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The Southern Slav's Appeal 

(The Southern Slavs Serbs, Croats, Slovenes) 







i = sh in "ship." c = ts in "cats." 

5 = ch in "church." % = j in French "jour." 

c = ditto (softer). j=y in "your." 

Printed by "HLAS", 


"When in the course of human events, it 
becomes necessary for one people to dissolve 
the political bands which have connected them 
with another, and to assume, among the 
powers of the earth, the separate and equal 
station to which the Laws of Nature and of 
Nature's God entitles them, a decent respect 
the opinions of mankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel them to 
the separation. 

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, 
that all men are created equal; that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
alienable rights; that among these are life, 
liberty and the .pursuit of happiness. That to 
secure these rights, governments are instituted 
among men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed; that, whenever 
any form of government becomes destructive 

of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new 
government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, 
as to them -shall seem most likely to effect 
their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed, 
will dictate that governments long establish- 
ed should not be changed for light and trans- 
ient causes ; and, according, all experience hath 
shown, that a mankind are more disposed to 
suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to 
right themselves by abolishing the forms to 
which they are accustomed. But, when long 
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing in- 
variably the same object, evinces a design to 
reduce them under absolute despotism, it is 
their right, it is their duty, to throw off such 
government, and to provide new guards for 
their future security." 

Declaration of Independance 1776. 


' ' "We are participants, whether we 

would or not, in the life of the world. The 
interests of all nations are our own also. We 
are partners with the rest. What affects man- 
kind is inevitably our affair as well as the 
affair of the nations of Europe and of Asia. . . 

.... The nations of the world have become 
each other's neighbors. It is to their interest 
that they should understand each other. In 
order that they may understand each other it 
is imperative that they should agree o cooper- 
ate in a common cause and that they should so 
act that the guiding principles of that common 
cause shall be even-handed and impartial 
justice. This is undoubtedly the thought of 
America. This is what we, ourselves, will say 
when there comes proper occasion to say it. ... 

We believe these fundamental things : 

First, that every people has a right to 
choose the sovereignity under which they shall 
live. Like other nations, we have, ourselves, 
no doubt once and again offended against 
that principle when for a little while controll- 
ed by selfish passion, as our franker historians 

have been honorable enough to admit; but it 
has become more and more our rule of life 
and action. 

Second, that the small States of the world 
have a right to enjoy the same respect for 
their sovereignity and for their territorial in- 
tegrity that great and powerful nations expect 
and insist upon. 

And, third, that the world has a right to 
be free from every disturbance of its peace 
that has its origin in aggression and disregard 
of the rights of peoples and nations. 

So sincerely do we believe in these things 
that I am sure that I speak the mind and wish 
of the people of America when I say that the 
United States is willing to become a partner 
in any feasible association of nations formed 
in order to realize these objects and make 

them secure against violation " 

From the Speech of the Presi- 
dent of U. S. A. W. Wilson, 
discussing Peace and America's 
part in a future league to pre- 
vent war. May 26th 1916. 


"I have long wanted very much to speak 
from the bottom of my heart to the great heart 
of America, which is so deeply moved over the 
fate of Serbia and has done so much for our 
unhappy people. It seems to me that somehow 
your compatriots have been able to divine in 
the struggles of a people, simple and rugged, 
but stubbornly individualistic, the same sacred 
fire which inspired the first Americans 300 
years ago to leave Europe to erect in the wild- 
erness of America a home for freedom. They 
understand us. We speak the same language 
of liberty. 

"And those of your compatriots who have 
come to us as doctors, nurses the American 
Red Cross, the Serbian Relief and Sanitary 
Commissions all these brave young people, 
who have so gladly given their young lives 
to fight typhus and the sickening effects of 
shells and epidemics, of whom not a few rest 
forever in Serbian soil was it not they who 
brought to us the soul of a kindred people 
from America?" 

''I do not know if it is quite understood 
in America what it is all about that almost 
entire Europe is at war. But I will tell you in 
a word; it is the supreme, the last effort of 
feudalism, a fight to a finish between the 
feudalism of yesterday and the freedom of to- 
morrow. So that is why war had to break out 
on the banks of the Danube, and not elsewhere, 
for the Danube separates by so little the most 
intransigent feudalism, maintained by un- 

worthy intrigues, like those of the smaller 
Italian States in the Middle Ages, from the 
most stubborn ideal of liberty, implanted in 
those ready to fight to the last man to realize 
that idea. 

"Yet we have always wanted to live at 
peace with the Austrians. 

"But it is of the very nature of a feudal 
state that liberty cannot and must not flourish 
in the same vicinity, and Austria arranged 
all that in the time of the Obrenovitches. 'Ser- 
bia was made merely a tributary to Austria. 
She was no longer free at all. By the treaty 
of 1881 she renounced all her rights. Today, 
again Austria still seeks to follow toward Ser- 
bia crushed the same policy as before to 
create of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, and 
Herzegovina an empire of vassal States for 
the benefit of a mediaeval feudal nobility. But 
we cannot stand that. We are peasants, but 
free peasants. 

"I am King. I come from the people, but 
a heroic people who preferred bitter death to 
comfortable, shameful slavery. My grand- 
father was a peasant, and I am prouder of 
that than of my throne. Crowns are lost, br j 
the pure, clean blood of those who have lived 
of the earth does not die out." 

(King Peter I. of Serbia, to 
the representatives of the 
American Press. February 


The Jugoslavs are: the Serbians, the 
Croatians, the Slovenians and the Bulgarians. 
But the Bulgarians, pursuing as they are a 
separatistic and imperialistic State policy, do 
not, at the present time, belong to this move- 
ment, nor do they in the contemporary policy 
of the Jugoslav Unification ; consequently, it 
is only the Serbians, the Croatians and the 
Slovenians who are the bearers of that idea, 
though the central group is formed by the 
Serbians and the Croatians alone. 

The Serbo-Croatians are absolutely one 
and the same people by their blood relations, 
by the identity of their spoken and literary 
language and their aspirations irrespective 
of the territories in which they live. The 
Slovenians belong to the same race with a 
slightly different literary dialect. At this 
moment the matter could be summarised thus : 
the Serbians are considered as the Orthodox 
South-Slavs and the Croats the Catholic South- 

Before this war there were about 
13,000,000 Jugoslavs, of which number 5,000,- 
000 were living in the Kingdom of Serbia and 
Crnagora (or Montenegro), 8,000,000 under 
the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 
of which 1,000,000 abroad, as emmigrants. In 
the present war nearly 2,000,000 Jugoslavs on 
both Serbian and Austro-Hungarian sides have 
been invalidated and have died partly of 
cholera, thyphus, and other diseases; partly 
through famine and starvation; partly in 
prison, on gallows or in cold blood massacres ; 
partly again in actual battles. 

The Jugoslav idea demands that, at the 
time of peace negotiations, all the regions, in- 
habited by the South Slavs in an overwhelm- 
ing majority and in compact masses, be 
granted a full liberty and united into 
one single and democratically ruled State. 
Such a State would comprise a territory 
of about 96,000 square miles with a popu- 
lation of about 13,000,000, and would consti- 
tute an element of an adequate equilibrium in 
the South-East of Europe. Any kind of tear- 
ing, chipping or exclusion would be unjust, 
for the intimate connection (geographic, 
strategic and economic), existing between all 

the parts of Jugoslav lands, is such as not to 
allow of any tearing or exclusion, and any 
separation of however small a part would 
greatly hinder the developement of the en- 

After the infamous ultimatum of Austria, 
and for the idea of Jugoslav liberation and 
unification, the free and independent King- 
dom of Serbia has accepted the war. This is 
in conformity with the National Programme 
of Serbia's State Policy, and was proclaimed 
in the expose of the Serbian Goverment (Nov. 
1914) and the Serbian National Skupstina made 
in Aug. 1915 and Sept. 1916 as well as the sol- 
emn declarations of the Prince Eegent Alexan- 
der and of the Prime Minister Pasic in Paris 
and London in the Spring of 1916 ; besides, that 
idea is supported by the "Jugo-Slav Com- 
mittee" in London which is the representative 
of the Jugoslavs from Austria-Hungary. 
Consequently, Serbia to day is a pioneer and 
mandatory for realizing the idea of the South- 
ern Slavs freedom and unity. 

The Jugoslav Committee in London is the 
central and supreme representative of the 
Jugoslavs from Austria Hungary in their 
desire to liberate and unite themselves with 
their brothers from Serbia and Montenegro. 
The committee consists of well known and 
popular political leaders, members of parlia- 
ments, intellectual workers and financial-com- 
mercial men of good standing, the greatest 
part of whom have been working upon that 
idea for decades. The Committee numbers 
now 25 members, of which 15 Croatians, 7 
Serbians and 3 Slovenians. All the Jugoslav 
provinces of Austria-Hungary are represent- 
ed : there being 10 members from Dalmatia, 
3 from Istria, 1 from Goricka, 2 from Trieste 
(Trst), 1 from Rieka (Fkime), 3 from Croatia, 
1 from Corinthia, 3 from Bosnia-Herzegovina 
and 1 from South Hungary. The Committee, 
as well as its individual members, have in their 
possession confidential authorizations and full 
powers from the leading circles of all the 
different Serbians, Croatian and Slovenian 
political parties in the Jugoslav provinces in 
Austria-Hungary. It is also in accord with a 
certain number of the highest representatives 


"I have long wanted very much to speak 
from the bottom of my heart to the great heart 
of America, which is so deeply moved over the 
fate of Serbia and has done so much for our 
unhappy people. It seems to me that somehow 
your compatriots have been able to divine in 
the struggles of a people, simple and rugged, 
but stubbornly individualistic, the same sacred 
fire which inspired the first Americans 300 
years ago to leave Europe to erect in the wild- 
erness of America a home for freedom. They 
understand us. We speak the same language 
of liberty. 

"And those of your compatriots who have 
come to us as doctors, nurses the American 
Red Cross, the Serbian Relief and Sanitary 
Commissions all these brave young people, 
who have so gladly given their young lives 
to fight typhus and the sickening effects of 
shells and epidemics, of whom not a few rest 
forever in Serbian soil was it not they who 
brought to us the soul of a kindred people 
from America?" 

"I do not know if it is quite understood 
in America what it is all about that almost 
entire Europe is at war. But I will tell you in 
a word ; it is the supreme, the last effort of 
feudalism, a fight to a finish between the 
feudalism of yesterday and the freedom of to- 
morrow. So that is why war had to break out 
on the banks of the Danube, and not elsewhere, 
for the Danube separates by so little the most 
intransigent feudalism, maintained by un- 

worthy intrigues, like those of the smaller 
Italian States in the Middle Ages, from the 
most stubborn ideal of liberty, implanted in 
those ready to fight to the last man to realize 
that idea. 

''Yet we have always wanted to live at 
peace with the Austrians. 

"But it is of the very nature of a feudal 
state that liberty cannot and must not flourish 
in the same vicinity, and Austria arranged 
all that in the time of the Obrenovitches. 'Ser- 
bia was made merely a tributary to Austria. 
She was no longer free at all. By the treaty 
of 1881 she renounced all her rights. Today, 
again Austria still seeks to follow toward Ser- 
bia crushed the same policy as before to 
create of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, and 
Herzegovina an empire of vassal States for 
the benefit of a mediaeval feudal nobility. But 
we cannot stand that. We are peasants, but 
free peasants. 

"I am King. I come from the people, but 
a heroic people who preferred bitter death to 
comfortable, shameful slavery. My grand- 
father was a peasant, and I am prouder of 
that than of my throne. Crowns are lost, bv j 
the pure, clean blood of those who have lived 
of the earth does not die out." 

(King Peter I. of Serbia, to 
the representatives of the 
American Press. February 


The Jugoslavs are: the Serbians, the 
Croatians, the Slovenians and the Bulgarians. 
But the Bulgarians, pursuing as they are a 
separatistic and imperialistic State policy, do 
not, at the present time, belong to this move- 
ment, nor do they in the contemporary policy 
of the Jugoslav Unification ; consequently, it 
is only the Serbians, the Croatians and the 
Slovenians who are the bearers of that idea, 
though the central group is formed by the 
Serbians and the Croatians alone. 

The Serbo-Croatians are absolutely one 
and the same people by their blood relations, 
by the identity of their spoken and literary 
language and their aspirations irrespective 
of the territories in which they live. The 
Slovenians belong to the same race with a 
slightly different literary dialect. At this 
moment the matter could be summarised thus : 
the Serbians are considered as the Orthodox 
South-Slavs and the Croats the Catholic South- 

Before this war there were about 
13,000,000 Jugoslavs, of which number 5,000,- 
000 were living in the Kingdom of Serbia and 
Crnagora (or Montenegro), 8,000,000 under 
the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 
of which 1,000,000 abroad, as emmigrants. In 
the present war nearly 2,000,000 Jugoslavs on 
both Serbian and Austro-Hungarian sides have 
been invalidated and have died partly of 
cholera, thyphus, and other diseases; partly 
through famine and starvation; partly in 
prison, on gallows or in cold blood massacres; 
partly again in actual battles. 

The Jugoslav idea demands that, at the 
time of peace negotiations, all the regions, in- 
habited by the South Slavs in an overwhelm- 
ing majority and in compact masses, be 
granted a full liberty and united into 
one single and democratically ruled State. 
Such a State would comprise a territory 
of about 96,000 square miles with a popu- 
lation of about 13,000,000, and would consti- 
tute an element of an adequate equilibrium in 
the South-East of Europe. Any kind of tear- 
ing, chipping or exclusion would be unjust, 
for the intimate connection (geographic, 
strategic and economic), existing between all 

the parts of Jugoslav lands, is such as not to 
allow of any tearing or exclusion, and any 
separation of however small a part would 
greatly hinder the developement of the en- 

After the infamous ultimatum of Austria, 
and for the idea of Jugoslav liberation and 
unification, the free and independent King- 
dom of Serbia has accepted the war. This is 
in conformity with the National Programme 
of Serbia's State Policy, and was proclaimed 
in the expose of the Serbian Goverment (Nov. 
1914) and the Serbian National Skupstina made 
in Aug. 1915 and Sept. 1916 as well as the sol- 
emn declarations of the Prince Regent Alexan- 
der and of the Prime Minister Pasic in Paris 
and London in the Spring of 1916 ; besides, that 
idea is supported by the "Jugo-Slav Com- 
mittee" in London which is the representative 
of the Jugoslavs from Austria-Hungary. 
Consequently, Serbia to day is a pioneer and 
mandatory for realizing the idea of the South- 
ern Slavs freedom and unity. 

The Jugoslav Committee in London is the 
central and supreme representative of the 
Jugoslavs from Austria Hungary in their 
desire to liberate and unite themselves with 
their brothers from Serbia and Montenegro. 
The committee consists of well known and 
popular political leaders, members of parlia- 
ments, intellectual workers and financial-com- 
mercial men of good standing, the greatest 
part of whom have been working upon that 
idea for decades. The Committee numbers 
now 25 members, of which 15 Croatians, 7 
Serbians and 3 Slovenians. All the Jugoslav 
provinces of Austria-Hungary are represent- 
ed : there being 10 members from Dalmatia, 
3 from Istria, 1 from Goricka, 2 from Trieste 
(Trst), 1 from Rieka (Fiome), 3 from Croatia, 
1 from Corinthia, 3 from Bosnia-Herzegovina 
and 1 from South Hungary. The Committee, 
as well as its individual members, have in their 
possession confidential authorizations and full 
powers from the leading circles of all the 
different Serbians, Croatian and Slovenian 
political parties in the Jugoslav provinces in 
Austria-Hungary. It is also in accord with a 
certain number of the highest representatives 


of the Catholic Clergy amongst the Croatians 
and the Slovenians. 

The idea of the Unification of the South 
Slavs has its traditions as early as the 16th 
century, and has been especially clearly de- 
fined in the first half of the 19th and the first 
decades of the 20th centuries. The movement 
has been started (in 17th and 18th centuries) 
just in the provinces adjacent to the Adriatic 
coast and has past from Dubrovnik (Ragusa) 
and Dalmatia to the Croatian and Serbian 
Vojvodina (Southern Hungary), thence to 
Cetigne and Belgrade. 

The dissention between the Serbians and 
the Croatians has begun just in the second 
half of the 19th century, after the Congress 
of Berlin and the occupation of Bosnia- 
Herzegovina, but it has been stimulated and 
artifically maintained by Austria and 
Hungary. That dissention disappeared as 
early as 1903. 

It was Croatia and Dalmatia who, at the 
expiration of the 19th century and in the most 
recent times, have always mostly promoted the 
idea of Serbo-Croat unification. The Croatian 
sabors have, as early as the 18th century, 
desired an entirety of territory and the unity 
of the people, and more than once have legis- 
lated the unity of the Croatians and the 
Serbians. That was the leading idea of the 
great Croatian Catholic Bishop Strosmajer 
and his followers. Even nov in the time of 
war, under the heaviest pressure, the Croatian 
Sabor in Zagreb (Agram) accentuates that 
idea, although the Austro-Madyar machinat- 
ions had insisted to repel the Croatians from 
it. Besides the Serbian Orthodox, the Croatian 
and Slovenian Catholic Clergy have been per- 
secuted, since this war, for their national feel- 
ings, and the Croatian leading press, despite 
all the censorship, has found the form to ex- 
press her sympathy for the Allies, so that the 
Government suppressed the main organ of the 
Sabor majority in Croatia on account of ist 
non-Austrophile editorials about the war. 

Since in Austria thousands and thousands 
of Jugoslav men of intellect and politicians 
have been imprisoned, interned, and about 
900,000 forced to the front, the only competent 
voice of the people is that of the refugees and 
emmigrants of whom the greatest number 
are living in the United States of America or 
in the South American republics. In the 
United States and in Canada there are living 

about 700,000 Jugoslavs, of which there are 
400,000 Croatians, 200,000 Slovenians and 
100,000 Serbians. In the South American 
republics there are 100,000 Jugoslavs, who are 
almost exclusively Croatians from Dalmatia 
and Istria. At the very beginning of this war 
it was a political organization " Croatian 
Alliance" (or "Hrvatski Savez"), which has 
successfully prevented all the Croatians from 
joining as reservists the Austrian armies. On 
the 10th of March, 1915, a meeting of 563 
delegates (Serbs, Croat's and Slovenes) from 
the entire United States was held in Chicago, 
111., and they have proclaimed the national 
unity of the Serbians, the Croatians and the 
Slovenians. In the month of May, 1915, 
several thousands of Jugoslavs from Austria- 
Hungary have made a similar proclamation at 
Nis, Serbia. In the Summer of 1915 a whole 
series of great national meetings throughout 
the United States have accepted the same 
resolutions; in 'September, 1915, representa- 
tives of 150,000 well organized Jugoslavs have 
joined in that resolution in Cleveland, Ohio, 
of which the strongest were the organizations 
of the Croatians ("Hrvatska Zajednica" with 
its 35,000 members and the "Hrvatski Savez", 
(Creation Alliance of America). With that 
programme has also agreed the Slovenian or- 
ganization "Slovenska Liga" at the meeting 
of the Slovenian delegates which was held in 
Cleveland in 1916, as well as the numberless 
meetings which have been held in the course 
of the year 1916, by the delegates of the Ju- 
goslav Committee, namely, M. Marjanovic and 
Dr. N. Zupanic. 

In the South American republics the un- 
animity of the Jugoslav people is complete 
and the programme of the unification has 
been accepted in every sense; just as much 
could be said of the Jugoslavs living in New 
Zealand and Canada. 

It should be mentioned also that New 
Zealand and Canada have sent certain num- 
bers of volunteers for Great Britain; that a 
considerable number of volunteers from both 
Americas have gone of their own free will to 
join the Allies; that thousands of Austrians 
deserters among whom a great number of 
officers are fighting shoulder to shoulder 
with the Serbian armies ; that there have been 
formed in Russia already two divisions 
(50,000 men) from the refugees and prisoners 
of war formerly Austrian subjects and 


solifct'rs, who volunteered and are now fight- 
ing in Dobrudga. It ought also to be accentuated 
that the Croatians from the South American 
republics have given to the Serbian .Red Cross 
Society and Serbian orphans a sum of about 
$200,000, and are giving every month a sum 
of $20,000 for the needs of the Jugoslav Com- 
mittee, and have collected already $300,000 
for the national reserve fund. The Jugoslavs 
in the United States of America who are 
practically all Serbians and Croatians, most- 
ly poor workmen, from Austria-Hungary, 
have given for the Serbian Belief about 

Finally, as a proof that neither the 
religion nor the clergy are opposing the un- 
ification, could be considered the resolution 
which has been arrived at by the Serbian- 
Orthodox, Uniat and the Croatian-Catholic 
clergy at their meetings held in Chicago, 111., 
and Pittsburgh, Pa. in 1916. 

Even the Moslems from Bosnia-Herzego- 
vina, who are still at liberty in Switzerland 
have declared themselves, by their separate 
agreement, for the Allies and rose up against 

From all this it is obvious that the Jugo- 
slav idea is not one of recent creation, that it 
penetrates in the traditional idea of all the 
Serbians, the Croatians and Slovenians, that 
it does not announce an aggressive policy of 
Serbia but a policy of liberation by Serbia, 
who is the bearer of the idea for which have 
hitherto worked and immolated themselves 
the best Serbians, Croatians and Slovenians 
in Austria-Hungary. Napoleon the Great 
himself had begun to realize that idea by in- 
corporating the "Illyrian Kingdom" and had 

thus left behind a most beautiful souvenir in 
the Western Jugoslav provinces. That idea is 
defended to-day by the Croatian Sab or and 
all the political leaders of the Jugoslav people 
in Austria-Hungary. For it, to-day, are now 
fighting with Serbs and Russians tens of 
thousands Jugoslav refugees and it is accept- 
ed and supported by almost the entire number 
of the Jugoslav emmigrants. 

That idea has no spontaneous enemies 
among the Jugoslav people, for it has been 
proved that all oppositions are being pro- 
voked, even in America, by Austria and her 
paid agents who can, only for a time, mislead 
the most neglected masses ; for absolutely all, 
who are consciencious and more educated, 
enlightened that idea. 

The Jugoslav propaganda in America 
has for its object to secure from the Jugoslav 
emmigrants the permissible and legitimate 
help for the great and just national struggle 
and to stimulate the interest of the American 
public opinion in that struggle, so that even 
the official America, at the time of the peace 
negotiation, should endeavor, through its 
representatives, that the justified whishes of 
the Jugoslavs should be realized in the spirit 
of the American democracy and for the sake 
of justice, liberty, democracy and lasting 
peace in Europe and the world. 

