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Historical Society Papers. 




Secretary oi' the Solthern Historical Society. 







I. Tlie University of North Carolina in the Civil War. An Ad- 
dress at the Centennial Celebration of the Opening of the 
Institution, June 5, 1895, by Stephen Beauregard Weeks, 
Ph. D I 

11. Lieutenant-Colonel Francis W. Smith, C. S. A. A Short 

Sketch of a Short Life, by Miss Anna U. D. Smith 39 

III. Reconstruction in Texas, by John C. Walker 41 

IV. Autobiography of General Patton Anderson, C. S. A 57 

V. Lee and Longstreet. A Criticism by Colonel Walter H. 

Taylor 73 

VI. General Lee to the Rear. Accounts of the Incident by Col- 
onel W. I. Goldsmith and Captain R. D. Funkhouser 79 

VII. The Battle of Sailor's Creek. The Part Taken in it by Hun- 
ton's Brigade, by Prof. C. F. James S3 

VIII. A Daring Exploit. The Capture of the United States Steamer 
Saint Nicholas. An Account by Commodore George N. 
Hollins, C. S. Navy 88 

IX. An Important Dispatch from l.ieutenant-General N. B. For- 
rest. Did it determine the l'"ale o\ the Confederacy? 92 

X. Sketch of Company I, 6ist \'irginia Infantry, Mahone's Bri- 
gade, C. S. A., bv Major Charles R. McAlpine 98 

XI. The Hanging ol' Mosby's Men in 1864 loS 

XII. The Roll of the Richmond Howitzers, ist Company, who 

were at Harper's Ferry, October, 1859 • 'o 



XIll. TIk- I'irst Gun at Fort SumtL-r— W'lio fired it? Discussion 

!)> (iiiural Stt-plien H. Lee and Julian M. Ruftin iii 

Xl\'. MusliT-Roli of liu- Hi.lcdinlK- (aiards (Company I, 7th \'ir- 

^inia Kt-giincnt ), !>> W. A. I'arrott 115 

X\'. Tin- Scvt-ral ConfLikratf Flajis Described by General Brad- 

kv 'I'. lulinson 117 

X\I. The Hatlle iif Sliiioii — A Graphic Description of it, by Gen. 

Jt)se|)h Wheeler 1 19 

X\'1I. The Capture of the Federal Garrison at Front Royal, May 

23, 1.S62, by John C. Donohoe 131 

X\'I1I. The History and the Roster of Co. D, Clarke Cavalry, by 

[oseph }]. Sliejiherd . . . 145 

XIX. The .\pi)()iiUment of Gen. Geo. F. Pickett to West Point, by 

his Widow Mrs. La Salle Corbell Pickett 151 

.XX. ("nil.'s Censor. Gen. Rawlins Warned Him that he 

Must Stop I )rinkiii.>; 154 

.XXi. Roster of Carter's Battery, Kini; William .Artillery 156 

XXII. Ruiinin.^; of the Blockade— Sketch of Capt. John X. Maftitt, 

C. S. N., by James .Sprunt 157 

XXllI. Cai)ture of the Federal .Steamer .Majile Leaf 165 

XX l\'. 'ihe Roll of Co. G, 49th \'a. Infantry, by H. J. .Miller 171 

.XX\'. A Characteristic Letter of Gen. Jubal A. Farly. Didn't want 

a Pardon. I lavana, Dec. 18,1865. 176 

XXVI. 'Ihe I'irst Day at Gettysburg;— A Tribute to Gen. Harry Heth, 

by Chaplain laiiiuliii Marshall .Meredith 182 

XX\'II. The Muster-Roll of ilu- Old Dominion Drai^oons from 

I Iami)ton, \'a 1S7 

XXX'III. {"iu- Carnai^.- at I-Vaiiklin, Tenn.,— next to of The 

Crater, by .S. A. Cunnin'.;;ham 1S9 



XXIX. The Burial of Latane, by R. C. S 192 

XXX. Morgan's Raid ihrou.t^li Kentucky, Indiana and Ohio 194 

XXXI. Tlie Attaci< on Helena, Ark., July 4, 1863, by a Veteran. . . 197 

XXXII. The Confederate Armies — the Command from the Several 

Southern and Border .States 200 

XXXIII. Special Mission of Lieut. J. L. Capston to Ireland. His 

Duties Defined by Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of 
State 202 

XXXIV. Chancellorsville — Graphic De.scription of the Battle — Part 

taken in it l)y the 55th Va. Regiment. A paper read 
before Wright-Latane Camp C. V., by Captain Albert 
Reynolds 205 

XXXV. Roster and Movements of Co. I, 56th Va. Infantry, by J. 

W. Breedlove 210 

XXXVI. Pouncing on Pickets — a bold dash of the 9th Va. Cavalry.. 213 

XXXVII. The Black Horse Troop and its Daring Deeds 218 

XXXVIII. Running the Blockade — Daring Exploits at Charleston, 

S. C 225 

XXXIX. What Might Have Been— An Incident in the Financial His- 
tory of the Confederate States 230 

XL. Fayetteville Arsenal— History of the 6th (N. C. ) Battalion 

Armory Guards, by Major Matthew P. Taylor 231 

XLI. A Brilliant Record— The Nottoway Grays (Co. G. ) iSth 

\'a. Infantry 237 

XLII. Petition of Ladies of Petersburg, \'a., for Release of Presi- 
dent Davis, Oct., 1865 240 

XLIII. Unveiling of the Monument to the Confederate Dead at 
Winchester, \'a., July, 1896. List of those from Louisiana 
who Lie in the Cemetery there, by H. W. Robinson 242 



\I.I\'. Wlial tlK- Alabiinia did 249 

XI. \'. liattk- of Sailor's Creek— Part taken in it by the Savannah 

C.iiard 250 

XIA'I. Nortli Canthna Snidiers Paroled at Appomattox C. H 254 

XIAIl. llistorv of the 22(1 North Carolina Infantry, by Major 

Graham I )a\ es 256 

XIA'III. The Battle of Sharpsl)urg — Discussed by Colonel Walter H. 

Taylor 267 

XLIX. General W. 11. C. Whitint::— a Plea for the Gallant Officer. 

by lames K . Randal! 274 

L. Wade I lampton's Strategy — An .Attack on Richmond Foiled, 

by Captain N. P. h'ord 27S 

LI. Davis and Da\ idson— A Cliapter of War History Concern- 
ing Torpedoes — Correspondence between President Davis 
and Captain Hunter Davidson, C. S. Navy 2S4 

i.ll. .Muster-Roll and Casualties of the Roanoke Grays, by A. 

H. Roller 291 

LI II. Generals Buckner and McClellan — How the Former Out- 
witted the latter in 1S61, by Captain Leslie |. Perry 295 

Ll\'. Charge of the Cadets V. ^L 1. at Newmarket, Va 302 

L\'. The Career of T. L. Clingman, LI. S. Senator and General, 303 

l.\'l. The Last Battle of tile War— P'ought on the Rio Grande, in 

Texas, by Luther Conyer 309 

I.\ll. The Western Camjiaign — Movements of the Goochland 
Liglit .\rtillery, Captain John H. Guv, l)v Thomas J. Rid- 
(Ull. .\|. I). .' '....' 316 

L\iii. liisiory of llu- 2Sth North Carolina Infantry, by General 

James 11. Lane 324 



LVIX. Jenkins' Brigade in the Gettysburg Campaign — Extracts from 
the Diary of Lieutenant Hermann Siiuricht, 14th Virginia 
Cavalry 339 

LX. Evacuation Echoes — Interview of Hon. J. A. Campbell, As- 
sistant-Secretary of War C. S. A., with Mr. Lincoln, 
April, 1865 351 

LXL The James City Cavalry — Its Organization and First Ser- 
vice, by James H, Allen 353 

LXII. Goochland Light Dragoons — Its Organization and Outpost 

Experience, by C. H. Powell 359 

LXIII. Muster-RoU of the Richardson Guard, Company A, 7th 

Virginia Infantry, by Catlett Conway 361 

LXIV. The Laying of the Corner-Stone of the Monument to Presi- 
dent Jefferson Davis in Monroe Park, at Richmond, Va., 
July 2, 1896, with the Oration of General Stephen D. 
Lee 364 

Soiitlierii Historical Society Papers. 

Vol. XXIV. Richmond, Va., January-December. 1896. 

"The University of North CaroHna in the Civil V/ar." 


Delivered at the Centennial Celebration of the Opening of the Institu- 
tion, June 5th, 1895. 

Bv Stephen Beauregard Weeks, Ph. D. 

I. General Introduction. 

" First at Bethel; last at Appomattox." Such is the laconic in- 
scription on the new monument to the Confederate dead which was 
recently unveiled in Raleigh. There is an especial appropriateness 
in the erection of this monument bv the people of North Carolina 
in their organic capacity, for these men died at the command of their 
State, and it was exceedinoly proper that she should thus honor 

The heroic in history but seldom occurs. It is not often that the 
life of nations rises above the monotonous level which characterizes 
the daily routine of duty. When such periods do occur they are 
usually as a part of some great national uprising' like the /ere efi 
///assf in France under the first Napoleon, or the Landsturm in Ger- 
many in 181 3. Of the American States, none can show a fairer 
record in this respect than North Carolina. There is little in the 
Colonial or State history of North Carolina that is discreditable. 
The key-note to the whole of her Colonial history is unending op- 
position to unjust and illegal go\'ernment, by whom or whene\-er 
exercisetl. lietore the colony was well in its teens it had expelled 
one of its governors from othce, and a better man, one who was 
more in sympathy with the people, had taken his place; and before 
the colony was thirty, another g'oxernor. althoug^h one of the Lords 
Proprietors had been impeached, deprived of his office, and expelled 
the province. It was this fearlessness in what thev conceived to be 
their rights that carried her people through the troublous period of 
the " Cary Rebellion," so called; enal>led them to meet with a firm 

2 Snilt/ii I'll J/i.^/oriritl Sllfif/l/ pit 1)1 /•.*. 

hand the bn>\\ -l)(.-atin,u and the villainies, as well as the flattery, of 
Idopriet.irv and roval i^ox ernors and put them amonti the leaders in 
the niiiM-incnt that ciilniinated in tlie Rexokition. 

Then came a time ol" peace and calm when the people pursued 
the e\cn tenor <»r their way, and soui,dit in field and forum to find 
solution for the proliknis amid which tlieir lot was cast. This period 
lasted fir about two venerations. \\n(\ duriuL,'' it the Uni\'ersity of 
North Carolina had been f )unded and was seeking- a jjreater expan- 
sion. l)urin;4 the period from the f^nd of the Revolution to the 
C"i\il War there are no mountain peaks in her history; the level of 
unifirmitvis hardl\- lirokt-n by a sinjL^le event ol impc^lance. and 
tlurc i> little in it to attract the attention of the student of the phil- 
osojjhy of historv. Hut there is a period in the history of North 
Carolina which stands ])re-eminent. There is a time which deserves 
to l)e characterized as the hi:roic pkroid of the .State. This is the 
period of the Ci\il War and Reconstruction. all other parts 
of our historv l)e forgotten, this period ot itself, tlioui^h it be less 
than half a generation in all, will place Nortii Carolina amon^' the 
heroic in historv. 

I )in"inu; those terriljle years we see a renaissance ol the ideas wliich 
char.icterized pre-eminently the men of the Colonial perit)tl. The 
men of '6i showed that the s])irit of Colonial North Carolina was 
still abroad in the land, and their watchword became a^ain resist- 
ance to what they beliexed to be unjust y;o\ernment, and witii this 
as a basis they coiulucti-d a strui^c^le for success that has lew parallels 
in history. Tln-y sought to carr\- out a^ain the jiroyram of their 
colonial ancestors, e\en to the im|)eachnunt an<l deposition of their 

In the movement which led up to the war North Carolina took the 
part ol a conser\;iti\i-, aml)itious for peace. .She sought to escape 
the necessity ol war by all the means in her power; but, when the 
die was cast and war was no longer a\()idable, she entered into the 
stru^t^le with characteristic eneriiv, and prosecuted it to the end. 
,md when the end came, no .Stale .•icce])te(l the crusliinLi tlefeat with 
more sti'adlast loyalty than North Carolina, or sous^ht with more 
<-nerL,fy to Ituild uji the w.iste places. Then came what was worse dclcat, " imiiartial suttram-," whirh meant disfranchisement of 
wiiitcs and enlianc hiscnicnt of blacks, then the terrors of recon- 
struction and nei^ro rule broke over us like the roar of some terrible 
simoon, bearinjn in its path hn-ther humiliation, accom|)anie(l bv a 
c«)rrupt i^overnment. increased ta.xes, and a de])reciation of \alues. 

Unicerf^H;! of NortJi CaroliiKt in the Cicil W'l)'. 3 

Such was the strujjgle throuj^h which the best men of North Caro- 
lina were called to pass in those fateful years between iS6oand 1875. 
These were the years on which the fate of the future in a large 
measure clependecl. Well did the brave men of that generation come 
to the succor of the foundering ship of State, and nobly did they 
rescue her from the rule of her motley crew. The best men of 
North Carolina were engaged in this work, and among them, most 
frequently as leaders, were many alumni of the University of North 

II. University Men in Public Life. 

Before beginning to trace the career of the alumni of the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina in the Civil War, it will be of interest for us 
to review briefly the influence of that institution on the nation as a 
whole. Before 1861 the University of North Carolina had furnished 
one President of the United States, James K. Polk; one Vice Presi- 
dent, William R. King; two Presidents of the United States Senate, 
Willie P. Mangum and William R. King; seven Cabinet officers, 
John H. Eaton, (War), John Branch (Navy), John Y. Mason (Navy 
and Attorney (General), William A. Graham (Navy), James C. Dob- 
bin (Navy), Jacob Thompson (Interior), and Aaron V. Brown (P. 
M. G. ) She had had two foreign ministers of the first rank. Wil- 
liam R. King and John Y. Mason; (both to France), and three of 
the second rank, Daniel M. Barringer, John H. Eaton and Romulus M. 
Saunders, (all to Spain). She had furnished three Go\-ernors to Flor- 
ida, John Branch, (Ten), John H. Eaton, (Ter.), and W. D. Mose- 
ley; two to Tennessee, A. O. P. Nicholson and James K. Polk; and 
one to New Mexico, Abram Rencher. Of United States Senators, 
she had had Branch, Brown, Graham, Haywood and Mangum of 
North Carolina; A. O. P. Nicholson of Tennessee; Thomas H. Ben- 
ton of Missouri, and William R. King of Alabama. Benton served 
for thirty years in succession; King served twenty-nine vears in all, 
and these two records are still among the first in point of service. 
The University had furnislu'd fort\--oni' memlters of the House of 
Re]M-escntati\'es, and included in the number James K. Polk as 
speaker. She had given two justices to the Supreme Court of North 
Carolina; two Chancellors to Tennessee; a Chief Justice to Florida; 
a Chief Justice to Alabama, and fi\e bishops to the Protestant Epis- 
copal church (Davis, Green, C. S. Hawks, Otey, Polk); besides a 
number of college ])resiilents, pri)fesst)rs in colleges and leaders in 
other walks of life. 

4 Suillliini I lislin'iiiil Soritfi/ /*iiptr.'>. 

III. liii P<»siii()N (11 rin: rxni-.Rsirv in Xorih Carolina 

I N I S6 1 . 

W'licii wc- (.onu- to stu(l\- tlu- in(]iunce of this riiixc-rsity oil North 
C'arnhna itself, it will \k- sl-cii that that infUicnce was all powerful. 
The first ahiinmis to attain the ( ioNt-nior's chair was William Miller 
ill 1S14. Hetweiii this date- and the clej)Osition ot ( joxernor \'ance 
in 1.S66, no less than fourteen out of twenty _t>overnors were Univer- 
sit\- men — Miller, Branch, Burton. Owen, Swain, Spaig^ht, Morehead, 
(iraham, Maiil\-, W'inslow, Braj^i^, P211is, Clark, and \'ance. They 
filled the chair thirty-eii,dit years out of the hfty-two. The influence 
of the L'ni\ersitv was not less ])aramount in North Carolina at the 
oiithreak of the war in 1S61 than it had been in former years. The 
j^DNernor in 1S61, John W. Ellis, and his opponent on the Whig 
ticket in 1S60. John Pool, were both alumni. The two SenatC)rs in 
Congress in 1S61, Thomas Braj^g' and Thomas L. Clini^iiian; four of 
tile Representatives in Congress. L. O' B. Branch, Thomas Ruftin. 
Z. I). \'ance. and Warren Winslow, were Uni\ersity men. The 
speakiTshi]) ol the .State Senate, under Warren Winslow, W. W. 
Avery, Henry T. Clark, Giles Mcbane, M. K. Manly, and Tod R. 
Caldwell, was constantly under the direction of l"ni\ersit\- men 
between 1.S54 and 1.S70. With the exception of a period of fifteen 
vears, this oltice was continuously in the hands of Uni\ersity men 
between 1S15 and 1S70. Thomas Settle was Speaker of the House 
of Commons in 1858. 1859, and 1863; R. B. (>illiam in 1S62: R. .S. 
I )onnell in 1S64; and with the e.\ce]:)ti()n of tweiitv \-ears the\- had 
filled the oHice continuoii>l\- since 181 2. The im-mbers ot the 
Supreme (^mrt of the Slate, .M. K. Manly, \\'. H. Battle, and R. 
M. l\-arson. were all alumni. ( )f the )udges of the .Superior Court 
in 1861, the Inixersitv was representid 1)\- lohn L. Bailex-, Rf)mulus 
M. .Saunders, James W. Osborne, (ieorge Howard, Jr., and Thomas 
Rutlin, Jr. In the .same wav four of the solicitors were Uni\ersitv 
men. I'Jias C. Hines, Thomas .Sellle, Jr., Robert .Strange, and David 
Coleman, and W'illiam A. Jenkins, the Attorney-! ieneral (1856-62), 
made a lillh. All of his ])re(lecessors in the office of Attorney-Gen- 
eral since 1810 had bi-en l'ni\-ersit\- men, (.'.xceijt those lilling the 
position for a period of fourteen vears. Daniel W. Courts, .State 
Treasurer (1852-63), was another alumnus, and so had been his 
predecessors since 1837, except for two years. Three ol the success- 
ful Breckinridge electors in i860, John W. Moore, A. M. Scales, 

UniversU;i of Nnrlh ('(iroUnn in fhe Ciri/ W'/r. /> 

and Willi.'ini H. Rodman, were alumni. This list of the jjublic offi- 
cials will show conclusively that the laryj-e majcjrity of the more 
important pcjsitions in the State were filled by the alumni of the 
Uni\'ersity. They were the men who controlled the destinies of the 
State in 1861. 

IV. Union Seniimext in N(jrth Carolina in 1861. 

North Carolina was the last to enter the Confederacy, and her 
slowness was due, beyond question, to the paramount influence ex- 
ercised by the conservative views of the alumni of the Universit}-. 
Willie P. Mangum, who had been the personal friend of the aboli- 
tion Senator, William II. .Seward, when the latter first entered the 
United States Senate, had said in the Senate long before, when the 
nullification of South Carolina was the topic of the day: " If I could 
coin my heart into gold, and it were lawful in the sight of Heaven, I 
would pray God to give me firmness to do it, to save the Union from 
the fearful, the dreadful shock which I \erily believe impends." His 
feelings were not changed by time, and in i860 he said to his nephew 
who had been taught in the school of Calhoun and Yancey, and now 
talked loudly of secession, that if he were an emi)eror the nephew 
should be hanged for treason. The Union sentiments of Governor 
Graham, Governor Morehead, of Governor Vance, and General 
Barringer, were just as pronounced as were those of Judge Mangum. 
All of the old line Whigs opposed the war, while some of the Demo- 
crats, like Bedford Brown, denied the right to secede. 

V. Action of North Carolina Assembly, iS6o-'6i. 

With such sentiments as these from her leading men it is hardlv a 
matter of surprise that North Carolina mo\ed slowlv in the consider- 
ation of this great question. On the other hand. Judge S. J. Per- 
son, the leader of the secession forces in North Carolina, was also a 
University man, and on December loth, 1S60, as Chairman ot the 
Committee on Federal Relations, made a report to the General As- 
sembly, in which it was recommended that a convention be elected 
on February 7th, 1S61, to meet on the i8th, to consider the grave 
situation. A minoritv report was signed bv three members of the 
committee, Giles .Mebane, Col. David Outlaw, and Nathan Newbv. 
all University men, in which they oj)posed the calling of a conven- 
tion, on the ground that it was " premature and unnecessarv." The 
conser\'ati\'es carried tlu'ir point and no con\-ention was called. 

j3 SinHh, rii llislnririil Sociti// P'iptvft. 

Durinii the- month of January. 1.S61, various delegations were re- 
tciveil from tlu- more southern States which had already seceded. 
It wa> the duly of these commissioners to brin^' North Carolina 
over, if |)ossihle. to the side of the Confederacy. The University 
found three of her alumni anions these commissioners: Isham W. 
<iarrott, from .Alabama; Jacob Thompson, from Mississij:)])i, and 
.Samuel Hall, from (ieoryia. The Assembly of North Carolina had 
also recei\ed an inxitation from the State of Alabama to send a dele- 
j^ation to meet similar delectations from other States at Mont.y^omery 
in Februarv, 1S61. The .State sent a committee "for the purpose 
of efVectinii' an honorable and amicable adjustment of all the diffi- 
culties which distract the country, upon the basis of the Crittenden 
resolutions." and the parties chosen were all University men: Presi- 
dent 1). 1-. .Swain, (leneral M. W. Ransom, and Colonel John L. 
liridi^^ers. In the same way three of the fi\e commissioners sent by 
North Carolina to attend the Peace Congress in Washington in 1861 
were L'ni\ersit\- men. They were J. M. Morehead, George Davis, 
and I). .M. Barringer. 

I'inally, on Januarv 30th. 1S61, through the strenuous efforts of 
Judge .S. J. Person, W. W. Avery, and X'ictor C. Barringer, all 
again L'ni\ersity men, the Assembly of North Carolina passed an 
act i)ro\iding for the calling of a convention. The election was on 
the 2.Stli of I^'ebrnary. In Holden's paper, '/Vic Siaiidafd, of 
the 20th ot March, the official figures are gi\en as 467 against a 
convention. '•■ The same paper estimates that out of 93,000 votes 
cast at this election. 60,000 were in favor of the Union, and that 
20,000 sympathizers with the same side staid from the polls. C)l the 
delegates elected about eight\-three were for the L nion. and only 
al>out thirty-se\en lor secession. .Some of the counties, like Cas- 
well, voted against the convention, but chose Union delegates; 
others, like Wake, votetl for convention and chose Union delegates. 
In Raleigh the \'ote was nearh- nine to one in fa\'or o{ the Union. 
No coiuention was therefore called and secessitjn was defeated for 
the second time in North C^u'olina. 

Hut all the efforts towards a ])eaceful solution of the problem were 
failures; .Sumpter was tired on and President Lincoln issued his call 
for 75. 'XK) troop?>. Tile share- of .North Carolina was two regiments. 

• .\(l(l to tills 19.; iiiajoritx tVom Davie, wliich arrived too late to be put 
into llic (itli( returns, and we liiul ,1 inajorilv of 661 atrainst a convention. 

Utiir'Prsitii of North (Jarolin" in the (Jicil. War. 7 

The reply of Governor Ellis to this call for troops, addressed to Hon. 
Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, on the 15th (jf April, marked 
him as a man of prompt decision and great force of character. It 
was to be for four long years the watch word of a great State and 
was but the chrystalized sentiment of the people of that day: " Your 
dispatch is received, and if genuine, which its extraordinary charac- 
ter leads me to doubt, I have to say in reply that I regard the levy 
of troops made by the administration for the purpose of subjugating 
the States of the South as in violation of the Constitution, and a 
gross usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked viola- 
tion of the laws of the country, and to this war upon the liberties of 
a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina." 

VI. The North Carolina Secession Convention. 

The next and the inevitable step was the Con\ention of 1861. It 
was provided for by act of May i; the election was held Mav 13; on 
the 20th the Conv.ention met; on the same day. North Carolina, after 
much deliberation, after a long consideration which might have been 
termed cowardice by more hotheaded neighbors, passed the ordi- 
nance of secession. She had been the last of the Southern States to 
enter the Federal union; she was the last to sever her connection 
with it. In this convention, as elsewhere, Universitv of North Car- 
olina men were all powerful. The following were her contriljution to 
the Convention of 1861: 

Alexander county, A. C. Stewart; Beaufort, R. S. Donnell; Bla- 
den, Thomas D. McDowell; Brunswick, Thomas D. Mearcs; Cald- 
well, Edmund W. Jones (?); Camden, Dennis D. Ferebee; Carteret, 
Charles R. Thomas; Caswell, Bedford Brown; Chatham, J. H. Hea- 
den, John Manning, L. J. Merritt; Cumberland, Warren Winslow, 
Malcolm J. McDuffie(?); David.son, B. A. Kittrell; Duplin, Joseph 
T. Rhodes; Edgecombe, William S. Battle, George Howard, Jr.; 
Forsyth, Rufus L. Patterson; Gaston, Sitlney X. Jolmston; Cniilford, 
John A. Gilmer, R. P. Dick; Halifax, Richard H. Smith; Hender- 
son, William M. Shipp; Iredell, Anderson Mitchell; Mecklenburg, 
William Johnston, James W. Osborne; New Hanover, R. H. Cowan, 
Robert Strange; Northampton, D. A. Barnes; Orange, William A. 
Graham; Per(iuimans, Joseph .S. C^annon (?); Person, John W. Cun- 
ningham; Pitt, Bryan Grimes; Randolph, William |. Long, .Mfred 

8 Sniilln rii Jli.sforica/ Sucuff/ Papers. 

C. Foster: Richnioml. Waltrr F. Leak; Rowan, Rurton Crai.ije, 
Hamilton C. Itjncs, Richard A. C'aldwtll; Sampson, Thomas Bun- 
tin.t,M?): Stokes, h>hn Hill: Wake, Kenij) P. liattle: Washington. S. Pettigrcw : W.iyiu-, ( ".eorge W Strong. 

Tile ("on\ciuion had 1 2< > numbers. Resignations, deaths, and 
new elections increased this number to about 139. Aliout oiu-third 
of these had been students in this University. The secretaryship of 
the con\ention was given to one of her sons, Colonel Walter L. Steele, 
the assistant secretar\ship to another, Leonidas C. Edwards, and she 
had more than her share o\ the abilit)- of the convention. After wc 
except the names of Judge Badger, Judge Rufhn, Judge Biggs. W. 
W. Il'ildeii, Kenneth Rayncr, (iovernor Reid, M J. Warren, and a 
lew others, it will be seen that most of tlie leaders were Vni\ersity 

When the conxention came, on the i8th of June, to choose Sena- 
tors and Representatixes from North Carolina to the Pro\isional 
Congress of the Confederate .States, which met in Richmond, in July 
1.S61. the (lomin:uing influence of the University was still more power- 
full\- felt. l'"our men were nominated for the senatorships: George 
I)a\is, W. W. .\\er\-, Ik'dford Brown and Henry W. Miller. They 
were all Uni\ersit\- men. Se\en others received \otes without a for- 
mal nomination: fuc of these, \V. A. Graham, Thomas Bragg, Wil- 
liam ICaton, jr., jolm M. Mordiead, and George Howard, |r., were 
University men. I )a\is and A\'ery were chosen. For the eight seats 
in the Confederate House of Representatives, 17 candidates were 
presented. Fight candidates were I'niversitv men and four of these 
were elected: Ikn-ton Craige, Thomas D. McDowell, John M. More- 
head and Thomas Ruflin, Jr. As Judge Waller R. Sta])les, of Vir- 
ginia, was .il>o a member, the I'nix'ersitv of North Carolina had seven 
alumni as delegates to this session of the Provisional Congress. 
When we come to the two (Congresses of the Confederate States, we 
fmd that the Unixcrsity had two representatixcs in the Senate, (ieorge 
Daxis ( I I, and William .\. ( iraham (2), while Thomas S. Ashe was 
ehosen tor the ihiid uhieh nexcr met. In the House she had David 
W. I.<uis. of ( ieorigia ( i ): .S. Ashe (i), R. R. Bridgers (i), 
Thomas C. Fuller (2), John A. Gilmer (2), Thomas D. McDowell 
(i ). and Josiah Turner (2), of North Carolina: and Waller R. Staples, 
of \'ir<jinia. 

Unirrrsi/i/ of North ('(iroHiia in the (Jlcil Wdv. 9 

VII. Alumni in Confederate Executive Serntce. 

Some of her cilunmi were in the executi\'e service. Jcjhn Manniiijj- 
was a receiver of the Confederate States. Jacob Thompson was 
confidential agent to Canada. His object was to open communica- 
tions with secret organizations of anti-war men in Ohio, Indiana and 
IlHn(jis, to arrange for their organization and arming so that tliey, 
when strong enough, might demand a cessation of hostihties on the 
part of the Federal government. Thompson was of much serx^ice also 
in collecting and forwarding supplies, conducting ccjmmunications 
with the outside world, &c. He acquired no little notoriety in con- 
nection with the attempted release of Confederate prisioners from 
Rock Island, Camp Chase and Chicago; suffered the unjust accusa- 
tion of sending infected clothing into the union lines from Canada, 
and came perilously near having the distinction conferred upon him 
of being made the scape goat to bear the infamy of the assassination 
of Lincoln. 

Two sons of the University served as the head of the Confederate 
Department of Justice. Thomas Bragg was the second and George 
Davis the fourth Attorney General. 

Other alumni served their individual States in various ci\il ways. 
The three commissioners of the North Carolina Board of Claims 
elected in 1861 were all University men, B. F. Moore, S. F. Phillips, 
and P. H. Winston. When an agent was appointed later in the war 
to audit the financial dealings of the State with the Confederacy, P. 
H. Winston, the third member of the Board of Claims, was chosen 
tor that responsible position. George V. Strong became Confed- 
erate District Attorney for North Carolina in 1862; Robert B. Gilliam 
and William M. Shipp became judges of the superior court in North 
Carolina in 1862 and 1863 respectively. Thomas C. Manning was 
chairman of the commission appointed by the governor of Louisiana 
to investigate the outrages committed by Federal troops under Gen. 
Banks during the invasion of Western Louisiana in 1S63 and 1864. 
Manning and H. M. Polk were members of the Louisiana secessicMi 
convention of 1861, and John T. Wlieat was its secretary. John 
Bragg was a member of the Alabama, and A. H. Carrigan of the 
Arkansas con\ention and Arthur F. Hopkins was sent bv the gov- 
ernor of Alabama as special agent to X'irginia. Were it pi>ssible kn- 
us to obtain the complete historv of each one of our students in the 

10 S(»lt/nri> liisli,ririil Snn'rfi/ Pu/hrs. 

more- Southi-rn States, it would no doubt be found to be a fact that 
our alumni, where ever they were, held more than their proportion- 
ateshare of the places of trust ami hont)r and of the jiosts (jf danger. 

\lll. rM\i.Ksri\ Mix IN Mil iiAKN .Si;r\- I CE. 

The above summar\- has ^ixeii us a sur\ey ot the ci\il ser\ice ren- 
dered duriii;^ the war 1)\- the .ilumiii oftlu' I'nixersity of North 
Carolina. We have noted how comj)letely they dominated the con- 
trol of the .Slate in iS6i. We have seen that the represcntati\es of 
the I'niversitN' of Xorih Carolina in the Confederate Con ogress was 
fiir, but not extraordiiiarih' lars^e. We now come to the officers in 
the field. 

The highest military rank held by a Uni\'ersity nian was that of 
Lieutenant-Cicneral. This was attained by Leonidas Polk under a 
commission dated Oct. lo, 1.S62. Cen. Polk was outranked in 
length of serxice onl\- b\- Longstreet and Kirbv-Smith. He had 
been made Major-(i(.neral on June 25, iSdi ; he was the second per- 
son to attain this nmk, and, of the 99 M.ijor (ienerals in the service, 
was, with one e.\ce])tion, the only man to attain this position witlK)ut 
jxissing through the preliminary grade of Brigadier. 

The l'ni\ersit\- liad unv other son to attain the rank of Major 
C,eneral, Bryan (irimes, commissioned Feb. 23, 1S65. 

Of Brigadier < ienerals she had thirteen. 

( jeorge liurgwyn Anderson, commissioned, |une 9, 1S62. 

Rulus Barringi-r, commissioned June i, 1864. 

Lawrence O' Bryan Jiranch, commissioned, No\ . 16, 1861. 

Thomas Lanier Clingman, commissioned Ma\- 17, 1.S62. 

Isham W. ( iarrott, commissioned .\h\v 28, 1863. 

Richard Caswell (iatlin, commissioned July 8, 1861. 

Bryan ( >rim(s, commissioned M.i\- 19, 1864. 

Robert Daniel Johnston, commissioned Se])t. i, 1S63. 

William Caston Lewis, commissioned Miw 31, 1864. 

Jamt's Johnston i\-ttigrew, commis>ioned I-"eb. 26, 1862. W. Phifer, commissioni-d s|)ring of 1862. 

Matt Whitaker Ransom commissioned June 13, 1863. 

Altii<| Moore .Scak-s, coinniissioiu-d lune 13, 1863. 

Anion- the staff appointmiMits we fmd that the third Adjutant 
an<l Inspector (ieiieral, R. C. (iatlin, was a son of this Cniversitv. 
lie was connnissioned August 26, 1863, and in lnl\- 1862, had been 

TJiiirersihi (if Xoii/i ('/iro/ni'i in lln Ciril War. 11 

made a Major-General ofN. C. S. T. The first assistant Adjutant 
(ieneral, was f. F. Hoke (1861); the first Quartermaster General was 
L. O'Ij. Pjranch; the first Commissary (ieneral was Col. William 
jolmstoii. Matt. W. Ransom was made a Major-(ieneral in 1.S65 and 
C(jl. John D. Barry was C(jmmissioned a Briti^adier-General, with tem- 
porary rank, on the third of Au_L;ust, 1.S64. 

In the medical department we find Dr. Peter E. Hines as the Med- 
ical Director of North Carolina troops, Dr. E. Burke Haywood as 
surgeon of the (ieneral Hospital at Raleigh, and Joseph H. Bakei" 
was the first assistant Surgeon of North Carolina troops, commis- 
sioned in 1861. Other alumni rendered similar services to other 
states; Ashley W. Spaight was Brigadier-General in the ser\ice ot 
Texas; Thomas C. Manning was Adjutant-Cjeneral of Louisana in 
1863, with the rank of Brigadier; Jacob Thompson was an Inspec- 
tor-( General. 

Should full information ever be obtained it will no doubt appear 
that there were other cases where alumni of this University served 
their States in high military capacity, although not forming a j)art ot 
tlie regular army of the Confederate States. 

When we come to the list of colonels and lieutenant-colonels their 
numl)er is very large. These were furnished to the Confederacy by 
North Carolina: seventv-six regiments (besides thirteen battalions 
and a few other troops, making, perhaps, in all eighty full regi- 
ments). Out of the seventy-six regular regiments we find that 
forty-eight had at one time or another a son of this University in 
the first or second place of command. The list includes forty-five 
colonels and twenty-nine lieutenant-colonels. We are to remember 
also that all of the alumni of the institution did not serve with the 
Nnrth Carolina troops, and we must keep their record also in \ iew. 
hrom the best sources obtainable, the catalogues of the Philan- 
tliropic and Dialectic Societies, it seems that not less than sixty- 
three Alumni attained the rank of colonel in thr \arious reg'iments 
fiu-nished by the difierent States to the Confederacy, and that not 
less than thirty became lieutenant-colonels. 

IX. Till-: Al.UMNI IN R.VTTI.E. 

Hax'ing taken this general sur\ey of the power and influence 
Wielded bv Unixersitv men in public afiairs in i86o-'6i, and o'i the 
higher positions in the army ot the Confederate States filled bv them. 

12 Soi/f/iir)) U'lsturirnl Siti'ilti/ Piipcrs. 

it now bL'CoiiK's our duty to rt\ic\v the humbler, but no less im- 
])ort;uit positions in thr service which were hlled by her alumni ; to 
trace the rising spirit of enthusiasm auionii her students in 1861 ; 
to follow their fortunes in the dark and e\il tlays, and then to tell 
the storv of her experience durinsj- the closiui^ davs of the strui^s^le. 
To come then, first of ail. to the "spirit of '61.'" When the wai' 
bey'an the boys of the l'ni\ersity rushed away t(j the stru>;gle like 
men who had been bidden to a marriajLife feast. There was great 
\ivacitv of sj)irit, even g;aiety of temper displaj'ed. and ("/oxernor 
Swain was proud of their enthusiasm. Hut enthusiasm was not con- 
fined to the L'niversit\'. The residents of the \illage of Chapel Hill 
were among the earliest to enter the service. They had their repre- 
sentatives at Bethel. A C(im])anv was organized early in April. 
Among its officers were R. J. Ashe, as captain; R. B. .Saunders and 
R. Mallett, as second lieutenants, and Thomas (i. Skinner, as fourth 
corporal. It will thus be seen that the comjiany was under the 
direction of l'ni\ersit\' nun. There were other I ni\ersit\- men 
among the i)ri\ates: F. A. Fetter, a tutor, was there to represent the 
faculty: j. R. Hogan. A. j. McDade, J. H. McDade. Lewis Mav- 
erick, .Spier Whitaker. Jr.. representetl the student liod\- and the 
alumni. There were others not associated with the Lnixersity, but 
who have helped to make Chapel Hill and its vicinity honored and 
respected. Their names will be recognized: J. F. Freeland, Jones 
Watson, E. W'. Atwater, J. W. Atwater, I^axter King, W. N. 
Mickle, D. McCauley. S. 1'". P.iltersoii, and W. V. .Stroud, at ])res- 
eiit M. C. , from the I''ourth North Carolina 1 district. This organi- 
zation was known as the ( )range Light Infanlr\-, and became Com- 
pany 1 ) of the I-'irst North Carolina, or Bethel Regiment, so called 
because of its participation in the battle o( liethel. The regiment 
had been enlisted for six months, and after its term of service ex- 
pired, was disbandeil. The()rangc- Light lntantr\- tlun l)roke uj), 
and its members attached themsehes to other commands. Four 
com|)anies were raised in Chapel Hill and \icinitv during the war. 
(io\irnor Swain is ri-s])onsible for the statement that ihiitx' ol these 
\-olunleers fell ill battle or died in hospitals. Company G, Eleventh 
.North Carolina, was one of those companies that was made up with 
\-olimteers li'om Chajjcl Hill and the sniroundiiig sections of ( )range, 
with a few Irom Chatham county. 

The lollowing members of this compan\- ( (i 1 lost their lix'cs: 

Uniijtrs/'itj of North (Jiirolin'i in tlw (.'iril W'ur. 13 


First Lieutanant Jolin H. McDade, July i, 1863; Second Lieu- 
tenant James W. Williams, July i, 1863; Second Lieutanant N. B. 
Tenny, July i, 1863; Corporals \V. S. Durham, W. G. hey. J. J. 
Snipes, July i, 1863, Lueco Ferrell, Oct. 27, 1864; Pri\ates Wesley 
Andrews, Cornelius Edwards, William Pendergrass, Esau fiarrett. 
July I, 1863, T. J. Whittaker, Auy-. 21, 1864, W. D. Flint(jff. Oct. i, 


Captain J. R. Jenning's, of yellow fever, Sept. 10, 1862; Privates 
H. T. Burgess, Georqe Cole, Carney Haitchcock, Whitfield King, 
July, 1862; John W. Lloyd, Poorest Pearson, Edward Pearson, 
April, 1862; William Potts, April, 1863; James K . Gaths, of small 
po.x, Feb. 1864; W. B. Gates, William Gates, Feb. 1863; Anderson 
Turner, May 25, 1863; William Petty, Nov. 26, 1863; Corjjoral D. 
J. Norwood, Sept. 1863; Private J. M. Pendergrass, Oct. 1864; 
Forrest Williams, Nov. 1864; John W. Craio-, F"eb. 1865; John W. 
Potts, July, 1865; Edward Reaves, 1S64: Rufhn Allen, Oct. 1864: 
William Jolly, Nov, 1864. 

Our University cannot claim all of these as her sons. But their 
distinguished bra\-erv ranks iIumu amon^- their comrades who had 
been more fortunate in educational achantages. We know also that 
a number of residents of Chapel Hill and its \icinity, who belonged 
to other commands, lost their li\es in the service. Their names are 
as follows: 

Maj. John H. Whitaker, Capt. Elijah G. Morrow, Ca|)t. William 
Stone, Lieutenants Wesley Lewis Battle, Richanlson MalK tt, Wil- 
liam N. Mickle; Sersreant Thomas L. Watson: Prixates, Ale.x. R. 
Morrow, William Baldwin, Junius C. Battle, Willis Nunn, Henry 
Roberson; Sergeant-major b^dward lones. 

If we credit the above list, whom we know to have been residents 
of Chapel Hill, and the membtTs ot" Company G., nth North Car- 
olina, who lost llu'ir li\cs, to Chapel Hill, it will be seen that this 
small x'illage and vicinity ct)ntributed no less than torty-nine o\ its 
sons to the cause of the Confetleracy. 

Nor was enthusiasm and dexotion to the call ot (\\\\.\ confmed to 
the \illa_ge of Chapel Hill or to tiie studeiUs antl alumni o( the 

14 Siiiiflii r/i J/'s/oririd Soi-idi/ P<i/n rs. 

riiivLisitvof N(jrth Carolina. The University faculty was not slower 
than the stiuk-nt bodv. Five of them volunteered for the war. The 
other nine, with one excej)tion, were either clergymen or beyond age. 
Of the members who volunteered. William J. Martin, the professor 
of chemistrv. was made major of the nth North Carolina; was pro- 
moted lieutenant-colenel and colonel of the same; fought bravely 
through the war; was wountled at Rristow Station and surrendered 
at Appomattii.x. There were for the year 1 860-61 five tutors in the 
University. All of them volunteered. Four of them fell in the ser- 
vice. F. A. Fetter was with the Hethel regiment as we have already 
seen. He alone of the fi\e sur\i\c(i. The hrst of these tutors to 
seal his faith with his blood was Captain Ceorge Hurgwyn Johnston, 
who died in Chapel Hill in 1S63, of a decline brought on bv prison 
Iiardships at Sandusky, Ohio. The nc-xt was Lieutenant low.i Mich- 
igan Royster. who fell with the song of Dixie on his lips, while lead- 
ing his company to the charge at (Gettysburg. He was one of 8 in 
the class of 1.S60 who received first distinction; within ft)ur years, four 
of these filled .soldiers" graves. Another ol these first honor men, 
and the voungest, was Captain Oeorge Pettigrew Bryan. He was 
to have entered the ministrv;but his country called and he surren- 
dered his voung life at Charles City Road, in 1S64. His jiromotion 
as Lieutenant-Colonel, arrived just after histkath. The fourth tutor 
to fall was Robert \V. Anderson who had l^een a candidate for orders 
in the Episcopal Church. He was a brother of (ieneral George 
Burgwyn Anderson and like him oflcred his sword and his life to his 
State He fell at the Wilderness in 1864. 

.Such was the contribution of the facultv ol the Uni\ersitv of North 
Carolinia to the fighting forces of the Confederacv. It contributed 
six volunteers; four were slain. We must add to this list the names 
of several others who had been in former years connected with the 
Uiii\er>il\- in the capacitv ol tutors. ( )t the career of Jacob Thomp- 
son we ha\e already spoken. We know also the military record of 
eight others at least: R. H. Batde, W. R. Wetmore, P. ¥.. Spruill, T. 
C. Coleman, C. A. Mitchell, j. W. C.raham, William Let- .AKxander, 
and I''. (".. Morrow. Of these three, .S])ruill, Alexaiuler, and Morrow 
wcvv slain. The total contributions of the firultv past and present, 
ol the Uni\ersit\- of North Carolina to the Confederate arm\' was 
lourtfcn, ol whom seven, or fifty percent, were killed. 

When wr (■( )me to the records of the alunuii themseK es we shall find 
that heroic enthusiasm, which had been shown l)\- the meml)ers of the 

UnirirsUji of Norlh ('(iroHiin in Ihr ('iril \V<ii\ 15 

faculty, the resident students and the xilhiL^ers, also characterized to the 
hi<(hest decree the conduct of the alumni. The first deaths were not 
in battle, but from disease contracted in the service. The first victim 
(jf disease was probatjly John H. Fitts, of Warrenton, who died in 
fune, 1 86 1. But with tlie first ^reat battle of the war, the Univer- 
sity received her baptism of blood. At First Manassas she lost at 
least four of her alumni And the first student of this University 
who had attained the rank of a commissioned officer in the Con- 
federate army, and possibly the first of all, officer or pri\ate, to fall in 
battle was, William Preston MauL^um. His father, the Hon. Willie 
P. Man^um, had clun^' to the Union which he had ser\ed so long- 
and so well while there was hope, but when hope lailed, he gladly 
gave the hope of his house to the Confederacy. The son enlisted in 
the Flat River Guards, afterwards company B, 6th North Carolina, 
and was made second lieutenant. A few days before the battle of 
First Manassas, the 6th was ordered to Winchester and from there 
was rushed forward to reinforce Beauregard at Manassas. They 
arrived on the field at the crisis of the conflict on the 2ist. Col. 
Fisher, from want of experience, had failed to throw out skirmishers 
or to form a line of battle, and when the regiment emerged, moving 
in column from a low scattered wood, Rickett's section of the Sher- 
man battery was seen directly in its front and within se\'enty-fi\e 
yards of the head of the column. These guns were then firing on 
other troops and could not be turned immcdiatelv on the 6th. Two 
t)r three companies formed into line and deli\ered a \()lle\- which 
disabled the battery. The companies charged, and the guns were 
captured. Lieutenant Mangum was seen standing by one of the 
captured cannon, and while the firing was still fierce, was mortally 
wounded within an hour of the time he was first under fire. Three 
ollurs of the students, Adol])h Lastrapes and Mitchell S. Prud- 
lionune, of Louisiana, and John H. Stone i>f Alabama, stand with 
Lieutenant Ahuigum at the head of that long list ot alumni of this 
Institution who pourtd out their blood on the battle-fiekls from First 
Manassas to Appomattox. 

I shall now gi\'e a few statistics of the alumni. Were our Univer- 
silv records more com])lete, we should wo tloulH fuul that in some 
instances the figures which I shall gi\e, would be raised much higher. 
The record of the 4th North Carolina was \erv brilliant at Fair Oaks 
or Seven Pines. it carried 67S men into action, and lost 77 killed and 
2S6 wounded, with six missing, or 34 per cent o( the total number 

16 SiikIIii rit llistorn-iil Soviiti/ J*iij)(i:>\ 

carried into battle. The colonel of the 4th at I^iir Oaks, and the 
actini;^ briv^ade coniniander, was (ieorirc BurL;\\\"n Anderson, who 
had been a student of this I'niversity. He had seen service in the 
West before the war. antl was one of the old officers then in the ser- 
vice of the L'nited States, who offered his sword to his native State. 
He hanilled the brigade with such success and skill on this occassion, 
that it l)rt)ULiht him a briyatlier's commission within a fortnig^ht. 
The 4th had otiur I'nixersitx- men amon^' its leaders: Hrvan (irimes 
was its third colonel; Captain John B. Andrews of CompanvC, 
I ),ivid M. Carti-r of Compaiu' K., and Jesse S. Barnes and lohn W. 
I )unliam of Ciini])an\- F., were all Uni\ersity men antl were con- 
spicuous for their bravery, two of them falling- in battle. 

The l'ni\ersity of North Carolina lost five of her sons at Sliiloh, 
fulK'r records would pn)l)ahl\- double the number; she lost fourteen 
at Malvern Hill; nine at Shari)sburg, including Anderson and Branch 
who had l)oth attained the rank of Brigadier. At Fredericksburg the 
I'niversitv lost eight, and fi\e at C^hancellors\ille. 

In the (iettvsburg campaign, the highwater mark of the Confed- 
eracv, the I'niversitv lost 21. It is particularly to our credit to know- 
that the regiment which sustained the heaviest loss of any regiment on 
either side in a single battle during the war, was under the command 
of a rni\(-rsit\- man. The 26th North Carolina, had Zebulon B. 
\'ance as its first colonel. He served until his election as governor 
in August. 1S62. He was succeeded bv Harry King Burgywn, said 
to h;i\ e l)een at the time of his election, the \-oungest colonel in the 
Confederate Army, ;ind not yet twenty-one ^■ears of age. The regi- 
ment was ;i part of Pettigrew's brigade. It will be more interesting 
to gi\e its hi>tor\- in the words of Col. William b. Fox, a Federal 
oflicer, whose account may be taken as entirely without prejudice. 
He says in his work, Rc<yinicntal Losses in the Civil liar, (pages 

"At Cettysburg, the 26th North Carolina of Pettigrew's lirigade, 
I leth's I)i\ision.went into action with an effecti\e strength which is sta- 
t' <1 in the regimental otihcial ri-port. as o\er Soo men ' " [•'^2<)]. "They 
sustained a loss, according to Surgeon C.eneral (iuild's rej)ort, of 86 
kilh-d ,uid 502 wounded: '•' total. 5.SS. In afldition there were about 
120 missing, nt'arly all of whom must ha\e been wounded or killed; 

* I'lidcr bee's onlir of May 11, iS'S;,, this incliuled only tliose wlio were 
proiioiiiK t<l by the siiri^ions .is unlit lorfhUv. 

UnWfrsitj/ of Norlh ('ami inn in the Ciril Way. 17 

hut, as they fell into the enemy's hands, they were not included in 
the hospital report. This loss occurred mostly in the first day's fight, 
where the regiment encountered the 151st Pennsylvania -^= and Coop- 
er's Battery of Rowley's Brigade, Doubleday's Division. The quar- 
termaster of the 26th who made the official report on July 4th, states 
that there were only 216 left for duty after the fight on the ist inst. 
The regiment then j)articipated in Pickett's charge on the third day 
of the battle-, in whicli it attacked the position held by .Smyth's Bri- 
gade, Hoyt's Division, Second Corps. On the following day it mus- 
tered only So men for duty, the missing ones having fallen in the 
final and unsuccessful charge. In the battle of the first day, Captain 
Tuttle's company, [F.] went into action with three officers and 
eighty-four men; all of the officers and eighty-three of the men were 
killed or wounded. On the same day, and in the same brigade. 
( Pettigrew's), company C, of the nth North Carolina lost two ofiicers 
killed, and 34 out of 38 men, killed or wounded; Captain Bird, of 
this company, with the four remaining men, participated in the 
charge on the third of July, and of these the flag-bearer was shot, 
and the captain brought out the flag himself This loss of the 26th 
North Carolina at Cjcttysburg, was the severest regimental loss 
during the war." The total loss of the regiment on the first 
day alone, based on the figures of Col. Fox, was in killed, wounded 
and mi.ssing, eighty-six and three-tenths per cent.t This loss exceeded 
bv four per cent, the loss of the ist Minnesota at Gettysburg, which 
amounted to eightv-two per cent. The 141st Pennsyh'ania comes 
second, with seventy-five and se\-en-tenths per cent. In the Franco- 
Prussian war, the heaviest loss was forty-nine per cent, sustained by 
the i6th (ierman Infuitr\' (3rd Westphalian ) at IMars-la-Tour. In the 
charge of the Fight Brigade, the loss was but thirty-six and seven-tenths 
per cent. Oh that the 26th North Carolina had a Tennyson to sing 
of its charge when no one had blundered ! But this same brigade of 
Pettigrew, shattered as it was by the three days fighting, was one of 

*This rL';4iinent lost ,^",5 iiK-n in killccl, woundril and inissinj;-, on \u\\ i. 

t In ki/Zrd iif/d u'ou/n/rd dhmf, acct)r(lin,i;- to Colonel l-\).\, the 26th North 
Carolina stands third on tlu- list of threat losst-s. havini;- seventy-one and 
seven-tenths \k-v cent, a.s;ainsl c-i,iihty-two aiul ihree-tenths per cent of the ist 
Texas at Sharpshur;;-. and seventy-six per cent of the 21st Georgia at Man- 
assas. That few of the "120 missinsj; " from this regiment, on July i, re- 
turned, is indicated by the number rejiorted for duty on the 4th. 
out of 820 men, or ninety-seven and five-tenths per cent. 


18 Souflimi IIis(iiri<nl Socut>i Fapirs. 

the two to wlioni was i^ixcn the post ol honor in de-tending the rear 
of the arin\- of Northern X'irginia on its retreat h'om Pennsylvania, 
and it was on this retreat that the gallant Pettigrew was called to sur- 
render his \aluable life. Can this L'nixersity desire more in the line 
of niilitarv distinction, than to have the distinguished honor of claim- 
ing Burgw yn and Pettigrew among her sons? 

The following figures from Colonel Fox, give the absolute losses 
of the twenty-seven Confederate regiments that suflered most at 


^s r- 

26tli N. C .. Pettigrew's •■• Heth's 86 502 120 708 

42d Miss Davis' - • . Heth's 60 205 265 

2d Miss Davis'.... Heth's 49 183 | 232 

iitli N. C Pettit;Tevv's. . Heth's 50 159 209 

45th N. C . . . . I )anii.l's Rocit-s' 46 173 219 

17th .Miss. . . . Barksdale's ... .McLaus'. . . 40 160 ... . 200 

14th S. C Gregij's Pender's .. . 26 220 6 i 252 

I ith Miss.. . . . Davis' Ht-th's 32 170 .... 202 

55th N. C. . . Davis' Hitli's 39 159 198 

iithGa G. '1'. Anderson's . Hood's 32 162 194 

3Sth \'a Armistead's I'ickett's. . . . 23 147 ... . 170 

6th N. C . . . . Hoke's I-'arly's 20 131 21 172 

i3tli Miss.. .. I5arksdale's. .. McLaws'... 28 137 ; 165 

8th Ala .... Wilcox's Anderson's. 22 139 ! 161 

471I1 X. C Petti.<;re\v's Heth's 21 140 161 

3cl N. C . Stewart's Johnson's... 29 127 156 

2(1 N. C. Bat Daniel's Rodes' 29 124 153 

2d S. C .... Kersliavv's McLaws'... 27 125 2 154 

52d N. C .. Pettiii;rew''s Heth's 33 114 147 

5tli X. C. . . Iverson's Rodes' 31 112 143 

32d X. C .... Daniel's Heth's 26 116 .... 142 

43(1 X. C Daniel's Hetli's. 21 126 147 

9tli Ga. Ci.'V. .Anderson's ... Hood's .... 2S 115 143 

1st Md. 15at.. .Stewart's Johnson's.. 25 119 , 144 

3d .Ark Rohertson's Hood's 26 116: | 142 

23d X. C Iverson's Rodes' 41 93 . . . . j 134 

57th \ 'a ... A rmistead's Pickett's....' 35 105 I 4 I 144 

1 must not fail to mention in this connection the record of Com- 

jianv C, I Ith North Carolina, which was with Pettigrew at Gettys- 

bvirg on July i, and lost a cajnain and lieutenant, and thirty-four out 
ol thirty-ei;^ht men. The com])any had three separate ca])tains on 
that terrible day. The first was made major; the second, Thomas 
Wat.son Cooper, class of i860, was killed; the third, Edward R. Out- 

Unwersitfi of North Carolina iv Ihe Civil War. 19 

law, freshman 1859-60, was promoted from lieutenant. Hoke's North 
Carolina brio^ade was not less disting-uished fcjr bra\'ery than those 
already mentioned; with a single Louisiana brigade as support, it 
charged across the field on the third day, drove back the enemy, 
captured 100 prisoners and four flags. The brigade was commanded 
in its charge by Isaac E. Avery, colonel of the 6th North Carolina, 
who had been a student here 1847-48. He was wounded in the 
charge, and lived only long enough to write on an en\'elope crim.son 
with his blood: " Major Tate, tell my father I died with my face to 
the foe. ' ' 

Need we be surprised that with such examples of heroism as these, 
the death-roll of this University in the Gettysburg campaign foots 
up a score? Gen. James Johnston Pettigrew, Col. Harry King Bur- 
gwyn, Col. Isaac Erwin Avery, Lieut. -Col. Maurice Thompson 
Smith, Maj. Owen Neil Brown, Maj. George Mcintosh Clark, Capt. 
Elijah Graham Morrow, Capt. Nicholas Collin Hughes, Capt. 
Thomas Watson Cooper, Capt. George Thomas Baskerxille, Capt. 
loel Clifton Blake, Capt. Thomas Oliver Closs, Capt. Edward 
Fletcher Satterfield, Capt. Samuel Wiley Gray, Lieut. W^esley Lewis 
Battle, Lieut. William Henry Gibson, Lieut. John Henderson 
McDade, Lieut. Richardson Mallett, Lieut. Jesse H. Person. Lieut. 
Iowa Michigan Royster, Lieut. William Henry Graham Webb. 

At Vicksburg the University lost four; at Chickamauga seven; at 
the Widerness six; at Spotsylvania Courthouse five, including 
Thomas M. Garrett whose commission as Brigadier-General arrived 
the day after his death. In the Atlanta campaign she lost nine; 
including Lieutenant-General Polk. At Bentonsxille, the last battle in 
North Carolina, and the last struggle of Johnston's army, Lt.-Col. 
John D. Taylor, class of 1853, carried the first North Carolina bat- 
talion into battle with 267 men. He lost 152 men, or fifty-seven per 
cent. Lt.-Col. Taylor lost an arm, and Lieut. -Col. Edward Mallett. 
who commanded a regiment, lost his life. Capt. John H. D. Fain, 
the only child of his mother, fell on the last day of tlic last fight 
before Petersburg, April 2, 1865; VqWx Tankersley was killed 
within three days of Lee's surrender; and James J. Phillips died from 
the effects of wounds received after Lee's surrender, but before the 
news had reached his cavalry commander. PVom First Manassas to 
Appomattox, the Lhiiversity saw the life blood of her alumni poured 
out in lavish profusion. From Gettvsburg io Missouri and Texas; 
on e\ery important battlefield ot the war, bv death in battle, bv death 
from wounds, by disease and as prisoners of war, did the sons of 

•JO Son/lii rn Uistorii-dl Soricfi/ I^tiprrs. 

tliis L'nivcTsit\- inanilcsi tlieir devotion to the cause. The L'ni\er- 
sity t)t North Carohna saw its alumni occupying positions in the 
Confederate arniv from private to Lieutenant-Cieneral, and it made 
its offerini^s on the altar of the j^rim sjod of war from every rank 
with tile sole exception of ma)or-!, and she was not less lib- 
eral with the hii^hest in rank than with the lowest. Of the Confed- 
erate ofticirs hiijhest in rank who were slain in battle, one had at- 
tained the- rank of ijeneral; three were lieutenant-generals and here 
ag'ain, the I'niversitv was called on to give more than her share to 
the sacrilice, in the jjerson of Leonidas Polk. She lost besides, 
Lieutenant-Gcneral Polk, four l^rigadier-Cienerals, Anderson. 
Branch, (iarrottand Pettigrew. eleven colonels, nine lieutenant-colo- 
nels and eight majors. 

This L'niversitv claims further, more than her proportion of the 
C(jmmanders of North Carolina regiments that became distinguished 
because of their heavy losses in individual l)attles. There are nine 
regiments of which we have records of the numbers carried into 
battle, and the losses sustained in each. Thus the 33rd North Car- 
olina, under the command of C. M. Avery, met with a loss of 
fortv-one and four-tenths per cent at Chancellorsville; the 3d North 
Carolina lost fiftv per cent at (jcttvsburg; the 4th North Carolina 
under ( I. B. Anderson, fiflv-tour and four-tenths percent at .Seven 
i^incs; the 7th North Carolina, fifty-six and two-tenths per cent at 
Seven Days: the i8th, under R. H. Cowan, fifty-six and five-tenths 
per cent at .Seven Days; the ,ist North Carolina battalion, under 
John D. Tavlor, fiftv seven percent at Bentonsville; the 27th North 
(^uv)lina, sixty-one and two-tenths per cent at Shar{)sburg; the 2nd 
North Carolina battalion, sixty-three and seven-ti-ntlis \x-r cent at 
C,ettysburg: the 26th North Carolina, under H. K. Burgwyn, 
eighty-six and three-tenths per cent at Cettysburg. It will be seen 
that lour ol the nine regiments were under conunaiid ot I'niversitv 
men at the time of meeting their heaviest loss. 

The following list of North Carolina regiments suffering heavv losses 
is extracted from Colonel Fox's book. It is given for general infor- 
mation and lor the reason that about one-half of these regiments at 
the time ot sustaining their losses had I'niversitv men as colonels or 
lieutenant-colonels [viz: 33, 26, 21, 4, 23, 35,49 (Major), i.S, 48, 13, 
6, 49, 57, 4.S (Major), I.S, 13, 17, 4, 33, 23, 18, 26, II. 45, 55, 6, 5, 
43. 23]: 

Umversifjj of North (J((rolina in fht- ( 'in'/ W'lr 



Front Royal. 

Fair Oaks, May 31-June i, 62 

Oak Grove, June 25. 


Gaines' Mill 

Malvern Hill 

Seven Days. 

Crampton's Gap, Md. 




Suiitlarn JIi.s(orical Sociitij I\ipcrs. 




26tli N. C. ... 

1 1 til •• 

4.Sll> ■■ 

55tli •' 

6tli '• 

47tli " 

y\ " .... 

2ci ■■ Bat.. 

52cl '• kLL,'t. 

'.Stli " ..' . 

32d •• .... 

43ti " 

23CI " 

51st " 

SI St " 

'Sth •• 

31SI " 


I''ort W'ai^ncr . . . 
Cliarlestoii Harbor 


I 39 

i 29 

j 33 

I 31 






502 1 20 


173 ' 

159 I 

131 21 




114 .. . . 


116 .... 












It has been a.scertained that 312 of the students and graduates of 
this I'niversity lost their li\-es in the Confederate ser\-ice. Taking 
the nicnibership of the Dialectic and Philanthrojjic societies as rep- 
resenting the total matriculation in the Uni\ei"sitv for any given pe- 
riod, it will be foinid that there- were matriculated in the University 
in the forty-three years, 1S25 to 1S67 inclusi\e,-'- just 2929 persons. 
( )ut ot these we know that igo, at least, had died before the war 
began. This will lea\e 2739 ])ossil)]e lixing alumni, (matriculates 
and graduates), of the Institiuioii. ( )ul of this niuuber, 2729, we 
know that 312. or 11.39 P*-''' <-xnt, lost their li\es in the Confederate 
ser\ ice. 

It will perhaps never be accurately known how many saw service. 
( )l the 2739 matriculates mentioned abo\e as probablv alive in 1S61, 
we know that 107.S, or 39.35 per cent, of the total enrollment of the 
I'niversity for the t"ort\--three \ears, 1.S25-1S67, were in the C^)nfed- 
erate arm v. 

It we examine the records for the ten \-ears just before the war, 
wesiiall fmd that there were 1331 matriculates between 1S51 and iS6cj 
inclusive; that out of these 1331 at least 759 or fifty-si.\ and two- 

• This date has been taken because a nunil)er of ex-sokliers pursued stu- 
dies in the liiiversitv after the war was over. 

Unicer.s/if/ of North OiroHint in Ihc ('in'/ War. 23 

tenths per cent, saw service in the Confederate States army, and 
they were in all grades from private to brigadier-g-eneral. Of the 
759 that we know, 234 were killed. This means that thirty per cent, 
of those who went into the Confederate service from the University 
of North Carolina for those ten years, sealed their faith with their 
blood. This death rate is very near the average of the per cent. 
of loss sustained by North Carolina troops as a whole, and represents 
seventeen and five-tenths per cent, of the total enrollment of the 
University for the ten years. In other words, the proportional loss 
sustained on the total enrollment of students for these ten years, was 
just about twice as great as that sustained by the Federal army. The 
rates of losses of that army, moreover, were greater than were those 
in the Crimean, or in the Franco- Prussian war. If we reduce this 
I^roportion to its proper basis of enlisted men, it will be found that 
the losses in the Federal army from all causes, death in battle, death 
from wounds, death by disease and in prison, was eight and six- 
tcnths per cent.''^ Of the 1078 University men who are known to 
have served in the Confederate army, we know that 312, or 28.94 
per cent lost their lives; more complete records of their service would 
no doubt reduce this per cent, but it is not probable that the most 
complete returns of the service of our students would reduce it to 
less than twenty-five per cent or three times as heavy as the losses 
sustained by the Federal army. 

It will give us a clearer conception of the immense energy dis- 
played by this University, to compare its losses with the losses of 
some other institutions. The University of Virginia Memorial gives 
the number of students of that institution who were killed, as 19S. 
Professor Trent estimates that there were perhaps 300 killed in all, 
and that twenty-five per cent of its students saw service in the C. S. 
A. The number of students of the Virginia Military Institute repor- 
ted as killed, was 171. I have found no figures for other .Southern 
institutions. Of northern institutions we find that all contributed 
more or less of their graduates to the army of the Union. Lafayette 
College, Pennsylvania, had 226 students who served in that army. 
Of its regular graduates living, and not bevond the age for military 
service, twenty-six per cent were in the army. The average of ser- 

* See Col. Fox's article in T/ie Cen/iiry, on the chance of being hit in bat- 
tle. In his l;irs4cr work, Regimental Losses, he says that the general Con- 
federate loss in Xv/Av/ (rwrt' rcYwwrt'rrt', was nearly ten percent, wliilo tlie Fed- 
eral loss in killed and wounded, was nearly five per cent. 

24 Souiheni Hisforical Sorlefj/ Papers. 

vice for the New England colleges, was 23 per cent; Yale leads the 
list with twenty-five per cent. Between 1825 and 1864, 1384 students 
received the degree of A. B. from the University of North Carolina ; 
of these, we know that 537, or nearly forty per cent., were in the 
service of the Confederate States. 

But this comparison is unjust to the University of North Carolina, 
for I ha\'e mentioned already the enthusiasm with which her students 
rushed away to battle without finishing their work. There were 
eighty members of the Freshman class of 1859-60. But a single one 
(Titus W. Carr), remained to complete his studies and he was ren- 
dered unfit for service by feeble health. The class of i860 had eigh- 
ty-four members; two of them died in i860; of the remaining eighty- 
two, it seems from the best evidence at hand, that eighty entered the 
Confederate service; of these 80, 23, or 28.75 P^r cent were killed. 
There were few graduates the next year. Five members of the fac- 
ulty had gone as we have already seen. The ha Is of the Univer- 
sity which had presented such a scene of bustling activity a few 
vears before, were now almost deserted. There was danger that the 
Institution would be compelled to close from the sheer lack of stu- 

Further, the enforcement of the conscription acts threatened to 
bring about the same result. The trustees then determined to ap- 
peal to President Davis in behalf of the institution and its students. 
Mr. Davis had said at the beginning of the war, that ' ' the seed corn 
must not be ground up." At their meeting in Raleigh, October 8, 
1863, the trustees resolved, "That the President of the University 
be authorized to correspond with the President of the Confederate 
States, asking a suspension of any order or regulation which may 
have been issued for the conscription of students of the University, 
untill the end of the present session, and also with a view to a gen- 
eral exemption of young men advanced in liberal studies, until they 
shall complete their college course. 

' ' That the President of the University open correspondence with 
the heads of other literary institutions of the Confederacy, proposing 
the adoption of a general regulation, exempting for a limited time 
from military service, the members of the izco higher classes of our 
colleges, to enable them to attain the degree of Bachelor of Arts." 

In accord with these instructions, Gov. Swain addressed the fol- 
lowing letter to President Davis: 

Uiiii'i'r.sil;i of North ('(iroHnn in /Ar Ciril War. 25 

University of North Carolina, 
Chapkl Hill, N. C, October i§, i86^. 

" To his ILxcellency, Jefferson Davis, 

President of the Confederate States. 

Sir — The acconipaning resolutions, adopted by the trustees of 
this institution at their regular meeting- in Raleigh, on the eighth 
instant, make it my duty to open a correspondence with you on the 
subject to which they relate. 

A simple statement of the facts, which seem to me to be pertinent, 
without any attempt to illustrate and enforce them by argument, will, 
I suppose, sufficiently accomplish the purposes of the trustees. 

At the close of the collegiate year 1859-60 (June yth, i86oj, the 
whole number of students in our catalogue was 430. Ol" these, 245 
were from North Carolina, 29 from Tennessee, 28 from Louisiana, 
28 from Mississippi, 26 from Alabama, 24 from South Carolina, 17 
from Texas, 14 from Georgia, 5 from Virginia, 4 from Florida, 2 
from Arkansas, 2 from Kentucky, 2 from Missouri, 2 from California, 
I from Iowa, i from New Mexico, i from Ohio. They were distrib- 
uted in the four classes as follows: Seniors 84, Juniors 102, Sopho- 
mores 125, Freshmen 80. 

Of the eight young men who received the finst distinction in the 
Senior class, four are in the grave, and a fifth a wounded prisoner. 
More than a seventh of the aggregate number of graduates are 
known to have fallen in battle. 

The Freshman class of eightv members pressed into service with 
such impetuosity, that but a single indi\^idual remained to graduate 
at the last commencement [Titus W. Carr]; and he in the interve- 
ning time had entered the army, been discharged on account of im- 
paired health, and was permitted by special favor to rejoin his class. 

The faculty at that time was composed of fourteen members, no 
one of whom was liable to conscription. Fi\e o{ the fourteen were 
permitted by the trustees to volunteer. One of these has recently 
returned from a long imprisonment in Ohio, with a ruined constitu- 
tion, [(}. H. Johnston]. A second is a wounded prisoner, now at 
Baltimore. A third fell at Gettysburg, [I. M. Royster]. The 
remaining two are in acti\e field ser\ice at present. 

The nine gentlemen who now constitute the corps of instructors 
are, with a single exception, i-lergymen, or lavmen bevond the age 
of conscription. No one of them has a son of the recjuisite age. who 
has not entered the ser\ice as a volunteer. Five of the eiuht sons 

26 S<vi/lirrn Hisloricol Soricfj/ Papers. 

of members of the faculty are now in active service; one fell mortally 
wounded at Gettysburg, [W. L. Battle]; another at South Moun- 
tain, [j. C. Batde]. 

The \illaoe of Chapel Hill owes its existence to the University, 
and is of course materially affected by the prosperity or decline of 
the institution. The young men of the \illage responded to the call 
of the country with the same alacrity which characterized the college 
classes; and fifteen of them — a larger proportion than is exhibited in 
any other town or village in the State — ha\'e already fallen. in battle. 
The departed are more numerous than the survivors; and the melan- 
cfiolv fact is prominent with respect to both the village and the Uni- 
versitv, that the most promising young men ha\'e been the earliest 

Without entering into further details, permit me to assure you as 
the result of extensive and careful observation and inquiry, that I 
know of no similar institution or community in the Con ederacy that 
has rendered greater services, or endured greater losses and priva- 
tions, than the University of North Carolina, and the village of 
Chapel Hill. 

The number of students at present here is 63; of whom 55 are 
from North Carolina, 4 from X'irginia, 2 from South Carolina, and i 
from Alabama; 9 Seniors, 13 Juniors, 14 Sophomores, and 27 Fresh- 

A rigid enforcement of the conscription act may take from us nine 
or ten young men with physical constitutions in general, better sui- 
ted to the quiet pursuits of literature and science than to military 
service. They can make no appreciable addition to the army; but 
their withdrawal may very seriously affect our organization, and in 
its ultimate effects cause us to close the doors of the oldest Univer- 
sity at present accessible to the students of the Confederacy. 

It can scarcely be necessary to intimate that with a slender endow- 
ment, and a diminution of more than $20,000 in annual receipts for 
tuition, it is at present \ery difficult, and may soon be impossible to 
sustain the institution. The exemption of professors from the oper- 
ation of the conscri])t act is a sufficient indication that the annihila- 
tion of the best established colleges in the country, was not the pur- 
pose (jt (Hir Congress; and I can but hope, with the eminent gentle- 
men who have made me their organ on this occasion, that it will 
never be permitted to produce effects which I am satisfied no one 
would more deeply deplore than yourself 

Uiiirersltij of North Cdrolina in thr Ciril War. 27 

I hiivc the honor to be, with the hi^'hest consideration, your obe- 
dient servant, 

D. L. Swain-.* 

This appeal was not in vain. Orders were issued from tlie Con- 
script office to Captain Landis, the cHstrict enrolHno; officer, to grant 
the exemptions requested. Col. Peter Mallett, the commandant of 
conscripts, in communicating the information to (iovernor .Swain 
says: " In performing this duty, (Governor, I must express to you 
the great gratification and interest felt in perusing the report, which 
will be filed at this office witli pride as a North Carolinian, as a relic 
rather than as a public document." 

But this exemption did not relieve all the necessities of the Insti- 
tution. On the 5th of March, 1864, the trustees instructed (iovernor 
Manly their secretary, to forward a second petition, praying for the 
exemption of the Freshman and Sophomore cla.sses. It is as fol- 

Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War. 

The trustees of the University of North Carolina at a late meet- 
ing adopted the resolution, a copy of which is hereto attached, 
marked A, to which I beg leave to in\'ite your attention. 

By a report made to the Executive Committee of the trustees. 
Governor Swain, the President of the University — the composition 
of the four classes are as follows: 

There are nine (9) members of the Senior Class; ot these, two 
(2) have joined the armv, two ha\'e substitutes, two have seen hard 
service m the army, one is under eighteen years of age and one per- 
manently disabled. 

Junior Class, consisting of fifteen members: of these, se\'en have 
substitutes, five have been in the army, two are under eighteen years 
of age, and one, F. R. Bryan, is dead. This class at the close of 
the .Sophomort' vear mmibered thirt\', all ot whom, except titteen 
named above, are supposed to be in the army. 

These two classes were heretofore, by your kind fa\or, granted 
permission to finish their collegiate course, whicli llu' .Senior Class 
will have accomplished bv the first Thursdav in June next. 

Sophomore Class. This t-lass at the v\\(\ of its Freshman year, 
numbered twentv-four; of these sixteen are sup])osed to ha\e entered 

*Printetl in Mrs. .SpL-ncer's Last Ninety Hays of iIk- War in North Caro- 
lina, pages 257-260. 

28 So)//ht'r)) Historical Soviet)/ Papers. 

the armv. Of the nine now remaining, three are exempt from phys- 
ical disabiHtv, and one or more of these three left the class on that 
account. In a communication by President Swain to Governor 
Vance he says; " Our Sophomore Class is now reduced to six regu- 
lar members. Morehead (who has a substitute, an Englishman o^'er 
conscrii:)t age) is the best, and Mickle, the second best scholar in it. 
The latter has a slender constitution, and is in delicate health." 

Freshman Class. Of the twenty-se\'en members of this class, 
twenty-four are under age; and one over eighteen years of age, 
Julius C. Mills of Caswell, who has a substitute. The remaining two 
are Julius S. Barlow of Edgecombe, born January 5, 1845, and Isaac 
R. Strayhorn of Orange, born August 7th, 1845. 

I have been thus minute in relation to the Sophomore and Fresh- 
man Classes, fijr the reason that on them, the reliance for the contin- 
uation of the exercises of the Institution must mainly depend. It 
will be seen by reference to the numbers ot the Sophomore and 
Freshman classes and their ages, but few, very few soldiers can be 
added to the army of the Confederacy, whilst the removal of that 
small number may so reduce the classes as to render it necessary to 
discontinue the exercises of the Institution, one of the oldest and 
largest in the Confederacy; and disband the able and venerable corps 
of instructors, some of whom have devoted their services to the 
Institution for more than a cjuarter of a century, and others for nearly 
a half century. To disband this able body in their declining years, 
when their accustomed salaries are so necessarv to their comfort in 
the evening of life, would seem to be ingratitude. To continue 
those salaries without corresponding service, would subject the trus- 
tees to merited censure. 

And although the limited number instructed might not seem to 
justify the salaries paid, yet when we consider that this Institution 
numbered between four and fi\'e hundred students at the commence- 
ment of this war, by whom every state in the Confederacy was rep- 
resented, it is most respectfully submitted whether the trustees are 
not justihed, even at the sacrifice of their scanty means, in using all 
exertion to keep the Institution in its present condition of usefulness, 
ready to meet the demands of the Confederacy when our independ- 
ence shall be blessed with peace. 

I'ardon me sir, for suggesting in behalf of the trustees that your 
aid in continuing these classes will gready contribute to the contin- 
uance of the Institution, whilst the armv, to whose efficiency your 
hrst duty is due, will not be materiallv affected. 

Uiiwersifi) of North C'lroUiia in the Ciril W<ir. 29 

Allow me to call to your attention, the letter written you by Gov- 
ernor Swain, on the 15th October, 1863, in which there are some 
interesting^ details connected with the University. 

By order of the Btjard of Trustees. 

Chas. Manly, Secretary. 

To this request Mr. Seddon replied urider date of March 10, 1864: 
" I cannot see in the grounds presented such peculiar or exceptional 
circumstances as will justify departure from the rules acted on in 
many similar instances. Youths under eighteen will be allowed to 
continue their studies, those over, capable of military service, will 
best discharge their duty and find their highest training in defending 
their country in the field." 

When this decision became known at the University in the 
spring of 1864, the nine or ten students who were subject to 
conscription went into the army, and others went with them to 
share their fortunes. The catalogue shows but sixty matricu- 
lates for the whole scholastic year of 1863-64; the next was little 
better. The report of attendance, December 29, 1864, is interest- 
ing: Senior class, seven; Junior class, two; George Slover and 
I. T. Smith; first distinction to Smith, second to Slover. Sopho- 
more class, twelve; of these, two absent from examination. P'resh- 
man class, nineteen. Even the catalogues are a silent witness of the 
intensity of the struggle. They are smaller, are on inferior paper, 
and have that oily look peculiar to Confederate imprints. The dif- 
ficulties in the wav of the faculty were many, but they struggled on. 
Dr. Charles Phillips rang the college bell with his own hands for the 
last six months, although there were hardly a dozen bows in the 
Institution. These, with two or three exceptions, were from the\il- 
lage. When the Federal army appeared, these two or thn*e left the 
University, and walked to their homes in the neighboring" counties, 
but the exercises went on, morning and e\'ening pravers were atten- 
ded as usual, e\en when Federal troops were on the campus. 

Under these circumstances, few students had either the opportu- 
nity or desire to continue their course unbroken. Manv began their 
studies before the war; a few of these came back, lame and halting, 
or perhaps with an arm or a leg missing. We find numerous records 
like these: William Harrison Craig, matriculated 1857. C. S. A.. A. 
\\. 1868; or like this, Walter Clark, Adj. C. S, A.. A. B. 1864, 

30 Southern Histork-al Society Papers. 

Lieut.-Col. C. S. A.; or like Melvin E. Carter, Capt. C. S A., 
matriculated 1S67. 

The commencement of 1865 was the climax of sorrows. The 
Senior class on the first of June, consisted of fifteen members, but 
because of the exigencies of the country only William Curtis Prout 
was permitted to complete the course. Yet, because they accepted 
the invitation of the president to perform the usual exercises on com- 
mencement day, Edward G. Prout, Henry A. London and John R. 
D. Shepard were awarded A. B. : Junior class, o; Sophomore, 5; 
Freshman class, 2. There was not a single visitor from a distance 
to attend the commencement of 1865, save some thirty Federal sol- 
diers, who had been detailed to remain and keep order. What a 
sad contrast was this to the brilliant commencement of 1859, which 
was graced bv the presence of the President of the United States 
and of his Secretary of the Interior ( Jacob Thompson), who was an 
alumnus of the University, with its graduating class of ninety-two 
members, the second largest in the history of the institution! 

The last year of the war was not only a period of trial for the 
Universitv, but for the village as well; for, being a University town, 
its main support then as now', was drawn directly or indirectly, from 
the University. When it declined, the village suffered in direct pro- 
portion. This difficulty was relieved to some extent by the arrival 
of refugees trom other parts. Their coming created a demand for 
houses and gave some impetus to trade. Many of the young men 
had gone to the army, as we have seen. At first, whenever a few 
boys returned on furlough, parties, tableaux, dances, &c., were got- 
ten up in their honor. But this stopped after Gettysburg. The 
cords of sorrow were being tightened around her. But its com- 
munity brought all men closer together; charity was more freely dis- 
tributed, and the pride of station was forgotten. The bands of 
common sympathy became stronger as the pangs of common suf- 
ferings became more intense.. The hardness of life was little thought 
of then; rich and poor fared alike; for all comforts and most necessities 
went to the soldiers in the field. " When a whole village poured in 
and around one church building to hear the ministers of every de- 
nomination pray the parting prayers and invoke the farewell bless- 
ings in unison on the village boys, there was little room for sectarian 
feeling. Christians of every name drew nearer to each other. People 
who wept and prayed and rejoiced together as we did for four years, 
learned to love each other more. The higher and nobler and more 

Universihj of North (aivdHiki^ in the ( 'iril War. ■ 31' 

generous impulses of our nature were brought constantly into action, 
stimulated by the heroic endurance and splendid gallantry of our 
soldiers." ''' 

The village of Chapel Hill was taken possession of by F"ederal 
troops on April 17, 1865. The Ijrigade was under the command of 
General S. D. Atkins, of Illinois, and was composed of 4,000 
Michigan cavalry. He moved his dix'ision westward se\enteen days 
later, except a single company, which occupied the college build- 
ings for more than two UKjnths. During May (ieneral Couch passed 
through the village at the head of 12,000 men. It is worthy of note 
that the entire damage sustained by the village and college from the 
invaders is estimated by (jovernor Swain not to have exceeded $ico. 
Nor was this occupation without a tinge of romance, for in the midst 
of these surroundings the daughter of Governor Swain was wooed 
and won by General Atkins, and Cupid began the work ot Recon- 

The following summary of statistics of Confederate dead of the 
University of North Carolina is made up from the list prepared 
by Colonel William L. .Saunders for the four tablets in Memo- 
rial Hall (which contain 271 names, and give rank and class), 
from the additions to the list found in the catalogue of the Dia- 
lectic Society (containing 308 names), edited by Dr. William J. 
Battle; from the additions found in the Register of the Philan- 
thropic Society (containing 272 names), edited by the present 
writer; from the the " Biographical Sketches of the Confederate dead 
of the Universitv of North Carolina" (containing 162 names), 
edited by the present writer and published in the Aor//i Caroli)ia 
University Maq^asinc, 1887-91, and from other miscellaneous sources, 
chiefly correspondence: 

Total Nilmbkr of Confederate Dead, 312. 
By place of residenee at lime of nialriciilalion i>i Ihe I 'iiiversily : 

Arkansas, - - - i X'irginia, - - - - 8 

Califnrnia, - - - i h'lorida, - - - - 9 

Iowa. - - . - I Mississii)pi, - - - 11 

Missouri, - - - - i Tennessee, - - -11 

Texas, - - - - 4 Louisiana, - - - 14 

South Carolina, - - 5 Alabama, - - - - 18 

Georgia, - - - - 7 North Carolina, - - 221 

* Mrs. C. P. .Six-ncrr's CDrrespoiulcnce witli autlior ami lur Last Ninety 
I'tavs of tlic War in North Carolina. 


iSoH/hcni [Jistorirdl Soc'ieii/ Papers. 


Civil Engineers, 




Lieutenant-( General, 


Colonels, - 





Bv Ocnipafioii : ' 

2 Teachers, - - - - 14 

5 Farmers, - - - - 27 

S Lawyers, - - - - 62 

8 No occu])ation or unknown, 173 

By Rank in Service : 

I Surgeons and assistants, 

4 Aides, - - - 

12 Captains, - - - 

6 Lieutenants, 

17 Corporals and Sergeants, 

4 Pri\-ates, - 






Form of Death. 
Died of wounds (including Died of disease and in pris- 

all of those whose wounds 
pro\'ed almost immedia- 
tely fatal), 

Killed in battle. 



UxivERsiTv Men ix the Closing Days of the War. 

In the closing days of the struggle, University men, as usual, came 
to the rescue of their suffering country and sought to lighten the 
burthen of its sorrows. From the time of the fall of Vicksburg and 
the defeat at Gettysburg, it became CAident to thoughtful men that 
the main hoi)e of the Confederacy lay in negotiation with the United 
States. \x\ 1 861 (jovernor Graham had advised that the State of 
North Carolina hold her destinv in her own hands, instead of 
surrendering it to others. Time had proved the value of his posi- 
tion, and he. was now a leader in the movement that looked toward 
|)eace with the United States, but the legal power of ending the war 
had been put by the Confederate Constitution into the hands of the 
President. Gox'ernor Graham was not among the confidential friends 
ot President I)a\is, Ijut worked through others, and had in this way 
a liaiid in setting on toot the Hampton Roads Conference. He was 
Udt a miinl)cr ot this Conference, but was President pro tern, of the 
Confederate Senate during the absence of Mr. Hunter on that mis- 

Uiiioersil)j of Nor/h Oirolma in the f'iril W'/r. 33 

After the failure of the Conference Governor Oraham gave notice 
in the Confederate Senate that he would soon introduce a resolution 
in favor of opening" negotiations with the United States upon the 
basis of a return to the I'nion by the States of the Confederacy. 
15ut the notice was not favcjrably received, and the Confederacy went 
down to its doom. When the crash came he was the same calm, 
conservative statesman that he had ever been, and was chosen by 
(iovernor Vance to accompany (jO\'ernor .Swain as an ambassador of 
peace to meet the incoming army of General Sherman. They sur- 
rendered the city of Raleigh to him and secured from him a promise 
of protection, which promise was, as a rule, observed. It was also 
through their eflorts (jn this mission that the Uni\-ersity was pro- 
tected from vandalism. Besides this mission Governor Swain was 
one of the North Carolinians who was invited to Washington by 
r^'esident Johnson in the spring of 1S65, to consult on the ways of 
restoring the State to the Union. B. F. Moore (A. B., 1820) and 
Robert P. Dick (A. B., 1843) were also members of this committee. 

It must be kept in mind also that the consent of the Federal ad- 
ministration to the Hampton Roads Conference, the last ray of hope 
of the Confederacy, had been brought about largely through the 
influence of Francis P. Blair, who had been a student here.* Per- 
ha]^s no student of this University has had a more remarkable career. 
He was at first a free soiler; then a Republican. He was the one 
leader of the unconditional Union men in Missouri, and fused former 
Democrats and former Republicans into a single strong bodv of uncon- 
ditional Union men. The governor of the State and both houses of 
the assembly were Southern in sentiment, but Blair organized the 
( ierman companies, which had been known as Wide-awakes in the 
presidential campaign, into companies of home guards, drilled them, 
armed them as he found means, and with them began to dominate 
the State. It was largely due to the influence of the Home Ciuards 
that a majoritv of 80,000 was gixen for the Union in l-Y'bruarv, 1861. 

'•■■ OtluT alumni cast iheir t'orUiiK-s witli the I'nion as folluus: Prof. Benj. S. 
Hedrick clilVcrcd so radically in his political views froni the rulini;^ element, 
and was so outspoken that public sentiment forced his dismission from the 
riiiiilty as early as 1S56; another member. Rev. Solomon Pool, escaped the 
same fortune, probably, by being- more circumspect in his languaace; Junius 
B. Wheeler served as engineer, assistant professor at West Point, and brevet 
colonel; Edward Jones Mallett was paymaster-general, 1862-65; Willie P. 
Mangum, jr., was consul and \ ice-consul general in China and Japan, 1S61- 
1 SS 1 . 


34 Soifthern Historical Societ)/ Papers. 

This vote broke down the strength of the secessionists and virtually 
turned the State o\er to Blair and his Home Guards. There were 
65,000 stand of arms in the Federal Arsenal in St. Louis. It was 
the purpose of the State authorities to seize these arms, but the or- 
ganizations of Blair prevented. Finally Blair rebelled against the 
power of the State and under his ad\ice the State troops of Missouri 
were captured on May 10, 1861, without waiting for the necessary 
orders from Washington. This put an end to Southern supremacy 
and saved Missouri and Kentucky to the Union. Blair became a 
Major-General in the Union army and commanded the 17th corps 
on Sherman's march to the sea. 

XI. University Men and Confederate Education. 

.Such was the position of the alumni of the University in the held 
and in the legislative and executive branches of the general govern- 
ment of the Confederacy. Their work for Confederate Education 
was not less noticeable. Archibald D. Murphey was the first man to 
agitate the question of public schools in North Carolina. Bartlett 
Yancey drew the bill under which the public schools were organized, 
and Cabin H. Wiley was the organizer. These were all University 
men. Wiley succeeded in giving to North Carolina the best public 
school system that there was in the South before the war. He was 
Superintendent of Public Instruction in North Carolina during the 
war, and through his efforts, with the assistance of Governor Vance, 
the puljlic schools of the State were kept open during the whole of 
the momentous period. In his report to Governor Vance in "1863 
he says: "It is a subject of devout gratitude to one to be able to 
announce that our common schools still live and are full of glorious 
promise. Through all this dark night of storm their cheerful radi- 
ance has been seen on every hill and in every valley of our dear old 
State; and while the whole continent reels with the shock of terrible 
and ruthless war, covering the face of nature with ruin and desola- 
tion, there are here scattered through the wilderness hundreds of 
humming hives where thousands of youthful minds are busily learn- 
ing those peaceful arts which, under the blessing of God, are to pre- 
serve our civilization and to aid in perpetuating the liberty and inde- 
pendence for which this generation is manfully contending." In the 
.same year (1863) fifty counties reported 35,495 pupils, and fifty-four 
counties received $240,685.38 for schools. It is probable that there 
were then not less than 50,000 children in the State attending school. 

Universiiij of Nortfi C'lroHna in fhc Ciril Wnv. 35 

This beneficent system remained vijiforous to the end. The puhhc 
school was maintained in North CaroHna throug-hout the war, excejjt 
in those sections where the Federals had control, and Sherman's 
army on its entrance into Raleigh found Dr. Wiley at his desk re- 
ceiving reports and tabulating statements on the condition of the 

The position of Dr. Wiley among Southern educators, generally, 
was not less distinguished. He was regarded by all as an honored 
and trusted leader.* Another alumnus, Colonel William Bingham, 
class of 1856, remained at the head of his private school for boys 
dvu'ing the whole of the war period. The school was continued at 
Oaks, in Orange county, and ten miles from a railroad, until the 
winter of 1864-65, when it was removed to Mebane, N. C. It was 
then put under a military organization, it officers were commissioned 
by the State, and the cadets were exempted from duty until eighteen 
years of age. The difficulties were great, one of the most serious 
being the lack of the necessary books. This want was met by the 
preparation of Bingham's series of English and Latin text-books, 
which have been republished since the war and are now used in 
every State of the Union. t 

Perhaps the most curious of the educational enterprises of our 
alumni was the law school for Confederate prisoners, established on 
Johnson's Island in 1863 and 1864, by Joseph J. Davis (1847-50), 
who was then a prisoner of war. - - f\c^r% rr r* 

XII. Governor Vance and the Part of North Carolina 

IN THE War. 

But it is not until we come to the actual administration of affairs 
in North Carolina that we find the most exalted position that was 
filled by a son of this University, for it was Zebulon B. Vance who 
earned for himself the distinguishing epithet of "the War Cio\-ernor 
of the South." This proud title was well deser\ed and has been 
generally recognized throughout the Union. It was earnetl through 
the masterful abilit\' displayed l)y Cio\ern()r X'ance in his administra- 
tion of the economic resources of tlu' State. It was bv his instru- 
mentality largely that the blockade trade, carried on through the 

*See Procecdifigs ol' the Convention of Teachers of the Confederate 
States, at Columbia, S. C, April 28, 1S63 (Macon, Ga., 1S63,). 

t Latin C.raniniar, Greensboro, 1863; Cresar's Commentaries, Greensboro, 


36 Sol/ f /urn Hislorical Soc'efi/ Papers. 

port of Wilming-ton during 1863-64, became for a considerable time 
the main support of the North CaroHna troops, and through them 
of the Confederacy. Goods were purchased by the State abroad on 
warrants that were backed by 11,000 bales of cotton and 100,000 
barrels of rosin. Among the imports intended for use of the army 
directly were 50.000 blankets; shoes and leather sufficient for 250,000 
pairs; gray woollen cloth for 250,000 uniforms; 12,000 overcoats 
ready made; 2,000 Enfield rifles with 100 rounds of fixed ammu- 
nition; 100.000 pounds of bacon; 500 sacks ot cofitee for hospital 
use; 550,000 worth of medicines at gold prices; large quantities of 
lubricating oils and other minor supplies of yarious kinds for the 
charitable institutions of the State, besides many other necessities of 
life needed by the people for eyery day use. The supplies of shoes, 
blankets, and clothing were more than enough for the North Caro- 
lina troops, and large quantities were turned oyer to the Confederate 
Goyernment for the troopsof other States. In the winter of 1S63-64 
Goyernor \'ance supplied Longstreet's corps with 14,000 suits of 
clothing complete, and after the surrender of Joe Johnston, North 
Carolina had ready-made and in cloth 92,000 suits of uniform; there 
was also a great store of blankets, leather, &c. When Johnston's 
army surrendered it had fiye month's supplies for 60,000 men, and 
for many months Lee's army had drawn its supplies from North 
Carolina. It has been said that at the end of the war North Caro- 
lina had supplies sufficient for her to haye still prolonged the strug- 
gle for two years. It was due to the executiye ability of Goyernor 
\'ance, a son of this Uni\'ersity, that North Carolina found herself in 
this enyiable position, and to this is due the fact that our people suf- 
fered less than other States, comparati\ely. 

Not only did Goyernor Vance provide thoroughly for the wants of 
the soldiers in the field, but he was careful also to see that the fami- 
lies of the men in the army were not allowed to suffer. Granaries 
were established at certain points in the State, and corn was distri- 
buted to the most needy districts; commissioners were appointed in 
each county to look after the needy, and in this way the State be- 
came, for the time, a great almoner. Commissioners were appointed, 
whose sole duty was to provide salt, and the chief of the bureau for 
making salt, saltpeter, copperas, sulphur, sulphuric acids, and medi- 
cal extracts, was Prof W. C. Kerr, class of 1S50. As early as 1S62 
he had been chemist and superintendent to the Mecklenburg .Salt 
Company, whose works were located at Mt. Pleasant, near Charles- 
ton, .S. C. He had made such improvements in the manufacture 

UnlrcrsHjl of North ('aro!in<i m ihr ClrU \y<,r. 37 

that tlic cost for wood was reduced one-half and other expenses less- 
ened. The University takes an honorable jilace also in the manu- 
facture of iron, for the second lar^^est iron-mill in the Confederacy 
was owncf] and controlled by Robert R. and John L. Bridgets, both 
alumni, the former being- also a member of the Confederate Cong-res.s. 
There was danger of an iron famine in the Confederacy, and at the 
request of the government the Messrs. Bridgets purchased the High 
Shoals iron property in Lincoln, Gaston, and Cleveland counties, N. 
C, and rebuilt the furnaces, forges, rolling-mills, nail factories, and 
foundaries. The States of North and South Carolina became, to a 
large extent, dependent on these mills, and they did also much 
government work. 

It was through such extraordinary measures as these that the 
necessities of life and the sinews of war were supplied to the people 
of North Carolina. This had a reflex action upon them, and kept up 
their interest and enthusiasm throughout the fearful struggle; their 
esprit dc corps was little altered by the reverses of the battle-held. 
They had confidence in their go\ernment at home. The soldier 
in the field felt that his wife and children would not be allowed 
to suffer while his State was able to provide. This gave him re- 
newed strength for battle and caused him to show that magnificent 
heroism which has been for a generation the wonder and the admi- 
ration of the world. But this is at best but only a partial reason for 
the tremendous weight thrown by North Carolina into the scale in 
l)ehalf of the Confederacy. No one man is, perhaps, so much res- 
ponsible for this period of the heroic as this son of our Universitv, 
Zebulon Baird Vance. And never was there a greater Landstrum, a 
more universal leva en masse than was seen in this quiet, slow mo\ing 
old State during those four tremendous years. The white popula- 
tion of North Carolina in i860 was 629,942; her military population 
was 115,369, being the third in rank in this respect. Her proper 
proportion of troops according to ])Oj)ulation was about one-tenth. 
She furnished in reality about one-fifth of the troops of the Confed- 
eracy. On a conservatix-e estimate she sent to the Confederate armies 
i25,o(X3 men, or an awrage of about one soklier to each white family. 
She furnished 10,000 more troops than she had military population in 
i860. More than one-fourth of the Confeilerates killed in battle were 
North Carolinians; nearly one-fourth of those who dit'd t^f wt>unds 
were North Carolinians; one-third of those who died of disease were 
North Carolinians; two-st\enths (^{ the total losses of the Confed- 
eracy were North Carolinians. She lost 40,275 men, ox about thirtv- 

38 S(A(thern Historical Society Papers. 

two per cent, of her total enrollment of 125,000. She lost more 
than twice as many troops as any other State, and yet surrendered 
twice as many troops as any other State at Appomattox. Prominent 
always among these troops of North Carolina were the alumni of this 
University. It was one of her alumni, General Bryan Grimes, class 
of 184S, who commanded the rear t^uard of Lee's army on its retreat 
from Petersburg-, and it was the division under his command that, on 
the mornino' of April 9, 1865, made the last charge on the Federal 
lines that was ever made by the Army of Northern Virginia. 

XIII. Epilogue. 

Saving always the fact that North Carolinians did not, as a rule, 
develop the peculiar class of talent and character most highly es- 
teemed by the President of the Confederacy, it seems safe to say 
that no educational institution contributed more to the Confederacy 
in proportion to relative strength than did the University of North 
Carolina. Not that this institution was more disloyal to the Federal 
Government than others in the South; not that her alumni were 
more pre-eminently given over to the doctrine of secession than were 
the alumni of other institutions; but when North Carolina saw, in 
May, i86r, that she had the choice between two evils and that she 
could not remain neutral in the pending struggle, she made the 
choice that was the most natural and reasonable. She chose the 
side of the State, or of local government, against the growing ten- 
dency toward centralization then given a new impetus by the Fede- 
ral authorities. The alumni of her Universitv responded gladly to 
her call to duty. They were faithful to the earlier teachings of their 
Alma Mater. They risked name and fame, life and fortune, for their 
State. They laid down their lives at her command. 

The names of our Confederate dead are carved in marble on our 
memorial walls, but they have built themselves a monument more 
durable than marble. Their names are written in lines of living light 

"On Fame's Eternal camping-ground." 

The story of their heroism and their devotion to the call of duty will 
be cherished by this University as the brightest jewel in her centen- 
nial crown, and their names will be remembered in this institution as 
long as patriotism is honored here, for 

" where great deeds were done, 
A ])o\ver abides transfused from sire to son." 

Shf-trh of Lleiil.-('i)li>,n'f Fvaiiris W. Smilh. 89 


A Short Sketch of a Short Life. 

Francis Williamson Smith, son of James Marsden and Anne Walke 
Smith, was born at Norfolk, Va., November i2th, 183S. His edu- 
cation was commenced at the time-honored Norfolk Academy and 
continued at the Virginia Military Institute, where he graduated with 
first honors before he was eighteen. He took the course at the Uni- 
versity of Virginia, l)ut was interrupted in the seccMid year by a long 
and severe attack of typhoid fever, and completed his education at the 
Ecole des Fonts et Chausees at Paris. On his return home, while 
still in his minority, he was unanimously elected to the chair of 
chemistry and geology and commandant of cadets at the State Mili- 
tary Seminary of Louisiana. There he was a colleague and friend of 
General Sherman, and remained so until Virginia seceded from the 
Union, when he promptly resigned and tendered his ser\ices to his 
native State. 

He was appointed captain in the provisional army of Virginia by 
Governor Letcher and immediately assigned to duty by General R. 
E. Lee, who took him on his personal staff as his militar)- secretary. 
General Lee was at that time stationed in Richmond engaged in the 
work of organization. General Beauregard at Manassas made appli- 
cation for Captain Smith, as " likely to be more useful to him at the 
front." General Lee declined to make the exchange, but when it 
became known to Captain Smith, after the opportunity was passed 
and he ardently desired more acti\'e service, General Lee adx'anced 
him to the grade of major and assigned him to the 41st Regiment 
Virginia Volunteers. He was given the command of Sewell's I'oint, 
the acKanced ])ost of Norfolk. 

Soon afterwards Major Smith married Miss Deans, daughter of 
Josiah Lilly Deans, esquire, of Gloucester county. From this mar- 
riage there were two children. The eldest, Francis Williamson, 
died before he completed his hrst year, and the second. Anna Maria 
Dandridge sur\i\'ed him. He was at Sewell's Point all the winter, 
and his battery was engaged in the great naval battle between the 
ironclad "Virginia" and the Federal fleet in Hampton Roads. 
March Sth, 1S62. 

The proxisional army of X'irginia was soon afterwards merged into 

40 Southerv Historical Societfj Papers. ■ 

the Confederate States army. Norfolk was evacuated, and Major 
Smith served on General Mahone's staff near Richmond until after 
the battle of Seven Pines, in which he was engaged. 

He was then appointed Major of Artillery in the Confederate 
St ites of America and given command of a battalion atDrewry's 
Bluff at the time of the battle at that place. He continued there 
until Grant's demonstration against Richmond on the Southside, in 
the earlv campaign of 1S64. Major Smith served with the command 
of (xeneral R. H. Anderson at the time of the battle of Chester and 
the second attack on Drewry's Bluff. Though stationed at the fort, 
he was able to render valuable voluntary service to General Ander- 
son outside the fort, in consideration of which the General recom- 
mended him for promotion. 

He was ordered in June to erect the battery at Howlett's House, 
our lowest point of defence on James ri\er, and this he accomplished 
in an incredibly short tinie while under constant fire from the gun- 
boats and batteries at Dutch Gap under General Butler. He held 
this post with a long line of defence in connection with Pickett's 
Division of Beauregard's armv, until the order for the final retreat 
was given. During these months the firing on both sides was almost 
constant, lasting for hours day after day. The order for his promo- 
tion was given, but in the confusion and delays of those darkest 
days it did not reach him. 

On the retreat from Richmond the rear of the Confederate line 
was harried by sharpshooters and continued skirmishing. The place 
of danger was in the rear, and there, on the evening of April 5th, 
he was mortally wounded, three of his men falling at the same time. 
He was taken in an ambulance to Amelia Courthouse, where he was 
left bv our retreating forces, with those who were wounded beside 
him, without the aid and comforts which might have spared him to 
life and usefulness. 

He died at noon April 6th. Thus, at the early age of twenty-six, 
a life beautiful and nol)le was ended in a soldier's grave, in a lost 
cause, though a cause that was not all in vain. Die/n spiro spero. 
Better had it then been said, Duiu cxspiro spero — true alike of the vivid 
life which was passing out of sight, and the cause which three days 
later at Appomattox received its burial, to unfold anew after God's 
inscrutable plan — not ours. 

Anna M. D. Smith, 

White Marsh, Va. 

Recoihstriiciion in Texas. 41 

[From the Galveston (Tex.) Daily Ne-ws, Sunday, November 15, 1896.] 


Bv John C. Walker. 

[The following paper was read before the Texas Historical Society 
of Galveston at its annual meeting', Tuesday evening-, No\'ember 
10, 1896, and is the first of a series of papers in jjreparation. Mr. 
Walker has taken a deep interest in the subject and has devoted a 
great amount of time in study and research. A great deal of the 
matter he brings up has never been more than touched upon Vjy his- 
torical writers.] 

Goitlcinoi of the Texas Hlstoriecil Soeiety of (ici/vestoi : 

In response to your resolution requesting a contribution from me 
on "Reconstruction in Texas," I offer now, as an introduction, a 
sketch relating to the few months which immediately succeeded the 
close of the Civil War and which preceded the real beginning of 
"reconstruction," and will present others upon the subject named 
by you, hereafter, as even an outline would require more space than 
can be devoted to a single paper. 

Such recitals, perhaps, should belong to a later day than this, when 
the time shall have passed for charges to be made against a writer of 
a desire to keep alive sectional feeling. Trusting, however, to re- 
cord some of the most memorable events of that period impartiallv, 
I oftcr this, the first of a series of papers, comi)iled from such au- 
thorities as have been accessible to me, (aided by my personal recol- 
lections,) being fully aware of their incompleteness and imperfections. 
RespectfulK' submitted, 

John C. Walker. 

THl". i5ri:ak-up. 

II chaos ever reigned in an\- land it diil in Texas from Mav to 
August, 1865, following the news of Lee's surrender, which fell like 
a thunderbolt upon the army and the people. A large jiroportion of 
the troops of the Trans-Mississippi Deixu-tmenl had wintered in 
Texas after the cam|)aign of 1S64, which bog.ui \ictoriousl\- at Mans- 

42 SijiifJiern Hislorical Sor-left/ Paj)er.s. 

field, La., bv the utter rout of General N. P. Banks by General 
" Dick " Taylor, and ended in a disastrous check at Yellow Bayou, 
owing to the greater part of the infantry supporting Taylor having 
been withdrawn and sent to Arkansas in pursuit of Steele. The 
army was waiting for hostilities to reopen. Another attempted inva- 
sion by way of Louisiana, Arkansas, or the Gulf coast was expected, 
and but few realized that the war was nearly over. 

During the last vear of the war communication with the Cis-Mis- 
sissippi Department was almost entirely cut off, and the ports on the 
Gulf coast were blockaded. After the fall of Vicksburg the Missis- 
sippi river was patrolled by gunboats so closely that a skiff could 
hardly cross with safety. Although Lee's surrender took place on 
April gth, it was not known anywhere in Texas until late in that 
month, and the intelligence did not reach many portions of the State 
until May was well advanced. 

It is an incident worthy to be remembered that the last gun of the 
war was fired by a Texan on Texas soil, in an engagement on the 
Rio Grande, on May 13, 1865, fought near the historic field of Palo 
Alto, the combatants being ignorant of the stupendous events which 
had latelv occurred. 

The army and the people of Texas had unbounded faith in General 
Lee, most of them believing him invincible, and when the news of 
his surrender was received they were stunned and dazed. Even the 
few who had the prescience to foresee the end could not realize that 
it was so near at hand. Although the terrible significance of the 
surrender of General Lee was understood, at first there was but little 
thought that the war was really ended. On all sides were heard pub- 
lic expressions of determination to prolong the struggle. 

While rumors were afloat to the effect that Lee had onlv surren- 
dered a small part of his forces, and that the bulk of his army had 
joined Johnston: that President Davis and his Cabinet had escaped 
acrcss the Mississippi river and would reorganize the government at 
Shreveport. La., and other unfounded reports of like nature, which 
deferred tor a brief season the despair which was soon to follow. 

On April 26th General Joe Shelby, of Missouri, issued an address 
to his men at Pittsburg, Tex., in which he said: " Stand by the ship, 
b(jys, as long as there is one plank upon another. All your hopes 
and fears are there. All that life holds dearest and nearest are there. 
Your bleeding motherland — pure and stainless as an angel-guarded 
child — the ])roud, imperial South, the nurse of your boyhood and 
the priestess of your faith, is there and calls upon you, her children, 

liecoiislriiclidii in Tej'dfi. 43 

her best and bravest, in the pride and purity of her manhood and 
your blood, to rally around her altars, the blue hills and the g-reen 
fields of your nativity, and send your scornful challenge forth, 'the 
S.ixon breasts are equal to the Norman steel.' " He exhorted the 
Missouri cavalrv division to keep too^ether and to prefer exile to 
submission. On April 27th ( "lOvernor Pendletcjn Murrah, of Texas, 
issued a proclamation from Austin announcin<( the surrender of Lee 
and calling- upon the people to recruit the army and continue the 
struggle, saying : ' ' It may yet be the privilege of Texas, the youngest 
ot the Confederate sisters, to redeem the cause of the Confederacy 
from its present perils." 

On that day (April 27th) the brigade commanded by (General \V. 
P. Hardeman, encamped in Washington county, held a mass-meet- 
ing and resolved that though Lee had surrendered, they would not 
abandon the struggle until the right ol self-go\'ernment was estab- 
lished, and declared their readiness to march to the aid of their 
brethren in arms in the Cis-Mississippi Department. 


Similar mass-meetings were held and like resolutions passed in 
other commands near the same time. At a public meeting held at 
Lagrange April 2gth, resolutions were adopted to the effect that 
under no possible circumstances would the people ever submit to 
reunion or reconstruction. The citizens of Chappell Hill passed reso- 
lutions to reinforce the army and furnish their negroes as soldiers, and 
declared: " We would prefer a common grave for ourselves and our 
children than to submit to the rule of Northern despots." Similar 
resolutions were adopted in Colorado, Limestone and manv tUher 

On April 29th C70\'ernor Henry Watkins .Allen, of Louisiana, is- 
sued a ringing adtlress to the soldiers of Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas 
and Missouri, calling upon them "to unite in a solemn pledge to 
stand as patriots and freemen firmlv to the hol\- cause, in slorm or 
sunshine, in misfortune or success, through good report and through 
e\il report, and to fight our inx'aders now and l\)r all time to come, 
in armies, in regiments, in i-onipanies, in s(|uatls oy singl\-, until our 
independence is won and conceded." 

On INLiy 5th (jcneral J. B. ALagruder issued an acKlress to his sol- 
diers announcing Lee's surrender, and stating that the I'\xleral 
general (Banks) had |)roposi'd a surrender of the troojis in this ilc- 

44 SoxtJten) Historicnl Socidii Papers. 

partment, which he would not even consider. The conckiding words 
of the address were : " We are not whipped, and no matter what 
may transpire elsewhere, recollect we never will be whipped." 

