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THE  QUARTERLY 


OF  THE 


TEXAS  STATE  HISTORICAL 


ASSOCIATION 


VOLUME  IV. 

JULY,  1900,  TO  APRIL,  1901 


PUBLICATION  COMMITTEE. 

JOHN  H.  KEAGAN, 

GEORGE  P.  GARRISON,  MRS.  BRIDE  NEILL  TAYLOR. 

Z.  T.  FULMORE,  C.  W.  RAINES. 

EDITOR. 
GEORGE  P.  GARRISON. 


AUSTIN.  TEXAS: 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  ASSOCIATION. 

1901. 


The  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 


Organized  March  2, 1897. 


PRESIDENT. 
JOHN  H.  REAGAN. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

GUY  M.  BRYAN,  F.  R.  LUBBOCK, 

MBS.  JULIA  LEE  SINKS.  T.  S.  MILLER. 

RECORDING  SECRETARY  AND  LIBRARIAN. 
GEORGE  P.  GARRISON. 

CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY  AND  TREASURER. 
LESTER  G.  BUGBEE. 

EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL. 

JOHN  H.  REAGAN,  R.  L.  BATTS, 

GUY  M.  BRYAN,  Z.  T.  FULMORE, 

MRS.  JULIA  LEE  SINKS,  W.  J.  BATTLE, 

F.  R.  LUBBOCK,  BEAUREGARD  BRYAN, 

T.  S.  MILLER,  MRS.  DORA  FOWLER  ARTHUR, 

GEORGE  P.  GARRISON,  MRS.  BRIDE  NEILL  TAYLOR, 

C.  W.  RAINES,  RUFUS  C.  BURLESON. 


CONTENTS. 


NUMBER  1;  JULY,  1900. 

ROUTE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA,  III  B Bethel  Coopwood 1 

KKMIMSCENCEB  OF  JUDGE  EDWIN  WALLER P.  E.  Peareson 38 

A  Ki:iu<'M'i:<  TOF-SAN  ANTONIO Mrs.  Emily  B.  Cooley 54 

NOTICES 57 

NOTES  AND  FRAOMKXTS 58 

AFFAIRS  OF  THE  ASSOCIATION 59 

M'MHER  2;  OCTOBER,  1900. 

ESCAPE  OF  KARNKS  AND  TKAI.  FROM  MATAMOBOS..    R.  M.  Potter 71 

KKMINISCENCESOF  MRS.  DILUE  HARRIS.  1 85 

THE  MKXICAN  RAID  OF  1875  ON  CORPUS  CHRISTI  ..      Leopold  Morris 128 

NEW  ORLEANS  NEWSPAPER  FILES  OF  THE  TEXAS 

REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD Alex.  Dienst 140 

BOOK  REVIEWS  AND  NOTICES l.VJ 

NTMBEU  3;  JANUARY,  1901. 

REMINISCENCES  OF  MRS.  DII.UK  HARRIS,  II 155 

DIFFICULTIES  OF  A  MEXICAN  KKVKXUE  OFFICER.  .    Eugene  C.  Barker 190 

HISTORY  OF  LEON  COUNTY W.  D.  Wood 203 

THE  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THK  Gt  IIKKKK/.-MAUKK  Ex- 

PKDITION Walter  Flavins  McCuleh..  218 

BOOK  KK VIKWS  AND  XOTICKS 330 

NOTES  AND  P'RAGMENTS 282 

AFFAIRS  OF  THE  ASSOCIATION 235 

NTMIJEK  4:  APRIL.  1901. 

TIIK  SAX  J.M-IXTO  CA.MPAH.V Eugeue  C.  Barker 237 

NOTICES -.',4?, 

NOTES  AND  FRAGMKMS .  m7 


THE  QUARTERLY 

OF   THE 

TEXAS  STATE  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Vol.  IV.  JULY,  1900.  No.  1. 


The  publication  committee  and  the  editor  disclaim  responsibility  for  views  expressed  by 
contributors  to  the  Quarterly. 


EOUTE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VAlOA. 

BETHEL  COOPWOOD. 

Part  III  B. 

To  understand  how  exaggerated  stories  were  circulated  among  the 
Spaniards  in  Mexico  a  few  instances  may  suffice.  Tello  says:  "In 
this  year,  1538,  the  Priest  Fray  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Kodrigo  sent 
three  religious  teachers  in  some  ships  of  the  Marquis  del  Valle  to  a 
land  of  which  there  was  notice  that  it  was  inhabited  and  very  rich. 
They  went  and  found  the  contrary,  and  on  account  of  the  Spaniards 
not  wanting  to  stay  they  returned ;  and  then  the  same  Fray  Antonio 
de  Ciudad  Eodrigo  sent  other  religious  teachers  by  land,  who  went 
by  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea,  and  turned  toward  the  north  in  com- 
pany with  a  captain  who  was  going  also  to  discover  new  countries, 
though  with  different  objects.  Having,  then,  traveled  a  long  time, 
they  came  to  two  roads,  and  the  captain  selected  the  one  to  the  right 
hand  and  in  a  few  days  journey  encountered  very  rough  and  steep 
mountains,  where  he  could  not  go  forward,  and  he  turned  back,  as 
did  one  of  the  religious  teachers  on  account  of  his  being  very  ill.  The 
other  religious  teacher  took  the  left  hand,  with  two  Indians  he  was 
carrying  with  him  for  interpreters,  and  finding  an  open  and  con- 
tinuous road,  after  a  few  days  journey  he  came  to  a  country  inhabited 
by  people,  who  came  out  to  receive  him,  believing  him  to  be  a  thing 


2  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

of  heaven,  calling  him  the  messenger  of  God,  touching  and  kissing 
his  habit.  They  went  on  following  him  from  day  to  day,  some  times 
two  hundred,  others  three  hundred,  and  as  many  as  four  hundred 
persons.  Some  of  them  left  the  road  near  midday  to  hunt  hares, 
rabbits,  aiid  deer  for  their  support  and  that  of  the  religious  teacher,  to 
whom  they  first  gave  what  was  necessary.  In  this  way  they  traveled 
more  than  two  hundred  leagues,  until  they  were  told  that  the  country 
farther  in  was  populated  by  clothed  people  and  that  they  had  flat- 
roofed  houses  of  many  stories  and  garrets,  and  that  there  were  other 
nations  on  the  banks  of  a  great  river,  where  there  were  many  walled 
towns,  and  that  passing  the  river  there  were  other  very  large  towns 
of  richer  people,  and  that  there  were  cows  and  other  animals  different 
from  those  of  Castile,  from  where  the  natives  of  this  land  brought 
many  things  necessary  for  their  sustenance,  because  they  went  at 
times  to  labor  in  that  country. 

"Before  that,  on  account  of  some  confused  stories,  there  had  gone 
out  large  fleets  by  sea  and  some  armies  by  land  to  discover  such  coun- 
tries, but  God  was  not  willing  that  it  should  be  done  except  by  a  San 
Franciscan  friar,  ragged  and  patched,  before  anyone  else,  who  having 
endured  the  greatest  labors,  hunger,  and  misfortunes  of  so  long  a 
road,  returned  to  Mexico  and  gave  an  account  thereof  to  his  prelate, 
who  was  the  Father  Fray  de  Niza,  previously  commissary-general  of 
the  Indies,  a  learned  man  and  very  religious,  who  was  then  provin- 
cial of  the  province  of  the  Holy  Evangelist;  and  he  also  gave  account 
to  the  viceroy,  Don  'Antonio  de  Mendoza."1 

Here  we  have  a  part  of  the  origin  of  the  excitement  about  the 
Seven  Cities  and  lands  of  great  wealth;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that 
some  wandering  Indians  may  have  crossed  the  country  from  the 
buffalo  range  to  Sonora  and  spread  the  stories  of  houses,  cattle,  and 
other  wealth,  which  accounts  were  seized  upon  and  exaggerated  and 
finally  attributed  to  the  survivors  of  the  Narvaez  expedition.  But 
Mendoza  had  a  basis  on  which  to  erect  the  fabric  of  fiction  with  which 
to  interest  Charles  V  in  an  expedition  to  the  north. 

But  Tello  goes  on  to  say :  "The  holy  father  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza, 
to  assure  himself  of  what  that  religious  teacher  had  related,  de- 
termined to  go  and  see  it,  and  undertook  the  journey  on  foot  bare- 

'Tello,  Cap.  XCII. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  3 

footed,  being  already  very  old,  with  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls, 
that  although  the  religious  teachers  disturbed  it,  for  that  he  did  not 
abandon  the  journey,  as  Herrera  says,  decade  VI.,  lib.  1,  cap.  i,  p. 
201,  carrying  with  him  Fray  Juan  Olmedo,  who  was  of  the  province 
of  Jalisco ;  and  though  Torquemada  says  he  took  him  for  a  guide,  it 
was  not  for  this  alone,  but  not  to  burden  the  holy  province  of  Jalisco, 
whose  son  Fray  Juan  Olmedo  was,  and  that  he  would  take  him,  as 
his  sons  had  labored  for  the  glory  and  honor  of  having  sent  laborers 
to  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord,  of  so  many  and  such  barbarous  nations. 
See  Juam  de  la  Graz,  lib.  6,  cap.  II,  and  Cabrera,  lib.  13,  cap.  II,  p. 
1262. 

"He  arrived  at  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  which  they  call  Culiacan, 
and  received  notice  that  a  short  time  before  there  had  arrived  at  the 
port  of  Mazatlan  four  men,  one  called  Andres  Dorantes,  another 
Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  another  Juan  del  Castillo,  another 
Esteban  a  negro,  and  Maldonado,  who,  as  Cabrera  says,  escaped  from 
the  fleet  which  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  took  to  Florida.  The  Indians 
killed  him  and  all  his  soldiers,  without  any  'more  than  these  escaping, 
who  in  the  utmost  confusion  and  disorder  arrived  at  those  ports,  dis- 
covering large  provinces  and  nations;  and  having  lost  the  vessel,  they 
went  inland  towards  Jalisco  where  they  met  Captain  Diego  de  Alcaraz 
and  the  captain  Melchor  Diaz,  who  was  afterwards  alcalde  mayor  of 
Culican."2  (He  was  made  captain  under  Coronado  in  1540.) 

Here  is  a  glimpse  of  the  accounts  about  the  arrival  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca,  tending  to  show  he  came  out  in  Jalisco,  and  that  it  was  at  a 
later  date  that  Melchor  Diaz  became  alcalde  mayor  of  Culiacan;  and 
it  is  cited  from  Cabrera.  Now,  if  he  was  made  such  after  Fray  Mar- 
cos de  Niza  arrived  at  Culiacan,  which  was  in  1538,  by  both  this 
account  and  that  of  Francisco  Gamara,  then  it  was  to  succeed  the 
nobleman  Tapia.  This  is  not  only  consonant  with  the  records,  but 
with  all  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  relation  of  the  meeting  with  Alcaraz. 

Tello  goes  on  and  says:  "From  there  (Culiacan)  the  reverend 
Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  made  a  report  of  his  journey  to  the  viceroy,  and 
gave  a  very  extensive  account  of  all  the  ports  of  the  South  Sea,  of 
those  provinces  and  nations;  and  the  viceroy,  having  received  the 
account  of  said  father,  sent  him  orders  to  take  possession  of  all  those 

Tello,  Cap.  XCII. 


4  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

provinces,  which  from  the  first  were  administered  by  the  religious 
teachers  of  Nuestro  P.  S.  Francisco  of  the  holy  Province  of  Jalisco. 
The  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  pursued  his  journey,  starting  from  Culia- 
can,  taking  with  him  Fray  Juan  Olmedo  with  some  Indians  and 
Bsteban  the  negro,  and  he  went  following  the  same  route  which  Fray 
Juan  had  followed  before.  He  arrived  at  Petatlan,  and  running  the 
coast  he  discovered  many  provinces,  passing  more  than  three  hundred 
leagues  further  on  than  where  the  Spaniards  had  gone.  He  obtained 
information  of  the  seven  cities  of  Quivira  and  of  the  three  provinces 
of  Marata,  Acuz,  and  Tonteac,  which  are  many  leagues  further  on 
than  the  Sibolos,  according  to  Gomara,  Part  I,  folio  281,  and  Cor- 
nelio  Wiclef  in  chapter  of  Nueva  Granada,  page  161. 

<fThis  holy  baron  having  examined  these  provinces,  he  determined 
to  send  Esteban  and  some  Indians  to  the  province  of  the  Sibolos,  as 
in  fact  he  did.  They  were  put  to  death  by  those  barbarians,  only 
two  escaping  to  bring  the  news  to  the  holy  father,  who  regretted  their 
loss  as  was  reasonable,  and  the  Indians  seeing  the  mortality  the  Sibo- 
las  had  made  among  their  companions,  and  fearing  that  the  father 
might  order  them  to  go  from  that  to  another  province,  they  de- 
termined to  take  his  life,  as  Herrera  says,  by  which  they  obliged  him 
to  withdraw  with  much  pain,  not  from  fear  of  death,  but  because 
those  souls,  as  many  as  had  been  baptized,  might  be  lost  and  aposta- 
tize from  the  faith. 

"He  withdrew  after  having  taken  possession  of  all  those  provinces, 
as  stated  by  Herrera,  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  cap.  201,  fol.  235; 
Villagran,  canto  III,  cap.  II,  fol.  XI ;  Cabrera,  lib.  13,  cap.  II,  page 
1162 ;  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  lib.  6,  cap.  XIV. 