On the 29th of November there will be 
held in Pittsburgh, Pa., the Second Universal 
Jugoslav Meeting of the delegates from all the 
colonies and organizations in North and South 
America and in Cleveland has been established 
the Central Office of the Jugoslav movement 
which is publishing this statement. 

The Jugoslav Committee. 



1. The Southern Slav Programme (Lon- 
don, Jugoslav Committee). 

2. The Southern Slav ; Land and People. 
(London, Jugoslav Committee). 

3. A Sketch of Southern Slav History. 
(London, Jugoslav Committee). 

4. Southern Slav Culture. (London, Ju- 
goslav Committee). 

5. Idea of Southern 'Slav Unity. (Lon- 
don, Jugoslav Committee). 

6. The Slovenians. (London, Jugoslav 
Committee). Map of Southern Slav 
Territory, by Dr. N. Zupanic. (Pub- 
lished on behalf of the Jugoslav Com- 

7. The War in Eastern Europe, de- 

scribed by John Reed, pictured by 
R. Robinson, London, 1916. 

8. Jugoslav Nationalism. Three lec- 
tures by Dr. B. Vosnjak, with an 
address by M. E. Sadler, London, 

9. The Truth about Bulgaria, by Alfred 
Steed, reprinted from the "English 
Review". London, 1916. 

10. The Experiences of a Unit in the 
Great Retreat (Serbia 1915). H. J. 
W. A Diary of a Nursing Sister in 
Serbia. London 1916. 

11. British Women in Serbia and the 
War, by Dr. M. Curcin, London, 1916. 

12. Kossovo Day, Report and two lec- 
tures, (by prof. T. Georgevic and 

prof. V. Yovanovic). London, 1916 

13. With Serbia into exile, by Fortier 
Jones, New York, The Century Co., 

14. The Aspiration of Bulgaria. By Bal- 
canicus. London. Simpkin, Mar- 
shalll, Hamilton, Kent S. C. 

15. The Slav Nations, by Srgjan Tucic, 
George H. Doron Company, New 

16. Serbia, Her People, History and Aspi- 
rations. By W. M. Petrovich, New 
York. (Frederick A. Storer Comp.) 

17. Serbia in Light and Darkness. By Rev. 
Father Nicholai Velimirovie, with 
preface by the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury. London. New York. (Long- 
mans, Green & Co.) 

18. The Soul of Serbia, by Nikolai Veil- 
mirovic. London, 1916. 

19. The Spirit of the Serbia, By R. W. 
Seton Watson, London. (Nisbet & 

20. The Religious Spirit of the Slav, by 
Nikolai Velimirovic, London. (Mac- 
millan and Co.) 

21. Heroic Serbia, By Victor Berard 
(Kossovo Committee). 

22. The Women of Serbia. By Fanny S. 
Copeland (Kossovo Committe*). 

23. Serbian Ballads. Translated by R. 
W. Seton- Watson. (Kossovo Com- 

24. , The Balkans, Italy, and the Adriatic. 

By R. W. Seton- Watson. (Nisbet and 
Co., Ltd.). 

25. German, Slav, and Magyar. By R. W. 
Seton- Watson. (Williams and Nor- 

26. Serbia Yesterday, To-day, and To- 
morrow. By R. W. Seton-Watson. 
(Kossovo Committee). 

27. Without Home or Country. By a 
Serbian Poet. (Kossovo Committee). 

28. Serbia and Kossovo. By Dr. S. Geor- 

29. Austro-Hungarians Atrocities. By R. 
A. Reiss. (Simpsin, Marshall and Co. 

30. The German Peril and the Grand 
Alliance. By G. de Veselitsky (Fisher 

31. Jugoslav Culture, By Milan Marja- 
novic. London. (Jugoslav Committee, 

32. The Strategical Significance of Ser- 
bia. By Dr. Niko Zupanic. (From the 
"Nineteenth Century". London 

33. The Persecutions of Southern Slavs 
in Austria-Hungary. Preface by W. 
Joynson Hicks. (London . Nisbet & 

34. The 'Serbian Macedonia. By Pavle 
Popovic. London, from "The Near 

35. Hero Tales & Legends of the Ser- 
bians. By W. Petrovitch. 32 illustra- 
tions. London. (George Harrap Co.) 



The Jugoslav form part of the great Slav 
race, which is itself a branch of the Indo- 
Aryan race. They are divided into three main 
groups, the Western, Eastern and Southern 
Slavs. The Western Slavs include the Poles, 
Czechs, Slovaks, and the Slavs in Germany 
(i. e. the Serbs of Upper and Lower Lusatia 
and the Cassoubs and Slovinci in West Prussia 
and Pomerania). The Eastern Slavs are the 
Russians, whose Southern branch goes by the 
name of Ruthenes in Galicia, Bukovina, and 
Hungary. The Southern 'Slavs or Jugoslavs 
(Jug South in the Slav tongues) include the 
Bulgars, Serbo-Croats, and Slovenes. 

Setting aside the Bulgars, who, by their 
characteristics and political aims, form an en- 
tily apart, the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes are 
one single nation known by three different 
names. In this and several other pamphlets 
we propose to deal only with these people, 
whom we call "Jugoslavs." 

The Jugoslavs (i. e. the Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes) form the compact bulk of the present 
population of the Balkan Peninsula. Part of 
the land inhabited by them constitutes the in- 
dependent Jugoslav kingdoms of Serbia and 
Montenegro, and the large remaining portio- 
belongs to Austria-Hungary. 

The national territory of the Serbs, Croats, 
and Slovenes therefore comprises: 

1. The kingdom of Serbia and Montene- 

2. Bosnia-Hercegovina. 

3. Dalmatia and the Dalmatian archipela- 

4. Croatia and Slavonia, including Rieka 
(Fiume) and the Medjumurje. 

5. The country of the Drave in Southern 
Hungary (Baranja), the Backa, and the Banat. 

6. Istria, the Quarnero Isles, and Trieste. 

7. The Slovene lands, i. e. Carniola and 
Gorica; 'Southern Carinthia, Southern Styria, 
and the adjoining districts in South-western 

The Jugoslavs are a homogeneous nation, 
both as regards their language and their ethno- 
graphical characteristics. 

The Serbs and Croats form an absolute 

linguistic unit. Their literary language is 
identical ; their spoken language varies locally 
according to the dialect, which is differentiat- 
ed according to pronunciation of the word sto 
(what; Lat. quid); in one part of the country 
it is pronunced ca, in another kaj, in the third 
sto. The first or ca dialect is spoken in the 
north of Dalmatia, in the Isles, on the Croatian 
coast, and in Istria. The second or kaj dialect 
predominates in North-western Croatia from 
the neighbourhood of Karlovac (Karlstadt) to 
the river Mur, in the counties of Zagreb, (the 
present Belovar), and above all in the Med- 
jumurje. The third or sto dialect is the one 
most widely spoken ; it is the speech of Serbia, 
Montenegro, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Dalmatia, 
South-Western Croatia, Slavonia, and Southern 
Hungary. It is also the most beautiful of the 
three dialects, the most melodious, and the 
richest in vowel sounds; it has taken prece- 
dence of the other two, and reigns to-day as 
the accepted literary tongue. The Slovene 
speech is merely a variety of the kaj dialect; 
it is still the local literary tongue of the Slo- 
venes, but it has been greatly approximated in 
its vocabulary, syntax, and morphology to the 
sto dialect, which is the standard literary lan- 
guage of the Serbo-Croats. 

As regards ethnographical characteristics, 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes form but one single 
nation. Popular tradition has kept the memory 
of the national hero, Marko Kraljevic, alive 
among all Jugoslavs. His exploits are sung 
everywhere, and without exception, in all Ju- 
goslav provinces. The fact that the Serbs, 
Croats, and Slovenes have a national hero in 
common is in itself a great proof of the racial 
unity of the Jugoslavs. 

In religious maters, our nation is divided 
between the Orthodox Church, which predom- 
inates in Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Hercego- 
vina, and parts of Dalmatia and Croatia-'Sla- 
vonia, the Catholic Church (in Croatia, Slavo- 
nia, Dalmatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Carniola, 
Carinthia, Styria, and Istria), and the Mahom- 
medan faith in Bosnia-Hercegovina. There 
are, moreover, Nazarenes in South Hungary, 
and a sprinkling of Jews scattered everywhere. 


Among a large part of the Catholic, divine 
service is celebrated in the Old-Slav tongue in 
the same way as in all Orthodox Churches. 

In the schools and in the literature the 
Jugoslavs employ two forms of script the Cy- 
rillic and the Latin. Glagoliti" character? 
are now no longer used, except in the Catholic 
churches of the littoral. 


The Habsburg Monarchy is a dual state 
formation, founded on the compromise of 1867, 
by virtue of which the Germans and Hun- 
garians have divided all the political power 
between themselves and thus assured their do- 
mination over other nationalities. 

The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, (Bos- 
nia and Herzegovina included), has in round 
numbers 51,000.000 inhabitants. According to 
the official census of 1910, there are only 
12,010,600 (or 23.55%) Germans and 10,068,000 
(or 19.75%) Magyars. 

In the Austrian half of the monarchy, the 
9,950,000 Germans (35.6%) rule the 18,000,000 
non-Germans (64.4%). Out of these 18,000,000 
non - German inhabitants, 16,958,000 (or 
60.65%) are Slavs. (6,436,000 or 23% are 
Czechs; 4,967,000 or 17.77% are Poles; 
3,519,000 or 12% are Russians and 2,036,000 or 
7.3% are Jugoslavs). The ballance are Ita- 
lians (768,000 or 2.75%) and Rumanians 
(275,000 or 1%). 

In the Hungarian half of the monarchy, 
which de facto controls Bosnia and Herzego- 
vina, the 10,050,000 Magyars (48%), rule the 
12,700,000 or 52% non-Magyars. Of these non- 
Magyars 7,534,000 are Slavs. (Slovaks 2,040,- 
000). The ballance in this half of the monar- 
chy are Rumaninas (2,950,000) and Germans 

Summarizing the official data, we can 
state in round numbers that in Austria-Hun- 
gary live 24,500,000 or 48% Slavs; 22,000,000 
or 43% Germans and Hungarians and 4,023,- 
000 are Latins, (3,225,000 Rumanians and 
798,000 Italians). 

Of the Slavs in the monarchy, the largest 
group is Czecho-Slovaks (8,478,000) Jugo- 
slavs (7,010,270), Poles (5,000,000) and Ruthe- 
nes (3,999,000), 



There are more than 13,000,000 Jugoslav 
(Serbs. Croats and Slovenians). 

Before the war, there were in round num- 
bers 5,000,000 Jugoslavs living in the independ- 
ent Jugoslav kingdoms of Serbia and Monte- 

Under Austro-Hungarian rule, there were 
about 7,165.000 Jugoslav in both Americas 
800,000 (of which 700,000 in the United 

There are 40,000 Jugoslav living in Italy, 
near Udine and in southern Italy, also the 
ballance in Greece, near Florine, Vodene and 
near Salonica, and in Northern Albania. 

The National Territory of the Jugoslav 
people comprises all those lands in South- 
Eastern Europe in which they have settled 
more than 1000 years ago and which land they 
inhabit even today in large majority and in 
compact numbers. 

This territory includes the following 
lands : 

The kingdoms of: 

Serbia, with the area of SI, 000 square miles and 4.500,000 Jugoslavs 

Montenegro. _ 5,000 500,000 

TOTAL 36,000 5,000,000 

Under the Austrian or German rule: 

Dalmatia, with the area of 4,940 square miles and 610,000 Jugoslavs 

Istria ' 1,930 225.000 

Triest. 10 70f(m 

Gorizia-Gradisca, " 1,000 ^5/000 

Carniola, 3 ,850 490,000 

Southern Carinthia, 2,000 " " 110,000 

Southern Styria, " 3,000 

Total under Austrian, 16,730 
or German, rule. 

" S.070.000 

Under the Hungarian (or Magyar) rule : 

Croatia and Slavonic, area of 16,770 sq. m. and 9,300,000 Jugoslavs 

Rijeka, (.Fiume). 8 35,000 

Medjumurje, ' " 500 " " 

Baranja, Backa and Banat " 6 500 

(in South Hungary), _J 

Total under Magyar rule, SS.778 S.225,000 

Bosnia-Hertzegovina, area of 19,690 ' 1,870,000 

Under combined Austro-Hungarian rule: 
Summary : 

Under the Austrian or 

German rule, area of 16,730 2,070,000 

Under the Hungarian 

or Magyar rule, area of 23,778 S,S25,000 

Combined German and 

Magyar rule, area of 19,690 1,870000 

Total under German 

and Magyar rule, area of 60,198 7,165,000 

Total Kingdoms of Serbia 

and Montenegro, area of 36,000 5,000,000 

GRAND TOTAL, - - 96.198 lt.16S.000 

(The official Austro-Hungarian statistics 
of 1910 claim that there are 7,010,270 Jugo- 
slavs in Austria Hungary including Bosnia- 



Herzegovina. The difference of 154,730 comes 
from mixed communities. We are sure that 
our numbers are correct in accordence with a 
private census effected by our people. The 
Austro-Hungarian census agents, in mixed 
communities invariably consider a person as 
Hungarian or German, as the case may be, if 
he is able to speak the Hungarian or German 
language. The same rule applies to the Italian 
censors throughout Istria and Trieste. Thus 
a large number of our people are classed under 
a false designation.) 

At the moment when the world's greatest 
cataclysm is taking the third and it is to be 
hoped the last phase, it may not be wholly 
without interest for George Washington's 
champions of liberty to hear the sighs of a 
most democratic people of Europe that has 
been crucified three times in its history for the 
high principle of freedom ond unity. 

Yet, it is a source of an inexhaustible pride 
and gratitude for the Serbians to know that, 
after five centuries of Western Europe 's ignor- 
ance of Serbia's immolation on the altar of 
Christianity, when the prosperous and mighty 
Serbian mediaeval state crushed not without 
crushing itself the forces of Amurath and Ba- 
jazett in the memorable battles of Kossovo, on 
June 15 (0. S.) 1389, the proud sons of Albion 
having finally known the incomparable virtues 
of their little ally of the Balkans, have spon- 
taneously and most manifestedly shown their 
admiration and love of their heroic brothers in 
arms, by ordering and performing on June 28, 
1916, throughout their mighty kingdom a cele- 
bration of the Kossovo Day. 

And all that in honor of those Serbians 
who were so badly handicapped in the popular 
esteem of Great Britain and America on 
account of their national revolution of 1903 
and other "sinister" events in their recent 
history ! Tout saviour c'est tout pardonner. And 
when the world comes to know all about Serbia 
there will be no shadow of doubt that her 
people is one of the least guilty in human histo- 
ry, and that her revolutions have not been 
nearly so bloody as those of most advanced 
and cultured nations. 


After the battle of Kosovo the Serbian 
State persisted still, though only as a vassal 
province of the Ottoman Empire. But the 
poetic 'Serbian soul was so deeply impressed 
by that memorable catastrophe that the na- 

tional bards gave expression, in a cycle of en- 
chanting ballads of Homeric beauty, to the 
greatest and saddest event in history, in which 
the Serbian people was deprived of liberty and 
unity. And, indeed, at the close of the fif- 
teenth century, the Serbian suzerain state suc- 
cumbed completely under the Sublime Porte 
when the prosperous provinces of the once 
mighty Serbian Empire were wasted by the 
agents from Stamboul, whose systematic exter- 
mination of Serbian Velika and Mala Vlastela 
(i. e. Great and Small Nobility), was nearing 
a close. The small remainder of the Serbian 
aristocracy found refuge in the Orthodox 
courts of Vallahia and Moldavia, some of 
whom fled to Dubrovnik (Ragusa), Rome, and 
even to Scotland and Ireland. As for the 
people, they split into three distinct groups. 
Those who dwelt in the lowlands alongside the 
Danube and in the valleys of Morava and Var- 
dar, remained in their homes and bent under 
the Turkish yoke ; considerable numbers, and 
especially the inhabitants of the regions in Ma- 
cedonia and what was known till recently 
under the name of "Old Serbia", settled, in 
the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, in Hungary and colonized the Banat 
Batchka (or Backa), and the provinces of 
Sirmia (or Srem) and part of Croatia. Lastly, 
a third group, unwilling to yield to any autho- 
rity and composed chiefly of the small Vlaste- 
la, withdrew into the mountains, inaccessible 
to the Turkish horsemen, and became prac- 
tically outlaws ; entrenched in their defiles, 
expert in guerilla warfare, soon inured to per- 
secution and hardship, and there they served 
as the only check on the cruel manners that 
the Turks adopted in exercising wholesale 
Ottomanization. These indomitable fighters 
with their nests in the Black Rocks of Monte- 
negro, Dalmatia, and Sumadia (or Serbia prop- 
er), are known to history as the Hajduks and 
Uskoks, who preserved and upheld through 
centuries of oppression the traditions of hero- 
ism of their ancestors and the spirit of their 
race. So tenaciously did they maintain their 
nationality, religion, speech, and most especial- 
ly their exuberant balladry, that at the dawn 
of the nineteenth century they still formed a 
nucleus round which Serbia was once more to 
grow into an independent political body. 

The subjugation of Serbia proper was 
speedily followed by that of Bosnia (1463) and 
of Herzegovina (1482). 

The Serbian population which had ac- 



cepted Ottoman rule lived thenceforth in a 
most unhappy condition. They soon ceased to 
be proprietors of their own land, which was 
divided among Turkish spahis. To these land- 
lords those of the people who did not embrace 
Islam had to render many personal services 
(kuluk), and to give a tithe, or a seventh part 
of their produce. They paid a tax to the Sul- 
tan, another to the governing pasha, and "bak- 
sheesh" to the tax collector, whom they were 
also obliged to entertain. During the Turkish 
invasion of Hungary the passage of countless 
armies again and again reduced a maturally 
fertile country to an utter waste. There was 
no security of life, honor or property, and 
there was the crowning horror of the gift of 
the Christian children, every seventh or every 
fifth year, to be trained as janissaries. 

Thus passed the eighteenth century, with 
promise of better things ever alternating with 
bitter disappointments. And the Serbian peo- 
ple peacefully endured the oppression in the 
hope that, sooner or later, the bright star of 
their national unification would appear on the 


There lived at this time in the village of 
Topola in Sumadia a man named George Pe- 
trovitch. He had some experience of warfare, 
having served under Austria as a volunteer in 
1788, and was known as one of the most enter- 
prising men in the country. He had narrowly 
escaped death at the hands of the Janissaries 
by instant fight into the forest. Tall, stalwart, 
determined, highly intelligent, though illiter- 
ate, he was also violent, morose and taciturn, 
and known to the Turks on this account as 
Kara George (i. e. Black George) ; it is under 
this name that he has passed down to posteri- 
ty. No sooner had he reached a place of safe- 
ty than many bands of fugitives gathered 
round him. One after the other the villages 
and cities in Central Serbia feel an easy prey 
to the brave troops of Karageorge, and a free 
Serbia, however small, was soon reestablished, 
only, alas, to be again subjugated in 1813 by the 
irresistible forces of the three pashas advanc- 
ing in three different directions. The efforts 
which were renewed by another peasant gene- 
ral, Milosh Obrenovic, were crowned with 
better success, for he made in 1815 a fresh in- 
surrection that terminated in a complete liber- 
ation of Northern and Central Serbia. During 
the War of Greek Independence Milosh wrung 
from the Turks a number of valuable conces- 

sions, the treaties of Akkerman (1826) and 
Adrianople (1829) definitely regularized the 
position of Serbia. By wholesale bribery 
Milosh obtained in Constantinoule, in 1830 a 
formal recognition as hereditary prince of 
Serbia. The sudden return of Karageorge 
from Russia, where he went to seek help and 
munitions, his mysterious death upon his cross- 
ing of Serbia's frontier and the bitter feud 
that ensued between the two dynasties, show- 
ed clearly that the two imperial governments 
in Petrograd and Vienna struggled, at the ex- 
pense of Serbia, for hegemony in that unfortu- 
nate country. Milosh was banished, his son 
Michael assasinated in Koshutnyak, near Bel- 
grade, Karageorge 's son Alexander abdicated, 
King Milan died in Vienna after having been 
banished by his own son Alexander and his 
mistress Draga; Alexander himself paid dear- 
ly for his haughty manner and the unfort- 
unate soil-tillers of Serbia looked at their new- 
ly chosen King Peter Karageorgevitch, as they 
did at his grandfather George Petrovitch, for 
the long-awaited peace and order. And in- 
deed, the wise citizen of Switzerland and the 
graduate of Saint-Cyr, immediately upon his 
arrival into power, gave his people a most de- 
mocratic constitution and his government a 
carte-blanche. The three years that followed 
his accession were a period of rest and re- 
cuperation under the quiet and wise admini- 
stration of Mr. Nikola Pasic, agriculture, 
industry and trade were encouraged and in- 
creased to an unprecedented extend. 


With the growth of trade, however, Ser- 
bia's position of complete economic depend- 
ence on the openly hostile or extortionate 
markets of Austria-Hungary became more and 
impossible, and to obtain relief from the 
thraldom she concluded, despite the vigorous 
and healthy opposition of a group of Serbian 
industrials a customs treaty with treacherous 
Bulgaria. Austria replied by a war of tariffs, 
the socalled "Pig War", swine remaining to 
that day the most important item of Serbia's 
export trade. But as Serbia found new outlets 
in Egypt, Italy and France for her exports 
and thus showed the Dual Monarchy most 
manifestly that she could be emancipated from 
the oppression of her powerful neighbor, Aus- 
tria, immediately upon the Young Turk re- 
volution, threw a bomb-shell among the Euro- 
pean powers by annexing the two provinces 
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, wishing in this 

manner to become herself a Balkan state in 
order better to interfere with the affairs of 
the Peninsula. Serbia, of course, was in no 
mood to acquiesce to this deliberate tearing up 
of the scrap of paper known as the Treaty of 
Berlin. However, Russia, to whom the chal- 
lenge was openly thrown, while endeavoring, 
in her momentary impotence, to obtain some 
compensation for Serbia, counseled modera- 
tion. Thus the crisis was averted for the mo- 
ment, but from that day it became obvious 
that neither Russia nor Serbia, nor even the 
Entente Powers, could forgive and forget, and 
that the hour of reckoning was merely post- 

Ever since, Austria has endeavored to find 
some ca&us belli in order to have a free hand 
in chastising hard-striving Serbia. The much- 
complicated Macedonian question was settled 
by the Balkan League of 1912, whereby the 
Turks, to the astonishment of the world, were 
all but driven out of Europe. The treacherous 
Bulgars, upon the wink of ever-envious Aus- 
tria, in open defiance of her secret treaty with 
Serbia by virtue of which the dispute concern- 
ing territory in Macedonia should have been 
submitted for a final decision to Russia, at- 
tacked her ally in the hope of renching out 
of her and Greece the whole of Macedonia, 
only, however, to receive severe punishment 
by the armies of King Peter in the memorable 
battle of Bregalnica. 

