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UNIVERSITY^

PENNSYIV^^NIA.

UBKAR1E5

South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1880-1920: Industrialization, Immigration and the

Development of a Religious Landscape

Woodward Christian Carson

A THESIS

Historic Preservation

Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfilhnent of the

Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

2000

Supervisor

Lecturer in Historic Preservation

Christa Wilmanns-Wells, Ph. D.

Gradiike Group Chair

Frank)^^. Matero

Associate Professor of Architecture

Reader

Lecturer in Historic Preservation

George E. Thomas, Ph. D.

UNIVERSITY

PEMXD/LV.^NIA

U3F.AS1CO

Dedication

To my children. Faith and Summer.

Acknowledgments

Many individuals deserve thanks for their efforts in the completion of this thesis.
First and foremost, I would like to thank my wife, Krista, for her remarkable devotion
and sacrifice. Krista shares equally in my accomplishment here for reasons
incomprehensibly larger than the hours of listening to me develop my thoughts before
committing them to text, the mundane tasks proofreading and editing, and the countless
weekends of flying solo with the kids. Krista's unwavering patience and quiet faith are
an immeasurable source of strength and inspiration to not only myself but also all that
know her.

My family and friends certainly deserve a great deal of credit. All those who
share in this category are far too numerous to list individually but several must not go
without mention. Naturally, my parents deserve praise. The investment, personal and
otherwise, in raising a child and fostering its development again must be characterized as
immeasurable. My mother Ida and my father Charles have answered the call to such an
undertaking admirably. My brother, Schell and sister. Ginger, deserve thanks for their
friendship, devotion and quality of understanding obtainable through siblings alone. The
entire Fassl family, especially Joseph and Aletha (also mom and dad), deserve a gracious
thank you for all the love and support given not only to myself but also most importantly
to Krista and the girls. Without their generosity, none of this would have been possible.
To my friends and fellow Penn alumni, Mamie, Kurt and Scott, I would like to thank for
their camaraderie and the pleasant diversion their presence so often offered at just the
right time. Last but truly not least, I must express heartfelt appreciation to my dear friend

iii

Jon Meythaler whose dedication through the years is a shining example of what
friendship must be.

Finally, I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Preservation Program of
the University of Pennsylvania many of whom have been greatly influential in my
development over the preceding three years. Special thanks go to Dr. George E. Thomas
for proving that academia can be fian and above all others Dr. Christa Wilmanns-Wells
for re-igniting my love for the story behind the artifact and her untiring tutelage
throughout the thesis process.

Table of Contents

List of Figures "vi

List of Maps xii

List of Charts xiii

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: The Rise of Industry 6

Chapter 2: Immigrant South Bethlehem 17

Chapter 3: Overview of the Religious Landscape 1880-1920 41

Chapter 4: Markers of the Religious Landscape 94

Chapter 5; Builders of the Religious Landscape 150

Conclusion 177

Bibliography 183

Index 192

List of Figures

Figure 1. Demolition of the Lehigh Division of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation's Bethlehem
Plant. Fall 1998. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 5

Figure 2. View of Moravian, North Bethlehem, looking north from what would become the
Borough of South Bethlehem. The junction of the Lehigh Valley Railroad and the North
Pennsylvania Railroad is pictured in the foreground. This lithograph, produced circa 1860,
captures a critical phase in the area's transition from an isolated religious realm dunng the
18"" and early 19* centuries to a worldly industrial power-center during the 19* and 20
centuries. Source: Martin, 81. 10

Figure 3. Postcard (circa 1895) of the Lehigh Zinc Company with the Durham-Readmg Hills
(South Mountain) in the background. Source: South Bethlehem Historical Society. 12

Figure 4. Battleship turret with 18-'/2 inch armor plate during manufacture in South Bethlehem,
PA (circa 1900). Source: Metz, 273. 18

Figure 5. View of the Bethlehem Steel Company (circa 1900) from the north side of the Lehigh
River. Source: Yates, Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, \Sl. ' 18

Figure 6. Shmgle Style Fountain Hill residence at 507 Delaware Avenue (circa 1890).

Photograph by W. C. Carson. 25

Figure 7. Typical South Bethlehem working class row houses (circa 1880) within the shadows of
the steel mill. Photograph by W. C. Carson 26

Figure 8: Testing a "heat" of steel at the open-hearth furnace. Source: Yates, Bethlehem of

Pennsylvania, 208. 30

Figure 9: New Immigrant laborers on their way home from a shift in the mill (circa 1900).

Source: Fitch, 142. 32

Figure 10. Episcopal Church of the Nativity (circa 1865) designed by architect E. T. Potter.

Source: Church of the Nativity, /*ara/7^«/7a/5. 16. 45

Figure 11. The second Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Church (circa 1883) in Ward 3; the

religious citadel and community center of the Irish population in South Bethlehem during the
19"^ Century. E.F. Durang, architect. Source: Yates, Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, 139. 53

Figure 12. Packer Memorial Chapel (circa 1884), designed by architect Addison Hutton, on the
campus of Lehigh University. The photograph, which dates to the early 1890's, was taken
facing due east and reveals only limited development in the eastern portion of the borough.
Source; Yates, Lehigh University, 64. 57

Figure 13. The second building of the First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem (circa 1896).
A.W. Leh, architect. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial, n.p. 62

Figure 14. Eastern European immigrants from throughout the region attended services for the
consecration of the Slovak Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic Church in May of
1891. The church was the first Slovak parish in the Archdiocese of Philadelphia. Source:
Saints Cynl and Methodius Roman Catholic Church. "A Century of Faith: 1891- 1991," n.p.

Figure 15. The Italian, Church of the Holy Rosary (circa 1902) in Ward 5. The parish later
assumed the title Our Lady of Pompeii. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi
Centennial, n.p. 70

Figure 16. The Polish parish. Saint Stanislaus Roman Catholic Church (circa 1906), in Ward 5.
Many of the streets in the "foreign" section of the town's east-end were still undeveloped
around 1915, the approximate date of this photograph. Source: Borough of South
Bethlehem, Semi Centennial, n.p. 72

Figure 17. The Saint Nicholas Brotherhood, the Russian beneficial society from which the drive
to organize a Russian Orthodox Church emerged, is pictured in this photograph (circa 1915)
on the future site of the church in Northampton Heights. Source: Saint Nicholas Russian
Orthodox Church. "50 Aimiversary," n.p. 82

Figure 18. Saint Josaphat's Ukrainian (Byzantine) Catholic Church. The onion dome was once a
common element of the town's east-end landscape. Today only one remains, it is atop Saint
Nicholas Russian Orthodox Church, which is no longer occupied by the congregation. The
church pictured here was demolished for a plant expansion of the Bethlehem Steel
Corporation in the 1960's. Source: Clippings Files of the Bethlehem Area Public Library. 85

Figure 19. Dedication Day ceremonies of Saint John's Windish Evangelical Lutheran Church in
Ward 4(1916). The festive atmosphere that typically surrounded the dedication of
immigrant churches is revealed in the photograph. Along with a clear ethnic emphasis, a
show of patriotism to their adopted land through the prominent display of "Old Glory" was
always included in such community events. Source: Church Archives. 89

Figure 20. Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Church (circa 1883), designed by architect Edwin

Forrest Durang, as it appears today, darkened by over a century of industnal pollution. Upon
completion, the church displayed a bright creamy-yellow appearance, charactenstic of the
Stockton (NJ) Sandstone used in its construction. Newspaper accounts of the day detail the
difficulty and great efforts incurred by the teams in transporting the necessary quantity of this
material from the cargo terminals of the Lehigh Valley Railroad and The North Permsylvania
Railroad. 101

Figure 2 1 . The sanctuary of Holy Infancy displays a solemn richness. A marble, gothic -styled
altar and a scene of the Crucifixion painted by Phillipo Costagmni (circa 1886) accentuate
the architectural focus of the space — ^the presence of Christ as embodied in the Euchanst.
Photograph by W. C. Carson. 106

Figure 22. James P. McMahon was an active member of Holy Infancy. Bom in Limerick,

Ireland, McMahon came to Amenca in the early 1850's and rose from an unskilled position
in the zincworks to civic promuience. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi
Centennial, n .p . 1 1 0

viii

Figure 23, Saint Bernard's Roman Catholic Church (circa 1886) in Ward 2, the first church and
combination school of the German Catholic population in South Bethlehem. Photograph by
W.C.Carson. 115

Figure 24. Holy Ghost School (circa 1900) was designed by architect and South Bethlehem
resident A. W. Leh. The German Catholic population of South Bethlehem was the first to
initiate a parochial school in the community and believed firmly in its ability to foster both a
spintual and worldly education while steeping the pupil in his or her Germanic heritage.
Photograph by W. C. Carson. 118

Figure 25. Holy Ghost Roman Catholic Church (circa 1910) as it appears today. The church
displays the rich Germanic influence of the "Rundbogenstil" mode of 19"" Century German
architecture. The Church was designed by architect A. W. Leh. Photograph by W. C.
Carson. 120

Figure 26. The column and capital reveal the intent in the design of Holy Ghost to create a
monument of German architectural tradition. The foliated motif used here is a direct
interpretation of medieval German Romanesque construction. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

122

Figure 27. The large stained glass wheel wmdow that illuminates the choir loft of Holy Ghost
Church measures 14 feet in diameter and depicts in portraiture the twelve apostles of Christ.
The window is an impressive example of German crafted stamed glass, having been
produced and imported from Munich, Bavaria, around 1920. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

123

Figure 28. Devotional statuary in the sanctuary of Holly Ghost, depictmg the Sacred Heart of
Jesus. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 125

Figure 29. A boarding house of New Immigrants in 'South Bethlehem in town's east-end (circa
1895). Thirty men women and children are pictured here. The boarding house was often a

newcomer's first place of residence and like work in the mills, sleeping quarters were often

occupied in shifts. Source: Stewart, 46. 130

Figure 30. Slovak Saints Cyril (circa 1906) as it appears today. Architect A. W. Leh designed

the church. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 136

Figure 3 1 . Postcard-view of the then new Saints Cyril and Methodius shortly after its dedication

in 1907. The original Slovak church, later converted into a school, is pictured at left.

Source: South Bethlehem Historical Society. 137

Figure 32. Photograph, taken about 1920, of the Slovak quarter of South Bethlehem organized

around the communities religious citadel Saints Cyril and Methodius. Source: Pauliny, 11.

140
Figure 33. Rev. Frantisek Vlossack, pastor of Saints Cyril and Methodius — a vital figure in the

organization of the South Bethlehem's Slovak population in Ward 4. Source: Shankweilder,

112. 141

Figure 34. An example of the brilliant stained glass that illuminates the sanctuary of Saints Cyril

and Methodius. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 143

Figure 35. The Slovak Catholic Gymnastics Sokol fostered a competitive group-spirit among the

Slovak youth by sponsoring a large program of athletic teams and organizations. Source:

Pauliny, 106. 145

Figure 36. The now idle steelworks, and residences in Ward 5 as viewed from Saint Michael's

Cemetery. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 146

Figure 37. Rev. Monsignor William Heinen was critical to the organization of New Immigrant

parishes in South Bethlehem and throughout southeastern Pennsylvania. Source: Catholic

Standard and Times . 152

Figure 38. Albert Wolfmger Leh, architect and South Bethlehem resident, whose architectural

practice was widely employed in giving shape to the community's religious landscape. 158

Figure 39. Church of the Sacred Heart (circa 1896) in Allentown, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh,

architect. Source; Leh Collection, Athenaeum of Philadelphia. 160

Figure 40. The central tower with louvered bell-house, clock, and spire of Saint Michael's

Roman Catholic Church (circa 1908) m Lansford, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect. 161

Figure 41 . Elevation of the altar for Saint Joseph's Roman Catholic Church (circa 1917), South
Easton, Pennsylvania. Architect, A. W. Leh. Source: Leh Collection, Athenaeum of
Philadelphia. 162

Figure 42. Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgm Mary Roman Catholic Church (circa
1896) in Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

163

Figure 43. Elevation, Parochial School of the Church of the Holy Infancy (circa 1892). A. W.
Leh, architect. Source: Leh Collection, Athenaeum of Philadelphia. 164

Figure 44. Postcard view of Fritz Memonal Methodist Church (circa 1893) and parsonage in
South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect. Source: Soutli Bethlehem Historical
Society. 166

Figure 45. Our Lady Help of Christians Roman Catholic Church (circa 1905) in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania. This church and others like it in the coal regions of the state, including Saint
Joseph's Roman Catholic Church in East Mauch Chunk and Samt Michael's in Lansford,
draw heavily upon M"" Century German Gothic architecture. A. W. Leh, architect. Source:
Our Lady Help of Christians, "Golden Jubilee," n.p. 168

Figure 46. The only photograph of Benedict Birkel known to the author comes from a brief

article in The Globe, 3 October 1915. 1 70

Figure 47. Tombstones of Eastem Europeans in Fountain Hill Cemetery. Photograph by W. C.
Carson. 178

Figure 48. The bell tower of Fritz Memonal Methodist Church (circa 1893) as it appears today in
South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Photograph by W. C. Carson. 181

Xll

List of Maps

Map 1. Ward boundaries, circa 1900. Map by W. C. Carson. 35

Map 2. The Religious Landscape Before 1880. Map by W. C. Carson. 46

Map 3. The Religious Landscape, 1880-1890. Map by W. C. Carson. 49

Map 4. The Religious Landscape, 1890-1900. Map by W. C. Carson. 60

Map 5. The Religious Landscape, 1900-1910. Map by W, C. Carson. 68

Map 6. The Religious Landscape, 1910-1920. Map by W. C. Carson. 76

xui

List of Charts

Chart 1. Overall Ethnic Composition of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1880 37

Chart 2. Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence in South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1880 37

Chart 3. Overall Ethnic Composition of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1910 38

Chart 4. Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence in South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1910 38

XIV

Introduction

Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, is located in Northampton County of southeastern
Pennsylvania, 60 miles northwest of Philadelphia. The community lies along the banks
of the Lehigh River, within a valley created by the Blue Mountains to the north and the
Durham-Reading Hills to the south. The Lehigh Valley, as the broader region is known,
extends west to east from the watershed of the Schuylkill River to the confluence of the
Lehigh and Delaware Rivers at the Pennsylvania-New Jersey junction. William Penn
first acquired the territory by deed in 1689 as a result of the infamous Walking Purchase.
Feeling themselves deceived by Penn's tactics of land acquisition the American Indians
were reluctant to cede their holdings, resulting in a lack of European settlement within
the Lehigh Valley until the 1730's. The first group of settlers is well known. The
Moravians, who gave the town its sacred name, were a pious and cultured community of
Saxon emigrants who trace their origins to pre-Lutheran reformer John Huss. Fleeing
generations of persecution in Europe, the Moravians established at Bethlehem, in 1741, a
thriving, industrious, communal religious community. Bethlehem served both as a haven
for the expression of Moravian beliefs, and, of equal importance, as a base of operations
for spreading the Gospel to the heathen population of the Pennsylvania frontier. The
conversion of the American Indian to Protestant Christianity was a central component of
the Moravian presence in America.

Though of immense significance in a multitude of ways, most of which have not

even been mentioned in this brief introduction, Bethlehem is today the product of far

more than the Moravian story. In fact, the greater part of the community's history has

been shaped by events decidedly non-Moravian.

South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, was established in the mid- 19 Century as the
Moravians began to break up their land holdings under the influence of a rapidly
changing American landscape. The isolated Moravian way of life drew to a close as the
population pushed beyond the Philadelphia perimeter and the highly interactive quality of
American society began to emerge. On a 274-acre tract of land south of the Lehigh
River, that for the previous century had served the Moravians as a buffer to the outside
world, an industrial town was bom. South Bethlehem emerged during the late 19
Century as a shaping force of regional, national and global importance. The events bom
here comprise an epic in American history no less significant than that of the area's
earliest settlers. In fact, the creation of the industrial hub south of Moravian Bethlehem
left behind a chronicle that is, quite arguably, of superior national significance, and that
embodies a more direct contact with the present. Nevertheless, to avoid
misrepresentation, it should be stated that the story of the Moravian community and
industrial South Bethlehem are ultimately inseparable, being closely and vitally
intertwined with innumerable interconnections and bonds.' Though not traditionally the
subject of scholarly research and to date deemed of little interest to the Historic
Preservation arena, the focus of this thesis is placed here, industrial South Bethlehem,
Pennsylvania.

During the late 19 and early 20^ centuries dramatic changes brought about by
the global dominance of American industry transformed the American landscape in a
multitude of ways. The focus of this thesis will be to illustrate one such transformation

' The two communities were in fact united under the overarching name Bethlehem in 191 7.

within a readily definable geographic area. Specifically, the question is what were the
effects of industrialization on the religious landscape of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania?

Accompanying South Bethlehem's emergence as one of the nation's most vital
iron and steel centers was a flood of foreign-bom to supply an unprecedented demand for
labor. South Bethlehem is by no means alone in this matter. Most, if not all, American
manufacturing centers were similarly affected by the, so-called, "Age of Mass
Migration."^ Though not alone. South Bethlehem is of particular interest because of its
ability to tell the story of this era through a study of the town's ecclesiastical architecture
and church related structures, sites, religio- social institutions and associated figures.
These present an excellent resource for study in many contexts: within a chronological
continuum, across a clearly defined geography, and in terms of demographic and ethnic
distribution. The period 1880-1920 has been chosen because of its particular relevance
to the diversification of South Bethlehem, as visible in the religious landscape. The
primary focus of this thesis will be the church structures themselves, but with the intent
of defining them as icons of a much larger story. Specifically, the relationship of these
institutions to the geographic evolution of the town's development, and, most
significantly, the place of the industrial town's church as a stabilizing element in the lives
of the incoming labor force.

The timing of this thesis is opportune. South Bethlehem is presently in the midst
of great change. Central to this turbulent environment was the conclusion of steel
production in 1995, which has been the shaping force of the community for nearly its
entire history. Large portions of a vast, internationally significant, and historic industrial

complex are presently being dismantled for salvage. A proposed adaptive re-use of many
of the mill buildings and general redevelopment is being formulated for the site including
a Smithsonian affiliated National Museum of Industrial History including an Iron and
Steel Showcase to tell the story of South Bethlehem's industry. It is the intent of the
author for this study to help inform the formulation of the Iron and Steel Showcase by
connecting the steel mill complex to the architecture of the surrounding urban landscape
and by offering an example, perhaps, of how to take South Bethlehem's story beyond the
factory gates. In addition, as congregations and parishes continue to shrink, a general
cultural trend likely to accelerate in South Bethlehem with the cessation of steel
production, closures and mergers of congregations appear inevitable. Here, it is hoped
that this thesis may illustrate the broad social and cultural value of these under
appreciated historic resources.

Following a concise yet comprehensive survey of the rise of industry and the
development of the immigrant community in South Bethlehem, the thrust of this thesis is
addressed by way of a general overview, and three in-depth case studies of individual
churches and the history of their congregations. The overview clearly illustrates the
above stated contexts of focus: chronological, geographic, demographic, and
architectural. Each case study will detail the role of the church in the lives of South
Bethlehem's labor force and as an architectural ingredient of South Bethlehem's cultural
mosaic. The thesis will conclude with a succinct investigation of three individuals whose
guiding presence, generosity, and creative vision were vital in giving shape to South
Bethlehem's religious landscape and thus the cultural mosaic it informs.

Timothy J. Hatton and Jefferey G. Williamson, The Age of Mass Migration: Causes and Economic Impact

^^■^^"-^:^"^l.'.^-^a^S«««/..;ai

^^^m^t^^&ss&mm's

Figure 1. Demolition of the Lehigh Division of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation's Bethlehem Plant
Fall 1998. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).

Chapter 1: The Rise of Industry

The borough of South Bethlehem was officially established in August of 1865.
By this time, the landscape was already being shaped as an industrial center under the
creative direction of a number of farsighted industrialists, capitalists, and new machine-
age entrepreneurs. The Moravians sold their holdings south of the Lehigh River in 1843,
and in a little more than ten years, speculation was being fostered by the swirl of smoke
and hiss of steam and most importantly, exciting talk of great things to come. But here
we must immediately address one of the historical bonds between the northern and
southern settlements along the Lehigh which make for a comprehensive study of the area,
replete with the evidence of the vital interconnectedness of the two Bethlehems. In order
to do so we must back up nearly 50 years to the early years of the 19'*' Century and focus
again upon the northern shore of the Lehigh.

Approximately 15 miles east of Bethlehem at Easton, Pennsylvania, the Lehigh
River merges with the mighty Delaware. The possibility of a potentially lucrative water
link to Philadelphia, one of the most heavily populated markets and industrial centers
during the 18'*' and 19'*' Centuries, proved both an attractive and undeniable challenge.
The Moravians reportedly took to the river for the purpose of commerce as early as 1 754,
using flatboats to transport linseed oil to the Philadelphia market. However, their efforts
were quickly abandoned. The waters of the Lehigh proved far too treacherous for the
successful transport of goods, and the aggressive current of the Delaware prohibited
return travel and thus the possibility of reciprocating trade. ^

^ Anthony Joseph Bryzinski. The Lehigh and its Effect on the Economic Development of the Region
through which it passed- 18 18- 1873. (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1957), 16.

The discovery of anthracite coal in 1787 at Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania, soon
forced the river into the role of a transportation corridor. The first fleet of arks loaded
with coal bound for Philadelphia industry passed the Lehigh River in 1806. ". . . Sent
down five arks today from the landing in Mauch Chunk, two of which reached
Philadelphia, the others having been wrecked in their passage.""* As this account
suggests, the rate of success mirrored that of the Moravian's earliest discouraging
attempts. The demand for the revolutionary fiael being unearthed at the river's
headwaters, however, demanded a solution to all possible obstacles. By 1818, things
were much improved as a result of the innovative engineering of Josiah White and
Erskine Hazard, proprietors of the Lehigh Navigation Company. Wing dams and sluice
gates were constructed along the river making the journey to Philadelphia less
treacherous and costly in terms of lost cargo. While much improved, trade was still a
one-way operation and very much hostage to the whims of Mother Nature. Ice, drought
or an over abundance of rainfall could halt commerce completely. Descending
navigation was beset with such limitations and still far fi-om ideal.

In 1829, The Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company opened the famous Lehigh
Canal, which cut through the Moravian Community along the north bank of the Lehigh.
The canal quickly became an impressive force to the industrious spirit of the Moravian
community and served as a catalyst for the opening of their private domain. With the
canal era came a dependable, safe, two-way route to Philadelphia and, by 1833, New
York as well. The volume of anthracite the canal could provide for these markets
increased dramatically, and an explosion of industrial production soon followed. The

" Ibid, 27.

Lehigh Canal, ironically, sits eerily quiet today; its locks broken-down and its trench
reclaimed by wilderness. Nevertheless, the transformations this monument to human
ingenuity initiated are legibly etched into the surrounding landscape and provide a rich
summary of the region's history since. ^

So how did the canal, passing through Bethlehem, affect the development of
South Bethlehem? Here we find the core connection between the neighboring
communities. First, construction of the canal began the region's experience with the Age
of Mass Migration. Foreign-born soon arrived to fill a growing demand for labor in both
the construction and transportation industries. By the end of the 19* Century this supply
became a flood of immigrant labor looking not only for work but also for a way of life
better than offered in their countries of origin. Second, the canal illustrated the
possibilities of communicating with distant markets and made available the mineral
resources necessary for large-scale, fijlly integrated industry. Scale and integration,
hallmarks of American manufacturing prowess, soon became the defining quality of the
yet to be bom borough of South Bethlehem. Third, and most immediately influential, the
canal initiated a race to the coal regions of Pennsylvania for which the flat, undeveloped
floodplain south of the Lehigh proved more geographically suitable with the advent of
steam and rail locomotion.

For the purpose of clarity, the remainder of Chapter One will deal strictly with the
development of industrial operations in South Bethlehem. Foreign immigration and the
societal changes this growth ushered in for the new town are addressed at length in the

Lance E. Metz, ■'The Arsenal of America: A History of Forging Operations of Bethlehem Steel." Canal
History and Technology Proceedings, Vol. 1 1 (Easton, PA Canal History and Technology Press. 1992).
223.

following chapter. Though the two are ultimately inseparable, a clear and concise history
of South Bethlehem industry will be best served here uncomplicated by social
implications. Again, the interplay between the rise of industry and its social
manifestations in South Bethlehem form the body of this thesis, but an understanding of
the two highly complicated ingredients is better achieved if they are first looked at largely
independent of one another. These elements are rewoven in Chapters 3, 4, and 5 to
illustrate and expose their interactions within the context of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape, for which many notable architectural achievements still proudly stand in
remembrance.

The Railroad

According to the diaries of railroad pioneer, Robert Heysham Sayre, "Rumors
were spreading as early as 1850 that railroads were heading their way."*' The renowned
Asa Packer sought to directly challenge the de facto monopoly Hazard and White's
Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company held on the transportation and supply of
anthracite, and in 1852, Packer's Lehigh Valley Railroad Company surveyed a 45-mile
path from Easton to Mauch Chunk. Construction of the proposed railway immediately
followed and tracks were laid through the southern addition of Bethlehem in 1855.^ With
the arrival of the transportation industry "South Bethlehem" became the common
appellation for the budding town across the Lehigh.^

* Frank Whelan and Lance E. Metz, The Diaries of Robert Hevsham Savre (Bethlehem. PA: Lehigh
Umversit>- Press. 1991). 9-10.

' William ComeUus Reichel. The Crown Inn, near Bethlehem, Penna., 1745: a history (Philadelphia: King
and Baird. 1872). 144-147.

'^ Borough of South Bethlehem. Semi-centennial of the borough of South Bethlehem, 1865 -1915 (South
Bethlehem. PA: Quinlin Printing Company, 1915), 12.

The little town's character was molded by Asa Packer's capitalist belief that the
railroad could do the work of the canal faster, more directly, more etTiciently, and more
predictably. Packer was right. In 1856 the Lehigh Valley Railroad was connected to
New York City by way of the Central New Jersey Railroad and to Philadelphia in 1857,^
by a junction with the North Pennsylvania Railroad located in South Bethlehem. In 1858,
Packer moved his company's headquarters from Philadelphia to Bethlehem, and thereby
established South Bethlehem as one of the most critical transportation hubs along the
East Coast. '"^ The demise of canal transportation closely followed, and the stage was well
set for big things in South Bethlehem.

Figure 2. View of Moravian, North Bethlehem, looking north from what would become the Borough
of South Bethlehem. The junction of the Lehigh Valley Railroad and the North Pennsylvania
Railroad is pictured in the foreground. This lithograph, produced circa 1860, captures a critical
phase in the area's transition from an isolated religious realm during the 18"" and early 19"" centuries
to a worldly industrial power-center during the 19** and 20"" centuries. Source: Martin, 81.

Robert F, Archer. The Lehigh Vallev Railroad: The Route of the Black Diamond (Berkeley: Howell North
Books. 1977), 31-32.

'" Borougli of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial, 13.

The Zinc Industry

A variety of manufacturing and refining operations developed concurrently with
the construction of the railroad because of the unmistakable commercial promise the new
railroad offered. The first manufacturing operation in South Bethlehem predates the
completion of the Lehigh Valley Railroad ever so slightly. The Pennsylvania and Lehigh
Zinc Company incorporated in 1853, under the direction of noted Philadelphia business
leaders Joseph Wharton and Samuel Wetherill. These men were well aware of the
untapped fortune the railroad now offered them and to a region rich in mineral
resources.'' A manufactory using patented technology developed by Wetherill was
erected in South Bethlehem the same year, and zinc oxide was produced soon after from
ore mined in the nearby Saucon Valley. Their operation was only the second place to
produce zinc oxide in America, a highly prized ingredient for the manufacture of white
paint. The Wetherill family had amassed great wealth during the previous century ft-om
the production of white paint using lead oxide, and with zinc, Wetherill positioned
himself in South Bethlehem to expand his fortunes.'^ The South Bethlehem operation
was the first to produce metallic zinc or spelter commercially in America in 1859, and
was again the first to produce sheet zinc, doing so in 1865. The zinc works supplied a
host of materials for use in construction, the production of military hardware, and the
refining of gold, silver and brass. One of the industry's later products, spiegeleisen, was
an essential ingredient in the manufacture of steel using the yet unrealized Bessemer

" Ross Yates. Jo5e/>/7 Wharton: Quaker Industrial Pioneer (BeMehem. PA.: Lehigh University, 1978), 75.

''Ibid, 77

Process.'^ The zinc industry was one of the region's largest employers throughout the
remainder of the 19^ Century and the early years of the 20* Century. For a variety of
reasons, including the claim of railway freight discrimination, the zinc works ceased
operation in South Bethlehem, closing its spelter works in April of 191 1 . Though the
end of a significant chapter in South Bethlehem's brief history, this date is ultimately of
little importance. Well before the early years of the 20'*' Century, the economic fortitude
and regional influence of the zinc industry paled in comparison to South Bethlehem's
industrial colossus of iron and steel manufacture.

Figure 3. Postcard (circa 1895) of the Lehigh Zinc Company with the Durham-Reading Hills (South
Mountain) in the bacliground. Source: South Bethlehem Historical Society.

Accounts of the history and importance of the discovery of zinc ore in the Saucon Valley and the South
Bethlehem zinc operations is offered by Benjamin Leroy Miller. Lead and Zinc Ores of Pennsylvania
(Harrisburg, PA: Department of Forests and Water. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 1924), Richmond E.
Meyer. "'The Story of the Zinc Industry in The Saucon Valley" from Rocks and Minerals, vol. 10 no. 2. 3
and 4: 17-21. 33-36, 56-59. 1935. and The New Jersey Zinc Company's self-pubhshed worlc The First One
Hundred Years of The New Jersey Zinc Company: A History of the Founding and Development of a
Companv and an Industry, 1848-1948 (New York: New Jersey Zinc Company, 1948).
^'* The Globe. Aph\ 15, 1911.

Iron and Steel

Fully integrated industry began its development in the South Bethlehem area in
the late-1850's, and here again, we find another unmistakable connection with the young
community's mother borough, Moravian Bethlehem. Augustus Wolle, a Bethlehem
merchant and Moravian, owned a wealth of real estate in the region including a
substantial tract in the Saucon Valley known to be rich in iron ore. Wolle organized a
company in 1857 to exploit his ore beds for the production of pig iron.'' Under the
financial influence of the Lehigh Valley Railroad, the iron company was reorganized in
1858 as the Bethlehem Rolling Mill and Iron Company, and the decision was made to set
up shop in South Bethlehem.

The railroad's interest in Wolle's undertaking is clearly represented in the iron-
company's change of name, Asa Packer's ever-expanding railroad had at its very heart an
innate need for rail. The erection of an ironworks and rolling-mill in South Bethlehem
along with a majority financial interest in its operations insured the Lehigh Valley
Railroad of not only an abundant, direct supply of rail but also monopoly on the shipment
of the company's products. In addition, by locating the iron works in South Bethlehem,
the major markets and industrial centers of the eastern seaboard were directly accessible.

In terms of manufacturing basics, the choice of South Bethlehem for the
ironworks positioned the rolling mill and iron works to take full advantage of the core
purpose of the railroad's presence, anthracite coal, which by this date was the primary
fuel for the smelting of iron ore in eastern Pennsylvania. In addition, plentiful sources of
limestone, an essential ingredient in the refining process were readily available nearby.

'^ Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial. 13.

Finally, the mighty Lehigh provided water in a plentiful quantity, upon which the iron
and steel and most other heavy industries were essentially dependent.

From these beginnings grew an industry that by the dawn of the 20**^ Century was
a global model of integration, controlling the full production of iron and steel from raw
material to finished product, from the ore mine to the market.'^ Numerous newspaper
accounts exist as early as the mid-1870's of foreign dignitaries representing such nations
as Russia and Japan touring the works in South Bethlehem.

In order to explain fially the magnitude and importance of the iron and steel
industry to South Bethlehem's history, greater detail of this story is necessary. In the
end, it is the presence of the iron and steel industry that provided the impetus for the
realization of the town's religious landscape. The capitalists, entrepreneurs, inventors,
and laborers — skilled and unskilled, native and foreign — along with the service providers
for all of the above, essentially came together for one purpose, the production of steel. It
is fi-om the independent qualities of each of these elements and the interaction between
them, that the amazing cultural, spiritual, and architectural legacy this thesis will address
was spawned.

The blast furnace and rolling mill began production in 1863 under the direction of
pioneering iron master, John Fritz, and the works grew in size at a steady pace.
Newspaper accounts of the day reveal an excited optimism and basic awe inspired by
events such as the erection of "the huge stacks" for a new rolling mill complex in May of
1872. This new mill replaced the production of wrought-iron rail with that of Bessemer

"^ Lance E. Metz. "'The Arsenal of America." 236-237.

" Bethlehem Daily Times; 3 August 1876; 15 November 1884; 28 March 1889; Daily Times, 31 May 1893.

'^ Bethlehem Daily Times, 9 May 1872.

Steel. South Bethlehem's industry was among the earliest operations in the United States
to use the newly refined Bessemer Process and with it produced rail of a superior quality
in strength and durability. In addition, the new mill was noted for the high degree of
integration among stations, producing speedy output beneath a single albeit huge roof ^^
The new Bessemer mill set off over a century of plant expansions and improvements as
the company continually reinvented itself, replacing obsolete technologies and
introducing new products. As a result of the effort to stay atop the iron and steel
industry. South Bethlehem's iron and steel operation claimed over several linear miles of
territory along the Lehigh River by the early 191 0's.

The company moved into the production of war materials, including armor plate,
gun forgings, munitions and ordnance in the late 1880's, winning lucrative federal
contracts. Under the direction of Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, the U. S.
Navy was revived from a post Civil War decline by a state of the art fleet whose demand
for steel sustained South Bethlehem's industry almost single handedly through to the
close of the 19''' Century. With the decline of Bethlehem's interest in the rail market,
Bethlehem Steel executives lobbied vigorously for the procurement of federal contracts
and invested capital heavily toward this end.^° Top company officials including
Linderman, president, Robert Sayre, general manager and John Fritz, general
superintendent, made joint appearances in Washington D.C. to reinforce the company's
intentions. The announcement of the awarding of the first of these contracts to South
Bethlehem's works appeared in the local press on April 15, 1887. The report gloats

" Metz. 237-242.
-°Ibid.. 246-252.
'' Bethlehem Dailv Times. 15 March 1887.

abundantly at beating out such notable competitors as Philadelphia's Midvale and
Johnstown's Cambria operations and hails the construction and development boom this
achievement insured. ^^ Other industries were solicited by other local business leaders
with the promise of financial assistance to take their place in South Bethlehem alongside
the iron and steel works. The "abundant supply of minors and females" associated with
the 2,000 men employed by the steel mill ^^was soon consumed by the presence of cigar
factories, silk mills and breweries in South Bethlehem.

The effect of Bethlehem's contribution of military hardware and materials has
been detailed by a number of scholars in a variety of works about both Bethlehem and the
iron and steel industry at large. ^'' The company was honored in 1898 by the personal
invitation of President William McKinley to general manager Sayre, requesting his
presence for the celebratory review of the new naval fleet as it returned to New York
harbor after the successful conclusion of the Spanish American War.^^ Military
production reached new levels during World War I as output tonnage surpassed record
upon record in every part of the South Bethlehem plant. ^^ During World War II
Bethlehem operations again proved indispensable by providing a dominant share of
materials for all aspects of the U. S. armed forces. ^^

" Ibid, 15 April 1887.

f Ibid. June 2, 1886.