"Having  seen  the  provinces  of  Marata,  Acuz,  and  Tonteac,  which 
he  called  San  Francisco,  continuing  the  name  given  to  them  by  Fray 
Juan  the  first  time  he  went  into  the  land,  as  is  affirmed  by  Juan  de 
la  Cruz  and  Wiclef,  he  returned  to  New  Spain,  considering  that  if  he 
should  die  there  the  knowledge  of  all  those  lands  might  be  lost,  and 
the  baptized  Indians  inhabiting  them,  who1  were  many,  might  apos- 
tatize. 

"He  arrived  at  Mexico  and  gave  an  account  to  the  viceroy,  D.  An- 
tonio de  Mendoza,  of  what  he  had  seen,  and  how  what  the  other 
religious  teacher  had  said  was  certain  and  true."8 

Tello,  Cap.  XCII. 


Houte  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  5 

Not  only  the  great  majority  of  the  Spanish  people,  but  Charles 
V  himself  held  in  highest  esteem  whatever  such  holy  men  might  re- 
port ;  and  no  one  was  better  informed  of  this  fact  than  Mendoza,  who, 
with  this  confirmation  by  Fray  Marcos  de  ISTiza,  deemed  the  story  of 
such  wonderful  countries  an  unquestionable  basis  for  asking  permis- 
sion and  aid  from  the  king  to  make  the  expedition  to  and  conquest  of 
Marata,  Acuz,  and  Tonteac,  and  the  Seven  Cities  of  Sibola  and  Qui- 
vira,  especially  when  he  had  not  failed  to  shape  the  latter  part  of 
Cabeza  de  Vaca's  relation  in  anticipation  of  the  success  of  the  labors 
of  such  holy  fathers  in  that  direction.  And  it  is  not  strange  that 
Cortes  should  pronounce  the  whole  story  of  Fray  Niza  a  fabrication 
based  upon  information  obtained  from  some  of  his  Indians. 

Francisco  Lopez  de  Gromara  says :  "Fernando  Cortes  and  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza  desired  to  make  entrance  into  and  conquest  of 
that  land  of  Sibola,  each  one  by  himself  and  for  himself;  Don  An- 
tonio as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  and  Cortes  as  captain  general  and  dis- 
coverer of  the  South  Sea.  They  attempted  to  join  in  order  to  do  it 
by  concert  of  action;  but  having  no  confidence  in  each  other,' they 
quarreled,  and  Cortes  came  to  Spain,  and  Don  Antonio  sent  out 
Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  a  native  of  Salamanca,  with  a  good 
army  of  Spaniards  and  Indians  and  four  hundred  horses."4 

This  shows  that  Mendoza  was  striving  to  get  control  of  and  make 
the  expedition  to  Sibola ;  and  had  Cabeza  de  Vaca  stated  in  his  rela- 
tion to  the  king  that  he  came  to  Jalisco  and  there  first  met  Alcaraz, 
Diaz,  and  Chirinos,  that  would  not  have  aided  the  ischeme  for  an 
expedition  to  the  north  from  Culiacan.  But  being  sent  by  Mendoza 
to  inform  the  king  of  the  country  discovered,  he  must  have  been  re- 
quired to  state  that  he  came  out  at  Culiacan.  For,  as  Zamacois  says, 
of  the  arrival  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions  at  Mexico: 
"The  viceroy  Mendoza  treated  them  with  much  amiability ;  and  on 
listening  to  the  seductive  relation  they  made  to  him  of  the  rich 
country  of  Quivira,  he  proposed  to  send  in  the  future  an  expedition 
to  add  that  flourishing  realm  to  the  crown  of  Castile.  In  order  to 
put  in  operation  his  enterprise,  he  told  them  they  should  form  a  plan 
of  the  territories  that  they  had  traversed  in  their  long  peregrination. 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions  obeyed  the  desire  of  the  viceroy, 

*Historia  de  las  Indias,  Part  I.     Tit.  Sibola. 


6  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

by  making  the  map  in  the  most  exact  manner  possible  for  them. 
A  few  days  after  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Castillo  embarked  at  Vera 
Cruz  for  Spain,  commissioned  by  the  viceroy  to  inform  the  monarch 
of  the  land  discovered."5 

This  shows  they  were  commissioned  by  Mendoza  to  make  the  rela- 
tion to  the  king,  and  that  he  desired  to  make  the  expedition. 

Again,  Zamacois  says :  "While  the  realm  of  New  Spain  flourished 
visibly  under  the  well  managed  government  of  the  illustrious  viceroy 
Don  Antonio  Mendoza,  an  occurrence  came  to  cut  the  good  friend- 
ship and  excellent  harmony  which  had  reigned  until  then  between 
him  and  Hernan  Cort6s.  From  the  time  notice  of  the  existence  of 
the  rich  realm  of  Quivira  and  of  its  seven  brilliant  cities,  in  which 
gold,  silver,  and  pearls  abound,  was  received,  the  viceroy  proposed  to 
send  an  expedition  to  discover  and  take  possession  of  the  country. 
On  seeing  the  preparations  being  made  to  undertake  the  discovery,  the 
Marquis  del  Valle  declared  that  the  enterprise  belonged  to  him,  as 
well  on  account  of  its  being  something  analogous  to  his  employment 
of  captain  general,  as  by  the  privilege  the  king  had  conceded  to  him 
for  the  discoveries  on  the  South  Sea.  But  the  viceroy,  who  desired 
to  participate  in  the  glory  promised  by  the  aggregation  of  those 
famous  territories  to  the  crown  of  Castile,  proposed  to  commit  the 
expedition  to  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  governor  of  New 
Galicia,  and  notified  the  Marquis  del  Valle  that  he  should  desist  from 
taking  iny  step  in  respect  to  the  projected  discovery."6 

The  extreme  to  which  Mendoza  carried  his  bitter  opposition  to  any 
part  being  taken  by  Cortes  in  the  enterprise,  cannot  be  better  ex- 
pressed than  it  is  in  the  quotation  following : 

"In  the  statement  of  his  grievances,  Corte"s  declares  that  Mendoza 
not  only  threw  every  possible  obstacle  in  his  way,  seizing  six  or  seven 
vessels  which  failed  to  get  away  with  Ulloa,  but  that  even  after  Ulloa 
had  gone,  the  viceroy  sent  a  strong  force  up  the  coast  to  prevent  the 
ships  from  entering  any  of  the  ports.  When  stress  of  weather  forced 
one  of  the  ships  to  put  into  Guatulco,  the  pilot  and  sailors  were  im- 
prisoned and  the  viceroy  persistently  refused  to  return  the  ship  to 
its  owner.  About  the  same  time,  a  messenger  who  had  been  sent  to 

'Zamacois,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  005-606. 
•Zamacois,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  652-653. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  7 

Cortes  from  Santiago  in  Colima  was  seized  and  tortured,  in  the  hope 
of  procuring  from  him  information  about  Ihe  plans  of  Cortes."T 

Mendoza  was  eager  for  the  glory  of  adding  the  territories  to  be 
conquered  to  the  crown;  and  he  was  active  in  combining  reports  to 
influence  his  royal  majesty  not  only  to  permit  him  to  set  on  foot  the 
expedition,  but  to  expend  large  sums  of  his  own  wealth  to  insure  its 
success.  "Money  was  advanced  from  the  royal  chest  to  any  who  had 
debts  to  pay  before  they  could  depart,  and  provisions  were  made  for 
the  support  of  those  who  were  about  to  be  left  behind  by  fathers, 
brothers,  or  husbands.  Arms  and  military  supplies  had  been  among 
the  things  greatly  needed  in  New  Spain  when  Mendoza  reported  its 
condition  in  his  first  letters  to  the  home  government.  In  1537  he 
repeated  his  request  for  these  supplies  with,  increased  insistence." 
The  subject  is  not  again  mentioned  in  his  letters,  and  we  may  fairly 
suppose  that  he  had  received  the  weapons  and  munitions  of  war, 
fresh  from  the  royal  arsenals  of  Spain,  with  which  he  equipped  the 
expedition  on  whose  success  he  had  staked  so  much.8 

This  increased  insistence  being  in  1537,  it  was  before  Fray  Niza 
was  sent  out,  and  possibly  before  Cabeza  de  Vaca  left  New  Spain,  as 
he  did  not  get  off  until  April,  1537  ;9  and  he  may  have  borne  the 
communication  to  the  king,  delivering  it  after  arriving  in  the  port  of 
Lisbon  on  the  9th  day  of  August,  1537.  Indeed,  it  may  have  been 
included  in  the  commission  given  them  by  the  viceroy  a  few  days 
before  they  embarked  at  Vera  Cruz. 

This  shows  only  a  detached  portion  of  a  plan  to  influence  his  royal 
majesty  to  approve  and  aid  in  putting  on  foot  the  proposed  expedi- 
tion. It  is  a  clearly  defined  foot  print  of  the  infatuated  viceroy's 
scheme,  and  cannot  be  attributed  to  any  other  cause,  after  the 
monster  elephant  and  its  trail  through  the  mountains  has  been  seen 
and  made  familiar  to  the  readers  of  history. 

Though  Coronado's  confirmation  was  not  signed  till  April  18, 
1539,  it  seems  he  was  already  in  New  Galicia  arranging  the  admin- 
istration and  other  affairs  of  his  government,  and  "entertained  Fray 
Marcos  when  the  latter  passed  through  his  province  in  the  spring  of 

''Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1892-93,  Part  I, 
p.  369,  and  note  2  thereon. 

•Ibid.,  p.  378. 

•Naufragios,  Cap.  XXXVII. 


8  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

1539,10  and  accompanied  the  friar  as  far  as  Ouliacan,  the  northern- 
most of  the  Spanish  settlements.  Here  he  provided  the  friar  with 
Indians,  provisions,  and  other  things  necessary  for  the  journey  to  the 
Seven  Cities."11 

The  fact  of  Coronado's  being  there  and  entertaining  Fray  Marcos 
about  the  date  of  his  nomination  being  confirmed  by  the  king,  which 
could  not  have  reached  him  till  a  month  or  two  later,  is  significant 
of  some  preconceived1  plan  of  operation ;  and  if,  as  said  by  Gomara, 
Fray  Marcos  passed  by  Culiacan  in  1538,  such  indication  is  even 
stronger.  But  if,  as  stated  by  Tello,  Fray  Marcos  de  Xiza  under- 
took the  journey  on  foot  and  barefooted,12  the  prospective  leader  of 
the  expedition  to  be  gotten  up  on  the  holy  father's  report  must  have 
made  a  queer  appearance  in  company  with  such  a  pedestrian. 

Again,  it  is  said  that  "about  midsummer  of  1539,  Friar  Marcos 
came  back  from  Cibola.  Coronado  met  him  as  he  passed  through 
New  Galicia,  and  together  they  returned  to  Mexico  to  tell  the  viceroy 
what  the  friar  had  seen  and  heard.  Coronado  remained  at  the  cap- 
ital during  the  autumn  and  early  winter,  taking  an  active  part  in  all 
the  preparations  for  the  expedition  which  he  was  to  command.  After 
the  final  review  in  Compostela,  he  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
army,  with  the  title  of  captain-general."18 

From  this  it  appears  that  Coronado  figured  with  Fray  Marcos  from 
the  beginning,  accompanying  him  to  Culiacan  as  he  went  out,  and 
joining  him  on  the  return  and  accompanying  him  to  Mexico,  where 
the  scheme  of  Mendoza  for  the  expedition  was  perfected.  And  it  is 
not  strange  that  Fray  Marcos  should  report  the  Seven  Cities,  when 
that  theory  had  been  handed  round  from  a  much  earlier  period.  In- 
deed, Guzman  had  with  him  an  Indian  who  told  of  his  father  having 
gone  "into  the  back  country  with  fine  feathers  to  trade  for  ornaments, 
and  that  when  he  came  back  he  brought  a  large  amount  of  gold  and 

'Xromara.  says  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  and  another  Franciscan  friar  went 
in  by  Ouliacan  in  the  year  1538.  Historia  de  las  Indias,  Part  I.  Tit. 
Sibola. 

"Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1892-93,  Part  I, 
p.  381. 

^Tello,  Cap.  XCII. 

"Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1892-93,  Part  I, 
pp.  381-382. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  9 

silver,  of  which  there  is  a  good  deal  in  that  country.  He  went  with 
him  once  or  twice,  and  saw  some  very  large  villages,  which  he  com- 
pared to  Mexico  and  its  environs.  He  had  seen  seven  very  large 
towns  which  had  streets  of  silver  workers."1*  And  the  name  of  the 
Seven  -Cities  had  already  been  given  to  the  country  Guzman  was 
aiming  to  discover  when  he  first  started  out  from  Mexico. 