Slender as were the grounds for hope, it was not wholly abandoned 
while the fate of Johnston's army and the other forces across the 
Mississippi was unknown. The idea of continuing the war in this 
State was prevalent, and by many beliexed practicable, and strongly 
advocated during the few weeks which preceded the final dissolution 
of the Confederate forces in Texas. 

General E. Kirby Smith, commanding the department, issued an 
address from Shre\-eport, La., to the soldiers, on April 22d, saying 
in reference to Lee's surrender at Appomattox : " His army was but 
a small portion of our forces in Virginia. The armies of Johnston 
and Beauregard, tripling that under General Lee, are still in the field 
presenting an unterrified front to the enemy." 

On the same day, nearlv three hundred miles away, the officers, 
from colonels to lieutenants, in the regiments known as Pyron's, El- 
more's, De Bray's, Cook's Hea\'y Artillery, the Second Texas Cav- 
alry, and others, signed a stirring appeal to the troops, which by a 
coincidence embodied the same sentiments as those at the same time 
promulgated by the commanding general. They asserted that John- 
ston and Beauregard "still present an unbroken front to the invad- 
ing foe," and declared, " we still will meet the foe upon the threshold 
of our State with fire and sword, nerved by the unanswering and un- 
alterable determination never to yield." To the same efiect were 
the resolutions passed in mass-meeting by Harrison's brigade. On 
May 17th was published the following order of Major T. AL Har- 
wood, commanding the cavalrv battalion, Waul's Legion : " Mem- 
bers of this command will rendezvous at Brenham, Washington 
county, ^Lly 2Sth, prepared to march immediately to brigade head- 
quarters east of the Mississippi river." About that date General 
Majors addressed his brigade, exhorting them "to stand by the 
flag." .Such were the spontaneous expressions of the commanders, 
the army and the citizens when the first authentic news of Lee's sur- 
render reached Texas, and before they realized that other and final 
disasters could occur in such quick succession. There were no tele- 
graphs beyond the State lines; only one railroad, the Houston and 
Texas Central, penetrated the interior of the State to a distance of 
eightv-one miles from Houston, and the Texas and New Orleans 
railroad paralelled the coast only from Beaumont to Houston. Com- 
munication was cut oft by wav of the Mississippi, every harbor was 

Rccovsiriirfiov in Te.ras. 45 

blockaded by warships, and, as was stated by the Galveston A'etcs 
at that time, about a month was required to ^et reliable news from 
Virginia, Tennessee and the Carolinas. During this seascju of doubt 
and suspense discipline was fairly maintained among the troops, 
though it was evident that the determination to fight to the last man 
did not prevail in the ranks to a great extent. 


On May 12th, the day the news of Johnston's capitulation reached 
General Magruderat Houston, he went by train to Galveston, assem- 
bled the forces there on parade, and, in a speech to them, said that 
he had determined to make any sacrifice of life and property, how- 
ever unavailing, rather than yield an incli of grcjund to the enemy; 
that he confidently expected to meet and repel any attempt the 
enemy might make to invade the country. The comment made 
upon his speech at the time liy an intelligent observer was : " His 
remarks were listened to with silence and respect b\' the troops, but 
without any manifestations of enthusiasm." 

Even before the news of Lee's surrender reached Texas there had 
been signs of discontent apparent among some of the soldiers who 
were scattered in regimental and brigade camps principally through- 
out the southern and what was then the western part of the State — 
the section of greatest abundance of food supplies. While none 
openly admitted that the fall of the Confederacy was a possibility, 
many read in the march of Sheridan through the Valley of Virginia, 
of Sherman through Georgia, and in Lee's reverses the presage of 
coming disaster. 

In some regiments acts of open insubordination had been com- 
mitted during the early spring. In one instance quite a number of 
cavalry took a furlough without leave, not deserting, but openly 
leaving with the avowed intention of visiting their families more than 
a hundred miles away, and of returning when it should suit their 
pleasure. Thev reached their lu)mes, Init were not permitted to re- 
main, for their heroic and patriotic wi\'es and mothers, devotetl to 
the cause as were all the women of the Old South, ]nn)mpth- sent 
them back to tluir old commands, not jiermitting some who had 
arrived during a storm to remain l(Mig enough to tlr\- their blankets. 

Besides this feeling of unrest and the consequi'nt tendenc\" to in- 
fraction of discipline, and the natural etterts ol disheartening reports 
from across the Mississippi, there were other i)otent causes for de- 

46 Soutliern Historical Society Papers. 

moralization among- the ranks. While the commissary was supphed 
during- the early spring of 1865 fairly well with coarse food, the sol- 
diers were poorly clad, at least those who could not depend on 
shoes and homespun clothes sent them from their homes. The blue 
uniforms taken from the captured trains of General Banks during the 
spring of 1864 were threadbare, and the Confederate gray issued by 
the Quartermaster Department to the private soldiers was indeed 
scant; yet at this time there was being conducted under the auspices 
of government officials a large trade with Mexico, in the course of 
which wagon trains of cotton, then worth 50 cents a pound in gold, 
were constantly carried across the Rio Grande and train loads of 
army supplies brought back. The soldiers could not see why so 
small a proportion of the proceeds of this trade was devoted to their 
necessities. Although by the conscript laws every ablebodied man 
(excepting civil officials) between the ages of 18 and 45 was required 
to be an enlisted soldier, and those between 17 and 18 and 45 and 50 
were in the reserve corps doing provost and guard dutv, there was 
an alleged system of detailing favorites on all kinds of imaginary 
service at posts and about headquarters — "bomb-proof" positions, 
as they were called. 


There was also dissatisfaction among the men regarding some of 
their superiors, extending even to the general officers. General Ma- 
gruder's headquarters were at Houston, and for manv months before 
the final scenes of the war were enacted he was said to be living in 
a style not of strict Spartan simplicity. Ably seconded by his favorite 
subordinates, he was a leader of fashion and the central figure of a 
gay societv. The soldiers believed, whether justly or otherwise, 
that the ' ' blue beef ' ' and corn pones — the daily fare of the private 
soldier — were not the rations issued at headquarters, and grumbled 
accordingly, for they were accustomed to see the Confederate com- 
manders share all the hardships and privations with their men. 

General Magruder was popular with most of the officers and with 
some of the private soldiers, but at the close of the war he did not 
enjoy that unbounded confidence which a military leader must have 
in order to inspire enthusiasm or command unquestioned obedience 
in a crisis like that at hand; and it is not a matter of surprise that 
the prix-ate soldiers were unresponsive to his appeal to continue the 
struggle in Texas after all was lost in the Cis-Mississippi Department. 

J^crniis/riicf/on in Texas. 47 

There was still another cause for the sudden and complete disband- 
ing- of the Confederate forces. 

As is well known, the best blood of the Scjuth was in the ranks, 
and a large proportion of the private scjldiers were of high intelli- 
gence and education. Such men knew the utter futility of further 
opposing the overwhelming forces of the United States, after the 
great armies of the Confederacy had succumbed, its capital aban- 
doned and destroyed, and its President a prisoner. They fully 
realized when the news of these accumulated disasters was received 
that further resistance was useless, and many acted upon the deter- 
mination to spill no more blood in a hopeless cause. 

Some of the general officers foresaw the result months before it was 
believed possible by the soldiery. (General Taylor in his work, 
" Destruction and Reconstruction," (page 197,) says: " Upon what 
foundation the civil authorities of the Confederacy rested their hopes 
of success after the campaign of 1864 fully opened I am unable to 
say; but their commanders in the field, whose rank and position en- 
abled them to estimate the situation, fought simply to afford states- 
manship an opportunity to mitigate the sorrows of inevitable defeat." 
Again, in recounting an interview with President Da\'is in Septem- 
ber, 1864, he says (page 206): "I did not disguise my conviction 
that the best we could hope for was to protract the struggle until 
spring." President Davis not only disagreed with this, but believed 
the continuance of hostilities feasible up to the moment of his cap- 
ture. He says in his work (page 696): ' ' If, as now seemed probable, 
(after the fall of Richmond,) there should be no prospect of success- 
ful defence, I intended then to cross the Mississippi river, where I 
believed Generals E. K. Smith and Magruder would continue to 
uphold our cause. " 

Taylor, then a lieutenant-general, surrendered at Meridian, Miss., 
to General E. S. R. Canby on May 8th, and it may not be inappro- 
priate to quote the words of the Confederate commander in Order 
No. 54 respecting the distinguished Federal officer. He said : "The 
intelligent, comprehensive and candid bearing pending negotiations 
of Major-( jcneral Canby, U. S. A., to whom I have surrendered, 
entitle him to our highest respect and confidence. His liberalitv and 
fairness make it the duty of each and all to faithfully execute our 
part of the contract." 

DisiNrKCR.vnox ov Tilt: army. 
But to return to the action of the arnu' when the total collapse of 

48 Southern Histoi-k-al Society/ Papers. 

the Cis-Mississippi Department became known as an undoubted fact. 
This period was long- known in Texas as " the breakup." Regi- 
ments, companies, brigades disintegrated and chsbanded with incred- 
ible rapidity. In some commands there was not a man left on the 
scene of a former encampment in an hour's time, the soldiers, seiz- 
ing wagons, mules and other go\ernment property and scattering in 
squads, couples and singly, all going towards their respective homes 
in a peaceful and orderly manner. The disbandment of their regi- 
ment was attended by disorder, in some cases the troops defying 
such officers as pleaded with them to remain. Some left without 
consultation with their officers. Lieutenant-Colonel Fontaine, in 
charge of three batteries of artillery, awoke one morning to hnd the 
men in only one remaining, the members of the others having de- 
parted with the horses, wagons and camp equipage, leaving the guns 
and caissons. In some commands, notably in Hardeman's and 
DeBray's brigades, the private soldiers stood by their colors until their 
officers agreed that it was useless to remain longer and went through 
the form of giving them honorable discharge from the serA'ice, and 
when at last they departed, realizing that the stars and bars represented 
the government of a proud people no longer, the farewells spoken 
were most affecting, and their homeward march was made with 
broken spirits and hea\'v hearts. The different regiments composing 
the army were so scattered, having been posted during the preced- 
ing winter at the most available points for subsistence, there could 
be no concert of action, but as the tidings of the "breakup" else- 
Avhere reached a command, it followed the general movement either 
at once or after a short period of delay. Where the soldiers were 
quartered in towns, or near depots of government supplies, many 
took possession of quartermaster, commissary and ordnance stores 
and appropriated such effects as they desired. At Anderson a maga- 
zine exploded, causing loss of life and destruction of property. At 
Galveston a blockade runner, which had escaped the enemy's guns, 
was pillaged upon reaching the wharf in front of the city. At Hous- 
ton the government stores were appropriated not only by the soldiers, 
but by women and boys, the families of soldiers who were serving in 
distant commands. The ordnance stores there were either carried 
off or destroyed, and guns, shot and shell were thrown into Buffalo 
bayou, (kmpowder in large quantities was spilled and scattered 
about in the magazines, and the city had a narrow escape from a ter- 
rific explosion. 

The troops reasoned that they had fought and suffered all kinds 

ReeoihstrKction in Texas. 49 

of hardships during four years for the Confederacy, and that such of 
its property as could be secured rightfully belonged to them upon its 
downfall. It is hard to see who were better entitled to it than they, 
and such opinion was then shared by the citizens and advocated by 
the newspapers. The wagon trains returning from Mexico with sup- 
plies in charge of Confederate agents furnished rare sport as well as 
profit. A difference of opinion existed between these agents and 
the soldiers as to which were properly residuary legatees of the rem- 
nants of the Confederate estate, each claiming that right, but in all 
cases, except where defeated by the agents' skill in hiding property, 
the soldiers easily maintained the superiority of their title. 

San Antonio was the most important post in Texas in many re- 
spects, being the base of supplies nearest the Mexican border, and 
financial agents w'ere stationed there, having possession of large 
amounts of government funds in gold and silver. Two companies 
from Pyron's regiment were there, while others on detached serxice 
and employed in the various departments swelled the number of sol- 
diers at that point to 700 or 800 men. 


When the news of Lee's surrender reached San Antonio, its im- 
port, while not fully appreciated, was apprehended, and the idea that 
the Confederacy was about to collapse imbued the men with the de- 
termination to appropriate and divide the gold and silver in the 
hands of the Confederate agents, they assuming that otherwise the 
money would only serve to enrich those who had ser\'ed their coun- 
try but little, if at all. M. Lasker, of Galveston, (now State Sena- 
tor,) a prixate in Pyron's regiment, was a prime mover in securing 
an equal division of the government funds, and he, with others, 
notified the officers that in case the Confederacy should fall the gov- 
ernment mone}^ should be di\'ided equally. The officers endeavored 
to sustain the hopes of the men, saying that if the Cis- Mississippi 
Department should fall the bulk of the armies there would cross the 
river and carry on the war in the Trans-Mississippi Department, but 
the soldiers, in anticipation of what might occur, placed guards over 
the Alamo building, to which $So,ooo in silver had been removed, 
and also over the offices ol the financial agents, as a precautionary 
measure. When the news of the surrerider of Johnston, Tavlor and 
Huckner was received they concluded there was no use in deferring 
action longer, and then recjuiretl the financial agents to show their 

50 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

books and to deliver up the specie, which was fairly divided, the sum 
of $i6o being- received by each officer and man. San Antonio having 
valuable stores owned by pri\'ate individuals, it was feared that ma- 
rauding stragglers might sack the city. Mr. Lasker, in conjunction 
with others from his regiment, assisted the civil authorities in main- 
taining order until the arrival of Colonel Pyron, who organized a 
body of men to protect the place and its inhabitants, and remained 
there under discipline doing guard duty until such dangers had 

As a general rule the depredations of the soldiery were confined to 
the property of the Confederate government, to which they considered 
themselves entitled. In but few instances was the property of citi- 
zens disturbed or interfered with. Notwithstanding the demoralizing 
effect of the sudden release of a large body of soldiery from all dis- 
cipline or restraint their beha\'ior towards the citizens was in the main 
exemplary. A terrible calamity had fallen upon all alike, and when 
military organization was abandoned the soldiers fraternized with the 
people, and the people opened their arms to those who had been 
their defenders as though they were returning crowned with the 
laurels of victor3^ The soldiers of the Texas army were impatient 
of discipline, but braver men never lived. They were of the same 
material as those who made name and tame for Texas across the 
Mississippi. Fathers serving in Tennessee had sons here with Green, 
Walker or Polignac ; one brother would be marching and fighting, 
ragged and barefooted, in Virginia, w^hile another followed the flag 
through the swamps of Louisiana. They were of the same blood 
and of the same families with those who composed Hood's brigade 
and Terry's rangers, which organizations deser\e to rank in valor 
with the legions of Caesar and the battalions of Napoleon. 

The disbanding of the troops began about the middle of May, and 
up to the 31st there were men under arms in isolated commands or 
where remnants of regiments still devoted to the cause kept together 
and reiused to accept the inevitable; but the forces continued to be 
depleted day by day. 

On May 21st part of a regiment still remained at Corpus Christi; 
on the 2gth the force at Gah'eston was scarcely sufficient to man the 
forts, and by the ist of June, with the exception of scattered detach- 
ments at different points in the State, the army which had won 
renown throughout the war on many fields, from New Mexico to the 
Mississippi, passed into a memory. 

Rcroiistrtfr/ion in Texas. 51 


While the disintegration of the army was going on General Kirby 
Smith was en route from Shreveport to Houston, a journey which 
occupied many days at that time. Upon his arrival he issued an 
address (May 30th) to the soldiers of Texas, from which the follow- 
ing extracts show the c(jndition in which he found military affairs: 
" My purpose," he said, " was to concentrate the entire strength of 
the department, await negotiations, and, if possible, secure terms 
alike honorable to soldier and citizen. Failing in this, I intended to 
struggle to the last. I reached here to find the Texas troops dis- 
banded and hastening to their homes. -^ * '•' Soldiers, I am left 
a commander without an army, a general without troops. \'ou have 
made your choice. It was unwise and unpatriotic, but it is final. 
You have voluntarily destroyed your organization and thrown away 
all means of resistance. " 

On June 2d General Smith visited the blockading fleet ofl" (Galves- 
ton and there ratified with the Federal admiral (Thatcher ) the terms 
of the convention between Canby and Buckner agreed to on May 
26th, and three days later Captain Sands landed and hoisted the 
United States flag over the custom house. Shortly afterwards 
Federal troops took possession of the place, and on the 19th the 
Federal general (Gordon Granger) assumed command of " the mili- 
tary district of Texas, ' ' under the new regime. 

The dissolution of the Confederate military organization in Texas 
was followed by an universal feeling of the most intense anxiety and 
suspense, which increased each day. An outburst of wrath through- 
out the North against the fallen South had followed the assassination 
of Lincoln. Some of the leading newspapers accused the Confed- 
erate authorities with having been implicated in the plot. The 
inflamed state of the Northern mind rendered the preposterous accu- 
sation easy of belief, while the bitter feeling engendered by the war 
was intensified by the crime. Threats of the direst punishment, of 
wholesale prosecution for treason and confiscation of property filled 
the Northern papers. An influential New York journal, on April 
25th, in an editorial, complacently disposed of the policy to be j^ur- 
sued towards the Southern people as follows : " It will, beyond all 
doubt, be the ami of President Johnson to break up and distribute 
the large lands and pro])erties in the South. This object Mr. John- 
son proposed to accomi:)lish by a vigorous enforcement of the confis- 
cation laws against the rebel huul holders. ^ -^ * The di\ision 

52 Sovthern Historical Societfj Papers. 

of the great Southern States into small freeholds will effect a com- 
plete social re\olution in the South, and this is probably one of the 
objects which Mr. Johnson has most at heart, and in which he will be 
fully supported by the new Congress." 

President Johnson himself, in a speech delivered shortly after his 
inauguration, said : 

" But if the assassin of the President is not to escape deserved 
punishment, what shall be done to those who have attempted the 
assassination of the Republic — who have compassed the life of the 
nation ? The lesson must be taught beyond the possibility of ever 
being unlearned, that treason is a crime — the greatest of human 

Expressions from high authority, of which these are samples, 
seemed to foreshadow unrelenting and vindictive persecution, to what 
limit none could surmise. Jefferson Davis was a prisoner in Fortress 
Monroe, ignominiously ironed like a common felon; John H. Rea- 
gan, late Confederate postmaster-general, was likewise confined in 
Fort Warren. Other late officials had escaped by flight in disguise 
and found safety in foreign lands. What future was reserved for the 
South, prostrate and helpless, wholly subject to the will of the victo- 
rious North, appeared to be beyond the scope of prophetic vision. 


Many Texas officers, civil and military, went to Mexico, among 
them Governors Clark and Murrah, Generals Smith, Magruder, 
Walker, Hardeman and Bee, who were joined there by Generals 
Price, of Missouri; Hindman, of Arkansas, and Early of Virginia. 
General Joe Shelby, of Missouri, fulfilled his promise by leading a 
portion of his command into exile across the Rio Grande. Other 
officers ol high rank, among whom were Generals Waul, DeBray 
and Majors, returned to their homes to endure whatever fate might 
be in reserve for them. 

The private soldiers and subaltern officers scattered throughout 
the State, and the ceremony of surrendering and being paroled was 
for the most part never performed. Few Confederates in Texas 
were actually surrendered or were ever paroled, though General 
Granger issued an order on June 19th requiring them to report at 
certain named places for the purpose of being paroled, and express- 
ing his disapprobation of their having dispersed without attending to 
what he considered an important requisite to the release of prisoners 

Rccoiisli-iicliitn in Icraa. 53 

of war according to military rules. Owing to the sparsely settled 
country, the difficulty of diffusing information at that time and the 
immense area of Texas, it is more than probable that a majority of 
the late Confederate soldiers in this State never heard of the order. 
June igth was a date prolific of orders and proclamations. Be- 
side that relating to the parole of the disbanded Confederates, and 
one for the liberation of the slaves which will be m.^ntioned later, the 
general in command issued another on that day demanding the re- 
turn of "all public property, arms, etc., belonging to the so-called 
Confederate States." The order was most peremptory and ga\ e 
notice that " all persons not promptly complying to this order will 
be arrested as prisoners of war and sent north for imprisonment, and 
their property forfeited." Savage and threatening as this document 
appeared on its face, it did not strike much terror to the hearts of 
those old Confederate soldiers who had secured anything from the 
general wreck. They could not readily believe that after all the 
prisoners of war had been liberated a new prison system would be 
put in operation for the especial benefit of those who should not 
promptly " comply " with the order to return the government effects, 
and as to a forfeiture of their own property, the average Confederate 
soldier at the close of the war would have gladly divided equally 
with the finder any property of his which could be discovered by Gen- 
eral Granger or any one else. The order, however, was complied 
with to a certain extent. A few old muskets and Enfield rifles were 
turned in, and some unserviceable horses and mules were given up 
to the United States agents, but Confederate property in the hands of 
the old soldiers which was worth anything as a general rule remained 
in their possession. They generally showed no indisposition to re- 
turn \\ hat was worthless, but scrupulously drew the line at anything 
of substantial \'alue. 


The conduct of the negroes during the war had been most exem- 
plary. In many neighborhoods plantations cultixated In' a force of a 
hundred or more were managed by white women. A few old men 
and boys under seventeen years of age constituted all the male whites 
in many localities where the negro population was relati\-ely ten to 
one. In some cases plantations were managed bv negro foremen 
without any white person in charge, the owners being in the army or 
living miles away. Yet throughout the war crime of anv kind was 
but rarely committed bv negrt)es, and the general experience of 

54 Southern Hisforirol Socift// Pcpcrs. 

that time justifies the assertion that in Texas at least they were trust- 
worthy and feithful servants. 

On June 19th (General Granger issued his order of emancipation 
in pursuance of Lincohi's proclamation. This was expected by most 
of the people, although a few clung to the theory that the right of 
slave ownership was guaranteed by the Constitution, and would be 
respected at least where proof of loyalty could be made. There was 
no delay in obeying this order upon its promulgation. In the rural 
districts remote from military posts the behavior of the slaves upon 
acquiring their new found liberty was generally better than what 
might ha\'e been expected. The crops for that year were growing, 
and in most instances they remained with their former masters upon 
wages until after the harvest. Many refused to be emancipated, or 
rather to leave their masters, whom they regarded as their best 
friends. It is true that those whose idea of freedom was merely free- 
dom from labor, quit work and congregated about the small towns 
and villages luxuriating in the enjoyment of undisturbed idleness, 
but as a rule the country negro in 1865 was industrious and peaceful. 
Not until the P'reedman Bureau and carpet-bag element took posses- 
sion of the State did serious race troubles begin. 

At military posts which included cities and large towns the newly 
emancipated slaves soon imbibed the idea that they were the wards 
of the Government, and being taught that the war had been waged 
for their freedom, they thought that their liberators also owed them 
support. They began to flock to the points which were garrisoned 
in large numbers, but were somewhat discouraged by a circular order 
from General Granger from which the following extracts are taken : 
"All persons formerly slaves are earnestly enjoined to remain with 
their former masters under such contracts as may be made for the 
present time. Their own interest as well as their former masters' or 
other parties requiring their ser\'ice renders such a course necessary 
until permanent arrangements can be made under the auspices of the 
PVeedman's Bureau. * '■' ''^ No persons formerly slaves will be 
permitted to travel on the public thoroughfares without passes or per- 
mits from their employers, to congregate in buildings or camps at or 
adjacent to any militar)- post or town." 


A remarkable feature of this order is the requirement by a Federal 
general that freemen should have passes or permits from their em- 

Reconstrartioii in Texas. 55 

ployers in order to travel on the public highways — a regulation ne\er 
very strictly enforced by slave owners before slavery was abolished. 
In the light of other occurrences about that time the order requiring 
them to carry a pass, the essential Ixidge of slavery, was indeed 
anomalous. For example, a public negro ball was gi\'en by permis- 
sion of the military authorities at Galveston, and no permit was 
obtained from the municipal authorities, which was a breach ol the 
city ordinances. The manager was fined by the recorder, J. P. Cole, 
and committed to jail in default of payment. The Galveston News 
thus described what followed: " (3n the 3d instant, while the council 
was in session with Mayor Leonard presiding, a Federal officer with 
armed guard entered the city hall and arrested the mayor, taking 
him from his seat and putting him in jail." It further stated that he 
was "permitted to resume the functions of his office, with instruc- 
tions, however, that military orders at present are the supreme law 
of the land." 

In this manner was the enforcement of the law by local authorities 
resented where it conflicted with the will of the Federal officers. 


United States troops leisurely took possession of and established 
posts at the principal points in the State, but the force was wholly 
insufficient to afford even a small garrison in every county, so there 
were many sections of hundreds of square miles where Federal sol- 
diers were not seen for many months. 

Meanwhile Texas was without a government of any kind. The 
executive department and the courts were closed, and were only re- 
opened upon the temporary organization effected later on by the 
provisional governor, A. J. Hamilton. 

Bands of lawless men, "jayhawkers" as they were called, ter- 
rorized some sections of the country, and, while General (iranger 
denounced them in his orders as " enemies to the human race, who 
would be dealt with as such," his soldiers exterminated but few if 
any of them. 

Meanwhile a more hopeful feeling gained ground among the peo- 
ple as to the future. The tone of the Northern press and of the 
Northern speakers became more moderate. President Johnson had 
issued a proclamation of limited amnesty, and had expressed himself 
as inclined to adopt a " merciful " polic\- toward the South. 

In June, Gerrit Smith, a leading abolitionist, delivered an address 

56 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

at Cooper Institute, New York, in which he said: "The Nortn, 
under the persistent clamors of the press and pulpit to punish the 
South for treason, is in danger of committing the mean crime of the 
age. Lips and pen no more influential than mine can do but little 
to avert this danger, but what little they can do shall be done. ^' * "^^ 
All over the North there is clamor for the blood of the leading rebels 
whom we have captured and those whom we hope to capture. I 
have no sympathy with this clamor. The South fully surrendering, 
let bloodshed cease and all punishment. ' ' But while strongly oppos- 
ing prosecutions for treason, he echoed the sentiment that the landed 
estates in the South should be parceled out, and on the subject of 
suffrage he said : ' ' All the disloyal must be kept away from the bal- 
lot-box — the masses for ten years and the leaders for life." Horace 
Greeley spoke at the same meeting, saying that the trial of men pa- 
roled under the laws of war would be " a black violation of faith." 

The New York Commercial Advertiser said editorially: "We do 
not see how General Lee or any of his soldiers can be arrested 
without violating a solemn compact and our national faith and honor. 
General Lee and others may have merited the severest punishment, 
but we cannot now mete it out to them. The terms were perhaps 
too liberal, but they secured an immediate peace, and we must not 
repudiate them. Let not our fair names be tarnished by any such 
acts of blighted faith and infidelity." 

The great military chieftains who had fought and won the late war, 
headed by General Grant, were foremost in taking a decided stand 
against the violation of the terms of surrender, and their attitude 
upon that question had potent influence in averting the threatened 

The New York World published an elaborate argument against 
confiscation of Southern property, and other Northern papers quoted 
and approved its views. 

Lidications of moderation such as these inspired the people of 
Texas with the hope that the e\'ils they had feared would at least be 
mitigated, and that civil government under the Constitution would 
soon be restored. 

This seemed to be promised by the appointment of Andrew J. 
Hamilton provisional governor by the proclamation of President 
Johnson on June 17, 1865. The late Hon. Charles Stewart has de- 
scribed Governor Hamilton as ' ' in many respects a remarkable 
man," and as " a man of generous impulses and of extraordinary 
intellectual power." He was a member of Congress at the time of 

Autohiof/rap/ii/ of (ircnvral Pa f Ion. Aii(lir--«iii. 57 

secession, and being a Union man went north at the beginning of the 
war and remained there until its close. Among the duties imposed 
upon him by the President was that of convening a constitutional 
convention, the proclamatii^n reciting that the delegates were " to be 
chosen by that portion of the i)eople of said State who are loyal to 
the United States, and no other." He reached Texas in July, 1865, 
and assumed the duties of his office on the 25th of that month. 
Then really began the period never to be forgotten by those who 
passed through it known as " Reconstruction of the State ot Texas." 


C. S. A. 

[Transcribed by Mrs. Anderson and kindly furnished by her for 
publication, through Rev. H. A. Brown, Saxe, Va. — Ed.] 

I was born in Winchester, Franklin county, Tennessee, on the i6th 
day of February, 1822. My father, William Preston Anderson, was 
a native of Botetourt county. Virginia, and was born about the year 
1775. During the second term of General Washington's adminis- 
tration he received from the President a commission of lieutenant in 
the United States army. About this time, or soon after, he removed 
to Tennessee, and at one time was United States district attorney for 

the judicial district, and was subsequently surveyor-general ot 

the district of Tennessee. In the year of 1812 he was colonel in the 
24th United States infantry and was accidentally with Colonel Crogan 
in his defense of Fort Harrison. During this war \\v married 
my mother (Margaret L. Adair), who was the fifth tlaughter of 
Major-Cicneral John Adair, of Mercer county, Kentucky. He had 
previously been married to Miss Nancy Bell, liy whom he had three 
children — Musadora, Rufus King and Caroline. In the second mar- 
riage there were born Nancy Bell, Catharine Adair, John Adair, 
(who died in infancy,) James Patton, John Adair, (who died in 1858,) 
Thomas .Scott and Butler Preston. When I was an infant my father 
removed from the town of Winchester to his farm. "Craggy Hope," 

5S Soiilhern Historiral Sorie/ij Papers. 

about six miles distant, where he resided till his death, in April, 1831. 
When about eight years old I was sent for a short time to a country 
school near home, where I learned the alphabet and began to spell 
and read. Soon after my father's death my mother returned with 
her six children to her fother's in Mercer county, Kentucky. My 
brother John Adair and myself were soon after sent to the house of 
Charles Buford (who had married my mother's youngest sister) in 
Scott county, Kentucky, and remained there about a year, attending 
a country school taught by a Mr. Phillips. This was in i83i-'2. 
In 1833 I returned to my grandfather's and went to school to a 
young man named Van Dyke who taught in the neighborhood, 
afterwards to Mr. Tyler, and still later to a Mr. Boutwell, who were 
successiyely principal of Caye Run Acadamy in Mercer county. I 
was then sent to the house of Judge Thomas B. Monroe, in Frank- 
fort. Mrs. Monroe was also a sister of my mother. Here I remained 
about a year or perhaps more, attending a select school taught by 
B. B. Sayre. About this time my mother was married to Dr. J. N. 
Bybee, of Harrodsburg, Kentucky. I was taken to his house and 
^vent to school in the yillage to a Mr. Rice, and afterwards to a Mr. 
Smith. In October, 1836, I w^as sent to Jefferson College, at Can- 
nonsburg, Pennsylyania. I remained there a year, when pecu- 
niary misfortunes compelled my stepfather to withdraw me. In the 
winter of 1838 I kept up my studies with a young man named Terry, 
then teaching in Harrodsburg. During this winter I boarded at the 
house of my uncle John Adair, three miles in the country. In the 
spring of 1838 I was sent up to Three Forks of the Kentucky river, 
in Estill county, where my stepfather had established a saw-mill and 
had opened a coal mine. During this year, too, I made a trip with 
my mother to Winchester, Tenn., on horseback, where she went to 
close up some of the unsettled business of my father's estate. In 
the fall of 1838 my stepfather determined to remoye to north Missis- 
sippi, then being rapidly settled, the Indians haying been remoyed 
west of the Mississippi riyer. I accompanied him on horseback from 
Harrodsburg, Ky., to Hernando, in De Soto county. Miss. I re- 
mained here during the winter of i838-"9 assisting in building 
cabins, clearing land. &c., for the comfort of the family. In April, 
1839, I was sent back to Jefferson College. I entered the junior 
class and graduated in 1840. I returned to De Soto county, Miss., 
and began the study of law in the office of Buckner & Delafield, 
and was admitted to the bar by Judge Howry in 1843. 

Having no money with which to support myself, and the bar being 

Aift()/jioi/ri'/)/ii/ of (jrciierul T^atlon Aii'/ersoii. 59 

crowded with the l)est talent of Tennessee, Alabama and other 
States which had been attracted to this new country by its great pros- 
perity and promise, I accepted the position of deputy sheriff of De 
Soto county under my brother-in-law, Col. James H. Murray, who 
had been elected to that office in the fall of 1.S43. I held this ])osi- 
tion, from which a comfortable support was derived, till 1846, when 
the prospect seemed favorable to commence the practice of law. In 
the summers of 1844 and 1845 I spent three months of each year at 
the law school of Judge Thomas B. Monroe at Montrose over at Frank- 
fort, Ky. I have always regarded these months as more profitably 
spent than any others of my life. In 1847 I formed a partnership 
with R. B. Mayes, a voung lawyer of the State about my own age. 
(During the time I discharged the functions of deputy sheriff, I 
also practiced law in partnership with my former preceptor, E. F. 
Buckner, whene\'er I could do so consistently with the duties of 
the office. ) In October, 1847, I received an earnest appeal from 
Governor A. G. Brown, of Mississippi, to organize a company in 
response to a call froni the President of the United States, for ser\'ice 
in Mexico. ( I had previously made several efforts to enter the 
military service during the war with Mexico, but all the organizations 
from De Soto county had failed to be received bv the C Governor, 
their distance from the capital making them too late in reporting, i 
In a few days I organized a company of volunteers from the regiment 
of militia in the county, of which I was then colonel. I was elected 
captain of the company without opposition. H. Car Forrest was 
elected ist lieutenant, mv brother John Adair was elected 2d lieu- 
tenant, and my brother Thomas Scott, orderly sergeant. The com- 
pany repaired hurriedly to Vicksburg, the rendezvous. Two other 
companies had already reached the encampment. After waiting a 
fortnight or more for the other two companies of the battalion called 
for by the President to report, the five companies were sent to New 
Orleans for equipment and organization. Having received arms, 
clothing, &c., they embarked about the 2d of January. 184S, for 
Tampico, Mexico. 

On the 22d of February, 184S, I was elected at Tampico lieuten- 
ant-colonel to command the battalion. I remained at Tampico till 
the close of the war, when I was mustered out of the service along 
with the battalicMi at V^icksburg, Miss., and reached mv home at 
Hernando on the 4th of July, 1848. 

I resumed the practice of law in ]xirtnership with R. H. Maves. 
Our prospects were flattering as the liusiness of the firm was grad- 

60 Southern Historical Societj/ Papers. 

ually increasing-. In the tall of 1849 I was elected one of the mem- 
bers of the Legislature from De Soto county after a very heated and 
closely contested canvass. In January, 1850, I took my seat in 
the Legislature, (ien. John A. Quitman was at the same time inau- 
gurated go\ernor of the State. .The celebrated compromise meas- 
ures were then pending in the Congress of the United States, and 
the country much excited on the topic then being discussed, 
fefferson Davis and H. S. Foote were then the United States Sena- 
tors from Mississippi. I took the same view of the question with 
Davis and Quitman — voted for a resolution in the House of Repre- 
sentatives of Mississippi requesting Senator Foute to resign his seat, 
inasmuch as he did not reflect the will of the State in voting for the 
compromise bill. I sustained cordially and sincerely all the promi- 
nent measures of Governor Quitman's administration, and believed 
great injustice and wrong was done the South in the passage of the 
compromise bill by the Congress of the United States. In 185 1 I 
was renominated by the Democratic party of De Soto county for a 
seat in the Legislature. My health at this time was very bad, which 
precluded me from making a thorough canvass of the county. The 
contest was an exceedingly warm one and in many portions of the 
State was even bitter. It has passed into history. Mr. Davis was 
defeated for governor by General Foote. The whole Democratic 
party was left in a minority; with the rest I was defeated by over a 
hundred majoritv in an aggregate vote of about eighteen hundred; 
resumed the practice of law; succeeded as well as could be hoped; 
health still bad trom fever and ague. 

In 1853 Jefferson Davis was tendered the position of Secretary ot 
War in Mr. Pierce's Cabinet. In answer to a letter of mine in Feb- 
ruary of this year he advised me to proceed to Washington city 
where he would use his influence to procure me a commission in the 
new rifle regiments then about to be raised b}- Congress for frontier 
defense. My health by this time became so bad from the effects 
of sedentary habits and the agues engendered in a miasmatic 
climate, that friends and physicians advised me to remove from Mis- 
sissippi to a colder and dryer climate. I accepted Mr. Davis's pro- 
posal and repaired to Washington city, where I arrived on the night 
of the 4th of March, 1853, i'^ time to learn that the bill to raise a 
rifle regiment had failed for want of time to receive President Fill- 
more's signature. I remained, however, a fortnight without making 
any effort or application to receive any other position. The bill to or- 
ganize the territory of Washington had become a law on the 3d of 

Aatohlo<ir(ij)hii of GericraJ PaUon Ai^lcrson. 61 

March. My uncle, John Adair, who had removed to Astoria in 
Oreo^on in 1848, was now in Washinj^ton city and was extremely 
anxious for me to remove to that distant region, where my brothers 
John and Butler had gone in 1850. Through his instrumentality and 
the kindness of Mr. Davis (now Secretary of War) I was appointed 
United States marshal for the Territory of Washington. I accef)ted 
it and set about making preparations for the journey. Two difficul- 
ties were in the way — ist, the want of money, and 2d, I was en- 
gaged to be married to my cousin Henrietta Buford Adair, and I 
doubted the policy of taking her into such a wild and new countr\- 
with no other help or dependence for a support than my own exer- 
tions. I returned to Memphis where she was, consulted her, and we 
agreed to try our fortunes on this unknown sea. Her father gave 
her eight hundred dollars, and by borrowing six hundred from 
.Stephen D. Johnston, of De Soto county [this was soon returned 
bv collections from his practice, which his health at the time did not 
permit him to attend to. — E. A. A.], I raised about the same amount. 
[My recollection .is he raised about one thousand, possibly a little 
over. — E. A. A.] We were married in Memphis on the 30th of 
April, 1853, and in an hour afterwards were on our way to the Pacific 
coast aboard of a Mississippi steamer bound for New Orleans. We 
embarked at New Orleans on the 7th of May on board a steamer 
bound for Greytown in Nicaragua. The first day at sea my wife was 
taken very ill of fever. P'or several days her life seemed to be sus- 
pended by a thread. These were the most anxious davs of mv life. 
Happily she was better by the time we reached Grevtown. Taking' 
a small river steamer there we commenced the ascent of the San luan 
river. After several days of toil we reached \'irgin Bay. only to 
learn that the steamer from San Francisco, on which we had ex- 
pected to reach that city on her return trip, had sprung a leak and 
was compelled to go down the coast to Panama for repairs, and that 
she would probably not return for a month. This was a great dis- 
appointment to the eight hundred passengers at \'irgin Ba\-, who 
were eager to reach the gold fields of California, but to me it was a 
matter for rejoicing, since a few weeks' rest in Nicaragua woukl pro- 
bably restore my wife to health before undertaking" another long sea 
voyage. We remained at Virgin Bav nearly a month. My wife re- 
covered, antl we embarked at San Juan del Sud the first week in 
June. Reached San Francisco in fourteen davs. where we had to stav 
near a fortnight in wait for the steamer which was to take us to the 
Columbia river. At the expiration oi this time we set sail in the 

62 Soid/uTH Historical Socictji Papers. 

steamer "Columbia," bound for Astoria, Oregon. Among the pas- 
sengers were my Uncle John Adair and his oldest daughter, Capt. 
George B. McClellan, U. S. A., Major Larned, U. S. A., and 
several other officers of the army, besides two companies of the 

infantry. [I thintk the 4th. — E. A. A.] After passing the bar 

at the mouth of the Columbia a reckoning was taken between my 
wife and myself of the state of finances. It was ascertained that the 
sum total on hand was exactly one dollar ! [Paper money would 
not pass on that coast. — E. A. A.] It would not pay for landing 
our trunks at Astoria, which place was then in sight and was our 
present destination. I threw the dollar into the raging Columbia 
and began to whistle to keep my courage up. An officer came on 
deck whom I had not seen at the table or elsewhere during the voy- 
age. He inquired if Colonel Anderson was in the crowd. I replied 
and introduced myself to him. He made himself known as Lieut. 
Rufus Saxon, U. S. A., and said he had left New York on the 
steamer that came out a fortnight after I had left New Orleans, and 
that he had an official communication for me from the Secretary of 
the Interior, at the same time handing me a paper in a large official 
envelope. Taking it in my hand I began to deposit it in my coat 
pocket without breaking the seal, when he requested that I would 
open it and see whether he had brought it and contents safely to 
hand. On opening it I found it contained instructions for me as 
United States marshal to proceed at once to take a census of the in- 
habitants of the new Territory of Washington, and also a Treas- 
urv draft for a thousand dollars, to defray my expenses in the work ! 
This was a piece of good fortune in the nick of time, for in two min- 
utes more the steamer dropped her anchor off the city of Astoria, and 
soon we disembarked. My wife remained at the house of our uncle 
at Astoria and I started in a tew days to Puget Sound to commence 
the official labors assigned me. I reached Olympia on the 4th of 
July and on the 5th started through the Territory to take the census. 
The only mode of travel then known in the country was by canoe 
with Indians as watermen or on foot. For two months I was con- 
stantly engaged in this way, frequently walking as much as twenty- 
five miles per day, and carrying my blanket, provisions, and papers 
on my back. My health was already robust and the work was a 

On completing the census, my wife accompanied me in a canoe, &c., 
up the Cowlitz river to Olympia, where the capital of the Territory 
was likely to be established and where I had determined to settle. At 

Autohiogrt//)lij/ (if (ili'i)eral I^atton Aiiflcrso/i. 63 

first we rented a little house and then I bought one, in which we 
lived very happily and pleasantly during' our stay in the Territory. 
In addition to the discharge of my duties as United States marshal 
I practiced law in the Territorial courts whenever the two duties did 
not conflict. 

In 1855 I was nominated by the Democratic j^arty of the Terri- 
tory for the position of Delegate in the United States Congress. 
My competitor was Judge Strong, formerly United States district 
judge in Oregon. We began a thorough canvass of the whole Ter- 
ritory as soon as appointments for public speaking could be dis- 
tributed among the people. I was successful at the election, which 
came off in June. Soon thereafter the report of gold discoveries 
near F^ort Colville on the upper Columbia reached the settlements 
on Puget Sound, and several persons began preparations for a trip 
into that region. Not desiring to start for Washington citv before 
October, in order to be in Washington on the first Monday in De- 
cember, the meeting of the 34th Congress, to which I had been 
elected, I determined to go to Fort Colville to inform myself about 
the gold deposits of that and other unexplored regions of the Terri- 
tory, the better to be able to lay its wants and resources before Con- 
gress and the people of the States. I started with seven other 
citizens of Olympia the latter part of June on horseback with pack 
animals to carry our provisions. Our route lay over the Cascade 
Mountains, through what was then called the Na-chess pass, across 
the Takama river and valley, striking the Columbia river at Priest's 
rapids, where we crossed it, and taking the Grande Contee to the 
mouth of the Spokan river, thence up the left bank of the Columbia 
by Fort Colville to the mouth of Clarke's Fork, where gold was re- 
ported to ha\'e been found, which we proved by experiment to be 
true. The trip from Olympia to the mouth of Clark's Fork, as thus 
described, occupied us about twenty -four days. Other parties fol- 
lowed us soon after. The Indians on the route became alarmed lest 
their country would be overrun with whites in search of gold and 
commenced hostilities by killing a man named Mattice, who was on 
his way to the mines from Olvmpia. A general Indian war was 
threatened. I had not been at the mines a week till Angus McDon- 
ald, of Fort Colville, sent an express to inform me of the contlition 
of aftairs between me and home. We were unarmetl, excc])t with 
two guns and one or two ])istols in the partv. Our provisions were 
being exhausted, and the appointed time for f//i return had arrived ; 
so the miners concluded to return w ith me. To ax'oiil the most hos- 

6-1- Soiithcrn Bislorical >Societt/ Papers. 

tile tribe, led by the chief Ozi'/n', we made a detour to the east in 
returning, crossed the Spokan about forty miles above its mouth, 
passed by the old Whitnan mission, crossed Snake river about ten 
or twenty miles above its mouth, took down the Pelouse to Walla- 
Walla, thence across the Umatilla near the mission and " Billy Mc- 
Key's," crossing- the Deo Shuttes at its mouth, then down to the 
Dalles, the Cascades, F'ort Van Couver, and up the Cowlitz back to 
Olympia, which we reached in safety about the ist of October. 

During- that month my wife and self took steamer for San Fran- 
cisco, thence to Panama, Aspinwall and New York. We reached 
Washington city a few days before the meeting of Congress. This 
( 34th ) Congress will be long remembered as the one which gave rise 
to such a protracted and heated contest for speaker, to which position 
Mr. N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, was finally elected. This was 
the first triumph of importance of that fanatical party (now called 
Republican ) wliich led to the disruption of the Union four years 
later. Before this struggle for speaker had been decided, and during 
the Christmas holidays, my wife and I repaired to Casa Bianca, Fla., 
bv in\'itation of our aunt, Mrs. E. A. Beatty. While there I en- 
tered into an agreement with her for the conduct of her plantation 
under my supervision, &c. My wife remained at Casa Bianca and 
I returned to mv duties in Washington citv, only coming to Florida 
during the vacation. 

Mv term of service in Congress expired the 4th of March, 1857. 
The same day Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated President for four 
years. He appointed me Governor and Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs of Washington Territorv [the same positions had been ten- 
dered him by Mr. Pierce, which he had declined. — E. A. A.], but I 
d'd not accept, wishing to take my wife's advice on the subject. On 
consultation with her I determined not to return to Washington Ter- 
ritory, believing firmly that the days of the Union were already 
numbered, and not wishing to be absent from the land of my birth 
when her hour of trial came. I resigned the position tendered me 
by Mr. Buchanan and devoted myself exclusively to planting at 
Casa Bianca. 

In 1.S60, when it became certain that Mr. Lincoln was elected 
President of the United States, the people of Florida, feeling alarmed 
for the safety of their rights and institutions, began to hold primary 
meetings preparatory to a general convention of the State. In De- 
cember, i860, I was elected a delegate from Jefferson county to a 
general convention of the State, which assembled at Tallahassee the 

Auf.o/>i<>t/r<'/>/ii/ (if Genera/ PaJfim Andirso}!. . 65 

iHt of January, 1861, and passed the ordinance of secession on the 
loth day of the same month, which received my hearty ai)proval. 
While the convention was yet in session the Governor deemed it pru- 
dent to seize such forts, ordnance and ordnance stores as he could, be- 
longing to the United States within the limits of the State. For this 
purpose a force was sent to Pensacola to seize the navy yard, Forts 
Barancas, McBee and Pickens, to wliich all the United States troops 
then at Pensacola had now retired. At the request of the company, 
sig-nified to me in Tallahassee while they were awaiting transportation 
to St. Mark's, I agreed to command them in this expedition. 
Another company under Captain Amaker from Tallahassee was 
also going on the same errand. We failed at St. Mark's to get 
steamboat transportation. Returned to Tallahassee and started over- 
land by Quincy, Chattahoochie, &c. Captain Amaker's commission 
as captain was older than mine, but at his urgent request and that of 
Governor Perry I consented to assume the command of the /z<y<? com- 
panies. Having marched to Chattahoochie arsenal we were stopped 
by a dispatch from Governor Perry directing us to remain there till 
further orders. In about a week it was decided by the oflicer in com- 
mand of Florida troops at Pensacola not to attack Fort Pickens, and 
he accordingly dispatched Cjovernor Perry to disband niv detach- 

In the meantime the convention of Florida had determined to send 
delegates to a convention of such Southern States as had secedetl from 
the Union, which was to meet in February at Montgomery, Ala. 
These de'egates from Florida were to be appointed by the Governor, 
by and with the ad\ice and consent of the conxention. Governor Perry 
dispatched me at Chattahoochie arsenal that he had appointed me 
t)ne of the three delegates to this general convention, and directed 
me to return to Tallahassee with my two companies where they would 
be disbanded, which was done. 

In February I repaired to Montgomery antl took part in the pro- 
ceedings of the convention, which formed a provisional go\ernment 
for the seceded States. All the principal measures of that body, 
passed or ])roposed during its fu\st session and wliile 1 was a mem- 
ber, met my support. I was on the Committee ol' Military Atiairs 
and favored the raising of troops, (S:c. I also proposed to have the 
cooks, nurses, teamsters and pionerrs ot our army to consist of 
slaves. After having adopted a provisional constitution and a pro- 
visional president, the convention or Congress ailjourned about the 
tirst of March. 

66 Souther)} Historir-al Socieh/ Papers. 

On the 26th of March, while near my home at Monticello, the Go\- 
ernor wrote me that he wished to send a regiment of infantry to Pen- 
sacola for Confederate service. My old company was immediately 
reorganized and on the 2Sth of March started for Chattahoochie 
arsenal, the place appointed for all the companies to rendezvous and 
elect field ofhcers. On the 5th of April I was elected colonel of the 
1st Florida regiment without opposition, and that night started with 
the regiment to report to General Bragg at Pensacola. We reached 
Pensacola on the nth, and 12th of April went into camp and com- 
menced drilling and exercising the troops. On the nights of the 
7th-8th of October I commanded one of the detachments which 
made a descent upon the camp of Billy Wilson's Zouaves, under 
the guns of Fort Pickens, on Santa Rosa Island. The expedition 
consisted of about a thousand men divided into three detachments, re- 
spectively under Col. J. R. Jackson, 5th Georgia regiment; Col. James 
R. Chalmers, 9th Mississippi regiment, and myself. Chalmers had the 
right, Jackson the centre, and I the left; the whole under command of 
Brigadier-General R. H. Anderson, of South Carolina. My com- 
mand consisted of 100 men from the ist Florida, 100 men from the 
1st Louisiana, and about 150 from the ist Alabama, and other com- 
mands. My loss in this fight was eleven killed, twentv-four wounded 
and twelve captured. (I speak from memory.) 

On the loth of February, 1862, I was appointed a brigadier-gen- 
eral in the provisional army of Confederate States, and in March was 
ordered to report to General Bragg, then at Jackson in West Ten- 
nessee. Soon after reporting I was assigned to the command of a 
brigade of infantry in the division of Brigadier-General Ruggles, 
then at Corinth, Miss. This brigade consisted principally of Louis- 
iana troops, to which the ist Florida and 9th Texas regiments were 
soon after added. I was immediately ordered to the front of Corinth 
in the direction of Monterey and Pittsburg Landing. 

At the battle of Shiloh my brigade consisted of the 17th, 19th and 
20th Louisiana regiments, the 9th Texas, the ist Florida, and Clack's 
Louisiana battalion, with the 5th Company of Washington Artillery 
of New Orleans. 

Soon after the battle of Shiloh, Hindman was assigned to the 
command of Ruggle's division, but only exercised it a few days 
when he was ordered to Arkansas, and the command devolved upon 
me as senior brigadier. I commanded the division in the retreat 
from Corinth till we reached Clear Creek, near Baldwin, where I 
was taken ill with fever, and Major-General Sam Jones was assigned 

AH(ohio//r(i/)hi/ of dlcmral Patton Audi rson. 67 

to the division. I rejoined the division at Tupelo, Miss., where the 
army was reorganized, and I commanded a brigade in Sam Jones's 
division till we reached Chattanooga, Tenn., in August of that year, 
preparatory to the Kentucky campaign. 

In August, 1862, while encamped near Chattanooga, the di\'ision 
was reorganized, and was composed of Walker's, Adams's, Ander- 
son's, and Richard's brigades. About the middle of August Major- 
General Sam Jones was assigned to the command of the Department 
of East Tennessee and the command of the division devolved upon 
me. On the ist of September I crossed Walden's ridge with my 
division, following Buckner's division — the two composing Hardee's 
Corps, Army of Tennessee. Throughout this campaign I continued 
in command of the division, having Bngadier-( General Preston 
Smith's brigade of Cheatham's division added to it in the afternoon 
of the day of the battle of Perryville. We returned from Kentucky 
through Cumberland Gap, Knoxville, Chattanooga and Bridgeport 
to AUisonia, in Franklin county, Tenn., where my division was 
halted for a fortnight. During this time I \'isited for the first 
time in many years the grave of my father at Craggy Hope. From 
AUisonia the army proceeded to Shelbyville, where we halted ten 
days, and thence to Eagleville, where, in December, my division was 
broken up and I was assigned to the command of a brigade in With- 
ers' s division of Polk's corps. This brigade was the one formerly 
commanded by Brigadier-General Frank Gardner. I was only in 
c(jmmand of it a (ew days when Rozecrans advanced upon Murfrees- 
boro, where General Bragg determined to give him battle, and for 
this purpose took his line of battle on the 27th of December about a 
mile and a half from Murfreesboro on the Nashville and Wilkinson 

The morning of the day on which the line was taken up I was 
transferred to the command temporarily of Walthall's brigade of 
Mississippians. This was in consequence of Walthall's sickness and 
because the brigade was composed entirely of troops (Mississippians) 
who had been under my command, either as brigade or division 
commander, since March, 1862. This brigade won manv laurels in 
the battle of 31st of December and the 2d of January, 1863 ; was sent 
to reinforce Breckenridge on the right, who had been roughly han- 
dled that afternoon by superior numbers. We reached the scene of 
conflict about sundown, and after the heaviest fighting was over, in 
time, howe\'er, to have several officers and men of our skirmish line 
severely wounded ; and, by interposing a fresh line between the vie- 

68 Soidherii Hisforical Sor/eti/ Pupcis. 

torioLis enemv and Breckenridge's shattered columns, gave time for 
the latter to ralh' and resume a Hne they had held in the morning. 

This affair gave rise to much bitter feeling between General Bragg 
and Major-General Breckenridge, Bragg in his official report having 
animadverted verv severely upon Breckenridge's conduct and having 
attributed more — I think — to my brigade than it was entitled to. 
On the other hand Breckenridge hardly did us justice, or rather 
///s friends, who discussed the matter in the public prints did not 
give me due credit "or our conduct or operations on that occasion. 
They rather contended that I reached the ground after the fight was 
over, and although we came with good intentions and doubtless 
would have rendered efficient services, if it had been necessary, yet 
there w^as nothing to be done after our arrival, &c. The facts are, 
howe\'er, as I have stated them here, and as I stated them in my 
official report on that occasion, a copy of which I sent to (General 
Breckenridge, whereupon he wrote me a very complimentary note, 
characterizing the report as one that was " truthtul and manly." 
[This note, with many valuable packages, including most of his Confed- 
erate correspondence and official reports in a handsome desk, were 
burned at St. Marks, Fla., while awaiting shipment. The warehouse 
was burned and they in it in 1869. — E. A. A.] I think General Bragg 
founded his report upon exaggerated statements of some partial 
friend of mine and hence attributed to more than I deser\'ed. I al- 
lude to it here because both Bragg' s and Breckenridge's statements 
may become matters of controversy and dispute hereafter.) 

After the battle of Murfreesboro, during the illness and absence of 
.Major-General Withers, I was in command of the division for over a 
month. In the meantime Brigadier-General Chalmers, who com- 
manded a brigade of Mississippians in the division, was transferred 
to the cavalry service in Mississippi, and upon Withers resuming 
command of the division, I was assigned permanently to the com- 
mand of Chalmers' brigade, which I exercised without interruption 
while the army was at Shelbyville, Tenn., and during our retreat from 
that place to Chattanooga, in June-July, 1863. 

In July, 1863, I was sent with my brigade to hold the Tennessee 
river at Bridgeport and vicinity, while the balance of the army was 
at Chattanooga aad above there on the river. This duty was per- 
formed to the entire satistaction of General Bragg. In August 
Withers was transferred to duty in Alabama and Hindman was as- 
signed to the command of the division. Shortly before evacuating 
Chattanooga my brigade was withdrawn from Bridgeport by order 

Autohiogrcph// of (ictn'fdl l^aflon Aiidcrsnii. <ilt 

of (icncral Hi'agg and rejoiiK-d the dixision in the neii^hborhood of 

I commanded the dixision in tlie McLemore's Cove expedition in 
September — for which Hinchnan, who commanded the whole expe- 
dition, has received much censure. He certainly missed capturing 
eight or ten thousand of the enemy, which would have left the bal- 
ance of Rosencranz's army at Bragg' s mercy. .Soon after this, or 
rather while in McLemore's Cove, Hindman was taken sick and tlv 
command of the division again devolved upon me. 

On the night of the igtli o^ .September, after the tlivision had 
crossed the Chickamauga creek and while it was getting in position 
for next day's fight, Hindman resumed command and continued in 
command of the division till the close of the battle after dark on the 
night of the 20th. .So I commanded mv brigade in the battle of 

In the advance on Missionary Ridge, began on the 21st, I was in 
command of the division. Soon after reaching Missionary Ridge 
Hindman was placed in arrest by (xcneral Bragg and the command 
of the division devoUed upon me. I commanded it at the battle of 
Mi-ssionary Ridge, but on that morning protested against the disposi- 
tion which had been made of the troops (see my official report;, which 
was the worst I have ever seen. The line was in two ranks, the front 
rank at the foot of the hill and the rear rank on the top ! ! And the 
men were over three feet apart in line ! Thus the front rank was 
not strong enough to hold its position, nor could it retire to the top 
of the ridge so as to be of any service to the line there. The conse- 
(juence was that the troops made no fight at all, but broke and ran 
as soon as the enemv's o\erwhelming columns adxanced. About 
the last of December Hindman was released from arrest and assumed 
command of the corps as senior major-general, and I remained in com- 
mand of the division. 

In February, 1864, Major-( General Breckinridge haxing been tr.uis- 
ferred to a command in .Southwestern Di\-ision, I was ^m the gth day 
of F"ebruary ap])ointed by the Presitlent and confirmed i)y the Senate 
a major-general in the provisional army and assigned to the com- 
mand of Breckenridge's division in tln' .Arnu' of Tennessee. Before 
reccix'ing these orders, however, I recei\ed a dispatch from the Presi- 
dent ordering me to Florida to assume command of that district. 
The Army of Tennessee was at this time at nalti>n, (la., umler com- 
mand of General loseph E. Johnston. 

70 Souther)) Hislo)'ical Societ)/ Papers. 

I reached Florida the ist of March, 1864, ten days after the 
battle of Olustee, and assumed command of the district, with 
headquarters in the field in front of Jacksonville. Remained 
here operating- aoainst the enemy at Jacksonville and on the St. 
John's river all summer, until I was ordered back to the Army of 
Tennnessee. We were able to confine the enemy closely to his en- 
trenchments around Jacksonville, and by blowing up two of his 
armed transports a/^orc Jacksonville and one beloiv, put a complete 
stop to his navigation of the river above that city, and caused him to 
evacuate Palatka and to use the river below Jacksonville with the 
greatest caution. 

On the night of the 25th of Julv, 1864, I received a telegram from 
(General Bragg at Columbus, Ga., directing me to report to General 
Hood at Atlanta without delay for duty in the field. I started to 
Atlanta on the morning of the 26th of July and reached Atlanta on 
the night of the 28th. On the 2gth I was assigned to and on the 30th 
assumed command of my old division composed of Deas', Brantley's, 
Sharp's and Manigault's brigades. I remained in command of these 
brigades until the even of the 31st of August, when I was wounded 
in the battle of Jonesboro, Ga., which compelled me to leave the 
field and has resulted in my absence from the army up to the present 

There are many incidents connected with my experience which 
would interest my children if I had time to record them, but I have 
not. I ha\'e hurriedlv written some of the prominent facts for their 
edification hereafter. This is a dark day in the history of the pres- 
ent war, but I believe a brighter will soon duvn upon us. If dissen- 
sion and and faction does not distract us, we will certainly achieve 
our independence. The course of some prominent men in Georgia 
[Toombs and Cxovernor Brown. — E. A. A.] just at this time is much 
calculated to grieve the spirit of all true Southerners. It is to be 
hoped that they will desist from their factions, teachings, and prac- 
tices, and soon unite with the patriots of the land to prosecute with 
unanimity and \'igor the war which our enemies are determined to 
wage against us. 

PattOn Anderson. 

MoNTicELLO, F'la., Fcb. 28, 186^. 

Aiifohioqropliii (if (icticnd Ptillmi Andcr.son. 71 

(lENERAL Anderson's Different Commands Durino the War. 

Joined a company then being organized in Jefferson county, Fla., 
called "Jefferson Rifles," at Monticello, Ha., December lo, i860; 
was elected captain and entered service of the State of Florida on 
the nth of January, 1H61. 

Elected colonel of 1st Florida Regiment ( infantry) March 26, 1861, 
and entered Confederate service same day. 

Promoted brigadier-general P. A. C. S. February 10, 1862, and 
assigned to command of brigade composed of ist Florida Regiment, 
17th Alabama Regiment (Colonel Jos. Wheeler), 5th Mississippi 
(Colonel P^ant), 8th Mississippi (Colonel Flint); ordered to Jackson, 
Tenn., March 20, 1862 ; thence to Corinth, Miss., and there assigned 
to command brigade about the 26th of March, composed of ist 
Florida Battalion (6 companies, Lieutenant-Colonel McDonald), 
battalion "Confederate Guards Response" from Louisiana (Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Clack), 17th Louisiana Regiment (Colonel Heard), 
20th Louisiana Regiment (Colonel Richard), 9th Texas Regiment 
(Colonel Stanley). Commanded this brigade in the battle of .Shiloh. 
Soon thereafter, on reorganization, was assigned to brigade com- 
posed of 41st Mississippi Regiment (Colonel W. F. Tucker), 36th 
Mississippi Regiment (Colonel Drury Brown), 37th Mississippi Regi- 
ment (Colonel Samuel Benton), 25th Louisiana Regiment (Colonel 
Fisk), 30th Mi.ssissippi Regiment (Colonel Neill), 5th company 
Washington Artillerv. 

1st of September, 1862, assigned to command of Major-Cieneral 
Sam Jones' division in Army of Tennessee at Chattanooga, and ex- 
ercised same throughout (icneral Bragg's Kentucky campaign. The 
division consisted of Brigadier-General Daniel Adams' Brigade, 
Brigadier-General Marsh Walker's Brigade, Brigadier-General John 
C. Brown's Brigade, and Colonel Thomas M. Jones' Brigade. 

On 28th of December, 1862, assigned to command of Trapier's 
Brigade, composed of two South Carolina and two Alabama regi- 
ments — same had been commanded for some time b\- C'uKnu'l A. M. 
Manigault, loth South Carolina Regiment. 

On 30th of December assigned to commaml of Walthall's Brigade 
(Walthall sick and battle of Murfreesboro iinpeiuling) comptised oi 
2c)th Mississii)[)i Regiment (Colonel Brantlev), 27th Mississippi Regi- 
ment (Colonel Thomas M. Jones), 24th Mississippi Regiment (^Colo- 

72 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

nel ), 30th Mississippi Regiment (Colonel Neill), and 

Barrett's Battery; 7th, 9th, loth, 41st, 44th and 9th Battalions Sharp- 
shooters at Shelbyville, Bridgeport, and Chickamauga. 

From this time on was most of the time, as senior officer present, 
in command of Withers' and Hindman's di\'isions successively till 
February 9, 1864; was promoted to major-general P. A. C. S., and 
first assigned to command Breckinridge's division, Army of Ten- 
nessee, by order of War Department; but was soon thereafter sent 
to assume command of Confederate forces then operating in East 
Florida. On the 24th of July, 1864, was ordered back to Army of 
Tennessee, reaching General Hood's headquarters at Atlanta on the 
e^^e of the 28th; was that night re-assigned to command of Hind- 
man's old division, composed of the following brigades: Brigadier- 
General W. F. Brantley's Mississippi brigade, Brigadier-General 
Z. C. Deas' Alabama brigade, Brigadier-General A. M. Manigault's 
South Carolina and Alabama brigades, and Brigadier-General Jacob 
Sharp's Mississippi brigade. 

On the reorganization of the Army of Tennessee at Smithville, 
N. C. , on the 8th of April, 1865, was assigned to command of a 
South Carolina division, composed of Colonel Harrison's brigade. 
Colonel Rhett's brigade, and Major Rhett's battalion of artillery. 

My husband returned to the army in North Carolina in March, 
against the advice of his physicians. He was assigned to a new 
command from Charleston, and was surrendered with them, tcithoiit 
his consoit, at Bentonville. He did not believe the time had come to 
give up. These noble men, though having been under him so short 
a time, told him they would follow him anywhere, and to submit to 
no terms he thought dishonorable. Those above him knew his sen- 
timents and signed the terms of surrender before he reached the 
place, though his ra«/' gave ///;« the right to be present in the caucus. 

Etta A. Anderson. 

fjce (1/1(1 Ij(iti(/s/i'('<:f. 

IFromtlu- Kichnioml Tin/rs, ]une 14, 1896. | 


Editor of the Jlincs: 

Sir, — I have read the review of General Longstreet's book. " PVom 
Manassas to Appomattox," by the London Daily Tclcoraplu with 
much interest. We naturally feci anxious about the conclusions of 
the impartial and unbiased foreign student of history concerning the 
events of the war between the States, and especially as to his esti- 
mate of the leaders on the Southern side. This re\iew, however, 
apppears to me to have been suggested by some one nearer home; 
and, as I read between the lines, I fancy that I hear the partisan here 
prompting the reviewer over there. Who on the other side of the 
Atlantic could claim to be so well informed of public sentiment in 
Virginia during the eventful years of 1862 and 1863 as to be able to 
assert that " controversy raged high in Richmond between the fol- 
lowers of Lee and Johnston as to their relative merit," which is a 
great exaggeration, or to say that " Longstreet was distinctly ot 
opinion that General Johnston, as a soldier, was General Lee's supe- 
rior?" Where is the authority for this latter assertion? General 
Longstreet had served under General Johnston up to the battle of 
Seven Pines, and after that under General Lee; he had been in 
position to form his own estimate of the ability of each ot these great 
commanders, and no doubt had his own views ol their relati\e 
merit; but I do not believe that he ever during the war said one word 
to justify the conclusion of the London Telegraph. Read what 
General Longstreet wrote to General Lee on the e\'e ot his depar- 
ture for Tennessee in the fill of 1S63. Under date of .September 
1 2th he wrote: 

"If I did not think our mo\e a necessary one, my regrets at lea\- 
ing you would be distressing to me. as it seems to be with the officers 
and men of my command. Believing it to be necessary, I hope to 
accept it and my other personal incon\cniences cheerfully and hope- 
fully. All that we have to be proud of has been accomplished under 
your eye and under your orders. Our affections for you are stronger, 
if it is possible for them to be stronger, than our ailmiration tor you." 

Does that read as if General Longstreet was l)ul a, re- 

74 Soi/f/if'i'n Historicdl Societ'/ Pupcrs. 

luctant follower of General Lee ? Is there anything in the earnest and 
undoubtedly honest sentiments here expressed to conhrni the conclu- 
sion of the London Telegraph that it is " impossible to read General 
Longstreet's able book without perceiving that he, who knew Gen- 
eral Lee better than any other man who fought under him or against 
him, was distinctly of opinion that General Johnston, as a soldier, 
was his superior." Be it remembered, too, that this letter from General 
Longstreet to ( ieneral Lee was written after the Gettysburg cam- 
paign, and the glowing words of admiration and affection employed 
in giving expression to the recognition of the fact that all the glory 
of his command was directly due to the ability of his commander are 
utterly irreconcilable with many statements alleged to have been made 
by General Longstreet touching the invasion of Pennsylvania by 
General Lee in 1863. General Longstreet could not claim to have 
entertained the views and sentiments now attributed to him when he 
penned the letter of September 12, 1863, without branding himself 
as a disingenuous flatterer and time-server. When he discussed with 
General Lee the line of action most ad\dsable to be pursued in the fall 
of 1863, although rather more disposed to favor the reinforcement of 
our army in the West for aggressive movements, while the Army 
of Northern Virginia should take the defensive, nevertheless, he 
went so far as to suggest another invasion by General Lee of the 
enemy's country. In a letter to General Lee, under date September 
2, 1863, he wrote, " I do not know that we can reasonably hope to 
accomplish much here by offensive operations unless you are strong- 
enough to cross the Potomac." With such decided views as he is 
said to entertain now concerning the Gettysburg campaign, it is im- 
possible to understand the suggestion made so soon thereafter as to 
a repetition of the invasion of the country beyond the Potomac. 

In speaking of General Longstreet's operations about Knoxville in 
November, 1863, the London Telegraph refers to the mistake then 
made by him when, "from a misconception, he stopped the assault- 
ing column, which he now knows would infallibly have carried Knox- 
ville by storm." Clearly the reviewer here charges General Long- 
street, by implication at least, with the lack of that aggressi^'e and, 
perhaps, audacious cjuality, which he subsequently condemns in 
General Lee. The recognition of this lack of aggressiveness or 
boldness in General Longstreet is, perhaps, the key to the state- 
ment of the Telegraph that General Johnston, who excelled in de- 
tensive tactics, was, in the estimation of General Longstreet, supe- 
rior as a soldier to General Lee, and prepares us for that disapproval 

fjii (lliil 1 jntKjslvi'i'l . 7') 

on the part of (General Lon<;street of the agg^ressive tactics so often 
l)ursued by General Lee, which the Telegraph discovers in his 
book, and to whicli it <,;i\'es expression as follows: " Yet, we 
think all readers of this book will admit that, considering- the in- 
equality of strength brought into the held by the two belligerents, 
and of the vast superiority of the North, (jeneral Lee was far too 
fond of fighting. Manv extracts might be made from it to show 
that such is the undoubted opinion of its author." 

Perhaps so. Unquestionably this opinion was shared 1)\- ( ienerals 
McClellan, Pope, Burnside, Hooker, Meade, and (irant, of the I-'ed- 
eral Army of the Potomac. 

Now, there is the gist of the Lond(jn Teleoraplf s \ersion ot ( Gen- 
eral Long-street's criticism of General Lee. Our old chief was too 
fond of fighting. Well, who else is there in the Army of Northern 
Virginia who cannot pardon him for that weakness in consideration 
of the very brilliant results that almost invariably attended his exhi- 
bitions of pugnacity ? In war it is said that nothing succeeds like 
success. In General Lee's career his success would seem to attest 
the good qualities of his generalship, including his tendency to assail 
his opponents. It was in attestation of his admiration for General 
Lee's fondness for successful fighting, and in recognition of the bril- 
liant achievements won by his corps in fighting under General Lee's 
command, that (icneral Longstreet wrote, " All that we ha\-e to be 
proud of has been accomplished under vt)ur eye and under your or- 
ders." The truth is that General Lee was not a wild and reckless 
fighter, but a discreet and judicious one. When the time arrived to 
strike he did not hesitate, but gave the blow with force and confi- 

The Telegraph de\ otes much space to the consideration ot Gc-neral 
Longstreet's account of the battle of Gettysburg. As is well known, 
most of the controversy that has occurred since the war between the 
acimirers of General Lee and General Longstreet antl his followers 
has been in regard to the incidents of that campaign. In the discus- 
sion of those events intense feeling, and at times e\en bitterness, has 
been manifested by both sides; and some of the charges and counter 
charges made arealike irreconcilable with the general trend ofatitairs 
and the unquestionable ability and admitted excellence of each of these 
great soldiers. Had General Lee lived he would unhesitatingly have 
accepted his fair share of responsibility for the lack ot final success 
at (iettysburg; but his readiness to assume all blame tor tailure, e\en 
though his lieutenants had fiile(.l to (['.^ what he had a right to expect 

76 SoKthern Hisiorical SocieUi Papers. 

of them in the way of co-operation, is in striking" contrast to the 
statement of General Longstreet, as set forth by the Telegraph, that 
" President Davis, Mr. Seddon, and nearly every officer of rank 
serving under Lee, were opposed to invading the enemy's country, 
especially after the failure of the Sharpsburg campaign. (?) ■^- * -'^ 
Yet not a voice was raised against this fatal march, except by General 
Longstreet when he rejoined General Lee after the battle of Chancel- 
lorsville. The two were alone together and what passed between 
them is ntnv made known for the first time." This is indeed a reve- 
laticjn to those of us who were near Cieneral Lee, and such bald as- 
sertions will not be accepted by those who impartially study the 
subject with a sincere desire to reach the truth. Indeed, in the light 
of such assertions made so long after the occurrences and without 
contemporaneous corroborative testimony, I have been forcibly led 
to the conclusion that in this book it is not always General Longstreet 
who speaks. Read what he says when discussing the events of the 
second day at Gettysburg, page 382: "Colonel Taylor says, 'That 
General Lee urged that the march of my troops should be hastened, 
and was chafed at their non-appearance.' Not one word did he utter 
to me of their march until he gave his orders at 11 o'clock for the 
mo\e to his right. Orders for the troops to hasten their march ot 
the first were sent without even a suggestion from him, but upon his 
announcement that he intended to fight the ne.xt day, if the enemy 
was there. That he was excited and ofi" his balance was evident on 
the afternoon of the first, and he labored under that oppression until 
enough blood was shed to appease him. ' ' How terribly sanguinary 
this makes General Lee appear ! Is it really the utterance of Gen- 
eral Longstreet ? Then he has greatly changed in his sentiment to- 
wards General Lee since I knew him during the war. What a ground- 
less, monstrous charge this is ! Think of it, all ye gallant survivors 
of the Army of Northern Virginia, your old commander depicted to 
the world as an insatiate, cruel and blood-thirsty monster ! Such a 
charge as that can do him no permanent harm and will but recoil 
with crushing force on him who made or approved it. 

Now, as to the movements of General Longstreet on the ist and 
2d July, at (Gettysburg, to which he refers in the quotation last made 
from his book, may we not ask what more urgent request he could 
have expected from General Lee that he should hasten to join him 
than is embraced in his own statement that " orders for the troops to 
hasten their march of the 1st were sent without even a suggestion 
from him (General Lee), but upon his announcement that he in- 

Ijec (/))</ Loiif/.^frcef. 77 

tended to tioht the next day, if the enemy was there ? " The greater 
])()rtion of the two corps of (ienerals A. P. Hill and Ewell had been 
h(jtly enga^-ed during- the ist July, with about an equal force of the 
enemy; the result was a great victory for General Lee's troops, and 
the enemy had been driven back some distance through the town of 
Gettysburg, to the heights beyond. It was of the hrst imjxjrtance 
to follow up this success promptly, (ieneral Longstreet, with two of 
his divisions, camped at a point but four miles distant on the night 
of the ist. He was made aware of what had occurred; he had re- 
ceived orders to hasten the march of his troops with " the announce- 
ment that (ieneral Lee intended to fight the next day, if the enemy 
was there." When should he and his two divisions have reported 
to General Lee for orders? At what hour on the morning of the 2d 
could General Lee have reasonably expected him ? At what hour 
would General fackson have saluted Cieneral Lee and pointed to his 
divisions just behind him ? I have claimed, and still contend, that 
(jcneral Longstreet was fairly chargeable with tardiness on that occa- 
sion. He was fully aware of the importance of joining General Lee 
at the earliest possible moment. In a letter to me under date of May 
31, 1875, he wrote: "An order was given, as soon as the fight ol 
the first day was over, for Cicneral Ewell to attack, or rather j)repare 
to attack, at daylight in his front, but was almost immediately 
changed so as to allow time for me to reach the field and make a co- 
operative attack upon or by our right. 

It is useless to discuss here how different the result might have 
been had General Longstreet mo\'ed his two divisions to the front at 
dawn of dav on the 2d. The only question I propose to consider 
now is, at what hour did the troops of General Longstreet reach 
General Lee? For, as will be shown later, there appears to be a 
contradiction in General Longstreet' s own statements about this. 

In his book, page 362, General Longstreet says: "The stars were 
shining brightly on the morning of the 2d, when I rcpcnled at Gen- 
eral Lee's headquarters and asked for orders. After a time Generals 
McLaws and Hood, with their staffs, rode up, and at sunrise their 
commands filed olf the road to the right and rested." 

Sunrise in that locality and at that date is al)out 4:35 o'clock A. 
M. General McLaws, in speaking of tiie movements of his division 
on that occasion, says: "My dixision camped at W'illoughby Run. 
about four miles from Gettysburg, on the night of July ist, abcnit 12 
o'clock, perhaps it was later. While there I received an order to 
move on at 4 A. M. of 2d; but that ortler was countermanded, and I 

78 Soi/fherii H/sforical Soc/'e((/ Papers. 

was directed to mo\'e early. Not long after sunrise I mo\ed forward, 
and before 8 A. M. the head of my division reached Seminary Ridge, 
where General Lee was in person." But I propose to put General 
Long-street himself in evidence to contradict the statement just now 
quoted from his book. I have now in my possession an autograph 
letter from him, written from New Orleans on the 20th April, 1875, 
in which he wrote: " It occurs to me that if General Lee had any 
such idea as an attack at sunrise you must surely be advised of it. 
Right sure am I that such an order was never delivered to me, and 
it is not possible for me to believe that he ever entertained an idea 
that I was to attack at that hour. My two divisions, nor myself, did 
not reach General Lee until 8 A. M. on the 2nd. and if he had 
intended to attack at sunrise he surely would have expressed 
some surprise or made some allusion to his orders." The point 
here made by General Longstreet, is that he had recei\ed no order 
to attack at sunrise; nor had he such orders; but, as the matter is now- 
presented, the defence is purely technical. He had been made to 
know- full well the importance to General Lee for the presence of his 
troops at the front, and he failed to meet the occasion and have his 
command available for the very co-operation with General Ewell by 
an early attack bv our right, of which he wrote in his letter of May 

In other words, had he placed his troops at General Lee's dispo- 
sal at the proper time, it was unquestionably the purpose of the lat- 
ter to have ordered an attack at sunrise or soon thereafter. His 
troops not being in position, of course the attack could not be made. 
The two statements made by General Longstreet as to the time that 
he reported with his divisions, cannot be reconciled. In 1875 when 
he wrote the letter from which I have quoted, he claims that neither 
he, nor his divisions reached (jcneral Lee until 8 o'clock A. M. In 
his book, published twenty years later, he claims that he reported at 
General Lee's headquarters before day, "the stars were shining 
brightly, and that his two divisions reached the front at sunrise," 
say at 4:35 A. M. The prej)onderance of contemporaneous eviden- 
ces goes to prove that General Longstreet accurately described the 
ficts in his letter of April, 1875; the "star-light" scene, with which 
chapter xxvii of his book opens is too finelv draw-n for " Old Pete," 
(rather early you know), and its accuracy is not visible to the naked 

The war record of General Longstreet was a brilliant one. That 
he should have made mistakes was but natural and inevitable; but 

(ilencrdi Li'v 1() Ihe Rrnr. 79 

these did not serve to make his case an exception; and such was the 
story of his heroic achievements, they could not mar its IjrilHancy. 
It is much to be regretted that in the attempt to pro^'e himself inva- 
riably right, he should have found it necessary to assail General Lee's 
motives, and defame his character while claiming for himself quali- 
ties as a soldier and leader superior to those possessed by his old 

Very respectfully yours, 

Walter H. Taylor. 

[From the Richmond Ti»tfs, August 23. 1896.] 


Col. W. L Goldsmith, of Mississippi, Witnessed Both Events. 


Captain Funkhouser's Graphic Description of the Georgia Soldier Per- 
suading General Lee to go to the Rear, and then leading the Charge. 

No other circumstance of the war has attracted more attention 
than the references to General Lee, when in the crisis between defeat 
and victory, he rode in front of soldiers, ready to lead them in the 
charge. An old circular comes from Te.xas with an account of an 
exhibition in which Lee is reported by the Galveston Ai'7cs in the 
picture, as follows: This heroic man, generally so calm and self- 
contained, flames like an archangel, above the wreck of war, and 
inspires all around him with his own elevated yet steadfast inttiition. 

" (iENERAL LI'".!', TO THE REAR." 

Colonel W. L. Cjoldsniitli. Meridian, Miss., writes: The Texan in 
last Confederate I'eteran is correct, and so were other writers who 
saw General Lee turned back. All are correct, but strange to say, 
no one gives dates. This would correct e\er\thing. I hai')pened 
to witness both events. One occurred on the 6th of May, 1S64. 
early in the morning when A. P. Hill was being withdrawn to place 
Longstreet's CiM'ps in position, In-cause of the se\ eri' fighting ol 

8<l Southern Historian/ Socieffj Papers. 

Hill's Corps on the 5th of May. The Federals, by a strange chance, 
attacked Hill's Corps while withdrawing-, which was thrown into 
great confusion, and retreated fighting. Longstreet's column was 
just coming up. General R. E. Lee started to lead them into action, 
to check the wild rush of the Federals. Many of us heard the 
Texas soldier tell General Lee to go to the rear. I was in a few 
feet of General Lee for a long time that morning, while trying to 
rally the retreating Confederates. He was on Old Traveler. 


The second occasion occurred just six days thereafter, early on the 
ever-memorable 12th of May, 1864, when Hancock, by night sur- 
prise, had captured the angle occupied by General Johnson, and cap- 
tured nearly his entire di\'ision, with many pieces of artillery. Gen- 
eral R. E. Lee again attempted to lead the fresh troops coming up 
to retake our lost works. I was there, and saw the gallant John B. 
Gordon remonstrating with General Lee to go to the rear, which he 
finally did, and Gordon led brigade after brigade against the enemy, 
mv own included, and we recaptured the works in our front and 
held them all dav, and until 10 P. M., when we were withdrawn to 
form the new line. I remember sending Captain Perry, of my reg- 
iment, back that awful 12th of May, 1864, to tell our artillery to ele- 
vate their guns, as their shells were exploding just over us, and kil- 
ling my men. Captain Perry returned and said: " My God, they 
are Yankee batteries ! " At this battle, the musketry rolled for 
twenty hours continuously. So you see, this matter, which seems to 
be in such great confusion, happened twice, and comrades write 
ab;)Ut each without giving dates, and hence the conflict. I com- 
manded the Fourteenth Georgia Regiment, Thomas's Georgia Brig- 
ade, Wilcox's Division, and A. P. Hill's Corps, and saw both occur- 
rences, and all writers nearly are correct. 

Captain R. D. Funkhouser writes from Mauvertown, Va. : "The 
details of the ' Lee-to-the-rear ' incident are given at the request of 
W. T. Gass, of Texas. The claims of Alabama and Texas are cor- 
rect. Their account occurred on the 5th or 6th of May, 1864, at 
the Wilderness proper. The battle of Spotsylvania, or Horse-shoe, 
occurred on the 12th of May, fifteen or twenty miles distant. 

I was first lieutenant of Company D, Forty-ninth Virginia Infan- 
try (the famous Extra-Billy Smith's old regiment), up to the battle of 
Spotyslvania. After that I commanded my company, and was cap- 

General Lee to the Rear. 81 

tured at Hare's Hill, or Fort Steadman, March 25, 1S65, in front of 
Petersburg, along' with one hundred and eleven officers, and nine- 
teen hundred men. The Forty-ninth Virginia Regiment was in 
Gordon's Division, Jackson's old Corps, afterwards Early's and 
(Gordon's successively. 

grant's "on to RICHMOND." 

General Grant commenced his "on to Richmond" by crossing 
the Rapidan river, May 4, 1864, the terrible battles of the Wilder- 
ness, or Parker's Store, taking place on the 5th and 6th of May. 
Grant being worsted, he commenced his slide around, or flanking 
policy, only to find General Lee boldly confronting him on the 
heights at Spotsylvania, on the evening of Sunday, the 8th, after a 
tortuous march through the Wilderness, which was on fire, and 
burned up to the road on both sides, and in very warm weather, too. 
It had been evident that preparations were being made for a tre- 
mendous conflict, and it came. In the meantime, the famous horse- 
shoe and other earthworks were created, and a sortie was made by 
the enemy on the evening of the loth, on a portion of our works, a 
little to the left of the toe of the horse-shoe, and it was carried, but 
speedily retaken, with considerable loss on both sides. On that day 
and the next, the nth, our brigade, or division, was used as a sup- 
porting division, consequently we occupied a position in the rear. 
On the morning of the 12th, we were moved up to the front line, a 
little to the left of the toe of the horse-shoe, the latter being a thicket. 
Our position, a small open field, connected with another field a little 
farther to the rear by a narrow strip of land, like an isthmus. \\'e 
were doubled upon, or supported, the Louisiana Brigade. I said to 
one of the Louisiana Tigers, "What's the matter here? You've 
h:id us waked up before day and brought out of our shelter into the 
rain." He replied: "We will ha\e the Yankees o\'cr here directly 
to take breakfast with us." 


It was hardly dawn, and pouring down rain, when Hancock landed 
his 40,000 men against Johnson's Division, in the toe of the horse- 
shoe, when his 3,600 as brave men as the workl ever saw, with its 
commander, who had won the sobriquet of " Bull" Johnson, were 
overpowered and captured. We, being immediately on their left, of 
course, the enemy were to pay their respects to us next. A gallant 

82 SoMthern Historical Sor-ief// Papers. 

officer sprang out of the ditch, and said: "Men, don't be scared; 
be steady, and follow me; I'll take you out." We had not gone 
more than two hundred yards before we were halted by Colonel A. 
S. Pendleton, who said to me: " Captain, stay here until I return," 
and started for General Ewell's headquarters in a gallop. My atten- 
tion was called to a thicket, which we would either have to pass 
through or flank around through the little opening already described, 
and, to my horror, the Yankees were going up an old road at trail 
arms, and double-quick, to cut us off. I called Colonel Pendleton's 
attention to the Yankees. With a motion of his hand he directed us 
to flank around the thicket, which we did in a hurry, marching 
within hfty or seventy-fl\e yards of the Yankees, who seemed to be 
forming to charge us. When we got around the thicket, and in the 
second field we came to a halt without any orders from anybody, and 
on looking around I saw General R. E. Lee, alone, I think, calmly 
sitting on his gray horse. I said to Captain J. B. Updike, "Here 
is General Lee." He joined me and others in saying: "General 
Lee to the rear. 

"these are VIRGINIANS." 

General Gordon then rode up, and said: " General Lee, these are 
Virginians; they have never failed to do their duty and they never 
will, but they don't want you to uselessly expose your life. You go 
to the rear, and they will follow me; won't you, boys ? " 

All echoed "Yes," when Sergeant Wm. A. Compton, who had 
\'olunteered at the age of seventeen (he is now sheriff of Warren 
county, Va. ), took hold of the bridle of General Lee's horse, and 
led him back through the ranks of my company and regiment. Gen- 
eral Gordon immediately spurred his horse into the thicket, saying: 
"Charge! Men, follow me!" and, in the language of John R. 
Thompson, the poet, 

" Like the waves of the sea 
That burst the dykes in the overflow. 
Madly the veterans burst on the foe." 

Their ranks were torn, and their columns riven, the breastworks 
retaken, and the day was ours. General Lee was reported to have 
said: " The crisis had come. The army was cut in twain, and I was 
willing to risk all on the one issue." And he won. 

Battle of Sailor's Creel:. 83 

(From the Riclimfmd Jhsfiatch , March 29, 1896.] 


Recollections of One \A^ho Participated in It. 


A Charge that was an Inspiring Sight. 


To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

Responding to your call of the 15th instant, I will give my own 
recollections of the battle of Sailor's Creek, which was fought on the 
6th of April, 1865, just three days before the surrender at Appomat- 
tox. I was at that time captain of Company F, 8th Virginia In- 
fantry, Hunton's Brigade, Pickett's Division. In this account I shall 
speak of this division in general, and of Hunton's Brigade in par- 

It should be borne in mind that our brigade was not in\'olved in 
the disaster that befell the rest of our di\-ision at Five Forks on the 
1st day of April. We had been lett behind when Pickett was ordered 
to support Fitz. Lee at Five Forks, and were engaged in the battle 
of Gravely Run on the 31st of March, fighting Warren's Corps, and 
keeping him from reinforcing Sheridan. That day Pickett and Fitz. 
Lee drove Sheridan back to Dinwiddle Courthouse. But the next 
dav the tables were turned, and Sheridan, reinforced bv two corps of 
infantry, assailed Pickett on all sides and drove him, with heavy 
loss and in great confusion, from the held. The result was that when 
we rejoined him that evening our brigade was, perhaps, the larger 
half of the division. We had more men present for dutv than all 
the other brigades put together. 

The turning v>{ our right was tollowed inunediatel\- by an assault 
upon our thin lines in front ot Petersburg, and the long struggle for 
the defence ot Richmond was over. Many were the sad hearts when 
llie retreat l)egan, but it ne\er occurred to some of us that the enil 
of the war was near at hand. We beliiwd in the righteousness and 
in the ultimate success of our cause, anil we viewetl the retreat from 

8-4 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Richmond and Petersburg-, not as an irretrievable disaster, but only 
as a prolongation of the war. We were falling back to an interior 
line behind the Staunton or Dan, where Lee and Johnston could 
unite their forces and turn first upon one and then upon another of 
the pursuing armies. This plan would doubtless have been carried 
cnit but for the inexcusable failure of our government at Richmond 
to have supplies at Amelia Courthouse on our line of retreat, as 
ordered by General Lee. The delay caused by the necessity of 
gathering supplies from the surrounding country was fatal to Lee's 
plans. The enemy gained on us, headed us oft" from Burkeville, and 
forced us to take the road to Farmville and Lynchburg. 


No fighting of any consequence occurred until the 6th of April, 
when Sheridan, by rapid marching on a parallel line, got ahead of 
our division, struck the road on which we were moving, captured a 
portion of our wagon train, and forced the battle of Sailor's Creek. 
We had been on the march most of the night, and our men were 
weary and hungry, having been subsisting for two days or more on 
parched corn. At the time the battle began we (our brigade) were 
resting on a hill, awaiting developments, as the enemy were pressing 
our rear guard. It was here that my brother John and Thompson 
Furr, of my company, who had gone foraging the night before, 
rejoined us, bringing with them a bucket of boiled eggs and some 
fried chicken and corn bread. They found an old darkie some dis- 
tance from the road, who, in exchange for two good army blankets, 
gave them a good breakfast and also something for their comrades. 
It was timely relief, for we had not more than finished our breakfast 
\\ hen we were startled by the sound of pistol shots in our front. 
Looking up, we saw some ambulances and stragglers rushing down 
the opposite hill towards us, hotly pursued by Federal cavalr}^ The 
hill seemed to be covered with timber, and only a narrow valley lay 
between. Our men took in the situation at once, and sprang to 
their feet, eager for a tussle with Sheridan. I speak here of Hun- 
ton's Brigade, which was not in the battle of Five Forks. They felt 
that they were a match for the cavalrv, and all along on the retreat 
they were hoping for a chance to wipe out the reproach of April ist. 
The opportunity now presented itself, and without waiting for orders 
from General Hunton, who was in the rear, the head of the column 
(8th Virginia) started down the hill at a quickstep to meet the enemy, 

BdtlI.e of SdiJor's Creel;. 85 

and the enemy tnrned back to report. General Hunton soon rode 
up, and placing- himself at the head of his briijade, led them down 
the hill, across a small stream, and up the opposite hill until we struck 
the woods. There we filed to the ri^ht, and formed in line of battle 
in the edge of the woods. Just in front of us was a narrow strip of 
cleared land covered with broom -sedge, and beyond that the woods 
began ag"ain and extended around to our right. Our left rested on 
the road on which we had been marching. We had scarcely gotten 
into position, with a line of skirmishers thrown out, before the cav- 
alry appeared in heavy force in the woods opposite, and bore down 
upon us. They had gotten into the habit of riding over our infantry, 
and they evidently expected to ride over us. Our skirmishers emj)- 
tied their muskets at them, and then dropped down into the thick 
broom- sedge to reload, while our main line fired over their heads at 
the advancing cavalry. The fire was too hot for them, and \'ery few 
emerged from the woods. 


Seeing this, Oeneral Hunton ordered a charge. It was an inspir- 
ing sight to see those nearly half-starved men mo\e with quick step 
across that narrow field and into the woods beyond, and dri\e Sheri- 
dan's brag cavalry back untill they had forced them out of the 
woods, across another field, and out of the road which they had 
captured. Having recovered the road, our line of battle was 
formed in the road, with the fence-rails thrown down and piled up 
on the side next to the enemy. The road-cut itself fiu-nished us on 
the right the very best protection. There we tt)ok our stand, and 
kept the enemy at bay, in spite of the most desperate attempts on 
their part to drive us away, or to force us to surrender. An open 
field was in our immediate front, leading (.K)wn to a long stretch of 
woods beyond. Over this field the cavalry charged time and again, 
now on horseback, now on foot; but each time thev acKanceil, they 
recoiled before the well directed nuisketrv fire that greeted them. 
In one of these charges about a dozen of their men dashetl around 
Corse's Brigade on our left, and came charging down in the rear oi 
our line, shooting and yelling like demons. It was their last charge. 
All oi them were killed, one being knocked from his horse by one 
ot our amlnilance corps, and his head cruslu'd with a stretcher. 
Thus the battle went on tor some hours, uiilill tlu' encnu' ceased 
their assaults in front and iH'gan to ()\trlap and threaten our right. 

86 Southern Historical Societ/j Papers. 

To prevent this General Terry was ordered to take position with his 
brigade on Hunton's right. He soon reported that the enemy were 
gathering in great numbers in the woods to turn his flank, and that 
he could not hold his position. General Hunton, being called to 
support Terry, said he would send his old regiment around there, 
and that they would hold the position. This movement placed our 
regiment on the extreme right of our line, and under the immediate 
command ot' General Terry. Our position was in the edge of the 
woods, where the enemy were gathering, and with the open field 
just behind us. We had been there only a short time when Gen- 
eral Pickett ordered a retreat. It was now about the middle of the 
afternoon, perhaps later. During all these hours in which we had 
been holding the cavalry at bay, the Federal infantry and artillery 
had been coming up, and were now posted on the hill to our left and 
rear, where we were resting that morning when the battle began. 


To remain where we were, meant certain destruction or capture. 
Our only hope was in retreat. General Terry placed himself at the 
head of our regiment, and led us out into the open fields, towards a 
point a short distance off, where the woods which we had just left 
approached nearest to the woods out of which we had driven the 
cavalry that morning. If I am not mistaken, Steuart's Brigade 
moved out at the same time ftom the left of our di\'ision, but we 
could not see for the woods. Hunton and Corse forming the cen- 
tre of our line, still held the road. It was expected that they would 
follow us at the right time. As we were marching we had woods to 
our right and woods to our left. Passing through the opening 
between them, we emerged into a large field and saw General Pick- 
ett and staff mo\'ing out of the woods to our right. Oft" to our left 
about a thousand yards distant, we saw a lot of cavalry gathered 
about some burning wagons. Just in front of us, some six or se\'en 
hundred yards oft", was a large and dense woods, extending we knew 
not not how far, offering us the safest, if not the only refuge. To- 
wards that inviting forest we hastened at quick step, but in good 
order. Presently we heard firing and cheering in our rear, and 
looking back, we saw the Federal cavalry charging down in rear of 
Hunton and Corse and cutting oft" their retreat. Our situation was 
extremely critical. A large body of \'ictorious cavalry was but a 
short distance behind us, and would soon be after us. To our left 

Ilatllr of ,SV//7o/--.v f'rcch. 87 

the same cavalry were jj^atherin^- about the burning wagons, evi- 
dently preparing for a charge. But so long as we kept in good 
order and showed no signs of panic ^n■ (light, they did nothing but 
cheer and fire at long range. The question which was uppermost 
in every man's mind was, " Can we reach yonder wof)ds before the 
cavalry head us off? " I have always believed that the whole col- 
umn could have done so, but for one circumstance. When we had 
gotten a little more than half way across the field, a serx'ant brought 
General Terry his horse, which he mounted and rode otf towards 
Pickett and staft", leaving our regiment and his own men under the 
command of their regimental officers. This had a demoralizing 
effect on Terry's men, who, seeing their general riding off, broke 
ranks and crowded more and more upon our regiment, which was 
in front under command of Major William N. Berkeley. This con- 
fusion in turn emboldened the cavalry to our left, for soon we heard 
the bugle sounding the charge, and saw tiiem rushing tr)wards the 
woods to head us off. Our men broke into a (loul)le (|uick, and then 
into a run. The head of our column reached the woods first, but 
before the hindmost could penetrate the forest, the cavalry were 
ujjon them. 

woiTLi) HAVK TO surrp:xi)i:r. 

After going about a hundred vards into the woods Major Berkeley 
stopped, saying that he could go no farther and would have to sur- 
render. He had been shot through the ankle at Gettysburg, and 
was never afterwards able to endure much marching. At the begin- 
ning of this day's battle he had sent his horse to the rear, and was 
not so fortunate as General Terry to get it back in time to make his 
escape. Not being able to make a good nm his safety was in sur- 
render, f^e released us all from his authorit\-, saying that it we did 
not wish to surrender we could go. There was an immediate scat- 
tering of the head of the regiment, some going down a ravine, ant! 
others bearing to the right. How many tried to escajie I do not 
know. Onl\' some twenty-five or thirty o\ our regiment succeeded. 
Among these were Captain John Gray, Lieutenant John T. James, 
Sergeant Thompson Furr, and Private James \'an Horn. Captain 
Gray and ni\'self kept close together. 1 had held on to m\- big navy 
revolver, and we did not mean to surrender to any one or twt.) pur- 
suers. Our escape was \ery narrow. Captain Bichsler was captured 
when we were in liiU \iew ol' him, not over fitly yards ofl, according 
to his statement, and hi' alwavs wondered whv liie same iellows did 

88 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

not catch Gray and myself, for they went right on in our direction. 
Twice, as the bullets whistled by us, we stopped to surrender, think- 
ing that the cavalry was upon us, but seeing that they were occupied 
with stragglers in our rear we pressed on deeper into the forest. It 
was our first and last run. We were running, not from Federal cav- 
alry, but from Federal prisons, which we knew were more to be 
dreaded than battle with Sheridan's men. It was nearly sundown 
when we came in sight of Mahone's Division, drawn up on the ridge 
which leads to the High Bridge, near Farmville. As we and other 
stragglers from that day's engagement appeared in sight a body of 
Confederate cavalry moved out to meet us, and to protect us from 
further pursuit. Crossing Sailor's creek on a little bridge we as- 
cended the hill beyond, where Lee and Mahone were waiting and 
watching, and soon were in the bosom of what was left of the Army 
of Northern Virginia. 

C. F. James, 
Roanoke Female College, Farmville, Va. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, January 17, iS 


The capture of the Steamer Saint Nicholas. 

connoDORE hollins' account. 

At 6 o'clock A. M., June iS, 1861, I left Baltimore on the Mary 
Washington, a steamboat running to the Patuxent. On landing at 
one of the landings on the river, I went to the plantation of Mr. S., 
where I suggested the idea (which originated entirely with myself), 
of seizing the Saint Nicholas, a boat running between Baltimore and 
Washington, and manning her with volunteers, and then to take 
the Pawnee, a United States steamer commanded by Yankee Ward, 
and which was a great annoyance to the boats on the Potomac. I 
was told that the plan could not be carried out, as there were so 
many Union men about; that it must be certainly discovered before 
it could be executed. Finding I could not act there, I crossed the 
Potomac in an open boat pulled by four negroes. On reaching the 

A Ddrhifi KrpJoif. 89 

Virginia side, I went to the residence of Dr. Howe THooej, about 
twenty miles from PVedricksburg. This place I reached at i A. M. 
This gentlemen was a perfect stranger to me, but he received me 
kindly, entertained me handsomely, he and his charming family so 
soon to be rendered houseless and homeless by the incendiary act 
of the vandal Captain Budd, of the United States gunboat, a name 
ever to be remembered, desecrated as the insulter of unprotected 
females, firing into barns and houses, and everything but what might 
have been expected of an officer or a gentleman. 

The same day Dr. Howe ( Hooe), chartered a buggy and dro\e 
me to P'redricksburg, where I arrived at six o'clock in the afternoon. 
On registering my name at the hotel, a gentleman, Mr. Chew, intro- 
duced himself to me, and insisted most kindly on taking me to his 
house, where he entertained me most handsomely and hos{)itablv. 
Next morning I went' to Richmond on the cars. I immediately pro- 
ceeded to the Navy Department and reported myself to the Secre- 
tary, and at once received my commission as captain in the Confed- 
erate States navy. After getting my position and commission, I 
went into the Bureau of Details, where I met many of my old friends, 
who had also resigned — Barron, Maury, Lewis, Spotswood, and 
many others. In conversation in that office I suggested my plan of 
seizing the Saint Nicholas, and carrying out the scheme that had 
suggested itself to me at Colonel S 's. I was told that the Sec- 
retary (Mr. Mallory) would not agree to the plan, but that the Gov- 
ernor (Letcher) would. I then remarked that I would obtain Mr. 
Mallory' s permission to apply to the Governor. I walked intt) Mr. 
Mallory' s room and asked his permission. He granted it, and I at 
once went straight to the Governor's. When I made my propo- 
sition, (Governor Letcher, without a moments hesitation, acceded to 
the proposal, and gave me a draft for $i,ooo to send North for arms 
and men, etc. He then and there introduced me to Colonel Thomas, 
of Maryland, alias Zarvona, as a person who could be tnistetl to go 
NiM'th to purchase arms, or transact other business. That same 
afternoon I started off for Point Lookout z'/<? Fredericksburg. 
After lea\'ing Fredericksburg I met ni\' two sons, who were on their 
way to Richmond; they joined me of course. That next evening 
we recrossed the Potomac to the Maryland side, St. Mary's county, 
where I went to the house of a friend and r^'uiained unlill sundown. 
when L iiiy two sons, and Iwv men started in a wagiMi in a pouring 
rain, a nasty, dirtv night, k)r Point Lookout, where tlu' Saint Nicho- 
las had to stop on her wav to Washington. About an hour alter 

90 Southern Jlistor/'-al Socicfij Papers. 

our arrival at Point Lookout, the Saint Nicholas came to the wharf. 
After reaching- the Maryland side I signed the draft and Colonel 
Thomas took the Patuxent boat and went on to Baltimore and Phil- 
adelphia to purchase the arms, etc. I directed him to get the arms 
and return down the bay in the Saint Nicholas, and get as many men 
to join him as he could. I also stated to him that I should ioin him 
at Point Lookout. At 12 midnight I went on board with my party: 
I saw Colonel Thomas dressed as a woman, to a\-oid suspicion, as 
he had high, large trunks such as milliners use; they contained arms 
and ammunition. I told Colonel Thomas to hold himself in readi- 
ness; as soon as we cleared the wharf we would take the steamer: 
Li a few minutes we left the wharf and I soon made the appointed 
signal. The trunks were then opened, the men seized the arms; I 
took a musket, or rather a Sharp's rifle, and a pair of pistols, ran up 
to the wheelhouse, put my hand on the captain's shoulder, and told 
him I had captured his boat, and ordered him to take the boat over 
to Coan river, but he declined saying he was no pilot. I told him 
I knew he was a pilot, and that if he did not pilot me over, I would 
set tire to the Saint Nicholas and land all of my men in his boats, as 
I was determined she should not fall into the hands of the enemy. 
I have learned since that the captain became so uneasy, that another 
man piloted her over. About half an hour after my arrival at Coan 
river landing, a body of Confederate soldiers and sailors came down 
to assist me, the soldiers commanded by Captain Lewis. I then 
read the Baltimore morning papers and ascertained that Captain 
Ward had been killed while making an attack on Mathias Point, 
and all the gunboats had left the river and gone up the river to 
Washington to the funeral. 

There were several passengers on board, but I landed them and 
gave permission to all who wished to return to Baltimore to do so. 
Few returned, as nearlv all were on their way South; and although 
it w^as Sunday the ladies amused themselves by making Confederate 
flags out of the Yankee flags I had captured. 

Finding there was no chance of capturing the Pawnee, and deem- 
ing it unsafe to remain where I was in a steamer without guns, I 
resolved to go up to Fredericksburg, and immediately ran out into 
the Chesapeake bay. I saw a fine brig; ran alongside of her; she 
proved to be the brig Monticello, from Rio, loaded with coffee, and 
l)Ound for Baltimore. I merely captured her, taking the crew on 
board the Saint Nicholas, and leaving the captain and his wife on 
board, as I did not wish to terrify the lady, or render her uncomfort- 

aljle I put Lieutenant Robert (D.) Minor on bo;u'd, with orders to 
take the hri^' to Fredericksburj^. The coffee, a full cargo, was a 
great treat to our " boys in gray," who were already beginning to 
endure some of the many ]M-ivati(>ns that made them in later days. 
"truly an arm}- of martyrs." In an hour or less, I captured a 
schooner frcjm I^oston, loaded with ice and bound for Washington. 
I ])laced an officer and prize crew on board, and dispatched her to 
Fredericksburg. The ice just got there in time, for the wounded 
and sick in the hospitals were suflering for the want of it: and the 
Yankee captain of the schooner attended the sale, and seeing the 
fine prices paid for the ice, he came to me and j^roposed that he 
should go to Boston, get another vessel loaded with ice, bring her 
down, and let me know precisely when tc^ meet him, that I niight 
capture him, take the vessel to Fredericksburg, sell the ice, and 
divide the proceeds. Would any one but a Yankee have been guilty 
of such rascality? He had a splendid flag of a 74, an ensign that he 
had borrowed from the na\y-yard, Boston, to hoist on the occasion 
of Douglas's death, but of that same ensign a goodly number ol 
secession flags were made. I ne.xt captured another \essel from Balt- 
imore, loaded with coal, bountl for Boston — a most fortunate prize, 
as I was on m\- last bucket of coal in the Saint Nicholas. I filled 
up as I went along, as I began t(j feel a little fearful that some ol thr 
gunboats might be after me, so we went up to P'redericksburg, I 
towing my prize. We reached there safely. The go\ernment 
bought the Saint Nicholas for about $45,000, and turned her into a 
gunboat. The coffee sold well, but as she was a Baltimore \essel, 
and owned by gentlemen of that city, the go\'ernmcnt ascertained 
the price of coffee in Baltimore and paid Messrs. Spence tS: Reid 
twelve cents a pound, and sold it at twentv-fi\-e or thirty cents in 
Richmond. The vessel was returned to the owners. I then went 
to Richmond, and was ordered to the command of fortifications on 
James river. After ha\'ing been there for some time, and knt)wing 
I was not competent to Iniild 'longshore fortificatit)ns. whate\er other 
na\y officers might ha\e been, I applied for other duty more in the 
line of nu' ])rotession, and was onU'red to take ol the sta- 
tion at New Orleans, with the rank of coinmodori'. 

92 Soufhern HiMoricol Society Papers. 



Did it Determine the Fate of the Confederacy. 

A dispatch, says the Washington Staj' oi Jan. 15, 1897, written 
by the Confederate General Forrest, dated September 21, 1863, dur- 
ing the movements of troops about Chattanooga, has recently been 
brought to light. Much importance has been attached to this doc- 
ument, because of the opinion attributed to General Longstreet that 
it contained the instructions which determined the fate of the Con- 
federacy. The dispatch is a brief one, dictated by General Forrest 
under most exciting conditions, signed by him, and addressed to 
General Polk, who was asked to forward it to General Bragg. At 
the time the message was written, General Forrest, it is said, was 
making observations high up in a tree on Missionary Ridge. He 
had been sweeping the great battle-field of Chickamauga with his 
glasses; he believed he saw evidences of an attempt on the part of 
General Rosencranz and his army to escape from the trap in which 
the Confederates supposed they had snared him, and in which they 
expected to capture him and his whole army. He, then, calling 
down from the tree, dictated the dispatch in question to his adjutant, 
who wrote it upon a sheet of dingv, blue paper, with a lead pencil, 
using an upturned saddle stirrup as a writing desk. This dispatch 
announced to General Polk, General Forrest's belief that the enemy 
were evacuating Chattanooga, and his opinion that the Confederate 
army ought to press forward as rapidly as possible. 


According to "Holland," the New York correspondent of the 
Philadelphia Press, the subsequent history of the dispatch was as 
follows : 

" As soon as the disjjatch was written, it was sent to General Polk, 
who, as requested, sent the information to General Bragg, who was 
the commanding officer. After this was done. General Polk put the 
dispatch in his dispatch box, and years after it was found by his 
son. Dr. Mechlenburg Polk, who is now a practicing physician in 
New York city. Knowing that Dr. John A. Wyeth was collecting 

An Irnportdnf Di.s'pafr/,. 93 

material for a life of General Forrest, in whose command Dr. Wyeth 
served when a mere lad, Dr. Polk loaned to Dr. Wyeth this dis- 

" In some way the War department heard that Dr. Wyeth was in 
possession of this hitherto unsuspected document, and most urgently 
requested that it be committed to its care, as it was a dispatch of the 
utmost importance, and should therefore be kept in a place of per- 
manent safety. Drs. Wyeth and Polk were of the opinion that the' 
request should be granted, and sent the dispatch to the War Depart- 
ment, after having caused a fac-simile of it to be photo- 

"Recently Dr. Wyeth sent to (jcneral Longstreet a fic-simile of 
this dispatch, and it was this which brought from Longstreet a day 
or two ago, a letter of acknowledgment, in which he says: 'That 
dispatch fixed the fate of the Confederacy.' And he also added that 
with that as a guide, he should write a magazine article explaining ' 
why, in his view, this was the document which thus determined the 
Confederate cause. 