The defeat of the sultan's forces in all 
parts of European Turkey had been a tre- 
mendous blow to Austria-Hungary, and es- 
pecially to Germany. The defeat of Austria's 
protegee, Bulgaria, by Serbia, the Greek occu- 
pation of Salonica and especially the rise in 
power and prestige of Serbia the friend of 
Russsia and the apostle of Jugo-slav (or South 
Slav), emancipation constituted for the Cen- 
tral Powers a still greater catastrophe. Only 
prompt action could retrieve such a miscarry- 
ing of the Austro-German plans, and it is not 
surprising to hear that already in 1913, Aus- 
tria was bent on declaring war on Serbia and 
endeavored to secure the support of Italy. As 
this support was not forthcoming, action was 
deferred for the moment, and a huge army 
bill was introduced in Germany to regain the 
balance of power and make ready for any 

Serbia, after having settled the distribu- 
tion of conquered territory between her allies 
in a broad and generous spirit, wherein the 
abandoned even the dearly paid coast of Al- 


bania for the sake of peace with threatening 
Austria, gladly hung up her sword and pre- 
pared for a period of peace and recuperation, 
of social and industrial advancement. 


Such was the position when, on June 28th, 
1914, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to 
the Hapsburg throne, and his consort were in 
a most mysterious manner murdered in the 
streets of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. Who 
arranged that tragedy? Was it known pre- 
viously in Vienna and Budapest, or in Bel- 
grade, or also in all the three capitals? This 
will remain for some time a mystery. But let 
us be objective and consider only the facts. 

Sir Valentine Chirol, in his "Serbia and 
the Serbs" (Oxford, 1914), wrote about it: 
"The absence of the most elementary precau- 
tions for his (the archduke's) safety during 
the visit to Sarajevo, though according to the 
Austrians themselves the whole of Bosnia was 
honeycombed with sedition, is an awkward 
fact which has not hitherto been explained." 

On the morrow of the crime the press of 
Vienna and Budapest started a violent cam- 
paign against Serbia, openly putting upon the 
Serbian Government the responsibility for the 
assassination. It availed nothing to point out 
that a country still bleeding from the wounds 
of two desperate wars, whose most urgent need 
was a period of quiet and of internal consoli- 
dation, could not have chosen itself in new un- 
favorable a moment to involve itself in new 
difficulties with a powerful neighbor; it pro- 
duced no evidence to prove that the assassins 
were Serbian subjects. In the words of Dr. R. 
W. Seton- Watson ("The War and Democra- 
cy," 1915) : "Bosnia, Dalmatia and Croatia are 
a seething pot which needs no stirring from 
the outside." The Austro-Hungarian press set 
itself deliberately to spread the idea that the 
outrage had been organized in and by Serbia, 
and certain classes of people were, unfortunate- 
ly, too ready to admit anything sensational and 
too deaf to the voice of Belgrade to hear any- 
thing else. Although the Bosnian Serbs were 
always referred to in Austria by such names 
as "die Bosniaken" or "die Orthodoxen aus 
Bosnien" (i. e., "the Bosnians' or "the Ortho- 
doxes of Bosnia"), the perpetrators, who are 
unmistakably Austrian subjects, were referred 
to invariably as "Serben" (i. e., Serbians), 
and in such a manner as to give the impression 
that they were Serbs from 'Serbia. 



It was at 6 P. M. on July 23rd that the 
Austro-Hungarian minister in Belgrade handed 
to the minister for foreign affairs the note 
embodying the demands of Austria and insist- 
ing on a reply within forty-eight hours. 

The Serbian Goverment was charged with 
fomenting a revolutionary propaganda, having 
for its object the detachment of part of the 
territory of Austria-Hungary from the monar- 
chy. It was averred, though no proof was given 
and no dossier communicated, that the Sera- 
jevo assasinations were planned and the mur- 
derers equipped in Belgrade. The note was an 
absolute ultimatum which no sovereign state 
with any pride at all could accept. Yet the 
Serbian Goverment exceeded all expectations 
in the direction of conciliation, expressing its 
readiness to refer any point either to the Hague 
Tribunal or to the Powers who had taken a 
part in the settlement of annexation of Bosnia- 

A conciliatory answer was neither expected 
nor wanted, however. The very evening of 
the delivery of the Serbian reply the Austrian 
minister was instructed to leave Belgrade, and 
on the 28th of July, 1914, Austria declared war 
on Serbia. 

Within the next two days Austria awoke 
to the startling fact that Russia was beginning 
to move. In spite of the German ambassador's 
assurances that the Czar would not and could 
not fight, he had decided to intervene. At this 
appearance of a full-grown adversary Vienna 
pulled a very long face and, on July 31st, the 
Ballplatz suddenly consented to eliminate from 
the ultimatum those demands which involved 
a violation of the sovereignty of Serbia, to 
discuss certain others, and in short to reopen 
the whole question. It was too late. Germany, 
having jockeyed Austria into a position from 
which there was no escape, declared war on 
Russia the next day. Other declarations fol- 
lowed in a rapid succession and the world's 
greatest cataclysm started. 


How severely punished were the three 
successive Austro-Hungarian "punitive expe- 
ditions" by the brave armies of the little 
kingdom and how the survivors of Kumanovo, 
Bregalnica, Jadar and Belgrade were, one year 
later, attacked by the combined forces of 


Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Turkey 
and even the brigandry of Albania, is still too 
fresh in the memory of the world to be recalled 
here. Before the tremendous multitude of 
German cannon, which in the words of King 
Peter, "prevented with their range the very 
sight of their gunners", the remainder of the 
Serbian army had been ebliged to retreat and 
to reorganize itself for fresh attempts. And if 
the fortune of war has really turned to the 
Allies the Serbs may succeed not only in restor- 
ing their lost kingdoms of Serbia and Monte- 
negro but also to free and unite into a power- 
ful homogenous state their brothers across the 
Sava, Danube and Drina as also those living on 
the Adriatic Coast. Thus it is to be hoped 
that, recognizing the principle of nationality, 
the great national unions of France, Germany 
and Italy will be followed by that of 'the 
South Slavs to which group belong the Ser- 
bians, Croats, and the Slovenians. 




A 'Southern Slav patriot has said that 
no greater misfortune has befallen the 
Southern Slavs than to pass under dominion 
of civilized Austria. Had they been obliged 
to share the fate of their brothers, the Serbs 
they would certainly have tasted all the 
misery of the Turkish yoke, but to-day they 
would be free, as an independent state with a 
right to their own national and intellectual 
development. The one thing Turkey has left 
untouched in the Serbs the heart of the 
people is the very thing that Austria has 
sought to destroy in her Southern Slav sub- 
jects. Turkish captivity has steeled the hearts 
of the Slavs she oppressed, but Austrian cap- 
tivity has cankered them and made them 

In many respects this pessimistic view is 
justified. The struggle of the Southern Slavs 
for national life has passed through many 
phases, and has exhausted itself in many more. 
The Croats have elected, after the extinction 
of their royal family in 1102, the King Kolo- 
man of Hungary for their own. After the 
passing away of the house of Arpad, they 
elected independently of Hungary Ferdinand 
I of Hapsburg as their ruler (in 1527). By 
their own free will they adopted the prag- 


inatical sanction of 1712, by which they ap- 
proved the accession of female, where there 
was no male, as heir to the throne. For cen- 
turies the Southern Slavs stood under the 
protection of "Heaven militant," and his 
motto was, "For faith and freedom." During 
the time of Turkish power they aquired a 
noble name ' ' Antemurale ( hristianitatis" 
(outworks of Christianity), for their courage- 
ous watching over the prosperity of Christian- 
ity and the culture of Europe. 

As a distinctly autonomous state, Croatia 
dealt with Austria and with Hungary on the 
principle of equality, and she was recognized 
as such so long as she was needed for their 

German "kultur" and Magyar lack of 
culture were held in equal abomination by the 
Slav nations, upon whom they were to be in- 
flicted, and the ruthless spoliation to which 
they were' likewise subjected engendered a 
deep-seated animosity. The Northern Slavs, 
who possess more practical business capacity 
than the Southern, did not allow themselves 
to be economically strangled, and even con- 
trived to hold their own in this respect; where- 
as, the Southern Slavs, being mainly an 
agricultural people, found themselves the 
helpless victims of Austria and Hungarian 
rapacity. Dalmatia, one of the loveliest spots 
in Europe, has for the last century known no 
privilege except that of paying taxes, and Aus- 
tria's maladministration of that country has 
become proverbial. 

Croatia and Slavonia fare little better. 
They have to pay 56 per cent of their revenues 
to Hungary. This tax figures under the head 
of "contributions to mutual interests," chief- 
ly represented by the railways and the postal 
system. The annual income from these two 
sources amount to 250,000,000 crowns, but of 
this Croatia never receives a penny ! The net 
profit all goes to Hungary, who brazenly 
employs it as a subvention to the Magyar 
propaganda in Croatia. The condition of 
Carniola and Istria is almost as deplorable as 
that of Dalmatia, and in Bosnia and Herze- 
govina the Austro-Hungarian government has 
for thirtyfive years built villages "after the 
pattern of Potemkin," for the edification of 
foreign journalists, while the people have been 
left to starve or sink into poverty and 

The numerous foreign tourists who have 


traveled in these beautiful countries have seen 
nothing of Austria's "work of civilization," 
as they are kept to the beaten tracks specially 
prepared for them, and they only see the coun- 
try like a carefully staged panorama on the 
films of the imperial and royal picture show! 
But had these travelers caught a glimpse of 
the abject misery of the people, their pleasure 
in these beautiful coutries would have been 
spoilt, and they would have better understood 
why the inhabitants are rebelling against the 
"blessing" of Austro-Hungarian rule. 

The history of these provinces during the 
past generation is one of neglect and mis- 
government. Croatia has been exploited by 
the Magyars, and the narrow interests of 
Buda-Pest have prevented railway develop- 
ment and hampered local industries by skill- 
ful manipulation of tariffs and taxation. A 
further result is that even today Dalmatia has 
no railway connection with the rest of Europe, 
and those of Bosnia are artificially directed 
toward Buda-Pest, rather than toward Zagreb, 
Vienna and Western Europe. It is not much 
to say, that the situation of those provinces 
had become less favorable than it was at 
earlier periods of their history; for the old 
system of trade routes had broken down there 
as elsewhere in Europe, but had not been re- 
placed by modern communications. The 
century-old roads built by the French are the 
only roads in Dalmatia and Croatia, although 
the French rule under Napoleon was only of 
short duration, it did more for the Southern 
Slav lands in three years than Austria did 
during the century that followed. 

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Austria pur- 
sued the same heartless policy. Out of the 
three religions of one people she made three 
nationalities, and then fostered dissensions 
between them. Austria was not in the least 
interested in the prosperity of the country, 
and merely created an intolerable chaos by her 
political intrigue in a land that had already 
suffered beyond endurance. Her evidences of 
civilization exhibited before the world were 
pure humbug. 

There have always been two fatal ob- 
stacles to an Austrian solution of the Southern 
Slav problem Magyar hegemony and the 
dual system, to which alone that hegemony 
owed its survival. Under the compromise of 
1867, the dual monarchy is composed of two 
equal and separate states: the empire of Aus- 


tria and kingdom of Hungary, each possessing 
a distinct parliament and cabinet of its own, 
but both sharing between them the three joint 
ministries of foreign affairs, war and finance. 

This system really secured the political 
power in Austria and Hungary to two races 
the Germans and the Magyars, and they, as 
the strongest in each country, fought off the 
next strongest, the Poles and the Croats, by 
the grant of autonomy to Galicia and Croatia. 

Thus it came to an agreement between 
the Croats and Hungarian in 1868. This agree- 
ment by no means satisfied the aspirations of 
the Croats, but it gave them the required foot- 
ing against Magyar oligarchy. It was but a 
short period after this agreement was signed 
that it became a mere "scrap of paper." The 
"Ban" (governor) of Croatia became a mere 
exponent of the Hungarian government. Con- 
tempt of the constitution and corruption were 
the first fruits of the agreement under 
Hungarian influence in Croatia. 

Inability of the goverment to get the 
majority of the representatives for their un- 
constitutional ruling was a cause for the policy 
of brutal imperialism then inaugurated which 
remained in force to this day. From '1883 to 
1903 Count Carl Khuen Hedervary was ban 
of Croatia, and the twenty years of his 
administration have been the blackest period 
as regards political, economic and personal 

In the ollowing ten years six administra- 
tive heads were changed, some of them reigning 
for only two months. The popular rising of 
1903 opened new channels for the national 
struggle ; it was also the prelude to the hardest 
and bitterest time that the Southern Slavs have 
yet been called upon to face. Two years later, 
in the election of 1905, the opposition parties 
won a brilliant victory. Not one goverment 
candidate was returned. The sessions of these 
parliaments were very short because the depu- 
ties refused to pass such goverment bills which 
were against the interest of the people, and 
there are very, very few for the poeple. 

The history of Croatia is the history of 
* 'tepeated persecutions and tyranny. Whole 
' books might be written to illustrate the con- 
tentions that in matter of education, admini- 
stration and justice, of association and assem- 
bly, of the franchise and the press, the Croats 
have long been the victims of repression which 


is without any parallel in civilized Europe. 
But the people stood firm. The dire sufferings 
of recent years have begotten a new and 
healthy movement, which includes the entire 
youth of Croatia. They began to go along the 
path which leads away from Hungary, and 
away from Austria, back to union with their 
scattered kindred. Their aim is the establish- 
ment of a great, free and independent Jugo- 
slavia (Southern Slav State). 

The Southern Slavs in Dalmatia, Carniola 
and Istra fared little better than their brothers 
in Croatia and Slavonia. We have already 
alluded to the economic neglect of Dalmatia. In 
politics, Germanization was practiced in much 
the same way as Magyarization in Croatia. 
Dalmatia, unfortunately, does not enjoy inde- 
pendence, even on paper, and thus her oppres- 
sion could wear a perfectly constitutional guise. 
The Dalmatian "sabor", like that of Istria and 
Carniola, is an assembly quite at the mercy of 
the viceroy for the time being, who would 
never dream of convoking it unless he had 
made quite sure that no inconvenient resolu- 
tions would be passed. As a rule these "sabors" 
enjoy prolonged periods of rest, and the people 
are only represented by their delegates in the 
Viennese reichstrat, but they are too few. 


SOUTHERN SLAV, or Jugoslav, history 
from the earliest times up to the present day, 
presents the record of a people who, though 
stubborn in resistance, are by no means aggress- 
ive, and w r ho, notwithstanding the great and 
exceptional misfortunes that have befallen 
them, have succeeded in preserving their 
national individuality, and in asserting them- 
selves as a homegeneous nation full of youth 
and vitality. 

In virtue of their geographical position, 
which makes the Jugoslav lands the most direct 
link between the East and West that is to say, 
between Western, Central, and Southern 
Europe on the one hand, and the Balkans, the 
Adriatic, and Asia Minor on the other these 
territories have always been the arena of great 
political rivalries and fierce racial conflicts. 
Many powerful states, ambitious of conquest, 
and aspiring towards aggrandizement Byzan- 
tium, Hungary, Turkey, and Venice have for 
centuries in turn made countless efforts to 



break the Jugoslav resistance, which thwarted 
their ambitions and desires. Despite apparent 
temporary success, these efforts have proved 
virtually fruitless, and have so far failed to 
bring about the desired results. It is true 
that, during the course of these gigantic 
struggles, the Jugoslavs have outwardly suc- 
cumbed and been subjugated by other nations. 
It is also true that they were by adverse cir- 
cumstances checked in the full tide of progress, 
and therefore failed to crystallize their civiliza- 
tion or to establish their union. Nevertheless, 
at the cost of tenacious struggles and countless 
sacrifices they have at last succeeded in creat- 
ing conditions which ought to assure their union 
in the future. A considerable portion of the 
Jugoslav territory has formed itself into the 
independent kingdoms of Serbia and Monte- 
negro. Such of the Jugoslavs as are still 
subject to a foreign yoke, look fodward to a 
union with these two states; they are keenly 
conscious of belonging to the same nation, and 
deeply desirous of forming part of the one 

A close study of the history of our nation 
cannot fail to reveal the fact, that from its 
origin to the present day and throughout the 
centuries it presents a record of continuous 
efforts to realise the great idea of Southern 
Slav Unity. These efforts can be plainly 
discerned in spite of the 4reat obstacles which 
have at times partially obscured this. The 
leading idea in all our progress and develop- 
ment was the idea of Southern Slav unity. 

Take, for instance, the earlier periods of 
our history, the age of the Serbian prince 
Caslav (10th century) and the Croatian King 
Zvonimir (llth century) and the Slovene 
Emperor Samo (7th century). What do we 
find but that these various early attempts to 
form small States merely represent the first 
beginnings of he creation of our national 
Unity, without regard to the fact that this or 
that branch of the nation belongs to the 
ethnical unit of the Serbs, Croats or Slovenes? 

Or take the great struggle for the use of 
the Slav tongue in Divine Service a struggle 
which began in the days of the first Slav 
apostles Cyril and Method (9th century), and 
is still being fought out at the present day? 
What is the inner meaning of this struggle if 
not one aspect of the great struggle for national 
Unity on the part of the whole nation? And 
is not this thousand-year-old struggle, which 

has been maintained in the face of great odds 
and is being prosecuted to-day with as much 
vigour as in past ages, in itself the most 
beautiful proof that the different provinces 
inhabited by our nation desire to establish at 
least an ethical union, if they can attain to no 
other? Even in Istria, in the most remote of 
our western Catholic districts, the Southern 
Slavs desire to hear Divine Service held in the 
Slav tongue, simply that they may not lose this 
bond of union between themselves and their 
Orthodox brothers in the east, in the valley of 
the Vardar, where the Slavs have never been 
denied the right to use their native tongue in 
the Church. This and this alone is the true 
meaning of this struggle. 

What is the true significance of the labours 
and achievements of the Serbian Emperor 
Dusan (14th century) and his contemporary 
Tvrtko, King of Bosnia these two great rulers, 
one of whom was lord over the eastern half 
of the Balkan Peninsula, while the other ruled 
the west unless they were efforts to accom- 
plish the Union of all our nation, which unfort- 
unately could not be realised at that time, 
owing to insurmountable obstacles? 

Finally, what were those desperate and 
un remittent struggles against the Turks, in 
which every branch of the Southern Slav nation 
has borne its share whether dwelling in 
Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, Hercegovina, Dal- 
matia, Southern Hungary, Slavonia, Croatia, 
Istria, Carinthia, Carniola or Styria but 
simply one great struggle on the part of one 
single people? When numbers of our nation 
migrated north and west from the Balkan? 
before the overwhelming pressure of the Turks, 
this circumstance merely led to the strengthen- 
ing of the spirit of the race. It was due to this 
that Marko Kraljevic, a Serbian King of Mace- 
donia, became the chief national hero of the 
entire Serb, Croat and Slovene nation, and that 
the popular ballads telling of his exploits are 
sung and known wherever the Southern Slav 
tongue is spoken. 

When finally the dawn of the nineteenth 
century gave us thebeginnings of emancipation 
and national re-birth, it also brought the syste- 
matic realisation of our national unity. It 
would be a mistake to believe that Kara George 
Petrovic, the leader of the Serbian insurgents, 
and Miles Obrenovic, he first prince of the 
country, had only the emancipation of Serbia 
in their minds, or that Petar I and Petar II 


Petrovic Njegos, Prince-Bishops of Montenegro 
thought merely of freeing their own particular 
country, because they did not at the time 
attempt the deliverance of the other Southern 
Slav countries as well. No. The souls of 
both Serbs and Montenegrins are too deeply 
steeped in the great traditions of the Serbian 
Empire of the Middle Ages to have forgotten 
them at such a critical time. This great tradi- 
tion has ever guided the liberators of the two 
19th century Serb States in their mission of 
emancipation, and without it their amazing 
success would be simply inexplicable. All 
popular poems, celebrating their achievements, 
are full of reminiscenes of the glories of the 
Mediaeval Kings and Emperors of Serbia. 

It would be equally a mistake to believe 
that the national awakening of the Croats and 
Slovenes in the 19th century was a purely 
local renascence due to a struggle for material 
welfare. No. Since the beginning of the 
Illyrian movement, both Croats and Slovenes 
have been inspired by the ideas of their great 
Kings Zvonimir and 'Samo, and still more by 
the idea of the ancient kingdom of Illyria, 
which included the whole of the Balkan 


It is only natural that during the 19th 
century the idea of Southern Slav unity was 
perforce reduced to an ideal of local and 
partial deliverance. It would have been ^ash 
and foolish to attempt this vastest programme 
of all at a time when even the smallest details 
in his programme had yet to be achieved. This 
fact was due to circumstances and the exingen- 
cies of the time, but does not in the least prove 
that the great Southern Slav idea was lost 
sight of. Indeed, it was sometimes advisable 
to conceal it. When the Serbian peasants em- 
barked on their struggle with the Turks, and 
took diplomatic action with the Great Powers 
in order to reap the fruits of their military 
successes, they could not openly advertise the 
great ideal of the national emancipation and 
unification of our whole nation, because the 
very Chancellories to whom they were apeal- 
ing would haye looked askance at it. On the 
contrary, they had to represent this idea as 
being utterly unimportant, so that they might 
first realise the organisation of their own 
little State, which would then serve as a basis 
for the greater State in the future. 


(Autor of "The Southern Slav Question" and other 
Books dealing with S. E. Europe.) 