'"* Accounts of the liistory of Bethlehem Steel Corporation include, in addition to the previously cited work

by Metz. Robert Hessen"s Steel Titan: The Life of Charles Schwabb (New York: ONford University Press,

1975), W. Bruce Drinkhouse's, The Bethlehem Steel Corporation: A History from Origin to World War I

(Easton. PA: The Northampton County Historical and Genealogical Society, 1964), Arundel Cotter's, The

Story of Bethlehem Steel (New York: Moody Book Co.. 1916) and Thomas J. Misa's A Nation of Steel:

The Making of Modem America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).

f Metz, 268.

'* Numerous press accounts detail WWI production. Examples include features in The Globe. 6 November

1916. 7 April 1917.

-^ Metz. 281.

In addition to the production of war materials Bethlehem Steel moved into
another market shortly after the turn of the century. Charles Schwabb, previously one of
Andrew Carnegie's most forceful proteges and successor to Henry Clay Frick as the
director of Carnegie Steel, took control of Bethlehem in 1901, and he immediately sought
to wean the company fi-om dependence on government contracts. Investing some
$5,000,000, Schwabb took a great financial risk on the erection of a new mill complex for
the production of structural steel. Under Schwabb the company installed a revolutionary,
never before utilized, technology for the production of the continuously rolled wide
flange beam that has since transformed every urban skyline in the world. With
production of the Bethlehem Section or H-Beam, Schwabb crushed his competition in the
structural steel market. South Bethlehem's product required less manpower to turn out
and, being less weighty than the built-up and riveted structural sections offered by
Carnegie, was less expensive to transport. As a resuh of the diversity of the Bethlehem
Steel's line up, including military and structural products among many others, the South
Bethlehem operations thrived. Thirty-three thousand persons were employed at the South
Bethlehem works by the end of World War II, a considerable increase from 1,000 in 1870
and highly suggestive of the inevitable transformation wrought upon the steel mill's
surroundings.

Figure 4. Battleship turret with IS-'/z inch armor plate during manufacture in South Bethlehem, PA
(circa 1900). Source: Metz, 273.

Figure 5. View of the Bethlehem Steel Company (circa 1900) from the north side of the Lehigh
River. Source: Yates, Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, 181.

Chapter 2: Immigrant South Bethlehem

A hallmark of South Bethlehem's rise as an industrial center was the steady influx
of foreign-bom labor to fill a void of manpower the new economic reality presented. As
expressed in the introduction to this thesis. South Bethlehem was not unique in this
regard but firmly characteristic of most, if not all, industrial centers. Outside of key
urban areas such as Philadelphia and New York, the industrial growth of America, like
the Bethlehem region, plodded along at a relative slow pace to the mid- 19 Century. The
explosion of the transportation industry, specifically the railroad, compounded the growth
of the manufacturing sector and spread the industrial economy far and wide; the number
of densely settled production centers multiplied vigorously with a pronounced
dispersion.^** Therefore, the city was no longer the only destination for those newcomers
that invested themselves, either by choice or necessity, in the toil of industry. Along with
South Bethlehem, many smaller mill towns like Gary, Indiana; Youngstown, Ohio;
Sparrows Point, Maryland; and Steelton, Pennsylvania; absorbed an ever-increasing tide
of European immigration.^^ New arrivals numbered just over 400,000 at mid-century,
grew to over three-quarters of a million in the early 1880's, and by 1910, accounted for a

'^ Sources detailing the effect of the railroad on the industrialization of the American landscape include
George R. Taylor's The Transportation Revolution (New York: Rhinehart and Co.. 1951), John F. Stover's
American Railroads (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1997) and Harold U. Faulkner's. 4 wen cam
Economic History, sixth edition (New York: Harper and Row. 1949).

"' An excellent case study that examines the role of immigration and ethnicity in affecting change in the
mill town's character and social organization is John Bodnar's Immigration and Industrialization: Ethnicity
in an American Mill Town. 7S70-79-/0 (Pittsbiu^gh: University of Pittsbiu'gh Press. 1977). Bodnar's work
reflects a maturing approach to historiography. His observations on issues such as occupational mobility
and property ownership among immigrant populations are based sovmdly upon quantitative analysis.
Bodnar's work, along with several recent studies, largely discredits the conjectural theory offered by
historians such as Oscar Handlin The Uprooted (Boston: Little. Brown and Company. 195 1) that portrays
immigration as destructive to traditional culture and social organization. Bodnar illustrates immigration as
a process of the transplantation of culture rather than loss in his study of Steelton, Pennsylvania,

1,250,000 person increase to the nation's population each year/" This surge was due to a
number of economic and social factors involving countries of origin but it also
unmistakably coincides with America's emergence as the world's dominant industrial
and commercial power and nation of wealth.^' Unlike the railroad's dispersion of
industry, the economic prosperity this emergence brought about was by no means dealt
evenly to all. A substantial portion of the newly generated wealth went into the coffers of
a shrinking group of the elite, a trend that went relatively undisturbed until the
Depression Era of the late 1920's.^^ Yet, however tenuous the possibilities industrial
prosperity offered were, they were tantalizing enough for individuals and families to
uproot themselves from all that was familiar and to assume an insecure presence in an
unknown, and in many respects, hostile land.

As in the general history of 19*^^ Century immigration to America, the arrival of
immigrants in South Bethlehem can be roughly divided into two phases. The first of
these phases generally covers the period between 1840 and 1880 and consisted almost
entirely of newcomers of northwest European nativity. Old immigration, as this first
phase has been labeled, included English, Irish, and Germans as a majority around mid-
century and grew gradually more diverse as the century wore on. The Netherlands,
Scandinavia, and a few non-European countries contributed to this growing diversity. By

Phillip Taylor. The Distant Magnet: European Immigration to America (New York: Harper and Row,
1971), 63.

^' Between the years 1881 and 1885 the United States surpassed the United Kingdom in percentage of
world manufacturing output, a trend that continued to accelerate well in to the 20* Centxuy. By 1910
American manufacturing output was greater than that of both the United Kingdom and Germany combined
and only slightly less than 2 percent behind if France's output is factored in. See Douglas C. North,
Growth and Welfare in the American Past: a new economic history (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
1966), 28. The Old World factors contributing to New Immigration are covered well in Chapter Three;
"'Southern Europe Drawn In" of Taylor's The Distant Magnet
^^ Ibid. 177-178.

the late 1880's, a clear shift to southern and eastern European nations as the primary
source of immigration began to emerge. The steady flow of the constituents of Old
Immigration was augmented on an increasing basis with a growing tide of Austrians,
Hungarians, Polish, and Italians. Between 1890 and 1914, less than a third of new
arrivals were from the northern and western European nations that made up the bulk of
Old Immigration. As the momentum of New Immigration increased with each passing
year, the ethnic make up of newcomers took on a more eastern European complexion. In
addition to the previously mentioned assortment, was a vast array of other minority ethnic
groups including Russians, Slovaks, Ukrainians, Ruthenians, Greeks, Slovenians,
Croatians and Turks. As the new century dawned the sum of these peoples came to
American ports in a virtual deluge that continued with strength until the outbreak of the
First World War. It is from the addition of this sphere of ethnic influences that the
nation truly gathered its richness and body as a unique entity among nations. The
newcomers of the New Immigration not only bore the burdens of American prosperity
(not to mention nativist hatred), they saturated the social fabric with the many cultures,
customs and traditions that constitute the florid cultural patchwork of America today.

When we take a closer look at South Bethlehem during the first phase of
immigration a number of significant trends are observed. As the Irish and German
populations arrived in the Bethlehem area to construct the canal and railroad systems.
South Bethlehem became the location of choice for the foreign population to establish
new American lives. In addition, for those employed by the railroad after its construction
was complete there was, of course, a decided proximity to work in South Bethlehem.
The zinc-works and the iron-works began production in 1853 and 1863 respectively, and

the lure of work continued the Irish and German settHngs in South Bethlehem.
Newspaper accounts of the day routinely detailed the peculiar habits of the foreign
population in South Bethlehem, focusing in particular on the odd characteristics of and
incidents involving the Irish. Also of particular interest were the repeated accounts of
events and activities organized in support of and associated with the cause of Irish
nationalism.^'* In contrast, attention to the German contingent was minimal and hardly
scathing. This disparity in treatment is likely the product of a number of key cultural
factors that will be expounded upon later in this chapter that facilitated rapid assimilation
of German immigrants. In addition to the Irish and Germans, one notable group of
arrivals in South Bethlehem prior to 1880 was a group of highly skilled Belgians
recruited by Joseph Wharton for their knowledge of zinc manufacture. They were a well-
liked addition to what was apparently an already selfconsciously diverse community as
the following account of the day suggests:

They have laid aside the blue blouse and their wives have exchanged the
sabot for the America Shoe. But both, by clinging to their mother
tongue, are maintaining their distinctiveness as a people in the marvelous

^^ Unfortimately figures offered by United States Census reports help substantiate tlie ethnic composition of
the budding community with only hmited force. For one, the borougli of South Betlilehem was not
incorporated imtil May of 1865 and as such. Census Reports do not reflect separate figures for the
community as a "minor civil division". Furthermore, not imtil 1910 did Census Reports reflect "'foreign
nationalities" (i.e. Ireland. Hungary, Italy) of 'minor civil divisions" witli populations under 25.000. To
determine the breakdown of foreign nationaUties in South Bethlehem for tlie period of Old Immigration, a
complete study of the block by block information gathering illustrated by Census Tracts would be
necessar\'. Such an investigation is here imwarranied. Reliance has instead been placed upon the general
trend of immigration within the national context as illustrated by a number of previously cited studies, in
correlation with a number of locally published and manuscript histories of the region. There were certainly
ethnic groups other than EngUsh, Irish and Germans within the first phase of immigration to South
Bethlehem but all accounts suggest that its liistory during tliese years was quite typical in absorbing
newcomers of this general composition. A quick look at a random selection of census tracts for the area
between 1860 and 1880 reveals a community' with a distincdy Irish and German character. Local histories
include W. Ross Yates, et al. Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, The Golden Years (Bethlehem. PA: Bethlehem
Chamber of Commerce. 1976.).

^'' The Mora\'ian. 3 December 1863. 15 March 1866; Bethlehem Daily Times. 7 April 1884, 28 June 1886.

little town of many, for homes m which they have exchanged the land of
their hiTth'^

Belgian names such as Hoofstetten, Lemall, Detrixhe, and Henrard are recorded in U.S.
Census data of 1870 as counted among the residents of South Bethlehem.

Although Census Reports for this time do not provide an accounting based on
country of origin, they do list the proportion of the population that was either foreign-
bom (without a distinction of nationality or ethnicity) or native. A tabulation of the data
offered by this minimal breakdown of the population firmly supports the assertion of
South Bethlehem as the focal point of immigration locally. For the years of 1870 and
1880, the foreign-born category averaged nearly 30 percent of South Bethlehem's total
population- a population that grew nearly 40 percent during this ten-year period. When
these figures are compared with those of north Bethlehem the contrast is striking. The
foreign-bom population of north Bethlehem averaged only 7 percent between 1870 and
1880 and the overall population increased only 15 percent. ^^ With an ample cross-river
infrastmcture by 1870, the trend these figures reveal suggests more at work here in the
immigrant's choice of location than proximity to work. During this time period the face
of north Bethlehem, without a doubt, also changed dramatically but it apparently
remained a rather isolated, proper realm for which industrial hands were as yet ill suited.

As we move into a study of the second phase of 19^ Century immigration. New
Immigration, a particular event of Old Immigration specific to the landscape of South
Bethlehem must first be examined. Its effect upon the development of the religious
landscape that is the discourse of the remaining chapters of this thesis was unmistakable.

^^ Yates, Joseph Wharton, 34.

The establishment of the zinc, railroad and iron industries in combination with Old
Immigration initiated an organizational development of the landscape that continues to be
broadly characteristic of South Bethlehem.

In 1858, the year the Lehigh Valley Railroad moved its headquarters to the
western limits of South Bethlehem the development of an elite community of
entrepreneurs, industrialists and businessmen quickly emerged nearby. Robert H. Sayre,
superintendent of the railroad, began the construction of a "gingerbread" Victorian house
the same year.^'' The house still stands today perched high atop what became locally
known during the 19 Century as Episcopal Hill for its great Episcopal Church, a term
that well reflects the elite, Anglo-Saxon social arena and religious affiliation that
emerged there.^^ The neighborhood is property referred to as Fountain Hill. The homes
the young borough's influential families erected here were consequently grand affairs
surrounded by broad, elaborate lawns. Muhiple varieties of eclectic Victorian era
architecture are present here, including examples of Gothic Revival, Neo-Romanesque
and Second Empire Styles.

The German and Irish working classes took their place in South Bethlehem,
slightly to the east of Fountain Hill, in densely populated neighborhoods composed of
two-story and three-story row houses. Although a distinction between these two
neighborhoods was clear, a few essential ingredients enabled a sense of commonality.

^^ Figures calculated using population statistics of the U.S. Department of Commerce-Bureau of Census;

Tenth Census of the Untied States: Population, General Report and Analysis (Washington: GPO, 1881),

454-455.

^' Whelan and Metz. 11.

^^ The term "Episcopal Hill" was commonly used in reference to the Fountainhill neighborhood. This area

is at an elevation greater than that of the central district of South Bethlehem. When the neighborhood is

viewed from the center of town the Episcopal Church of the Nativity dominates the landscape

mutual respect and unity that helped bridge potentially complicated differences in wealth,
religion and ethnic tradition. Of these characteristics, the speaking of a common

Figure 6. Shingle Style Fountain Hill residence at 507 Delaware Avenue (circa 1890). Photograph by
W. C. Carson.

language was highly significant. English and German were the long established modes of
communication in Pennsylvania and the majority of newcomers had command of one or
the other. In fact, one local history makes note of the ease in which newly arriving
Germans assumed the skill of speaking a particular Pennsylvania vernacular phenomenon
known as Pennsylvania Dutch: "It takes but a short time to twist their German into a

architecturally. This effect was likely far more dramatic during the early years as much of the development
now in place was yet to be realized.

sense of local vernacular. The work of amalgamation between the two is rapid and very
often nearly complete. "^^ The newly arriving Germans were also typically from

Figure 7. Typical South Bethlehem working class row houses (circa 1880) within the shadows of the
steel mill. Photograph by W. C. Carson

Protestant religious traditions, either Lutheran or German Reformed, a fact that allowed
for almost immediate assimilation. It is an interesting and trend establishing fact that the
Irish, although intermingled with the entire population, generally settled farthest to the
east. This voluntary segregation is likely the result of the disparity presented by the
Roman Catholicism to which the Irish held tightly.'*" Catholic Germans, typically of

^' Ross Yates. History of the Lehigh Valley Region (Bethlehem. PA; Joint Planning Commission, Lehigh
and Northampton Counties. 1963), 102.

"*' It should be mentioned here that the Irish took a very active role in the political direction of the town
from its earliest days of incorporation and that this tendency to segregate was not a social withdrawal. City
council membership, appointed political positions and notably the police force maintained an Irish
disposition throughout for several decades. In fact, the borough's first burgess was an Irish Immigrant
named Joseph McMahoa McMahon rose from the ranks of common labor in the railroad to
Superintendent of the Lehigh Zinc Company. Yates. Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, 1 14, 122-25.

Austrian ancestry, were among the group of Old Immigration. A small presence of this
group was enough to establish a mission church in Bethlehem in 1855, but German
Catholics did not come to the area in substantial numbers until the ISSO's."*'

The pattern established by the native-bom Americans, the Germans and Irish, can
be summarized as settlement from west to east based upon a religious, social, and
occupational hierarchy. This entrenched pattern was by the 1880's irrefutable and
conformity to its standards continued well into the 20^ Century (and arguably still does).
As immigration shifted to central, southern and eastern Europe, Hungarians, Slovaks, and
Russians, to name just a few, replaced the previous group of Irish and Germans in the
bottom tier of the occupational paradigm. New immigrants assumed the role of unskilled
labor with strong backs, brought with them strange customs and traditions that formed the
social framework of their homelands, and alien religious expressions of Roman
Catholicism, Judaism and Orthodoxy largely unfamiliar to the American scene. Again,
continuing the pattern of settlement established during the period of Old Immigration
these groups took their place in South Bethlehem to the east. As a consequence of this
settlement pattern, the borough's development naturally responded in a directional
character. Restrained by the steep topography of the Durham-Reading Hill to the south,
the Lehigh River and Bethlehem proper to the north, and the elite wealth to the west,
working class expansion snaked along the river valley to the east abutting the steel mill
and factory along its entire length.

^' Rev. Reginald S. Billinger. " 'Pax Christi in Regno Christi ': A History of Holy Ghost Parish." 1939.
Parish Archives. Holy Ghost Roman Catholic Church, 4 and Yates, et al.. Bethlehem ofPennsvlvonia. 123-
126.

To get a handle on the American causes of the dramatic changes evident in the

ethnic composition of the expanding labor force, and consequently in South Bethlehem's

landscape, a quick study of labor issues of the iron and steel industry will prove valuable.

The immense diversity of South Bethlehem's people and institutions and the fact that its

eastern end was once known as the Ukrainian Hub is a direct result of the steel industry's

draw on New Immigrants. As detailed in the preceding chapter, the 1880's witnessed an

explosion in iron and steel manufacture in South Bethlehem. By the close of the decade,

the industry was the core developmental force of the town's existence. As the mill

expanded to meet the demands of Federal contracts for war materials, the number of

workers it employed ballooned. As in South Bethlehem, the steel industry rose quickly

throughout America and, by the turn of the century, was globally dominant. A fully

developed transportation system and an unparalleled cache of natural resources enabled

this dominance. However, equal to these conditions was the industry's preoccupation

with economy and efficiency. Steel barons such as U.S. Steel's Andrew Carnegie and

Bethlehem's Charles Schwabb expressed their concern for profit through their focus on

costs. To secure business success in a relatively nascent industry, management was

inclined to seize and utilize all means to reduce the cost of production, maneuvering

legal, ethical and moral boundaries. As David Brody relates in his classic pre-union labor

study Steel Workers in America.

[The] impulse for economy shaped American Steel manufacture.
It inspired the inventiveness that mechanized tlie productive
operations. It formed the calculating and objective mentality of
the industry. It selected and hardened the managenal ranks. Its
technological and psychological consequences, finally, defined
the treatment of the steelworkers. Long hours, low wages, bleak
conditions, and unionism, flowed ahke fi-om the economizing

drive that made the American industry the wonder of the
manufacturing world."*^
The steel industry was intensely competitive, and its history in this respect is

legendary. Steelmaking in the IQ''^ Century is remembered by historians as a ruthless

enterprise characterized by high stakes capitalism, merciless competition and a genuine

struggle for survival. Companies fought bitterly over the growing but limited demand for

iron and steel and, in the process, the welfare of the industry's workforce became

inconsequential to the industry's leaders. Who would work the long hours required by

steel operations, routinely in excess of 80 hours per week including Sundays and

Holidays?'*'' Working long hours, for exceedingly low wages, in utterly unsafe

conditions, and without reservation to being at the mercy of the traditionally

unpredictable nature of the steel market and the industry's management?'*'' Skilled and

unskilled workers alike often found themselves jobless or forced to accept up to 30

percent wage fluctuations when the economy soured, with no guarantee of rehire when

^" David Brody. Steelworkers in America: The Nonunion Era (New York: Russell and Russell, 1970), 2.
Other books that detail the development of the steel industry include Christopher Hall. Steel phoenix : the
fall and rise of the U.S. steel industry (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997) and Harold C. Livesay,
Andrew Carnegie and the Rise of Big Business (Boston; Little, Brown. 1975).

"^ In 1910 over 50 percent of the employees in Bethlehem's mill worked over 72 hours per week and 71
percent worked Monday through Saturday. Although many departments required a 7-day workweek,
certain departments, such as the blast ftunace, open hearth and Gray mill, required around the clock
operation. Employees of these departments logged 84 hours per week, or 12 hour a day 7 days a week. Of
the 9,184 employees in 1910. almost half worked for fewer than 16 cents per hour with common laborers
earning around 12 cents. Many children were also employed in 1910. Job titles such as "core boys." "tape
boys", and "oil boys " received wages of 5 cents per hour. Figures taken from Report on the Strike at
Bethlehem Steel Works, prepared under the direction of Cliarles P. Neal. U.S. Conmiissioner of Labor
(Washington: Government Printing Office. 1910).

■'*' Grave injuries, dismembermenL and gruesome deaths resulting from the unchecked hazards of the
raihoad and steel industry were chronicled almost daily in local newspapers. The descriptions of death
and injury to children are particularly chilling. For instance. "John Gallagher, aged 12 years, living witli
his mother on Second street, had his back severely burned yesterday morning by slipping over a plate and
falling on several red-hot bars, while at work in the merchant mill of the Bethlehem fron Company,"
Bethlehem Daily Times. 1 September 1882.

things improved.''^ Who was willing to assume such uncertainty at a time when labor
unions were as yet powerless and social welfare and support programs immaterial?

Figure 8: Testing a "lieat" of steel at the open-liearth furnace. Source: Yates, Bethlehem of
Pennsylvania, 208.

The answer to this uncertainty lies in the second major wave of mass immigration
in American history and the history of South Bethlehem alike. According to recent
statistics and observations offered by scholars dealing with this period of New

^^ The iron and steel industn' was not alone in forcing wage reductions and unannounced job cuts with a
fluctuation of the economy or company stability . Tlic raih-oad among others was also known for this
practice with a number of such occurrences the subject of journalism m South Bethlehem. In July of 1888
ironworkers took a 20 percent wage cut. A few days later employees of the North Pennsylvania Railroad in
South Bethlehem took a similar cut but learned of it only upon receipt of their checks! Bethlehem Daily
Times, 1 1 July 1888, 16 July 1888.

Immigration, late 19''' and early 20^^' Century immigrants were drawn from far less
developed industrial countries than earlier newcomers but they increasingly came from
more urban centers. Most of the Slovaks, Poles, and Italians, to name a few, had fewer
trade skills, were less literate, predominantly unmarried, and younger than earlier
immigrants. They were thus able to adapt to the demands of the steel industry and
willing to assume its risks. "*^ As bleak and uncertain as conditions may have been, the
financial rewards for these people were far in excess of those to be had in their native
countries, characterized by explosive population increases, ethnic tensions and the
lingering vestiges of feudalistic land management. Most planned or hoped to return with
the financial means of insuring a better life in their homelands and were thus more than
willing to assume the back-breaking role of unskilled labor in the steel industry- after all
it was temporary. These newcomers from central and southern Europe were far more
willing to accept the horrendous working conditions of the steel mill than those of native
or western European extraction, who remembered with nostalgia the industry's recent
past as an artisan endeavor. In addition, with this new foreign population, management
could avoid the clamor of demands beginning to resonate from this traditional group of
working class labor who were less youthfijl and less tolerant to the changing demands
and nature of work in the steel industry.

Although many immigrants returned to their homelands, the majority remained,
and the era in which representatives of new ethnic groups arrived is evidenced by their
geographic location in South Bethlehem. In addition to the segregational pattern of

"* Brody. 42.

Timothy J. Hatton and Jefferey G. Williamsoa The Age of Mass Migration: Causes and Economic
Impact (6.xford: Oxford University Press. 1998), 1 1-12.

settlement as evidenced by location, discussed earlier, an environment of blatant hostility
and prejudice greeted the immigrant population during the late 19"^ Century. This
certainly exacerbated the tendency to separate. Unlike the whimsical, fairly benign
accounts of earlier years detailing the oddities of the Irish, the local newspaper was
relentless in its portrayal of newcomers from central, southern and eastern Europe as an
undesirable addition to the community. The violent behavior, tendency to partake of too
much alcohol, socialist leanings, and poor hygiene of these people were frequent issues
of attack. The Hunkies, Huns, and Dagos were typically referred to in newspaper
accounts not by name but instead by the numbering system used in identifying them in

Figure 9: New Immigrant laborers on their wav home from a shift in the mill (circa 1900). Source:
Fitch, 142.

the steelworks. One of the more light-hearted accounts of 1883 details the arrival of a

small band of Hungarians:

When the train arrived here this moming nine of the Hungarians,
all able bodied men, left the train and were met by a couple of

Hungarians, employees of the Bethlehem Iron Company, who
took them to their boardmg house on Carpenter street. As
Conductor McMullin passed through the crowd of emigrants (in
the smoking car) examining their tickets, it was noticed that he
frequently put his hand over his nose and mouth- because of the
bad smell, perhaps. Mr. McMullin said it would take a great
deal of tobacco smoke to counterbalance the strong smell of the
soup eaters.'*

By the early 1880's, the influx of immigrants from southern, central and Eastern
Europe created an overwhelming demand for housing. The steel company developed
small areas of mill housing and the local building industry flourished in response. The
Bethlehem Daily Times, the local news publication of the day, was literally a chronicle of
the town's physical development- what was being built, who was awarded the contracts
and where the material was coming from. Houses were going up in nearly every sector
of the city, and the business district was transformed seasonally by new construction and
improvements. The arrival of building and loan organizations, the makings of
speculative development, and routine shortages in building materials were covered in
detail.''^ As the 1800's ended. South Bethlehem encompassed twice its original area'°

* Bethlehem Daily Times. 13 August 1883.

■*' A survey of the Bethlehem Daily Times between 1884 and 1887 offers a colorful glimpse of both the
construction boom and housing shortage. Several building and loans were established in tliese years and
brick shortages occurred in both the summer and spring of 1886 and 1887. A building lot that sold for
$250.00 in April of 1887 was going for $500.00 in October of the same year. In addition, a survey of maps
reveals a great increase in the number of higli-density tenements tight to the factory gates and a rapid
increase at tlie town's eastern end Tlie pressures of overpopulation and material shortages are revealed
also by fire insurance maps of the day. The use of mud-brick for house constmction was apparently an
acceptable low-cost alternative for the newly arriving immigrants and likely an answer to common
shortages in fued brick. Maps further reveal an abundant use of wood frame constmction during times of
intense growth in population, and a concentration of these structures in the newly settled areas. These
stmctures over time were replaced with buildings constructed of more pemianent and durable materials
such as brick and stone. Maps referenced: D.G. Beers, Atlas of Northampton County, Pennsylvania
(Philadelphia: A. Pomeroy and Company. 1874). South Bethlehem. PA: including Bethlehem. Fountainhill
and Northampton Heights (New York: Sanbom- Perris Map Company. 1892), Merriman. Mansfield, et al.
of Lehigh University Department of Civil Engineering, Map of Bethlehem South. Bethlehem, and West
Bethlehem (Bethlehem, PA: Edwin G. Klose. 1886). South Bethlehem. PA: including Bethlehem,
Fountainhill and Northampton Heights (New York: Sanbom-Perris Map Company, 1894).
'" Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial. 42.

and the town's population multiplied nearly four-fold from the first official census tally
in 1870. A community of just over 3,500 in 1870 now had a population greater than
13,000."' By 1900, the swell in population encompassed five municipal wards growing
from a total of three in 1880 and was quickly spilling over into the adjacent borough of
Northampton Heights to the east.

A break down of the ethnic composition of South Bethlehem's five wards and
Northampton Heights well illustrates the segregational pattern of urban development in
South Bethlehem that continued its development during the era of New Immigration. In
fact, the new diversity of peoples represented by New Immigration frames this pattern
with striking clarity. According to census research conducted by Gary Jones and put
forth in his master's degree thesis of 1989, ethnic stratification in South Bethlehem was
clearly apparent by the 1 880's.^^ Ward 1, basically the Fountain Hill neighborhood, was
almost entirely composed of residents of American-bom or British extraction. The
population of Ward 2, again to the east, contained 80 percent of South Bethlehem's
German Population and 50 percent of its Irish residents. The other half of the town's
Irish resided in Ward 3." A similar sampling of census data for 1910 shows a more
diverse blend of ethnicity in Ward 1 than the data of 1880 but still a predominantly
American born or British constituency. The presence of German and Irish in Ward 1 in
1910 is certainly the result of the social mobility achieved over the 30 year period as well

"' U.S. Department of Commerce-Bureau of Census, Tenth Census of the Untied States: Population,
General Report and Analysis (Washington; GPO, 1881), 454-455; U.S. Department of Commerce-Bureau
of Census, Twelfth Census of the Untied States: Population, General Report and Analysis (Washin^on:
GPO, 1902), 640.

"" I have chosen to use the title of Gary Jones's work, "Immigrant South Bethlehem" (M.A. Thesis, Lehigh
University, 1989) as the heading of this chapter to reflect its importance to the development of this thesis.

" Ibid., 38

as an increased presence of these groups in the white-collar skilled labor world. Ward 2
in 1910 displayed an ethnic mix similar to that of Ward 1 . The labor roles the Irish and
Germans left behind were now performed by the newly arriving immigrants from
southern, central and eastern Europe who were taking up residence in Wards 3, 4, and 5.
In 1910 over a third of the population of Ward 3 was of Slavic origin. This group
maintained a clear numerical advantage over American bom residents. In addition, a
sizable contingent of Irish remained here and Ward 3 was home to 50 percent of the
town's Italian population. Wards 4 and 5 were decidedly of an eastern European
character. Northampton Heights retained a predominantly American bom character until

SoytiiBethlehem circa 1900

Map 1. Ward Divisions, circa 1900. Map By W. C. Carson.

the decades following 1910 at which time the area was diversified by an increase of
eastern Europeans such as Russians and Ukrainians. The compelling picture of the

overall diversification of South Bethlehem's population and the segregation of newly
arriving groups in the eastern wards of South Bethlehem is further supported by a look at
the rapid population growth of these municipal divisions between census years. The
overall populations of Wards 1 and 2 remained rather stable throughout the period of
New Immigration while those to the east exploded.

It is clear from this overview of the immigrant presence in the Bethlehem area
that South Bethlehem became a social laboratory that was exceptional. A quick
tabulation of South Bethlehem's population statistics for 1910 reveals the presence of at
least 52 nationalities within the geographically confined borough. Not only did South
Bethlehem become the focus of in-migration around mid century, it developed a very
distinct pattern of settlement based upon an ethnic, social and occupational hierarchy.
This pattern continued to play itself out until the close of the period of New Immigration
around 1920. Newcomers assumed lower tier jobs (mostly servile, unskilled labor
positions), took up residence to the east of previous arrivals, and consequently developed
ethnically distinct, although not ethnically exclusive, neighborhoods. Specifically, Wards
3, 4, 5 and the adjacent borough of Northampton Heights took in a disproportionate share
of those arriving in South Bethlehem during the period of New Immigration.

"^ Jones. 47-49.

'"^ U.S. Department of Commerce-Bureau of Census. Thirteenth Census of the Untied States: Population,

General Report and Analysis (Washingion: GPO. 1913), 593.

Overall Ethnic Composition 1880

9%1%

35%

52%

^American (native)
ffl British
n Irish
n German
■Slavic

Data: Jones. 37

Chart 1. Overall Ethnic Composition of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1880.

Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence

i Foreign

i American (native)

Ward 1 Ward 2 Ward 3

Data: Jones. 37.
Chart 2. Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence in South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1880.

Ethnic Composition 1910

30%

36%

^American (native)

■ British

° Irish

n German

■Italian

H Slavic

■Austrian

13%

Data: Jones. 44.

Chart 3. Overall Ethnic Composition of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania— 1910.

Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence 1910

■ Foreign
^American (native)

F.H. Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward N.H.
12 3 4 5

Data: Jones, 44.
Chart 4. Ethnic Composition by Area of Residence in South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania — 1910.

This thesis will now fasten its attention upon the implications and changes the
diverse medley of New Immigration wrought upon the religious landscape of South
Bethlehem. The period of 1880-1920 specifically has been chosen for focus because it is
within this framework that America truly defined itself as a nation of many. With each of
the many came traditions, values, customs and folkways that typically found monumental
form in the churches and sacred sites they built. Surely they are art, the genius of the
creative human spirit, and many are fine examples of the sumptuous vocabulary of
ecclesiastical design. However, these monuments were not intended merely to serve as a
static objectification of tradition and belief; they were constructed to serve as dynamic
dwellings. The use of the term dwelling here has a full meaning. The churches organized
and erected by late 19* and early 20"" Century immigrant groups, provided not only a
suitable dwelling for their God, but a home for the spiritual needs of each group's
members as well as shelter for the social framework that assisted in their worldly comfort
and progress. These churches were typically organized under less than ideal
circumstances and, at best, struggled to address the needs of their foreign people.
However, they were often the sole providers of the necessities for survival in the less than
supportive, sometimes hostile environment that characterized America's industrial era
prior to the social reform and welfare movement. The years between 1880 and 1920
served as the crucible in which nativist America strove to understand the emerging and
uniquely American multicultural concept of nationhood. The diverse social milieu we
understand, accept and often celebrate today was rife with division during this time-
period. The social milieu presented by the era of New Immigration and the compounding

effect of World War disaffection resulted in the isolationist backlash of the 1920's; the
emergence of the pluralistic society most Americans value so deeply today did not
develop without its setbacks. The many steeples, spires and bell-towers that rose above
South Bethlehem, often the proudest accomplishment of the foreign population, stand
today in symbolic remembrance of this critical period in American social history. They
can tell us much about the struggles of New Immigrants to become American, the
persistence of their spirit in maintaining the traditions to which they so closely tied their
identities, and their fortitude in the practice of their most deeply held beliefs. As the
towering stacks of industry come down in South Bethlehem, and with them the spoils of
steelmaking, the spires remain fast and proud, unencumbered by smoke and steam and
framed only by the deep blue and green of South Mountain. The churches of South
Bethlehem remain; to tell the community of a remarkable, accomplished past and to
guide the community in the present as it attempts to shape a future without Bethlehem
Steel.

Chapter 3: Overview of the Religious Landscape, 1880-1920

Introduction

The following overview of South Bethlehem's religious landscape has several
objectives. First, it is intended to evidence the transformational impact that the combined
force of industry and immigration had upon the religious landscape's growth. To
accomplish this, the overview will chronicle the comprehensive development of the
religious landscape geographically, introduce general themes and more specific trends
that emerged during this development, and touch upon certain landmark events that
yielded lasting effects, or were important "firsts." Time divisions of roughly ten years in
duration have been employed in this overview having proven convenient units of measure
to which many of these themes and trends can be attached.

While achieving these primary goals, the overview further seeks to reveal the rich

diversity of architectural, ethnic, cuUural and religious heritage that survives in South

Bethlehem, and that offers a means of connecting the present community with its past.

Also, the following material aims to reinforce the observations made by Gary Jones in his

study of South Bethlehem and build upon them to achieve a more inclusive, particular

and personal report. Although Jones has provided a wonderfijl foundation and many

valuable observations, the number crunching and sterile computation of census data, by

nature, can only tell us so much. Using South Bethlehem's churches, we can fill in many

of the voids that result from categorizing ethnic populations too broadly when performing

such an empirical study. Such generalizations may leave out significant facets and

nuances of the cultural mosaic described in the closing of chapter two. Examples here

include the ambiguities innate in the meaning of such terms as German, Slav, or

Hungarian, which, due to European imperial claims, were most profound during the 19
and early 20'*' centuries. By filling in these blanks, a more meaningful story of South
Bethlehem is revealed than is evidenced by raw data alone. An accurate report of South
Bethlehem is very much a personal, human story. It is a story of industry and
immigration but also a story of risk, survival, the struggle for identity, and ultimately one
of success and achievement. The final purpose of the following overview is to offer an
appropriate transition in further refining the focus of this thesis for an up close look at
three important religious institutions that clearly evidence this human story.