Now,  whatever  may  have  been  the  understanding  between  Mendoza 
and  Fray  Marcos,  Coronado  must  have  been  a  co-worker  in  the 
scheme,  and  when  the  report  of  the  friar,  supervised  by  Mendoza  and 
Coronado,  was  completed  at  Mexico,  and  given  out  to  the  public, 
everything  was  ripe  to  organize  the  expedition.  The  stories  on  the 
streets  of  the  capital  connected,  blended,  and  confused  the  accounts 
of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Fray  Marcos,  and  made  the  general  impression 
that  both  had  seen  the  Seven  Cities,  and  greatly  facilitated  the  plan 
of  the  viceroy  and  of  Coronado.  But  it  is  plain  to  every  student  of 
the  relation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  that  he  did  not  claim  to  have  seen  or 
even  heard  of  the  celebrated  Seven  Cities  of  iSibola.  Indeed,  all 
that  he  says  about  the  towns  and  houses  is  set  forth  in  Part  II  of 
this  paper,  and  it  is  as  follows : 

"Y  a  mi  me  dieron  cinco  esmeraldos  hechas  punt  as  de  flechas,  y 
con  estas  flechas  hacen  ellos  sus  areitos  y  bales ;  y  pareciendome  a  mi 
que  eran  muy  buenas,  les  pregunte  que  donde  las  habian  habido,  y 
dijeron  que  las  traian  de  unas  sierras  muy  altas  que  estan  hacia  el 
norte,  y  las  compraban  a  trueco  de  penachos  y  plumas  de  papagayos, 
y  •de'cian  que  habia  alii  pueblos,  de  mucha  gente  y  casas  muy 
grandes."15  (So  as  to  the  towns,  all  he  says  is  that  they  .said  "there 
were  towns  there  of  many  people  and  very  large  houses."  This  was 
all  they  could  find  in  his  relation  to  corroborate  the  tales  repeated  on 
the  streets,  or  the  account  of  the  'Seven  Cities  of  Sibola  described 
by  Fray  Marcos.  And  it  seems  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  was  not  edu- 
cated in  the  already  existing  lore  as  to  the  Seven  Cities;  for  his 
flight  of  more  than  a  thousand  leagues  of  populated  country  where 
they  had  much  subsistence,  and  always  planted  beans  and  maize 
three  times  a  year,  was  "close  to  the  coast,  by  the  way  of  those  towns 

^Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1892-93,  Part  I, 
pp.  472-473. 

"Naufragios,  Ca<p.  XXXI. 


10  Texas  Historical  A  ssociation  Quarterly. 

where  we  traveled,"  which  did  not  chime  with  the  story  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  even  if  it  had  not  been  a  patent  exaggeration. 

The  dissatisfaction  in  Guzman's  camp  as  to  the  route  to  be  pur- 
sued and  the  change  in  favor  of  going  down  the  river  toward  the 
territory  of  Francisco  Cortes,  and  the  subsequent  determination  to 
send  Pedro  Ahnendez  Chirinos  toward  the  north,  after  concluding 
the  war  with  the  Indians  of  the  river  of  Cuitzeo,  may  be  better  under- 
stood by  reference  to  Castaneda's  account  of  the  Indian  Tejo,  who, 
it  seems,  was  at  the  foundation  of  the  idea  of  the  Seven  Cities. 
This  was  general  among  the  people  at  Mexico  as  early  as  1530,  while 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  was  yet  in  the  vicinity  of  Mal-Hado,  waiting  to  get 
Oviedo  to  come  away  with  him.  The  following  quotation  is  from 
Castaneda's  narrative,  translated  by  George  Parker  Winship : 

"FIRST  PART. 

"Chapter  1,  which  treats  of  the  way  we  first  came  to  know  about 
the  Seven  Cities,  and  of  how  Nuno  de  Guzman  made  an  expedition 
to  discover  them. 

"In  the  year  153018  Nuno  de  Guzman,  who  was  President  of  New 
Spain,  had  in  his  possession  an  Indian,  a  native  of  the  valley  or 
valleys  of  Oxitipar,  who  was  called  Tejo  by  the  Spaniards.  This 
Indian  said  he  was  the  son  of  a  trader  who  was  dead,  but  that  when 
he  was  a  little  boy  his  father  had  gone  into  the  back  country  with 
fine  feathers  to  trade  for  ornaments,  and  that  when  he  came  back 
he  brought  a  large  amount  of  gold  and  silver,  of  which  there  is  a 
good  deal  in  that  country.  He  went  with  him  once  or  twice,  and 
saw  some  very  large  villages,  which  he  compared  to  Mexico  and  its 
environs.  He  had  seen  seven  very  large  towns  which  had  streets 
of  silver  workers.  It  took  forty  days  to  go  there  from  his  country, 
through  a  wilderness  in  which  nothing  grew,  except  some  very  small 
plants  about  a  span  high.  The  way  they  went  was  up  through  the 
country  between  the  two  seas,  following  the  northern  direction. 
Acting  on  this  information,  Nuno  de  Guzman  got  together  nearly 
400  Spaniards  ajid  20,000  friendly  Indians  of  New  Spain,  and,  as 
he  happened  to  be  in  Mexico,  he  crossed  Tarasca,  which  is  in  the 
province  of  Michoacan,  so  as  to  get  into  the  region  which  the  Indian 

"Tello  gives  tihe  date  of  Guzman's  leaving  the  City  of  Mexico  as  the  be- 
ginning of  November,  1529.  Cap.  XXVI. 


Route  of  Gabeza  de  Vaca.  11 

said  was  to  be  crossed  toward  the  North  sea,  in  this  way  getting  to 
the  country  which  they  were  looking  for  which  was  already  named 
The  .Seven  Cities.'  "17 

This  shows  that  the  name  was  already  in  Mexico  long  before 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  arrived  there;  and  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  its 
being  reported  .that  he  had  seen  or  even  heard  of  the  Seven  Cities 
was  merely  to  add  force  to  the  general  design. 

Did  the  expression  towards  the  North  Sea,  used  by  Castaneda, 
mean  towards  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  which  the  Spaniards  of  New 
Spain  call  la  Mar  del  Norte,  or  did  it  mean  towards  the  north  pole? 
The  former  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  words  used. 

Having  gone  to  the  crossing  of  the  river  coming  from  Toluca, 
Guzman  intended  to  march  northward  from  there ;  but  the  murmur- 
ing in  his  camp  about  the  route  caused  him  to  order  the  two  Indians 
he  took  from  Mexico  to  be  brought  before  him,  but  only  one  was 
found.  When  they  brought  him  before  Nuno  de  Guzman,  he  asked 
him  for  his  companion,  and  he  did  not  know  what  to  say,  nor  what 
had  become  of  the  other.  When  asked  whether  he  did  not  know 
there  was  nothing  on  the  route  they  had  proposed  to  take  with  the 
army,  he  simply  replied  that  his  companion  knew  better  than  he  did. 
Then  it  was  that  Guzman  called  to  him  certain  caciques  of  Jacona, 
who  gave  him  information  of  the  river  of  Cuitzeo  and  its  settlements, 
as  well  as  of  the  valley  of  Cuina.  Hearing  such  good  news  and  be- 
lieving the  same,  he  called  his  captains,  and  when  together,  he  told 
them  that  they  and  all  the  army  were  lost,  and  that  it  was  his  fault 
in  being  guided  by  two  Indians,  and  on  that  account  he  had  called 
them  together,  and  it  was  then  determined  to  take  the  route  to  the 
west  down  the  river  toward  the  territory  of  Francisco  Cortes.18 

It  does  not  appear  affirmatively  that  the  missing  Indian  guide 
was  Tejo,  but  it  may  fairly  be  presumed  to  have  been  he.  He  is 
stated  to  have  been  a  native  of  Valle  or  Valles  de  Oxitipar,  the  local- 
ity of  which  is  not  stated ;  but  if  it  was  the  Valles,  first  known  as 
Tanzocob,  Guzman  may  have  obtained  him  at  Panuco,  where  he  was 
governor  before  going  to  Mexico.  And  Tejo  once  getting  out  there 

^Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Part  I,  pp.  472- 
473,  and  original  Spanish,  pp.  416-417. 

"Tello,  Cap.  XXVIII. 


12  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

on  the  river  and,  perhaps,  recognizing  the  country  may  have  fled  to 
his  native  country  or  home. 

After  the  fighting  with  the  Indians  of  Cuitzeo  river,  Guzman,  still 
having  an  idea  of  what  his  lost  guide  had  said  about  the  route  to  the 
Seven  Cities,  sent  Pedro  Almondez  Chirinos  toward  the  north  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  the  course  he  first  intended  to  take  was 
correct.  After  going  as  far  north  as  Chichi mequillas,  now  Los  Lagos, 
and  into  the  Sierra  Gorda,  and  not  finding  any  way  out  toward  the 
North  sea  or  Gulf,  Chirinos  came  out  to  the  west  again,  and,  taking 
the  advice  of  the  Zacatecan  cacique,  continued  his  march  northward 
to  the  present  site  of  Zacatecas,  and  there  turned  back  across  the 
country  to  reunite  with  Guzman's  column.  But  had  he  taken  the 
route  from  where  he  came  back  out  of  Sierra  Gorda  to  the  northeast, 
now  pursued  to  where  San  Luis  Potosi  is,  and  thence  out  by  Catorce 
to  where  Ventura  now  is,  and  there  turned  toward  the  Gulf,  he 
might  have  found  many  Indian  settlements  and  very  high  moun- 
tains, notably  Cerro  Potosi  and  Cerro  Pablillo,  and  might  have  found 
the  Seven  Cities  referred  to  by  Tejo  in  the  region  now  embracing 
Kaices,  Iturbide,  Galeana,  Hualahuises,  Linares,  Raiones,  and  Mon- 
temorelos.  But  pursuing  the  northerly  direction,  nowhere  would  he 
have  found  the  locality  now  claimed  for  the  Seven  Cities  between 
him  and  the  Gulf,  or,  as  it  was  then  called,  la  Mar  del  Norte.  So 
Tejo  may  have  meant  the  region  round  Cerro  Potosi ;  and  when  a 
small  boy  he  may  have  gone  up  there  with  his  father  from  Tanzocob 
or  Tancanhuitz;  the  distance  seeming  to  him  to  be  great,  on  account 
of  his  youth.  If  he  went  from  Tanzocob  up  by  Valle  de  Maiz,  and 
up  the  plain  by  Mier  y  Noregas  to  Galeana,  he  would  have  found 
scarcity  of  vegetation,  except  short  grass  (yerba). 

Whatever  may  have  been  Tejo's  native  place,  he  may  have  ob- 
served his  master's  greed  for  gold  and  silver  when  he  was  robbing 
the  sepulchres  of  the  caciques  round  Panuco  of  their  contents,  and 
added  the  story  of  the  abundance  of  precious  metals  to  please  Guz- 
man's fancy,  until  he  could  find  an  opportunity  to  abscond  and  make 
his  way  to  his  tribal  kindred.  But  however  this  may  be,  he  ante- 
dated Cabeza  de  Vaca  in  having  told  of  the  Seven  Cities,  and  may 
have  been  the  author  of  the  story  which  excited  Guzman  and  the 
people  of  Mexico  to  go  in  search  of  Sibola. 

There  is  in  the  fact  of  this  Indian  being  called  a  Tejo,  or  Texo 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  13 

as  the  early  Spaniards  wrote  it,  enough  to  afford  a  nucleus  for  the 
history  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Texas,  by  following  the  idea  of  his 
being  a  Texo  to  its  connection  with  the  Tejo  tribe  of  the  Tejo- 
Coahuilteca  family  which  extended  from  near  Red  river  to  where 
Monclova  is  now  in  Ooahuila,  and  whose  family  tongue  has  been 
referred  to  above.  But  this  is  not  sufficiently  connected  with  the 
subject  of  this  paper  to  justify  its  examination  here. 

'Finally,  as  the  Seven  Cities  of  Sibola  are  placed  not  far  east  of 
the  Colorado  of  the  West,  and  far  north  of  Rio  Gila,  they  do  not 
correspond  with  the  direction  given  by  Tejo,  which  required  a  north- 
ern route  from  the  crossing  of  the  river  coming  from  Toluca  to  a 
point  even  with  these  cities  and  thence  toward  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
or  la  Mar  del  Norte,  to  reach  them,  thereby  placing  them  east  of 
such  northern  course,  about  which  the  dissatisfaction  occurred  in 
Guzman's  camp  as  to  pursuing  such  route. 

But  Tejo  will  here  be  left  to  be  followed  by  some  one  writing  upon 
the  Tejo  tribe,  or  the  Tejas,  whose  indelible  foot  prints  are  eternized 
by  their  name  in  the  plural,  Texas,  or  Tejas,  being  fixed  upon  the 
territory  over  which  they  once  roamed. 

The  existence  of  a  family  tongue  from  Texas  to  Michoacan,  wher- 
ever the  Nahoas  went,  is  another  reason  to  believe  that  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  traveled  within  its  limits  from  the  Bravo  to  where  he  met 
Alcaraz.  And  this  great  natural  and  even  historical  fact  and 
Cabeza  de  Vaca's  reference  thereto  constitute  a  proof  of  such  being 
the  limits  through  which  he  passed,  which  rises  above  his  inventive 
genius,  and  defies  the  attempts  of  the  most  skillful  schemers  to 
change  it. 

Declining  to  enter  the  nebula  of  prehistoric  times,  it  is  rational 
to  hold,  with  Senor  Chavero,  that  there  were  three  great  groups  oc- 
cupying the  country,  to  wit :  Mayaquiche  at  the  south,  the  Otomies 
at  the  centre,  and  the  Niahoas  at  the  north,  and  this  especially  be- 
tween the  great  central  table  lands  and  the  Mexican  Gulf.  The 
indelible  recollections  preserved  as  to  the  three  will  never  allow 
doubts  as  to  their  existence ;  and  in  attempting  to  go  back  of  them, 
the  historian  enters  the  field  of  hypothesis,  where  it  is  easy  to  make 
such  blunders  las  might  wound  common  sense ;  while  the  intelligent 
reader  cares  not  whether  these  three  great  families  sprang  from 
Asiatic  races,  or  were  autochthons,  or,  under  the  Darwinian  theory, 


14  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

by  natural  selection  made  where  history  first  finds  them,  the  aston- 
ishing bound  from  the  monkey  to  the  man.  That  they  existed  there 
will  suffice  for  this  part  of  the  examination  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's 
route,  and  such  fact  is  patent  from  the  parts  of  such  families  being 
in  the  country  through  which  he  passed  even  till  the  present  day, 
with  a  family  tongue  as  he  notes. 