Those who advocate the cause of Southern 
Slav Unity are to-day no longer voices crying 
in the wilderness; for it is becoming more and 
more widely recognized that the cause of Serbia 
and of her oppressed kinsmen in Austria- 
Hungary represents a vital European and 
British interest. The conquest of Serbia by 
the Central Powers alters nothing in the 
Southern Slav Programme, even though it 
renders its realization more remote; and it is 
a happy omen for the future that it should 
have been in London that the Serbian Prince- 
Regent publicly pinned his faith to the Jugoslav 

Either Serbia must achieve the unity of the 
race, or she, and Montenegro with her, must 
share the fate of Bosnia and be swallowed up 
in a victorious Austria. Any other solution 
would mean a continuance of the intolerable 
state of misrule and consequent unrest which 

for the past decade has kept the Eastern 
Adriatic shores and their hinterland in a fer- 
ment, and contributed so materially to the 
outbreak of the Great War. Only a radical 
solution of the Southern Slav question can 
assure permanent peace to the Balkan Penin- 
sula. Without Southern Slav unity there can 
be no serious barrier to those designs of Pan- 
German hegemony from the North Sea to the 
Persian Gulf which prompted William II. and 
his advisers to unchain a wolrd-war. 

Not even the tragedy of last winter can 
make us despair. Serbia has survived five cen- 
turies of grinding Turkish oppression, and she 
will rise once more Pho3nix-like from the ashes 
of Austrian neglect, Magyar tyranny, and 
Bulgarian treachery. 


June 20, 1916. 



The suddenness with which Austria- 
Hungary brought this war upon the nations of 
Europe placed the Jugoslavs under Austro- 
Hungarian rule in an extremely difficult 
position. There was no time to organize a 
strong resistance against the systematic reign 
of terror with which they were confronted. 
According to plans carefully laid beforehand 
the whole Austrian Jugoslav manhood of mili- 
tary age was at once summoned to the colours, 
and almost all representatives of the educated 
professional classes, especially the leading 
men of the nation, were imprisoned. Only a 
very few prominent men were away from 
Austria at the time or were able to effect their 
escape. These emigrants opened their patri- 
otic campaign in Rome, where they began by 
publishing protests against the reign of terror 
in the Jugoslav countries, and against the 
mendacious reports from Austrian and Hungar- 
ian official sources, whereby efforts were made 
to represent the Jugoslavs as being in sym- 
pathy with the aggressive pretensions of their 

The Jugoslav Committee has been com- 
posed of the following members : 

President : 

Dr. Ante Trumbic, President of the Croat 
National Party in the Diet of Dalmatia, 
late Mayor of Split (Spalato), and late 
Member for Zadar (Zara) in the Austrian 
Parliament. (Croat of Split, Dalmatia.) 
Members : 

Dr. Ante Biankini, President of the Jugo- 
slav Committee for the U. S. America, 
Chicago. (Croat, of Starigrad, Dalmatia). 

Jovo Banjanin, late Member of the Croatian 
Parliament and Delegate to the Parlia- 
ment at Budapest. (Serb, of Croatia). 

Dr. Ivo De Giulli, Town Councillor of Du- 
brovnik (Ragusa, Dalmatia). Croat, of 
Dubrovnik, Dalmatia. 

Dr. Gustav Gregorin, Member in the Aus- 

trian Parliament. (Slovene, of Trst 

Dr. Julije Gazzari, Town Councillor of Si- 
benik (Sebenico) Dalmatia. (Croat). 

Rev. Don Niko Grskovic, President of the 
Croatian League of U. S. A. in Cleveland, 
O. (Croat, of Vrbnik, Istria). 

Dr. Hinko Hinkovic, Member of the Croa- 
tian Parliament, and Delegate to the Par- 
liament of Budapest. (Croat, of Croatia). 

Dr. Josip JedlovskX Secretary of the Slo- 
vene Society "Edinost" and of the Croat 
School Union in Trst (Croat, of Trst). 

Ciro Kamenarovic, Gen. Mgr. of the "Adria- 
tic Bank" in Trst (Serb, of Kotor, Catta- 
ro, Dalmatia). 

Milan Marjanovic, Editor of "Narodno Je- 
dinstvo" (National Unity) in Zagreb 
(Agram), Croatia. Croat, of Kastav, Is- 

Ivan Mestrovic, Sculptor (Croat, of Ota vice, 

Dr. Mice Micic, Town Councillor of Dubrov- 
nik (Croat, of Dubrovnik, Dalmatia). 

Dr. Franko Potocnjak, late Member of the 
Croatian Parliament and Delegate to the 
Parliament in Budapest. (Croat, of Novi, 

Prof. Mihailo Pupin, Professor at Columbia 
University, New York, President of the 
Serbian League "Sloga" and of the "Srp- 
ska Narodna Odbrana". (Serb, of Pance- 
vo, Banat, South Hungary). 

Dr. Milan Srskic, Member of the Bosnian 
Diet. (Serb, of Bosnia). 

Frano Supilo, Editor of "Novi List", Rije- 
ka (Fiume), late Member of the Croatian 
Parliament, and Delegate to the Parlia- 
ment in Budapest. (Croat). 

Dr. Nikola Stojanovic, Member of the Bos- 
nian Diet. (Serb, of Herzegovina). 

Dr. Dinko Trinajstic, President of the "Slo- 
veno-Croatian Society in Istria", and 
Member of the Istrian Diet. (Croat, of 
Vrbnik, Istria). 

Dusan Vasiljevic, Vice-President of the Serb 



National Union of Bosnia-Herzegovina". 
(Serb, of Herzegovina). 
Dr. Bognmil Vosnjak, Professor of the Uni- 
versity of Zagreb, and Editor of the "Ve- 
da" (Slovene, of Gorica, Gorkia). 
Dr. Nikola Supanic, Curator of the Ethno- 
graphical Museum. (Slovene, of Metlika, 
Garni ola). 

During its plenary meeting of June 1916, 
the Jugoslav Committee elected the following 
members : 

M. Pasko Baburica, President of the "Jugo- 
slav" National Defence" in Valparaiso, 
Chile, (Croat, of Dalmatia). 
Louis Mitrovic, (Croat) and Louis Moro 
(Croat), both of Dalmatia, and residing 
in South America, where they own large 
commercial interests. 

On May 1, 1915, the Committe presented a 
memorandum dealing with the national aims 
of the Jugoslavs and the desperate position in 
which they are now placed, to M. Delcasse, 
French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and to M. 
Isvolsky, Russian Ambassador in Paris. Sub- 
sequently the Committee, having in the mean- 
time transferred its headquarters to London, 
published a manifesto to the British Parlia- 
ment and to the nation on May 12, 1915, and 
on July 2, 1915, it presented a duplicate of the 
Paris Memorandum to Lord Crewe, who was 
at the time representing Sir Edward Grey at 
the Foreign Office. 

Through its members and representatives 
and Members of Parliament, the Parliamenta- 
ry Committee is in touch with the Ministers 
and the Press in all the capitals of the Allied 
Powers; it is in close contact with the re- 
sponsible leaders of its free and independent 

kinsman in Serbia and Montenegro, in the 
unredeemned part of the nation still en- 
slaved in Austria-Hungary, and with the 
numerous Jugoslav emigrant communities 
in the North and South Americas, and in the 
British Colonies. 

The Committee have been deeply gratified 
by the sympathy and appreciation of their la- 
bours on behalf of their country and country- 
men extended to them in political and intel- 
lectual circles among the Allied nations ; their 
thanks are equally due to the Press which in 
all the friendly countries has taken a keen in- 
terest in their cause and given it full attention. 

The Jugoslav Committee, whose head- 
quarters are in London, England (54. Chejp- 
stow Villas, Bayswater), has offices in follow- 
ing countries: 

France (Paris) ; 

Russia (Petrograd and Odessa) ; 

Switzerland (Geneve) ; 

United States (Cleveland, 0.) ; 

Chile (Valparaiso). 

The Jugoslav Committee publishes: 

"The Southern Slav Bulletin" (Semi- 
monthly) in London. 

"Le Bulletin Yougoslave" (Paris). 

"The Southern Slav Library" (1. "The 
Southern 'Slav Programme"; 2. "The South- 
ern Slav Land and People; 3. "A sketch of 
the Southern Slav History"; 4. "Southern 
Slav Culture"; 5. "Idea of Southern Slav Uni- 
ty"; 6. "The Slovenians". 

"Biblioteque Yougoslave". (Paris. Pub- 
lishes all the above pamphlets in French). 

"The Map of the Jugoslav Territory." 

"The Persecution of the Jugoslav" (The 
same in French). 





All Jugoslavs, whether Serbs, Croats, or 
Slovenes, confidently believe that this war will 
bring about the union of all the branches and 
all the territory of their race into one inde- 
pendent State. This belief is based on the 
solemn and oft-repeated assurances given by 
the representatives of the Triple Entente 
touching the realization and sure maintance of 
the principles of nationality. It has saved the 
still enslaved nations of our race from despair ; 
it has been the mainspring of the moral force 
whence arose the prodigious heroism of Ser- 
bia and Montenegro when, by blocking the ad- 
vance of the Austrian armies, they rendered 
such gallant service to the cause of the Allies. 

Serbia and Montenegro are not waging a 
war of aggression to extend their frontiers. 
These two Serbian states are the champions 
of liberation for all Jugoslav alike, as are also 
our helpers in the common task of establishing 
our national existence in our own united coun- 


This idea of national and political unity 
was in the minds of the great rulers of our 
national Empires before the Turkish invasion ; 
it was the ideal of all martyrs of our race dur- 
ing the time of the Ottoman oppression; it in- 
spired our national poetry and the works of 
the great thinkers and poets of Dubrovnik 
(Ragusa), to whom Napoleon I. owed his idea 
of a united Illyria; it gave strenght to the 
heroic resistance of the Montenegrins, and to 
the rising under Karadjordje which gave birth 
to the modern Serbia. It directed every action 
of the great Njegos, inspired the policy of 
Price Michael, and has been the goal of the 
entire house of Karadjordjevic and of Petro- 
vic. It accomplished the renascence of the Cro- 
ats and Slovenes, which bore such heroic fruit 
in the struggles of 1848, and irradiates the life- 
work of the great Bishop Strossmayer. It was 
the primary cause of the long and often sangui- 
nary struggles of the Croats for their inde- 

pendence and unity, and of all the national 
struggles in Dalmatia, Istria, Rieka (Fiume), 
and South Hungary, in the 'Slovene lands, and 
in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Political deliverence, 
the integrity of our national territory, and the 
foundation of a unified State have been the 
final aim of all Pan-Croatian and Pan-Serbian 
aspirations, of every constitutional struggle and 
of every riot and insurrection throughout our 
lands, whether in Austria-Hungary or in the 
Balkans. Strenghthened by the principles of 
democracy, and crowned by the successes of 
the Serbian arms in the recent Balkan wars, 
this idea has now assumed a precise and de- 
finite form. The present war has given it the 
sanction and support of the civilized world, 
and our national ideal is ripe for realization. 


Austria-Hungary has vainly pitted all her 
strenght against the Jugoslav idea. By every 
means in her power she has tried to compro- 
mise, to defame, and to crush it. To this end she 
established the Dualism in the Monachy, par- 
celled out the Jugoslavs in detached provinces, 
mutilated the kingdom of Croatia, and sought 
to germanize the Slovenes and to magyarize 
the Croats. To this end Bosnia-Herzegovina 
was first occupied and finally annexed. To 
this end innumerable political charges were 
brought against the Jugoslav and they were 
subjected to endless persecutions. To this end 
she encouraged mutual jealousies and conflicts 
between the Slav states in the Balkans, and 
finally, by threatening the soverign rights of 
Serbia, Austria unchained the present war. 

For, in her subservience to German Im- 
perialism, Austria thought by this war to 
crush Jugoslavdom, the great obstacle in the 
path of Germany and herself towards the East. 
She provoked the war, because she believed 
that the Jugoslav question could no longer be 
solved by partial or palliative measures, and 
she flung herself upon Serbia to absorb her, 
and with her the Jugoslavs. But when Austria, 



as Germany's vassal state and pioneer, en- 
countered the national resistance of Serbia, the 
Powers of the Triple Entente rose on behalf 
of the smaller nation. In this way the Jugo- 
slav question became a European problem, and 
it is of paramount importance to Europe that 
it should be fully and finally solved; only a 
complete solution will ensure the results for 
which the Triple Entente has gone to war. 


Our nation, which has suffered so cruelly 
and been so often deceived, is determined that 
its fate shall be decided once and for all, even 
at the uttermost cost. Our unnatural existence 
and constant sufferings must be ended ; we de- 
sire peace and peaceful development. We hold 
that we have a right to be something more 
than a subject for intrigues and a pawn on 
the chess-board of foreign interests. Neither 
will we continue to bring slaughter and ruin 
upon each other at the bidding of strangers. 
The Jugoslav people, known in history 
as Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, are all mem- 
bers of one and the same nation, with all the 
necessary conditions for the formation of an 
independent national state, and they have 
every ethnographical and historical right to 
the territory which they inhabit and in which 
they form a compact population. 


All these lands form an ethnical unit ; they 
are geographically contiguous, and economi- 
cally interdependent. 

Serbia and Montenegro with Bosnia-Her- 
cegovina cannot attain their normal develop- 
ment without the possession of Dalmatia ; de- 
tached from its hinterland the Dalmation coast 
would be valueless for commerce and naviga- 
tion, and the safety of Dalmatia would be per- 
manently jeopardized, were she deprived of 
her achipelago. One reason why Austria-Hun- 
gary occupied and annexed Bosnia-Hercegovi- 
na was that she already possessed Dalmatia. 
Dalmatia and the Dalmatian archipelago must 
properly belong to the owner of Bosnia-Herce- 

Moreover, in the Middle Ages, Dalmatia 
formed an integrant part of the Jugoslav 
states whether Serbian or Croatian which 
arose during the course of history, and when 
she was incorporated with Austria, Dalmatia 
herself evinced the tendency towards union 
with other Jugoslav countries. As the utmost 
that could at that time be aspired to, she asked 
to be united with Croatia-Slavonia, and the 

Diets of Zadar (Zara) and Zagreb (Agram) 
have never ceased to demand such a union. 
Obviously these demands were prompted by a 
strong desire on the part of our countrymen in 
Dalmatia to be united with the rest of the 
Jugoslav race. 

For centuries Croatia-Slavonia sturdily 
defended her autonomy against Germanism 
and Austrian centralization no less than a- 
gainst Magyarization. In a union of all Ju- 
goslav countries Croatia would at once take 
her proper place ; first of all for ethnical rea- 
sons; secondly, because her national and po- 
litical renascence was accomplished under the 
banner of a great Jugoslav movement, and be- 
cause the Croatian Diets have always demand- 
ed Jugoslav unity, territorial integrity, and 
political independence ; and finally because her 
three great waterways, the Sava, the Drava, 
and the Danube, as well as the railway that 
traverses the country and connects Belgrade 
with Rieke (Fiume) render Croatia the na- 
tural intermediat link between eastern and 
western Jugoslavia. 

Rieka (Fiume) is the only natural and 
praticable seaport for Croatia-Slavonia, and 
at present also for Serbia. The right of Croa- 
tia to Fiume as an incontestable part of her 
territory was never called into question before 
the falsification of 66 of the Croato-Hunga- 
rian Agreement in 1868. As a result of this 
crime Hungary deprived Croatia of the ad- 
ministration of the town and seaport of Rieka, 
just as she had in 1861 deprived her of the 
administration of the Medjumurje,a purely 
Croatian district between the Drava and its 
affluent the Mur. As a port Rieka is valueless 
without its hinterland, and this again cannot 
thrive without its natural seaport. A Jugoslav 
Rieka is of vital necessity to Croatia-Slavonia, 
Serbia, and a large part of Istria and Carniola. 

The possession of the Quarnero (Kvarner) 
Islands and of Eastern Istria is inseparably 
bound up with Rieka, just as Western Istria 
is bound up with Trst (Trieste), the only sea- 
port of the Slovene hinterland. 

In the hands of the Jugoslavs, Trst 
(Trieste) would prove, economically speaking, 
an important stronghold against German eco- 
nomic pressure, and nobody would stand to 
benefit more by this than France and England. 

If the Jugoslav lands were deprived of 
Trieste and their communication with the sea, 
they could no longer be sufficiently strong to 
resist German southward pressure, which is 
continually encroaching on the Slovene territo- 



ry in Carinthia and Styria. Only the posses- 
sion of Trieste, Carinthia, and Southern Styria 
can enable the Slovenes to block the advance 
of Germanism towards the Mediterranean, and 
so accomplish their mission as the Alpine 
Guard of the Adriatic and Jugoslavdom. In 
this capacity they would serve the interests of 
all the opponents of Pan-Germanism, and en- 
sure the security of the Mediterranean Powers 
as well as the national existence of all the Ju- 
goslav countries. 

There are in Hungary 102,000 Slovenes 
living between the Mur and the Raab, and 
800,000 Serbo-Croats north of the Drava and 
Danube. This entire population, which con- 
sists largely of wealthy landholders, can only 
be saved from forcible Magyarization by union 
with the brothers of their race. If they be 
permitted to remain Jugoslavs, the fertile 
plains of the Backa and Banat will be pre- 
served to the nation and furnish the other 
Jugoslav countries with the granary they re- 

Any partition of the national territory, 
and above all things the cession of any part 
whatsoever to a foreign Power, would not 
only seriously impede the development of Ju- 
goslav unity and violate the principle of na- 
tionnality, but prove a mere repetition of the 
Austrian system, and a fresh source of endless 
conflicts and collisions. 


All questions as to the modes and forme 
of the grouping of our nation in the future 
state must be considered as internal questions, 
to be settled in accordance with the free de- 
cision of the whole nation. 

After centuries of struggle for existence 
our nation feels the need of peace, and there- 

fore earnestly desires to live in perfect accord 
with its neighbors. United in one State, it 
will posess all the necessary attributes to be- 
come an element of order and progress in 
South-eastern Europe. Neither numbers nor 
aggressive propensities will render the Jugo- 
slavs a danger to their neighbors, more 
especially because the great problems of their 
own organization will fully occupy thier ener- 

Tolerant in religious matters both by 
nature and because of its democratic senti- 
ments, our nation, once free and united, will 
see no cause to persecute other creeds and 
nationalities, more especially as we ourselves 
do not profess the same creed, a circumstance 
which neither impedes nor prevents the unity 
of our sentiments and interests. Our nation 
therefore contains in itself the necessary 
guarantees for religious liberty. 

Our nation inhabits the entire eastern 
coast of the Adriatic. In this district we are 
above all things anxious to live in complete 
economic co-operation with all our neighbours 
by land and by sea, and to utilize our natural 
talents, not in warfare, but for the further- 
ance of peace, by placing them at the service 
of civilization and commerce. It will be to 
our own economic advantage to throw open 
our ports to commerce and to guarantee the 
freedom of the routes of communication be- 
tween those ports, and of all traffic with our 

Thus the interests of our nation coincide 
entirely with those of peace and universal civi- 
lization, and especially with the interests 
which inspired the great Powers of the Triple 
Entente, when they took up arms against a 
brutal Imperialism, that perpetul menace to 


The Adriatic Barrier Against Germanism 

The Slovenes are the natural barrier 
against the German thrust towards the 
Adriatic. This deserving, progressive, and 
energetic people, which is a pure branch of 
the Jugoslav race, effectively closes the way 
to Germanism on the southern German ethno- 
graphic boundary in Carinthia and Styria 
that is to say, upon a frontier line of 120 km. as 
the crow flies. In the event of the Slovenes in 
Carnia and the littoral not being liberated and 
united with the rest of their Jugoslav brothers, 
or the Slovenes in Carinthia and Styria being 
sacrificed to the German Austrians, the 
Germans could very soon and with ease advance 
by the Drava-Mura line (Celovac [Klagenfurt] 
and Maribor [Marburg]) to the Carso, to the 
Adriatic, to Trst, and Rieka, and a progressive 
nation of 1,400,000 souls would certainly 

Importance of the Slovenes 

The Slovenes are the most western of the 
Jugoslavs, and they are Catholics by religion. 
Their mountainous country lies in the direct 
line between Germany and the Adriatic, and 
tli is is why the possession of their territory is 
of such supreme importance for the defence 
of the Mediterranean against Germanization. 
But the Slovenes can hold their own and 
accomplish their task if they are united with 
their Jugoslav brothers in one State of suf- 
ficient strength. There are in all 1,400,000 
Slovenes. Italy is demanding 420,000, and if 
the 110,000 Slovens in Hungary, and another 
120,000 in Carnia are sacrificed to other aspira- 
tions, a total of 610,000 Slovens, or almost the 
half of the nation, would remain under foreign 
rule. In the case of the further cession of 
Southern Styria with 410,000 Slovene inha- 
bitants, only 380,000 Slovenes would remain to 
profit by liberation and union with their 
brothers. The application of such a policy of 
dismemberment to a small nation in an import- 
ant geographical position would mean its 
inevitable destruction. 

Incomplete Liberation and Unification of the 

There are thirteen million Jugoslavs living 
in South-Eastern Europe; five million are free 
and eight million, roughly speaking, two-thirds 
of the nation, living in Austria-Hungary, are 
still awaiting liberation. If Italy is permitted 
to realize her aspirations, though all the rest 
of the Jugoslavs were liberated, 900,000 would 
still remain under foreign rule ; if, futhermore, 
the Jugoslavs living north of the Drave and 
the Danube ar assigned to Hungary and to 
Rumania another 900,000, or a total of 
1,800,000, would remain unliberated. 