Seeds are Sown: background to the 1880's

Thematically the religious landscape of South Bethlehem before 1880 is perhaps
best characterized as one analogous to the sowing of seeds in freshly tilled but never
before cuhivated terrain. The seeds and fertile soil together held a wealth of possibilities
and promise. What has transpired since and is evidenced by the community's religious
institutions has at its source this critical period of germination. It was in the time-period
before 1880 that the roots, which would establish themselves firmly in the I880's first,
came to life.

In keeping with the rich history of the region, the first organized church
community in South Bethlehem was Moravian. The First Moravian Church of South
Bethlehem was established in 1862, yet according to a number of local accounts, and
supported by coverage in the local press of the day, the first completed bricks and mortar

representation of a community of believers was Saint Peter's Lutiieran Churcii/ The
German Lutheran people of South Bethlehem held services in the yet to be incorporated
borough's first church in March of 1864. '^ The Moravians soon after had their own place
of worship. While the German Lutherans celebrated the completion of their little brick
edifice, three other churches were in the process of erection. It may be recalled that iron
operations had commenced only in 1863, and the headquarters of the railroad would not
officially relocate to South Bethlehem until 1865.

By the spring of 1865, four churches were under roof and dedicated for worship
in the fledgling borough. This group of four included the Moravian and Lutheran
buildings. Holy Infancy Roman Catholic at Fourth and Taylor Street, and Episcopal
Church of the Nativity at Third and Wyandotte Street. ^^ In the history of the Archdiocese
of Philadelphia, the presence of Holy Infancy in South Bethlehem by the 1860's
represents a relatively early migration of Irish inland from Philadelphia. Construction of

'* Congregational histories of both Saint Peter's Lutheran Church and First Moravian Church (see
bibliography) are consistent here, as are locally published histories such as Yates. Bethlehem of
Pennsylvania. Accounts of the Bethlehem Daily Times, 14 March 1864 and The Moravian. 28 July 1864,
verily the dates offered in these works. The First Moravian Church of South Bethlehem actually
worshipped in a partially completed church between July of 1864 and March 1868. This building was
bought from the congregation by the newly founded Lehigli University for classroom space in 1866 but the
congregation continued to worship there until a new church was completed a short distance away in 1868.
The 1868 church was bnck of Wren-Gibbs Georgian staling. It featured a tall broached spire above the
entrance. Although the church no longer stands numerous pictures of it exist including Borough of Soutli
Betlilehem, Semi-Centennial, n.p.; First Moravian Church, "Through 100 Years with The First Moravian
Church. 1862-1962" (Souvenir Booklet), 8; Clipping Files of the Bethlehem Area Public Library.
-^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 14 March 1864.

'* The construction of Holy Infanc\' began in October 1863 and the church was consecrated in November of
1864 according to The Moravian, 8 October 1863. and the Archdiocese of Philadelphia Scrapbook
Collection. SB #2. lof 5. 442. Ground was broken for Church of tlie Nativity on August 6. 1863 and tlie
church was consecrated on April 19. 1865 according to Church of the Nativity. Parish Annals. 1862-1902
(Bethlehem: Church of the Nativity), 12-16.

1^'

\-.\K^P'

' 'I'll

Figure 10. Saint Peter's Lutheran Church (circa 1864), South Bethlehem's first church building.
Source: "Saint Peter's First One Hundred Years," 13.

the canal and railroad brought Irish Catholics to the region as well as another English-
speaking religious group of believers, the Episcopalians. However, in contrast to the

labor role of Irish Cathohcs, the nucleus of the Episcopal Church were the entrepreneurs

and businessmen whose vision and financial resources made the canal and railroads a

reality in South Bethlehem. The church that these people constructed, although small,

was highly indicative of their social stature. Not only was the Episcopal Church's Gothic
Revival form representative of a historically critical period in American ecclesiastical

design, its architect Edward Tuckerman Potter, connects the eUte of South Bethlehem to

some of the most influential social circles of America at the time and the fmancial arena

of New York City

^=!* %!#i

_;^

Figure 10. Episcopal Church of the Nativity (circa 1865) designed by architect E. T. Potter. Source:
Church of the Nativity, Parish Annals, 16.

The four churches in place by 1865, two Enghsh- speaking and German-speaking
illustrate, in addition to the rapid growth of South Bethlehem, the begirmings of the social

stratification discussed in the preceding chapter. All were located within the broadest

expanse of the flood plain at the western girth of the area the town grew to include and

their spatial organization displayed a divisive quality. The upper-class American bom

and English Episcopahans were to the west in Ward 1, the working-class

'^ Edward Tuckerman Potter was the brother of the church's first rector E. N. Potter and son of Philadelphia
Bishop Alonzo Potter. But more telling is his having been an understudy to famed architect Richard
Upjohn, hi addition to serving a clientele of the powerfiil and wealthy, Upjohn is commonly considered the
father of the Gothic Revival Movement in America and is responsible for a number of very important
buildings including New York's Trinity Cathedral. In 1875, Upjohn himself was commissioned by Church
of the Nativity to design Saint Mary's Mission Chapel thus bringing Upjohn directly into the fold of South
Bethlehem's elite. Church of the Nativity, Parish Annals, 61-64. Also: Sandra L. Tatman and Roger Moss,
Biographical Dictionary of Philadelphia Architects: 1700-1930 (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1985), 618.

51 ^

South
Bethlehei

^1^

1 The Religious
|f Landscape

Map 2. The Religious Landscape Before 1880. Map by W. C. Carson

and German Lutherans and Moravians in the middle in Ward 2, and the Irish laboring-
class Catholics to the east in Ward 3. Three city blocks separated each church, on
average, at a time when the overall population had not yet reached 3,500 and urban
density was not yet a reality. There were substantial tracts of undeveloped real estate
between each institution, as indicated by a number of birds-eye- view lithographs done of
the community about this time. The laboring-class Irish Catholics positioned their church
closest to the zinc and iron mills.^° Though the most dramatic changes were yet to occur,
the organization of religious landscape by 1880 displayed the emergence of several
characteristics that in time became hallmarks of the town's growth: the interdependence
of industrial growth and labor; an occupational, socio-economic, and ethnic stratification
of the labor force; and the tendency for the lowest tier of the labor force to take up
residence at the eastern perimeter of the town's development.

Taking Root: the decade of the 1880's

By 1880, the young borough housed six religious institutions within its borders
with the addition of German Reformed and Presbyterian congregations. Instead of a

*° The shortest separation distance was naturally between the Lutheran and Moravian congregations in the
middle ground — Ward 2. According to local press accounts of the day, South Bethlehem was still a place
of rural beauty by 1865, The Moravian, 6 November 1864. Holy Infancy was at the very perimeter of the
town's development as indicated by real estate sales and advertisements in the Bethlehem Daily Times, 1
April 1869.

"' First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem was dedicated for worship in the fall of 1871 and
Presbyterian Church of South Bethlehem opened its doors the following spring. It is interesting to note
both churches took their place in South Bethlehem wathin the confmes of what can be described as the
middle ground within a block of one another in Ward 2, and are very much in keeping with the ethnic mix
of Old Immigration. The Reformed congregation was ethnically German and held services in the mother
tongue. The Presbyterian Church of South Bethlehem was an outgrowth of the German speaking First
Moravian Church. The contingent that formed the First Presbyterian Church was English speaking
suggesting language as the logical issue of dispute. The formation of the Presbyterian Church was covered
by the Bethlehem Daily Times, 25 February 1869 and 1, 6, 7 and 12 April 1869. Also: see First Moravian
Church, "Through 100 Years with the First Moravian Church, 1862-1962" (Souvenir Booklet.), 8.

sheer proliferation of congregations, however, the principal theme of the decade of the
1880's was the firm establishment of those already in place. As newcomers from the
south and east of Europe began to arrive in South Bethlehem, the religious institutions of
Old Immigration took on a stature of permanence and maturity. New Immigration was a
shaping force during the 1880's, yet the event did not have a marked effect on the
religious landscape until late in the decade, when the first large defense contracts sparked
the rapid industrial expansion that beckoned many seeking work to South Bethlehem's
mills. The impact of New Immigration was modest in these years but the dramatic
changes to come have their origin in the 1880's.

A variety of trends and specific events during these years evidence the "taking
root" quality that defines the 1880's. First, was the construction of more-substantial, and
in some cases monumental second-generation houses of worship by the town's earliest
religious bodies. Early in the decade, new, more commodious structures began to replace
the no frills first generation structures that were very often little more than a one room
frame or brick meeting hall. As membership grew and financial resources became less
limited, more elaborate buildings, complete with tall spires and bell towers, were used by
many of the earliest congregations in shoring up their presence in South Bethlehem and
declaring themselves firmly settled. Stone churches replaced brick and frame versions,
and architects routinely became engaged in the process. Second, most churches
undertook sizable additions and alterations to their buildings to accommodate growing

Presbyterian Church of South Bethlehem was designed by Benjamin Price of Philadelphia and the first
service in the new church was held May 5, 1872 as per the Bethlehem Daily Times, 14 March 1872 and 6
May 1872. First Reformed Church was dedicated October 21-22. 1871 according to the Bethlehem Daily
Times, 23 October 1871.

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Map 3. The ReUgious Landscape, 1880-1890. Map by W. C. Carson.

memberships. If new churches were not feasible or desirable, then additions were
undertaken, facades were remodeled, and ornate stained glass installed. Third, several
congregations initiated mission churches thereby broadening their influence. Not only
were these groups confident of survival, but they began to look beyond their immediate
circle to address the needs of others. Of course, religious conversion and the spread of a
particular reUgious persuasion was the modus operandi for addressing these needs
whether spiritual or worldly.

The young borough's Lutheran, Episcopal and Catholic communities undertook
the construction of second-generation churches in the 1880's. The second home of Saint
Peter's Lutheran was completed m the spring of 1879 and is the earUest example of this
general trend of the 1880's. The Lutherans replaced a 35'x 60' brick church in May of
1879 with the dedication of a still modest but far more substantial building. The new
church was constructed of a brown Hummelstown brick, and its fa9ade was highlighted
by a gabled bell-tower with a small ornamental rose window at its center.

The Episcopal congregation chose to express their permanence in South
Bethlehem not with a new church but, instead, with a substantial addition to their existing
Gothic Revival structure. The addition, which in fact became the dominant form of the
church, was designed by a prominent Philadelphia architect of the day, Charles
Marquedant Bums, whose professional production was closely associated with the elite
of the region. Bums mcorporated Potter's original church as the transept for the remade

*^ A picture and description of the first church were found in Yates: The Golden Years, 348. The
dedication of the second church was announced in an article in the Bethlehem Daily Times, 1 May 1 879. A
photograph of the second church was found in Saint Peter's Lutheran Church, "75* Anniversary, 1863-
1938" (Souvenir Booklet), 1 1. A comparison of this archival photograph and the current church revealed
that all subsequent changes were additions and renovations to the second church. The description of

Church of the Nativity. He maintained the simple EngUsh Gothic tone of the original
stone building while composing a new commanding appearance for Nativity with the
addition of a large nave, clerestory and apse.''

In addition to the Lutheran and Episcopal buildings, a mighty new second-
generation church took shape to the east in Ward 3. The Irish Catholic community
transformed the skyline of South Bethlehem with the completion of a soaring Gothic
Revival church in the spring of 1886 and, in doing so, made the most important statement
of the decade. The power of this statement did not escape the town's journalists. The
press described the structure as "an ornament... to all the Bethlehems" and "...one of the
finest and most substantially built church edifices in this part of the country." Holy
Infancy is the landmark of an institution of crucial importance in the development of
South Bethlehem''s religious landscape and is the subject of Chapter Four's first case
study. ''

Hummelstown brown brick used by the author is a result of this comparison. The installation of the
ornamental window was mentioned in the Bethlehem Daily Time. 16 January 1877.
*^ Alterations and additions were made to the Church of the Nativity between May 1884 and November
1888 according to the Bethlehem Daily Times. 10 May 1885 and 1 November 1888. The congregation used
space in the nearby E.xcelsior Knitting Mill for worship during the construction process. Bethlehem Daily
Times. 3 June 1885. C. M. Bums of Philadelphia was first announced as the architect of the new church in
the Bethlehem Daily Times, 1 December 1883. Bums is responsible for a number of remarkable churches
in the Philadelphia area including Church of the Saviour (c. 1889) at 38* and Ludlow Streets and Church of
tlie Advocate (c. 1 89 1 ) at Diamond and 1 8"" Streets. Bimis is discussed in articles by James D. Van Trimip.
"Medieval Memories in a Victorian Subiu-b: Two Romanesque Revival Churches in West Philadelphia" in
The Charette. vol. 46. no. 1 (January. 1966), 9-13 and "The Gothic Fane: The Medieval Vision and Some
Philadelphia Churches"' in The Charette. vol. 43. no. 12 (December. 1963). 15-21. The sandstone used in
construction of Nativity was of local origin. The trimmings however were specified as Indiana Oolitic
Limestone, as per tlie Bethlehem Daily Times. 27 June 1885 and 22 Septemh)er 1885. The contractor was J.
S. Allam of South Bethlehem. Bethlehem Daily Times 17 April 1884, 22 September 1885 and 19 February
1887. The total cost of the chiu-ch topped out at $46,000.00 a huge sum of money in the 1880's according
to John R. Cliamberlain, One Hundred Years ofNativitv (Bethlehem. PA: Church of the Nativity, 1963),
46.

^'' Bethlehem Daily Times. 17 July 1884; 31 July 1884. Holv Infancy was constmcted between May of
1882 and May of 1886.

Mission activities of South Bethlehem congregations during the decade of the
1880's included two under the stewardship of the Episcopal Church of the Nativity and
one of Saint Peter's Lutheran. The Episcopal missions were Saint Mary's Chapel and
Saint Joseph's Chapel and the Lutheran Mission was known as Saint Paul's Chapel. Of
the three. Saint Joseph's Chapel is the only survivor of any of these mission operations
that survives. When Saint Joseph's was constructed, its location was far removed from
the core of South Bethlehem and well east of the borough's limits. Services were first
held in Saint Joseph's Chapel in the Winter of 1884, though Sunday school meetings
were held as early as November 1882 in a vacant house owned by Joseph Wharton of the
Lehigh Zinc works. An account of the new church's cornerstone dedication summarized
the intent of the Episcopal community in initiating mission activities and indirectly made
reference to the eastward destination of the town's fiature growth. For the families
employed by the iron company's 'TSfo. 3" furnace. Saint Joseph's was described as "an
effort to improve the condition [both] moral and social. ..of these people of hard toil," and
as only "...the second church building beyond Elm Street". The other church to break the
Elm Street divide was Irish Catholic Holy Infancy. ^^

*' Saint Mary's Episcopal Mission and Saint Paul's Lutheran Mission were both located to the west of
South Bethlehem outside the town's limits. Saint Mary's was organized in August of 1873 according to the
Bethlehem Daily Times. 8 October 1873. A chapel designed by Richard Upjohn was constructed in 1875
for Samt Mary's. See Church of the Nativity. Parish Annals, 61-64 andBethlehem Daily Times. 13 April
1875. Saint Paul's was organized in January of 1886 according to Bethlehem Daily Times. 5 January 1886.
A brick. Gothic stvle chapel was dedicated in June of 1891 according to Bethlehem Dailv Times. 29 June
1891.

*^irst services were conducted on January 20. 1884. and the new chapel was consecrated on October 18.
1884, as per the Bethlehem Daily Times, 21 January 1884 and 18 October 1884. A newspaper account in
the Bethlehem Daily Times, 11 November 1882. establishes the date and location of organization. Other
accounts cited include the Bethlehem Daily Times, 18 November 1883. The builder was J. S. Allam of
South Bethlehem according to the Bethlehem Dailv Times, 29 January 1884.

Figure 11. The second Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Church (circa 1883) in Ward 3; the religious
citadel and community center of the Irish population in South Bethlehem during the 19'*' Century.
E.F. Durang, architect Source: Yntes, Bethlehem of Pennsylvania, 139.

While "old" church communities expressed their maturity through grand
architecture and missions, a quietly mounting influx of New Immigrants began to take up
residence in South Bethlehem during the 1880's. This influx surged by 1885 and,
consequently, a few small congregations were organized that reflected the predominantly
German ethnic complexion of immigration during these years. ''^ Saint Bernard's Roman

The decade of the 1880's was the zenith of German Immigration in American History. United States
Department of the Treasury-Bureau of Statistics. Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1890 (New York:
Johnson Company. 189 1). 207; United States Department of Commerce and Labor-Bureau of Statistics.
Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1910 (Washington: GPO, 1911), 82.

Catholic Church (1888) was established to serve a small but rapidly expanding German
Catholic population in South Bethlehem and was the town's first example of a "national
parish." The national parish, or ethnic parish, was a unique contrivance of the Catholic
Church in America that emerged in response to the overwhelming diversity of languages
and Catholic traditions brought to America by New Immigrants. Saint Luke's
Evangelical Association Church (1889) reflected the missionary efforts of a German
Methodist congregation from Bethlehem to attract converts from a likewise increasing
number of German Protestants. ^^ Another reflection of the growing impact of German
immigration in the late 1880's was the emergence of Saint Mark's Lutheran Church
(1889), formed by a breakaway English-speaking faction of Saint Peter's. The drive by
the English-speaking minority to establish a separate congregation grew fi-om their
perceived isolation within a Lutheran community that was being steadily reinforced with
new German-speaking members.*'^ In contrast to the architectural grandeur expressed by

*^ The congregation of Saint Luke's represents the first new denomination introduced to the borough's
religious melange in the 1880's. The Church of the Evangehcal Association is described by historians as
German- American Methodism or New Methodism. The small group of German Methodist that founded
Saint Lukes in 1885 were first served by clergy of Saint John's Church of the Evangehcal Association in
north Bethlehem and utilized at least two rented facilities prior to the construction of their church m August
of 1887. The location chosen by this group for their modest bnck church was more telling than anything
suggested by the architecture of the building. A basic understanding of Methodism, which the Evangelical
Association was an interpretation of reveals an i:nmediate link with the Episcopal Church. Interestingly
Saint Luke's was positioned in South Bethlehem close to the elite community of the Fountain Hill
neighborhood so strongly associated with Nativity, yet on the downhill slope of Episcopal Hill close to
heavily German Ward 2. Although possibly mere coincidence the location is curiously suggestive of the
denominations theological root, being closely aligned witli Episcopal Church ideology and yet firmly
attached to a German identity. Bethlehem Daily Times. 30 June 1886; 7 August 1887; 10 May 1888. Also:
see Sydney Ahlstrom.,4 Religious History of the American People, Vol. 1 (New Haven: Yale University
Press. 1972), 439-441.

*^ Rumors of the disaffected English-speaking members of Saint Peters were circulated in the local press
for tlie first time on June 25, 1888. and the movement took shape formally with a meeting of thirty-
individuals on September 21. A building committee was soon at work. This group held independent
worsliip services for the first time in a temporar. wooden structure of their own in January of 1889. not too
far fi-om the German speaking mother church and well within the confines of Ward 2. The temporarv'
clapboard and shingle chapel was a handsome structure with a simple entrance portico and trefoil window
in the gable above. This church served the EngUsh speaking Lutherans for over five years. The sphL which
was fervently opposed by Saint Peter's, was covered m tlie Bethlehem Daily Times on 25 June 1888, 20

the town's well-healed and established congregations, all of these new church groups
constructed modest, "starter" churches. Furthermore, all took residence in Ward 2, which
is in accord with the overriding ethnic quality of the district reflected by census data of
1890.™

It is interesting to note that the settlement pattern of German immigrants
contradicts the eastward direction of urban growth that became synonymous with the
course of New Immigration. Instead of establishing their residences at the eastern edge
of town, German newcomers were absorbed by neighborhoods established by their Old
Immigrant predecessors. As evidenced by the presence of Roman Catholic Saint
Bernard's in predominantly Protestant Ward 2, language, more than religion, was an
activating factor for the development of ethnic communities in South Bethlehem. The
location of Saint Bernard's is also suggestive of the occupational and socio-economic
character of the town's growing German Catholic population as more middle class.

The last church building of the 1880's to be examined does not have a strong
connection with the interaction of industry and immigration, the articulation of which, is
the primary focus of this overview. However, because of its architectural significance,
ignoring Packer Chapel from a study of South Bethlehem's religious landscape would be
a glaring omission to anyone who is familiar with the town's appearance.

A look at Packer Memorial Chapel necessitates a quick introduction to an
important feature of South Bethlehem's landscape and history so far neglected by this

September 1888. 22 September 1888 and 30 November 1888. The temporary- chapel was noted on an
unaltered or updated Sanborn Map of 1892. One printed photograph of the church was found in the
Clipping Files of the Bethlehem Public Library.

™ The dedication ceremonies of March 18. 1888 were announced in the Bethlehem Daily Times, 14 March
1888. Though the church was constructed on llie undeveloped southern edge of Ward 2. apparently the

thesis. Lehigh University was founded by Lehigh Valley Railroad owner Asa Packer
very early in the town's history, 1866, and it became the primary philanthropic thrust of
his life. Packer's desire in Lehigh was to provide young men with an institution
dedicated to the advancement of practical and applied sciences such as engineering and
business. The university was established on a plot of ground just outside the borders of
Ward 2, to the south, on the increasing slope of South Mountain. Packer endowed the
school heavily and vested a personal, guiding interest in its growth. The school expanded
rapidly with the construction of new academic facilities on an almost annual basis. Asa
Packer's heir and daughter, Mary Packer Cummings, contributed to this expansion in
1884 by commissioning the construction of a church as a memorial to her parents.

Packer Chapel served a muhitude of ftinctions but was not strictly associated with
a particular sect although its ties to the Episcopal community in South Bethlehem were
solid. In many ways the entire institution of Lehigh University, including Packer
Memorial Chapel, can be viewed as an extension of the Episcopal community of the
Church of the Nativity because the founding and growth of both were personally guided
by Episcopalians close to Packer like Robert H. Sayre. ''' Packer Chapel, however.

Catholicism this group held to so tightly was not enough to divorce this group from the broader German

population that largely composed Ward 2.

^' A complete history of Lehigh University is given by Ross Yates. Lehigh University: A History of

Education in Engineering, Business and the Human Condition (Bethlehem, PA: Lehigh University Press,

1992).

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Figure 12. Packer Memorial Chapel (circa 1884), designed by architect Addison Button, on the
campus of Lehigh University. The photograph, which dates to the early 1890's, was taken facing due
east and reveals only limited development in the eastern portion of the borough. Source: Yates,
Lehigh University, 64.

served no active congregation of believers on a daily, communal basis so its impact on
the lives of South Bethlehem's residents was, at best, limited.

The church was designed by Quaker architect Addison Hutton in Victorian Gothic
Style and is notable throughout for the sophistication of its design, detailing and
construction. The edifice was built using a local quartzite, and it was trimmed with tan
sandstone imported from Nova Scotia, described at the time as Olive Dorchesterstone.
The window tracery was also executed in this stone and filled with highly ornate stained
glass. The exterior was set-off by a Vermont red slate roof and a bell-tower topped with
an octagonal stone spire reaching 185 feet. Gargoyles and flying buttresses accentuated
Hutton' s monumental intent in the tower structure.

Though Packer Chapel largely maintained an isolated presence in South

Bethlehem, having no community role in the interaction of industry and immigration, an

interesting connection to the emerging social condition was referenced in the first sermon

offered from its pulpit. This event accompanied the baccalaureate services of Lehigh's

graduating class of 1887. The young men, their families, and a number of important local

industrialists in attendance were confronted with a sermon of Social Gospel orated by

Central Pennsylvania Bishop Nelson S. Rulison. These leaders of industry were already

being attacked with charges of wage slavery, and the welfare of a growing underclass

was, by the 1880's, a sensitive issue in South Bethlehem. Of course, in addition to

terrible working conditions, living conditions and pitifiil wages, children clocked in and

out at the town's factories every day. Rulison admonished his audience as if clearly

aware of the unsettling potential of the unprecedented changes whirling about him:

You are going forth into the world of men, many of whom are
toiling, straining, suffering, to get a living for themselves and
their dear ones. I bid you live as Christ lived among men. Let
His love law be the law of your life. Be lovefiil, be helpfiil, be
sympathetic, give your personal services to men who need your
help. Remember that the most precious thing m the world is a
human being, and because there is an infmite and priceless
capability in him, fallen and sinful as he may be, it is your duty
as educated men to draw out the good that is in him and help him
to something higher and better than he knows. You are in some
sense your brother's keeper, and you are set, each on his own
vocation, to save men alive. A mighty responsibility rests on the
educated man in this land in relation to the social political and
industnal questions that are perplexmg and endangermg our
national life.^'

A description of the church was detailed in the Bethlehem Daily Times. 13 October 1887. Many details
not covered in this account were gathered tlirough a survey of the entire construction process as it was
covered by the Bethlehem Daily Times, 26 May 1885 through 18 November 1887. The full text of Bishop
Rulison's sermon was run by the Bethlehem Daily Times. 20 June 1887. The concept of Social Gospel is
very simply put forth by Louis C. Wade in Chapter Four. "Religion and Social Action." of Graham Taylor,
Pioneer for SocialJustice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1964). 83-116. Taylor was a leader of
the social gospel movement of the late 19* and early 20'*' centiuies. Another good quick summary of this
movement is given by Donald C. Swift in Chapter Nine, "Socioeconomic Change and Politics' of Religion
and The American Experience (New York: M. E. Sharpe. 1998), 21 1-232.

Growth and Diversification: the 1890's

The influence of New Immigration played a more central role in the evolution of
the borough's religious environment in the 1890's and stands out as the decade's
foremost attribute thematically. The mounting influx of New Immigration both swelled
the membership of existing congregations and advanced a diversification of the religious
landscape. The impact of settlers from southern and eastern Europe was evidenced: first,
by the continued upgrade of existing churches to accommodate new members; next, by
the construction of the area's first synagogue; and, most significantly, by the expansion
of the Roman Catholic parish beyond the ethnic sphere of Old Immigration.

The forced expansion of congregations as a consequence of the New Immigrant
influx resulted in a number of building campaigns by established congregations to
increase the seating capacity of their churches. As displayed in the 1880's, the need for
larger accommodations often gave religious bodies the license to express their "arrival"
with impressive second-generation churches. Several congregations in South Bethlehem

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undertook such sizable upgrades during the 1890's including Saint Peter's Lutheran
(1895)■'^ Saint Joseph's Episcopal Chapel (1897)^'*, Saint Bernard's Catholic (1895f^
and Saint Mark's Lutheran (1895) . However, none of these express the identifying
purpose attached to celebratory architecture more effectively than the second building
campaign of the First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem.

The Reformed congregation, in response to the high point of German
immigration, built a new house of worship between the spring of 1896 and 1897. Their
second building campaign lavishly remodeled a simple brick chapel by the addition of a
double towered, stone Romanesque Revival facade. Although altered today, the new
twin-towers were truly spectacular upon the church's dedication. Both were adorned
with battlements, elaborate archwork, and topped with a whimsical display of spires and
fmials. The facade was textured with projecting masonry and highlighted by a wheel
window and opalescent stained glass. The interior remained traditional, yet with the
realization of such an ornate facade this congregation clearly turned away from the
humble austerity historically synonymous with Reformed church architecture.''^

The architectural posturing set forth by the First Reformed congregation was
dramatic and exemplifies the importance of church architecture to a group's sense of
identity. Scholars have documented the competitive spirit intrinsic to building design
and in a town like South Bethlehem, with a special combination of density, diversity and

'^ "'Saint Peter's First One Hundred Years", 36.

''" Chamberlain. 46.

^- Daily Times, 15 June 1895; Billinger, 6.

Daily Times. 9 December 1895.
'''' Additions made to the First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem were detailed in the Daily Times, 8
June 1896 and 3 1 May 1897. The First Reformed congregation also established a small mission
congregation in the east of the town in yet to be established Northampton Heights. Bethlehem Daily Times,
13 June 1891.

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Figure 13. The second building of the First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem (circa 1896). A.W.
Leh, architect Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Send Centennial, n.p.

religious pluralism, church architecture was a logical means of expressing it. The new
church provided for the German Reformed community an impressive architectural
presence that insured their visibility within a religious landscape that was transforming
rapidly. ''^

^* An informative study of the competition motive of church architecture is George E. Thomas.
"Architectural Patronage and Social Stratification in Philadelphia between 1840 and 1920" in William
Cutler and Howard Gillette, editors. The Divided Metropolis: Social and Spatial Dimensions of
Philadelphia, 1800-1975 (Westport, CT; Greenwood Press, 1980), 85-124.

Perhaps more expressive of the interaction of Industry and Immigration in the
I890's than impressive church alterations, and definitely more revealing of an increasing
cultural diversity in these years, was the emergence of the community's first non
Christian faith -Judaism. The changing character of South Bethlehem's population
because of New Immigration was accentuated by the construction of the area's first
synagogue in 1897. In July of that year the cornerstone of Brith Shalom Talmud Torah,
was set in place on the southern perimeter of Ward 2. The small Jewish community in
South Bethlehem was predominantly German, and, as with the German Catholic
contingent, the synagogue's location was at the very limits of the Ward 2. Again,
ethnicity, language, and proximity to work appear to have been the overriding factors in
the location of settlement for German immigrants, not religion. The synagogue featured
a central entrance along Carlton Street flanked by towers on either side that were
crowned with octagonal domes, a form reminiscent of Renaissance architecture. It is
plausible that the Jewish congregation chose this enlightened style as means of
distinguishing itself from the pervasive Christian culture of South Bethlehem that was, by

that time, so tightly associated with the Gothic Revival architecture.

The movement to organize a "Hebrew congregation" was noted in the local
newspaper in September 1888. As detailed by the account, a group of fifty persons had
recently held their first formal celebration marking the Feast of Yom Kippur, in the home
of clothing retailer Isaac Price. ^'^ The congregation grew rapidly. By the time a large

^' The cornerstone ceremonies were detailed in the Daily Times, 17 and 19 July 1897. Other early coverage

of this group includes the Bethlehem Daily Times. 15 September 1888. 24 November 1888. and 30 July

1889. A notice of incorporation was run in the Daily Times, 6 May 1894.

*° The organization of a "Hebrew congregation" was detailed in the Bethlehem Daily Times. 14 September

1888. Isaac Price's place of business and residence was located on Third Street according to the 1888 city

directory.

enough Jewish population had assembled in South Bethlehem to justify the constmction
of a synagogue. New Immigrants from countries such as Russia, Poland and Hungary had
taken their place alongside the original group of German Jews. Coverage of the
dedication services clearly mentions the presence of Russian speaking members. Further
evidencing the influx of eastern European immigrants during these years was the
inclusion of Harris Sofransnky (Polish) and Abraham Refowich (Russian) in the
governing circle of the new synagogue.

Though a cooperative spirit prevailed among the ethnic factions of the Jewish
population in these years, eventually the two parties, the Germans and Eastern
Europeans, would reach a critical impasse. The Judaism practiced by Russian, Polish and
other Jews from Eastern Europe was far different from that established in South
Bethlehem by the German community. A formal split did not occur until the 1920's but
tensions were apparent early on.^^ The impasse reached within the Jewish population
exemplifies a common cultural strain affected by New Immigrants upon the religious
environment. The connection between religious tradition and ethnicity was acute in the
minds of most that settled in South Bethlehem and as a consequence, the need for a house
of worship that accommodated both was undeniable.

This desire of immigrant Americans to maintain the customary frision of religious
tradition and native culture, brought forward by the Jewish population, was at the heart of
the emergence of the Catholic parish from the ethnic sphere of Old Immigration. After
worshipping for several years at either Irish Holy Infancy or German Saint Bernard's,

^' Charter members were listed in Brith Shalom Community Center, Thirtieth Anniversary Yearbook"
(Souvenir Booklet. 1955), n.p. The charter members were mostly businesspersons and lived in the border

South Bethlehem's growing Slovak population reclaimed the ethno-religious customs of
the Old World with the establishment of a church of their own early in the decade. A
group of Slovak leaders, all attracted to South Bethlehem for jobs at the steel plant less
than ten years before, purchased a plot of ground from Lehigh University situated well
east of the town's development in newly incorporated Ward 4. This location reasserts the
eastward progress of New Immigration that was contradicted by German settlement
patterns in this era. Construction of a small unadorned church to be named Saints Cyril
and Methodius was commenced in May of 1891 . Over 2,500 Eastern European Catholics
attended the dedication of the cornerstone, traveling to South Bethlehem from towns
throughout the Lehigh Valley. ^^ The attraction of the Slovak population from throughout
the region evidences the deep importance these people attached to an expression of
Catholicism consistent with that practiced in their native land and further highlights the
significant role of the immigrant church in mediating the immigration process. It should
be remembered that the Slovaks of Saints Cyril and Methodius not only confronted South
Bethlehem with unfamiliar language and customs, they personified the growing force of
the Catholic Church in America, a long derided subject of the Protestant pulpit in
America by the 1890's. Because the Slovak Catholic community and the history of their
church. Saints Cyril and Methodius, provides a wealth of color in bringing to life the

area between Ward 1 and Ward 2. Several names could not be located in South Bethlehem thus the
religious body was likely drawing members from beyond tlie town's Umits.
*- The Globe '. 1 7 September 1917.

" Bethlehem Daily Times. 25 May 1891; Archdiocese of Philadelphia Scrapbook Collection, SB #3, 3 of 5.
371; Saints Cyril and Methodius was the first Slovak parish according to James F. Connelly. The History of
the Archdiocese of Philadelphia (Philadelphia: The Archdiocese of Philadelphia, 1976). 282. The first
mention of the new Slovak congregation in the press makes no distinction between ethnicity and
nationality. The Bethlehem Daily Times. 23 February 1891. tells of a new 'Hungarian Catholic Church for
South Bethlehem." Slovaks were at the time subjects of the Austria-Hungary alliance and typically
incorrectly labeled Hungarians.

immigrant experience in South Bethlehem a closer examination of this institution will be

undertaken in Chapter Four

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Figure 14. Eastern European immigrants from throughout the region attended services for the
consecration of the Slovak Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic Church in May of 1891. The
church was the first Slovak parish in the Archdiocese of Philadelphia- Source: Saints Cyril and
Methodius Roman Catholic Church. "A Century of Faith: 1891- 1991," n.p.

^'' One other important church edifice constnicted in the 1890" s but not essential in evidencing the broad
pattern of the religious landscape's development was Fritz Memorial Methodist Episcopal Church of 1893.
The name derives from John Fritz, the former superintendent of the Ironworks who assrmied the entire cost
of the church's construction. Upon completion, the building was a notable addition to the body of church
architecture to date: the only example of an auditorium plan chiu-ch in South Bethlehem. The architectural
vocabulary used in the design of the church was Gothic Revival, yet it stands in contrast to the Episcopal
and Roman Catholic influence of this style present in the borougli's other churches. Fritz Memorial did not
respect the longitudinal emphasis of a center processional aisle considered essential by high church
proponents of Gothic Revival architecture. Instead the church's floor plan was developed around a broad
auditorium space, intended to fiinction as a lecture hall for religious education. This style of chiu-ch had an
established history by the early 1800's. The church's location in Ward 2. was appro.ximate to the more
affluent section of South Bethlehem but firmly positioned within a growing district's working class row
houses. The socioeconomic mi.x was primarily white-collar, small business owners and mid level
employees living in the western wards of the town. Bethlehem Daily Times, 23 February 1891. 29 June
1891; Daily Times, 27 March 1893.