Concerning the effect of the dispatch, " Holland '" says: 

" It suggested to Bragg an opportunity to gratify a certain \'anitv 
and love of display, which was a conspicuous trait of his character. 
He saw that it gave him a chance, as he supposed, to march into 
and through Chattanooga, with all the pomp and ceremonv of a 
conqueror. He, therefore, abandoned his plan, and undertook to 
])ursue and destroy, instead of to head off and surround Ro^encranz. 
General Longstreet says that the delay caused bv this change of 
plan gave Rosencranz an opportunity to rally, swiftly to throw up 
entrenchments, and by reason of the firmness with which Thomas 
held his position — which caused that superb warrior to be called, 
'The Rock of Chickamauga " — to maintain himself until relieved. 
Longstreet wondered why Bragg had abandoned his plan. Forrest 
and Polk could not understand the sudden change in Rosencranz' s 
movements. They did not realise that the delay had given Rosen- 
cranz an oj^portunity such as Uv prayed he might secure, antl of 
which he was quick to take advantage, antl such ad\'antage as in the 
opinion of the Confederates, sa\ed his army. Longstreet could not 
have known of this disjxitch of General h'orrest's, or, if he diti 
know of it, could haxe had no clear understanding o{ what was 

04 SoiUhcni Historical Socktii Papers. 

in it, since the copy which was sent to him recently seems to have 
been the first that he ever saw. His fi-iends have known that he has 
fek that the great moment for the Confederacy, its supreme hour, 
when its destiny was decided, was that moment when General Bragg 
abandoned his plan of attempting to cut off the retreat of Rosen- 
cranz. It may be that Longstreet knew that Bragg came to that 
determination because of information which he had received from For- 
rest. At all events, thirty-three years after this battle, General 
Longstreet, the survivor of all the able generals of the Confederate 
army, expresses the deliberate opinion that, ' this dispatch fixed the 
fate of the Confederacy.' In that opinion he does not agree with 
some of the other military leaders. Whether the military historians 
will agree with him or not, the fact remains that the discovery of 
this dispatch and Longstreet' s opinion, that it contained the destiny 
of the Confederate States will be accepted as a most valuable con- 
tribution to the military history of the Civil War. 


A Star reporter brought ihe views attributed to General Long- 
street, concerning the Forrest dispatch, to the attention of General 
H. Y. Boynton, who, as a soldier, took conspicuous part in the 
Chattanooga campaign, and who is recognized as, perhaps, the best 
living authority on matters relating to the Army of the Cumberland. 

General Boynton said: 

" The dispatch of General Forrest, to which you call my attention, 
which has recently been produced by his biographers as one that 
fixed the fate of the Confederacy, through General Bragg' s disre- 
garding it, and which is, therefore, declared to be ' the crucial dis- 
patch of the war,' is of no significance whatever, beyond showing 
the misapprehensions which existed in the Confederate army during 
the forenoon of September 21st, which was the day after the close of 
the battle of Chickamauga, concerning the position and movements 
of the Union army. This dispatch is as follows: 

"On the Road, September 21, 1S63. 

" 'General: We are in a mile of Rossville — have been on the 
point of Missionary Ridge. Can see Chattanooga and everything 
around. The enemy's trains are leax'ing, going around the point of 
Lookout Mountain. The prisoners captured, report two pontoons 
thrown across for the purpose of retreating. I think they are evac- 

Ah Jiii/iDrf'i/i/ Disji'itch. 95 

uatino- as hard as they can tco. They are cutting timber down to 
obstruct our passage. I think we ought to ])ress forward as rapidly 

as possible. 

" ' Respectfully, etc., 

" ' N. B. Forrest. 
' ' ' Briiradicr- (rcnera/. 

" 'To Lieutenant-General L. Polk. 

" ' (Please forward to General Bragg. )' 

"At the time this dispatch was written the Union army was not 
at Chattanooga, but was in line, fully prepared for battle in Ross\ille 
(iap, and upon Missionary Ridge to the right and left of this gap, 
with one of its three corps extending across the \alley, nearly to 
Lookout Mountain. It was, therefore, directly in ( ieneral F'orrest's 
front, and only a mile distant. The position it occupied could not 
have been carried by direct assault. The army trains were not pass- 
ing around the point of Lookout Mountain, but were going into 
Chattanooga under direct orders from (leneral Rosencranz. No 
pontoon was being thrown across the river for the purpose of retreat- 
ing, and, by General Rosencranz's order, the one already in position 
was heavily guarded to prevent any soldier leaving the city. The 
timber being cut, was in Rossville Gap, to strengthen that position. 
General Forrest himself, did 'press forward.' with the result thus set 
forth in his official report: 


"'On taking possession of Mission Ridge, one mile or there- 
abouts from Rossville, w^e found the enemy fortifying the gap. Dis- 
mounted Colonel Dibbrell's regiment, under command of Captain 
McGinnis, and attacked tliem, but found the force too large to dis- 
lodge them. On the arri\al of mv artillery, opened on, and fought 
them for several hours, but could not mo\ e them.' 

"General Forrest liad two dixisions, which haliitually fought dis- 
mounted. While the L'nit)n army was in line at Rossxille, h\e miles 
southeast of Chattanooga, General Rosencranz was in the city, send- 
ing out ammunition and provisions, and ])reparing to bring the ai'my 
into Chattanooga, which was the objective of the campaign, and to 
hold it. 

"Hon. Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War. then at 
Rosencranz's headciuartcrs in the city, under the same date as this 
dispatch of General h'orrest — nanu'K'. .Si'|)tinit)rr 2isl — thus tele- 
graphed Secrelar\- .Stanton: 

96 Souther)) Histoical Society Papers. 

" 'Chattanooga, September 21st. 

" ' Rosencranz has issued orders for all our troops to be concen- 
trated here to-night. Thomas will get in about ele\'en P. M., unless 
prevented by the enemy, who have been fighting him this afternoon, 

* ^> * There is no time to wait for reinforcements, and Rosen- 
cranz is determined not to abandon Chattanooga and Bridgeport 

without another effort. '^^ '^ * 

(Signed.) " ' C. A. Dana. 


" Since General Bragg is so severely criticised for not pushing on 
it is interesting to inquire what he would ha\'e met had he followed 
General Forrest's advice. 

" Rossville Gap, in Missionary Ridge, is a deep defile, a mile in 
length, through its highest crests, which, with its flanks on the ridge 
and in the valley fully protected, formed one of the strongest defens- 
i\e militarv positions held by either army anywhere, throughout the 

' ' During the closing hours of the battle of Chattanooga — that is 
during the afternoon of Sunday, September 20th — Rossville Gap was 
occupied in force by General Negley, with at least a division of those 
Union troops which had been forced from the Union right and centre, 
had passed to the rear through Missionary Ridge, and turning to 
the right, had taken possession of Rossville Gap, and so stood once 
more across the Lafayette road, which was Bragg' s line of advance 
to Chattanooga. Not only this, but Sheridan's Division entire, had 
moved through the gap, and marching out three miles on the Lafay- 
ette road toward Bragg, and stood across the road, in close contact 
with General Bragg' s left, at the time the battle ended. These troops 
had all recovered from the confusion, into which a portion of them 
had been thrown by the break at noon at Chickamauga. 

"On the morning of September 21st, when Forrest moved up 
within a mile of the gap, to reconnoitre, and when he supposed that 
the Union army had reached Chattanooga, and was, ' evacuating as 
hard as they can go,' it was, as already stated, in position, formed, 
and ready for battle on such impregnable ground as above indicated. 

"General Thomas's report tells how his army was here disposed 
for battle, at the very time General Forrest, in close proximity to 
these lines, concealed by the forests, was writing his dispatch to 
General Polk. After initiating and superintending the movement 

An Intpiirftdil Dispafch. 97 

by which he withdrew his forces fnjiii the Kelley fieUl Hne, to be fol- 
lowed with those from Snodt^rass Hill, for the purpose of passsing' 
them through McFarlan's (jap, in Missionary Ridge, around Bragg's 
right, and placing them in Rossville Oap, between Bragg and Chat- 
tanooga, General Thomas says: 

" I then proceeded to Rossville, accompanied by fienerals Gar- 
field and Gordon Granger, and immediately prepared to place the 
troops in position at that point. One brigade of Negley's Division 
was posted in the gap on the Ringgold road, and two brigades on 
the top of the ridge to the right of the road, adjoining the brigade 
in the road; Reynold's Division on the right of Neglev's, and reach- 
ing to the Dry Valley road; Brannon's Division in the rear of Rey- 
nolds's right, as a reserve; McCook's Corps on the right of the Dr)' 
Valley road, and stretching toward the west, his right reaching nearly 
to Chattanooga creek; Critt.enden's entire corps was posted on the 
heights to the left of Ringgold road, with Steadman's Division of 
Granger's Corps in reserve behind his left; Baird's Dix'ision in reserve 
and in supporting distance of the brigade in the gap; McCook's 
Brigade of Granger's Corps, was posted as a reserve to the brigade 
of Negley's on the top of the ridge, to the right of the road; Minty's 
cavalry was on the Ringgold road, about a mile and a half in ad\ance 
of the gap." 


"With practically the entire Army of the Cumberland rcsteil. and 
thus skilfully posted in a strong position, with sufficient rations and 
ammunition, and with its right guarded on front and flank by Wild- 
er's mounted infantry, and three brigades of ca\alry, with Speer's 
Infantry Brigade as a support to these, and all, as General Thomas 
telegraphed, 'in high spirits,' it is not difficult to see what would 
haxe happened if Bragg, even with his seasoned and magnificent 
veterans, had followed Forrest's acKice, to 'press forwartl as rapidly 
as possible.' 

" That ( icneral Bragg was l)etter inlornu'tl than Gciu'ral Forrest, 
is sufficiently shown by the fict that at the very time Forrest was 
sending the dispatch quoted. General Bragg was telegraphing Adju- 
tant-(ieneral Cot)per, at Richmond, as follows: 

Chickam.m CA Ri\ i:r, September 21. 1S63. 

" 'General S. Cooper: 

After two davs hartl fighting we ha\e tlri\en the eneni\-, after a 

1*8 SoHfhcni Historicdl Society Papers. 

desperate resistance, from several positions, but he still confronts 

us. * ''^ ■•' 

"'(Signed) Braxton Bragg.' 

' ' Of course, this ad\'anced position at Ross\'ille was not one for 
occupation, and during the night of the 21st, Thomas moved his 
army to Chattanooga — the objective of Rosencranz's most remark- 
able campaign. 

" What is here said is intended to apply solely to the question of 
accuracy in General Forrest's dispatch, and not to the question 
between Cjeneral Longstreet and General Bragg, to which it is 
scarcely applicable. The dispatch of General Forrest, which relates 
to that controversy, is one of a later date." 


[Furnished for publication by the son of Major Charles R. McAl- 
pine, Mr. Newton McAlpine, Portsmouth, Va. — Ed.] 

The Rebel Grays were organized June 16, 1S61, at the Glebe 
School-house, Norfolk county, Virginia. Number of men, 63. 

In August the company was, as Company G, assigned to the 41st 
Regiment of Virginia Infantry, under the command of Colonel John 
R. Chambliss, stationed at Ferry Point (now Berkeley). In Sep- 
tember, 1861, it was ordered with the regiment to Sewell's Point. 

In April, 1862, the army was reorganized, and at that and other 
times there was assigned to this company 39 members, increasing 
the number to 102. Volunteers, 76; conscripts, 22, and substitutes, 
4. From Norfolk county, 68; Portsmouth city, 23; Norfolk city, 2; 
Suffolk, 3; unknown, 3; Petersburg, i; Greensville county, i, and 
(kites county, N. C. , i. Total number of deserters, 35. Deserted 
at the evacuation of Norfolk in May, 1862, 25; died in hospital, 3; 
discharged, 3; transferred, i; dropped at reorganization, i; left in 
hospital, 2; who olTered substitutes, 4 — 40; which left for the field in 
May, 1862, an effective force of 62 men. 

On April 29, 1862, the company was detached from the 41st Regi- 
ment of Virginia Infantry, and ordered to report to Lieutenant- 
Colonel Archer, at Boykin's, near Smithfield, and guard the Norfolk 
and Petersburg Railroad. There it remained until May 27, 1862. 

^luich of Co. 7, Sl.r/>/-Firs/ Vin/hnf /nfo, </,■'/. 90 

May 27, 1862, it was ordered to report to Major Jones' Battery, 
No. 3, near Richmond, Va. , as a reserve to sustain (jur forces in the 
event of need at the battle of Seven Pines, &c. 

June 14th, it was ordered to Battery 10, near Richmond. 

July 15th, it was ordered to report to Brigadier-General John H. 
Winder, to do guard duty at Libby Prison, Richmond, Va. 

July 14th, it was assigned to the 6ist Regiment of Virginia Infan- 
try, under command of Colonel Samuel M. Wilson. 

July 20th, it was ordered by Lieutenant-Colonel W. F". Neimeyer, 
6ist Virginia Infantry, to report to the headquarters at Dunn's Hill, 
and was designated Company I in the regiment. About this time 
Cohoon's Battalion of Virginia Volunteers was disbanded, and the men 
of conscript age in Captain Max Herbert's command were assigned 
to the company. 

By command of Brigadier- General S. G. French, dated August 
28, 1862, all men in Captain Mc Alpine's Company, formerly of Cap- 
tain Herbert's Company, Lieutenant-Colonel Cohoon's Battalion, 
will be promptly returned to Captain Herbert. 

The last of August, 1862, the company was ordered to Brook 
Turnpike, near Richmond, and in September to Rapidan River, 
Orange and Alexander Railroad, and there performed fatigue duty 
at Bristoe Station, some distance up the road, in the remo\-al of burnt 
cars, &c. It thus saved an immense amount of pro{)ert}-. 

On September 29, 1862, the enemy advanced, and a part of our 
regiment, comprising about 200 men, gave them battle and repulsed 
them. This was at Catlett Station, Orange and Alexandria Railroad. 
The strength of the company was 59; present for duty, 47; absent, 
sick, 7; absent on leave, i; absent on detail, 4; total 59. 

Lieutenant-Colonel William F. Neimeyer at this time ordered the 
sick from Washington Hosj)ital, about 1,500 in number, to Rich- 
mond. Also about this time Colonel V. D. Groner took command 
as Colonel of the 6ist Virginia Infantry, Colonel Samuel M. Wilson 
having resigned. The regiment proceeded to P'retlericksburg as 
the advance guard of General Lee's army, previous to the battle 01 
Fredericksburg. We were there assigned to General William 
Mahone's Brigade, and became iiK-ntihed with that command there- 

At the batde of Fredericksburg, December 11, 12 and 13. 1S62. 
the strength of the company was 58; present, 44; absent, sick. 10: 
absent on detail, 4. 

Immediatelv after the battle o\' Fretlerickshurg we were encaiuped 

100 Sonthtrn Historical SocieO/ Papers. 

near Salem Church (three and a half miles from Fredericksburg) on 
the Plank Road, and there remained until January, 1863, when the 
brigade was ordered to protect the fords on the Rappahannock and 
Rapidan rivers, near Chancellorsville. 

April 28th, the enemy advanced and crossed the upper ford on the 
Rappahannock, and we were ordered to fall back, and were placed 
in line of battle at Zoah Church on the Plank Road. At the battle 
of Zoah Church, near Chancellorsville, April 30, 1863, the strength 
of companv was 58; present, 47; absent, sick, 4; absent on leave, i; 
absent on detail, 6. 

We advanced, and on Mav i, 1S63, were placed in line of battle 
at McCarthy's tarm. Strength of company, 58; present, 46; absent 
on leave, i; absent, sick, 4; absent on detail, 7; conspicuous for 
gallantry, 5. Advanced, and on May 2d and 3d were engaged in 
the battle of Chancellorsville. Strength of company, 58; present, 
45; absent, sick, 5; absent on detail, 7; absent on leave, i. 

After the retreat of Hooker's forces. May 3, 1863, at Chancellors- 
\ille, we returned toward Fredericksburg, and encountered Sedge- 
wick's Corps near Salem Church. Our regiment acted as the skir- 
mish line for our brigade, our company being held in reserve. In 
the meantime our brigade was moveci to the left of the line, and Sims' 
Georgia Brigade placed in the position of Mahone's men. The 
enemy advancing, we were ordered to fall back to our line. Sims' 
men not being apprised that we were on the skirmish line, opened 
tire on us, and we were thus between two lines of battle. Strength 
of companv at Salem Church, 58; present, 45; absent, sick, 6; 
absent on detail, 7; wounded, 2; conspicuous for gallantry, 2. 
Lieutenant C. W. Murdaugh was seriously wounded, and too much 
cannot be said of his gallantry on this occasion in encouraging the 
men and urging them to perform their duty. Lieutenant Murdaugh 
was ever after unfit for duty. (See Order 283, Adjutant and Inspec- 
tor-General's office.) Sergeant Charles Evans, a gallant soldier, was 
also wounded. We can ne\'er forget the kind treatment we received 
at the hands of the ladies of Martinsburg. 

Battle of Gettysburg July 3, 1863. Strength of company, 57; 
present, 42; absent on detail, 6; absent, sick, 8; absent, wounded, i. 

In the memorable charge at Gettysburg, July 4, 1863. Strength 
of company, 55; present, 40; absent, sick, 8; absent, wounded, i; 
absent on detail, 6; wounded, 3; killed, i; captured, 2; deserted, 5; 
conspicuous for gallantry, 6. 

Sketch of Co. 7, Si.rf;l-Firsl Vnyini'i Iiihiiilr<l. 101 

In September we were ordered to encam|j near Clark's Mountain, 
and remained there until October Sth. 

At Bristoe Station, Orange and Alexander Railroad, October 14. 
1S63. Strength of company, 45; ])rc-sL'nt, 31: absent, sick, 3; 
absent on detail, 7; absent on lca\e, i; captured, 2. 

Returned to Clark's Mountain, and remained there until we 
advanced towards the Wilderness and engaged the enemy at Mine 
Run December 2, 1S63. Strength of company, 45: present, 32; 
absent, sick, 2; absent, wounded, i; absent on detail, .S; captured, 
2. Returned to camp on Bell's farm. Orange county, and there 
remained until January, 1864. January 5th, advanced towards the 
Wilderness. On 6th May, 1864, we were jilaced in line of battle, 
and advanced on the enemy. The Yankee General Wardsworth 
was killed in front of our line. Lieutenant-General Longstreet was 
wounded, and General Jenkins, of South Carolina, was killed, both 
in front of our line by our troops. So much for bad generalship. 

Battle of the Wilderness, May 6, 1864. Strength of company, 
45; present, 36; absent, sick, 2; wounded, i; detailed, 7; captured, 
i; on leave, i; conspicuous for gallantry, 3; wounded, i. It was 
in this battle that the gallant and faithful soldier, Ehin K. Case\-. 
lost his arm. 

On our march towards Sj)otsyl\'ania Courthouse, Sunday, May 
8th, we were assailed near a place called Shady Grove, and after a 
brief delay, repulsed the enemy. We moved on, and bi\ouacked 
only a short distance in advance of the scene of that conflict. 

Battle of Shady Groxe, Sunday, May 8, 1864. Strength of com- 
])any, 45; present, 33; absent, sick, 2; absent, wounded, i; detailed, 
i; captured, i; on leave, i; wounded, i; conspicuous for gallantry, i. 

On the morning of May 9th we reached the field of the approach- 
ing battle, and being placed in line, proceeded rapidly to cover our 
front with a line of field works. On the 12th we engaged the enemy 
at Spotsvlvania Courthouse. 

Battle of SjiotsyUania Courthouse. .Strength of comjiany, 44: 
])resent, 31; sick, 2; wouiuKd, i: detaiK'd, 7: capluri.(.l, 1: on leave, 
i; wounded, 2; mortally wounded, i; conspicuous for gallantry. 5. 
William F. Butt, a good man antl reliable soldier, was iiKM-t.iUy 
wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel William F. Xeimeyer was killed, 
which promoted Captain McAlpine and Lieutenant John Hobday. 
the one as major and the other as captain. The conspicuous gal- 
lantrv of private Albert Lowell deser\ es much i)raise. Our regiment 
in this battle chargetl three lines ot" field works ami c.ipiured each. 

102 Soaihcni Hi.^tor/cal Society/ Papers. 

We remained at Spotsylvania Courthouse until the 22d of May, 
when we took up our line of march, and on 23d crossed the North 
Anna river; taking our place in line, we rapidly covered our front 
with field works. May 27th, crossed the South Anna and entered 
Hanover county. 

May 28 and 29, 1864, battle of Hanover county. Strength of 
company, 43; present, 28; sick, 3; wounded, 3; detailed, 7; cap- 
tured, 2. 

June 2nd and 3rd, battle of Cold Harbor. Strength of company, 
43; present, 28; sick, 3; wounded, 3; detail, 7; captured, 2; wound- 
ed, 2. 

June 13, 1864; left Turkey Ridge, crossed the Chickahominy and 
were placed in line on Frazier's farm. Battle of Frazier's Farm, 
June 13, 1S64. Strength of company, 43; present, 26; sick, 3, 
wounded, 5; detail, 7; captured, 2; wounded, i. Remained on 
Frazier's farm untill the 18th, when we crossed the James on pon- 
toons, and bivouacked near Petersburg. 

June 22, 1864; we engaged the enemy near Wilcox's farm, and 
our Brigade captured 2,000 prisoners, 1,500 stand of arms, 4 Blakley 
guns and 8 stands of colors. Strength of company, 43; present, 21; 
sick, 7; wounded, 5; detail, 7; on leave, i; captured, 2: conspicious 
for gallantry, 5. 

The gallantry of Captain John Hobday on this occasion was con- 
spicuous, and although his services were not duly appreciated, yet, 
it was through his sagacity that the enemy were flanked and defeated. 
With his small command of 21 men, he passed down the enemy's 
line, a distance of 200 yards, and demanded their surrender. Yet 
notwithstanding the neglect of his merit, never did his zeal falter, 
his love cool, nor the feverish impatience of his fiery spirit rebel. In 
his darkest hour it was his pride to know, that he merited honor if 
he did not receive it. 

It was through the courage and gallantry of Charles N. Collins, 
that Major Charles R. McAlpines life was saved, by killing the Fed- 
eral officer who would ha\'e shot the Major. 

That night we were ordered to return to camp near Petersburg, 
and there remain untill the next day. 

June 23, 1864; Battle of (ku'ley house. Strength of company, 43; 
present, 18; sick, 8; wounded, 5; detail, 7; on lea\'e, i; captured, 2; 
under arrest, 2. Two men had deserted, lea\'ing the strength of 
company 41. Returned to camp near Wilcox farm and remained 
there until July 30, 1864. 

S/:('fr/i of Co. I, Sill ;i- First Vir<iiiij<i liifnidi-ij. 10;; 

Battle of the Crater, July 30, 1864. Strenj^th of company, 41 ; pres- 
ent, 22; sick, 6; wounded, 4; detail, 6; captured, i; under arrest, 2; 
killed, 2; wounded, 3, conspicuous for gallantry, 2. Returned to 
company by the Medical Examining Board, i Returned to camp and 
remained there untill August 19th, when we were ordered to advance 
and engage the enemy near Johnson's farm, three miles from Peters- 
burg. The 6ist Regiment had engaged 150 muskets, 15 ambulance 
men and 19 officers. The Regiment had killed, 7; wounded, 55: 
missing, 14; tfjtal 76. Strength of company, 3S; present, 17; sick, 
7,; wounded, 5; detail, 6; captured, i; under arrest; 2. Killed, i; 
wounded, i ; captured, 5; conspicuous for gallantry, i. 

August 21, 1864. All the ambulance men, quarter-master's men, 
sick, wounded, cooks, &c., of the Regiment, were armed and placed 
in the trenches to protect Petersburg from an attack. 

August 24, 1864, took up line of march and proceeded to the rail 
road, and bivouacked on Armstrong's farm. August 25, engaged 
the enemy near Reams' Station, on the Petersburg and Weldon 

Battle Reams' Station, August 25. Strength of company, 37; 
present, 13; sick, 6; wounded, 4; captured, 6; detail, 6; under ar- 
rest, 2. 

August, 26, 1864, returned to camp and remained untill October 
26, 1864, when we took up the line of march and proceeded to the 
Plank Road to Buggies mill, and engaged the enemy on tlu- 27th 

Battle Burgess' Mill, strength of companv, 3S; present, 20; sick, 
4; wounded, i; captured, 6; detail, 4; on leave, 2: under arrest, i: 
conspicuous for gallantry, i; killed, i; wounded, i; captured, 3; 
deserted, i; returned by Medical Examining Board, i. Captain 
John Hobday was killed, wliich promoted Lt. C. \\\ .Murdaugh to 

Alter a fi\e days tramp on a total ration of 2 ' _■ jxiunds o\ meal, 
we arri\ed in camj) ist November, 1864. W'ent into winter ([uar- 
ters December 7, 1864, and remained inacti\'e untill Februar\- 5, 

February 6, 1865, Battle of Hatcher's Run. .Strength of com- 
pany, 35; ])resent, 14; absent, sick, 6; ca])tured, 10: detail, 3: on 
leave, 2. 

The fight between Petersl)urg and .Appomattox. 

104 Sold hern Historical Society Papers. 


Captain Charles R. McAlpine, promoted major, wounded. 
First Lieutenant F. W, Armistead, dropped at reorganization, May 
1862. joined 13th Virginia Cavalry. 

Second Lieutenant John Hobda)', Jr., promoted Captain May 12, 
1S64, wounded July 30, 1864, Crater, and killed October 27, 1864, 
at Burgess" Mill. 

Third Lieutenant C. W. Murdaugh, promoted Captain, October 
27th, 1864, wounded May 3, 1863, at Salem Church, (Chancellors- 
ville. ) 

First Sergeant Johm M. Sherwood, surrendered at Appomattox. 

Second Sergeant Fdward C. Shepherd, disabled, detailed (for hos- 
pital duty! 

Third Sergeant Da\'id W. Thornton, detailed to work in Govern- 
ment shops. 

Corporal George Oglevie, discharged October, 1861, disability. 

Corporal Calvin L. Peek, promoted sergeant, captured October 
27, 1864, and not exchanged. 

Corporal Charles Evans, wounded May 3, 1863, Chacellorsville, 
captured August 19, 1864, and not exchanged. 

Musician Joseph J. Smith, drummer. 


Beaton. Joseph, surrendered at Appomattox. 

Bateman, Jonathan. 

Barcroft, George W., left in hospital in Norfolk, sick, May 10, 
1862, and never heard from. 

Butt, William T.. mortalh' wounded May 12, 1864, Spotsylvania 
Court House, and May 24th in Camp Winder hospital, Richmond. 

Berkley, Lycurgus, furnished substitute May 6, 1862, substitute 
deserted May loth. 

Cooper, Arthur, died in hospital. 

Casey, Elvin K., lost an arm May 6, 1864, Wilderness. 

Casey, James A. 

Cherry, Elias W., captured July 4, 1863, Gettysburg, and died in 

Collins, Charles W., killed August 19, 1864, Davis' Farm. 

"•■'The names of deserters are omitted. 

Sketch of Co. I, Si.i'fif-Frrsf Virf/inin Lif'tnfr'/. K'-') 

Collins, Thomas, promoted cor[)oral. 

Curtis, Revel W., killed July 3, 1S63, Gettysburg. 

DoUett, William W. 

Duke, Robert. 

Duke, Parker, wounded July 30, 1864, Crater. 

Eure, Hilary. 

Eure, Henry. 

Eure, Augustus, over age, furnished substitute October 23, 1861. 

P'errell, John, died June 1862, Battery No, 10. Richmond. 

Eowler, A. J., 

Godwin, Laban T., promoted sergeant, captured August 19, 1864, 
not exchanged. 

Hyslop, Denwood, captured August 19, 1864 and not exchanged. 

Halloway, Joseph. 

Hewlett, Joseph P., captured July 4, 1863, and not exchanged. 

Heckrotte, Oaver, sent to hospital in Richmond 1863, and never 
heard from. 

Herbert, Joseph T., transferred to 15th Virginia Cavalry. 

Horton, Daniel W., sent to hospital September 26, 1862, and suj)- 
posed to have died. 

Jones, Walter J., promoted Lieutenant 41st Virginia Regiment, 
and killed May 6, 1864, Wilderness. 

lackson, William A., furnished substitute April 24, 1862. 

King, Joseph. 

King, George, captured August 9, 1864 and not exchanged. 

King, Edward. 

Kilgore, M. P., promoted sergeant October 11, 1862, killed July 
30, 1864, Crater. 

Mason, William, killed Cumberland Church, April 7, 1865. 

Miller, John C. 

Manning, S. D., died in hosi)ital, September 1862, Petersburg. 

Marchant, Frank M., promoted Third Lieutenant, July 29, 1862, 
promoted First Lieutenant, Octolier 27, 1864. 

Mears, James E. , discharged for disabilities from wounds. 

Mears, Thomas F., captured May 29, 1S64. not exchanged. 

Nottingham, P. F., died in held hospital, October, 1863, Brantiv 

Porter, Thomas. 

Powell, Albert, name published for distinguishinl gallantry at 
Sjiotsylvania Court House, May 12, 1804. 

10(3 Southern Historical SocieUj Papers. 

Pell, Thomas, captured August 19, 1864, and not exchanged. 

Peek, Amnion, captured October 27, 1864, and not exchanged. 

Ribble, Joseph, furnished substitute May 6, 1862, substitute de- 
serted May loth. 

Rodman, Pierce, discharged September 1861, disability. 

Sibley, William, captured July 1863, in Pennsylvania, and never 
heard from. 

St. George, William E., captured July 2, 1863, Gettysburg, not 

Smith, W. J., died in Richmond May 20, 1863. 

Tompkins, Joseph. 

Toppin, Smith, promoted Sergeant, killed July 30, 1864, Crater. 

White, John D., woundeed July 30, 1864, Crater, and discharged 
December 23, 1864, disabled. 

W^hite, Richard, wounded seriously, July 30, 1864, at the Crater, 
discharged January 9, 1865, disabled. 

Ward, Julius, killed July 2, 1863, Gettysburg. 

Whitson, William, discharged September, 186 1, disabled. 

Wise, Stephen, died in hospital, 1863. 

Youre, Stephen. 


We were in twenty-five battles, in which the killed were 8; Captain 
John Hobday, October 27, 1864, at Burgess Mill. Private Wm. F. 
Butt, May 12, 1864, Spotsylvania C. H. ; Private Revil W. Custis, 
July 4, 1863, Gettysburg. Sergeant M. P. Kilgore, July 30, 1864, 
Crater. Private Charles W. Collins, August 19, 1864, Johnson's 
Farm. Johnson Ward, July 4, 1S64, Gettysburg. Wm. Mason, 
Appomattox C. H., 1865. Sergeant Smith Toppin, July 30, 1864, 

Died in Hospital: Privates John Ferrell, Richmond Battery, June 
10, 1862; S. D. Manning, Petersburg, September, 1862; B. F. Not- 
tingham, Brandy Station, Orange and Alexandria R. R., October, 
1862; Wm. J. Smith, Richmond, May 21, 1863. 

Died in Prison: Elias W. Cherry, 1864, sent to hospital at the 
evacuation of Norfolk, Va. ; George W. Barcroftand D. W. Horton. 

Who offered Substitutes: L. Berkley, Wm. A. Jackson, Augustus 
Evans, and Joseph Ribble. 

Discharged from service previous to evacuation Norfolk : Privates 
Peirce Rodman and Wm. Whitson, and Corporal Geo. Ogelvie. 

Skcfrh i)f Co. /, Si.rl;!- First Viniin'm Tiifa„lr>l. 107 

Dropped at the reorganization of the Arni\': Lieutenant I- . N. 

Transferred: Pri\ates Walter S. Jfjiies and Joseph I lerhert. 

Deserted at the evacuation : 25. 

Number entered at organization: 63: 

Number that left Norfolk and were afterwards assigned: 62. 


At McCarthy's Farm: Captain Charles R. McAlpine, pri\'ates 
Elvin K. Casey. Wm. E. St. George, and Julius Ward and one 
who deserted. 

Salem Church: Ca];tain C. R. McAlpine and lieutenant C. W. 

Gettysburg: pri\ate Ehin K. Casey. 

Pickett's Charge at (iettysburg: Captain Charles R. McAlpine, 
Elvin K. Casey, Wm. Mason, Edward King, John I). White, and 
Julius Ward. 

Wilderness: Captain Charles R. McAlpine, lieutenant John Hob- 
day, and private Elvin K. Casey. 

Shady Gro\'e: Private Charles N. Collins. 

Spotsylvania C. H. : Captain Charles R. McAlpine, lieutenant 
John Hobday, prix'ates Charles N. Collins, Albert Powell, and John 
b. White. 

Wilcox Farm: Captain C. R. McAl])ine, lieutenant John Hobtlav, 
privates Charles N. Collins, John C. Miller, and Richard White. 


Salem Church: Lieutenant C. W. Murdaugh and sergeant Chas. 

Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg: Revil W. Custis, James E. 
Mears, and one who deserted. 

Wilderness: Elvin K. Casey. 

Shady (jrove: Wm. Mason. 

SpotsvKania : Joseph King and Thomas Butt, who mortalK- 

Turkey Ridge: (ieorg'c King and Anunon Peek. 

Frazier's h'arm: Captain C. R. McAl]>ine. 

Crater: Lieutenant lohn Hobila\-, ). I). White, sergeant Richard 

Johnson's Farm: John C Miller. 

108 >'Soa(larii Ilistork-al Society Papers. 


Major Charles R. McAlpine, Captain John Hobday, sergeant AI. 
P. Kilgore, privates Elvin K. Casey, Charles N. Collins, John C. 
Miller, John D. White, Richard White, and Julius Ward. 


Sergeant Calvin Peek, October 27, 1864, Burgess' Mill. 
Sergeant Amnion Peek, October 27, 1864, Burgess" Mill. 
Sergeant Charles Evans, October 19, 1864, Johnson's Farm. 
Sergeant Laban T. Godwin, October ig, 1864, Johnson's Farm. 
Private Denward Hyslop, October ig, 1864, Johnson's Farm. 
Private George King, October ig, 1864, Johnson's Farm. 
Private Thomas Peel, October 19, 1864, Johnson's F~arni. 
Private Elias W. Cherry, July 4, 1863, Gettysburg. 
Pri\-ate Joseph F. Hewlett, July 4, 1863, Gettysburg. 
Private Joseph ¥. Mears, May 2g, 1864, Hano\er county. 

f" B." ill VVarrenton }'ii;iii)n'an, February, 1S96. 


After the defeat of General Early, at the battle of the Opequon, 
on September ig, 1864, his command fell back up the Valley. The 
brigade of cavalry under General Wickham occupied a strong posi- 
tion at Milford, twelve miles south of Pront Royal, and Custer made 
repeated efforts to force him from the position, without effect. About 
this time it was reported to Captain Chapman, of Mosby's command, 
that a large wagon train was en route from Milford to Winchester, 
under the escort of a small body of men. He immediately made 
disposition for its capture at Front Royal. For this purpose he di- 
\ided his men into two parties. One party was to attack the train 
at a point where a cross-road from Chester's Gap intersects the Front 
Royal and Luray grade; the other, under the immediate command 
of Chapman, was to fall upon the front of the train, about 600 yards 
from the town, where there is a hill on one side and a ravine on the 
other. It seems that Custer had divined in some way the Confed- 

JhiiijiliHi of 3Toshfs Men In 186/^. 10ft 

erate plans, and, instead of a small train guard, he had his whole 
division behind the wa,yons. He waited till the attack was made 
upon the front, when he threw a larg-e force upcjn the Manor grade, 
a road running parallel with the Luray road, and took possession oi 
Chester's Gap, Chapman's line of retreat. The latter promptly 
attacked the train, when he, in turn, was attacked in his rear. He 
immediately turned upon the force behind him, determined to cut 
his way out. The Federals, who had preceded him to the gap, had 
thrown a strong line across a narrow dehle under the command of a 
captain or major, who stood \\\)i)\\ fcxjt in the middle of the road. 
Chapman formed his men in column, and boldly charged through 
this line. In the melee, the Federal captain saw he would be cap- 
tured or ridden down, and offered to surrender himself; but the press- 
ure behind the Confederates was too great for them to stop to parley 
with one man, and some of those in the rear, not understanding the 
situation, emptied their revolvers into the captain, killing him 
instantly. The most of Mosby's men succeeded in getting away, 
but some had their horses shot, and others were cut off. Among 
these were, Anderson, Love, Overby, Carter and Henry Rhodes, of 
the Twenty-third Virginia Regiment. Custer determined to wreak 
summary vengeance upon these men. Rhodes was lashed with ropes 
between two horses, and dragged in plain sight of his agonized rela- 
tives to the open field of our town, where one man volunteered to do 
the killing, and ordered the helpless, dazed prisoner to stand up in 
front of him, while he emptied his pistol upon him. Anderson and 
Love were shot in a lot behind the court house. 0\erbv and Carter 
were carried to a large walnut tree upon the hill between Front 
Royal and Riverton, and were hanged. The writer saw the latter 
under guard in a wagon lot. They bore themseUes like heroes, and 
endured the taunts of their captors with proud and undaunted mein. 
One of them was a splendcd specimen of manhood — tall, well knit 
frame, with a head of black, wa\ \- hair, floating in the wiml, he 
looked like a knight of old. While I was looking at them, (General 
Custer, at the head ot his dixision, rock' bv. 1 le was dressed in a 
splendid suit of silk \elvet, his saddle bow bound in sil\-er or gold. 
In his hand he hatl a large branch of damsons, which he picked and 
ate as he rotle along. He was a distinguished looking man, with 
his yellow locks resting upon his shoulders. Rhodes was n\\ friend 
and playmate, and I saw him shot from a distance, but diil not at the 
time know who it was. 

110 . Southern IIis1oric<il >Sof/ef>/ Papers. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, March i, 1S96.] 


At Harper's Ferry, October, I859. 


■Richmond, Va., Febnia}'y, i8g6. 

To the Editor of the D i spat eh: 

Thinking- that the roster of the original Howitzer Company, in 
its hurried and partial organization when it went to Harper's Ferry 
to meet the invaders of Virginia's sacred soil, under old John Brown, 
would not only be interesting to the survivors, but to your many 
readers, I venture to enclose it to you. It is taken from a copy of 
the Richmond Whig, dated November 22, 1859, and was furnished 
by the New York Historical Society and handed to me by Mr. R. 
W. Royal of this city (who was a gallant member of Company I., 
Richmond Howitzers, during the war), to be turned over to the Con- 
federate Museum. It will also prove highly interesting to follow the 
career of many of these gallant members during the war. The only 
officers the company had when it left Richmond were the captain and 
orderly sergeant. Afterwards, John C. Shields, who went out in 
1 861 as captain of the First Company, but was promoted to Colonel 
and assigned to command of Camp Lee, the fall of that vear was 
elected First Lieutenant, and John Thompson Brown, who went out 
in 1861 as captain of the Second Companv. and was promoted to 
Colonel of Artillery, and fell on May 6, 1864, in the Wilderness, was 
elected Second Lieutenant. The company on the John Brown raid 
was armed as infantry with muskets. 


J. V. S. M'Creerv. 

The roll is follows: 

Captain, George W. Randolph. 

Orderlv Sergeant, C. G. Otey. 

Privates: James A. August, Robert M. Anderson, Thomas S. 
Armistead, A. M. Archer, Wilson N. Bugg, John Thompson Brown, 
William H. Blackadar, William P. Burwell, Oscar Cranz, Charles 
Crane, Henry C. Carter, John Esten Cooke, W. W. Caldwell, James 
Ellett, Horace FIdmund, James B. Ficklen, Alex. B. Guigon, Jos- 
eph H. Ghio, E. S. Hubbard, A. L. Holladay, Henry S. Jones, 

First a, in <il Sun, In-. Ill 

William H. Lipscomb, Lucian Levvi.s, Dr. Theodore P. Mayo, John 
Mathews, Paul Michaux, Thomas J. Macon, Lawrence S. Marye, T. 
(}. Peachy, Hugh R. Pleasants, Dr. William P. Palmer, Thomas 
Pollard, Jr., Fxlward Pistolette, Robert W. I'owers, Hugh L. Pow- 
ell, John B. Royall, John C. Shields, William B. Smith, Harrison 
Sublett, T. E. Stratton, William R. Todd, R. D. Ward. William I-". 
Watson, Henry S. Williams, John H. \\Mlliams, Charles H. Wvnne, 
.Samuel T. Bailey. 

[From the Richnioiid Tinii's, April 5, 1896.) 



What Edmund Ruffin, Who is Accorded the Honor by Many, Wrote 
the Day of the Historical Event. 

To the lidifor of tlic Times : 

Sir, — I enclose you an extract from the Southcni Historical 
Society Paper's of 1S84, pages 501-504, in regard to " Who tired the 
first gun at F'ort .Sumter?" 

At the time I published this article, the statement made by Gene- 
ral S. B. Lee, that Captain George S. James fired the first gun, was 
the only claim to that distinction that had come to mv notice. 

Since then several more claim this honor. 

Now, inasmuch as you have had an article from mv friend and 
schoolmate, James P. Harrison, of Dan\ille, asking for the facts in 
regard to the claim that Edmund Rufifin shot the first gun, I hope 
you will i)ublish what he himself wrote the dav of that e\ent, and 
the cli|)|)ings from newspapers of that date, which 1 think will es- 
tablish tin' fact be^^ond a doubt. 

[uLi.vx M. Rill i.\. 

OldCInireJi, \\u. Marcli :n\ iSg6. 

The extract rett'rrcd to abo\"e lollows: 

\\\\o FIR ion TiiF I'lRsr crx w siMriiR. 

(Lettt'r trom ("icnt' .Stephen j). Lee.) 

I wish lo c-orri'ct an error which has almost passeil into an his- 
torit'al fact. It is this: That lulmuiul Ruftin, of X'irginia, diil not 

112 Southern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

fire the first gun at Fort Sumter, but that Captain George S. James, 
of South Carolina, afterward killed when a lieutenant-colonel at 
Boonesboro, Md., did fire it. 

The writer was a captain of a South Carolina army at the time, 
and an aide-de-camp on the staff of General Beauregard. He now 
has before him a diary written at the time, and there can be no mis- 
take as to the tact. 

The summon for the surrender or evacuation was carried by 
Colonel Chestnut, of South Carolina, and Captain S. D. Lee. They 
arrived at Sumter at 2:20 P. M., April nth. 

Major Anderson declined to surrender, but remarked "he would 
be starved out in a few days if he was not knocked to pieces by 
General Beauregard's batteries." This remark was repeated to 
General Beauregard, who informed President Da\is. The result 
w'as, a second message was sent to Major Anderson by the same offi- 
cers, accompanied by Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, and Colonel 
Chisholm, of South Carolina. The messengers arrived at Sumter 
at 12:25 A. M., April 12th. Major Anderson was informed that if 
he would say that he would surrender on April 15th, and in the 
meantime would not fire on General Beauregard's batteries, unless 
he was fired on, he would be allowed that time; also that he would 
not be allowed to receive provisions from the United States authori- 
ties. The Major declined to accede to this arrangement, saying he 
would not open fire unless a hostile act was committed against his 
fort or his flag, but that if he could be supplied with provisions 
before the 15th of April he would receive them, and in that event 
he would not surrender. This reply being unsatisfactory, Colonel 
James Chestnut and Captain S. D. Lee ga\-e the Major a written 
communication, dated "Fort Sumter, S. C. , April 12, 1861, 3:20 
A. M.," informing him, by authority of General Beauregard, that 
the batteries of General Beauregard would open fire on the fort in 
one hour from that time. 

The party, as designated, then proceeded in their boats to Fort 
Johnson, on James Island, and delivered the order to Captain 
George S. James, commanding the mortar battery, to open fire on 
Fort Sumter. At 4:30 A. M. the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter, 
and at 4:40 the second gun was fired from the same battery. Cap- 
tain James offered the honor of firing the first shot to Roger A. 
Pryor, of Virginia. He declined, saying he could not fire the first 
gun. Another officer then offered to take Pryor' s place. James 
replied: "No! I will fire it myself" And he did fire it. At 4:45 

First Gun at Sumter. 113 

A. M., nearly all the batteries in harbor were firing- on Sumter. Mr. 
Edmund Ruffin fwho was much beloved and re.spected) was at the 
iron battery on Morris Island. I always understood he fired the 
first gun from the iron battery, but one thing is certain — he ne\er 
fired the first gun against P\jrt .Sumter. ( ieorge .S. James did. Xor 
did he fire the second gun. lie may have fired the third gun, or 
first gun from the iron battery on Morris Island. 

Yours respectfiilly. 

S. I). Lkk. 


The above abstract having come to my notice, I desire to gi\e the 
facts as to the part that Edmund Ruffin, of Virg:inia, took in the fir- 
ing on Fort Sumter. I have before me his journal, written at that 
time, and will copy what bears upon the subject: 

"April 12, (1861). — Before 4 A. M. the drums beat for parade, 
and our company was speedily on the march to the batteries which 
they were to man. At 4:30 a signal shell was thrown from a mortar 
battery at Fort Johnson, which had been before ordered to be taken 
as the command for immediate attack, and firing from all the bat- 
teries bearing on Fort Sumpter, next began in the order arranged, 
which was that the discharges should be two minutes apart, and the 
round of all the pieces and batteries to be completed in thirty-two 
minutes, and then to begin again. The night before, when expect- 
ing to engage. Captain Cuthbert had notified me that his company 
requested of me to discharge the first cannon to be fired, which was 
their 64-pound Columbiad, loaded with shell. Of course I was 
highly gratified by the compliment, and delighted to perform the 
service — which I did, The shell struck the fort at the northeast 
angle of the parapet. By order of General Beauregard, made 
known the afternoon of the iith, the attack was to be connnenced 
by the first shot at the fort l^eing fired by the Palmetto Ciuard. and 
from the iron batterv. In accepting and acting upon this highly 
appreciated comj)liment, that compamy hatl made me its instrument," 

The above, as written at that very tinu', woultl fiilly establish the 
fact that the first shot was fired by lulmund Ruffin, and it will be 
observed that the signal shot which he refers to at Fort Johnson, at 
4:30 A. M., is the same that S. D. Lee claims as the first shot at 
Fort Sumter at the same time (4:30 A. M.). Now, he too, might 

114 Soufhcrit Historical Sorieft/ Papers. 

easily be confounded, and to prove that the one from the iron bat- 
tery, fired by Edmund Ruffin, was actually the first gun on Fort 
Sumter, I will give comments of the press of that date. 

The Charleston Coz/r/er s^\d: " The venerable Edmund Ruftin, 
who as soon as it was known a battle was inevitable, hastened over 
to Morris Island, and was elected a member of the Palmetto Guard, 
fired the first gun from Steven's iron battery. All honor to the 
chivalric Virginian! May he live many years to wear the fadeless 
wreath that honor placed upon his brow on our glorious Friday! " 

From the Charleston correspondent of the New York Tribune: 

"The first shot from Stevens' battery, was fired by the venerable 
Edmund Ruffin, of Virginia. The ball will do more for the cause of 
secession in the Old Dominion than volumes of stump speeches." 

The Charleston Mercury says, the first gun fired from the iron 
battery off Cummings Point, was discharged by the venerable Ed- 
mund Ruffin. He subsequently shot from all the guns and mortars 
used during the action. 

A Mobile paper had the following: 

"A Sublime Spectacle. — The mother of the Gracchi, when asked 
for her jewels, pointed to her children and said: ' There they are.' 
With the same propriety can the ' Mother of States' point to her 
children as the brighest jewels she possesses. At the call of patriot- 
ism they are not laggard in responding to it, and Virginia blood has 
enriched every battle-field upon American soil. And we thank God 
the spirit has not departed from her, but burns as brightly in the 
breasts of her children as in the days of her Washington and her 
Henry. But of the many bright examples that she has furnished ol 
patriotism the most sublime is the conduct of the venerable Edmund 
Ruffin, whose head is silvered over by more than eight)' winters, 
who, when the war-cloud lowered over the gallant city of Charles- 
ton volunteered as a private, and with his knapsack on his back and 
musket on his shoulder, tended his services to South Carolina to 
fight against the aggression upon her rights. It was his hand that 
pointed and fired the first gun at Fort Sumter. The world has 
pointed to the conduct of Cincinnatus, who, when his country was 
invaded by a hostile foe, left his plow^ in the furrow to take command 
of her forces, and after he had driven out the invader and restored 
his country to peace and prosperity, resigned his position and re- 
turned to his plow. By this one act he embalmed his memory in 
the breasts of his countrymen and of all patriots throughout the 

Muster Roll of /he Jlcji-omhi' drujirds. 115 

world. The conduct of Cincinnatus was not more patriotic than 
that of Edmund Ruffin, and side by side in the niche of fame will 
their names be recorded by every jjatriotic heart." 

From the New York Post : 

"Shot and Hemp. — A Charleston Dispatch states that the 'first 
shot from Stevens' battery was fired by the venerable P]dmund 
Ruffin, of Virt^^inia.' A piece of the hrst hemp that is stretched in 
South Carf)lina should be kept for the neck of this venerable and 
bloodthirsty Ruffian. 

F'rom the above quoted expressions it would indeed be impossible 
to conclude otherwise than that the first gun on F'ort Sumter was 
shot by Edmund Ruffin, and that such should be recorded as an his- 
torical fact. In fact, the above from S. D. Lee is the first intimation 
of a doubt on this subject that has ever been brought to the notice 
of any of the descendants of Edmund Ruffin. To all who knew 
Edmund Ruffin it would have been useless to say more than that 
throughout his manuscrijjt he speaks of it as a fact. To those to 
whom he was a stranger I would sav that many more comments of 
the press of that date establish the same fact; those of the South 
being loud in his praise, and those of the North being still more 


The following is furnished !))• Mr. \V. A. Parrott. of McMullen. 
Greene county: The Holcombe Guards, afterwards Company I, 
Seventh Virginia Regiment (General Kemper's original regiment). 
Kemper's Brigade, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps, Army of 
Northern Virginia, was organized May, iS6i, at While Hall, Albe- 
marle county, Va., and mustered into ser\ice June ^ i^6i, with the 
following officers and men: 

J. J. Winn, Captain, dead; I. W. Rodes, first lieutenant, deatl; 
H. G. Brown, second lieuten.uU, ilead; W. B. Maupin, third lieu- 
tenant; T. J. Golding, orderly sirgeant; J. IC. Wyant, second ser- 
geant, dead; D. O. Etherton, third sergeant, dead; W. A. Brown, 
fourth sergeant, killed at Williamsl)urg; C. B. Brown, fifth sergeant; 

11(3 Souf/ierii Hisfon'cal Soeiefy Papers. 

W. P. Walters, first corporal, killed at Williamsburg; B. Fretwell, 
second corporal, died 1861; J. P. Jones, third corporal, dead; W. 
X. Parrott, fourth corporal; J. B. Ambroselli, killed at Gettysburg-; 

F. A. Bowen. killed at Williamsburg; H. C. Blackwell, J. T. Belew, 
J. T. Bailey, W. H. H. Brown, B. G. Brown, \\\ G. Brown, R. C. 
Brown, G. P. Clarke, dead; W. N. Clarke, M. J. Clements, killed 
at Gettysburg; M. E. Clements, John L. Coleman, David Dove, 
dead; Peter L. Davis, Henry T. Davis, T. J. Fulcher, dead; G. R. 
Fisher, drowned; Eppa Fielding, W. B. Fielding, B. F. Fielding, 
killed at Bull Run; Elyie Gardiner, dead; J. T. Garrison, A. H. 
Good, killed at Gettysburg; E. D. Hustin, I. P. Iseman, W. D. 
Jarman, dead; J. L. Kidd, W. L. Keyton, dead; J. M. Lane, dead; 

G. Lowry, dead; J. T. Maupin, dead; Carson Maupin, W. H. 
McOuary, T. A. Marshall, dead; L. W. Powell, dead; J. W. Ryan, 
killed at Boonesboro; J. Snead, R. Snead, Z. Sandridge, L. Toombs, 
killed at Bull Run; J. W. Taylor, dead; A. J. Thurston, dead; 
George Thurston, dead; R. C. Via, T. Via, E. H. Ward, J. W. 
Walton, dead; B. F. Wheeler, dead; A. F. Wood, dead; W. T. 
Wood, dead; E. ^L Wolfe, T. B. Wolfe, J. A. Wyant, killed at 
Dinwiddie Courthouse; W. W. Woods, killed second battle of 
Manassas; W. P. Woods, J. F. Wiseman. Original number, 

Following are the names of recruits: 

T. C. Clarke, }. L. Clarke, died in prison; Tobe Clarke, died in 
prison; Jimmie Harris, C. Ballard, killed at Dinwiddie Courthouse; 
Marion Ballard, killed at Frazer's Farm; R. Thurston, John Thurs- 
ton, J. T. Thurston, R. Rea, R. A. Toombs, W. S. Chapman, W. 
G. Herndon, died at Point Lookout; W. H. Herring, killed at 
Gettysburg; Charles Racer, W. O. Sandridge, Dick Sandridge, 
died at Point Lookout; J. R. Slater, Joe Clements, N. Cox, died at 
Point Lookout; J. Fielding, Hamilton Lasley. 

The company was first under fire at Bull Run, July 18, 1861, and 
was in everv battle until the surrender. 

The ('(mf('<lr<itr Fl'ifi. 117 

[From the- Rkliiiiond Disfiafch, April 26, 1S96.I 


An Interesting Letter from General Bradley T. Johnson. 


To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

The Confederate tla^, witli the inemories it arouses, is \-er\- dear 
to many people, and we think it hut justice to perpetuate a true and 
accurate description of it — "The Stars and Bars." I can find no 
record of it in the acts of Congress. It was used by companies and 
regiments in Virginia in iS6i, without authority, and just as a mat- 
ter of taste. 

After Manassas, Beauregard had prepared at his headquarters a 
design for a flag, which was painted in water colors. It was a red 
square, on which was displayed a blue St. Andrew's cross, bordered 
with white, and charged with thirteen white, five-pointed stars. 

This was adopted In general orders from army headcjuarters, and 
became the battle-flag of the Confederacy, which shoukl blaze in 
many a coming trial, showing its followers the way to duty and to 

Three flags were made by "the three Cary girls," out of their 
own silk frocks, one for Joe Johnston, Beauregard, and \'an Dorn 
each, and were always floated at the headquarters of these generals 
and on the marcli and in the battk; showed where they were. 

This was Beauregard's battle-Hag! 

ACT OF MAY I, 1 863. 

May I, 1863, an act of Congress was passed to establish the flag 
of the Confederate States, and it provided that the l)attle-flag should 
be the union oi" the new Mag, and that the field should be white. I 
never saw this Hag with troops. Cieneral Lee had one in front t)f 
liis headcjuarters. The hrst time this flag was ever used, and I sus- 
pect the first that was e\er made, was ust-d as a pall over the bier ol 
Stonewall Jackson as he la\- in state in tht,' lioxernor's house in Rich- 
mond, in May, 1863. But this flag looked too much hkt- a tlag ot 
truce, and did not show at sea, so \\\v stor\- weiU, .uul eonsi'quently 

118 Southern Hlstoricil Soriefij Papers. 

on March 4, 1865, just twenty-eight days before the death of the 
Confederacy, Congress passed another act, adding a broad red bar 
across the end of it. I never saw this flag, nor ha\-e I ever seen a 
man who did see it — or who saw a man who did see it — with this 
exception: Colonel Lewis Euker tells me that riding down to Gen- 
eral Custis Lee's cjuarters in November or December, 1864, he saw 
this flag flying over Howard's Grove Hospital, and his companion, 
a German gentleman then serving in the Ninth Virginia Cavalry, 
asked him what flag that was, and this incident impressed itself on 
his memory. 


There is no possibility of doubting the accuracy of Colonel Euker' s 
memory. He is as nearly certain to be right as any man I know, 
but there is confusion here. The flag was not adopted until March 
4, 1865, and he saw it several months before. I explain this by 
thinking the design for the new flag was known and canvassed. I 
have a colored lithograph now, made by Hoyer & Ludwig, at the 
time, for ALijor Arthur L. Rodgers, who designed this alteration, 
and gave me the picture in December, 1864. So, I take it, the doc- 
tors at the hospital had made themselves a new flag to set the fashion. 
But that was not a flag authorized by law, and I have yet to see a man 
who saw such a flag, or saw any man who saw a man who saw one. 
After March 4, 1865, we were not making flags. Please print the 
acts of Congress establishing the flags. The last act has never been 

Bradley T. Johnson. 

FROM THE records. 

We comply with General Johnson's request by printing the Act 
of May I, 1863, and the amendment thereto, passed March 4, 1S65: 
An act to establish the flag of the Confederate States: 
The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact. 
That the flag of the Confederate States shall be as follows: The fleld 
to be white, the length double the width of the flag, with the union 
(now used as the battle-flag) to be a square of two-thirds the width 
of the flag, having the ground red; thereon a broad saltier of blue, 
bordered with white, and emblazoned with white mullets or five- 
I)ointed stars, corresponding in number to that of the Confederate 
States. (First Congress, third session. Approved May i, 1863.) 

The Bntllr (,/ S/u7a/,. ll'.l 

The foregoing- was amenck-d t>y the iollowing act: 

The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, 
That the flag of the Confederate States shall he as follows: The 
width, two-thirds ai' its length, with the union (now used as the bat- 
tle-flagj to be in width three-hfths lA' the width of the flag, and so 
proportioned as to leave the length of the held on the side of the 
union twice the width of the field below it; to ha\x- the ground red. 
and a broad blue saltier thereon bordered with white, and emblazoned 
with mullets or five-pointed stars, corresponding in number to that 
of the Confederate States; the field to be white, except the outer 
half from the Union to be a red bar extending the width of the flag. 
(Second Congress, second session. Approved March 4, 1865.) 

Official statement furnished to the editor of the Richmond D/s- 

By authority of the Secretary of War. 


Colonel IJ. S. A., Cliief Record and Pcnsio)i Office. 

[From the N. O. Picayune, .^pril 5, 1896.] 


A Graphic Description of that Sanguinary Engagement. 

Now riember of Congress, 

Who Commanded a Brigade and Made a Famous Charge at Shiloh 
under the Direction of General Albert Sidney Johnston. 

The following article on the battle of Shiloh was written hv Cieii- 
cral Joseph Wheeler, now representing the Kiglith Alalxima district 
in the House of Representati\es. Although now sixty vears (A age, 
Cieneral Wliecler is one of the most active meml>ers of that bod\-. 

He was born at Augusta, Oa., Sej)teml)er lei, 1S36, graduated at 
West Point in 1S59, was lieutenant of cavalry and served in New 
Mexico; resigned in 1S61; entered the Confederate army as liiu- 
tenant of artillerv and was successi\-elv promoted to the commaiul 

120 Southern Historical Soriett/ Papers. 

of a regiment, brigade, division, army corps; in 1862 he was assigned 
to command the army corps of cavah-y of the western army, in which 
position he continued until the close of the war. By joint resolution 
of the Confederate Congress he was thanked for successful military 
operations, and receiv^ed the thanks of the State of South Carolina 
for his defense of Aiken. May 11, 1864, he was the senior cavalry 
commander of the Confederate armies. In 1866 he was offered a 
professorship in the Louisiania State Seminary, which he declined. 
He was elected to the forty-seventh, forty-ninth, fiftieth, fifty-first, 
fifty-second, fifty-third and fifty-fourth congresses. 

Upon my arrival at Corinth, March 9, 1862, says General Wheeler, 
I was assigned to the command of a brigade and was sent to the 
front near Monterey as the advance guard of our army ( JJar /Rec- 
ords, Vol. 10, part 2, page 307). While performing this duty I 
reconnoitered close up to the Federal lines, captured prisoners from 
the enemv's pickets, and gained information of their position and 
the general conformation of the country. On March loth, a Fede- 
ral reconnoisance in force, commanded by General Sherman, ad- 
vanced, and after driving in our pickets beyond Monterey, retreated 
rapidly to their camp near Shiloh Church. 

On April 3d General Johnston moved upon the enemy, and on the 
evening of April 5th the entire army was drawn up in two lines of 
battle in front of the Federal camps. There is no doubt but that the 
Federal commander knew there was a Confederate force near him, 
as in a lively skirmish on the evening of April 4th prisoners were 
captured by both sides, but the weight of evidence seems to indicate 
that he did not expect a general attack, and most certainly it could 
not ha\e been expected as early as the morning of April 6th. 


On March 30, 1862, General Halleck reported Buell's forces at 
101,051, and Grant's at 75,000, and the War Department says Grant 
reported his forces at 68, 1 75 on April I, 1862. (See William Preston 
Johnston, P^§e 538. ) 

Win Horn s Army of the Cumberland says, page 98: 

" Buell's force was 94,783 men. Of this, 73,472 were in condition 
for the field, and of this force 37,000 was to join in the movement 
against the enemy at Corinth. The remaining 36,000 efiective troops 
were disposed by Buell for the defense of his communications." 

The head of the column of 37,000 men was within seven miles of 

The B<tfllc of Shifnh. 121 

the field on the evening- of April 5th, and had joined Grant, and was 
in line and in action at 5 P. M. on the first day of the battle. (See 
War Records, Vol. 10, Nelson's Report, page 323; Colonel Aniens, 
page 328; Colonel Orose's Report, page 337; Colonel Anderson's 
Report, page 739; Iiadeau, page 84.) And yet General Buell 
reports that but 21,579 <*' l^'^ army were actua!l\- engaged in the 

The returns of the War Department, as gi\en b\- Williaiii Pres- 
ton Johnston, page 685, claim that (Grant's army on .Sunda\- morning, 
April 6th, was only: Present for duty, 49,232; total jjresent, 58,052. 

Lewis Wallace's division was rested and in good condition, and 
within an hour's march of the battlefield when the action commenced : 
but as he did not become actually engaged on the 6th, it is contended 
that his division, 7,771 strong, should be deducted. 

The highest figures, those of General Halleck, [)ut the entire force 
under Grant and Buell at 176,000, and tlie lowest figures jnit the 
force actually engaged at 70,893. 


War Records, volume 10, part i, page 398, states that before 
leaving Corinth for the field of Shiloh, General Johnston's force was 
as follows: Effective total — Infantry, 34,727; artillery, 1,973; cavalry, 
2,073; total 38,773. Total present — Infantry, 41,457; artillery, 
2,183; cavalry, 2,785; total, 46,425. 

A garrison was left at Corinth; large details were made to cordu- 
roy and repair roads. The cavalry did not get into action; troops 
were detached and sent to Haml:)urg and other points, making de- 
ductions amounting to at least 8,000, k\'ning those actually engaged 
at 30,773, so that either estimate would put the entire Federal force 
more than twice that of the Confederate. 


Brigadier-General John K. Jackson was [)laced in command K^^i 
my brigade, which, on April 6, consisted oS. the 2d Texas and the 
17th, 1 8th, and 19th Alabama Regiments of infantrv, and General 
Garrard's Battery, but after gi\-ing the tirst onlers to mtne forwani 
the duties performed by them were such tiiat the conunantl oi the 
brigade devolved upon me, the orders I recii\ cd coming directly 
from the commanding general, Albert .Sidney Johnston, ancl Ciene- 
rals Bragg, Hardee, and W^itlu rs. 

122 Soal/iCfit Hisloi-irol Sijrict'j F/ipcrs. 

William Preston Johnston, in his life of General Johnston, pa,^e 
602, says: "At Shiloh there was much dislocation of commands. 
;> ;;; ;;; Everybody seemed to have assumed authority to command 
a junior officer, and as the order was 'Help me,' or 'Forward,' it 
was alwavs obeyed with alacrity. There was not much etiquette, 
but there was terrible fighting at Shiloh." 

The forward movement of our lines of battle commenced very 
early on the morning of the 6th, and in a few moments the troops I 
commanded became engaged in combats with what appeared to be 
independent brigades and dix'isions. 

Each line of l^attle attacked by us at first offered a stubborn resist- 
ance, but finally yielded and retired towards the river. Between i 
and 2 o'clock, while reforming my brigade, preparatory to moving 
upon a line of battle which was formed in front of a camp upon the 
crest of a hill, and separated by a ravine from my position, General 
Albert Sidney Johnston rode up and personally gave me directions 
to make the attack, waiving his arms towards the enemy and .saying 
' ' Charge that camp. ' ' 

William Preston Johnston, in "Life of his Father, " page 595, says: 
" He (General Johnston) gave Colonel Wheeler, of the 19th Ala- 
bama, afterwards distinguished as a ca\'alry general, his order to 

Very many of my command saw me gallop up to General Johnston 
and knew that the order came direct from the commander of the 
army, and this added to the enthusiasm with which they charged 
under a \-ery heavy fire, driving the enemy and capturing a number 
of prisoners. The enemy fell back upon a second Federal line of 
battle, which occupied another crest, but after delivering an artillery 
fire, we charged this line, again capturing prisoners, the enemy re- 
treating rapidly bevond our \'iew. 

Hearing a heavy fire to mv left and front, I moved rapidlv in that 
direction, encountering in a burning wood a large force, which re- 
treated after a sharp engagement. About 3 o'clock I came upon 
two Mississippi regiments warmly engaging a long and dense line ot 

The Federals largely outnumbered and outflanked the Mississip- 
pians, and were forcing them back, while the Mississippians were 
fighting at close range, most gallantly and doggedly holding every 
loot of ground as long as po.ssible, the men seeming to turn and fire 
upon the advancing enemy at nearly every step. 

The color-bearers of the two regiments were very near the advanc- 

The nmil. <,/ Slulnh. 123 

ing- line, and General Chalmers himself was gallantly ridinj^ amonj^ 
tlie troops. I was impressed that this was a persistent effort on the 
])art of the enemy to penetrate our line, and I determined to resist 
and prevent it at all hazards. I ad\anced my entire bri^-ade, fully 
1, 600 strong, in one handsome, regular line. General Chalmers and 
his battle-worn troops passed to mv rear, and I took u]) the fight 
with all possible determination. 

General Chalmers' Report, \()1. 10, page 550, says: 

" After a severe firing of some duration, finding the enemy stub- 
bornly resisting, I rode back for General Jackson's Brigade. I did 
not see General Jackson, but, finding Colonel Wheeler, called upon 
him to take up the fight, which he did with promptness and vigor. I 
sent a staff officer to command mv l)rig"ade to lie down and rest until 
they received further orders." 

The Nineteenth Alabama was the earlie.-it to meet and check the 
enemy, but the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Alabama soon came 
upon my left. The Second Texas was on the right of the brigade, 
and as my movement had been something in the nature of a swing 
to the left, that regiment had further to march and met with some 
delay in getting into action. 

The enemy's ad\-ance was checked, antl for a time he held a strong 
position, j)artly protected bv the slope of a ridge and a part of his 
line being also protected by the fence and the buildings and out- 
houses of a settlement. We finally dislodged him from this position, 
and the enemy, retreating a short distance, both lines fought at close 
range as severely as is ever experienced in a battle. 

I do not know the losses sustained bv the other regiment, but the 
Ninteteenth Alabama lost about twcnt\- killed, and 140 woiuuled in 
about fiftv minutes. 

About an hour after taking up the fight from ( ieneral Chalmers, 
the firing ceased in front of the Second Te.xas, and Major Runnels, 
of that regiment, rode up and directed my attention to a white Hag 
on the enemv's line. 

In a moment firing ceased in m\- immediate front, and bv mv 
direction Major Runnels galloped uj) to the officers who were dis- 
plaving the tlag, and in a momeiU ii'tuined with an exclamation that 
" the entire armv had surrendered." 

I mox'ed the brigade up in gootl t)rder tlirectK' in Iront ot the sur- 
rendering eiuMuv, and, bv great efforts, succeeiied in keeping tiie 
men in rank and the bri>>acU' in line. 1 saw the necessit\' tor this, as 

124 Soat/iti-n HiMorirol Socletij Papers. 

some other troops had come up, and were becoming virtually dis- 
organized, officers, as well as men, leaving the ranks and mixing 
among the prisoners and scattering the captured camps. 

While in this position some cavalry rode up trom our rear and 
passed between the Nineteenth Alabama and the Second Texas and 
took position between the j^risoners and Pittsburg landing. 

Abbot' s Battle Fields of ' 6i, P^ige 257, says: 

" After a short delay, Bragg availed himself of the opportunity to 
attack the 'Hornets Nest' by the flank. The movement was at- 
tended with complete success." 

' ' Generals Wallace and Prentiss showed themselves worthy of the 
trust reposed in them bv Grant and fought stubbornly until the 
former was shot down with a mortal wound, and the latter, with 
3,000 men, was surrounded and captured by an overwhelming force 
of Confederates. 

Generals Bragg and Withers came up and directed me to take the 
prisoners to Corinth, but, upon my suggestion that the battle was 
not ox'er. General Bragg allowed me to detail for that purpose one 
regiment of the brigade (Colonel Shorter's), and I promptly formed 
the rest of the brigade into line, replenished ammunition and moved 
forward toward the ri\'er. 

We met a warm hre, mostly from artillery, and when near the 
river, suffered some from the gunboats. 

A rapid ascent to the crest of a ridge near the ri\er placed my 
brigade some 300 yards in advance of our general line, most of which 
was still at the foot of the ridge. 

Looking back, I saw the greater part of the troops withdrawing 
to the rear. 

Night came on, and General Withers sent an order tu retire. 0\\ 
Sunday evening the head of General Buell's army reached the field, 
and the next morning 21,579 soldiers of that army were in line of 
battle, side by side with Grant's army, making the total Federal 
force with which we contended on the 6th and 7th, 70,893. 

Many Confederate regiments had almost disbanded during the 
night, and the second day it is doubtful if we had more than 15,000 
men on the field, but they were the elite of the army and fought 
with unsurpassed heroism. 


Early on the morning of the 7th, under orders from Generals 

The Ilnlllr of ShUnh. 125 

Hardee and Withers, I mo\ed forwanl towards the river and soon 
met tlie advancing- enemy. 

By General Hardee's orders I deployed the entire 19th Alabama 
Regiment as skirmishers, aild with this regiment thus depUjyed. re- 
sisted for a time the advance of a solid line of battle. 

I was soon driven back upon the main body c)f ni}' brigade; my 
entire line became warmly engaged, and continuetl to fight with 
more or less severity during the entire battle. 

It rained during most of the morning, and the air being still, b(jth 
armies were much of the time enveloped in clouds (jf smoke. 

Twice, in conjunction with ( icneral Chalmers, I charged u]) a hill 
and drove the enemy from a favorable position. I)ut both times they 
were re-enforced and retook the position from us. 

General Chalmer's Rci)ort, Vol. 10, page 552, in discussing these 
charges, says: 

"Colonel Wheeler, of the 19th Alabama Regiment, was fighting 
with the Mississippians and bearing the colors of his command, in this 
last charge so gallantly made. 

In reference to this part of the battle, William Preston lohnston, 
page 643, says: 

"Chalmers was at one time detached from the command ol his 
own brigade by General Withers in order to lead one of these c<jn- 
glomerate commands, and Colonel Wheeler had charge of two or 
three regiments thrown together. * ''^ * Chalmers seized the colors 
of the 9th Mississippi and called on them to follow. With a wild 
shout the whole brigade rushed in and drove the enemy l)ack until it 
re-occupied its first position of the morning. In this charge Wheeler 
led a regiment, carrying its colors himself'" 

The 1st Missouri Regiment having been added to m\ brigadr. I 
continued engaging the enem\- with \aried st'xerity until about .; 
o'clock, when my command was increased by the ;ul(lition ot the 
Crescent Regiment, under Colonel Marshall 1. .Sniilli. .\l this time 
the entire line withdrew to the crest of a hill ami, i)ursuant to orders 
from General Withers, I took position in adxance of the other tn>ops. 
(reneral Withers in his rejiort, \'ol. 10, page 535, in n-ferring to 
this, says: 

"The command slowlv and in good o\\\vy n,'tired and tormeil line 
of battle as ordered, the aihance line under Coloni'l Wheeler." 

A little later the bulk of our army commenced witlulrawing from 
the field, and I was instructed to act as the rear guard with the 19th 

12(3 Soil (lit- I'll Histoi'ieid Soc/cti/ Papers. 

Alabama, ist Missouri, some small detachments and a section of 

The gallant colonel of the ist Missouri, Lucius L. Rich, having 
been mortally wounded, the regiment was now commanded by Major 
Olen F. Rice. 

The enemy were in heavy masses in my front, but they showed 
no disposition to advance, and the firing was at long range and with- 
out much effect. 

General Buell (page 295) speaks of this firing, but says: "The 
pursuit was continued no further that day. 

General Grant (page 109) speaks of the fight continuing till 5 P. 
M. He also says his force was too fatigued to pursue immediately. 
I remained on the field until dark, and then withdrew about three 
miles, and at midnight General Bragg gave me verbal instructions to 
hold that position. 

On the next morning, the Sth, Generals Sherman and Wood, each 
with a division, advanced, but, after feeling our lines, retired. I 
remained in the position close up to the enemy for about a week, 
and, with the exception of scouting parties, which approached our 
lines, the enemy remained quietly in their camp. 

General Breckenridge had halted his command between my posi- 
tion and Monterey, and the day after the battle rode down to my 
bivouac, and the following day continued his march to Corinth. 
General Withers, in his report of the withdrawal from the field 
(Vol. X, page 535), says: 

"The remainder of the troops marched to within a mile of Mick- 
ey's, where they were placed under command of Colonel Wheeler, 
who throughout the fight had proved himself worthy of all trust and 
confidence, a gallant commander and an accomplished soldier." 

And General Bragg (page 468) speaks of the noble service of 
" the excellent regiment of Colonel Joseph Wheeler." 

The public seem to have regarded the surrender of General Pren- 
tiss, with 3,400 F"ederal soldiers, as the leading feature in the battle of 
Shiloh, and discussions have taken place as to what troops are enti- 
tled to the most credit and also as to the hour that the surrender 
took place. 

William Preston Johnston (page 620), in speaking of Prentiss' 
surrender, says: 

"Each Confederate commander — division, brigade and regimen- 

The B'liilr of Sh;i„h. 127 

tal — as his command pounced upcju llic prey, believed it entitled to 
the credit of the capture." 

The truth is, the battle of Shiloh was fout^ht by an army (jf 
superbly brave men, very few of whom had had the advantage of 
instruction, drill, or discipline. 

The surrender of Prentiss was due to the t^allantry of the entire 
army, which, by desperate fighting- between daylight and 4 o'clock 
on April 6, had dispersed and driven from the field all of Grant's 
army, except Prentiss and Wallace's Divisions, which, becoming in 
a measure isolated, were doomed to surrender. 

Confederate regiments who never fired a sh<jt at the surrendered 
troops were entitled to a full share of the credit, as they had de- 
feated and driven off the other divisions, which made the cajiture of 
Prentiss and Wallace's Di\ision possible. A re\iew of the reports 
written at the time may be a matter of some interest. 

War Records (Vol. X, page 104) and General Prentiss' report 
(pages 277-279) inform us that Prentiss' Division includetl the 12th 
Michigan, Colonel Francis Ouinn; i8th Wisconsin, Colonel J. .S. 
Albin; 1 8th Missouri, Colonel Madison Miller; 21st Missouri, Colonel 
David Moore; 23d Missouri, Colonel Tindall; 25th Missouri, Colonel 
Everett Peabody; 6ist Illinois, Colonel Jacob Fry. 

(jcncral Prentiss also informs us that the following regiments of 
General W. H. L. Wallace's Divison fought to the end and sur- 
rendered with him: The ,Sth Iowa, Colonel J. L. Geddes; 12th 
Iowa, Colonel Jos. I. Wood; 14th Iowa, Colonel Wm. T. Shaw; 
58th Illinois, Colonel Lynch. 

I find only eight reports made by these officers, and some of them 
do not allude to the fighting incident to the surrender of General 
Prentiss. His report, dated November 17 (\'ol. X, page 278), says: 

" I reformed to the right of Cicneral Hurllnu-t and to the left of 
Brigadier-General W. H. L. Wallace. This position 1 did maintain 
till 4 P. M., when General Hurlburt, being overpowered, was forced 
to retire. Perceiving that 1 was about to be surrouniled, I de- 
termined to assail the enenu' which had passed between me and the 
ri\^er, charging upon him with m\- entire force. I found him aiKanc- 
ing c)i i)}ass(\ and nothing was left but to harrass him ami retard his 
progress so long as might be possil)le. This I did until 5:30 P. M., 
when finding that finlher resistance must result in the slaughter of 
every man in the command, I IkuI lo yit.'ld tiie fight. The enemy 

128 Southern Historical Societ>/ Papers. 

succeeded in capturing' myself and 2,200 rank and file, many of 
them being- wounded." 

Colonel y. J. Woods, Twelfth Iowa Report, April, 1862, pages 
151-152, says: 

"Thus matters stood in our front until about 4 P. M., at which 
time it became evident by the firing on our left that the enemy were 
getting in our rear. -■■ '•■ * Seeing ourselves surrounded, we, 
nex'ertheless opened a brisk fire on that portion of the enemy who 
blocked our passage to the landing, who, after briskly returning our 
fire, fell back. We attempted by a rapid movement to cut our way 
through, but the enemy on our left advanced rapidly, pouring into 
our ranks a most destructi\e fire. To have held out longer would 
have been to suffer complete annihilation. The regiment was, there- 
fore, compelled to surrender as prisoners of war." 

Colonel J. L. Geddes, of the Eighth Iowa, in his report dated 
November 13, page 166, says: 

" I formed my regiment in line of battle with my center resting on 
the road leading from Corinth to Pittsburg landing, and at right an- 
gles with mv line. * '^ * About 3 P. M., all direct communi- 
cations with the river ceased. * '^^ -'^ General Prentiss' division 
haAing been thrown back from the original line, I changed front by 
my left fiank, conforming to his movements and at right angles with 
my former base, which was immediately occupied and retained for 
some time by the Fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw. In this position 
I ordered my regiment to charge a battalion of the enemy ( I think 
Fourth Mississippi ), which was done in good order, completely rout- 
ing the enemy. W^e were now attacked on three sides. It now 
became absolutely necessary to prevent annihilation to leave a posi- 
tion which my regiment had held for nearly ten consecutive hours of 
severe fighting, with a loss of nearly 200 in killed and wounded. I 
ordered my regiment to retire. I perceived that further resistance 
was useless. Myself and the major portion of my command were 

It is po.ssible that this was a portion of the line of battle which was 
pressing back General Chalmers when I relieved him about 3 o'clock. 

In a report dated April 9, 1862, page 281, Colonel Francis Quinn, 
Twelfth Michigan, says: 

" Between 4 and 5 o'clock on the afternoon two regiments sur- 

Thr B'llfir of S/u-/oL 120 

rendered. * * * At this time (ieneral Prentiss must have been 
taken prisoner. He was a brave man and cheered his men to duty 
(hu'ing the whole day. When the fight was thickest and danger 
the greatest, there was he found, and his j^resence gave renewed 
confidence. '•■ ''~ '■^~ The great numbers of the dead in front ol" 
this one position caused remark and astonishment by all who beheld 
it the following day. This p(Mnt was held from 9 o'clock A. M. till 
4:30 P. M., amid the most dreadful carnage for a little space ever 
witnessed on any field of Ijatllc during the war." 

In report dated December i, page 291. Colonel Ouinn Morton 
says : 

" We were then ordered to change our position and to engage a 
large force of the enem)^ who were pressing upon the centre, which 
was done. 

"After a severe engagement at a distance of twenty-five or thirt\- 
yards, we drove the enemy back, not, however, without serious loss. 
We held the position assigned us until 4 P. M., fighting almost 
without intermission, at which time we were ordered to change our 
front to meet the enemy who had outflanked us. -'^ ■'^ -'^ We 
fought until 5 o'clock, dri\ing the enemy back, although they 
charged us frequently during that time. Here there was a most 
horrible shower of shot and shell. We repulsed the enem}- in our 
rear and determined to try and reach the main body of the army, 
which had fallen back to the ri\'er, and in the eftbrl to lead ou-r now 
broken force back, the gallant and much lamented Colonel Tyndall 
fell, shot through the body, after having clone his duty most nobly 
during the day. After retiring about 200 yards we were met by a 
large force of the enemy and compelled to surrender at about 6 P. 
M., after ten hours of almost incessant fighting." 

In his report dated October 26, page 134, Colonel Wm. T. Shaw 

"At about a (piarter to 5 P. M., I recei\'ed an order from Colonel 
Tuttle to about face and proceed to engage the same body of the 
enemy. In order not to intertere with Cieneral Prentiss' lines, I 
marched by an oblique, passing close to the iSth Wisconsin in his 
line, and here for the third lime thai day the 14th engaged with the 
enemy. After less than half an hour we repulsed them and made a 
short advance which revealed to me the facts of our position. -^ * 
General Prentiss having already surrentlered with a part of his com- 
mand, the 14th was left in adxance of all that remained, but com- 

130 Sodtlwrn Historical Socicii/ Papers. 

pletely enclosed, receiving the enemy's fire from three directions. 
The regiment still kept its ranks unbroken and held its position fac- 
ing the enemy, but the men were almost completely exhausted with 
a whole day of brave and steady hghting, and many of them had 
spent their whole stock of ammunition. It was therefore useless to 
think of prolonging- a resistance which could only have wasted their 
li\es to no purpose, and at about 5:45 P. M. I surrendered them and 
mvself prisoners of war." 

In his report dated April 12, page 550, General James R. Chal- 
mers savs: 

"About a cjuarter of an hour after the surrender some of our 
troops, supposed to be of General Polk's division, made their ap- 
l^earance on the opposite side of the surrendered camp, and were 
with great difficulty prevented from firing upon the prisoners. -•- * 
It was then about 4 o'clock in the evening, and after distributing- 
ammunition we received orders from General Bragg to drive the 
enemy into the ri\-er. "' 

Major-General Leonidas Polk, in his rei)ort dated September, 
1S62, forwarded February 4, 1863, says, page 409: 

"About 5 P. M. my line attacked the enemy's troops, the last that 
were left upon the field in an encampment on mv right. The attack 
was made in front and flank. The resistance was sharp but short. 
The enemy perceiving he was flanked in a position completely 
turned', hoisted the white flag and surrendered. It proved to be the 
command of Generals Prentiss and Wm. H. L. Wallace." 

It will be observed that General Chalmers' report, written five 
days after the battle, fi.xes the hour of Prentiss' surrender at about 
4 o'clock; also that Colonel Ouinn, who made his report immedi- 
ately after the batde (April 9), says that the movement to outflank 
his left was at 2 o'clock and that two regiments surrendered very 
soon afterwards, and he speaks of the dreadful carnage up to 4:30. 
.\lso that Colonel Geddes, of the 8th Iowa, says: Direct communi- 
cation with the ri\er ceased at about 3 P. M., and we knew that 
Hurlbert and a part of Wallace's Division retreated to the river a 
short time before the surrender. 

It will be also observed that it is reports made many months after 
the battle, which ])laces the time of the surrender of Prentiss as late 
as 5 o'clock. 

My recollection is that I was fully twenty or twenty-five minutes 
in taking charge of the prisoners and placing them under the guard 

Fiflht at Frcnl Uoii'il. 131 

of Colonel Shorter' s Regiment, and fully twenty minutes more in 
replenishing ammunition and reforming the brigade, and certainly 
twenty minutes more in marching to the river bank, which we 
reached before sundown. 

This would tend to fix 4 o'clock as \er\- approximately the hour 
of Prentiss' surrender. 

This engagement, by far, was the most warmly contested up to 
that period of the war, and hardly surpassed in severity by any bat- 
tle which followed, was a square standiij) tight at close range and 
without cover by men, very few of whom had before that day been 
in battle. The Confederate loss was 1,72s killed, <S,oi2 wounded, 
950 missing, more than one-third of the force actually engaged. 

The Federals report their loss at 1,700 killed, 7,495 wounded, and 
3,022 captured. 

General Prentiss and the lamented General \V. H. L. Wallace 
and the brave men they commanded need no enconium; they bore 
the brunt of the battle from daylight until 4 o'clock. Then cut ofif 
and isolated, they made a desperate charge in an etfort to escape, 
driving everything before them until met by mv brigade, which thev 
fought with desperation until they saw that surrender was inevitable. 

[From the Richmoiui (Va.) Times, May lo, 1S96.] 



Facts from a Diary of Events, Substantiated by Official Reports 
of Actors in the Scenes. 

liditor of the '/^iiiics : 

Sir, — In consequence of the frecjuent misstatements madr, some 
of which have found their way into public print, concerning the 
fighting in the \icinitv of Front Royal on the 23d of May, 1S62, and 
the capture of the Federal garrison at thai y\.wv. I h.ive frequently 
l)een requested by some of my old comratles to |)re])are lor publica- 
tion a correct statement of the occurrences of that eventlul day. 
From various causes I have from time to time postponed a compli- 
ance with these rec^uests until tin- ]>resent, but. haxing been recently 

]32 Sont/ieni Histurical Society Papers. 

intornied, whether correctly or not I am not able to state, that some 
of these statements have been incorporated in some of our modern 
histories, I have concluded to prepare for your columns a correct 
statement of the occurrences referred to, and in doing so I shall not 
depend upon my memory, but shall state the facts in the matter 
under consideration, as recorded in a diary kept by me during- the 
war, and I shall substantiate that record by quotations from the offi- 
cial reports of the officers (Confederate and Federal) who were actors 
in these stirring events. 

On the 20th of Mav, 1862, the 2d and the 6th regiments of Vir- 
ginia cavalry, the former under the command of Colonel Munford, 
and the latter under Colonel Thomas Stanhope Flournoy, who, being 
the senior officer, had command of both regiments, broke camp near 
Culpeper Courthouse and marched to Woodville, Rappahannock 
county. On the following day we crossed the Blue Ridge into Page 
Valley, in advance of General Ewells' Division, and continued our 
march to Luray. On the 22d our march was continued in the direc- 
tion of Front Royal. On the two last-named days, all along our 
route, the loyal women of that beautiful valley, from the gray-haired 
matron to the fair, blooming maiden, flocked to the roadside to bid 
us welcome, and to cheer us on our way. 

It is proper to state here, before going into a narration of the 
e\ents of the following day, that the misstatement referred to above 
is to the effect that the garrison at Front Royal was captured by the 
First Maryland (Confederate) Regiment of infantry, and Wheat's 
Louisana Battalion of Infantry, whereas the facts and the official 
records will show that there was no Confederate infantry within three 
or four miles of the Federal force at the time of its capture. 

On the following day, the 23rd, our march northward was resumed, 
but the cavalry was soon sent to the left to cut the railroad and tele- 
grajjhic communications between Strasburg and Front Royal, while 
the infantry pressed on towards the latter place, where a brisk skirm- 
ish ensued, but the P>deral force retreated across both forks of the 
Shenandoah, carrying with them their artillery and wagon-train, and 
tiring the bridge o\er the North river after they had crossed it. 


In referring to what transpired at Front Royal, General Jackson, 
in his official report, says: " But in the meantime, Wheat's Battal- 
ion, Major Wheat, and the First Maryland Regiment, Colonel Brad- 

F///A/ "/ Fn>ni Hu:i(t\. 13-3 

ley T. Johnson, advanced mcjrc directly, dri\inj^ in their skirmishers, 
the Federals retreatin^c across hf)th forks of the Shenandoah." 

The cavalry, having accomplished the mission upon which it had 
been sent, moved on in the direction of Front Rfjyal. Lpcm reach- 
\x\^ the bridge crossing- the North FcM'k, we found that the enemy 
had fired it. The '(w(\ however, had been e.xtinguished bv our in- 
fantry, but n(jt until the Hooring on the south side of the bridge had 
l)een burned nearly through. Hv riding slowlv, in single file, and 
bearing as far as possible to the right, we proceeded to cross the 
bridge. This was slow work, and to(j slow f(jr General Jackson, who 
as soon as four companies had crossed, ordered Colonel Flournov in 
])ursuit of the enemy with those four companies. 

Colonel Flournoy promptly obeyed, and startetl rapidly up the 
turnpike towards Winchester with his small force (not e.xceeding. if 
ecjualling, 200 men), the ccjmpanies being in the following order: 
Company E, of Halifax, Captain C. E. Pdournoy; Company B, of 
Rappahannock. Captain Daniel (irimslev; Ccjmpany K, of Loudoun. 
Captain (leorge A. Baxter; and Com])any A, also of Loudoun, Cap- 
tain R. H. Dulany. 

Being in the front section of fours of our comi)aiiv, I was a witness 
to the following rather amusing incident: We were j)roceeding in a 
rapid trot, Captain Baxter being immediately in front of my section. 
Just in front of tlie latter rode two soldiers who did not seem to be 
connected with the company next in front. The elder wore a dingv 
gray coat and an old militar}- cap, j)ulled well forward, and rode a 
raw-bone sorrel horse, while on liis right rode a youth who seemed 
to be more neatly dressed than the other. True the old sorrel and 
his companion ambled along at a good gait, but not fast enough for 
the ardent and impatient spirit of Baxter, who, in no \ery choice 
language, peremptorily commanded them to "get out ol the way 
of my (his) men."" The younger of the two turned to Baxter and. 
with a motion towards his companion, said: "This is (ieneral Jack- 
son." This was like a thunder-bolt to Baxter and the rest ot us, as 
we were not then as fuiiiliar with (ieneral Jackson's appearance as 
we became afterwards during his Valley Campaign and as couriers 
for him in the winter ot" iS63-'64. As soon as he recovered his 
l)reath, Baxlt'r, \va\iiig his hat around his head, leil us in "three 
cheers for Cieneral Jackson," gi\-en in genuine C\nilederate style, 
(ieneral Jackson immetliateU- wheeled his horse, and ordered Cap- 
tain Baxter to take his compan\- anil Com|)an\- .\ anil form his .s(|uad- 
ron and charge on tlu- right of tlie turnpike; (.^impany 1-" was onlercil 

134 Southern Historical Societj/ Papers. 

to the left of the turnpike, while Company B was ordered to charge 
in the turnpike. 


These orders were rapidly oi\-en and promptly and quickly exe- 
cuted. After passing- into the field on the right, our squadron ad- 
vanced in a gallop, crossing one or two fences, until we reached a 
post-and-rail and capped fence, enclosing an orchard, where the 
enemy, quietly watching- our advance, was prepared to receive our 
onslaught. They were posted at Cedarville, about five miles from 
Front Royal. As soon as the head of the column reached the fence, 
I leaped from my horse and attempted to pull down one of the fence- 
posts, but, finding- myself unequal to the task, I sprang into my 
saddle again. However, by some means an opening was 
quickly made in the fence, and through it we rushed. As we 
entered the orchard, Captain Baxter gave the command, " Left into 
line," which was done in a gallop. Quickly thereafter, being in 
front of his men, with his pistol o\'er his head, he gave the order to 
charge, then, pressing our rowels into our horses flanks, with a wild 
rush we charged upon the enemy like a tempest, and they might as 
well have tried to stop a tornado. I do not believe they could have 
checked our onset bv any \'olley they could have gi\'en us, without 
killing our horses, for if the majority of the riders had been shot 
down the horses would have been carried by their tremendous mo- 
mentum into the ranks of the enemy. Captain George A. Baxter, 
Company K, was killed by a musket shot fired at close range. No 
more generous and heroic man than he fell during the war, and he 
was idolized by his men. The horse of Lieutenant George F. 
Means, Company K, being killed with bayonets, fell upon his rider, 
who was about to be dispatched with clubbed muskets of some of the 
enemy when Sergeant Font, Company K, rushed to his rescue. 
Company A lost one killed and one wounded. But Company B, 
which charged in the turnpike, was the principal sufferer in this 
conflict. The eneni}-, at close range, poured a deadly volley into 
the ranks of this company, killing nine and wounding fourteen out 
of thirty -six men, and killing and wounding twenty-one horses, but 
tailed to st<jp them, for the remainder of this heroic band, led by the 
gallant (irimsley, dashed into the midst of the enemy and scattered 
them like chaft^ before the wind. One man in Company B was 
pierced with fourteen bullets. I was informed of many interesting 
and thrilling incidents that occurred during the conflict, but I did 

Fiji Id (It. FronI l{<j;jal. 18.j 

not witness them, as, beinj^ at the head of the column when we entered 
the orchard, the command, " Left into hne " threw me on the right 
of the Hne, and I found matters in my own immediate vicinity so 
intensely interesting, that I had no time to gaze around to see what 
was transpiring in other parts of the field. 

When we broke their ranks the enemy scattered in e\-ery direc- 
tion, and we scattered in as many directions, also in pursuit. Com- 
panies D and I of our regiment, the 6th, came up in time to join in 
the pursuit. Thus had our small force of about 200 cavalry attacked 
and routed a vastly superior force of the enemy, numbering about 
800, and consisting of ca\alry, infantry, and artillery, although that 
force had formed in battle array to repel mir attack. Besides their 
killed and wounded we captured about 700 prisoners and their artil- 
lery and wagon-train. The remainder of our regiment did not get 
up in time to join in the pursuit. On the following day I heard 
( iencral Ewell remark to Colonel Flournoy, after expressing his 
regret at the loss sustained, " But vou made a glorious charge." 

Among the prisoners was Colonel Kenley, the Federal commander, 
who was also wounded by a sabre cut, I think, on the head. In the 
ranks of Co. K, of the 6th Virginia, he had a cousin, a .Mr. T. .M. 
C. Paxson. It so happened that on the following day Paxson wa> 
among the number detailed to take the prisoners to Winchester. 
Colonel Kenley, being in the ambulance, recognized Paxson, and 
called him. After conversing a few minutes he asked Paxson what 
regiment he belonged to. On being told, the 6th X'irginia Cavalry. 
he replied: " Do you know that \-ou men made the greatest ca\alry 
charge vesterday on record?" and he went on to state that he had 
formed his men to repel our attack, and thev had stt)od their grounti 
until we were in their midst, \-et th(,>y had been overcome, antl that 
history nowhere recorded an instance where so small a force ot ca\- 
alry had charged and overcome so greatly a superior force of infan- 
try, supported by ca\alr\- and artillery. Mr. Paxson is now residing 
near Peoenia, \'a., and will writV tln' statement just made. 

CAPTrRI'.l) \\\ e.W'Al.KN. 

From the foregoing it will hv seen that no Confederate infantry 
whatever had anything to do with the capture oi the P'ederal force 
under Colonel Kenley. Soon after the fight the report gained cre- 
dence that the ist Maryland (Confederate) antl Wheat's Battalion 
had captured the Federal force at Front Royal, yet I have ne\ er 

136 Southern Histori'-dl Sor-lef'/ Papers. 

lieard anv member of either of those gallant commands making any 
such claim. 

In substantiation of the fact that this Federal force was captured 
hv the four companies of the 6th Virginia Cavalry named, I will 
now cjuote from the official reports of some of the officers engaged. 

Colonel Kenley says: "I still pushed on in an orderly, military 
manner, and had actually gained some four miles from the river when 
Major Vought rode up from the rear and informed me that he was 
closely pressed. ^'^ '-^ ''^ The infantry in the field poured in a very 
close volley, which nearly destroyed the leading company, but it did 
not check the advance of the succeeding squadrons, which charged 
in the most spirited manner. Large numbers of them, turning into 
the field, charged upon the men there, who continued fighting despe- 
rately until nearly all were captured, some five or six officers and 
about I GO men alone escaping. '■' '-^ '^ There was no surrender 
about it. " ' 

General Jackson says: " Delayed by difficulties at the bridge over 
the North Fork, which the Federals had made an effort to burn. 
Colonel Flournoy pushed on with Companies A, B, E and K, of the 
6th Virginia Cavalry, and came up with a body of the enemy near 
Cedarville, about five miles from Front Royal. This Federal force 
consisted of two companies of cavalry, two pieces of artillery, the 
ist (Federal) Regiment, Maryland Infantry, and two companies of 
Pennsylvania infantry, which had been posted to check our pursuit. 

" Dashing into the midst of them. Captain Grimsley, of Company 
B, in ad\ance, these four companies drove the Federals from their 
position, who soon, however, reformed in an orchard on the right of 
the turnpike, when a second gallant charge being made upon them, 
the enemy's cavalry was put to flight, the artillery abandoned, and 
the infantry, now thrown into confusion, surrendered themselves 
prisoners of war. 

"In this successful pursuit our loss was twenty-six killed and 
wounded. Among the killed was Captain Baxter, of Company K, 
while gallantly leading his men in the charge." 

Colonel Flournoy in his report says: "The enemy had fired the 
bridge across North river, which delayed the pursuit. Four com- 
panies of the 6th crossed the river in time to overtake the enemy at 
Cedarsville, about three miles up the pike, where they had formed 
to receive the charge. Company E, Captain C. E. Flournoy, was 
ordered in front and on the left; Company K, Captain Baxter, and 

Fiflhl <ii Front ll(>;ial. 137 

Company A, Captain Dulaney, U) the ng^ht, and Company H. Cap- 
tain (irimsley, directly up the turnpike. 

CO.Ml'A.W li. 

" Com]:)any H was first upon the enemy, and charged m(jst gal- 
lantly ric;ht through their lines, breaking them and throwing them 
into confusion. This company was supported b\' Ccjmpany E from 
the left, and Companies K and A on the right. The enemv was 
driven from this position, l)ut soon reformed in an orchard on the 
right of the turnpike, where these companies again charged and put 
them to complete route. 

"When the charge was commenced, their ca\alrv took to flight. 
The two pieces of artillery were abandoned and taken, and nearly 
the entire infantry force taken jirisoners. 

" Com]xmy I), Captain Richards, and (^)mpan\- 1, Ca])tain Row, 
came up in time to engage in the pursuit. The other com])anics oi 
the 6th and 2d Regiments were prex'ented from ciMiiing in time to 
take part on account of the difficult\- in crossing the bridge, which 
alone prevented their taking the most acti\'e part in the fight. 

"The officers and men engaged acted with the greatest intrepidity 
and courage, executing every order with j^romptness, and gained a 
complete victory o\'er the enemy." 

In his report of the fight at Winchester, after referring to the 
absence of the cax'alry under (ienerals Ashby and George H. Steuart. 
and the failure of the latter to pursue the enemy promptly when or- 
dered to do so, on the ground that the order did not come through 
General Plwell, under whose immediate connnaml he was, (k-neral 
Jackson .says: 

"There is good reason for believing that, had the cax.ilry playeil 
its part in this pursuit as well as the four companies under Colonel 
Flournoy two days before in the pursuit from h'ront Royal, but a 
small portion of Banks" arm\' would ha\e made its escape to the 

The reports of some of the subordinate I'ederal oMicers eui^a^eii 
in this fight are somewhat amusing, inasmuch as they estimate one 
attacking force all the \\a\- tVom 3,000 to 10,01x1 men. and one e\en 
says that we attacked tluiu with these o\ erwhelming numbers, carry- 
ing a black flag, and gixing no (juarter — this in tlie lace ol the tact 
that no one e\er saw a black tlag in X'irginia during tlie war. anil t>r 
the further fact that wi' took ali\ i' about 71x1 prisoners, which shows 

138 Saul lie ni Historirnl S<n-iety Papers. 

under what mental and optical delusion some people may labor dur- 
ing the excitement of such an occurrence, or else, what deliberate 
lying thev will do in order to make their own part in the affair 
appear as great as possible. 

This article has been written simply in vindication of historical 
truth, and in justice to the heroic dead and of the living, as well. 

In further verification of the foregoing, I refer to Judge Grimsley, 
of Culpeper, \'a., and Colonel R. H. Dulany, Welbourne, Va. 

John C. Donohoe. 
Huo-hcsvillc. fa.. May 8, i8g6. 

[From tlie Philadelphia Tinirs, March 14, 1S96.] 


Here is a Comparison of his Campaign in 1864 and Lee's 

in 1862, 


And the Losses Incurred in the Wilderness and the Subsequent Bat= 
ties were About on a Par with Lee's Losses in the Seven 
Days' Battle and Those Succeeding it. Leslie J. 
Perry's Interesting Argument. 

When (ieneral Grant, having been made lieutenant-general, came 
East and assumed direction of the armies operating against Rich- 
mond, the war had been in progress three years; about a dozen great 
battles had been fought between the two principal Virginia armies, 
in which alone the aggregate losses in killed and wounded were over 
90,000; half as many more had fallen in scores of lesser actions — all 
to no purpose, for, notwithstanding the feet that perhaps equal losses 
had been inflicted on the Confederates, the situation of the beliger- 
ents in X'irginia remained substantially the same as when the first 
battle of Bull Run occurred in 1861. 

Retaining Meade in command of the Army of the Potomac, but 
casting his personal fortunes with that magnificent but unfortunate 

y[ Parnllrl fi>r (lroi>rs Action. 18H 

army, Grant inaugurated a canipaij4n Lee which invfjlved a 
succession of bloody battles hardly paralleled in nvjclern warfare, in 
which the C(jnfederate commander, almost constantly actinj^ on a 
careful defensive, to husband his rapidly failing- strength, was barelv 
able throughout this terrible summer to hold his own and protect 
Richmond. By thus always fighting behind ftrtified lines and taking 
few chances, Lee was enabled to inflct far greater losses on the Union 
army than his own sustained. But, ne\ertheless, the Confederate 
losses were also quite large. Confederate bulletins and newspapers 
from time to time announced the repulse of the Yankees with " great 
slaughter," and showered enthusiastic praises upon the bra\e and 
brilliant defense their great leader was making against overwhelming 
numbers, yet the Union army clay by dav drew nearer and nearer 
Richmond, and the \'ery terseness with which, after the first trial of 
strength with Grant, the herett)fore bold and dashing Confederates 
hugged their breastworks, was evidence that they were cowed and 
dismayed by this new order of warfare. Cirant at once detected 
this after the Wilderness; he asserted to his government that Lee 
was already whipped, and that it was impossible to get a battU- out 
of him in the open. Cirant pressed the fighting with such ferocity 
and persisted in it with such bull dog tenacity that he l)egan to lie 
stigmatized by his enemies North and .South as a " butcher." 

It is my purpose to indulge in some speculations concerning this 
campaign, and the Union losses, com])aring them with other cam- 
])aigns of the war, and then let the reader form his own conclusions 
as to whether Grant's e\-entual success was dearly bought or other- 
wise. The period of which I shall treat is the forty-one days begin- 
ning with the battle of the Wilderness, on tht,- 5th of May, and end- 
ing with the crossing of the James on the \^{\\ of June, 1864. The 
fighting, beginning on the 5th, was almost continuous throughout 
the month of May, l)ut practicall\- ended with the battle- of Cold 
Harbor on the third of June. The total L'nion losses in all the bat- 
tles of this period in killed and wouikKhI i I do not inchule prisoners, 
as they are not counted in tlu' butcher's bilh, was lollows; 

Killed. Wounded, r.)tal. 

Wilderness, 2 days 2.2^^ i:!.'VC 14.2S3. 

.Spotsylvania, 14 days -•T-v'i ',v4>.^ ib, 13S. 

Nortli Anna, Cold llad)c)r, etc., 24 days 2,43b ii.Sii 14.247- 

Total, 41 days 7.4'^7 .>7.-^' 44.'^^''^- 

The campaign in whic-Ji these losses were made may be irulhtully 

140 Soiillii'i'ii Historical Sorivti/ Papers. 

described as a series of seige operations, alternating with flank move- 
ments toward Richmond to turn the Confederates out of fortified 
positions too strong and too well defended to be broken through. 
But Lee, who was an able engineer officer, having always the inner 
lint, found it easy again to interpose and throw up new defenses. 
This process was repeated four different times — first at Spotsylvania, 
then at the North Anna river, again at Cold Harbor, and finally in 
tront of Petersburg. 

It is not necessary to my purpose to discuss the Confederate losses 
in these operations further than to say that they also were quite 
hea\'y. There is no comj:)lete return of them, but subordinate 
reports leave no room for doubt that at the Wilderness, where Lee at 
first assumed the offensive, there were not less than 10,000, and per- 
haps as many as 12,000 killed and wounded: around Spotsylvania 
between 8,000 and 10,000; North Anna, Cold Harbor, etc., about 
5,000. I think the total may be fairly stated at 25,000 men. The 
The fighting, it will be seen, was not all one-sided. E\'en the Con- 
federate fortified lines were se\'eral times pierced by fierce attacks, 
and the safety of Lee's entire army momentarily imperiled. 

The Wilderness is generally assumed to have been a drawn battle, 
but in fact it was a Lhiion triumph. Grant had not actually driven 
Lee from the field, but he had maintained himself south of the river, 
offering, if not again deli\ering battle. While safely covering his 
own capital. Grant still menaced the enemy's, for he held the roads 
leading south, and at once actually proceeded to acivance further into 
the interior of Virginia. He had held the enemy at bay, inflicting 
such staggering blows as to at last change the policy of that enemy 
from a hitherto generally successful oftensive-defensi\'e into a purely 
and very careful and timid defensive one. More, General Grant had 
destroyed the illusion in the Union army that Lee was absolutely 
infallible and that the Rapidan was a sort of Chinese wall which 
could not be successfully passed while Lee defended it. This was a 
victory in itself Just one year previously Lee had boldly attacked 
Hooker on this same ground and disastrously defeated and driven 
him back across the Rappahannock. Hooker's forces in the Chan- 
cell()rs\ille campaign were greater by 20,000 than Grant's in the 
Wilderness, while Lee's were about the same in both. At Spotsyl- 
vania Hancock broke through the Confederate breastworks and 
captured many prisoners. Feeble attempts of the Confederates at 
Spotsylvania, North Anna, and Bethesda Church to take the offen- 
sive were easily repulsed, and with considerable loss. 

A Pandlcl for (rrxiif's Ai-tinn. 141 

In short, in this campaij^n the Union army was handled with a 
boldness and confidence unkncnvn in its previ(nis history, and with a 
success in the presence of R. E. Lee which surprised those t(j whom 
his name had been a terror for three'years. All expectation of out- 
manoeuvering- and defeating the su[)erior Federal army in the open 
had evidently been put aside, though it is plain Lee had confidence 
that he could repeat the Chancellorsxille episode when he marched 
on Grant in the Wilderness. His jjrevious successes in this favorite 
field against large armies gave him ground for such expectation. 
But the cyclone tactics of the Confederate leader of i862-'3 were 
now completely reversed. True, Lee was largely outnumbered, but 
not so largely as at Chancellorsville. 

It is not likely that many favorable openings were afforded by 
General Grant for promising attack, but in the numberless move- 
ments at Spotsylvania of corps back and forth, it seems strange that 
Lee did not make an op]:)ortunity with his old-time skill to strike 
effectively, but here he preferred a strict defensi\e, a policv in marked 
contrast with the bold ad\ance at the Wilderness u\\ May 5, and 
Long-street's attack on the 6th. 

Grant's style of fighting was a new sensation on this fiont. The 
partisans of defunct Federal generals previously cleaned out by Lee. 
who prognosticated disaster, were silenced by Grant's advance; op- 
position journals and the supporters of McClellan, who had declared 
that the war was a failure, spread exaggerated lists of killed before 
the country for political purposes. Through such agencies there was 
created a popular impression that Grant's warfare was utterlv devoid 
of sense or science; that by mere weight of numbers and through 
sheer stolidity he was maintaining a losing fight; that General Lee — 
a great military genius — was constantly outgeneraling him. watch- 
fully biding his time and from behind impregnable breastworks shoot- 
ing down the Union troops like pigeons almost at will, w hile losing 
very few himself Cheaj) historians afterward U)llowed these lines. 
Many ignorant people are still of that impression, especiallv those 
who have read only the earlier histories and ha\e dejiendeil upon 
sensational newspaper accounts for their knowletige of the war. 
written before the contemporaneous official reports of lioth sides 
were accessible. 

Never was there a greater mistake. Lee hail pre\iously been 
lucky in his ad\ersaries; now he had met one who understood his 
l)usiness; who like himself knew how to weigh relative chances; who 
knew when his arm\- was licked and .dso when it wasn't; who. 

142 SoKlhcni IL'slorical Sorktij Papers. 

seconded by Meade, knew how to spread an army out and fight it 
properly, and who did not lose his head when merely repulsed and 
rush away in retreat, under the impression that all was lost. No 
such series of rapid and able — even brilliant — manoeuvres as those 
around Spotsvlvania were seen on any other battle-field of the war. 
They were skilfully met; they had to be to save the Confederate 

It is natural that this continuous fighting and these heavy losses 
should have had the effect to somewhat impair the morale of the 
Union army, yet seeminglv the troops charged the Confederate 
breastworks at Cold Harbor, with Richmond in sight, as bravely as 
they did those at Spotsylvania. Grant never abandoned the offen- 
sive from first to last, and was constantly feeling for the weak spot 
in his adversary's armor. 

Now for my parallel. The distinguished Confederate leader, 
General R. E. Lee, was appointed to the command of the Army of 
Northern Virginia after the battle of Fair Oaks, where his predeces- 
sor. General Joseph E. Johnston, was wounded. For the purpose 
of loosening McClellan's hold on Richmond General Lee began a 
series of operations on the 25th of June, 1862, known as the Seven 
Days' battles, in which he succeeded in driving off" the Union gene- 
ral and relieving Richmond from the menace of immediate attack. 
In these battles the Confederates acted on the offensive, and were 
])recipitated against the L'nion positions by their commander day 
after dav with a persistent energy bordering on desperation. Their 
losses were frightful. In the first battle at Beaver Dam Creek on 
the 26th of June, some 18,000 Confederates charged a strong line 
held by McCall's single division and were repulsed with ease, with a 
loss of about 3,000 men, killed and wounded, McCall's killed and 
wounded amounting to less than 400, all told. The battle of Gaines' 
Mill followed on the 27th, the Confederates attacking a strong line 
and eventually winning a victory, but at great cost of bloodshed. 
Other battles followed, McClellan retreating to the James, where 
again the Confederates made desperate efforts to break the Union 
lines at Malvern Hill, but were signally repulsed, with a loss of not 
less than 6,000 killed and wounded, the LInion army suffering not 
half as much. 