Finally, by allowing Austria to retain 
Southern Carnia and Southern Styria 530,000 
Jugoslavs would still be Austrian subjects and 
2,820,000 in all would remain under foreign and 
hostile rule. By the deduction of Carniola 
with 420,000 Jugoslav inhabitants from the 
future free state of Jugoslavia, the number 
would rise to 2,820,000, and if an analogous 
process is applied to Croatia-Slavonia and her 
population of 2,820,000 the total number of un- 
liberated Jugoslavs would amount to 5,130,000, 
i. e., it would be equal to the added populations 
of Serbia and Montenegro to-day. If Italian 
aspirations be satisfied, Croatia, Slavonia, and 
the Slovene countries separately dealt with, 
and the Jugoslavs in Hungary sacrificed, Serbia 
and Montenegro would only gain a population 
of 2,185,000 by this war. Their total popula- 
tion would amount to little more than six 
million, and six million Jugoslavs would remain 
unliberated. Needless to say, a solution of this 
kind would simply leave the Jugoslav problem 

Statistics of the Eastern Adriatic Littoral 

There are 450,000 Jugoslavs living in the 
Austrian littoral (Gorizia-Gradiska, Trieste, 
and Istria) and only 350,000 Italians. In Dal- 
matia there are 610,000 Jugoslavs and only 
18,000 Italians. If the whole of the Austrian 
littoral, part of Carniola, the mainland of 


Dalmatia north of Trogir, and all the islands 
north of Mljet (with the exception of Brae), 
are assigned to Italy, 350,000 Italians would 
be liberated and united with Italy, whereas 
900,000 Jugoslavs would remain under a 
foreign yoke. In Dalraatia 350,000 Jugoslavs 
would be sacrificed for the sake of 15,000 
Italians, and only the 278,000 Jugoslavs in 
Southern Dalmatia would be liberated. The 
Jugoslav population of the Dalmatian Islands 
amounts to 100,000 and the Italian only 1,500 
souls. Gorizia-Gradiska, with the exception 
of the valley of the Friuli, which the Jugoslavs 
are not demanding, has a Jugoslav population 
of 150,000 and an Italian population of 28,000. 
Central and Eastern Istria with the Quarnero 
Islands has a Jugoslav population of 120,000 
and an Italian population of only 16,000. In 
Southern Carnia there is not one single Italian 
inhabitant among a population of 110,000 Jugo- 
slavs. Only Western Istria, Trieste, and the 
valley of Friuli (Gradiska) can be accounted 
districts with a mixed population, and even 
there the proportion is 260,000 Italian to 
272,000 Jugoslavs, so that even in these dis- 
tricts the Jugoslavs are slightly in the majority. 

Just Balance of Power 
The unification of all the Southern Slavs 
would by no means interfere with a just balance 
of power in South-Eastern Europe, but would 
be in proportion to the natural balance of 
power between the nations most concerned. 
The Southern Slav State (Jugoslavia) would 
have a population of about twelve million inha- 
bitants. Hungary, reduced to her natural 
borders, would also have about twelve million ; 
Roumania, enlarged and united, also twelve 
million ; and Bulgaria and Greece between 
them about fourteen million inhabitants. The 
Jugoslav State would certainly not pursue an 
expansive policy, as the territory inhabited by 
the Jugoslavs amply suffices for the population, 
whose density amounts to fifty persons to one 
square km. In Roumania the density of the 
population amounts to 53 persons to one square 
km. ; in Bulgaria it amounts to 41.6, in Greece 
to 41, in Hungary to 64, in Austria to 95, and 
in Italy to 113 persons to one square km. 
Finally, the birth-rate among the Jugoslavs 
cannot be expected to increase in such a 
manner as to constitute a danger to their 
neighbours. During recent years the propor- 
tionate increase has amounted to 1.6 per cent. 


annually, whereas among the Bulgars the in- 
crease amounts to 1.5 per cent., and among the 
Roumanians to 1.9 per cent. 

Orthodox and Catholic Jugoslavs 

The confessional differences among the 
Jugoslavs, which are in many quarters looked 
upon as an obstacle to the unification of the 
whole Jugoslav race, do not really present any 
obstacle at all to Jugoslav unity, but, on the 
contrary, a strong argument against the dis- 
memberment of the Jugoslav territory, as it is 
impossible to draw a just boundary between 
Orthodox and Catholic religions. If Serbia 
acquires Bosnia-Herzegovina, Southern Dalma- 
tia, Syrmia, and part of Slavonia, more than 
one million Serbian Orthodox Jugoslavs would 
still remain in the unliberated and non-incor- 
porated Western districts, viz., 437,000 in 
Croatia, 76,000 in Dalmatia, and about 500,000 
in Hungary; whereas the enlarged kingdom of 
Serbia wuold only have acquired 1,064,000 
Orthodox, and 1,600,000 non-Orthodox subjects, 
viz., 279,000 Catholics in Southern Dalmatia, 
385,000 Catholics and 612,000 Moslems in 
Bosnia-Herzegovina, 208,900 Catholic Jugoslavs 
in Syrmia and Slavonia, and 110,750 non-Slavs 
of different confessions. Niether Serbia nor 
the Western Jugoslavs could consent to such 
dismemberment of the race. It would be 
strenuously opposed equally by the one million 
sacrificed Orthodox Jugoslavs, by the 1,750,000 
non-Orthodox Jugoslavs given to Serbia and 
cut off from their brothers, and by the 4,200,000 
unliberated and non-incorporated Catholic 
Jugoslavs among the Croats and Slovenes. 
The Jugoslavs refuse to be crushed and 
divided; they must, and will, be liberated as a 
whole and united in one single State in which 
they can consolidate themselves into a national 
political unit. 

OCTOBER 1915. 

Before the Bulgarian entrance into the 
war, The Southern Slav Committe in London 
sent (in Oct. 1915.) the following message to 
the President of the Bulgarian Sobranje 
(Parliament) in Sofia: 

"The Southern Slav Committee in London, 
representing the Southern Slav countries in- 
habited by Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs still 

28 f Hfl 

under the Austro-Hungarian domination, sends 
the following brotherly message to the Bul- 
garian nation at the moment of its coming to 
the fateful parting of the ways : 

' ' This committee, which is working for the 
liberation of the whole Serbo-Creato-Slovene 
race from the hateful Germano-Magyar oppres- 
sion and for the realization of national and 
political unity with Serbia and Montenegro, 
after centuries of suffering and longing, refuses 
to credit the gloomy forecast circulated in 
Europe in connection with the Bulgarian 

"In the name of the genius of the noble 
Slav race, in the name of the Slav blood which 
has been shed like water in the never-ending 
struggle against Turkish aggression, we protest 
emphatically in the defence of the Bulgarian 
nation against the German insinuation that the 
Bulgarian army would attack Serbia in the 
hour of her martyrdom and provoke a fratrici- 
dal war. 

"It is unthinkable that Bulgaria shall 
stretch her hand across Serbia to help the 
Germano-Magyar forces to join the Turkish 
armies and thereby assist in the subjection of 
Bulgaria, of the whole of Slavdom, and the 
civilization of the human race, to the most 
brutal tyranny ever known in the world's 

"Faithful to the laws of nature and civili- 
zation, we are emphatically on the side of the 
Slav warriors of Montenegro, Serbia, and 
Russia, and their gallant allies, and we heartily 
hope and trust that Bulgaria will also take her 
rightful place on that side." 

At the same time the representatives of 
the Croats and Slovenes in Austro-Hungary, 
who have found a refuge abroad and are now 
conferring in Geneva, have sent the following 
telegram to the Bulgarian Goverment: 

"We, the representatives of the Croats 
and Slovenes, who have taken refuge abroad in 
order to represent the interests of our country- 
men, and who in these days of trial firmly 
believe in the ultimate triumph of the cause of 
liberty over terrorism, and consequently in the 
deliverance of our people from the th eAustro- 
Hungarian yoke, have watched the recent turn 
of events in Bulgaria with unfeigned amaze- 
ment. We, who have equally deplored both 
Slivnica and Bregalnica, and have seen the 
hand of Germany in each of these tragedies, 
do not believe that the national soul of either 


Serbia or Bulgaria has been tainted by these 
unfortunate events ; and with profound horror 
and indignation we refuse to believe that the 
Bulgarian people will stoop to play the part 
of Turko-German janissaries, and by this act 
withdraw from our fraternity." 


Through the Royal Greek Legation the 
Jugoslav Committee sent the following tele- 
gram to M. Venizelos, the Greek Premier, on 
the occasion of his resumption of office in 
September, 1915: 

"In the name of the Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes in Austria-Hungary, who desire to be 
freed from the Austrian yoke and united with 
their brothers in Serbia and Montenegro, the 
Jugoslav Committee offer their sincerest con- 
gratulations to Your Excellency, as the leader 
of modern and Christian Hellas, the author of 
the Balkan League, the Graeco-Serbian Alliance, 
and the Treaty of Bucharest; they trust that 
your return to power will greatly facilitate the 
struggle of the Balkan nations for the realiza- 
tion of the principle 'the Balkans for the 
Balkan nations', and that your resumption of 
office will also prove a guarantee for the 
continued alliance and sincere and lasting 
friendship between the noble Hellenic nation 
and the Serbians who are striving for union 
with their brothers, the Croats and Slovenes. 
For the Jugoslav Committee, 

"The President, Dr. Ante Trumbic." 

The Greek Minister in London most 
cordially received the President of the Com- 
mittee and showed the greatest interest in the 
cause represented by the Jugoslav Committee. 


On the 12th day of October 1915, the Jugo- 
slav Committee sent the following telegram to 
the Serbian Goyerment at Nish : 

"On this occasion of the latest offensive 
of the German and Austro-Hungarian forces 
against Serbia, the Jugoslav Committee desires 
again to emphisize its full and complete soli- 
darity with the Serbian nation in this terrible 
hour, and to express its firm belief that in this 
struggle Serbia will once more astonish the 
world by her glorious and unequalled valour. 
After the last defeats suffered by the superior 


Austro-Hungarian armies in Serbia, both the 
Central Powers are returning together to crush 
and trample down little Serbia. But Provi- 
dence, who guards both great and small, will 
again endow the Serbian army with super- 
human strength to repeat the history of David 
and Goliath. To the Serbian Army, as the Ju- 
goslav David, we send our hearts, our hopes, 
and our faith. At the same time the Jugoslav 
Committee appeals to all Croats, Serbs, and 
Slovenes from the unredeemed countries in 
Austria-Hungary, and at present living in Ser- 
bia, to place themselves, at this most critical 
moment in the history of Serbia and all the 
Jugoslavs, unreservedly and without hesitation 
at the disposal of the Royal Serbian Govern- 
ment, to aid Serbia in her struggle for life. 

"Dr. Ante Trumbic, President." 

At the same time the Committee sent 
urgent appeals to all Jugoslav emigrants out- 
side Serbia to give their unconditional help to 
their brothers and to offer their very lives in 
this struggle for the salvation of the only in- 
dependent, but now endangered, Jugoslav 
country, for the future of the Jugoslav race, 
and that the Balkans and the East may be 
saved from the Germane-Turkish terror. 


The Jugoslav Committe, under the presi- 
dency of Dr. A. Trumbic, met in Paris for a 
plenary sitting, lasting from Feb. 16 to Feb. 24. 
All the members of the Committee were pre- 
sent, with the exception of those who were 
absent on missions, to the Southern Slav colo- 
nies in both Americas. 

The Committee considered the general 
situation from the Jugoslav point of view in all 
its details, with due regard to the events that 
have occured since the Committee was con- 
stituted in May, 1915. Reviewing the results of 
its propagandist activity in friendly countries, 
it was able to record a notable success. Both 
the knowledge and appreciation of the Jugo- 
slav problem have made undeniable progress. 

The Committee, having met in a plenary 
sitting for the first time since the last invasion 
of Serbia and Montenegro, testified its soli- 
darity with the sufferings, aspirations, and 
hopes of all the Jugoslavs Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes as well as its fixed determination to 
fight to the end, side by side with the Allies, 

for the liberation of the entire Jugoslav nation 
from the foreign yoke under which it is for the 
time being united. 

The Committee has with satisfaction and 
admiration noted the generous action of France 
and her Allies in rendering efficient help to the 
Serbo-Montenegrin army in its painful retreat 
before the overwhelming superiority of the 
enemy, by transporting it to a place of safety, 
and reorganizing it for fresh heroic exploits. 
For this the whole Jugoslav nation will be 
eternally grateful to her. 

As the representatives and mouthpiece of 
the sentiments and aspirations of the Jugoslavs 
in Austria-Hungary and in America, the Com- 
mittee protests its unflinching adherence to the 
cause of the Allies, and its endeavour, by every 
means in its power, to further the common 
cause in Europe as well as in the Jugoslav 
colonies in America. 

In its absolute confidence in the final 
victory of the Allies the Committee has re- 
corded the resolution that the future peace 
shall not be confined to a mere restoration of 
Serbia. For her superhuman efforts and sa- 
crifices adequate compensation is impossible. 
But on the basis of the principles of nation- 
ality, right, and justice, which the Allies have 
solemnly inscribed on their standards, the 
peace of the future must solve the Jugoslav 
problem in its entire extent. 

By uniting and unifying the Jugoslav 
nation, which has for centuries in the past 
maintained a successful struggle on all fronts 
against the Germans, Magyars, and Turks, in 
one single State, the peace of the future will 
raise an impenetrable rampart against any new 
attempts at expansion towards the south-east 
on the part of the Teutons ; it will provide the 
necessary conditions for its durability, and 
thereby ensure peace and brotherly good fel- 
lowship between the nations of Europe. 

The Committee further decided upon a 
whole series of important measures with a view 
to collaborating efficiently in the common 
cause of the Allies. It also discussed suitable 
means of increasing the work of propaganda. 

Finally, it sent, by telegram, a message ex- 
pressing its profound sympathy with the Ser- 
bian Goverment, and its respect and admi- 
ration for the heroic Prince Regent of Serbia. 



"The Southern Slav Bulletin, No. 19, (Au- 
gust 14. 1916) has published following decla- 
ration : 

' ' We are sure that students of our question 
and of the national, polical, and etnogra- 
phical conditions in our countries must, if 
right and justice are to triumph, in the end 
be wholy converted to the great necessity 
of settling the Jugoslav question in full 
accordance with the programme issued by 
the Jugoslav Committee in London. It 
is the programme of our whole nation, 
of our whole race, and therefore in no 
sense a political but a national programme. 
The Jugoslav Committee is neither a political 
party nor the author of this programme. At 
home and before the war its members belonged 
to different political parties, and as regards 
domestic political matters they perhaps still 
dift'fer, but out here they are united as a body 
which represents the whole nation, viz., all the 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes dwelling in Croa- 
tia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Istria, Bosnia-Herze- 
govinia, Carniola, Carinthia, Goricka (Gori- 
zia), Trieste, Styria, Gradiska, Prekomurje, 
Baranja, the Banat, and Backa; and, further- 
more, those Jugoslavs who live as emigrants in 
the United States, in South America, and the 
British Overseas Dominions. Being the only 
body which is at present in a position to voice 
the unanimous desire of all the Jugoslavs, the 
Jugoslav Committee is to all intents and pur- 
poses the nation itself, and the Jugoslav nation 
is the author of the Jugoslav programme. We 
must put it in this way so as to make it clear 
to our many friends, as well as to our adver- 
saries, that the Jugoslav Committee has the 
mandate and the sacred duty only to propa- 
gate, to the limit of its extent and in every pos- 
sible way, the Jugoslav programme, but no 
power whatsoever to negotiate concerning the 
resolution of the nation, or to make any con- 
cessions as regards the Jugoslav aims. Eight 
and justice can be overthrown, but they are 
not subjects for negotiation. 

Our programme remains as it was in the 
beginning, and as it originated in the martyred 
soul of our whole nation, which has for cen- 
turies struggled for liberation and unity. To 
liberate one part of our nation and enslave 
another afresh for "strategic reasons" or any 


other considerations, even if such a part con- 
sists merely of a "negligible quantity" in a di- 
plomatic sense, offers no solution of the Jugo- 
slav question at all. A single one of our bro- 
thers enslaved in his ancestral territory means 
that there can be no freedom for all the rest 
until he also is freed. 

History must record this war as a war of 
Justice against oppression, as the Holy War of 
nations against castes, as the sum of human 
brotherhood united in overthrowing the mon- 
ster Greed. Love, peace, and mutual confidence 
must be issues of this war. Humanity and not 
Imperialism must be the conqueror. The flag 
of freedom must adorn every palace, every cot- 
tage, every hut in the new Europe. If that 
cannot be achieved, then, of course, this war is 
only a preparation for new struggles, a new 
troubling of the waters in which the Hohen- 
zollerns and Habsburgs will find their richest 
fishing ground. 

The Jugoslavs have never asked, and do 
not ask anything but the just recognition of 
their indisputable rights. They desire nothing 
more than to live in peace on their ancestral 
territory, to develop in freedom, and to main- 
tain absolutely sicere relations of friendship 
with their neighbours. They never demanded 
a single square inch of territory which rightly 
belongs to nayone else, and they call only 
those countries their fatherland which have 
been theirs from the days they first settled 
there, the lands where they made their history, 
where their language is spoken, and their soul 
linked with the soil for more than a thousand 
years. Their cry for freedom has risen higher 
than ever, even in the present time, because 
they are convinced that the Allies are warring 
and shedding their blood for all the oppressed, 
and not only for those who are excluded from 
"strategical considerations". The future of 
nations must be founded on confidence and 
friendship, and not on strategical frontiers. If 
our resolution to dwell in amity and confi- 
dence is reciprocated by our neighbours, then 
our mutual honesty will be our best frontier 
fortification. But only malice can sugest that 
the Jugoslav even Serbia proper have ever 
shown symptons of aggression or a desire for 
expansion beyond their own ancestral terri- 
tory. History proves that they never sized 
upon the land of others, but on the contrary, 
that they were constantly robbed of their own. 
But these ages are past and one of the main 
pillars of the future peace of Europe must 
be a complete and undivided Jugoslavia." 



In the painful days, when the Austrian ar- 
mies in the late autumn of the year 1914 raised 
Serbia, the Serbian National Skupstina assem- 
bled at Nis and formed a new Serbian Govern- 
ment from the representatives of all political 
parties. That government, through the Prime 
Minister Pasic made on the 24th of November 
(0. S.) the following declaration: 

"The present government has been formed 
in order to personify the unity of will, forces 
and purposes of our land. Convinced of the 
confidence of the National Skupstina as long 
as it places all its forces at the service of the 
great cause of the Serbian state and the Serbo- 
Croatian and Slovenian race, the government 
considers its paramount duty to bow with a 
boundless respect before the exalted victims 
who emmolated themselves bravely and wil- 
lingly on the altar of the coutry. . . . Convinced 
of the determination of the entire Serbian 
people to persevere in the holy struggle for 
the defense of its hearth and of its liberty, the 
Government of the Kingdom considers it its 
prime and indeed in these fate-shaping mo- 
ments its only task to secure a successful end 
of this great struggle which, at the moments of 
its beginning has developed into a war for the 
unification of all our un-liberated brothers Ser- 
bians, Croats and Slovenians. The brilliant 
success which will have to crown this warfare 
will redeem opulently the bloody sacrifices 
which the present Serbian generation is 

By that declaration, which the Skupstina 
has unanimously sanctioned, Serbia has clearly 
defined her intentions and thereby has become 
before Europe the representative of our entire 

At several later opportunities declarations 
in the same sense have been made to the public 
by Premier Pasic, his assistant Mr. Jovan Jova- 
novic, and by the Prince Regent himself in 
which the same purpose has always been ac- 
centuated, viz.: Liberation and unification of 

the Serbians, Croats and Slovenians. This an- 
nuls all the suspicions and reproaches that Ser- 
bia strove after the formation of a "Greater 
Serbia" in which the Croats and the Slovenians 
would be drowned. At the moment when Italy 
demanded our littoral, first representatives of 
the Serbian policy as well as representatives of 
the government participated in the great 
national meeting at Nis, at which has been 
received the resolution of national unity of the 
Serbians, Croats and Slovenians as also the re- 
jection of the Italian imperialistic demands. 
The Premier Pasic has made in the Serbian 
Skupstina a reiterated declaration that Serbia 
officially does not know anything about the 
demands of Italy, nor is she able to recognize 
them. When Serbia's allies, devining that they 
will be able to win over Bulgaria, demanded 
Serbia to yield to Bulgaria a part of Macedonia 
Serbia has agreed to it reluctantly, and after 
long deliberations of the Serbian Skupstina a 
resolution has been brought to the effect that 
Serbia is ready for sacrifices if by her so doing 
she be able to contribute towards the triumph 
of the common cause of the progressive Europe, 
and to facilitate the liberation and unification 
of all the Serbians, Croats and Slovenians. By 
that resolution the Serbian Skupstina has 
proved that she is exalted to the height of the 
great part of Serbia as the liberator, for she has 
agreed even to dismember the Serbian fixed 
territory and yield of it a very considerable 
part which has been won and preserved only at 
very bloody sacrifices. It has proved that Ser- 
bia, in compensation for her territorial con- 
cessions, does not demand nor receive greater 
or smaller reparations and does not wish to 
enter in "hair-splitting" for the territories in 
the West, but to contribute her sacrifices for 
the sole purpose of liberating of her entire 

When before the incursion of the Germans, 
Austrians and Bulgarians, Serbia was offered 
by the Germans certain concssions in Bosnia if 
she would allow free passage of German armies 


through her territory, and when the invaders 
after having" penetrated far and wide in Serbia, 
promised to spare both the Serbian country 
and Serbian army if that army offers no or 
very slight, opposition to the German ag- 
gresssion; when the Germans and the Bulgar- 
ians were before the walls of Nis and the Ser- 
bian Skupstina assembled for its last and most 
painful deliberation, and when the Premier 
Pasic declared that Serbia will not be able to 
resist the overwhelmingly superior enemy, the 
King, the government and the Skupstina have 
unanimously declared even to sacrifice their 
entire land but to fight to the end, and not to 
deviate from the announced idea of liberation 
and unification of the Serbian, Croatian and 
Slovenian race. 

This declaration, the sincerity of which 
has not been insured by written treaties but by 
blood covered victims and by immolation of the 
liberty of the entire Serbian country, grant to 
the struggling Serbia the right to be and to re- 
main as long as lasts the war in which the 
other non-liberated Jugo-slavs wish not or can- 
not participate the representative before the 
world of all the Jugo-slavs. Her suffering and 
her sacrifices will mean that if even by her 
own forces she should not be able to liberate 
her brothers but enters our regions with her 
liberating armies together with those of her 
allies to be saluted by all the Jugoslavs under 
Austria-Hungary, as the liberator and redeem- 


The most momentous event of the Serbian 
Crown Prince Alexander's stay in London (in 
April 1916) was unquestionably his reception 
of the great British deputation at Claridge's 
Hotel. Led by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
the most prominent men of British public life 
came to pay homage to Serbia and her heroic 
leader. The Crown Prince said: 

'This manifestation of sympathy on the 
part of so many represantatives of British na- 
tion will strengthen me when I shall again be 
at the head of my army, shoulder to shoulder 
with the gallant Franco-British Army for the 
furthering and realization of the ideal for 
which we have longed through centuries. That 
ideal is the unity in one single state of all the 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, who are our na- 

tion, with the same traditions, with the same 
language, and the same tendencies, and whom 
only adverse fate has divided. 