Landscape Transformed: Catholicism and a neyv century, 1901-1910

The passage of the ethnic parish from the confines of Old Immigration to a
broader representation of New Immigrant diversity provided the determining course of
South Bethlehem's religious milieu after 1900. The number of Roman Catholic national
parishes representing cultures of southern and eastern European extraction proliferated
aggressively between 1900 and 1910, and all constructed churches in Ward 5 to the east
of previous settlers. Ward 5 was established at the turn of the century in response to the
continued growth in the population of the borough's east-end. The explosion in the
number of ethnic parishes affected a transformation in the quality of the religious
landscape from one of ambiguity to decisively immigrant in character. Catholicism has in
part been used here as the test for determining the prevailing character of South
Bethlehem's religious landscape and justifiably so, historians have long described the
Roman Catholic Church as the immigrant church in the context of American history. ^'
In short, it was during the early years of the new century that the religious landscape
might decisively be characterized as an "immigrant religious landscape."

^' Kevin J. Christiano in Religious Diversity and Social Change: American Cities 1880-1906 examines the
effect of immigration on religious diversity around the turn of the century, using data provided by U. S.
Census statistics on immigration, religion, industrial production, general population, and others. Special
schedules fir assessing the religious make-up of the nation were included in decennial censuses between
1880 and 1940. Although long ignored, these statistics liave been rediscovered by historians in recent years
and have provided new avenues of study (23-48). A couple of relative points for South Bethlehem taken
from Christiano's work were the emergent prevalence during the 1890's of Catholicism in industrial
centers, such as Soutli Bethlehem, where a single large industrial operation drives the economy and serves
as the primary base of employment (83-84. 98. 101-103). Christiano stresses that there e>dsted at the time a
variety of religious diversity across the geographic scope of the United States and due to the seemingly
endless assortment of variables offered by such things as town size, location, type and variety of economy;
definitive conclusions are difficult to establish. As a result, religious diversity in all its forms, including the
assertion of an emerging dominance of Catholicism is highly variable and as such must be looked at on a
case by case basis (89-103). America remained overwhelmingly Protestant in these years but with a
shrinking numerical majority. Between 1890 and 1906 Protestant increases measured 44.8 percent while
The Roman Catholic population grew by 93.5 percent (20-2 1). Several historians regard this trend in the
context of American History as nothing less than revolutionary.

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One neighborhood in Ward 5, is a particularly effective tool for exposing this immigrant
and Catholic transformation. Within one-half block of what was the primary intersection
of Ward 5, the intersection of Fourth and Hayes Streets, three ethnic Roman Catholic
parishes were constructed between 1902 and 1906, and all evidenced humble beginnings.

The first of these was South Bethlehem's first Italian church, the Church of the
Holy Rosary. In addition to work in the mills, Italians were attracted to South Bethlehem
for employment in masonry-related construction and building trades. Many were
stonecutters, street-pavers and quarrymen. Two adjoining plots of land were donated to
this group at the southeast comer of Fourth and Hayes, and in the spring of 1902, a
cornerstone was placed in the foundation of a brick church that was completed by mid-
summer. The church was modest in size and the pointed arch windows held clear glass.
The primary ornament of the exterior was a small belfry astride the ridge, finished out
with a hipped spire and cross. The consecration ceremonies in July were attended and
participated in by representative members and clergy of all three of South Bethlehem's
other Roman Catholic parishes. Holy Infancy, Saint Bernard's and Saints Cyril and
Methodius and numerous other parishes throughout the region. The event was described
in the local press as a festive celebration initiated with a lengthy parade that canvassed
Wards I through 5. The parade featured marching bands, a crowd of Italian children, and
numerous ethnic clubs, lodges and devotional societies in full regalia. A solemn High
Mass concluded the day's events. At some point early in this church's history, the parish
assumed a more ethnically distinguishable title — Our Lady of Pompeii.

^* The cornerstone and dedication ceremonies were reported in the Bethlehem Daily Times. 28 April 1902,
and 17 July 1902. One photograph of the church was located in Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi-
Cenlenmal, n.p.

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Figure 15. The Italian, Church of the Holy Rosary (circa 1902) in Ward 5. The parish later assumed
the title Our Lady of Pompeii. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial, n.p.

Across the intersection on the southeast comer of Fourth and Hayes, the
Hungarian Cathohc community began the construction of their first house of worship
within months of the consecration of the Italian chapel in July. This group named their
church Saint John Capistrano in reference to the 1 5* Century Italian crusader known for
defending the crossroads region of Europe from the influences of Islam. The church was
only the second Hungarian parish in the Diocese of Philadelphia. The growth of this
congregation was rapid. Little more than a year after the dedication of a basement church
in June of 1904, the parish served a membership of about 2000, ^^ and by 1910, the need
for new quarters was a pressing concern. A new and expanded combination church and

Connelly, 283.

school was consecrated in 1910. Witnessing an exuberant ethno-religious celebration
with sermons conducted in six languages was a delegation of the Austria-Hungary
consulate. ^^ In short time, this church too became inadequate and in the early 1920's, the
Hungarian Catholic community completed the construction of a landmark that directly
expressed their Old World heritage. The church presented an eclectic blend of Gothic
Revival and Baroque styling synonymous with church architecture of the southern
regions of central Europe. The facade featured a central tower, ogee shaped spire, and
exterior gilt statuary while the interior expressed a crisp, airy, baroque brightness. The
dedication of this edifice in 1922, the third in less than twenty years, emphasizes the
Catholic influx associated with New Immigration and exposes the root of the landscape's
transformation — the sheer volume of southern and eastern European newcomers seeking
work at the Steel. ^°

Just south of the Hungarian's basement church, but within the same block of
Hayes Street, the Polish community established a parish of their own in 1906.^' This
group of Poles represented a diverse mixture of national origins as was common of Polish
immigration in general. The Polish region of Europe was for a large portion of its history
divided among several central European powers and, therefore, the Polish were steeped in

*^ Dedication services were covered in the Bethlehem Daily Time. 20 June 1904. The population of the

parish in 1905 was listed as between 200 and 2500 in the 1905 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of

Philadelphia, report #222.

^' Catholic Standard and Times. 9 July 1910; The Globe, 5 July 1910.

'° Catholic Standard and Times. 8 September 1923; The Globe, 3 July 1923. The drive to build an

■'elaborate" third church began as early as 1916 according to Tlie Globe. 17 November 1916.

'' ConneUy, 282

an ethnic consciousness well before they were confronted with the rancorous social
climate of America at the turn of the century/'^ The immediate importance of flocking

Figure 16. The Polish parish, Saint Stanislaus Roman Catholic Church (circa 1906), in Ward 5.
Many of the streets in the "foreign" section of the town's east-end were still undeveloped around
1915, the approximate date of this photograph. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi
Centennial, n.p.

together can be seen through the sheer numbers of national parishes of Polish affiliation
established around this time in Southeastern Pennsylvania.^' The Polish population in

'' David Levinson and Melvin Ember, American Immigrant Cultures: Builders of a Nation, vol. 2 (New
York: Simon and Schuster. 1997)695-703.

''^ For a critique of the Polish Church see Chapter Seven. "The Polish Kind of Faith " in Dolores Liptak's
work, Immigrants and Their Church (New York: MacmiJlan Press, 1989), 1 14-130.

South Bethlehem, however, was modest in size and the construction of their church, was
protracted over several years. When finally consecrated in the fall of 1909, the 'Tolish
Church" assumed the title Saint Stanislaus, in reference to the traditional patron saint of
the Polish people.

The parade that marked this occasion featured an interesting display of New
Immigrant solidarity as the marchers proceeded through the streets of South Bethlehem
from church to church in Wards 4 and 5. Representatives of various lodges and societies
associated with each ethnic parish fell into marching formation upon the corps arrival at
each church, and all where outfitted in official dress. A mounted guard of seventeen
lancers championed the elaborate procession. ^''

Similar celebrations also marked the consecration of two second-generation
churches of New Immigrant extraction during the first decade of the century. The Slovak
community of Saints Cyril and Methodius dedicated an impressive new church in 1906,
and the German and Austrian Catholic community of Holy Ghost closely followed this
event with the completion of their third building campaign since the late 1880's. Both
edifices are architecturally significant and vital landmarks in further defining the
immigrant transformation of South Bethlehem's religious landscape. In addition, these
churches and the numerous events they symbolize are essential to explaining the
immigrant's story on a personal level. Without such an examination, the interactive story
of industry and immigration as revealed in the town's religious landscape would be
incomplete; therefore. Saints Cyril and Methodius and Holy Ghost will each be the
subject of a case study in Chapter 4.

^^ The Globe, 22 July 1907; 8 November 1909.

Before concluding an overview of the 1900's, one particular native bom
congregation provides an interesting parallel to the transformational force of New
Immigrant churches in these years. Black migrants first came to South Bethlehem in
1862 as refugees of the Civil War.^^ Upon their arrival. Black Americans encountered a
social climate not unlike the Hungarians and Poles yet to arrive, and they too sought
refuge collectively as a religious community. ^^

The first African American congregation finally took root at the turn of the
century on Pawnee Street in Ward 1 though efforts to do so started as early as 1 890.^^ Its
members were the domestic employees of the elite families of Fountain Hill and service
providers in the local hotel industry.^^ The founding members, leaders within the black
community, included individuals such as Georgia White, "servant cook," Elijah Watson,
"waiter BSCO" (Bethlehem Steel dining room), and Victor Welch, "hostler"
(horsekeeper) of a local inn. The member's residences were located almost entirely in
rear apartments and service quarters in Wards 1 and 2, which further reflects their
underclass occupational and social stature within the borough. This included the pastor's
family whose residence was listed in a local directory as "r[ear] 978 Philadelphia Rd."
A charter was issued for this group, the first black church in the Lehigh Valley region, as
Saint John's Afi-ican Methodist Episcopal in 1894. After worshiping in rented quarters

'' Tlie first blacks to South Bethlehem in 1862. were noted as "refugees" in a special edition of The Globe.

3 October 1915. in celebration of the towns 50* anniversary.

'* One hundred and fifteen "Negroes" were recorded in South Bethlehem in 1900. Twelfth Census of the

Untied States: Population, General Report and Analysis, 640,

'^ The first indication of an effort to organize the black community of South Bethlehem was the "Colored

ME Mission" on Philadelphia listed in the 1890 city directory. A "colored mission" associated with Asbury

Methodist Episcopal Church was noted in the Bethlehem Dailv Times. 3 1 Aug 1892.

'* Yates. 327.

'' A list of founders was included in a brief article found in the Clippings Files of the Bethlehem Area

Public Library about the congregation in the Globe Times. 24 April 1971. City directories were consulted

for occupation and place of residence.

for several years a church was constructed in 190 1 . The result was a humble vernacular
stone edifice costing only $600.00. ^'^^ This church is still used by the congregation
today and is a significant, although largely unrecognized, artifact of the region's cultural
history.'**^

Decline and Removal: immigration restrictions and the religious landscape after 1910

Due to the large number of new religious communities established between 1911
and 1920, the period appears to compete forcefully with the transformational character of
the preceding decade. Ten new religious bodies were established in South Bethlehem
during these years and, as before, most evidenced the steel industry's continuing draw on
southern and eastern Europeans. '°^ Of particular importance to the character of the
religious environment was the introduction of Orthodox Christianity and Byzantine Rite
Catholicism; two faith traditions associated with the far-eastern reaches of Europe. The
establishment of churches expressing these traditions during these years emphasizes two
essential aspects of the religious landscape's development between 1880 and 1920. First,
they communicate much about the overall course of New Immigration that affected its
growth over the forty-year cycle. And second, these churches remind us of the critical

'"^ Ibid.

"" Two mission chapels were constructed in the early I900's. Saint Mathew's Lutheran, a mission of Saint
Peter"s in Ward 2 (The Globe. 19 October 1904; 14 January 1905), and Saint Mark's Evangelical, a mission
of Saint Luke's in Ward 1 (The Globe. 14 December. 1904). Both were located in Northampton Heights.
'°' Ten of 33 total religious bodies that established a presence in South Bethlehem before to 1920 did so
between 1911 and 1 920. Two of the total number had removed north of the Lehigh, and a third institution
closed by 1920. New congregations quickly acquired the church buildings these groups left behind If this
fact is taken into consideration then 30 percent of the religious bodies present in South Bethlehem in 1920
were established in the preceding decade. In terms of building campaigns, including new church
construction and large-scale improvements. 1 90 1 - 1 9 10 was by far the most active. Of the forty-two
construction campaigns before 1920. as recorded by the author, twelve occurred in these years, 29 percent

' 75

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Map 6. The Religious Landscape, 1910-1920. Map by W. C. Carson.

importance of language and ethnic tradition to the process of immigration and the
establishment of immigrant life and community in America. They remind us that
language and all of its associated ethnic customs, perhaps more than a test of religious
affiliation, be it Protestant, Catholic, Orthodox, or Jew, was the ultimate source of
comfort and stability for newcomers in, what was to them, a strange land.

The years 191 1-1920, in terms of immigration, were as dynamic as any before.
Nineteen fourteen fell just short of the all time annual record of 1,285,349 set in 1907, the
zenith of immigration in American history; however, the 1, 218,480 that disembarked in
1914 came in increasing numbers from southern and eastern Europe. From this eastern
blend of New Immigration came the core of individuals in South Bethlehem who
established Saint Josaphat's Ukrainian [Byzantine] Catholic Church (Ukrainian- 1916),
Saint Nicholas Russian Orthodox Church (Russian-1917), Saint Nicholas Greek
Orthodox Church (Greek- 19 17), Saints Peter and Paul Byzantine Catholic (Ruthenian-
jgiyyo4 ji^ggg institutions and their faith traditions highlight the effective conclusion to
the period known as New Immigration and emphasize the full course of both its
development and the development of South Bethlehem's religious landscape. As
evidenced by these institutions: What started as a more central European phenomenon,
composed largely of Germans, Austrians and a dwindling faction of Irish, progressed
during the 1890's and early 1900's to include a dominant proportion of immigrants of

'°^ Department of Commerce and Labor-Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1918
(Washington: GPO, 1919), 95-96. Department of Commerce and Labor-Bureau of Statistics. Statistical
Abstract of the United States, 1910 (Washington: GPO, 1911), 82, 89. Secretary of the Treasury-Bureau of
Statistics. Statistical Abstract of the United States, /90(? (Washington: GPO, 1901), 400-402.
'°'' Ruthenians. also called Carpatho-Rusins. are an Eastern Slavic people that originate in the upper slopes
and high valleys of the Carpathian Mountains. Ruthenians are today divided by the political boundaries of
several nations, including Slovakia, Poland, Romania, and the Ukraine. See StephanThemstrom, ed..
Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980). 200-210.

southern and eastern European extraction such as Hungarians, Slovaics, and Poles. By
1910, however, the immigrant population that was settling in South Bethlehem hailed
from the eastern enclaves of Europe, such as the Ukraine, Russia, Greece and the Asian
crossroads nation of Turkey. Ethnic groups of a more central European extraction
continued to arrive in these years and bolstered the ethnic and religious communities
established by their predecessors, but the changing mixture of newcomers after 1900
indicates that the vast majority of Europe's emigrants now left the continent's eastern
most regions. '^^

Orthodox Christians and Byzantine Catholics represent two very distinct and
separate traditions often confused by the use of the term Greek in describing the Rite
used by each for worship. Both use an Eastern Rite, the form of ceremony based upon
the traditions of Constantinople, the pre-schismatic center of Christianity and capital of
the Byzantine Empire. This, however, is where a unified appearance ends. Byzantine
Catholics retained an allegiance to Roman authority after the Christian church split
between the 1 1'*' and 13* Centuries. A simple way to grasp the distinction may be to
view Byzantine Catholics as Roman Catholics — theologically they are the same — but as
Roman Catholics who celebrate mass using a different ceremonial ritual and organize the
religious year upon a different liturgical calendar. Orthodox Christianity, having rejected

'°^ Statistical Abstract of the United States. 1914. clearly displays a steady shift in immigrant source region
in the national context. Immigration levels (based upon race) remained relatively consistent with previous
years for groups such Germans. English. Bohemians, Slovenians. Italians and Slovaks, while a measure for
groups such as Greeks. Southern ItaUans, Russians. Lithuanians, and Ruthenian rose dramatically. The
beginnings of this shift in a state conte.xt are supported by Thirteenth Census of the Untied States:
Population. General Report and Analysis. 836-837. Pennsylvania was a favorite destination for all of these
groups. The population of Russian residents in Pennsylvania jumped from 93,271 to 240,985, the Greek
influx from 465 to 4.22 1 and the Hungarian influx from 47,393 to 123,498 for the state of Pennsjlvania.

the authority of Rome, developed theologically in a manner unique to the East and, as a
result, evidences a different religious culture. "^^

Before continuing a discussion of these new faiths and the ethnic factions they
represented, two factors beyond the scope of South Bethlehem that greatly affected their
lives should first be addressed. The first was the outbreak of war in 1914. The breadth
of Eastern Europe, were most of these people began their journey to America, was folly
engulfed early on in the conflict, and as a result, immigration from this region halted
abruptly. The second event to impact the Russian, Greek, Ruthenian and Ukrainian
experience was the passage of strict anti-immigrant legislation by the United States
Government in 1917. Anti-immigrant sentiment throughout the country reached a
political climax at that time. Literacy tests and the satisfaction passage of other
immigration standards were then established as prerequisites for entering America. The
nation's borders were all but closed. Arrivals in 1918 numbered less than a tenth of those
in 1914 and even tighter restrictions soon followed. '°^

The world war, literacy tests and numerical quotas that halted immigration served
in defining the experience of South Bethlehem's Russians, Greeks, Ukrainians, and
Ruthenians. '"** Church organization began among these communities as early as 1910;
though, the unprecedented shift in immigration policy greatly hampered their efforts.
Unlike the Irish, Germans, Poles and Hungarians, sustained by a seemingly endless
supply of countrymen, these later groups were in a sense undernourished, and did not

^"^ Adrian Fortescue. The Uniate Eastern Churches (New York: Frederick linger Publishing, 1923) gives a
clear account of Byzantine Catholicism. The history and traditions of the Orthodox Church are thoroughly
and clearly presented in Timothy Ware's. The Orthodox Church (London: Penguin Books. 1963).
'"'' Statistical Abstract of the United States. 1918. 95-96.

"^ Between 1914 and 1915 the Russian influx fell from 44. 957 to 4.459, the Greek from 45,881 to 15. 187,
and the Ruthenian from 36.727 to 2,933 according to Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1918, 95-96.

thrive with the same vigor as earlier New Immigration populations. The ethno-religious
cultures these groups introduced in South Bethlehem were cut off prematurely, and these
abandoned cultures, so to speak, struggled desperately to survive. Their people struggled
not only to establish themselves in the most basic sense, but also to maintain a distant
heritage without reinforcement or an all-important critical mass. These groups struggled
to survive year-after-year for quite some time. They did maintain themselves remarkably
well however, and exclusively within Northampton Heights, the eastern most sector of
South Bethlehem.

The most notable aspect of the four religious communities that represented the
Orthodox and Byzantine Catholic traditions in South Bethlehem highlights the second
important aspect of summarizing the development of South Bethlehem's religious
environment, the importance of language and ethnic custom over denominational
affiliation in organizing churches. Although in a desperate struggle for survival, the
Russians, Ukrainians, Greeks and Ruthenians, deliberately rejected the stability offered
by pooling resources, financial and otherwise. The possibility of a united effort in
establishing a place of worship, based upon a shared theological tradition alone, was
certainly apparent, but instead of two churches, one Orthodox Church and one Byzantine
Catholic Church, four separate congregations developed based solely on an ethnic
standard. Moreover, they did so in close proximity to one another. A redundancy of
churches representing the same faith is not unusual to South Bethlehem nor is geographic
proximity as evidenced by the Roman Catholic Churches of Ward 5. What is exposed
here, is the fact that these small groups of New Immigration desired both the comforts of
a familiar language and ethnic tradition in conjunction with a familiar faith tradition.

These groups struggled to survive based on membership and financial resources for many
years. Furthermore, the Orthodox and Byzantine Catholic Churches of South Bethlehem
provide the most profound summary of the inextricable interconnection of ethnicity and
religious belief to Immigrant Americans. These people were willing to incur extreme
hardship and risk almost certain failure in organizing churches in order to maintain their
identity as a unique people and insure a direct, unadulterated connection with the culture
of their native lands. '°^

Greek immigrants began Orthodox services in South Bethlehem about 1912, soon
after their arrival. By December of 1915 this group was sizable enough and able
financially to secure the use of the Church of the Nativity's Saint Joseph's Mission
Chapel at Fourth and Duncan Streets in Northampton Heights for $35.00 per month.
Nativity closed Episcopal services at Saint Joseph's Chapel sometime in 1916. The
Greek Orthodox contingent finally purchased the vacated chapel in March of 1917 and
officially organized under the name Saint Nicholas Hellenic Orthodox Community of
South Bethlehem. This group did not secure a pastor until 1918, six years after the effort
to organize began. Saint Joseph's Chapel, although in a much degraded state, maintains
its historic flmction today by serving as the church home to a small Pentecostal
Congregation of Afi"ican Americans, The chapel is a very important and, unfortunately,
undervalued resource that tells a weahh about the community's religious history.

"'^ The hardships of basic institutional survival form the central theme to brief church histories of these
groups provided by anniversary celebration souvenir booklets, press accounts, local histories and
interviews.

"" Bethlehem Globe Times, 3 December 1987; Chamberlain, 82.

Figure 17. The Saint Nicholas Brotherhood, the Russian beneficial society from which the
drive to organize a Russian Orthodox Church emerged, is pictured in this photograph (circa 1915)
on the future site of the church in Northampton Heights. Source; Saint Nicholas Russian Orthodox
Church. "50"" Anniversary," n.p.

The Russian contingent of late comers to South Bethlehem established Saint
Nicholas Russian Orthodox Church at the eastern extent of Sixth Street. The Saint
Nicholas Brotherhood organized to provide a welfare framework for its members in 1915
and from this organization emerged the drive to build a church. Between 1916 and 1917
a church was constructed on what was far from ideal real estate for this purpose. The lot
was situated adjacent to an aggressively traveled railroad corridor that was crossed on
foot by many on their journey to church. It was also within earshot of a noisy, always
active ore pit of the Steel were iron from distant mines was deposited by carload and
scooped up as needed to feed blast furnaces that consumed around the clock. The land,
though not ideal, was donated to the congregation by a local developer who, in lieu of

charging the financially strapped congregation for the real estate, charged only for the
future construction of their church, that he was assured the contract for in the transfer.
A 74' X 42' brick edifice was completed in 1916. Though a central tower and onion
dome highlighted the church, it presented a very simple appearance. The congregation
struggled just to maintain a pastor and teetered on the edge of insolvency for many years.
Nevertheless, the Russian community of South Bethlehem persevered and over the years
the ornaments of Orthodox worship were provided for, including stained glass, and an
elaborate iconostasis, the centerpiece of Orthodox architecture. Though it is no longer
used for religious purposes, this church building remains today as an important informant
of the east-end's past.'^^

Byzantine Catholics first organized themselves in 1913 and worshipped in a
basement chapel of Holy Infancy, the Irish Roman Catholic Church in Ward 3. In April
of 1916, flinds were sufficient for this group to purchase a clapboard chapel that had
served a Lutheran mission in Northampton Heights. The Ukrainians and Ruthenians
organized under the title "The Ruthenian Greek Catholic Church of Saint Josaphat"
suggesting that there was an initial effort to unite the Ruthenian and Ukrainian
communities under one church roof Byzantine Catholic services continued in the
basement of Holy Infancy after the dedication of Saint Josaphat's new home on April 28,

'" Deed Book H. vol. 42. 265. The title transfer lists. "William J. Heller" as the grantor and "Archbishop
Evdokim of the Russian Orthodox Greek Church" as the grantee. The transaction was conditional to the
completion of a stone or brick church costing at least $25,000.00 within two years for which Mr. Heller
would be contracted. It fiuther states that the land will revert to Mr. Heller's ownership if the land is
abandoned. Tliis is probably the result of the clear possibility that the church would not be realized by the
Russian Orthodox commimity

"" Saint Nicholas Russian Orthodox Church. "'50'*' Anniversary" (Souvenir Booklet. 1991). Few of the
founding members could be located using city directories and those that were, such as Nicholas
Chaikowsky and Phillip Mironick. all held the title of "laborer" for the Bethlehem Steel Company. Mr.
Mironick was the only member listed that held an address not associated with temporary quarters. Hotels,
boarding houses, and company housing apparently served the residential needs of the population.

1916, however, suggesting that the spHt was effected at that time. The ethnic Ruthenians
did not join the Ukrainian element in the 1916 move and the term Ruthenian was dropped
from the Byzantine church's title."^ The area surrounding the church in Northampton
Heights became known as the Ukrainian Hub for the high concentration of these people
who took up residence nearby. Unfortunately, this entire area of South Bethlehem,
including the church and hall, was demolished for plant expansion in the late 1960's and
at that time Saint Josaphat's relocated north of the Lehigh River.

The Ruthenian contingent continued to worship in the basement of Holy Infancy
and in time organized under the name Saints Peter and Paul Catholic Union Church in
September 1917.""'' The term "union" in the charter reflected the presence of a small
Slovak element within the group that managed to bridge the ethnic divide. Having
abandoned the larger Ukrainian contingent of Byzantine Catholics, the Ruthenians and
the hand full of Slovaks managed only a tenuous existence for many years. In 1918 a
very small, 20'x 20' temporary chapel was erected at the comer of Fifth and Edward
Streets in Northampton Heights. These temporary quarters were used until the
completion of a basement church that served the financially strapped congregation until
the 1940's. The Church that was completed in the I940's still stands in South Bethlehem
under the care of a new steward. The hammered tin onion dome and Greek cross that

' ' ^ The joint effort of the Ukrainian and Ruthenian residents in South Bethlehem are vaguely referenced in

Saint Peter and Paul Byzantine Catholic Church, "Diamond Jubilee: 1917-1992" (Souvenir Booklet. 1992),

n.p. Uniate services in the basement of Holy Infancy were annoimced in The Globe as late as 7 January

1918.

"'* The bulk of information for Saint Josaphat's were taken from two articles detailing the churches move

out of Northampton Heights and the demolition of the neighborhood in The Globe. 23 Jime 1964 and 12

October 1968.

"^ The Globe. 1 January 1918; 7 January 1918.

"* M. Mark Stolarik Growing Up on the Soitthside G^ewisburg, PA: Buckncll University Press, 1985), 48-

50.

said much about the history of South Bethlehem's eastern end unfortunately was removed
and taken north of the Lehigh River when the congregation relocated in the early 1990's.
However, even lacking the dome this church remains an important piece of architectural
heritage, and might still communicate much of the galvanizing bond and element of
common purpose the realization of a house of worship broadly provided New Immigrant
groups in general.

Figure 18. Saint Josaphat's Ukrainian (Byzantine) Catholic Church. The onion dome was once a
common element of the town's east-end landscape. Today only one remains, it is atop Saint Nicholas
Russian Orthodox Church, which is no longer occupied by the congregation. The church pictured
here was demolished for a plant expansion of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation in the 1960's. Source:
Clippings Files of the Bethlehem Area Public Library.

'" Information about the 19 17 charter and the description of the temporary chapel was taken from Saint
Peter and Paul Byzantine Catholic Church. "Diamond Jubilee: 1917-1992" (Souvenir Booklet. 1992). n.p.
According to city directories, the leaders of this congregation, by occupation, where all blue collar workers,
including Michael Yosko, John Roka and John Yasko of Bethlehem Steel and Michael Gurej, a butcher.

Two Protestant Communities of New Immigrant extraction provide an appropriate
conclusion to an examination of South Bethlehem's religious landscape between 191 1
and 1920. They perform this task effectively by illustrating two important qualities of the
denominational composition of Southern and Eastern European settlers and the influence
of these components on the development of the town's religious landscape.

First, the establishment of Protestant churches emphasizes that although
Catholicism provided the overriding character of the religious environment, the people of
New Immigration did not strictly represent a non-reformed stock of Christian Europeans.
In fact, most ethnic groups brought to South Bethlehem both Reformed and Lutheran
traditions that had weathered the Catholic Church's Counter Reformation influence of the
17"^ Century, and as a consequence, these Protestants held firm to them.

Second, and of equal importance, the tardiness of the arrival of Protestant
churches of Southern and Eastern European extraction highlights the small proportion of
this group among the general New Immigrant population. Slovak, Hungarian and
Slovenian Protestants began to arrive in South Bethlehem in the late 1880's but typically
did not amass sufficient enough numbers for the organization of a church until many
years later. The flow of Protestants from Southern and Eastern Europe was modest; a
fact that was clearly recorded in South Bethlehem's religious landscape.

A group of Hungarian immigrants of the Reformed Church were the first of the
southern and eastern New Immigrant groups to organize a Protestant congregation. As
early as September of 1 896 the local newspaper mentions Hungarian worship in the
German, First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem. "^ Their numbers grew at a modest

"^ Daily Times, 21 September 1896; 14 December 1896.

rate. In the late 1890's, the German church set service time aside strictly for Hungarian
language services but the group had not yet officially organized as an independent
congregation. In February of 1907, the term "Hungarian Congregation" was used in
telling of the group's intention to build a church of their own. The First Hungarian
Evangelical Reformed Church utilized a wood frame parish hall purchased from Holy
Infancy until approximately 1911 at which time they relocated several blocks east in
Ward 4. '^^ The cornerstone of their second home, which still stands, bares the
inscription "MAGYAR EV. REFORMED- 1906- 19 17." The construction process was
slow and extended over several years culminating in the official dedication in 1917. The
church dedicated in 1917 was simple but attractive and reflected the Old World
architectural heritage the members of this church had left behind. The church was a brick
veneered structure with an ashlar sandstone facade. The facade featured slender lancet
windows with limestone head molding and tracery. The central door surround was also
gothic in character. Above the entry door and astride the roof ridge stood a small bell
turret and compact hipped spire. The spire terminated in an ogee shaped spirelet.
Like the Byzantine Catholic and Orthodox ethnic populations, Hungarian
Protestants who settled in South Bethlehem were determined to realize a religious life
that not only retained the faith tradition of the Old World but also its Old World
associations. Though, accommodated by the German Reformed congregation in Ward 2,
the desire to surround their religious life with the familiarity of Hungarian customs,
traditions, comforts, and of course language, was a motivating and sustaining force for

"' The Globe. 6 December 1907; 23 December 1907. The 1911 city directory lists the congregation at the
Ward 4 location.

many years. Here again is evidenced the immigrant belief that religion, language, and an
ethnic culture were virtually inseparable from one another. All told, the process of
establishing a permanent church home for the Hungarian Reformed population of South
Bethlehem lasted more than twenty years.

Slovenian Lutherans were probably the most numerous Protestant contingent of
Southern and Eastern Europeans, and the church this group founded was quickly
successfiil. The Slovenians in South Bethlehem hailed from a very limited area of what
was then under Hungarian rule known as the Prekmurje region of Upper Hungary. " The
Slovenians applied the term Windish to the culture of this region and in South Bethlehem
were generally known as "Wends. "'^' Slovenian Lutherans began their religious lives in
South Bethlehem around 1900, at German Lutheran Saint Peter's in Ward 2. By 1909, a
sizable quantity Slovenians Lutherans from the Prekmurje region had settled in South
Bethlehem, and the drive began to organize an independent congregation. Within the
congregation was a small element of Slovak Lutherans who quickly defected from the
next step in the Slovenian congregation's development — the construction of a church.

'^° As with all eastern and southern European immigrants, tlie Slovenian population in South Bethlehem
was largely Roman Catliolic. Slovenian Catholics, also from the Prekmurje region of Upper Hungary,
organized a parish in conjunction with a minority faction of Croatian nationals in 1913 under the name St.
Joseph's. Saint Joseph's Roman Catliolic Chiu-ch. "Golden Jubilee: 1914-1964"' (Souvenir Booklet. 1964).
'"' The terms Windish and Slovenian, as applied to this group of settlers, are controversial. The term
"Wend" suggests the origin of tliese people is a nomadic tribe of Slavs that moved throughout central
Europe for centuries and ultimately lack a true homeland. The Windish population of South Bethlehem,
including persons who have undertaken scholarly research to resolve this dispute, firmly denounce the
nomadic tlieory and claim Slovenia as their homeland Wliat is certain, however, is that the Windish that
came to South Bethlehem left villages, and families in a region of what is today the modem state of
Slovenia. Whether they are called Slovenian or Wmdish their impact upon the religious makeup of South
Bethlehem is notable for they evidence the addition of yet another firmly established culture defined by a
unique system of traditions and beliefs. Accounts discussing the ethnic heritage of the Windish include in
support of the "nomadic tlieory" Rev. E. A, Stiegler. "Wends" (Typewritten Manuscript, ca. 1940) and
rejecting this argument Stephen Antahch "The Origin and Use of the Term "Wend" to Describe a
Hungarian Minority" in Slovenija. 53-55. The dispute was clarified by Frank Podleiszek. member of Saint
John's Windish Lutheran Church (Interview by author. 3 1 August 1999).

Ground was broken for a Slovenian Lutheran Church in Ward 4 under the title
Saint John's Evangelical Lutheran Slovenian Congregation in 1910/^^ After
worshipping in the completed basement portion of the church for several years, the upper
church was completed in March of 1916. The completed church was impressive for the
uncanny similarity between it and the Lutheran churches the Slovenians remembered
from the Prekmurje region of Upper Hungary. '" Both the interior with its towering
center pulpit and the exterior with its splayed spire and clock tower evidence the intimacy

Figure 19. Dedication Day ceremonies of Saint John's Windish Evangelical Lutheran Church in
Ward 4 (1916). The festive atmosphere that typically surrounded the dedication of immigrant
churches is revealed in the photograph. Along with a clear ethnic emphasis, a show of patriotism to
their adopted land through the prominent display of "Old Glory" was always included in such
communitv events. Source: Church Archives.

r//e G/o6e. 2 December 1910; 24 February 1911; 27 February 1911. This last account incorrectly refers
to the congregation as "the first foreign Protestant church in South Bethlehem.

123

Antaiich. 55.

of the Slovenians and their Old World heritage.'^'' Protestant New Immigrants like their

Roman Catholic counterparts celebrated the dedication of a new church in grand style

and for the Slovenians this meant an elaborate display of marching, music and ethnic

attire.^"

The day concluded on a somewhat somber note that emphasized the inner conflict

that most Immigrant Americans endured — the struggle between a commitment to the Old

World culture that formed the basis of their identity and a desire to flilly become

Americans. The men of Saint John's and their families gathered for a banquet to close

the day's joyous activhies and at the affair a large relief fund was collected to aid their

European compatriots suffering from the ravages of World War I. As one publication

aptly stated, while vaguely addressing labors unrest and expressing an isolationist

sentiment:

[The] Winds. ..are employed at the great steel works, where much
war matenal is being manufactured and sent abroad to kill their
own countrymen. Yet no one hears that they rise in their anger,
defy the laws of the land, and make havoc of this unjustifiable
traffic in munitions against their Fatherland... The steel works
sends munitions to kill; these humble men send their hard
earnings to relieve suffering. What a contrast! And the irony of
itall!'^"

In the years immediately following 1920, a few events are worthy of a brief
summary. Small factions within a few New Immigrant groups began to display a non-
traditional combination of ethnicity and religious practice. Specifically, Baptist churches
of Italian, Hungarian, and Polish extraction took a small presence within the community.
The ethnic groups represented by these church bodies were almost entirely Roman

'''' Photographs of a Lutheran Church located in the town of Miirska Sabota in Prekmurje was located in tlie

archives of Saint John's.