After this series of bloody battles, in which Lee lost 19,739 men, 
killed and wounded, to McClellan's 9,796, Lee marched toward the 
Rap])ahann()ck, attacking Pope at Cedar Mountain, again at Bull 
Run and Chantilly, and finally pressing the Union army back into 

A Parallel for (rrnnrs Arlhni. 143 

the fortifications about Washinj4ton. He then invaded Maryland, 
but was attacked at South Mountain on the 14th of September, and 
again at Antietam on the 17th, where, acting on the defensive, he 
was enabled to inflict heavy losses on McClellan, but was also badly 
shattered himself and forced to retire across the F(jtoinac. Shortly 
after he fell back behind the Rapitahannock, through sheer exhaus- 
tion, to recuperate and rest his army, which had been incessantlv 
toiling and fighting with splendid valor since the 26th of June. 
In these various battles Lee's losses were as follows: 


Seven days battles 3,47''^ 

Cedar Mountain 347 

Second Bull Run ... 1,740 

Antietam i .863 




> 9.739- 







Total 7,42s 33.9f->i 41.329. 

The Confederate returns of losses in these operations are incom- 
plete and unsatisfactory. For several of the lesser battles, in which 
perhays, 3,000 or 4,000 men were lost, no reports of losses whatever 
appear. The Confederates did not re|)ort their sligluK' WDundetl bv 
a special order of Lee himself It is demonstrated that the total 
losses of Lee in these campaigns were not less than 45,000 men killed 
and wounded, and the reports contain internal evidences that they 
probably exceeded the total of 50,000. The aggregates shown above 
are approximately correct, so far as they go, and for the .Se\en Days' 
battles are undisputed. 

Around Richmond, Lee, like (irant, forced the fighting against a 
partially fortified enemy, and held his nun uj) to the necessarv work 
with the same tenacity of purpose that characterized ( irant' s ope- 
rations from the Wilderness to the James. His losses fully equaled 
and probably exceeded (irant's. Lee's bloody assaults at Beaver 
Dam Creek and at Mah ern Hill were even more unjustifiable by any 
apparent militarv necessity than (irant's assaults at Cold Harbor, and 
they were just as costh' in human blodd. l^\ery man hv lost .it 
Antietam was a waste of life, because lu' had no neeil to tight that 

Yet no man has risen u|) to stigmati/i' the Conteilerate 
leader as a "butcher." It is true that Lee had temporarily re- 
lieved Richmond, beaten Pope, cajitured Harjier's Ferry, anil made 
a good fight at Antietam — all Itrilliant episodes doubtless, as they 
added greatly to his military reputation. Hut svmiming all up after 

144 SoulJifrn Hif<tor(i-ol >Socie(f/ Papers. 

his forced retreat across the Potomac, who can ponit out any real, 
tangible ad\antage attained for his cause by all these bloody sacri- 
fices ? His victories over McClellan and Pope were disappointing, 
but they did not shake the determination of the North, or for one 
moment unsettle its purpose to crush the rebellion. 

He had inflicted on the enemy losses less than his own army had 
sustained, except in prisoners; the long, unceasing strain of battle, 
with its harassments and its killings, had brought his once formida- 
ble army to so low a state of morale and discipline that there was 
well-grounded fear of its total dissolution by wholesale desertion and 
straggling after Antietam, if we may believe General Lee's own 
statements and those of D. H. Hill and others. September 22d, five 
days after the battle, his total infantry force present for duty was 
officiallv stated at only 35,757. Lee telegraphed Secretary Randolph 
September 23d, that "unless something is done the army will melt 
away. " 

In short, at this time the Confederate outlook was gloomy. The 
fortunes of the Confederacv were then at a lower ebb, in my opinion, 
than at anv other period of its e.xistence, except during the last few 
months prior to the final collapse in 1865. Its army was reduced to 
a frazzle bv its frightful losses, and other causes far more more dan- 
gerous to its existence; the object of its chief general's campaign 
had been defeated and his weakened army thrown back upon the 
defensi\'e. And what was worse, notwithstanding Lee's apparent 
successes, which had set the South delirious with joy, while he had 
thus been sensibly growing weaker, his adversary, constantly gain- 
ing in strength, was now confronting him more numerous and pow- 
erful, more confident and determined than ever. McClellan' s 
effecti\'e army shortly after Antietam had increased to over 150,000 
men. Lee was relatively worse off" than at the beginning of his 
series of brilliant operations. All the reinforcements added to Joe 
Johnston's army in June had disappeared into the grave, the South- 
ern hospitals or deserted to their homes. 

Mere stupidity largely contributed to Lee's principal successes, 
whereas in (jrant's advance upon Richmond, the Confederate de- 
fense, from first to last, was conducted with consummate ability. 
And note the difterence in results. Lee lost 45,000 men and gained 
no permanent advantage, whereas Grant, after losses not exceeding 
the other's, permanentlv fastened himself upon the very throat of 
the rebellion, and just eleven months from the time he set forth he 
had accomplished his object in its complete overthrow to recompense 

('oiniHiiiij 1), ('hirhc ('(iraliii. 14,0 

the country for its sacrifices. It is iii^hly ]jrobable he would have 
made even a shorter canipaij^-n of it had he been in command instead 
of McCleUan after or previous U) the battle of Antietam. 

Lksi.ii; J. Pkrrv. 
Washington, March ^th, /S(^6. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, April 19, 1S96.] 


History and Roster of this Command, Which Fought Gallantly. 

On the 19th day of April, iS6i, just thirty-five years ago to-day, 
this company marched to Harper's Ferry. In the fall of 1859, main- 
of the members of this organization belonged to the Clarke (iuards 
which went to Harper's Ferry to take old John Hrown, the fore- 
runner of a large crusade, whose subseciuent fate is known ttj all. 
Virginia had, on the 17th of April, 1S61 — two days before — ])assed 
the ordinance of secession, cast the die, crossed the Rubicon, and 
called upon her sons to keep her escutcheon untarnished. It was in 
response to this action that this companv of as gallant and true 
spirits as ever went forth to battle, found itself at Har])er"s Ferrv. 
Colonel J. PI B. Stuart took charge of it and all the cavalrw and 
Brigadier-Cieneral Thomas J. Jackson, was in command of all the 
forces there collected. 


The people of the original thirteen States believed in State sover- 
eignty — that the go\-crnmcnt thev formed had no power to coerce 
one of their number for an\- purpose. The Southern people were 
educated in the belief that the allegiance ol the citizen was first due 
to his State, and that in anv conduct between his Commonwealth 
and the United States, or any other country, his place was at her 
side — "at her feet he shoukl kneel, and at her foe his gun should be 
pointed." Thus believing, we resented the insolence of a people 
who denounced the constitution as a league with tiie de\ il and a cov- 
enant with hell, by resuming our original independence. The splen- 
did achievements of the gallant sons of the South in the long and 

146 Suiithcrn Historical Soridij Fapcrs. 

bitter struggle that ensued in consequence thereof constitute a theme 
that will continue to evoke the admiration of mankind to the remo- 
test ages. From the time when Joshua led the mighty hosts of 
Israel down to the present time the pages of history tell of no mili- 
tary performances more brilliant, no fortitude more enduring, no 
cause more devotedly followed to the last extremity of possible suc- 
cess. Wherever the banner of the Confederacy floated, there fol- 
lowed a lion-hearted host of as gallant and intrepid souls as ever 
ioined the ranks of war, and went forth to battle for what they knew 
to be right. Neither privation, disaster, sickness, nor death appalled 
them, and where their standard pointed they followed w ith a heroism 
unsurpassed, and so long as nations endure will the story of their 
exploits be told with admiration. 


With this prelude it is proper to say that the object of the writer 
is to gi\'e a brief history of one company, concerning which he 
knows somewhat of its officers and its members, their names, and 
the battles in which thev participated. As I look back now through 
the vista of years, from Harper's Ferry to Appomattox, and from 
Appomattox to 1896, I see more clearly the glories in the lustre of 
their deeds, feel more satisfied than ever of the righteousness of our 
cause, and wonder how it was possible that we should have failed. 
It was a beautiful day that Company D set out to go to Harper's 
Ferry and save the arsenal there. The trees had put on their love- 
liest robes, the fields were clothed in the choicest verdure and the 
Blue Ridge smiled majestically, while the sparkling Shenandoah 
reflected this fairyland back to its maker. Oh, sir, I doubtless 

" Breathes there a man with soul so dead, 
Who never to himself hath said. 
Tills is my dwn, my native land?" 


This com]:)any was officered by Captain Joseph R. Hardesty; 
William Taylor, First Lieutenant; David Hume Allen, Second Lieu- 
tenant, and George Mason, Third Lieutenant. The private soldiers 
were : 

Lewis Ashby, Buckner Ashby, George Ashby, Shirley C. Ashby, 
John H. Anderson, Milton B. Anderson, Jacqueline R. Ambler, 

Coiiipaiiii f), ('/(ir/.'r ('(trill r;/. 147 

Jonah Bell, James D. Bell, John VV. Bell, William H. Brown. John 
S. Blackburn, Charles H. Brabham, John Barbee, Carter Berkeley, 
Thaddeus Baney, William Bonham, Isaac Bonham, M. R. P. Castle- 
man, Robert H. Castleman, James R. Castleman, John T. Crowe, 
H. Clay Crowe, John Carper, Henry Catlett, F. H. Calmes, Mar- 
([uise Calmes, Nathaniel B. Cooke, John Dearmont. Thomas Dear- 
mont, Peter Dearmont, Thomas Dement, Horace P. Deahl, Eujj;^ene 
Davis, Albert S, Davis, Strother Da\ is, James B. Everhart, J. New- 
ton Everhart, O. R. P\msten, Kinloch I'"auntlcrov, C. Powell ( iraclv. 
Temple Grady, Edward K. Grady, William Gibson, James Lee 
Grigos, George Harris, John Harris, Charles W. Hardesty. William 
T. Hammond, Taliaferro Hunter, William H. H. Harley, Madison 
Hite, Irvine Hite, P'ontainc Hite, Cornelius Hite, William Hite. 
Solomon Hibbs, A. J. Harford, Robert Jones, Walter lannev, John 
M. Johnson, James Kiger, J. M. Keller, Charles Kendall, John 
Kerfoot, Henry D. Kerfoot, John N. Kitchen. Thomas Kneller, 
Louis C. Kneller, Jacob S. Kneller, Charles E. Kimball, C. C. 
Larue, fames J. Larue, William A. Larue, Gilbert C. Laruf, H. L. 
D. Lewis, Robert H. Lewis, James Lindsey, William Laughliii. 
[oseph S. Mason, Douglas Mason, Frank Moore. William Moore, 
A. Moore, Jr., Nicholas Moore, William C. Morgan, John Morgan, 
Jr., Robert P. Morgan, Daniel Morgan, F. Key Meade. David 
Meade, Jr., Harry Meade, Matthew Fontaine Magner, Newton 
Mannel, William Taylor Milton, Carey Mitchell, Robert Mitchell. 
.Ship Mitchell, John Milburn, H. Bounce Michie, E. C. Marshall, 
Jr., D. Holmes McGuire, Burwell McGuire, John P. McMurry, 
Edward McCormick, Hugh H. McCormick, Cvrus McCormick. 
Province McCormick, Jr., Nicholas McClure, Hierome L. Opie, 
John N. Opie, Edward Osliorn, Philij) H. Powers, George PagfC, 
William B. Page, Archie C. Page, Robert N. Pendleton, Dudley D. 
Pendleton, Frank S. Pennybacker, George Ritter. Thomas J. Rus- 
sell, William A. Russell, Heniu'tt Russell, George Ruggles, Joseph 
H. Shepherd, George C. Shepherd, Chamjje .Shepherd. Jr.. George 
11. Sowers, Charles H. Smith, Treadnell Smith, Jr., J. Rice Smith. 
Warren C. .Smith, George H. Shumate, Thomas Shumate. Edward 
Shumate, Henry Stephen.son, R. C. Steploe. Leonard Swartzwelder, 
IMiilip Swann, William .Simi)son, Benjamin Trenary, Thomas Tini- 
berlake, Pius Francis Topi)er, J.uues Thompson. George Turner. 
James Wat.son. John Watson, Thomas Watson. John R. White. 
Thomas Williams, Eustace Williams, Charles .\. Ware. J.icquihnc 
S. Ware. Nathaniel Willis, George Waesche, Carlisle Whiting. 

148 Souihern Hisforicffl Sor-ief>/ Papers. 

James D. Wio;iJ:inoton, foseph N. Wheat, Frank W. Wheat, Charles ■ 
H. Wagfer, and Count F. Zoulasky. 


This company, with elcAen other companies, constituted then the 
ist Regiment of cavah'v, and was commanded by Colonel J. E. B. , 
Stuart until after First Manassas, in which battle he charged Heint- , 
gelman's Zouaves with Company D and the Loudoun company, i 
The sfallant Lieutenant Da\id H. Allen was killed, F. H. Calmes I 
and Magner were wounded in this charge, and nine men of the Lou- I 
doun company killed. Shortly after that battle Stuart was made i 
brigadier-general, and Captain William E. Jones was made colonel, , 
and assumed command of the regiment. The 6th was then form- 
ing, and lacked two companies of having a quota, while the ist had 
too many. In August, 1861, General Stuart permitted the Clarke 
and Rockingham companies to decide by vote whether to go to the 
6th or remain in the ist. They elected to go into the 6th, which , 
was officered by Colonel Charles W. Field, Lieutenant-Colonel 1 
Julian Harrison, Major J. Grattan Cabell, and John Allen, Adjutant. 1 
Shortly afterwards Colonel Field was made brigadier, and assigned I 
to the command of an infantry brigade. Major Thomas Stanhope 
Flournoy was then made colonel, and, after the Valley Campaign, 
resigned. Cabell E. Flournoy, who had been made major, became 
lieutenant-colonel, and John Shack Green, major. Li 1863 Julian 
Harrison was made colonel, but being badly wounded the day he 1 
took command, at Brandy Station, never came back again to the | 
regiment. j 

Cabell E. F^lournoy then became colonel, Green, lieutenant-colonel, I 
and Daniel T. Richards, major. After a while Green resigned, Rich- 
ards became lieutenant-colonel, and D. A. Grimsley, major. After ' 
Colonel Cabell Flournoy was killed (two days before second Cold , 
Harbor), Richards became colonel, Grimsley, lieutenant-colonel, and ' 
J. A. Throckmorton, major. These gallant officers were leading 
their men to battle when the banner of the Confederacy was forever ; 
furled. ■ 

company's several captains. i 

On the morning of the 21st of July, 1861, Captain Hardesty re- [ 

signed the command of Company D, and Hugh M. Nelson was ! 
elected captain, but, not being present, Lieutenant William Taylor, 

than whom no braver man ever lived, led the company through that i 

Coniixdii) l)^ <_'l<irl.-i' ('iirdln/. 149 

terrible clay. At the recjr^anization, in April. 1S62, Daniel T. 
Richards was elected captain, Joseph McK. Kennerly first lieutenant, 
R. Owen Allen second lieutenant, and Cumherland-Cieorge Shumate 
third lieutenant. Alter Richard's i)r()motion Keinierley became 
ca])tain, and in 1864 Nathaniel Willis was elected first lieutenant and 
William Moore second lieutenant, but they ne\er recei\ed their com- 
missions. Of all the officers that commanded Company D, from 
April, 1861, to A])ril, 1S65, but three are lixin^-, and Colonel Oims- 
ley is the only survivor of the commanding officers of the 6th Vir- 
ginia Cavalry Regiment. Our brigade commanders were (ienerals 
James Fl B. Stuart, Fitzhugh Lee, Beverley H. Robertson, William 
E. Jones, Lunsford L. Lomax and William H. Payne. Cieneral 
Stuart was afterwards made major-general, commanding all the 
cavalry, which he did up to the time of his death, at \'ellow Ta\-ern. 
May 12, 1864, when glorious, dashing W^ade Hanipt(;n was made 
lieutenant-general, commanding the Ca\alr\- Corps, Army of North- 
ern Virginia. These thunderbolts of war, ha\ing car\ ed their epi- 
taphs with gleaming sabres, need no encomiums nor recitals of their 
chivalrous deeds. High up in the dazzling niche of fame and glorv. 
they stand as peers of Ney, Murat, and Henry of Naxarre. 


In allot the following named battles Compan)- I) figured conspic- 
uously, and left some of its members upon nearly e\'er\- field: Capture 
of Brigadier-General William S. Harney at Harper's Ferry in Ajiril, 
1861; Falling Waters, Bunker Hill, P'irst Manassas, Second Manas- 
sas, Mine Run, Catlett's Station, Auburn, Warrenton Springs, 
Seven Days' battles around Richmond, First C\>ld Harbor, Second 
Cold Harbor, Hanover Junction, around McCkllan, First Brandy 
Station, Second Brandy, Third Brandy, Stevensburg, Beverley Fortl. 
Raccoon Ford, Slaughter Mountain, Culpeper, Trevillian, Weyer's 
Cave, Port Republic, Cross Keys, P'ronl Royal, White Post. Win- 
chester, Berryville, Charlcstown, Halltown, Leetown. .Shepherds- 
town, Williamsport, South Mountain, Hanover (in ]\'nnsylvania ). 
(iettysburg, Rollsl)urg, Moorefield, Fairniounl, (iraflon, Petersburg 
(in West Virginia), Wilderness, Yellow Taxern, Reams' Station, 
advance down the .Shenandoah \'alle\- in 1S64, Winchester the sec- 
ond. Cedar Creek, Millford, l.ura\-, Newtown, Back Ko.ul, New- 
Creek, Lacey Spring, Beverley (in West X'irginia). Fi\e l-'orks, ami 
from Petersburg to Appomatto.x. in the march around .McClellan. 

150 S<ii///iirn llistDrirul Soi-iciy Pdper.r. 

Company D went with the ist Reg-iment, and was the only one from 
the 6th Regiment that participated, and that happened by permis- 
sion of General Stuart, with whom it and the Rockingham compa- 
nies were great favorites. In the battles around Richmond, Com- 
pany D and the Rockingham company were the only two companies 
from the 6th that took part. After General Jackson had whipped 
Banks, Fremont and Shields in the Valley, he left to pay his respects 
to McClellan. He took with him the Clarke and Rockingham com- 
panies, and left the rest of the ca\alry in the Valley. In all but one 
of these sixty-one engagements there was hard fighting, resulting in 
the killing, wounding or capture of some of the company. When 
( ieneral Harney was captured there was no fighting. The train was 
stopped and surrounded, and Lieutenant (afterwards Major) Samuel 
I. C. Moon, of Clarke, went into the car, brought him out, and sent 
him to Richmond. There were numerous skirmishes and raids inci- 
dent to war, of which, for want of space, no mention has been made. 
At Ciettysburg, the 6th Regiment, being on the right of our army, 
got in the rear of Meade, and had a hard hand-to-hand fight at a 
place called Fairfield with the 6th United States Regulars, in which 
the Regulars were badly whipped and fled ingloriously trom the field. 
We thought that Meade was falling back, ior everything was in the 
greatest confusion, and were gTie\ously surprised when we were 
ordered back ourselves. 


Many writers ha\e been trying to find out where the ca\alry was 
at Gettysburg, and if they had been with this writer, who was trying 
his level best to obliterate Meade's army, they would ha\'e known at 
least where the 6th Regiment of Virginia Cavalry was. Thank God 
I ha\'e no inclination to criticise any officer, corps, division, brigade, 
regiment, or company in the whole service, for they deserve and 
will wear crowns of innnortelles. My object, as stated, has been to 
show to the world in a straightforward and truthful manner the part 
performed by the 170 men who comprised the Clarke Cavalry, 
Company D, Sixth Regiment. These were all voung men, the 
flower of Clarke, who kept themselves mounted, clothed, and armed 
throughout the war. Fifty-two of them onlv are left, one of whom 
is sixty-seven years old, and of the remaining fifty-one \ery few have 
yet reached or passed sixty. Fvery one of these survi\ors were at 
diflferent times prisoners, and nearly e\-erv one of them wears a scar. 

(ioierdJ (U'orfje E. PnUcU. 151 

One hundred and ei,u:hteen " sleefj their last sleep; they have fouj^ht 
their last battle, and no sound can awake them to ^lory a^ain." 

A company that had 170 men, foui^ht fifty-seven pitched battles, 
had eighty-three men killed, thirty-five to die after the war, and 
fifty-two, by no fault of theirs, left wonderinj>- how it was jjfjssible 
tliat they escaped, surely deserve the credit (jf ha\int( tried t(j flo 
their duty. 

On the fourth Thursday in May, 1S61, the ordinance of secessicjn 
was ratified by the peo])le of Virginia by 130,000 majoritx-. It did 
not wait for that, but had been in the field for more than a mcjnth 
previous to said action. For four long years 500,000 of us, all tc^ld. 
on land and sea, fought more than three millions of soldiers, and 
absolutely wore ourselves out whipping them. We fought the good 
fight; we kept the faith — are still keeping it — and when the problems, 
anxieties, and disappointments that absorbed our energies shall con- 
cern us no more, and when w'e, too, shall have [)assed away, and 
those for whom we fought, bled, and died shall have succeeded u.-> 
in the paths of life and dut\', ma\- it, oh mav it, be said of us: 

Their deeds shine brighter than the stars, 

¥ox daylight hides them never; 
Brave men are stars that never set. 

They shine in Heaven forever. 

JosKPH H. Shi:phi;ki>. 

[From the Ricliinond Dispatch. .May i, 1S96.] 


His Appointment to West Point— A Letter from his Widow 

A Richmond friend of Mrs. Oeneral Pickett recently wrote to her, 
making an inciuiry as to how her husband receix'cd his catietship 
appointment. She answered that ( "h lural Pickett was appointeil l)y 
Congressman John G. Stuart, of the Third Illinois District, ami she 
explained that Mr. Lincoln inducrd .Stuart to make the a|)pointment. 
Mr. Lincoln was then assot-iated in the practice ot tlu' law with young 
Pickett's uncle, Mr. Andrew lohnston, who was latei- of the firm ot 
Johnston, Boulware and Williams, of Richmoml. Mr. Johnston. 

152 Sontherri Historical Society Papers. 

who has been dead for a number of years, was a great and good 
man, and was highly esteemed by the President, who, it is said, 
desired him to become Governor of this State, to guide it in its 
return to the Union. After giving her friend the information sought, 
Mrs. Pickett goes on to say: 

I have before me a letter from Mr. Lincoln, dated " February 22d, 
Springfield, 111.," which, though a private letter, bespeaks his super- 
lative greatness, his accurate perception, and the bent, even at that 
early period, of his wonderfully penetrating mind. "I have just 
told the folks here in Springfield," he said, " on this, the iioth anni- 
versary of the birth of him whose name, mightiest in the cause of 
ci\-il liberty — still mightiest in the cause of moral reformation — we 
mention in solemn awe, in naked, deathless splendor, that the only 
victory we can ever call complete will be that one which proclaims 
that there is not one slave or one drunkard on the face of God's 
green earth. Recruit for this victory." At the close of the letter 
he said: "Now, boy, on your march, don't vou go and forget the 
old maxim, that ' one drop of honey catches more flies than a thous- 
and gallons of gall.' Load your musket with the maxim and smoke 
it in vour pipe." 

Pickett remembered, for there was not a drop of gall in his whole 
life. He was the sweetest and the tenderest of natures, and no man 
was more belo\ed of men, women and children of e\ery degree and 
station than the high-toned, chivalrous man, the peerless soldier. 
General George E. Pickett. The soldiers of both armies alike hold 
his name in reverence; and so modest was he withal, that in his as 
yet unpublished report of the battle of Gettysburg, the grandest 
charge ever made in the annals of any history, he, in his unselfish- 
ness and devotion to his soldiers, and freedom from personal ambi- 
tion, gives all the credit, all the glory, all the honor of the charge to 
" my men, my bra\-e Virginians," as he called the soldiers of his 
dear old division. In the grand unity of truth he gave to them all 
their dues, and in silence tempered with mercy the errors of others. 

Pickett had the keenest sense of justice, the most sensitive con- 
sciousness of right, and the moral courage to do it. When General 
Grant, whose capacity for friendship has rarely been equalled, offered 
Pickett the marshalship of the State of Virginia, Pickett took coun- 
sel of his conscience and judgment, and, in thanking General Grant, 
said: "As high even as you are held in the hearts of your people, 
you cannot affcjrd to do this thing for me, and as poor and as much 
in need as I am of it, I cannot afford to take it from you." And 

(Teneral. Gcoryc K. I'irhctl. 1'):-) 

grandly and unmurmuringly and alone Pickett fought his way through 
poverty, though there were no honors, ntj emoluments within the 
gift of a loving people that could not have been his. 

I said Pickett was beloved by all, and so he was; but there are a 
wee, sma' few of those of his own comrades of the Lost Cause more 
fortunate of life than my large-hearted soldier, who are envious and 
jealous of the glory of his short, unfinished life, and one of these of 
the wee-sma' few, in his lecture on "The Closing Days of the Con- 
federacy," when he spoke of the deciding battle of the war Kiet- 
tysburg), scarcely mentioned the name of the dead S(jldier, who so 
zealously obeyed "Old Peter's nod," and led the immortal charge 
over those sacred heights, on through the passage of the V'allev of 
Death; passed the lines of battle, up the ridge to the crest, from the 
crest down the descent o\'er half a mile of open, exposed ground. 
within canister and schrapnel range; through rushing shot and 
shrieking shell; on, on through flame and smoke, till the heights 
were taken; the battle won, and then, alas! Pickett's men, hemmed 
in on all sides and for want of support, had to fight their way back 
through equal danger over the blood-conquered ground, over the 
mangled, mutilated bodies of their dead and wounded comrades, 
while the army, as all the world knows, though ordered to come to 
Pickett's support, calmly looked on at the terrible massacre. If 
Pickett had had the other two brigades of his division (Corse and 
Jenkins), but of this more anon. Lincoln afterwards, in his dedica- 
tion address on this sacred field, said: "Here this nation, under 
God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the 
people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the 
earth." The glory of Pickett's charge at (iettNsburg ( wh.ere, out 
of 4,500 brave Virginians, 3,393 were killed and wounded), will 
shine, in spite of Gordon's jealousy, with e\xr-iiicreasing lustre as 
time rolls on, and the puritv of i)atriotism is more ami more rrfincil 
and the truth more and more clearly revealed. Pickett's men lo\ 
and honored him, their great, tender-hearted connnander, who ilid 
not ofifend them by superioritv, but inspired iW-m with confidence; 
and to-day a whole nation of true soldiers e\erywhere give \ener.i- 
tion to his memory, admiration for his dauntless courage, his gram! 
and enduring qualities of head and heart, antl lo\r tor love. 

In Richmond, Va., on (Gettysburg Hill, beneath the glistening 
ivy leaves, and midst the bloom of Howers, in reach of the scent ol 

e distant clover as it sways ami swings w ith the g()lden buttercups. 
anoV. touching and making a tangK' o\ purple .uul green and gold. 

l.')4 Son t htm l-Jis/<iriC'i/ Sdcicij/ Ptiptrs. 

George Pickett, who never planted a thorn in any one's Hfe, or took 
from it one blossom, sleeps alongside of his soldiers. 

I ha\'e written in haste, and so have said more than I had thought 
to, the recording of one memory re\iving another. And now with 
cordial greeting and my best lo\-e to you and to my people, and to 
Pickett's men everywhere, 

I am yours faithfully, alwa}-s, 

La Salle Corbell Pickett. 
(Mrs. General Pickett. ) 


Rawlins Warned Him That He Must Stop Drinking. 

A Galena, 111., special says: Thousands of persons from this and 
adjoining States met in Galena to-day to honor the memory of Gen- 
eral Grant, and to take part in the reunion of the survivors of the 
1 2th Illinois Regiment. The reunion was held in the court-house 
room, where thirty-five years ago Captain Grant presided when Co. 
F, of the 1 2th, organized. 

After listening to several brief addresses, the veterans adjourned 
to Turner Hall, where the formal exercises were held. General 
John C. Black, of Chicago, delivered the principal address. It was 
an eloquent eulogy of General Grant as soldier and statesman. He 
held that the greatest achievement of his career was the signing of 
the treaty of Washington, which had rendered war between the 
United States and Great Britain almost impossible, and which. Gen- 
eral Black, predicted, would be followed by international arbitration 
under America's lead. 


H. D. Estabrook, of Chicago, read at the banquet to-night a letter 
from (General John A. Rawlins to (General Grant, written during the 
siege of X'icksburg, which, it was said, had ne\'er appeared before, 
and of the existence of which very few knew. The original is in the 
po.ssession of a citizen of Galena. The letter is dated: "Before 
Vicksburg,, June 6, 1863, i o'clock A. M.," and reads: 

" The great solicitude I feel for the safety of this army leads me to 
mention what I hoped never again to do — the subject of your drink- 

(jreiicral (iiuml's ('ciif«)r. loo 

ing. This may surprise you, for I may be, and I trust I am. doing 
you an injustice by unfounded suspici(jn; but, if I am in error, it had 
better be on the side of this country's safety than in fear of offending 
a friend. 

" I have heard that Dr. I) , at General Sherman's, a feu 

days ago, induced you, iiotwiihstanthng \'our jjledgc to me, to take 
a glass of wine, and to-day, when I found a l>o.\ of wine in front of 
your tent, and ])r(Ji)osed to mo\e it, whicii I (hd, I was told you had 
forbid its being taken away, for you intended to keep it until you 
entered Vicksburg, that you might ha\e it lor your friends, and to- 
night, when you should, because of the condition of your health, if 
nothing else, have Ix-en in bed, I fmd you where the wine-bottle has 
just been emptied, in company with those who drink, and urge you 
to do likewise, and the lac-k of your usual promptness and decision 
and clearness in expressing voiu'selt in writing, conduces to confimi 
my suspicion. 


" You have full control o\er your aj^petite, and can let drinking 
alone. Had you not pledged me the sincerity of your honor earlv last 
March, that you would drink no more during the war, and kept 
that pledge during the camjxiign, you would not ha\e stood first in the 
world's history as a successful leader. \'our only salvation depends 
upon your strict adherence to that pledge: you cannot succeed in 
any other way. 

"As I ha\e before stated, 1 may be wrong in n\\ sus|)icions: but 
if one sees that which leads him to sujipose a sentinel is falling asleep 
on his post, it is his duty to arouse him; and if one sees that which 
leads him to fear the general conuuaiiding a great army is l)eing 
seduced to that step which he knows will bring disgnuu' upon that 
general, and defeat to his command; if he tails to sound the proper 
note of warning, the friends, wi\es and childriMi of those br.i\i' men. 
whose lives he permits to remain thus in peril, will accuse him while 
he lives, and stand swift witnesses of wrath against him in tlu' day 
when all shall be tried. 

" If my suspicions are unft)unded. let my friendship for you and 
my zeal for my country be the excuse for this letter; and. if they In- 
correctly founded, and \-ou (Kliiinini' not to hei'tl my admonitions 
and prayers of' this hast\- note by immeiliately ceasinij to touch a 
single dro]) ot" an\- kind ot Hciiior, no matter by whom asked or 
under what circiunstances, let m\ inunedi.ite rt'liet from dutv in this 
de|)artment be the I'esult. " 

156 Soiiihera Historiral Societij Papers. 


A roster of the King William Artillery, or Carter's Battery, as ' 
mustered in on the 2d day of August, 1861, with present census. 

Thomas H. Carter, Captain. ' 

Pat. H. Fontaine, first lieutenant; Ro. S. Ryland, second lieuten- 
ant; Walter A. Harris, second lieutenant. 

William B. Newman, first sergeant, killed at Se\'en Pines; Alex- 
ander F. Dabney, second sergeant, killed at Sharpsburg; William 1 
P. Carter, third sergeant; James H. Henry, fourth sergeant. j 

William E. Hart, first corporal, dead; Edward J. Cocke, second 1 
corporal, killed at Seven Pines; Spencer R. Warring, third corporal; 1 
Thomas J. Bosher, fourth corporal. 

Privates — Augustine Atkins, Richard H. Allen, James W. Allen, I 
dead; William H. Butler, dead; Benjamin H. Beadles, dead; James 

C. Beadles, killed at Gettysburg; Robert S. Beadles, died in prison; 

B. C. Burnett, R. Cobb, Andrew M. Dunston, Wm I. Douglas, Benj- , 
amin F. Davis, killed at Salesford; John M. Davis, killed at Bloody 
Angle; Wm. A. Davis, Jas. N. Eubank, Wm. M. Ellett, dead; John 

D. Edwards. Obediah Ellett, John W. Griffin, killed at Bloody Angle; \ 
F. Guthrow, H. E. Grubbs, John W. Gill, dead; John Hay, Robert ! 
Harper, dead; Richard Hilliard, dead; Jas. Hilliard, dead; Alex. C. 
Hilliard, dead; Richard Heath, Richard Hendrick, dead; Wm. 
Heath, Isaac A. Hughes, dead; Philip A. Fontaine, dead; Thos. S. 
Jones, killed at Seven Pines; Robert B. Johnson, killed at Seven Pines; 
Edward King, Moi-'decai A. Kelley, killed at Gettysburg; Festus King, 
Miles C. King, Lucian M. King, Egbert E. Lipscomb, dead; Ber- 
nard A. Lipscomb, Robert H. Lipscomb, Landon B. Lipscomb, 
James T. Lipscomb, dead; Richard Landrum, dead; Benjamin A. 
Littlepage, William Littlepage, William Luckhard, killed at Seven 
Pines; James Martin, dead; James R. Madison, Charles J. Madison, 
dead; George B. Morrison, dead; Andrew J. Moore, George Lee 
Munyon, dead; James D. Moore, W^illiam Madison, dead; Robert 
¥.. Mitchell, killed at Seven Pines; J. .S. Neal, Benjamin C. Nelson, 
dead; William A. Nicholson, James Nicholson, killed at Bloody 
Angle; James W. Powers, John W. Page, died at Seven Pines; 
Lewis H. Pemberton, killed at .Sharpsburg; John W. Pemberton, 
killed at Sharpsburg; William A. Prince, died in prison; Richard 
P. Pollard, dead; Lucian D. Robinson, Richard T. Redford, dead; 

RidniiiKi (if f/ir Blnrl;ii<li . 157 

R. C. Robinson, William Robins, Douu^las Rider, Samuel X. Rob- 
erts, dead; Philip Sale, at Soldiers' Home; John Smith, dead; Jos- 
hua Styles, Giles Tignor, dead; Harvey Terry, John Tuck, James 
T. Tuck, dead; Roy Temple, Georu^e T. Tibbs, R(;bert Tibbs, dead; 
William C. Tuck, dead; Edward J. Tuck, S. C. Trimen, Henry 
Tate, H. M. Turner, dead; J. M. X'irlanda, dead; H. W. Vias. 
dead; William Warfield, dead; John V. Woody, dead; \\. S. Woody, 
dead; James White, W. S. Whitlock, killed at Seven Pines; (i. H. 
Wiltshire, dead; James G. White, and Thomas C. Jones. 

Summary — Dead, 37; killed at Se\en Pines, 8; at Sharpsburij, 2; 
at Gettysburg, 2; total 48. Died in prison, 2; killed at Salestord.i; 
killed at Bloody Angle, 3; total 6. Total dead, cS:c. , 54. Li\ ing, 
53. Grand total, 107. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch. August 2, 1896.] 


Interesting Narrative of Mr. James Sprunt. 


A Sketch of Captain Haffitt. 

The following is contributed to the Charlotte ( N. C. ) Observer by 
James Sprunt: 

There exist no records from which coni])iitation might be made of 
the amount and \alue t)f goods, arms, supplies and stores brought 
into the Confederate States during the foiu" years of blockade-run- 
ning. But the Hon. Zebulon B. X'ance, who was Governor of Xorth 
Carolina during a large part of the war, has put on record the share, 
in part, of our State in blockade-running, tVoni which a general idea 
of the amount of values ma\- be obtained. In an address l)efore the 
Association of the Marylantl Line, deli\ ereil in Baltinmre February 
23, 1885, he said: "Bv the general industry and thrift of our people, 
and by the use of a niunber ot' blockade-running steamers, carrying; 
out cotton and bringing in supplies from Europe, I had colkcted 
and distributed, from time to time, as near as can be gathereil from 

158 Soiilln rii Hisfon'riif Sor/iiij Papers. 

the records of the Quartermaster's Department, the following store: 
Large quantities of machinery supplies; 60,000 pairs of hand cards; 
10,000 grain scythes; 200 barrels of bluestone for wheat-growers; 
leather and shoes to 250,000 pairs; 50,000 blankets; gray-woUed 
cloth for at least 250,000 suits of uniforms; 12,000 overcoats, ready- 
made; 2,000 best Enfield rifles, with 100 rounds of fixed ammuni- 
tion; 100,000 pounds of bacon; 500 sacks of coffee for hospital use; 
^50,000 worth of medicines at gold prices; large quantities of lubri- 
cating oils, besides minor supplies of various kinds for charitable 
institutions of the State. Not only was the supply of shoes, blankets, 
and clothing more than sufficient for the supply of the North Caro- 
lina troops, but large quantities were turned over to the Confederate 
Government for the troops of other States. In the winter succeed- 
ing the battle of Chickamauga I sent to General Longstreet's Corps 
14,000 suits of clothing complete. At the surrender of General 
Johnston the State had on hand, ready-made and in cloth, 92,000 
suits of uniforms, with great stores of blankets, leather, etc. To 
make good the v.-arrant on which these purchases had been made 
abroad, the State purchased and had on hand in trust for the holders, 
11,000 bales of cotton and 100,000 barrels of rosin. The cotton was 
partly destroved before the war closed, and the remainder, amount- 
ing to several thousand bales, was captured, after peace was de- 
clared, bv certain officers of the Federal army. 

President Davis in a message to Congress, said that the number 
of vessels arriving at onlv two ports — Charleston and Wilmington — 
from November ist to December 6, 1864, had been forty-three, and 
that only a very small portion of those outward bound had been 
captured; that out of 11,796 bales of cotton shipped since July i, 
1864, but 1,272 bales had been lost. And the special report of the 
Secretary of the Treasury in relation to the same matter, stated that 
there had been imported at the ports of Wilmington and Charleston 
since October 26, 1S64, 3,632,000 pounds of meat, 1,507,000 pounds 
(jf lead, 1,933,000 pounds of saltpetre, 546,000 pairs of shoes, 316,000 
pairs of blankets, 520,000 pounds of coffee, 69,000 rifles, 97 pack- 
ages of revolvers, 2,639, packages of medicines, 43 cannon, with a 
\erv large (juantity of other articles. In addition to these articles 
many valuable stores and supplies had been brought in by way of 
the northern lines, by way of Florida, and through the port of Gal- 
veston, and through Mexico across the Rio Grande. From March i, 
1864, to January i, 1865, the value of the shipments of cotton on 
Confederate Government account was shown by the Secretary's 

liKiiiiiiKi (if llu IU.(j(k<it/(\ \ij\t 

report, to have been $5,296,000 in specie, of. which $1,500,000 had 
been shipped out between July ist and December i, 1864. 

THi'. ii.i:i;i. 

A list of \essels whicii were runnini,^ the blockade from Nassau 
and other ports in the jjeriod intervening; between November. 1861, 
and March, 1864, showed that eio;hty-four steamers were engaged ; 
of these, thirty-seven were captured by the enemy, twelve were 
totally lost, eleven were lost and the cargoes partially saved, and 
one foundered at sea. They made 363 trijis to Nassau, and sixtv- 
rtve to other ports. Amoni^- the highest number of runs made were 
those of the J?. E. Lct\ whidi ran tweiit\--niK- tinirs; the Finnir. 
which ran eighteen times; the Maro arc/ -And Jessie, which performed 
the same feat. Out of 425 runs from Nassau alone hncluding 
schooners) only sixty-two, about one in se\x-n, were unsuccessful. 
As freights were enormous, ranging from $300 to $1,000 per ton, 
some idea may be formed of the profit of a business in which a partv 
could afford to lose a \'essel after two successful trips. In ten months 
of 1863, from January to October, ninctv vessels ran into Wilmington. 
During August, one ran in e\ery other day. On the iith of July, 
four, and five on the 19th of October. 

With the termination of blockade running, the commercial import- 
ance of Matamoras, Nassau, Bermuda, and other West India ports 
departed. On March 11, 1865, there were lying; in Nassau thirty- 
five British blockade-runners which were \alued at $15,000,000 in 
greenbacks, and there were none to do them reverence. Their occu- 
pation was gone; their profits at an end, aiul some other service must 
be sought to give them emplovment. 

A description of Nassau at the time of wliich 1 write will be i)oth 
interesting and instructive. It was a busv place during the war, the 
chief depot of supplies for the Confederacy, and the port to which 
most of the cotton was shippt'd. Its ])ro\iniity to the ])orts ot 
Charleston and Wilmington gave it superior ailvantages, whilst it 
was easilv accessible to the swift, light-draft bU)ckade-runners. all of 
which carried Bahama bank pilots, who km-w excry channel. The 
United States cruisers ha\ing no bank pilots, and thawing more 
water, were compelletl to keep the open sea. Occasii>nally one t)f 
the latter would heaw to outsidi' the harbor, and send in a to 
connnunicate with the .American Consul, but their usual cruising - 
ground was off Abaco light. Nassau is situate upon the island oi 

lt)0 S( III fji fill Historical Societii Papers. 

New Providence, one of the Bahamas, and it is the chief town and 
capital of the oroup. All of the islands are surrounded by coral- 
reefs and shoals, throu,y:h which are channels, more or less intricate. 
The distance from Charleston to Nassau is about 500 miles, and from 
Wilmington about 550. Practically they were equi-distant; for 
blockade-runners bound for either port, in order to evade the cruisers 
lying- in wait off Abaco, were compelled to give that headland a wide 
berth by keeping well to the eastward. The whar\-es of Nassau were 
piled high with cotton during the war, and huge warehouses were 
stored full of supplies for the Confederacy. At times the harbor was 
crowded with lead-colored, short-masted, rakish-looking steamers; 
the streets alive with the bustle and activity of the day, swarmed 
with drunken re\ellers at night. Almost every nationality on earth 
was represented there, the higher wages ashore and afloat tempting 
adventurers of the baser sort, and the prospect of enormous profits 
offering equally strong inducements to capitalists of a speculative 
turn. Monthly wages of a sailor on board a blockade-runner was 
$100 in gold, and $50 a bounty at the end of a successful trip; and 
this, under ta\orable circumstances, would be accomplished in seven 

A CtOod record. 

The captains and pilots sometimes recei\ed as much as $5,000, 
perquisites. On board the government steamers the crew, which 
was shipped abroad, and under the articles regulating the " merchant 
marine" received the same wages as were paid on board the other 
l)lockade-runners, but the captains and subordinate officers of the 
government steamers who belonged to the Confederate States Navy, 
and the pilots who were detailed from the army for this service re- 
ceived their pay in gold. There is a singular fact connected with the 
blockade-running vessels which speaks well for the Confederate 
States naval officers. Though many commanded a large number of 
these vessels, yet down to August 16, 1S64, and perhaps later, only 
one blockade-running \essel was lost. 

The Cape F'ear pilots have long maintained a standard of excel- 
lence in their proffession most creditable to them as a class, and as 
individuals. The story of their wonderful skill and bravery in the 
time of the Federal blockade has never been written, for the survi- 
vors are modest men, and time has obliterated from their memories 
many incidents of this extraordinary epoch. Amidst impenetrable 
darkness, without lightship or beacon, the narrow and closely watched 

RiWiriiHi of Ihr JihicJcfulr. IGl 

inlet was felt for with a deep-sea lead as a blind man feels his way 
along- a familiar path, and e\en when the enemy's tire was raking the 
wheel-house, the faithful pilot, with stead)- hand, and iron nerve, 
safely steered the little fug-iti\'e of the sea to her desired haven. It 
might be said of him, as of the Nantucket skij^per, that he could get 
his bearings on the darkest night by a taste of the lead. 

Let us recall the names of some of the noted blockade-runners 
and their pilots, so well known in .Smithville about thirty years ago. 


Steamer Cornubia, afterwards called the Lady Davis, C. C. Morse; 
steamer Giraffe, afterwards known as the R. E. Lee, Archibald 
Guthrie; steamer Fannie, Henry Howard; steamer Hansa, J. N. 
Burruss; steamer City of Petersburg, Joseph Bensel; steamer Old 
Dominion, Richard Dosher; steamer Alice, Joseph Springs; steamer 
Margaret and Jessie, Charles W. Craig; steamer Hebe, Cieorge \V. 
Burruss; steamer Advance, C. C. Morse; steamer Pet, T. \V. Craig: 
steamer Atalanta, Thomas M. Thompson, steamer Eugenia. T. W. 
Newton; steamer Ella and Annie, J. AL Adkins; steamer Banshee. 
Thomas Burruss; steamer Venus, R. Sellers; steamer Don, William 
St. George; steamer. Lynx, J. W. Craig; steamer Let Her Be, T. 
J. Burruss; steamer Little Hattie, R. S. Grissom; steamer Lilian, 
Thomas Gri.ssom; steamer North Heath, Julius Dosher; steamer Let 
Her Rip, E. T. Burruss; steamer Beauregard, J. W. Potter; steamer 
Owl, T. B. Garrason, steamer Agnes Fry, Thomas Dyer; steamer 
Kate, C. C. Morse; steamer Sirene; John Hill; steamer Calypso, C. 
G. Smith; steamer Ella, John Sa\age; steamer Condor, Thomas 
Brinkman; steamer Cognetta, E. T. Daniels; steamer ^^lry Celeste. 
J. W. Anderson. Many other steamers might be nametl. among 
them the Brittanica, Emma, Dee, Antonica, Victory. Granite City. 
Stonewall Jackson, Flora, Havelock, Hero. Eagle, Duoro. Thistle. 
Scotia, Gertrude, Charleston, Colonel Lamb, Dolphin, and Dream. 
whose pilots' names may or may not be among those alreaily recalled. 
These are noted here from memory, for there is no record e.xtant. 
All of these men were exposed to constant danger, and one of ihem. 
J. W. Anderson, of the Mary Celeste, died a hero's death. Shortly 
after leaving the port of Nassau on his last voyage, he was stricken 
down by yellow-fever. The captain at once |)roposeil to put the 
ship about and return to the Bahamas, but his bra\e pilot said: " Xo; 
you may proceed; I will do my best to get you into port, even if it 

162 Sou/Jierii Historical Socicti/ Papers. 

costs my life." On the second day he was deHrious; but as the Uttle 
ship approached one dangerous coast he regained consciousness, 
and spoke of his home and the loved ones awaiting his coming at 
Smithville. When darkness drew on his fever increased and his 
condition seemed hopeless, but with the heart of a lion he deter- 
mined to take his post on the bridge, and when the soundings were 
reached he was carried bodily to the wheel-house, where, supported 
bv two of the sailors, he guided by feeble tones the gallant ship 
thrf)Ugh devious ways, until the hostile fleet was passed. As the 
well-known lights of his home appeared in the distance his voice 
grew stronger, but tremulous, for he felt that he was nearing the end 
of life's voyage. "Starboard; steady; port; ease her; stop her: 
let go your anchor — ' ' with the rattle of the chains he sank to the 
desk, overcome by the dread disease, and on the following morning 
breathed his last. 

" For, tho' from out our bourne time and place, 
The flood may bear me far; 
I hope to see my pilot face to face. 
When I have crossed the bar." 

Along the coast may still be seen the storm-beaten hulls of some 
of the unfortunate ships, which, after weathering many a gale at sea, 
came to grief within sight of a friendly port. The Beauregard and 
the J'e/ms lie stranded on Carolina Beach; the Modern Greece near 
New Inlet; the A ?ilo>iiea on Frying Pan Shoals; ihe £//a on Bald 
Head; the Sp/mkey and the Georgiana Mc Call on Caswell Beach; 
the Hebe and the Dee between Wrightsville and Masonboro. Two 
others lie near Lockswood's Folly Bar, and others whose names are 
also forgotten, lie half buried in the sands, where they may remain 
for centuries. 


Among that devoted band of United States navy officers whose 
home and kindred were in the South at the outbreak of the war, and 
who resigned their commissions rather than aid in subjugating their 
native State, there were none braver nor truer than our own Captain 
John N. Maffitt, who, yielding to necessity, severed the strong ties of 
a service under the old flag in which he had long distinguished him- 
self, and relinquished not only a conspicuous position directly in the 
line of speedy promotion to the rank of admiral, but sacrificed at 
the same time his entire fortune, which was invested in the North, 
and which was confiscated shortly afterward by the Federal Govern- 

RiiiniiiKj uf Ihr lihx-kade. 168 

The biography of this modest hero has never been written. I 
give the following brief sketch prepared by the accomplished Mrs. J. 
N. Maffitt, at the time of her distinguished husband's decease, who is 
now writing a more extended memoir of his career. 

John Newland Maffitt was born at sea on the 226. of February, 
1819. His parents were Re\'. John Newland Maffitt and Ann Car- 
nicke, his wife. Rev. Mr. Maffitt, ha\ing determined to emigrate 
to America, left Ireland with his wife and family late in January or 
early in February, and landed in New \'ork on the 21st of April, 
i8ig, his son having been born on the passage. Their first home 
was in Connecticut. When John was about five years old, his 
uncle, Dr. William Maffitt, who had accompanied them to America, 
visited his brother. Rev. Mr. Maffitt, and finding him in straitened 
circumstances, begged to adopt their son, and on the consent of his 
parents. Dr. Maffitt brought his nephew to Fayetteville, N. C. 
Some years were passed in this happy home of his boyhood, when 
his uncle determined to send him to school at White Plains, N. \ . 
As a little stripling, he started by the tjld-time stage coach, with his 
ticket tacked to his jacket, and on his arrival much curiosity was 
shown to see the little boy who had come alone from his distant 
southern home. He remained at this school, under Professor Swin- 
burn, until he was thirteen years old, when his father's friends ob- 
tained for him a commission as midshipman in the United States 
Navy. His first orders were to the St. Louis, then at Pensacola 
Navy- Yard. His second sea orders were to the Constitution, the 
flagship of the squadron, commanded bv Commodore Elliott, thin 
fitting out for the Mediterranean. This cruise lasted three years and 
six months, and it was during that time that most of the incidents 
related in the Nautilers took place. Having been appointed aide to 
Commodore Elliott, the young midshipman had many advantages 
not otherwise obtainable. He was next ordered to the frigate Mace- 
donian as past midshipman, and it was while in port at Pensacola, 
Fla., that he had his first ex])erience of "yellow jack." and came 
near losing his life. His first independent command was tlu- (ial- 
latin. He commanded also the brig Dolphin and several others. 
He was engaged, under Professor Raclu", lor some years on the coast 
siu'vey, and was of great service to the professor, which the latter 
was not slow to acknowledge. Much oi their work was in the 
harbors of Nantucket, Charleston, Wilmington, and Savannah. .\ 
channel in the harbor of Charleston still bears his namr. In one ol 
the numerous publishecl sketclus this tribute is |)aid to him: 

104 Souihern Historical Society Papers. 


' ' He was always considered one of the best officers • and most 
high-toned gentlemen of the old service. For some years he was 
connected with the coast survey, and Professor Bache, the head of 
the department, declared that if Maffitt was taken from him he could 
not supplv his place in all the navy." He added : " He is not only a 
thorough seaman and game to the backbone, but a man of superior 
intellect, a humorist of rare excellence, and one of the most delightful 
companions. There is no position in his profession which Maffitt is not 
capable of filling with honor and distinction. ' ' This was his acknowl- 
edged position when the war began. His last command while in the 
service of the United States, was the Crusade?'. He was very suc- 
cessful in capturing slavers. In January, i860, while in command of 
the Crusader, and also acting as paymaster of the vessel, he was 
ordered by the Secretary of the Navy to proceed to Mobile, and 
there cash a check on the collector of the port for prize money due 
the officers and crew. The city being agitated at the time by the 
Ordinance of Secession, just passed by the State of Alabama, he was 
forced to put his vessel in a defensive position, and soon 
retired to the port of Habana. Here, failing to negotiate with 
the bank of Habana lor the funds requisite for the necessities 
of the vessel, he advanced from his pri\ate funds the money 
needed to work the steamer to New York, where he was 
ordered. He turned the steamer over to the proper authori- 
ties and went to Washington to settle his accounts. His cash ac- 
counts received no attention, though for several months he was a 
constant applicant for settlement. A trying position was his, as his 
wife was dead, and his children had no kinsfolk, save in North Caro- 
lina; if he remained in the navy his property, which was all in the 
North, would be secured to him. All that appealed to his interests 
lay there. Love of his profession was entwined with every fibre 01 
his being. On the other hand, he would have been compelled to 
fight against his people — perhaps fire upon the very home that had 
sheltered him, and was then sheltering his defenceless children. 
One night a friend informed him that his name was down for arrest 
the next day. His affections drew him South. His resignation 
having been accepted, he felt free to leave and cast his fortunes with 
his jicople. His war record is well known. During the earlier part 
of the war he commanded the celebrated Confederate corvette 
Florida, and the ram Albemarle, rendering most valuable service 

('((p/i/rr (if Ihc Judcrnl Sh niiii r Mnjilr Lifif. 1<>,"> 

to the Confederacy. Afterwards he was in command of the blockade- 
runners /J//ian, O'u'l, and other vessels eni^ai^ed in brinj^inj^ supplies 
and munitions of war for the South. At the close of the war, his 
property confiscated and he an exile, he applied for a command in 
the English merchant service, and was given the command of a fine 
steamer, running between Liverjjool and Rio Janeiro. .She was 
subsequently sold to the Brazilian Government and used as an armv 
transport. While conveying several hundred soldiers to the scene 
of action, small-pox broke out among ihcm, and as the well refused 
to nurse the sick, or bury the dead, thtjse duties devolved upon 
Captain Maffitt, and a fearful lime lie had — "sickening to the last 
degree," he described it — and the soldiers were mutinous and witii- 
out discipline. He retained command of this steamer for eighteen 
months, when, at the urgent entreaty of his family, he resigned the 
command and came home. He soon after purchased a small farm 
near Wilmington, where he resided for nearly eighteen years. In 
July, 1885, he moved to Wilmington. For a year or two his health 
had been failing, but he determined to make a brave effort to retrieve 
his fortunes and provide for his young family. The disap|K)intment 
of that hope was too great a shock for his feeble frame; the thought 
that he could no longer provide for his loved ones broke his heart. 
After an illness of more than three months, he died on the 15th oi 
May, 1886, in the sixty-eighth year of his A^ge. 

[From the Richmoiul Dispatch, April 26, 1896.'] 


Capture of the Federal Steamer Maple Leaf. 


The Plot Carried Out in a Minute. Then the Confederate 

Yell. Narrow Escapes from being Retaken. 

A Series of Adventures. Experiences 

in the Dismal S\vamp. 

To the Editor of tin- Pispatcli: 

There occurred manv incidents during the late war In-tween the 
North and the South that are worthy of mention, ami among which 
none are more so than the coup de main enacteil on the coast in 

166 Southern Historical Socicfjj Papers. 

1863, by a squad of Confederate prisoners. This interesting inci- 
dent is known to but few outside of those who took a part in this 
daring feat. It was on the 8th of April, 1863, that Colonel J. U. 
Green (who, by the way, is a scion of the Old North State, and is now 
an honored and highly-respected citizen of Covington, West Ten- 
nessee), with four or five other soldiers of the "Lost Cause," was 
captured near Memphis by the Federal forces, then holding posses- 
sion of that part of the State. These prisoners were sent on a cir- 
cuitous route to Norfolk, X'irginia, there to remain until an oppor- 
tunity offered to send them along with other prisoners to Fort Dela- 
ware. I here give an extract from the diary of Colonel Green: 

" Three days after our arrival at Norfolk, all the prisoners marched 
on board of the good steamer Maple Leaf, bound for Fort Delaware. 
Her officers w-ere white men; her crew consisted of negroes entirely, 
about fifty or sixty in number. We were under the charge of a 
lieutenant and twelve soldiers, armed with muskets. The two sets 
of prisoners mingled together, and it soon became known among 
them that the steamer was to be captured. A low, bulky, heavy-set 
man, with iron-grey hair and beard was pointed out as captain, whose 
orders were to be obeyed. He was a sailor and had been captured 
on board, and in command of a Confederate gunboat. He was suf- 
fering at the time from a severe wound. He had laid his plans while 
in prison; had appointed a staft" to assist hini, and now there was 
nothing to do but to win our crowd to his purpose, which was an 
easy job, and by the aid of his staff" officers to assign every man to 
his dutv. There were thirteen soldiers, including the lieutenant, 
and about as many white men, officers of the steamer. We were 
divided into squads of three, each squad to deal with a guard dis- 
tinctly pointed out. This took about two-thirds of our number. 
The remaining third was held together under a captain, to overawe 
the crew, and to give help wherever needed. The signal of attack 
was to be the ringing of the great bell of the steamer by our captain. 
All these arrangements were quietly make while we steamed out 01 
James river into Chesapeake bay. Norfolk, the forts on either side 
of the channel, and the gunboats were all left to our rear. In front 
of us and to our right, was Cape Henry, and to our left Cape 
Charles. About the middle of the afternoon, every squad being as 
convenient as possible to the guard to be attacked, and all chattering 
among themselves or with the guards, suddenly the great bell began 
to rattle as if the steamer were on fire. In a twinkling each squad 

Oiptun 1}/ I he Fcdiriil Stcdiiicr M'lj/d' Ijtof. UJ? 

S]:)rang upon its man and bore him down upon the deck, and 
wrenched his s^un from his hands. There was but one blow struck. 
The squad with which I acted was to seize a sentinel at the foot of 
the gangway. Our position was unfavorable fcjr very quick action, 
and our man proved to be a stalwart, Ijrawny Irishman. He was 
brave, and put forth all his strength. We could not bring him clown, 
nor get possession of his musket until one of our men, who had fin- 
ished his job, came running with a musket poised over his shouUler 
and gave him a blow between the eyes with the butt which settled 
him effectually. 

ONLY A minute's WORK. 

" In one minute's time from the ringing (jf tlie bell, the steamer 
was in our possession. The crew of negroes surrendered w ithout a 
blow. The old ' Confederate yell ' rang out that e\-ening on the 
Chesapeake as it never will again. The steamer did not change her 
course or stop running until night. The officers and crew, all under 
the command of our captain, did just what they were ordered to d(j. 
The prow of the steamer had been turned gradually to the south, 
and when night came on we ran her aground in shoal-water, about 
two hundred yards from land. We had one large skiff in which to 
go ashore, which was manned by two stalwart negroes. The lieu- 
tenant and steamer's officers were taken ashore the first trip of the 
boat, and held as hostages for the good behavior of the crew while 
we were landing. We all got ashore safely. Captain Semmes, son 
of our illustrious admiral, was nominated as commander-in-chief of 
this 'forlorn hope.' He was elected by acclamation. Captain 
Holmes, of the Louisiana Crescents, was elected second in commaiul. 
All that we knew of our whereabouts was that we were on the beach 
of Virginia or North Carolina, south of Cape Henry. A light could 
be seen in the distance, evidently coming through the window ol 
some human habitation. We sent a man to in\estigate, and he re- 
ported that the house was occupied by a woman and her chiKlren. 
Her husband was in the Confederate army. This information gave 
us great relief The woman seemed nuich al.u-med, but when she 
learned that ninety-four Confederate officers had just escaped all 
alarm and caution fled from her face. She told us we wouKl be sate if we 
could reach the Dismal .Swamp. ' Hut,' said she, ' Currituck sound 
is between you and the swamj), and there is not a nearer than 
thirty miles. If vou can get to the .salt-works, thirty miles tlown the 
coast, and surprise the men in camp, you can take their boats ami 

168 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

cross the sound before the Federal cavalry can overtake you.' She 
supplied us with a cart and horse to carry two or three day's rations 
which we had taken from the steamer when we left it. We at once 
made haste to depart for the salt-works. 


" We suffered much for water on our forced march that night, as 
we could not get a drop to allay our thirst. We arrived at the salt- 
works, completely fagged out, a little after sun-up the next morning. 
We surprised the men at the salt-works while at their breakfast, and 
seized them and their boats without opposition. After satisfying our 
thirst and partaking of breakfast we decided to rest that day and 
cross the sound in the captured boats that night. When night came 
on w'e entered our captured boats, pushed off, and hoisted sail, but 
ha\-ing contrary winds we toiled all night, making twelve miles across 
Currituck sound. As we reached the shore after daylight a large 
schooner was seen bearing down upon us, but we were in shoal 
water and she could not approach us nearer than one hundred yards. 
We made a display of our twelve guns, and not knowing but that 
we w^ere well armed, she sped on her way; the captain, however, 
leaning over the bulwark, hailed us through his speaking trumpet: 
'Boat, ahoy! who is that on board?' One of our men, putting his 
hands to his mouth, shouted back: 'A fishing party.' In a few min- 
utes we were all ashore, lying dowai on the pine straw, within five 
miles, as we learned of Currituck Courthouse, N. C. We discov- 
ered a house half away, its occupants being only a woman and little 
children. Our Confederate uniforms were a sufficient introduction. 
She agreed at once to put us in communication with the 'guerrillas,' 
and told us to remain where we were until she could find us a guide, 
and also voluntarily proposed, with the help of her neighbors, to 
cook us breakfast. She left us lying under the pines, some sleeping 
and others discussing the situation, while she w-ent to find a guide 
for us and procure assistance in furnishing breakfast for ninety-four 
hungry men. Presently, the woman was seen dashing through the 
bushes in our direction, at full speed. She told us that a regiment 
of Federal cavalry had just passed her front gate on the hunt for us. 
She pointed out the direction of the Dismal Swamp, assuring us that 
we would be safe there, and to wait there until she could send us 
help. In a march of about half a mile we found the swamp and 
entered its profound solitude. We placed a sentinel on the outskirts 

Oiptiire of the Federal Steamer Map/r Ijaf. lOf* 

oi the swamp to watch. After waiting several hours our sentinel 
appeared among- us with a man in citizen's dress, armed with a sh(jt 
gun and two navy-sixes in his Ixlt. The woman had sent this man 
to us as a guide. He had been horn and reared around the swamp, 
and was familiar with the grounds. 


" We took up our march in single file, the guide in advance. We 
were to cross the Pascjuotank ri\'er half a mile from where we entered 
a road from the swamp. The guide then left us, taking a few men 
with him to fish up a boat from the l)Ott(im of the river, where it was 
kept concealed from the Yankees. The breakfast promised by the 
good woman, though late, soon lollowed, which we enjcn'ed as onlv 
men who had marched and toiled as we, could enjoy a scjuare meal. 
We had no difficulty of getting all the rations we wanted after that. 
although we were dodging about the swamp and on its skirts for sev- 
eral days. Four regiments of cavalry had been sent out from Nor- 
folk for the purpose of our recapture, but, by the aid of the loyal 
people of the Southern cause, and the utter impossibility of cavalry 
penetrating the swamp, we succeeded in eluding all efforts at our 

" One evening, when near Camden Courthouse, N. C. , we lay not 
far from the road, waiting for rations and the approach of night. 
We were surprised to see twelve or fifteen carts make their way to 
us, loaded in part with provisions, but in much larger part by women. 
both maids and matrons, who had come, they said, to look at a Con- 
federate uniform once more. It had been more than a year since 
they had seen one. We met and talked with all the freetlom ot old 
friends who had met after a long separation. A dance was proposed, 
and, but for the lack of a fiddle, our comi)any would have taken .ill 
the chances of capture for one hour's dance in Dismal .Swamj) with 
the Camden girls. Knowing that \vc would go thnnigh their town l>y 
night, they stayed and matle the night's march with us. insisting 
we should ride and they walk, l)ut no man was found so ungallant .is 
to accede to such a proposition. The captain of the guerrillas lived 
in the neighborhood of Camden, had lieard of our escape and land- 
ing, and had hurried immetliately to our help. He was a handsome 
young man, of about thirty yeas of age. unmistakably a gentleman, 
as was easily to be seen bv his deportment: a man ot consiilerable 
culture, a lawyer by proft'ssioii ; hail been a member ot the Stale 

170 Soalheni Hisiorlcal Soricfi/ Papers: 

Legislature of North Carolina; knew the swamp and its surround- 
ings, and seemed to be possessed of all knowledge that could be of 
use to us in our situation. We turned over all authority to him, 
and began our march around the swamp instead of across it. We 
crossed fi\e rivers low down near their mouths, where they widened 
out near the sea. The Chowan was crossed much higher up. The 
captain had boats of his o\\ n sunk in all of these rivers except the 
Chowan, and they were brought up from the bottom for our accom- 


' ' The western end of the Seaboard and Roanoke Railroad was in 
the hands of the Confederates, and strongly guarded, hence the 
crossing of the Chowan placed us in comparativ^e safety. There 
was a large plantation on the western shore of the Chowan where we 
crossed. The opposite side was dense swamp. When we came 
near to the river we could see a gunboat lying on the opposite shore, 
near a farm house. It was the only place where we could cross, or 
rather where we could command a boat in which to cross. It was 
necessary to use a little strategy to get the gunboat out of the way, 
so that we could cross over. Our guide said that he would try his 
hand on her. He left us and was gone for several hours. He re- 
turned a little before night, and in a few minutes the boat got up 
steam and moved off up the river, and was soon out of sight around 
the bend. The guide had sent a messenger to report to the captain 
ot the boat that the escaped jDrisoners were endeavoring to cross 
above, and the boat went in search of them. As soon as the gun- 
boat had turned the bend we resurrected a boat, and in a short time 
we landed across, just at dusk. The owner of the plantation was a 
Tory, so our guide said. We demanded accommodations for the 
night. The next morning we pressed into service every mule, horse, 
and cart on the place, and made fast time over an open stretch of 
twenty-five miles to the railroad, which we reached about sundown. 
We boarded a train and reached Weldon, N. C, for late supper. 
The next morning we breakfasted at the Spotswood Hotel, in the 
city of Richmond. After breakfast, having improved our toilet as 
best we could under the circumstances, we proceeded in a body to 
the provost-marshal to report. General Winder, a large bodied, big- 
souled old soldier, was filling this position. We announced that we 
were escaped prisoners — captors of the Maple Leaf. He arose and 
gave expression to his admiration by shaking hands all around. He 

Hoi J of ('o. "^'/' Fort !I-Xi nil, Vn-fi'nn'i Tn/'i nt r;/ . 171 

wanted to hear all the particulars, and listened to the story as it was 
briefly related, shaking- his fat sides with laughter at any amusing 
episode of the escape. As soon as the g-eneral was satisfied with 
our story, he ordered the quartermaster into his presence, and 
ordered him to furnish us with blank pa\'-rolls. and to immediately 
pay us off in full of indebtedness. We soon had our pockets full of 
money, and after spending the remainder of the day in seeing the 
sights, and adding to our wardrobes, we boarded a train and were 
soon with our old comrades airain." 

fibroin the Riclimond Disfia/cli, July 12, 1896.) 


Da.wii.i.e. \'a., Jioie 2J, i8g6. 
To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

I enclose you the roll of Company (i, 49th \'irginia Infmtrv, as 
of date February 21, 1865, for you to use or not as you may 
think best. I was orderly sergeant of the company at the time, and 
have a copy of the roll. The company was made up of men from 
Rappahannock county, and as I have lived so remote from the county 
so long- that I have no knowledge as to who are dead, I send it with 
only two marked dead that 1 know of. 

Yours truly, H. J. 

Camp Godxvin, near Sut/ierland Depot, Diu'cLiddie eoinity, I a. 
Roll Company G, 49th VirQ;inia Infantry, Febriiarw 21 , iSh-^ : 

W. D. Mofifett, captain, dead; W. J. Dudley, first lieutenant, ilcad; 
C. F. Miller, second lieutenant; M. R. Fristoe, third lieutenant; H. j. 
Miller, orderly sergeant; Jeftries Corder, first sergeant; I). S. Hr(-)wn- 
ing, second sergeant; (). R. Colbert, thiril sergeant; Henry Spicer, 
fourth sergeant; S. W. Harris, first corporal; I. R. Harrison, seconti 
corporal; Richard H. Browning, third corporal; James R. Hyrd. 
fourth corporal; I. (i. Alexander, John .Amis>, Porter Herkeley. 
Samuel Baker, Albert A. Baggerly, Henry Baggerly, R. 1'. B\ w.i 
tcrs, William Bishop, lulward Cary, Ceorge .M. Carv. J.inies H. 
Carter, Thomas J. Corbin, John W. C\M-bin, Judsi)n .A. Corbin, 
lames H. Compton.W. D. C^tleman, John C\>oksey, John Deavers. 
Joseph E. Deavers, A. 1. Dawson, Willi. un b'.stes, William Kdes. 

172 ^oudteni Histurh-al Society Papers. 

W. G. Grigsby, J. R. Garland, C. W. Gay. Albert F. Holland, R. 
F. Huffman, N. G. Hamner, Jamerson Hill, F. C. Hardey, Albert 
A. Hill, J. H. Kirby, James M. Maddox, Jessee J. Mills, W. H. 
Miller, L. D. Martin, James F. Martin, John G. Miller, Phillip C. 
Oden, Henry O'Neill, B. G. Payne, John A. Ricks, Joseph D. 
Ricks, Richard W. Robinson, Jesse W. Robinson, Andrew Spicer, 
Russell Settle, Jacob Settle, Haden Stonestreet, James W. Stone- 
street, James D. Shackleford, C. C. Snead, W. H. Snead, J. B. 
Spicer, John \V. Smith, Judson Setde, C. H. Setthel, J. M. Tre- 
villians, J. M. Taylor, N. T. Wash, Whorton, James T. Willett. 

List of zc'oitnded, Coinpany G, ^gth Virginia Infantry, at Hatcher s 
Run, February 6, i86j : 

John W. Corbin, Judson A. Corbin, Henry Baggerly, William 
Henry Miller, Henry O'Neill, R. W. Robinson, J. R. Harrison. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, July 5, 1896.] 


List of Those Left in the Hospital After the Battle of May 6, 1862. 

Williamsburg, \Kk., June 2g, i8g6. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

In view of the fact that there may be some members of each of 
the commands to which these comrades belonged, who are in igno- 
rance of their fate and would be glad of this information, I send you 
for publication a list of those who were left wounded in Williams- 
burg, after the battle here on May 5, 1862. These names have been 
kindly furnished to and preserved by Magruder-Ewell Camp Con- 
federate Veterans. 

H. T. Jones. 

List of the wounded Confederate soldiers left in the Baptist Church 
Hospital, at Williamsburg, Va., after the battle on the ^th of May, 

William M. Richardson, lieutenant Company B, 17th Regiment, 
Virginia Infantry; died May 29, 1862, at Rev. T. M. Ambler's. 
Buried in the Episcopal churchyard; afterwards removed by friends. 

William L. Rector, Company C, nth Virginia Infantry; died 
May — , 1862. 

List of WoiWf/r'// <il Will ill iiiylmrii. Virtiinin. 178 

James Keating-, Company (i, 17th Rc-t(imcnt, X'irginia Infantry: 
(lied May 27, 1862. 

J. B. Twyner, Com|)any I, 3d Virginia Infantry; died May 21. 1H62. 
J. B. Penn, Company E, 17th Virginia Infantry; died May 19, 1862. 

William I. Davis, Company C, i.Sth Virjj^inia Infantry; died June 
8, 1862. Buried at the cemetery near the residence of Mrs. George 

R. B. Caper, Comj)any C, nth X'ir^inia Infantry; died May 19, 

D. J. C. Jones, Company F, iitli Regiment, X'irginia Infmtry: 
died May 25, 1862. 

James Barnett, Company l\ 19th Regiment, X'irginia Infantry; 
died June 4, 1862. 

J. G. Crailey, Company V, iith Regiment, Virginia Infantry; 
died May 27, 1862. 

William Kinchloe, Company B, 8th Regiment, Virginia Infantry; 
removed from the residence of Sydney .Smith to Fort Monroe, where 
he died in September, 1862. 

P. W. Pannill, Company F, 7th Regiment, \'irginia Infantry; 
died at Mrs. C. M. Maujoin's June 30, 1862; liuriL-d at the cemetery. 

R. A. Nelson, Company — , 4th Regiment, X'irginia Infantry; 
died at the residence of Mrs. Richard Li\'ely; buried at the cem- 

I. N. Svvann, Company A, 17th X'irginia Infantry; died at the res- 
idence of A. G. Southall June — , 1862; buried at the cemetery. 

Isaac Crew, discharged from hospital. 

J. M. Weeks. Company I), nth Regiment. \'irginia Infmtry: 

William H. Jeffries. Company K. i8th X'irginia Infantry; from 
Charlotte county. 

G. P. Bailey, Company K. i3lh Regiment, North e\u-olin.i In- 
fantry; discharged from the residence of .Mrs. Claiborne. 

W. A. Walker, Company K, 13th RegiiuiMit, North Carolina In- 
fantry; discharged. 

A. Johnson, Company I, 6th Regiment, North Carolin,i Infmtrv: 

W. H. Trainy. . 6th Regiment. North Carolina Infantry: 


P. R. Wright. Company K. 13th Regiment. North C^irolin.i In- 
fantr\-; died May 20, 1862. 

D. F. Coldfelter. CtMupany I'., 5th Re^inunl, North C.u-olin.i 
Infantry ; discharged. 

174 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

William Pitts, Company B, Palmetto Regiment, South Carolina; 
died in the Episcopal Church Hospital, May 15, 1862. 

S. M. L. Sheeler, Company B, 5th Regiment, South Carolina; 
died June 18, 1862, at the residence of C. C. P. Waller. Buried in 
Episcopal churchyard. 

R. H. Bardine, Company I, 4th South Carolina Regiment; died 
May 31, 1862, at the residence of A. G. Southall. Buried at the 

A. C. Sheon, Company A, 5th Regiment, South Carolina; dis- 
charged from the residence of John De Neufville. 

W. M. Grier, Company F, 6th Regiment, South Carolina; dis- 

John Daisy, Company I, 8th Regiment, Alabama; died May 14, 

O. H. Moore, Company C, loth Regiment, Alabama; discharged. 

T. y. Parr, Company I, loth Regiment, Alabama; died October 
7, 1862. 

P. Dargan, Company I, 8th Regiment, Alabama; died May 24, 

D. Safford, Company G, 14th Alabama Regiment Infantry; dis- 
charged from the residence of Mrs. King. 

W. P. Everette, Company H, 9th Regiment, Alabama; died May 
17, 1862. 

W. F. Armistrong, Company B, 14th Regiment, Alabama In- 
fantry; died May 15, 1862. 

S. McCarley, Company I, 6th Regiment, Alabama Infantry; died 
May 25, 1862. 

H. J. Summerline, Company B, 14th Regiment, Alabama In- 
fantry; died May 18, 1862. 

T. H. Moore, Company C, loth Regiment, Alabama Infantry; 
died May 18, 1862. 

D. H. Woolley, Company C, loth Regiment, Alabama Infantry; 
died August 14, 1862. 

G. M. Blackburn, Company B, loth Regiment, Alabama Infantry; 
died May 27, 1862. 

T. Sherman, Company A, 2d Regiment, Florida; died 22, 


C. S. Fleming, Company B, 2d Regiment, Florida. 

S. J. Shapply, Company H, iSth Regiment, Mississippi; dis- 

A. J. Bryan, Company I, i8th Regiment, Mississippi; discharged. 

T/isf of Won iiili'il i(t \Vi//i/Hiisl)'fiv/, Virqiiiiii. 17"> 

N. S. Patterson, Company H, i8th Regiment, Mississippi; dis- 
charged from the residence of H. T. Jones; since dead. 

M. Tierney, Company C, i8th Regiment, Mississippi Infantry; 

WiUiam Baldridge, Company \), i8th Regiment, Mississippi In- 
fantry; died May 27, 1862. 

R. Crawford, Company K, i4tli Regiment, Louisiana: died Mav 
27, 1862. 

J. M. Carey, Company B, 14th Regiment, Louisiana; died Mav 
18, 1862. 

fames Coyle, Company C, 14th Regiment, Louisiana: discharged. 

D. C. Hindlestone, Company 1>, 2d Regiment, Florida. 

John W. Lea, captain, 5th Nortli Carohna: discharged from the 
residence of Colonel G. Durfey. 

}. F. Hayse, lieutenant Company B, 5th North Carolina: died at 
the residence of Colonel Durfey. 

Forney, colonel, Alabama; discharged from the residence of Mrs. 
Harriette Henley. 

H. Jones, Company I, 19th Mississippi Regiment; discharged from 
the residence of Rev. Mr. Blain. 

William Payne, major 7th Virginia Regiment; discharged from the 
residence of William S. Peachy. 

L. Williams, colonel ist Virginia Regiment: discha:-ged from the 
residence of Mrs. Lucy Tucker. 

S. Reeve, lieutenant ist Regiment X'irginia Infantr)-: discharged 
from the residence of Mrs. Luc}- Tucker. 

lames Dooley, ist Regiment Virginia Infantry: discharged from 
the residence of Mrs. Lucy Tucker. 

V. Taliaferro, nth Regiment X'irginia Infantry: discharged from 
the residence of Mrs. Lucy Tucker. 

W. L. Wingheld, Company D, 20th Regiment X'irginia Infantr\-: 
discharged from the residenct of R. W. Hansford. 

I. S. Wright, Company B, 8th Regiment X'irj^ini.i Infmtry: dis- 
charged from the residence of R. X\'. Hanstortl. 

Captain lirown, died at the residence iA R. W. ilansfonl. May 
6, 1862. 

C. H. McKnight, Company A, 17th X'irginia Infmiry: w.nmdetl 
and lost right arm. Recovered. 

L)hn Humphries, captain Comjiany .\. i7lh X'irginia Infantry: 
died in the Episcopal chvnvh at Willi. unshurL;. 

176 Soufhern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

[From the Richmond (Va.) Times, July i8, 1896.] 


A Characteristic Letter of General Jubal A. Early. 


Written Just After the War By the Old Confederate Who Never 
Surrendered — Facts Concerning the Bitter Contest. 

The following letter was written by General Jubal A. Early, that 
e\"er unreconstructed Confederate, just after the close of the war, when 
he was preparing" to leave for the city of Mexico. It contains many 
interesting' facts concerning the war, and is thoroughly characteristic 
of the departed chieftain. It read as follows: 

Havana, December i8, i86j. 
To the Editor of the At'Zi' York jVecCS : 

Having seen it stated in se\'eral papers published in the United 
States that I am an applicant for pardon, I desire to say, through 
your columns, that there is no truth whatever in this statement. I 

have neither made nor authorized such application, and would not j 

accept a pardon from the President of the United States if gratui- i 
tously tendered me without conditions or restrictions of any kind. I 

have nothing to regret in the course pursued by me during the war, j 

except that my services were not of more avail to the cause for which I 

I fought; and my faith in the justice of that cause is not at all shaken , 
by the result. 

I have not given a parole or incurred any obligation to the authori- : 

ties of the United States, and I utterly disclaim all allegiance to, or ' 

dependence upon, the government of that country. I am a voluntary , 

exile from my own country, because I am not willing to submit to j 

the foreign yoke imposed upon it. All declarations attributed to i 

me which are inconsistent with the above statements are entirely { 

without foundation, and I hope there will be no further misappre- I 

hension as to my position. ; 

The reports of the campaigns of 1864 and 1865 by Secretary ;{ 

.Stanton and Lieutenant-General Grant, recently published, contain I 

many erroneous statements, which do great injustice to the Confede- ji 

rate armies. The press in the Southern .States is at present elTectu- \ 


C haractrristic Lcitfr of Gn/irra/ Juhal A. E'irl>i. 177 

ally muzzled by military rule, and the Confederate cause lias no 
appropriate organ by which the ears of the wc^rld can Ije reached. 
The time will arrive, however, when a true history of the warfare 
can be written so as to enable foreit,m nations and p(jsterity to do 
justice to the character of those who have sustained so unequal a 
struggle for all that is dear to man. In anticipation of that time, I 
will call attention to some facts which will show the tremendous odds 
the Confederate armies had to encounter. 

Mr. Secretary Stanton's report shows that the available strength 
present for duty in the army with which (ieneral (irant commenced 
the campaign of 1864 was, on istof May, 1864, as follows: 

The Arni3' of the Potomac (under Gen. Meade) 120,386 

The Ninth Army Corps (under (len. Ihirnside) 20,780 

Aggregate 141. 166 

Beside this, he says the chief part of the force designed to guard 
the Middle Department and the Department of Washington "was 
called to the front to repair losses in the Arniv of the Potomac," 
which doubtless was done before that army left the vicinity of .Spot- 
sylvania Courthouse, as General Grant says: " The 13th, 14th, 15th, 
i6th, 17th, and i8th (of May, 1864) were consumed in manoeuvering 
and waiting for reinforcements from Washington," and .Mr. Stanton 
says the sending of these troops to the front caused the detaching 
from General Lee's army of the force under me to threaten Baltimore 
and Washington. The available strength of the forces in those 
departments, on the ist of May, according to Mr. Stanton's report, 
was as follows: 

In tlie 1 )epartnient of Washington 42. 124 

In the Middle Department 5.627 

Aggregate >. 47.751 

of which it may be safely assumed that at least 40,000 men were 
sent to the front, as Cieneral Grant says that when I apprt)ached 
Washington, the garrisons of that |)hu-e and Baltimore were "made 
u]) of hea\'y artiller\' regimmls, hundncl tiays' men, and detach- 
ments from the linalid Cor]>s," and hence it became neces.s;iry to 
send troops from his arm\' to meet me. This, therefore, maile an 
army of o\er 180,000 men wliicii Cieneral Lee's army 'nail to meet 
before, as I will show, it IkuI receiveil any re-inforcemenls whatexer. 
This estimate tU)es not include the re-inforcements received in the 

178 Soniheni Historical Sodeti./ Papers. 

way of recruits from \'oluntary enlistments and the draft, which were 
entirely going on, nor does it include re-inforcements from the 
Northern Department and the Department of the East and the Sus- 
quehanna, where they were, by Mr. Stanton's showing, 15,344 avail- 
able men for duty, the greater part of which, it is presumed, were 
sent to Grant, as, otherwise, they might have been brought to Wash- 
ington to meet my force with more ease than troops from his army. 

General Lee's army, at the beginning of the campaign, consisted 
of two divisions of Longstreet's Corps, Ewell's Corps, A. P. Hill's 
Corps, three divisions of cavalry and the artillery. I commanded, 
at different times during the campaign. Hill's and Ewell's Corps, 
and am, therefore, able to state very nearly the entire strength of the 
army. Ewell's Corps, to which I belonged, did not exceed 14,000 
muskets at the beginning of the campaign. When I was placed in 
command of Hill's Corps on the 8th of May, by reason of General 
Hill's sickness, its effective strength was less than 13,000 muskets, 
and it could not have exceeded 18,000 in the beginning. Long- 
street's Corps was the weakest of the three, when all the divisions 
were present, and the two with him had just returned from an ardu- 
ous and exhausting winter campaign in East Tennessee. His effect- 
ive strength could not ha\'e exceeded 8,000 muskets. General Lee's 
whole effective infantry, therefore, did not exceed 40,000 muskets, 
if it reached that number. The cavalry divisions were all weak, 
neither of them exceeding the strength of a good brigade. The 
artillery was in proportion to the other arms, and was far exceeded 
by Grant's, not only in the number of men and guns, but in weight 
of metal, and especially in the quality of the ammunition. General 
Lee's whole effective strength at the opening of the campaign was 
not over 50,000 men of all arms. There were no means of recruit- 
ing the ranks of his army, and no reinforcements were received until 
it reached Hanover function on the 23d of Mav. It was this force, 
therefore, which compelled Cirant, after the fighting at the Wilder- 
ness and around Spotsylvania Courthouse, including the memorable 
[2th of May, to wait six days for reinforcements from Washington 
before he could move, and baffled his favorite plan of reaching Rich- 
mond. At Hanover Junction General Lee was joined by Pickett's 
Division of Longstreet's Corps, one small brigade of my division of 
Ewell's Corps, which had been in North Carolina with Hoke, and 
two small brigades, with a battalion of artillery, under Breckinridge. 
This force under Breckinridge, which General Grant estimates at 
15,000, and which was subsequently united to mine at Lynchburg, 

C liaracteristie JjcHcr of (lencrnl. Jnhnl A. /v//-///. 17;» 

(lid not exceed 2,000 muskets. At O^ld Harbor, about the ist of 
June, Hoke's Division, from Petersburg', joined (ieneral Lee. but 
Breckinridge's force was sent back immediately after its arrival near 
that place, on account of the defeat and death of General William 
E. Jones, at Piedmont, in the Shenandoah Valley, and Kwell's Corps, 
with two battalions of artillery, was detached under my command on 
the morning- of the 13th of June to meet Hunter. This counterbal- 
anced all reinforcements. The foregoing statement, which fully 
covers (ieneral Lee's strength, shows tin- disparitv of forces between 
the two armies in the beginning, and it was ne\cr lessened after they 
reached the vicinity of Rithmond and Petersburg, but was greatlv 
increased. The curious may speculate as to what would have been 
the result if the resources in men and munitions of war of the two 
commanders had been reversed, or if Lee's strength had appro.xi- 
mated Grant's. Occupying a neutral position, as between the two 
Federal commanders, Grant and Butler, and certainly having no rea- 
son to admire the latter, I cannot l)ut be amused at the effort 01 
(irant, by the use of kw flash ]:ihrases, to make P)Utler the scapegoat 
of all his failures. 

The disparity between the forces of Sheridan and myself in the 
Valley campaign was even greater than that between Lee and ( irant. 
My force, when I arrived in front of the fortifications of Washington 
on the nth of July, 1864, was 8,000 muskets, three small battalions 
of artillery with about forty held pieces, of which the largest were 
twelve pounder Napoleons, and about 2.000 badlv mounted and 
equipped ca\'alry, of which a large portion had been detached to cut 
the railroads leading from Baltimore north, (ieneral Grant .savs that 
two divisions of the 6th Corps and the advance of the 19th Corps 
arrived at Washington before I did, and Mr. Stanton says I was met 
there by the 6th Corps, a i)art of the 19th Corps untler General 
Emory, and a part of the Sth Corps under ( ( iilmore. .My 
force had then marched over 500 miles, marching at least twenty 
miles each day, except the da\' of the tight at Monocacy. when it 
marched fourteen miles and tought and (kir.itcd Wallace. 

At the battle of Winchester, or Ope()uan as it is called by General 
Grant, my etifecti\e strength was about S.sot^ muskets, the three bat- 
talions of artillerv and less than ,^,000 cavalry. Sheridan's inlimtry 
consisted of the 6th, 19th and Cook's Cor|)s, composeil one di\ ision 
of the Sth Cori)s and what was called the "Army o\ West X'irginia." 
Some idea may be formed of ihe strength ol" tlu- (nh Corps when 
it is recoUectetl that the .Ainu ot" the Potom.ic composed of 

180 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

three corps on the ist of May previous, to-\vit: the 2d, 5th, and 
6th, and that its effective strength then was, according to Mr. 
Stanton's statement, 120,386. The same statement shows that the 
available strength of the forces in the "Department of West Vir- 
ginia," on the ist of May, 30,782, and most of the troops in this 

department were concentrated in the Valley. Documents subse- ; 

quently captured showed the strength of the 19th Corps to have at 1 

the battle of Winchester, not less than 12,000 effecti\'e men. Official ' 
reports captured at Cedar creek showed that Sheridan's Cavalry, on 
the 17th of September, two days before the fight, numbered 10,100 

present for duty. His artillery was \'astly superior to mine in num- ! 

ber of men and guns. The 6th Corps alone must have exceeded i 

my entire strength, unless it had met with such tremendous losses as j 

to reduce its strength at least three-fourths. From all the informa- i 

tion recei\'ed and from documents captured at Cedar creek, I am 1 

satisfied that Sheridan's effective infantry strength at Winchester j 

could not ha\'e been less than 35,000 muskets, and it was probably 1 
more. The odds against me, therefore, were fully four to one, and 
probably more. His very great superiority in cavalry was very dis- 
advantageous to me, as the country was very open and admirably 

adopted to cavalry operations, and my cavalry, being mostly armed | 

with Enfield rifles without pistols or sabers, could not fight his, whose \ 

equipment and arms were complete. At the fight at Cedar creek I I 

had been re-enforced by one division of infantry (Kershaw's) num- \ 
bering 2,700 muskets, one small battalion of artillery and about 600 
ca\'alry ; which about made up my losses at Winchester and Fisher's • 

Hill. I went into this fight with 8,500 muskets, about forty pieces ! 

of artillery and about 1,200 ca\-alry, as the rest of my cavalry, which j 
was guarding the Luray Valley, did not get up in time, though 

ordered to move at the same time I moved to the attack. Sheridan's I 

infantry had been recruited fully up to its strength at Winchester, ! 

and his cavalry numbered 8,700, as shown by the official reports j 

captured. The main cause why the route of his army in the morn- I 

ing was not complete was the fact that my cavalry could not compete 1 

with his alid the latter, therefore, remained intact. He claimed all 1 

his own guns that had been captured in the morning and afterward , 

recaptured, as so many guns captured from me, whereas I lost only | 

twenty-three guns, and the loss of these and the wagons which were j 

taken was mainly owing to the fact that a bridge, on a narrow part , 

of the road between Cedar creek and Fisher's Hill, broke down, and ! 

the guns and wagons, which latter were not numerous, could not be I 

(Jlairactcristic Lef/er of (jnicr/il .hihnl A. E<u-I>i. ISl 

broui^ht (jff. Pursuit was nc^t made Uy Mount Jarkson, as stated by 
both (iraut and Stanton, but my troops were halted for the ni^ht at 
Fisher's Hill, three miles from Cedar creek, anrl the next day moved 
back to New Market, six miles Irom Mount Jackson, without any 
pursuit at all. So far from its bein^- true, as stated by Mr. .Stanton, 
that no force appeared in the \'alk-y alter this, the fact is that I reor- 
tjanized my force at New Market, and on the loth of November 
moved down the Valley attain and confronted .Sheridan on the nth 
and I2th in front of his intrenchmcnts between Newtown and Keanis- 
town, and then retired back to New Market because pnnisions anti 
forage could not be obtained in tin- hnver Valley. The expeditions 
by which the posts of New creek and r)C\('rl\- were subsetiuently 
captured, were sent out also from my force in the Valley. The 
strong- force which (General (irant says was entrenched under me at 
Waynesboro, when Sheridan advanced up the Valley in the latter 
part of February, 1865, with two divisions of cavalrv of 5,ocxd each 
(10,000 in all), consisted of about infantry and a few pieces 01 
artillery, most of my infantry ha\'ing been returned to General Lee 
to meet corresponding detachments fnjm Sheridan to Grant, and all 
my cavalry and most of the artillerv haxing been sent oti" on account 
of the impossibility of foraging the horses in the Vallev. ( )b\ious 
reasons of policy prevented any publication of these facts during the 
war, and it will now be seen that I was leading a forlorn hope all the 
time, and the public can appreciate the character ol the \ictories 
won by ^Sheridan over me. 

The statements I ha\'e made are from facts coming within my own 
knowledge, and they are made to show the disparity between the 
Confederate armies and those of the United States. These state- 
ments will serve to give .some idea of the disparities existing in other 
lines. I now ask which has retired from the contest with more true 
gk)ry, that heroic band of Confederates who so long withstood the 
tremendous armies and resources of tlu' I'nited States, or that 
"(jrand Army of the Union," which, while being recruiteil from all 
the world, was enabled l)v " conliinious liainnicring " tt> so exhaust 
it opponent " by mere attrition" as to compel a surremler? The 
world has never witnessed so great a political crime as that com- 
mitted in the deslrui-tion of tlu' Confederate Cn>\ernment by armeil 
force. Other nations, in ancient as well as modern times, have tallen 
under the yoke of the conqueror or usurjier, because their own 
follies, vices or crimes had prepai\'d tlu' way foi- their subjugation. 
Many tears ha\e been shetl oxer the i\W of unhapi>\- Poland, but we 

182 Soathtrn Ilistorirdl Soeiety Papers. 

cannot shut our eyes to the fact that the Poles had shown their inca- 
pacity to manage their own government ere they were consigned to 
foreign rule. In our case, however, the civilized nations of the earth 
have stood aloof and seen a brave and patriotic people politically 
murdered, while maintaining an unprecedented struggle for the right 
of self-government, and manifesting at every step their capacity for 
it, and this, too, when under an assumed neutrality, the resources of 
men, monev, and munitions of war of those very nations were being 
freely used to consummate the monstrous deed, and thereby give 
the final blow to a genuine Republican Government even in the 
United States. 

On behalf of my down-trodden country, I make the appeal to 
those nations that they will not commit the further injustice of re- 
ceiving the history of this struggle from the mouths and pens of our 
enemies, but that they shall wait until the time shall come for placing 
a true history before them. In the meantime, let all my countrymen 
who were in a condition to know the character of the contest, put in 
a tangible form, to be preser\'ed for the use of the future historian, 
such facts and materials for that history as are in their knowledge or 

J. A. Early, 
Lieiitcuant-Goicral , C. S. A. 

[From the Richmond Times, April 12, 1896.] 


Tribute to Brave General Harry Heth who Opened the 
Great Battle. 


Interesting Observations of Jaquelin Harshall fleredith, Chaplain of 
Heth's Division — His Version of the "Cause of Failure." 

To the liditor of tJic Times : 

Sir, — I have read with regret the war of words in regard to 
' ' cause of failure ' ' on the part of the Confederates at the battle of 
Gettysburg. In the various accounts of the battle, not one has 
come from an eye-witness of the first day's fight, of July i, 1863. 
Not one of these accounts, that I have seen, have done simple justice 

Geiici-al JJdh (I I ( hlhislninj, IH;^ 

to the brave and gallant division (jf (ieneral Harry Heth and it.-^ 
faithful commander, upon whom rested the responsibility of ojjenin}^ 
the battle. As chaplain of 47111 Rt-giincnt iA \'irginia Infantrv. 
Hrockcnbrough's Brigade, first A. \\ Hill's Divison, Jackson's Corp^. 
and afterwards Heth's Division, cjf A. P. Hill's Corps, I witnessed 
tlie events leading to, and tlu: opening of the fight on the n^orning of 
July 1st, and the final charge of the remnant of Heth's Division. 
under Pettigrew, who charged, under Pickett, on the 3d of July, at 
Cemetery Heights. As no one else has done so, I pnjcc-ed to give 
a circumstantial account of the 30th of June and ist of July, t(j do 
justice to a general and di\ision I honor and love. About 2 o'clock 
P. M., on June 30, 1863, Heth's I)i\ision, Hill's Corps, leading the 
advance of the corps, reached Cashtown and went into l)i\-ouac 
around that \illage, on tin- eastern slope of a ridge, the continuance 
of the Blue Ridge, but here much lower than in \'irginia. Dr. E. 
B. Spence, dixision surgeon, came to me about 4 o'clock, and re- 
quested me to ride forward with him into Gettysburg as he wished 
to procure some medical supplies. I mounted my horse, and started 
at once with him, proceeding forward on the pike eastwards, for five 
miles. I saw no troo|>s moxing, Init was assured by the Doctor that 
some of our dixision were ahead. We reached (Gettysburg about 5 
o'clock P. M., and tied our lujrses at the tirsl drug-store, where we 
had been but a few moments, when we saw a regiment of Confed- 
erates (I have since read that it was one of Pettigrew's North Caro- 
lina regiments), coming from the eastern i)art of the town at tin- 
quick march. We two non-combatants at once mounteil, and join- 
ing the colonel at the head of the column, moxed steadily back to 
Cashtown. The colonel was a stranger to me, althougii 1 knew Colo- 
nel James Marshall and Colonel Burgwin, connnamling two ol C.eii- 
eral Pettigrew's regiments. I knew General Pettigrew well, having 
served under him at the battle of Sexen Pines, but 1 did not set- iiim 
that evening. The Doctor and I were told that a sui)eriiir force ol 
the enemy were moving on Ciettysburg. We were not tollowed nor 
did any Federal ca\alr\- attack, or e\en show itself in rear or tl.uik 
during the one hour and a lialf, to two hours that this regiment took 
to proceed in ordeiK- marth back to Cashtown. So far as we could 
see at night-fill on llie .vnh ol' June, there was no I-'ederal lt>rce 
between Gettvsburg and Cashtown. \'ery early on the morning of 
julv ist, Heth's Dixision Icll into line, and di'boucheil into the pike. 
marching towards Gettysburg in the loUow ing order, \i/: Archer's 
Brigade of Temiesseans leading: ne.xt. Colonel John W. Hrocken- 

184 Southern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

broLigh's Brigade of Virginians; next, Davis' Mississippi Brigade: 
Fourth, Pettigrew's North Carolina Brigade. Archer's and Brock- 
enbrough's Brigades each numbered i,ooo men, as many men were 
left on the road in the rapid march of A. P. Hill's Corps to overtake 
Longstreet, and pass him in Clarke county, Virginia, ours being 
the corps left to watch Hooker at Fredericksburg. 


I was riding with my colonel, Robert M. Mayo, and with Colonel 
Brockenbrough, commanding brigade, and had reached a point one 
mile east of Cashtown, when a staff officer of General H. Heth's — 
I think it was Captain Stockton Heth, the General's brother — rode 
up to our two colonels, and talked a few moments as we marched 
along the road. I heard him say: "General Heth is ordered to 
move on Gettysburg, and hght or not as he wishes. " When he rode 
away I remember Colonel Brockenbrough and Colonel Mayo saying: 
"We must fight them; no di\ision general will turn back with such 
orders." We had proceeded very slowly, giving time for the whole 
di\ision to form in the road and march, and had, at 9 o'clock A. M., 
reached only about one and a half or two miles east from Cashtown, 
when we passed over a long ridge and down into a broad, clean, 
open valley, with the pike leading gradually by open fields upwards 
to another long ridge, where some oak woods co^■ered a large part 
of the crest on both sides of the road. We had begun to ascend 
this slope, when I noticed Archer's Brigade file to the right of the 
road and march by column of fours, or marching order, at right 
angles to the road. In a few moments Brockenbrough' s Brigade 
filed out on the right about four to five hundred yards in rear of 
Archer's. While still marching, and without time to face into battle 
line, with guns unloaded, Archer's Brigade of 1,000 men were sud- 
denly charged upon by Buford's Federal Cavalry, 2,500 strong, from 
the cover of the woods on the ridge. The attack was so sudden in 
front and both flanks that in a few moments I saw General Archer 
and two-thirds of his brigade captured with only a few pistol shots 
from the cavalrv. One-third of the brigade fled back upon the line 
being formed by Brockenbrough' s Virginians, and rallied behind 
them. Brockenbrough, also in marching order, ordered "left-face, 
load;" then, unable to fire because of the flying Tennesseans, he 
back-stepped the brigade until in line with Davis' Brigade, then 
forming battle line on the left or north side of the Cashtown pike. 

Gi'lliVdl III III (il (ii lliisliiirq. \9i'y 

Buford's Cavalry withdrew with some six or seven hundred pris- 
. oners behind the wootled crest. General Heth \v>\\ l;rouj^ht uj) Pet- 
tigrew's lirioadc, and advanced the whole division to attack the crest. 
When we reached the crest the cavalry were j^^one, and seen a mile 
away withdrawing- to the summit of another ridjj^e. (ieneral Helh 
moved ill battle line slowly but steadily across this valley, charj^ed 
and drove back this caxalry, now supixjrted bv inlimtrv. This must 
have been only a brigade of the Federal infantry corps, for it fell 
back on the ridoe just west of (iettysburi^ and oxerlookinj^^ the town. 
This was a high, commandini^ ridj^e, with many open farms and but 
little woods, and stretching- northeast and southwest across the roads 
from Cashtown, Carlisle, and overlookc-d the \alley thruUL^h which 
led the road from York. I remember how thankful I felt as Heth's 
Division moved forward about i o'clock P. M. to attack this ridi^e, 
which was crowned with long lines of waiting infantry and from which 
came a steady artillery fire, when, on looking to the left of our line, 
I saw a Confederate division ( Rodes' ) come otif the Carlisle road 
and form battle line to aid us, while looking back I .saw Pender's 
Division coming up the pike in our rear. Heth's Division had suf- 
fered the loss of two-thirds of Archer's Brigade and some loss in 
sweeping back the Federal infantry from the last ridge, but now held 
the centre of attack on the right and left of the Cashtown pike. 
Here for two hours the fight was hot and stead\-. The Federal corps 
held its ground stubbornly, ebl)ing and flowing. Here I saw the 
Virginians of Brockenbrough's Brigade — 22d \'irginia, C»-)lonel E. 
Poinsett Tayloe; 40th Virginia, Col. j. W. Brockenbrough, command- 
ing brigade; 47th Virginia, Colonel R. M. Mayo; and 55th X'irginia 
Regiments — driving the enemv in hand to hand fighting out ol 
houses and barns of which thev made forts. Here CJeneral Heth 
was wounded; here fell the bra\ e Colonel Burgwin, of North Caro- 
lina, and here I buried next da\-, on the highest point, under a lone 
tree, with the Church's solemn ser\ices. Captain Brockenbrouyh. 
brother and aid of our brigade conunandtr. By 3 o'clock the l-ed- 
erals fled from the ridge, across llie \ alley and through ( iett>'shurg 
to the Cemetery Heights. Soon after, or about 3 o'clock. 1 roiK- to 
the left where a few pieces of artillery were still rei)Iying to tin- artil- 
lery on Cemeter\' Heights, and theic met a long and large lorce o{ 
F'ederal prisonc-rs marching back on the Cashtown road westwanl. 
The guard told me that (ieneral ICarly threw a skirmish line around 
these and captureil them as tlu'y were tlying in disorder before 

186 Soiithi I'll IJisloriciil Socirfi/ Papers. 

Rodes', Heth's and Pender's Di\ision.s. There were about 5,000 

I looked down and saw a level valley in which Gettysburg lay and 
could distinguish Early's Division forming line and resting across 
the road from York. This road was in rear of the position held by 
the Federal Corps during the battle. No doubt the appearance of 
Early's Division, coming up in their rear, completed their defeat. 
There was no more hghting after 3 o'clock. I was busy attending 
to the wounded and hardly noticed the forming of the long battle- 
line around Cemetery Heights. 

heth's division surprised. 

The lighting next dav was far to right and left, and I saw nothing 
of it, as the losses of our division and brigade were very heavy and 
I was constantly occupied with the wounded. General Heth was 
wounded while his division was pressing the centre of the attack. 
Heth's Division suffered a surprise, because we had no cavalry to 
meet Buford, but he redeemed this by a separate and special fight 
on the first ridge, and by holding the centre and hottest part of the 
fight on the last ridge where the whole Federal corps had picked 
their position to command the roads from Cashtown and Carlisle. 
The position was a strong one, with free sweep for their artillery. 
Yet, in spite of its commander being disabled, this now declimated 
division was chosen to be placed under General Pickett, commanded 
by General Pettit>rew, to take part in the fatal, but glorious charge 
on Cemetery Heights on the 3d of July. In that last charge fell my 
friend. Colonel James Marshall, ofMarkham, Fauquier county, Va., 
colonel of a North Carolina regiment, and commanding Pettigrew's 
Brigade. This, I think, shows that the bringing on of the battle of 
Gettysburg by surprise was, in the providence of God, due to the 
want of ca\'alrv in front of Heth's Infmtrv. Who could blame 
General Heth for driving the cavalry before him when he had been 
surprised into loss. From there being no pursuit of the regiment, I 
left Gettysburg on the eve of the 30th of June. 

General Heth could not know there was a force on the Cashtown 
road. Besides, had he prudentiallv withdrawn to Cashtown after 
suffering loss from the cavalry surprise, what would have been Gen- 
eral Early's position ? (General F2arlv and Rodes, of Ewell's Corps, 
had f)rders to move towards Cashtown. (lettvsburg lay in Early's 
direct road, and if Heth had fillen back on Cashtown, and Rodes 

Hull of ()l,l l)<,iiiin'«ni /Jiyif/oons. l.<<7 

turned off four miles northwest on to the Cashtown road, then al 3 
or 4 o'clock of July ist Karly would haxe found the Federal corps 
holding a strons^ position across his road with fully three times his 
numbers, and no help nearer than four uv five miles. This would 
have brought on battle at a late hour in the excninjj;' when too late to 
defeat and dri\e the enem\- tioni their ])osition. All honoris due 
(ieneral Heth and his noble di\ision f(jr pressinj^^ the enemy and 
enabling- Rodes and Pender and Early to secure a severely-fought 
battle. The cause of surprise was want of ca\alry but the cause ol 
battle was that the Federal ccjrps commander had seized the ridge 
north and west of Gettysburg, which blocked the road by which the 
Confederate corps of Hill and F.well were con\erging on Cashtown. 
Why need we look any further for causes. It sufficeth that the 
same All-wise Ruler of events that ])ermitted Ashby and ".Stone- 
wall" Jackson to be shot in trout and jjerhaps by their own men. 
and afterwards permitted J. K. B. .Stuart to fall after victory by the 
seeming accidental shot of <i Federal troo|)er, who was fleeing Irom 
our lines; the same Ruler permitted the otherwise invincible Army 
of Northern Virginia and its belo\-ed general to suffer a repulse at 



I.\nri:i.i.\ Maksiiai I. Mkrkdith, 
Chaplain of 4-jtIi Mn^inia l)ija)itn\ J/cf/fs /h: is/on, 

A. P. I nil's Corps, .1. X. Co.. C. S. 

jr/do Uafrr, la., March 31, i8g6. 

[From llif Riclunoiul Dis/xitrli. May 24, 1S96.I 

The r\uster=Ron of this Hampton Organization. 

The following is the roll of the Old Pominion Hragoiins. ol 
Hampton. \'a., Coni])aiiy 15, 3d RrgimeiU of X'irginia Cavalry, uiuler 
their original organizalii)n: 

Captain ]. C. Phillips, promotetl to colont'l of i^lh Kegimi-nt «>l 
Virginia Cavalry. 

First Lieutenant W. R. X'aughan. promoteil to surgeon, dead. 

Second Lieutenant C.ill .\. Cary. de.ul. 

188 Sniiihcni Historical Society Papers. 

Third Lieutenant G. B. Jones. 

Orderly Sergeant Tayett Sinclair. 

Second Sergeant William T. Smith, promoted to lieutenant, dead. 

Third Sergeant William N. Causey, dead. 

Fourth Sergeant George J. Smith, wounded at Haw's Shop, 2Sth 
of May, 1S64; died 17th of June. 

First Corporal Samuel W. Phillips, captured at Aldie, June 17, 

Second Corporal James B. White, promoted to quartermaster, 

Third Corporal Joseph B. Herbert, wounded March 17, 1S63; 
died since the war. 

Fourth Corporal Gilbert Phillips, dead. 

Avers, Samuel, dead; Armistead, R. T. ; Allen, Thomas, killed 
at Todd's farm May 8, 1864; Bains, J. J.; Bates, John O., dead; 
Causey, C. H., dead; Causey, James C. ; Crandol, T. J.; Cooper, 
Charles H., killed at Williamsburg, May 5, 1862; Cooper, James, 
dead; Davis, Robert A. ; Davis, Louis F., died of wounds; Elliott, 
H. H., dead; Elliott, Robert E., dead; Ethridge, Leonidas; Edders, 
W. B. ; Fitchett, William; Garrett, George, dead; Hawkins, Richard, 
dead; Hudgins, R. S. ; Herbert, Thomas T. , dead; Ham, Jacob 
C. died of wounds received May 21, 1864; Hudgins, Andrew J., 
dead; Ivy, William; Joynes, John L., dead; Johnson, Darden, 
killed by 44th Georgia Regiment, June, 1864; Jones, Charles, dead; 
Jones, Je.sse S., promoted to captain, ended the war as major; Jones, 
Andrew Mac, dead; Lee, John; Lee, William, captured at Aldie, 
June 17, 1863; Meriam, George, dead; Mellen, George C, pro- 
moted to lieutenant, wounded at Kelley's Ford, March 17, 1863, 
dead; Mears, Edward, captured at Aldie, June 17, 1863, dead; 
Phillips, George W., captured in Mathews county, and killed by 
negro soldiers; Phillips, Joseph, promoted colonel of cavalry, and 
killed in Louisiana; Phillips, C. Baney; Phillips, Benjamin, Jr., 
dead; Phillips, Benjamin, Sr. , dead; Bresson, John M., dead; Sin- 
clair, Henry, dead; Segar, John F., promoted captain of infantry, 
dead; Toppin, Robert M., dead; Thompson, Willis, dead; Vaughan, 
James M. ; Vaughan, Robert H., dead; Watts, Samuel A., dead; 
Watts, Thomas; Whiting, A. T. ; West, Arthur W., Avounded at 
Kelley's Ford, March 17, 1863, dead; West, W. D., dead; Wil- 
liams, John, captured at Aldie, June 17, 1863; Young, Wash, killed 
at Kelley's F~ord, March 17, 1863. 