The  continuous  emigrations  of  the  Nahoas  toward  the  south  and 
of  the  Mayas  toward  the  north,  each  as  far  as  the  central  part  occu- 
pied by  the  Otomies,  caused  the  confusion  of  races  and  families, 
mixing  the  language  and  mutually  changing  religions  and  forms  of 
worship,  though  always  preserving  enough  of  the  original  tongue 
of  each  people  to  serve  as  a  common  medium  through  which  the  dif- 
ferent detached  tribes  could  communicate  their  thoughts  to  each 
other.  And  it  has  been  already  shown  that  many  of  the  tribes  from 
the  Bravo  to  Sierra  Gorda  were  of  the  Nahoa  family,  whose  emigra- 
tions toward  the  south,  or  centre  of  the  country,  brought  them  in 
contact  there  with  the  Otomi  family  and  the  Tarasco  branch  of  it 
that  found  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Michoacan,  of  which  the  un- 
fortunate king  who  was  tortured  and  put  to  death  by  Guzman  was 
the  actual  native  ruler,  and  whose  ancient  realm  embraced  Jacona 
and  all  of  Pedro  Almendez  Chirinos's  encomienda. 

In  his  volume  on  the  State  of  Mexico,  Velasco  says,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  district  of  Jilotepec  speak  Spanish,  the  Mexican,  and 
the  Otomitl,  and  says  the  same  of  seven  other  districts  of  the  State. 
He  says  the  people  of  the  district  of  Chalco  de  Diaz  Covarrubias 
speak  Spanish,  Mexican,  Nahuatl,  and  Otomitl;  those  of  the  district 
of  Ixtlahuaca  de  Eaion  speak  Spanish,  Otomitl,  and  Mazahuatl; 
and  the  same  is  said  of  the  district  of  Valle  de  Bravo.  He  says  the 
people  of  the  district  of  Toluca  de  Laredo  speak  Spanish,  Mexican, 
Nahuatl,  and  Otomitl;  and  those  of  the  district  of  Sultepec  de  Al- 
quiseras  speak  Spanish,  Mexican,  and  Nahuatl.19  He  also  says  the 
State  has  a  population  of  798,480;  51,199  whites,  287,056  mixed, 
and  460,225  Indians.20  So  the  Nahuatl  or  JSTahoa  tongue  is  spoken 
today  in  three  of  the  largest  districts  of  the  State  of  Mexico,  which 
is  bounded  on  the  west  by  Michoacan,  the  home  of  the  Tarascos,  and 

"See  pages  55-150. 
"Ibid.,  p.  157. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  15 

the  Otomi  tongue  is  spoken  in  twelve  of  the  districts  of  the  same 
State.  Here  the  Nahoa  immigrants  met  and  mingled  with  the 
Otomi  family,  and  have  continued  to  live  among  them  till  the  pres- 
ent day.  They  doubtless  went  into  Michoacan  and  Jalisco,  among 
the  Tarascos  and  Ghichimecas,  both  of  which  tribes  still  have  living 
representatives  in  their  descendants  located  in  these  two  States. 
Indeed,  if  there  should  be  no  further  evidence  of  these  families 
meeting,  what  is  here  pointed  out  would  suffice  to  show  the  Nahoas 
and  Otomies  living  together;  but  another  State  bears  the  same  living 
evidence. 

In  his  volume,  State  of  Guanajuato.,  Velasco  says  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, that  in  the  district  of  Hidalgo  there  are  Otomies  and  Chichi- 
mecas who  speak  the  languages  of  their  names  (p.  73) ;  in  that  of 
San  Diego  there  are  Otomies  and  Chichimecas  who  speak  the  Span- 
ish and  their  Indian  languages  (p.  77) ;  in  that  of  San  Felipe  are 
Otomies  and  Chichimecas  who  speak  the  languages  of  their  names 
(81) ;  in  the  municipality  of  Acambaro  there  are  Chichimecas  and 
Tarascos  who  speak  the  languages  of  their  names  (p.  98) ;  the  same 
is  true  in  the  municipality  of  Tarandacuao  (p.  101) ;  in  the  partida 
of  Comonfort  there  are  some  O'tomies  (p.  110) ;  in  the  district  of 
Cortazar  there  are  a  great  number  of  Otomies,  above  all  in  the 
pueblo  del  Guaje  (p.  115) ;  in  the  municipality  of  Jerecuaro  there 
are  some  Tarascos  (p.  119) ;  in  the  municipality  of  Coroneo  there 
are  Tarascos  (p.  121) ;  in  the  district  of  Salvatierra  there  are  Taras- 
cos (p.  130) ;  in  the  district  of  Tarimoro  there  are  Tarascos  (p. 
137) ;  in  the  municipality  of  Yuriria  there  are  Tarascos  who  speak 
the  language  of  their  name  (pp.  141-142) ;  in  the  municipality  of 
Santiago  Maravatio  there  are  a  great  number  of  Tarascos  (p.  144) ; 
in  the  municipality  of  Urangato  there  are  Tarascos  (p.  146)  ;  and 
the  city  of  Guanajuato  "was  founded  by  Chichimecas  who  gave  it 
the  name  of  Quanashuato,  a  Tarasean  name  which  means  mountain 
of  frogs,  and  was  given  to  it  on  account  of  the  Indians  having  found 
there  a  stone  in  the  shape  of  a  frog,  which  afterwards  became  the 
idol  of  the  Chichimecas.  It  is  also  believed  it  was  due  to  the  abund- 
ance of  frogs  in  the  settlement"  (p.  156). 

Here  are  fourteen  districts  and  municipalities  of  the  State  of 
Guanajuato  in  which  the  Otomies,  Chichimecas,  and  Tarascos  still 
live,  and  the  picturesque  capital  still  bears  the  T-arascan  name  given 
to  it  before  the  Spanish  came  to  the  country. 


16          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Guanajuato  joins  San  Luis  Potosi  from  near  south  of  Salsi- 
puedes,  along  the  Sierra  Gorda  parallel  with  the  Bagres  river,  or 
Rio  de  Santa  Maria,  as  commonly  called  along  there,  up  to  Jaral 
and  on  to  the  line  of  Jalisco,  north  of  Vaquerio.  This  division  line 
passes  a  short  distance  south  of  the  city  of  Santa  Maria,  and  the 
tribes  of  the  Sierra  Gorda  there  were  much  the  same  as  those  along 
that  part  of  the  Bagres.  From  the  northwest  corner  of  Guanajuato 
the  dividing  line  between  it  and  Jalisco  passes  between  Los  Lagos 
and  Cerro  Gigante,  and  most  of  the  route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as 
drawn  on  the  sketch  from  Santa  Maria  del  Rio  to  this  mountain  is 
through  territory  of  Guanajuato,  passing  through  the  district  of 
San  Felipe  and  into  that  of  Leon.  In  both  the  municipalities  of 
the  former  there  were  and  still  are  Otomies  and  Chichimecas  who 
still  speak  the  languages  of  their  name;  and  these  were  in  a  land 
of  maize.  Even  now  the  municipality  of  San  Felipe  produces  about 
400,000  hectolitres  of  maize  per  year  and  10,000  of  beans ;  and  that 
of  Ocampo  about  100,000  hectolitres  of  corn  and  20,000  of  beans. 
It  was  from  this  corn  region  of  the  Otomies  and  Chichimecas  that 
the  corn  was  carried  up  on  the  point  of  Cerro  Gigante;  and  these 
people  spoke  Otomi  and  Nahoa,  and  understood  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 

East  and  southeast  of  the  district  of  San  Felipe  is  the  district  of 
San  Diego  de  la  Union,  in  which  there  are  still  Otomies  and  Chi- 
chimecas. These  bordered  on  the  south  side  of  Rio  Bagres.  East 
of  it  is  the  municipality  of  San  Luis  de  la  Paz  which  joins  the  State 
of  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  in  it  there  are  a  great  number  of  Otomies. 
It  borders  the  line  of  the  route  designated  for  that  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  on  the  south  side  of  the  Rio  Bagres.  The  district  of  Victoria 
joins  San  Luis  Pobosi  on  the  north  and  the  State  of  Queretaro  on 
the  east,  and  the  population  of  each  of  its  municipalities  is  largely 
Otomies.  This  finishes  the  south  side  of  the  line  of  San  Luis  Potosi 
to  almost  in  front  of  Salsipuedes  and  to  the  northeast  corner  of 
Guanajuato  and  northwesterly  corner  of  the  State  of  Queretaro. 

Of  the  language  of  the  State  of  Guanajuato,  Velasco  says: 
"Nearly  all  the  inhabitants  speak  Castilian.  Among  the  Indians 
Otami,  Tarasco,  Fame,  Ohichimeca,  and  Jarepecha  (a  Tarasco  dia- 
lect) are  spoken"  (p.  253).  And  it  has  already  been  shown  that  the 
Nahoas  were  mixed  with  the  Otomies  as  far  south  as  the  State  of 
Mexico;  and  the  Pames,  a  tribe  of  the  Nahoa  family,  extended  from 
the  State  of  Queretaro  north  to  Rio  Conchas. 


Route  of  Gabeza  de  Vaca.  17 

The  State  of  Queretaro  borders  on  that  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  its 
district  of  Jalpam  being  the  most  northerly  and  embracing  the  part 
so  adjoining  San  Luis  Potosi.  The  major  part  of  its  inhabitant* 
are  Otomies  and  speak  Otomi,  and  there  are  some  Huaxtecos.  It 
is  quite  a  corn  region,  producing  nearly  300,000  hectolitres  of  corn 
•and  60,000  of  beans  yearly.  Above  the  northwestern  part  of  it  is 
the  region  in  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  found  the  town  with  houses, 
beans,  pumpkins,  and  maize  already  gathered.  In  the  State  of 
Queretaro  there  are  about  65,000  Otomies,  who  still  speak  that 
tongue. 

Of  the  languages  spoken  in  the  State  of  Queretaro,  Velasco  says : 
"The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  speak  Oastilian.  'Only  among  the 
Indians  the  Otomi  and  the  Fame  are  used. 

"The  Otomi  is  a  very  sweet  language,  the  alphabet  of  which  is 
composed  of  thirty-four  letters"  (p.  108). 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  mention  here  how  the  Tarascos  derived 
their  name.  Omitting  the  eloquence  of  the  historian  in  coming  to 
tftie  point,  Zamacois  tells  the  story  as  follows : 

"The  nobles  being  contented  to  have  among  them  the  white  men 
who  had  destroyed  the  power  of  the  Aztec  empire,  they  gave  their 
daughters  to  them,  'which  was  the  proof  of  fraternity  with  which 
those  nations  manifested  their  appreciation  to  those  whom  they  con- 
sidered as  already  of  the  family.  As  the  principal  men  of  the  realm 
in  the  act  of  giving  their  daughters  to  the  Spaniards  pronounced 
the  word  iarascue,  -which  in  their  language  signifies  son-in-law,  the 
Castilians  gave  the  Indians  of  Michoacan  the  name  of  Tarascos,  by 
which  they  were  known  thereafter/'21 

Under  such  circumstances  Cristobal  de  Olid  was  readily  enabled 
to  found  the  town  he  had  gone  there  to  establish. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  extent  and  importance  of  the  Otomi 
race  and  tongue,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  Otomies  were 
among  the  most  powerful  allies  of  Cortes.,  As  soon  as  they  learned 
that  the  Tlaxcalans  had  united  -with  Cortes,  they  joined  in  the  com- 
mon war  being  made  against  the  Aztec  empire,  and  proved  efficient 
and  faithful  allies  to  the  Spanish  chief.,  After  the  reduction  of 
the  capital  of  the  Aztec  emperors,  and  the  return  of  the  Otomi 

^Historic/,  de  Mejico,  Tom.  IV,  pp.  73-74. 


18          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

caciques  to  their  own  territory,  the  two  principal  ones,  after  having 
received  baptism,  fixed  their  residence  in  Jilotepec,  the  chief  city 
of  the  province  of  the  Otomies.  They  were  Nicolas  de  San  Luis,  a 
descendant  of  the  emperor  of  Tula  and  Jilotepec,  and  Fernando  de 
Tapia,  of  the  first  Otomi  nobility;  and  they  conceived  the  idea  of 
conquering  the  Chichimecas  of  San  Juan  del  Rio  and  Queretaro. 
They  easily  collected  men  and  the  other  necessary  elements  to  under- 
take the  conquest,  as  all  the  caciques  of  the  vast  province  of  Jilo- 
tepec and  Tula  were  their  kinsmen,  and  most  of  them  had  embraced 
Christianity.  Twenty  caciques  readily  offered  to  follow  them;  and 
their  squadrons  being  formed,  they  went  to  the  conquest  of  the  Chi- 
chimecas, who  were  scattered  over  the  territory  now  embracing 
Quer£taro,  Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Zacatecas,  and  others,  and 
which  territory  was  then  'called  the  "Great  Chichimeca." 