'-^ The Globe, 20 March 1917; The Lutheran, 6 April 1916.

Catholic upon their arrival in America with no measurable experience of the
congregational form of church organization as the term Baptist implies. These religious
institutions were likely the product of the ever present force of Americanization as they
reveal both the adoption of a particularly Western form of church structure and worship,
and an obvious reluctance to divorce ethnic heritage from religious identity.

Aside from these minor events, the overall quality of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape was established by 1920 and given form by the tireless work of the preceding
generation of immigrants. The children and grandchildren who assumed leadership of
these immigrant communities and their immigrant churches now faced the daunting task
of mediating the battle between the forces of Americanization and the ethnic separatism
so valued by their forebears. But quietly the seeds of the next transformation, still
occurring today in South Bethlehem, were being sown. Anti-immigrant policies created
only an illusion of social stability by obstructing the flow of Europeans. As the door to
newcomers from Eastern Europe slammed shut heavy industry, which by that time was
dependent on a regenerative supply of cheap labor, simply refocused its draw on nations
not regulated by anti-immigrant laws. It is a well documented fact that, by April of 1923
Bethlehem Steel was regularly chartering trains to bring Mexican workers to South
Bethlehem from a border crossing in San Antonio, Texas, and by the year's end just shy

'^* The Lutheran. 6 April 1916.

'"^ The First Italian Evangelical Church advertised worsliip services held at 205 Broadway in The Globe as
early as. 19 August 1915. This group was listed in the city directories at the same address until 1925-1926.
The Polish Baptist Church was listed in the 1923 cit\- directory at 1 125 Fourth Street. This organization
may have been in actuahty the beginnings of Our Lord's Ascension Polish National CathoUc Church
although this has not been confirmed This church was initiated by a breakaway contingent of Saint
Stanislaus. Feeling neglected by the Roman Catholic hierarchy, the Polish National Cathohc Church
movement developed in America in the coal regions of Pennsylvania around the city of Scranton in the
early 1900's. The Baptist Hunganan Church was listed in the 1925-1926 city directory at 1 157 Third
Street.

of a 1,000 of these newcomers arrived in South Bethlehem. '^^ Mexicans too brought with
them their own cultural traditions, religious and otherwise, adding yet another layer to the
town's ethnic melange.

By the early 1920's the religious landscape of South Bethlehem began to re-
engineer itself to accommodate the arrival of a new, slowly swelling tide of Mexican
immigrants and other Latino factions. Like those before them, these people sought
refijge in the church. By 1929, services were being held for the Mexicans, known
pejoratively as "greasers"'^^ in the area, in the basement chapel of Holy Infancy on
Fourth Street. '^° From these beginnings the Latino element has grown to dominate the
cultural milieu of South Bethlehem, and in recent years it has emerged as a defining force
in the town's religious landscape.

Conclusion

The preceding overview of South Bethlehem's religious landscape has presented a
wealth of information that identifies it as a significant historic resource. On an individual
basis the many church edifices introduced tell us much but when taken together they truly
offer a tangible, artifactual outline of the community's development fi'om the 1860's to
the present. We have seen that these buildings convey more than simply the presence of
particular groups of residents sharing common religious beliefs or the ethnic diversity so
characteristic of South Bethlehem's history. That they evidence both of these aspects is
clear but, hopefully, we are now able to look upon them as a sort of road map or time

''^ Paul S. Taylor. "Bethlehem. Pennsj'lvania" from Mexican Labor in the United States, vol. 1 (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1932). 3.
'-' Ibid. 17.

line, with the churches, individually or in small units, acting as markers of particular
places or special moments in a remarkable history. Taking the road map analogy a little
further, this assortment of markers helps inform the present by providing the
contemporary observer with a means of navigating South Bethlehem's past.

This map has thus far evidenced a clear chronological pattern of the town's
eastward development, and the interdependence of this development upon the rise of the
iron and steel industry and a steady supply of foreign-bom labor. Also, it has introduced
us to a rich architectural heritage and the identifying purpose and function commonly
attached to the architectural heritage by religious communities. In addition, this "map"
has corroborated and enriched many of the conclusions about the social matrix of South
Bethlehem offered and implied by Jones' thesis including the stratification of South
Bethlehem's work force based upon socio-economic, occupational, ethnic and religious
factors. Nevertheless, though a great deal has been learned, much of the profound
importance of South Bethlehem's religious institutions and landscape remains to be
defined in greater detail.

'^° Peter J. Antonsen. A History of the Puerto Rican Community in Bethlehem, PA: 1944-1993 (Bethlehem,
PA: Council of Spanish Speaking Organizations of the Lehigh Valley, 1994), 49-50

Chapter 4: Markers in the Religious Landscape, Three Case Studies

Introduction:

To fill out the meaning of the community's religious landscape a closer
examination of a few notable institutions is necessary. Importantly, this examination
must focus on the role of these institutions in the daily lives of those who provided the
manpower for the industrial success of Bethlehem Steel. In order to assess the magnitude
of this impact several important aspects of the immigrant church should be sketched out
to provide a sort of blueprint for this examination. Though many of these aspects were
introduced in the preceding overview the following presents a general outline and
summary of the variety of significant roles the immigrant church performed.

The immigrant church at its core has been characterized by many historians as the
central institution and bedrock of the immigrant community in American history.
Religious historian J.P. Dolan has compared the institution, particularly for newcomers of
Roman Catholic heritage, to ". . .a window in the wall through which [immigrant] life can
be observed.""^ The immigrant church was first and foremost a religious institution
where new Americans — most of whom hailed from lands where the central place of
religion and church was a matter taken for granted — practiced and expressed together
their most deeply cherished beliefs. Although specific beliefs and practices often varied
greatly from one institution to another, certain common characteristics can be observed
that communicate a shared experience for all immigrant groups in South Bethlehem. As

'" Dolan. 159.

a consequence, we must pause here for a summary of these characteristics, before filling
out the story of the immigrant church.

The personal experience of faith in bolstering the immigrant's experience in
America was vital. But beyond the personal value, the practice of religion in the ethnic
parish served to reinforce and sustain for the immigrant community basic values, customs
and traditions of the Old World and to inculcate these in their children. Beyond the
celebration of mass, the ethnic parish was witness to the most important events in the
progress of an immigrant's life which were typically cloaked heavily in religious
vestments; life events such as the birth and raising of children, coming of age,
matrimony, and death. Sacraments and ritual religious practices typically marked these
occasions including baptism, confirmation, nuptial ceremonies, and last rites. All of
these events occurred in an audience of peers with a common culture, to which they clung
fiercely, and substantially augmented a socialization process that ultimately served to
instill a group conforming worldview. Often lavish parades followed the sacred services
associated with these occasions to introduce their significance for the immigrants to the
community at large, and to introduce them as a united body. One of many such events
noted over the years in South Bethlehem occurred in June of 1872, preceding first
communion services for the town's Catholic children. Escorted by members of several
religious societies, all of whom were outfitted in their organization's particular uniforms
and regalia, the children, dressed in white, poured through the streets of South Bethlehem
announcing to the community a right of passage of particular importance to the Catholic
faithful. Colorflil banners, lighted tapers and a silver crucifix accompanied the march

a consequence, we must pause here for a summary of these characteristics, before filling
out the story of the immigrant church.

The personal experience of faith in bolstering the immigrant's experience in
America was vital. But beyond the personal value, the practice of religion in the ethnic
parish served to reinforce and sustain for the immigrant community basic values, customs
and traditions of the Old World and to inculcate these in their children. Beyond the
celebration of mass, the ethnic parish was witness to the most important events in the
progress of an immigrant's life which were typically cloaked heavily in religious
vestments; life events such as the birth and raising of children, coming of age,
matrimony, and death. Sacraments and ritual religious practices typically marked these
occasions including baptism, confirmation, nuptial ceremonies, and last rites. All of
these events occurred in an audience of peers with a common culture, to which they clung
fiercely, and substantially augmented a socialization process that uhimately served to
instill a group conforming worldview. Often lavish parades followed the sacred services
associated with these occasions to introduce their significance for the immigrants to the
community at large, and to introduce them as a united body. One of many such events
noted over the years in South Bethlehem occurred in June of 1872, preceding first
communion services for the town's Catholic children. Escorted by members of several
religious societies, all of whom were outfitted in their organization's particular uniforms
and regalia, the children, dressed in white, poured through the streets of South Bethlehem
announcing to the community a right of passage of particular importance to the Catholic
faithful. Colorful banners, lighted tapers and a silver crucifix accompanied the march

132

which terminated with a procession into the church for the celebration of High Mass.
Spectacular events, such as the one described, that emanated from the church and were
carried out with a spirit of communal devotion greatly served in holding the immigrant
community to a commonly held view, replete with its particular inclinations, opinions,
and attitudes of life, both earthly and spiritual.

Yet the immigrant church was not only a religious institution. With its inherent
link to a common language the immigrant church was also a social, financial, cultural,
educational and perhaps a political institution as well. By performing many of these
secondary fianctions the immigrant church provided a ready connection for newcomers to
the more earthly and human qualities of the Old World left behind, such as basic
camaraderie and an all-important sense of belonging. In addition, and perhaps most
important initially, the immigrant church provided for many of the more mundane, yet
extremely critical, needs for survival in the New World. By acting as a so called
"grapevine" through which one made contacts or through their association with more
formal organizations such as charities or building and loan associations, churches often
assisted in acquiring food, employment, basic shelter and home ownership.

It should be clearly understood that the immigrant church was not necessarily the
originating source from which all things of significance to immigrant Americans
emerged. Instead, the social matrix of the immigrant community typically grew from the
interaction and inter-dependence of the church and other formal and informal ethnic
community organizations. Before many of the religious institutions, more common

'^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 17 June 1872.

'^^ A particularly good study of the significance of the church environment for engendering common values

and generating a cohesiveness within an ethnic community is Thomas C. McHugh. "A Catholic Church As

places such as local taverns, grocery stores, and boarding houses served as vehicles to
share experience, exchange information, keep informed and take care of one another.
Furthermore, it is highly likely that many of these informal settings served in incubating
the more formal organizations. One common occurrence in immigrant populations was
first the organization of a benevolent organization to provide monetary support in times
of sickness or disability and from this emerged the church. The point here is that a
standard formula for the development of the institutions that sustained immigrant
Americans is impossible to define and that, instead of a clear formula, it was a process of
exchange between the formal and informal. That this process, whether initially or
ultimately, resulted in the ethnic church as the nerve center of the immigrant community
is the matter of importance to this thesis. The author's intent in the following case
studies is to evidence the diversity of roles performed by the immigrant churches in South
Bethlehem between 1880 and 1920 and, by doing so, clearly substantiate the usefulness
of these brick and mortar artifacts as appropriate "windows" through which the
immigrant experience can be observed. ^^'*

Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Church (Irish)

Based upon its date of founding, 1863, the Irish Catholic parish of Holy Infancy
could be excluded from a study of South Bethlehem's religious landscape between 1880
and 1920. However, doing so would fail to recognize the crucial significance of this
religious institution for a great share of what has taken shape in the community since.

An Agent of Socialization" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Rutgers University, 1987). Also see Dolan. "The Catholic
Ethos." 221-240. and -'Handing on the Faith, " 241-261. Also: Dolan. 254.

Any credible study of the religious environment of South Bethlehem must highlight Holy
Infancy's significance and if addressing the issues of industry and immigration such a
study begins here for a number of reasons. First, the Irish community was the first
laboring class in South Bethlehem's social and occupational hierarchy, and their church
is perhaps the community's earliest example of a fully developed immigrant church with
its multitude of functions. Second, in addition to addressing the needs of the town's Irish
residents, which was of course the primary interest of its varied role. Holy Infancy served
as the place where most Catholic immigrants began their religious life in South
Bethlehem, and it further served as the breeding ground for a large number of other
national parishes. Although much has been written by historians about the
condescending posture the Irish dominated American clergy took towards newcomers
from Southern and Eastern Europe, the nurturing influence Holy Infancy provided the

1 'IS

peoples of New Immigration is an immeasurable aspect of the community's history.
Finally, Holy Infancy deserves emphasis in a study of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape because the church that stands at Fourth and Taylor is an outstanding
architectural icon in demonstrating the importance of the church in immigrant life.

If we follow the analogy of South Bethlehem's churches as icons then the logical
place to initiate a case study is with the buildings themselves. In the case of Holy
Infancy, as introduced, the building is a very substantial edifice to which much
importance can be attached. The building is Gothic Revival in styling, was designed by
Philadelphia architect Edwin Forrest Durang and was built between May of 1882 and

'^^ Chapter Eight of Seller. 'Building a Community," 147-171; and Chapter Ten of Taylor, "Immigrant
Communities," 210-238. offer good discussions of the role of informal and formal institutions in the
immigrant community.

May of 1886. It was constnjcted on the same plot of ground that the Irish congregation
has maintained for its entire history in South Bethlehem. Durang's design continues to
stand at the comer of Fourth and Taylor, however, it was not the Irish community's first
place of worship in South Bethlehem. ^^* Though the communicative value of the present
edifice is the focus of this case study, an examination of the first church is necessary. By
doing so, the true achievement of the Irish community represented by the present
architectural marker in Ward 3 is more clearly revealed.

The first church that was removed for the realization of the present structure
shows the humble beginnings of the town's Irish community, and, if observed in
combination with the history of immigration to South Bethlehem, it traces clearly the
immigrant experience in general. After all, the Irish that settled south of the Lehigh
River largely shouldered the dreadfial task of constructing the canal and railroad that
made the fiiture success of the town's industries possible; and as a consequence, provided
the magnet for countless individuals looking to make a new start. The church was a
modest, 40'x 80' structure that, ahhough suggestive of the emerging influence of
Victorian tastes in American architecture, lacked the grandeur that would become
synonymous with the Catholic Church in America by the close of the century. The
building was constructed between September of 1 863 and November of 1 864 and offered
a plain, very utilitarian appearance. '^^ It was built at the eastern limit of the town's

'^' Examples of historiography that tell of the Irish impact on the immigrant church include Chapter Five of
Liptak, -'The Irish Take Charge," 76-91 and Dolan. 143-144: 302-303.

'^'' The first press account of construction on the present Holy Infancy was the Bethlehem Daily Times, 22
May 1882. and chronicled on a regular basis until the consecration ceremonies in May of 1886.
' ^^ The only known photograph of this church presently hangs in the rectory of Holy Infancy on Fourth
Street The dimensions of the first Holy Infancy as well as the date of construction were taken from an
account of the dedication of the new church in 1886 in the Catholic Standard and Times. 29 May 1886.
Although no document of the period was found that gave the name of an architect or builder an article in a

development, and, consistent with its working class character, the neighborhood it served
was closest to the rapidly growing iron works. This location, in Ward 3, evidences the
social stratification, that would become a hallmark of the town's growth, at its earliest.
As each new group of immigrants was drawn to South Bethlehem for employment they
assumed the lowest tier jobs the mills offered, and they established their residences to the
east of the preceding contingent. As Holy Infancy and its Irish neighborhood took shape
in South Bethlehem the atmosphere was generally one of prevailing optimism; yet
newspaper accounts do suggest an undercurrent of anxiety. The Irish were ridiculed for
their odd speech, love of intoxicating drink, and superstitious religion; and the
neighborhood around Holy Infancy was smugly labeled "Shanty Hill." It is also
interesting to note that as the Irish church took form in the fall of 1863, pridefijl accounts
of unbridled home construction, the new rolling mill and brass works, and talk of a new
bridge were tempered by concerns of a Confederate advance into Pennsylvania.'^^

With the end of the Civil War, development in South Bethlehem grew as it had never
before and by the early 1870's the town's first Roman Catholic church was less than

special edition of the Bethlehem Daily Times, 3 October 1915, in honor of the town's 50* anniversary,
states the builder to have been James Wolbach of South Bethlehem. Although primarily the product of the
financial resources available it has been suggested by a number of liistorians that such simple church
construction was commonly affected in order to blend in more readily with the American environment
which at the time still held strongly to Puritan notions of church design. By building with this formula
Catholic American's, most of whom were of foreign e.xtractioa hoped to avoid a backlash to their presence
as anti-American and the religious bigotry revealed through hostile criticism of more ornate church design
as superstitious and uncivilized. One author states that the Irish, in fact, preferred the Federal Style, which,
of course, has direct patriotic overtones. See Dolan. 208-215, 229-231 and Carl Scilliano, The Culture of
Devotionalism in the Immigrant Churches of New York, introductory essay from photographic exhibition "
Ethnic Sacred Places: New York Catholic Churches in Transition" (Philadelphia PA: Partners for Sacred
Places. Information Clearinghouse. 1992, Photocopied), 3.

'^^ Accounts of progression of the town's development and anxiety over Confederate troops include The
Moravian, 13 August 1863, 10 September 1863. 17 September 1863. 1 January 1864, and 11 February
1864.

100

Figure 20. Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Ciiurch (circa 1883), designed by architect Edwin Forrest
Durang, as it appears today, darl^ened by over a century of industrial pollution. Upon completion,
the church displayed a bright creamy-yellow appearance, characteristic of the Stockton (NJ)
Sandstone used in its construction. Newspaper accounts of the day detail the difficulty and great
efforts incurred by the teams in transporting the necessary quantity of this material from the cargo
terminals of the Lehigh Valley Railroad and The North Pennsylvania Railroad.

adequate. Holy Infancy's membership approached 3000 in these crucial years. The local
press commented on the growth of this religious body noting on one occasion that its
membership was larger than "all the other churches of the borough combined", many of
whom regularly walked from distant locations such as Hellertown, and Freemansburg to

101

attend services.'''^ Having served the congregation for less than 20 years the church was
demoHshed in March of 1883 as work on the present edifice necessitated its removal.

Work on the present edifice began on March 22, 1882, and for a full year the
construction of the foundation and wall sections of the new church rose around the first
structure. After the first church was demolished the congregation held services in Saint
Michael's Hall, the fi-ame and clapboard social hall constructed in 1874 for the many
organizations and activities sponsored by the church. A makeshift altar was erected, the
temporary quarters were consecrated, and multiple worship services were performed
weekly in order to accommodate the communityis ever expanding Catholic population.
The austere conditions of Saint Michael's Hall were the setting to an exciting time in
South Bethlehem for the Irish Catholics of Holy Infancy and the general population as
well. Never before had a building of this magnitude and elegance been undertaken in the
young borough, and its progress was tracked in the local press almost daily. From the
foundation to the spire, almost every phase of construction was relayed in detail, who the
carpenters, masons and riggers were; where the timber was being milled and stone was
being quarried; and the exact dimensions and weight of the spire and gilt cross. An
account of July 8, 1884, tells of an interesting disappointment in the construction process:

'^' Bethlehem Daily Times, 16 April 1873. 1 November 1873. 5 November 1873. This last observation
extends the potential significance of this church well beyond the confines of South Bethlehem.
'■*" At least two local histories claim that the Moravian Church donated the property on which Holy Infancy
was located. See Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi-Centennial, 44 and Peter Fritts. et al.. History of
Northampton County, Pa. (Joint Planning Commission of Lehigh-Northampton Counties), 215. However,
this assertion is not supported by the title search performed by the author. Deed Book G 10. 45 1 states that
the property was sold to "South Bethlehem Cathohcs and Rev. Wood, Bishop of Philadelphia" by "Joseph
McMichaei and wife" on September 29. 1863, for $500.00.

"" Saint Michael's Hall was completed over the summer of 1874 according to Vol. 14. Deed Book 2. 398
and Bethlehem Daily Times. 1 1 August 1874. This article also mentioned its intended use. Services at
Saint Michael's Hall were aimounced in the Bethlehem Daily Times, 1 May 1883.

102

Shortly after 7 o'clock crowds of people gathered in the vicinity
of the new building to witness the placing of the cross... when
the base was to be placed in position by Fred. Alexander it was
discovered that it would not go on the spike, the opening not
being [of] sufficient width. It was then lowered to the ground and
workmen proceeded to enlarge it. This was a great
disapponitment to the large crowd... as many of those present
wanted to know why they did not go on with the work.

Soon after this mishap was corrected, it was noted that Lehigh engineering
students were hard at work trying to discern the height of the 196 feet tall steeple with
their surveying equipment. Another account expresses grief while distributing the news
that a mason, Patrick Ryan, whom many in the town had grown quite fond of in the
course of the church's construction, had passed away while visiting family in Ireland.
These are but a few of over one-hundred updates given during the construction process of
Holy Infancy and from the curious quantity of information it is apparent that great value
and anticipation was being attached to the church's emerging presence.'''^

The church that emerged was a towering Gothic Revival structure whose spire
rose far above its surroundings, and it was the product of noted Philadelphia architect
Edwin Forrest Durang. Durang's firm was the successor firm to that of John E. Carver,
an early proponent of Gothic styling in America, and who is best known for
Philadelphia's Church of Saint James the Less.''*^ Durang, whose church designs remain
numerous throughout southeastern Pennsylvania, was a visitor to South Bethlehem on

'^' Accounts of the construction process cited include the Bethlehem Daily Times. 22 May 1882. 26 Mar
1883. 1 May 1883. 8 July 1884, 24 March 1885. and 12 May 1886. The carpenter-work of Holy Infancy
was J. S. Allam and Ritter and Beck Company of South Bethlehem, did the millwork. The stained glass
was the product of Philadelphia studio, Alfred Godwin Company and the frescoed south wall and the two
altar paintings that hang alongside Costaginni's "Crucifixion" are the work of "F. Beraldi" of Philadelphia.
The fourteen small oil paintmgs representing the "stations of the cross" that hang on the east and west walls
were imported from Munich. Germany.

'■'^ Sandra L. Tatman and Roger Moss. Biographical Dictionary of Philadelphia Architects: 1700-1930
(Boston. G.K. HalL 1985), 133.

103

several occasions as Holy Infancy went up.''*'* His design is very much in keeping with
the common Irish preference for the "early period" styling of the Gothic Revival that was
closely associated with the English speaking domain. Holy Infancy mimics what has
been called the "English Perpendicular Style," being essentially a large rectangular box
with a prominent central tower and spire above the entrance. Although understated in
terms of its massing and exterior ornamentation, its tall profile, steeply pitched roof, and
large windows imposed a new order upon the area of Ward 3 that, less than a generation
before, was called "shanty hill" in reference to the impoverished conditions of its Irish
residents.''*'

While unpretentious on the exterior, the rich ornament associated with the
devotional culture and liturgy of Catholicism took flill form within. The interior was
tripartite in plan with vaulted plaster ceilings supported by a nave arcade of sixteen
English Style compound piers. Two hundred and eight oak and walnut pews added to a
rich, somber atmosphere of beige and brown tones; and throughout, the interior was
decorated with running ornamental stenciling executed in warm shades of yellow, orange
and gold. It was and remains a very worshipflil atmosphere. An ornate Gothic style altar
stood at the front of the sanctuary, and above the altar was perhaps the most inspiring
feature of the entire edifice. Three magnificent altar paintings, one by an artist of some

'■^^ For a summary of Durang's career see Tatman and Moss. 229-234. Also, a significant resource for
understanding Durang's impact upon the Philadelphia scene is the self-published prospectus of 1900 "Some
Buildings From the Portfolio of Edwin F. Durang," Also: James Van Tnunp, "The Column and Tlie Cross:
Three Victorian Classical Churches by E. F. Durang" in The Charette. vol. 48, no. 1 (January 1967), 9-12;
and "The Gothic Fane: The Medieval Vision and Some Philadelphia Churches. 1860-1900" in The
Charette. vol. 43, no. 9 (September 1968), 20-27. Durang visited South Bethlehem on at least tvvo
occasions to inspect the progress of the church's construction as per the Bethlehem Daily Times, 29
November 1884: 31 July 1884

'"' The Perpendicular Style is discussed in Phoebe B Stanton, The Gothic Revival and American Church
Architecture: An Episode in Taste, 1840 - 1860 (Baltimore: John's Hopkins Umversity Press, 1968), 225-
235.

104

renown, adorned the walls of the apse. The central panel, representing the crucifixion, is
the work of Phillipo Costaginni whose skill as a painter earned him the role of "hand
picked" successor to the much revered Constantino Brumidi for the completion of several
frescoes that ornament the United States Capitol building in Washington D.C.''*^

So how did this beautiful edifice and the church body it represents serve the Irish
community of South Bethlehem? Specifically, how did it make a difference in the life of
those who came to South Bethlehem for work in the town's steel mill?

The church building served the immigrant community in a number of ways
directly related to its basic quality as a work of architecture. Holy Infancy was to the
Irish faithfial the place were God was most present. Inside the sanctuary, the central act
of the faith, the mass, was carried out. During the mass it was believed that the bread and
wine of the Eucharist, upon being consecrated by the priest, became the body and blood
of Christ. As a consequence, the church was, in fact, graced by the material presence of
Christ and as such it was venerated as literally "the house of God." Beyond serving as
simply a shelter, the church's architecture served to emphasize the mystery of Christ's
presence by fixing one's attention on the ahar. Here one partook of the body of Christ
and here, within a sacred repository known as the tabernacle, Christ, as actualized by the
consecrated bread and wine, always remained present. Upon entering the sanctuary of
Holy Infancy, the Eucharistic drama was emphasized for the faithfiil of Holy Infancy by

'"** Costaginni accompanied the altar painting to South Bethlehem when delivered in May of 1886 as
detailed by the Bethlehem Daily Times. 1 1 May 1886. Costaginni's career as an artist and his role in the
United States Capitol project is discussed in Barbara A. Wolananin. Constantino Brumidi: Artist of the
Cap//o/ (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1998). 173-175.

105

Figure 21. The sanctuary of Holy Infancy displays a solemn richness. A marble, gothic-st\led aJtar
and a scene of the Crucifixion painted by Phillipo Costaginni (circa 1886) accentuate the
architectural focus of the space — the presence of Christ as embodied in the Eucharist. Photograph
bv W, C. Carson.

the imposing Gothic ahar and the emotional 19'x 8' image of the crucifixion, placed

directly above.

In addition to the presence of Christ as the focus of Holy Infancy's design, the

sanctuary served as the architectural setting were the Irish community bound themselves

to one another spiritually. Again the Eucharist provided the activating medium.

Partaking of the Eucharist was a means of engaging in both a mystical communion with

the life and sufferings of Christ and those of the larger church body, including the saints

106

and martyrs of the past, and, as emphasized in this context, one's contemporary fellow
parishioners. If taken literally one can easily see how this basic act of Catholic belief, the
Eucharist, and the setting for this practice. Holy Infancy, served to tightly knit the Irish
people of Holy Infancy. Therefore, the architectural icon at the corner of Fourth and
Taylor must be viewed as far more than simply the Irish church — it was in fact the

1 47

pivotal institution for mediating the immigrant experience.

In addition to its religious workings. Holy Infancy provided a number of
important services that extend its significance beyond being simply the Irish church. In
the social arena Holy Infancy assumed the mantel of welfare broker soon after it was
established. By 1873 two beneficial societies. The Catholic Beneficial Society of the
Church of the Holy Infancy and The Emerald Beneficial Society, were functioning under
the church's auspices — helping ease the threat of lost pay to an already tenuous financial
security. It should be recalled that industrial hands at the time were at the absolute mercy
of employers and even the slightest economic fluctuation often resulted in massive
layoffs. According to the 1870 by-laws of the earliest of these operations. The Catholic
Beneficial Society of the Church of the Holy Infancy, elected members where entitled,
after paying a minimal monthly due for a period of one year, to cash benefits of up to
$6.00 per week during times of sickness or disability. And upon death the member or his
spouse received a payment of $50.00 for the purpose of a "decent interment."
Although they sound meager, such benefits provided a sense of economic security that
was available to immigrant Americans by no other means and as historian Phillip Taylor

'■"Dolaa 224-229.

'■*^ "Constitution and By-Laws of the Catholic Beneficial Society- of the Church of the Holy Infancy.
Northampton County. PA" (South Bethlehem, PA: O. B. Sigley and Company, 1870), ap.

107

adds, "a man with a particularly keen regard for his family's security could obtain a sum
equal to his normal weekly wage, by joining several clubs, and still pay less than a dollar
a week while at work."^"*^

The number of beneficial societies associated with the Irish church grew to four
by the mid- 1 890' s, and accounted for some three hundred men of the parish and their
families.''^'' In addition to beneficial operations. Holy Infancy supported charitable
organizations, such as the Holy Infancy Relief Society. Instead of flinctioning as an
insurance provider, this organization worked ". . for the alleviation of the wants and
distress of the poor," without a standard of membership."' Beneficial and charitable
operations such as these were but a few of the tools Holy Infancy utilized in stabilizing
the process of immigration for its laboring flock. But as one can see such organizations
were crucial in easing the disconcerting knowledge that one's closest relatives, so
traditionally important during times of hardship, were several thousand miles distant.

Further developing the value of church initiated activities; these organizations
typically served a more pleasure oriented social function alongside their purpose of
economic relief Regular business meetings facilitated interaction and special occasions
were routinely celebrated by these organizations. Events ranged from informal church
fairs to more formal dances and anniversary celebrations but typically all placed a
common emphasis on ethnic heritage. In June of 1898, The Emerald Beneficial Society,
the second of Holy Infancy's beneficial organizations, marked its 25* Anniversary with
"a lavish and splendid affair" that featured Celtic song and dance. The merrymaking

"'Taylor. 214.

'^° 1897 Annual Reports of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #181.

''' The Globe, 4 January 1898.

108

included a seemingly endless succession of folk dances including the traditional reel and

•• 152
J'g-

In the process of performing their intended economic and social tasks,
organizations such as these in their basic operation served another highly significant
community building function. In the confines of such organizations, community leaders
were often groomed for larger civic roles. The day to day management and political
maneuvering inherent in such organizations often gave these men the only means of
developing the skills needed to move up in the ranks, and, in some cases, leave the mill
behind. Some molded their experience in church organizations to become gang bosses
and foremen or outside the mill police officers, and businessmen. Once the transition to
middle class employment was complete such individuals were then able to have a more
substantial impact on the lives of their fellow immigrants. Here again Holy Infancy
evidences this process. A South Bethlehem Irishman named James McMahon, who was
an active participant in many of Holy Infancy's organizations rose from the rank of
laborer for the Lehigh Zinc Company to one of the most respected citizens in South
Bethlehem by the end of the 19''' Century. McMahon was a native of Limerick, Ireland,
and after a brief stop in Philadelphia he began his ascent in South Bethlehem in 1855 as a
21 year-old assistant to Samuel Wetherill while the later conducted experiments in the
production of spelter. In 1881 McMahon was appointed superintendent of the zinc works
and 1889 he was appointed to the federal position of postmaster of South Bethlehem.
The close connection McMahon had to the inner life of his church, Holy Infancy, and the
meaning the immigrant church held for him is quietly revealed in his last will and

'^^ The Globe, 16 June 1898. This article interestingly states that the organization insures "some 1800

109

testament. In it McMahon very clearly entrusts the wellbeing and guidance of his family

in his absence to the parish rector, "Father Phil," Rev. Phillip McEnroe

153

AM'ES Mr'MAliOX

1865 - ld{»

Figure 22. James P. McMahon was an active member of Holy Infancy. Bom in Limerick, Ireland,
McMahon came to America in the early 1850's and rose from an unskilled position in the zincworks
to civic prominence. Source: Borough of South Bethlehem, Semi Centennial, n.p.

Concluding an examination of Holy Infancy, in which admittedly much has been
omitted, a broader importance of this institution to religious landscape's growth provides

parisliioners."

' ■''^ McMalion's affiliation with tlie church of the Holy Infancy was mentioned in tlie special edition of The
Globe. 3 October 1915. in honor of the town's 50* amiiversary and Fritts, 215. His obituary in the Daily
Times. 15 October 1896. gives a full accounting of liis time in South Bethlehem. Also: James McMahon,
■'Last Will and Testament." File #13798.

110

a convenient building block for the development of the next case study. In addition to its
significance to the Irish community. Holy Infancy played a vital role in fostering the
organization of several of South Bethlehem's other immigrant churches. Holy Infancy
was typically the place that new immigrants started their religious lives in South
Bethlehem. The church often offered mass in languages other than English and, on
several occasions, a separate space was made available to ethnic groups wishing to
organize a church of their own. The basement served as the first church home for many
of the non-Irish faithful associated with New Immigration. During their efforts to
organize and construct a church, the basement of Holy Infancy often provided the first
vessel for these groups to cultivate the particular ethno-religious customs that they
brought to South Bethlehem from the Old Worid. At least three congregations. Saint
Joseph's Roman Catholic (1914), Saint Josaphat's Ukrainian Catholic (1916), and Saints
Peter and Paul Byzantine Catholic (1917), were first organized in these quarters and
newspaper accounts strongly suggest that an additional three have direct connections to
the Irish parish. The Pastor of Holy Infancy, Phillip McEnroe, was routinely engaged as
the officiating priest for the services of consecrating the churches New Immigrant groups
built. Perhaps more telling of the intimate connection between Holy Infancy and
numerous other immigrant churches is that the ceremonial parades that accompanied such
an occasion typically emerged from within the sanctuary of Holy Infancy. At the comer
of Fourth and Taylor groups such as the Slovenians and Italian Catholics of South
Bethlehem took to the city's streets and performed a well choreographed spectacle filled

111

with music, inarching and religious pageantry; and began anew in a distant sector of

154

town. '

Holy Ghost Roman Catholic Church (German, Austrian)

The German presence in the Bethlehem area is at the core of the region's history.
The Moravians were of German extraction and large additions of other German natives
during the period of Old Immigration made the language and many of the customs and
traditions these people brought with them a common experience in the Lehigh Valley.
Although most represented a variety of Protestant affiliations it may be recalled that a
small contingent of German Catholics were included in the early tide of German
immigration and that they were able to establish a church of their own in north
Bethlehem by the mid 1850's. The frame chapel these people constructed at the northern
fringe of town provided a very limited start for all Catholics under part-time pastoral care
for many years. '^^

During the mid- 1 880 's, as New Immigration began to stir, Germans came to
America as never before and, unlike earlier years, a large measure of this influx was
Roman Catholic. Contributing to the exodus of German Catholics during the 1880's and
90's was a phenomenon of German history known as the "Kulturkampf ' in which Roman
Catholics were openly persecuted and their faith actively suppressed and as a result many

'^^ Services were conducted in French and Italian as early as 1886 according to the Bethlehem Daily Times,
28 Aug 1886. German services were conducted on at least one occasion at Holy Infancy during the
construction of the German Catholic Church. Saint Bernard's as per the Bethlehem Daily Times, 28 May
1887. The Italian church. Our Lady of Pompeii, Ward 5. celebrated the dedication of its new church with
such a parade in July of 1902 as did the Slovenian/Croatian parish of Saint Joseph's, Ward 4, in July of
1914 as per the The Globe. 17 July 1902; 5 Julv 1914.