"This ideal, and the conviction that we 
are fighting shoulder to shoulder with our 
great Allies for right and justice, has main- 
tained our courage through the indescribable 
trials which our nation and army has had to 

On April 20, 1916 his return from the 
Allied capitals, Prince Alexander of Serbia, 
Commander-in-Chief of the Serbian army, ad- 
dressed a manifesto to his soldiers to convey to 
them his impression of his journey. 

"Our powerful friends and Allies ailmire 
the irreproachable conduct of chivalrous 'Ser- 
bia, and appreciate the contless sacrifices of 
the Serbian people in whom they recognize all 
the qualities warranting the guarantee of an 
independent political existence and successful 
effort towards intellectual development. They 
have decided to give us every assistance in this 
great struggle, so that Serbia may become 
great, that she may include all the Jugoslavs 
that she may, in fine, become a mighty Jugo- 
slavia in recompense for all the sacrifices she 
has hitherto consented to make, and the ful- 
filment of new requirements which will show 
themselves after this bloody crisis." 




April 3, 1916. The London Times had a 
statement from premier Pasic, who said in 

"It is natural that the future Serbia or, 
rather the United Southern Slav people, will 
be a somewhat different State from what Ser- 
bia has been in the past. The new Serbia will 
necessarily become more Western, more Euro- 
pan than the purely Balkan Serbia of old could 
possibly be. A State that includes 5,000,000 
Catholic 'Southern Slavs within its borders will 
necessarily be a State tolerant and respectful 
of religious and political liberty. We conclud- 
ed, not long ago, a concordat with the Vati- 
can. When I had recently the honour to b 
received by the Pope, his Holmes remarked 
that the concordat concluded with us wa: 
markedly liberal in character, and that the re- 
storation of the Slav liturgy in the Roman Ca- 
tholic Southern Slav churches was a proof of 
good will of the Vatican towards us. Had we 
not been animated by equal good will the con- 
cordat could hardly have been arranged. We 

Serbs of Serbia belong to the Orthodox Church 
and are true to our religion. But just as we 
are faithful to our own beliefs, so we respect 
the belief of others and expect them to be as 
faithful to their own creed as we are to ours. 
This as I understand it, is true religious 





On May 5, 1916 the chief of the Serbian 
Government made his declarations to the re- 
presentatives of the Russian press on the ob- 
jects and results of his diplomatic tour, which 
we will quote from the Russian journals in so 
far as they refer to the Jugoslav question. 

According to the "Retch" of April 23 
(May 6 n.s) Mr. Pasic took advantage of his 
visit to the Allied Government to effect an ex- 
change of views on questions of vital interna- 
tional importance, and especially on that which 
is nearest to himself, a knowledge of the fu- 
ture organization of the Serbian nation which 
firmly believes in the final victory of the Allies 
in their fight for the triumph of right and 
justice. In the opinion of the Serbian Premier 
the moment has arrived to clear up in princ- 
iple the intentions of the Great Powers with 
regard to the Balkan question in general and 
the Serbian question in particular. Mr. 
Pasic has noted with satisfaction that the 
Serbian ideals have met with perfect consent 
from the Allies. They have promised Serbia 
every help to attain this object. The idea of 
the unification of the Serb, Croat, and Slovene 
nation in one State has been most sympathet- 
ically received in Rome, no less than in Lon- 
don, in Paris, and, finally, in Petrograd. The 
Governments of the Allied Powers have un- 
animously recognized that the national aim of 
Serbia, i.e., the unification of the Serbian 
people and country must be realized. 

To the "Russkoe Slovo" Mr. Pasic, speak- 
ing of Serbia's future expressed himself in the 
following terms: "Our hope in Serbia's future 
are fixed on the deliverance and union of the 
entire Serb, Croats, and Slovene nation. This 
is our national ideal, and we are prepared to 
endure every sacrifice for its realization. No 
one can say how the war will finish and what 
it will bring to Serbia; but under no circum- 
stances whatsoever can we renounce our Croat 
and Slovene brothers. Serbia places great 
hopes in the support which the Allies will give 
her for the realization of her national ideal." 

On April 10 1916 the Crown Prince Alex- 
ander, then in Paris, received the members of 
the Southern Slav Committee and its Presi- 
dent, Dr. A. Trumbic, in a special audience at 
the Hotel Bristol, where he was staying. On 
this occasion Dr. Trumbic, in the name of the 
Committee and of all unredeemed Jugoslavs, 
addressed the Crown Prince in part as fol- 

"We cannot consent to any division of the 
Jugoslav nation, just as we cannot consent to 
any part of our blood soaked territory beinsr 
wrested from us ; but we demand national uni- 
ty of our country, including our wonderful 
waters in the Adriatic, in whose fairy mirror 
all the beauty and charm of our fatherland is 
reflected, and which sea is the very lungs of 
the life of our land. 

"This is to be the new era in our history, 
founded on nature, and no artificial intrigue 
shall succeed in frustrating it. 
The Crown Prince replied : 
"Gentlemen, your words have deteply 
touched my heart. God and the fortune of 
heroes will provide that the wishes you have 
so beautifully expressed will be realized as 
soon as possible. They are, of course, as you 
rightly said, no longer merely wishes, but a 
political programme. They are even more 
than a programme. They are the goal of a 
struggle in which the blood of Serbia's sons is 
flowing in rivers. Gentlemen, it is quite im- 
possible that out of so much noble blood free- 
dom should not arise anew, freedom for our 
martyred nation, wherever it lives, from the 
Adriatic to Timok, from Perister to the Tri- 
glav. My grandfather fought for the 
Jugoslav idea, my father on his throne remain- 
ed faithful to the ideals for which he once 
fought as rebel, rifle in hand. The same blood 
flows in the veins of the grandchild and son. 
Forward into the struggle, gentlemen, with 
pen, with the spoken word, and with arms in 
hand, for the same high cause for the free- 
dom of our whole race and its glorious fu- 


The members of various Austro-Hungta- 
rian Parliaments and Diets, who belong to the 
Southern Slav Committee in London, in April 


1916 proceeded to Nice in order to enter into 
personal contact, and exchange their views on 
the general situation with their colleagues of 
the Serbian Skupstina, 104 of whom were 
there. The meeting took place in the morning 
of April 18 in the Great Hall of the Marie (the 
Town Hall), which the town of Nice had 
kindly placed at the disposal of its guests. M. 
Kosta Stojanovic, President of the 'Serbian 
Club, speaking in the name of the Serbian 
members of Parliament, extended a glowing 
welcome to their Jugoslav colleagues from Aus- 
tria-Hungary, whom the unheard of misfor- 
tunes which have befallen the common mother 
country on both banks of the Sava and Drina 
have now brought together so tragically in 
exile on the friendly soil of France. Then M. 
Ante Trumbic, President of the Jugoslav Com- 
mittee, in a most graphic speech, which was 
frequently interrupted by enthuasiastic ap- 
plause, gave an account of all the propagandist 
work accomplished by the Southern Slav 
Committee during these twenty months of war 
in all the allied countries, and in several 
neutral states as well, for the realization of 
the ideal we all share in common, viz., the as- 
surance of the unification of all our race in one 
State under the native dynasty of the Kara- 
gjorjevic ! After M. Marko Trifkovic, in the 
name of the Serbian deputies, had reaffirmed 
the complete accord between the Serbian Club 
and the Jugoslav Committee, not only with re- 
gard to their political programme, but also as 
to the methods of the propaganda, the Presi- 
dent declared the proceedings terminated. 



In September 1916, the Serbian Parliament, 
(Skupstina), met in Corfu for a short session, 
and has given out the following official bulle- 

"After seven days deliberation in secret 
sessions in which foreign minister Pasich, made 
his report, based on the secret documents in the 
foreign ministry ; The Skupstina held an open 
session and without a dissenting vote, has ap- 
proved the report of the Royal Servian Govern- 
ment as well as the Foreign Ministry future 
course of action, which the goverment has pro- 
posed to pursue. The Skupstina also has voted 
the following resolution : 

After hearing the Government report of 
the foreign situation, Skupstina consider its 
duty to affirm again, for its own part too, after 
all the suffering and privation of the Serbian 
people, that we stand firmly most faithful to 
our National claims. 

The course which Serbia has pursued un- 
til, the present time, and thru which she has 
acquired very valuable friendship, it is the 
only course which leads to the realization of 
her National Ideals. The painful road which 
we have gone thru and by which we lost nume- 
rous national treasures, our most valuable 
treasure, the honor of our people has been left 
untouched. Depressed in our sorrow, but be- 
lieving in our ideals and in the ideals of human- 
ity, Serbia full of pride and with full confi- 
dence looks into the future. ' ' 




At a general Congress in Chicago on 
March 10, 1915, the Jugoslav emigrants from 
Austria-Hungary in America and Canada, and 
represented by 563 delegates, recorded their 
enthusiastic adherence to this national pro- 

(1) The following resolution was unani- 
mously passed: 

"The Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes are one 
and the same as regards nationality and langu- 
age, though they are known by different names. 
They inhabit a number of provinces in South- 
Eastern Austria-Hungary, as well as the king- 
doms of Serbia and Montenegro. Collectively 
they are known as 'Jugoslavs.' In Austria- 
Hungary, where the Germans and Magyars 
are the dominant races, the Jugoslavs are ruth- 
lessly oppressed. Having no political rights, 
they are economically victimized and exploited, 
hampered in their development, socially down- 
trodden, and their nationality is imperilled. 
This state of affairs can no longer be tolerated, 
if their national existence and individuality is 
to be preserved, but their only hope lies in lib- 
eration from Austria-Hungary and the sever- 
ance of every tie that binds them to her. Their 
lives and national development can only be 
safeguarded through a union of all Jugoslav 
countries with Serbia in one single state. They 
confidently appeal to the Powers of the Triple 
Entente, who are waging this war for the 
deliverance of the down-trodden nations, and 
entreat their help in the realization of their 
just aspirations, which, by establishing order 
in South-Eastern Europe, will greatly help in 
laying a durable foundation for the world's 


On May 9, 1915, a large demonstration took 
place in Nish, when at a meeting of several 
thousand Serbian and Austro-Hungarian Jugo- 
slavs, a resolution was passed, demanding the 
union of all Jugoslavs, and protesting against 
the abandonment of any part whatsoever of 
the national territory. 

The resolution was worded as follows: 
' ' In these momentous times of sacrifice and 
of faith in Freedom and the Right, we herewith 
proclaim the indivisibility of our Serbo-Croato- 
Slovene national unity, which must be polit- 
ically realized, even as it has already been 
morally accomplished. We therefore declare 
that we will never permit any purely Jugoslav 
territory to be sacrificed or dismembered, least 
of all in any part of our Adriatic coast-lands 
inhabited by Serbs, Croats, or Slovenes. We 
appeal to all the Powers who are at this moment 
fighting for the principles of nationality and 
justice, to guarantee the unity of our race, so 
that Serbia may fulfill her mission of liberation 
and thus ensure one of the primary conditions 
for the future peace of (Europe. The dis- 
memberment of the Adriatic coast-lands would 
be an act of terrible injustice, especially in a 
war waged for the liberation of nations. ' ' 


In the summer 1915, Jugoslav mass meet- 
ings were held in all the great cities in the 
States possessing Jugoslav colonies. 

The meetings in Pittsburgh, Pa., Chicago, 
Cleveland, San Francisco, Los Angeles and 
New York each attended by from two to three 
thousand delegates cabled the following mes- 
sage to the Serbian Premier, M. Pasic : 

"In the name of our brothers in Austria- 
Hungary, who are at present unable to express 
their thoughts and sympathies, as well as on 


our own behalf, we hereby declare that all Slo- 
venes, Croats, and Serbs regard the struggle 
of Serbia as their own national struggle, and 
Serbia's ideals as their o'.vn. We unanimously 
demand that by the stipulations of the future 
Peace Congress not one inch of Jugoslav terri- 
tory may remain under foreign rule; but that 
all this territory shall be united in one state 
with Serbia and Montenegro. With the earnest 
request that you will in due course give your 
support to this demand, and with full confi- 
dence in you, we hereby send you our best 
wishes from this great meeting; and through 
you we beg to greet the Serbian King, the 
Crown Prince, and the whole Serbian Army 
as our liberators." 

Similar resolutions were passed at other 
meetings, and the Jugoslav propaganda as- 
sumed considerable proportions in the U. S. A. 


The following resolution was unanimously 
carried at all the great Jugoslav meetings in 
America (in Summer 1915). 

"In the name of our oppressed brothers 
in Austria-Hungary, who are at present com- 
pelled by ruthless tyranny to fight against 
their brother Slavs, or to languish in prison, 
and who are therefore unable to lay the facts 
of their sufferings before the world, we hereby 
protest energically before the whole of the civ- 
ilized world against the inhumanities now 
being practised upon them ; against the hang- 
ing and shooting of innocent people; the 
strangling and perversion of law and justice ; 
the slaughter of women and children ; the cal- 
ling to the colours of youths under military 
age and infirm old men ; against the placing of 
our countrymen in the first line of danger ; 
against foully murdering them from behind; 
and against the burning of homesteads and the 
robbing of property in our devasted country. 
We implore all the brothers of our race in both 
continents to turn their hate and their arms 
against their oppressors, and we implore our 
brothers who are suffering in prison to be 
patient and to trust that victory will be with 
the Slavs and their friends, the French and 
British, whose triumphs will achieve the Ju- 
goslav ideal of liberty and unity. We pledge 
our solemn word that we will in every way 
help the cause of the Slavs and their Allies; 
that we will strive to promote our own na- 


tional unity; that we will not by strikes pr6- 
vent or hamper the work of any factories en- 
gaged in supplying armaments and munitions 
to Russia, Great Britain, or France ; and that 
we will rouse our brothers from the sleep of 
apathy with the clarion call to freedom, which 
shall finally dawn upon the Jugoslav also the 
last slaves in Europe." 


During the month of September, the great 
Jugoslav Labour Union, "Hrvatska Narodna 
Zajednica," which has 35,000 members, held its 
congress in Cleveland, Ohio, U. S. A. The 
Austrian Consuls had previously done their 
best to undermine the authority of the leaders 
of the Union, who are anti-Austrian and 
thoroughly patriotic, and to replace them by 
their own few followers. The Jugoslav papers 
in the United States even publish the facsimile 
of a letter from the Austrian Consul in Pitts- 
burg, from which it transpires, that Austrian 
agents actually founded a pseudo-Jugoslav 
paper, and tried to bribe the delegates of the 
Congress. Nevertheless the Congress passed 
off without any kind of disturbance; all 
Austrian attempts were defeated, the old lead- 
ers were re-elected, and duly authorized to 
continue to make use of the official paper of 
the Union for the propaganda in favour of the 
idea of Jugoslav emancipation from the 
Austrian yoke. 

Towards the end of September a great de- 
monstration called the "Slovenski Dan" 
(Slovene Day) was organized in San Francisco, 
at the Pacific Exhibition. All Slovenes present, 
and a large number of other Jugoslavs as well, 
demonstrated in favour of their liberation and 

On September 18 and 19 the Congress of all 
the Croatian Gymnastic Associations in the 
United States took place in Cleveland, Ohio. 
Public exhibitions of gymnastics and pro- 
cessions of many thousand gymnasts were most 
successfully arranged. On this occasion it was 
decided that henceforth all Croatian, Serbian, 
and Slovene gymnastic associations should be 
united in one great single Union, which will be 
in constant touch with the Czech, Polish, and 
Russian Associations. This resolution was ap- 
proved by the great Congress of representa- 
tives of the labour Union "Hrvatska Narodna 


Zajednica," by the Serbian Unions "Sloga" 
and "Srbobran," the political Unions "Hrvat- 
ski Savez" and "Slovenacka Liga,' and many 
other Unions and Associations, representing in 
all more than 150,000 organised Jugoslavs in 
the United States. At this meeting the follow- 
ing Resolution was unanimously carried: 

"The Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes are one 
and the same nation in blood, language, and 
by the national ideals they hold in common. 
We are heart and soul with the army, the na- 
tion, and the Government of our brothers in 
Serbia and Montenegro. Their struggle is our 
struggle. Shoulder to shoulder we stand with 
them against our common enemies the Teutons, 
Magyars, and Turks in this fight for the reali- 
zation of the freedom and unity of all Jugo- 
slavs in one great national State. We trust 
that no part of our nation, nor one inch of our 
soil, will be given into slavery to foreigners. 
We confidently expect the victory of our bro- 
thers the Russians, and of their noble Allies 
and our own. Full of loyalty to the great 
country of Washington and Lincoln, we hail 
the wise policy of President Wilson with re- 
gard to the hostile and inhuman conduct of the 
Austro-Germans. ' ' 

A copy of the resolution was forwarded 
to Mr. Lansing, Secretary of State, to Mr. Pa- 
sic, the Serbian Premier, to Mr. Plamenac, the 
Montenegrin Minister, to the Jugoslav Com- 
mittee in London, and to the Russian, British, 
and French Ambassadors in Washington." 

Finaly, on September 23, the "Hrvatski 
Savez" (Croatian League) held a meeting in 
Cleveland protesting energetically against the 
Austro-German intrigues in America. A re- 
solution similar to those quoted above was pas- 
sed, and copies of it were sent to the represen- 
tatives of the Allied Powers. The League also 
passed a resolution approving of the work of 
the Jugoslav Committee in London and promis- 
ing it every possible support. 


On August 27, 1915, prompted by the 
Serbo-Orthodox priest, the Rev. Father Nikolai 
Velimirovic, the Catholic, Orthodox, and Uni- 
tarian priests of Jugoslav nationality resident 
in the United States, held a joint meeting in 
Chicago. Opening the discussion, the Rev. Mr. 
Reljic, Chairman of the meeting, remarked that 
"after a short interval of many centuries" this 
was the first assembly at which priests belong- 

ing to different confessions were met together 
to demonstrate that divergencies of faith are 
powerless to divide either the Jugoslav nation 
or their clergy. The meeting adopted the 
proposal that these joint meetings should be 
continued, elaborated a programme for further 
activities, and passed a resolution expressing 
the "complete agreement of the Jugoslav clergy 
with the will of the nation as expressed at 
many meetings". The resolution proceeds: 
"We also claim the fulfilment of those demands 
of right and justice for which our free brothers 
in Serbia and Montenegro are fighting, and 
for which our unredeemed brothers in Austria- 
Hungary are suffering. And God's justice, 
which we hold to be on our side, consists in 
this, that all Slavs in Europe shall be liber- 
ated from the chains of German militarism and 
Austro-Hungarian oppression; that all Jugo- 
slavs, being one nation by blood, language, and 
national claims, shall be liberated from 
Austro-Hungarian misrule and united in one 
independent State; that, futhermore, not one 
inch of Jugoslav soil shall be excluded from the 
borders of this State, either in Dalmatia, or in 
Istria, in Slovenia, the Banat, or Macedonia; 
that those differences of faith, which have 
been regarded as the greatest obstacles to 
national unity, are in fact and according to the 
conviction of ourselves, who are representa- 
tives of the two principal confessions in Jugo- 
slavia, no obstacles at all to the practical reali- 
zation of our ideal of one nation in one State; 
that the free and united Jugoslav nation should 
be permitted free from foreign interference 
to organize the Jugoslav state on a democratic 
basis, which will guarantee political and re- 
ligious freedom; that hitherto Serbia and 
Montenegro have proved by their excellent 
example that Catholic and Orthodox Christians 
can live together in love and friendship in one 
State. We speak in our own name and in 
that of our brothers, who are still in Austro- 
Hungarian bondage, and we are sure that these 
brothers would speak as we do, were they per- 
mitted the liberty to do so." 


On April 28, 1916, a great Slovene meeting 
was held in Cleveland, U. S. A., at which 500 
delegates represented the Slovene emigrants in 
North America. The meeting adopted a resolu- 
tion which was sent to President Wilson and 
which reads: 

"We, Slovenians of Cleveland and vicinity, 
gathered together in a national mass meeting, 
April 28, 1916, realize that in view of the 
present conditions existing between the United 
States and the German Empire, it is our 
patriotic duty as good American cititzens to 
pronounce our unlimited loyalty to the consti- 
tion and laws of the United States; and we 
express our loyalty and our sincere thanks to 
the President, Woodrow Wilson, for his noble 
defence of humanity, honour, and the welfare 
of American citizens. 

4 'We express also our heartfelt gratitude 
to those fighting for real democracy and the 
freedom of small and oppressed nations, and 
we thank noble France and her allies, as we 
see in their victory the liberation of our 
brethern suffering under the inhuman Austro- 
Hungarian rule, from which tyranny we fled 
across the ocean to the land of golden liberty. 

"United by ties of blood, language, and 
suffering with the Creations and Serbians, we 
feel the sacrifices and sorrows of Serbia as our 
own suffering, and we hope from the bottom of 
our hearts for the liberation and union of our 
nation in one independent and democratic state 
of Jugoslavia." 


With reference to the Preparadness in the 
United States, the Jugoslav immigrants called 
several meetings, from which the following 
message was sent to President Wilson: 

"The Southern Slav Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes here assembled at their national meet- 
ing, send their most sincere greetings to Your 
Excellency, and beg to express their complete 
confidence in your guidance of the politics of 
the United States. They are prepared to 
respond to your call at any moment, should it 
become necessary to repulse foreign attacks 
aimed at the foundations of our democratic 

The meeting received the following 
answer : 

"The President highly appreciates the 
noble words of our message, and has ordered 
me to express his profound gratitude to you 
and to all concerned. Your friendly assurances 
have pleased and encouraged him extremely. 
Yours sincerely, 

"Secretary to the President of the U. S." 





In January, 1916, at a meeting held in 
Autofagasta, Chile, the delegates from all the 
Jugoslav Colonies in South America, passed 
the following resolution : 

"In these epoch-making times of sacrifice 
and hope for right and freedom, we proclaim 
first of all the indivisibility of our Serbo- 
Croato-Slovene National Unity, which must be 
politically realized, even as it is already 
morally accomplished .Consequently, we declare 
that we will never permit that purely Jugo- 
slav territories be sacrificed or partitioned, 
particularly our Adriatic littoral, which is 
inhabited by Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. We 
appeal to all the Powers who are at the present 
moment fighting for the principles of national- 
ity and justice to safeguard the unity of our 
race, and thus to enable Serbia to fulfil her 
mission of liberation, which is one of the con- 
ditions of stable peace in Europe. The dismem- 
berment of the Adriatic littoral would be a 
terrible injustice, especially in a war for the 
liberation of nations. 