The following joined after organization; 

The ('(iriKific at Fr'niLlin, Tnwessee. 18(» 

Blacks, Edward; CuAUm, ('.. J. li., captured 1S63. dead; Curtis. 
R. K., wounded near Hernsbonj, Md., 1.S63. : I)au(jU}:(hertv, W. T.. 
captured at Front Royal, August 16, 1^64; I);ivis, Barlow; Davis. 
Eddie, dead; Davis, P. P.. capturerl (JcU^ber 12, 1864; Dfnvney, J. 
W., dead; Drewry, R. W., cai)tured at Front Royal, August 16. 
1S64; Gammel, Nat., promoted to lieutenant; Hudgins B. F., dead: 
Hall, John, dead; Hei.y^ht, Wiley, killed at Haw's Shop, May 2.S. 
1864; Jones, B. F. , wounded at Trevillian, July 12, 1864; Laws. 
William, killed at Tood's Tavern, May 6, 1864; Marrow, D. (i. ; 
Mears, Levin, died in Richmond in 1863; M(.rcland, Alphonzo. 
dead; Murry, John, died in 1864: Phillips, C. ilo|)kins, dead; Ped- 
dicord, Alexander; Parramore, John, tlead; Sewell, [. NL. dead: 
Selden, Henry, killed in September, 1864; Sinclair. < i. K. ; Selden, 
R. C. ; Southall, Travis M. ; Sheilds, W. P.: Tiltord, J. C. dead: 
\'aughan, Alexander, captured at Front Royal, 1864, dead; \'au^dian. 
Howard, dead; Winder, Le\in (i. : Worthins^ton, James, dead: 
Walter, Isaac, dead; Wilson, Robert; Wainwri^hl, ]. C. : Wray. 
John, promoted lieutenant and cai)tured at Ihandv .Station, October 
II, 1862; Wray, George; Young, W. L. 


The Carnage at Franklin, Tennessee. Next to that of 
the Crater. 

S. A. Cunningham, editor of the Coifcderati' I \t<ran, tell> a 
story of his personal experience in the great battle of Franklin. 

It will be remembered that Hood had brought his army into Ten- 
nessee, while Sherman had gone on to the sea. Hood had almost 
succeeded in cutting oti" Schoheld's forces at Columbi.i, h.»\ inj^ 
reached the \'icinity of Spring Hill, between there and l-"r.mklin .it 
night-fall of the day before the battle. 

No event of the war perhaps showed a scene e<|ual to this charge 
at Franklin. The range of hills upon which we formed, otfereil the 
best \'iew of the battlefield, with luit little exposure to li.mger. ami 
there were hundretls colU'Ct(.'d there as s|)ect.itors. ( )ur ranks were 
being extended rajiidly to the right and left. In l-"r.mklin there was 
the utmost conl"usii)n. The t'nem\ gre.illy excited. W e could 
see them running to ami fro. Wagon-trains were being pressed 
across the Harin-th river, and on towards Nashville. (leneral Lor- 

190 Sini the I'll iJistoriral Sockfj/ Papers. 

ing', of Cleburne's division, made a speech to his men. Our Briga- 
dier-General Strahl was quiet, and there was an expression of sad- 
ness on his face. The soldiers were full of ardor, and confident of 
success. Thev had unbounded faith in General Hood, whom they 
believed would achieve a victory that would give us Nashville. Such 
was the spirit of the army as the signal was gi\en which set it in 
motion. Our generals were ready, and some of them rode in front 
of our main line. With a quick step, we moved forward to the 
sound of stirring music. This is the only battle that I was in, and 
thev were many, where bands of music were used. I was right guide 
to the 41st Tennessee, marching four paces to the front, I had an 
opportunity of \'iewing my comrades, and I well remember the look 
of determination that was on every face. Our bold movement caused 
the enemy to give up, without much firing, its advanced line. As 
they fell back at double-quick, our men rushed forward, even though 
thev had to foce the grim line of breastworks just at the edge of the 

Before we were in proper distance for small arms, the artillery 
opened on both sides. Our guns, firing over our heads from the 
hills in the rear, useci ammunition without stint, while the enemy's 
batteries were at constant play upon our lines. When they with- 
drew to their main line of works it was as one even plain for a mile. 
About fifty yards in front of their breastworks, we came in contact 
with formidable chevaux de /rise, over or through which it was very 
difficult to pass. Why half of us were not killed yet reniains a 
mystery; for after moving forward so great a distance, all the time 
under fire, the detention, immediately in their front, gave them a 
very great advantage. We arrived at the works, and some of our 
men, after a club fight at the trenches, got over. The colors of my 
regiment were carried inside, and when the arm that held them was 
shot off, they fell to the ground and remained until morning. Cle- 
burne's men dashed at the works, but their gallant leader was shot 
dead, and they gave way, so that the enemy remained on our fiank, 
and kept up a constant enfilading fire. Our left also failed to hold 
the works, and for a short distance we remained and fought until 
the ditch was almost full of dead men. Night came on soon after 
the hard fighting began, and we fired at the flash of each other's 
guns. Holding the enemy's lines, as we continued to do on this 
part of them, we were terribly massacred by the enfilade firing. 
The works were so high that those who fired the guns were obliged 
to get a footing in the embankment, exposing themselves in addition 

1 he (\/rn"(/c al Fran/./in, 'I'limfssee. \\\\ 

to their flank, to a tire by men in hcvases. One especially severe 
was that from Mr. Carter's, immediately in mv fnjnt. I was near 
General Strahl, wIkj stood in tlx- ditch, and handed \\\) j^uns to thcjse 
posted to fire them. 1 had passed to him my .short Knheld (noted 
in the regiment), about the sixth time. The man who had been 
firing, cocked it and was taking deliberate aim, when he was shot, 
and tumbled down dead into the ditch upon those killed before him. 
When the men so exposed were shot down, their i)laces were sup- 
plied by volunteers until these were exhausted, and it was neces.sary 
for General Strahl to call upon others. He turned to me, and though 
I was several feet back from the ditch, I rose u\> immechately. and 
walking over the wounded and dead, took position with one foot 
upon the pile of bodies of my dead fellows, and the (jther in the 
embankment, and fired guns which tlu- (iencral himself handed up 
to me until he, too, was shot down. One other man had had posi- 
tion on my right, and assisted in the firing. The battle lasted until 
not an efficient man was let't between us and the Columbia Pike, 
about fifty yards to our right, and hardly enough behind us to hand 
up the guns. We could not hold out much longer, for indeed but 
few of us were then left alive. It seemed as if we had no choice but 
to surrender or try to get away, and when I asked the (ieneral for 
counsel, he simply answered, "Keep firing." But just as the man 
to my right was shot, and fell against me with terrible groans, Ciene- 
ral Strahl was shot. He three up his hands, falling on his face. 
and I thought him dead, but in asking the d\ing man. who still lay 
against mv shoulder as he sank forexer, how he was wounded, tlie 
General, who had not been killed, thinking my question was to him, 
raised uj), saying that he was shot in the neck, and called for Colonel 
.Stafford to turn over his command. He crawled o\er the dead, the 
ditch being three deep, about twenty feet to wlu're Colonel .Stafford 
was. His stafif officers started to carry him to the rear, but he re- 
ceived another shot, and directly the third, which killeil him in- 
stantlv. Colonel Stafford was dead in the pile, as the morning light 
disclosed, with his ivvi wedged in at the bottom, with other dead 
across and under him after he fell, le i\ ing his body half standing, as 
if ready to give connnand to the dead! 

By that time but a handful ^A us ui're left on that |)art of tlu- line. 
antl as I was sure that our condition was not known, I ran to the 
rear to report to General John C. Hrown. ctmnnamling the di\ision. 
I met Major llauiplou, ot his stall, who t()KI me ("lener.d Hrown 
was wountletl, ami that ( .Str.dil in conuuand. This 
assured me that those in connn.uul did not know the real situation. 

192 Sotii/tcni Hisloriral Suciettj Papers. 

so I went on the hunt for General Cheatham. By and by reHef was 
sent to the front. This done, nature gave way. My shoulder was 
black with bruises from firing, and it seemed that no moisture was 
left in my system. Utterly exhausted, I sank upon the ground and 
tried to sleep. The battle was over, and I could do no more; but 
animated still with concern for the fate of comrades, I returned to 
the awful spectacle in search of some who, year after year, had been 
at my side. Ah, the loyalty of faithful comrades in such a struggle! 
These personal recollections are all that I can give, as the greater 
part of the battle was fought after nightfall, and once in the midst of 
it, with but the light of the flashing guns, I could see only what 
passed directly under my own eyes. True, the moon was shining, 
but the dense smoke and dust so filled the air as to weaken its bene- 
fits, like a heavy fog before the rising sun, only there was no promise 
of the fog disappearing. Our spirits were crushed. It was indeed 
the \'alley of Death. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, ]\i\\ 19, 1S96.] 


A Touching Incident of the Civil War Recalled. 

During the Confederate reunion recently held in Richmond many 
good stories were told, many anecdotes related, many gallant deeds 
recalled of the valor and gallantry of some favorite son, and many 
tributes of love and respect paid to the noble women of the South, 
past and present. In view of this last, it might not be inappropriate 
at this time to recall an incident of the struggle between the North 
and South that is in a measure familiar to all of those that still 
cherish the tenderest memories of the dead Confederacy: but the 
true facts of which arc known to a comparative few. If the Con- 
federate veterans, when discussing the thrilling events of the early 
6o's, had gone out to Hanover Courthouse, a few miles from Rich- 
mond, and then journeyed to "Summer Hill," the estate of Mrs. 
Mary Page Newton, widow of Captain William B. Newton, Confede- 
rate States army, they w-ould have found in the family burying- 
ground a grass-covered grave, but with no monument to the honor 
of the sleeping soldier beneath, no epitaph to his virtues, or to tell 
how and when he died. There among the whispering pines lies the 
remains of William Latane, captain of the Essex Troop, 9th Regi- 
ment, Stuart's Brigade. "The Burial of Latane" has been made 

The Thiridl nf Tjulane. 193 

familiar to history by a poem by JmIim R. Thompson, published in 
" The University Memorial,'' and a painting under the same title, 
by WiUiam D. Washington, wliich was afterwards extensively copied. 
Washington's original painting is said to have sold for §10,000, and 
was afterwards destroyed Ijy a hre in New York. The "copies" 
were numerous, and many of them can still be found in the North, 
as well as the South, as the subject was one that e.xcited general in- 
terest. The fact is not generally kncnvn, however, that the figures 
in the picture are all taken frdin ukkIcIs, who sat U>v the picture in 
Richmond, and are not the likenesses of the (jriginals that figured 
in the pathetic scene of the burial at ".Summer Hill," on the 14th 
of August, 1862. Captain Latane, who was a mere boy, was killed 
on the road from Hanover Courthouse to Old Church. At that time 
McClellan's army was close on to Richmond, and was in po.ssession 
of the country surrounding Hanover Courthouse. Captain Latane's 
brother was first lieutenant of the same company, and when his 
brother was killed Lieutenant Latane t(jok charge of the body, hop- 
ing to find friends to bury it. He found a negro boy driving the 
mill-cart from "Westwood," the home of Dr. W'illiam .S. R. 
Brockenbrough, and the adjoining place to ".Summer Hill," Mrs. 
Newton being a niece of Mrs. Brockenbrough's. Mrs. Brocken- 
brough took charge of the bodv, and, as a Federal picket was in 
possession of "Westwood," Lieutenant Latane was supplied with a 
horse by Mrs. Brockenbrough, and at once rejoined his command. 
This was on the 13th of August, 1S62, and on the following dav 
Captain Latane was buried at .Sumnui- Hill. The picture is a cor- 
rect portrayal of the burial, with the excejition of the mythical 
figures. An Episcopal minister was sent for to read the services, 
but he was not allowed to pass the pickets, and as the men were all 
in the army, the funeral had to be conducted by the ladies of the 
two households, assisted b\' a k'w family servants that were too faith- 
ful to run away or that were too infuMn for the N'ankees to carry. It 
was indeed a scene worthv the languaiL^t-' of any poet, the brush of 
any artist. Though a stranger to ihem personally, the young cap- 
tain's cause was their cause, and his piinciples their principles, so 
tenderly and gcntlv thev jilacetl him in his grave, and the young 
girls covered him over with flowers. Mrs. Newton read the burial 
service of the Ejjiscopal Church, aiul as the gra\e was being filled 
by the faithful negroes the ladies sang " Nearer, My (hhI, to Thee" 
and "Rock of Ages." Besides Mrs. Newton, there were present 
Mrs. Brockenbrough and her little daughter, suppo.seil to be the 

194 Soil t lie r II Jlisforiral Soriefi/ Papers. 

child in the picture; her two nieces, Misses Maria and May Dabney; 
Mrs. Dr. J. PhiHp Smith, and Miss Judith White Newton, after- 
wards Mrs. Edwin C. Claybrook. 

A thread of romance has always been wound around the incident, 
which was possibly due to Thompson's poem and Washington's 
painting. It is said that young Latane's sweetheart requested a pic- 
ture of the tragic affair, and when this idea was suggested to the 
artist, he made his picture as true to life as possible, only substituting 
other figures for the originals. Mr. Washington visited "Summer 
Hill" for the purpose of getting the correct scenery, and in this 
respect his picture is true to nature. Mrs. Newton is still li\'ing at 
Summer Hill, and Mrs. Brockenbrough is at the church home in 
Richmond. The rest of those present at the burial have themselves 
now gone to join the "silent majority." Captain Latane was a 
brother of Bishop Latane, of the reformed Episcopal Church, who 
now lives in Baltimore, and the ladies that buried young Latane were 
the near kin of Bishop Newton, of the Episcopal Church of Virginia, 
although at that time the two families did not know each other. 

Bishop Latane, in speaking recently of his brother's death, said 
that his family had often thought of moving their brother's remains 
to Hollywood, in Richmond, or to the old home in Essex county, 
but \'irginia homes are changing hands so often now, that they had 
decided to let him sleep in the graveyard at Summer Hill, where he 
was tenderly placed by sympathetic friends. 

R. C. S. 

Baltiviore, Md., Julv 12. 

[From the Richmond Times., }\\\\ 12, 1896.] 


How He Swept Through Fifty=Two Towns Like a Cyclone. 

One of the most extraordinary expeditions of the war w^as the raid 
of General John H. Morgan through Kentucky, Lidiana and Ohio. 
One of his soldiers writes: 

Our entire command consisted of about 1,500 men, all brave and 
resolute, well armed and mounted, and eager for the race. General 
Basil Duke and Colonel Dick Morgan were in the van, Captain 

Morjiftn's FmiKiiis Raiil. 195 

McFarland, of the Second Kfiuucky cavalry, Ix-iiii^ the senior cap- 
tain and acting as major. 

From Burksville we proceeded on throu.t,di Cohnnhia, Campbells- 
ville and Lebanon, where the command fought from early dawn till 
late in the evening, putting to rout the enemy and capturing many 
of them, and destroying the government property. Thence to 
Sj)ringfiel(l and Bardstown, whence the \'ankees trailed their ban- 
ners and fled at the sight of the Stars and Bars; thence through Bloom- 
ington, (ianietsville, to Brandenburg, on the Oh'u) ri\'er, where the 
command captured two steamboats, and one-half of the command 
were crossed over to fight out and (lis])ersf about i.fxxj men en- 
sconsed in a wheat-field on the Indiana side, uhik- thr other half were 
engaged with two gunboats that come down the river to prevent 
the crossing. 

General Morgan had brought his artillery to bear on them, and in 
the engagements one of the gunboats was badly crip|)led, while the 
other had to assist it to save the crew, and they skedaddled up the 
river. The army all crossed o\-er to a man, and the enemy in the 
wheat-field were captured and dispersed, all prisoners being paroled. 

Being on the Indiana side, strict orders were given to keep in line 
and have no straggling. They mo\ed on to Corydon, where the 
enemy, made up of citizens and soldic-rs, had the foolhardiness to 
send out a flag of truce and demand an immediate surrender, but it 
was promptly returned with the order to surrender at once, or the 
town would be torn to pieces with shot and shell. 

They surrendered without much fighting. Al)out 1.200 were cap- 
tured, and a large amount of government stores were destroyed. 
The command proceeded to Palmyra, where a short fight took place 
and more go\'ernment stores werr destroyed. Occasionally some 
parties would cheer the command; they were evidently .Southern 
svmi)athisers. This, however, was in the Hoosier. but not in the 
Buckeye State. The coinniaiul ino\i(l on to Canton, where more 
prisoners were taken, and muw pro])L-rty ik-stroycd; thence to New 
Philadelphia, with more prisoners and a skirmish. In fact, the com- 
mand was never out o( the sound of arms, or the flash of gun- 

The coninKuul then nioxtil on through X'itim.i. l.i-\ington. P.iris. 
Vernon, Dupont and Versailles. There the command hail a pretty 
good skirmish, and more government ]M(.)perty was ilestn)yed. 

The c(nuitrv passed through was well cultivated ,uid in fine cmps. 
and the citizens mo\ed and lookeil as if no w.u" on h.uul. No 

196 Soiiiheni Historical Society Papers. 

pillaging or thieving was allowed, and none of it was done. Only 
I)rovisions for men and provender for stock were taken, and Con- 
federate money offered, which was refused. The command was kept 
under strict orders and discipline enforced. The Yankee women 
had no smiles for us, and treated and looked upon us as savages. 

The command had fighting and skirmishing through the towns of 
New Boston, New Baltimore, Williamsburg, Sardinia, Winchester, 
|ackson\ille, Locust Grove, Jasper, Packville, Beaver, Jackson, But- 
land, Chester and Buffington's Island. Here it attempted to cross 
the Ohio river in the face of all the gunboats on the river and 40,000 
cavalrv and citizens, and held them in check for three hours, when 
General Basil Duke and half of the command were taken prisoners 
and sent down the river to Cincinnati. There, the people, it is said, 
treated them to all manner of abuse they could devise. The little 
boys were allowed to spit in their faces. From there they were sent 
to Camp Morton, Ind., where they were stripped, their clothes 
searched, and not as much as a button left them. 

At Buffington's Island General Morgan and the other half of the 
command cut their way through the Yankee files and went on till the 
26th of July, passing through the following towns in Ohio: Portland, 
Harrisonville, Nelsonville, Cumberland, Greenville, Washington, 
Moorefield, Smithland, New Alexandria, Richmond, Springfield, 
Mechanicsville, West Point and Salineville. Near the last place 
General Morgan and his brother. Colonel Morgan, were captured 
with the rest of the command, the chief officers being sentenced to 
the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, and the rest of the command 
to Camp Chase, receiving the same treatment as the others. The 
general and his part of the command were in about ten miles of the 
Pennsylvania line, fighting all the way. 

The number of towns passed through in the raid was fifty-two in 
all — nine in Kentucky, fourteen in Indiana, and twenty-nine in Ohio. 

Tlh- Alldrl; on llilriHi. \\\\ 

[From tlic X. V. Sun July 1896.] 


A Veteran's Story of the Desperate Fourth of July Battle. 


It Failed, However— The Attempt of S,ooo Confederates to Dislodge 

4,000 Yankees Was Unsuccessful A True and Thrilling 

Fourth of July Story. 

"These are souvenirs of the one Fourth of Julv I shall never for- 
get," said a Confederate veteran in Washing^ton. on his wav to tht- 
reunion at Richmond. He held up in evidence a pair of eniptv 
sleeves, which showed both amis cut off just below the elbows so 
evenly, that it niioht have been done bv a stroke from a butcher's 
cleaver. "I didn't lose them burning powder for fun, either. I 
knew that everything we toyed with that day was loaded; loaded to 
kill. The same with the enemy. It was a \'ankee shell at Helena. 
tired from the gunboat Ty/c)\ which placed me on the retireil list, 
where I have been since Juh- 4, 1863. 

" I was an officer in hagan's Arkansas brigade and I never en- 
joyed a picnic beforehand in my life, as I did that stealthv loo-mile 
march from Little Rock to give the \'ankees in their works at Helena 
a Fourth of July surprise parlw Wnx see, we had been Iving idle 
all summer in Arkansas, while Cirant closed the coils arounil our 
people at Vicksburg. We numl)ered about S.tvxi men, consisting of 
our brigade, two brigades of ' Pap' Price's .Missourians, and Marm- 
aduke's cavalrv, and 'Joe ' Shell)v's brigatle counted in. Holnu-s was 
our conmiander, and one dav he telegra|)hed to army heacU|uarters, 
■ 1 believe we can take Helena. Please K't me attack it.' The reply 
was, ' Cio ahead and doit!' .Should we take HeKna, why(irant 
would simplv have to call ofl" his dogs at \'icksburg, and 'sick "''^ theni 
on us, for, don't v(nt set\ wi' could sliul ^M ^'ankl•v na\igation in the 

■^ This was tlie verbal order accredited to tlu- l.itr Major-CiiMU-ral William 
•Sniitli, twice Governor of \'ir<;inia. He tlid not tleny to tlie iuUtor, in cor- 
tlial ci)nverse, the iinplication. as to liis tlesires, l)Ut .said that his coiumkuuI 
was "At 'em buys 1 " Lei llie ireilil o\ this uiiiiiue onler n>-t uh.r.- it ma> . 

198 Southern Historiral Socic/i/ Papers. 

Mississippi and starve the enemy out at Vicksburg. Oh, we enjoyed 
the prospect, for we outnumbered the garrison at Helena two to one. 

' ' The city of Helena lies in the lowlands on the Arkansas shore. 
Its water front was guarded by the gunboat Tyler, famous at Forts 
Henry and Donelson. On the land side there was an unbroken 
chain of fortifications extending from the river bank above the town 
to the bank below. The western front of the city was about half a 
mile in length and just outside the limits, nearly opposite the centre, 
was a heavy earthwork, mounting siege guns. 

" I give you these details to show that the contract was a good- 
sized one. Yet there was a heap in our favor. The Yankees had 
but 4,000 men in Helena, and although they had plenty of cannon 
they lacked the trained artillerists to handle them. The gunners 
that day were green hands detailed from the 33d Missouri Infantry, 
and the way they handled the pieces made us wish we had met 
another kind. But we knew very little of the actual situation until 
we struck it all of a sudden about daylight on Independence Day. 
Our three columns, Marmaduke's, Price's, and Fagan's, told off in 
storming parties and reserves, moved against the batteries and in- 
trenchments lying across our paths. There were si.\ roads from the 
interior to the town, and the defenders, being ignorant as to the 
particular one or ones we would use, were compelled to watch them 
all. Our brigade attempted to take along some field artillery, but 
about a mile out from the lines we found the road obstructed, and 
on both sides of it the countrv was cut up into ravines, making it 
impassible for cannon. Our officers were obliged to dismount and 
leave the horses behind, and our men, with free use of limb, barely 
made their way through the labyrinth of obstructions in time to 
meet the engagement. We w-ere the first to open the ball, and as 
soon as the straggling line could pull itself together it moved forward 
in battle order. Here a gorge intervened; there a steep hillside 
loomed before us, and the thicket and trenches in front were alive 
with sharpshooting riflemen. 

The three regiments of the brigade charged on both sides of the 
road, and soon after daylight had carried four lines of rifle pits. 
But there had been no attack at any other point. The day was 
frightfully hot, and our poor fellows soon began to drop from heat 
and exhaustion as well as from Yankee bullets. The guns on Grave- 
yard Hill were abreast of us, and poured their shots among our scat- 
tered men. It was with relief that we saw^ Price's line march to the 
a.ssault of that battery, and as they did so we rallied for one more 

1' he Atliirl: 1,1, IfrlriHi. 191» 

charg^e on the last remaininir riHe jjits on Hindman Hill. That wc 
carried, and the enemy fled to the shelter of Fort Curtis. On aban- 
doning- the guns to us the Misscniri ncjvices had the cunning- to spike 
the pieces, or we would have turned them upon the walls of Fort 
Curtis. It was while attenipting to drill out one of the guns for a 
shot at the old flag that I lost my arms hy a sIkH the gunboat. 
My hands were together in a line, and all at once 1 wondered why I 
could not twist the worm I had held a second before. .Men who saw 
me say I stared and grinned like a madman, not knowing what had 
happened. When at last 1 realized what had happened, I ran for- 
ward in the charge with our men toward the ditch of the fort. Not 
only the gunboat tire, but that of the fori itst-lf, which was bastioned. 
raked the walls, and our men were tcrribh- repulsed. There was no 
hope but surrender, and our sharpshof)ters back in the rear shot 
down every man who attempted to go into the enemy's lines. .So 
we were between two fires. We might ha\-e l)een saved yet had not 
Price's men made a terrible l)lun(ler. They were ordered to carr\- 
Graveyard Hill, which they did most gallantly, and instead of press- 
ing on in our flank and rear to support us in the assault of Fort Cur- 
tis, they passed on to the town itself. .Seeing no wav of escape to 
the rear of our column, I joined them, and lav for three hours in a 
house by the wayside, where mv wounds were dressed bv a surgeon. 

" Meantime the gunbcxit firing and tlu' fu>illade from l-'ort Curtis 
sweeping the ground over which we had charged, retreat over the 
same line was out of the question. I made niy way towards the out- 
posts on the north, and had the good luck to fall in with Marm.i- 
duke's cavalry, which had charged upon the batterv north of the 
town. I struck Shelby's brigade, and that ended my adventures thai 
terrible Fourth of July; but as 1 ha\e talked ihietly of my ileeds and 
those of my own command. 1 w isli to aiUl a little incident to show 
that heroes were all o\er the lield day. .Shelby had with him 
that famous batterv of fi\ing arliller\', maimed by 'Pick' Ct)llins, 
and known on all the border for the s])irii with which it entereii a 
fight. Collins' gims always went in on a charge with the squailrons. 

" On moving out that day toward the battery assigneti him to cap- 
ture Battery A, Shelbv found the road barricaded, ami Ci)llins quick- 
ly cut loose the teams and his gunneis h.iuled tlie pieces arounil the 
obstructions by hand, letting the horses pick their way. Shelby ail- 
vanced too far without suppt)rt, and the guns of a held Ixittery. as 
well as those of h'ort Curtis and the gunboat 'jy/<t , opened on his 
brioaile. A counter t-har«'i' followed: .Shelb\- wounded and tlu- 

200 Southern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

slaughter around Collins' guns was awful. General officers and aides 
helped to work the pieces. Finally the horses were all shot down, 
and the line was compelled to retreat under the withering fire. Shelby, 
reeling in his saddle from the loss of blood through an artery sev- 
ered at the wrist called for volunteers to save Collins' guns. At the 
cry, 'The battery is in danger,' hundreds of the troopers turned 
back. Shelby said : ' Fifty, only fifty ! Bring the battery back or 
remain yourselves.' Collins and his lieutenants were still fighting 
bravely but hopelessly. The dead horses were cut away, ropes 
attached, and the guns dragged back safely to the lines. Fifteen 
only of those fifty volunteers got out unscathed and twenty remained 
where they fell. 

" Since that day at Helena I tell the boys I would rather buck 
against a hoodoo than try to down Old Glory on the Fourth of July. 


The Commands from the Several Southern and Border States. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

In your editorial of the 22d on the subject of the " Muster Rolls 
of Virginia Troops," you refer to a letter from Colonel Ainsworth 
to General Anderson, in which it was erroneously stated that Vir- 
ginia had 1 60 batteries of artillery in the Confederate armies. Be- 
low I send you an extract from "Regimental Losses in the Civil 
War," b}' Lieutenant-Colonel William F. Fox; a work which the 
author says, ' ' represents the patient and conscientious labor of 
years. Days, and often weeks, have been spent on the figures of 
each regiment, and no statistics are given that are not warrented by 
the official records." As far as I am able to judge, this volume, by 
comparison with others of like character, is the most accurate and 
complete, and by far the most impartial work of the kind published 
since the war by the northern press. Colonel Fox gives the fol- 

"strength of the confederate armies." 
Alabama — Fifty-five regiments and eleven battalions of infantry; 

Ihc ('oiif (derate Armies. 201 

five regiments of cavalry; three regiments of partisan rangers, and 
sixteen batteries of light artillery. 

Arkansas — Thirty-five regiments and twelve hattalicjiis of infantr\-: 
six regiments and two battalicjns of ca\alry, and fifteen batteries of 
light artillery. 

Florida — Ten regiments and tw(j battalions of infantry; two regi- 
ments and one battalion of cavalry, and six batteries of light artil- 

Georgia — Sixty-eight regiments and seventeen battalions of in- 
fantry; eleven regiments and two battalicjns of cavalry; one regiment 
and one battalion of partisan rangers; two l)attalions of heavy artil- 
lery, and twenty-eight batteries of light artillery. 

Louisiana — Thirty-four regiments and ten battalions of infantrv; 
two regiments and one battalion of caxalry ; one regiment of partisan 
rangers; two regiments ot hea\y artillery, and twentv-six batteries of 
light artillery. 

Mississippi — Forty-nine regiments and six battalions of infantrv: 
seven regiments and four battalions of ca\alry; two regiments ot par- 
tisan rangers, and twenty batteries ol light artillery. 

North Carolina — Sixty-nine regiments and four battalions ol infantry; 
one regiment and five battalions of ca\alrv; two battalions of hea\ y 
artillery, and nine batteries of light artillery. 

South Carolina — Thirty-three regiments and two battalions of in- 
fantry; seven regiments and one battalion of ca\alry; one regiment 
and one battalion of heavy artillery, and twenty-eight batteries of light 

Tennessee — Sixty-one regiments and two battalions ol intantry; 
twenty-one regiments and eleven battalions of caxalry: one regiment 
and one battalion of heavy artillerv, and thirt\--two batteries of light 

Texas — Twentv-two reginu-nts and fi\e t)attalions ot intantry: 
twenty-eight regiments and lour battalions of ra\alry, antl sixtern 
batteries of light artillerv. 

Virginia — .Sixty-fi\'e regiments and ten i)attaIions ol intantry: 
twentv-two regiments and ele\en battalions of ca\alry: one regiment 
of partisan rangers; one regiment of artiller\', ami fift\'-three bat- 
teries of artillery. 

Border States — Twenty-one rt-gimcnts anil four b.ittalions ol in- 
fantry; nine regiments antl ti\e batlaliuns ot cavalry, and ck-\en bat- 
teries of li^ht artillerw 

202 Southern Histovii-'il Soa'efi/ Pd/ters. 

Confederate States Reoulars — Se\en regiments of infantry; six 
regiments of cavalry, and one battery of artillery. 

Aggregate — 529 regiments and eighty-five battalions of infantry; 
127 regiments and forty-seven battalions of cavalry; eight regiments 
and one battalion of partisan rangers; five regiments and six battal- 
ions of heavy artillery, and 261 batteries of light artillery — in all, 
equi\'alent to 764 regiments of ten companies each. 

Colonel Fox says: " The severity of the losses among the Con- 
federates, and the heroic persistency with which they would stand 
before the enemies musketry, becomes apparent in studying the offi- 
cial returns of various regiments. In the report for 1865-66, made 
by General James B. Fry, United States Provost-Marshal-General, 
there is a statement of Confederate losses, as compiled from the mus- 
ter-rolls on file in the Bureau of Confederate Archives. The returns 
are incomplete, and nearly all the Alabama rolls are missing; still, 
the figures are worth noting, as they show that at least 74.524 were 
killed or died of wounds, and that 52,297 died of disease. 

[From the Richmond Tii/ies Julv i6, i8g6.] 


Letter of The Secretary of State Defining His Duties. 


Caution is Given That Though Secrecy Must Be flaintained, if Pos= 

sible, Everything Must be Carried Out in an 

Honorable Way. 

The letter published below is self-explanatory, and is a copy from 
the original letter, which belongs to Mr. S. L. Kelly, of this city, 
who was administrator for Lieutenant Capston's estate, and found 
the document among the papers of the deceased when a settlement 
was made: 

Department of State, 

Richmond, July 3, 1863. 

Sir, — You have in accordance with your proposal made to this 
department, been detailed by the Secretary of War for special ser- 
\'ice under my orders 

Cnpsfnit's Mission l<, In In ml. 203 

The duty which is proposed to entrust to you is that of a private 
and confidential aoent of this i^overnment, for the purpose of pro- 
ceeding to Ireland, and tlu-re using all legitimate means to enlighten 
the population as to the true nature and character of the contest now- 
waged in this continent, with the view of defeating the attempts 
made by the agents of the United States to obtain in Ireland recruits 
for their armies. It is underst<Mjd that untler the guise of assisting 
needy persons to emigrate, a regular organization has been formed 
()[ agents in Ireland who leave untried no method of deceiving the 
laboring population into emigrating for the ostensible purpose of 
seeking employment in the United States, but really for recruiting 
the Federal armies. 

TO USE HoxoK.Mii.t: mi;ans. 

The means to be used by you can scarcely be suggested from this 
side, but they are to be confined to such as are strictly legitimate. 
honorable, and proper. We relv on truth and justice alone. Throw 
yourself as much as possible into close communication with the peo- 
ple where the agents of our enemies are at work. Inform them bv 
every means you can de\ise, of the true |)urpose of those who seek 
to induce them to emigrate. E.xjjlain to them the nature of the war- 
fare which is carried on here. Picture to them the fate of their un- 
happy countrymen who have already fallen victims to the arts of the 
Federals. Relate to them the story of Meagher's Brigade, its for- 
mation and its fate. Explain to them that thev will be called on to 
meet Irishmen in battle, and thus to imbrue their hands in the blood 
of their own friends, and |)erhaps kinsmen, in a tpiarrel which does 
not concern them, and in which all the feelings of a common human- 
itv should induce them to refuse taking part against us. L\)ntrast 
the policy of the Federal and Confederate States in former times in 
their treatment of foreigners, in order \o satisfy Irishmen uheie trui- 
svmpathy in their fa\'or was found in peri(_)tls of trial. At the North 
the Know-Nothing party, based o\\ hatred to foreigners anil espe- 
cially to Catholics, was trium|ilii,int in its career. In the South it 
was crushed, X'irginia taking ihe Kad in tr.imi)ling it tmder loot. In 
this war such has been the hatred of tlu' New Kngland l*urilan> to 
Irishmen and Catholics, that in se\eral instances the chapels ant! 
l)laces of worship ol" the Irisli t^itiioliis have l>een burnt or shame- 
fully desecrated b\- the regiments of xoluntei-rs iVom New Kngland. 
These fiicts have been published in Northern |)apers. Take the New 
York FrecDians Journai and you will see --hockinvi di-tails. ni>t 

204 Southeni Historical Sorieti/ Papers. 

coming from Confederate sources, but from the officers of the United 
States themselves. 


Lay all these matters fully before the people who are now called 
on to join these ferocious persecutors in the destruction of this nation, 
where all religions and all nationalities meet equal justice and pro- 
tection both from the people and from the laws. 

These views may be urged by any proper means you can devise; 
through the press, by mixing with the people themselves, and by 
disseminating the facts amongst persons who have influence with the 

The laws of England must be strictly respected and obeyed by 
you. While prudence dictates that you should not reveal your 
agency, nor the purpose for which you go abroad, it is not desired 
nor expected that you use any dishonest disguise or false pretences. 
Your mission is, although secret, honorable, and the means employed 
must be such as this government may fearlessly avow and openly 
iustify, if your conduct should ever be called into question. On this 
point there must be no room whatever for doubt or cavil. 


The government expects much from your zeal, activity and dis- 
cretion. You will be furnished with letters of introduction to our 
agent abroad. You will receive the same pay as you now get as 
first lieutenant of cavalry, namely, twenty-one pounds per month, 
being about equal to one hundred dollars. Your passage to and 
from Europe will be provided by this department. If you need any 
small sums for disbursements of expenses connected with your duties, 
such as cost of printing and the like, vou will apply to the agent to 
whom I give you a letter, and who will provide the funds, if he ap- 
proves the ex])enditure. 

You will report vour proceedings to this department through the 
agent to whom your letter of introduction is addressed, as often, at 
least, as once a month. 

I am, sir, respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. P. Benjamin, 
Secretary of State. 
Lieut. J. L. Capston, etc. 

ChaiirrllorsrHlt'. 205 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, Ktb. 7, 1897.] 


Retrospective Glance at the Battlefield. 

Oallant Part of the 55th Virginia Regiment. An Interesting Paper. 
Read before Wnght=Latane Camp of Tappahannock. 

At a recent meeting of Wright- Latane Camp, Confecierate W-t- 
erans, Captain Albert Reynolds, Conipaiiv I'. Filty-rtfth X'irginia 
Regiment, and second lieutenant commandei- of the camp, read the 
following paper: 

Ever since the war I haxe had a desire to re\isit some of the fields 
on which I did battle for my country, but never had an opportunitv 
to do so till last summer, while \-isiting relatives in Spotsvlvania 
county, when my brother pro])Osed to take nu- to the Chancellors- 
ville battlefield. 

So early Monday morning, the last day of August, we started to- 
wards the courthouse, but leaving that to our right, came to quite a 
pretty monument situated in the forks of the road and dedicated to 
Major-General Sedgwick, of the Federal army, who was killed on 
that spot during the battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 

As I had been wounded a short time before the battle of "'The 
Wilderness," I was not present with my regiment wlun that battle 
was fought, and, consequently, knew nothing of the field; so. alter 
inspecting the monument, we struck oft again \ov Cliancellorsville. 
passing by Screamersxille, where the Srcond .Ad\-enti>ts wt-re hold- 
ing a camp-meeting. The tents looked ([uite |)retty, reminding me 
of the time when the Army of Northern X'irginia dwelt in tents — /. 
e., when they could get them. 

About II o'clock we came to the jilank road, and turned up to- 
wards Chancellorsville. 

1 felt as if I was on holy ground; for it was riglit along here that 
we marched the ist dav of May, thirt\ -three years ago, leil by I-cc 
and Jackson, and \. W Hill, .uid lleth, and Mallory. It is just 
about as warm and dusk\- now as then. We soon came tt) the roati 
that we took to the left by " The Furnace," but our time being lim- 

200 Soaihu'ii Historical Socic/f/ Papers. 

ited, we conclude it is not sufficient to take the route we marched 
around Hooker's army; so we take the right and go by Chancellors- 
\'ille House, through the battlefield, to the place where the private 
road, along which we marched, runs into the plank road. It looks 
now just as I remember it looked then, except that there is a gate 
across it now. Everything looks so natural that I imagine I see the 
cavalry pickets standing there still. I got out of the vehicle and 
walked down the road towards Chancellorsville. It is there where 
we hied to the left, and a short distance in the woods is where we 
formed line of battle. 

The order was given, " Forward March! " and our three divisions 
move off to strike for all that is dear to freeman. Through the 
woods we go. I am going over the .same ground I went over thirty- 
three years ago, when I was a boy-soldier of the brave and gallant 
E.sse.\ Sharpshooters. 


My heart beats strong. I forget that I am an old man now. I 
glide along, I hardly know how, over the same ground. Presently 
the rattle of the skirmisher's hre is heard in front. The soldiers 
cheer and go faster. Here is the field where the enemy left their 
supper cooking. In imagination I see the soldiers again dipping 
real coffee from the boilers, and blowing and drinking it as they 
moved along. Some have junks of beef on their bayonets, while 
their comrades cut slices. Others are stuffing hardtack in their 
haversacks as they go; for no one can stop; all must keep dressed 
now. On we go through the woods, dressing our lines as we pass 
through the fields and openings. 

How proudlv the men march! How enthuastic they are! How 
beautifully the emblems of constitutional liberty wave in the breeze! 
Jackson's corps is sweeping the field! What a grand panorama! 

Our gallant brigadier is on foot in front of us. He turns and sa- 
lutes his brigade with his sword — a compliment which we intend to 
prove that we deserve ere we stop. 

And here is where we were when the enemy attempted to made a 
stand to check us. A volley from a line of battle is poured into our 
line to the right of us; but only one. We make no stop. The vol- 
ley is returned, and we go still faster, while the rebel yell rolls trom 
one end of our lines to the other, and back again. W^e are mo\'ing 
too fast. The officers storm at the men for not moving slower, 
when they are only keeping up with the officers. And now the artil- 

('Iiiiiirrllnrsr;ilr. 207 

lery is boominjr, shells are shriekin.t^ and bursti^.t,^ rifles are rattlinj^, 
and occasionally a volley is fired. The rebel yell is now almost con- 
tinuous. Still, on we sweep. 

There is the place, near those thick bushes, where the j,'allant 
Lieutenant Roane received a scrapnel shot in his abdomen, when 
one of his men, whom he had just ,i,n\en the Hat of his sword for 
showino- the white feather, said: " I'm mighty sorry for Lieutenant 
Roane, but he oui^hn't to beat mv like he did." 

We are halted. There is a lull in the fire and ujjroar. The Light 
Division has been ordered to take the lead. It is bc^dnnini,'- to get 
dark. We move again, and just ahead is where we came out into 
the plank road (I could not understand befcjre whv we came out ui 
the fields and woods into the road, but it is all plain now — we went 
straight, but the road makes a turn). It is there where we .saw the 
deserted artillery, and the dead and wounded horses. All Icjoks now 
just as it did then. I do not think the trees have grown a bit; even 
the bushes seem to be the sanu-. 


We march by the left flank along the road a short distance, and 
halt, and front. Here is the place. ( )ur left is near the brow of a 
low hill or rise. It is so dark that we cannot si-e a man across the 
road. Lane's skirmishers are in front and o|)L'n tire iust abreast of 
our left flank. 

In a short while a wounded man is l^orne along towards the rear, 
just behind our regiment. Sexeral men were holding him up. and 
he was trying to walk, when bra\r .Ser^ieant Tom I'ogg recognized 
him, and said: " (ireat (iod, it is (General Jackson!" Then the 
order is given to deploy the regiment as skirmishers, and almost 
immediately the road was swe|)t bv suc-h a drstructi\i- artillery tire 
as can only be imagined. 1 don't belirxe the like was ever known 
before or since. 

The darkness antl the Wyc combiiiod ri'nder it impossible ti> exe- 
cute the movement. The men drop on the ground. Colonel Mal- 
lory calls upon the officers to do tlu'ir duty (the last worils he ever 
spoke). Mv companv, which was tlir right company of the reiji- 
ment, was wheeled to the left and marched through the storm down 
to the color line. How beautifully the company respondeii »o their 
captain's orders. They were heroes among lu'roes. The captain 
intended to dejihn- In- tlu' riglit llank as soon as he reacheil the color 

208 Southcnt Historical Societi/ Papers. 

line, but to get there was all that we could do. No man could stand 
and live. 

Being- just a litde behind the brow before mentioned, most of the 
shells which missed the brow missed us while lying on the ground, 
and those which struck the brow ricochetted over us. 

It was impossible for us to rise, so the men only raised their heads 
to fire, and to add to it all, the men in the darkness behind us, not 
knowing that we were there, opened fire on us. 

After we had remained sufficient time for our lines to be established 
in our rear, Major Saunders gave the order for us to fall back. 


The old frame of a house is gone, but there is where it stood, and 
it was by the side of this old house, forty yards from the middle of 
the road, where I was lying, and by the light of the musketry fire 
and the bursting of the shells that I saw Major Saunders, and, 
although I could not hear his voice, I knew by his gestures that his 
order was to fall back. 


Both together they numbered about six hundred — -just the number 
that made the famous charge at Balaklava. They had been ordered 
forward, and could not stop without orders; so on they went. 

" Was there a man dismay'd? 
Not tho" the soldiers knew 
Some one had blunder'd; 
Theirs not to make reply. 
Theirs not to reason why. 
Theirs but to do and die: 
Into the Valley of Death 
Marched the six hundred." 

And there is the opening they came to. It is a valley with the 
hill next to the enemy rising somewhat abruptly, and crowned with 
fortifications, as far as could be seen, both to the right and to the 
left, behind which were the enemy's infantry and artillery, and within 
less than loo yards of those breastworks, which were wrapped in a 
flame of fire and a pall of smoke, with 

" Cannon to right of them, 
Cannon to left of them, 
Cannon in front of them 
Volley'd and thunder'd; 

('htiiiccllnrsrilli'. 200 

Storm'd at with shot and shell, 
Boldly they marched and well, 
Into the jaws of death 
Into the mouth of hell. 

Marched the six hundred." 

And when the fire was so severe that the men could stantl no 
longer, and knowing it was all the result ai .someb(jdy's blunder, 
they lay on the ground and loaded and fired as fast as they could. 
waiting for orders to retire. Hut no order came. 

Officers were fellings so fast that no one knew who was in command. 
And just at this time T. R. B. Wright, who was then a private in 
the Essex Sharpshooters, seeing our flag- fall, ran and seized it and 
carried it to the front, calling- to the men to follow. Ah, Tom, Ser- 
geant Jasper did not perform as bra\e an act as that, but the men 
couldn't follow. Had they attempted it, without an interposition of 
Providence, not one would ha\-e been left to tell the tale, and ( iod 
alone spared your life. 

And, when Adjutant R. L. Williams coukl find no officer above 
his own rank to command the regiment, he took the responsibility 
u|)on himself, and ordered a retreat; and 

" Then they came back, hut 
Not the si.\ lumdretl." 

Casualties — Colonel, dead; Lieuti'nant-Colonel, woimded: .Maior. 
dead. Every captain, e.xcept one,'^" either dead or woimded. Everv 
first lieutenant either dead or wounded. E\erv second lieutenant, 
e.xcept four, either tlead or wounded. One-thiril of the men either 
dead or wounded. And what is left of the 55th X'irginia Regiment 
is commanded h\ the adjutant and tour second lieutenants. 

Cardigan, at Balakla\ a, kit hundreds ot' |)risoni'rs behind, l^icketl, 
at Gettysburg, _ left thousands; but e\ ery man ol the 55th X'irginia 
who could walk was brought off the field. 

* Captain W. J. Davis and several of his men havinj; jjot lost from liis 
re.^iment in the darkness after the woundin;4' of {ieneral Jackson, called out 
for the 55II1, and was ansunid, " lien- we are ! " and, not knowinvj any l>t't- 
ter, walked rii;iu into llie enemy's lines, anti ini|uired for his ci>mpany. when 
a boy, apparentlv about sixteen years old, stepped up cl»)se to him, and. 
K)oking on his collar, disct>vere(.l his rank, anil, palliuj; him on his shouKler, 
said "Captain, this is the 551)1 Ohio, ami you are my prisoner." 


210 SoudnTx Historical Society Papers. 

" When can their glory fade 
On the wild charge they made." 

I was lying- on the ground by the side of Tom Wright at the time. 
I stood up, gave the order to my company and instantly I was 
wounded by a piece of shell from the enemy, and Garland Smith, 
only a few feet from me, was wounded by a bullet from our own men 
in our rear. 

Yes, brave old Tom Coghill, you took me to that very white oak 
tree, with scars on it now from top to bottom, and there we lay with 
Garland Smith behind us, until the fire slackened. 

Jackson and A. P. Hill both being wounded, Stuart was sent for 
during the night to command the corps, and our brigadier (Heth), 
was put in command of the Light Di\'ision, and Colonel J. M. 
Brockenbrough succeeded to the command of our brigade. 

And over the same ground our brigade was ordered next morning 
(the 3d) to advance in line to near the same spot and halt — Fortieth 
and Forty-seventh on the right of the road, and Fifty-fifth and 
Twenty-second battalions on the left — and either by a blunder or 
dereliction of duty on the part oi some one, when they arrived at 
the proper place, the Fortieth and Forty-seventh were halted, and 
the Fifty-fifth and Twenty-second battalions were not halted, but al- 
lowed to keep straight forward and charge the whole of Hooker's 
army alone. 

[From the Richmond Dispalch, Feb. 7, 1S97. 


Roster of the Command — Some of Its Movements. 

Baltimore, Md., February 4, i^97- 
To the Editor of the Dispateh : 

You will please publish in your Confederate column the enclosed 
roster of Company I, Fifty-six Virginia Infantry, organized in Char- 
lotte county, Virginia, in fune, 1861, and mustered into service at 
Richmond, Virginia, July 18, 1861. It was known as the Charlotte 
Grays. The Regiment went West, and shed its first blood at Fort 
Donelson, Tennessee. Returning to Virginia in May, 1862, it was 

Roster of ('ornpiiin/ /, '>Glh Virqlrhd. 211 

I)ut in Pickett's Brigade, with the I'2ij^hth, lu^htccnth, Nineteenth. 
and Twcnty-eii^hth Virginia regiments, and with these regiments 
helped to win for General Pickett his major-j^eneral stars at Gaines's 
Mill. It served until the end of the war in this brigade, taking a 
conspicuous part in the noted Pickett's charge at the battle of (Get- 

The company's roll has been carefully conijjiled by Lieutenant 
Floyd Clark, now living at Chase City, X^irginia, and myself 
Your's, very respectfully. 

J. W. P)Ui:i;i)i.(j\E. 

Private Company I, I'^ilts'-sixth \'irginia Infantry. 

THK R()ST1".R. 

William E. Green, captam, died since the war. 

Thomas S. Henry, first lieutenant, ne])hew of Patrick Henry. 

William H. Price, second lieutenant, ^\\(^^\ since the war. 

John T. Palmer, third lieutenant. 

Thomas N. Read, first sergeant, died since the war. 

William P. Morrison, second sergeant, wounded at Fort Donelson. 
and died. 

Thomas B. Smith, third sergeant, wounded at ( icttysburg. 

Peyton R. Lawson, fourth sergeant, killed at .South Mountain. 

Robert A. Holt, fifth sergeant, wounded. 

William T. Guill, first corporal, a color guard, and killeil at Get- 

Stanard Booker, second corporal. 

Jacob W. Morton, third corporal, woumled at Gettysburg, and 

W. W. Berkelev, fourth corporal. 

i>Ri\ A'ri:s. 

Allen, Joseph, dead; Baker, Elijah, kilK'd at Gettysburg: Baker, 
lohn E., died during the war; Beasley, W. 1 >. , wouiuleil at Gettys- 
burg; Blankenshi]^, Joel, died during tlu- war: Hlankenship, Dick. 
died during the war; Hooker, Horace, discharged early in the war; 
Brightwell, William, dead; Brightwell, Charles; Breeillove. John W.. 
wounded at Gettysburg; Clark, Ch.ules J., pronu)teil to captain. 
wounded at Gettysburg; Clark. IClijah \\'.. liead: Clark. F. C. 
transferred to cavalrv; Clark, William, deail ; Clark. FK>yii. pro- 

212 Soutln'rn Historieal Societ)/ Papers. 

moted to lieutenant; Calhovni, Adam; Calhoun, John; Creacy, John, 
a gallant man, promoted to lieutenant, wounded, and captured at 
Gettysburg; Cronin, S. D. ; Crumby, John, discharged; Dickerson, 
John T. ; Dixon, John T. ; Daniels, George C. , wounded at Gettys- 
burg; Driscoll, C, killed at Gettysburg; Ellington, Branch, killed 
at Cold Harbor, June, 1864; Elliott, Robert, killed at Gettysburg; 
Gaines, John C. ; Gaines, William B., wounded at Sharpsburg; 
Green, William T. ; Guill, John, died since the War; Garrison, John 
R. ; Garrison, Joseph; Hill, James R. ; Holt, Thomas, killed in 
seven-days' fight before Richmond; Holt, R. I., killed in se\'en-days' 
fight before Richmond; Holt, John Lee, killed at Gettysburg, 1864; 
Holt, J. P., killed at Drury's Bluff", 1862; Holt, R. M., wounded at 
South Mountain, 1862; Holt, B. N. M., wounded at Five Forks, 
1865; Harvey, Wyatt C, teamster; Hamlett, E. W. ; Hamlett, 
Jesse; Harvev, W. D., died since the war; Harvey, Thomas, died 
since the war; Hardiman, John E. , wounded at Gaines's Mill and 
at Gettysburg; Hammersley, Richard, wounded at Gettysburg; 
Hamlet, Thomas; Irwin, Powhatan I.; Johnson, Clemm; Johnson, 
J. R. ; Kearsey, John, died in Richmond, 1861; Lawson, Thomas 
G. , wounded at Gettysburg; Leadbetter, R. T. ; Lester, H. F. ; 
Lester, T. Parker, dead; Lester, W. Tal. ; Mason, Andrew, killed 
in seven days' fight, first death in the company; Mason, Tobe, 
killed at Gettysburg; Mason, Alpheus, dead; Mason, Big Daniel, 
dead; Mason, Hillery, dead; Morton John A.; Overstreet, W. R., 
killed at Hutchin's Run; Pugh, Presley A.; Pryor, Samuel, dis- 
charged; Ramsey, Samuel W., killed at Hutchin's Run; Rash, 
James A.; Smith, James L., wounded at Second Battle of Manassas; 
Smith, John M., died 1862; Smith, W. G. , dead; Smith, Edward, 
dead; Smith, William Henry; Smith, Lea, killed at Gettysburg; 
Sharpe, Josiah; Steele, Pete, wounded at Fort Donelson and Gettys- 
burg; St. John, Alexander, killed at Gettysburg; Thomas, Rice, 
killed at Fort Donelson, first man killed in the company; Trent, 
Booker, died 1862; Vaughan, Merritt, died 1862; Williams, W. W., 
died since the war; Williams, Charles B., died since the war; Wil- 
liams, Thomas, died during the war, at Gettysburg; Williams, C. 
W. ; Williams, A. L. P., gallant color-bearer at Gettysburg, wound- 
ed, and captured there; Wilkes, B. Calvin. 

PoilllciiHI (III I'icLcfs. 213 

I From the Richtnoii.l Di.spaldi I'eb. 14, 1S97.] 


Bold Dash of a Detachment of the gth Virginia Cavalry 

A WelUPIanned and Neatly=Executed Nocturnal Raid lnterestin>jl\ 
Related by One of the Participants— Perilious Return Journey. 

To tlic Editor of the Dispatch: 

In the latter part of the month of Xcni-niher, 1862, the 9th \'ir- 
^^inia Cavalry Regiment, commanded bv Colonel R. L. T. Beale, 
held ]:»osition on the extreme i"i,L;ht of General Lee's army on the 
Rappahannock, and were encanii)ed in tlic \'icinity of Lloyd's, in 
Essex county. The duties of the regiment were to j^uard the river 
shore with an extended hue of j^ickets. These pickets were fre- 
quently aroused and entertained hv the passage uj) the ri\'er of Fed- 
eral t^^unboats and transports, communicating; with Burnside's army 
at Fredericksburo. Quite frequently, also, an exchange of rifle 
shots was made with the Federal pickets on the Xnrthern Xeck 
shore of the river. 

Many men ot this regiment had their homes and families on that 
side of the riv^er, and the sijiht of the L'nion horsemen riding un- 
checked over the roads and fields so familiar to them aroused in 
many breasts an intense desire to cross the ri\er and strike the encmv 
a blow. Into this feeling none entered more heartilv than the Col- 
onel himself Accordingly, scouts Vere tlispatched to ascertain the 
enemy's exact position, strength, disposition of sentinels, anil also 
to search for boats sufficient to carry o\er several hundred troops. 
An application was at the same tinu- foiwardeil to head(|uarters for 
permission to cross the river with 300 men. 

The scouts returned promptlv, ha\ing ascertained that one cavalry 
regiment — the Eighth renns\l\ania — was on outpost duty, encampctl 
at Greenlaw's, in King Cieorge, and picketing the river as far iU»wn 
as Layton's Ferry. One sciuadron. (|uarlereil at Leeilstt>wn. lield 
the extreme left of tlieii' liiu'. The scouts carehilly notetl the houses 
in which the men of this scpiadron sle])t, where tlu-ir horses were 
picketed, and how their sentinels were posted .it night. Only two 

214 Sotifhirii JrJistorical Sociefi/ Papers. 

boats — a large batteau and a skiff — could be secured, and these were 
duly pro\ided with oars and concealed in a marshy creek, a mile or 
two above Leedstown, in readiness for use. 

These preliminaries ha\ing been arranged, the necessary permit 
from General Lee was awaited impatiently. It came on the ist of 
December, but forbade that more than one hundred men should be al- 
lowed on the expedition, or an officer holding rank above that of 
major. In consequence, the purpose of attacking the entire Federal 
regiment, was abandoned, and a plan arranged for capturing the 
squadron at Leedstown. 


The execution of this plan was entrusted to Major Thomas Waller, 
as cool and intrepid an officer as ever wore stars on his collar. To 
the call for A'olunteers, more than a hundred responded from the regi- 
ment. As the point of attack was in Westmoreland, from which 
county, Companv C hailed, the men ot this company offered to go 
almost in a bod)-. 

On reaching the shore of the little creek in which the boats were 
concealed, about dark, December i, 1862, it was found that their 
capacity was much less than had been supposed. Thirty-six men 
seemed as many as the larger boat would carry, and only fourteen 
could be accomodated in the skiff. Major Waller commanded the 
batteau, and Lieutenant G. W. Beale, the skiff. The night was cold 
and dark, and it was necessary to maintain the strictest silence. The 
boats were rowed noislessly out into the ri\er, the officers in charge 
having a preconcerted plan to rendezvous at a given point on the 
other shore, in the event of becoming separated in the dark. This 
proved a wise precaution, for the boats became quickly lost to each 
other. The skiff being light and easilv managed, shot straight across 
and quickly reached the other shore. The larger boat drifted down 
with the tide, and grounded on a sand-bar far out in the ri\'er. It 
was necessary for a number of the men to get out into the icy-water, 
waist deep, and push the craft o\er the bar by main force. A land- 
ing was made by Major Waller's party half a mile lower down the 
river than had been contemplated. Leaving two men as guards to 
the batteau, he joined the party under Lieutenant Beale at a straw 
stack, the place of rendezvous that had been agreed upon. 

Here a number of details of scouts were made to proceed as 
(juietly and stealthily as possible for the purpose of capturing the 

Pol/ Ill-ill// ii/i J'i<l;its. 215 

enemy's picket-guards. There were six of these, at as many diHer- 
ent points, and it needed much adroitness and boldness of action U) 
secure them all without an alarm bein^ made The plan was for two 
men to get in rear of each picket, and two t(^ advance upon them 
(luietly in the dark. If one set failed to bag the game, it was thought 
the other would. And so it jjrow-d. The pickets were captured 
without breaking the stillness of the night with the faintest alarm. 

Having secured the outer guards, it was ne.xt necessary to capture 
the reserve guards, who were fifteen in number, and occupied a 
vacant store in Leedstown, where they slept on their arms, having 
their horses saddled and l)ridled, close at hand. The writer of this 
account led the party advancing to the cajjture of this reser\e. having 
at his side " Pete" Stewart, an old Mexican soldier, and a tried and 
trusty scout. From the shadow of an adjacent house, as we drew 
near to the store, the form of the sentinel was descried under the 
porch. The moon was just rising, throwing a gleam on the river. 
the sound of whose flowing onK' disturt)ed tlu- j)erfect stillness of the 
night. Our pause was but for a moment, when a dash was made lor 
the steps leading u]) to the door of the store. The startled sentinel 
ran for the steps, too, without pausing to lire his carbine. He had 
nearly reached the uppermost step, wlnn " Tete " Stewart, graspiuii 
him by his coat-tail, pulled him back. The I'nion horsemen in the 
store were made prisoners b\- the time they had well cast aside the 
blankets under which tliey had lK'en cosily sleeping. Indeed, so 
rapid and sudden had we fallen on the unsuspecting slce|)ers that 
some of them were assistetl by us in u.ikin-, by ha\ ing their l)lank- 
ets pulled off them by our own hands. 


In this store, at the time of our entrance, were two Confederate 
prisoners, members of the 13th X'irginia Cavalry, who had been cap- 
tured the previous day, and alsi) a citizen (and his gootis), caught 
running the blockade. The joy of these nun .it their unexpecteil 
release was so great that it was neeeful to suppress its ilenumslration, 
lest the enemv near hy should hear il. 

Having placed the prisoners anil their horses under i;u.u-d, .M.ijor 
Walker's next aim was to surrountl and capture the main body ol 
the enemv, who occupied the residence t)f 1 )r. Taylor ( the 
assistant surgeon of Ninth X'irginia Regiment), a i|uarti-r of a mile 
distant. The march towartls this building was matle as noislessly as 

216 Sou/Item Historical Societtj Papers. 

possible. When yet distant a hundred yards or more a bright fire 
was seen in the yard, and a sentinel pacing to and fro on his beat in 
in front of it. It seemed as we drew nearer that he would not de- 
tect our approach in time to give an alarm, when, suddenly, " Bang!" 
went the report of the gun of one of our men, whose excitement had 
quite o\ercome his discretion. Instantly, the Federal sentinel re- 
turned the shot and rushed for the main building. 

No time was now lost by Major Waller in surrounding the dwel- 
ling and smaller houses. The demand to surrender was answered 
from doors and windows by small xolleys, which fired in the dark, 
did no harm. With the aid of a gun barrel and a few rails, the doors 
of the main building were forced open, when a general surrender at 
once followed. 

Captain Samuel Wilson, a soldier of fine appearance and splendid 
physique, commanded the Federal squadron, and it looked for a 
moment as if he had determined to die, rather than yield. When 
he at length yielded up his weapon, and was made a prisoner, his 
face wore an air of resolute defiance, mingled with mortified pride. 

When the prisoners had been got together, it was found that 
forty-nine had been here captured, with their horses, saddles, bri- 
dles, arms and accoutrements. 

The problem now was, how to get the prisoners and horses across 
the river, which was nearly a mile in width. A large lighter, capa- 
ble of carrying one hundred men, or more, was found near the water's 
edge at Leedstown, and this was quickly launched. The prisoners 
were put into it, with a suitable guard of men, and the boat was 
speedily poled over (as the watermen say), to the Essex shore. 

The approach of daylight, and the prospect of a gunboat's appear- 
ance, made the passage of the captured horses a hazardous under- 
taking. It was decided to take the horses two miles higher up the 
river, where the stream was narrower, and the banks higher, where 
better security was offered against gunboats, and a better opportu- 
nity could be found for swimming over the horses. The two boats 
were rowed up to the latter point, where, after the arrival of the 
men with the horses, the saddles, blankets, and arms were put in the 
boats, and the horses were all lashed together by their halter-reins. 
In this way, strung together in a long line, they were forced after 
the large boat into the river, and were made to swim across. 


The water was a full half-mile in width, and had on it a skim of ice 

Poiiiiciiifl on P'H-hcts. 217 

near the shore. The prolont^^ed bath nuist have been \ery severe to 
the horses; but they stood it well. All were safely landed, save one. 
which, beinw- lean, was benunilH-d by ihf cold water, and when it.s 
feet touched the mud on the Kssex sitlc, it would make n<j further 
effort, and was left to perish. 

By sunrise the expedition had been safely landed, the boats con- 
cealed, and the men, having- uKnmted their horses, and leading the 
captured ones, were on the march to the camp, at Llovds. 

The colonel of the regiment to soothe, in part, his disappoint- 
ment in not being permitted to cross the river himself, had taken 
position advantageously on the i)ank, with a secti(jn of artillery un- 
der command of Lieutenant Hetts, intending t(j arrest the progress 
of any gunboat that might chance to appear, and endanger the e.\- 
pedition. P'rom his station he listened thrcnigh the still hours, anx- 
iously, and not in vain, for the sounds of xollevs and veils that wouUl 
tell of the successful assault of his men. 

Only one casualty occurred among the enemy, antl that was the 
painful wounding of a man under the eye. 

The boldness and success of the enter])rise were recognized and 
commended in general orders, i.ssued from the headquarters of the 
army; and the disaster to the Federal regiment is mentioned in the 
official history of the Pennsylvania regiments, i)ublished by that 
State. Major H. B. McClellan. in "The Life and Campaigns of 
General J, E. B. Stuart," briefly refers to the atl'air in a sentence, in 
in which the Boston printer gi\es the name of our major, ern*- 
neously, as Weller. 

Of the participants in this nocturnal raid, 1 can now recall but few 
among the living. Among these is .Maior R. Bird Lewis, the presi- 
dent of the Confederate Veteran Association of Washington, IX C 
who was a sergeant at the time, and the only man on our side who 
was wounded. Dr. (iordon F. Bowie, of Richmond countv, was one 
of the men who took an icy bath in^ shoxing the batteau o\er the 
sand-bar. William R. Rust, ofCoUmial Beach, was active in forcing 
open the door of the house, wlu're the chief dangi-r was m<.-t. Law- 
rence Washington, of Oak Orove, rendered v'aluable servici- in sur- 
prising and capturing the most imjiortant of the pickets, and t«i him 
the Union captain surrendered his ])istol in the last encounter. Jones 
and Johnson, the scouts who were sent o\ xr the river in advance, and 
who served as guides on llie night oi \\\v t-xpeilition, have long since 
found their graws, not far from the scene of the exploit. 

Bra\e Colonel Thomas Waller, as he was afterw.irds known, 

218 Soiithcni Uisliiricdl Socii-fji Pc/xr-^. 

gone, now, also, to join the "silent majority.'' Like most of his 
old comrades, he early last year ended his useful and worthy life, and, 
like them, crossed the dark and lonely riyer that is never stirred by 
a returning- oar, and across whose silent flood no sound is eyer wafted 

[From the Richmond (Va ) Ti»irs. Feb. 23, 1S96.] 


The Members of the House of Delegates, Who Served in 
the Famous Body. 


All riade Enviable Records in the Daring and Gallant Band of Soldiers- 
A Brief Sketch of the Black Horse and Its Commanders. 

One ot the most gallant, ser\'iceable, and picturesque contingents 
of the Army of Northern X'irginia, was that famous company of cay- 
alry known as the Black Horse Troop, which won such bright laur- 
els for its daring exploits, and the yaluable information and aid it ren- 
deered the Confederate commanders in some of the greatest engage- 
ments of the Civil war. 

In many respects it was a remarable body of men, composed as it 
was, of handsome, strapping, debonair Virginians, admirably horsed 
and equipped, in whose natures the spirit of chivalry was an abiding 
trait that marked the flight of their banner from the outbreak to the 
close of the war. 

They wielded their sabres like the cuirassiers of old, and used 
their pistols with the truth and ner\e of expert marksmen. They so 
tamiliarized themselves with the country in which they operated, 
that they kept the enemy continuously speculating on their move- 
ments I)y checkmating them at e\'ery point in the game of war, and 
achie\ed such prestige by their strange ubiquity and stratagem that 
the name of their little legion became a watchword for danger and a 
.signal lor action with the Union troops. The Black Horse was organ- 

7'Ar Jlhirh llnrsr T,<,«i>. 210 

ized in 1859, just two years before the war broke out, and fir^t h^- 
ured at Harper's P'erry in the Jolin Brown raid. 

Colonel John Scott, of Warrenlon, \'irj.(inia. was its first captain, 
and i^ave the troop its name. Ccjlonel Scott, who has retired from 
active life, was for many years a conspicuous tii^ure in that secti(jn of 
the State as Connnonw ealth's Attorney, and is well known a> tlu- 
author of " Tlie Lost Principle," a " Life of M(;sby," and other lite- 
rary works. Its next commander was the jjfallant Hc)b kan<li>lph, of 
the disting^uished fimily nf that name, and who was afterwards pm- 
motetl to Colonel. 

On the iSth of May, 1.S61, the following otiicers of the Hlack 
Horse were swornein; William H. Pa\-iu-, captain: Robert Ran- 
dolph, C. H. Gordon, A. 1). Payne, lieutenants; VVillian Smith, 
James H. Childs, Robert Mitchell, Richard Lewis, sertjeants; Wil- 
lington Millon, Madison C. Tyler, (ieor^c X. .Shumate, X. A. Clop- 
ton, corporals; William Johnson, bni^ler, antl William K. (iaskins. 
quartermaster. They were suljseciuenlly incorporated into the Fourth 
Virginia Regiment, and permission was given to recruit it for a bat- 
talion. The first sustained march of the Hlack Horse was to Har- 
per's F'erry. It afterwards advanced to Manassas and Fairfax Court- 
house; its work at the battle of Bull Run was so gra])hically reported 
by the Union troops that further conunent is unneces.sary. The 
company numbered over one hundr^-d men, and its \w\c appearance 
had begun to attract the attention of the great cavalry leaders under 
Lee, and it was appointed to serve as a body guard to Ceneral Jos- 
eph E. Johnston. 


The families of Fauquier antl adjoining counties, from each of 
which two or more members of the Black Horse had been recruited. 
were the Carters, Childses, Colberts, Downmaiis, 1 )iggses, Fdmonds. 
Fants, Greens, Gordons, (iaskinses, Georges, Hehnns, Huntons. 
Hamiltons, Keiths, Lewises, Lees, Lomaxes. Lathams. NLirlins, 
Paynes, Rectors, Scotts, Smiths. Striblings, Talliaferros, antl Wipes. 
Other families were represented by L.iwrence .Ashton. William 
Bowen, 1. E. Barbour, William Ficklin, R. A. i irey. Alexander 
Hunter, Robert Harl, George L. Holland. Strother Jones. T. X. 
Pilcher, |ohii Roliinson, James Reetoi-, W. A. Smoot. William 
Spilman, W. B. Skiiiker, William II. Trii.lelt. M.idison Tyler. 
lohnsie Longue, J. W. Towsoii. W. X. Thorn, MeUille Withers. 
and (>thers. 

220 Soathfri) Jrlisforiiud Soclet// Papers. 

In its openitions, until the army began its movement from Manas- 
sas to Yorktown, the Black Horse, being familiar with the counties 
of Prince William, Fauquier, and Culpeper, through which the army 
was about to cross, and having a complete knowledge of the roads, 
water-courses, and points suitable for camping, was of great \^alue in 
furnishing guides, for which purpose large details were made from it. 

In that famous charge at the battle of Williamsburg, with all the 
color-bearers and buglers at the head of the columns, with not a sa- 
bre or pistol drawn in the whole regiment, and impeded by a dense 
wood, where they had run into the mouth of McClellan's army of 
tiftv thousand strong, the sable plumes of the Black Horse waved, 
and when Colonel Wickham was pierced through the body. General, 
then Major William H. Payne, took command, and was himself next 
day badly wounded. Details were at that time made from the Black 
Horse to carry dispatches between the general commanding, and 
Fort McGruder. Judge James Keith, of the present Court of Ap- 
peals of Virginia, then a private in the company, is said to have 
made many marvelous escapes, and greatly distinguished himself 

General Longstreet, wishing men for picket duty, after failing to 
secure a guide from that section of the country, was much annoyed, 
when General Stuart remarked that he always counted on the Black 
Horse in emergencies. " Send to it," Stuart said, " and you will be 
furnished with a guide to any point in Virginia." It so happened 
that some of the men had attended William and Mary College as 
students, and knew the roads as well as their own in Fauquier. The 
Black Horse took part in the raid around McClellan, simply for ob- 
servation, and it is a miracle that they were not all captured. 


No historian has yet been born who could follow the Black Horse 
in the role it played in the seven days' fight. General Lee, learning 
that Burnside had moved by sea from North Carolina to reinforce 
General Pope, as McClellan was at Fredericksburg, sent General 
Stuart with his brigade, of which the Black Horse formed a part, to 
make a reconnoisance in that direction. The Black Horse saw some 
very active service and gained information that proved valuable to 
the army. They afterwards helped to drive Pope across the Rappa- 
hannock, and now being in that part of the State in which many of 
them were reared, the troop was called upon to furnish guides to the 
difterent commanders, and in the army's future movements upon 
General Pope, was of great service. 

7'Ar llhn-l: llnrsr Troop. 221 

Stonewall Jackson soon discoxi-rcd what ^ood stuff thtr Black 
Horse was composed of, and detailed the conipanv to act at his head- 
quarters as guides and couriers, (."aptain A. I). Payne, wh<j was 
then first lieutenant, was sent back with hall' <jf the troopers to meet 
(ieneral Lee, who was following Jackson when inarching against 
Pope's great army. It is said tliat the Black Horse looked like a 
company of holiday soldiers, so gay were they in demean<ir, and so 
well groomed were their horses. At the second battle of Manassas. 
they were engaged in carrying General Jackson's orders to and fro 
between the various commanflers of the troops in action, thus wit- 
nessing and bearing llicir part in that tainous struggle, when a num- 
ber of the corps were seriously wiiundiil and several killrd. Two 
privates of the Black Horse offered ihrir beautiful chargc-rs to (Gen- 
erals Lee and Jackson when the\' marched into .Mar\land. 

In the first Maryland campaign, before ( ieneral Jackson's cor[)s 
entered Boonesboro, he sent a scpiad of the Black Horse. c<tm- 
manded by Lieutenant A. I). I'avne, through the town to ])i(ket the 
a|)proaches from the o|)posite direction. Lieutenant Payne hatl 
nineteen men and the charge was against twenty times their number, 
but (General Jackson was saved from cajiturc-. It was a desperate 
cliarge and the enemy was deceixed and routed. Payne remarked 
to his men: "We must reliex'c our general at all ha/artls. I rely 
upon your courage to saxe him." 

In the winter of i862-'63, the Black Horse occupied their native 
heath, and scouted the counties of l*;uKiuier and Stafford thoroughly, 
reporting all the movements of the enemy to (ienerals Lee and Jack- 
son, who complimented them for their effectix'e service. They par- 
ticipated in the various engagements of .Stuart with Pli"asantt)n's 
cavalry, and in the fight at Waynesbort) against Sheridan's famous 
cohorts, the Black Horse was the leading s(iuadron of the l-'ourth 
Virginia. It was in tliis l)attle that oiu' of .Siieridan's captains «lis- 
played great valor, wounding four of tlu- Black Horse with his sabre: 
and leading a charge, his men following but a short distance, the gal- 
lant Yankee captain dashed on without looking; l>ehind and was unac- 
companied, into the very head ot the Black Horse column. Nt^t 
wishing to cut down .so dashing a fellow, who had put himself in their 
power, no one fired at him. Some of the men knocked him from 
his horse, when Captain obserx in^ a Mas.>nic sii^n. 
rushed to his assistance, and .sa\ ed him from fin-ther harm. 

Mr. Hugh Hamilton, an old Black Horseman, wh»> is now trea- 
surer of Faucpiier couiilv, in relating his reminiscences ot tho>.i' tunes. 

■22'2 Soif/heni Hislurival >Soriet(/ Papers. 

said the other clay with a smile playing- over his bland and good-na- 
tured features: "When we boys were not in the thick of the fight, 
or engaged in carrying news and scouting, we were not supine. 
With no Federals to shoot or watch, we would have fun over an im- 
prompture fox chase, or take possession of some private half-mile 
track, and stake our best riders and swiftest horses against each 
other in match races. Our mounts were the best that money could 
buy, and as they were individual property, we had to replace them 
in the event of loss, which was generally done by capture from the 

The Green family furnished a generous quota to the Black Horse, 
and they all distinguished themselves in one way or another. All 
three of them had figured in the great tournaments for which that 
section was famous in ante-bellum days, and when called upon to 
enter the lists which in\'ohed life and property, their ner\-e, zeal, 
and splendid horsemanship proved them to be not toy knights, but 
soldiers in the Spartan sense of the word. 

When General William H. Payne was promoted, he was succeeded 
as captain, by Lieutenant Robert Randolph, and Lieutenant A. D. 
Pavne followed Captain Randolph, and was the last captain of the 
Black Horse. General Payne has frequendy been ofterred prefer- 
ment since the war, but has turned his heart away from political life, 
and is content to follow the quiet pursuits of his profession. He is 
still in the vigor of manhood, and is the present counsel for the Rich- 
mond and Danville system of the Southern Railroad. 

Captain A. D. Payne, whose untimely death about two years ago, 
was deeply lamented in Virginia, had achieved distinction and suc- 
cess as a lawyer, and a brilliant tribute to his memory by the mem- 
bers of the Warrenton bar appears on the minutes of the court. 

At the close of the war, when the Black Horse disbanded at War- 
renton, General Payne delivered a valedictory to the men from his 
saddle, which is said, by those who were present, to have been a 
gem of emotional eloquence. 


The above brief outline of the history of the famous Black Horse 
Troop, taken from an article written on the subject bv Mr. Raphael 
S. Payne, is highly interesting to all who have the history of Vir- 
ginia at heart, and especially in connection with the present session 
of the General Assembly, when it becomes known that three survi- 

llic lildcl; Horsr 7/v)0/^. 223 

vors of the gallant Pilack Horse are at ijresent members of the H«juse 
of Delegates, namely, Messrs. T. C. Pilcher, of Fauquier; Richard 
Lewis, of Culpeper, and Charles C. Talliafcrro, of Orange. 

Mr. Pilcher, one of the five members who have been sent to the 
House by their constituents three times in succe.ssion, is known to 
every one who has ever come in contact with the Cieneral Aesemblv, 
while he has been a member of it. His unswer\ing Democracy, the 
honesty of his sterling character, and the courage of his c(jn\ictions 
are doubted by no one. While not bUsssed with as much literary 
education as some of his colleagues, he is gifted with a high degree 
of common sense. His arguments are often drastic, but always to 
the ]:)oint, and the brightness of his power of conception naturally 
makes him one of the most prominent leaders of his party, and his 
influence is telt as soon as he rises in his seat to give the House his 
counsel and advice on an\- measure in which he takes an interest. 


Mr. Richard Lewis, the ])resi'nt miinber nt the House of Dele- 
gates from Culpeper county, was born in iS^S, in the adjoining 
county of Fauquier, an(i was actively engaged in tarming until the 
outbreak of the war, when he enlisted in the l^lack Horse Battalion, 
going at once to the scene of the John Hrown raid. Immediately 
after the battle of Chancellorsville he was detaik-d as a scout, acting 
under the direct orders of C.enerals I. I-^. H. .Stuart and R. F. Lee. 
He was repeatedly commended bv both commanders for his courage 
and faithfulness. During the hght in the Wilderness he was se- 
verely wounded, but recoxered, and was enabled to be at the side of 
General Stuart at his death. 

On one occasion, while scouting along the railroail in the lines of 
the enemy with another scout, he was suddenly i-onlronted by four 
\'ankee ofihcers, who commanded him to surrender In the fight 
that followed, two of the oflicers were killed ami one escaped — thanks 
to the s])eed of his horse. The remaining officer was severely 
wounded. On account of this fight, after the war a sipiad of cavalry 
was .sent to cajiture Mr. Lewis, but the otfiier in charge investigated 
the matter, and aftiT ascertaining tint it had been a tair fight, let the 
matter drop. 

On another occasion Mr. Lewis distinguished himself by despe- 
rately hghting his way thrt)Ugh a detachment of cavalry by whicli he 
had been surrounded. In his capacity as a scout he was conlinu.illy 

224 Soufhern Ilistorh-al Society Papers. 

in the lines of the enemy, passing frequently at night the entire 
length of the army. 

After the war Mr. Lewis married a Culpeper lady, and moved into 
that county, where he has successfully followed the fortunes of a 
farmer. In the primary election last fall he was the Democratic 
nominee for the seat in the House of Delegates. 

Colonel }. Catlett Gibson, the former representative of Culpeper 
countv in the House, ran against him as an independent candidate, 
but was defeated. While Mr. Lewis is not much giA'en to public 
speaking on account of his modest and retiring disposition, yet he is 
well known to all connected with the General Assembly as the author 
of the various military bills that have been introduced in the House 
during the present session. 


Mr. Charles C. Taliaferro, the present representative of Orange 
county in the House of Delegates, was born on January 26, 1842, in 
Martinsburg, W. Va., where his father, the Kev. Charles C. Talia- 
ferro, Avas in charge of the parish. His parents died before he was 
three years old, and he was then taken in charge by his uncle. Dr. 
Taliaferro, who soon afterwards removed to Orange county, Va., 
which county has been his home for the greater part of his life. At 
the breaking out of the civil war he entered the army before he was 
eighteen years old. On July i, 1861, he enlisted in the First Com- 
pany, Richmond Howitzers, but was transferred in October following 
to the Black Horse Battalion, where he remained for two years. He 
then joined Co. F, of the Sixth X'irginia Cavalry, where he re- 
mained until the close of the war. He participated in all the cavalry 
battles and engagements of the cavalry of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, such as Brandy Station, Spotsylvania Courthouse, First 
and Second Manassas, Sharpsburg. He followed General Stuart 
around McClellan's armv and assisted in the burning of all the sup- 
plies of the latter at Whitehouse. With two comrades, William 
Smoot, of Alexandria, and another one by the name of Green, he 
joined the Seventeenth Virginia Infantry and fought with them at 
Cold Harbor, Frazier's farm, and Malvern Hill. 

After the war Mr. Taliaferro went to Mississippi, where he taught 
school at Greenville, and from there he removed to Macon, Ga., and 
in 1870 to Savannah, where he conducted a private school until 1882. 
In October, 1881, he married a Miss Barclay, of Savannah, and 

Riiiuujig titc. iJloc/.y/de. 


ui)on the death of his wife in 1892 he returned to Virginia, to his old 
homestead in Orange county. His family residence is one of the 
old homesteads in this country that have been deeded from the crown 
by George III, and which has never passed from the possession of 
his family. 

Mr. Taliaferro never took an active part in politics until the Cle\e- 
land election in 1892. Last fall he entered into a contest with Mr. 
George Barbour, and during the present session he has made a very 
efficient and useful member of the House of Delegates. Among the 
bills of general importance which have been introduced by Mr. Tal- 
iaferro is one doing away with the e\il of professional jurors in the 
various courts by allowing ])ersons only to serve one term annually 
in the different courts. Another one of his bills requires county 
treasurers to give bonds furnished by security companies. He 
is the father of a game law for the counties of Culpeper, Orange. 
Spotsylvania, Louisa, Stafford and King George, and of a road law 
for his county. 

[Fi'oin tile Richmotid Times I'ob. 21, 1S97.] 


Daring Exploits at Charleston in War Times. 

Some Lucky Vessels that made their Way through the Federal Fleets 
Repeatedly Without Detection. 

Chari.kstox, .S. C, JudiKory 6, iSc^j. 

The blockade of this ]iarl)()r antl thcna\al manoeuvres off Charles- 
ton bar next week, have brought out some interesting reminis- 
cences of the genuine blockade ol tlu' sixties. 

There are numbers of men sur\ i\ing, who ran the blockade 
through the United States tieet. but nu)st of the masters of the ves- 
sels are dead. 

Among those still to be seen in Charleston are C"ai)tains Sim 
Adkins, A. O. Stone, William F. Adair, F. N. Bonneau. ami Fd- 
ward Morse. 

Captain H. S. Lebby, one o( the most daring of Charleston's 
blockade runners, is now in the Sailors' Snug 1 larbor. 


226 So(tJhen) Historical ISociety Papers. 

In most instances the vessels were of English build, small, fast, 
with powerful engines, and of the type known as Clyde steamers. 
Their color assimilated that of the clouds, or a light lilac, the object 
being to prevent discovery by Federal cruisers, and it was often the 
case that it enabled the steamers to avoid and escape pursuit. 

The Margaret ajid Jessie belonged to this category. She was an 
iron steamer of about 600 tons, and under the name of Douglas had 
plied regularly between the Isle of Man and Liverpool. Provided 
with double engines and a powerful frame, there were few vessels of 
her class, which in smooth water, could show a cleaner pair of heels 
to others in pursuit. 

Her capacity for storing cotton was equal to about 800 bales, and 
the usual time made between Charleston and Nassau did not exceed 
on an average forty-four hours. 

.She was purchased in 1862 by John Fraser & Co., for _;^20,ooo, and 
during eight round trips met with uninterrupted good luck, making 
monev for her owners, and fame for her commander, Captain R. W. 
Lockwood. The latter was known to be not only one of the best 
pilots on the coast, but 'also a brave, dashing, yet judicious com- 

Captain Lockwood' s good luck did not follow him after the war. 
He died about ten years ago, many believe from the effects of the 
loss of the Clyde steamer Champion, of which he was in command, 
which was lost on her way from New York to Charleston. 

Few of the blockade-runners were fitted with accommodations for 
passengers. Nevertheless two, three, or a half dozen might gener- 
allv be found on every incoming and outgoing steamer. 

Not infrequently some of these were women. The men were 
either Confederate agents, business men in speculation, or persons 
seeking to avoid service in the Confederate army. 

The fate of the larger proportion of these vessels may be inferred. 
Some succumbed to the perils of the deep, some were run ashore 
and wrecked to avoid capture, some became prizes to the Federal 

Some of the vessels ran into four different ports, and it may be 
added that a number of them made from six to eighteen voyages. It 
was rare that a craft was captured on her first voyage, and it could 
be pretty safely figured that she would make two trips, and this gen- 
erally paid for her cost and voyage expenses, and left a handsome 
sum in addition. 

Among many daring and successful exploits was that of the steam- 

Ihimiiiifi lilt' Blorkadr. -227 

ship Sumter, Captain E. C. Reid, laden with two Blakely guns, 
each weighing, with their carriages, etc., thirty-eight tons. 

These, with two liundred rounds of amunition, were all she had 
aboard. The length of the guns necessitated their being loaded in 
an upright position in the hatchways for a voyage across the Atlan- 
tic, and the steamer at sea had the appearance of having three smoke 

Captain Reid bcjldly ran her, in hnjad daylight, through the fleet 
into Wilmington, North Carolina, desjjite a shower of shot and shell. 
These two guns were presented to tlie C(jnfederate (io\ernnient by 
John Fraser & Co. 

One of these enormous guns was mounted at White Point Gar- 
den, and was never near enough to the enemy to be fired. In Feb- 
ruary, 1865, at the evacuation of the city, it was burst, to prevent its 
falling into the hands of the Federal army, and this explosion dam- 
aged some of the surrounding property. A fragment of this gun. 
weighing 500 pounds, is now lodged in the rafters of the roof of 
the residence on East Battery, now occupied by A. F. Chisholm. 

The Margaret and Jessie, Captain R. W. Lockwcxxl, was one of 
the most successful runners of the war, and ])aid her owners ten 
times over. 

One night in May, 1863, having a very \aluable cargo of arms 
and munitions sadly needed by the Confederacy, she laid a straight 
course for Charleston. 

There were five Federal blockaders otf the I)ar, ami the night was 
fine. The steamer ran straight in for the fleet, and as soon as htr 
character was known every blockader opened fire. It was estimated 
that 150 shots were fired, some from a distance of k-ss than 200 feet, 
and yet, strange to say, the steamer got into poit witliDUt ha\ing a 
man wounded. 

She was struck in five or si.\ places, i)ut w ilh no serious results. 

On November nth of the same year, the Margaret and Jessie at- 
tempted the same bold dodge at Wilmington. She was here beset 
by three blockaders, shot through i><)th wheels, and hit in a dozen 
other spots, but managed to turn al)out and get at sea, anil lead rt\e 
Federal vessels a chase of twenty hours before she was ct)mpeile«.i to 

The steamer Hattie, Captain H. S. Lebby. was the last runner in 
or out of Charleston. She was a small vessel, Clyde built, furnislud 
with powerfiil engines, antl slu' made morr trips than .my other ves- 
sel eni>aued in the l)usiness. 

228 Southern Historical Socictii Papers. 

On several occasions she brought such munitions of war which the 
Confederacy was in pressing need of, and at least three battles were 
fought with munitions for which the Confederates had waited, and 
which she landed safely in their hands. 

Plot after plot was formed at Nassau to get hold of the Hatfie, but 
none of them were successful. She slipped in and out like a phan- 
tom, taking the most desperate risks, and being attended by quite 
extraordinary good luck. 

The last entrance of the Hattie into Charleston occurred one night 
in Febuary, 1865. The Confederacy was then in extremis, and the 
Federal fleet off Charleston, numbered eighteen or twenty sail. 

It was a starlight night, and at an early hour, the Hattie crept for- 
ward among the fleet. She had been freshly painted a blue-white, 
her fire made no smoke, and not a light was permitted to shine on 
board. With her engines moving slowly, she let the wind drive her 
forward There were eight or ten vessels outside the bar, and as 
many within. Those outside were successfully passed without an 
alarm being raised. The Hattie ran within 300 feet of two different 
blockaders without her presence being detected. To the naked eye 
of the lookouts she must have seemed a hazy mist mo\'ing slowly 

The little steamer was cjuietly approaching the inner line of block- 
aders, when a sudden fire was opened on her from a gunboat not 200 
feet distant, and the air at the same time was filled with rockets to 
announce the runner's presence. 

At that time the Federals had the whole of Morris Island, and 
Fort Sumter had been so battered to pieces that monitors took up 
their stations almost in pistol shot of it. 

As soon as the Hattie was disco\-ered, all steam was put on and 
she was headed straight for the channel. She ran a terrible gauntlet 
of shot and shell for ten minutes, but escaped untouched. 

Then came the real peril. Just below Sumter, in the narrowest 
])art of the channel, the Hattie encountered two barge-loads of men 
stationed there on picket. 

Her extraordinary speed saved her from being boarded, but the 
volleys fired after her wounded two or three men and cut three fing- 
ers off the hand of the pilot holding the spokes of the wheel. 

Two hundred yards ahead lay a monitor, and she at once opened 
fire and kept her guns going as long as the Hattie could be seen, but 
not a missile struck, and she arrived safely at her wharf. 

RiiniiiiKi i.ln: Bldchuilc. •2-2^;\ 

This was marvelous, ccMisideiiiit^ that the steamer ran so close that 
she could hear the ortlers ^-ivcn on the monitor. 

Charleston was hcinti- Itomhardtd, many of the Inniness hous«-^ 
closed, and all could see that the end was drawinj^ near. The //«//- 
lie was in as much dan^-er lyint^ at tin- wharf, as she would he <jut- 
side, and a cargo was made \\\) for her as (|uickly as po.ssible, and she 
was made ready for her last tri|). 

Just before dark the sentinels on Fort .Sumter ci Minted twentv-s:x 
Federal l)lockaders olf Charleston harhor, and vet the //<////> coollv 
made her ])re])arations to nm out. Just before midnight, with a 
starlight night and smooth se.i, the luckv little craft |)icked her wav 
through all that fleet without being hailed or a gun fired, and she 
was lyiug at Nassau when the news ot Lee's surrender was received. 

The following gives an idea of the magnitude of the business and 
a glimpse at the wasteful and reckless manner of li\ing in thn-.- 

" I never expect to see such llush times again in m\' life," said the 
captain of a successful blockade-runner in s[)eaking of Nassau. 
" Monev was almost as plenty as dirt. 1 ha\e seen a man toss up 
twenty-dollar gold pieces on ' head or tail," and it would be followed 
by a score of the ' yellow boys ' in hve seconds. 

"There were times when the bank vaults would not hold ;ill tin- 
gold, and the coins were dumped down by the bushi'l and guardi d 
by the soldiers. 

" Men wagered, gaml:)led, drank, and si-emetl crazy to get riil o| 
their money. I once saw two captains put up S500 each on the 
length of a porch. Again I saw a wager of SSoo a side as to how 
many would be at the dinner table of a hotel." 

The Confederates were ])aying the Knglish importers and jobbers 
at Nassau large prices for goods, but these figures of c«)st were mul- 
tiplied enormously in the Confederacy. The i)rice of cotton 
not increased in the same ratio, and this large ditterence in values be- 
tween imports and exports gave the enormous profits which induced 
these \entures. 

Ten dollars invested in tpiinine in Nassau would bring Irom >4<X) 
to $600 in Charleston. — A We York Sioi. 

230 Souther)) Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Raleigh JVezvs and Obsey-'er, February, 1896.] 


An Incident in the Financial History of the Confederate States. 

The success which the government has met in negotiating its recent 
loan brings to mind an incident in the financial history of the late 
Confederacy not generally known, and which may be interesting and 
instructive to recall. In the winter of 1 862-' 63 the Confederate 
Congress decided to place a loan of $10,000,000 on the European 
market. The French financier who came over here to confer with 
the authorities at Richmond, Va., in the matter strongly urged upon 
Mr. Memminger, the Secretary of the Treasury, and upon the joint 
committee of the Congress the advisability of making the loan — one 
or two or five hundred millions — stating that it would be entirely 
practicable to negotiate such a loan; and gave as a reason that it 
would be most desirable to get his country and other European 
States financiallv interested in the Confederate cause. 

As the payment of the loan was to be contingent upon the success 
of the South, those thus financially interested could be expected to 
exert an influence favorable to the Confederacy, and might force 
their respecti\e governments to recognize the independence ot the 
Southern States and lend them \'aluable aid as a means of securing 
the repavment of their money thus subscribed. 

It appears that Secretary Memminger favored the suggestion ot 
the French banker, but that Congress decided to adhere to its first 
determination; and in February, 1863, the loan was placed on the 
Paris Bourse. 

When the result was announced it astonished Europe, and con- 
victed the Confederate authorities of a failure in statesmanship. 
Bids amounting to more than $400,000,000 were made. 

It is idle now to speculate as to what effect on the prosecution ot 
the war the investment of so large a sum of money by the people 
of France in the fortunes of the Confederacy would have had; but 
it is entirely possible that the Emperor Napoleon III would have 
been obliged to recognize the ]:)olitical authority of the Southern 
.States when his countrvmen evinced in a way so remarkable their 
supreme confidence in the ability of the Confederacy to obtain their 
independence. Recognized by one of the great Powers of Europe, 

Failrllirillr Arsciiul. 231 

and $400,000,000 of gold on hand for the purchase of ships and 
other military supplies in the s[Ming of 1S63, the strategy <jf the 
Gettysburg campaign might not have been recjuired, and the thou- 
sands of valuable lives sacrificed from that time (M1 to Appomattox 
might have been saved to the South. 

[From the WilmiMRtoii fX. C.) AfcssfMir/'r, March, 1896.] 

History of the Sixth (N. C. i Battalion Armory Guards. 

Hon. Walter Clark, Ra/cio/i, X. C. : 

Dear Sir — In obedience to your recjuest, I beg leave respect- 
fully to write a sketch of the "6th Battalion Armory (juard." 
stationed at the Fayetteville Arsenal and Armorv during the war 
between tlie States. 

It may be well to give a brief sketch of the Fayetteville Ar>enal 
and Armory as a matter of historical record, touching the construc- 
tion of the various buildings (as there is not a vestagc of it left), 
having been totally destroyed by General Sherman on his famous 
march through the Carolinas. The Fayetteville Arsenal ami Armory 
was located on what is known as "Hay Mount," which overkK)ks 
the historic old citv of I"'avetle\-ille, and was constructeil by the 
United States Government ])re\ious to thr war, under the immetliate 
supervision of Mr. William Bell, as architect: but in charge ».)f 
\'arious army officers of high distinction as commandants ot the 
post. It was one of the U)\elii'st spots anywhere in the South, and 
was very often visited by strangers from various Stales, aiul greatly 
admired. Conspicuous octagonal high brick and stone towers were 
located at the four cornrrs of llie enclosure, while symmetrical walls 
and massive iron railing and heavy iron gates surroundeil the premi- 
ses. Handsome, two-storv brick and stone buiUlings for officers' 
quarters and the accommodation ot' tlu- troops ailorneil the front and 
sides, while in the centre, rear and both sides were large commo- 
dious buildings, used for the storing of small arms, fi.xeil anmumition. 
commissary and quartermaster sujiplii-s. In the centre t)t the enclo- 
sure were the gim-carriage and machini'-shops. the former with Mr. 


Soiithern Historical Socieh/ Papers. 

T. S. Barratt as superintendent, who' had served the United States 
Government formerly at Old Point Comfort for a number of years 
before the war, while in the rear part of this enclosure was a large 
rifle-factory, containing all of the rifle-works brought from Harper's 
Ferry, Va., and handsome frame dwellings for various officers' quar- 
ters. With the exception of these last, all the other buildings were 
constructed of brick, trimmed with stone. Mr. Bell continued dur- 
ing the entire war as architect of all buildings, and was a Scotchman 
of national reputation. 

Some ICO yards from the rifle-factory were two large brick maga- 
zines for storage of powder and fixed ammunition. 


The commanding officers of this post, previous to the war, were 
in order as follows: Major Laidley, United States Army; Captain 
Dwyer, United States Army; Captain J. A. J. Bradford, United 
States Army, the latter being in command at the opening of hostili- 
ties as United States Army officer. Captain Bradford resigned from 
the United States Army, and was made colonel in the Confederate 
service. In 1863, I think it was, he was taken desperately ill, and 
died, and was buried with military honors by the battalion in the 
rear of the arsenal building, at his particular request. I had the 
honor of commanding the escort. There was stationed at the post, 
under command of Lieutenant J. A. DeLagnel, a company of United 
States Artillery, who held the post up to the day, when, by order of 
Governor John W. Ellis, General Walter Draughon, in command of 
the State militia, was ordered to take possession of the arsenal. 
General Draughon gathered his forces, consisting of the Fayetteville 
Independent Light Infantry Company, under command of Major 
Wright Huske; the Lafayette Light Infantry, under command of 
Captain Joseph B. Starr, and organized other companies from "Cross 
Creek," "Flea Hill," "Rock Fish," and "Que Whiffle" districts, 
representing branches of the artillery, cavalry and infantry service, 
numbering in all about 500 men. General Draughon ascended the 
hill and halted his command just outside of the arsenal enclosure, 
and made a formal demand of the surrender of this property in the 
name of his Excellency, John W. Ellis, Governor of the State. 

Lieutenant DeLagnel accompanied General Draughon where he 
could make an inspection of his command, when the following con- 
versation took place between himself and the famous old ' ' Captain 
Bulla": Lieutenant DeLagnel halted in front of Captain Bulla's 

FdijfUf'r'dlc A I'xciyil. 233 

command, and remarked to the captain that he had seemed to have 
arms but no ammunition, whereupon Captain Bulla ran his hands in 
both pockets of his pants, ijullin.t;^ out buckshot and powder-horns. 
and extending- them to hiin, said: " Lieutenant DeLai^nel, are the^e 
all the men you have- to capture my battery and the arsenal?" 
"No," said Captain B., "the woods is lull of them." 

Lieutenant DeLai^nel haviuiif satisfied himself that anv effort on 
his part to resistance would be fruitless, not only on account (if the 
number of Confederates op|)osin,^- him, compared with his handful of 
men, coupled with Captain Bulla's announcement, that "the woods 
was full of them," the surrender was accom|)lished without the fir- 
ing- of a oun, except the salute by Lieutenant 1 )(d.a_<;ners battery on 
hauling' down the United States Flag-. Lieutenant DeLagnel. with 
his command, marched out of the enclosure with their small arms 
and equipments, and the .State troops marched in and took posses- 
sion. The State trooi)s were kept on guard imlil the Confederate 
States' forces took charge. 


Lieutenant DeLagnel took the steamer for Wilmington, and 
shipped by vessel for New York, where he ga\e up his command, 
and resigned his United States commission, and returned South and 
joined the Confederate army, and was one of the most distinguished 
and gallant officers in the ser\ ice. He was se\erely wounded. I 
think, at the battle of "Rich Mountain," in Virginia, and for two 
days and nights remained in the woods within the enemy's lines for 
fear of being taken a prisoner, and withour an\- attention ot a sur- 
geon to look after his wound, and it was in niid-w inter, which caused 
him great suffering. 

Captain John C. Booth was placed in command of the arsenal, and 
was also an old Lhiited States Army man. and thoroughly \-ersed in 
ordnance duties, and selected for the position on that account. The 
task of organizing, enlarging the buildings, and adding an armory 
of construction was a gigantic undertaking. Captain Bot>th wi>rked 
incessantly, ne\er considering that e\ery day his bodily strength was 
growing weaker, until lu' was forced to take to his i>ed, and in a lew 
short months he tlieil. He was buried with military honors by his 
Ixittalion, and I had the honor ot ci)nunanding the escort. Ho was 
an officer of marked abilit\-, a splendid executive orticer. antl was 
universally lo\ ed bv thi' entire ann\- toice. He was promoted tt» the 

234 Southern Hisloriral Societij Papers. 

rank of major during his illness. On the death of Major Booth. 
Captain Charles P. Bolles assumed command, until Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel J. A. DeLagnel was placed in command, which was, I think, 
about three weeks. Colonel DeLagnel only remained at the post 
about six months, when he returned to the field again in Virginia. 
He was relieved at the arsenal by Lieutenant-Colonel F. L. Childs, 
who continued in command until the close of the war. 


The companies composing this command were the Ordnance 
Corps, of fifty men and three artificers — Joseph D. Gurley, Neill L. 
Monroe, and Alexander McDonald. Thomas Stevens, an old United 
States army sergeant, was appointed by Major Booth as ordnance 
sergeant and commissary and quartermaster-sergeant of the post. 

The special duty of the Ordnance Corps was to perform guard 
duty. It was Company A, of the battalion. 

Company B. 

Captain — Armand L. DeRosset. 
First Lieutenant — Ray. 
Second Lieutenant — Monroe. 
Third Lieutenant — Ritter. 

This command was organized and drilled at this post, and consti- 
tuted a part of this battalion until they were ordered to report at 
Wilmington to Major-General Whiting. Captain DeRosset left 
Fayetteville with ii8 rank and file. On reaching the city of Wil- 
mington, Company G of this battalion was thrown with Company B, 
as a battalion, with Captain DeRosset in command. 

Captain DeRosset had been severely wounded twice in the battles 
in Virginia, and was again wounded at Averasboro, N. C, in 1865, 
a few days days before the surrender at Appomattox. 

Company C — 10 Men, Rank and File. 

Captain — George W. Decker. 
First Lieutenant — Charles R Banks. 
Second Lieutenant — Charles E. Roberts. 
Third Lieutenant — Alonzo Garrison. 

Fail eUer Hie Ar-sciml, o?^;, 

CoDipany D—jj Men, Rank tuid J- He. 

Captain — William P. Wemyes. 
First Lieutenant — James F. Woodward. 
Second Lieutenant — Samuel f. Walton. 
Third Lieutenant — Malcolm Mclnnis. 

Company ]i—6i Moi, Ra)ik and J-'ilc. 

Captain — Martin \'anBiu-cn Talley. 
First Lieutenant — Robert V . Kjjps. 
Second Lieutenant — William T. Hattle\-. 
Third Lieutenant — ^James A. Alu'rn. 

Compaiiy F — ^9 Men, Rank and Ju/e — Cava/ry. 

Captain — ^Jamcs W. Strange. 
First Lieutenant — R. H. Holliday. 
Second Lieutenant — C. McMurray. 

This command only remained for tew months, and was translerred 
to the army in Viri^inia. 

Company G — S/.v/y-onc Men, Rank and Pile. 

Captain — ^^fames D. Huie. 

First Lieutenant — Lauchlin W. Currie. 

Second Lieutenant — George W. Cates. 

The total rank and file of this battalion was 509 nu-n. 

The battalion was as well drilled and as ihoroUL^hK- disciplined as 
any command in the Confederate serxico. 

When (ieneral Butler luade his famous attack on l'\)it l-'i>her and 
attempted to land his troops, all work at tlu' arsenal and armory was 
suspended, and this entire commantl were sent t<.) re|)ort to Major- 
General Whitino-. The command remained several days near Fort 
Fisher, and hndini.; (ieneral Hutkr had abandoned his purpose, tliis 
command was ordered back to haw ltL\ ille, and woik a^ain roumetl 
in the various deiiartments. Tlu' laii^e majorit\ ol liiis liatlalion 
had bet'U in man\- a hard-f(nn;lu ballK' with Lie ami Jackson, but. 
being" skilled artisans and mechanics ol a high ordi-r. they were 
detailed from their commands for this most impi>rtant diitv at thr 
arsenal and armory, but the\' were .d\\.i\s nady l») i>bey the sum- 
mons to the field. 

236 Southern Historu-al Society Papers. 

The Confederate Government moved the Harper's Ferry machin- 
ery from the rifle factory there to the Fayetteville arsenal and armory, 
tog-ether with thirty-five men, with their famihes, with Mr. Phillips 
Burkhart as master-armorer. The service of these skilled workmen 
was highly appreciated, as the work turned out by them was greatly 
needed by the troops in the field. About 500 splendid rifles were 
turned .out monthly, with any amount of small-arm ammunition, and 
numbers of heavy-size gun-carriages for sea-coast defences, and 
many light artillery gun-carriages and caissons. 

As this is a matter of history, as I understand it, it will not be 
amiss to give the names of these pioneers from Harper's Ferry, who 
left their homes and followed the Southern flag, and cast their lot 
with the Southern cause. They were patriots worthy of their 
names, and a roll of them should be preser\'ed. There were six 
Englishmen, whose names I have been unable to get, who also 
deserve especial mention at my hands for similar service. 

harper's ferry >rEN. 

James Merrick, John Hewett, Otho Hewett, William Martin, Wil- 
liam Copeland, Philip Schavman, William Nicholson, ToUect Duke, 
Louis Keyser, Joe Keyser, John Schilling, John Price, Timothy 
Harrington, Philip Burkhart, Joe Burkhart, McCloud Lewis, Jessie 
Graham, John Cord, Levi Decker, Thomas Boswell, Joe Boswell, 
V. Talley, }. E. P. Daingerfield, Jacob Sponcellor, Richard Clowe, 
Hamson Clowe, John Claspy, William Hewitt, and George W. 

Sergeant Stephens deserves special mention at my hands. He was 
an old L^nited States sergeant, and joined the Southern army at 
great peril. He was one of the most methodical and accurate ac- 
countants I ever knew — wrote a beautiful hand-writing, was never 
sick, or lost a day during the four years he was in our service. 

When Lieutenant-Colonel DeLagnel was returned to the field the 
command of the arsenal and armory devolved upon me for about 
two months — until the arrival of Major F. L. Childs. 

The following is a roll of the various officers who were at this 
post at various times during the war: 

Major John C. Booth, Captain Charles P. Bolles (Captain Bolles 
had been employed on the coast survey by the United States Gov- 
ernment for many years previous to the war, and was a man ot 
marked ability. Since the close of hostilities he has been employed 

The Noiioiixnj (ir<iiii<^ Ei(ihlii nlh Viri/i'/ii''i. 287 

by the United States (iovernnient in the Hureau of Hyclr<jj^rai>h\' 
at Washington, D. C. Captain Samuel A. Ashe was the assistant to 
Captain Belles in the laboratory and was a most valuable officer in 
that department.) Lieutenant-O^hjnel J. A. DeLagnel, Lieutenant- 
Colonel F. L. Childs, Captain Samuel A. Ashe, Captain John L. 
Holmes, Captain J. E, P. Dan^erfKld, \)\-. Ik-njamin R(jbinson. as 
suroeon of post; T. J. Robinson, as sujjerintendent of laboratDfv. 
from his lon^- experience in that branch of business in \\''ashin}4t<»n, 
D. C. , Captain J. E. P. Dan^crfuld was made militarv storekeeper 
and paymaster by Major Booth from lou.u experience at the arsenal 
and armory at Harper's Ferry. 

Thomas C. DeRosset acted as Secretary in Colonel Child's office. 
Mr. Robert Johnson was chief clerk, and E. P. Powers assistant to 
Johnson. In the military storekeeper's office was William J. Wiiod- 
ward, who was placed in the ordnance department by .Major Booth 
and General J. Gorgas, Chief of the Ordnance Bureau at Richmond, 
and he was one of the most efticient officers at the post. C)n the 
approach of General Sherman's arm\- all work, ot course, was sus- 
pended, and the entire command, alter remoxing all the machinery 
possible, together with the large amount of supplies, were ordered 
in camp, and remained there until the surrender of (ireensboro. 

ALvmiKw P. T.wi.oR, 
Major 6th Battalion, Armory duard. 

|I<"icini the Kicliinoiul Dispatch, March i2, iSQn.l 


The Nottoway Grays Co. O , Eighteenth \ irjjinia Rcjriment, 
Pickett's Di\ision. 

This company nearly twenty years ago took stops tt> complete a 
roll of its officers and men. .At general nn'i>tini;s. amuially held, the 
roll was made, the main difficulty ha\-ing i)een to gel the full names 
and records of the men who, as conscripts, were assigned to it m the 
latter year of the war, and who, as a mner.d ihinu. came Iroin coun- 
ties not represented in the original comi)anv. 

238 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

The company was organized January 12, 1861, with a roll, rank 
and file of fiftv. Of this number there remained with the command 
thirtv-three — the others having resigned or were discharged as unfit 
for service — during the four years — 

Of these (33) there were killed in battle, - - - 9 

Died in service, - . - - - - - - 6 

Wounded, - - - - - - -15 


Three escaped casualty. 

The company was mustered into service April 21, 1861, assigned 
to the 1 8th Regiment, Colonel R. E. Withers, and left Camp Lee 
for Manassas May 26th. At this time, or just prior to it, it was 
enlarged by twenty-eight others joining it — 

Of these there were discharged or transferred, - - - 4 

Died in service, - - - - - - - 5 

Killed in batde, ------- 8 

Wounded, - - - - - - - 10 


The one who suffered no casualty was a member of the band. 
The first battle it was in was the First Manassas, July 21st, and 
afterwards it was in all the battles of Pickett's Brigade and Division 
to Sailor's creek, where its organization was broken up, nearly 
every man having been killed or taken prisoner. At the reorgani- 
zation of the company at Yorktown in April, 1862, there were added 
by recruits twenty-six — 

Of these there were killed in battle, - - - - 6 

Died in service, - - - - - - - 6 

Wounded, - - - - - - - 7 


A recapitulation of the roll shows: Captains, four — one resigned 
the first year on account of disease; one resigned at the end of the 
first year on account of age; one resigned June, 1863, on account of 
wounds; one was killed at Sailor's Creek. 

Lieutenants, seven — two resigned early in the war on account of 
physical disability; four were wounded, and one killed. 

Non-commissioned officers, 19 — wounded, 11; killed 7. 

TJie Nottotcaij fjr'/v/y.«, KifihUeulh Virqiina. 289 

Privates, ii6 — detailed or transferred, - . . 5 

Discharged for age or disability, - - . . o 

Died in service, 





Total rank and file, - - - . . - 14:; 

Killed in battle, ------ 2.8 

Wounded (sometimes twice and more), - - - 47 

Died in service, ------ 20 


Of the enlisted men of i86i-'62, who went through tht- war. only 
live escaped unhurt, and two of these were detailed nu-n. 

At the batde of Gaines' Mill and Frazier's I-arm the companv had 
thirty-nine out of forty-five killed and wountled. 

At the battle of Gettysburg, out of thirty-six, rank and tik-, eleven 
were killed and nineteen wounded. 