On  St.  John  the  Baptist's  day,  1531,  they  entered  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  place  where  San  Juan  del  Rio  is  now.  They  marched 
thence  towards  the  present  site  of  Queretaro,  where  a  most  singular 
battle  "was  fought,  which  terminated  in  favor  of  the  Otomies  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  July,  1531.  They  captured  many  other  places  and 
spread  the  settlements  of  Otomies  from  Jilotepec  and  Tula  north- 
ward into  Queretaro,  Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  parts  of 
Hidalgo.22 

These  were  the  people  who  had  been  met  by  and  had  mingled  with 
the  Nahoa  family  of  the  north,  and  had  a  common  tongue  with 
them,  or,  at  least,  understood  the  Nahuatl;  and  they  are  today  a 
living  evidence  of  the  former  existence  of  the  Otomi  family;  and 
the  Nahoas  living  in  the  State  of  Mexico  and  especially  in  the  dis- 
tricts of  Toluca,  Sultepec,  and  Chalco  de  Diaz  Covarrubias,  are  not 
only  proofs  of  the  former  existence  of  their  family,  but  also  of  their 
mingling  with  the  Oto.mies. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  paper,  it  is  not  deemed  necessary  to  ex- 
amine critically  all  the  signs  indicating  the  land  from  which  the 
Nahoa  family  came;  nor  is  it  proper  to  seize  upon  all  that  has  been 
rashly  affirmed  by  those  little  versed  in  the  traditions  or  tongues  of 
the  family.  The  fact  that  tribes  of  this  family  were  found  in  parts 
of  Tamaulipas,  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Hi- 

^An  interesting  account  of  this  \vur  is  given  by  Zamaoois,  Vol.  IV,  pp. 
648-554. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  19 

dalgo  when  the  Spaniards  came  to  the  country,  will  suffice  to  show 
that  if  Cabeza  de  Vaca  pursued  the  route  indicated  upon  the  sketch 
accompanying  Part  II  of  this  paper  he  went  'through  a  country 
where  the  Nahuatl  was  spoken  by  the  tribes.  But,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  of  its  being  historically  -known  that  such  tribes  have  existed 
along  there  ever  since  he  went  through  the  country  en  route  to  a 
land  of  Christians,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  notice  what  is  said 
of  this  family  by  Senor  Isidro  E,  Gtondra  in  what  he  wrote  at  re- 
quest of  Senor  Ignacio  Cumplido,  editor  of  the  Spanish  edition  of 
Prescott's  History  of  the  Conquest.  He  says: 

"The  ancient  and  first  inhabitants  of  New  Spain,  the  Chichi- 
mecas,  were  savages  and  barbarians,  going  completely  nude,  and 
leading  a  wandering  life,  subsisting  alone  upon  game  without  cul- 
tivating the  soil.  The  Nahuatlacas  (people  who  express  themselves 
with  clearness),  people  much  more  civilized,  arrived  from  the  North, 
where  New  Mexico  has  since  been  discovered,  in  which  country 
there  were  two  provinces,  the  one  called  Aztlan  and  the  other  Tecol- 
oacan.  The  industrious  and  civilized  inhabitants  were  divided  into 
seven  nations,  each  of  which  had  its  separate  territory.  It  is  said 
they  came  out  of  seven  caverns  about  the  year  820  of  the  Christian 
era,  and  that  their  journey  to  Mexico  lasted  eighty  years,  they  not 
having  found  the  signs  of  the  lands  which  their  idols  had  foretold 
to  them.  In  their  transit,  they  cultivated  the  soil  and  constructed 
cabins  in  many  places,  leaving  in  them  many  people,  especially  old 
persons  and  invalids."23 

While  this  may  contain  some  truth,  it  is  mixed  with  Chichimeca 
and  Aztec  traditions  not  applicable  to  the  Nahuatlacas,  or  Nohoa 
family.  It  combines  parts  of  the  traditions  of  the  two  peregrina- 
tions and  adds  that  in  reference  to  New  Mexico  from  what  the  early 
writers  told  about  the  'Coronado  expedition.  However,  if  the  In- 
dians met  by  this  expedition  among  the  buffalo  were  Comanches, 
they  belonged  to  the  Chichimeca  family,  and  were  not  Nahuatlacas ; 
but  on  the  other  hand,  if  they  were  descendants  of  the  Nahoa  family, 
then  they  were  distinct  from  both  the  Chichimecas  and  the  Aztecs, 
according  to  Gondara,  and  may  have  sprung  from  those  left  at 
some  one  of  the  cabins  on  the  route  of  the  Nahoa  family,  whose 

^Tradition  of  the  Nahuatlacas,  p.  22. 


20          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Aztlan  may  have  been  much  farther  north.  Therefore,  this  degres- 
sion may  be  ended  with  the  suggestion  that  a  comparison  of  the 
tongues  of  the  tribes  found  in  high  latitudes  west  of  the  Mississippi 
with  the  Nahuatl,  critically  made  by  competent  scholars,  might 
develop  many  signs  of  kinship  and  cast  some  light  upon  the  question 
of  the  true  locality  of  Aztlan  and  Tecoloacan. 

While  it  is  believed  that  there  is  not  sufficient  similarity  between 
the  Mobilian  and  Xahuatl  to  prove  that  either  sprang  from  the 
other,  it  seems  that  the  Otomitl  and  the  Creek  or  Muscogee  are 
similar  in  some  particulars. 

It  has  already  appeared  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  early 
tribes  found  in  Tamaulipas  and  Nuevo  Leon  were  of  the  Nahoa 
family,  and  that  they  extended  as  far  south  as  the  Sierra  Gorda. 
Those  Oabeza  de  Vaca  found  at  the  end  of  the  third  day's  journey 
after  crossing  the  first  large  river,  and  who  were  lighter  colored 
than  any  he  had  seen  before,  were  of  the  Nahoa  family  and  so  were 
those  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  where  he  spent  two  nights.  If 
he  followed  the  route  indicated  in  the  second  part  of  this  paper,  he 
passed  through  the  Hualahuises,  who  were  also  of  the  same  family. 
Those  of  Tanzocob  were  also  of  such  family,  and  from  there  up 
the  Bagres  to  Santa  Maria  del  Rio  he  must  have  met  Nahoas  and 
Otomies  and  Tarascos  who  had  also  mixed  with  and  learned  the 
Nahuatl.  The  Liguaces  on  the  right  margin  of  the  Bravo  being 
of  the  Nahoa  family,  then  if  the  Iguaces  between  the  Bravo  and  the 
Gulf  were  the  same  tribe,  with  their  name  written  by  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  without  the  L  they  were  also  of  the  Nahoa  family;  and  the 
principal  Indian  tongue  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  learned  must  have  been 
Nahuatl,  by  means  of  which  he  was  able  to  converse  with  all  the 
tribes  of  Nahuatlacas  he  met  on  his  route. 

So  if  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions  could  understand  the 
tribes  of  the  Nahoa  family,  or,  in  other  words,  if  they  had  learned 
a  Nahuatl  dialect,  they  were  thereby  enabled  to  converse  with  tribes 
found  along  the  route  designated  from  Jamaica  Crossing  on  the 
Bravo  to  the  Cerro  de  Gigante,  where  they  found  the  town  on  tl 
point  of  the  mountain,  whose  people  accompanied  them  to  whei 
they  met  Alcaraz.  And  they  not  only  used  a  dialect  serving  sue 
purpose,  but  in  speaking  of  the  tongue  with  which  they  and  the 
Indians  understood  each  other,  Cabeza  de  Vaca  says :  "Which,  for 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  21 

more  than  four  hundred  leagues  of  those  we  traveled,  we  found  used 
among  them,  without  there  being  another  in  all  those  countries."24 
There  where  they  met  Alcaraz,  then,  we  find  them  understanding 
the  Indians  in  a  tongue  existing  all  along  the  route  they  had  come, 
which  answers  the  conditions  above  shown  with  reasonable  certainty ; 
and  this  seems  to  show  that  the  route  designated  above,  at  least, 
afforded  this  general  tongue  spoken  by  the  people  along  it,  and 
which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  comrades  understood.  If  there  were 
other  routes  from  where  they  left  the  Avavares  before  they  crossed 
the  first  great  river  to  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  along  which  there  ex- 
isted such  a  state  of  facts,  those  heretofore  studying  and  writing 
upon  this  subject  seem  to  have  overlooked  them;  and  this  dialect 
sign  of  the  route  here  adopted  is  submitted  with  the  other  indicia 
pointed  out  above  to  aid  in  making  this  examination  as  clear  to  the 
reader  as  a  limited  knowledge  of  the  subject  and  the  country  to 
which  it  relates  has  enabled  it  to  be  done,  but  without  claiming  it 
to  be  as  Nahuatl  as  migM  be  asked  by  a  Thomas  among  the  readers 

Of  the  QUAETEKLY. 

Now  it  may  be  proper  to  briefly  notice  the  expression  of  Castan- 
eda  and  Jaramillo  labout  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes.  The 
translation  by  George  Parker  Winship  will  be  adopted,  as  in  the 
main  it  is  very  complete,  and  fully  conforms  to  the  rule  laid  down 
by  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara,  who  says  to  the  translators:  "Yo 
ruego  mucho  a  los  tales,  por  el  amor  que  tienen  a  las  historias,  que 
guarden  mucho  la  sentencia,  mirando  bien  la  propiedad  de  nuestro 
romance,  que  muchas  veces  ataja  grandes  razones  con  pocas  palabras. 
Y  que  no  quitan  ni  anadan  ni  muden  letra  a  los  nombres  propios  de 
indios,  ni  a  los  sobrenombres  de  espanoles,  si  quieren  hacer  oficio  de 
fieles  traducidores."25 

Castaneda  says:  "He  traveled  four  days  and  reached  a  large 
ravine  like  those  of  Colima,  in  the  bottom  of  which  he  found  a  large 
settlement  of  people.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  had  passed 
through  this  place,  so  that  they  presented  Don  Eodrigo  with  a  pile 
of  tanned  skins  and  other  things,  and  a  tent  as  big  as  a  house,  which 
he  directed  them  to  keep  until  the  army  came  up.  *  *  *  The 

"Naufragios,  Oap.  XXXIV. 

KHistoria  de  las  Indias:     A  los  Trasladadores. 


22          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

women  and  some  others  were  left  crying,  because  they  thought  that 
the  strangers  were  not  going  to  take  anything,  but  would  bless  them 
as  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  had  done  when  they  passed  through 
here."24 

Notwithstanding  these  expressions.,  wholly  unsupported  by  any 
reason  for  using  them,  or  showing  from  whom  or  how  Castaneda 
got  the  information,  the  relation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  repels  the  idea 
of  his  having  passed  that  place ;  and,  therefore,  his  own  words  will 
be  presented  as  a  proper  answer  to  the  theory  of  his  having  gone 
that  way. 

He  was  in  the  prickly  pear  region  when  he  ran  off  from  his  one- 
eyed  Mariame  master  and  went  to  the  Avavares,  with  whom  he 
wintered  in  that  region,  among  thorny,  close  chaparrals,  where  the 
wounds  he  received  from  the  thorns,  in  his  naked  condition,  caused 
him  to  contemplate  the  suffering  of  his  Redeemer.  After  being 
separated  from  the  Avavares  for  five  days  and  reaching  them  again, 
he  says:  "And  that  night  they  gave  me  of  the  prickly  pears  they 
had,  and  next  day  we  passed  on  from  there  and  went  to  where  we 
found  many  prickly  pears,  with  which  all  satisfied  their  great 
hunger."27  After  curing  the  dead  Susol  Indian,  he  was  given  two 
more  baskets  of  prickly  pears.28  And  he  says  he  and  his  compan- 
ions remained  with  those  Avavar  Indians  eight  months.29  After 
leaving  the  Avavares  and  going  to  where  they  ate  the  two  dogs,  be- 
lieving they  had  strength  to  go  forward,  they  left  those  Indians  and 
went  to  where  they  found  fifty  houses,  and  there  the  people  gave 
them  to  eat  prickly  pear  leaves  and  green  prickly  pears  broiled.80 

This  not  only  shows  they  were  still  among  the  prickly  pears,  but 
that  it  was  in  the  early  spring,  as  the  green  fruit  was  large  enough 
to  be  broiled  for  food,  though  still  green,  which  is  the  case  in  the 
lower  part  of  Zapata  county  sometimes  as  early  as  the  twentieth  day 

•Cap.  XIX.  Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  pp. 
505-506. 

"Xaufragios,  Cap.  XXI. 
"Ibid.,  Cap.  XXII. 
"Ibid. 
"•Ibid. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  23 

of  February.  This  was  where  they  left  the  Indians  crying  for 
them.31 

Leaving  those  who  were  crying,  they  went  to  where  they  were 
given  the  flour  of  mezquiquez,  or  mesquite  beans,32  showing  they 
were  still  among  the  mesquite  growth.  And  from  there  they  crossed 
the  first  large  river,  as  wide  as  that  at  Sevilla  and  breast  deep,  and  at 
sunset  reached  the  hundred  houses;  wMch  shows  they  were  in  a 
region  of  prickly  pears  and  mesquite  trees  till  they  crossed  this 
river.33  From  this  place  they  traveled  two  days,  reaching  Indian 
houses  each  night,  and  on  the  third  they  arrived  at  many  houses, 
where  the  people  were  whiter  than  any  they  had  seen  in  the  country 
till  then.34  'Here  they  began  to  see  the  first  mountains  they  saw  in 
the  country,  which  came  consecutively  from  toward  the  sea  of  the 
north,  and  so,  from  the  account  given  them  by  the  Indians  of  the 
place,  they  believed  they  were  fifteen  leagues  from  the  sea.35  With 
these  Indians  they  went  from  here  toward  these  mountains,  and  when 
they  arrived  they  were  given  odher  and  some  small  bags  of  silver. 
Next  day  all  the  people  there  desired  to  take  them  to  others,  their 
friends,  who  were  at  the  point  of  the  mountain;  but,  after  remain- 
ing over  one  day,  they  went  along  the  plain  near  the  mountains, 
which  they  believed  were  not  far  from  the  coast,36  and  at  sunset 
arrived  at  a  place  of  twenty  houses,  where  they  were  given  prickly 
pears  and  no  other  thing.37 

Thus  it  appears  they  reached  the  foot  of  this  mountain  the  even- 
ing of  the  fourth  day's  journey  from  the  crossing  of  the  river,  and 
the  next  day's  travel  put  them  at  the  twenty  houses,  where  they  still 
received  prickly  pears. 