"With the repeated declaration that they 
have broken all ties that bound them to the 
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the House of 
Habsburg, they place themselves at the disposal 
of the Serbian Govennent and express their 
complete confidence in the Southern Slav 
Committee in London, which they look upon as 
the legitimate representative body of the 
Southern Slav countries under the Austro- 
Hungarian yoke. 

"They consider themselves and desire to 
be considered by the Allies of Serbia as Allies 
in the common struggle, and claim the protec- 
tion of the representatives of the Entente." 

This congress, which was presided over by 
Messrs. Petrinovic and Jordan, assumed truly 
impressive proportions. All the Jugoslav 
colonies of the five Republics were united in a 
huge gathering in order to take their import- 
ant decisions jointly, and to form a vast Jugo- 
slav National Defence organization. 

The attendance was considerable, in spite 
of intervening distances and travelling ex- 
penses. Chilian personages, as well as French 
and English, were present. M. Micic, Delegate 
from the London Committe, and M. Leontic, 


Representative of the Young Jugoslavs, were 
likewise present. 

In six days of deliberation, the Jugoslavs 
of South America have fulfilled all the hopes 
of their fellow-citizens, and at this momentius 
juncture they have nobly fulfilled their 
national duty and deserved well of their 

They have severed all the links that could 
still bind them to the Empire. They have 
placed themselves at the disposal of "their 
native King", Peter I., and of the Serbian 
Goverment. They have passed a vote of com- 
plete confidence on the Southern Slav Com- 
mittee, regarding this as the sole legitimate 
representative body of the enslaved countries. 
Prom the practical point of view, these resolu- 
tions assumed the following forms. A new 
organization, the Jugoslav National Defence, 
has been formed with a very thorough-going 
programme. Mr. Baburica is the President, 
and the Council (Senate) is presided over by 
Mr. J. Moro. Next, an amalgamation of all 
Jugoslav papers in South America has been 
realized, and all will henceforth represent a 
single outlook. Furthermore, the members 
have contributed the largest (proportionate) 
donation to the Serbo-Montenegrin Red Cross 
Society and Orphans, and have undertaken the 
responsibility for the budget of the Southern 
Slav Committee. Finally, they have recruited 
a volutary legion to help in the national 

These, then, are the practical results. Their 
solidarity with martyred Serbia, thus openly 
avowed by the Congress, demonstrates that the 
Jugoslavs deserve their liberty, since they are 
prepared and demand as their right to suffer 
for its name. Thus we are in possession of 
yet another proof that the Jugoslav nation in 
its entirety is conscious of the greatness of the 
times through which we are passing, and of the 
aim in view. 

The Jugoslovenska Drzava, the organ of 
the Jugoslav National Defence, in bringing out 
its first number, comments upon the growing 
interest aroused by the Jugoslav cause among 
the Chilian public and the foreign colonies. 
The entire Chilian press has devoted long 
articles, and in some cases an entire issue, to 
these events. Chilian publicists (notably M. 
Villagrau-Valenzuela) spoke at the Congress. 
Jugoslav faith and determination deserve in the 
eyes of everybody a respect which ought to be 



all the greater as it is manifesting itself so 
strikingly at the very moment when the in- 
dependent principalities Serbia and Monte- 
negro are likewise crushed and enslaved in 
their turn. 

It is well to mention that the South Amer- 
ican Jugoslavs come for the greater part from 
the littoral of Dalmatia and Croatia, notably 
the presidents of the Congress and the new 
organizations, are Croats from the littoral, and 
all are natives of the Dalmatian Isles. 


There is a small Jugoslav colony in New 
Zealand, numbering 3,000 Croats, chiefly 
working men from Dalmatia. This tiny colony 
has nevertheless its own friendly societies and 
publishes its own newspaper. Since the begin- 
ing of the war it has collected 200 for the 
British Relief Fund, 2,000 for the Serbian and 
Montenegrin Red Cross Society and the Relief 
Fund for Austrian emigrants, and given one 
hundred volunteers to the British Army. 


Last summer, the Jugoslavs Croats, Slo- 
venes, and Serbs in British Columbia have 
organized themselves and have held a mass 
meeting in Vancouver. The meeting, which 
was attended by many British sympathizers, 
was very fully reported in all the English 
papers in Vancouver, and the sympathy 
extended to the Jugoslav cause by the Press 
has been quite remarkable. At the meeting the 
present position of the Jugoslavs in Austria- 
Hungary and the efforts for deliverance and 
unification were explained, after which a 
resolution was passed, demanding the liber- 
ation of all the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes 
from Austria-Hungary and their unification 
with Serbia in one single independent State. 
Telegrams expressing loyalty to their land of 
refuge and to the cause of the Allies were sent 
to H. R. H. the Duke of Connaught, to Sir 
Robert Borden, the Canadian Premier, to Mr. 
W. J. Bowser, Premier of British Columbia, 
and to the United States. 




Based upon the immortal 
"Declaration of Independence." 

When in the course of human events, it 
becomes necessary for one people to dissolve 
the political bands which have connected them 
with another, and to assume among the powers 
of the earth, the separate and equal station 
to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's 
God entitles them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should 
declare the causes which impel them to the 
separation from the dual monarchy, namely 
Austria-Hungary and to form a union with our 
kin of southern Europe based upon the Ameri- 
can democratic principles, consisting of the 
following branches of the Southern Slavic 
race, namely, Croatians, Serbians and Slovenes. 

We hold these truths to be selfevi.dent, that 
all men are created equal, that they are endow- 
ed by their Creator, with certain unalienable 
rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and 
the pursuit of Happiness. And since the 
government of the Dual Monarchy, Austria- 
Hungary, is entirely foreign to its downtrod- 
den Slavic subjects in race and traditions, it 
has furthered its tyrannical ambitions by at- 
tempting severely to Germanize them, who are 
a people with nobler traditions, more ancient 
than the Teutonic, whose so called "flower 
of chivalry" in the time of the Crusades, name- 
ly the Teutonic "Knights of the Cross", were 
in reality but a band of robbers and plunder- 
ers, masquerading under the sacred symbol of 
"The Cross", conquering Prussia, Pomerania, 
etc., in 1309, and successfully Germanizing the 
Slavic inhabitants by the power of the sword. 

The history of the present Emperor 
Francis Joseph is a monstrous record of re- 
peated injuries and usurpations, all having for 
direct object the establishment of an absolute 
tyranny over the Southern Slavs as a whole. 
To prove this let facts be submitted to a candid 
world : 

He has with the assistance of his Germanic 
clique, dissolved parliament repeatedly for 
opposing their invasions on the rights of the 
people; sent swarms of officials to harass our 
people and eat out their substance ; refused 
his assent to laws, the most wholesome and 
necessary for the public good; effected to 

render the military superior and independent 
of the civil power ; abolished some of our most 
valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the 
forms of our government ; politically attempt- 
ed to complete the works of death, desolation 
and tyranny, already many times begun with 
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely 
paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 
totally unworthy of the heads of a civilized na- 
tion; constrained our people to bear arms 
against their brethren, the Serbians especially, 
or to fall themselves by their hands; incited 
domestic insurrections amongst us, and have 
allied themselves with that gory tornado, the 
Turk, against democracy and civilization; and 
in every stage of these oppressions we have 
petitioned for redress in the most humble 
terms, being in each and every instance answer- 
ed only by repeated injury. 

A government whose fundamental princi- 
ples are thus marked by acts, which define 
barbarous tyrants, are unfit for human fellow- 
ship among sister nations. 

We Croatians, Serbians and 'Slovenes (or 
Slovenians) situated in the southern part of 
the Dual Monarchy, together with our kindred 
states have for ten centuries been the bulwark 
of Christendom against the Turks, Avars and 
other tribes of Mongol origin. Theorize, our 
American brother, theorize upon the vast dif- 
ference that would have been to the detriment 
of western civilization if the Southern Slav 
did not for a thousand years resist the west 
ward march of Asiatic barbarians on many a 
glorious battlefield, immortally inscribed in 
history ! Almighty God, alone, may know if 
the Gaul, Anglo-Saxon or Latin would have 
advanced from darkness, and taken the world 
with them as they did, if it were not for the 
heroic Slav battling the hordes of Satan on the 
eastern and southern borders of Europe. 

The only source of information to be ha'" 
by the western world was through Teutonic 
channels, and it being the height of absurdity 
to expect compliments from one's tyrant, we 
therefore are not surprised at the mistakei 
conception of the European Slavic world in 
general, that is held in this glorious republic, 


Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of "Quo 
Vadis", said that "America was the conscience 
of the world." AMERICANS! we appeal to 
that conscience ; to those noble hearts that feed 
martyred Belgium; to your seats of science 
whose genius freed stricken Serbia of typhus ; 
to those noble traditions and impulses th 
drove you into the realm of Mars in 1861 fo 
over four bloody years, which resulted in the 
emancipation of the black race and the prese?- 
vation of the Great Union under the genir- 
of martyred Lincoln, for sympathy for You' 
Voice at the Fatal Hour, to help us secure our 
coveted freedom through the power of you: 
moral and material influence in world con- 
ferences and diplomacy. 

The Central Empires, in their official war 
reports, state that the Croatians or Dalmatians 
and other Slavs are enthusiastic victors in com- 
bats with their brother Slavs, such as Rus- 

sians and Serbians, thereby trying to sow the 
seed of discord even among the Slavs through- 
out the world, by trying to fasten their bloody 
claws on the conscience of their numerous 

Therefore, we wish to express our thanks 
and appreciation to the American people for 
liberties extended us and sincerely desire to re- 
mind them of their ancestors of the Revolution- 
ary War, the immortal heroes of 1776, when- 
ever they enter a discussion of the Slavs in 
general, thereby extending us what is right- 
fully ours, the sympathies of a great demo- 
cracy, towards a downtrodden nation that de- 
sires a share of the glow of that mighty 
beacon LIBERTY. 

From the "Appeal" 
Issued under the auspices of the 
Croatian Benevolent Society "Dalmatia" 
of Oakland, Cal. 1916. 


La Tribune de Geneve, in its issue of July 
8, 1916 publishes the proclamation by the 
Bosnian and Herzegovinian Mussulmans living 
in Switzerland: 

"The Mussulman academic youth from 
Bosnia-Herzegovina in Switzerland unanimous- 
ly hails the action of the Grand Sherif of Mec- 
ca, the chief of Islam, and sovereign lord of 
the native county of Mohammed. 

"As faithful sons of Islam we perfectly 
approve the manner in which the Grand She- 
rif has acted in the interests of our sacred 
duties, and we emphatically blame the present 
Government in Turkey, which has dishonoured 
our Holy Faith by placing it at the service 
of Austro-German interests. It is a great mis- 
take to believe that the Turkish Sultans were 
the rightful protectors of Islam. Neither Or- 
togol Bey, nor Osman Ali, nor the Sultan So- 
liman II. the Great ever possessed any author- 
ity to justify their depriving one Mussulman 
race of liberty to the advantage of another; 
and they are still less in a position to justify 
the abuse of our religion in their own interests. 

"Before; the proclamation of the 'Holy 

War' on the part of Turkey, our Islam was 
not in the least threatened. By this declara- 
tion Turkey has not only ruined herself, but 
she has also and this is far more regrettable 
endangered our whole religion. We hold 
that she has thereby forfeited all her rights 
as protectress ot? Islam. 

"Turkey can never justify herself for 
having proclaimed the 'Holy War' for the ad- 
vantage of the Austro-Germans, the secular 
enemies of Islam, and she will be responsible 
to the Sherifate. We Musselmans of Bosnia- 
Herzegovina, who well know the methods em- 
ployed by the State called Austria, are in a 
better position than others to say what use 
Austria has made of our religion. 

"Therefore the Musselman youth of Bos- 
nia-Herzegovina cannot but hail with joy the 
movement of the Arabs who have risen in de- 
fence of our religion, and rejoice in their 
action. We cannot conceal the fact that our 
sympaties are always on the side of those who 
devote themselves to the defence of the prin- 
ciples of religious and national freedom." 



36. La retraite de Serbie, par Louis L. 
Thomson, Medecin major, Paris, 
Hachette & Co. 

37. Pierre Bertrand. L'Autriche a voulu 
la grande guerre. Paris. 1916. 

38. La Serbie et Kossovo, par le Dr. T. 
Georgevitch, Paris, 1916. 

39. La Question de 1'Adriatique, par 
Charles Vellay. Paris. 1915. (Literai- 
rie Chapelat). 

40. Le Plan Pangermaniste demasque. 
Par Andre Cheradame. (Paris, Plon- 
Nourrit A Cie, 1916). 

41. Le Banat, par Gregoire Yakchitch. 
Paris. (Plon-Nourrit & Cie. 1916). 

42. Le Probleme Italo slave, par P. T. 
de Sakolovic. (Paris, Plon-Nourrit & 
Cie.) 1916. 

44. Le Probleme italo-slave, par J. T. 
(Paris, Plon-Nourrit & Cie. 1916). 

45. L 'Autriche-Hongrie en guerre centre 
ses sujet, par Pierre de Lanux et Mi- 
lan Toplica. (Paris, Plon-Nourrit & 
Cie., 1915). 

46. L 'Unite Yougoslave (manifeste de lo 
jeunene Serbe, Croat et Slovine reu- 
nie). (Paris, Plon-Nourrit & Cie. 

47. Les Yougoslaves, lour paise, leur ave- 
nir, par H. Hinkovic. (Paris, Librai- 
rie Felix Alcan, 1916). 

48. La Grande Serbie, par E. Denis. (Pa- 
ris 1915. Librairie Delagrave.) 

49. La Yougoslavie, par Pierre de Lanux, 
(Paris, Payot, 1916). 

50. L 'epopee Serbe, par H. Barby, (Paris 

51. L'Autriche et la Hongrie de demain, 
par le Dr A. Chervin, (Paris, Berger- 
Levrault, 1916). 

52. Les Yougoslaves au point de vue 
ethnique. Leur union nationale, par 
le Dr A. Chervin. (Paris, L 'Associa- 
tion francaise pour 1'Avancement des 
Sciences, 1916). 

53. Les persecutions des Yougoslaves. 
Proces politiques (1908-1916). Avan- 
propos de Victor Berard. (Paris, 
Plon-Nourrit & Cie. 1916). 

54. Le Regime Politique d'Autriche-Hun- 
grie en Bosnie-Herzegovine. A les 
Proces de Houte Trahison, par un 
groupe d' Homines politique yougo- 
slaves, (Paris, Zupremerie Nouvelle- 
Aunemane. 1916). 

55. Balcanicus. La Bulgaria ; ses ambi- 
tion, sa trahison, (1915). 

56. La liquidation de PAutriche-Hungrie, 
par Louis Leger, (Paris. 1915). 

57. Avec Parmee d' Orient. Dardanelles, 
Serbie, Salonique (avril 1915 Jan- 
vier 1916) par. Joseph Vassal, (Paris, 
Plon-Nourrit & Cie. 1916). 

58. La Hongrie d'hier A de demain, par 
Andre Dubosco, (Paris, Blond et 
Gay, 1916). 



Even during the Balkan war many Jugo- 
slavs from Austria-Hungary have deserted in- 
to Serbo-Montenegrin armies and fought on 
their soil. 

In the beginning of this war all those Ju- 
go-slavs from Austria-Hungary who happened 
to be in Serbia and Montenegro at that time 
and whose numbers exceeded two thousand, 
placed themselves at the disposal of the Serb- 
ian and Montenegrin authorities. Whoever 
from the younger generation could, he immi- 
grated during the first months of the war into 
Serbia and Montenegro. A considerable num- 
ber of such deserters came from Dalmatia, but 
the greatest numbers fled from Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. During the fighting in 1914 a 
great number of Jugo-slav soldiers from Aus- 
tro-Hungary surrendered readily and of whom 
several thousands later joined of their own 
free will either the fighting line or the police 
forces or the civil service of Serbia and Monte- 
negro. There were entire companies and in- 
deed whole battalions from the Austro-Hunga- 
rian armies who passed over to the Serbian 
side : thus a whole regiment from Dalmatia, 
has passed over with all officers, banners, 
arms, music and equipment to the Serbian side. 
During the Serbian retreat in the winter of 
1915 the greatest number of the Austrian war 
prisoners of Slav nationality joined the Serb- 
ian fighting lines, and althoug^b, all the 
prisoners were at liberty either to remain in 
Serbia or to return to the Austrian lines, none 
from the Jugo-slav prisoners remained in 
Serbia. None of the war prisoners would re- 
main but all joined the Serbian armies in their 
retreat through Albania. Even at this moment 
there are in the Serbian army great numbers 
of Jugo-slav volunteers from Austria. 

In the very beginning of this war many 
Slavs, especially the Czechs and Jugo-Slav, sur- 
rendered themselves to the Russians where- 
ever an opportunity presented itself. This is 
explained by the fact that in the first engage- 
ments around Lvov (Lemberg) the greater 
part of the third army corps, composed of 
pure Slovenes, has reached Russian hands, as 

also the thirteenth army corps composed chief- 
ly of the Croatians forms the bulk of the lists 
of the war prisoners in Russia. That is the 
only manner to explain the fact that there are 
to-day in Russia in round numbers 200,000 Ju- 
go-slav, Austrian soldiers, who have been 

The majority of these prisoners have been 
liberated by the Russian Government, and they 
have volunteered and formed two complete 
divisions who are being drilled under the 
command of the superior Serbian officiers, as 
also the ex-Austrian officiers who have joined 
those divisions. 

Besides there are many Jugo-slav volun- 
teers in British and French armies. It may be 
established that since the beginning of this 
war untill now at least 100,000 Jugo-slavs have 
participated or organized for battle in the war 
against the Central Powers. 

All this proves most persuasively that the 
Austrian Jugo-slavs long so much for their li- 
beration that they give freely and in masses 
their lives in the struggle for liberation and 
helping their Serbian brothers, the Liberators. 


There are many Jugoslavs serving in the 
French Foreign Legion, and fighting bravely 
on the side of the gallant French. One of 
them, Thomas Goricki, was recently mortally 
wounded, and we fear that he has since died. 
He was a brave and gallant boy, and was de- 
corated for valour. As far back as on Feb. 8 
the Paris Temps brought the following notice 
about him, sent by one of its correspondents. : 

"Thomas Goricki, from Virovitica (Croa- 
tia), private in the marching regiment of the 
Foreign Legion, at present on leave in Paris, 
came to see me, and told me the following: 
'As I was in France at the moment of the 
declaration of war, I hastened to enlist in the 
Foreign Legion. The medal of St. George 
which you see on my breast was recently be- 
stowed on me by His Majesty the Tsar. Several 
others of my countrymen, who have distin- 
guished themselves on the fields of battle by 


deeds of dash or heroism, were similarly deco- 
rated. All of us Jugoslavs are mixed up with 
the Czechs, and that is why even the French do 
not know that we too are fighting on their 
side. We are fighting with enthusiasm beside 
the French, for their victory, which will be 
ours as well, because the foremost result of 
this victory must be the dissolution of Aus- 
tria-Hungary, and consequently the deliverance 
of our whole Jugoslav race from the Austro- 
Magyar yoke and our reunion with resuscitat- 
ed Serbia." 



Dr. H. Hinkovic, for the Jugoslav Com- 
mittee, gave following communication through 
"Manchester Guardian", September 1916: 

According to a Petrograd despatch pub- 
lished in the papers, Serbian troops, under 
the command of the Serbian General Hadjich, 
have entered Rumania in order to co-operate 
with the Russian and Rumanian troops. Evi- 
dently they could only come from Russia. But 
how did they arrive there? And do we not 
know that the remnants of the Serbian troops 
who survived the Albanian castrophe are at 
present on the Salonika front? Kindly allow 
me to unveil this mystery. 

These Serbian contigents are principally 
formed of the Southern Slav prisoners of 
war who succeeded in surrendering to the Rus- 
sians. The war which the Germans and Ma- 
gyars of Austria-Hungary are waging against 
Serbia and Russia is for the Austro-Hungarian 
Southern Slav (Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes) a 
fratricidal one. To force them to fight their 
brothers and kinsmen is a crime unparalleled 
in history. Thousands of young men succeed- 
ed in escaping from Austria-Hungary, and 
other thousands who flocked from both Ameri- 
cas and the British over-seas dominions joined 
the Serbian army as volunteers and helped to 
win its magnificent victories. There are also 
Southern Slavs in the British and French ranks. 
Tens of thousands are working in American, 
British, and French ammunition factories. 
Those who have been by force enrolled in the 
Austro-Hungarian armies surrendered in mass- 
es wherever there was an opportunity. It was 
the Southern Slav Committee which took the 


initiative of forming volunteer contigents of 
Southern Slavs captured by Russians. At our 
appeal our heroes rushed from all parts of the 
vast Russsian Empire to perform their sacred 
duty. Enthusiastically they offered their young 
lives to a noble cause. This cause is to crush 
their gaolers the Germans and Magyars; to 
destroy their prison Austria-Hungary ; to free 
themselves, and to establish with Serbia an 
independent State embracing the whole Jugo- 
slav race. 

There are those who ask if the Croats and 
'Slovenes really wish to join the Serbs. The 
Jugoslav volunteers who entered Rumania and 
those who from every possible part rush to 
Salonika to enlarge the number of the Serbian 
fighters answer this question in an incontest- 
able manner. They are all ready to shed their 
blood with their Serbian brothers with a com- 
mon enthusiasm for their common fatherland, 
for their common national ideals. 

an article from its correspondent Alolf Koes- 
ter. "The news that there are Russian troops 
fighting in Dobrudja, under the Rumanian 
command, must be confirmed; it is a fact 
though, that on the Roumanian side there is 
one Serbian division in which besides others, 
there are a number of Austro-Hungarian vo- 
lunteers. The Serbian officiers in command 
have come fron Corfu to Russia, around 

THE GLOBE (N. Y.), of September 17th, 
has received the following from Lausanne ;. 
Some time ago the telegraphic news has stated 
that there are a number of Serbian troops in 
Odessa, Russia. We are able, now, to give 
some authentic news about this unusual phe- 
nomen. From the large number of prisoners of 
war captured by Russia, more then one half 
of them, or about 700,000 are Slav, Rouma- 
nians or Italians. Russia did not ask one 
prisoner of war to volunteer into the army, 
but thousands of prisoners ; Croat, Bosnian and 
Herzegovinian have asked to be enrolled in a 
Serbian Corps. Their wishes have been grant- 
ed and last May, one hundred and thirty Serb- 
ian Officiers have gone to Russsia to organize 
these volunteers. Since then the number, 
without doubt, has risen considerably. 