112

started anew in South Bethlehem.'^* The town's rapidly expanding industrial base
beckoned many who left an industrial nation with skills they could put to good use in the
town's mills and factories. Their choice of residence in South Bethlehem and the fact
that a large share were Catholic is evidenced by the religious landscape's first direct
consequence of New Immigration, Saint Bernard's. By the mid 1880's, the frame church
north of the Lehigh was not only inconvenient to those settling in South Bethlehem but
also very inadequate to serve a rapidly expanding membership. As a resuh, permission
was requested and granted by the Archbishop to rebuild in South Bethlehem.

Saint Bernard's, now known as Holy Ghost, took shape in 1887 on the southern
edge of heavily German Ward 2 and the impressive complex of buildings in place today
offers a full story of their history since that time. German Catholics present a unique
story to evaluate. Their history in South Bethlehem transitions the "old" and "new"
periods of immigration and in many ways this group maneuvered both worlds. They
were German speaking, but as Roman Catholics, the people of Saint Bernard's
represented only a small share of the overall German contingent in South Bethlehem, and
as German Catholics, they could not pursue their particular blend of Catholic worship
within the confines of Irish Holy Infancy. They were not forced to internalize their
experience to the same extent as the ethnic groups yet to arrive in South Bethlehem, as
evidenced by their settling in Ward 2 instead of the undeveloped eastern end of town.
German Catholics did, however, make the critical "national" difference by defining the

"' The name of the first church was Nativity Church, which was the same name incidentally chosen later

by the Episcopal community for their church in South Bethlehem. The church was located at the comer of

Union and Radley Streets, Billinger, 4.

'^*Dolan. 129-131.

'^^ The relationship of Saint Bernard's to the fu-st Catholic community in Bethlehem and Father Korves'

petition to build in South Bethlehem are detailed in Billinger, 4

113

Catholic presence as multi-ethnic. The architectural heritage the German Catholic
community left behind in South Bethlehem well evidences the emergence of the
immigrant church as a more centripetal, consolidating institution and contributes much to
the explanation of the ethnic parish as the immigrant community's primary source of
stability. Inside and out, the buildings impart the one time presence of a people that
valued the church's ability to nurture a particular set of values and interests and cultivate
them in their children. The history of Holy Ghost and the integrity of its architectural
presence in South Bethlehem highlight the German community's firm commitment to the
parish school as the primary means of educating their children, a strong belief in the
devotional aspect of Catholicism, and the role of the church in fostering the culturally
valued traditions of art and music.

In March of 1886 word was spread in South Bethlehem that only after fijlly
paying the cost of the recently purchased property in Ward 2 would construction be
allowed to move forward on the new church. '^'^ This proclamation met with ample
response. In May 1887 construction got underway and less than a year later, amid much
talk of the recent death of King William I of Germany, the 20' x 80' brick chapel was
dedicated for worship.'^' After having been served by the English speaking clergy of

'^* Bethlehem Daily Times. 4 March 1886.

''' The dedication ceremonies of March 18. 1888 were announced in the Bethlehem Daily Times. 14 March
1888. The details of this event were not covered in tlie press, apparently being overshadowed by a railroad
accident involving a prominent citizen of South Betlilehem. E.P. Wilbur. Wilbur was the nephew of Asa
Packer and heavily involved with almost every major entrepreneurial and philanthropic endeavor in South
Bethlehem including tlie railroad, iron works, Lehigh University and the areas fu-st hospital. Wilbur was
also responsible for establishing the first banking venture in South Bethlehem. The tragic wreck that
subverted a mention of the dedication of Saint Bernard's occurred in rural Georgia and claimed the hfe of
Wilbur's 17-year-old son Merritt. The tragedy was first covered in the Bethlehem Daily Times on Monday,
19 March 1888. the day after the scheduled consecration ceremonies and the newspaper tracked its
importance for many days. Sources of information on the dedication include the Archdiocese of
Philadelphia Scrapbook Collection. SB #3, 1 of 5. 66; Bethlehem Dailv Times, 10 and 12 March 1888.

114

©»r->

■ m

- *a6^&, ^sr .

Figure 23. Saint Bernard's Roman Catholic Church (circa 1886) in Ward 2, the first church and
combination school of the German Catholic population in South Bethlehem. Photograph by W. C.
Carson.

Holy Infancy in South Bethlehem, or having crossed the Lehigh for irregularly scheduled
services in German, the congregation now had a church of their own nearby and the
growth that followed was immense. Germans continued to pour into the region and by
the middle years of the 1890's this influx was augmented by a substantial share of
Austrian natives who, being almost entirely Roman Catholic, began worshipping at Saint
Bernard's. Hungarian immigration also began to impact South Bethlehem and many
started their religious experience in South Bethlehem at Saint Bernard's.*^" Because of
the Austria-Hungary Imperial Alliance, Hungarians were probably more familiar with

Saint Bernard's was designed by L. S. Jacoby of Allentown and built by J. S. Allam of South Bethlehem
accoTdingto XhQ Bethlehem Daily Times. 10 May 1887; 1 July 1887.

115

German than English, and the flavor of the German liturgy more closely resembled their
own than did that of Irish, Holy Infancy. Less than 10 years after this coterie of European
natives began worshipping at Saint Bernard's the large basement portion of a second-
generation church was completed in 1 886 and outfitted for the celebration of mass.
The basement chapel is an important ingredient of this church's story for in it is
addressed an intense patience on the part of the German community that derived from a
particular vision of what they wanted this second church to be — magnificent! The
basement chapel was the first step in an extended process of achieving a finished upper
church of exceptional distinction that fully represented the aesthetic values and religious
traditions of a German Catholic parish. Nothing would be spared, except perhaps their
comfort in the interim, in fully realizing their new monument, which, at some point it was
decided, would be called "Church of the Holy Ghost. "^"

Before proceeding with an examination of the congregation's second house of
worship, the first building deserves emphasis because underneath its roof South
Bethlehem's first parochial school was initiated. The school was an integral part of the
German congregation's plans in South Bethlehem from its beginning, and in the first
building almost half of its space was given over solely for the purposes of education. The
legendary German fascination with learning is reflected in this structure. In the original
design of the 20' x 80' chapel, the space was divided into two floors, the first floor with

'^^ The Austrian presence at Holy Ghost was described Yates. Bethlehem of Pennsylvania. 125.
Hungarians were first mentioned among those attending services at Holv Ghost in the Bethlehem Daily
7//we5, 21 April 1888.

'*' Plans for the second church were announced in the Daily Times. 15 June 1895. A detailed financial
accounting of the completed basement/sanctuary construction costs was included in tlie church's 1897
Annual Report. The accounting, penned by Rev. Aloysius Fretz in March of 1896. states the total cost of
the basement was $ 10.830.00. It also states that an additional $4,000.00 was paid for an additional plot of
land adjacent to the church; 1897 Aimual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia report #182.

116

low ceilings served as classroom space, and the upper floor functioned as a sanctuary.
The sanctuary was surprisingly spacious with high ceilings and a rear gallery for a second
level of seating. The summer following the completion of the combination church and
school building, the congregation provided the resources necessary to construct a convent
to house three "women religious" to teach their children in German.'*"' As it had in the
church, space quickly became restricted. When the basement portion of the new church
was placed in service, the entire first building was given over for the use of the school.
This too was a short lived improvement and before going ahead with the construction of
the upper church a large, architecturally designed and folly equipped school building was
constructed by the parish. The decision to sacrifice the completion of the upper church
for the purpose of a first rate school facility was a highly democratic process, and it
reveals much about the parishioner's priorities. A congregational meeting, following
mass on March 5, 1899, initiated the drive for the new school. The decision was
unanimous — the church was postponed.'^ Unlike the English-speaking Irish who were
more willing to join the mainstream world of public education, German Catholics felt that
to lose the language was to lose the religion and vice versa; and to lose the two was to
deny one's identity.'*^ The Irish of South Bethlehem, as evidenced by published
comments by the clergy of Holy Infancy, felt no need to organize a parochial school for
maintaining their way of life and only did so in 1892, after being directed to do so by the
Archbishop in 1892.'** When Holy Ghost School was completed in 1900,'*^ the student

'^' The first reference to the church as "Church of the Holy Ghost" in The Globe was 4 December 1908.
'*^ Billinger. 19.
'^ The Globe. 6 March 1899.
"^-' Dolan. 162-163.

'** A directive was issued by Archbishop of Philadelphia.. .According to the Bethlehem Daily Times. 26
June 1892. Rev. Philhp McEnroe of Holy Infancy did not think a parochial school was necessary for his

117

population numbered 210 and in the next 10 years, more than doubled. By 1920, it
enrolled over 600 students.

The attractive Romanesque-styled school that served the German Catholic Church
of South Bethlehem is today largely unchanged from the time of its dedication in 1900,

■*»»v.

Figure 24. Holy Ghost School (circa 1900) was designed by architect and South Bethlehem resident
A. W. Leh. The German Catholic population of South Bethlehem was the first to initiate a parochial
school in the community and believed firmly in its ability to foster both a spiritual and worldly
education while steeping the pupil in his or her Germanic heritage. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

and its presence communicates much about the history of this religious institution. The
parishioners that organized after mass in March of 1899 made a pragmatic and sensible
choice. By setting aside their obvious desire to raise in South Bethlehem an impressive

parish. In fact in his opinion the public school system was preferable. However, under direct orders he

moved ahead with plans and according to the Daily Times, 29 August 1894. Holy Infancy School opened

in September of 1894.

'*^ Catholic Standard and Times. 1 September 1900.

"'^ Enrollment figures taken from 1900 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #202;

1910 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #262; 1920 Annual Report of the

Archdiocese of Philadelphia (report not numbered).

118

landmark of their presence, they clearly understood the long-term impact of a peer-
oriented education. An education in the German tongue and emphasizing Germanic
heritage would provide in the long-term stability, not only for the church but also the
entire German Catholic community of South Bethlehem. Interestingly, once the new
school was completed, a large share of the first building was maintained as a library
thereby adding another layer to the story of Holy Ghost as one emphasizing the parishes
commitment to the education of their children. Not until late 1905 was the campaign to
complete the long desired upper church revived.**'

On June 3, 1906, the congregation of Holy Ghost celebrated the laying of a
cornerstone for its third church construction campaign; the long awaited upper church
designed by South Bethlehem resident A. W. Leh. The effects of a dark stormy sky and
rain shower was not enough to dampen the spirits of a large gathering of onlookers and
high ranking clergy as the occasion was marked by a festive parade put on by the
church's many religious societies and beneficial organizations. Parishioner and builder,
Benedict H. Birkel, laid the cornerstone of the church.*'** The church gradually took
shape over a period of four years with a pause during the summer of 1909 to pay the debt
incurred by the congregation to that point. On September 26, 1910, shortly following the
end of the first of several extended and violent labor strikes to both divide and unite
South Bethlehem's population in the pre-union era, the local newspaper, announcing the

'*^ The continued use of the combination church and school as a Ubrary was detailed in Billinger, 19. Plans
to complete the upper church were announced in The Globe. 4 December 1905. This account states that the
church "will be Romanesque in design." When ground was broken on the basement church in 1895 it was
intended that the upper church would be "Gothic in st\le" as per the Dailv Times. 15 June 1895.
'^° The Globe. 4 June 1906.

119

completion of the church, appropriately read "SOLEMN DEDICATION AFTER LONG

STRUGGLE."

171

What was accomplished over the four years of construction and nearly fifteen
years of patient worship in a basement chapel must have seemed awesome to those
entering the church for the first time. Watching the massive Romanesque edifice take
shape fi'om outside, however, must have given them warning of what they were to
witness inside. The exterior, with its double towered facade and stout round

'''&Ml

>s5

^vi'^

4i,

f. ma- \

■ i

B, vCti'flW,.

id»^,P&^ ;

u -"^^

.^._.....-,.K-,^ ..^ . Il,t»v^...,.^,... H^..,■.■.^^^.l■>nT*^>i^*.l.dM■,hH■*r.

(fUtHI'?!™

Figure 25. Holy Ghost Roman Catholic Church (circa 1910) as it appears today. The church
displays the rich Germanic influence of the "Rundbogenstil" mode of 19"' Century German
architecture. The Church was designed by architect A. W. Leh. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

171

ne Globe. 26 September 1910.

120

archwork, displayed the particular influence of 19''' Century Romanesque Revival
architecture of German origin called "Rundbogenstil", or round-arched style of design.
This style of architecture was vigorously promoted by the Benedictine Order in and
around the heavily Catholic Rhineland and the cultural and religious center of Munich,
Bavaria, during these years. *" It is important not to simply characterize Holy Ghost as
Romanesque Revival because doing so would be to miss the conscious choice the people
of this parish and the architect made in creating an immediate and tangible link to their
heritage. This building cannot be mistaken for the common use of Romanesque forms by
American architects during the late 19*'' and early 20* Centuries because it employs a
strict code of symmetry and severity that does not stray from its intent by adding
contradictory details of other architectural styles. One wonderful example of the
deliberate nature of the church's exterior design was the overt use of historically
Germanic detailing in the columns and capitals that flank the broad west entry arcade.

The rich associations of ethnicity and culture that are so readily apparent on the
church's exterior were taken even further in the ornate interior that was realized at Holy
Ghost. What was displayed inside was again a product of the architectural heritage lefl
behind in central Europe and an attempt on the part of the German Catholics who settled
in South Bethlehem to mirror that architectural heritage as best they could. The interior
of Holy Ghost, crafted in a Baroque manner, was a direct reflection of church design in
the southern regions of Germany and Austria. The basic plan was based upon the

'^" Vem Rippley. "The View from Oben: The German Monarchy Builds in America," Society of
Architectural Historians. Philadelphia, April 1994. (Philadelphia, PA: Partners for Sacred Places,
Information Clearinghouse, 1999, Photocopied), n.p.

121

Figure 26. The coiunm and capital reveal the intent in the design of Holy Ghost to create a
monument of German architectural tradition. The foliated motif used here is a direct interpretation
of medieval German Romanesque construction. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

Catholic liturgical demands of a processional center aisle from the west entrance that
culminates in a union with the high altar at its eastern extent. Surrounding this standard
arrangement, however, was a display of artistic expression that was unmatched by any
other church in South Bethlehem upon its dedication and an expression that continued to
unfold for many years to come. The appearance presented by the vaulted interior, and its
extensive assemblage of devotional statuary, much of it imported from Austrian studios,
was described as "cathedral like" and "of striking artistic excellence." Large side altars

122

featured hand painted statues of the Blessed Virgm Mary, Saint Joseph, and the sanctuary
walls were hung with haute relief Stations of the Cross representing the events leading to
Christ's crucifixion in Jerusalem. The architectural focus of the interior was an elaborate
baldachin standing 42' tall and surmounted by a hfe-size representation of the
crucifixion. "^ By 1920, ribbed clear glass, mentioned in the press account of the
dedication, was replaced with brilliant stained glass imported from Munich and the
statuary was augmented with several additions.*^'*

Figure 27. The large stained glass wheel window that illuminates the choir loft of Holy Ghost
Church measures 14 feet in diameter and depicts in portraiture the twelve apostles of Christ. The
window is an impressive example of German crafted stained glass, having been produced and
imported from Munich, Bavaria, around 1920. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

'" The Globe. 26 September 1910.
"" Billinger, 15-18.

123

The extent to which the sanctuary decor of Holy Ghost was reahzed explains
much about the artistic values of those who worshipped there but also it informs us of the
manner of Catholicism the German Catholics practiced and their intense desire for
maintaining this mode of worship. To the protestant community the sanctuary must have
seemed strange, almost incomprehensible, and it was probably perceived as tawdry and
cluttered. Conversely, to the parishioners of Holy Ghost it manifested the exuberance of
Christianity and the life-like statuary and painted images were valued as objects of
religious devotion through which one could communicate directly with God. The culture
of Devotionalism, as Baroque styling in general, was heavily promoted by the Catholic
Church in the regions of southern and central Europe during the Counter Reformation
Era, growing from the desire to return the experience of religion to a personal, sensory
level. People would often utter prayers, perform ritual activities before the statues, and
light a small candle as they departed as a lasting symbol of their prayers and service of
devotion. '^^

The deep-seated meaning of these practices to the German-speaking faithful of
Holy Ghost was revealed early on in South Bethlehem. Shortly after the first
combination church and school was completed in 1887, special services were held for the
consecration of the congregations first piece of devotional statuary, a statue of the
Blessed Virgin Mary. As a simple account of the event states "there was a large
attendance, the little church being almost unable to hold all."*'^ It is of interest to note
that the fijlly realized sanctuary that began to take shape in the fall of 1910 prominently

'^^ Dolan. 229-23 1 and SciUiano 9-17.
"^ Bethlehem Daily Times, 1 May 1888.

124

Figure 28. Devotional statuary in the sanctuary of Holly Ghost, depicting the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
Photograph by W. C. Carson.

displays a life size statue of Saint Stephen, a saint of particular meaning to people of
Hungarian extraction, who accounted for a portion of Holy Ghost's laity. Devotionalism
permeated every facet of the Catholic Church well into the 20'*' Century from the
religious arena to the social arena, though the heart of the phenomenon was expressed
through environments such as the sanctuary of Holy Ghost, Holy Ghost largely remains
as the German, Austrian and Hungarian immigrants conceived it and as such is an
appropriate "window" through which their presence can be observed. One can easily

125

imagine that here many poor, industrial workers and their families routinely sought
guidance through the difficult times of their dependence on the iron and steel industry.

One such turbulent time in the history of South Bethlehem, the lengthy labor
strikes of 1910, brings forward in an examination of Holy Ghost, another form of
guidance that the immigrant church offered its people — the parish priest. During a time
in which Bethlehem Steel virtually controlled the workings of the town, either directly or
indirectly, few figures dared to speak out about the company's treatment of its
employees, much less openly support the worker's efforts to organize labor unions. After
thousands of workers walked off the job in February of 1910 demanding better pay and a
workweek more bearable than the typical 6 day, 12 hour affair, the company ground to a
virtual halt. Intolerant of labor's efforts to organize and to challenge company policy,
which was perceived as a socialist threat, labor was dealt with viciously in South
Bethlehem. Mounted troopers disbursed gatherings with violent, and on one occasion,
deadly force and the response of the town's government and commercial sectors lent little
support to a disruption at the mill that endangered their livelihoods. The pastor of Holy
Ghost, Father Aloysius Fretz, and a handfijl of other clergy, all representing ethnic
factions of New Immigration and all Roman Catholic, nevertheless did so, at a time when
at best the repercussions of such action were uncertain. Through both public speeches
and church sermons Fretz, a native of French occupied Alsace, emerged as a stabilizing
presence in South Bethlehem at a highly volatile moment in the town's growth. Having
walked off his job as a bobbin winder in a German carpet mill at age 12, Fretz apparently
understood the frustrations of low wages, long hours and intolerable working conditions,
but urged all to whom he spoke to gather peacefully, and avoid the understandable

126

tendency to act out with hostility. Father Fretz blasted the steel company for both its
treatment of the workers inside the mill and its tactics in dealing with the strikers, while
at the same time he admonished those among the organizers who espoused socialist or
revolutionary ideologies. Addressing a crowd of strikers Fretz further cautioned the
strikers to avoid the potentially divisive effects of differing occupation, social class,
ethnicity, and religion and urged the men to "stick and win." He closed his comments to
a particularly boisterous gathering in a very pious manner stating, "The time may come
when one or some of you may be in dire want, you know where I live, the German Priest,
and as long as I have a crust of bread you shall have part of it."

During the pre-union era of 1910, South Bethlehem, and American society in
general, was still coming to grips with the impact of industrialization on the liberties and
well being of the individual. The risk that Father Fretz took in firmly expressing his
views was highly admirable and served to foster a spirit of conviction among his flock
and the working class immigrant community at large. It should be noted that some
historians consider the 1910 uprising in South Bethlehem a pivotal event in the uhimate
success of unionizing the iron and steel industry. '^^

The most appropriate means of concluding an examination of Holy Ghost is to
return to an aspect of the German Catholic community's social life that served to
maintain the traditions and customs they brought to America from Europe. At the
organizational level the parishioners of Holy Ghost were very active. By the early

'^^ The 1910 strike lasted 108 days, between February and May, and its progress was covered daily by The
Globe. Father Fretz's remarks were taken from the Globe. 15 February 1910; 28 February 1910; 1 March
1910. Fretzs place of birth was taken from Archdiocese of Philadelphia ''Record of Priests" Files. Other
clergy that backed the strikers included Rev. Alexander Varlaky of the Hungarian parish. Saint John
Capistrano. The importance of the South Bethlehem strike 1910 is discussed by Brody, 161-162. The

127

1900's, four beneficial societies and a number of devotional societies reported high levels
of membership and many were very active at the local, regional and national level. The
membership of the men's organizations was mostly comprised of laborers in the steel
mill with a "gang boss" or "machinist" being the occasional exception. In addition to
providing sickness and death benefits to their members they were also providing home
mortgages.^'** As impressive as the German community's efforts in these endeavors were,
their energies never lapsed in their devotion to the arts. The Holy Ghost choir was highly
regarded in the South Bethlehem community. In a region that already boasted an
acclaimed tradition of its interest in fine music, the all volunteer Maennerchor (men's
choir), numbering around 50 voices, was a regularly noted topic in the local press. As
other immigrant groups completed a succession of ethnic parishes in the early 1900's the
choir was asked regularly to participate by providing sacred music for the consecration
ceremonies. Father Fretz himself was apparently musical, listing a piano as among his
only possessions in his yearly reports to the diocese, and he invested a considerable sum
over the years to insure that the musicians had highly skilled and professional leadership.
On an occasion of hosting a state convention of German Catholic religious organizations
and clergy in May 1907, the Holy Ghost choir performed a solemn requiem High Mass
followed shortly after by a heart- warming round of songs for the conventions closing

strike led to the first federal investigation of the employment practices and safety conditions of United
States iron and steel industry.

'™ The beneficial societies of Holy Ghost Church were Saint Joseph's Beneficial Society, Saint Bernard's
Beneficial Society. Knights of Saint George, and Franz Joseph Beneficial Society. The last obviously
references the Habsburg Monarchy of Austria-Hungary (and interestingly its name was changed upon the
outbreak of World War I). The names of these organizations and membership figures were listed in the
1900 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #202; 1910 Annual Report of the
Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #262; and 1920 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia,
(report not numbered). The service of providing home mortgages by one of these organizations was taken
fi-om Billinger. 50. Many of the founding members of these organizations were listed in Bilhnger 50-53,
and their occupations were determined using various city directories.

128

ceremonies. Poised along side a banner that read 'TDeutschland IVIein[e] Mutter, Amerika
Mein[e] Braut!" (Germany my mother, America my bride!), the members sang German
favorites such as "Nach der Melodic" and "Die Wacht am Rhein" as well as the national
hymn of their adopted land " The Star Spangled Banner."

'" Details of the Holy Ghost Maennerchor were taken from The Globe. 17 July 1902: 5 July 1905; 27-29
May 1907; 20 December 1909; 20 January 1910; 17 March 1910; 3 June 1910. The salary expense of a
professional choir director and knowledge of the piano, claimed as one of Fretz"s the few belongings, were
taken from 1897 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #182; 1910 Annual Report of
the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #262. Also: Margaret Mies Harris, interview by author, 28 January
2000.

129

Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic Church (Slovak)

Slovak immigrants began to settle in South Bethlehem around 1880. Their
presence traces its origin to a small band of immigrants from Upper Hungary; the
northern most provinces of what was then the Hungarian Empire. Soon after arriving in
South Bethlehem these men had the good fortune of making the acquaintance of a

Figure 29. A boarding house of New Immigrants in South Bethlehem in town's east-end (circa 1895).
Thirty men women and children are pictured here. The boarding house was often a newcomer's first
place of residence and like work in the mills, sleeping quarters were often occupied in shifts. Source:
Stewart, 46.

Czech-speaking Moravian physician. Dr. Brauner, who understood their native language.

1 SO

Dr. Brauner secured them employment at the Bethlehem Iron Company and by 1882, a
small Slovak enclave began to emerge around several boarding houses straddling the

'^° Stolarik. 27. Stolarik's research was based upon a locally published, 192 1, account of the Slovak
community in South Bethlehem. Dejiny Bethlelehemskych Slovdkov v Spojenych Stdtoch Sewmej meriky.
The account was written and compiled by the sons and daughters of llie original settlers, and thus its
observations are within the living memory of the authors. This source is available only in Slovak. The
accoimt of Dr. Braimer was confirmed by Rev. Monsignor Michael J. Chaback. interview by author, 16
September 1 999. Chaback is a "son" of the pansh and is a fourth generation South Bethlehem Slovak
whose ancestors were among the fu-st to arrive.

130

boundary between Ward 3 and yet undefined Ward 4.'^' Although the eastward pattern
of settlement was contradicted somewhat by the German Catholic community, it is
clearly evidenced by the Slovak population. The large share of these immigrants were
Roman Catholic, and they began their spiritual lives in South Bethlehem attending
services at Holy Infancy in Ward 3.'^^ In April of 1888 special services for the Slovak
community were initiated at Holy Ghost. On a monthly basis Monsignor William
Heinen, a German, made his way from the coal regions to South Bethlehem to offer mass
for the Slovaks in their native tongue. '^^ Whether or not the Slovaks traveled the long
distance to Holy Ghost in Ward 2 between Father Heinen' s visits is uncertain; however,
such a scenario seems likely. Having left a region of Europe dominated by Hungarian
cuhure the form of worship at Holy Ghost, which counted a small number of ethnic
Hungarians among its members, was certainly more familiar to the Slovak's than the
form of worship at Holy Infancy. But even this arrangement would ultimately not have
suited the Slovaks. Years of cultural oppression under Hungarian rule had generated in
the Slovak mind of the late 19 Century a strident ethnocentric disposition and assuming
a minority presence at German, Austrian and Hungarian Holy Ghost would certainly have
been considered further subjugation.'^"* A Slovak church was thus inevitable.

The area of Slovak settlement in South Bethlehem was noted routinely in the press for the disturbances
and unusual events that occurred there. Slovak immigrants were generally labeled Hungarians based upon
nation of origin. Names used to describe the area included "Himdom."' "Himgarian Patch," and "the lower
end." See the Bethlehem Daily Times, 4 Februarv 1889-, 28 July 1891; Dailv Times, 30 April 1895. Also
Stolarik. 27-28.

'*" No other Cathohc Church e.xisted m South Bethlehem until 1888 with the dedication of St. Bernard's. A
few newspaper accounts suggest a Slovak presence at Holy Infancy including the Bethlehem Daily Times.
20 August 1891. Stolarik, 44. Again, Stolarik' s information comes from the 1921 account and its accuracy
was confirmed by Monsignor Chaback, interview by author. 27 January 2000.
'^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 1 1 April 1888.
'*" Chaback, interview by author. 27 January 2000.

131

Shortly after organizing a fraternal organization, the movement to establish a
church home of their own quickly took hold. By the spring of 1891 construction had
begun. The church, which they chose to call Saints Cyril and Methodius in tribute to the

1 QC

patron saints of the Slavic Christian world, was completed by late fall of the same year.
Although this first church no longer stands today in South Bethlehem its presence,
assumed by a new larger edifice in the early 1900's, became the focal point of the
Catholic Slovak population of South Bethlehem. The parish of Saints Cyril and
Methodius grew from the decisive interest and action of those it was to serve but, once it
was given life, the church quickly became the controlling force in melding an ethnic
Slovak community in Ward 4 and preserving its ethnic character.

Before an effective case study of Saints Cyril and Methodius can be presented it is
critical to underscore the circumstances of the Slovak community in South Bethlehem
prior to the church's founding. The Slovak community, for several years following their
arrival in the town, lived what can decisively be labeled a "hand to mouth existence." It
is a fact that a Slovak residential quarter had emerged by the mid 1880's and that among
its residences were a few prosperous businessmen, yet the ghetto like conditions that
most of these people endured was a subject of public concern as late as the 1890's. Dirty,
mud-brick dwellings along the banks of the Lehigh River, just outside the ironworks,
served as housing for many; and occasionally small groups of men, living entirely out of
doors, took reflige in the wooded eastern edge of town.' ^^ Public concern, however, was
rarely expressed as compassion but instead as extreme bigotry. Even as a stable "foreign
community" began to emerge in the I890's, it was often the focus of contemptuous

'^' Bethlehem Daily Times, 25 May 1891.

132

mockery and the Slovak's strange ways were actively misrepresented. During the
summer and fall of 1891 a favorite topic of ridicule in the local press was the Slovak
wedding celebration. Rarely were the nuptial ceremonies discussed in these accounts and
when mentioned the preferable focus was the "stout" mother-in-law or the attractive
bridesmaid that was "comely, coy and not at all resembling a Hungarian."

Instead, the reporter's attention typically centered on the all night "feast" that
followed the wedding ceremony. This event was commonly derided for its paltry
atmosphere that included folk dancing, revelerous and "discordant" Gypsy music, and the
prodigious consumption of "bolinki," a traditional Slovak spirit they fermented in their
cellars. The smoke-saturated air was ". . .unbearable to all but a Hun" and for the press, a
truly savory affair always included a brawl. In addition to the intolerant reception of
Slovak wedding traditions, Easter, the most important religious holiday of the year,
which they celebrated heartily, was typically considered an occasion for which "... it
might be well for the police to double its force in the third ward." ^^^ In contrast to the
kindness of the legendary Dr. Brauner, South Bethlehem, in general, was far from
hospitable to Slovaks in the late 1800's and although a job at the Steel may have held
greater promise than remaining in Europe, the pressures to conform and blend in
continued. The coercive force of Americanization may not have matched the oppressive
tyranny of Magyarization but, once again, Slovaks found themselves in defense of their
valued cultural traditions.

'^* Bethlehem Daily Times. 28 July 1884; 4 February 1889.

'^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 16 September 189 1.

^^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 31 March 1891; 14, 15 and 16 July 1891; 5,7 and 11 August 1891; 16

September 1891; 20 January 1892.

133

The seminal event in the defensive stmggle was the founding of the group's first
fraternal organization, the Society of Saint John the Baptist, in March of 1888. Meeting
in a hotel and saloon owned by George Zboyovsky, one of the few prosperous Slovaks in
South Bethlehem, it was decided to organize a society, as the Germans and Irish had done
before them, to provide sick and death benefits for its members and their families.
This group soon reorganized under the name Saints Cyril and Methodius and by the
spring of 1891 '^'', with the devout assistance of the German priest from the coal regions,
Monsignor Heinen, the fraternity laid the comer stone of a church bearing the same title.
Saints Cyril and Methodius. This occasion was a monumental achievement for not only
the Slovak community of South Bethlehem but also the Slovak presence throughout the
region. Special train service for the occasion was run by the Lehigh Valley Railroad in
order to accommodate the more than one thousand nationals from the coal regions that
wanted to attend the event. All told, some 2,500 people gathered on the increasing slope
of South Mountain in a remote section of the borough to witness the solemn beginnings
of the regions first Slovak parish. '^' A simple, brick church, measuring 4Vx 86,' was
completed in less than six months and for the occasion of its consecration the surrounding
fields and hillside were once again filled with throngs of cheerfiil observers.

The Slovak population in South Bethlehem grew aggressively after the
consecration of this modest church— its mere presence was likely responsible for a

'*' Bethlehem Daily Times, 6 March 1888. Although Stolarik claims the group did not organize until 1890

this newspaper account refutes this assertion. It gives quite a bit of detail as to members, purpose, and

benefits.

'* Stolarik. 34; Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Cathobc Church. "A Century of Faith: 1891- 1991"

(Souvenir Booklet. 1991). n.p.

'^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 25 May 1891.

"" Archdiocese of Philadelphia Scrapbook Collection. SB #3, 3 of 5, 371; Bethlehem Daily Times, 1

December 1891.

134

portion of this growth — and within a decade larger quarters were a necessity. Inspired by
the need for new quarters the Slovaks of Saints Cyril and Methodius hired local resident
and architect A. W. Leh to design a fully conceived house of worship and, in doing so,
seized the occasion for making an architectural statement of their "arrival" in South
Bethlehem. '^^ The men of the parish pledged an initial $25,00 each and an additional
$1 .00 per month was withdrawn from their paychecks at the mill to support the cost of
construction.'^'* The parishioners themselves broke ground for the new church just north
of the old one on May 18, 1903, and horse drawn wagon trains began hauling the
necessary quantities of the local "bluestone" that, over the years, had become the
hallmark of fine church construction in South Bethlehem.'*^' In July of 1906 the new
church was officially dedicated and as the three-year construction time suggests, the
results were impressive. ''^^ Among many notable qualities, the edifice featured a tall
Gothic Revival facade and spire, an elaborate display of figurative stained glass, and altar
decor in accordance with Slovak tradition. '^^ As had been the case for the dedication of
the first church, spectators for the occasion arrived by train from several locations

'^^ The Globe. 5 Julv 1903.

'''' Stolarik, 45. Again taken from 192 1 pubhcation and interpretation confirmed by Chaback: Saints Cyril

and Methodius Roman Catholic Church, "A Century of Faith; 1891- 1991" (Souvenir Booklet. 1991). n.p.

"' The Globe. 1 February 1902. Upon e.xamination. the material is a local quartzite common to most of the

churches in South Bethlehem. "'Bluestone" typically denotes a type of marble specific to southeastern

Pennsylvania. The misuse of the term here comes from the subtle bluish gray quality typical of tliis

building stone. An interesting side note that connects this local material to the surrounding landscape and

South Bethlehem's industrial heritage is its high iron content. Time and weather, aided by harsh industrial

pollutants, have caused the iron at the surface of this material to oxidize. Instead of a subtle and beautiful

bluish-gray quahty, most of South Bethlehem's churches now have a smoke darkened, rusty, orange

streaked appearance.

'^* The Globe. 6 July 1903.

"^ The stained glass was crafted by the famous D'Ascenzo studios in Philadelphia according to the

■'D' Ascenzo Building List" held by the Athenaeum of Philadelphia. The significance of the altar decor was

described and interpreted bv Monsignor Chaback, interview by the author. 16 September 1999, Bethlehem,

PA.

135

Figure 30. Slovak Saints Cyril (circa 1906) as it appears today. Architect A. W. Lch designed the
church. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

throughout the region and witnessed an affair of ethnic splendor. The Archbishop's
escort of over 3,000 marchers composed a "Slavic guard of honor" featuring bands,
standard bearers, and men mounted on "prancing chargers."'^** Though the completed
church was a notable feat for a population of citizens who only a generation before were
barely able to provide for their immediate needs, the crowning achievement of the
religious community of Saints Cyril and Methodius was yet to be flilly realized.

ne Globe. SSulY 1906.

136

Figure 31. Postcard-view of the then new Saints Cyril and Methodius shortly after its dedication in
1907. The original Slovak church, later converted into a school, is pictured at left. Source: South
Bethlehem Historical Society.

The church's tall steeple cast its shadow broadly and within a few short years the
vision and energy of the Slovak community that had given it life was refocused on the
fields and wooded hillside that surrounded the new church. In 1904 the Slovak priest,
Father Frantisek Vlossak, a native of Upper Hungary, began purchasing these remote
patches of real estate in hopes of uniting his flock around their religious citadel in Ward 4
and, at bargain prices, he resold subdivided portions to his parishioners. The foreign
quarter along Buttonwood and Second Street in Ward 3 was gradually left behind and a
Slovak "village" soon began to take shape around Saints Cyril and Methodius. ' Here
they could openly express themselves as Slovaks, and here they could present a unified
front in the defense of their valued ethnic and religious traditions.