After  going  on  to  where  the  Indian  physicians  gave  them  the  two 
gourds,38  and  thence  along  the  skirt  of  the  mountain  a  distance  they 

KNaufragios,  Cap.  XXII. 

'"Ibid. 

33Ibid. 


'"Ibid. 

3<>Ibid.,  Cap.  XXVIII. 

37Ibid. 

MIbid.,  Cap.  XXIX,  showing  they  had  such  there. 


24          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

called  fifty  leagues  to  where  they  received  the  copper  hawkbell,  and 
another  day's  march  over  a  mountain  whose  stones  were  sconce  of 
iron  to  the  houses  on  the  beautiful  stream  where  they  ate  the  pinones, 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  says  of  the  people:  "They  eat  prickly  pears  and 
pinones."99  'And  here  they  received  the  first  buffalo  skins,  where 
there  were  prickly  pears  and  pinones.  From  this  place  they  made 
the  journeys  to  the  second  large  river,  then  through  rough  moun- 
tains and  finally  to  the  place  on  a  stream  flowing  between  some 
mountains  where  the  captive  Indian  woman's  father  lived,  finding 
houses  with  foundations,  where  the  people  ate  maize  and  pumpkins, 
and  thence  in  one  day  to  the  town  of  houses  with  foundations,  where 
they  ate  maize  and  pumpkins,  and  were  given  skins  of  buffalo. 
Here  the  people  went  naked.  From  here  they  went  up  a  river 
toward  the  sunset  to  find  the  place  where  maize  grew  all  over  the 
land ;  and  they  received  cow  hides  along  the  lower  part  of  the  river, 
but  Cabeza  de  Vaca  does  not  mention  seeing  a  buffalo  after  leaving 
the  Avavares,  yet  does  say  he  did  not  eat  of  their  meat  on  his  journey 
up  the  river. 

So  they  were  in  the  prickly  pear  region  to  where  they  got  the  firat 
buffalo  skins,  and  had  left  the  Avavares  when  the  green  fruit  was 
already  large  enough  to  be  broiled  and  eaten,  though  green.  They 
went  to  the  latter  place  from  the  twenty  houses  near  the  coast,  going 
inland,  which  was  from  the  first  mountain  they  saw,  also  near  the 
coast.  There  is  no  mountain  within  fifteen  leagues  of  the  gulf 
coast  in  a  prickly  pear  region  north  of  the  Rio  Grande;  and  Pamo- 
ranes  is  the  first  so  close  south  of  it.  So  they  must  have  gone  in- 
land or  westward  from  the  southern  point  of  this  mountain ;  for  if 
there  is  another  with  such  signs  of  identity,  fifty  years'  acquaintance 
with  the  country  has  failed  to  bring  it  to  the  writer's  notice. 

This  march  being  made  in  the  early  spring,  if  it  had  been  north- 
ward from  the  Avavares,  the  natural  conditions  would  have  been 
very  different.  No  mountain  would  have  been  found  within  fifteen 
leagues  of  the  coast.  Cabraa  de  Vaca's  turn  to  go  inland  was  near  a 
mountain  fifteen  leagues  from  the  coast  in  a  prickly  pear  region,  and 
if  there  is  no  such  place  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Bravo,  and  the 
first  one  south  of  there  is  Pamoranes,  then,  at  least,  it  may  be  said 

"Naufragios,  Cap.  XXIX. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  25 

that  he  was  south  of  that  river  when  he  made  this  turn  to  go  inland, 
and  that  he  was  still  in  the  prickly  pear  region  where  he  got  the 
first  buffalo  skins,  and  inland  from  Pamoranes.  And  he  had  gone 
there  from  the  Avavares  after  the  prickly  pear  leaves  and  green 
fruit  were  large  enough  to  be  broiled  and  eaten.  He  accounts  for 
eight  days'  journey  and  then  fifty  leagues  more,  say  eight  days 
more,  and  then  one  day  over  the  iron  mountain,  say  seventeen  days' 
journey  from  where  he  crossed  the  first  great  river  to  where  he  ate 
the  prickly  pears  and  pinones  and  received  the  first  buffalo  skins. 
If  these  journeys  had  been  from  the  Pamoranes  northward,  he  would 
have  recrossed  the  Bravo  and  have  been  in  middle  Texas,  and  it 
would  have  been  about  the  tenth  of  March ;  and  had  he  continued  to 
travel  in  the  direction  of  the  great  ravine  near  the  Point  of  Rocks 
in  Colorado  on  the  old  Santa  Fe  road,  he  would  possibly  have 
reached  there  in  April  after  the  time  he  claims  to  have  met  Alcaraz 
on  the  Pacific  coast.  But  during  this  time  he  would  not  have  eaten 
any  prickly  pears  on  such  route;  but  on  it,  at  that  time  of  year,  he 
would  have  found  vast  herds  of  buffalo  beginning  to  go  northward, 
while  he  does  not  mention  seeing  a  buffalo  after  leaving  the 
Avavares.  He  would  have  encountered  ?now  on  his  way  farther 
north  in  going  to  the  Point  of  Rocks,  if  he  reached  that  place  by  the 
first  of  April,  though  it  is  a  thousand  miles  from  Culiaoan,  where 
he  claims  to  have  arrived  in  April ;  and  as  he  makes  no  mention  of 
seeing  snow  after  reaching  Mal-Hado  on  the  6th  of  November,  1528, 
until  he  reached  the  City  of  Mexico,  it  may  be  fairly  presumed  he 
did  not  encounter  it  on  his  march  after  leaving  the  Avavares;  for 
he  does  not  even  mention  any  cold  weather  after  that,  though  he 
complains  of  a  cold  snap  during  the  five  days  he  was  separated  from 
them  and  his  companions. 

Without  examining  any  other  part  of  Coronado's  route,  the  great 
ravine  may  be  located  from  the  account  of  his  marches  from  Cicuye 
to  it.  The  army  "proceeding  toward  the  plains,  which  are  all  o» 
the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  after  four  days'  journey  they  came 
to  a  river  with  <a  large,  deep  current,  which  flowed  toward  Cicuye, 
and  they  named  this  the  Cicuye  river."40 

*°Mr.  Winship's  note  1  as  to  this  is  "The  Rio  Pecos."  See  Fourteenth 
Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Part  I,  p.  504. 


26          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Here  it  may  be  presumed  they  went  out  through  the  Galisteo 
pass  in  the  Jumanes  mountains,  which  would  put  them  on  the 
plains  after  going  through  these  mountains.  Then  they  may  have 
gone  to  the  Pecos  river  about  where  Cuesta  is,  near  where  the  Fort 
Smith  and  Saata  Fe  wagon  road  used  to  cross  'this  river. 

It  is  presumed  that  Mr.  Winship  had  evidence  for  his  statement 
that  "the  bridge,  however,  was  doubtless  built  across  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Canadian,"41  and  it  will  here  be  presumed  to  have 
been  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mora,  and  that  they  went  thence  along 
the  plain  northeast  of  the  Colorado  fork  to  in  front  of  Point  of 
Rocks,  which  is  the  southern  extremity  of  Raton  mountains,  not  fai 
from  where  the  Santa  Fe  route  crosses  Utah  creek.  The  head  oJ 
this  suits  the  description  of  the  barranca  or  ravine,42  as  it  may  well 
be  compared  to  the  most  magnificent  barrancas  of  (Mima.  And 
whether  the  fourteen  day's  march  was  from  near  where  Cuesta  is, 
close  to  where  the  old  Fort  Smith  and  Santa  Fe  wagon  road  crosses 
Rio  Pecos,  or  from  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mora,  this  ravine  or  bar- 
ranca meets  the  description  better  than  any  other  in  that  region. 
The  distance  from  Cuestta  to  the  junction  of  Ocate  creek  with  the 
Colorado,  as  well  as  now  remembered,  is  not  much  more  than  one 
hundred  miles,  and  thence  east,  along  the  old  Santa  Fe  route,  by 
the  Point  of  Rocks,  to  the  canon  or  barranca  is  not  over  forty  miles ; 
and  this  whole  distance  of  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  might  have 
been  made  by  the  army  in  fourteen  days.  But  if  the  bridge  was  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mora,  and  the  fourteen  days  counted  thence  to 
the  barranca,  then  it  was  not  more  than  one  hundred  miles.  If 
this  is  the  barranca  or  ravine  referred  to,  it  is  about  longitude  103° 
30'  W.  and  latitude  36°  30'  N.,  which  affords  a  basis  for  calculation. 

The  first  mountain  within  fifteen  leagues  of  the  Gulf  coast,  go- 
ing toward  Panuco,  or  Tampico,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
is  in  latitude  25°  N.  and  longitude  98°  W.,  and  if  the  south  end 
of  it  is  not  where  the  twenty  houses  were,  then  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  go  south  to  find  another  so  close  to  the  Gulf  coast.  So  go- 
ing north  on  longitude  98°  W.  to  latitude  36°  30'  N.  is  11°  30', 
and  thence  west  to  103°  3(X  W.  would  be  5°  30',  and  these  two  as 

"Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1892-93,  Part  I, 
p.  504. 

"The  following  description  is  given  by  Mr.  Egan,  of  Laredo,  Texas. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vac-a.  27 

base  and  perpendicular  would  give  the  distance  from.  Pamoranes 
to  the  barranca  or  to  the  Point  of  Rocks,  on  a  right  line  as 
over  880  statute  miles.  In  going  to  the  twenty  houses  from 
where  they  crossed  the  first  large  river,  they  were  traveling  five 
days,  and  must  have  arrived  there  about  the  first  of  March.  If 
they  there  took  a  right  line  for  Point  of  Rocks  on  the  first  of  March 
and  averaged  ten  miles  every  day,  it  would  have  -taken  eighty-eight 
days  to  reach  the  Point  of  Rocks,  making  them  arrive  there  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  June,  two  months  and  twenty-seven  days  after 
the  date  of  their  meeting  Christians,  wherever  that  may  have  been. 
Again,  if  they  had  averaged  twenty  miles  per  day,  it  would  have 
required  forty-four  days  to  make  the  journey,  and  they  would  have 
arrived  at  the  barranca  or  Point  of  Rocks  on  the  thirteenth  of 
April,  while  it  is  generally  admitted  that  they  reached  San  Miguel 
on  the  first  of  April.  But  in  their  nude  condition,  with  flocks  of 
Indians  deployed  on  the  flanks,  hunting  for  game,  ten  miles  for 
every  day,  including  all  days  of  delays  and  stops,  would  be  a  high 
average.  So  the  very  nature  of  the  country  and  known  distance 
from  the  most  northerly  mountain  within  fifteen  leagues  of  the 
Gulf  coast  being  considered,  it  is  not  possible  for  them  to  have  gone 
from  that  mountain  to  Point  of  Rocks  at  the  south  end  of  Raton 
mountains,  and  thence  to  San  Miguel  or  to  Culiacan  on  the  Pacific 
by  the  first  of  April. 

Another  view  must  suggest  itself  to  every  thinking  person  while 
investigating  this  subject.  If  they  had  gone  north  from  the  first 
mountain  within  fifteen  leagues  of  the  Gulf  coast,  they  would  have 
traversed  six  hundred  miles  o>f  buffalo  range  before  reaching  Point 
of  Rocks,  and  would  have  been  going  with  the  buffalo  on  the  spring 
return  to  the  north,  which  would  have  rendered  it  impossible  for 
them  to  have  failed  to  see  thousands  of  these  wild  cows.  But 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  does  not  tell  of  seeing  a  single  live  buffalo  after 
leaving  the  Avavares  to  go  to  a  land  of  Christians. 

Again,  if  they  reached  San  Miguel  on  the  first  of  April,  they 
would  have  had  to  reach  the  barranca  before  that  time,  and  they 
could  not  have  failed  to  encounter  some  very  cold  weather  on  the 
plains,  which  would  have  reduced  them  to  that  necessity,  experienced 
by  so  many  who  have  traveled  on  those  plains,  of  having  to  use 
buffalo  chips  for  fuel.  But  no  such  thing  is  mentioned  in  Nau- 


28          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

fragios.  Had  the  flocks  of  Indians,  of  whom  Cabeza  de  Vaca  tells, 
following  and  going  with  them,  been  of  those  wandering  on  the 
buffalo  plains,  they  would  have  shown  the  Spaniards  how  to  make 
fires  and  cook  without  wood.  But  Cabeza  de  Vaca  fails  to  men- 
tion any  such  teaching,  though  he  does  tell  how  he  got  fuel  out  of 
the  thorny  chaparrals  during  the  winter  he  was  with  the  Avavares. 