At Sailor's Creek Captain Archer Campbell — the fourth and last 
commander of the company — was killed in the act of surrendering. 

At Appomattox one lieutenant and several of the men who escaped 
at Sailor's Creek were included in the surrender. 

Colonel R. E. Withers, the first commander of the iSth Regiment, 
said of this company: "A company which ne\-er failed in the hour 
of trial, and was always 'to be depended on.' " 

Colonel H. A. Carrington, successor to Colonel Withers, said nf 
it: " One of truest and most gallant companies which fous^ht through 
the late war. " 

Lieutenant-Colonel G. C. Cabell said: "A noble band of X'irginia 
braves, whose gallant deeds reflected untlimmcd honor on their 
county, their State, their country, .xnd her cause." 

Adjutant Ferguson said: "At the battle of Gettysburg, Company 
G was deployed as skirmishers, and at the j^roper time 'assembled ' 
and took its place in tlu' line, 1 remember well, it was manu'uvrcd 


"As adjutant, 1 was in a situation to know, .ind imu testify to the 
admirable conduct of the entire rt'giment: how thoy eK>sed up when 
large gaps were made in the rank; how ortlerly they moveil lorwanl. 
(hiving the enemv, and how the few scattered ones that remained 

240 Southern Ilisforirnl Societi/ Papers. 

unhurt held their ground, hoping, but in \-ain, for support, until 
they were killed or captured by the fresh troops of the Federals that 
were pushed forward to restore the broken lines. No charge could 
have been more gallant. Looking at it now, after a lapse of years, 
with calm reflection, I think I may say, no commendation given by 
writers concerning this celebrated charge of Pickett's Division has 
ever exceeded the truth." 

Thirtv vears after the surrender, as far as could be ascertained, 
there were sur\iving of the 145 men of Company G, scattered from 
Virginia to Texas, thirty-six. Of these, Captain Richard Irby and 
Lieutenant Richard Ferguson, are the only sur\iving commissioned 

The abo\-e items were gathered from a "Historical Sketch" of 
the company, published in 1S78 by the survi\'ing captain, with the 
aid of Lieutenant Fereuson. 

[From the Richmoiici Vu/ies. July 12, i8g6.] 


To the Editor of the Times : 

Sir, — EA^ery incident connected with President Davis is of great 
interest. I accidentally found this item a few days ago: 

"The ladies of Petersburg petition for the pardon of Jefferson 

" The following petition, signed by over six hundred ladies of 
Petersburg, has been forwarded to his Excellency, President John- 
son, praying for the pardon of Jefferson Davis. This method of 
reaching the President, has been adopted in other States and cities, 
and the appeal for clemency in behalf of the great state prisoner, 
bids fair to become universal throughout the land over which he 
lately ruled. Will the President disregard the earnest prayers of so 
large a portion of the nation ? " 

"Petersburg, October, i86^. 
" President Johnson: 

'^ Honored Sir, — We, the ladies of the Cockade City of Vir- 
ginia, approach your Excellency requesting executive clemency for 
our beloved captive head, late President Jefferson Davis, who is 

Pciition for Mr. hnri.s' IhJenHe. 241 

bound to each one of our sectic^n cjI" the land by the indissohible ties 
of friendship, love, and veneration. Called by the unanimous voice 
of the peojjle of the South lo lead tlieni Tas Joshua of old), he ac- 
cepted the honor of beinj4- enshrined in the history of th<' nation as 
its chief, forced there by the free suffrajLje of a united pe(>jjle. From 
the moment of his coercion ii|) to the hour of his capture, he ojm- 
manded the respect, not (jnly of the peo|)le of the late Confedt-raie 
States, but of the world at lar^e, and especially (jf the United States 
Government. His ojMnions were received everywhere as the will of 
the people, whose mouthpiece he was. He has our love for every 
virtue which adorned the Christian, the j^entleman, and the patriot. 
shown forth in every act with the Ijrilliancy of the morninj.j sun, re- 
flecting honor upon his country, dignity upon his g(j\ernment. and 
purity upon the social circle. Our veneration — for called bv eight 
millions of freemen to rule, every creed and political jxirtv gave in 
immediate and unrestrained obedience, followed where he pointetl 
the way, obeyed without a niurniur the law proiiuilgate<l bv his 
council, and cheerfully gave up every comfort lor the public good at 
his suggestion. Now we lie powerless at the feet of a victorious 
government. Our bra\e brothers sleep in their honored graves, or 
walk beside bearing on their persons marks of the fierce coiUhct 
which has tried their courage and manliness, with everv comfort 
buried in the general wreck of war. With naught but their energies 
and honor remaining, having given in their adhesion to the laws of 
the land, and taken the oaths of fidelity to the government, they 
have become quiet citizens of the same, only asking to be permitted 
to remox'c the numerous vestiges ot the conflict, which you, sir. seem. 
not only willing, but determined to accord to us. With your hand 
upon the helm (Constitutional Right), you are giving a sublime 
picture to the world of heroic fortitude. The tempest, though sub- 
siding, still causes the shi]) of state to plunge and n-el : yet, uplu-ld 
by justice and i:)atriots of the land, she may be anclmred in the safe 
haven of the "Constitutional Rights" as laid down by our nobU- 

"The ark was borne upon the waters of wrath, yet lilted t(» ihe 
summit of a mountain, it there remained a nu>nument of (kuI's 
mercy, and from it a do\e was sent, which returned with an olive 
In-anch. Will you not send out tin- do\ e (In)|)e). to him whose only 
fault was, " He did not reiect the dangerous honor with more sta- 
bility?" Will you not permit the Covernment to the ark. now 
lK)rne above the waters of strife, and its chief banner the oIi\ r 



242 fSoiilhern Historical Society Papers. 

branch ? Grant this, sir, so that the prayers of wives, mothers, and 
children may ascend to the Throne of Grace from the deepest re- 
cesses of their hearts, not only for the welfare of the country, but 
also for your long- life and prosperity. 

"You would feel that you had not only committed an act of jus- 
tice, but mercy, to release one whose days are numbered, whose 
feet are already chilled by the breeze from that unseen, undiscovered 
country, and to hear in your dreams (as in your waking- moments ), 
borne upon the wings of the howling winter tempests, the whispered 
zephyrs of spring, the hum of the summer's life and the soft, dewy 
airs of autumn, the prayers from millions of hearts — ' God bless him 
in time and eternity, for his mercy endureth forever.' 

" Your Petitioners." 

V. E. Davidson, Petersburg, Va., July 4, i8g6. 

[From the New Orleans Picayune, July 19, 1896.] 


Deserves a Place Close to Louisiana's Heart, 


Valuable Relics Added to the Confederate nemorial Here, interesting 

Reminiscences of the Unveiling of the Monument After the 

Richmond Reunion. 

Unparalleled in the history of great wars, Winchester was the 
scene of three battles during the rebellion. It has been declared the 
most patriotic city of the South. Nearly all the troops it furnished 
the Confederacy belonged to the unflinching, unyielding "Stone- 
wall " Brigade. But its women have a record for bravery and devo- 
tion that history loves to linger over. When all the men were 
absent on the field of war the women nursed the sick and buried the 
dead. Many a brave boy from Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana 
owes his life to the women of Winchester. After each of the great 
battles, and the numberless skirmishes which crowded upon each 
other in the valley around the beautiful little city, the women of 

Wwchef^tcr Kind t<, lj',ii,i<l (iml l),nil. 243 

Winchester set forth in their carriaj^es, their waj^ons and even in ox 
carts and picked up the wounded and the dead. That is the reason 
why Stonewall Jackson Cemetery, the sacred spot placed right next 
to the heart of the city, contains tcj-day such a larj^e number of 
marked craves. 

In the hurried days of battle the women could only mark the rest- 
ing place of each hero with a plain, wooden slab, bearing the name 
and command of the soldier. Unsatisfied with their grand work in 
war time, the women of Winchester have been unceasing in these 
times of peace in their efforts to have these graves properly marked. 
The Southern States were appealed to, and most of them, Louisiana 
among the number, nobly responded, and have marked each grave 
with a lasting marble headstone, bearing inscriptions telling as fully 
as is known the story of the dead who lie on the rolling hills of Win- 
chester cemetery, overlooking the battletields where they fell. 

In the section devoted to Louisiana are the graves of the followint; : 

Lieutenant P. Charpio, Company B, <Sth Louisiana. 

A. A. Arceneaux, Company C, 8th Louisiana. 

J. f. Anderson. Company H, 9th Louisiana. 

M. Kirwin, Company K, 6th Louisiana. 

G. M. Barrais, Company I, 6th Louisiana. 

J. Crookshanks, Company B, 9th Louisiana. 

S. J. Snyder, Company F, 9th Louisiana. 

J. Muntinger, Washington Artillery. 

Armand Freret, Washington Artillery. 

G. H. Chaplain, Washington Artillery. 

J. W. Crawford, Company D, 9th Louisiana. 

W. McElgren, Company B, 14th Louisiana. 

Captain H. Z. Guice, Company E, 8th Louisiana. 

J. B. Galatti, Jackson parish, Louisiana. 

L. G. Picon, Company E, 2nd Louisiana. 

A. Comb, Company A, 6th Louisiana. 

B. C. Scarborough, Company A, 6th Louisiana. 
N. Schmitt, Company H, 2n(l Louisiana. 

— . Smith, Company C, i6th Louisiana. 

C. Scarborough, Company A, 6th Louisiana. 
R. Cahill, Company F, 6th Louisiana. 

R. H. Senders, Company G, 7th Louisiana. 
F. Rose, Company H, 6th Louisiana. 
H. Hann, Company K. Sth Louisiana. 

244 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Captain D. S. Griffin, , 2nd Louisiana. 

— . Holly, 2nd Louisiana Battalion. 

j. J. Holland, Company G, 6th Louisiana. 

— . Bantly, , Louisiana. 

G. Grapen, Company K, 6th Louisiana. 

L. W. Summons, Company A, 7th Louisiana. 

D. Cons, Company F, 6th Louisiana. 

S. W. Cresy, Company C, Washington Artillery. 

P. McGrafney, , Louisiana. 

. Flin, , Louisiana. 

J. C. Griffith, Company B, 7th Louisiana. 

Lieutenant E. Somday, , 14th Louisiana. 

P. Riely, 14th Louisiana. 

}. Ganey, Louisiana. 

T. Murphy, Company C, 6th Louisiana. 

J. A. Cannon, Company A, 8th Louisiana. 

W. Ringold, Company H, 7th Louisiana. 

B. M. Jennings, Company H, 7th Louisiana. 

J. Mollen, Company L 6th Louisiana. 

H. C. Burk, Company H, 9th Louisiana. 

P. C. Cousin, Company A, 6th Louisiana. 

}. C. Doughty, Company D, 5th Louisiana. 

P. Everett, 8th Ltjuisiana. 

H. Heinglas, Company F, 6th Louisiana. 

Captain R. Talbert, Company A, ist Louisiana. 

G. H. Guess, Company H, 9th Louisiana. 

T. Quillius, 6th Louisiana. 

M. Conskey, Company F, 14th Louisiana. 

J. M. Martin, Company B, 8th Louisiana. 

I C. Snow, Company I, 14th Louisiana. 

A. D. Rowles, Company F, 9th Louisiana. 

J. L. Lock, Company B, ist Louisiana. 

W. M. Sunley, Company B, 15th Louisiana. 

Sergeant J. Antrey, Company H, 2d Louisiana. 

G. B. Walker, Company A, 9th Louisiana. 

Lieutenant C. .Smith, Company C, Louisiana. 

Major A. Davis, 7th Louisiana. 

Major McArthur, Louisiana. 

Captain T. S. Crump, Company D, 2d Louisiana. 
Captain C. Thompson, Louisiana Guards Battery. 
Captain W. F. Thompson, Company A, 7th Louisiana. 

WiHchrster Kiiiil Id I/iriiiti iiml [),inl. 24') 

Lieutenant V. P. Terry, Company K, jth Louisiana. 

Captain 1-:. W. Butts, Comjjany A, 6th Louisiana. 

Captain R. A. Pearson, Company C, 9th Louisiana. 

Lieutenant W. D. Hendrick, Company (',, ist Louisiana. * * 

When the Louisiana veterans left for Winchester they wire pre- 
pared for a hearty and hosjiitable reception. Hut the sincerity, the 
completeness and the whole-souled ovation tendered them com- 
pletely eclipsed their expectations. While Winchester has only 
6,000 inhabitants, fully 2,000 awaited the arrival of the Louisianians 
at the depot on the night of the 3d. The entire town turned out in 
honor of the occasion. Exerybody smiled and spoke a welcome. 
and even the buildini^s, decked in splendid decorations of Confed- 
erate red and white, expressed the prevailing: pleasure at the comin-^ 
of the men from the far .South. When at lenj^th the train i)ulled in 
it was after midnight, yet the ardor of the petjple of Winchester h.ul 
abaited not a bit. 

The ladies of the party were immediately taken charge ol by the 
wives of the Virginia veterans, while the men of the delegation 
marched to the camp-room of Turner Ashby Canij). There the\- 
were refreshed and taken care of in true comradely spirit. It had 
been arranged that every member of the Louisiana delegation should 
be given a home with the Winchester folk, and not one was allowed 
to go to a hotel, or to spend a cent for his entertainment while in the 
city. Colonel Williams, commander of the Ashbv Camp, and Col- 
onel Laughlin, of the cavalrv camp, of New Orleans. di\ided the 
veterans among their hosts. 

"I will take care of four men," some Winche>ti-r householder 
would declare. 

"Will four comrades who would like to l)e together |)lease rise." 
Colonel Laughlin would sav, and the four visitors and heir host 
marched oft. So it proceeded until all were provideil lor. When 
there were none left, the troul)le began. Xuml)ers of the Winchester 
veterans had made j)reparations to entertain the visitors, who ilid 
not receive any. Thev entered a decideil kick, because they were 
given no chance to entertain the visitors. This was especially the 
case with Mrs. Love, PresicUnt of the L.idies' .Auxiliary Confederate 
Association, who, back in iSb^ aiul 1SO4 hail first begun the .s;»creil 
work of collecting the bodies of the soldiers. .She lectured Colonel 
Laughlin for failing to send lier some \eterans toHake tender care o(. 
The only complaint was tlial l.ouisi.uia had not sent more veterans 

246 SoutJierii Historical Societj/ Papers. 

that they might receive the loving ministrations of their Virginia 

The very best that the county afforded was placed at the command 
of the visitors. Every organization in the county participated in the 
parade and exercises attending the unveiling of the Louisiana monu- 
ment. Every public building and store was decorated. When the 
exercises were over on the afternoon of July 4th, and the veterans 
spoke of returning to Washington or Richmond that night, the 
hospitable Winchester folk would not hear of it, and insisted that 
they must remain until Monday at least. On Sunday the visitors 
were driven around the country, visiting the scenes of the innumera- 
ble battles around Winchester, in which nearly all of the visitors and 
hosts had taken part. 

The visitors were taken at once to the hearts of their comrades 
and made members of their families. They were made by every 
word and act to feel perfectly at home, and when at length the time 
to leave came, they parted as old friends, and with the tenderest 
affection for each other. Possibly never before had Virginia hospi- 
tality been so thoroughly lived up to, or been better exemplified. 

While attending the reunion in Richmond, Colonel Laughlin, 
Chairman of the Winchester Monument Committee, received a let- 
ter stating that the monument had not yet arrived at Winchester. 
This was a sore disappointment, and a large portion of the veterans 
left the Winchester journey ofi" their itinerary, believing the monu- 
ment would not be unveiled. But the others were determined, and 
declared they would go anyhow. 

Telegrams were sent all over the State inquiring where the car 
containing the monument was. Just the day before it was discov- 
ered that by error the granite sections had been sent to Winchester, 
W. Va. Orders were at once issued to have it sent in haste to the 
proper destination. In the meantime. Colonel Laughlin, deciding to 
have the ceremonies at all events, telegraphed Mrs. Love, President 
of the Ladies' Association, to prepare a wooden monument, of the 
height of the granite one, and cover it with evergreens, so that no 
one could tell the difference. 

This was done, but happily was not needed. The monument 
arrived at Winchester on the night of the 3d. The foundation had 
long been ready, as well as the appliances for placing the granite in 
position. Early on the 4th, through the energy of Colonel Williams, 
of the Ashby Camp, and others, a large force was put to work, and 
the monument completed and made ready for the exercises. The 

Which cater Kuiil to l/iriiuj ii„<l l)r<itl. 247 

flay was bright, cheerful and clear, the (jratory was stirrinjj. anrl the 
huge crowd present were in thorough sympathy with the seniiineiit 
of the occasion. ^- * ^= =^= 

In ante-bellum days, the Winchester cemetery began about three- 
squares from iMain street, and covered a comparatively small area. 
So many were the engagements in the valley, and so manv were the 
dead for whom Winchester cared, that beginning at the limits of the 
old graveyard, a new cemetery was begun and aptly called after 
Stonewall Jackson, undi r whose command most of the dead had 
fought. This is possibly the only distinct C(-»nfederate national cem- 
etery. The P'ederal national cemetery adjoins it on the left. 

In the precincts of Stonewall Jackson cemetery the [)eople of Win- 
chester gathered and placed all the known Confederate dead, locating 
the graves by States. The unknown, numbering nearly seven hun- 
dred, were placed together, and now a si)len(lid monument marks 
the resting place of these unknown luroes. Manv of the graves of 
the known, are still surmounted with the wooden headboards jjlaced 
there when they died, but Marvl.mtl, X'irginia, ( ieorgia and Louis- 
iana have removed these crumbling memorials and re|)laced them 
with marble stones, which will be everlasting. 

These four States have likewise erected monuments to their dead. 

The Louisiana monument which was unveiled on the 4th of July, 
is a beautiful granite shaft plantc-d on a slight eminence in one of the 
prettiest part of the soldiers' cemetery. The specitications called 
tor. Georgia granite, with a total height of eighteen feet, the base 
being four feet three inches sfjuare, the second base, the die. the cap 
and the plinth each being pro;)()rtionatelv smaller, until the shaft is 
one foot three inches square, and eleven feet high. The design was 
graceful, chaste, and of ])roper soldit'rly sim])licity. On the first 
base are the large letters, " C. .S. A." The secontl base bears the 
word " Louisiana," and the cap abo\-e the highly polished die shows 
the coat of arms of the State. 

The inscriptions are as follows: 

"To the soldiers of Louisiana who died lor the .Si)uth in tlie 
Valley Campaign, this monunuiu has been erecteil in memory ot 
their noble daring and heroit- eiulurance in their country's cause. " 

On the right side: 

" .SK'i'p in pr.ue willi kiiulml aslies. 
Of tlie nt)l)lo anil tlic trui-; 
Hands lliat never faiietl tlieir loiiiitry, 
Ilrarls tliat iirxer basoni'ss kut-w." 

248 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

The words on the rear of the base are: 

" They died for the principles upon which all true republics are 

On the left of the base is: 

" Remember their valor, 
Keep holy the sod, 
For honor to heroes 
Is glor}' to God." 

The Monument Committee had the plinth so designed that at some 
future day four bronze medallions of Louisiana soldiers can be at- 
tached to it. These will probably be Colonels Taylor, Hays, Stark, 
and Stafford, who commanded the Louisiana regiments which were 
most constantly engaged in the Shenandoah Valley campaigns. 

When Colonel William Laughlin attended the reunion in Houston 
last year, he met Captain T. J. Bantz, of Winchester. The New 
Orleans veteran told his Virginia comrade about the superb collection 
of relics in the Confederate Memorial Hall, and interested him so 
much that he volunteered to secure a number of relics for the hall 
from the Winchester battlefields. He kept his promise, and when 
Colonel Laughlin met him again at Winchester, he had collected a 
fine lot of battle mementoes. These included minie balls, bayonets, 
two United States army belts, gunstocks, and pieces of shell and 
canister from Monacacy, the first and second Winchester fights, 
the battle of Milroy Fork and other skirmishes about Winchester. 
These precious relics Colonel Laughlin brought back with him to 
New Orleans, with infinite pains (as they are bulkv and heavy) and 
will present them in a few days to Memorial Hall. They will shortly 
be supplemented by a collection of shells and other bulky articles 
which it was impossible to bring by hand, and which will be received 
by express and placed among the other relics. >!< * >i< 

One of the most striking of the many monuments in Stonewall 
Jackson Cemetery is that which marks the grave of Major Thomp- 
son, a gallant Winchester soldier, who received his death wound on 
almost the last day of the war. 

The monument is a massive block of granite surmounted by a 
wondrously polished granite globe several feet in thickness. It is as 
smooth as polished crystal, and one seems to see into its depth for 
several inches. So perfect is the reflection that the globe presents 

Wha/ Ihr Ahilxinifi I),,!. 249 

in compact space a marvclously beautiful view of the cemetery scen- 
ery, showing the monuments, the foHage, the soldierly headstones, 
and the distant historic hills. 

Colonel W. R. Lyman, of New Orleans, who fought with the \'ir- 
ginia troo[)s, and knew Major ThompstMi intimatc-lv. started the 
movement to erect this monument to his heroism. He was in Win- 
chester one day, when he was told that Major Thompson was Iniried 
there. "Then his grave should have a monument," he instantly 
declared, and offered to Uad ihe svibscrii)tion list for c^ne. It was 
instantly taken up, and in an h(jur S6oo was subscribeil. The result 
is the memorable stone that now marks the grave. 

Major Thompson's death was unusually pathetic — unusually heroic. 

It was two days before the surrender at Appomatto.v. Major 
Thompson's left arm had been rendered useless by a rifle ball. His 
regiment was ordered to charge, and he rode to its front, his left arm 
hanging helplessly by his side, the reins in his teeth, his revolver in 
his right hand. 

" Don't go into this hght," a friend entreated. " It is sure death, 
with your arm crippled." 

"I don't care," was his brave response. " The Confederacy is 
dying. I do not wish to survive the Confederacy." He roile into 
the battle, charged impetuously, and was the first to fall. 

H. W. R..i!i\s(.N. 


In the war between the Nortlu'rn and Soutlurn States, which 
raged in America during 1861-65, we have the only instance in 
which steam cruisers have been employed on any scale to carry com- 
merce. The South had no commerce to be attacked, but the N»mh 
had a large and prosperous merchant marine. From fust to last the 
South sent eleven steam cruisers and eight small sailing cruisers to sea. 
These captured between them, two sli^anurs, and 2U\ sailing-ships — 
not a very heavy bill of loss, one would think. Vet this loss prac- 
tically drove the United States flag from the seas. To prove this. 
I will (juote from the case of the I'nilril St.ili's, as presentnl to the 
Geneva arbitrators, the following tacts: 











250 Southern Historical Sodetij Papers. 

" In i860, two-thirds of the commerce of New York was carried 
on in American bottoms: in 1863 three-fourths was carred on in for- 
eign bottoms." And the transfers from the United States to the 
British flag were enormously large. They were: 

1S61, ... - - 

1862, ----- 

1863, ----- 

1864, - - - - - 

War ended in April, 1865. 

The mediocre Alabama, a single small and ill-armed ship, was the 
cause of most of this loss. There were, no doubt, other contribu- 
ting factors, but the effect of her career is plainly marked in the sud- 
den increase of transfers during 1863, when she was at sea. After 
she had been sent to the bottom, Yankee skippers recovered their 
breath. The trade, however, had departed, and the United States 
has never regained the position which it held in i860 as a shipping- 
nation. Here again, the destruction of helpless northern ships in 
nowise benefitted the South. It wrought individual ruin, and it em- 
bittered the relations between England and the United States; it had 
no strategic result, as the North was self-dependent. — Nineteenth 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, April 12, 1896.] 



But Few Survivors Now of the Guard. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

The Savannah Volunteer Guards Battalion fought its last battle 
at Sailor's Creek, in which engagement many Savannahians were 
killed and wounded. 

*For further account of this battle, see ante page 83:— Recollections of a 
participant as to the part taken therein by Hunton's Brigade. 

BoMic of Sai/or'.s Creeh: 2.')1 

The Guards were known in the Confederate armv as the i8th 
BattaUon of Cxeorgia Vohmteers, which was commanded by the .gal- 
lant Major (afterward Colonel) \V. S. Hasinger, a distingushed 
lawyer and citizen of this city, but now residing at Athens. 

The batde of Sailor's Creek was one of the several battles which 
took place after General Lee evacuated Petersburg, and just before 
the surrender of the army at Api)omattox. The Confederate army. 
says the Savannah A^ezcs, of the 5th, decimated and starving, wa.s 
bravely trying to make its way through the cordon which General 
Grant's hosts were forming around il. Tiie iSth Battalion was 
hemmed in, and attempted to break the enemv's lines, but was anni- 
hilated in the attempt, e\'ery officer and man being cither killed, 
wounded, or caj)tured. 

The Guards went to Virginia when every available armed man 
that could be spared was needed to reinforce Lee's armv. Although 
in service from the beginning of the war, the operations of the bat- 
talion had been confined to the coast, in the neighborhood of Savan- 
nah and Charleston, where there was much unpleasant duty, but 
very little fighting. The battalion had done some good service in 
Charleston harbor, howexer, where it distinguishetl itself in the re- 
pulse of the attack on Battery Wagner, on Morris Island, after 
which it did service for several months on Morris and James Islands. 
in the defence of Charleston. 

In May, 1864, the order came for the battalion to go to X'irginia. 
and was received with rapturous cheers by the men, who were tired 
of the monotony of garrison life. In the fall the battalion was joinetl 
with six other battalions, which were stationed with it at Chaftin's 
Bluff, on the James river, into a small brigade, commandeil by Col- 
onel Crutchfield, which was attached to the division of (ieneral G. 
W. Custis Lee, son of (leneral Robert E. Lee. On this account 
General Custis Lee has l)cen an honorarv member of the corps since 
its reorganization after the war. 

The battalion had the same hard experience with the rest of tlu- 
Army of Northern Virginia during the winler of iS64-'65. Its onl\ 
shelter was a few ragged old tents, and these were not suthcient tt>r 
all. Fuel was scarce, and very difficult to obtain. Their only 
rations were a pouiul of corn-meal and a third t>f a p»)und ol bacon 
a day. The dutv was also \ery se\ere. 1 hnv would the J50 
young fellows who looked so brave in the last annual parade o\ tlu- 
Guards enjoy soldiering under such circumstances ? Hut it was the 
same class of men who composed the battalion in ivS(i4, antl their 
successors would do the same thing nt>w il' it were necess;»ry to do so. 

252 Sonthern Historical >Socief(/ Papers. 

When Lee evacuated Petersburg on the night of April 2d, the 
Guards marched out with the rest of the army. It was an all-night 
march and all the next day, then a few hours' rest, and the march 
resumed before dawn. This continued until April 6th, when Lee's 
retreating army was brought to bay at Sailor's creek. General Gor- 
don's Corps was the true rear guard, but in the various operations 
and movements of the day, General Ewell's Corps, of which Custis 
Lee's Division was a part, got into the rear, and in its turn became 
the rear guard. The army was hemmed in, but the men did not 
know it. The Guards were fording Sailor's creek, with the color- 
bearer in the middle, carrying the color-staff inclined upon his 
shoulder, when a spent bullet struck the staff, splitting it exactly in 
the middle and just burying itself in the crack. The bullet came 
from ahead, and the men saw that they were surrounded. Custis 
Lee's Division was the rear of the corps, Crutchheld's Brigade in 
the rear of the division, and the Guards at the rear of the brigade. 
The brigade was halted a few hundred yards from the creek, about 
half way up the slope of a long acclivity, and the line formed, with 
the Guards on the extreme right of the line. 

Major Basinger in his review of the history of the Guards, gi\'es 
a brief, but interesting, account of the battle: 

"When the enemy's infantry began to ascend the slope to attack 
the Confederate troops holding their hre until they should get quite 
near, a strong body was discovered making its way through a thicket 
of pines on the right of the Guards so as to take them on the flank 
and rear. Fortunately, they were impeded and disordered by the 
thickness of the grove. Major Basinger happened at the moment to 
be near the extreme right of the Guards. 

" There was no time for deliberation. He immediately marched 
the battalion by the right flank obliquely to the rear, fixing bayonets 
as they went, so as to face this unexpected enemy, and, reforming 
his line, attacked at once with the bayonet, while they were yet en- 
tangled in the wood. The Guards were but eighty-five that day, 
and nothing but the disorder of the enemy in the thicket saved 

"Their attack was successful; the enemy was driven off, with the 
loss of two regimental flags and many killed, but with serious loss to 
the Guards also. The battalion then returned to the original line to 
take its part in the main battle. But again the enemy came through 
the thicket of pines, and were met in the same manner as before. 
But they were too strong, and the corps had suffered too much in 

BdWe (if Sailor's Crnlc. 253 

the former attack; the enemy were checked, but all <jt the (juards 
who escaped with their lives fell into their hands as jjrisoners. It 
was afterwards ascertained that these attacks throuj^h the pine 
thicket had been made by a ffjrce of three rej^iinents, half advanciiiji 
at a time, and that their loss in the enc<junter was about 275 men. 
The disorder caused in their advance by the jiine thicket was the 
only thin^' that rendered such a result jjossible. Hut without this 
combat, the whole division would have been assailed on its tlank and 
rear and inevitably destroyed. 

"As it was, the division, thus ^^uarded on its tlank, repulsed two 
attacks, and finally, attacking in its turn, drove the enemy frtim the 
field, and killed and wounded, it was said on goixl authority, about 
5,000 of his men, ha\'in_o itselt only 2,250 engagetl. lUit in the very 
moment of their success a courier came from (ieneral Kwell announc- 
ing that he had surrendered himself and his entire corps. .So the 
division found itself in the same moment victors, yet prisoners ol 

" In this affair the loss of the Guards was very heavy — amounting 
to thirty killed and twenty-two wounded of the eighty-five engaged. 
and every officer but one being either killed or wounded." 

The killed were buried on the field by the enemy. The wounded 
were sent to the hospitals, and the unwt)undetl to northern prisons. 
General McGlashan, in a lecture delivered at the (iuards' Hall, 
December 5, 1894, gave a graphic description of the battle, in which 
he participated with his command, closely adjoining the (iuards. and 
in fill! view of their line, (ieneral McGlashan's connnanil fought 
an equally desperate fight, but with slightly l)etter fortum- than the 
Guards, as the losses were not so se\-ere. In a letter from .Major 
Basinger, read by General McGlashan in the course of his lecture. 
the former charged that the enemy fired on anil .slaughtered \\\> 
wounded men after their surrender. Captain joim R. Dillon, who 
was adjutant of the battalion, and was wounded at the i>atlle. tur- 
nishes the following partial list ct the killed: 

Captain G. C. Rice; l.ieulenanls G. M. Turner. \V. H. King. 
Fred. Tupper, Eugent Hlois. \V. D. Grant. G. W. .smith. .Ser- 
geants George E. James. Charles Postell. R. Millen. \V. C. Ben- 
nett; Privates A. O. Howne, j. W. Myddleton. W. II. Rice. ]. 
Mcintosh, B. Abl)ey. j. Rouse, l-.. I- Gordon, John \ icker-. H. 
Crook, L. E. Barie, j. Gould. 

The year following the bodies of eighti-en iA the Gu.irds who lell 
at Sailor's creek were recovered and brought to .S.ixannah. Onlv 

254 SoHiherii Historical Socieiij Papers. 

seven of these could be identified. These were buried in the private 
lots, and the other eleven were interred in the lot of the Guards, in 
Laurel Grove Cemetery. The interment was attended by a large 
gathering of the citizens, and the ceremonies were conducted by 
Bishop Elliott and other leading divines of the city. 

With one exception (Lieutenant Gue) every officer present at the 
battle of Sailor's creek was either killed or wounded. Major Bas- 
inger and Lieutenants Dillon and Starr were wounded, and Captain 
Rice and the lieutenants named above were killed; Captain George 
Stiles was in the camp hospital; Captain Thomas F. Screven was at 
home on furlough, and Lieutenant P. H. Raynal was on detached 
duty with a detachment sent out in search of cattle for the army. 
This accounts for every officer of the command. 

There are onl}' a few survivors of that desperate battle. Major 
Basinger commanded the battalion with the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel for several years after its reorganization after the war, and is 
now living at Athens. Among those residing here are Captain 
Thomas F. Screven, Captains John R. Dillon and John Reilly, both 
of whom have commanded Co. C, of the battalions, successively 
since the war; Sergeants Malcolm McLean, and J. G. Cornell, and 
Private John A. Pacetti. Captain P. N. Raynal, who commanded 
Co. A for a year after the war, now resides at Thomasville, and Ser- 
geant Bayard Mcintosh in Atlanta, being connected with the Agri- 
cultural Department. There are probably others, but their names 
could not be recalled by the veterans who were seen yesterday. 

[From the Wilmington, N. C, Alesseiiger, Feb. 19, 1895 ] 


Paroled at Appomattox. 

"North Carolina had paroled at Appomattox Courthouse, one 
major-general, Bryan Grimes, and six brigadiers, i. e., W. R. Cox, 
Matthew W. Ransom, John R. Cooke, William McRae, W. P. Rob- 
erts and J. H. Lane. 

North Carolina Soldiers. 


Total rank and 


Commanded by tile surrendered. 

I. Cox's, 

Brigadier-General Co.x, 


2. Grimes', 

Colonel Coward, 


3. Johnston's, 

Colonel Lea, 


4. Lewis', 

Captain Beard, 


5. Cooke's, 

Brigadier-General Cooke, 


6. MacRae's, 

Brigadier-General MacRae, 


7. Lane's, 

Brigadier-General Lane, 


8. Scales', 

Colonel Hyman, 


9. Ransom's, 
10. Barringer's 


Brigadier-General Ransom, 


II. Robert's,* 

Brigadier-General Roberts, 



il (Crimes 

and staff. 


Cummini(s' , 


William's. Planners' and Ram- 

sey's batteries, 


Total North Carolinians paroled 


The following North Carolina regiments were in the above brig- 
ades at the surrender: ist, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, gth (ist cavalry); 
nth, 1 2th, 13th, 14th, 15th, i6th, iSth, 19th (2d cavalry); 
20th, 2 ist, 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 30th, 32d, 33d, 
34t]i, 35th, 37th, 38th, 41st (3d cavalry): 43d, 44th, 45th, 46th, 47th, 
48th, 49th, 52d, 53d, 54th, 55th, 56th, 57th, 59th (4th cavalry): 63d 
(5th cavalry): ist North Carolina battalion sharp-shooters, 2d North 
Carolina battalion, i6th North Carolina battalion (ca\-alrv). and the 
five battalions of artillery above named. Total, forty-two regiments 
and one battalion infantry; five regiments and one battalion cavalrv; 
and five batteries artillery. That all these should have numbered 
only 5,000, rank and file, at the surrender, shows the wear and tear 
North Carolina troops had sustained. First and last, bv the muster 
rolls, these conmiands had contained over 100,000 men." 

* Cavalry. 

256 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Charlotte, N. C , Observer. April 21, 1895.] 


Its History by Major Graham Daves, 


Field and Line Officers— J. Johnston Pettigrew Its First Colonel— The 

Regiment Rendered Splendid Service to the State from 

the Beginning to the Bitter End. 

The 22d Regiment of North Carohna Troops was organized in 
camp near Raleigh in July, 1861, by the election of the following- 
field officers: Colonel, J. Johnston Pettigrew, of Tyrrell county, then a 
resident of Charleston, S. C. Colonel Pettigrew had seen service 
with the forces in South Carolina, and commanded a regiment at the 
siege and capture of Fort Sumter by the Confederates in April, 
1 86 1. Lieutenant-Colonel, John O. Long, of Randolph county, a 
graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point; 
Major, Thomas S. Gallaway, Jr., of Rockingham county, a graduate 
of the Virginia Military Institute at Lexington, Va. The commis- 
sions of the field officers all bore date of July nth, 1861. 

The regiment was composed originally of twelve companies, but 
two of them, "C" and "D," were very soon transferred to other 
commands, and the lettering. A, B, E, F, G, H, I, K, L, and M, 
for the ten companies was retained. This fact is mentioned because 
the lettering of the companies of this regiment, as reported in the 
register published by the Adjutant-General of the State in November, 
1 86 1, and in the roster of the troops published by the State in 1882, 
is incorrectly gi\^en. Company A was from Caldwell county; Com- 
pany B, from McDowell county; Company E, from Guilford county; 
Company F, from Alleghany county; Company G, from Caswell 
county; Company H, from Stokes county; Company I, from Ran- 
dolph county; Company K, from McDowell county; Company L, 
from Randolph county, and Company M, from Randolph county. 

The organization of the regiment was completed by the appoint- 
ment of Lieutenant Graham Daves, of Craven county, as adjutant, 
July 24, 1861; Dr. James K. Hall, of Guilford county, surgeon, July 
24, 1861; Dr. Benjamin A. Cheek, of Warren county, assistant-sur- 
geon, July 24, 1861; James J. Litchford, of Wake county, assistant- 

7)i)e])t)/-Sceo}i(/. North (Jarciinn Tiifdntrii. 257 

quartermaster, July 19, 1861; Rev. A. B. Cox, of Alleghany county, 
July 16, 1S61, chaplain, and Hamilton C. Graham (Company I;, of 
Craven county, as sergeant-major. 

First called the 12th Volunteers, the ret^iment was shortly after 
numbered and designated the 22d Troops. The change was made 
in the Adjutant-General's office at Raleigh to a\oid confusion. With 
the exception of the "Bethel Regiment," or ist Volunteers, and 
perhaps the 2d, which served first for six months only, the troops 
iirst enlisted were mustered into service for one year and were called 
\'olunteers. The Legislature, however, also authorized the enlist- 
ment of ten regiments " for the term of the war," eight of infantry, 
one of cavalry, 9th, and one of artillery, loth, to be called "State 
Troops," and numbered one to ten. This would have caused the 
numbering of ten regiments each of " State Troops " and ot "Vol- 
unteers ' ' respectively to have been the same, and the numbers of 
the \'olunteer regiments were therefore moved forward ten. This 
will explain a change in the numbering of the regiments to include 
the 14th Volunteers, afterwards the 24th Troops, which seems not to 
be understood. A duplication of this sort in the numbering of cer- 
tain regiments of Georgia and South Carolina troops did actually 
exist, and caused much confusion. 

The regiment was first armed as follows: to the two flank compa- 
nies were issued rifled muskets of a then comparati\ely recent 
.Springfield pattern. The other eight companies had old-style flint- 
lock muskets, with bright barrels, altered to percussions. All were 
muzzle loading, and the latter were not effective at more than 200 
yards, if that. The cartridges were of paper, to be torn with the 
teeth, and the cap pouches, bayonet scabbards, cartridge boxes, can- 
teens and haversacks were of the rudest description. Of knapsacks 
there were ^q\\ or none, except what the men or their officers fur- 

The first captain of A Company was W. F. Jones, of Caldwell 
county, who was succeeded by Thos. D. Jones, of the same. The 
entire number of rank and file in this company serving at one time 
or another during its whole term of service was 187 men. Company 
B had for its first ca|)tain James M. Neal, of McDowell county, and 
numbered ol" rank and file from fu-st to last 171 men. Captain Col- 
umbus C. Cole, of (ireensboro, commanded E Company, which 
numbered 184 rank and file while in service. Jesse F. Ree\-es, of 
Alleghany county, was first captain of V Company, which numbered 
160 men during its term. ]. A. Burns was captain o\ Ci Company 


258 Southern Historiral Soriciij Papers. 

at the organization of the regiment, but was shortly alter succeeded 
by John W. Graves. The company numbered in all 145 men. 
Hamilton Scales, of Stokes county, was captain of H Company, 
which numbered in all 200 men. I Company's first captain was 
Shubal G. Worth, of Randolph county. The company numbered 
188 men. Alney Burgin, of McDowell county, was first captain of 
K Company. Robert H. Gray, of L Company, and John M. Odell, 
of M Company, which numbered, respectively, during their several 
terms of service, 151, 178, and 146 men. These figures are men- 
tioned here for convenience, and represent, of course, enlistments 
and assignments for the whole period of the war. At the comple- 
tion of its organization the regiment numbered nearly 1,000 enlisted 
men. Shortly after its organization it was ordered to Virginia, and 
made its first halt in Richmond. Remaining in camp there for a 
short time, it was next ordered to the Potomac to form part of the 
command of General Theophilus H. Holmes, and was first stationed 
at Brooks' station near Acquia creek. Soon, however, it marched 
to Evansport, a point on the Potomac river, the present Ouantico 
station, between the Chappawansic and Ouantico creeks, where bat- 
teries of heavy guns were to be established to blockade the Potomac 
below Washington. Going into camp at this place late in Septem- 
ber, the regiment was stationed there during the autumn and winter 
of i86i-'62, on duty in the erection and support of the batteries 
which were in great part constructed by details of its men. There 
were three of these batteries at first, mounted with 9-inch Dalghren 
guns, smooth bore 32 and 42 pounders, and one heavy rifled Blakely 
gun, and they were thought to be formidable in those days. No. 2 
Battery was in part manned by Company I, of the regiment, detailed 
for that purpose, where it continued to serve as long as the post was 
occupied. After the batteries opened, traffic by water to Washington 
ceased almost entirely, but the river there being about two miles 
wide, some craft succeeded in running the gauntlet from time to time, 
among others the steam sloop of war Pensacola, which passed at 

While on duty at Evansport, about the middle of October, 1861, 
the following roster of the line officers of the regiment, with the 
dates of their commissions, was returned: 

Company A: Thomas D. Jones, captain, August 8, 1861; J. B. 
Clark, first lieutenant, Augusts, 1861; Felix G. Dula, second lieu- 
tenant, August 8, 1861; William W. Dickson, second lieutenant, 
August 8, 1 86 1. 

Twentij-Srro'iuil North OiroVma Tiif'nitni. 259 

Company B: James H. Neale, captain, May 8, 1861; A. G. Haly- 
burton, first lieutenant, May 8, 1861; J. M. Higgins, second lieu- 
tenant, May 8, 1861; Samuel H. Adams, second lieutenant. May 8, 

Company E: Columbus C. Cole, captain. May 23, 1861; H. E. 
Charles, first lieutenant. May 23, 1861; W. H. Faucett, second lieu- 
tenant. May 23, 1861; John N. Nelson, second lieutenant, July 27, 

Company F: Preston B. B. Reeves, captain, September 10, 1861; 
John Gambol, first lieutenant, September 11, 1861; Horton L. 
Reeves, second lieutenant. May 27, 1861; George McReeves, 
second lieutenant, August 27, 1861. 

Company G: John W. Graves, captain, October 11, 1861; J. J. 
Stokes, first lieutenant. May 28, 1861; P. Smith, second lieutenant. 
May 28, 1S61; John N. Blackwell, second lieutenant, August 24, 

Company H: Hamilton Scales, captain, June i, 1861; Ephraim 
Bouldin, first lieutenant, June r, 1861; S. Martin, second lieutenant, 
June I, 1861. 

Company I: Shubal G. Worth, captain, June 5, 1861; E. H. 
Winningham, first lieutenant, August 12, 1861: Alexander C. Mc- 
Allister, second lieutenant, August 15, 1861; Hamilton C. Graham, 
second lieutenant, August 15, 1861. 

Company K: Alney Burgin, captain, June, 1861; Charles H. Bur- 
gin, first lieutenant, June 5, 1861; A. W. Crawford, second lieu- 
tenant, June 5, 1861; I. E. Morris, second lieutenant, June 5, 1861. 

Company L: Robert H. Ciray, captain, June 18, 1861; Claiborne 
Gray, first lieutenant, June 18, 1861; J. A. C. Brown, second lieu- 
tenant, June 18, 1861; W. (i. Spencer, second lieutenant, June 18, 

Company M: John M. Odell, captain, June 10, 1S61; Laban Odell, 
first lieutenant, June 10, 1861; J. M. Pounds, second lieutenant, June 
10, 1861; Henry C. Alfred, second lieutenant, June, 10, 1861. 

At different times during its entire term of ser\-ice, the following 
were line officers of the Twentv-Second Regiment; the list is not 
cjuite complete: 

Company A — captains: W. ¥. Jones, Thomas 1). lones, James M. 
Isbell, William B. Clark. Lieutenants: Joseph B. Clark, James W. 
Sudderth, Felix (i. Dula, William W. Dickson, Marcus iVeal, J. W. 

Company B — captains: James M. Neal, J. T. Conlev, George H. 

260 Southern Histork-al Society Papers. 

Gardin. Lieutenants: Samuel H. Adams, James M. Higgins, Rob- 
ert A. Tate, S. P. Tate. 

Company E — captains: Columbus C. Cole, Charles E. Harper, 
Joseph A. Hooper, Martin M. Wolfe, Robert W. Cole. Lieuten- 
ants: Andrew J. Busick, W. H. Faucett, James H. Hanner, John 
N. Nelson, O. C. Wheeler. 

Company F — captains: Jesse F. Reeves, Preston B. Reeves, W. 
L. Mitchell, S. G. Caudle. Lieutenants: John Gambole, N. A. 
Reynolds, David Edwards, Horton S. Reeves, Calvin Reeves, 
George G. Reeves, Calvin C. Carrier. 

Company G — captains: Edward M. Scott, J. A. Burns, John W. 
Graves, Stanlin Brinchfield. Lieutenants: O. W. F"itzgerald, James 
T. Stokes, Peter Smith, J. N. Blackwell, B. S. Mitchell, Martin H. 

Company H — captains: Hamilton Scales, Ephraim Bouldin, Wil- 
liam H. Lovins. Lieutenants: S. Martin, C. C. Smith, John K. 
Martin, Sam B. Ziglar, Shadrack Martin, Joshua D. Ziglar. 

Company I — captains: Shubal G. Worth, George V. Lamb. 
Lieutenants: Robert Hanner, Eli H. Winningham, John H. Palmer, 
B. W. Burkhead, William McAuley, Hamilton C. Graham, Alex. 
A. McAllister, J. S. Robbins, R. A. Glenn, R. W. Winbourne. 

Company K — captains: Alney Burgin, Charles H. Burgin, Wil- 
liam B. Gooding, E. J. Dobson. Lieutenants: Isaac E. Morris, A. 
W. Crawford, J. L. Greenlee, J. B. Burgin, John M. Burgin, J. E. 

Company L — captains: Robert H. Gray, J. A. C. Brown, Lee 
Russell, Yancey M. C. Johnson. Lieutenants: Claiborn Gray, Wil- 
liam G. Spencer, E. C. Harney, Oliver M. Pike, Calvin H. Welborn. 

Company M — captains: John M. Odell, Laban Odell, Warren B. 
Kivett, Columbus F. Siler. Lieutenants: J. M. Robbins, James M. 
Pounds, Henry C. Alfred, Lewis F. McMasters, John AL Lawrence, 
A. W. Lawrence. 

Besides the lieutenants named above, the captains of the several 
companies had in nearly everv instance served as lieutenants pre- 
vious to their promotion. Hon. Walter Clark, now Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the State, who will compile and edit the histories 
of our North Carolina regiments, was, at its organization, a drill- 
master in the 22d. He was then little more than a boy. 

Until March 2, 1862, the regiment remained in support of the bat- 
teries at Evansport, in brigade at different times with the ist Arkansas, 
the 2d Tennessee, a Virginia regiment, and perhaps other regiments. 

TicentijSecovd Xorlh (,'(irol,ina Infuiilrii. 261 

under command, in the order named, of Generals John O. Walker. 
Isaac R. Trimble, and Samuel G. French. While there the health 
(ji the men was good, except for measles, which seemed to be epi- 
demic in all the regiments. The batteries were frequently engaged 
with the enemy's gunboats, and with batteries on the Maryland side 
of the Potomac, but the casualties were very few. Comj^any I had 
several men wounded by the bursting of a fortv-two-pounder gun in 
Battery No. 2. While on duty at E\'ansport, Colonel Pettigrew was 
promoted brigadier-general, but feeling that his services were of 
more value in furthering the re-enlistment and re-organization of the 
regiment, then near at hand, he declined the appointment — a rare 
instance of patriotism and devotion to the public good. When the 
army fell back from Manassas and the Potomac in March, 1862, t(j 
the line of the Rappahannock, General French commanded the 
brigade which took post at Fredericksburg. Soon after General 
French was transferred to a command in North Carolina, and the 
regiment was marched to the peninsula below Richmond and shared 
in the Williamsburg and Yorktown campaign. Returning to the 
vicinity of Richmond, and Colonel Pettigrew having been again 
appointed brigadier, in command of the brigade, which appointment 
he this time accepted, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles E. Lightfoot, 
previously of the 6th Regiment, was promoted colonel. Under h'.s 
command the regiment went into the fight at Seven Pines in Ma\-- 
June, 1862, in which it was heavily engaged and its losses were 
severe. General Pettigrew was here wounded and made prisoner. 
Colonel Lightfoot was also captured. Captain Thomas D. Jones 
and Lieutenant S. H. Adams were killed, besides many others, and 
the aggregate loss of the regiment was 147 in all. 

Soon after Seven Pines the regiment was re-organized, when the 
following were elected field officers: James Connor, of South Caro- 
lina, colonel; Captain Robert H. Gray, of Company L, lieutenant- 
colonel, and Captain Columbus C. Cole, of Company E, major. 
They took rank from June 14th, 1862. There were manv changes 
also in the line officers. Pre\it)usly Adjutant (iraham l)a\es liad 
been promoted captain and assigned to dutv as assistant ailjutant- 
general on the general staff, and Lieutenant P. E. Charles became 
adjutant. A nrw brigaile, too, was formed, C(.)nsisting nf the i6lh. 
22d, 34th, and 38th North Carolina Regiments, and placed under 
the command of Brigadier-General Wm. D. Pender, in the division 
of General A. P. Hill. 

An officer in describin>' the bearinsj yA the 22d at St,\en Pines. 

262 Soatheni Hisloricul Sorietii Paper.<. 

says: " In ;dl mv readings of veterans, and of coolness under fire, I 
have never conceived of anything surpassing the coohiess of our men 
in this fight. " 

In the "Seven Days' Fight" around Richmond the regiment was 
next engaged: First, at Mechanicsville, June 26th, in which Colonel 
Connor was badlv wounded; at Ellison's Mill; at Gaines' Mill, June 
27th, where it won the highest encomiums. General A. P. Hill 
says of it in his report of the battle: "The i6th North Carolina, 
Colonel McElroy, and the 22d, Lieutenant-Colonel Gray, at one 
time carried the crest of the hill, and were in the enemy's camp, 
but were driven back by overwhelming numbers." And General 
Pender: " My men fought nobly and maintained their ground with 
great stubbornness." Next at Frazier's Farm, June 30th. In this 
fight the regiment was very conspicuous and suffered severely. 
Among the killed were Captain Harper and Lieutenant P. E. 
Charles, of Company E. The latter was bearing the regimental 
colors at the time, and near him, in a space little more than ten feet 
square, nine men of the color guard lay dead. Captain Ephraim 
Bouldin, of Company H, was also killed. 

On August 9th the battle of Cedar Mountain was fought. In this 
engagement the 22d Regiment was charged by a regiment of cavalry 
which it easily repulsed and punished sharply. Lieutenant Robert 
W. Cole, of Company E, succeeded Lieutenant Charles as adjutant. 
The regiment was with Jackson in his battles with Pope of August 
28th and 29th, and bore an active part at Second Manassas on 
August 30th. In these actions it was efficientlv commanded by 
Major C. C. Cole, owing to the extreme sickness of Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Gray. Two days later it was again engaged with the enemy at 
Chantilly, or Ox Hill, fought in a terrible thunder storm, in which 
the artillery of heaven and of earth seemed to strive in ri\alry. The 
hard service and heavy losses of this campaign may be understood 
by the fact that at this time there were, out of the twelve field offi- 
cers of the four regiments of the brigade, but three left on duty with 
their commands, and some of the companies were commanded b}- 

Pope, the braggart, had made good use of his " Head(]uarters in 
the Saddle " to get out of \'irginia, and had learned all about " Lines 
of Retreat." 

The 22d Regiment took ])art in the reduction and capture of Har- 
per's Ferry on August 15th, where it remained until the 17th, the 
day the battle of Sharpsburg was fought. On that day the regiment, 

TinentijSecovd North Carolina Tnf'ditni. 263 

with the rest of A. P. Hill's Division, ;irri\e(l on the Ixittle-field after 
a forced march of seventeen miles, in time to aid in the afternoon in 
the decided repulse of Piurnside's attack at the "Stone Bridge," 
thereby preventing; the turnintj; of ( ieneral Lee's rij^ht and saving- 
the day to the Confederates. On the nij^ht of the iSth the army 
recrossed the Potomac, and on the 19th was followed Ijy a division of 
Federals, which was j^romptly attacked by a [)art of A. P. Hill's 
command, routed and driven back across the Potomac at Shepherds- 
town with great slaughter. Tiie 22d took an active part in this suc- 
cessful fight. After the enemy had been driven into the ri\-er, a 
heavy fire was opened on the Confederates by the Federal batteries 
and sharpshooters from its northern bank. Under this fire a detach- 
ment of the 22d, under Major Cole, lay, with verv slight protection, 
for nearly twelve hours, and could be w ithdrawii only after nig-htfall. 

Shortly after Shepherdstown, Lieutenant-Colonel (iray rejoined 
the regiment, and Lieutenant J. R. Cole, previously of the 54th 
Regiment, was assigned to the 22d as adjutant. On November 22. 
A. P. Hill's Division, which had been on duty near Akirtinsburg and 
at Snicker's Gap in the Blue Ridge (where there was constant skir- 
mishing), marched for Fredcricksbiu-g, where it arrixed on the 2d 
of December, a distance of 180 miles. In this winter march manv 
of the men were barefooted, but made merry over it. At the Battle 
of Fredericksburg, December 13, Jackson's Corps formed the right 
of Lee's army, and Pender's Brigade was on the left of A. P. Hill's 
Division in the tirst line. The regiment accjuitted itself in this 
famous action in a way well worthy its old re])utation. The nig'ht 
cjf the 1 2th a detail from the regiment by a bold dash succeeded in 
l)urning a number of havstacks and houses very near to, and afford- 
ing cover to, the Federal lines. ALijor C. C. Cole was in charge of 
the detail, and next day commanded the skirmish line in front of 
Pender's Brigade. He was ably seconded by C^qjtain Laban Odell. 
of Company ^L, and Lieutenant Clark, of Company A. The bri- 
gade maintained its position throughout the action, re])ulsing e\erv 
attack upon it, but not without lua\\- loss. Major Cole was much 
comiilimented for his handst)me actit)n in disj^ersing the strong force 
of the enemv's skirmishers on the brigade front. Oeneral Pender 
was wouiuU'cl, and his auK'-dc-cam[), Lieutc'iiant .Sju'ppard, was 
killed in the engagement. Some time l>efore Fretiericksburg the 
13th North Carolina Regiment, Colonel Alfred NL Scales, had been 
added to Pender's Brigade. 

The winter of i862-'3 was passed in picket and other dutv on the 

264 Southern Hisforical Soriefij Papers. 

Rappahannock below Fredericksburg. Colonel James Conner re- 
joined the regiment while it was stationed there, but was still unfitted 
bv his severe wound for active duty. The services of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Gray were lost to the regiment at this time. Always a man 
of delicate health, he died i6th of March, 1863. Major C. C. Cole 
was promoted to lieutenant-colonel and Captain Odell became major, 
their commissions dating March 16, 1862 — positions that these ex- 
cellent officers were to hold but a short time. 

At Chancellors\'ille in May, 1863, the regiment was in Jackson's 
flank attack on Hooker, and throughout the whole of the action 
was heavily engaged. Its losses were very severe. Colonel Cole 
and Major Odell were both killed, 219 men and twenty-six out of 
thirtv-three officers were killed or wounded, and though the regi- 
ment was distinguished by its accustomed efficiency and gallantry, 
nothing could compensate for the terrible destruction. Chancellors- 
ville was the eighteenth battle of the 22d Regiment, and the most 
fatal. It went through the Maryland campaign of 1863 and Gettys- 
burg with credit. General Wm. D. Pender had been made a major- 
general and was now in command of the division, and Colonel Alfred 
M. Scales, of the 13th Regiment, was promoted brigadier in com- 
mand of the brigade. It participated in the first day's brilliant suc- 
cess at Gettysburg, was engaged also on the second day, and on the 
third the brigade was part of General I. R. Trimble's Division, 
General Pender having been mortally wounded in support of Heth's 
Division, then under Pettigrew, in the famous charge on Cemetery 
Heights. In this charge, Archer's and Scales' Brigades occupied 
and held for a time the Federal works, and when they retreated to 
the Confederate lines, Scales' Brigade had not one field officer lett 
for duty, and but very few line officers. Its total loss was 102 killed 
and 322 wounded. 

After the return of the regiment to Virginia it was reorganized, 
when Thomas S. Gallaway, Jr., atone time its major, was elected 
colonel, to date from September 21st, 1863; Wm. L. Mitchell was 
lieutenant-colonel; J. H. Welborn, adjutant; J'. D. Wilder, quarter- 
master; P. G. Robinson, surgeon. Benj. A. Cheek was still as- 
sistant-surgeon. The line officers, with dates of commission, were 
as follows: 

Company A — Captain: Wm. B. Clarke, October 28, 1862; First 
Lieutenant: Joseph B. Clarke, October 28, 1862; Second Lieutenant: 
Wm. A. Tutde, April 25, 1863. 

Company B — Captain ; First Lieutenant: Robert A. Tate, 

TiC'(ntii-S('c(i'n<l Norlh ('(iroVna Jut'iiilri/. 265 

Aug-List I, 1863; Second Lieutenant: George H. Gardin, May 11, 
1863; Second Lieutenant: Samuel P. Tate, August i, 1863. 

Comi)any E — Captain: Robert W. Cole, September 15, 1863; 
First Lieutenant: Andrew J. Husick, September 15. 1863; Second 
Lieutenant: Oliver C. Wheeler, April 25. 1863. 

Comj^any F — Captain ; I"'irst Lieutenant: David Edwards, 

October 20, 1862; Second Lieutenant: Shadrach (i. Caudle, April 
25, 1863. 

Company G — Captain: George A. Graves, May i, 1862; First 
Lieutenant: Peter Smith, May 10, 1862; Second Lieutenant: Robert 
L. Mitchell, May i, 1862; Second Lieutenant: Martin H. Cobb, 
April 25, 1863. 

Company H — -Captain: Thomas T. Slade, Octoljer 23, 1863: 
First Lieutenant: John K. Martin, May 25, 1863; Second Lieutenant: 
Mason T. Mitchell, April 25, 1863; Second Lieutenant: C. L. 
Graves, May 25, 1863. 

Company I — Captain: Gaston \'. Lamb, July 18, 1862; First 
Lieutenant: Burwell W. Burkhead, July i, 1863; Second Lieutenant: 
Richard W. Winburne, August i, 1863; Second Lieutenant: Robert 
A. (jlenn, August i, 1863. 

Company K — Captain: , ; First Lieutenant: , 

; Second Lieutenant: PI. J. Dobson, November 5, 1862. 

Company L — Captain: Lee Russell, , ; First Lieutenant: 

Yancey M. C. Johnson, August i, 1863, Second Lieutenant: Oliver 
M. Pike, July 15, 1S63; Second Lieutenant; Calvin H. Wilborne. 
August I, 1863. 

Company M — Captain: Columbus F. Siler, ]\Lty 2, 1863; Plrst 
Lieutenant: James M. Robbins, May 2, 1863; Second Lieutenant: 
John M. Lawrence, April 25, 1863. 

Under this organization, the regiment shared in the events of the 
"campaign of strategy " in October and Xoxember, 1863, on the 
Rapidan, and endured the cold and other privations in the atilair at 
Mine Run, on the last of the latter month. Going into winter quar- 
ters after that, there were no occurrences of much note until the 
opening of the great campaign in the spring ol 1864. ^Llior-Gen- 
eral Cadmus M. Wilco.x h;id been assigned to the commanil of the 
di\ision, General Pender ha\ing died of tlu' wound receixed at Get- 
tysburg, and this di\'ision with that of Heth, at the Wilderness, on 
May 5th, withstood and repulsed with he,u\- loss, e\ery attack tif 
Grant's forces on that memorable da\'. Si) severe had been the 
struggle, that at night w lu n iXHiuested b\- Ilelh to readiust the lines. 

'2{]i'} SniiJ/tt'rn Hi-'<loricul Socicf^/ Papers. 

much disordered by the persistant hghting, General A. P. Hill sim- 
ply replied, "Let the tired men sleep," a decision which, with the 
delay of Long-street's corps the next morning in getting into position, 
had nearly caused disaster. The Twenty-second bore well its part here, 
and so on, always maintaining its high reputation, at Spotsylvania, 
North Anna, Cold Harbor, and through the weary winter of hard- 
ship and want of i.S64-'65, borne with fortitude, in the trenches at 
Petersburg; on the trying retreat to Appomattox in April, 1865, 
where the sad end came. At the surrender there on the 9th, the 
brigade was under the command of Colonel Joseph H. Hyman, of 
the Thirteenth Regiment, of Edgecombe county, and numbered all 
told. 720 men, of whom ninety-two were officers, of the different 
grades, and 628 were enlisted men. Of the Twenty-second Regi- 
ment there were paroled ninety-seven men, and the following officers: 
Colonel Thomas S. Gallawav, Jr., Lieutenant-Colonel W. S- 
Mitchell. Captains George H. Gardin; Companv B; Robert W. 
Cole, Company E; Gaston \\ Lamb, Companv I; E. J. Dobson, 
Company K; Yancey M. C. Johnson, Company L; Columbus F. 
Siler, Company AL Lieutenants: William A. Tuttle, Company A; 
Samuel P. Tate, Company B; Andrew J. Busick, Company E; W. 
C. Orvell, Company E; Calvin H. Wilborne, Company L, Thir- 
teenth. In Company F, but eight pri\'ates " present for duty," 
were left, and in Company H, but five. Besides those mentioned, 
several members of the regiment, who were on detached service, 
were paroled elsewhere. 

And so the regiment was disbanded, and its iew survixing mem- 
bers sought their distant homes with heavy hearts indeed at the fail- 
ure of the cause they had upheld so long and so bravely, undeterred 
by privation and unappalled by dangers, but still sustained by the 
parting words of their illustrious chief, and the consciousness of right 
and of duty well done. No nobler band of men ever offered their 
all at the behest of the sovereign State to which they owed alle- 
giance, and to the little squad of them, now " in the sere, the yellow 
leaf, ' ' who not have not yet ' ' crossed over the river and rest under 
the shade of the trees," an old comrade sends warmest greeting and 
best wishes. Would that his feeble efforts in attempting to preserve 
some portion, at least, of their record were more worthy of their 
matchless deeds. Few of them, if any, there were who, when all 
was over, might not have said, in the words ot St. Paul: "I have 
fought a good fight; -■- •■' * I ha\'e kept the faith." 

And to those of the regiment — that larger regiment by far — who 

Tlic Ihilllr of Sh<iri>shiirfi. •2«J7 

sleep their last sleep where at duty's call they laid down their li\es, 
on the plains and hillsides of \'irj4inia and Maryland, from the Appo- 
mattox to the Antietam, is gladly rendered the fullest meed of grate- 
ful i)raise. Their fidelity and devoted sacrifice shall be celebrated in 
song and story, and shall be bcjrne in loving memory while time 

shall last. 

* " ■'•■ "■ " Laiiu-nt tlu_-m noli 
Nu love can ina!:e imiiiDilal 

That span which \vc call lill-; 
Ami iievL-r iuTDes passed to life eternal 
I'Voni lii-lcls of urander slrifi_-." 

Graham Danes. 
Neivbern, N. C. 

In offering this imperfect history of the 22d Regiment of North 
Carolina Troops in the late war between the States, the writer will 
say, in explanation of its many omissions and shortcomings, that 
during more than the last two years of its service, he had been trans- 
ferred to other duty, and was not a member of the regiment. He 
gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to Lieutenant I. R. Cole, 
some time its adjutant, for much \'aluable information. He hopes 
the brave story of the part the regiment bore in the momentous 
campaigns of i864-'65 will yet be tokl in lull detail. 

Graham Davks, 
First .Id/iifcDit, 22d X. C. Troops. 

Nc7vbern, N. C, J/arc//, /.S'yj. 

[From the Norfolk Laudmark ] 


To tlic Editor of tlic /.a)idi>iark : 

Sir — Having obserx'cd with i^reat intrrest the attack u[Hm the 
accuracy of the statement ot' ( ".ciural I'itz Lee concerning the 
strength of the Confederate arni\- at .Sharpsburg, made by certain o\ 
his critics, 1 respectfullv ask llu' privilege of the use of your col- 
umns for the following contribution to the discussion of this subject. 
Let it be borne in mind that what we seek to ascertain is the num- 

268 SoKtheni Jrlidoriral Soo'et;/ Papers. 

ber of troops actually engaired in the Battle of Sharpsburg; and if 
this can be established by contemporaneous, documentary evidence, 
it is unnecessary to attempt a conjectural estimate of numbers based 
upon returns of the army made at some time previous or subsequent 
to the date of the battle, although, to those cognizant of all of the 
facts, there is no difticultv in harmonizing the results of the two 

For a correct understanding of the matter, it is necessary to con- 
sider briefly the interesting events of the week immediately preceding 
the engagement. 

On September the 9th the army of General Lee was well in hand 
near Frederick City, Md. ; his purpose was not yet fully developed 
to the enemv. The Federal authorities at Washington were fearful 
lest his advance into Maryland was but a feint to cover his real pur- 
pose of attacking the Capital. This uncertainty and the necessity 
for covering that city and Baltimore caused General McClellan to 
advance very cautiously and slowly. 

Quite a large Federal force, between twelve and thirteen thousand 
men, was at and near Harper's Ferry, Virginia. This force seriously 
threatened General Lee's line of communication by the Shenandoah 
Valley and it was essential to the success of his plans to be rid of it. 
Relying on a continuation of the cautious tactics of his opponent, he 
determined to detach a force sufficient to reduce Harper's Ferry, 
and drive away or capture the troops about there, confident ot his 
ability to do this, and then reunite his forces in time to meet General 

The order for this movement was issued on the 9th of September, 
and was put into execution on the next day. General Jackson, with 
his own division and those of A. P. Hill and Ewell, moved directly 
upon Harper's Ferry; General McLaws, with his division and that of 
General R. H. Anderson, was ordered to occupy the Maryland 
heights, (Ml the north side of the Potomac river overlooking Har- 
per's Ferry. General Walker with his division of two brigades, was 
directed to take possession of Loudoun heights, on the Virginia side, 
also overlooking Harper's Ferry. These three columns were to co- 
operate against the enemy at Harper's Ferry. General Longstreet, 
with his command, embracing six brigades under D. R. Jones, 
Hood's two brigades and Evans' brigade, was ordered to move to 
Boonsborough and halt. General D. H. Hill, with his division, was 
made the rear guard, and ordered to follow General Longstreet. 

It was not until the afternoon of the 14th of September that the 

Thr [hi I He of Shnrpshiirfj. 269 

three bodies of troops co-operatin,i;' against Harjjer's Ferry were in 
their respective positions and ready for operations. 

On the 15th, after a brief eng-agement, the garrison at Harjjer's 
Ferry surrendered. 

Meanwhile, on September 13th, General McClellan had reached 
Frederick, and it was there, by a strange accident, constituting one 
of the pivots upon which the r'-'sult of the war seemed to turn, that 
he came into possession of a copy of General Lee's order, and was 
so made aware of the division of our army and of the comparatively 
small force that confronted him. His mo\'ements, so very slow up 
to this time, were greatly accelerated. In his report he says, 
"Upon learning the contents of this order, I at once gave orders 
for vigorous pursuit." 

General Longstreet, with nine brigades, was now at Hag-erstown, 
and General D. H. Hill, with h\e brigades, was at Boonsborough 
guarding the pass through South Mountain and immediately con- 
fronting the Federal army. General McClellan moved promptly on 
the morning of September 14th to force a passage here, and sent 
Franklin's Corps to intercept the mox'cments of General McLaws, 
whose position, until the capture of Harper's Ferry, was one of great 

According to General D. H. Hill's official report, the strength of 
his division at this time was less than 5,000 men. For si.\ or seven 
hours this force at South Mountain pass resisted the assaults of two 
corps of General McClellan's army. At about 3 o'clock P. M. Gen- 
eral Hill was re-enforced by the brigades of Drayton and Anderson, 
and later in the da)- he was joined by General Longstreet, with the 
brigades of Pickett, Kemper, Jenkins, Hood, Whiting and E\\ans: 
only four of these, however, nunibering about 3,000 men, became 
seriously engaged. Thus it will be seen that a force of less than 
10,000 men resisted the assaults of two corps of the Federal armv 
and held (jcneral McClellan in check for an entire dav. Cjcneral 
McClellan in his report states that he had 30,000 men in this en- 

While ticneral Hill was thus liotl\- engaged at Boonsborough jiass. 
General McLaws was being pressed at Crampion (iaj) b\-(k'neral 
hranklin, in command of the force sent by lieneral McClellan to 
o\erwhehn him and ])revent his rejoining General Lee. The com- 
mands engaged in these encounters with the enem\- were, of course, 
seriously reducetl. 

270 Soiither/i Hisforioil Society Papers. 

On the 15th of September General Lee had withdrawn the com- 
mands of Long-street and D. H. Hill to Sharpsburg. On the same 
day, as soon as practicable after the capture of Harper's Ferry, 
General Jackson, with his division and Ewell's, began the march to 
rejoin General Lee. He left General A. P. Hill with his division at 
Harper's Ferry to take charge of the captured property and to 
parole the prisoners. General Walker, with his two brigades, fol- 
lowed General Jackson. General McLaws was enabled by the 
capture of Harper's Ferry to escape from the trap prepared for him, 
for he crossed the river and proceeded at once to rejoin General Lee 
by moving up the south bank of the Potomac. General Jackson, 
with his two divisions and Walker's, reported to General Lee on the 
afternoon of the i6th of September. General McLaws reached 
Sharpsburg in the forenoon of the 17th. 

General A. P. Hill, with his division — except Thomas' Brigade, 
left in charge of Harper's Ferry — did not start to rejoin General Lee 
until the morning of the 17th. He made a forced march to Sharps- 
burg, seventeen miles distant, having to cross the Potomac river, 
reached the battlefield in the afternoon and went immediately into 

I have gi\'en this review of the division and subsequent concen- 
tration of General Lee's army in order that the condition of the 
several commands that participated in the battle may be properly 
understood. In his official report General Lee says: " The arduous 
service in which our troops had been engaged, their great priAation 
of rest and food, and the long marches without shoes over mountain 
roads, had greatly reduced our ranks before the action began." 

The infantry under General Lee at Sharpsburg embraced the fol- 

Jackson's command — J. R. Jc^nes' division of four brigades and 
Ewell's division of tour brigades (under Lawton, until wounded, and 
then Early). 

Longstreet's command — D. R. Jones' division of six brigades, 
Hood's division of two brigades and Evans' (unassigned) brigade, 
D. H. Hill's division of five brigades, R. H. Anderson's division of 
six brigades, A. P. Hill's division of five brigades (this other bri- 
gade was at Harper's Ferry), McLaws' division of four brigades and 
J. G. Walker's division of two brigades. 

I will now state the strength of these several commands on the 
17th day of September, as given in tlie official reports of their re- 
spective commanders. 

The Battle of S/>ar/>s'l»'n/. 271 

General J. R. Jones says: " I found the division at this time very 
much reduced in numbers by the recent se\ere battles and the long- 
and wearisome marches. * ''■ ''■ The division not numbering 
over 1, 600 men at the beginning of the fight." 

General Early says: " Lawton's brigade had sustained a loss (in 
this battle) of 554 killed and wounded, out of 1,150; Hay's brigade 
had sustained a loss of 323 out o^ 550. Including every regimental 
commander and all his staff, Trimble's brigade, under Walker, had 
sustained a loss of 228 out of less than 700 present, including three 
out of four regimental commanders." The casualties in his own 
brigade are not specifically given, but he further says: " The loss of 
the division at Sharpsburg alone was 199 killed, 1,115 wounded and 
38 missing, being an aggregate loss of 1,352 out of less than 3,500 
with which it went into that action." 

General D. R. Jones says of his di\ision: "When it is known 
that on moving mv entire command of six brigades, comprised only 
2,430 men, the enormous disparity of force with which I contended 
can be seen." The strength of (jeneral Hood's di\'ision at the com- 
mencement of the campaign was 3,852 (see return of July 20, 1862). 
His official report gi\'es the loss of the division in the encounters 
with the enemy previous to the battle of Sharpsburg as 972. This 
would make his strength in that battle 2,880, making no allowance 
for straggling. General Evans states that his brigade numbered 
2,200 effective at the opening of the campaign, and reports his 
loss in the battles about Manassas at 631; his brigade was also en- 
gaged at South Mountain and could not have exceeded 1,500. 

General D. H. Hill says: " My ranks had been diminished bv 
some additional straggling, and the morning of the 17th I had but 
3,000 infantry." '■''' ■'■' "In the meantime. General R. H. Ander- 
son reported to me with scjme 3,000 or 4,000 men." 

General A. P. Hill's command consisted of the brigades of Branch, 
Gregg, Archer, Pender, and Brockenbonnigh. He states the 
strength of the first three at 2,000. The other two were smaller, 
liut allowing the average, say of 700, for each ami we ha\ e for the 
di\ision a total effecti\'e of 3,400. 

General McLaws reports in detail the etfecti\e strengtii ot' his four 
brigades carried into action as 2,893. 

General J. G. Walker, who connnanikHJ his own ant! Ransom's 
Brigades, does not report his strength. General Ransom puts his 
efiective strength at 1,600, and 1 ha\e his authorit\- forsaxini"- that 

272 Soulhern Historical Sorictii Papers. 

his brigade was larger than Walker's, making the strength of this 
division less than 3,200. 

With the exception of the brigade last mentioned and the two 
brio-ades of A. P. Hill's Division, which are estimated, the following- 
recapitulation is established upon indisputable and contemporaneous 
authority, being nothing less than the testimony of the commanding 
officers, as shown by their official reports made immediately after the 

Jackson's Command, ----- 5,000 

Longstreet's Command, - - - - - 6,812 

D. H. Hill's Division, ----- 3,000 

R. H. Anderson's Division, - - - - _i.,ooo 

A. P. Hill's Division, . - . - - 3,400 

McLaws' Di\ision, ------ 2,893 

|. G. Walker's Division, ----- 3,200 

Total effective infantry, . - - _ 28,305 

The cavalry and artillery have been generally estimated at 8,000. 
They certainly did not exceed this. The returns of the Army of 
Northern Virginia for October loth, 1862, shows an effective force 
of these two arms of the service of 7,870 men. 

The figures given abo\'e can be verified by reference to the official 
reports of the operations of the Army of Northern Virginia, pub- 
lished by authority of the Congress of the Confederate States and 
also contained in the records of the Union and Confederate armies. 
Series I, \'ol. XIX, Part I. 

It is an abandonment of the argument to contend that the ranking 
officers in General Lee's army made their reports without knowledge 
of such important facts, and it would be a suggestion unworthy of 
notice to intimate that such men, in such a matter, would make any 
statement that was not true. In the one case, it would be a reflec- 
tion upon their intelligence; and in the other, a denial of their integ- 

With the official reports of his subordinates before him. General 
Lee, in his report of this battle to the War Department, says: " This 
great battle was fought by less than 40,000 men on our side, all of 
whom had undergone the greatest labors and hardships in the field 
and on the march." The figures given in this statement will allow 
ample margin for probable discrepancies and yet be found within the 
numbers as reported by General Lee. 

The. Baflb' of Sf>arpsh>/rr/. 273 

The army had marched and fought incessantly for o\er a month. 
Its route was marked by stragglers, who for many reasons had been 
unable to keep up with their commands. After the army crossed 
into Maryland, orders were given to collect these men and hold them 
on the south side of the Potomac, as it would have been dangerous 
for them to attempt to rejoin their commands while the army was 
operating in Maryland. I was sent by General Lee from Frederick 
City to Virginia to meet President Davis and dissuade him from his 
purpose of joining the army. On my return to General Lee, whom 
I rejoined just before the battle of Sharpsburg, I found the provost 
guard at Winchester with orders to halt and collect at that ptjint all 
men who were attempting to rejoin their commands. The men re- 
turning from furlough, the stragglers from Cedar Run, Second 
Manassas, Chantilly, and Harper's P^rry, and those left on the 
march before the army crossed into Maryland, as well as in the 
hurried movements involved in the capture of Harper's Ferry, were 
collected on the south side of the Potomac and only rejoined their 
commands after the return of the Army to Virginia. 

(ieneral McClellan did not renew his attack on the iSth of Sep- 
tember; the day was one of comparative quiet; both armies had 
suffered terribly, and during the night of the i8th General Lee with- 
drew his army to the south side of the Potomac river. 

Every day after the battle witnessed the return of a large number 
of men to their regiments, and those, together with the force col- 
lected about Winchester, made a very material increase in the 
strength of the army before the next regular return was made. 

General McClellan, in his official report, states that he had in 
action in the same engagement 87,164 men of all arms. If how- 
ever, we undertake to construct a table of strength of his army after 
the method adopted by the critic of General Fitz. Lee's book, these 
numbers would be materially increased. 

Treating all the engagements between tiie 14th antl the i8th as 
one encounter, as does this critic, let us proceed to construct a state- 
uKMit, similar to his, of the strength of the Union army: 

The retui'ii ot that arniv for September 20th, 18(12, shows 

an eftective total ol ----- 9-^, 14c) 

The Federal loss at Roonsborough and Sharpsburg, as offi- 
cially reported, was ..... 14,794 

The force at Harper's Ferry was about - - - 12,000 

Total strength, by this methoil, -. - - 119,94-^ 


274 Soui/a'Di Historical Society Papers. 

We might thus contend that General Lee had 120,000 men op- 
posed to him, which would bear to 57,000, the number of his army 
as made up by General Fitz. Lee's critic, about the same proportion 
as the " less than 40,000" reported by General Lee, bears to the 
" 87,164 carried into action " by General McClellan. 

Walter H. Taylor. 

[From the Times Democrat, June, 1S95 ] 



His Incomparable Gifts and One flisfortune — Were fir. Davis and Gen= 
eral Bragg Responsible for His Fatalities ? 

A recent elaborate and sympathetic article on the career of the 
late General W. H. C. Whiting, while properly eulogizing the hero 
of it, may have, unintentionally, clone injustice to Hon. Jefferson 
Davis, as President of the Southern Confederacy, and General Brax- 
ton Bragg, who was conspicuous in the same cause. The phenome- 
nal accomplishments of General Whiting are admirably summed up. 
Few men have been born into the world with such astonishing en- 
dowments of body and mind. His personal masculine beauty was a 
splendid shrine for one of the most brilliant, comprehensive, and ver- 
satile intellects. His record at West Point has not yet, I presume, 
been matched. The late Dr. Greebough, of the navy, who knew 
him well, declared to me that Whiting not only surpassed all of his 
military contemporaries in serious or manly accomplishments, but 
could even beat all the boys of his time playing marbles. He was 
by parentage a northern man, southern born, however, and, like 
Byron, his "blood was all meridian." My personal acquaintance 
with him was very slight, but it happened at a time when this extra- 
ordinary man was in the crisis of his destiny, and, perhaps, with as 
much delicacy as possible, I may clear up some of the adverse criti- 
cisms made, in all sincerity, no doubt, upon men who, like Whiting, 
are with the historic dead, and whose characters need not fear truth 
as well as commendation. 

The charge made against Mr. Davis substantially is that he did not 

A Pica for (ienrral W. H. d Whifimi. 275 

thoroughly appreciate C General Whiting-, and so this gifted and 
intrepid soldier did not have the scope his eminent and exceptional 
talents, to say nothing of his services, deserved. This is a hard 
(juestion to decide, where much, no doubt, could be said on both 
sides, but it may be due to Mr. Davis' memory, without injustice to 
the memory of Whiting, to state some facts which I have reason to 
believe well-founded. 


Whether Mr. Davis removed General Whiting from the field of 
active operations for wise or unwise motives or reasons, others must 
settle who are more competent to judge than myself; but my recol- 
lection is that nothing could have been more unfortunate for this 
wonderfully gifted officer than initially giving him command at Wil- 
mington, N. C. We may charitably suppose that Mr. Davis in- 
tended no harm to General Whiting, for Wilmington was one of the 
important sea-gates of the Confederacy, and the man who defended 
it had need of just such engineering skill as Beauregard had at 
Charleston. I have always been under the impression from personal 
experience at the time when stationed at Wilmington, that General 
Whiting would have been spared many troubles if it had not hap- 
jjened that blockade running was one of the most demoralizing 
agencies at that place. He was honest and incorruptible, but like 
many another dazzling genius, he did not always a\oid the danger of 
the " insidious spirit of wine. " He was placed in a trying position, 
with very inadequate materials for exploiting his great talents. He 
was possessed of an active, fearless, resolute spirit, that loved the 
combat of the field of arms. He was presumably chafing under 
what he deemed the griexance of banishment from glorious combat. 
He felt unsphered, and this tormenting sentiment may have forced 
liim into moodiness, and opened the way for what seemed his one 
temptation. At any rate, he never rested until, tlirough tlie request 
of General Beauregard, he was assigned to an imp(.)rtant command 
under that distinguished leader, who was operating in the vicinity 
of Petersburg against General B. F. Butler, who had been making a 
diversion in favor of General Grant at Bermuda Hundreds. I was 
told at the time that General Beauregard exacted from General Whit- 
ing a promise that he would not. while with him, use potent liquors. 
It appears to be a historical fact that Beauregard had Butler in what 
he called a sack, and Whiting was assigned to watch the neck o\ it 
so that the Federal commander, who, as Cirant phrased it, was " bot- 

276 Southern Historical Societij Papers. 

tied up," should not slip away or uncork himself. There was a huge 
promise, coupled with lively expectation, that Butler and his whole 
force would be captured, and it was considered peculiarly significant 
that the man who made himself notoriously obnoxious — to put it 
mildly — at New Orleans, should be enmeshed and made prisoner by 
the Creole General. At the very moment when this master piece of 
strategy and dramatic revenge of time was about to be consummated, 
Butler escaped, and the blame is attached to General Whiting. 


Some weeks afterward I happened to meet the chief engineer of 
General Beauregard near Charleston, and asked him if the misad- 
venture was due to General Whiting's infirmity. He replied almost 
in these words: "You were never more mistaken. Whiting's 
failure was wholly ascribed to the fact that, like a man of honor and 
truth, he kej)t his prom-ise. Had he had a single dram, at the 
critical moment, to clear his brain, Butler and his whole army would 
have been prisoners of war. 

After this episode, General Whiting returned to Wilmington, and 
his subsequent career was at once heroic and inspirational. He per- 
formed prodigies of valor, and stamped himself as one of the most 
worthy of "the chevaliers of the Lost Cause," by granci tactics at 
Wilmington and the sacrifice of his life in splendid, but vain, defence 
of Fort Fisher. On the ruined ramparts of that fort he fought like 
a hero of old days, and onlv ceased to struggle when, what proved 
a mortal wound, closed his military achievements. There was then, 
and there is now, complaint that General Bragg did not come to his 
rescue when Fort Fisher was assailed on the land side by General 
Terry. It may be that Bragg was culpable, but it may be also that he 
could no more, for the same reason, help Whiting than Joseph E. 
Johnston could disentangle Pemberton at Vicksburg. This must be 
solved by experts. Many of the men who had consummate knowl- 
edge of the situation are dead, but they have left records, and some 
persons may survive who can set the matter right, without disparage- 
ment of any actors in the scene. What prominent general of our 
interstate conflict was free from commission of error, on either side ? 
The greatest of all — Robert E. Lee — ascribed to himself the disaster 
at Gettysburg, although Major Kyd Douglas told the Count of Paris 
that Lee needed just such a reverse to admonish him that Stonewall 
Jackson was dead. At Shiloh, General Beauregard's unfortunate 
order of retreat saved the Federals from capture or destruction, 

A Plea for General W. IT. C Whilnnj. "Ill 

;md made it possible for Grant to be afterward President of the 
United States. Colonel Frank Schaller, now no more, told me that 
when Brag-g received the order to retire from the cowering enemy 
and harmless gunboat fire, his indignation was boundless, and, in a 
fury, he broke his sword across his knees. It is strange that this 
same Oeneral should, by any fault of his, ha\e subsequently per- 
mitted the intrepid Whiting to be defeated and \irtually slain. 


Right here I desire to pay a tribute to my dear friend. Colonel 
Frank Schaller. He was, in a large degree, the e(|ual of General 
Whiting in the range and profundity of his gifts and accjuirements. 
He was a highly trained soldier, a classic and scientific scholar, a 
writer of the first order, a man of almost prophetic insight, and an 
adept in all physical equipment or martial exercises. Long before 
the event, he wrote an editorial for me in an Augusta paper, pre- 
dicting the downfall of Louis Napoleon, and reciting analytically the 
causes of that memorable overthrow. He showed, with mastery and 
seership, that this monarch was, when advancing to Italian victory, 
also marching to Sedan, and Parisian revolution, as Mr. Ropes dem- 
onstrates, long after the event, that the Plrst Napoleon, when pro- 
gressing towards Austerlitz, was none the less moving fatally to 
Waterloo and St. Helena. Colonel Schaffer did not, as some of us 
thought, get the reward in proportion that he deserved, but I cannot 
recall that he ever murmured. He was by birth a Pole, and by 
adoption a Georgian. He taught a school at Athens, (Georgia, and 
died in pedagogic harness, in the golden prime of manhood. Peace 
be with him and with his spirit, for he was a grand character, and 
never was there "a bolder spirit in a more loyal breast." 

In reviewing some of the passages in the lite of Cieneral Whiting, 
I have striven to be just to him as well as to Mr. Davis and General 
Hragg. The one fault of Whiting was so magnificentlv atoned for, 
that it will not dim the lustre of his true glory. He merits all of the 
honor that his admirt'rs claim for him, without seeking to injure his 
superiors or compeers, and nothing so became him as his heroic itWiX, 
which was peaceful, resigned, and pathetically courageous. Napo- 
leon said at St. Helena, that the misfortunes he finally encountered 
were necessary to give sublimitv and roundness to his character. Rela- 
ti\'ely, we may sav the same of General Whiting, and trust that the 
Southern people, and especiallv North Carolinians, will some dav 
make his memorv monumental and sublime. 

f.VMEs R. Randall. 

278 Soathtrn Hlslorical SocieUj Papers. 

[From the Daily Charlotte (N. C.) Obrerver, April 7, 1S95.] 



Kilpatrick and Dahlgreen, with 4,000 Cavalry, were Planning to take 

the Almost Defenseless City, Burn it and Kill the 

President and Cabinet. 

The South complains, and justly, of Northern historians for their 
misrepresentations of facts, and the men of the South who made the 
facts, during the war between the States. 

A man's enemies are they of his own household, declares Sacred 
Writ, and when we come to consider the subject of this paper and 
the inaccuracy of two of our own historians with reference to it, the 
question forces itselt. What can we do to deli\'er us from our friends ? 

A great injustice has been done that grand man and soldier, Wade 
Hampton, by both Pollard in his " Lost Cause," and McCabe in his 
" Lee and His Campaigns." Both of these historians recognize the 
])eril that threatened Richmond and its inhabitants of sack, pillage 
and murder from the raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgreen in March, 

Pollard says: " In a general history there is little space for de- 
tached events. But we must make an exception to this rule in case 
of an expedition of Federal cavalry directed against Richmond in 
the month of March, 1864; a very small incident in military view, it 
is to be taken among the most interesting events of the war, as con- 
taining one of the most distinct and deliberate evidences of the 
enemies' atrocity that had yet been given to a shocked and surprised 
world. ' ' 

McCabe says: "An expedition consisting of 4,000 cavalry was 
fitted out with great care, for the purpose of capturing Richmond 
and releasing the Union prisoners confined there. The command of 
ihis expedition was intrusted to Kilpatrick. He was seconded by 
I'lric Dahlgren, a young officer of great skill and daring. The 
l)lan of the expedition was as follows: A column under General 
Custer was to make a dash on Charlottesville to draw attention from 
the main bodv which was to proceed to Beaver Dam, on the Central 
Railroad; arrixing there, the column was to be divided, a part under 
Ceneral Kilpatrick was to mo\'e on Richmond along the north bank 

W(i(/e Il'ii/i/jfrm's Hlrati'y)/. '27U 

of James river, while the remainder under Colonel Dahl^reen were 
to cross to the south side, move down the ri^ht bank of the James, 
release the prisoners on Belle Isle, opposite Richmond; recross the 
river, burning the bridges after them, and rejoin Kilpatrick in the 
city. Richmond was to be given to the flames and President Davis 
and his cabinet killed." 

Up to this point in the transaction both historians are accurate 
enough — but let us see farther. McCabe says: "Kilpatrick ap- 
proached the city by the Brook turnpike, and there, with scarcely a 
show of fighting, turned off and kept down the peninsula"; and 
Pollard says : "Kilpatrick moved down on tlie Brook turnpike on 
the ist of March, near the outline of the Richmond fortifications and 
without once getting in range of the artillery, took up a line of 
march down the peninsula, while Dahlgren, not venturing to cross 
the high water of the James River, abandoned his enterprise on the 
south of Richmond, and, unapprised of the ludicrous cowardice and 
retreat of Kilpatrick, proposed, by mox'ing down the W'estham plank 
road, which skirted the river, to effect a junction with Kilpatrick, 
with a view of further operations, or add to the security of his re- 

The injustice of this account done to Kilpatrick is not within the 
scope of this article. But why the splendid strategy of General Wade 
Hampton should be so entirely ignored, bv which the enemy were 
foiled in their plans, and the city of Richmond saved from the im- 
pending fire and carnage, is a fact beyond the comprehension of the 
writer ; and that this misstatement of facts should exist when one of 
the historians at least was in Richmond at the time, a member of the 
editorial staff of the Richmond Examiner, which paper contained, 
the day after the deliverance of the city, an accurate account of the 
conflict that brought such magnificent results. 

The true history of Kilpatrick' s raid and the causes of its failure 
are these: On Sunday, the 28th of February, 1S64, General Kil- 
patrick crossed the Rapidan ri\er at (icrmanna ford with about 
2,000 picked men from the caxalrv force of the enem\', and ]>ro- 
ceedcd in the direction of Richmond, executing the movement with 
such celerity and skill that he succeeded in cutting the railroad in 
rear of (ieneral Lee's arm\-, which was tlun hing in winter-quarters 
around Orange Courthouse, without serious opposition; thus cutting 
off the possibility of sending reinforcements to Richmond, which 
was in an almost entirt'l)- defenceless condition. After detaching, at 
Beaver Dam, soo nun under Colonel Pahlgren, and sentling them 

280 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

around to the north of Richmond, Kilpatrick, with the remainder 
and main body of the force, about 1,500 strong, proceeded in a 
southeasterly course, going into camp on the night of March ist 
near Atlee's Station, nine miles from the city, on the Virginia Cen- 
tral Railroad. This raid was so well timed by the enemy that there 
were only two regiments of cavalry on the right flank of the Army 
of Northern Virginia to oppose them. These were the ist North 
Carolina, Colonel Cheek commanding, and the 2d North Carolina, 
Colonel Andrews commanding, in winter-quarters near Milford Sta- 
tion, in Caroline county, nearly fifty miles from the picket lines on 
the Rapidan river, and so depleted were they by details for picket 
and other duties, that the effective cavalry force in hand with which 
to operate against this raiding party, consisted of 200 men from the 
ist North Carolina Cavalry and fifty men from the 2d North Carolina 
Cavalry. General Jas. Gordon, the gallant and lamented Gordon, 
to whose brigade these regiments belonged, was absent on short 
leave, so Major-General Wade Hampton entered into the minutest 
details in handling this shadow of a force against the bold movements 
of Richmond's would-be destroyers. 

After preparing several days' rations, this force mounted at S 
o'clock Monday, February 29th, and moved down the Fredericks- 
l)urg Railroad in the direction of Hanover Junction, accompanied by 
two pieces of Hart's Battery of Artillery, that was wintering near. 
General Hampton, this Gideon who always accomplished the most mag- 
nificent results with the least possible loss, well knowing that his force 
was too small to seriously embarrass the movements of the enemy by 
direct attack, kept his men in hand, preserving their spirits and the 
strength of them and their horses, waiting to strike the enemy a blow 
under the fifth rib when it was possible to be accomplished. All ol 
Monday night and Tuesday we were in the saddle and on the alert, 
though not all the time in motion. Keeping at a respectful and sate 
distance from Kilpatrick, and avoiding an encounter. General Hamp- 
ton was keeping himself, through his scouts, thoroughly posted on 
the movements of the enemy. 

Tuesday night, March i, 1864, the light of camp-fires at Atlee's 
Station, nine miles from Richmond, was plainly visible several miles 
to our front, and between us and Richmond. Fires that were doubt- 
less made to guide Dahlgren, were as brilliant to us as to him, so 
toward them we immediately took our line of march, the vicinity of 
which we reached shortly before midnight. Our progress was nec- 
essarily slow, on account of the rain which had fallen continuously 

Wade Ham pf on' ft Strater///. 281 

since we moved out the ni^ht before. The mud by this time had 
become deej), and horses and men were somewhat jaded. At lo 
o'clock the rain had ceased, and snow began to fall; and our cloth- 
ing, before wet, now began to freeze. When y(ju add all this to that 
seeming natural tremulousness that is the accompaniment of a night 
attack under the most favorable circumstances, it will readily be 
admitted that this combination was enough to shake up a tin soldier. 
We had approached within a mile f)f the cam])-fn'es when we were 
l)rought to a sudden halt by a xolley jjoured into the head of our 
column bv the enemy's pickets; but on account of the pitchy dark- 
ness only one man was wounded, Sergeant McNeil, of Company C, 
First North Carolina Regiment, being shot through the arm. Per- 
fect silence had been enjoined by General Hampton for two reasons. 
The camp-fires being so close to Richmond and between us and the 
city, they might be those of friends, and this information must be 
obtained before any attack was made. If thev were those of the 
enemy, our arrangements must be perfected before the enemy were 
roused from their slumbers. So in silence and without pursuit of the 
])ickets that had fallen back, we waited until the alarm was supposed 
by them to be false. Then (ieneral Hampton ordered the first scjuad- 
ron of the First North Carolina Regiment, composed of Companies 
F and C, to dismount, deploy as skirmishers, advance toward the 
camp, and when assured of the tact that foes, not friends, were in 
front, to charge the camp. The captain of Company F, being the 
ranking officer, had command of the execution of these details and 
the subsequent attack. When this skirmish line had advanced a 
short distance, a horse was disco\-ered tied to a fence, which had 
been abandoned by those who had fired and fallen back; this horse 
was equipped with new bridle, saddle and blanket, that pointed 
sharply to the fact that the enemy were near; but this suspicion was 
forced to a certainty of conviction when our acKance brought us near 
enough to the picket, who challenged " Who comes there / " 

General Hamj)ton was (juicklv informed of the certainty of the 
enemy's presence. He cjuickh- placed the two pieces ot Hart's 
Battery in position on an eminence close by, and gave instructions 
to the commander of the dismounted men to charge when the artil- 
lery had tired tourtecn shells into Uir eiienn's camp. We were now 
within 150 yards of the sleeping foe, who seemingly, o\ercome by 
the exposure and fatigue of three davs and two nights of severe 
weather, were now an easv \irtim li) surjirise and panic. This little 
band of fort^• dismounted nuMi counteil the shells with precision 

282 Southern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

as they went over their heads into the enemy's camp, which were 
fired with that rapidity which would indicate to a startled foe the 
presence of as many batteries as there were pieces. As soon as the 
fourteenth shell had passed on its mission of inquiry, those dis- 
mounted men rose and charged the enemy's camp with all the noise 
that could emanate from forty mouths with the dreaded rebel yell: 
and from forty well-handled repeating carbines; all of this conducted 
by old "vets" who so well knew that what we lacked in numbers 
must be compensated for in noise and rattle. 

The night attack of the three hundred of Israel that put to flight 
the hosts of the Midianites was not more successful than this one. 
The enemy, routed, were driven from their camp in the greatest 
consternation. Many of them left their horses and equipments 
behind them, some mounting bareback, and all left with the greatest 
celerity. The charge was made so swiftly that we got to the house 
which was occupied by the officers in command as headquarters 
just as they were getting out of it; and Corporal Goodman, of Com- 
pany F, had a personal encounter with a Yankee colonel, around the 
same corner of the house. Each was using the corner as a shield 
against the attack of the other. The colonel thrusting his pistol 
around the corner fired and carried ofif one of Goodman's fingers, 
and Goodman with his carbine fired and brought down the colonel, 
severely wounded in the breast. 

When we had charged across the enemy's camp the dismounted 
men were reinforced by the remainder of the ist North Carolina as 
a precaution against the enemy's return to the attack when they had 
time to form. But so thoroughly convinced were they of a large 
force on our part, that this apprehended attack was not made by 
them. This we gathered from the country people, who told us next 
day as we followed their line of retreat to the Old Church in New 
Kent countv, that the enemy said they had been attacked the night 
before by 3,000 cavalry. The result of this affair, as to carnage 
and capture, was a loss to the enemy of twentv killed and wounded, 
100 horses, 300 stand of arms, about the same number of saddles, 
and a great many blankets. The loss on our side during the charge 
was Captain Goodman, just mentioned, and Private E. Lipe, Com- 
pany E, 1st North Carolina Cavalry, the latter shot through the 
lungs and disabled for the remainder of the war. All this had trans- 
pired by 3 o'clock Wednesdav morning, when our and the enemy's 
wounded were started off" for Richmond by a circuitous route lest 
they would fall in with the enemy if going by the most direct road. 

Wade Il'iiiiptnirs Slrntcfiii. 288 

When about a mile from the hite scene of action the amVjulances. 
under chart^^e of surgeon Williams, of the 2d North Carolina Cavalry, 
were met l^y a column (jf troops. The dri\er of the advance ambu- 
lance, sharino in the elation of our victory, commenced to relate 
\'ociferously the exen^s that had just transpired to the officer at the 
head of this column, supposing in the darkness that they were some 
of our own peoi)le. Dr. Williams coming up at this juncture, 
realizing from some cause, j)erhaps from pronunciation, as in the 
case just related, that he was in the presence of the enemy, remarked 
to the officer in command that he supposed that he and his train 
were captured. The officer asked him what command had done all 
this mischief Dr. Williams discreetly replied that it was Hampton's 
Di\'ision. After a few remarks the officer dismissed Dr. Williams. 
telling him he did not wish to be encumbered with wounded, and 
thinking that he was doubtless in a very critical situation, marched 
no further in the direction of the camp-fires he had been seeking, but 
filed off by a left-hand road, making all possible haste to the Penin- 
sula. This force was the 500 picked men, under Dahlgren, who 
had gone to the upper James, and being unable to cross, as was his 
first design, on account ol continuous rains, was now seeking a 
junction with Kilpatrick, with a \iew of making a combined attack 
on Richmond at daylight next morning. The ])urpose of this paper 
is not to expand on the gallant Dahlgren and the tragic ending of 
his life next day — they are matters dilated upon at great length by 
both historians mentioned, when the causes that forced him into 
King and Queen county in such defenceless condition and that ac- 
complished the failure of this dastardly enterprise, have been entirely 
ignored. But for Hampton and his little band of, shall I say, braves. 
Kilpatrick and Dahlgren would have combined their forces that 
night, and at dawn would ha\e taken and burned the city, released 
the prisoners, and it all their designs were accomplished would have 
murdered the President and his cabinet. This was of easy accomplish- 
ment, because there were no troops in the citv to tlefend it, and none 
could be gotten from Lee's army oxer the railroad the enemy had 

It is possible that these nourishing histori.uis attiibute the tleliv- 
erance of the cit\' to the cowartlice ot' the enemw because it would 
not sound grand to say that the capital of the Confederate Statt-s of 
America, and the capital of the great Coiumonwealth of \'irginia. 
the mother of Presidents and generals, was .savt'd from destruction 
bv two hundretl and tit"t\- " Tar Heels," under a general who came 

284 Soaihern Hislorlcal Sofivfi/ Papers. 

within one hundred miles of being one himself. Two hundred and 
fifty " Tar Heels " and only forty of them engaged, saved the city — 
oh, no! As the fellow who was dying said, I don't mind passing to 
to the realities of an unknown world ; I contemplate that with the 
most perfect composure, but it does break my heart to think that I 
am dying and am summoned to the Great Bar from the butt of a 
blamed little goat. If this could have been the active force that 
guided the deliberation of these historians, they were more discrim- 
inating and less candid than the writers of proud, imperial Rome, 
who did not hesitate to give to the discordant honk of geese the 
credit of their city's deliverance. 

N. P. Ford, 
Captain Co. F., First N^. C. Cavahy. 

[From the N. Y. Sun. Feb 2S, 1897.] 


A Chapter of War History Concerning Torpedoes. 

The Correspondence that Passed Between Jefferson Davis and Captain 
Davidson in Relation to the Services of the Latter Officer. 

A letter from Captain Hunter Davidson, formerly of the Confed- 
erate naval service, dated Villa Rica, Paraguay, December 14, 1896, 
places at the disposal of the Sun, a fragment of personal experience 
during the Civil War, v/hich is also, in its way, a contribution of 
value to the literature relating to that period. It was originally 
published in the Buenos Ayres Herald, but will of course find an in- 
comparably greater circle of readers in this country. 

Captain Davidson entered the navy with 'Admiral Luce in 1841, 
and they were together at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, twenty 
years later, while their friendship was renewed after the Civil War. 
As to the correspondence with Jefferson Davis, it speaks for itself, 
although it should be added that Captain Davidson considers that 
Mr. Davis was somewhat prejudiced against the navy, and that he 
attributes the particular omission of mention which he discusses, to 
Mr. Davis' having been informed of his criticism of the latter' s 

Davis and Jjiiridson. 285 

prejudices, Mr. Davis' history thus it^norin^■ exents discussed in 
many works on torpedoes. 

Buenos Ay res, December 5, 1881. 
Ho)i. Jefferson Davis, 

Sir, — I write to ask that you will do an act of justice. 

On pages 207-8, 2d vol. of your " Rise and F'all of the Confed- 
erate Government," you say: "This led to an (jrder placing (Gen- 
eral G. P. Rains in charge of the submarine defences. -'• * -•• 
The secret of all his future success. '■- -•- '■' The torpedoes were 
made of the most ordinary material generally, as beer barrels fi.xed 
with conical heads. * * * Some were made of cast iron, copper, 
or tin, and glass demijohns were used. There were three essentials 
to success, viz: the sensitive fuse primer, a charge of sixty pounds 
of gunpowder, and actual contact between the torpedo and the bot- 
tom of the vessel." 

You ha\'e thus gone into detail on the subject of torj)edoes. and 
you continue at some length on the two following pages. 

The inference to be drawn from reading your remarks on this sub- 
ject, in days when you and I have passed away, and when it will be 
too late to correct errors, is that General Rains commanded the sub- 
marine defences of the South. 

To him is due the success of this means of warfare. His "sensi- 
tive fuse primer ' ' was ' ' essential to success. 

As President, you could not be expected to know much of the 
details of torpedo o})erations during such a terrible war as that of our 
second revolution ; but whatever may come from your pen will be 
received by the world as the highest authority, even upon torpedoes. 

I know it is too late to correct, unless a second edition be published; 
but you can answer my letter, and mv children will ha\-e it to read. 

The facts of the case are briefly these, so far as I am personallv 
concerned : In the summer of 1862 I relieved Comnuuuler M. F. 
Maury, in command of the submarine defences around Richmonil. 
by written order of the Secretarv of the Na\\-, the result ot which 
was the organization of a department, the application of an electric 
battery of convenient size and sufficient strength to the explosion of 
submarine mines; the construction of a large numln'r of wrought 
iron mines (at the Tredegar Works), holding i.ScK) pounds of gun- 
powder, which were placed at a depth of seven fathoms; the import- 
ation of insulated cable to connect tlie mines and the electric batte- 
ries; the manuficture of the plantinum or ipiantitv fuse, which alone 

286 Sodther/} Historical Societfj Papers. 

was used in the electrical defences around Richmond, and in those 
at Charleston. 

The department was completely organized before the ist of Janu- 
ary, 1863, both in personnel and material, and occupied nine well- 
constructed stations on the James River alone, connected by tele- 
graph, and with the office of the Secretary of the Navy. 

The effective work of this organization consisted in the partial 
destruction of the Commodore Barney, a gunboat, and the loss of 
many lives in August, 1863, and the complete destruction of the 
Commodore Jones, a large gunboat, and nearly all her crew in May, 

These were the first vessels ever injured in war by any system of 
electrical defences. 

In a long letter from the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Mallory, to 
me after the war, he says: "The destruction of the Commodore 
Jones, the leading vessel of Admiral Lee's fleet, which was ascend- 
ing the James river to co-operate with General Butler in the attack 
on Drewry's Bluff by causing the retirement of that fleet, undoubt- 
edlv saved Drewry's Bluff, the key of Richmond." 

Again he says: "I always regarded the sub-marine department 
under your command as equal in importance to any division of the 

About the same time I received the most flattering letters from 
General Robert E. Lee, Admiral Buchanan and others on the sub- 
ject of mv services in command of the submarine defences; and it is 
with painful surprise I find you have forgotten a long letter of the 
same nature written me by yourself, as you do not even allude to 
any act of mine in your work. 

\x\ March, 1864, I ran down the James river from Richmond to its 
mouth in a small steam launch, and attacked the flagship Minnesota 
with a " spar torpedo," doing her considerable injury, and returned 
to Richmond without the slightest loss of any kind. 

This was the only instance during our war, and the first, of course, 
where the " spar torpedo " was used with effect and without the loss 
of the attacking party, and therefore the only instance to establish 
the efficiency of the method. On this occasion the Russian sul- 
phuric acid, &c., fuse was used, the same that Captain Glassell used 
against the " ironsides." 

I commanded the submarine defences as a regularly organized 
electrical system in all its details and recjuirements until near the end 

Jjaris (ukI iJarid.son. 287 

of the war under the orders of the Secretary of the Navy only, and 
never heard of any of General Rains' work, but in t\v(; instances. 

Once, when told that he- had placed a self-actinj^- "torpedo" in 
the river, I immediately complained to the Minister of the impro- 
priety of this act, as it would close the river to our x-essels and seri- 
ously affect the management oi' my electrical submarine defences. 
By authority of the Minister I had the " torpedo" dragged for and 

The second instance was toward the close of the war, when some 
of these self-acting torpedoes of General Rains were again placed in 
-the James river, and the Confederate steamer Shultz went down the 
river loaded with Federal prisoners to be exchanged at ' ' City 
Point." Fortunately for the South there was not another pretext 
for the cry of murder and assassination against it. The Shultz passed 
the Rains torpedo going down and delivered the prisoners safely, 
but when returning she struck it and was destroyed. 

During the years that I commanded the electrical submarine de- 
fences not a friendly skin was broken to my knowledge, and it must 
be remembered that I had to experiment and bring the system to 
perfection. I never met or communicated with General Rains or 
any one attached to his "submarine defences" during the war or 

If your memory still fails you, there are four well-known officers 
living who can testify to the exactness of all I have here written, 
viz: Captains W. H. Parker, J. Pembroke Jones, John M. Brooke, 
and J. Taylor Wood. 

I have therefore to request that as an act of simple justice you will 
answer this letter and correct the mistakes referred to. 
V^ery truly and respectfully yours, 


Beauvoir, Harrison County, Miss., 

January i-j, 1SS2. 
Captain Huntkr Davidson: 

Sir — Yours of the 5th December (in (.luplicatc) has l)een re- 
ceived and opens with a call (n\ nu- to do you justice. It you were 
surprised at not finding in m\- book \-our name mentioned in connec- 
tion with torpedoes, 1 was certainly not less st) at your arraignment 
of me as having done vou an injustice by the omission. 

If you will refer to the preface of the book you will sec in the first 

288 Soiitlteru Historical Society Papers. 

paragraph the announcement of the purpose for which it was writ- 
ten; and on the seventh page the reason for numerous omissions of 
events entitled to consideration, as well as the expression of the hope 
that such omissions would be more than supplied by the reports and 
contributions of the actors in those events. 

The motive which impelled me to an unwonted labor, that of writ- 
ing a book, was from historical data to vindicate the cause of the 
Southern people, and to show that their conduct was worthy of their 
cause; a brief narration of military, naval, and civil affairs was an- 
nexed; but the reader was notified that I did not attempt to give an 
accurate account of all the important transactions of the war. Your 
letter indicates that you feel aggrieved because of General G. J. 
Rains being alone mentioned in connection with torpedoes. You 
infer that it will hereafter be supposed he was awarded the whole 
credit for that means of defence. I do not see that the text justifies 
such a conclusion, for on the page to which you refer me — 207, Vol. 
2 — I wrote of torpedoes as a nieans known but undeveloped, adding: 
" It remained for the skill and ingenuity of our officers to bring the 
use of this terrible instrument to a perfection." 

At a date long before this perfection had been attained General 
Rains is named incidentally with the order putting him in charge of 
submarine defences and the first rudely constructed torpedo at 
"Drewry's Bluff"." 

He had previously been distinguished by first using sub-terra 
shells with sensiti\-e primers. See page 97, \'ol. 2. 

On page 102, Vol. 2, you may see to what I attributed the repulse 
of the enemy's fleet at Drewry's Bluff", and that the enemy, like my- 
self, thought it was our artillerists and riflemen '.vho disabled and 
drove off the fleet. 