137

The "village" concept as applied to the budding Slovak community in Ward 4
should be examined a little more closely to fully comprehend the significance of Father
Vlossak's efforts in uniting his people around Saints Cyril and Methodius. An
understanding of the term "village" here is critical to the Slovak story in South
Bethlehem for it has a direct connection to the world these people left behind in Europe.
Generations of oppressive Magyar rule generated in the Slovak culture well prior to the
19* century a way of life founded upon a closed, intimate and protected environment that
revolved around the church. Under Magyar rule Slovaks were prohibited from practicing
their language and customs in the public realm and as a result the insular village
atmosphere was the primary means of perpetuating their identity. While no political
identity or cultural legitimacy was available to European Slovaks while under Hungarian
law, here in America, they could sing, speak, dance and worship as their ancestors had;
and perhaps most importantly, insure that these customs were safely transmitted to future
generations.

At the core of village life was the church. In addition to providing the underlying
framework of most Slovak traditions, the church typically provided the only advocate
that these peasants had in a civic realm that was hostile to their ways — the parish
priest.^"'' Though they were never the object of govemmentally sanctioned suppression
in America, the parallels between the social sphere the Slovaks left behind and the
environment they encountered in South Bethlehem were uncanny — as was their response.

'^ Stolarik. 52; 177-188.

'°° Chaback described the significance of the "village" to Slovak culture, interview by author. 27 January
2000. For a concise explanation of Hungarian rule and "Magyarization" see Themstrom. 236-244.

138

Even before the new church was completed. Father Vlossak began selling the

subdivided plots, houses were constructed, and new primary and crossing streets nearby

the church began to appear almost yearly. The building lots and roadways laid out within

the new Slovak quarter did not folly respect the grid patterned orientation that had

become the de facto mode of development for the borough as evidenced by Wards 2 and

3. Instead, the surrounding fields and woodlands to the south of the church were carved

out in a quasi-radiating fashion, with Saints Cyril and Methodius at the center.^"' As

early as 1907 the influence of Father Vlossak in shaping the landscape of Ward 4 were

noted in the local press:

Father Vlossak's indomitable energy [has] extended his pastorate
over a wide territory and changed the bleak fields about the
church property into a large settlement, where many of his flock
[have] erected durable and handsome dwellings.'"^

By 1915, Father Vlossak counted among his neighbors the Tackoics', Blatnek's,
Morevek's, Soltis', and Slafkofsky's and other Slovak nationals. In addition to
residences, a neighborhood matrix of commercial services and social establishments
began to take shape including a butcher, grocer, and saloon. ^"^ Perhaps most importantly,
a parish school was up and running in the Slovak community's first house of worship by
1909, the humble brick church dedicated under the stewardship of Monsignor Heinen in
the fall of 1891.^°'*

A survey of maps revealed this occurrence. Though possibly mere coincidence, the street plan
emphasizes the village quality of the new Slovak quarter in Ward 4.
-°' The Globe. 2 December 1907.

'°^ Bethlehem City Directories of 1904. 1906. 1911 and 1914-15.

■°^ The Globe, 28 February 1909; 6 November 1909; Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic Church,
•A Century of Faith: 1891- 1991" (Souvenir Booklet, 1991), n.p.

139

u.fi„

f*^.:^l»<>*

'ms^s^mmm^sm^^^-

Figurc 32. Photograph, taken about 1920, of the Slovak quarter of South Bethlehem organized
around the communities religious citadel Saints Cyril and Methodius. Source: Pauliny, 11.

The Slovak community that gathered around Saints Cyril and Methodius in the
early years of the new century quickly became a festive arena in which the streets on
occasion were filled with ethnic celebration and religious pageantry. In overt reference to
the customs of the Old World, and by the direct influence and sanction of the church,
these events typically marked the yearly milestones of the religious calendar, which by
cultural standard was a critical ingredient of Slovak life. As their European ancestors for
generations had done, the Slovaks of South Bethlehem celebrated the change of seasons,
the cyclical progress of time, and the ebb and flow of life with numerous communal
religious events associated with holy days and feast days. Although occasions such as
Easter and Christmas were celebrated across ethnic boundaries in South Bethlehem,
many milestones of the religious calendar had particular meaning to the Slovak

140

-ai.-iC' v'ja^4,K'jij;,&*-*sj!SASAi*,«i,» -i

-:)

■24 e-o~ C''? '- C^

^'>i i>r^-<lijX,^^

Figure 33. Rev. Frantisek Vlossack, pastor of Saints Cyril and Methodius — a vitaJ figure in
the organization of the South Bethlehem's Slovak population in Ward 4. Source: Shankweilder, 112.

community alone, such as the Feast of Our Lady of Sorrows, the Feast of Saint Anne, the
Feast of Saint Michael, and the feast of Saint Martin. On some of these occasions
colorful public processions portraying a special group devotion championed through the
streets or joined together the Slovak people on the church grounds. A gathering of family
afterwards for the traditional feast day meal always followed such events. As early as
July of 1895, just a few years after the church was founded and well before they had

141

reorganized as a community in Ward 4, the newspaper noted with interest the Slavic

205

display marking the Feast of Saints Cyril and Methodius, their patron samts.

One particular event that resulted in elaborate communal exercises annually in the
Slovak neighborhood of South Bethlehem was a 'TVIay Procession" that marked either
Whitsunday or Corpus Christi, whichever fell in May. If celebrating Corpus Christi, a
feast day commemorating the Holy Eucharist, the parish body, in their best attire, would
follow the priest and several acolytes through the streets, stopping along the way to pray
before several large outdoor altars that had been fashioned according to Old World
Slovak tradition. Another Old World custom continued in South Bethlehem was the
elaborate Slovak system that surrounds the Holy Day of Easter. Celebrating the end of
the traditional fast associated with Lent, the Slovak families would gather together in
Ward 4 and prepare the customary meal of ham, sausage, eggs, special breads, cheeses
and butters — and always horseradish. Each dish among the list had a specific symbolic
meaning to the Slovaks. Ham represented the Old World springtime custom of
slaughtering the herd^'^^, eggs represented rebirth and resurrection in Christ, and the
horseradish was included to remind the faithful of "the bitterness of life" — and none
could be eaten before being blessed by the priest. Special baskets were prepared by the
families with a sampling of the day's feast and transported to the church for the "blessing
of the food."^°^ Events such as these were fostered in South Bethlehem by the village
like atmosphere that grew around the church of Saints Cyril and Methodius. The church
did not merely serve as an ethnic theatre in which Old World customs could be

-"' Dailv Times. 5 Julv 1895.

"°* Chaback. interview bv author, 28 January 2000.

142

performed, it reunited the Slovak Diaspora in South Bethlehem, creating a critical mass
for the long term defense and perpetuation of Slovak values.

Figure 34. An example of the brilliant stained glass that illuminates the sanctuary of Saints Cyril
and Methodius. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

Another aspect of Slovak life in Ward 4 that had a direct connection to both the
village created by Saints Cyril and Methodius and Old World customs was the Slovak
Sokol. A Sokol is roughly analogous to the lodges that were common among most ethnic
groups in South Bethlehem. The difference, however, is the intensity of the connection

^°'' Stolarik, 74-84. The religious significance of feast day celebrations to the Slovak community and the

143

between the Slovaks and their clubs as a consequence of the generations of oppression in
Europe. Whereas most clubs, beneficial societies, and lodges in South Bethlehem were
devoted to the perpetuation of a particular ethnic culture, the Slovak Sokol, while
performing this task, also expressed in its repertoire of services the influence of a
developed sense of Slovak nationalism. In addition to sick and death benefits, home
loans, and social recreational activities, the Slovak Sokol maintained an active program
of athletics that was directly linked to the Old World political machinery of the
independent militia. An active program of youth league gymnastics, track and field, and
drill teams kept the young Slovak in South Bethlehem in fighting form and the
community in Ward 4 prided itself on a competitive spirit. The first of these
organizations formed in South Bethlehem in 1900 as the Saint George Society and in
1910 the Saint Anthony of Padua Society of the Slovak Catholic Sokol was formed. Both
of these organizations had an intimate association with Saints Cyril and Methodius and
eventually many of the other church affiliated Slovak lodges began to include an athletic
aspect to their mission.^°^ The competitive spirit and sense of identity the youth of the
community attached to the athletic achievement first fostered by the Sokol was
commonly revealed on the sports page of the local press. One such instance detailed
"Athletic Day" events of the weeklong, citywide celebration of South Bethlehem's 50
Anniversary in 1915. The Slovak Sokols dominated the field made up of several
ethnically oriented teams and associations. In the climatic event of the celebrations
athletic program, "the five mile marathon," John Sekora smashed the local record and

explanation and symbolism of the traditional foods and the blessing of the food were given by Chaback, 28
January 2000.

144

fely outdistanced the next two competitors to finish John Gasdacka and Micahel
Schranko. The top three finishers were all members of the Slovak Catholic Sokol. In the
closing ceremonies of the anniversary celebration a massive parade made its way through
the streets of South Bethlehem complete with marching bands, colorilil floats, and a
wealth of ethnic and patriotic splendor. According to the local press several "neatly
attired" and "clever" military drill corps representing South Bethlehem's Slovak Sokols
were among the Slovak portion of the parade that was commended for its high degree of

Patriotic expression.

209

Figure 35. The Slovak Catholic Gymnastics Sokol fostered a competitive group-spirit among the
Slovak youth by sponsoring a large program of athletic teams and organizations. Source: Pauliny,
106.

The last aspect of the Saints Cyril and Methodius to be examined concerns a
critical part of the community's religious landscape that has thus far been neglected by

'°^ Stolarik. 84-87. Chaback described the significance of the Sokol in relation to Slovak nationalism in

detail. 28 January 2000.

-'^ ne Globe. 9 October 1915.

145

this thesis. The cemetery, like the church, was for many CathoUc immigrants an issue of
cultural preservation and ethnic identity. The town's first Catholic burial ground, Saint
Michael's Cemetery, occupies a large swath of land in the border area between Ward 5

Figure 36. The now idle steelworks, and residences in Ward 5 as viewed from Saint Michael's
Cemetery. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

and the Northampton Heights community and has a commanding presence in the overall
scope of South Bethlehem's rehgious landscape. It was provided for by land donations
of the United Brethren (Moravian Community north of the Lehigh River) and Asa Packer
of the Lehigh Valley Railroad. The Moravian Church and Packer gave several acres of
their vast holdings to the "•Catholics of South Bethlehem" between September 1867 and
April 1868. The acreage was situated in the extreme southeast comer of the borough on

146

the steep hillside of South Mountain and far to the east of South Bethlehem's town center
at that time.

Starting with the Irish community of Holy Infancy all of the town's Catholic
citizens utilized this territorial cemetery until around the turn of the century when several
churches associated with New Immigration began to purchase burial grounds for their
members alone.^^^ According to Monsignor Michael Chaback, this desire is again tied to
the Old World belief, among many of the cultures emanating from southern and Eastern
Europe, in which the village, centered on the church, must possess three crucial elements.
In addition to a fixed baptismal font and confessional, embodied in the church building
itself, a village must have a delineated area of consecrated ground for the interment of the
deceased. ^'^ The Slovaks used Saint Michael's in Ward 5 for many years, and accounts
exist of walking Slovak processionals up the mountainside composed of the congregation
and Sokol Honor Guards,^'^ However, in 1914, the longstanding desire by the
congregation to have a sacred burial site for the Slovak community was achieved with the
purchase of a farmstead situated high above the borough.^^'' The route from the church to
the cemetery progressed into the wooded hillside through Ward 5, above Northampton
Heights and ended at approximately the ridge of South Mountain at its eastern most
extent. Though the distance between the church of Saints Cyril and Methodius, the
Slovak community, and the cemetery was great, it represented the culminating event of
the cause begun by the membership of the Society of Saint John the Baptist over thirty
years prior — the recreation in South Bethlehem of the Old World Slovak village.

^'° Deed Book E12. 15; Deed Book B12. 376.

"" Saint Michael's cemetery is said to include gravestones representing 28 nationalities. Yates, 347-349.

''" Chaback, interview by author, 28 January 2000.

147

Conclusion

The foregoing case studies have contributed a great deal to an assessment of
South Bethlehem's religious landscape as a valuable historic resource. At the core of this
resource is the landscape itself Once tamed for transportation, the surrounding landscape
provided both the raw material for industry and the terra firma on which industry's
workers established lives. The industrial hands that settled in South Bethlehem arrived
from the distant reaches of Europe and with them a wealth of cultural traditions that
found expression in the church. As each new group arrived in South Bethlehem, they
built homes and communities between the steel mill and South Mountain, and at the
center of the community was the church. The town's growth progressed in an easterly
direction and. therefore, the growth of the town and the chronology of immigration are
revealed through the construction of its churches.

The personal story of the immigrant experience in South Bethlehem is revealed
only upon a closer examination of the landscape and as the case studies have shown, the
churches again tell us much. Here the newcomers sought refuge from a society
struggling to hammer out a national identity, and a society that did not welcome them as
ethnic Americans. Through the church, immigrant Americans practiced their religion —
typically Catholicism^ — expressed their most deeply held convictions, and maintained the
customs and traditions of Old World cultures that to many native-bom Americans were
unsettling. The cool reception immigrants experienced and its dehumanizing effects were
also mitigated by the immigrant church through both, an informal social environment
and, importantly, through an elaborate formal system of services and activities that

-'^ The Globe. 26 September 1907.

148

provided many worldly comforts typically denied them in the larger social realm. In
addition to recreation, many church organizations provided business and home loans, life
and health insurance, and the operation of these organizations provided a political
mechanism for leadership within the immigrant community and beyond. Clergy typically
assumed the role of counsel and mediator in spiritual as well as worldly concerns,
intervening at times in legal matters such as the payment of taxes, personal affairs such as
the mailing of letters back home or arranging for others to make the journey to South
Bethlehem; and as evidenced by Father Fretz of Holy Ghost, often they took on
controversial social concerns in the interests of their people. The multitude of Sanctions
the immigrant church provided formed the primary defense of ethnic heritage and
consequently forged a cormection between the two parties — the immigrant and the
church — that exceeded in strength that of the Old World. ^^^ As Jay P. Dolan describes,
"families [in America] were indeed the building blocks of every immigrant community,
but the church was the mortar that sought to bind them together. "■^^'' The chapter that
follows will examine a variation of this unique bond between the individual and the
immigrant church that was critical to the development of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape. It seeks to highlight a few key individuals whose guiding presence,
generosity, and creative vision broadly gave it form.

214

Chaback. interview by author, 16 September 1999; 28 January 2000.

''^Seller. 157-161.
^'* Dolan, 204.

149

Chapter 5: Builders of the Religious Landscape

The forces and circumstances that transformed an isolated Moravian farmstead

into an industrial citadel and social laboratory of ethnic diversity are a complex blend of

issues and events, both domestic and foreign. Natural resources, tyranny, entrepreneurial

vision, war, industry, freedom, poverty, and chance are just a few of the many factors. As

evidenced in the foregoing text, as foreign born came to South Bethlehem for the promise

of work in the town's mills and factories they brought with them their most deeply held

beliefs and in time constructed churches that reflect much of the immigrant experience,

both spiritual and worldly. The immigrant church was in a variety of ways the center of

immigrant life in America.

As with the factors that gave birth to the town, those that gave form to religious

expression and thus South Bethlehem's religious landscape were numerous. South

Bethlehem's immigrant communities naturally generated leaders and typically, these

leaders were directly involved, if not the central locus, in the organization of immigrant

churches. Almost without exception, each religious institution today in South Bethlehem

has a venerated figure they consider critical to their history. There was an army of

operatives and benefactors at work within South Bethlehem's many religious institutions.

Yet rarely did these figures transcend the many divides that were characteristic of

American society at the time and, instead, their influence was typically limited to the

church of a particular ethnic community, religious community, or economic class of

citizens. There were, however, a few special individuals whose attention was broad in its

application and influence and was exemplary of an inclusive, sacrificial spirit. In the

growth of South Bethlehem's religious landscape, three individuals exemplified this spirit

150

and stood as giants among the many: Rev. Monsignor William Heinen, missionary to the
Slavs; Albert Wolfinger Leh, architect; and Benedict H. Birkel, contractor and
benefactor.

Rev. Monsignor William Heinen

William Heinen was bom in November of 1 836 in Willich, Germany, in the heart
of Rhine land Europe. Little is known of his early life, but having entered the study of law
in his early twenties, it can be surmised that, if not affluent, his childhood was surrounded
by an environment of discipline and learning.^ '^ Shortly after entering his studies,
Heinen placed his education on hold in order to fulfill an obUgatory military service
required of all German young men at the time. Early in his combat training, on a routine
exercise in June of 1 860, Heinen was critically wounded with a bayonet thrust to the
chest that punctured a lung and caused severe internal injury. According to several
accounts of his life and the work that was to come, it was at this time that Heinen
developed the desire to pursue a rehgious Ufe. One account suggests that his injuries were
so grave that "he made a vow that if his life were spared he would devote it to the service
of God in the foreign missions." Soon after the accident Archbishop James Frederick
Wood of Philadelphia began an aggressive effort to attract German speaking seminarians
to serve the rapidly expanding German CathoUc population in Pennsylvania. Apparently,
while still in ill health Heinen made good on his vow and set sail for the port of
Philadelphia in August of 1869, having likely departed Europe fi-om Rotterdam.^'*

^'^ Archdiocese of Philadelphia "Record of Priests" Files.
^'* Catholic Standard and Times, 29 July 1905.

151

Figure 37. Rev. Monsignor William Heinen was critical to the organization of New Immigrant
parishes in South Bethlehem and throughout southeastern Pennsylvania. Source: Catholic Standard
and Times.

Heinen was ordained at the Archdiocesan Catliedral of Saints Peter and Paul in
Philadelphia in 1871^'^ and soon after entered the Uves of the German Catholic faithfiil
throughout the Lehigh Valley region. During his early years of priesthood he traveled
widely to serve the growing German Catholic Diaspora in the coal regions surrounding
Mauch Chunk and emerging industrial centers such as South Bethlehem. Heinen
performed baptisms m the Bethlehem area as early as 1 872 and contracted small pox

"" Archdiocese of Philadelphia "Record of Priests" Files.

152

while ministering to the sick throughout the Lehigh Valley during that time. The small
pox outbreak, noted in South Bethlehem's press^^', fiorther compromised his health, yet
he recovered more fervent than ever in his desire to aid his Catholic countrymen.

Heinen was assigned in 1873 as full time pastor to a small German contingent in
Mauch Chunk, and it was from there that his guiding influence was spread throughout
southeastern Pennsylvania and was felt forcefully in the emerging borough of South
Bethlehem. The early leaders of South Bethlehem's German Catholic Church, Saint
Bernard's in Ward 2, were assistants to Heinen in Mauch Chunk prior to arriving in the
steel making town. Father Bernard Korves, who led the effort to remove the Catholic
church from north Bethlehem to South Bethlehem in 1887, and Father Aloysius Fretz,
who assumed the pastorate at Saint Bernard's in 1891 and became one of the preeminent
immigrant leaders m the community's history, began their religious lives under the
supervision of Monsignor Heinen as his curates in Mauch Chunk. '^^^ Heinen's influence
on these two men was displayed in a variety of ways and stood out particularly in the
areas of debt reduction, education, and parish government. Heinen emphasized
maintaining an absolute minimum of financial debt while building the church community
in Mauch Chunk, before all other considerations he provided for the education of the
parish children, and did not rule with an authoritative hand but mstead sought consensus
in parish affairs.^"^^ The later actions of Father Korves and Father Fretz in South

"^° Rev. Leo Gregory Fink, Monsignor Heinen: Militant Missionary (Philadelphia: The Dolphin Press,
1937), 22-23.

^^' Bethlehem Daily Times, 14 December 1871; 16 December 1871.
^^^ Fink, 28, 35.

^^^ Catholic Standard and Times, 29 July 1905; 19 March 1910.

153

Bethlehem mirror the concerns and actions of Monsignor Heinen in Mauch Chunk.
Monsignor Heinen' s influence on the development of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape, however, was not limited to the town's German community.

Though the evidence of Heinen's influence on the shape of the German
community of Ward 2 is persuasive, his most profound impact took form in the town's
east-end in the ethnic neighborhoods of southern and eastern European immigrants. The
German pastor's first experience with the New Immigration from these regions of Europe
was with the anthracite coal mining population of Mauch Chunk, and it may be recalled
that his concerns for this group of people had been at work in South Bethlehem as early
as April of 1 888. At this juncture Heinen began monthly services for the Slovak
population in South Bethlehem at Saint Bernard's. Heinen was gravely concerned with
the lack of stewardship the Archdiocese was showing for the New Immigrant portion of
the Roman Catholic population. In response, he established at Mauch Chunk, much as
the Moravian did at Bethlehem in the 1 8th Century, a support center for mission
activities. Heinen attracted priests from great distances to Mauch Chunk to assist him in
his effort and this included Rev. Frantisek Vlossack who taught Heinen the Slovak
language.^^^ Vlossack came to Pennsylvania from Ohio.

^^* The emphasis on lowering parish debt by Korves and Fretz can be seen in local newspaper accounts and
in financial reports submitted annually to the Archdiocese. These show a minimum of borrowing for
construction and improvement projects, aggressive fimd raising drives, and rapid debt payment when debt
was necessarily incurred. When such debt was necessary loans were typically offered "by friends or
societies connected with the church" and never a banking establishment. Building projects were also
stalled on several occasions until funds could be appropriated from within the parish. The emphasis on
education by Fretz and the democratic spirit of his pastorate were highlighted in Chapter 4. Bethlehem
Daily Times, 4 March 1886; Billinger, 1 1. 1897 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report
#182 1900 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #202; 1910 Annual Report of the
Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report #262; 1920 Annual Report of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, report
not numbered.
^" Fink, 34.

154

Heinen first organized the Slovak who assumed the push to realize the region's
first Slovak parish. Saints Cyril and Methodius in South Bethlehem. Even before
newspaper accounts detail Father Heinen' s blessing of the church's cornerstone in the fall
of 1891, they tell of his actions as an intermediary between South Bethlehem authorities
and a group of Slovak residents over a legal matter?^^ For exercising such an active
interest in their general welfare Father Heinen quickly became a greatly admired and
respected leader among New Immigrants in South Bethlehem. As one account explains,
"One must Uve among Father Heinen's people to realize the affection they bear him in
consequence of the work he is doing for them."^'^

After establishing Saints Cyril and Methodius, Heinen handed the direction of the
fledgling congregation to Father Vlossack. Like the German clergy of Saint Bernard's,
Vlossack's activities within the Slovak community mimic those of Heinen in Mauch
Chunk. It may be recalled that Vlossack organized his people around Saints Cyril and
Methodius in Ward 4 by encouraging home ovmership and actively working as a broker
of real estate to promote this mterest. Father Heinen did much the same in the German
community of Mauch Chunk, in the 1870's, by purchasing many businesses in the
church's surrounding neighborhood, including bakeries, breweries and groceries and
installing Germans "of reliable character" to insure the welfare of his people. By creating
a business matrix Heinen facilitated the growth of a German enclave around his church.
Saint Joseph's.

"^* Bethlehem Daily Times, 16 September 1891; 1 December 1891; Archdiocese of Philadelphia Scrapbook
Collection, SB #3,'3of 5, 371.

-" Archdiocese of Philadelphia Scrapbook Collection, SB #2, 3 of 5, 291.

155

Heinen's direct efforts and influence in South Bethlehem's religious environment
were not isolated to Saints Cyril and Methodius. As he had attracted Vlossack to
Pennsylvania for the Slovak community, Heinen brought to South Bethlehem a
Hungarian priest, Alexander Varlaky, and together they established Samt John Capistrano
in Ward 5 to serve the town's Hungarian CathoUcs in 1903. Though he is not listed as
having founded either South Bethlehem's PoUsh parish. Saint Stanislaus in 1906, or the
Italian parish. Our Lady of Pompeii in 1902, it is likely that he played a role in the
realization of both, havmg been appointed by the Archbishop at the turn of the century as
"vicar foraneus" [caretaker] of the Eastern European and Italian population of the
Archdiocese of Philadelphia.'*^^ Direct correspondence between Heinen and Archbishop
Ryan occurred that focused on the welfare of the Poles, Hungarians, Lithuanians, and the
yet unrecognized population of Byzantine Catholics, among others. In 1905, Father
Heinen made a lengthy trip to central Europe to recruit new foreign clergy for his efforts
in the Lehigh Valley.^^" In addition to estabUshing national parishes for New Immigrant
communities and attracting foreign speaking clergy to carry on the work he initiated.
Father Heinen actively recruited foreign speaking "women reUgious" to fill the void of
properly skilled teachers in the region's parochial schools. In the mid 1870's, Heinen
brought to Mauch Chunk a group of nuns who had recently been expelled from Germany
under "Kulturkampf ' poUcies231 and in 1908, another group whom he instructed in
Slovak took up residence in South Bethlehem at Saints Cyril and Methodius.232

^^* Catholic Standard And Times, 12 March 1910; Fink 41.

^^' Archbishop Ryan Collection. General Correspondence, File 60.1 12. Dated, 17 April 1903.

"" Catholic Standard and Times, 23 September 1903.

^^' Catholic Standard And Times, 12 March 1910.

^^^ Fink, 48. The Globe. 28 February 1908.

156

The critical role Monsignor Heinen played in the organization of South
Bethlehem's New Immigrant citizens is undeniable. Yet, he did not act alone. In fact,
Heinen's desire for those under his charge to secure the comforts of a church of their own
often brought the next figure to be examined into the formula. For the purpose of giving
architectural form to his idea's and to provide the fledgling congregations a place of
worship that reflected their Old World heritage, Heinen fi-equently commissioned South
Bethlehem resident and practitioner, A. W. Leh.

Albert Wolfinger Leh

A. W. Leh was bom in September 1848, in Williams Township, along the
Delaware River in Northampton County, Pennsylvania."^ Leh was one of eleven
children raised on his father's farm and at the tender age of 16 enlisted for service in the
Union Army then fighting the Civil War. Leh received a bullet wound to his right leg
during the Battle of Hatcher's Run in Virginia, 1865, and was discharged with military
honors in May of 1 865."^ Soon after he returned to Pennsylvania, Samuel Steckle, a
carpenter and cabinetmaker, in Durham Township Bucks County"' employed Leh as an
assistant. Under Steckle 's charge Leh was introduced to building construction which by
1873 had grown into a desire to practice architecture. Leh became an apprentice to
George Dougherty in South Bethlehem, about whom Uttle is known, and by 1870 was
employed by Ritter and Beck, a planing mill and wood shop"^ Leh likely produced

^^^ "Durham Union Church Records", 41.

^^^ Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh Northampton and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania

(Chicago: Chapman Publishing Company, 1894), 646.

^^' "Durham Union Church— German Reformed, Presbyterian, and Lutheran— Buildmg Committee

Records", n.p. , ^ . „ ; • tiAn

2^* Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh Northampton and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania, 647.

157

shop drawings for the company's contracts which, according to a survey of newspaper

accounts, were numerous.

237

rAP'T, \ W I KH

Figure 38. Albert Wolfinger Leh, architect and South Bethlehem resident, whose architectural
practice was widely employed in giving shape to the community's religious landscape.

^238

According to one source, Leh was practicing independently by 1 880- but not
until the summer of 1 884 was he noted in press accounts as having been commissioned
for building designs. Before his architecture received notice Leh's political activities
attracted interest. Leh was apparently an ardent democrat and routinely marshaled the

"^ Bethlehem Dailv Times, 13 June 1885; 20 August 1885; 12 May 1886; 17 February 1887.
"^ Portrait and Biographical Record of Lehigh, Northampton and Carbon Counties, Pennsylvania, 647.

158

local party's drill corps during election year parades.^^^ His first several jobs included a
small, but attractive, fire station that still survives in South Bethlehem, a number of
modest homes designed for a speculative market, and an industrial building for the
towTi's first silk operation.^'"' The first comment reflecting a positive reception of his
work was printed in October of 1 886. A simple pressed brick and terra cotta meeting hall
was described as ". . .the handsomest building on Third Street."^'*' Soon after Leh was
commissioned for the first tune to design a church, a small Lutheran Church in the
outskirts of town, the first of many to follow that in time brought him notice as a capable
and talented architect. Several press accounts in the closing years of the 1880's, evidence
a rapid growth in the demand for his work and by the spring of 1 891 Leh, at this time
affectionately called Captain Leh in reference to the military service of his youth, was
"...head over heels in work." ^'^^

It was at this juncture that Leh became acquainted with Monsignor Heinen.
Included in this flood of work for Leh was a commission for the first Saint Cyril and
Methodius Church in Ward 4?^^^ Apparently the successful completion of this modest
little chapel for the Slovak community cemented a bond between Rev. Heinen and Mr.
Leh that facilitated the spread of Leh' s designs throughout the Lehigh Valley. As a
consequence of their acquaintance, Leh not only assisted in giving form to South
Bethlehem's religious landscape but to that of the entire region, from iron and steel

^" Bethlehem Daily Times, 6 August 1884; 6 October 1884; 24 October 1884.
^'•° Ibid., 20 January 1886; 1 1 February 1886; 1 1 May 1886.
'"'Ibid., 7 October 1886.
^*^ Ibid., 15 April 1891.
-"^ Ibid., 23 February 1891.

159

-wr^

OD oa

pr-s pn

L^ CI

baaa

MM-'

_t....

Figure 39. Church of the Sacred Heart (circa 1896) in Allentown, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh,
architect. Source: Leh Collection, Athenaeum of Philadelphia.

centers such as South Bethlehem and Catasaqua to the anthracite towns of Mauch Chunk,
Lansford and Shenandoah.^'*'' Leh's designs for Heinen bore the emblem of a developed
friendship, with Leh simply labeling his plans, "Father Heinen' s ChurcL"

'*^ A combination of newspaper articles substantiates the geographic breadth of his practice as does the
"Leh Collection" — architectural archives — held by the Athenaeum of Philadelphia. Leh designed a number

160

Figure 40. The central tower with louvered beU-house, clock, and spire of Saint Michael's Roman
Catholic Church (circa 1908) in Lansford, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect.

of churches from the coal regions to Philadelphia for congregations established by both Heinen and the
clergy he reared in Mauch Chunk. Examples include: Our Lady Help of Christians (Philadelphia, PA-
German) founded by G. Wolf who was a curate of Heinen's between 1878-1888 (Fink, 28); Samts Cyril
and Methodius (Reading, PA-Slovak) founded by Heinen in 1 894(Fink, 39); and Saints Peter and Paul
(Lansford, PA-Polish) founded by Heinen in 1905(Fink, 46). Leh's drawings for each of these projects are
included in the "Leh Collection."
-*' Plans for "Father Heinen's Church," St. Joseph's Church, Limeport, PA, are include m the "Leh

Collection."

161

Figure 41. Elevation of the altar for Saint Josepli's Roman Catholic Church (circa 1917), South
Easton. Pennsylvania. Architect, A. W. Leh. Source: Leh Collection, Athenaeum of Philadelphia.

162

Figure 42. Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary Roman Catholic Church (circa 1896)
Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

Though he did a great deal of work for Heinen and his associates in South
Bethlehem, examples of A. W. Leh's work ultimately stretched across the town's entire
landscape from Ward 1 to Northampton Heights regardless of this connection. Of the
more than thirty church congregations that took shape in South Bethlehem prior to 1920,
at least ten employed Leh to provide designs for at least one phase or more of their
churches' growth.^'*^ On occasion it was a simple remodeling of the sanctuary as with
Saint Peter's Lutheran in 1895^'' or, in contrast, a complete makeover as with The First

'"* Fieures gathered bv using newspaper articles, pansh histories, the "Leh Collecuoa ' and Leh A_ W.
Leh. Architect-South Bethlehem, PA." (Self Published Prospectus. 1899). Many other structures bear the
appearance of Leh's influence, but have not been conclusively documented as his work.
-^ ' "Saint Peters First One Hundred Years." 35-36.

163

Figure 43. Elevation, Parochial School of the Church of the Holy Infancy (circa 1892). A. W. Leh,
architect. Source: Leh Collection, Athenaeum of Philadelphia.

-248

Reformed Church's eclectic Romanesque second-generation church in 1 896 , both m
Ward 2. Leh designed auxiliary halls, rectories, convents and schools from Ward 2 to
Northampton Heights, all of which, as we have seen, performed an important function in
church missions.'^' Two schools of particular note were the German Catholic Holy
Ghost School, built in 1900^^°, with an eclectic blend of Romanesque and Victorian

-^ -A. W. Leh. Architect— South Bethlehem. PA." (Self Published Prospectus. 1899). n.p.

-'" "Leh Collection."'

'^° The Globe, 27 August 1900.

164

attributes, and Irish Catholic Holy Infancy School, built in 1892, and designed with a
Romanesque styling in brick, that was synonymous with a great deal of American civic
architecture of the era.^^'

Leh, on occasion, was afforded the opportunity to design elaborate churches and
in these his talent as an architect was revealed. The German Catholic Holy Ghost Church
in Ward 2, completed in 1910, and the Slovak Catholic Saints Cyril and Methodius in
Ward 4, completed in 1906, are both the work of A. W, Leh. As may be recalled both of
these edifices were remarkable reflections of the ethnic heritage of the populations they
served. Upon his death, Leh was in the process of designing a third edifice for the
Hungarians of Saint John Capistrano since the church's organization in 1903. This
building was to be the culminating building campaign for the Hungarian community in
South Bethlehem and the design was grand in scale. At a proposed cost of over
$80,000.00, Leh designed a granite and limestone edifice with a fa9ade featuring two
towers of differing proportions and massing. The tallest of the spires was to reach 130'
in height. ^^'' Unfortunately, this design never materialized. Upon Leh's death, having
suffered a heart attack on the train platform in nearby Allentown on his way to inspect a
job underway, the plans were scrapped and a new architect, Joseph B. Jackson of New
York City, was hired.

Other churches in South Bethlehem that Leh designed include two important
buildings given brief mention in the overview of Chapter 3. Fritz Memorial Methodist

"'' Dailv Times, 2 February 1893; "Leh Collection.'

"'" Leh designed the second Saint John Capistrano Church, dedicated in 1910. "Leh Collection;" The
Globe, 5 M\ 1910.

-^^ Ibid. 17 November 1916.

165

Episcopal in Ward 2 was the creation of Leh and was constructed in 1891, South
Bethlehem's first and only example of an auditorium plan church. Its L-shaped floor

Figure 44 Postcard view of Fritz Memorial Methodist Church (circa 1893) and parsonage in South
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. A. W. Leh, architect Source: South Bethlehem Historical Society.

plan and iron trussed auditorium space were highly innovative. The church's Gothic
Revival styling and broad open bell turret constructed in 1889 are both appealing
qualities of Leh's design.'"* St. Mark's Lutheran, also in Ward 2, and constructed in
1889, evidences a style of church design Leh used throughout the region when
commissioned by Protestant congregations, typically of a liturgical church tradition, and
of modest financial resources.''' The style utilized the favored Gothic Revival Style's
pointed archwork and large tracery filled widows but combined these characteristics in a
that clearly favors the bulky qualities of Romanesque Revival architecture that

manner

-^^ Bethlehem Dailv Times, 27 March 1893.

166

emphasize the wall plane and its masonry construction. In these building Leh massed the
profiles in an asymmetrical manner and typically gave them a whimsical flare with the
inclusion of broad, splayed, or curvaceous spires that where ornamented at their apex
with finials, crockets, and vanes. Leh's work in this formula of church design is
abundant throughout the Bethlehem area and shows both a versatility and personal touch
that is free of the restraint typically applied in his larger commissions.