Every  one  living  who  was  with  the  Sibley  brigade  in  1862,  will 
remember  the  snow  that  fell  in  Albuquerque  the  night  General 
Canby  withdrew  from  in  front  of  that  place  in  April  of  that  year. 
It  covered  the  ground  several  inches  deep,  and  men  heavily  clad 
suffered  with  cold ;  and  had  they  been  as  nude  as  were  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  his  comrades,  many  might  have  perished,  especially  if  they 
had  been  out  on  the  plains  northeast  of  there  without  knowing  the 
use  of  buffalo  chips. 

But  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  route  from  where  he  got  the  first  buffalo 
skins  was  first  along  the  valleys  where  jack  rabbits  were  abundant 
and  finally  to  houses  with  foundations,  where  they  ate  maize  and 
pumpkins,  while  those  at  the  barranca  ate  nothing  but  raw  and 
badly  broiled  buffalo  meat,  of  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  com- 
rades ate  none  after  crossing  the  first  great  river. 

Should  it  be  claimed  that  the  place  where  Cabeza  de  Vaca  found 
the  town  on  a  stream  flowing  between  some  mountains,  where  the 
Indians  had  houses  with  foundations,  or  the  one  a  day's  march  fur- 
ther on,  was  the  barranca,  then  the  fact  of  his  eating  beans  and 
pumpkins  there,  when  those  of  the  barranca  had  nothing  of  the  kind, 
and  the  further  fact  that  those  of  the  barranca  ate  buffalo  meat  and 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  comrades  did  not,  must  be  presumed  to 
show  an  irreconcilible  difference  between  the  two  places.  And  an- 
other marked  difference  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  people  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  met  there  went  perfectly  nude,  showing  a  warm  climate, 
while  those  at  the  barranca  were  clad  in  skins  and  had  large  tents 
made  of  the  same  material,  showing  they  were  accustomed  to  cold 
weather.  H?he  fact  of  Cabeza 'de  Vaca's  leaving  this  place  and  going 
up  a  river  which  came  from  the  sunset  cannot  be  adjusted  to  the 
barranca.43  But  of  the  ravine  and  the  hail  storm  there,  Castaiieda 
says:  "And  broke  all  the  crockery  of  the  army,  and  the  gourds, 

uSee  Naufragios,  Cap.  XXX. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  29 

which  caused  no  little  necessity,  because  they  do  not  have  any 
crockery  in  this  region,  nor  do  they  grow  gourds,  nor  do  they  plant 
maize,  nor  do  they  eat  bread,  but  instead  raw  or  badly  broiled  meat, 
and  fruits/'44 

On  leaving  the  place  where  he  called  the  people  los  de  las  Vacas, 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  tells  of  thirty-five  days'  journey  to  where  he  was 
waterbound,  going  to  the  sunset  all  the  while,  and  had  this  been 
from  the  barranca.,  or  the  Point  of  Kocks,  it  would  have  taken  him 
across  by  Taos  and  to  the  Bed  Fork  of  the  Colorado  of  the  West, 
about  where  the  old  trail  from  Santa  Fe  to  Los  Angeles  in  Cali- 
fornia used  to  cross  it,  and  had  he  then  continued  west  to  some 
mountain  with  a  town  on  the  point  of  it,  where  he  got  the  maize, 
and  thence  still  westward,  to  meet  Alcaraz,  he  would  have  been  about 
on  Virgin  river,  in  the  country  of  the  Pah  Utahs,  near  where 
Fremont  crossed  it  in  1844;  so  that  his  Culiacan  would  have  been 
on  the  Sand  Desert  east  of  Owen's  Lake. 

The  suggestion  that  the  place  where  Cabeza  de  Vaca  says  they 
ate  pinones  might  have  been  at  the  head  of  Utah  creek,  because 
there  are  pinones  there  on  the  declivities  of  Raton  mountain,  lacks 
the  support  of  very  important  signs  of  identity  mentioned  by 
Cabeza  de  Vaca.  The  first  is  the  total  absence  of  prickly  pears, 
there  being  none  within  hundreds  of  miles  of  Point  of  Rocks ;  and 
the  second  is,  that  the  place  where  Cabeza  de  Vaca  found  the 
pinones  was  inland  from  the  mountain  standing  within  fifteen 
leagues  of.  the  Gulf  coast,  and  was  reached  before  crossing  the  sec- 
ond large  river;  and  had  they  gone  from  Pamoranes,  without  re- 
crossing  the  Bravo,  they  would  have  been  forced  to  go  around  the 
head  of  it.  The  third  is  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  makes  no  mention  of 
any  cold  weather  where  he  found  the  pinones,  while  if  it  had  been 
at  the  head  of  Utah  creek,  the  country  would  most  likely  have  been 
covered  wifh  snow;  and  if  he  traveled  northward  from  the  Gulf 
coast,  he  would  certainly  have  noticed  the  prairie  dog  towns  for 
more  than  three  hundred  miles,  and  would  have  mentioned  these 
animals  along  his  march  from  the  barranca  instead,  of  telling  the 
jack  rabbit  story  and  fitting  it  to  the  country  beyond  Galeana. 

The  story  of  the  German  king's  celebrated  painting  of  a  wheat 

"Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Part  I,  p.  442. 


30          Texas  Historical  A  ssociation  Quarterly. 

field  may  serve  as  an  argument  here.  He  offered  a  valuable  prem- 
ium to  whoever  could  point  out  a  valid  defect,  and  many  connois- 
seurs, desiring  to  win  the  prize,  as  well  as  to  add  to  their  reputation, 
having  pronounced  it  perfect,  a  farmer's  son  sought  and  gained 
admittance  to  the  gallery,  and  readily  pointed  out  the  defect,  say- 
ing: "Where  those  pretty  birds  light  on  the  wheat  in  my  father's 
field,  their  weight  bends  the  stalks  on  which  they  light,  but  the 
etalks  on  which  the  painter  has  placed  them  are  very  straight." 
Though  not  a  professional  critic,  he  had  seen  wheat  fields. 

The  suggestion  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  may  have  visited  the  bar- 
ranca while  peddling,  is  another  idle  thought,  without  considering 
any  of  the  known  collateral  facts.  While  peddling  none  of  the 
Spaniards  were  with  him ;  and  the  only  one  he  knew  of  was  Oviedo, 
who  remained  on  the  Isle  of  Mal-Hado,  and  whom  he  visited 
every  year.  After  meeting  Dorantes,  Castillo  and  the  negro,  he 
was  given  to  the  one-eyed  Mariame  as  a  slave,  and  did  not  peddle 
any  more.  So  if  he  had  gone  to  the  barranca  near  Raton  mountain 
while  peddling,  Dorantes  could  not  have  been  with  him;  and  the 
greatest  distance  he  mentions  going  north  after  meeting  his  com- 
rades was  to  where  they  ate  the  nuts,  thirty  leagues  from  the  prickly 
pear  region  in  which  they  finally  left  their  masters  and  went  to  the 
Avavares.  So  it  is  presumed  that  the  story  of  his  going  through 
the  barranca  with  Dorantes  is  due  to  Castaneda's  imaginative 
genius;  as  are  many  of  the  statements  he  makes. 

The  expressions  of  the  bearded,  blind  man,  given  by  Jaramillo, 
may  be  brought  nearer  the  bounds  of  credibility.  "Among  whom 
there  was  an  old  blind  man  with  a  beard,  who  gave  us  to  under- 
stand, by  signs  which  he  made,  that  he  had  seen  four  others  like  us 
many  days  before,  whom  he  had  seen  near  there  and  rather  more 
toward  New  Spain,  and  we  so  understood  him,  and  presumed  that 
it  was  Dorantes  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  those  whom  I  have  men- 
tioned."45 

This  implies  that  the  blind  man  had  an  idea  of  New  Spain  and 
its  direction  from  where  he  was;  and  from  the  statements  of  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,  it  seems  that  those  of  Mal-Hado  also  had  a  knowledge  of 
there  being  such  a  country.  The  old  man  may  have  followed  the 

"Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Part  I,  pp. 
588-589. 


Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  31 

buffalo  south  in  winter  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca  was  the  slave  of  the 
one-eyed  Mariame  and  have  encountered  them  and  the  Iguaces  be- 
tween the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  or  on  the  San  Antonio  river 
where  they  went  to  eat  the  nuts,  and  there  met  the  four  Spaniards, 
and  learned  of  there  being  many  such  people  farther  south.  In- 
deed, this  old  man  may  have  been  among  those  who  €abeza  de  Vaca 
says  came  down  and  lived  upon  the  cows.  All  this  was  possible; 
and  if  the  old  man  was  a  Comanche,  then  it  is  even  probable,  since 
his  tribe  roamed  along  the  country  between  the  Bravo  and  Nueces 
to  the  coast,  and  often  as  far  south  as  where  Victoria,  the  capital 
of  Tamaulipas,  is  now.  In  fact,  as  late  as  1818  they  went  down 
there,  and  on  their  return,  on  the  left  margin  of  the  Bravo  in  front 
of  where  Matamoros  is  now,  captured  Victoriano  Chapa,  who  was 
recovered  from  them  at  San  Antonio,  by  the  commandant  of  that 
place,  in  1829,  and  is  still  alive.  But  as  to  the  old  man  having 
seen  the  Spaniards  "near  there"  that  is,  near  where  Jaramillo 
speaks  of,  and  as  to  his  statement  that  "we  so  understood  liim,  and 
presumed  that  it  was  Dorantes  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  those  [he] 
had  mentioned,"  it  is  fully  answered  in  what  is  said  above  as  to  their 
having  gone  through  the  barranca;  and  needs  only  the  application 
here  of  what  Mr.  Winship  says :  "But  in  trying  to  trace  these  early 
dealings  of  Europeans  with  the  American  aborigines,  we  must  never 
forget  how  much  may  be  explained  by  the  possibilities  of  misinter- 
pretation on  the  part  of  the  white  men,  who  so  often  heard  of  what 
they  wished  to  find,  and  who  learned,  very  gradually  and  in  the  end 
imperfectly,  to  understand  only  a  few  of  the  native  languages  and 
dialects."46  Indeed,  it  seems  one  leading  desire  was  to  make  it 
appear  that  they  had  found  traces  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  three 
comrades,  as  evidence  of  their  having  followed  their  back  track  and 
being  on  the  right  way  to  Quivira,  which  was  connected  with  the 
route  of  these  survivors  of  the  Narvaez  expedition  only  by  gossip 
first  circulated  in  Mexico. 

This  blind,  bearded,  old  Indian  is  perpetuated  in  the  memory  of 
letters,  whether  he  ever  saw  Cabeza  de  Vaca  or  not;  and  possibly 
Jaramillo's  imagination  enabled  him  to  "so  understand"  the  state- 
ment made  by  signs,  while  the  blind  Indian  who  made  them  would 

^Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Pant  I,  p.  394. 


32          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

not  recognize  the  story  if  told  to  him  by  one  speaking  his  mother 
tongue.  But  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  any  one  would  deem  such 
a  story  sufficient  to  affect  the  route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as  above  pre- 
sented, or  to  negative  a  single  natural  object  pointed  out  as  one 
called  for  in  Naufragios. 

Now,  the  fact  is  fairly  shown  that  the  people  where  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  says  they  were  given  buffalo  skins  might  have  had  them  in 
1536,  and  that  the  great  preponderance  of  evidence  drawn  fror 
natural  objects  pointed  out  along  the  route  both  aids  and  corrob- 
orates the  probability  that  the  proper  places  are  indicated.  And  it 
is  believed  that  the  exaggerations  of  time  and  distance  in  the  Nau- 
fragios are  shown  with  sufficient  certainty  to  repel  the  idea  of  their 
proving  a  route  thousands  of  leagues  longer  than  the  one  here 
adopted. 

As  to  whether  the  facts  support  the  statement  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
went  to  Culiacan  and  there  found  Melchor  Diaz  acting  as  alcalde 
mayor  and  captain  of  the  province,  all  said  on  this  subject  is  sub- 
mitted to  the  impartial  judgment  of  the  reader,  with,  the  sugges- 
tion that  the  main  hypothesis  in  the  statement  is  that  of  Diaz's  then 
occupying  such  positions,  and  if  this  is  sufficiently  shown  to  be  un- 
true, then  the  statement  falls  to  the  ground,  and  the  wanderers  did 
not  go  there. 

While  the  statements  quoted  from  Castaneda  and  Jaramillo 
amount  to  two  isolated  and  discordant  assertions  as  to  Cabeza  de 
Vaca's  having  gone  so  far  north,  what  is  said  in  refutation  of  the 
idea,  is  but  to  strengthen  the  position  that  the  route  adopted  in  this 
paper  is,  in  the  main,  the  only  one  deducible  from  all  said  in  Nau- 
fragios, without  further  reflection  as  to  the  acts  or  motives  whic 
influenced  the  latter  part  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  relation. 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.  33 

% 

REMINISCENCES  OF  JU'BGE  EDWIN  WALLER1 

P.    E.    PEARESON. 

Authors  Introductory  Note. 

This  is  but  the  "short  and  simple  annal"  of  one  of  the  early  settlers  of 
Texas,  and  of  some  of  the  scenes  of  her  early  history.  It  is  written  almost 
as  it  fell  from  the  lips  of  an  aye-witness  of  all  therein  described,  and  is 
offered  as  a  leaf  in  the  volume  which  will  .some  day  exist  of  the  deeds  of 
our  Texas  pioneers.  As  it.  has  no  other  object,  the  simple  statement  of 
that  fact  is  all  the  apology  it  requires. 