This movement is of more political then 
military consideration and it will no doubt, 
be of great significance for the Austro-Hun- 
garian Slavs." 

ti SotifHEttN SLAV'S 




The first Jugoslav division, numbering 
25,000 men, has given an excellent account of 
themselves in the big battle fought the later 
part of September in Dobrudja. This division 
is composed entirely ot ex-Austrian soldiers 
that were made prisoneres of war in Russia 
and now are volunteering into the army. They 
were on the left of the battle line covering 
the town of Constanza. The position of the 
Allied army was extremely bad, and when the 
lines started to waver the time came for our 
volunteers to go into the battle under the 
leadership of he high Serbian officers. The 
enemy stormed the lines of this particular di- 
vision eighteen times without success. Furious 
at such resistance, Mackensen ordered cavalry 
to storm the lines but our boys broke the enemy 
lines with bombs and bayonets. Five thou- 
sand Germans were killed and eight big guns 
and sixteen mittrailleuse composed the booty 
taken from the Germans. The Second Jugo- 
slav division has been also formed and with 
the first one it will make a special Jugoslav 
Corps under the command of the Serbian 

This has been also noted by the Austrian 
Press and the Roumanian high command has 
complimented our volunteers. 

Even the Russian Tsar on the occassion 
of the review of the Jugoslav troops at Odesa 
has congratulated our troops for its bravery. 


M. Zivkovic, Serbian commander and gen- 
eral adjutant to His Majesty the King. 

The Novoe Vremja, leading Russian news- 
paper, published in Petrograd, Oct. 17, has 
brought the following order of the day, given 

by General M. Zivkovic, commander of the 
Jugoslav volunteers in Russia. 

"I consider myself fortunate that his 
Majesty our beloved King Peter has given me 
the command of the volunteer corps, which is 
composed of the sons of the Serbo-Croat-Slo- 
vene people, and of our brothers Czechs and 
Slovaks. I am especially glad to see you all 
united, of your own free will, in the blessed 
land of the defender of Slavs, the great Russia. 
I am confident that the long awaited day, the 
day of the liberation and the union of the Jugo- 
slav people and the liberation of the Czechs and 
Slovaks from the Austrian yoke, has arrived. 

In the past, we have always been cogni- 
zant of our peril and so for centuries we had 
to fight our enemies. Today, as participants 
in this great war for rights, we can see more 
clearly, better than ever before, that the safe- 
ty of the Jugoslavs lies in unity and solidarity. 
I can see that your young hearts are full with 
this idea, and I as your commander can testify 
that you have been fighting for it as heroes, 
as well as your brothers from Sumava, and the 
first division's heroical sacrifice is the best 
proof of it. 

Heroes, do not forget for a moment that 
in this war against our wicked enemies, not 
only the survival of the Kingdom of Serbia is 
at stake, but the whole question of unification 
of all Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in one insep- 
arable state of Jugoslavia, as well as the future 
of our sister countries, Bohemia and Slovak- 

Serbia has proved to the world that her 
existence is not worth while without being 
united with her sisters, Croatia and Slovenia, 
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and Dalma- 
tia, Srijem, Backa and Banat, and without free 
Bohemia and Slovakland. In volunteering to 
fight for Jugoslavia, you are fulfilling the vow 
of your great teachers: "Love your brother, 
whatever his faith." 



(From "The Spectator", August, 1916.) 

"Some of the smaller countries of the 
world owe their importance largely to the 
accident of their geographical position. Egypt 
and Belgium are cases in point. Serbia is 
another. Serbia occupies a position of the 
highest strategical and political importance. 
'Just as in the Middle Ages Serbia lay across 
the path of the Turkish conquerors moving 
westwards, so last autumn she blocked the path 
of the German conquerors moving eastwards.' 
It cannot be too clearly understood that the 
Drang nach Osten has constituted the corner- 
stone of the foundations on which all recent 
German policy has been built. The fact that 
at the commencement of the war the efforts 
of the German General Staff appeared to be 
exclusively directed to reaching Paris some- 
what obscured this view of the question. The 
British public were disposed to think that 
German action in 1914 was analogous to that 
of 1870. In reality, no such analogy existed. 
In 1870, the Germans were fighting to secure 
German unity and nothing more. This almost 
necessarily led to a conflict with France. In 
1914, the French contest was merely a side- 
show. The defeat of the French Army and the 
occupation of Paris were mainly regarded as 
indispensable preludes to the execution of an 
Eastern policy which had long been contem- 
plated. This became apparent when the 
advance to Paris was checked. The true cha- 
racter of the war became manifest when King 
Ferdinand of Bulgaria threw off the mask and 
events developed in Mesopotamia. The real 
objective of the German Goverment was then 
revealed. That objective had been explained 
by numerous German writers long before the 
war commenced." 

Dealing with various ways of combating 
Germany's sinister and ambitious projects, 
Lord Cromer says: "One of them is to main- 
tain intact that naval supremacy which excites 
the boundless wrath of Count Reventlow, and 
which has induced him to term Great Britain 
the 'Vampire of the Continent.' But this alone 
would not suffice to secure the object in view. 
Another highly efficacious method would be 
to adopt the policy advocated by Dr. Seton- 
Watson, and described by Prince Alexander of 
Serbia as 'the union in one single Fatherland 
of all the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, who are 

one people with the same traditions, the same 
tongue, the same tendencies, but whom an evil 
fate has divided.' Further, Bohemia must be 
rendered autonomous. The disintegration of 
Austria would be a necessary consequence of 
these changes. The German provinces of 
Austria would fall to Germany. There is no 
reason why they should not do so. Their 
adjunction would be in strict conformity with 
the application of those Nationalist principles 
which are generally favoured in all democratic 
countries. Moreover, the addition of a South 
German population to the German Empire 
would possibly strengthen the revolt against 
that disastrous Prussian hegemony which has 
caused such fatal results, and which may not 
improbably receive a check from the Germans 
themselves when the present war is con- 

Lord Cromer concludes: 

"The formation of a strong Southern Slav 
State, which 'would form a barrier against 
Teutonic aggression, ought not to encounter 
any opposition in Italy. Its creation would be 
distinctly favourable to Italian interests. The 
Hungarians will, of course, be violently op- 
posed to any such political combination. The 
spirit which still animates the Magyars is the 
same as that proclaimed by Kossuth, who was 
only a Liberal when direct Magyar interests 
were at stake, when he said: 'I know no Croa- 
tian nationality'. This opposition should not, 
however, be allowed to stand in the way of the 
realization of the project. On grounds alike of 
sentiment and interest, the establishment of a 
Southern Slav Federation merits not merely 
the sympathy, but the full support of 
the British Government. Thus, Dr. Seton- 
Watson says: 'The small and land-locked 
Serbia of the past will be transformed into a 
strong and united Southern Slav State upon 
the eastern shore of the Adriatic, no longer 
seething with unrest as the result of Magyar 
misrule in Croatia and Austrian economic 
tariffs, but free at last to develop a national 
life which has resisted five centuries of 
Turkish oppression.' Moreover, by the adop- 
tion of this plan not only would an act of 
political justice be performed, but a very 
valuable guarantee for the future peace of the 
world would be secured." 




From the fifteenth century to the present 
day every Croatian Parliament has consistently 
demanded that the national territory should 
not be divided, but united in one state. Croa- 
tia has always been the home of every move- 
ment in favour of Jugoslav unity. Her greatest 
men, no less than every one of her nineteenth- 
century Parliaments, have never ceased to 
preach the doctrine of Jugoslav unity to the 
nation, especially to the Serbs and Croats. It 
was because Austria and Germany realized 
that a union between Croats and Slovenes on 
the one hand, and 'Serbs and Croats on the 
other, would endanger their supremacy in the 
Adriatic, that the Central Powers provoked 
this war, through which they hoped to deal the 
Jugoslavs a mortal blow by crushing the New 
Serbia of the Karageorgevic, that most dan- 
gerous focus for the creation of a future Ju- 
goslav state. 

In 1712 the Croatian Parliament accepted 
the Austrian "Pragmatic Sanction" before the 
Hungarian Parliament did so, and independ- 
ently of its decision. The Pragmatic Sanction 
includes a clause to the effect that the Croatian 
nation transfers "the Eoyal Power and Prero- 
gative and the Rights of the Kingdom to such 
descendants of the house of Austria in the fe- 
male line as shall become possessed of Styria, 
Carnia, and Carinthia," thus emphasizing the 
demand of the nation that the Slovene coun- 
tries should not be divided from Croatia. 

The national awakening of Croatia and 
the Croats began with the so-called "Illyrian 
movement" in 1832. This movement was es- 
sentially Jugoslav in its character, having for 
its ideal the union of the whole nation from 
Skutari to Varna and the Triglav. 

In 1848, during the reign of Ban Jellacic 
and at the time of the war against the Ma 
gyars, who tried even then to Magyarize Croa- 

tia, the Croatian Parliament proclaimed "the 
unity of the Serbs and Croats" and their 
brotherhood in arms, adopting "all Serbian 
claims as our own, even as we form one nation 
with the Serbs, and will never permit ourselves 
to be divided from them." The Parliament 
further demanded that the provinces of Dal- 
matia, Istria, Gorizia, Carnia, Carniola, and 
Southern Styria should be included in the 
union of Croatia and the Serbian Vojvodina. 

When in 1860 the Austrian Constitution 
was re-established, and the Conference con- 
voked by the Ban of Croatia was invited to 
express its views, it replied by demanding that 
"all Dalmatia, and at least the Quarnero Is- 
lands of Krk, Cres, and Losinj belonging to 
Istria, as well as the former Croatian districts 
of Volosco, Labin, and Novigrad should be 

united with Croatia." 

* * * 

The Croatian Parliament of 1861 and 1865 
again affirmed the national unity of Croats 
and Serbs, and demanded the territorial union 
of all Jugoslav lands in Austria. 

* * # 

Even under the regime of Count Khuen 
Hedervary (1883-1903), the most corrupt ever 
known in Croatia, the Croatian Parliament in- 
sisted upon the necessity of free and brotherly 
intercourse between Serbs and Croats; and 
the language used in all Government offices 
and schools was officially designated as the 
"Serbo-Croat language." 

Since 1906 the majority in the Croatian 
Parliament has consisted of members of the 
Serbo-Croat Coalition, a group of parties which 
has never failed to obtain a majority at all 
elections, even upon occasions when the 
Government has done its utmost to terrorize 
the electors. The Serbo-Croat Coalition has for 
its party programme the union of Croats, 
Serbs, and Slovenes. The opposition consists 
of a few members belonging to a small party 
which is both Austrophil and Serbophobe. The 
Magyaropbil party came to an end many years 




We quote the following extracts (penned 
in 1860 and 1862) from the writings of Mons. 
Fran jo Racki, the well-known Croatian histo- 
rian and politician, and first President of the 
Jugoslav Academy of Art and Science, found- 
ed in 1867 by Bishop Strossmayer (vide Vla- 
dimir Zagorki, Francois Racki et la Renais- 
sance Scientifique et Politique de la Croatic. 
Paris, 1909) : 

"If the Balkan Peninsula had heen grant- 
ed the centuries of comparative peace necessa- 
ry to the development of state society, the 
racial differences would have been gradually 
obliterated, and the various nationalities amal- 
gamated in one national community, which 
would have proved strong enough to constitute 
an independent State between the Adriatic and 
the Black Sea. The principal reason why the 
Jugoslavs have not taken that place in history 
to which they are entitled both by their num- 
bers and their geographical position, is that 
they never succeeded in creating their own 
body politic. 

"The treaty between Hungary and Croa- 
tia in the twelfth century not only interrupted 
the growth of the Croatian state, but post- 
poned the development of Jugoslav unity for 
centuries. Every thinking man must admit 
that South Eastern Europe owes its present 
aspect by which it is a menace to civilization, 
only to the absence of a strong Jugoslav state, 
which would have prevented the Turks from 
establishing themselves in Europe. 

"Hungarian policy has always aimed at 
undermining Croatian independence, so that 
Hungary might reach the sea across Croatia, 
just as in former times (this was written in 
1860) Hungary sougfit to dominate Bosnia, 
Serbia, Bulgaria, and Rumania, so that she 
might carry her power as far as the Balkan 
Mountains and the Lower Danube. The idea of 
Jugoslav unity, no matter whether it appeared 
in Croatia, Serbia, or Bosnia, never had a more 
determined or ruthless enemy than Hungary. 

"We see in Jugoslav solidarity the strong- 
est guarantee for our national existence; but, 
rightly or wrongly, the Magyars see in it the 
grave of their own nationality. We look upon 
the liberation of the East as a primary condi- 
tion for a better national future, whereas the 
Magyars look upon it as the beginning of their 
downfall or at least as the end of their claims 
to supremacy. 

' ' The Croats can honestly say to the Serbs : 
'we do not aim at supremacy, because there 

can be no question of supremacy between two 
branches of the same nation. Whatever you 
may achieve, we will gladly acknowledge it and 
join hands with you. You are masters of the 
Drina. May God bless your standards when 
you cross the river." 

We will also quote Tadija Smiciklas, the 
author of the first systematically compiled} 
history of Croatia, late President of the Jugo- 
slav Academy (died 1914). In 1888 he wrote 
the following: 

"The Serbs and Croats are one nation. The 
best and foremost sons of our nation bow 
their heads before this highest principle ; but the 
idea of nationality can only be realized by 
national union." 


(Mr. Trumbic is the President of the Ju- 
goslav Committee in London). 

In 1903 Croatia was convulsed by a na- 
tional movement which aimed at freeing the 
country from Magyar tyranny as represented 
by Count Khuen Hedervary. The disturbances 
which arose in Croatia at the time, accom- 
panied by wholesale incarcerations and nume- 
rous executions under martial law, found an 
echo in Dalmatia, in Istria, and in the Slovene 
land; the idea of Jugoslav communion of in- 
terests and the national Serbo-Croat and Slo- 
vene unity was strenghtened by it and pulsated 
more vigorously than before. The contempt- 
uous attitude of Francis Joseph, who would 
not condescent to receive the deputies of the 
Dalmatian Diet, who petitioned for the aboli- 
tion of martial law, merely whetted the desire 
for deliverance and the hatred for Austria- 
Hungary, who wanted to force the German 
language upon discontented Dalmatia. 

Of the leaders of that movement some ar 
in Austrian prisons, others are safe obroad, be- 
yond the reach of Austrian persecution, and 
furthering the work of union and deliverance. 
The Deputy, Dr. Trumbic, now President of 
the Jugoslav Committee, made a momentous 
speech at the time (Nov. 7, 1903), in which lie 
exposed the methods which Austria employed 



to isolate Dalmatia from the other Jugoslav 

Criticizing the machinations of Austria, 
who was trying to introduce the German lan- 
guage by force, Dr. Trumbic" said: "We d^ 
not want a foreign language. The rights, sen- 
timents, and aspirations of the nation are on- 
posed to it, because they demand that pn'd? 
of place should be given to our native l*v 
guage, both in the Government offices and in 
the home administration of our own country. 
National sentiment refuses to tolerate subjec- 
tion to the foreigner within its own borders. 
Our national aspirations are not leading us 
towards Germanism, but towards liberty. An 
attempt is being made to force the German 
language upon us under the pretext of unify- 
ing the administration of the State. But in a 
State desirous of possessing wholesome and 
sound foundations there can be no needs be- 
yond the needs of the people. And woe to 
the State in which the interests of the State 
are not identical with those of the people! 

"Germanism threatens to make the aspi- 
rations of the Croats an impossibility. Greater 
Germany is gravitating towards the South of 
Europe to enslave under its yoke the beauti- 
ful lands which are the heritage of the Croats. 
Germany is threatening the entire South of 
Europe with her plans of conquest ; it is a fact 
recognized by all Europe except Austria. Ger- 
many is as great a menace to the oppressed 
Croats as to the Magyar oppressors, who are 
so intoxicated by their Pan-Magyar idea that 
they fail to perceive that they are only the 
tool of the Teuton, to be thrown away when 
it has served its turn. Germany is a peril not 
only to the non-Germanic nationalities in Aus- 
tria and the Balkans, but also to one of the 
great nations of Southern Europe, viz., our 
neighbour Italy. What, then, is the lesson we 
must learn from this peril? Our only lesson 
is, that we must go forward all united, and 
shoulder to shoulder, in order to oppose a com- 
mon front to the common foe. 

"It is inevitable that the Croats should 
seek for support abroad, seeing that we may 
look for help in vain in this Monarchy where 
we are isolated and oppressed. The moral 
support of foreign nations may help us more 
than guns. The help of other nations and the 
conviction of Europe that our cause is good, 
that our claims are sacred and justified, 
since they spring from the right to life 
and existence, can alone change the destiny 
of our nation, which has seen nothing but in- 

justice and suffering in this Monarchy from 
time immemorial down to this day. This 
Monarchy, which ought to be a refuge for 
small nations in the heart of Europe, has be- 
trayed its trust. Instead of being a house of 
liberty for the nations and helping them in 
their progress and development, it is neither 
more nor less than a slave market. Conflicts 
between nationalities are raised, fictitious ad- 
ministrative needs invented which are contra- 
ry to the welfare of the peoples and solely ful- 
fil the purpose of protracting the present state 
of affairs. It seems that this Empire is incur- 
able. So long as Austria felt equal to the task, 
she oppressed her nationalitites single-handed ; 
when she no longer felt equal to it, she created 
the Dualism, handing over the nationalities 
who lived in the other half of the Monarchy 
to the savage caprice of the Magyars, while 
she continued her own pernicious labours in 
her own half. 

"The events which have recently taken 
place in our Croatian fatherland are calculat- 
ed to disillusion even those old champions who 
hoped that the Monarchy would in the end 
bring its interests into harmony with those of 
the Croatian people. Alas, these fair dreams 
are shattered and the old champions are in de- 
spair. As if all were at an end, if Austria 
will not consent to be just. But this despair 
is out of place so long as the nation lives ; and 
we have been obliged to say: 'There is no 
justice in the Monarchy for the Croats.' We 
should add at once: 'Our nation has existed 
before the Monarchy, and it will exist after 
it.' (A voice: 'Both within the Monarchy and 

"Violence will have had its day, and so 
long as a nation lives on its own soil then, 
so long as it is not dead, there is always hope 
of success. The younger generation, by re- 
awakening hope in the heart of the nation and 
looking to the nation itself for support and 
strenght, and abroad for moral support, will 
carry on the work of emancipation, and we 
shall attain our goal, which is to make the 
Croats a nation which is its own master. I 
will conclude my remarks with the words 
with which Milan Samardzic, leader of Krivo- 
sie insurgents, welcomed the Austrian General 
Eodic: 'May God give Austria all she desires 
for us Croats." 

These are the words spoken by Mr. Trum- 
bic, thirteen years ago, with the applause of 
the Dalmatian Diet. 






When the Croatian Parliament reassem- 
bled this year in July, i. e., under the most try- 
ing conditions of a war atmosphere, it declared 
through the Speaker, amids a storm of enthu- 
siastic applause from all parties, that the Cro- 
ats demand the Freedom, unity, and independ- 
ence of the nation. During the sittings sharp 
comments were passed upon the Germans and 
Magyars, and upon the policy pursued by 
Vienna and Budapest. 

In one of the last sittings of the Zagreb 
Sabor, Mr. Vilder, Serbo-Croat deputy and 
editor of the news paper Hrvatski Pokret, 
which has been suspended, spoke in answer to 
a press campaign inaugurated against him by 
an Austrophil journal. 

Mr. Vilder said : "I am replying from the 
platform of a deputy because the existing 
typographic conditions (he was referring to 
the censorship) do not permit me to reply 
through the press to the polemics of hostile 
journals. The abnormal conditions which pre- 
vail because of the war are being exploited by 
the Austrophil elements. Every Serb and Croat 
who does not belong to the Frank party is 
denounced as a traitor to the State. As for 
me, I am accused of having declared that the 
idea of the Serbo-Croat coalition will survive 
the war. Well, yes ; here, during the war even, 
I tell you frankly that the idea of national 
Serbo-Croat unity will live after the war as it 
lived before it. I am only re-stating here in 
a few words what thousands of the best sons 
of the Croatian people have said and preached. 
It will be just the same in the future. Without 
considering myself a prophet, I can assert with 
perfect confidence that, even if after the peace 
treaty the frontiers remain as they are at 
present, those in power will be obliged to 
reckon with this idea. ' ' 

Te sitting on June 14, the first of the new 
session, was opened by a loyalist speech by 


Mr. Pero Magdic who, referring to the war 
on the Adriatic front, said: ''The enemy is 
stretching his hand towards our Croatian sea 
with the object of depriving us of our most 
precious pearl." Mr. Veceslav Vilder, member 
of the Serbo-Croat Coalition, spoke of his 
attachment to the idea of Serbo-Croat unity 
which he does not fear to defend in spite of all 
informers. ' ' 

The same day, in the Budget Committee 
of the Croatian Sabor, Mr. Alexander Horvat, 
of the Frank party, refused to vote for the 
indemnity, giving the following reason for his 
refusal : 

"We have no liberty to express our 
thoughts through the press. Everything moves 
under the rule of the court martial, which 
constantly weighs upon Croatia . . . Political 
censorship is pitilessly rampant although 
utterly without system in the columns of our- 
newspapers. The Magyar politicians, both in 
the Goverment and in the Opposition, are free 
to express their views on the future reorganiza- 
tion of the Monarchy, especially in all that 
concerns the conquered territory of the king- 
dom of Serbia; they discuss home and foreign 
politics, and insult and provoke us at their 
leisure. If we attempt to defend Croatian 
rights, or even to copy what they freely write, 
we are inexorably censored. 

In the sitting of the Sabor on June 17 Mr. 
Stjepan Radio, of the peasant party, critizised 
the Hungaro-Croatian Compromise and re- 
gretted the lacunae in the instruction received 
by the Croatian youth. He complains of our 
students' ignorance of foreign languages, 
especially of Russian. His party, which 
accepts the integral unity of Croats, Serbs, and 
Slovenes, is opposed to the Hungaro-Croatian 
Compromise, which is contrary to the national 
unity: "Conscious of being Slavs and Europe- 
ans we must endeavour to overthrow the exist- 
ing Hungarian Goverment; the future of the 
Croats is safe, because they are bound to the 
West by their intellectual influence, and to 
Russia by racial affinity." 


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This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 


HOY 3 1987 


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