Leh's most impressive structure discovered thus far, if not South Bethlehem's
Holy Ghost Church in Ward 2, was Our Lady Help of Christians in the Port Richmond
section of northeast Philadelphia, PA.''' Leh designed for this German-speaking parish,
much as he had done at Holy Ghost, a structure that was rich in Old World influence and
unmistakably identified the congregation as German. Instead of using the German
inspired "Rundbogenstil" as he had at Holy Ghost, Leh employed a Gothic Revival
architectural vocabulary and drew heavily upon 14* Century German architecture. The
church was imposing when completed in 1905 as described in the Catholic Standard and

Times of November 1905:

The new church is a cruciform edifice, with turrets, foliage,
and fretwork conformmg to the pure Godiic style, and has a
length of 142 feet. A finely moulded facade, fronting on
Allegheny Avenue is 65 feet wide, over which there towers a
shapely spire 1 17 feet high. The matenal used is Port Deposit
granite. The exterior is ornate, and the interior is most befitting
the beauty of God's tabemacle amongst men. The windows thus
far installed, which are from Mayer Studios of Munich, are
beautiful specimens of religious art and the marble altars are of
original design."

-'^ Dailv Times. 9 December 1895.

-^* "Leh Collection." _^ ,^ , u, "

-'' Catholic Standard and Times. 15 November 1905: Our Ladv" Help of Christians. 'Golden Jubilee

(Souvenir Booklet. 1935).

167

In addition to the detail offered by this account were four clock dials at the top of
the central tower, one facing each direction; a rood spire, above the junction of the
transept and nave; and above the buttresses surrounding the body of the building, several

CHURCH Of- OUR LADY 1 ll'i P OF CHRISTIANS

Figure 45. Our Lady Help of Christians Roman Catholic Church (circa 1905) in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania. This church and others like it in the coal regions of the state, including Saint Joseph's
Roman Catholic Church in East Mauch Chunk and Saint Michael's in Lansford, draw heavily upon
14"" Century German Gothic architecture. A, W. Leh, architect Source: Our Lady Help of
Christians, "Golden Jubilee," n.p.

tall pinnacles stretched skyward. As displayed in churches such as Holy Ghost and

Saints Cyril and Methodius of South Bethlehem, and perhaps best by Our Lady Help of

168

Christians, in Philadelphia, Leh was an architect of distinction. He was courted for his
ability to provide immigrant Americans with churches that were revered as centerpieces
of their communities, were utilized as vessels for worshipping the Almighty, and quietly
functioned as a direct material connection with Old World heritage. The beauty of these
three buildings and many others in South Bethlehem was realized by the craftsmanship of
men employed by the subject of our last "builder" of the religious landscape in South
Bethlehem, Benedict H. Birkel.

Benedict H. Birkel

Benedict H. Birkel was bom in 1861 in Baden-Baden, Germany and at the age of
eleven accompanied his parent as they left Europe for America. Upon their arrival in
Philadelphia the family made their way to South Bethlehem and established a residence
in what in time became the heart of Ward 2 on Fourth Street. Birkel retained ownership
of and remained within a block of this place, where his family had established themselves
in America, for the rest of his life. Birkel' s father secured employment in the ironworks
and upon his completion of an undetermined amount of schooling in the public schools of
Bethlehem, Benedict joined his Father at the mill.^^*^ Benedict was obviously still a
young fellow at the time of his employ having assumed the task of a waterboy, a job
typically reserved for child labor. From such simple and disadvantaged beginnings
Birkel emerged, over the course of his sixty-one years in South Bethlehem, as one of the
town's prominent and beloved citizens. His prominence was driven not by political gain

-^* The Globe. 28 May 1934.

169

or the amassing of great wealth but, instead, by a steady course of hard won business
success and a generous community building spirit.

y.^-S'-

Contrac'.^f and 8u«l1s<r>

Figure 46. The only photograph of Benedict Birkei known to the author comes from a brief article in
The Globe, 3 October 1915.

Birkei emerged from the steel mill at the age of twenty-two, and he launched a
career in the construction trade, beginning this pursuit as a mason.^^*^ It is possible that
Birkei acquired skills as a mason while employed by Bethlehem Steel, probably working
in the Company's construction corps during these years of constant factory enlargements.

170

Birkel was first noted by the local newspaper in the capacity as a builder in June of 1884,
barely a year after setting out on his own, having acquired the contract for the
construction of a foundation and cellar for a large residence in Fountain Hill. Another
contract soon followed in July, and in response to the rapid growth of South Bethlehem
as a consequence of the mill's success, Birkel' s business venture steadily advanced.
Success, however, was hard won. Birkel primarily did subcontracting for other builders
in the early years, and his independent jobs were limited mainly to wall construction and
street paving.^''^ One newspaper account suggests the difficulty Birkel endured while
establishing himself in business, in its description of Birkel' s plea before town council for
the payment of completed work that he had to have in order to pay his men's wages,

Birkel's construction venture grew alongside South Bethlehem's religious
landscape and, quite naturally, Birkel became involved in giving it form. Though it
cannot be stated with certainty, Birkel's first experience with church construction
probably occurred as a subcontractor in the construction of his church home, German
Catholic St. Bernard's in 1888. The most prominent builder in South Bethlehem at that
time, J. S. Allam, was given the general contract for the completion of the church and
Birkel is known to have been employed by Allam for excavations and masonry services
prior to that time.^^'* If so, the small combination school and sanctuary that still survives
in South Bethlehem was, as his days in the mill had been, the simple beginnings of what
in time amounted to a vast resume of accomplishment.

-* Bethlehem Dcdlv Times. 18 June 1884.

=*' Ibid.. 1 July 1884.

-*- Ibid, 24 February 1887; 5 June 1888; 16 July 1888.

-" Ibid.. 5 March 1886.

-*" Ibid.. 1 March 1886.

171

In the spring of 1881 Birkel secured the general contract for the construction of
two churches, both designed by A. W. Leh, one of which was Monsignor William
Heinen's first building effort in South Bethlehem, the Slovak Saints Cyril and
Methodius. ^^" This began a long relationship between the three that, like it had done for
Mr. Leh, spread Birkel's work throughout the Lehigh Valley and beyond. A number of
Leh's distant church commissions, most probably garnered by way of his intimate contact
with Heinen and his subjects in Mauch Chunk, were realized by Birkel including Leh's
masterpiece. Our Lady Help of Christians in the Port Richmond section of
Philadelphia^^^. The Slovak Church, as noted in the preceding chapter's case study of the
parish, was a modest unadorned brick structure. However, Birkel's other contract, Fritz
Memorial Methodist Episcopal Church, was far from an unassuming construction task.
As may be recalled from the discussion of Leh, Fritz Memorial Church displayed a high
degree of architectural sophistication and the design's success was dependent upon
superb masonry. The church's Gothic detailing is balanced with an interest in a bold,
rustic, broken range masonry. Fritz Memorial exemplified the work of an accomplished
craftsman and was the first of numerous church edifices in South Bethlehem to display
Birkel's fully developed construction skills. ^^''

Following the successful completion of these two contracts Birkel became the
dominant church builder in South Bethlehem and over the next several decades he
completed at least four other large commissions in South Bethlehem and several other
substantial church related buildings including school buildings, social halls, rectories and

;*-'rbid., 25May 1891.

""^ A special edition of the Bethlehem Daily Times. 3 October 1915. in honor of the town's 50* anniversary.

ran a small article that listed several of Birkel's buildings.

172

administrative buildings.^^^ Among these contracts was the impressive final church of
the German Catholic parish, completed in 1910 and their parish school building finished
a decade before. Beyond religious buildings, Birkel's commissions were vast including
numerous residences and public buildings.

Birkel's accomplishments in the construction of a large measure of South
Bethlehem's religious buildings, though impressive, do not alone support Birkel's
importance to giving the town's religious landscape its form. Perhaps of greater
importance was the philanthropic zest Birkel displayed in aiding fledgling congregations
in their desire for a place of worship. Birkel is known to have offered his services at
greatly reduced rates on occasion, on others to have donated properties without
remuneration, and even more remarkable, to have provided low interest mortgages to
congregations and, in time, even buying out the mortgage. Among the beneficiaries of
these generous actions were Saint Joseph's Windish Catholic Church^*'^ and Saint John's
Windish Lutheran Church^™, both in Ward 4, Our Lady of Pompeii Roman Catholic
Church , in Ward 5, and Saint Paul's Baptist Church, in Northampton Heights. His
generosity affected the full scope of South Bethlehem's religious landscape and as
evidenced by the last two congregations cited, his generosity was oblivious to the many
social divisions of the day. Both were Protestant congregations, Birkel was a devout

^^^ Bethlehem Daily Times. 27 March 1893.

"^^ In addition to those referenced above Birkel has been documented as the builder of: Holy Infancy

School (circa 1892); Holy Ghost School (circa 1900); Holy Rosary Roman Cathohc Church (circa 1902);

Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic Church (circa 1906); Holy Infancy Rectory (circa 1911); Holy

Ghost Sister's house (circa 1913); Saint Joseph's Windish Catholic Church (circa 1914); St. Joseph's

Roman Cathohc Church (Mauch Chunk-circa 1917); Church of the Immaculate Conception (Mauch

Chunk-circa 1896).

-*' Saint Joseph's Roman Catholic Church. "Golden Jubilee: 1914-1964" (Souvenir Booklet, 1964), ap.

-™ Birkel. Benedict H. Estate Papers. File S-699.

-'' The Globe. 28 April 1902; 6 (October 1902.

-''- Birkel, Benedict H. Estate Papers. File S-699.

173

Roman Catholic, and the last cited. Saint Paul's, was one of South Bethlehem's few
African American church communities.

During the construction of numerous churches, Birkel donated many of the prized
religious objects that took prominent places in both the basic function of the church and
the spiritual lives of those who worshipped there. An example of this form of generosity
can be seen flilly in the sanctuary space of German Holy Ghost in Ward 2. Benedict
Birkel donated the church bell, examples of the devotional statuary, and at least one of
the massive and brilliant stained glass windows^'''. Shortly following the dedication of
the Slovak congregation of Saints Cyril and Methodius's second church in 1906, the local
press tells of Birkel being serenaded by the parish choir for his diligent fUnd-raising
efforts during the construction process. ^^"^ Birkel also built many of the homes for the
Slovak faithfiil as they clustered as a village around Saints Cyril and Methodius in Ward
4 in the early 1900's.^^^

As one can discern, Birkel' s success in the South Bethlehem's construction
market was vigorously reintroduced in many selfless ventures throughout the growing
town. His generosity was no doubt predicated upon the fact that, having labored in the
mills, Birkel too understood the immigrant struggle, and, being an active German
Catholic, understood the immigrant interest in maintaining the religious customs of the
Old World. One event early in Birkel's career as a builder suggests there may have been
more at work in his goodwill toward and paternal presence in the immigrant population .
of South Bethlehem. During the summer of 1885, as the entire Lehigh Valley dealt with

"^^ Billinger. 10. Window bears Birkel' name in honor of the donation.
'"''' The Globe. 6 October 1906.
'" Ibid, 25 March 1907.

174

oppressive heat and drought, Birkel was witness to a hateful act of police abuse on
several Hungarian or Slovak residents. The men, likely having a cold beer after a
grueling day in the sweltering mill, were attacked after leaving a tavern in Ward 3 for
supposedly, being disorderly; however, Birkel's account of the incident implicated the
authorities actions as excessive and unprovoked. The foreigners were badly beaten by
several officers and as the newspaper readily admitted. South Bethlehem presented a less
than hospitable environment for New Immigrants: "the Hungarians have very few
sympathizers. . .and some say the Hungarians should be sent out of town." The police
officers implicated by Birkel were arrested because of this courageous stand on the part
of a resented minority.^^'' Possibly the events Birkel witnessed that summer night in 1885
had a lingering effect upon his desire to serve South Bethlehem's immigrant population
and shaped the use of his hard won business success in their interest. As impressive as
Father Heinen's missionary zeal was, and A. W. Leh's church designs were, Birkel
perhaps surpassed these men as the preeminent "builder" of South Bethlehem's religious
landscape, having combined the full force of his life in both its worldly pursuits and
spiritual beliefs in the service of his neighbors. Birkel combined an immigrant
American's life experience, a businessperson's success, and a devout believer's
compassion for the injustice he witnessed around him. Birkel died at the age of 73, in the
only house he ever built for himself, just around the comer from the small home his
father purchased in South Bethlehem upon their arrival in South Bethlehem in 1872.
Upon his death, Birkel willed over half of his cash holdings to the "German Catholic

-^* Bethlehem Daily Times. 22 Juiv 1885.

"^' The Globe, 28 May 1934.

175

Church," Holy Ghost in South Bethlehem, and the German Catholic "Sacred Heart

Hospital" in nearby Al lent own

278

-^^ Birkel. Benedict H. Estate Papers. File S-699.

176

Conclusion

With a focus on the community's religious landscape, this thesis has detailed
several vital aspects of South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania's, past. In their entirety, these
"vital aspects" have ultimately revealed the dramatic impact that the progress of
industrialization through the 19"' and early 20* centuries had upon what was once an
isolated stretch of Moravian farmland along the Lehigh River. Yet the force of this study
is found in the details, when the many aspects of the town's past that its sacred sites
inform us of are analyzed individually.

First, South Bethlehem's religious landscape, through the ethnic diversity it
embodies, communicates the power of America's industrial past as a magnet to the
world's dispossessed. Countless millions, many of whom settled in South Bethlehem to
work in its steel mills, came to America seeking refuge from economic distress and, on
many occasions, to escape a campaign of systematic cultural oppression being waged in
their native lands. Whether one considers the agricultural famine incurred by the people
of Ireland, the failing grip of feudalism on the farming families of central and southern
Europe, the pogroms of Czarist Russia, or the Magyarization of Imperial Hungary, all are
displayed in the churches and other religious sites of South Bethlehem today. These sites
are artifacts of Old World cultures, recreated and adapted in America by displaced people
seeking a better way of life.

Second, South Bethlehem's sacred sites, particularly its churches, chronicle the
town's evolution from an isolated past. With the arrival of the transportation and

177

manufacturing industries at mid-century came the entrepreneurs who settled in the
highland area, known as Fountain Hill. And here they constructed their church, a Gothic

Figure 47. Tombstones of Eastern Europeans in Fountain Hill Cemetery. Photograph by W. C.
Carson.

Revival monument to both Episcopal Church beliefs and to the segment of the town's
population that worshiped there. Along with the entrepreneurs came the labor force to
both construct and operate the canal, the railroad, the zinc and ironworks, and these
people took up residence within walking proximity of their jobs, in the lowlands along
the river's edge, and here they built their churches. In a variety of forms, Irish, German,

178

and native bom citizens representing Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed, Presbyterian,
and Moravian religious traditions erected, from mid-century through the 1880's, houses
of worship that expressed a clear sense of identity and social stature within the broader
community. As the years progressed and industry grew, wave upon wave of foreign-bom
came to South Bethlehem for work and settled the surrounding landscape, advancing in a
steadily eastward direction; and here again they built their churches.

As they inform us of South Bethlehem's growth and prosperity, these churches,
and the ethno-religious associations they embody, also communicate the sum of the
town's experience with the Age of Mass Migration. Beginning with representatives of
northern and western Europe in the mid 19'*' Century, progressing to include central and
southern Europeans as the century closed, the "Age of Mass Migration" in the early years
of the 20'*' Century became a phenomenon associated primarily with newcomers from the
distant regions of eastem Europe that brought to South Bethlehem their particular
traditions of Roman Catholicism, Byzantine Catholicism, Orthodox Christianity and
Orthodox Judaism.

As important as these monuments are to informing us of how the town evolved
and who affected that evolution, they further serve South Bethlehem's story by telling us
about the countless men, women, and children that quietly invested their lives in that
transformation. The third and final vital aspect of South Bethlehem's past communicated
by the town's religious landscape, as addressed by this thesis, is this very human story.
The religious institutions, as we have seen, are unmistakably as historian Jay P. Dolan
professes, "window[s]... through which [immigrant] life can be observed. "^^' South

'™ Dolan. 159.

179

Bethlehem's religious institutions are the material evidence of the immigrant settlers'
efforts of managing the dreadful isolation, sense of dislocation and alienation,
experienced upon their arrival. They were identified by a number in the mill, ridiculed
for their manner of speech on the streets, and scornfully derided for their strange customs
exemplified by their religion in the church. However, in the immigrant church,
immigrant Americans reconnected with their pasts and surrounded themselves with
others who understood and valued the same traditions and folkways and who,
importantly, were tireless in their defense. In addition to providing a spiritual and
cultural refuge. South Bethlehem's religious institutions aided immigrant Americans in
the advance of their worldly concerns as well. Beneficial societies, ethnic lodges and
other church organizations served to insure a basic standard of living and crafted leaders
within immigrant communities that ultimately assisted in bridging the divide to a broader
community participation. In sum, the church was the immigrant community's primary
tool for mediating the immigration process; it provided many of the basic needs for
survival, fostered a vital sense of group identity, and ultimately escorted its members into
the broader matrix of American society.

In conclusion. South Bethlehem's religious landscape offers an excellent historic
resource for both referencing the town's past and understanding its present condition.
The many mill buildings that will support the proposed industrial museum complex tell
us much, but a crucial part of the iron and steel story lies beyond the factory gate. Many
of the town's churches are repositories of religious traditions, ethnic traditions, and
sacred objects of art, and many still function as neighborhood landmarks. However, with

180

the end of steel production in 1995, which effectively signaled a break with the core force
of the town's history, perhaps the religious landscape's greatest value today is its innate

Figure 48. The bell tower of Fritz Memorial Methodist Church (circa 1893) as it appears today in
South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Photograph by W. C. Carson.

ability to tell the stories of those who left behind all that they knew abroad in pursuit of a
better life and in the process built Bethlehem Steel. In the widest sense. South
Bethlehem's religious landscape recalls the building of the Nation. Historic awareness is
a state of mind. The human stories defmed by the material objects of South Bethlehem's
religious landscape have the potential of establishing for the community's future, a

communion across time. "They can teach us: in fact they will teach us, willy-nilly,

181

because we cannot avoid the messages they send to our unconscious. They speak from

the walls; the very stones have tongues. We are wise to listen.'

, 280

^" Roger Kennedy, American Churches (New York: Stewart, Tabori and Chang, 1982), 215.

182

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191

Index

African Americans, 74

"Age of Mass Migration", 3, 179

Alsace, 126

American Indians, 1

anthracite, 7, 9, 13. see also: coal

Archbishop of Philadelphia, 83, 113, 117,

136, 151, 156, 189
Archdiocese of Philadelphia, 70
Athenaeum of Philadelphia, 135, 189, 190
Austnan(s),21, 73, 77, 112, 115, 116, 122,

125, 131

B
Baden-Baden, Germany, 169
Baroque, 71, 121, 124
basement chapel, 83, 92, 116, 120
Belgians, 22
Benedictine Order, 121
Beneficial societies, 107, 108, 128, 144

and home mortgages, 128

and social welfare, 107

as political institution, 109

community value of, 109

social fiinction of, 108
Bessemer steel, 11, 14, 15
Bethlehem Daily Times, 14, 15, 22, 29, 30,

33, 43, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 58, 61, 63,

65, 66, 69, 74, 96, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104,

105, 112, 114, 116, 117, 124, 131, 132,

133, 134, 153, 154, 155, 158, 159, 166,

171, 172, 173, 175

Bethlehem Rolling Mill and Iron Company,

13
Bethlehem Section, 17
Bethlehem Steel, 5, 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 29, 40,

74,83,85,91,94, 126,170,181,184,

185, 191
Bethlehem, PA

location of, 1
Birkel, Benedict H., 119, 151, 169, 170,

171, 172,173,174, 175,176, 189
Blessed Virgin Mary, 123, 124, 163
Blue Mountains, 1
Brauner, Dr., 130, 133
Brith Shalom Talmud Torah, 63
British, 34

Brumidi, Constantino, 105, 188
Bums, Charles Marquedant, 50, 51
Byzantine Catholicism/Byzantine Rite

Catholicism, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83,

84,85,87, HI, 156, 179, 186
C
Cambria Steel Company, 16
canal, 7

effects upon the development of South
Bethlehem, PA, 8
Carnegie Steel, 17
Carnegie, Andrew, 17, 28, 29, 185
Carver, John E., 103
Catholic Beneficial Society of the Church of

the Holy Infancy, 107
Central New Jersey Railroad, 10

192

Chaback, Rev Michael, 130, 131, 135, 138,

142, 144, 145, 147, 149, 189
Church architecture

and Roman Catholic liturgy, 104

and the Eucharist, 1 05

and the irrunigrant transformation of the
religious landscape, 73

as expressive medium, 59

competition motive of, 62
Church of Saint James the Less, 103
Church of the Holy Rosary, 69, 70
Church of the Sacred Heart, 160
Civil War, 15,74, 100, 157
coal

discovery of, 7
Costaginni, Phillipo, 105
Counter Reformation, 86, 124

D
Dago (as perjorative for Itahan immigrants),

32
Delaware River, 1, 6, 25, 157
descending navigation

problems of, 7
Devotional Catholicism, 100, 124, 125, 187
devotional societies, 69, 128
Dolan, Jay P., 94, 149, 179
Dougherty, George, 157
Durang, E. F,, 53, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104,

184, 187
Durham-Reading Hills, 1, 12

E
Easter, 133, 140, 142
Eastern Rite Catholocism, 78

Easton, PA, 6

Emerald Beneficial Society, 107, 108
English Perpendicular Style, 1 04
Episcopal Church of the Nativity, 24, 43, 45,

51,52,54,56,81, 114, 183
Episcopal Hill, 24, 54
Episcopalians, 44, 45, 56
ethnic pansh, 54, 67, 73, 95, 1 14

proliferation of, 67
Ethnicity

and religious tradition, 64
Eucharist

and church architecture, 1 05
F
Feast of Corpus Christi, 142
Feast of Our Lady of Sorrows, 141
Feast of Saint Aime, 141
Feast of Saint Martin, 141
Feast of St. Michael, 141
Feast of Saints Cyril and Methodius, 142
Feast of Yom Kippur, 63
first generation churches

description of, 48
First Hungarian Evangelical Reformed

Church, 87
First Moravian Church of South Bethlehem,

42,43
First Reformed Church of South Bethlehem,

47,48,61,62,86

and the meaning of church architecture,
61
Fountain Hill, 24, 25, 34, 54, 74, 171, 178,

190

193

Fountain Hill Cemetery, 178

Freemansburg, PA, 101

Fretz, Rev. Aloysius, 116, 126, 127, 128,

129, 149, 153, 154, 190
Frick, Henry Clay, 1 7
Fntz Memorial Methodist Episcopal, 66,

166, 172
Fritz, John, 14

G
German Catholic(s), 27, 54, 55, 63, 112,

114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 124,

127, 131, 151, 152, 153, 164, 165, 171,

173, 174
German immigration

beginings of, 2 1

setllement patterns of, 55
German Jews, 64
German Lutherans, 43, 47
German Methodist, 54
German Reformed, 26, 47, 62, 87, 157, 190
Germans, 20, 22, 25, 26, 27, 35, 64, 77, 78,

79, 112, 115, 134, 155
Gothic Revival, 24, 44, 45, 50, 51, 63, 66,

71, 98, 103, 104, 135, 166, 167, 185, 187
Greeks, 77, 78, 79, 81,83, 84

H
Hazard, Erskine, 7, 9
"Hebrew congregation", 63
Hemen, Rev. William, 131, 134, 139, 151,

152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160,

161, 163, 172, 175, 184
Hellertown, 101
Historic Preservation, 2, 146, 186

Holy Ghost Roman Catholic Church, 27, 73,
112, 113, 114, 116, 117,118,119,120,
121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128,

129, 131, 149, 164, 165, 167, 168, 173,
174, 176, 183, 185, 190

and Devotionalism, 124
and German architectural heritage, 121
and music, 128

Holy Ghost School, 117

Holy Infancy Roman Catholic Church, 43,
47, 51, 52, 53, 64, 69, 83, 84, 87, 92, 97,
98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106,
107, 108, 109,110, 111,112, 113,115,
116, 117, 118,131, 147,164, 165,173,
189
and New Immigrant communities, 1 1 1

Hunganan(s), 21, 27, 32, 42, 65, 70, 71, 74,
78, 79, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 115, 116, 125,
127, 130, 131, 133, 138, 156, 165, 175

Hungary, 22, 64, 65, 71, 88, 89, 115, 128,

130, 137, 177, 184

Hun/Hunkie (as perjorative for Hungarian

immigrants), 32
Huss, John, 1
Hutton, Addison, 57

I
Immaculate Conception of the Blessed

Virgin Mary, 163
immigrant church

variety of roles of, 95

and community, 95

and formal institutions, 97

and informal institutions, 96

194

and its role in immigrants life, 94
and labor unions, 126
as welfare agent, 107
"immigrant religious landscape"

origins of 67
Immigration

phases of, 20
Immigration restnctions, 79
Irish, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 32, 34, 43, 44,
47, 51, 52, 53, 64, 77, 79, 83, 97, 99, 100,
102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 111, 113,
116, 117,134, 147, 165, 178
Irish Catholics, 44, 47
Irish immigration

begingings of, 2 1
Iron and steel industry
and labor, 29

economy and efficiency, 28
effects upon development in South

Bethlehem, PA, 33
factors in global dominance, 28
mechanization of, 28
reasons for locating in South Bethlehem,
PA, 13
Italian(s), 21, 31, 35, 69, 70, 78, 90, 91, 111,
112, 156

J
Jackson, Joseph B., 165
Jewish, 63, 64
Jewish community, 63
Jews
Eastem European, 64
German, 64

Jones, Gary, 34, 36, 37, 38, 41, 93, 185
Judaism, 27, 63, 64, 179
K

"Kulturkampf, 112, 156
L

labor strikes of 1910, 126

Lansford, PA, 160, 161,168

Latino, 92

Leh, A. W., 62, 118, 119, 120, 135, 136,

151, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163,

164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 175,

185, 190
Lehigh Canal, 7

Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company, 7
Lehigh Navigation Company, 7
Lehigh River, 1, 2, 6, 7, 15, 18, 27, 84, 85,

99, 132, 146, 177

as transportaion corridor, 6
Lehigh University, 9, 11, 33, 34, 43, 56, 57,

65, 114, 184,185, 188,190
Lehigh Valley, 1, 9, 10, 11, 13, 24, 26, 56,

65, 74, 93, 101, 1 12, 134, 146, 152, 156,

159, 172, 174, 183, 188
Lehigh Valley Railroad, 24, 56, 101, 134,

146, 183
Lehigh Zinc Company, 12, 26, 52, 109
Lutheran, 1, 26, 43, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 75,

83, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 157, 159, 166, 173,

179, 190, 191

M
Maennerchor, 128, 129, 190
Magyarization, 133, 138, 177
Mark's Lutheran Church, 54

195

Mary Packer Cummings, 56

Mauch Chunk, PA, 7, 155, 163

"May Procession", 142

McEnroe, Rev. Phillip, 1 10

McKinley, William, 16

McMahon, James, 26, 109, 1 10, 190

Mexicans, 91, 92, 187

Midvale Steel Company, 16

Mission churches, 50, 52

Moravian(s), 1, 2, 6, 7, 10, 13, 22, 42, 43,

47, 100, 102, 112 130, 146, 150, 154, 177,
179, 183, 184, 185, 187, 191

Munich, Bavana, 121, 123

N
National Museum of Industrial History, 4
national parish, 54

proliferation of, 67
New Immigrants

characteristics of, 30
New Immigration, 20, 21, 23, 31, 34, 36, 39,

48, 55, 59, 63, 65, 71, 75, 77, 80, 86, 98,
111, 112, 126,147, 154

and immigration restrictions, 79

census statistics, 34

compostion of, 2 1

effect of the iron and steel industry on, 28

settlement pattern, 3 1

shift of source region, 77
New York City, 6, 7, 10, 12, 16, 19
Northampton Heights, 33, 34, 36, 61, 75, 80,

81, 82, 83, 84, 146, 147, 163, 164, 173,

190
"No. 3" fiimace, 52

Old Immigration, 21, 22, 23, 27, 47, 48, 59,

64,67, 112

agents of assimilation, 25

census statistics, 23

composition of, 20

settlement pattern, 27
Orthodox Christianity, 75, 78, 179
Orthodox Christianity and Byzantine

Catholicism

comparison and definition of, 78
Our Lady Help of Christians, 161, 167, 168,

169, 172, 186
Our Lady of Pompeii, 69, 70, 112, 156, 173

P
Packer Chapel, 55, 56, 57, 58
Packer, Asa, 9, 10, 13
parades, 69, 73, 95, 112, 119,145

and immigrant solidarity, 73
parochial school, 114, 139, 164, 173
Parochial School of the Church of the Holy

Infancy, 164
Penn, William, 1, 184

Pennsylvania and Lehigh Zinc Company, 1 1
Pennsylvania Dutch, 25
Philadelphia, 33, 43, 45, 48, 50, 51, 62, 65,

66, 70, 71, 74, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104,

108, 109, 114, 116, 117, 118, 121, 127,

128, 129, 134, 135, 151, 152, 153, 154,

155, 156, 160, 162, 164, 167, 168, 169,

172, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190,

191
Philadelphia, PA, 1, 2, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 16, 19

196

Poland/ Polish, 21, 64, 71, 72, 77, 90, 91,

156, 161
Potter, Edward Tuckerman, 44, 45, 50
Prekmurje, Slovenia, 88, 89, 90
Presbytenan, 47, 157, 179, 190
Price, Isaac, 48, 63

Protestant(s), 1, 26, 54, 55, 65, 67, 77, 86,
87, 88,89,90, 112, 166, 173, 188
R
railroad, 9
and immigration, 19
effects upon industry, 19
Reformed, 47, 61, 86, 88, 164, 179
Refowich, Abraham, 64
Relgious landscape

1900-1910,67
religious conversion, 50
religious landscape, 3, 4, 9, 14, 24, 39, 41,
42, 47, 48, 51, 55, 59, 62, 66, 67, 73, 75,
77, 86, 91, 92, 94, 97, 110, 113, 145, 146,
148, 149, 150, 154, 158, 159, 169, 171,
173, 175, 177, 179, 180, 181
1880-1890,47
1890-1900, 59
after 1910, 75

and second generation churches, 48
before 1880, 42
begmings of New Immigrant influence

upon, 53
context of study, 3

effect of immigration restrictions upon, 80
effects of New Immigration upon, 59
ethnic stratification, 47

German influence upon, 53
immigrant transformation of, 73
objectives of Chapter Three overview, 4 1
Rhineland, 121, 151
Ritter and Beck Planning Mill, 157
Roman Catholicism, 26, 27, 179
and language, 54
as immigrant church, 67
meaning of the Eucharist, 105
Romanesque, 24, 51, 61, 1 18, 119, 120, 121,

122, 164, 166, 187
Roosevelt, Theodore, 15
Rulison, Rev. Nelson S., 58
"Rundbogenstil", 120, 121, 167
Russia, 14,64,78, 177
Russian(s), 21, 27, 35, , 64, 77, 78, 79, 80,

82,83,85, 186
Ruthenian(s), 21, 77, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84

Sacred Heart of Jesus, 125

Saint Bernard's Roman Catholic Church, 53,

55,61,64,69,112,113,114, 115,116,

128, 153, 154, 155

Saint Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic

Church, 159
Saint John Capistrano Roman Catholic

Church, 70, 127, 156, 165
Saint John's Evangelical Lutheran Slovenian

Congregation, 89
Saint John's African Methodist Episcopal

Church, 74
Saint Josaphat's Ukrainian Catholic Church,
77,83,84,85,111

197

Saint Joseph's Chapel, 52, 81

Saint Joseph's Roman Catholic Church, 88,

162, 168, 173, 186
Saint Luke's Evangelical Association

Church, 54
Saint Mark's Lutheran, 54, 61
Saint Mary's Chapel, 52
Saint Michael's Cemetery, 146
Saint Michael's Hall, 102
Saint Michael's Roman Catholic Church,

161
Saint Nicholas Brotherhood, 82
Saint Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church, 77
Saint Nicholas Hellenic Orthodox

Community of South Bethlehem, 8 1
Saint Nicholas Russian Orthodox Church,

77, 82, 83, 85, 186
Saint Paul's Baptist Church, 173
Saint Paul's Chapel, 52
Saint Peter's Lutheran Church, 43, 44, 50,

52, 163, 186
Saint Stanislaus Roman Catholic Church,

72,73,91, 156
Saint Stephen, 125
Saints Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic

Church, 65, 66, 69, 73, 130, 132, 134,

135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142,

143, 144, 145, 147, 155, 156, 161, 165,

168, 172, 173, 174, 186, 189
Saints Peter and Paul Byzantine Catholic

Church, 77, 84, 111, 152, 161, 186
Saints Peter and Paul Catholic Union

Church, 84

San Antonio, Texas, 91

Saucon Valley, 11, 12, 13

Sayre, Robert H., 9, 15, 16, 24, 56, 188

Schuylkill River, 1

Schwabb, Charles, 16, 17, 28, 185

second generation churches, 50, 59, 73

origins of, 48
"Shanty Hill", 100
Shenandoah, PA, 160
Slovak(s), 21, 27, 31, 65, 73, 78, 84, 88,

130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137,

138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147,

154, 155, 156, 159, 161, 165, 172, 174,

175, 186
Slovak community

the importance of the "village" conseptto,
138

natives contempt for, 1 32
Slovak Lutherans, 88
Slovak Sokol, 143
Slovak wedding celebration, 133
Slovenian, 21, 78, 86, 88, 89, 90, 111, 112
Slovenian Lutherans, 88
Social Gospel, 58

Society of Saint John the Baptist, 134, 147
Sofransnky, Harris, 64
Sokol, 143, 145, 147, 186
South Bethlehem, PA

as focus of immigration, 23

as Moravian land, 2
establishment of, 6

as transportation hub, 10

ethnic diversity, 34

198

expansion and growth statistics, 33
Spanish American War, 1 6
synagogue, 59, 63, 64

Taylor, Phillip, 107

Ukraine, 78

Ukrainian Hub, 28, 84

Ukrainians, 21, 28, 35, 77, 79, 80, 83, 84,

85, 111

V
Vlossak, Rev. Frantisek, 137, 138, 139

W
Walking Purchase, 1
war materials, 15
Ward 1:34,45,65,74,75, 163
Ward 2: 34, 47, 54, 55, 56, 63, 65, 66, 75,

87,88,113, 114, 115, 131, 153, 154,164,

165, 166, 167, 169, 174

Ward 3: 34, 47, 51, 53, 83, 99, 100, 104,

131, 137, 175
Ward 4: 65, 87, 89, 112,131, 132, 137, 138,

139, 141, 142, 143, 155, 159, 165, 173,

174
Ward 5: 67, 69, 70, 72, 80, 1 12, 146, 147,

156, 173
Wetherill, Samuel, 11, 109, 190
Wharton, Joseph, 11, 22, 23, 52, 188
White, Josiah, 7, 9
Whitsunday, 142
William I, Kmg, 114
Wmdish, 88, 89, 173, 191
Wolle, Augustus, 13
World War I, 16
World War II, 16,17

Z
Zboyovsky, George, 134
zinc industry, 1 1

199

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Full text of "South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1880-1920 : industrialization, immigration and the development of a religious landscape"

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