no doubt that
the martyr of Vilvorde deserves the pre-eminent rank so often accorded to
Coverdale and the bishops who entered into the reward of his heroic labors.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Mombert, J. I. William Tyndale's Five Books of Moses Called the Pentateuch.
1884.
Forshall, Josiah, and Madden, Sir Frederic. The Holy Bible in the Earliest
English Versions Made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wickliffe and His
Followers. 1850.
Coverdale, Myles. Biblia, The Bible, that is the holy Scripture of the Olde and
New Testament, faithfully and truly translated out of Douche and Latin in
to English. 1535.
Tyndale, William. The Newe Testament. 1549.
Tyndale, William. New Testament, facsimile of the, edition of 1525, by Francis
Fry. 1862.
Tyndale, William. Works. Parker Society Edition. 1850.
An Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue; The Supper of the Lord; Wm.
Tracy's Testament Expounded. 1850.
The Obedience of a Christian Man; Parable of the Wicked Mammon. 1850.
Expositions and Notes; The Practice of Prelates. 1850.
Tyndale, William. Various Tracts and Extracts, in The "Fathers of the English
Church," Vol. I. 1807.
Tyndale, William. Writings of Tindal, Frith, and Barnes. No date.
Luther, Martin. Die Heilige Schrift, etc. Frankfort, 1583.
The Vulgate: Biblia Sacra. Venice, 1478.
Walton, B. Biblia Polyglotta. London, 1657.
Anderson, Christopher. Annals of the English Bible. Second edition, 1862.
With bibliography of sixteenth-century Bibles in appendix.
Athetuxum, 1885, pp. 500 ff., 562 ff.: Review of Demaus' William Tyndale; A
Biography.
56 TYNDALE'S VERSION OF THE PENTATEUCH
Buchwald, Georg. Doktor Martin Luther. 1902.
Demaus, R. William Tyndale: A Biography. 187 1.
Dictionary 0] National Biography: Edward Irving Carlyle, "Life of Tyndale,"
Vol. LVII, 424.
Eadie, John. The English Bible. 1876.
Foxe, John. Acles and Monuments 0} matters most speciall and memorable,
happenyng in the Church, with an Vniuersall history 0/ the same, wherein
is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primi-
tive age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles,
and great persecutions agaynst the true Martyrs of Christ, sought and
wrought as well by Heathen Emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish
Prelates, especially in this Realm of England and Scotland. Fourth edition,
London, 1583.
Geiger, L. Das Studium der hebraischen Sprache in Deutschland vom End*
des 1 5 ten bis zur Mitte des i6ten Jahrhunderts. 187 1.
Hoare, H. W. The Evolution of the English Bible. 1901.
Moulton, W. F. The History of the English Bible. 1878.
Pattison, T. Harwood. The History of the English Bible. 1894.
Stoughton, John. Our English Bible. 1878.
Walter, Henry. Letters to Marsh, Bishop of Peterborough. 1823.
Westcott, B. F. History of the English Bible. 1868.
Whittaker, John W. An Historical and Critical Enquiry into the Interpretation
of the Hebrew Scriptures. 1819.
I. Ul
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