It seems to me that the remark "the secret of all his (Rains') 
future success consisted in the sensitive primer," is by no means a 
denial that success was obtained by other persons employing different 
methods. The description of the simple torpedoes employed by him 
was evidently not intended to apply to the large mines with electrical 
batteries of others, or to the various forms of torpedo vessels. 

To our embarrassed condition I thought and think the small per- 
cussion torpedoes were best adapted, because an electric station, 
unless adequately protected, was liable to capture bv a boat's crew, 
which would render the mine useless, and also because the mine with 
irs battery was expensive, and had on an important occasion proved 
a failure. 

Dari.^ and Ditridson. _ 289 

If you read the '* Southern Historical Papers," you must ha\'e ob- 
served how frequent are the contributions in rej:i;ard t(j e\-ents of the 
war, and it has Ix-en my ardent wish that all who acted the pat- 
riots' part in our conflict, should publish in papers of the Society, a 
full account of whatever was s])ecially known by them, so that its 
files should he a reservoir of facts for the use oi the future historian. 

If I had kown of the success mentioned by you, especially the dar- 
ing feat of attacking- the flagship Minnesota in a steam launch, I 
should doubtlesa have found space for an act of devotion like that of 
Glassell, but I should not have gi\'en to the narrative the graphic ef- 
fect, which you, as the actor, can throw into it, nor have shown as vou 
may the efficiency of the spar torpedo. 

I hope that many officers that performed good service with torpe- 
does, may not think themselves treated with injustice because not 
named by me, but the rather find themselves included in the general 
notice quoted above, and sympathizing in the desire for a complete 
record, will do what I could not in contributing full reports of their 

When 1 undertook the task of defending our cause, it was with 
the expectation of hostile criticism from our adversary, and with the 
readiness to encounter that. 

My former letter to you, which you wish me to remember, was 
written from a desire to ser\'e you and evinced my esteem for vou as 
an officer, and my regard for you as a man. 

Regretting the dissatisfied tone of your communication to which 
this is a reply, I am respectfully, 

(Signed.) Jeffersox D.wis. 

Buenos Avres, April 4. 1S82. 
Hon. Jefferson Davis: 

Sir — Your letter of the 25th of January is at hand. It was not 
my intention to continue this correspondence bevond your answer to 
my first letter, but that answer is such an aggravated repetition of 
the injustice you ha\'e done me in your book that I cannot refrain 
from calling your attention to the repeated historical mistakes vou 
make. Vou say: "On page 102, \'ol. 2, you may see to what I 
attribute the repulse of the enemy's fleet at Drewry's Bluff, and that 
the enemy, like myself, thought it was our artillerists and riflemen 
who disabled them and drove off the fleet." 

The attack to which you thus refer occurred in the earlv part of 

290 SoMilierii Historic-al S(x-iety Papers. 

1862, before the system of electrical torpedo defences had been per- 
fected by me. 

The "contemplated attack on Drewry's Blufil^" to which I referred 
in my first letter to you, and concerning which I quoted from the 
letter of the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Mallory, occurred in 1864, 
as clearly shown in my letter and in Mr. Mallory's words, which I 
here repeat: "The destruction of the Commodore Jones, the leading 
vessel of Admiral Lee's fleet, which was ascending James river to 
co-operate with General Butler in the attack on Drewry's Bluff, by 
causing the retirement of that fleet, undoubtedly saved Drewry's 
Bluff, the key to Richmond." 

How widely different in date and nature are the two circumstances, 
and yet you, of all persons, confuse them, and to my injury! 

On the same page of your letter you express the opinion that per- 
cussion torpedoes were best adapted to our (the Confederate) con- 
dition, and you add that "on an important occasion" the electrical 
system ' ' proved a failure. ' ' 

Thus you ignore the fact I called to your attention in my first 
letter that percussion torpedoes closed our own channel ways against 
oursel\-es and completely destroyed one of our flag of truce boats, 
just after she had delivered a large number of prisoners of war, and 
vou further make the assertion that electrical torpedoes failed on an 
important occasion, leaving to your readers the inference that my 
department made the failure, when I am satisfied you will know the 
failure was at Charleston and not under my command, and occurred 
during the absence of the drunken electrician, who afterward found 
the torpedo could not be exploded at all. Moreover, that he used 
the uncertain agent of frictional electricity, which never had any 
l^art in the regular system of electrical defences. 

In fact, in every case of torpedo warfare during our Southern 
struggle, however insignificant, if not to my credit, such as the use 
of "beer barrels, glass demijohns," the exact weight ol "sixty 
pounds gunpowder," and a "sensitive fuse," altogether exceptional 
in its application, and which achieved its triumph in blowing up our 
own ships; or in the case where a great electrical failure is made, the 
inference being that I made it, your memory is remarkably retentive; 
but where the case concerns me — such as compelling the retreat of 
a large fleet in the James river, and preventing its co-operation with 
the army at a moment of great danger to our cause, and the com- 
plete destruction of the enemy's leading ship by the electrical tor- 
pedo defences, devised and perfected under my command, and the 

Muster-RoU of ihe Roanoke Gra;is. 291 

first success of that system of torpedo defences, now adopted in its 
more developed form by the whole world, when your friend General 
Rains' "beer barrel, demijohns and sensitive fuses" have long 
passed into oblivion, you i)ersist in bein^- wholly oblivious. 

These letters will be published bcjth in England and the United 
States, and I will use whatever means I am possessed of to give them 
all possible publicity. 

Yours very respectfully. 

Hunter Davidson. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, July 26, :S96. 


Muster-Roil of the Company and Some of Its Casualties. 

Mount Meridian, Va., Jk/v ig, i8g6. 
To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

I venture to send you the muster-roll of Company F, Roanoke 
Grays, of the Twenty-eighth Virginia Regiment, and some of its 
casualties during the late war : 

M. P. Dyesley, captain; killed at Williamsburg. 

George McH. Gish, first lieutenant; promoted to captain. 

Richard Oliver, first lieutenant; resigned. 

Hoge, first lieutenant; wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

S. A. Repass, second lieutenant; captured at Gettysburg. 

H. S. Trout, second lieutenant; ser\ed during the war. 

Charles Burwell, second lieutenant; resigned. 

William Watts, second lieutenant; promoted to major. 

N. M. Read, first sergeant; elected lieutenant Company E. Twen- 
ty-eighth Regiment. 

M. P. Preston, first sergeant; detached to Quartermaster's De- 

Andrew Lewis, first sergeant ; discharged (non-resident). 

A. H. Roller, first sergeant; served during the war. 

Thomas Lewis, second sergeant; promoted to adjutant. 

James Thrasher, second sergeant: killed at Petersburg. 

A. M. Brooks, second sergeant: killed at Appomattox. 

292 Soi/thern Historical Society Papers. 

John A. Persinger, third sergeant; transferred to cavalry. 
John Johnson, third sergeant; served during the war. 
David Read, fourth sergeant; discharged. 
J. H. Danner, fourth sergeant; served till close of the war. 
Joseph Brand, sergeant: promoted to sergeant-major. 

1. Private Baber, killed at Petersburg; recruit. 

2. Joseph Baldwin, corporal. 

3. John T. Barnes. 

4. W. Barnes, killed at Petersburg. 

5. C. T. Barnett, discharged. 

6. Beckner, recruit. 

7. Godlove Boone, discharged. 

8. Bowles, recruit. 

9. Brown. 

10. Bruce, recruit. 

11. Boyan, killed at Five Forks. 

12. William Bryan, transferred. 

13. Buck, wounded at Five Forks. 

14. Jacob Camper, wounded at Williamsburg. 

15. Ephriam Carroll, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

16. John Carroll, killed at Gettysburg. 

17. David Collins, killed at Gettysburg. 

18. John Dabney, discharged. 

19. Elisha Damewood, killed at Sharpsburg. 

20. Thomas Davis, died in hospital. 

21. James Day, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

22. Leslie Dinwiddie, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

23. George Deyesley, died in camp. 

24. Dobbins, recruit. 

25. James Doherty. 

26. John Feather. 

27. Griffin Gish, corporal. 

28. Jonas Gish. 

29. Guthrie, killed at Second Manassas. 

30. John Hardy, killed at Gettysburg. 

31. Hawley, killed at Gettysburg. 

32. John Harkrider. 

33. John Hix, killed at Gettysburg. 

34. John Hunter, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

35. Hymen, transferred. 

36. John Irvine, discharged. 

Master-Roll of the Tioanohe Grans. 293 

37. David Kufauvcr. 

38. William Kufauver, wounded at (Saincs' Mill. 

39. John Kernes. 

40. Gemon, recruit. 

41. Thomas Lacy, killed at Boonesboro'. 

42. Joseph Lemon. 

43. William Lewis, wounded at Oaines' Mill. 

44. Jacob Loony, killed at Petersburi.^. 

45. John McFalls. 

46. G. McGeorge, killed at Boonesboro'. 

47. A. J. Mastin. 

48. Meadow. 

49. Jackson Mosely. 

50. Jordan Murdock, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

51. Murray, recruit. 

52. Elias Murray. 

53. Joseph Murray, killed at Gaines' Mill. 

54. Joseph Muse, wounded at Sharpsburg. 

55. John Nichols, killed at Gettysburg. 

56. Nunnally, recruit. 

57. John Owens. 

58. James Owens, recruit. 

59. John Pagan, killed at Gaines" Mill. 

60. Joseph Pagan. 

61. Robert Phillips, killed at Gaines' Mill. 

62. Price, wounded at Gaines" Mill. 

63. Albert Ramsey, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

64. William Richardson, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

65. Dr. Rives, detached as surgeon. 

66. Francis Rhoades. 

67. Aaron Rhoades. 

68. Michael Ruddell, wounded at Gettysburg: died. 

69. Richard Ruddell, died in hospital. 

70. Bird Ruddell. 

71. George Ruddell, corporal, killed at Hatcher's Run. 

72. Henry Ruddell. 

73. Preston Reynolds. 

74. J. Reynolds. 

75. Robert Saunders, discharged. 

76. William .Schoono\'er. 

294 Southern Historiccd Society Papers. 

77. Paul Schooiiover, recruit. 

78. Berry Little, detached as teamster. 

79. J. N. Little. 

80. J. W. Little. 

81. C. H. Little. 

82. Mathias ShaA'cr. 

83. James Shaver. 

84. Jacob Shaver. 

85. Jackson Short, died in hospital. 

86. Simpson. 

87. Dr. Stephens, detached as surgeon. 

88. John Stump, killed at Hatcher's Run. 

89. Tatum. 

90. P. L. Terry, detached in Quartermaster's Department. 

91. Peter Tinsley, chaplain. 

92. J. H. Thompson. 

93. John Turner, corporal. 

94. William Underwood. 

95. Jacob Vingard, died in hospital. 

96. Nicholas Vingard. 

97. Watson, killed at Hatcher's Run. 

98. Webber, recruit. 

99. Whitesell, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

100. Henry Whitten, wounded at Gaines' Mill, 

loi. W. L. Williamson, wounded at Gaines' Mill. 

102. Woodward. 

103. J. H. Womack, killed at Petersburg. 

104. Wright, recruit, killed at Petersburg. 

105. Gopp, killed at Boonsboro. 

The above list shows that twenty per cent, were killed on the field 
of batde. 

I have had the assistance of Hon. H. S. Trout and others in mak- 
ing up this roll. No doubt some are still overlooked. 

A. H. Roller. 

Bachier ai,,! M'CklUu,. 295 

[From the New York Sioi, Septumher iS, 1896 ] 


How the Former Clearly Outwitted the Latter. 

Negotiations About Kentucky— General Buckner's Southern Sympa= 
thies, Which Carried Him into the Confederate Army. 

General Buckner from his youth has been a potent personality. 
He was a notable figure throughout the ci\'il war, and was numbered 
among the higher circle of Confederate leaders, although his State 
did not secede, and he was early dri\en from her borders by the 
advance of the Union armies. At seasons he bore a conspicuous 
part for his cause in shaping military events. 

At the outbreak of the war, Buckner, then about thirty-eight years 
old, at the very zenith of his powers, was undoubtedly the most 
influential Southern rights man in his native State of Kentucky, by 
reason of his military education and experience, his wealth and high 
social connections. He had graduated from West Point in i<S44, 
number eleven in a class of twenty -five cadets. Besides Generals 
Hancock, Pleasanton and Frost, his classmates, Buckner had, as 
associates in the academy, in the classes above and below him, many 
lads who afterwards distinguished themselves on both sides — U. S. 
Grant, McClellan, Kirby Smith, Jackson, Pickett, Wilcox, Franklin. 
Porter, Baldy Smith, Steele, Rufus Ingalls, and others of lessernote. 
Grant and Buckner were together three years at West Point, Grant 
having graduated in the class of 1S43. 

Buckner took part in the Mexican war as Second Lieutenant in tlu- 
6th regular infantry, and by his bravery and soldierly qualities made 
an ineffaceable impression upon his brotlier officers. He was wounded 
at the battle of Cherubusco. In 1S52 he was made a captain and 
commis.sary of subsistence, a position much sought after by line otifi- 
cers. But army life in time of peace did not suit the ardent temper- 
ament of Buckner, and he resigned from the service on the 26th of 
March, 1855. For two or three years thereafter he was engaged in 
important business enterprises at Chicago. During this periotl, mu 
having lost his interest in the military profession, he connecteti him- 
self with the Illinois State Militia service, and by appointment be- 

296 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

came Adjutant-General of the State. But about two years prior to 
the war Buckner returned to Kentucky, and settled upon his estate 
near Louisville. Here he resumed his military diversions by enter- 
ing upon the organization of the Kentucky State Militia, a congenial 
employment in which he was eminently successful, thereby making 
himself \ery popular with an influential class of his fellow-citizens. 
In 1861 he had become Inspector-General of the State, and com- 
manded the Home Guards, a military organization composed mainly 
of the young bloods of the blue grass region whose sympathies were 
almost wholly with the South. 

These antecedents, the critical situation of affairs which created a 
field for his kind of talents, his surroundings, with the additional 
attraction of a striking presence and a magnetic address, made Buck- 
ner, at the beginning of 1861, a very important personage in Ken- 
tuckv. His interests were largelv at the North, but he was opposed 
to coercive measures, and believed firmly in the doctrine of State 
rights. His course throughout was consistent and honest. To use 
a threadbare phrase, he had the courage of his convictions. His 
attitude was well understood by the partisans of both sides, and as 
the clouds of civil war thickened, the eyes of the Kentucky seces- 
sionists who intended to fight were turned toward Buckner as their 
natural chief And their chief he became; thousands of Kentuck- 
ians followed him out of the Union who would doubtless have re- 
mained at home but for his example. The great majority of 
Kentuckians wished to remain at peace in the Union, but the pow- 
erful influence of Buckner, Breckenridge, Marshall and others came 
near taking the State out. He was assiduously courted by the 
Southern leaders. 

That Buckner' s standing was high, is attested by the great es- 
teem in which he was held by all his old military associates of North- 
ern proclivities, who became familiar with him at West Point, and 
subsequently in the old army. So favorably was he regarded as a 
professional soldier, that strong efforts were made to bring him over. 
The temptations held out to him were great enough to shake any 
man of less strength than he. McClellan, Burnside, even the Gov- 
ernment itself, made advances to forestall Buckner' s evident inten- 
tion to precipitate himself into the Confederacy. Among the un- 
printed archives in the War Department, is a telegram sent early in 
1 861 by Burnside to Buckner, adjuring him to take no steps until 
he could be seen personally. ' ' I ha\'e just come from the President,' ' 
telegraphed Burnside, indicating that Mr. Lincoln was willing to do 

Backner <nul 31' C Mian . 297 

something to hold such a man to the Union cause. What that 
something was, is not certainly known, but it is said to have been a 
commission as general in the rapidly gathering armies of the Xortli, 
although there was then no lack of material for general officers. Mc- 
Clellan appears to have thought that he was a man of capacity and 
promise in such a crisis, and did all in his power to prevent Buckner 
going astray. But he could not be sv/erved from his purpose. 

Apropos of these interesting efforts to secure the adhesion of this 
brilliant man to the Union cause, is an e])isode that occurred while 
Kentucky was posing in the anomalous attitude of armed neutrality 
between the two sections during the spring and summer of 1861, a 
position assumed largely through Buckner' s influence and advice. 
This condition of neutrality, if observed by the North, was held to 
be very advantageous to the South, for it was a well established lact 
that Unionist influence predominated in Kentucky and controlled 
the Legislature, which made it a physical impossibility to vote the 
State out of the Union. The next best thing for the Confederacy, 
of course, was to prevent its being utilized by the Federals. But 
doubtless the great desideratum with Buckner and the other Ken- 
tucky leaders was the safety of Kentucky herself, and immimity 
from the devastation of war. 

George B. McClellan, one of Buckner' s West Point chums, had 
been made by President Lincoln a major-general in the regular army, 
and placed in command of the Department of the Ohio, which was 
soon enlarged to include Lidiana, Illinois, Missouri, and other terri- 
tory. His headquarters were at Cincinnati, where he had previously 
resided as superintendent of the Ohio and Mississippi railway. Mc- 
Clellan was a very attentive observer of the progress of events on 
the south side of the Ohio, and appeared to regret a state of neu- 
trality which prevented him from occupving salient points on the 
opposite side for the defence of Cincinnati. In a letter to the War 
Department on May 10, 1861, McClellan writes that, "the Go\'ernor 
of Kentucky (Magoffin), is a traitor, and Buckner is under his influ- 
ence, so that it is necessary to watch them." Again: "I confess 
that I think all our calculations should be based on the supposition 
that Kentucky will secede; everything points in that direction." 
However, McClellan soon changed his \ iews on this ])i)int, lor we 
find him writing on May 17th in this strain: "The Union men of 
Kentucky express a firm determination to fight it out. Vestertlav. 
Garrett Da\-is told me, 'we will remain in the Union In- \ining if we 

298 Southern Historiral Societi/ Papers. 

can, by fighting if we must, and if we cannot hold our own, we will 
call on the general Government for aid.' " Further on he said: " I 
have strong hopes Kentucky will remain in the Union, and the most 
favorable feature of the whole matter is, that the Union men are now 
ready to abandon the position of armed neutrality, and enter heart and 
soul into the contest on our side." 

Buckner had not yet joined the Confederacy, but meanwhile held 
close relations with Governor Magoffin, whose military representa- 
tive and adviser he was throughout this trying summer. In fact, as 
I have said, Buckner was the chief figure, and was very busy in 
those days with his coadjutors in maintaining the efficacious neutral- 
ity arrangement — worth more than an army of Kentuckians to the 
Confederacy — and perhaps fomenting opposition to the government. 
In furtherance of his purposes, whatever they were, he sought an 
interview with McClellan through Samuel Gill, a brother West Point 
graduate. As there could be no reasonable objection to the pro- 
posal, McClellan received Buckner and his friend. In an official let- 
ter to the War Department, dated June nth, he states that the 
meeting took place at his house in Cincinnati on June 8th, and this 
is what he says of it: 

"We sat up all night, talking about matters of common interest. 
Buckner gave me his word that should any Tennessee troops cross 
the frontier of Kentucky, he would use all the force at his disposal 
to drive them out, and, failing in that, would call on me tor assist- 
ance. He went to Tennessee after leaving here, to present that view 
to Governor Harris." 

It is to be noticed that in this letter McClellan makes no allusion 
to any pledges to Buckner in return for this assurance. Only a few 
davs after this meeting, howe\'er, McClellan had news that at least 
two Tennessee regiments had orders or were already moving to 
occupy Island No. i, just below Cairo, and on June nth, the same 
day he informed the department of the meeting at Cincinnati, he 
wrote promptly to both Magoffin and Buckner to notify them of this 
breach of " our understanding that you would not permit Tennessee 
troops to cross vour frontier." Did "our understanding," then, 
simply mean Buckner' s voluntary promise ? Either the rumor of the 
Confederate advance was a false one, or McClellan' s protest had the 
desired effect, for no invasion then occurred. Buckner' s answer, it 
one was made, is not tbund among the official archives. 

Subsequent events attached to this Cincinnati meeting of Buckner 

Backner 'uhI M' CkUan. 299 

and McCIellan had unexpected interest and importance. It is evident 
that the Kentuckian was acting in oood faith in the belief that he 
had a solemn agreement with the Union (jeneral that the State's 
neutrality was to be respected. At a later meeting of the two at 
Cairo, 111., he gave McCIellan the substance of an interview he had 
at Memphis with Pillow regarding the subject of neutrality. It is 
certain that he visited Pillow, and it was generally understood that 
through Buckner's representations an immediate advance by the 
Southern forces into Kentucky was prevented. 

It would seem to be improbable on the face of it that Buckner 
volunteered his word of honor as a representative of Magoffin and 
the rampant secessionists of Kentucky, to keep out Pillow's Tennes- 
seeans without receiving from the Union commander some pledge in 
return to carry back to them, some corresponding concession. That 
McCIellan fully understood Buckner to be clothed with the necessary 
power or influence to prevent Pillow's advance is admitted in his 
protest of June nth, which in some sort also confirms the proba- 
bilitv of a mutual agreement wherein it alludes to " our understand- 
ing," although, of course, there may have been a jug-handle ar- 
rangement in which Buckner promised everything and McCIellan 
nothing. Buckner being coniident meanwhile that vmder existing 
conditions the Federals would commit no overt act, anyhow. But, 
inasmuch as there was then and for long afterwards no advance ot 
the Union troops, McClellan's quick and curt protest at a threatened 
infringement of "our understanding" by the other side certainly 
warrants the belief, aside from Buckner's statement, that some com- 
forting assurances were given him. Buckner, it is clear, could have 
no object in deluding his party. 

What gave the Cincinnati interview peculiar signiticance was the 
appearance in the public press a few weeks later of a letter from 
Buckner to Magoffin, stating that he had entered into a sjjccihc 
agreement with McCIellan at the Cincinnati conterence that Ken- 
tucky's neutrality was to be maintained by both sides. Hence, that 
Buckner, who McCIellan himself states was the soul of honor, be- 
lieved there was such an understanding, is beyond the shadow ol 
doubt. That there was a verv general understanding that such stip- 
ulations existed is also certain. There is, in fact, no dispute that 
there was on the part of the Federal authorities, or its Western com- 
manders, at least a tacit recognition of Kentucky's neutralit\-. lasting 
through sexeral months. However, its expetliency may ha\e been 

300 Southern Hisforical Sor/'efi/ Papers. 

viewed in the beginning, it soon became palpable that the continu- 
ance of Kentucky's attitude of neutrality would estop if not prove 
entirely fatal to Union designs for the suppression of the war. 

This neutral zone, if maintained in\-iolable, raised an impassable 
barrier between the North and the most vulnerable points of the new 
Confederacy, absolutely closed up the most available routes of inva- 
sion. It was a most absurd arrangement, if carried beyond a mere 
makeshift to soothe the people of Kentucky. All the advantages of 
such an arrangement accrued to the South, which merely asked to 
be let alone; the Confederates had no purpose to invade the North. 
Buckner's penetrating mind di\'ined this, and no doubt that is why 
he entered the field of diplomacy and sought the conference with 
McClellan. If he really made a deal with the Union general, he 
clearly had the best of the bargain. 

McClellan positively denied the existence of any pledge on his part 
to respect the neutrality of Kentucky. The publication of Buckner's 
letter to Magolifin threw him into a great heat, and his utterances 
display anxiety, because it was clear that he had taken a false step, 
which must be condemned by the Northern public. In his personal 
memoirs, issued in 1887, he takes pains to explain in detail his ver- 
sion of the Buckner interview. He says : 

" The object of the interview was simply that we, as old friends, 
should compare views and see if we could do any good; thus I 
understood it. Buckner's main purpose seemed to be to ascertain 
what I should do in the event that Kentucky should be invaded by 
the secession forces, then collecting under General Pillow. Buckner 
was very anxious that the Federal forces should respect the neutrality 
of Kentucky, and stated that he would do his best to preserve it, 
and drive Pillow out should he cross the boundary line. I could 
assent to this only to the extent that I should be satisfied if the 
Kentuckians would immediately drive out any Confederate force 
that might invade Kentucky, and continued, almost in these very 
words: ' You had better be very quick about it, Simon, for if I learn 
that the Confederates are in Kentucky, I will, with or without orders, 
drive them out without delay.' I expressly told Buckner that I had 
no power to guarantee the neutrality of Kentucky, and that, although 
my command did not extend over it, I would not tolerate the pres- 
ence of Southern troops in that State. Not many days afterward I 
met Buckner again at Cairo, and had a conversation with him in 
presence of John M. Douglass, of Chicago. Buckner had just then 

Bitckner and JWCIAIan. 301 

returned from a visit to Pillow, and he clearly showed by his conver- 
sation that he understood my determination at the first interview, 
just as I have related it above. ^- ^' '■- Buckner's letter to Gov- 
ernor Maii^-offin, subsequently published, stating that in our first 
interview I had agreed to respect the neutrality of Kentucky, gave 
an incorrect account of the case, which was as I have stated it." 

This is certainly explicit and clear enough, and undoubtedly recites 
the facts as McClellan remembered them, but as it was written twenty- 
six years after the event, it is possible he may ha\e forgotten some 
of the details of his conversation with Buckner. 

McClellan' s correspondence at this period makes it probable that 
he was called to book by General Scott or President Lincoln about 
this matter, though no letter or telegram on the subject from the 
Washington end of the line is found. But on June 26th, after he 
had entered upon his West Virginia campaign, McClellan sent a 
long telegram to Scott from Grafton, in which he shows great anx- 
iety to explain satisfactorily to his superior his relations with Buck- 
ner. ' ' This transaction, ' ' said McClellan, ' ' has surprised me beyond 
expression. My chief fear has been that you, whom I regard as my 
strongest friend in Washington, might have supposed me to be 
guilty of the extreme of folly." This telegram was supplemented 
by a letter on the same day, embodying the substance of both, and 
covering the whole case. 

This contemporaneous letter is entitled to great consideration in 
summing up the misunderstanding of these two old friends, both 
truthful men, concerning "our misunderstanding," at Cincinnati. 
One thing is made clear by it — McClellan' s "policy" at the time 
Buckner visited him was, and had been, a policy of strict neutrality 
toward Kentucky. It is not unlikely that, during a long night's con- 
versation, without entering into any specific agreement, McClellan 
gave Buckner the impression that that policy of neutrality should 
continue, if the status quo was maintained, and he received no or- 
ders to the contrary from Washington. All the circumstances lend 
probability to this \iew. 

Leslie J. Perry. 

o02 Soidhern I-Iistorical Soeieiy Papers. 


Gallant Deed of the Babes of the Confederacy. 

Mr. Howard Morton, a Federal soldier, writes the following ac- 
count of the Virginia Military Institute cadets' action in the battle of 
Newmarket, which appeared in the Pittsburg Dispatch: 

Opposite is the enemy's line of gray, belching forth fire and smoke. 
Those immediately in front of us are comparatively inactive. They 
have not yet mended their broken fences. We look to the further 
end of the rebel line. Out from an orchard steps a small body of 
gray-clad troops. Something about them attracts attention; their 
marching and alignment are perfect, their step is unlike that of the 
veterans who marched against our front. Their movements are those 
of a crack battalion on dress parade. They look like boys; the 
strong glass shows they are boys. It is the battalion of pupils from 
the Virginia Military Institute, 225 in number. 

These little fellows, whose ages range from fourteen to sixteen 
years, drawn from the best families of the Old Dominion, have closed 
their books for the summer vacation, but instead of returning to their 
homes and making glad the hearts of fond parents and brothers and 
sisters, were told to take their cadet muskets and join the army in 
the Valley. They have just arrived, and are eagerly marching to 
their baptism of blood. War is cruel at best, but who can excuse 
the cruelty that risks such bright young lives even in a righteous 
cause? Opposite them, holding the right of our line, is a battery of 
six twelve-pounders. The commander has observed the cadet bat- 
talion, and opened fire on it. The shells burst among the boys, but 
they don't seem to be disturbed in the least. Forward towards the 
black monsters the line moves, as though parading on the smooth 
lawn of the military institute whence they came. 

Palings are being knocked from their fence; but they close up and 
present an unbroken line. We ask ourselves: Can they be so rash 
as to charge the battery? It is commencing to look that way. On, 
on they march, their line as straight as a rule, more palings are 
knocked from their living fence, and repairs are made as before, but 
the fence is shorter. They are almost in canister range. Surely 
they will face about and retrace their steps, but no, the little heads 
bend lower as they face the iron storm. The little muskets are 

The Career of T. L. Clinfiman. 303 

grasped tighter as on, on they rush. God have mercy on them. 
The deadly canister sweeps throut^h their rank, shorter and shorter 
grows their Hne. Heaven pity their poor nKJthers, whose prayers 
are even now rising- to heaven for their darhngs' safety. Oh! that 
some pitying hand would stretch out to stay them, but on, on, on. 
they march right into the jaws of the black monsters. 

Now they enter the smoke, they disappear. The thunder of six 
great guns is silenced. A juvenile shout is heard, and the survivors 
of that little band of heroes have captured the battery. Scarcely 
have we realized that they are victors until we find that they man the 
captured guns and turn them down our lines. 

[From tile Philadelphia Times, October lo, i8g6.] 


The Sole Survivor of the Southern Ante-Bellum Senators, 


Made Many Telling Speeches in His Day. A Frequent Visitor 
to the " Field of Honor." 

When the death of the venerable e.\-Senator George W. Jones, 
of Iowa, was announced recently, the misstatement went with it that 
ex-Senator Bradbury, of Maine, was the onlv li\ing member of the 
senatorial group that was in office previous to the outbreak of the 
rebellion. This was a curious mistake, in view of the fact that ex- 
Senator Harlan, of Iowa, is \cry much alive, that he was not onlv 
prominent as a senator and a member of the first Cabinet of Lincoln, 
but also that he was an eager candidate for the nomination for Gov- 
ernor of Iowa last year, and that only a short time before the death 
of Jones he had made a stirring speech to the old soldiers on 
Memorial Day. 

Less curious, perhaps, yet still remarkable, was the fact that 
almost no commentator upon the death of Jones ami the ante-war 
senatorial group renumbered that the last of the Southern Senators 
to leave the Senate on account of the secession of States is still in 
the land of the living. 

304 Southern Historical Societij Papers. 

Thomas Lanier Clingman, of North Carohna, almost as proHfic a 
coiner of speeches as Senator Stewart or Senator Call, remained in 
the Senate until the close of the extra session of the Senate which 
followed the inauguration of Lincoln. The body adjourned on 
March 28, 1861, and this one lone senator from a seceding State, 
said good-bve to his associates, and passed away only to meet his 
Northern friends on the field of battle. Bradbury had ended his 
career in the Senate several years before Clingman entered the body, 
and Jones also ante-dated Clingman, the one having been born in 
1S05 and the other in 1806, while Clingman first saw the light of 
day in 181 2 

Jones was a man of striking appearance, and has attracted much 
attention during the last few years by his venerable presence. He 
was a voluble conversationalist and a veritable cyclopedia of the 
persons and incidents of the "30s, '40s and '50s. After all he was 
remembered chiefly on account of the fact that he was the second 
of Cilley in the celebrated Cilley-Graves duel, fought to a finish with 
rifles, amid the hills of Maryland, and when Jones' principal was 
practically murdered. 

Clingman was not only a second in duels, but he was more than 
once a principal. His most famous meeting was with one of his 
Southern colleagues, William L. Yancey, of Alabama, on account 
of words used by the latter during the famous debate upon the ques- 
tion of Texas' annexation. Clingman had twitted Southern sena- 
tors harshly for their indifference in regard to a resolution bearing 
upon the reception of petitions from Abolitionists, he supporting the 
right of petition. Yancey replied to his reflections with one of the 
bitterest and most personal of the tirades which made the Congresses 
of that day remarkable. He declared that Clingman was everwhere 
viewed as the betrayer of his country. He was looked upon as a 
renegade recreant to the principles and interests of the South. He 
had gone over to the ranks of enemy, and then turned and flaunted 
the colors of that enemy in the faces of his own friends. 

Of course, such language could have but one result. Indeed, it 
was plainly intended to provoke a hostile meeting. Clingman 
promptly sent a challenge, which was promptly accepted. The place 
chosen was not the famous ground at Bladensburg, but farther to the 
south, and but a short distance from the scene of the Cilley-Graves 
tragedy. Previous to the meeting, however, mutual friends made 
every attempt to arrange the difficulty, and when the irate gentlemen 
faced each other, they shot to miss; friends then brought them to- 

The Career of T. L. Cnnf/nian. 300 

gether. Yancey made the amende honorable and the affair ended 
without bloodshed. 

During his three terms in the House Clingman j^lunged into debate 
upon every question, sometimes with more zeal than discretion, and 
frequently made himself the subject of sarcasm at the hands of mem- 
bers who felt able to cope with him. Many times he narrowly 
escaped compulsory visits to the field of honor, though he rarely 
sought to provoke a resort to pistols. He was really a most gentle 
and lovable man, and preferred the pursuits of peace to the wrangles 
of the legislative hall. After his course in the University, where he 
showed a great aptitude for the acquirement of learning, he studied 
surveying and tramped the mountains of the old North State with 
the compass and sextant. He established the height of many of the 
most prominent peaks, and one in the Black Mountain is called 
Clingman's Peak, and one in Smoky Mountain will always be known 
as Clingman's Dome. He was also geologist, lapidary and botanist, 
and gave to the world valuable information of the existence in his 
State of gold, diamonds, rubies, platinum and mica. 

When the first wave of Darwinism swept over the world Clingman 
took up the cudgels for the Hebraic view of the creation of man, 
one of the best of his many preserved papers in his exposition of the 
"Follies of Positive Philosophers." He lectured upon almost all 
subjects, and was as much at home in the domain of astronomv, as 
of gastronomy, a topic upon which he was fond of writing and 

His career in the Senate was brief and stormy. He took his seat 
by appointment in 1858, and was subsequently elected for a full term, 
which began only a short time before he passed from the bodv into 
the Confederate army. When Congress was called in extra session 
in July, 1861, to consider the question of preserving the Union, 
Clingman failed to put in an appearance. No notice of his resigna- 
tion had been received. After a few days, his name, with the names 
of several others who had left the Senate long before the dav when 
Clingman was last seen there, were embodied in a resolution of 
expulsion. James A. Bayard, father of the present Ambassador, 
with a number of others, attempted to amend the resolution that it 
should provide merely that the names oi the members be stricken 
from the list of senators, and the \'ote for the expulsion of the recal- 
citrants showed ten negatives, the most prominent among them being 
Bayard, John C. Breckinridge, Jesse D. Bright and Andrew John- 
son. Among those voting for the resolution were Zach Chandler. 

306 Southern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

Seward, Sumner, Hale, Wade, Cameron, Harlan, Trumbull, Wilson, 
Fessenden, Anthony and Douglas. Among those from the South 
who had left the Senate previous to Clingman's disappearance, were 
Jefferson Davis, James M. Mason, Judah P. Benjamin, Robert 
Toombs, Slidell, and others hardly less notable. It is by all odds 
the most historical Senate in its membership that has ever assembled, 
or there is hardly one whose name is not written indelibly in history. 
Of all the notable Southerners, Clingman is the only one remaining 
above the sod, and Harlan is the only one of the Northern side. 

Of the long list of great ones who were then in the House, such 
as Charles Francis Adams, Thaddeus Stevens, Conkling, Bingham, 
Burlingame, Cox, Henry Winter Davis, Sherman, Lo\'ejoy, Vance, 
Lamar, Sickles, Grow, Dawes and so on, the only living ones are 
Sherman, Sickles, Grow and Dawes, and of the combined member- 
ship of the House and Senate of that period, Sherman and Grow 
are the only ones who are in the roster of the current Congress. 

Clingman is alive, and that is all. His name will soon be added 
to the list of the dead, and then the Southern wing of that extra- 
ordinary Senate may be assembled complete in another world. 
Months ago Clingman disappeared from Washington, and even here 
there are a few who, if they were asked in regard to him, would not 
say that he is dead. The plain truth is that the old gentleman had 
exhausted his means. Not only that, but his mind has been gradu- 
ally weakening for years and he needed attention, which he could 
not have commanded except among those of his own State and who 
knew and loved him. First he was taken to Confederate Soldiers' 
Home, but this was too much for the pride of his State, the people 
of which ever held him in high esteem, and, broken in body and 
wind, without a dollar of his own in the world, he is now living at 
his old home at Asheville upon funds which are delicately placed at 
his disposal by friends who will not permit so exalted a citizen to live 
the late evening of his life in a charitable institution. 

Almost as soon as the hrst bitterness of the war and of reconstruc- 
tion began to be less poignantly felt, Clingman reappeared in Wash- 
ington. During the sittings of Congress the place had fascination 
for him that he could not resist. He stopped at a prominent hotel 
as long as his purse would permit it, and then a boarding-house of 
the better sort was his home. For long years he was accustomed to 
being pointed at in public places as one of the chief figures of the 
days of the rebellion. 

In 1878 he issued a volume of speeches and lectures, along with 

TJif (^iireer of T. Tj. CUiifpiKtn. 307 

notes and comments. The copies in the Congressional Library ap- 
pear to have been well thumbed, and are evidently esteemed to be 
of some importance to history. He was the originator, moreover. 
of a wonderful theory of making tobacco a cure-all for all the ills of 
human flesh, and during many of the years when he was in Wash- 
ington, it was a souce of much chagrin to him, that his friends 
seemed to grow tired of his expatiations relative to the virtues of 
the immortal weed as a panacea. Much of the remnant of his for- 
tune was spent upon the iniblication of a pamphlet upon this subject, 
but it seems to have gone the way of Pleasanton's blue grass cure, 
and whether the theory of Clingman was good no one can tell. 

Clingman was a man of intense self-appreciation. His desire to 
be remembered as a great factor in the affairs of the nation was 
something stronger than even that which is felt by most men of am- 
bition. As a young man, and as the aged companion of the "colo- 
nels," " majahs " and "Judges," of that genus which was for a few 
years so plentifully represented, but which is now well nigh extinct. 
Clingman was of handsome and commanding appearance. He was 
always dressed with fine care until his purse gave out, and even then 
his threadbare and shining coat set on him so nicely, that anyone 
would know it was the coat of a gentleman, and that the gentleman 
was inside. 

He and the late W. W. Corcoran were intimate friends, antl it 
was through the friendship of the latter that Clingman's portrait, 
painted with his fa\'orite pose when speaking in the Senate, was 
placed in the Corcoran (iallcry of Art. Frequently the old man 
would walk into the gallery and remain for a long time in front of 
the painting, while the passing crowd would stand agape in wonder, 
recognizing that the original of the portrait stt)od there, and won- 
dering why this gentility run to seed, should have been so honored 
with a place in one of the great art galleries of the land. 

For years it hung in the gallery of portraits, among canvasses of 
Presidents, Senators, judges and great generals of the war on both 
sides. At one time in the shifting of the pictures, that of Clingman 
was placed much above the "line" in one of the corner rooms. 
The writer happened to be passing when the ex-senator entered. 
He had missed the portrait from its accustomed place and had sought 
until he found it. 

" Whv do you suppose they placed it here, in this dark room.**" 
he intjuired in pl.iintive tones. 

808 Southern Historkal Society Papers. 

" Oh, it's probably just a temporary change," was the answer. 

" I do hope it is," he murmured, his Hps trembHng and the tears 
springing to his eyes. ' ' I want that portrait to remain always among 
the portraits of my friends." 

Reference to Mr. Corcoran brings to mind what is probably the 
only genuine affaire de canir of Clingman's life. It is a romantic 
story, known only to a few of the old man's friends, and may be re- 
ferred to now without offence to any one. When the ex-senator 
entered the House he was a suitor for the hand of Corcoran 's only 
daughter and the heiress to the great estate of the philanthropist, 
which estate, howe\'er, was a very small one in those days compared 
to the millions comprised in it at this time. 

Young Clingman was a gallant and persistent suitor, and as the 
father stood aloof there was a good prospect that Miss Corcoran 
would honor the brilliant North Carolinian with her heart and hand. 
Another figure intruded in the way, however. Senator Slidell, 
afterwards a famous prisoner of war, had for his private secretary a 
young man named Eustis, of Louisiana, a brother of the present 
ambassador to France. The private secretary was not in the least 
disheartened by the rivalry of the popular representative. He be- 
longed to one of the first families of his State, and admitted no 
superiority. The struggle between the two Southerners was long 
and generous, and when the lady finally decided in favor of the 
Louisianian, the North Carolinian was generous and hearty in his 

That Clingman's disappointment was keen and lasting was not to 
be discovered by any outward display, but that the wound was too 
deep to be healed was proven by the fact that he remained and will 
die a bachelor. 

It is said that this affiiir had much to do with the recklessness ex- 
hibited by Clingman in the war, and which led to his rapid promo- 
tion to the rank of general. 

"Let us make this a Thermopylae," said Clingman to Joe John- 
ston, when they were surrounded by Sherman's army. 

" I am not in the Thermopylae business," retorted Johnston, and 
surrendered forthwith. 

L'lsl Bnfllc of thr War. 309 

[From llie Dallas, Texas, Ne-cs, December, 1S96.] 


It ^A^as Fought on the Rio Grande in Texas. 

The" Last Volley of the War Said to Have Been Fired by the Black 

Boys in Blue. 

In the November, 1896, issue of the Confederate Veteran, W. J. 
Slatter gives an interesting and well-written article on the battle of 
West Point, (ia., which occurred April 16, 1865, and which he says 
was "really the last battle of the war between regularly organized 
forces." With all due respect to the brave heroes of that battle, 
history does not bear the writer out in the fact that the West P(jint 
battle was the last battle of the war. The last battle of the war 
between regularly organized forces was fought in Texas May 13, 
1865, and called "the battle of Palmetto Ranch," near the city of 
Brownsville, Texas, on the Rio Grande. This battle was fought 
between the 3d Brigade, ist Division, 25th Army Corps, United 
States Troops, commanded by Colonel Theodore H. Barrett, of the 
62d United States Colored Troops, and the .Southern Division, of the 
Western sub-district of Texas, commanded by Brigadier-General 
James E. Slaughter, C. S. A. The United States troops actuallv 
engaged were as follows: 34th Indiana Veteran Volunteers (Morton 
Rifles) Infantr)', under Lieutenant-Colonel Robert G. Morrison; 62cl 
United States Troops, under Lieutenant-Colonel David Branson: 2(1 
United States Texas Cavalrv (not mounted), Lieutenant James W. 
Hancock. Colonel Barrett, in his official report — Vol. 48, Part i, 
page 266, Official Reports, L'nion and Confederate Armies — says 
the above regiments were engaged and under him, but fails to gi\c 
the whole number of his troops engaged, while Colonel John S. 
Ford and Captain W. H. D. Carrington, Confederate olificers and 
both participants in the battle, say the Federal force was between 
1,600 and 1,700 strong. 

From Lieutenant-Colonel David Branson's report, page 267. same 
official report mentioned above, 1 draw this fact, that at least 250 
men of the 62d United States, fifty-two men of the n\ L'nited States 
Texas, and 200 men of 34th Indiana Regiments were actuallv en- 

310 Southern Historic/I Socirfij Pnpirv. 

gaged, making 500, though from Colonel Barrett's report I would 
draw the fact that the 200 men detached and mentioned above by 
Branson were driven or had retired to a hill were the 34th Indiana 
had already taken position, leaving the impression that the entire 
34th Indiana Regiment was in the fight. Colonel Ford, I think, 
was about correct in the number of troops engaged on the Federal 

Confederate States Army troops under Slaughter engaged: Bena- 
vides' Regiment, five companies cavalry. Colonel John S. Ford; 
Carter's Battalion, three companies. Captain W. H. D. Carrington; 
Giddings' Battalion, six companies. Captain William Robinson; 
Jones' Light Battery, Captain O. G. Jones; Wilson's Cavalry, one 
company (unattached). Captain T. R. Wilson; Cocke's Cavalry, 
one company (unattached), Captain J. B. (?) Cocke. 

If these companies were full, there would be about 1,500 men, but 
Captain Carrington, in his report of the battle, says that on May i, 
1865, there were about 500 Confederate troops of all arms on the 
Rio Grande, and Colonel Ford says this is substantially correct, and 
that Captain Carrington is also correct when he says that there were 
only about 300 Confederates engaged in the battle of May 13, 1865. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Branson says the attacking force was about 250. 
From the light before me, then, there about 300 Confederates to 500 
Federals, and probably the latter were 1,700 strong in this, the last 
battle of the war. From the official records mentioned above I wish 
to quote partly from the reports of the Union colonels, Barrett and 

Extract from the report of Colonel T. H. Barrett, 62d United 
States Troops: 

Headquarters Third Brigade, First Division 
Twenty-Fifth Army Corps, 
Camp (near) Brownsville, Tex., August 10, 186^. 

General — I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
action at Palmetto Ranch, Tex., May 13, 1865, the last engagement 
of the war. '^^ ^ -'^ (The report is a long one, and as the first 
part relates only to the battle of the day before I omit, and simply 
quote that which relates to the last battle. ) ' ' Nearly the entire 
forenoon (May 13) was spent in skirmishing. The enemy, though 
taking advantage of every favorable position, was everywhere driven 
back. Early in the afternoon a sharp engagement took place, 
which, being in the chaparral, was attended with comparatively little 

Last Battle of the War. 311 

loss to us. In this enga.^'ement our fcjrces charged the enemy, com- 
pelled him to abandon his cover, and pursuing- him, drcn-e him 
across an open prairie beyond the rising ground, c(jmijletely out ot 
sight. The enemy having been driven several miles since daylight, 
and our men needing rest, it was not deemed prudent to advance 
further. Therefore, relinquishing inu-siiit, we returned to a hill 
about a mile from Palmetto Ranch, where the 34th Indiana had 
already taken its position. 

"About 4 P. M. tlie rebels, now largely reinforced, again reap- 
peared in our front, opening fire upon us with both artillery and 
small arms. At the same time a heavy body of cavalry and a sec- 
tion of a battery, under cover of the thick chaparral on our right, 
had already succeeded in flanking us, with the e\ident intention of 
gaining our rear. With the Rio Grande on our left, a superior 
force of the enemy in front and his flanking force on our right our 
situation at this time was extremely critical. Having no artillerv to 
oppose the enemy's six 12-pound pieces our position became unten- 
able. We therefore fell back, fighting. This movement, always 
difficult, was doubly so at this time, ha\'ing to be [)erformed under a 
heavy fire from both front and flank. 

"Forty-eight men of the 34th Indiana Veteran Volunteer Infan- 
try, under Captain (A. M.) Tcmpler, put out as skirmishers to cover 
their regiment, were, while stubbornly resisting the enemy, cut ofi" 
and captured by the enemy's cavalry. The 62d United States Col- 
ored Infantry being ordered to cover our forces while falling back, 
over halt ol that regiment were deployed as skirmishers, the remain- 
der acting as their support. This skirmish line was nearlv three- 
fourths of a mile in length, and, reaching from the river bank, was 
so extended as to protect both our front and right flank. E\ery 
attempt of the enemy's cavalry to break this line was repulsed with 
loss to him, and the entire regiment fell back with jirecision and in 
perfect order, under circumstances that woukl have tested the disci- 
pline of the best troops. Seizing upon every advantageous j)osition, 
the enemy's fire was returned tleliberately and with eflect. The 
fighting continuc't! three hours. The last xollev of the war, it is 
believed, was fired by the 62(1 United States Coloretl Infantry about 
sunset of the 13th of May, 1865, between White's ranch and the 
Boca Chica, Texas. Our entire loss in kilkd, wouiuled antl cap- 
tured was four officers antl i r 1 men." 

The colonel says abo\-e that the Confederates were " repulsed witii 

312 Southem Historical Society Papers. 

loss," and in another place that the Confederate fire was returned 
"with effect." Colonel Ford and Captain Carrington say the vic- 
tory was complete by the Confederates without the loss of a single 
man, which is undoubtedly true. 

Extract from the report of Lieutenant-Colonel David Branson, 62d 
United States Colored Troops, battle May 13, 1865: 

"' Headquarters of 62d Regiment, United States Colored Infantry, 
Brazos Santiago, Texas, May 18, 1863. — By order of Colonel 
Barrett fell back one and a half miles to a bluff on the river, about 
twelve miles from Coca Chica, to get dinner and rest for the night. 
Here, at 4 P. M., a large force of the enemy's cavalry was observed 
endeavoring to gain our rear. I was ordered with the regiment to 
form line obliquely to the rear, faced toward them. As soon as 
formed, and while awaiting expected cavalry charge, the enemy from 
a hill up the river (one and a half miles farther on) opened with 
artillery, doing no damage and creating no panic in my command, 
when I moved off, as ordered by Colonel Barrett, in retreat, furnish- 
ing 140 men for skirmishers, under Captains Miller and Coffin and 
Lieutenants Foster and Mead. They kept the enemy at a respect- 
ful distance at all times and did their duty in the best possible manner. 
Some temporary confusion was created by a portion of the 34th 
Indiana breaking through my regiment at double quick while I was 
marching in quick time, but order was immediately restored. The 
retreat was conducted by the right flank, for the reason that the 
nearest body of the enemy, 250 strong, with two pieces of artillery, 
were evidently trying to gain our rear and a favorable opportunity 
to charge, which was each time prevented by halting my command 
and coming to a front, thus facing him with the river at our backs. 
The force engaged with our skirmishers up the river was not im- 
mediately feared by our battalion, being so much farther distant, and 
their fire, both of artillery and cavalry, very inaccurate. Owing to 
this same flanking force of the enemy our skirmish line could not be 
relieved without exposing the men and our colors to capture while 

" Our losses of ordnance, seven Enfield rifles and accoutrements; 
of camp and garrison equipage, light. Casualties: two men miss- 
ing, supposed to be in the hands of the enemy. Five men wounded. 
'■•^ * '^^ The entire operation demonstrated the fact that the 
negro soldiers can march. ' ' 

The above report evidently proves the fact that the main object of 

Last Battle (jf the War. 318 

this regiment was to retreat, and Captain Carrington states in his 
report that the reason so few negroes were captured was that " they 
outran our cavalry horses," and as Branson shows by the above 
report that the 34th Indiana were fleeter of foot than the negroes, 
the Indianians must have run Hke deer. The above reports I copy 
and cite where found, but as Colonel Ford's and Captain Carring- 
ton's reports are too long, will only mention the main facts; but can 
furnish the full reports to the \'etcra}i if desired. They say in sub- 

On the morning of the 13th a very small force was present in 

There were not more than 300 men at and below that city of Con- 
federates. Colonel John S. Ford, assuming command, mo\ed down 
the river to the San Martin ranch. Arri\ing at about 3 P. M., he 
found Captain William Robinson, of D. C. Gidding's Regiment, in 
a heavy skirmish with J. W. Hancock's Company, of the 2d Texas, 
and a compan}^ of the 34th Indiana. A regiment of negro troops — 
62d United States — were also moving forward, perhaps to sustain 
skirmishers. F^ord immediately made his dispositions. His right 
wing was under command of Captain Robinson. Cocke's and Wil- 
son's Companies were ordered to attack the enemy's right flank; 
the artillery was directed to open fire at once, which was done with 
effect. Colonel Ford supported the movement in person, with two 
companies and two pieces of artillery. 

The 62d United States Troops, Branson's Negro Regiment, was 
quickly demoralized, and fled in dismay. Captain Robinson led a 
charge and drove back the skirmish line of the 34th Indiana and 
Hancock's 2d Texas Company. The Indiana troops threw down 
their arms and surrendered; most of the Texans escaped, retreating- 
through the dense chaparral. The entire Federal force were on the 
retreat, the fierce cavalry charges of the Confederates harassed them 
exceedingly, and the Confederate artillery mo\ed at a gallop. Three 
times lines of skirmishers were thrown out to check the pursuit. 
These lines were roughlv handled and ni:in\- i^risoners captured bv 
the Confederates. 

The Federals were tlrixen for about eight miles into the Col>b 
ranch, which is about two miles from the furt at Boca Chica. The 
sun was about half an hour high. The enemv had ctmimenced a 
double quick bv the left flank across the slough, through which a 
levee had been thrown about 300 vards long. The slough was an 

314 Soaihern Historical Socicft/ Papers. 

impassable quagmire for any character of troops, except the narrow- 
levee. General Slaughter saw the movement of the enemy and 
ordered Captain Carrington, with Carter's Battery, to press the rear 
guard of the enemy and cut it off before it reached the levee, but 
the rear guard was too quick and passed in a hurry. Although 
Carrington' s troopers were fresh and spurred their horses to their 
best running capacity, the enemy gained the levee when they were 
about 200 yards from the main body of the enemy, who had formed 
a line of battle at the further end of the levee among the sand hills. 

Carrington immediately formed his troopers into line on the edge 
of the slough, then covered with tide water. While doing this he 
saw General Slaughter dash forward into the water in front and empty 
his six-shooter at the retreating foe. The Federal line formed on 
the other side of the slough was 300 yards off from the Confederate 
troopers. A heavy skirmish fire was kept up for nearly an hour 
across the slough. The enemy, though in full \'iew, shot too high. 
They were five or six times as numerous as the Confederates, and 
were composed of veteran troops and commanded by experienced 
officers. As the sun went down the fire slackened and the enem}- 
began to retreat toward Boca Chica, a shell from the United States 
war ship Isabella exploded between the Confederates and the retreat- 
ing force of the enemy. A seventeen-year-old trooper of Carter's 
battery blazed away in the direction of the exploded shell with his 
Enfield rifle, using a very profane expletive for so small a boy, caus- 
ing a hearty laugh from a half score of his comrades. The firing 
ceased. The last gun had been fired. 

Colonel Barrett claims the last volley of the war was fired by the 
62d United States colored troops. The United States war ship 
Isabella, very likely, fired the last shell, but it was a Texan, on Texas 
soil, of Carter's battery, that fired the last gun. The last battle of 
the war was a \'ictory for the Confederates, and it will go down in 
history as such. 

Captain Carrington was ordered by Colonel Ford to occupy the 
battlefield, gather up arms and bury the dead. While engaged in 
this it was reported that a body of Federals was in the bend of the 
river near the old Palmetto Ranch. Captain Carrington ordered Ser- 
geant R. S. Caperton to deploy a squad of mounted men and drive 
out the enemy. In obeying this order the sergeant and his men 
captured First Lieutenant James W. Hancock, Second Lieutenant 
Thomas A. James, Hancock's brother and about twenty of Han- 

Lasi Bdllh of /l,r War. 810 

cock's Texans, Imt not a gun was fired, thoug-h scxeral attempted to 
escape capture by trying to swim the river, and were drowned. 

While it was General Slaughter's command that won the last bat- 
tle of the war, yet to Colonel Ford is due the honor of precipitating 
the battle and gaining the victory, and inflicting a heavy loss upon 
the enemy, who outnumbered his troops more than five to one. 
without the loss of a man. ( ieneral Slaughter was detained in 
Brownsville until late in the day of the iSth, Ijut Colonel Ford, 
called by his soldiers " Old Rip," was all day in the thickest of the 
fight, and early in the morning, while rifle balls were whistling 
around, he addressed his men about as follows: "Men, we have 
whipped the enemy in all our previous fights. \Vc can do it again." 
The men shouted, " Hurrah for Old Rip! " As the hurrahs ceased 
he gave the order, ' ' Forward ! Charge I ' ' The response was a Te.xan 
yell, and a charge which no infantry line ever formed on the Rio 
Grande could withstand. The reason why so few negroes were cap- 
tured in the last fight of the war was because they outnm our cavalry 

Hancock's company and the Indiana troops several times sa\ed 
the negroes. These veteran troops attempted to withstand the 
charges that Colonel Ford and his Confederates hurled against them, 
but Branson's negro troops ran, and ran well, as the rej^ort of their 
commander proves. The writer has seen Colonel F"ord and se\eral 
old Confederates who live in this county, who were in this fight, and 
the writer has often talked with them on the subject. That this was 
the last fight of the war, and almost one month after Comrade Sla- 
ter's West Point fight, I think I ha\'e pro\en. 

It was a victory for the Confederates, and will go down in histor\- 
as such. 

Luther Conver. 

Sa>i Diego, Texas, November 30, iSg6. 

316 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Richmond Dispatch, Feb. lo, 1S95.] 


Movements of the Goochland Light Artillery — Captain John 

H. Guy. 


Battle of February 15, 1862, and Its flany Remarkable and Exciting 
Incidents — Surrender of Fort Donelson. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

On the 26th of December, 1861, in obedience to orders, Captain 
John H. Guy's Battery, the Goochland Light Artillery, left Dublin 
Depot, Pulaski county, Va., on the Virginia and Tennessee railroad, 
for General Albert Sidney Johnston's army, in Kentucky. After 
much delay we reached Bowling Green, January 6, 1862, and pitched 
our tents about two miles west of that city. General Floyd's Brig- 
ade remained in camp nearly three weeks in daily expectation of an 
engagement with the enemy. However, no battle came off. It was 
reported that General Johnston's army, in the vicinity of BowUng 
Green, exceeded 60,000 men. This report was without foundation, 
as was demonstrated by subsequent information. 

The latter part of January, 1862, General Johnston's command 
was ordered to other sections of country; the most of his army was 
sent to Shiloh, Miss.; General Floyd's Brigade to Russellville, Ky. 
My battery encamped here about ten days. Se\'eral of us were 
temporarily indisposed, probably for one week, and were quartered 
in an old church. During the time of our indisposition, a number 
of ladies of this little town called on us, and were very hospitable to 
us. Among the number I remember the names of Mrs. Caldwell 
and Mrs. Mason, whose kind attention to us was highly appreciated. 

One of my battery — "Jack " Brooks — died here of typhoid fever, 
and another one — Charles Palmore — died at Bowling Green, I think, 
of congestion of the lungs; Captain Patterson, of the 56th Virginia 
Regiment, of my brigade, also died in Russelhille, Ky. 

From Russellville, Ky., General Floyd's Brigade was sent to Fort 
Donelson, Tennessee. My battery proceeded to Clarksxille, Ten- 

The Goorhhni'l Lnj}ii ArlUhrn. 317 

nessee, from which point we could occasionally hear the reports of 
heavy artillery in the direction of Donclson, like muttering'- thunder 
in the distance. We remained here a day or two, and then marched 
to Cumberland City, a small boat-landing on the river, from where 
we were conveyed by a steamer to P^jrt Donelson, leaving all our 
baggage behind, which we never saw again. We reached our des- 
tination Thursday evening, February 13, 1862. 


Upon our arrival at the wharf, opposite a little village, Dover, situ- 
ated on a hill, interspersed with small trees and everlooking the ri\-er. 
about six hundred yards east of the fort, the enemy annoyed us con- 
siderably at short intervals by shelling our steamer. The quarters 
were made rather uncomfortable for us. Occasionally a shell would 
explode before reaching the wharf, in the road, or the main street 
that leads up into the village, which caused some excitement and 
solicitude for a brief while. Only a few casualties, however, resulted. 
The enemy's position from where our steamer was being shelled was 
probably two miles and a half distant. Fragments of shell tiew pro- 
miscuously about the steamer, though doing no material damage. 
While on the steamer I saw a piece of shell strike a pile of wood 
near the engine, scattering it in various directions. The engineer 
was knocked down, and escaped with slight injury. I was also struck 
on my chest with splintered wood, but was not injured. 

As soon as practicable we disembarked our cannon, cSrc, at once 
proceeded up the street, through the village, and tiled to the right 
of our army, where we remained temporarily. As it was late in the 
evening, we did not obtain a position for our batter^•. fust as soon 
as the shadow of darkness came on we moved a short distance to the 
left and encamped that night in a ravine. 

The weather was very severe. It was raining, snowing, and 
freezing, accompanied bv a sharp wind. With considerable diffi- 
culty we succeeded in procuring some fuel to make tires to keep 
from freezing. 

We had no tents, and sutiered intcnseh- from ex|iosure antl want 
of adequate rations. We had to make hres to warm ourselves, occa- 
sionallv, in ravines and places where the enemy ct)uld noi observe 
the light from our fires. I understood that a number ot soldiers 
froze to death in the breastworks. This condition confrtnUetl us 
while at Donelson. 

818 Southeni historical ,Sociefij Papers. 

About 4 o'clock the next morning the battery was ordered on the 
left of the army. Owing to the proximity of the enemy this move- 
ment had to be executed with caution and as quietly as possible. 
Although the undertaking was one fraught with difficulty and danger, 
yet we succeeded in obtaining a position about the dawn of day, and 
hastily threw up light earthworks, which was very difficult to do in 
consequence of the frozen condition of the ground. During the day 
several of General Forest's men, with improved firearms, came near 
our battery and at once communicated with those fellows, who could 
be seen in trees, by means of leaden messengers, informing them that 
the position they occupied was totally at variance with our wishes. 
They soon took in the situation. Some descended with involuntary 
celerity, while others retired more hastily than they ascended. 


On the evening of the 14th of February, 1862, the enemy's gun- 
boats made a desperate and powerful attack on Fort Donelson. 
The cannonading was terrific and incessant for several hours. Finally 
thev were repulsed, sustaining great damage and loss of life. During 
the bombardment solid shot from the gunboats often passed over and 
beyond our troops on the right, falling between the respective armies. 

Early Saturday morning, February 15, 1862, General Floyd's 
Brigade was ordered to assault the enemy on his right line of de- 
fence. This order was rather unexpected. Breakfast was being pre- 
pared at the time, and there was much confusion in camp. The 
battle soon began, and the rattle of musketry and boom of cannon 
continued until about i o'clock P. M. The enemy had superior 
numbers, and was frequently reinforced during the fight. The Con- 
federates were continuously engaged in' the battle without relief or 
reinforcement, yet, under the disadvantages the enemy was driven 
back probably two miles, sustaining considerable loss, and the Con- 
federates occupied his position. It may be mentioned that General 
Grant's headquarters tent was captured in this engagement with con- 
tents. This was a hard fought battle, every foot of ground being 
stubbornly contested. 

It was the intention of General Floyd to pursue the enemy. A 
gun from my battery, with my detachment, and other troops, was 
ordered in pursuit. After proceeding a short distance this order was 
countermanded, and we returned to our original position. The rea- 
son for this was, that in view of information received, the enemy 
having been heavily reinforced, the undertaking would have been 

Tlw Goochljiiid LUjId ArilUrnj. 319 

hazardous, probably involving- a great sacrifice on our part. It may 
not be inappropriate to mention an incident which occurred about lo 
o'clock that morning. 


During the battle a regiment of Confederate infantry wavered, but 
(General S. B. Buckner soon rallied them. This happened about 
thirty paces to the left of my battery. The general's remarks on 
the occasion made an impression on those who heard him, and if I 
remember correctly, he said, " Mississippians, look at those Vir- 
ginians driving the enemy from our soil. Is it po.ssible that \ou are 
going to leave them to do the fighting? No, never; your general 
will lead you," and he gallantly led them into action. 

Not many years ago I happened to meet General Buckner at the 

• White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., and mentioned the foregoing to 

him. He remembered it well. Upon being asked what regiment 

it was he rallied on the occasion referred to, he replied the 14th 



Another incident happened that morning which may not be amiss 
to relate, though rather of a personal character. About 300 yards 
to the right of my battery, in an open field on a ridge, a section of 
artillery was actively engaged with the enemy's, when one of the 
cannoneers was instantly killed and others seriously wounded by a 
shot from the enemy's guns. The remainder of the detachment re- 
tired from their gun to the rear of the ridge, where a regiment of 
infantry was held in reserve. General Pillow, observing what had 
transpired, came up hurriedly to a detachment of mv batter\- and 
inquired of us " where we were irom." He was informed that we 
were from Virginia. He then said, "Will you follow me?" We 
replied that were not afraid to follow him any were. He said, "Come 
on," and we followed him in doultle-quick time across the open 
field. The bullets Hew thick and fast about us. I expected e\erv 
moment to be cither killed or wounded. We, however, in a brief 
time succeeded in reaching the deserted gun. Cieneral I'ilknv at 
once directed the cannon himself, and a few shiUs fi-om us soon tlis- 
abled the enemy's piece of artillery. This was "a consummation 
devoutly wished for." 


In view of the fact that the enemv had l)een heavil\- reinforced 

320 Southern Hislorirnl Sorietij Papers. 

that evening, the Confederates, being much exhausted from con- 
tinuous fighting and want of rest, were compelled to fall back to the 
position they formerly occupied. Consequendy the Federals regained 
the position they occupied that morning, late in the evening. 

According to the report that evening the Federals had upwards of 
40,000 men on the field, while the Confederate army did not exceed 
13,000 available men. This statement was made in my presence by 
Generals Floyd and Pillow, on the steamer from Fort Donelson, to 
Nashville, Tennessee, February 16, 1S62. 

Hostilities on our left had ceased, with the exception of occasional 
picket-firing, but late in the evening the enemy made repeated and 
vigorous assaults upon the right of the Confederate line of works. 
The fight was a desperate one and continued until darkness caused a 
cessation of hostilities. The enemy had gained some advantage. 
The Confederates lost part of their works near the fort. 

"greek meets greek." 

I was informed that evening during the battle, that two Kentucky 
regiments of infentry (both Second Kentucky), one Confederate and 
the other Federal, charged bayonets on each other. The conflict 
was desperate, neither gained any decided advantage over the other, 
though the loss on both sides was considerable. ' ' When Greek meets 
Greek, then comes the tug of war." Strange as it may seem, it is 
said that these two regiments were commanded by brothers — Colo- 
nels Hanson. I mention the above incident because I think it worthy 
of remark, as similar instances were not of frequent occurrence dur- 
ing the late war. 


That night a council of war was held bv Generals Floyd, Pillow, 
and Buckner. This was, indeed, a critical condition of affairs. 
Owing to the peculiar situation of our army and the disparity of num- 
bers, the enemy having more than three men to our one, it was 
deemed prudent to capitulate. Accordingly, General S. B. Buckner 
was selected to perform that duty, and he surrendered Fort Donel- 
son to General U. S. Grant on the morning of the i6th of February, 
1862. About 9,000 Confederates were made prisoners on that mem- 
orable occasion. It may be proper to state that early in the morning 
before the surrender took place a large number of our soldiers were 
conveyed across the river and landed on the Tennessee side by a 
steamer and escaped being captured, and those captured were con- 

The Go(,chhi„il Lhj],i Artillery. 321 

veyed to Johnson's Island and Camp Douglass, 111. After remaining 
in prison nearly one year a large number of them were exchanged. 
The capture of Fort Donelson was one of General (Grant's first im- 
portant victories. 

Not knowing what had transpired during the night, while a com- 
rade and myself were sleeping comfortably on a bank of snow, laying 
upon nine or ten heavy blankets, and covered by an equal number, 
which we captured the preceding day on the battle-field, we were 
quietly aroused at daybreak by our captain, John H. Guy, who said 
to us that "we must get to the wharf at once ; if we did not we 
would be left." Neither of us had the remotest conception that a 
surrender was about to take place. 


We arose from our quiet place of repose and packed our knap- 
sacks. Upon looking around we failed to see any of our troops. 
The works had been abandoned. The condition of affairs was not 
comprehended by us. We, howe\'er, proceeded to the wharf, as 
directed, which was nearly two miles distant. The strange situation 
of our troops was discussed. Upon our arri\al at the wharf we 
found assembled a large number of our soldiers, many of whom 
were much excited. I then saw a steamer of considerable dimen- 
sions landing some of our troops on the Tennessee side. I was 
ignorant of the cause of the peculiar proceedings going on at that 
time. I did not understand them ; but very soon I fully compre- 
hended the true condition of affairs and gravity of the situation, 
especially when I saw various kinds of provisions and munitions of 
war being thrown into the ri\er, and I determined not to be captured, 
if there was any possible means of escape. The steamer Gcueral 
Anderson was just returning for another load of soldiers, and my 
only hope of escape was on the steamer. I anxiouslv awaited its 
return, but, instead of coming near me, as I expected, it stopped 
about IOC yards above where I was standing. Se\eral thousand 
soldiers had now- congregated at the wharf, and the possibilit\- of my 
escape seemed very improbable. To force my way through this 
immense body of men was impossible. This was a predicament, 
indeed, delay was dangerous. I at once resoKed, if possible, to get 
on board of that steamer. The only chance was for me to wade the 
surging Cumberland river for same distance. Whether justifiable or 
not, I had a horrid conception (^{ being captured and subjected to 
the horrors of a prison pen. I proceeded Xo make \\\\ wav in the 

322 Sonthern Historical Societi/ Papers. 

direction of the steamer, keeping as near as possible to the bank of 
the ri\er, though up to my waist in mud and water, and coming in 
contact with melting snow and ice the most of the time. After no 
little perseverance I succeeded in accomplishing my object, though 
before reaching the steamer I was nearly over my shoulders in the 
water, very cold, and much exhausted. On board of the steamer 
there happened to be a barrel of whiskey, which had been bayoneted 
by soldiers. I needed a stimulant, and at once procured some in a 
tin cup and drank it, then took a position by the engine and warmed 
and dried myself as thoroughly as possible. 

The members of my battery also came off on this steamer, one of 
whom. Private Perkins, was pulled out of the water into the steamer 
by a colored man. 

The commotion among our soldiers at this time was very great, 
many of them were frantic with excitement, and attempted to get 
on board of the steamer, though failed to accomplish their object. 


General Floyd stood on the deck of the steamer with his sabre 
drawn, exclaiming, "Come on, my brave Virginia boys." The 
steamer was soon filled to its utmost capacity. Just as the steamer 
moved from the landing General Floyd received information that 
the enemy's gunboats were in sight, coming up the river. The 
engineer of the steamer was ordered to put on full head ot steam 
and proceed up the river as speedily as possible. Thus Generals 
Floyd and Pillow made their escape from Fort Donelson and 
reached Nashville the next morning. 

The most of the 56th Virginia Infantry came oh" on this steamer. 
Lieutenant Thomas, of Company F, later captain, now Sergeant of 
the Police Court, Richmond, Va., is one of the survi\'ors of the old 
56th Virginia Regiment. 

General Forrest, with his cavalry, succeeded in cutting their way 
out, and arrived at Nashville in a day or two. A member of my 
battery, W. M. Sharp, came off with his command. 

There was much interest and some excitement manifested by the 
people of Nashville in consequence of the fall of Fort Donelson. 
Hopes were entertained by many of the citizens that their city would 
be defended and not evacuated, and it was reported for several days 
that the Confederates would fortify Nashville, and not fall back 
further ; but this idea, if ever contemplated, was abandoned. 

llic (ioochlainl f/>(iJ>t Ari:ilrr;i. 323 


After remaining in this city nearly one week, orders were recei\'ecl 
for General Floyd and remainder of his command to proceed to V^ir- 
ginia. The troojjs soon boarded the cars, and were conveyed to 
Murfreesboro'. Near Murfreesboro' , on the macadamized road, we 
(four of my battery) were fortunate enough t<j find two (A our com- 
pany's baggage-wagons. The baggage had been destroyed at Dover, 
Tenn. One of these wagons was loaded with cotfee, and the other 
with some provisions brought from Nashville, which were subse- 
(juently turned over to the commissary at Norristown, Tenn. We 
were pleased to meet four members of our batter\-, who were left in. 
charge of these wagons. During our tra\el through Tennessee, the 
people were very hospitable to us. We marched from there to Chat- 
tanooga, and encamped about one week at the base of Lookout 
Mountain. We then took the cars to Knoxville, and remained here 
a week, and then marched across the Cumberland mountains to Mor- 
ristown, Tenn., thence by rail to Virginia, and arri\'ed in Abingdon, 
Va., the latter part of March, 1862. 

Upon our arrival in Abingdon we were much surprised on being 
informed that General Floyd had been relieved of his command bv 
President Davis, and Colonel Stuart, of the Fifty-sixth X'irginia Reg- 
iment, was commandant of the post. 

The command of General Floyd was soon ordered to the Army of 
Northern Virgmia. Subsequently General Floyd commanded State 
troops in Southwest Virginia. 

My company having been captured at Fort Donelson, and not 
having any command to report to, I was tendered a position bv the 
medical director of my brigade in his department, which I accepted, 
and held for some time. Finally, my company was exchanged, and 
I rejoined it at Chafifin's Bluff, about ten miles below Richmond, \'a. 

TiioM.vs j. Rii)i)i:i.i., .M. I)., 
Private iu Gooc/i/cvid .Irti/Inv, F/owl's Jhigadc, 

late C. S. -■/., Richuiand, la. 

824 K>oi(ther)i Mistork-al Socitty Papers. 

[From the Daily Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, Feb. 17, 1895.] 



Another of the Historical War Sketches Prepared at the Instance of 
Judge Clark — A Record Of Glory and Honor. 

At the request of Judge Walter Clark, General James H. Lane, of 
Auburn, Alabama, has prepared a sketch of his old regiment, the 
Twenty-eighth North Carolina. A copy of it is sent to the Observer 
and is herewith published. In a private letter to the editor General 
Lane says of his work: 

" My old regiment has a splendid record and I do not feel equal 
to such a theme. I have done my best in the way of a chronological 
summary of its brilliant achievements. My object in interspersing it 
freely with unpublished reminiscences — personal incidents of my own 
knowledge — is to make it more interesting to the general reader. It 
required both time and labor to get up the sketch, and yet it has 
been a great pleasure to me to do it." 

The Twenty-eighth North Carolina Regiment had the following 
field and staff officers during the war: 

Colonels: James H. Lane, Samuel D. Lowe. 

Lieutenant-Colonels: Thomas L. Lowe, Samuel D. Lowe, Wil- 
liam D. Barringer, William H. A. Speer. 

Majors: Richard E. Reeves, Samuel D. Lowe, William J. Mont- 
gomery, William D. Barringer, William H. A. Speer, Samuel N. 

Adjutants: Duncan A. McRae, Romulus S. Folger. 

Sergeant-majors: Milton A. Lowe, J. T. Lowe, W. R. Rankin. 

Captains, A. O. M. : George S. Thompson, Durant A. Parker. 

O. M. Sergeants: Edward Moore, J. C. Kelly, T. C. Lowe. 

Captain, A. C. S. : Nicholas Gibbon. 

Commissary sergeant: W. A. Mauney. 

Surgeons: Robert Gibbon, W. W. Gaither. 

Assistant surgeons: F. N. Luckey, R. G. Barham, Thomas B. 
Lane, M. L. Mayo. 

Hospital stewards: John Abernathy, L. J. Barker. 

Ordnance sergeant: Gabriel Johnston. 

Tioeiifij-Eif/hfh Xorlh Cirnlina. Inf'mlrii. 325 

Chaplains: Oscar J. Brent, ¥. Milton Kennedy, I). S. Henkel. 

This regiment, numberino- about goo, was organized at High Point, 
North Carolina, September 21, 1861, as appears from the following 

Camp Fishkr, Hkhi Point, September 2t, 1861. 

Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Lane: 

Dear Sir — You were unanimously elected colonel of the 28th 
North Carolina Volunteers this evening. This regiment is com- 
posed of the following companies, enlisted for heelve months: 

Company A, Surry county. Captain Reeves (major- elect). 

Company B, Gaston county. Captain Edwards. 

Company C, Catawba county, Captain Lowe (lientenant-colonel- 

Company D, Stanly county, Captain Montgomery. 

Company E, Montgomery county, Captain Barringer. 

Company F, Yadkin county. Captain Kinyoun. 

Company G, Orange county, Captain Martin. 

Company H, Cleveland county. Captain Wright. 

Company L Yadkin county. Captain Speer. 

Company K, Stanly county. Captain Moody. 

You will see that most of us are " mountain boys," and we trust 
that we do not disgrace the home from which we come. It would 
afford us great pleasure and satisfaction to have for our leader an 
officer so well and so favorably known for bravery, courtesy, and 
professional attainments as Lieutenant-Colonel Lane, of the gallant 
"Bethel" Regiment. Permit us to express our personal hope that 
we may receive a favorable reply as soon as possible, and to sub- 
scribe ourselves, 

Your obedient ser\'ants. 

S. N. Stowe, Major Com)nandino Post, 
William J. Montgomery, Captain Company P, 
G. B. Johnson, First Lieutenant Company CJ, 

Committee i)i behalf of the 28th Regiment. 

Immediatelv after organizing, the regiment was ortlered to Wil- 
mington, N. C, where it remained under General Joseph R. 
Anderson, commanding the "Cape Fear District," until the fall of 
Newbern. During its stav in that kind ami hosintalile town it per- 
formed post duty and guardetl \arious bridges on the Wilmington 

326 Southern Historical Society Fapers. 

& Weldon Railroad. It was kept under rigid discipline; and that 
it was well drilled and properly cared for will appear from the follow- 
ing extracts from the Wilmington Jounial : 

" On a recent visit to the camp of the 28th Regiment we were 
pleased to see that a complete town of neat wooden tenements has 
taken the place of the canvass village of the latter part of the sum- 
mer and fall, affording convenient and comfortable quarters with 
chimneys for the men, houses for the stores and other purposes. 
We found nearly all finished, with the exception of some of the 
officers' quarters, Colonel Lane's among the number, these being- 
left to the last, as, being less crowded, the necessity was not so 
pressing. * * '^^ 

"Almost as we go to press the 2Sth moves down Second street, 
with steady tramp, the long line of their bayonets gleaming in the 
sun, and the firm bearing of the men indicative of determination and 
giving promise of gallant service when called upon. The drill and 
marching of the regiments are, to our feeble notions, as good as 
could be desired by regulars. If there is less of the pomp and cir- 
cumstance of war with our plainly arrayed troops than with the 
fancy corps raised in northern cities, experience has shown that there 
is more of the pride that will stand and will not run unless it be for- 
ward. Colonel Lane may well be proud of his regiment." 

On the 28th of October, 1861, the regiment numbered 970 all told. 

It reached Newbern the 14th of March, 1862, just as the troops 
were withdrawing and it helped to coAcr their retreat. It fell back 
with them through mud and rain to Kinston, where it remained until 
it was ordered to Virginia. Soon after reaching Kinston it was as- 
signed to the brigade commanded by General L. O'B. Branch. It 
at once renewed its work of reorganizing for the war which it had so 
gloriously begun in Wilmington, and completed the same the 12th of 
April, 1862. The following from a correspondent was published at 
the time in the Raleigh Journal: 

" It is with no ordinary emotions of joy and pride that I inform 
you, and through your paper the public, that the Twenty-eighth 
North Carolina Regiment has 'reorganized for the war.' Six com- 
panies reorganized before we left Wilmington. Last week the four 
remaining companies reorganized, and on Saturday we had an elec- 
tion for field officers, when Colonel Lane and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Lowe were elected to their former positions by acclamation. For 
major we had some warm balloting. Several were nominated. After 

Tinrrtfii-E'Kiltlli Xor/h Ctiro/l/ur fuf'^m/r'/. 8:i7 

several ballotings, Captain Samuel I). Lowe was elected. I noticed 
that the captains were very popular with the first lieutenants. Per- 
haps the recent laws of succession in office had some influence. 

" It makes us very proufl to know that we are the first North 
Carolina Re^^iment to reorganize. Tlie regiment is \ery large, n(jw 
numbering 1,250 men. 

" Considering that our original term of service would not ha\'e ex- 
pired till the 2ist of September, and being the first North Carolina 
Regiment to re-enlist and reorg;anize, we think z'e?y modestly, that 
we are entitled to some favors. We have no rifle companies. We 
would be glad to have two, though we are not disposed to grumble, 
and will cheerfully do the best we can. 

" We are now realizing the privations and hardshijis of camj) lite. 
We often think of our comfortable ([uarters and the kind-hearted 
people of Wilmington. Some of the fair ones of Wilmington. I 
suspect, are remembered with more than ordinary feelings of friend- 

"We see nothing, hear nothing and know nothing here but to 
obey orders. A man has to be very ])atriotic, on good terms with 
his fellow soldiers, and on prodigiously good terms with himself, to 
see much enjoyment here; but so long as our country needs our ser- 
vices, we will be contented in her service wherever it may be." 

This regiment, numbering 1,199 *'^'i' duty, was ordered to X'irginia 
May 2, 1862. It was armed with old smooth-bore muskets from the 
Fayetteville arsenal, l)adly altered from flint to percussion. It soon 
threw them away and supi^lied itself with more serviceable and more 
modern weapons gathered on the bloody battlefield in that grand 
old State. 

On reaching Virginia it was ordered at once to Gordons\ille. It 
remained there at Rapidan Station doing picket duty only tor a 
short time. With the rest of the brigade it was next ordered to 
join Jackson in the Valley: but on reaching the foot of the Blue 
Ridge, it was ordered back to Hanover Courthouse. On the 26th 
of May it was marched through mud and rain to "Slash Church." 
At that time the regiment had in it "many recruits just recovering 
i\-om the diseases incident io the conuut luement ot camplile." La- 
tham's Battery reported to Cieneral Branch from North Carolina the 
exening before the brigatle left Hanover Courthouse "with only half 
enough men for the efficient service of the guns ami with horses 
entirely untrained." 

328 Soa(/ier)i Histurirul Society Papers. 

On Tuesday morning, the 27th of May, General Branch ordered 
the 28th Regiment and a section of Latham's Battery, under Lieu- 
tenant J. R. Potts, to Tahaferro's Mill to capture, if possible, a 
reported marauding party. No one was found at the mill, and as 
the enemy were reported advancing on the " Old Church " road, it 
promptly retraced its steps, marching left in front, with flankers, 
and an advance guard was thrown out. On reaching the pine thicket 
in front of Dr. Kinney's, on the direct road to Richmond, a squad 
of Federals stepped into the Taliaferro Mill road, in front of the 
command. The colonel suspecting an ambush, halted his regiment, 
faced it by the rear rank, and wheeled it to the right into the thicket. 
It handsomely cleaned the thicket of the enemy. On reaching the 
road in front of Dr. Kinney's it charged with rebel yells the 25th 
New York Regiment, concealed in Kinney's field of standing wheat, 
and almost annihilated it in front of Martindale's Brigade, drawn up 
in line of battle and strongly supported by artillery. It was not 
known then that the regiment had been cut off by an o\'erwhelming 
force of infantry, artillery and cavalry, under General Fitz John Por- 
ter. It was withdrawn and reformed in the open field on the Han- 
over Courthouse side of Kinney's dwelling. Potts' artillery was also 
ordered into position, and never were two guns served more hand- 
somely. The unequal contest was kept up for over four hours, 
inflicting greater damage than was sustained; and when it was found 
that the enemy was flanking the regiment in both directions, it was 
withdrawn in good order to Hanover Courthouse. On reaching St. 
Paul's Church, beyond the courthouse, where the road forks, and 
finding the enemy's batteries in position and the road to Ashland in 
their possession, it was ordered to take the fork to Taylorsville 
under a shelling. Knowing the cavalry was pursuing in force, it 
was thrown from the road to the field to take advantage of the cross- 
fences. On reaching a thin strip of woods beyond the railroad, it 
was ordered back into the road, and directed to move as rapidly as 
possible to Taylorsville, while Potts unlimbered his Parrott gun in 
the middle of the road. The other gun had been abandoned at 
Kinney's, as the horses had been killed or badly wounded. This 
bold piece of strategy on the part of the colonel and the lieutenant 
of artillery intimidated the enemy's cavalry, caused them to form line 
of battle on the other side of the railroad, and enabled the 28th Reg- 
iment to make its escape. Already exhausted from exposure to 
inclement weather, from hunger, from fighting and marching, it was 
three days before the regiment, by a circuitous route, rejoined the 

Tirnitii.E'Hjhth Xnrlh Can,!;,,,, Tnfa„lr>l. 32r» 

brigade on the right bank of the Chickahominy, where it was wildly 
and joyfully received. It was highly complimented by Generals Lee 
and Branch for its splendid beha\ior in this masterly retreat. The 
former was heard to remark that it was a wonder to him the whole 
command had not been killed or captured. 

Company (i, wliich was cut (jff from the regiment at Kinney's, 
can never forget how their brave, but frail and delicate young ca])- 
tain, George B. Johnston, afterward the acccjmplished adjutant-gen- 
eral of the brigade, swam tlu- river to escai)e the enemy, and then 
swam back rather than appear to ha\e deserted his men; how he 
marched as a prisoner of war from Kinney's farm to West Point in 
his wet clothes; how he was confmed on Johnson's Island; how he 
read the Episcopal service regularly to his fellow-j3ris<jners there; 
how he endeared himself to all in his captivity; how he was joyfully 
welcomed back to camp; and how, a physical wreck, he was soon 
forced to return home tc) die. A nobler, braver, ]')urer Christian 
hero never lived. 

From this battle at Kinney's farm, or Hanoxer Courthouse, as it 
is generally called, to the surrender at Appomatto.x Courthouse, the 
history of the brigade is the history of the regiment. It bore on its 
battle-flag the name of every battle in which the brigade participated. 

Before the fights around Richmond, Branch's Brigade was assigned 
to General A. P. Hill, and became a part of the famous "Light 
Division." The 28th Regiment was with its brigade when it was 
the flrst, in those se\en da\-s' tights, to cross the Chicahominv at 
" Half Link," and clear the wa\- k)r the crossing of the rest of the 
"Light Division" at "Meadow Bridge." When it reached Me- 
chanicsxille, on the 26th of June, it was ordered to support a battery 
on the left of the road. Ne.xt morning it was subjected to a short 
but severe artillerv fire. On reaching Cold Harbor, on the 27th. it 
and the 7th North Carolina were ordered to the left of the roatl. 
where it behaved very handsomely, its own colonel being wounded 
on the head, and Colonel Campbell, of the 7th, killed with the colors 
of his regiment in his hands. At Lra/ier's Farm, on the 30th. it 
was on the right of the 37th North Carolina Regiment. After dri\ - 
ing the enemy's infantry, it and the 37th gallantly charged the artil- 
lery in their front, when its colonel was shot in the face, and Colonel 
Lee, of the 37th, was killed. It was not actively engaged at Mal- 
vern Hill on the ist of |ulv. It was, however, ordered forward in 
the afternoi)n to sup])ort the forces engaged, ami was uniler a verv 
heavv artillerv tire until some time after tlark. It carrietl 4S0 into 

:3oO SoKt/it'iii Ilisloriciil Soriet;/ Papers. j 

those blood V hQ-hts and sustained a loss of twelve killed and 146 ! 


It encamped below the city of Richmond for a short time and was ; 

then ordered, Julv 29th, to Gordonsville, near which place it re- 
mained until just before the battle of Cedar Run, August 9th, in 
\\hich it bore a \ery conspicuous part. Many of the men wiped , 

their guns out as they advanced under the hottest fire; and when in- 1 

fantry and cavalry had been repulsed, and General Jackson appeared j 

on the field in its front, the men wildly cheered him and called to ' 

him to let them know what he wished done and they would do it. i 

The loss in this fight was three killed and twenty-six wounded. I 

In this battle, after the enemy had been repulsed and the regiment 1 
had crossed the road to connect with General Taliaferro's command, 
the colonel chided a member of Company F for falling out of ranks. j 

When the soldier replied that he was no coward but was exhausted ! 
and could go no further, the colonel took oft" his canteen, handed it 
to him, and told him to take a ' ' stiff" drink " ' and rejoin his company. 
Not long after, as the colonel was passing down the line, compli- 
menting his men for their gallantry, that brave fellow stepped out of 1 
ranks, saluted and said: " Colonel, here I am. I tell you what, that 
drink you gave me just now has set me up again, and I feel as 
though I could whip a whole regiment of Yankees." Everybody j 
was in a good humor, and of course everybody laughed. 

At the shelling across the Rappahannock on the 24th of August, 
the 28th was sent to the support of Braxton's and Davidson's Bat- 
teries, and a part of the regiment was thrown forward with instruc- 
tions to prevent, if possible, the destruction of the bridge across the 
river near Warrenton White Sulphur Springs. 

The most laughable fight was at Manassas Junction, August 27th, 
when Jackson got in Pope's rear, and the brigade chased Taylor's 
New Jersey command into the swamps of Bull Run. One of the : 
2Sth was very much astonished, after jumping over a bush from the 
railroad embankment, to find that he had also jumped over a Yankee 
crouched beneath. Another was still more astonished when he got 
on all-fours to take a drink of water, to find that a fellow had sought 
safety in the culvert. He was an Irishman, and after he had crawled 
from his hiding-place, he created an uproar by slapping the Tar Heel 
on the shoulder and remarking: "You got us badly this time. 
Come, let's take a drink." Both of them "smiled" out of the 
same canteen. 1 

At Manassas Plains, on the 28th of August, this regiment was 


Tirciilii- Fjitjlilli XdiIIi ('nroHini Ini'iiiilrij. 831 

under a heavy artillery tire while supporting a battery. On the 29th 
it fought with great coolness, steadiness and desperation on the 
extreme left of Jackson's line. It was subjected to a heavy artil- 
lery fire the next dav, the 30th, and there was heavy skirmishing in 
its front until late in the afternoon. Its was five killed and 
forty- five wounded. 

The battle of Ox Hill, near Fairfax Courthouse, was fought .Sep- 
tember I, 1862, in a pouring rain. The Twentv-eighth was on the 
left of the brigade and fought splcndidK-, lliDUgh nian\' of its guns 
fired badly on account of the moisture. It was here that (ieneral 
Branch, when he made known the fict that he was nearly out of am- 
munition, was ordered " to hold his position at the jjoint of the bayo- 
net." The Twenty-eighth, cold, wet and hungrv, was ordered to 
d(j i)icket duty on the battlefield that night with(Hit fux-s. 

This regiment was with the Aiiin- of Northern Virginia in its 
march into Maryland: and the tirsl dav after crossing the Potomac. 
September 5th, it feasted on nothing but green corn, browned on the 
ear before the fires made of the fences in the neighborhood. This 
was not the first time the regiment had indulged in such a rejjast. 

On the 14th of September it was with the brigade when it climbed 
the cliffs of the Shenadoah at midnight, and la\- concealed next 
morning on the left and rear ot the enemv in their works on " Boli- 
var Heights," in front of Harper's P'erry, ready and eager for the 
order to assault, which order was never gi\en as the enemy surren- 
dered under the concentrated fire of the Confederate batteries. 

It was in that memorable rapid march from Harper's Ferry to 
Sharpsburg. On reaching the right of the battlfield, the afternoon 
of the 17th of September, Oeneral A. P. Hill dashed up, and in per- 
son ord^ered it at a double-quick up the road to the left, leading to 
the town, to defend an unsupported Ixittery, and drive back the ene- 
my's skirmishers who were advancing through a field of corn. 

Two days afterward, Sei^tembiT u)th, it constituted a part of the 
rear guard of General Lee's arnn- wlien he re-crossed the Potomac. 

At Sheperdstown, on the 2cv\\ of September, when the Confed- 
erates could not use their artilli.r\', it gallantly advanced " in the face 
of a storm of round shot, shell and grape," and gloriously helpetl to 
drive the enenu' preeipitatelv o\ er the l)ank K^\. the Potomac, where 
so manv were killed attempting to cross the rixer at the dam alio\-e 
the ford. 

Here the rt\gimeiit was compelletl to l.iy .ill d.iy on the N'irginia 
shore, and the t'nenn-, tVom the opjiosite side c>t the ri\er, tireil 

832 !Soaihi'i-n Histoi-ical Sucietii Popers. 

artillery at every individual soldier who dared expose himself. When 
Colonel Lane, then in command of the brigade, General Branch 
having been killed at Sharpsburg, called to a litter to know who had 
been wounded and received the reply: "Lieutenant Long, of your 
regiment," he appr.)ached and expressed the hope that the lieutenant 
was not seriously hurt. The latter replied: "I have been shot in 
the back ; the ball has gone through me and I am mortally wounded. 
Taking his colonel's hand, he put it inside of his shirt on the slug 
which was under the skin of his breast, and added: " I am a young 
man. I entered the army because I thought it right, and I have 
tried to discharge all my duties." Then that young hero, with his 
colonel's hand still on that fatal slug, asked in a most touching tone: 
" Though I have been shot in the back, will you not bear record, 
when I am dead, that I was always a brave soldier under you ? " 

After this fight the regiment went into camp near Castleman's 
Ferry, or Snicker's Gap, in Clarke county, Va. , where it remained 
for some time, doing picket duty in snow-storms and freezing 
weather. It subsequently camped near Winchester, where it re- 
mained until Jackson's Corps moved to Fredericksburg, November 
22d. There it remained but a short time, and then took part in the 
great battle near that town, December 13, 1S62. It held an ad- 
vanced, open, unfortified position on the railroad, and fought with 
great coolness and gallantry, using all of its ammunition, including 
that from the boxes of its dead and badly wounded. All this, when 
the right fiank of the brigade had been turned by a large force of 
the enemy going through that unfortunate opening and catching 
the intended support for the brigade with its arms stacked. Alter 
handsomely repulsing two lines of battle in its front, it was forced to 
retire before the third. Its loss was sixteen killed and forty-nine 

In this fight, Private Martin, of Company C, coolly sat on the 
track and called to his comrades to watch the Yankee colors, then 
fired and down they went. This was done repeatedly. Captain 
Lovell, of Company A, the right company of the regiment, stood 
on the track all the time, waving his hat and cheering his men, and 
strange to say, neither he nor Martin was struck. 

After the battle, when Captam Holland, of Company H, congrat- 
ulated General Lane on his escape, he added: "And I am indebted 
to a biscuit for my own life." Running his hand into his haversack, 
he drew forth a camp buscuit about the size of a saucer, cooked 
without salt or "shortening" of any kind, and looking like horn 

Tineiitii-E'nihih Xnrih f'nro/oi" rn/'n/fn/. 333 

when sliced — something- that an f)stiitch could not digest — and there 
was a Yankee bullet only /la/f imbedded in that wonderful biscuit. 

It was here that First Lieutenant \V. W. Cloninger, of Company 
B, as he lay at the field hcjpital, called Abernathy to him and asked 
why he had been neglected so long. When told that he was mortally 
wounded, and the surgeons considered it their first duty to attend to 
those whose lives might be sa\'ed, he replied: " If I must die, I will 
let you all see that I can die like a man." Folding his arms across 
his breast, that hero, far away fnjm his loved ones, lay under that 
tree in Yerby's yard, and without a murmur quietly awaited death. 

At 6:30 o'clock on the morning of the 12th, when the brigade was 
ordered to its position on the railroad, it passed the refugees stream- 
ing to its rear from that old historic town. As delicate women with 
infants in their arms and helpless little children clinging to their 
mother's dresses, all thinly clad, went by, some of those brave 
and chivalrous North Carolinians called out: " Look at that, fellows. 
If that will not make a Southern man fight, what will ? " 

The regiment spent that winter at "Moss Neck," below Frede- 
ricksburg. There it did picket duty on the Rappahannock, and 
helped to corduroy the roads when they became impassable, some- 
times having to clear away the snow to lay the logs. 

In the spring of 1863, when the enemy renewed his demonstra- 
tions at Fredericksburg, it occupied the second line of works near 
Hamilton's Crossing. 

In the battle of Chancellorsville it accompanied Jackson in his 
flank movement, and on the night of the 2d of Mav it was on the 
left of Lane's brigade when formed for the night attack. After 
Jackson was wounded and the night attack abandoned, it was with- 
drawn from the left of the plank road, and placed on the extreme 
right of the brigade, with its own right resting on a country road 
leading from the plank road to a place called ' ' Hazel Grove. ' ' About 
midnight, General Sickles, with two strong lines of battle, made his 
much lauded attack, and was re]:)ulsed by the Twcntv-eighth and 
Eighteenth, and a part of the Thirtv-third North Carolina regiments, 
chiefly by the Twenty-eighth. A number ol prisoners, including 
field and companv officers, were captureil. Compan\- K. of the 
Twenty-eighth, also captured the colors oi the Third Maine Regi- 

Early next morning the Twent\'-<.ighlh, with the rest ot the brig- 
ade, made a direct assault on the cmumuv's works aiul carried them, 
but could not hold them, as the brigatle's suppiMl had liroken in its 

334 Sotithei'ii Historical Soeietij Papera. 

rear, and it was attacked by fresh troops before General Ramseur 
could come to its assistance. It subsequently joined in the charge 
which drove the enemy from ' ' Fairview ' ' and the ' ' Chancellorsville 
House," where it was much amused at that great cavalier, General 
Stuart, singing, "Old Joe Hooker, Get Out the Wilderness," while 
the battle was raging. Its loss was twel\-e officers, and seventy-seven 

Later, having replenished itself with ammunition, it went to the 
support of General Colquitt, on the extreme left. There it witnessed 
the most harrowing scene of the war. The woods, already filled 
with sulphurous smoke, had been set on fire by the enemy's shells. 
The dropped rifles of the dead and wounded and the enemy's shells 
with imperfect fuses, exploded in every direction as the flames swept 
over them; the dead of both armies were being burnt to a crisp, and 
the helpless Federal wounded begged to be taken out of the line of 
the rapidly approaching and devouring fire. The brigade itself was 
forced to halt to let the flames sweep over the ground where it was 
ordered to form, and when it did form the ground was uncomfort- 
ably hot. That night it literally slept in ashes under those charred 
scrub oaks, and when it was ordered back next day, it afforded 
great amusement to its more fortunate comrades, for never was there 
seen in any army a dirtier and blacker set of brave men from the gen- 
eral down. As General Lane lay in the ashes that night a pretty 
little Yankee dog, branded "Co. K," persisted in making friends 
with him. In all the subsequent movements of the troops in Jack- 
son's Corps that little dog kept his eye on the " Little General " and 
followed him back to camp where he became a great pet at brigade 
headquarters. He proved to be a splendid little fighter. 

After this battle the regiment returned to "Camp Gregg" at 
" Moss Neck " below Fredericksburg, where it remained until the 
5th of June, 1863. 

Crossing the Potomac at Shepherdstown on the 25th of June, it 
reached Gettysburg the ist of July. It behaved as it had always 
done in the first day's fight at that place, when Lane's Brigade was 
ordered from the centre of A. P. Hill's line to " the post of honor " 
on the right to protect that flank of the army from the enemy's cav- 
alry while it fought his infantry in tront. 

On the 2d day of July it was under a heavy artillery fire several 
times during the day, and its skirmishers displayed great gallantry. 

It took a very conspicuous part in the so-called Pickett's charge 
of the 3d of July. The brigade occupied the left of the imperfect 

'J)riii(ij-Ei(jl(tli Aorl/i (JaroUna InJ'anlr;/. 385 

second line, and when Davis' Brij:^ade was repulsed at Brocken- 
brough's, did not g-et beyond the position occupied by General 
Thomas, it moved handsomely forward with the rest of "Lane's 
brave fellows" who took the position of tJKjse two brij^ades on the 
extreme left of the first line. Though a ci^lumn of infantry was 
thrown against its left flank and the whole line was exposed to a 
raking artillery fire from the right, it advanced in magnificent order, 
reserving its fire in obedience to orders, was the last command to 
leave the field, and it did so under orders. Its loss was tweh-e killed 
and ninety-two wounded. 

On the 1 2th it formed line of battle near Hagerstown, .Mar\land, 
threw up breast-works and skirmished with the enemy until the night 
of the r3th. The retreat from Hagerstown through mud and rain 
was worse than that from Gettysburg, which was "awful." Some 
fell by the wayside from exhaustion, and the whole command was 
fast asleep as soon as halted for a rest about a mile from the pontoon 
bridge at " Falling Waters." On the morning of the 14th, Lane's 
brigade alone covered the crossing at " Tailing Waters," and Cap- 
tain Crowell, of the Twenty-eighth, commanded its skirmishers. 
After all the other troops were safely over the Potomac, the whole 
brigade retired in splendid order and the enemy opened with its artil- 
lery just as the bridge swung loose from the Virginia shore. 

On returning from Pennsylvania the regiment camped for a short 
time at Culpeper Courthouse, and was then ordered to Orange 
Courthouse, where it did picket duty on the Rapidan at Morton's 
ford. It was next ordered to Liberty Mills as a support to the cav- 
alry which was engaged at Jack's Shops. There it spent most of 
the winter doing picket duty on the Rapidan rixer and the Stanards- 
ville road. Once during that winter it had a terrible march through 
sleet and snow to Madison Courthouse, trying to intercept some of 
the Federal cavalry raiders. 

At Bristow Station, October 14th, this regiment was untler fire but 
not actively engaged. There it helped to tear up the railroad, some- 
thing at which it had become expert. As early as the middle o\ Octo- 
ber, 1862, General Jackson complimenteil the brigatle for the thor- 
ough manner in which it tlestroyed the Baltimore iS: Ohi«.) Railroad 
at North Mountain Depot, where, beyond the ca\alry pickets, it tore 
up about ten miles of the track; antl the men amused themselves 
when the rails on the burning ties were red-hot by tieing " iron cra- 
vats" around the adjacent trees. The depot was not burned at that 
time because the wind would ha\-e endangered jirivate jiropertv. 

33(3 Southt'i'n Historical Society Papers. 

It remained in camp at Brandy Station until the enemy captured a 
large portion of the two brigades under General Early beyond the 
Rappahannock, on the 7th of November. When the corps formed 
line of battle near Culpeper Courthouse on the 8th of November, the 
regiment was with the brigade when it was ordered back on the War- 
renton road, where it repulsed a cavalry, charge with slight loss. 
After that it returned to its old and comfortable quarters at Liberty 

When General Lee confronted Meade at Mine Run, November 
27, 1863, the weather was intensely cold and the sufferings of the 
men were great. Not being allowed to have fires on the skirmish 
line, the men were relieved every half hour. The 28th was a part 
of the troops withdrawn from the trenches at 3 A. M. on the 2d of 
December and moved to the right to make an attack, but at day- 
light it was found that Meade had withdrawn. 

Late in the afternoon of the 5th of May, 1864, the 28th went gal- 
lantly to the support of the hard-pressed troops in the Wilderness 
when Colonel Venable, of General Lee's staff, said to Colonel Pal- 
mer, of General A. P. Hill's: "Thank God! I will go back and tell 
General Lee that Lane has just gone in and will hold his ground 
until other troops arrive to-night." The brigade did more than 
hold its own; it drove the enemy some distance. The troops did 
not arrive that night as was expected, and next morning those brave 
men were compelled to retire before the overwhelming force of the 
enemy. The regiment lost four officers and eighty-four men. 

The 28th also did its part nobly on the morning of the 12th of 
May, at Spotsylvania Courthouse, when Johnson's front was broken, 
and "Lane's North Carolina veterans turned the tide of Federal 
victory as it came surging to the right." It was also with the bri- 
gade the afternoon of the same day, when, under General Lee's 
orders and in his presence, it crossed the w'orks in front of Spot- 
svlvania Courthouse, and in that brilliant flank movement handled 
Burnside's Corps so roughly and relieved Johnson's front. Its loss 
in these two engagements was five officers and 121 men. 

On the afternoon of the 21st it moved to the right of the Court- 
house, and made a reconnoissance, in which Lieutenant E. S. 
Edwards was killed and two men wounded. 

At Jericho Ford, on the 23d of May, the 28th advanced as far as 
any of the troops engaged, held its ground until relieved that night, 
and removed all its dead and wounded. Its loss was two officers 
and twenty-eight men. 

Tiiieiilii-EijlhOi Nm-lh, (hroUii'i TiiOmlrij. 337 

On the 31st of May, at Storr'sfarm, on Tottapottamoi creek, near 
Pole Green Church, it was engaged all day in heavy skirmishing and 
was under a terrible artillery fire. 

At the Second Cold Harbor it behaved as gallantly as it did at the 
first. It also behaved with its accustomed bravery at Riddle's .Shop, 
June 13th; action three miles southeast of Petersburg, June 22d; 
action in front of Petersburg, June 23d; Gravel Hill, July 28th; 
Fussell's Mills, August i6th and i8th; and Ream's Station, August 
25th. In the last-named battle it had to crawl through an almost 
impenetrable abattis, under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery. 
Captain Holland, of Company H, was among the first to mount the 
works, and seeing that they were still manned and but few of his own 
men were up, he yelled out: " Yanks, if you know what is best for 
you, you had better make a blue streak toward sunset." They 
made the streak, and the men often laughed and said Grant would 
have to send Hancock back North to recruit his command. General 
Lee, in speaking of this fight to General Lane, said that the three 
North Carolina brigades, Cook's, McRea's and Lane's, which made 
the second assault, after the failure of the first by other troops, had, 
by their gallantry, not only placed North Carolina but the whole 
Confederacy under a debt of gratitude which could never be rej^aid. 
In writing to Governor Vance about the same battle, he said: " They 
advanced through a thick abattis of felled trees, under a hea\-y fire 
of musketry and artillery, and carried the enemv's works with a 
steady courage that elicited the warm commendation of the corps 
and division commanders and the admiration of the arm v." 

At Jones' farm, on the right of Petersburg, on the 30th of Sep- 
tember, this regiment was second to none in bravery. In this fight 
both lines were advancing when they met. To the delight of all. 
this battlefield was rich in oil cloths, blankets, knapsacks and the 
like. Some of the knapsacks, judging from the appearance of the 
straps, were cut from the shoulders of their owners in their hastv 
retreat under a murderous fire accompanied with that wt>ll known 
rebel yell. 

Next morning the regiment advanced with the other troops and 
helped to drive the enemy from the works at the Pegram House. 
which were held in the rain until dark, when it returned to the works 
near the Jones House. It soon after went intt) winter (juarters in rear 
of these works. 

During that winter, the TweiUy-eighth constituted a part o\ the 
force sent against the Federal ca\'alry raiiling on the Petersburg & 

338 Southern Historuud Society Papers. 

Weldon Railroad. On that march it not only rained, but it snowed, 
and there was a high, bitter cold wind, and the men suffered in- 
tensely. The troops reached Jarratt's Station to find that the enemy 
had retired. 

This regiment lay all night in the streets of Petersburg, as a part 
of the intended support for General Gordon, in his attack on Fort 
Stedman. After Gordon had retired, the enemy swept the whole 
Confederate picket line from Hatcher's Run, to Lieutenant Run, and 
it performed its part in helping to keep him out of the main line of 
works in front of its winter quarters. He got possession, however, 
of a commanding hill to the left of the Jones House from which he 
could fire into the huts. Next day. General Lee ordered General 
Lane to dislodge him. General Lane, who was in command of the 
division at the time, did so at daylight the following morning, with 
all of the sharpshooters of the division under Major Wooten, of the 
Eighteenth North Carolina Regiment, supported by his own brigade, 
and the Twenty-eighth again had its part to perform. 

On the night of the ist of April, when Grant made his final at- 
tack at Petersburg, Lane's Brigade was cut in two by an over- 
whelming force. The 28th was forced to fall back fighting to the 
plank road and then to the Cox road; and it finally succeeded in 
rejoining the rest of the brigade in the inner line of works, where it 
fought until night, when Petersburg was evacuated. On the after- 
noon of the 3d it crossed the Appomattox at Goode's Bridge, 
bivouacked at Amelia Courthouse on the 4th, and formed line of 
battle between the Courthouse and Jetersville on the 5th, and 
skirmished with the enemy. Next day while resting in Farmville, 
it, with the rest of the brigade, was ordered back to a hill to support 
the hard-pressed cavalry; but before reaching the hill the order was 
countermanded. It moved back through Farmville and sustained 
some loss from the enemy's artillery while crossing the river near 
that place. That afternoon it formed line of battle, faced to the 
rear, between one and two miles from Farmville, where there was 
more fighting, and the remnant of General Lee's army seemed to 
be surrounded. During the night it resumed its march, and on the 
morning of the 9th of April, while moving to its position on the left 
of the road near Appomattox Courthouse, it was ordered back 
into a woods and directed to stack arms, as the army of Northern 
Virginia had surrendered. 

The tattered and starving remnants of this glorious North Caro- 
lina Regiment surrendered at Appomattox, consisted of seventeen 

Jenkins' Brigade in the Getlijsbn.rfi Campaign. 339 

officers and 213 men, some of the latter being detailed, non-arms- 
bearing, sent back to be surrendered with their command. 

The aggregate in this regiment during the entire war was 1,826. 
After Colonel Lowe resigned and Lieutenant-Colonel Speer was 
killed at Reames' Station, the regiment was frequently commanded 
by Captains E. F. Lovell and T. J. Linebarger. 

[From the Richnioiui Dispatch, April 5, 1896.] 


Extracts from the Diary of Lieutenant Hermann Schuricht, 
of the Fourteenth Virginia Cavalry. 

Idlewild (near) Cobham, Va., April i, i8g6. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

I see from various articles in the Richmond papers that the man- 
agement of the cavalry in the Gettysburg campaign is being criticisetl; 
and, having participated in this campaign as an officer in General 
Jenkins" Cavalry Brigade, and being in possession of a "diary," in 
the German language, kept by me during those memorable days, I 
may be able to give some additional evidence assisting to establish 
the historical truth. To this end I take the liberty of sending you a 
translation from my "diary," pertaining to the movements of the 
cavalry from June 15, 1863 (the day we crossed the Potomac into 
Maryland and Pennsylvania), to July 14th (the dav we recrossed the 
river to the Virginia side). 

Hermann Schuricht, 

First Lieutenant of Con/pa nv D, 14th \lrginia Caza/ry. 

From Lieutenant Schuricht'8 Diary. 

June 15, 1863. — -Fatigued, but hopeful, and encouraged by the 
result of our glorious battle of yesterday, at Martinsburg, Virginia, 
we were called by the sound of the bugle to mount horses. As early 
as 2 o'clock in the morning we advanced towards the Potomac. We 
reconnoitered hrst to " Dam No. 5," ami, returning to the road to 
Williamsport, Maryland, we rajMdly movetl to tlie river. Fording 

340 Southern Historical Society/ Papers. 

the Potomac, we took possession of Williamsport, and were received 
very kindly by the inhabitants. Tables, with plenty of milk, bread, 
and meat, had been spread in the street, and we took a hasty break- 
fast. Soon after this we rode towards Hagerstown, Maryland, where 
we arrived at noon, and were enthusiastically welcomed by the ladies. 
They made us presents of flowers, and the children shouted, " Hur- 
rah for Jeff". Davis!" The ladies entreated us not to advance into 
Pennsylvania, where we would be attacked by superior forces. How- 
ever, we sped on, and when we came in sight of Greencastle, Penn- 
sylvania, General Jenkins divided his brigade in two forces. My 
company belonged to the troops forming the right wing, and pistols 
and muskets in hand, traversing ditches and fences, we charged and 
took the town. The Federal cavalry escaped, and only one lieu- 
tenant was captured. After destroying the railroad depot, and cut- 
ting the telegraph wires, the brigade took up its advance to Cham- 
bersburg, Pennsylvania. No other Confederate cavalry force seems 
to co-operate with our brigade, numbering about 3,200 officers and 
men. Our vanguard had several skirmishes with the retreating 
enemy. On the road we found several partly burned wagons, which 
they had destroyed; and at 11 o'clock at night, we entered the city 
of Chambersburg, and on its eastern outskirts we went into camp. 

June 1 6th. — Early in the morning our pickets were attacked by 
the Federals, but the enemy was repulsed, and we made some 
prisoners. A railroad bridge and telegraph connections were de- 
stroyed by our men. General Jenkins ordered the storekeepers to 
open their establishments, and we purchased what we needed, pay- 
ing in Confederate money. The inhabitants had to provide rations 
for the troops and we fared very well, but their feelings toward us 
were very adverse. However, a number of them, belonging to the 
peace-party, treated us kindly, especially were the Germans in favor 
of peace. Many inhabitants had fled in haste from the city, but 
owing to the suddenness of our approach, clothes and household 
utensils were left scattered in the streets. I was ordered, with part 
of my company, to move this unprotected property safely into the 
houses of its probable owners. At 9 o'clock at night General 
Jenkins had his brigade alarmed, to see how soon the troops would 
be in readiness for action, and was much pleased with the result. 

June 17th. — Early in the morning the citizens were ordered by the 
general to give up all weapons, and we received about 500 guns ol 
all sorts, sabres, pistols, etc. The useful arms were loaded on 
wagons and the others were destroyed. About 11 o'clock news 

Jenkins /iri</ni/c 111 Ihr (iitfifshnrfj ( '(iinpniijii. ?A\ 

reached headquarters (jf the advance of a strong' Yankee force, and 
consequently we e\'acuated the city and fell back upon Hagers- 
town. Md. 

June iSth. — My company on picket, and I am officer of the day. 
Nothinf,'' of the enemy. 

June 19th. — The company was ordered to Waynesborough, Pa., 
to capture horses and cattle in the neighborhood for our army. A 
powerful thunder-storm surprised us at night, and we took refuge 
on a large farm. The proprietor was obliged to furnish us with ra- 
tions for ourseh'es and our horses. 

June 20th. — We succeeded in capturing a number of horses and 
some cattle. At noon we came to the farm of an old Pennsylvania 
German. He was scared to death at catching sight of us, and 
shouted " O mein Gott, die rebels!" I soon reassured him, telling 
him that no harm should result to him if he furnished us with a din- 
ner and rations for our horses, and we were well cared for. A Fed- 
eral cavalry regiment passed in sight of the place, fortunately not 
discovering our presence, and I concluded to march with mv com- 
mand to Lestersburg, Md., where the citizens furnished us with suj)- 
per. We camped for the night in an open field, midway between 
Lestersburg and Hagerstown. 


June 2ist and 22d. — The 14th X'irginia Ca\alry Regiment read- 
vanced towards Chambersburg, Pa., but Co. D, in charge of Captain 
Moorman and Major Bryan, of Rhodes' Division, was detailed to 
proceed to the South Mountain to capture horses, of which about 
2,000 had been taken there b\- farmers antl industrial establishments 
to hiding places. W^e again passed through Lestersburg and then 
entered on the mountain region. It proved to be a very dangerous 
section for cavalry movements. At 11 o'clock at night we came to 
L^se's Iron-Works. Mr. L'Se, upon demand, furnished provisions, 
l)ut as we discovered on the following days, secretly informed the 
farmers and troops (A our ap|)r()ach. 

Jvme 23d. — At dawn we moved on by roads to Caledonia Iron 
Works, catching only twenty-si.\ horses and twenty-two mules, the 
great bulk ha\'ing been moved on upon Mr. l\se"s messages of warn- 
ing. W'e obliged the overseir kA the place to provide us with 
rations, and about 2 o'clock in the afternoon we advanced with forty 
of our men in piu'suit (A the \'ankee guard and the horses in the 

842 Southern Historical Socit-ftj Papers. 

direction of Gettysburg. About two miles beyond the Caledonia 
Iron Works we discovered the road to be blockaded, just where it 
entered into dense woods. Major Bryan called the officers together 
for consultation, and an attack was resolved upon. I was ordered 
with nine men to approach the blockaded place and to clear it. I 
directed four men to approach the barricade to the right of the road, 
where they were protected by bushes, while I took the open field to 
the left with the others. There were about twenty-five men awaiting 
us, lying in ambush, but they disappeared in a hurry as we drew 
near. We quickly removed the obstructions, and as soon as the 
road was clear Captain Moorman charged, with twenty-five men, in 
pursuit of the Yankees. I followed him with my squad as soon as 
our horses were brought up. The Federal infantry took refuge be- 
hind a company of Union cavalry hiding in the woods, and the 
troopers turned their horses' heads when we rushed upon them. 
We were frequently fired upon in our pursuit, and one private, 
Amick, was mortally wounded. Major Bryan, recognizing the 
dangers of further advance, ordered us to break off the pursuit, and 
we slowly returned to the Caledonia Iron Works. Having passed 
the buildings we were again fired upon from ambush. This section 
of Pennsylvania seems to be full of "bushwhackers." At Green- 
wood we met our rear-guard, in charge of the captured horses, and 
required the citizens to feed men and animals. During the night we 
marched by way of Funkstown to Greencastle. Twice we came 
very close to strong cavalry detachments of the enemy, but escaped 
their attention. 

June 24th. — We rejoined the regiment at Chambersburg. 

June 25th. — Captain Moorman reporting sick, I took command ol 
the company, and was ordered to Shippensburg. We camped sev- 
eral miles beyond this place, in the direction of Carlisle. We had 
several encounters with the enemy. 

June 27th. — The entire brigade moved on to Carlisle, and after 
some skirmishing with Pennsylvania militia on horse w^e passed the 
obstructions and fortifications, and occupied the city at 10 o'clock. 
About 3 o'clock General Ewell's Corps arrived. We advanced 
towards Mechanicsburg, Pa., and camped during the night about 
five miles distant from the town. Our pickets were attacked sev- 
eral times. 

June 28th. — After some skirmishing with the Federal cavalry we 
occupied Mechanicsburg, and upon requisition were treated by the 
citizens to a delicious dinner. Probably the frightened people gave 

Jfiikins' Bi'i(l<(<lc ill till- (ri'lliisljiirr^ (jdiiXpd'ufn. 343 

up to us the meals prepared for their own table. Thus, j^reatly grati 
fied and reinvigorated, we advanced towards the Susquehanna ri\er, 
and about four miles from Harrisburg, the capital of Pennsylvania, 
we took position on a dominating hill. Jackson's Battery, belong- 
ing to our brigade, came up, and the artillery fire with the enemy 
ensued, lasting until nightfall. General Jenkins took position on 
Silver Springs turnpike, a road parallel to the Carlisle- Harrisburg 
turnpike, and I was ordered with my company to select a place of 
concealment east of Mechanicsburg, in order to protect our connec- 
tion with Carlisle. 

June 29th. — In the morning I received orders to meet General 
Jenkins and to act as his escort. We reconnoitered to the right of 
the Harrisburg turnpike, charged on the enemy's outposts, and 
viewed the city of Harrisburg and its defences. This was the farthest 
advance made by any Confederate troops during the campaign. 
During the following night I again received orders to be in ambush. 
although I and my command were nearly exhausted by constant and 
exciting service. 


June 30th. — Early in the morning I was ordered to report with my 
company at headquarters, and (jencnil Jenkins directed me t<j j)ro- 
ceed at once with mycompanv and one cannon ot Jackson's Battery 
to Mechanicsburg, to hold this town until ordered otherwise, and to 
destroy the railroad track as far as possible. I could learn nothing 
definite concerning the armv and (ieneral Lee's plans. General 
Rhodes, I was told, occupied Carlisle, and General Early, York — 
with the latter was White's Cavalry — while General Imboden's Brig- 
ade protected our line of commimication with Virginia. Greatly 
flattered to be entrusted with an expedition, properly belonging to 
an officer of higher rank, I started my command to Mechanicsburg. 
and when we came in sight of the town I dispatched a patrol to 
reconnoitre. A small companv of Federal cavalrv had just occupied 
the place, but retreated u[)on our api:)roach. Without dela\" I 
marched into town and posted my pickets. The place appeared to 
bL' evacuated by the inhalMtants; they all kept intloors. I posted 
my command on an elevation east ot the town, oxerlonking lioth 
the railroad and the turnpike, and ordered my men to ilemolish the 
railroad track. We were reiK^itedly interrupteil in this work by the 
reappearance of \'ankees, and iiail to keep u|) a lively skirmish all 
day. We also observed many and demonslrali\ e people in the 

844 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

woods, some distance to our right, and I ordered Lieutenant Jack- 
son to warn them off by some shots. At sunset a courier was sent 
from headquarters ordering me to leave Mechanicsburg after dark 
and fall back to Carlisle. There we met Jenkins' Brigade, and 
Captain Moorman rejoined his company and took charge of it. The 
entire command continued then to march to Petersburg, Pa., where 
we arrived about 2 o'clock in the morning. We encamped there, 
but expecting an attack, our horses were held saddled and our arms 
ready to hand. 

July 1st. — At daybreak we were again in the saddle and on the 
road to Gettysburg. During the forenoon we heard heavy cannon- 
ading from that direction, and soon we learned that the two hostile 
armies had met unexpectedly. The Federal troops were finally de- 
feated, but the loss on both sides was heavy, and that of the Union 
army the most severe. General Reynolds, the connnanding general, 
was among the dead, and thousands of prisoners were taken by our 
victorious troops. 

July 2d. — In the morning we advanced into the valley between 
Seminary Ridge and the mountain range held by the Union army. 
Jenkins' Brigade was posted in a piece of woodland, part of yester- 
day's battlefield, in sight of the seminary and the city of Gettysburg. 
Both armies had been reinforced and concentrated during the night. 
General Stuart, with the main force of our cavalry, was not at hand, 
and for want of cavalry the defeated Federals had not been pressed, 
and still held and fortified the eminence, above Gettysburg, controll- 
ing the valley. Our forces were in possession of the town. We 
were wondering at the silence prevalent, only in long intervals the 
report of a gun was heard. General Jenkins resolved to reconnoitre, 
and I was of his companions. Arrived on top of a hill our party 
attracted the enemy's attention, and we were fired upon. A 
shell exploded among us, wounding the General and his horse. The 
hours dragged on wearily, until in the afternoon twenty-seven Con- 
federate batteries opened fire on the enemy's lines. The Federal 
artillery replied at once, and soon the rattling noise of the fire of 
small arms joined in the terrible accord of battle. Several infantry 
regiments en route for the bloody field passed by our position, and I 
was struck by the composure and determination the men displayed. 
The contest lasted until 9 in the evening, but scanty reports came 
to us respecting the course of the battle. At 9 o'clock our brigade 
was ordered back some miles towards Petersburg. Hungry and 
fatigued, I slept while in the saddle, but suddenly awoke, hearing 

Jciik'ni.s^ Bi'tf/Ot/r ill Iht' ( Tilhjsinirii C'liiipd'Kin. 345 

my name called by the adjutant of the reg^iment. The brigade had 
just met General Stuart, who, with his cavalry corps had, after se- 
vere engagements with the Federal cavalry at Hanover, brought 
with him 200 wagons, and 1,200 horses and mules, captured in the 
vicinity of Washington city, and, after having repulsed the enemy's 
attack, he now wanted an officer to inform Generals Gordon, Heth, 
and Early that he did wo longer require any of the reinforcements he had 
asked for. I was selected to carrv these messages, and all the direc- 
ti(jns regarding the hea(l(|uarlers of saitl generals, General Stuart 
could give, was: " You will find them somewhere on the left wing of 
our army; numerous men wounded in to-day's battle will cross your 
way, and they can tell you." I gallo|)ed oft", and soon met many 
suffering victims of the bhjodv struggle. P'inally emerging from a 
dark forest, a wide field, brilliant in the moonshine, was before me, 
and I observed a very slender line of soldiers in a hollow, within 200 
yards of the enemy's sharpshooters. "Where will I find General 
Gordon's division ? " I enquired from an officer, who came to meet 
me. Pointing to a line of soldiers stretched on the ground, and 
holding their muskets in their arms, he replied in a most mournful 
voice: "This is what is left of it." A few minutes later. General 
Gordon approached us, returning from an inspection of his scattered 
command, and I delivered to him General Stuart's message. "It 
is lucky for General Stuart," he answered, " that he does not require 
the regiments asked for. I ha\e none to sjiare. ' ' Under similar 
discouraging circumstances 1 was received at Gettvsl)urg bv Generals 
Heth and Ewell, and several times on mv way thither, the sharp whistle 
of a bullet sent after me bv some Yankee outpost, touched mv ear. 
Gettysburg impressed one like an enormous hospital — and a Yankee 
surgeon told me that there were about ten thousand of their woundeil 
within our lines. About half past i in the morning I arri\ed at the 
camping place of my regiment. 


July 3d. — At 4 o'clock in the morning we mounted horses and, 
through fields and t)n b\--rt)ads, ad\anced to our extreme left, at- 
tempting to rtank the enemy's army, and to cut oft" its way of retreat. 
Our sudden attack on their rear was a success, nearly fifteen minutes 
passed before they replied to the ilischarge of our artillery. For 
nearly an hour, the air was alive with shells — we lost men and horses, 
and finallv we changed position and dismounted to charge the enemv 
on foot, (ieneral I-'itzhugh Lee commantled our left wing, (.lenerals 

316 >%ut/ier)i Hisloriral Society Papers. 

Hampton and William H. F. Lee, our centre, and Jenkins' Brigade 
formed the right wing. My company was ordered to the extreme 
right on the slope of a hill. Our opponents poured a rain of bullets 
and shells on us, but were forced slowly to fall back. We lost heavily 
— Lieutenant Allan, of our regiment was killed at my side. In the 
evening. General Hampton charged upon the Union cavalry, they 
could not withstand his attack, their line broke, and thev fell back. 
It was a dav of triumph for the Confederate cavalry, but unfortunate 
for the main force of our army, ended this third day of the battle. The 
roar of cannon, and the rattling volleys of infantry fire had told us 
that desperate fighting was carried on along the entire line. The 
results and details of the struggle were not, however, positively 
known to us when we moved back towards Hunterstown and en- 
camped on fields and meadows. 

July 4th. — At daybreak I was ordered to take charge of all mem- 
bers of the regiment, whose horses were not in marching condition 
and needed shoeing. There were about forty men to follow me and 
we started to find the field forges, but in vain. We were sent from 
place to place, and at last I was told that they had been ordered to 
join the wagon train on the Chambersburg road, and move to the 
rear. This was the first information I received of the retrogade 
movement of our army. I resolved then to try Gettysburg, and 
passing the house where our wounded general was quartered, I en- 
quired about his health, and also if Gettysburg was still in our hands. 
The general's adjutant laughed at my doubt, and we rode on. We 
repassed the first day's battlefield and ascending the road to the 
city, we suddenly saw a large column of Blue-Coats before us. We 
were only about 100 yards apart, and I commanded to halt. Ob- 
serving another large body of Federal infantry coming down hill on 
our left, I ordered my men to turn back. Coming to the foot of the 
hill, I met Adjutant Fitzhugh on his way to Gettysburg. He doubted 
our observation and I offered him our escort. When we came to 
the brow of the road — from where the lines of the Federals could be 
plainly seen — we halted. They had not advanced, evidently not 
knowing what to make of our approach, but a gun was fired on us 
from the top of the hill abo\'e the city, and we all turned again. 
The adjutant hastened to remove our general to someplace of safety. 
Following the road to Petersburg, we met General Stuart and his 
staff He enquired where we came from, and if the Yankees were 
moving on, and upon my report, he turned off towards Cashtown. 
There was no escort to protect him, but he declined to have ours, 

Jenkins'' BrUjddf in the ( irlhishitrq Ca inpditfn . 347 

seeing the condition of our hmie horses. I took the same road and 
in a villag^e we discovered a blacksmith shop. We helped ourselves 
and had the horses quickly shod. Fortunatel)- we were not molested 
by the enemy. At night, stormy weather set in and we took refuge 
in a large barn. 


July 5th. — In tile nKjrning we rode to Cashtown, where I met 
General Fitzhugh Lee, and then we marched by way of Summits, 
the {)lace of our engagement of June 23d, to Greencastle. The 
enemy attacked ( leneral Lee, but was repulsed with heavv loss. At 
12 o'clock at night we met (General Imboden's brigade, in charge of 
the wagon-train. The road was in a sorry condition, on account of 
the rain, and cut up by the wagons, some of which had to be left 
behind. At GreenwoiKl and at Greencastle the train was attacked 
by Federal cavalry, but they were repulsed without being able to do 
much harm. All our men discussed our serious defeat at Gettys- 
burg, its causes and probable consequences, and all seemed to agree 
that the disadvantage arising from our extended line was the cause 
of the disaster. Our army surrounded the Union army in the shape 
of a horseshoe, and, therefore, reinforcements could not, in case of 
need, be promptly rendered by one part to the other. The enemy, 
on the other hand, had the advantage of a concentrated, hilly posi- 
tion, which we were unable to take, after the success of the first 
day's battle had failed to be followed up, thus allowing the defeated 
armv time to fortify and be reinforced. All regret the loss of the 
brave soldiers, estimated at from 15,000 to 20,000. 

July 6th. — In search of Jenkins' Brigade, I marched to Hagers- 
town, Md. I was enjoving a delicious dinner at the Washington 
Hotel when one of my troop informed me that the enemy was in 
town. I called my men together; we heard the shooting between 
some ca\alrv of the Wise Legion and the \'ankees in the streets, 
and we hastened to assist the small Conlederate torce. We came too 
late. Colonel Davis, commanding, had his horse killed, and was 
taken prisoner, and his men were falling back. Fortunately, a regi- 
ment of Confederate infantry entered the city at this critical moment. 
and we proceeded to driw the Yankees out ol" the cit\-. They were 
in strong force, anil skirmishing was kept up until hall-past 5 o'clock, 
when Jenkins' Brigade came to i)ur succor. The L'nion ca\-alry re- 
treated, hut surprised our wagon-train at Williamsport, and des- 
troved a number of wagons. We encamped mar Hagerstmvn. 

348 Souiheri} Historical Society Papers. 

July jth. — ^Captain Moorman reporting sick, I took command of 
Co. D, 14th Virginia Cavalry. We marched towards Sharpsburg, 
and had some skirmishes with the enemy, who left several dead, 
wounded and prisoners in our hands. It was a reconnoitering move- 
ment. On our advance we passed an interesting group — Generals 
Robert E. Lee, Longstreet and others. About three miles from 
Sharpsburg our course of march was changed, and we advanced 
towards Boonsborough. About five miles from this village, we en- 
camped. The rain poured down and the creeks and the Potomac 
began to rise. 

July 8th. — Early in the morning I received orders to report with 
my company at General Robert E. Lee's headquarters. The Gen- 
eral was already waiting, and instructed me to leave half the com- 
pany with him, and to take the \'an with the other half He also 
directed me to attack the enemy's outposts whenever I should meet 
them, and to send a messenger to him in such an event. We had 
not advanced far when we saw a Federal vidette, and charged upon 
it. We surprised the whole outpost, killing two. I sent word at 
once to General Lee, and waited further instructions. About g 
o'clock hea\y cannonading was heard in the direction of Boones- 
borough, and soon after I received order to advance to the field of 
action. The enemy made up a very strong force of ca\-alrv, artil- 
lery and infantry. General Fitzhugh Lee attacked the left wing of 
the Federals, General Jones their centre, and Jenkins' Brigade was 
to fight the right flank. At 10 o'clock, and about two miles from 
Boonesborough, we came under the enemy's fire. We dismounted, 
and the whole brigade charged on the enemv's position behind stone 
fences and in the woods, yelling almost like Indians. We dro\-e 
them back about a mile, and held our ground, in spite of a terrible 
carnage of bullets and shells. At 7 o'clock I received order to 
slowly fall back, when the enemy made desperate efforts to cut us off 
in a defile near Antietam bridge, but got out of the scrape unhurt. 
The field of action was the historical ground known as the battle- 
field of Sharpsburg, or, as the Federals term it, Antietam. On our 
side several officers and men had been killed. I lost three men, and 
my uniform jacket showed a bullet-hole. When we fell back we had 
only two cartridges left for every man. The aim of this engagement 
was to ascertain the position and strength of the Federal forces 
which are reported to concentrate at Frederick Citv. Another great 
battle seems to be imminent. 

July gth. — At 7 o'clock in the morning our cavalry force again 

Jenkins^ Brijiddc in Ihc (idliislnirq ('<nii pnUjii. 340 

advanced towards Antietam, and lively skirmishing ensued. We 
fell back, fighting constantly. At 5 o'clock in the evening we were 
reinforced by a regiment of infantry, and f)Lir assailants were repelled. 
These bloody engagements, surely, are but preludes of battle. A 
report is current that Major-Gcneral D. H. Hill is bringing on two 
divisions from Virginia. Captain Mo(jrman reported for dutv, and 
took command of our company. During night we camped near the 
day's j)Osition. 

July nth. — At daybreak we again ad\-anced about half a mile, to 
protect the infantry, throwing up a long line of zigzag rifle ditches 
and abattis. At noon we fell back to the rear of the infantry, and 
were ordered to the right flank of our line of battle, which, I am 
told, is to be commanded by General Longstreet. Passing the 
double row of rifle-ditches, we saw several batteries of artillery 
bringing up their guns. The right flank (jf our armv occupies a 
range of hilly woodland, and I think it is a strong position. At 3 
o'clock in the afternoon Jenkins' Brigade is drawn up in line of 
parade, and first an order of General Robert E. Lee was read, com- 
plimenting us on our good services before and during the battle of 
Gettysburg, and expressing his confidence that we will render similar 
good service in the impending battle. This was followed by the 
reading of a circular of General Stuart, stating that the cavalry, 
after having successfiilly checked the advance of the enemv, would 
be posted at the flanks of the army to take very active action in the 
coming battle. Any task entrusted to his men thev are e.xpected to 
fulfil, and officers and men must imj)ress upon their minils that no 
wavering or giving way can possibly take place during the coming 
struggle. These very serious communications were receix'ed bv the 
men with that firmness and cheerfulness characteristic of .Southern 
soldiers. All of us were aware of the dangers surrounding us — tht 
Potomac swelled by the heavy rains of the last few davs, impeding 
our retreat, and the enemy's forces much larger than our decimated 
and almost exhausted regiments. During the afternoon silence pre- 
vailed along the entire line, but about 7 o'clock in the e\ening the 
enemy advanced to reconnoitre our position. Our artilk'r\- kept 
strictly silent. 

l-l'I.L OV .M.AKM. 

July I2t]i. — The dav was full of alarm and excitenu'nt. The news 
ot the surrender of X'ieksburg had reached us, and a re|>tM"t was cir- 
culated that a stroui*- h'ederal arm\- was eoncentratin>' at Winchester. 

350 Sot((/itr/i Hi.slorical Sorieti/ Papers. 

Virginia, to cut off our retreat. It was also stated that the Federal 
cavalry had destroyed the pontoons, brought up from Richmond for 
bridging the Potomac, and that our supplies of provisions and amu- 
nition were giving out. At three o'clock in the afternoon, our brig- 
ade received orders from General Fitzhugh Lee, to proceed to our 
left wing, between Hagerstown and Williamsport, and there we re- 
mained for the rest of the day and the following night, ready for 

July 13th. — At daybreak we marched to the centre of our line of 
fortifications, reaching on the right to the Potomac, and on the left 
to the hills about one mile from Antietam. We were ordered to dis- 
mount, leaving every fourth man in charge of the other's horses, and 
we took the places of the infantry in the rifle ditches. The retreat 
of the army to Virginia had begun, the enemy hesitating to give 

July 14th. — At 3 o'clock in the morning. Captain Moorman in- 
structed me to call in at about 5 o'clock, our outposts, but to keep 
up the camp fires and quietly withdraw to Williamsport, where I was 
to ford the Potomac. Everything was carefully done according to 
orders, but without my knowing then that I was in command of the 
last Confederate troops leaving Maryland. General Fitzhugh Lee 
was awaiting us on the bluffs on the Virginia side with his division, 
and Federal cavalry and artillery appearing on the Maryland side 
after I had safely crossed the river, we marched on towards Mar- 

A War Letter. 

As bearing directly upon the contents of the above, the republica- 
tion of the following letter is timely: 

( Correspondence of Richmond Enquirer. ) 

General Jenkins' Brigade, 
Near Harrisburg, ¥a., June so, i86j. 

Messrs. Editors — Our last communication was dated Carlisle, Pa., 
June 27th. That day (General Rhodes' command came up, and 
General Jenkins' Brigade passed three miles beyond and encamped 
for the night. 

The next morning we entered and occupied Mechanicsburg, seven 
miles distant from Harrisburg. In the evening we advanced and 
harassed their pickets a few hours, and then fell back a mile or two 

Eracii((ti<,,i Erhoes. Sol 

and encamped. Next morning we advanced again, and kejjt up 
lively picket skirmishing all day. 

The Baltimore battery played upon the enemy's outposts occasion- 
ally on two roads. In the afternoon Jackson's Battery — which 
belongs to General Jenkins' Brigade — came up, and was placed in 
position on the left. It worked admirably, and, covered by it, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Witcher, with his brave men, charged and took the 
enemy's outpost. At the same time. General Jenkins, with Captain 
Moorman's comi)any, under command of Lieutenant Schuricht, act- 
ing as his escort, made a reconnoissance on the right, and obtained 
a pretty fair view of the enemy's position, fortificati(jns and probable 
strength, and again fell back and encamixcl on the same ground of 
the previous night. 

This must be regarded as very daring for such a small force to hold 
in check a large army, sent for the defence of their capital, so long. 

The contemplated move of the present day is not known to the 
writer. The boys are faring sumptuously every day. This is a land 
of plenty, and the citizens express a willingness for them to avail 
themselves of their hospitalities for self-protection. More anon. 

\V. K. 


Assistant-Secretary of War Campbell's Interview with Mr. Lincoln. 

The following letter, though it has been published se\eral times 
before, will be fountl interesting: 

RicHMOxn, \'a., April ■/, 1S63. 

General Joseph R. Anderson and Others, Committee, ete. : 

Gentlemen — I have had, since the evacuation of Richmond, 
two conversations with Mr. Lincoln, President of the I'nited States. 
My object was to secure for the citizens of Richmond, and the in- 
habitants of the State of X'irginia, who had come under the militarv 
authoritv of the United .States, as mucii i^entk luss and forhtarance 
as could be possibly extended. 

The conversation had relation to tlu' eslal)lishment o\ a govern- 
ment for Virginia, the reiiuiri'uunt ot oaths o\ allegiance from the 
citizens, and the terms of settlenunt with the I'nited States, with the 


Soidhern His(on'r</I Sociefi/ Papers. 

concurrence and sanction of General Weitzell. He assented to the 
application not to require oaths of allegiance from the citizens. He 
stated that he would send to General Weitzell his decision upon the 
question of a government of Virginia. 

This letter was received on Thursday, and was read by me. It 
authorized General Weitzell to grant a safe conduct to the Legisla- 
ture of \'irginia, to meet at Richmond to deliberate, and to return 
to their homes at the end of their session. 

I am informed by General Weitzell that he will isue whatever 
orders that may be necessary, and will furnish all the facilities of 
transportation, etc., to the members of the Legislature, to meet in 
this city; and that the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and public 
men of the State will be included in the orders. 

The object of the invitation is for the Government of Virginia to 
determine whether they will administer the laws in connection with 
the authorities of the United States, and under the Constitution of 
the United States. 

I understood from Mr. Lincoln, if this condition be fulfilled, that 
no attempt would be made to establish or sustain any other authority. 

My conversation with President Lincoln upon the terms of settle- 
ment was answered in writing — that is, he left wdth me a written 
memorandum of the substance of his answer. He states that, as 
indispensable conditions of a settlement the restoration of the 
authority of the United States over the whole of the States, and the 
cessation of hostilities by the disbanding of the army, and that there 
shall be no receding on the part of the Executi\-e from his position 
on the slavery question. The latter proposition was explained to 
mean that the Executive action on the subject of slavery, so far as it 
had been declared in messages, proclamations, and other official 
acts, must pass for what they were worth. That he would not re- 
cede from his position; but that this would not debar action by other 
authorities of the government. 

I suppose that, if the proclamation of the President be valid as 
law, that it has already operated and vested rights. 

I believe that full confidence may be placed in General Weitzell's 
fulfilment oi his promise to afford facilities to the Legislature, and 
that its members mav return after they had concluded their business, 
without interruption. Mr. Lincoln, in his memorandum, referred to 
\^ hat would be his action under the confiscation act. He stated that 
where the property had not been condemned and sold, that he would 
make a universal release of the forfeitures that had been incurred in 

The Ja.)iieH C'lUj ( '(iml rij. 353 

any State which would now i)romptly recognise- the authority of the 
United States, and withdraw its troops; but that if the war be per- 
sisted in, that the confiscated property must be regarded as a resource, 
from which the expenses of the war might be supported. His mem- 
orandum contains no article upon the penalties imposed upon j)er- 
sons; but in his oral communications he intimated that there was 
scarcely any one who might not have a discharge upon the asking. 

I understand from the statement— though the words did not ex- 
actly imply it — that a universal amnesty wcnild be granted if peace 
was concluded. 

In my intercourse I strongly urged the propriety of an armistice. 
This was done after the preparation of his memorandum. He agreed 
to consider the subject, but no answer has been recei\'ed. I suppose 
that if he assents, that the matter will be decided and executed be- 
tween Generals Grant and Lee. 

Very respectfully yours, 


Assistant Secretary of II ar. 
(Under pressure from Admiral Porter and others, Mr. Lincoln was 
compelled almost immediately to revoke his order permitting the 
Legislature to assemble. — Dispatch.) 

[From the Richirioiid D/sfin/c/i, _]mK 16, 1896.] 


Its Organization and Its First Service. 


A Successful Charge Upon a Picket Post— Some Sounds of ReN elry— 
Attacking a Train — Roll of the Company. 

To.vNO, Ju/ie /, /S<^6. 
To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

After the battle of Malvern Hill the cavalrv turned its head 
north, and halted ten days or more near Hanover Courtiiouse. The 
5th Regiment, of which the James City Caxalry was a ])art. camped 
in Mrs. Winston's field, which was dolled owr with wheat siiocks, 


854 Sout/iern Hislor'ti-ol Soriefi/ Papers. 

affording shelter and food for an innumerable host of harvest-bugs. 
These bugs put themselves upon terms of great familiarity with the 
men, crawling over them and seeming to have a fancy for exploring 
the depths of the ears of the sleepers. The shrieks and groans of 
the sufferers oftimes made night hideous, and aroused the whole 
camp. The aid of the surgeon was invoked, and his skill was tested 
in extracting the bores. While here Colonel Rosser made the ac- 
quaintance of the beautiful and classic Miss Winston, and began the 
most successful campaign of an active and aggressive soldier's life. 
Here, too, I was detailed as judge of a court-martial, of which Ste- 
phen D. Lee was president — a man to whom the coming reunion will 
give an international fame. While we were sitting upon an impor- 
tant case the cavalry started upon a march, and we were ordered to 
our respective commands. 

After an une\'entful march of many miles we halted near the Rap- 
pahannock, upon an ideal camping ground — a high, dry, clean oak 
grove, whose brown leaves were so inviting that many of the jaded 
horses were lying down before their saddles could be taken off. 
There was one man, E. M. Ware, who did not dismount, but sought 
the fa\'or of going in search of better rations. He soon returned, 
elated with his success. He had traded his uncooked rations for 
good family fare and arranged to have loaf-bread, butter, honey, and 
milk so long as he might need them; but before these things came 
to hand " boots and saddles " sounded, and we were on our way up 
the river, the James City Cavalry acting as advance guard. 

After crossing the river and passing through many villages, we 
came to Warrenton. Here I stopped long enough to call out Dr. 
Joel S. Bacon, once President of Columbian College, to shake his 
hands and ask about Josie, of whom I had pleasant reminiscences. 
We turned down the first street leading east, and were halted about 
a half-mile from the town, upon the brow of a hill commanding a 
beautiful view. Upon looking back, we saw that the whole of 
Stuart's Cavalry had dismounted in the town, and there was such a 
stir and commotion as to excite one's curiosity. But looking to the 
east, we descried something slowly approaching us. Nearer and 
nearer it came, until I ordered four men to capture it, and it proved 
to be a suttler's wagon. The wagon and driver we put in charge ol 
A. B. Willis — " K." is now marked opposite his name on the roster. 
Willis knew more about basket-making than he did about cavalry 
tactics, yet when he brought his sabre to a carry, reined up his gray 

The Jdincs ("if 'I (''(r(ih\'i. 355 

mare, and took conimaiid of an nnarnied suttler, he looked every 
inch a soldier. 

CAUSK OF in I". SlIR. 

When Willis returned from the delivery of his charg'e to the quar- 
termaster he explained the town's stir: The citizens had ordered 
Stuart to halt his column long enough to eat the dinners prepared 
for themselves, and handed around by the ladies, who did not take 
time to don hats and aprons. It is a pity to draw the brush over this 
lovely picture, but truth demands that I should say that the watch- 
ing, waiting, vanguard was forgotten ! All that we got was a pelting, 
driving rain. The dinner over, the orderly dashed up and said: 
" The General orders that you push ahead and cross Cedar creek, 
now swollen by the rain, unless vour horses have to swim." Our 
zeal pronounced the creek fordable, although it was angry, dashing, 
crashing and swollen much beyond its usual limits. 

After a dangerous struggle we crossed, and .sent back word that it 
would be impossible to get the artillery over. Ah ! who can tell what 
would have been the result if the artillery could have crossed ? After 
inarching a short distance, we came to a splendid mansion on our 
left, whose lawn was extended to the road, and was reached on foot 
by a stile. Here we halted and called out the owner, a rudd\-, 
hearty old man. In re|jly to our (jucstions he gave unsatisfactory 


While the interview was going on he was joined by his daughter, 
whose countenance was sad and downcast. In a few seconds her 
face was illuminated: smiles rippled o\er her cheeks; she clapped 
her hands, and exclaimed: " Oh, father, these are our boys. Don't 
you see the gray beneath their o\-ercoats ? " The old man leaped 
from the stile and began handshaking and questioning, but "on" 
was the word, and on we went. Next an orderly came, in full gal- 
lop, with the order to charge anything in our way except artillery. 
On we dashed. The shades of night were gathering fast: the rain 
was coming down in torrents, and we had no idea how far from us 
was our support; but we knew from horse-tracks and an occasional 
straggler that we were nearing the enemy. About half an hour after 
sunset our guide, who was e\ery \\\c\\ a guide, advised us to charge 
an old Colonial brick church, the heatUiuarters of the enemy's 
picket-post. With a rush the charge was matle, with complete suc- 
cess. The rain had tlri\en in all the pickets, who had lighteil up the 

356 Southent Historical iSoriet(/ Fapers. 

church, and were enjoying a bountiful supper. It was the work of 
a minute to disarm these men and send them to the rear, with the 
information that nearly all of the vanguard were guarding prisoners, 
and that I needed help, but would not wait for it. On we dashed, and 
about a hour after sunset we came in full sight of Pope's wagon- 
train at Bristoe Station. It was a time of intense excitement. 
Minutes lengthened into hours, and hours would have been days. 
The lurid lightning was flashing thick and fast, the thunder would 
have dwarfed a corps of man's artillery; the rain was a down-pour, 
mules were tramping and neighing, smouldering camp-fires were fast 
going out, but the lightning occasionally revealed wagons, mules, 
and hay. And, above all, we did not know when to expect our 


Near by us sounds of revelry broke upon our ears, and the music 
of the violin and the tread of the dancers oddly mixed with the sur- 
rounding sounds and scenes. E. M. Ware and C. W. Hubbard 
\-entured up to the banquet-hall, and brought the information that 
the house was full of dancing officers and women. But we were 
afraid to make arrests lest an outcry be raised. While waiting for 
reinforcements, a Federal surgeon — the lightning told us what he 
was — rode up to us. He was rushed to the rear, with orders not to 
say a word. He was splendidly mounted, and oh, how I wished to 
exchange my outfit for his. Stuart, Fitz. Lee, Roony Lee and Ros- 
ser all came up together. Orders were speedily given for the attack, 
Rosser to charge straight ahead and to tear up the railroad-track, 
but no axes had been prepared for this work. Suppose they had 
been, who can tell what would have been the result ? Rosser headed 
his men in the charge, but before they had gone a hundred yards 
the whole regiment was floundering in a railroad-cut filled with water. 
This difficulty was overcome, but we had to undergo a still worse 
one on the east side of the track; and yet this was also surmounted 
without the loss of life, but not without the loss of temper. By the 
time we had shaken off" the water from ourselves, and poured it out 
of our carbines, the main attack on the right had begun. Yells, 
cheers, groans, reports of pistols and carbines, and the clashing of 
sabres were heard, and the noise of the train that was returning from 
Pope's headquarters was rapidly nearing. This was our business, 
and so Rosser drew up his regiment in line facing the track, and 
ordered a fire upon the passing train. This was done in good style. 

The .Jdiiics (*ilij Ciirdh-il. 857 

and the bullets could be distinctly heard crashing through the cars. 
The surprise was complete, the attack a success. And now, ha\- 
ing brought my narrative down to where history begins, I close with 
the remark that in the strategic nune in Pcjpe's rear the James City 
Cavalry was the vanguard, and did its duty dashingly, heroically 
and efficiently. 

I append a roster of the company. 

J.\Mi:s H. Allk.v. 

Tin-. K()sii;k. 

The James City Cavalry, Company H, I*'ifth Regiment, was mus- 
tered into service in the city of Williamsburg bv Colonel Munford, 
May 22, 1861. There were' so few members enrolled that a little 
cheating was done in order to get it accepted. It subsequently 
made such a reputation, that it was more difficult to keep out re- 
cruits than it was to gain them. It never lost a man by transfer, and 
only one by exchange. Major B. B. Douglas once remarked to me: 
' ' Your company illustrates the fact that educated gentlemen always 
make good soldiers." This company was a close follower of Ros- 
ser, Fitz. Lee, Payne, Lomax, and Stuart, and was a sufferer with 
Early in his Valley campaign. 

Captains. — G. E. Geddy, dead; James H. Allen, wounded; L. 
W. Lane, wounded. 

Lieutenants. — M. A. Meanley, dead; Andrew Hockaday; George 

E. Bush, dead; C. W. Hubbard, killed; J. F. Hubbard; E. M. 
Ware, wounded and prisoner, dead; J. W. Morecock, killed. 

Sergeants. — G. E. Richardson, wounded — sabre cut — -and pris- 
oner; R. H. Whitaker, dead; J. T. James, dead; G. B. Ratcliffe. 
dead; M. R. Harrell, wounded, Felix Pierce, deail; R. F. Tavlor; 
John Cowles, dead. 

Corporals. — S. S. Hankins, prisoner: I). W. .Spencer; Ci. A. Pig- 
gott, dead; C. W. Cowles, wounded — sabre cut — and prisoner, (.leatl; 
G. W. Tyree; J. W. Manning, dead. 

Privates. — Richard Apperson, unknown; G. W. Bacon; Ball, 

unknown; J. H. Barnes, prisoner; Basil B. Bennett, unknown; E. 

F. Blair, wounded, dead; Frank l^owden; W. T. Boswell, wounded, 
dead; William Burke, R. H. Bush; G. R. X. B. Bush, prisoner; C. 
W. Coleman, dead; P. T. Cowles, prisoner; D. S. Coles, dead; W. 
T. Coles, Tom na\is; .S. .S. Edwards, dead; Sylvanus Edwards, 
dead; G. H. Fnos, wounded; Jtrrv (iarnett, Joe Garnett. Robert 
Garnett; V. W. llanmidnd, drad; T. W. Hankins, iK'.ul: Charles 

358 Sou(/nrn Historicdl ,Soi-ie/i/ Papers. 

Hansford, B. C. Harwood, John Hicks, Oliver Hockaday, dead; 
Gustavus Hope, J. W. Hubbard, G. W. James, wounded, dead; 

Jeter, unknown; J. P. Johnson, B. A. Marston, dead; J. W. 

Marston, T. P. Marston, D. W. Marston, M. J. Martin, dead; M. 
Mattingly, dead; George Meanley, dead; Moon, Wm. Mount- 
castle, George Mountcastle, John Mountcastle; Muir, killed; 

F. C. Newman, dead; Archer Pamplin, unknown; Sam. Pettit, 
killed; W. M. Pierce, N. D. Piggott, dead; Hamilton Richardson, 
killed; C. H. Richardson, G. W. Richardson, Walter Shackford, 
killed; Sydney Smith, dead; Tom Sparrow, unknown; R. M. 
Spencer, killed; G. W. Stewart, dead; W. M. Taylor, Cyrus 
Tyree, dead; W. B. Vaiden, Algernon Vaiden, dead; Vulosko Vai- 
den, prisoner, dead; Robert Warburton, dead; Southey Ward, 
unknown; H. B. Warren, Watkins Warren, unknown; Robert 
Watkins, R. C. Whitaker, dead; G. W. Whitaker, R. C. Whita- 
ker, dead; G. M. Whitaker, A. B. Willis, killed; Sam. Wooten, 
wounded; Tom Wynne, dead. 


Casualties : 
Killed, -------- 8 

Wounded, - - - - - - - lo 

Prisoners, - - - - - - -8 

Total, - - - - - - - 26 

Dead, - . . - - . - - 44 

Living, - - - - - - - - 45 

Unknown, - - - - - - - 8 

Total, - - - - - - - 97 

Promotions outside of the Company: 

James H. Allen, lieutenant-colonel. 

E. M. Ware, captain Confederate States Army. 

Dr. C. W. Coleman, surgeon Confederate States Army. 

Dr. Watkins Warren, surgeon Confederate States Navy. 

Dr. R. H. Bush, surgeon Confederate States Armv. 

The R(,ll of /hr GonrlJaiui L''>//'/ I)r'i>,oons. 359 


Organization and First Outpost Experience— The Roll. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

I send you herewith a r(jle ol tlie Cioochlaiid Li^ht Drag<jons, 
late Company F, 4th VirtJ^inia Cavalry, Wickhani's Brigade, later 
Stuart's, Fitz. Lee's Division, Army Northern V^irginia. The troop 
left Goochland, Va., on May 9, 1S61, and j^rocceded to Richmond. 
Va. , and was quartered for the ni<4;ht in a new buildin*^ on Franklin 
street, below the Exchange Hotel. I think the building was known 
later as Westcott's Hotel. The next day (the loth) the troop 
marched to Ashland, and was quartered in the Methodist church. 
It was mustered into the service of Virginia by Colonel Richard 
Ewell. It remained at Ashland about ten days, and was then ordered 
to Manassas, and on its arrival there marched to Fairfax Station, on 
the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, and went into camp to await the 
coming of the \'ankees, and to do ]:)icket duty on the outjxx^t. The 
next morning early a courier came dashing into cam]) with orders 
for us to march post-haste to Fairfax Courthouse, as the Yankees 
were advancing. A squadron of them had dashed into the village, 
and killed Captain Marr, of the Warrenton Rifles, and wounded 
Colonel Ewell. The troop was soon in the saddle, and marched 
rapidly to the courthouse, and found everything in great excitement. 
We remained mounted the balance of the day, but no Yankees ap- 
pearing for us to fight we returned to our camj). The abo\e was our 
first experience on outpost duty in Fairfax county. It would be too 
long a story to relate every detail of our experience from the Battle 
of Manassas to the finale at Api)omattox. 

Verv truh' yours, etc., 

C. H. POWF.I.L. 

TruDtpcter Co. F, 4th \'ity;i)iia Caratrv, 
.Iniiv Xorthtrii I'iroii/ia. 


Julian Harri.son, captain, dead: Ci. F. Harrison, first lieutenant: 
John D. Hobson, second lieutenant: A. Mal)en Hobson, onlerly ser- 
geant, dead: William R. Meming, second John .\. Pick- 
ett, third sergeant, died iSbj; Charles H. Trevillian, fourth ; 

360 Southern Histork-al Societij Papers. 

James M. Trice, first corporal; John G. Ragland, second corporal; 
Jesse H. Death, third corporal, died 1866; Z. H. Bowles, fourth cor- 
poral; and the following enlisted men: M. L. Anderson, died since 
the war, Robert Hartwell Anderson, wounded near The Plains, Fau- 
quier county, Thomas C. Anderson, Garland M. Anderson, killed 
at the Wilderness, Thomas R. Argyle, Jr., died 1861, George T. 
Britt, W. B. W. Brooking, Walter P. Branch, died 1869, Richard 
Boiling, fohn J. Cheatwood, Thomas C. Cosby, F. N. Fleming, died 
1887, C. D. Fleming, W. L. Fleming, Thomas Mann Fleming, died 
1872, Reubin Ford, Thomas C. Gait, died 1896, Robert Gait, died 
1875, David L. Hall, William R. Hall, wounded at Williamsburg, 
Va., Thomas M. Harris, died of wounds received at Buckland, Silas 
M. Hart, died about 1885, John C. James, wounded at Wilderness, 
John D. James, discharged 1861, George R. Johnson, George Law- 
rence, died 1889, A. K. Leake, Thomas D. Massie, died 1861, James 
P. Morris, died 1895, Edmond S. Pendleton, Charles K. Pendleton, 
Richard Pemberton, died 1863, Thomas Pemberton, died 1870, 
Thomas J. Perkins, died 1872, C. H. Powell, trumpeter, Jim Pleas- 
ants, died 1875 from wound received at Front Royal, Thomas j. 
Rutherford, died 1883, S. D. Ragland, William R. Rock, John S. 
Swift, died 1874, Oscar Shultice, died 1892, R. A. Trice, John AL 
Toler, died 1875, A. V. Tavlor, Peter D. Woodson and James E. 

This makes a total of tifty-seven, rank and file. The following 
recruits enlisted from time to time: David B. Allan, dead, Powhatan 
Ayers, dead, E. H. Argyle, Joseph Argyle, dead. Mat. G. Ander- 
son, dead, Robert Anderson, Pat. Brannan, drowned 1863 pursuing 
Yankees, William Baugh, dead, Branch Bell, R. L. Brooking, dead, 
A. C. Brooking, John Black, dead, Thomas Burk, dead, B. F. 
Bowles, Thomas A. Curd, dead, Isaac Curd, Julien Childress, George 
T. Cowherd, Robert Dabney, A. V. Duval, dead, Robert Dicken- 
son, dead, R. Q. Dickenson, John H. Duke, James Duke, Dand- 
ridge Boilings, dead, John Eades, George W. Fleming, James Foster, 
dead, Samuel R. Guy, dead, Thomas M. Gathright, John S. Gath- 
right, S. H. Gathright, William Gait, dead, Joseph Goodman, died 
1864, Julien Henderson, wounded at Trevillian's Depot, Thomas 
Herndon, died 1862, George T. Herndon, wounded at Pole Green 
Church, Thomas J. Holman, killed at Spotsylvania, Edward Haden, 
killed at Spotsylvania, Douglass Haden, killed at Five Forks, John 
N. Haden, Hancock Hamilton, wounded at Five Forks, E. T. 
Hughes, Joseph E. Hauchins, dead, Thomas Houchins, W. H. 

Ttic l<i>U ,,f Ijir liirlxirdson GiKd-d. 301 

Jennings, Robert James, died in canijj near F"airfax Courthouse, 
Fred. R. James, Thomas J. James, dead, Obediah Johnson, dead. 
Carter Johnson, Reverdy Johnson, George Logan, wounded at Can- 
non's Wharf and captured, Charles Lacy, W. F. Lewis, R. J. Sav- 
ing, Hiter Loving, died 1862, John Laddin, killed near Lee Town, 
Mike McPhalin, John C. Miller, discharged 1S62, Chastine Miller, 
killed at Williamsburg, Va., Joseph H. Malory, wounded at Five 
Forks and captured, William Morris, Samuel Mosby, Richard Mes- 
senger, Polk Nuckols, P. (). Nuckols, W. H. Parrish. B. F. Parrish. 
Napoleon B. Perkins, Morton Payne, William Pleasants, Alonzo 
Pleasants, John Pleasants, dead, John Palmore, John O'-'ig^^y- dead, 

N. M. Ragland, dead, John C. Ragland, John W. Randolph, 

Ring, Marcellas Shelton, killed at Lee Town, \'a., E. Newell Sims, 

dead; Thomas |. Sims, wounded at Wilderness, Sa\age, Tom- 

olin Price, R. A. Trice (Louisa Dick), William J. Trice, dead, Rob- 
ert H. Trice, Terrill, Ben Trice, dead, N. S. Thurman. last 

heard of in Kentucky, William Fourman, John Talley, Philip Tay- 
lor, Charles Webster, residence unknown, William James Wright. 
Richard A. Wise, Isaac Williams and Robert F. \'au^^han. 

[From the Ricliniond Pispalcli . ]m\f: 23, 1896.] 


nuster=RoIl of this riadison County Company. 

RiciiMoxo, \'a., June II, i8g6. 

To the Editor of the Dispatch : 

I herewith enclose the muster-roll of the Richardson Ciuards. 
which became Co. A, of the 7th \'irginia Regiment, and will lie 
obliged if you will publish it in vour Ct)nfederate column. Many ot 
the survivors of this company write me tluy will be here at the re- 
union, and it will please them to see this list in your paper. 
Yours respectlulK', 

Cati.ktt Conway. 


Company "A," 7th X'irgiiiia Infantry, Kemper's Brigade, Pick- 
ett's Division, Longstreet's Corps, was organized at Matlison Court- 
house a few months l>eft)re the lohn Brow 11 raid, antl was on guartl 

3l.)2 Sont/icni Histttvicd^ Soc/t'ii/ Pdpt'fs. 

at Charlestown durino- the trial and execution of some of that noto- 
rious band. It was composed of young men between the ages of 
eighteen and twenty-five, sons of some of the best citizens of the 
county. A large majority of them had been educated at some of the 
best high schools in the State, including the \'irginia Military Insti- 
tute and the University of Virginia. The company numbertd about 
fifty-five, rank and file, at that time, and the first officers were John 
Welch, captain: William J. Cave, first lieutenant; H. W. Gordon, 
second lieutenant, and Nelson W. Crisler, third lieutenant. 

April, iS6i, the company being recruited to about lOO men, 
thirty of whom were six feet and o\'er in height, left Madison Court- 
house, by private conveyance, for Culpeper Courthouse, thence by 
railroad to Manassas Junction, where, with nine other companies, 
drawn from the counties of Albemarle, Greene, Orange, Rappahan- 
nock and Fauquier, they formed the gallant 7th Regiment, with 
James L. Kemper for its colonel; Lewis Williams, lieutenant-colonel; 
Tazewell Patton, major, and C. C. Flowerree, adjutant. 

The ist Virginia Regiment and the 7th fought together at Bull 
Run, and were as twin brothers throughout the whole war, fighting 
side by side in every battle that either was engaged in. 

Company A was reorganized at Yorktown, Va., in the spring of 
1882, with the following officers: William O. Fry, captain; Thomas 
V. Fry, first lieutenant; William F. Harrison, second lieutenant, and 
George N. Thrift, third lieutenant; James Watson, first sergeant; 
W\ B. Carpenter, second sergeant; R. W. Sparks, third sergeant; 
Catlett Conwav, fourth sergeant; George R. Teasley, first corporal; 
Osmond Bradford, second corporal; R. A. Thomas, third corporal, 
and John W. Gully, fourth corporal, and the following privates: 

Robert H. Aylor, died since the war; John W. Aylor, died since 
the war; James C. Blankenbeker; E. Frank Blankenbeker, dead; 
George M. Blankenbeker, dead; Jerome N. Blankenbeker, died in 
hospital; James N. Blankenbeker; James Burdette; N. W. Bowler, 
dead; Benjamin Bowler, dead; Thomas Bohannon, died in hospital; 
T. A. Bohannon: J. T. Bledsoe, dead; John J. Brown; Edwin Bo- 
tan, wagon-master, now dead; Sinclair Booton, dead; A. W. Clat- 
terbuck, killed at First Manassas; C. G. Carpenter; Robert E. Car- 
penter; John A. Carpenter; A. W. Carpenter; James H. Carpenter; 
H. L. Carpenter, dead; J. O. Carpenter, dead; John W. Carpenter, 
dead: Charles C. Conway; James O. Clore; R. W. Clore; James 
Clore, killed at Williamsburg, Va. ; W. H. Clore, dead; John W. 
Collins; R. Z. Darnold; John W. Davis, died in hospital, buried in 

The Rull ot' fhr Hn-h<ir,lsoH (riiriril. 863 

Oakwood; C. W. I^2sles; William Dax'ifl Early, died since the war. 
lost an arm at Lrazier's Farm; T. L. I-Lvans, killed at CjettNsburLr; 
W. H. Fray; R. B. Faulkner; \V. X. Ff)rd, dead; John Ford; S. 
H. Finks, dead; M. l-\ Finks; William II. (iaar; W. W. GoodinK^ 
killed at Frazier's Farm; John W. (iully; ( i. W. OuUyhuj^di ; Wil- 
liam S. Hume; J. Hootcjn Hill; |. II. Hutt'man: John Hunt<jn; John 
W. Hawkins; James Harrison, died in h()S|jilal; Alfred W.Jones; 
E. O. Jones, killed at ( iettyslMU'i.; ; John II. Jackson; (ieorge Jack- 
son; John W. Keeser; John W. La\ton, dead; [ohii Lig-htfoot. dead; 
John H. Lilian!; H. M. Lillard; John Leetc]i;"w. J. Lacy; D. W. 
Lacy; James T. McClarey; T. f. Newman, seriously wounded at 
First Manassas, died since the war; T. W. Xicol; John W. Price; 
J. C. Rush; Thomas Rush; T. E. Rowzee, died since the war; 
John M. Reynolds; R. A. .Seal, died since the war; John Story, 
killed at h^razier's Farm; C. .Sisk; R. T. .Sn\(Kr, dead; W. .Shep- 
pard, dead; R. S. Thomas; Edward 'Latum, killed at Seven Pines; 
Robert Tansill, promoted to sergeant-major of the Seventh Regi- 
ment; William Watson, promoted to color-bearer of the Sexenth 
Regiment; George Mason Wallace; Michael Wallace, courier with 
General Kemper; John W. Wayland; James E. Wayland; B. I'. 
Weaver, transferred to the tjuartermaster department; E. F. Weaver, 
transferred to the ciuartermaster department; C. C. \'ager, trans- 
ferrred to the conuuissary department. 

The original name of this company was " The Richardson (iuards," 
named in honor of the then Adjutant-General (A the State. 

I am largely indebted to Lieutenant William F. Harrison, now a 
prosperous merchant at Madison Courthouse, Va., for assistance in 
getting up this roll of the old com])any. The original officers of the 
company were transferred to other lM"anches of the service. Lieu- 
tenant N. W. Crisler was a|)pointed (piartermaster of Keni|K'r's 
Brigade, with rank of major. 

Note — Captain William O. V\'\\ Lieutenant T. \ . l'^-\-, anti Lieu- 
tenant George N. Thrift were each wountk'd several times, but died 
since the war. First Sergeant James Watson was killed at Bt)ons- 
boro, Md. Second Sergeant W. B. Carpenter was killed near 
Drewry's Blutf Most of lho-^e marktd dead died tiMin woimds. 
Nearly every man who rt'mained with the was wounded 
one or more times. 

j64 Soift/ient Historical Society Papers. 




In Monroe Park at Richmond, Virginia, 
Thursday, July 2, 1896, 



The Confederate Re-union held at Richmond June 29 — ^July 2, 
1896, was a gathering- never to be forgotten by the interested parti- 
cipants. The results of the conferences of prominent ex-Confederate 
officers and soldiers were in the highest degree important in the 
interest acti\'elv enlisted in the weal and comfort of the aged and 
needy veteran, and toward the truthful presentation of the history of 
the struggle of the South. 

The most impressive day of the period was, it may be realized, 
that on which the corner-stone of the monument in Monroe Park to 
the memory of the President of the Southern Confederacy was laid. 

It was propitious, the air was balmy and the skies clear. The 
city, with its bright decorations, was literally crowded with old Con- 
federates and the curious visitor from various sections. Not only 
were all the States of the South and West represented, but also 
quite all of those of the North and East. 


It was about twenty minutes after 4 o'clock when the corner-stone 
ceremonies were started. These were conducted after the usual 
form, by the Grand Lodge of Virginia, whose officers are: Most 
Worshipful J. P. Fitzgerald, Grand Master; Right Worshipful A. 
R. Courtney, Deputy Grand Master; Right Worshipful, R. T. W. 
Duke, Jr., Grand Senior Warden: Right Worshipful George W. 
Wright, Grand Junior Warden ; Right Worshipful Frederick Pleas- 
ants, Grand Treasurer: Right Worshipful George W. Carrington, 
Grand Secretary; Right Worshipful H. O. Kerns, Grand Senior 
Deacon; Right Worshipful Edward N. Eubank, Grand Junior Dea- 
con; Right Worshipful George H. Ray, Grand Chaplain; Wor 
shipful J. A. Cosby, Grand Pursivant; Brother W. C. Wilkinson, 
Grand Tiler; Brother William Krause, Grand Steward. 

Corner-Sfoiic of Monii.nniil !>> .hff'v.r^on Davis La'al. 365 

The Masonic marshals were: Most Worshipful William H. Talia- 
ferro, P. G. M., (irand Marshal; W(jrshipful J. Th(jmpson Brown. 
P. M., Assistant (irand Marshal; Rij^du Worshijjful William Tiibson, 
Jr., D. D. G. M., Richmond, Va. ; Worshipful Samuel W. Wil- 
liams, P. M., Wytheville. Va. ; Worshipful Julius .Straus, P. M., 
Richmond, Va. ; Worshipful Thomas S. Taliaferro. P. M., Cilou- 
cester county, Va. ; Brother (iarrett G. Ciooch, .Staunt(Mi. \'iri(inia: 
Brother Charles H. Phillii)s, Richmond, Va. 

Cirand Chaplain (jeor^e H. Ray offered prayer. 


" In confiding the ' implements of operative masonry " to Bnjther 
Wilfred E. Cutshaw, the Engineer of the city of Richmond, the 
Grand Master said : 

" Brother Cutshaw, as the Enj^ineer of the city of Richmond, and 
as a member of the Committee on Designs for this monument, I 
confide to your hands the implements of ojierative masonry, that 
after the designs of this monument are laid down by some dis- 
tinguished architect yet to be chosen, you may turn them over to 
him, in full confidence of his skill and al)ilitv to erect such a monu- 
ment as will perpetuate and add new luster to the established glory, 
liberality, and patriotism of the ])eople of our beloved .Southland." 

The Grand Master also said: "Most Worshijiful Brother, our 
Grand Marshal, you will take with you Most Worshipful Brother R. 
E. Withers and inform Brother J. Taylor Ellyson, the President of 
the Jefferson Daxis Monument Association, that the corner-stone of 
the monument about to be erected to commemorate the virtues of a 
soldier, statesman, and hero, who was worthy oi his times and of 
the gratitude of a chivalrous people, has now brrn laid with Masonic 
honors, and request him to descend and fxamini.' our wctrk, and it 
approved, to receive it from our hantls." 

Grand Marshal: Most Worshi])ful Grand Master, that tluty has 
been performed. 

Bishop J. C. Cranberry tlun otfereil a deei^ly, impressive prayer. 

Hon ]. TavU)r l^llvson then atlvanced to the tVont of the plattorm, 
and said: 

Comrades, /.adirs and Gent/cnieii: 

It is a \ery high honor for a pri\ ate in the Army ot Northern 
Virginia in bi>iiig pcrmittctl, as President of the Jefferson IXn is Mon- 

'S66 Southern Historical Sodeti/ Fapers. 

ument Association, to direct these exercises. We have met in this 
historic city to do honor to our beloved President. We lay to-day 
the corner-stone of the memorial to be erected to Jefferson Davis, 
who loved constitutional liberty dearer than life itself We have 
chosen for our orator for this occasion one whose help and courage 
in time of war has only been surpassed by his devotion to the South 
in time of peace, and whose special fitness for the position as orator 
on this occasion is best attested by the distinguished services which 
he has given in the preservation of the history of the South. I take 
great pleasure, therefore, in presenting to you my comrade and your 
comrade. General Stephen D. Lee, of Mississippi. 


General Lee was given a cordial reception, and was loudly cheered 
throughout the delivery of his beautiful oration. General Lee said: 

We are here to-day to honor the memory of Jefferson Davis; to 
lay the corner-stone of a monument to one who needs no monument 
in our generation, beyond that in the hearts of his countrymen. 
But we think it due to erect one, that posterity may know the rev- 
erence felt for the great leader of a cause that failed. 

It is fitting that he should rest here in Virginia — that greatest of 
all States, the battle-scarred producer of warriors and statesmen — 
fitting that he should rest here among her immortals. But for her 
generosity in ceding her vast territory to the Union, Kentucky would 
have still been hers, and he would have been born her son. Many 
presidents, statesmen, soldiers lie in Virginia soil — from Washington 
to the present time — none greater than Davis, but more fortunate. 


Let us glance backward. Thirty-one years ago, on the soil of this 
very commonwealth, the man to whom we erect this monument lay 
manacled in a casement of a strongly-garrisoned fortress, charged 
with the most atrocious crimes known to man — treason and murder. 
He had been the unanimously-chosen leader of a true people, who, 
actviated by a pure and lotty patriotism, after exhausting every effort 
at compromise, made an attempt to establish a new nation ; and after 
a bitter struggle of four years, after nearly four million soldiers had 
met in the shock of battle, and over 2,000 battlefields had blazed 
with glorious deeds, went down in darkness and blood. 

Success is the measure of merit applied alike to every man, to 
every cause; and even in our moral judgments we sentence the un- 

Corner-Sfo/ic of Moniiiin'nl Id Jiff'crMon I)(iris [jild. :V;7 

fortunate. Men d(j not idly erect monuments to lost causes. Fame 
has no trumpet for failure. The world hears not the voice of the 
vanquished. Yet history might teach us strang-e things of men who 
fail and causes that are lost. Genius did not keep Hannibal or Na- 
I)oleon irom defeat; heroism went with J(jan of Arc to the stake, and 
I£mmett to the scaffold. The elociuence of Demosthenes did not 
save Greece, ov Cato's virtue Rome. The courage of Kosciusko 
availed naught for Poland, and Hungary went down for all the pa- 
triotism of Kossuth. Sometimes defeat gives a tragic pathos which 
lifts the commonplace into the immortal, and tenderly preserves the 
memory of the vanquished long after the victor has been forgotten. 
Since the death of Napok-on there has been no career which illus- 
trates so dramatically the vici.ssitudes of fortune as that of Jefferson 
Davis. Born amid the rugged surroundings of a frontier .State, he 
lived to win the triple glory of the soldier, the orat(jr, and the states- 
man. He became the ruler of 7,000,000 of people. His govern- 
ment was overwhelmed, his fortune swept awav. He was bound as 
a criminal and prosecuted for his life. He became an exile. He was 
denied the rights of citizenship. He was defamed, denounced, in- 
sulted, ridiculed to the hour of his death. And yet he died by 
millions more sincerely mourned and deeply beloved than any other 
man in the history of the nation. If his enemies had succeeded in 
putting him to death he would ha\e been the most ciMispicuous 
figure in American history. 


When the mists of passion and prejudice have passed away the 
calm light of justice gives the right niche to each figure in historv. 
The descendants of the men who burned Joan of Arc now regard 
her as a character of heroism and beauty. The posterit\- of the men 
who hanged witches in Salem as a jjious duty now hear the storv 
with horror. The descendants of the nuii who to-tlay look on Jef- 
ferson Davis with unkind expressions will see him as we do — the 
stainless gentleman, the gallant soldier, the devoted patriot, the pure 
and gifted statesman. 

I do not propose to discuss now the unhappy causes leading to the 
war between the States. It is still \.oo soon. Criminating and re- 
criminating over irritating causes o( differences cannot readjust what 
the war has settled. We must wait for the mists to clear away, antl 
that will take another generation. It does no good to recall lUir 
wrongs, real or tancied; it keeps u|) ])artisan k'rling: it gi\es an ex- 

:368 Southern Historical >Sorieti/ Papers. 

cuse for ill-will. Others have ably treated the Southern view of the 
controversy; their argument is submitted to impartial history. 
Suffice it to say, on this occasion, that the war has setded that se- 
cession is impracticable, and the amendments to the Constitution 
ha\-e adjusted all other differences. The Southern people have fully 
accepted the results — they accept the present, and loyally commit 
themselves to the future. Neither shall I attempt to recount his life, 
for it is a part of history. The record is made up. If we protect 
it from falsification while we live, the verdict of history will not shame 
our posterity when we are dead. To-day we meet, and the past and 
present join hands. Looking around me, viewing the faces of the 
fair women and brave men before me, I realize that the past is be- 
hind me — that this is the living present. I feel the influence of the 
new hopes of the new generation to which you belong. Our task 
is to commit into your hands what our failing hands cannot much 
longer hold — the sacred rights for which your fathers sacrificed their 
li\'es, their property, everything; these liberties and the land which 
was so dear to them we commit to you. I will only say you cannot 
excel your fathers. Reverence them, emulate them. May you be 
worthy of them! 

It is hard to believe that the American people will always desire 
to have the epithets of traitor and rebel applied to names which are 
now, and unless human nature changes, always will be, dear and 
honored in the hearts of a large part of their number — honored by 
men who made duty a passion, a religion; dear to the posterity oi 
those, who were the foremost in sacrifices in the establishment of the 
republic, in the increasing of its area, and in the vindication of prin- 
ciples of government inherited from their forefathers, and accepted 
as correct for the first fifty years of the republic. 


I cannot hold him wise who would willingly wound the patriotism 
of any citizen of the republic. To brand such men as Albert Syd- 
ney Johnston, Stonewall Jackson, Robert E. Lee, or Jefferson Davis 
as traitors, is not to stain the whiteness of their lives, but rather to 
spoil the word for any useful purpose, to make the traitor a title, 
which Hampton or Washington might have borne as well, had the 
fortunes of war gone against them. As Fox said to Lord North: 
"The great asserters of liberty, the saviors of their country, the 
benefactors of mankind, in all ages, have been called rebels." We 

Coriicr-Sloiic of Monuincnl /o Jefferson Dacis Laid. 360 

owe the constitution which enables us t(j sit in this house to a rebel- 

The future historian will note- with astonishment that the Southern 
struggle for independence began, not with committees of jmblic 
safety, with declarations of the rights of men, or enunciation of the 
mighty doctrine, that gox'crnments derive their just powers from the 
consent of the governed, but it began with public statutes, general 
elections, and constitutional conventions. Mr. Da\'is himself rested, 
in his inaugural, the case of the new nation at the bar of the public 
opinion of the world, not upon revolution, but ui)on legal right. 
He said: " The rights soelmnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, 
which have been affirmed and reaffirmed, in the bills of rights of 
States subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, invariably rec- 
ognise in the people, the power to resume the authority delegated for 
the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here repre- 
sented, proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is by abuse of 
language that their act has been denominated a revolution." He 
might also have said that the very Constitution of the United States 
was adopted by acts of secession, violating the Articles of Confede- 


The South learned its constitutional law from Jefierson, Madison 
and Calhoun; not from Hamilton ;fnd Marshall. They considered 
secession as a constitutional remedy in 1861. They believed a sep- 
arate confederacy with their constitutional rights retained better than 
a union with these rights trampled upon and ignored or held together 
by physical force. 

The junior senator from Massachusetts has written these words: 
' ' When this Constitution was adopted by the votes of the States at 
Philadelphia, and accepted by the votes of the States in popular 
conventions, it is fair to say that there was not a man in the country, 
from Washington and Hamilton on the one side, to George Clinton 
and George Mason on the other, who regarded the new system as 
anything l:)ut an experiment entered upon by the States, and from 
which each and everv State had the right to peaceably withdraw, a 
right which was very likely to be exercised." The Southern States 
only exercised a right which had often l)een threatenetl bv New Fng- 
land, and which was generally conceded to be a constitutional right. 
But in 1S61 the I'nion had grown with llu' growth oi the .American 
])eoi)le, and strengthenetl with its strength, until, like a voung oak. 

370 So(it/ier)i Historlral Society Papers. 

it had burst the old constitutional rocks asunder on sectional lines 
and issues. The South was fighting against the stars in their courses. 
But, standing on this sacred spot, I should be false to the memory of 
the dead if I did not remind you that he, the man we all adore, bat- 
tled for the constitutional right to dissoKe the Union, not for re\'olu- 
tion, not for slavery — that the war was fought upon a legal, not a 
moral, issue, and it is significant that slavery is not mentioned, either 
in the Confederate inaugural or in Lincoln's Gettysburg address. 

It is a pleasant reflection to-day that the feelings which human 
nature cannot repress in the sad hour of defeat have found the gentle 
and sure medicine of time. A new generation has risen underneath 
the healing wings of peace that are strangers to the discord of their 
fathers, and the gray-haired veterans of Gettysburg and Chicka- 
mauga, conscious of their rectitude of purpose and lofty patriotism, 
now yield loyal allegiance to the government, not having disowned 
their manhood, or with servility confessed that they were wrong. 
They have preserx'cd their self-respect anci won the respect of the 

For what, then, shall this monument stand ? Jefterson DaA'is was 
truly through his life the representati\'e of his people, and the monu- 
ment represents the love of the Southern people for him. Such a 
sentiment honors them even more than it honors him. It demon- 
strates the faithfulness of the Southern people to their leader, for 
better or for worse. Rather than suspected is that people to be 
honored and trusted whose attachments defy the vicissitudes of time 
and fortune, and reach in loving fortitude beyond the grave. 


Let us consider on this occasion the reasons for our love for Jeffer- 
son Davis, and why we honor him. First, above all, he is dear to 
us for the incomparable beauty of his character. It is a joy to the 
South that its typical figures of a generation ago, such as Davis, Lee, 
and Jackson, were men who wore the white flower of a blameless 
life — men of clean lips and spotless names. It will not surprise you 
when I add they were each of them of strong Christian faith. Permit 
me to quote the words of two distinguished men who knew Jefferson 
Davis most intimately in official as well as private life : ' ' Standing 
here by his open grave, and in all probability not far from my own, ' ' 
said George Davis, of North Carolina, Attorney-General of the Con- 
federacy, ' ' I declare to you that he was the most honest, truest, 
gentlest, tenderest, manliest man I ever knew." " I knew Jefferson 

Corner- Sito) I e. of 3Iiiiiniiicnf In .Jpff'crson Daris Ijunl. 371 

jJavis as I knew few men," said Ik-njamin Hill, Georgia's great 
senator. " I have been near him in his ])ul)lic duties; I have seen 
him by his private fireside; I ha\c witnessed his humble devotions, 
and I challenge the judgment of history when I say no people were 
ever led through the fiery struggle for liberty by a nobler, truer 
patriot, while the carnage of war and the trials of i)ublic life ne\'er 
revealed a purer or more beautiful Christian character." 

Jefferson Davis stood the test of true greatness, he was the great- 
est to those who knew him best. One of the marked traits of Mr. 
Davis' private life was his exquisite courtesy. He was one ot the 
most approachable of men, as polite and affable to the humblest as 
to the most exalted. In his old age in Raleigh, N. C, he excused 
himself to all callers, in order to receive the visit of his former slave. 
It is characteristic of the man that he closed his farewell address to 
the Senate by apologizing for any pain which, in the he^t of discussion, 
he might have inflicted. His last words on earth were, " Please ex- 
cuse me." Such gentleness usually marks a man of courage. On 
a memorable occasion he uttered the characteristic maxim, "Never 
be haughty to the humble, nor humble to the haughty." 

We remember how, at Buena Vista, although painfully wounded, 
he refused to quit his saddle until the victory, so largely due to his 
own heroism, was won; how, in the the battles around Richmond 
A. P. Hill, that gallant and s])Otless soldier, twice ordered General 
Lee and President Davis to the rear. Mr. Davis was utterly without 
fear for himself. Notwithstanding the attempt made on his life at 
Richmond, he never had an escort. But I must correct myself, for 
on one occasion an unknown Confederate boy-soldier followed the 
President alone from the lines around Richmond to the city, to watch 
over his safety, and to die, if need be. for his sake. This youth but 
gave expression to the heart of the South at that moment. 


The dominant characteristic of Mr. Da\is was his fuklity to jirin- 
ciple. It was well said of him, " He bent to none but Ciod." He 
came among us as a Roman born out of time. It was impossible 
for him to ask pardon, so long as he felt he had done his duty con- 
scientiously as he saw it, and lie was never forgixen. (^iie after 
another his great comrades entered the Beyond imtil he stood alone. 
but he never wavered. He passed from us a stern and niajestic 
figure, broken, but never bent. "In ofticial life." said Senator 
Reagan, his Postmaster-Cieneral, "he knew no woril but duty." A 

372 Southern Historiral Socieft/ Papers. 

young man and an ambitious soldier, he refused President Polk's offer 
of a brigadier-generalship, because he thought the appointment ex- 
ceeded the president's constitutional power. He answered thus the 
solicitations of friends to send a force of men to protect his planta- 
tion and property in danger of seizure, ' ' The President of the Confed- 
eracy cannot afford to use public means to protect private interests." 

His aide. Governor Lubbock, of Texas, said of him: "From the 
dav I took service with him to the very moment we separated, sub- 
sequent to our capture, I witnessed his unselfishness. He forgot 
himself, and displayed more self-abnegation than any other human 
being I have ever known." One ot the strongest traits of his char- 
acter was his aversion to receive gitts. He declined the beautiful 
home offered him by the people of this generous citv. Over and 
over again he refused to receive gifts of money, even in his greatest 

Mr. Da\'is' tenderness of heart was noticeable. On one occasion 
a commander of the United States forces in Missouri took nine Con- 
federate prisoners and hung them in infamous disregard of the laws 
of war. The people clamored loudly tor retaliation in kind, and it 
was proposed in the very cabinet that an equal number of prisoners 
of war, then in Libby Prison, should be taken out and hanged. "I 
have not the heart," replied the man, afterwards accused of cruelty 
to prisoners, "to take these innocent soldiers, taken in honorable 
warfare, and hang them like convicted criminals." His Attorney- 
General said of him: " I do not think I am a very cruel man, but I 
declare to you that it was the most difficult thing in the world to 
keep Mr. Davis up to the measure of justice. He wanted to pardon 
everybody. If ever a wife or a mother or a sister got into his pres- 
ence it took but a little while for their tears to wash out the record." 


It is not necessary at this day, I take it, to defend Mr. Davis from 
the charge of cruelty to prisoners, any more than from the pictu- 
resque calumny of stealing Confederate gold, or even that slowly 
expiring libel that to escape capture he disguised himself as a woman. 
The man who could not bear to punish the guilty, never tortured the 
innocent; the man who refused pri\'ate gifts never soiled his hands 
with public money; and the President of the Confederacy was never 
ridiculous. The mortality among Confederate prisoners of war in 
the North was over three per cent, greater than that of Union pris- 
oners in the South. ' ' The mortuary tables thus exhibiting a large 

Covner-Sloiic of Moiniini'nl Id Jt'ff'i'r.iDii iJ'/ris Ijniil. 37-J 

per cent, in favor of Confederate humanity." Those who will read 
the sad history of the prisoners of war, not on one side, but on both, 
and examine the ceaseless, almost humiliating efforts of the Confed- 
erate Government to exchange prisoners, or secure alleviations of 
their condition, and read (ieneral Grant's frank admission of the 
reason for not exchan<-ing-, will have no unkind words left fjr Mr. 
Davis. He was fortunate in having the charge raised against him 
at the time when his enemies could put him on trial for it. No 
human character was ever subjected to more searching investigations 
than was his life at the time of his imprisonment. The fierce light 
that beat upon the life of Jeflerson Davis re\ealed no blot or blemish, 
but instead displayed the image of its white purity upon the screen 
of the ages. 

We love and honor Mr. I)a\-is fjr his eminent public ser\ices. 
He came from a stock distinguished for its jjatriotism. His father 
and uncles lought through the Revolutionary war. Three of his 
brothers were in the war of 1812. As a cadet at West Point, he 
entered the service of his country, and for twelve years he bore its 
arms. He rendered conspicuous serxice in the Black Hawk war 
against the Indians. In the Mexican war his gallantry at the storm- 
ing of Monterey was most conspicuous, while at Buena \'ista, the 
most brilliant victory ever won by United States troops on foreign 
soil, he is generally believed to ha\'e sa\ed the day. 


We love and respect him, for he truly represented us in his politi- 
cal life. He became a member of Congress in 1845, resigning the 
next year to serve in Mexico. U])on his return from the war he be- 
came United States Senator. He was eight years a member of the 
Senate, during the most brilliant epoch of its historv, where he sus- 
tained himself as an equal in debate with the most illustrious states- 
men in American history. He held his own with Chase and Doug- 
las, Benton and Clay, Webster and Calln)un. 

As Secretary of War he ne\er had liis su|)erior. During his 
administration the routes of the Pacific railroad were surveyed, the 
Capitol was extended, iron gun-carriages were introduced, the sys- 
tem of casting hea\'v guns changed, and the use of coarser grains of 
powder for artillery was begun. The armv was enlarged bv four regi- 
ments. The dictates of politics were disregarded in his ofiicial 

Mr. Davis was op]iosed to disunion, and did his utmost to pre- 

374 Southern Historical Sorieti/ Papers. 

vent the step. At the conference called by Governor Pettus, of 
Mississippi, of the representatives in Congress from that State, in 
i860, Mr. Davis declared himself opposed to secession as long as 
the hope of a peaceful remedv remained. He said he did not believe we 
ought to precipitate the issue, as he felt certain that from his knowl- 
edge of the people of the North and South, that if there was a clash 
of arms, the contest would be the most sanguinary the world ever 
witnessed. As a member of the Senate committee to whom the 
compromise proposals were submitted at the outbreak of secession, 
he expressed his willingness to accept any plan of settlement that 
promised a reasonable hope of success. But the Republican mem- 
bers of that committee rejected every proposition made. 

On December 10, 1S60, Mr. Davis spoke these words in the Sen- 
ate : "This Union is as dear to me as a Union of fraternal States. 
It would lose its value if I had to regard it as a Union held together 
by physical force. I would be happy to know that every State felt 
the fraternity which made this Union possible, and if that evidence 
could go out — if evidence satisfactory to the people of the South 
could be given that that feeling existed in the hearts of the northern 
people — you might burn your statute books and we would cling to 
the Union still." To the very hour that Mississippi seceded, and 
after it, he was pleading for union without dishonor. When Missis- 
sippi seceded he resigned his seat in the Senate and went to his State 
and cast his lot with his people. Many another officer of the United 
States bent before the allegiance he acknowledged to his mother 
State and followed him with bleeding hearts. In spite of his well- 
known preference for service in the field, the Confederate Govern- 
ment called him to its head. Mr. Davis shared with Washington 
the extraordinary distinction of being elected President of a republic 
unanimously, but Mr. Da\is was chosen by a more numerous people 
and at a period of more critical responsibility. 


We love and honor Mr. Davis, most of all, because he suffered 
with us and for us, and was our President; because, in the language 
of the eloquent Peyton Wise, of Virginia, " he was the type of that 
ineffable manhood which made the armies of the South." Time 
would fail me to picture the iron will, the persistency and loyalty of 
Mr. Davis during those four terrible years — of the travail of his soul; 
his people pitted against a people outnumbering them four to one in 
arms, bearing population, and incomparably better prepared for war, 

(Wnwr-S/o/ic (if .Iftin'iiii'iil /') Jcff'i'i'S-oii Dm-is Ijii'iil. y,~!') 

having an organized government, an organized army and navy, with 
arsenals, dock yai'ds and machine shops, and having free intercourse 
with the world, from which to get supplies and men, while e\ery 
port was sealed against help from the outside world to the Confed- 
eracy, which had to organize its government and improvise every- 
thing for the unecjual stniggU- from an agricultural population. 

With an army of 600,000 men and no navy, except a few ri\er 
steamers and privateers, opposed by an army outnumbering it bv 
2,000,000 of soldiers, bv a navv of 700 vessels of war, manned bv 
105,000 men; with a fleet of transports, steamers, barges, and coal 
floats almost innumerable, which in 1S62, on the Mississippi river 
and its tributaries alone, numbered over 2,200 vessels. (It is not 
known what was the number of vessels chartered on the Atlantic 
and Gulf coasts in moving the large armies.) The na\'y in its help 
was as decisive in results as the great armies in the field in block- 
ading ports, in cutting up the Confederacy by her rivers, in establish- 
ing many depots and points of departure from the rivers and along 
the coast for armies to invade and overrun new territory, and in 
transporting armies around territorv they could not cross, and in 
saving armies when defeated, as it Shiloh, on the Tennessee, and on 
the James river, near Richmond. 

When we look back now at the mighty contest, we wonder how 
we ever held out so long — how we could have succeeded in drixing 
the American merchantmen iVom the seas, and how we won so many 
signal victories, as manv almost as were won bv our enemies. 

The record of Southern \alor and mcUihood, where a people 
fought so long against such odds and resources, displayed such for- 
titude, and endured such sacrifices, will be a bright page in American 
history; and will show what the Anglo-Saxon race can and will do 
under a re])ublican form of government in defence of a constitutional 

As President Mr. Daxis mav ha\e made mistakes. He was a 
constitutional ruler, not a revolutionarv cliief He could not work 
miracles. He summoned to his council the genius of a Benjamin. 
the profundity of Hunter, the intellect of Toombs. He placed at 
the head of his troops Lee, |ackst)n, Albert Sidney Johnston. Beau- 
regard, Joseph E. Johnston, and other leaders, not surpassed in any 
army since the marshals of the Em])ire. And when the night o( 
defeat was darkening, and the dismantled ship of the Confeileracy 
was sinking lieneath the w. iters, he stootl at the helm to the last. 
There is something indescrib.ibly pathetii.- in the sight, when a brave 

376 Souihev*^ Wsforicol Sor-iefi/ Papers. 

and gallant people stake everything- upon the cast of battle, fight 
their armies to exhaustion, and almost to annihilation, in defending 
their homes and firesides against invading enemies, and at last are 
overpowered and overwhelmed, and behold everything that they 
love go down. The people of the South were a proud and sensitive 
race, and the world will never know the agonies they suffered in 
those desperate days. But none had so much to bear, and bore it 
so bravely, as their indomitable leader. He carried on his great 
heart the sufferings of his people; he shared their sorrow, and par- 
took of their grief 


I behold before me here to-day the white heads of Confederate 
veterans, of the men who thirty-one years ago lost all save honor. 
Thev are falling now swifter than ever their comrades fell on the 
field of battle; thev have lived, thank God, to restore their country 
to freedom and prosperity again — dear land! for which they fought 
and sacrificed and suffered and lost! They who are about to die 
salute you. 

There are those who confidently expect the time to come when 
Confederate graves will no longer be decorated with flowers; when 
monuments will cease to commemorate the splendid heroism, or the 
devoted sacrifices of those who fell for their State. For one, I 
believe that the time will never come when the South will cease to 
love the Confederate soldier. He would have been dear to her if he 
had returned home amid the booming of cannon and the plaudits of 
victory. Mothers would have lifted their children in their arms to 
behold the hero's face. Church bells would have rung a nation's 
joy, and a grateful people would have showered honors upon his 

God did not will it so. 

The soldier came ragged, bleeding, penniless to his desolate home, 
with sad heart but dauntless courage, to restore the land he loved. 
He gave all for his country, and she, unhappy mother, had nothing- 
left to give him but her love. Dearer, a thousand times dearer, to 
the South are her ragged heroes of 1865 than all her victorious sons 
of other years. 

She will never believe that the men who drew sword in defence of 
her hearth-stones in 1861 are worthy of reproach. Shame upon the 
Southern people if they shall ever defile the one page of their history 
which is glorious beyond compare by writing over the records of 

Corner-stone of Momitiirnt to Jeff'ersoa Dads Laitl. 377 

immortal heroism, of love that counted not the cost, and patriotism 
that was faithful unto death, such words as these: " They were all 
wroni^-; it was all a mistake." Rather let their story be blotted out 
altogether, for their children will no longer be worthy to read or 
emulate their achievements. Until that hour every nameless grave. 
every tattered Hag, every worn jacket of gray shall hnd hearts to 
love and hands to cherish them. 

The people of the South would not exchange the story of the 
Confederacy for the wealth of the world. At their mothers' knees 
the coming generations shall learn from that str)r)-, what deeds make 
men great and nations glorious. 

The people who do not cherish their past will never have a future 
worth recording. The time is even now, that the whole people of 
the United States are ])roud of the unsurpassed heroism, sacrifice, 
and fiithfulness of the soldiers and people of the Confederacy. 

* * "" ■■'■ " The terrible I )ast 

Must be ours while life shall last. 

Ours, with its memories; ours, with its pain; 

Ours, with its best blood shed like rain; 

The sacrifices all made in vain. 

Forget ? Never ! ' ' 


Singularly enough, however, it was after the war was over that the 
events occurred which endeared Mr. Da\is most to the Southern peo- 
ple. I allude, first of all, to his long imprisonment at Fortress Mon- 
roe; the clumsy cruelty of putting the distinguished captive in irons, 
thrilled the South like an electric shock. It would be painful now. 
and humiliating, I venture to say, to Americans evervwhere. to 
dwell upon the unhappy details of his confinement. Suffice it to 
say, that the result of it all was the very last thing that his jailers 
would have intended — to make Jefierson I)a\is the most beloved man 
of his time. The men of the South recognized that he was sufiering 
for an oflence which they equally shared with him, and suffering in 
no figurative sense, in their place. One of the most exijuisite 
scenes in the life of this remarkable man, occurred when he was a 
prisoner in the fort, when Dr. Minnigerotle partook with him of the 
holy coumnmion in the stillness of the night. The motionless figure 
oi the Federal commaiuler of the fortress, and the sentinels stand- 
ing guard over him, regarding the strange spectacle, and wondering 
perhaps, how their illustrious captive ct>uld ha\e forgiven all the 

o78 Southern Hi'<torical Society Papers. 

Even after the charge of treason had broken down, and he was 
once more a free man, Mr. Davis continued to be, until the hour of 
his death, a shining mark for the political enemies of the South. So 
well understood was the love of the people for him that it became, 
as it appeared to us, a political device, which never failed of its pur- 
pose to attack him, in order to arouse expressions of resentment 
from the South. Ben. Hill and Lamar were especially dear to our 
hearts, because they defended Mr. Davis. 

There is something in his unbending nature, free from all the petty 
diplomacies which make for popularity, that made him a favorite 
subject for ridicule and defamation. He was a man understood only 
by his peers. Pliant, politic, narrow, partisan souls could never rise 
above the clouds of his adversity to behold the eternal sunshine set- 
tled on his head. It was impossible to answer the assailants in kind. 
Every shaft aimed at Mr. Davis in Congress, at the hustings, or 
through the press, drew the hearts of the Southern people closer to 
him. They are a loyal and faithful folk. Their disfranchised leader 
became their Prometheus, chained to the rock, with the vultures 
gnawing at his vitals. 

It is not the least thing for which they love him that his last years 
were devoted to the vindication of their cause and the deathless 
story of their achievements. It is sweet to them to think of him at 
Beauvoir, aged and bent, in\alid, and almost blind, pouring out his 
last energies in defence of their honor. The seductions of power 
ne\-er reached him. He died in the political faith in which he li\ed, 
unchanged to the end, standing like a mast where the ship went 
down. Brave, unconquerable old man! 


I question whether any other man e\'er received the popular de- 
monstrations of affection which attended Mr. Davis. No sovereign 
in the height of his power ever witnessed the overwhelming mani- 
festations of devotion and reverence which the presence of this aged 
and powerless man evoked. When he was released from trial, thous- 
ands of the citizens of Richmond stood with bare heads in silence as 
he passed. It was at Atlanta, at the unveiling of the Hill monument, 
that Henry Grady proclaimed him "the uncrowned king of all our 
hearts," amid an outburst of enthusiasm, which must have repaid 
him lor years of suffering. It is said that seven cities claim the 
birth of Homer, dead; but seven States contested for the honor to 
be the burial-place of Jefferson Davis. On the day of his funeral 

Corner- Stone e,f Mo/mmeii/ to Jip'i.r.'ioii Ijuris fjniil. ::57!» 

services were held lor him all over the South, (iradv said: "Gov- 
ernment will not render to him the pomp and circumstance of a 
great death; hut his people will gi\'e him a tribute of love and tears, 
surpassing all that government could do, and honoring his memorv 
as earthly parade could not do." And so it was. Anu-rica nev« r 
saw before so wondcrlul a pageant as tliat which jiassed down the 
streets of New Orleans. The funeral of that generou.s s(jldier, ( Gen- 
eral Grant, I am told, cost more than Skxd. ooo. The even more 
impressive funeral of Mr. Davis cost nothing; all bills came in re- 
ceij)ted. It was the spontaneous outpouring ui a people's l(j\-e. 
The people of the South may not be rich in materi;d things, but thev 
are not pcjor in their hearts. 

It was my duty and pri\'ilege to be present at his funeral, and also 
to accompany his remains on the way to Richmond, and I shall never 
forget it. No concjueror's march was exx-r half so triumphant. In 
the capitals through which it passed his body lay in state, visited bv 
thousands, and everywhere along the way the people, old and voung. 
thronged, and stood with uncovered heads day and night along the 
railroad as the train rolled by to testify their devotion to the dead. 
It was spontaneous; it was sincere; it was unixersal. 

We are gathered here to-day to erect a monument to him. It is 
foroursakes; not for his. His memorv belongs to the ages. His 
life will stand like a snowy ])eak amitl the centuries. His remem- 
brance will abide in the hearts of men when this stone has crumbled 
into dust. Jefferson Davis' life teaches us that character is secure. 
Character was his bulwark against all the slander, ridicule, iiisult, 
which the wit of man could devise, and that defence stands sure. 
He teaches us that love follows sacrifice. He who bore exervthing 
for his people received a reward such as an emi)eror might ha\e en- 
vied — their unfeigned and al)iding loxe. He teaches us that life 
offers something better than success. It is when moral wi>rlh is 
defeated that humanitv becomes sublime. 

As a soldier, his brilliant and promising career was cut short. He 
had no opportunities to de\elop the great c[ualities of Lee, the |MMnce of 
commanders. As a statesman, he ilid not cjuite reach, perhajis, the 
commanding stature of Calhoun, to whose work he succeetletl. As 
an orator, lu- ma\- ha\e lacked the impetuous fer\ (ir of ^'ancev, the 
splendid declamation of Lamar. 1 le surpassed them all in his majes- 
tic strength, the chaste beaut\- o\ his thoughts, and his thrilling ear- 
nestness. Hut na\ is was greater than them all. in that he combined 
them all. lie was an accomplished soKlier, a ^reat statc-sman. aiul 

380 Southfrii Historirdl Sorit'tij Pa/nrs. 

a consummate orator. He was the typical Southerner of his day 
and of all times. 


Around him stood that mar\ellous group — Lee, the flower of chiv- 
alry; Jackson, the genius of war; Toombs, the thunderer of debate; 
Benjamin, the jurist; Campbell, the judge; Bledsoe, the scholar; 
Hunter, the statesman — men tit to measure with the knightliest. 
Vet, from the vantage ground of history, his sublime head lifts itself 
above them all. 

It is meet and fitting that the ashes of the great souls rest in Vir- 
ginia's soil. Round him sleep the mighty ones who have gone 
before — soldiers who won American liberty, jurists who gave it per- 
petual form, statesmen who filled its flag with stars and made it hon- 
orable throughout the world. Let Richmond be added to Mount 
Vernon, Monticello and Lexington. The South has committed the 
keeping of his ashes to the mother of States and statesmen. Let 
him sleep in \Trginia, where ever}' river whispers of Confederate 
heroism and everv hill was crimsoned with the soldiers' blood. Let 
him rest in Richmond, his capital, the citv which he walled about 
with the breasts of the bravest of the brave. His memory is safe 
with you. You were faithful to the living; you will not forget the 

In calmer years, when the last ember of sectional feeling has 
burned out, and the last chord of love has gently bound the hearts 
of all Americans together, fathers will bring their little children to 
this spot and tell the story of a pure, great man, who suffered for 
his people, and for the right, as they understood it; and how for this 
they loved him as they lo\'ed no other. Long as vonder noble river 
shall roll its tide to the sea it shall behold no man more kingly. 
" He was a very perfect, gentle knight." May the story of his life 
be sweet in days to come, and at last all men come to understand 
Jefferson Davis. 


At the conclusion of General Lee's oration the benediction was 
pronounced by Bishop Cranberry, and the crowd dispersed. 

Many of the old soldiers came up to the platform and shook hands 
with Mrs. Davis and her daughter, Mrs. Hayes. General Gordon, 
speaking for Mrs. Davis, said ; " Comrades, Mrs. Davis says she only 
wishes that you all had one mouth so she could kiss it." 

Captain Frank Cunningham directed the musical part of the pro- 
gramme, and this was one of its most attractive features. 


Adair, Henrietta Buford (Anderson), 6i; Gene- 
ral John, 57; Margaret L., 57; Captain Wm. 
F , 249. 

Adkins, Captain Sim, 205. 

Ainsworth, i olonel F. C, 119. 

Alabama, What she did, 249. 

Allen, Governor Henry VV., 43. 

Allen, Colonel James H , 357. 

Anderson, General Patton, Autobiography of, 
57; his several commands, 71; his reluctance 
to surrender, 72; Wm Preston, 57. 

Antietani, Casualties in Battle of, 143. 

Bantz, Captain T J., 248. 

Barrett, Colonel Theodore H., 309. 

Earth, Captain J. C, 233. 

Beale, Colonel R. L. T., 213. 

Beaver Dam Creek, Battle of, 142. 

Bell, Ann or Nancy, 57. 

Berkeley, Major \V. N., 87. 

Black Horse Troop, Officers and gallant re- 
cord of, 218. 

Blair, Francis P., 53. 

Blockade Running, 36; Exploits at Charles- 
ton, surviving commanders, 157, 223; narra- 
tive of James Sprunt; names of vessels and 
commanders, 161, 227, 228; flush times o(, 

Bontieau, Captain F. N., 225. 

Boynton, General H. V., 94. 

Bragg, General Braxton, 92. 

Breckenridge, General J. C. Bitter feeling 
between him and General Bragg, 68. 

Breedlove, J . W., 211. 

Bristow Station, Action at, 101, 335, 356. 

Brockenbrough, Colonel J. W., 185. 

Brockenbrough, Dr. VV. S. R., 193 

Bucknerand McClellan. How the former out- 
witted the latter General, 295. 

Bull Run, Casualties in Second Battle of, 143. 

Burgess' Mill, .Action at, los. 

Butt, M. F., killed, loi. 

Campbell, John A., Assistant-Secretary of War, 

Capston, Lieutenant J. L. His mission to Ire- 
land, 202. 
Cary Rebellion, The, 2. 
Catlett's Station, Action at, 99. 
Cedar Mountain, Casualties in Battle of, 143, 

Cedar Run, Battle of, 331. 
Chalmers, General J. R , 122. 
Chancellorsville, Battle of, 100-20S, 264; burnt 

field of, 333. 
Chattanooga, 92. 
Chickamauga, Battle of, 92. 
Clarke Cavalry (Co. D), ist X'irginia Cavalry; 

history and roster of, 145 
Clingman, (leneral T. L., The career of, 303: 

duel with W. L. Yancey, 304; as a Senator, 

306; his tobacco cure, 307. 
Cloninger, I^ieutenant W. W., killed, 333. 
Cohoon's Battalion disbanded. 99. 
Cold Harbor, Battle of, 107; casualties in, 139, 


Collins, Charles N., 102. 

Compromise measures in Mississippi, Missouri, 

Compton, Sergeant W. A., 82. 
Confederate Flag, 117; army commands from 

the several States, 200; an incident in the 

financial history 230; restricted resources, 

Conyer. Luther, 315. 
Corcoran, W. VV., 307. 
Crater. Battle of, 193. 
Cunningham, ^^. A., 189. 
Currency in 1853, U. S., 62. 

Dahlgren, Colonel L'lric, 27S. 

Daves, Major Graham, 256. 

Davidson; Correspondence between Jefferson 
Davis and Captain Hunter Davidson, 284. 

Davis, Jefferson, 2,s; thought resistance feasi- 
ble until captured, 47 ; [Petition of ladies of 
Petersburg for his release, 240; corner-stone 
of monument to, laid with Nlasonic services. 
364 ; his remarkable career, 367 ; beauty of 
his character. 370 ; his gentleness and fidelity 
to principle. 371; his tenderness, 372; his 
public service 373: his capacity for govein- 
mciit, 375; demeanor in prison, 377. 

De Lagnel, Colonel J. A.. 233. 

Donelson, Fall of Fort, 317. 

Donohoe. John C, 138 

Duel of Clingman and W. L. Vancey, 304. 

Duke, Colonel Basil, 194. 

Early, General Jubal A. ; an unrepentant rebel, 
176; disparity between his and Sheridan's 
fVirces, 179. 

Ellyson, Hon. J. Taylor, 365. 

Essex Sharpshooters at Chancellorsville, 206. 

Fayetteville Arsenal ; its history, and that of 
the 6th N. C. Battalion, Armory Guards, with 
roster, 231 
Flag, History and description of the Confed- 
erate, 117. 
Flournoy. Colonel T. S , 133. 
Ford, Captain N. P., 2S4. 
Forrest. Dispatch of General N. B., to General 

L. Polk. 92. 
Forts : Curtis, 197. 

Donelson, 197, 317. 

Fisher, 276, 

Henry. 19S. 

Morn's' Island, 22S. 

Sumter, 14. 22S. 
Franklin, Tenn., Carnage at battle of, 1S9. 
Frazior's I'-arm, Battle of, 102. 
Fredericksburg, Battle of'. 99. 
Front Royal, May 23, 1.^02. Battle of, 131. 
hunkhouser, Captain R. D , So. 
Fussell's Mill, Battle of, ,;37. 

G, Company. 49th Virginia Intanlr>', Roll of. 171. 

(lardner, tieneral Frank. t>7 

tiettyshurg. Battle of; North Carolina troops 
engageii in the, 16, loo; Heth's Brigade at, 
204; Jenkins' Cavalry Brigade at. 339. 



Goldsmith, Colonel VV I., 79. 

Goochland Light Artillerv, Captain John H. 

Guy, in the Western Campaign, 316. 
Goochland Light Dragoons, Organization and 

service of, 359. 
Gordon, General James, 280. 
Gordon, General John B., 80. 
Granberry, Bishop John C, 365. 
Grant's Campaign in 1864, 139; his forces in, 

177 ; censor, warned him to stop drinking, 

154; ''on to Richmond," 81. 
Gravel Hill, Battle of, 337. 
Green, Colonel J. W., 166. 
Gurley House, Battle of, 102. 

Hampton Roads Conference, 33. 

Hampton. Strategy of General Wade, 27S. 

Harrison, James P.. iii 

Hatcher's Run Battle of, 103. 

Helena, Ark., Attack on, July 4, 1863, 197. 

Hmdman, General T C, placed under arrest, 

Hobday, Captain John, Gallantry of, 102; 

killed, 103. 
Holcombe Guards (Company I, 7th Virginia 

Infantry), Roll of the, 115. 
Hollins. Commodore George N., 88. 
Howitzers, The Richmond, at Harper's Ferry 

in 1859, 1 10 
Hewlett House, Battery at, 40. 
Hunton, General Eppa, Brigade of, S3. 

Irby, Captain Richard, 240. 
Ireland, Mission of Lieutenant J. L. Capston 
to, in 1863, 202. 

Jackson, General John K., 121. 
Jackson, General T. J., Pen picture of, 135. 
James City Cavalry, its organization and ser- 
vice, 353. 
James, Captain C. F.. S3. 
James, Captain George S , in. 
Jones' Farm, Battle of, 337. 
Jones. General Sam., 67. 
Johnson, General " Bull," Si. 
Johnson, General Bradley T., 117. 
Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 119 
Johnston, Colonel William Preston, 122. 

Kenney's Farm, Battle of, 329. 

Kentucky, Attitude of in 1861, 295; soldiers in 
Mexican war, 59. 

Kilpatrick and Dahlgren Raid, 278, 

King William Artillery, Carter's Battery, Ros- 
ter of, 156 

Lane, General James H., 324. 

Lasker, M., services in Texas, 49. 

Last Battle of the War. 309. 

Last Gun fired in the War, 42. 

Latane, Burial of. Account of the, 192. 

Laughlin, Captain Wm.. 24S. 

Libby, Captain H. S., 225. 

Lee's Campaign in 1862 compared with that 

of Grant in 1S64, 138 ; forces in 1864, 177. 
Lee and Longstreet — a criticism, by Colonel 

Walter H. Taylor, 73. 
" Lee to the Rear," Accounts of the incident, 


Lee, General Stephen D., in ; Oration by, at 
the laying of the corner-stone of the Jeffer- 
son Davis Monument, 366. 

Lee, Colonel, of the 37th North Carolina Regi- 
ment, killed, 329. 

Lewis, Richard, Sketch of, 223. 

Lewis, Major R. Bird, 217. 

Louisianians, Patriotism of, 43. 

McAlpine, Major Charles R., 98. 

McAlpine, Newton, 98. 

McClellan, General Geo. B., 295. 

McClellan, Major H. B., 216. 

McCreery, John Van Law, no. 

Magruder, General John B., 43. 

Manassas, Battle of 330 

Marshall, Colonel James, killed, 186. 

Maple Leaf, Capture of the Federal Steamer, 

Mayer, R. B., 59. 
Mayo, Colonel Robert M., 184. 
Mechanicsville, Battle of, 329. 
Meredith, Jaquelin Marshall, 187. 
Mexican War, The, 59. 
Miller, H. J., 171. 
Mine Run, Battle of, loi, 336. 
Minor, Lieutenant Robert D., 91. 
Mission Ridge, Battle of, 95. 
Monroe, General Thomas B., 38. 
Morgan, General John, Famous Raid of, 194. 
Morgan, Colonel Richard, 194. 
Mosby's Men, Hanging of, by General Custer, 

in 1864, 109. 
Morse, Captain Edward, 225. 
Murfreesboro, Battle of, 67. 
Munford, General Thomas T., 132. 
Murrah, General Pendleton, 43. 

Neimeyer, Colonel Wm. F., killed, loi. 

Newmarket, Heroism of the V. M. I. Cadets 
at, 302. 

North Anna, Battle of 262, 266. 

North Carolina ; Armory Guards, 6th Battalion, 
231; 22d Infantry, History of the, 256; 28th 
Infantry, History of the, 324 ; University of, 
I : LJnion sentiment in 1861, and the action 
of the Assembly of 5 ; its Alumni in public 
and military life, 9, 11 ; losses of the troops 
in the C. S. Army, 17 ; supplied the Confede- 
rac3' by blockade running, 36; soldiers of, 
paroled at .■\ppomattox C. H., 254 

Nottoway Grays, Company G, iSth Virginia 
Infantry, Organization and record of, 237 

Old Dominion Dragoons, Roll of, 187. 
Ox Hill, Battle of,'33i. 

Parrott, W. A., ns. 

Pawnee, The Federal gunboat, 90. 

Perry, Leslie J., 145. 301. 

Pettigrew, General J J., 16, 260. 

Pickett, General George E., Appointment of to 

West Point ; his characteristics, 151. 
Pickett, Mrs. La Salle Corbell, 154. 
Polk, General Leonidas, 130. 
Pope, Movements in the war of General John, 

Pouncing on pickets, 213. 
Powell, C. H., 359. 

Randall, James R., 277 

Rawlins, General John A., 154. 

Ray, Rev. George H., 365. 

Reams' Station, Battle of, 103, 337. 

Rebels, benefactors of the world, 368. 

Reconstruction in Texas. 41. 

Reynolds, Captain Albert, 205 

Richardson Guards, Madison county. Com- 
pany A. 7th Virgmia Infantry, Roll of, 361. 

Richardson, General William H., 363. 

Riddell, Dr. Thomas J., 323. 

Roane, Lieutenant, killed, 207. 

Roanoke Grays, Muster-roll and casualties of, 

Roller, A. H., 294. 

Ruggles, General Daniel, 66. 

Rutiin, Edmond, in. 

Ruffin, Julian M., in. 



Sailor's Creek, Battle of, 83, 250. 

St Nicholas, Capture of the Federal steamer, 

Salem Church, Action at, 100. 
Savannah Guard ; its part at Sailor's Creek, 

Schaller, Colonel P'rank, 277. 
Schuricht, Diary of Lieutenant H. ; Gettys- 

burK Campaign, 339 
Secession a Constitutional right, 369. 
Seddon, James A., 27. 

Seven Days' Battles, Casualties in the, 143, 262. 
Shady Grove, Battle of, loi. 
Sharpsburg, The battle of, discussed, 267 ; 

forces at the battle, 272, 331. 
Shelby, General Joe, Address of, April 26, 1865, 

Shepherdstown, Battle of, 331. 
Shepherd, Joseph H , 151. 
Shiloh, Battle of, 66; forces engaged in, and 

compiled account of, 119. 
Slatter, W. J., 309- 
Slaughter, General James E., 309. 
Slaves, Emancipation of the, 53 ; their conduct 

during the war. 54. 
Smith, Miss Anna M. D., 40. 
Smith, General E. Kirby, 44, 51. 
Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel F. W., Sketch of, 

Smith, General Wm. His order "sick 'em," 

Southern struggle began with Constitutional 

Conventions, 369. 
Spotsylvania C. H., Battle of. So, loi, 266; 

casualties in. 139. 
Stone, Captain A. O., 225. 
Storr's Farm, Battle of, 337. 
Sumter, Who fired the first gun at Fort, in. 

Taliaferro, Charles C, Sketch of, 224. 

Taylor, Major Matthew L., 237. 

Taylor, General Richard, Surrender of; the 

forces of, 47. 
Taylor, Major Thomas, 9th Virginia Cavalry, 


Taylor, Colonel Walter H . , 73, 267. 

Terry, General W. R., 87. 

Texas, Reconstruction in, 41 ; its fidelity to the 
Confederacy, 43 ; its aid to the Confederacy 
in supplies, 44 ; officers who went to Mexico, 

Thomas alias Zarvona. Colonel, 88. 
Thompson, Major J. W., a martyr, 249, 274. 

Tobacco Cure, Clingman's, 307. 
Torpedoes, War history of, 284. 

University of North Carolina in the Civil War, 
I ; Alumni of. in public life, and the Conven- 
tion of 1861, 3, 4, 7 ; in Confederate Execu- 
tive service, g; in military service, 10; in 
battle, II ; killed and died of disease, 13, 32: 
in closing days of the war, 32 ; in the Federal 
army, 34 ; relation to Confederate education, 

Updike, Colonel J. B., 82. 

Vance, Governor Z B.,35; furnishes supplies 
by blockade running, 157. 

Virginia Artillery, Roll of King William Artil- 
lery, 156. 

Virginia Cavalry, at Front Royal. '.32 ; ist Regi- 
ment, officers of. and roster of Companv B, 
187; 9th, raid of and capture of Federal 
prisoners, November, 1862, 213; James City, 

Virginia Infantry, 7th, Roll of Company A, 
361; roll of Company I, 115; i8lh, record 
and roll of Company G, 37; 49th, roll of 
Company G, 171 ; 56th, roll and movements 
of Company I, 210; 6ist, record and roster 
of Company I, Rebel Grays, 98, 104. 

Virginia Legislature, Federal permission for 
it to convene in 1865, 352. 

Walker, John C , 41. 

Wallace, General W. H. L., 131. 

Waller, Major Thomas, 214. 

Walthall, General E. C, 67. 

Weeks, Ph. D., Stephen B., i. 

Weit/.el, General tlodfrey, at Richmond in 
IS6,S, 352. 

Wheeler, General Joseph, Sketch of. 119. 

Whiting, General W. H. C, A plea for, 274. 

Wilderness, Battle of, 89, 109; casualties in, 

Williamsburg, Va., The wounded at, on May 
6, 1862, 172. 

Williams, Adjutant R. L., 219. 

Wilson, Colonel Samuel .M., 97. 

Winchester, Va., monument to the Confede- 
rate Dead in the Cemetery there, 242. 

Withers, General J. M., 68.' 

Wveth, Dr. John A., 93. 

Wiight, T. R, B., 209. 

Zoah Church, Battle of, loi.