RICHMOND,  November  18,  1873.. 

"The  broken   soldier     .... 
•Sat  by  his  fire  and  talked  the  night  away, 
Wept  o'er  his  wounds,  or  tales  of  sorrow  done, 
Shoulder'd  hifi  crutch  and  show'd  how  fields  were  won." 

—  Goldsmith. 

Exactions  by  the  government,  in  the  shape  of  duties  and  taxes 
from  the  governed,  have  ever  been  seed  for  revolt  and  revolution. 
We  need  not  go  beyond  the  American  continent  for  authority  to  sus- 
tain this  assertion.  Unequal  taxation  and  .unjust  duties  germinated 
the  revolution  of  1775,  the  first  budding  of  which  was  the  famous 
Tea  Eiot  in  Boston  Harbor.  To  this  there  is  a  striking  analogy  in 
the  conception  of  that  revolution  which  separated  Texas  from  Mex- 
ico —  a  revolution  which,  comparing  the  men  and  means  engaged, 
with  the  grand  results,  is  almost  without  a  parallel,  and  which,  by 
a  king  of  Caesarian  operation,  as  it  were,  tore  from  the  'body  of  the 
effete  maternal  nationality  Mexico,  the  blooming  child  Texas,  and 
placed  it  as  a  young  republic  in  the  western  world,  Velasco  was 
the  Boston!  Harbor  of  the  Texas  Revolution,  and  the  scene  of  the 
first  chapter  in  its  history.  There,  too,  taxes  and  duties,  unjustly 
demanded  by  the  government,  were  the  cause  of  the  emeute. 


is  a  reprint  of  a  pamphlet  under  the  title,  Sketch  of  the  Life  of 
Judge  Edwin  Waller,  published  at  the  Galveston  News  office  in  1874,  but 
which  has  (become  very  rare.  Who  the  eye-witness  referred  to  was,  cannot 
now  be  stated,  but  it  is  hoped  the  information  may  be  given  in  a  later 
number.  —  EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


34  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

In  1832  Velasco  was  a  Mexican  post,  garrisoned  by  near  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men,  who  were  in  a  fort  of  circular  form,  having  in 
the  center  a  mound  or  raised  plateau  of  earth,  whereon  the  artillery 
was  placed  en  barbette,  so  as  to  fire  over  the  outer  wall,  and  command 
a  range  on  every  side.     Thia  outer  wall  was  surrounded  by  a  fosae 
or  ditch,  and  perhaps  with  something  intended  for  cheveaux-de-frise 
or  abattis.     There  were  at  that  time  several  vessels  trading  between 
Velasco  and  New  Orleans,  which  were  engaged  in  exporting  home 
articles  and  bringing  in  supplies  to  barter  for  Mexican  bars  of  silver 
and  other  articles.     Among  these  vessels  was  the  "Sabine,"  which 
carried  out  the  first  cotton  ever  raised  in  Gulf  Prairie,  produced  by 
Westall  and  McNeil,  and  was  owned  by  Edwin  Waller,  then  a  young 
man,  native  of  Virginia,  who  had  visited  Texas  for  his  health.     Up 
to  this  year  no  duties  or  customs  had  been  demanded  from  persons 
engaged  in  this  trade  by  government  officials,  but  it  coming  to  their 
ears  that  the  commerce  was  becoming  profitable  their  attention  was 
aroused,  and  the  commander  of  the  Velasco  fort  notified  the  captain 
of  the  Sabine,  Jerry  Brown,  that  he  must  pay  certain  duties,  and 
procure  a  clearance  for  his  vessel  from  Colonel  Bradburn,  then  com- 
manding at  Anahuac,  before  he  would  be  allowed  to  sail.     This  was 
demanding  impossibilities,  as  there  was  no  land  communication  with 
Anahuac,  and  the  embargo  thus  laid  prevented  intercourse  by  water. 
Captain  Brown  reported  this  state  of  facts  to  Edwin  Waller,  the 
vessel's  owner,  who  in  company  with  Wm.  H.  Wharton  visited  the 
commanding  officer,  and  offered  to  pay  him  a  duty  of  fifty  dollars, 
for  permission  for  his  vessel  to  leave.     The  official  demanded  one 
hundred  dollars  for  the  privilege,  and  this  Mr.  Waller  refused,  see- 
ing the  intention  of  the  officer  to  blackmail  him,  and  believing  that 
to  yield  would  be  but  to  pave  the  way  for  future  extortions.     After 
speaking  this  opinion  to  the  officer  with  more  emphasis  than  defer- 
ence, Waller  retired,  to  consider  upon  the  situation.     'Finally,  he 
persuaded   Captain  Brown  to  agree  to  "run  the  blockade,"  and 
accordingly  the  plan  was  arranged  to  protect  the  vessel  as  well  as 
might  be,  with  cotton  bales,  that  the  sailore  should  hoist  sail,  the 
passengers  to  go  below  into  the  "hold"  and  that  thereupon  Wharton 
would  unloose  one  fastening  of  the  boat,  and  Waller  the  other,  sim- 
ultaneously, to  give  her  as  fair  a  start  as  possible.     All  of  which 
was  accordingly  done,  and  the  first  "overt  act"  of  resistance  to  Mex- 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.          35 

lean  authority  was  committed  by  Mr.  Waller's  vessel  sailing  boldly 
past  the  nose  of  the  fort,  outward  bound. 

The  sight  of  this  daring  violation  of  his  orders  excited  the  Mexi- 
can commander  to  vigorous  action,  and,  forming  his  garrison  on  the 
bank  of  the  river,  he  opened  a  f  usilade  upon  the  defiant  craft,  which 
did  damage  only  to  her  rigging.  Inspired  by  this  sight,  another 
vessel  lying  higher  up  the  river,  and  commanded  by  Captain  Fuller, 
set  sail  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  Sabine,  which,  now  being  out 
of  range  of  small  arms,  was.  seen  crowded  with  passengers  on  deck, 
huzzaing  and  shouting  in  derision  and  triumph,  among  them  one 
lady,  a  Mrs,  Sweet,  the  sister  of  Samuel  M.  Williams,  This  so 
inflamed  the  Mexicans  that  they  turned  on  Captain  Fuller's  vessel, 
and  opened  on  her  a  heavy  fire.  Before  the  vessel  passed  out  of 
range  a  shot  from.1  the  Mexicans  struck  the  tiller  or  helm.1  held  by 
Captain  Fuller,  wounding  him ;  he  immediately  called  for  his  rifle, 
intending  to  return  the  salute,  when  a  young  man,  Spencer  Jack, 
the  uncle  of  Thomas  M.  Jack,  of  Galveston,  asked  leave  to  fire  the 
gun,  and  did  so  with  good  effect,  as  he  wounded  a  Mexican  in  the 
thigh.  This  worthy  set  up  such  a  howl  of  pain  and  fright  that  his 
comrades  ceased  firing  and  gathered  in  disorder  around  him,  under 
which  diversion  Captain  Fuller  sailed  quietly  on  his  victorious  way. 
The  ball  being  extracted  from  the  limb  of  the  fallen  hero  by  an 
American  (one  Dr.  Robinson,  hereinafter  named),  and  the  wound 
proving  slight,  the  warlike  ardor  of  the  Mexicans  revived,  and  they 
at  once  arrested  as  the  originators  of  this  bold  disobedience 
Colonel  Wharton  and  Edwin  Waller,  and  conducted  them  as  prison- 
ers inside  the  fort.  'Colonel  Wharton,  with  characteristic  sagacity 
and  talent,  soon  argued  himself  out  of  limibo,  but  Mr.  Waller  prov- 
ing more  obdurate,  the  insulted  commander  sentenced  him  to  be  sent 
to  Matamoras,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  authorities  there.  After 
'much  trouble,  and  principally  through  the  aid  of  Colonel  Wharton, 
many  good  promises  being  exacted,  Mr.  Waller  was  finally  and 
reluctantly  released,  and  a  hollow  truce  prevailed  for  a  season. 

When  the  Sabine  sailed,  Captain  Brown  was  ordered  by  Mr.  Wal- 
ler to  invest  the  proceeds  of  her  cargo  in  two  cannons,  and  to  bring 
them  back  on  the  return  trip  for  retaliation  upon  the  fort  in  ease  of 
Any  hostile  demonstration..  The  cannons  did  come,  though  too  late 
to  do  duty  at  the  storming  of  Velasco,  and  being  dedicated  to  the 


36  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

service  of  the  cause,  were  placed  on  board  a  vessel  which  cruised  out 
after  war  was  declared,  as  one  of  the  first  men  of  war  of  the  Texas 
navy,  but  never  returned  again  to  report  her  deeds.  Neither  ship, 
crew  nor  cannons  were  ever  heard  of  again,  and  their  fate  is 
unknown. 

This  occurrence  was  really  the  detonating  spark  which  fired  the 
train  of  revolution;  thisi  was  the  capstone  to  the  arch  of  national 
feeling  which  had  been  gradually  growing  in  the  minds  of  the  Amer- 
ican settlers ;  this  was,  in  fact,  the  bud  of  the  Texas  revolution,  as 
Boston  had  been  before  of  the  revolt — the  secession  from  England. 
The  desire  to  resist  Mexican  authority  was  here  aroused  by  the 
belief  that  it  could  be  done  successfully.  "The  first  gun"  sounded 
when  young  Jack  fired  and  wounded  the  Mexican  soldier. 

Soon  after  this,  a  meeting  of  citizens  was  held  at  Brazoria,  with 
•Col.  "Wm.  H.  Wharton  as  chairman,  and  he  earnestly  advised  decided 
•measures,  arguing  that  the  spirit  of  strife  had  already  been  aroused; 
that  Colonel  Bradburn  had  confined  American  citizens  unjustly  at 
Anahuac ;  that  the  citizens,  headed  by  Col.  Frank  Johnson,  who  had 
gone  thither  to  demand  their  release,  had  failed  to  obtain  it,  and  had 
met  an  unfriendly  reception ;  that  Spencer  Jack  had  shot  a  regular 
soldier  of  the  Mexican  army,  while  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty; 
that  the  people  on  both  sides  were  excited ;  and  that  it  would  be  bet- 
ter for  them  (the  citizens),  by  a  bold  move  to  swoop  down  at  once 
upon  Velasco  and  storm  and  capture  the  fort  and  garrison,  and  so 
rid  the  section  of  Mexican  authority.  There  was  considerable  debate 
upon  this  proposition,  and  the  meeting  finally  agreed  that  the  chair- 
•man  should  appoint  a  committee  of  five,  a  majority  of  whom  should 
decide  the  issue  of  war  or  inaction.  Colonel  Wharton  appointed  aa 
that  committee  Edwin  Waller,  W.  J.  Russell,  Thos.  Weetall,  J.  W. 
•Cloud  (a  clergyman),  and  —  McNeil.  These  retired  to  deliberate 
on  their  verdict,  and  their  first  ballot  showed  Waller  and  Russell  for 
war  and  the  other  three  opposed  it.  Waller  and  Russell  at  length 
converted  the  clergyman  to  their  faith  and  finally  the  committee 
became  unanimous  and  announced  to  the  people  that  their  "voice 
was  for  open  war."  The  forces  then  assembled  with  Col.  John 
Austin  in  command,  and  Henry  Brown,  a  gallant  officer  and  the 
father  of  the  present  John  Henry  Brown,  asi  second  in  command, 
•and  this  embryo  "army  of  the  republic"  took  up  their  line  of  march, 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  strong. 


Reminiscence*  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.          37 

When  we  reflect  that  they  were  about  to  attack  twice  their  number 
of  well  armed  and  well  disciplined  soldiers,  heavily  entrenched,  and 
backed  by  the  great  Mexican  nation,  we  cannot  but  admire  their 
calm  restlessness  and  cool  effrontery.  No  doubt  they  trusted  that 
Providence  would  enable  them  to  give  Mexico  some  reasonable 
excuse  for  ttous  attacking  one  of  her  forts,  and  tihat  the  chapter 
of  accidents  would  aid  them  in  capturing  the  fort,  but  still  there 
was  as  much  dashing  courage  and  steady  fortitude  in  the  attempt 
as  animated  any  beau  sabreur  who  charged  with  the  Light  Brigade 
at  Bloody  Balaklava.  It  was  purely  sublime. 

The  "army"  proceeded  as  far  as  Brown's  landing,  and  there  had- 
ing sent  a  "committee  of  invitation"  to  the  commander  of  the  fort 
with  the  modest  request  that  he  should  immediately  surrender  his 
post  and  garrison  to  the  invaders.  The  Colonel  replied  that  "army 
regulations"  demanded  of  him  some  show  of  resistance,  but  that 
after  firing  a  few  rounds  on  the  assaulters  he  would  gracefully  sur- 
render. 'From  the  denouement  we  are  inclined  to  think  this  reply 
a  piece  of  grim  humor  on  the  Colonel's  part,  and  an  ironical  reply 
to  the  moderate  demands  of  the  rebels. 

The  besiegers  then  moved  down,  arriving  at  the  fort  about  ten 
o'clock  at  night,  carrying  planks  and  sipades  wherewith  to  throw  up 
a  breastwork.  The  order  was  to  move  up  to  within  thirty  paces  of 
the  fort  and  thereby  get  out  of  the  range  of  the  cannon,  which  could 
not  be  depressed  sufficiently  to  cover  ground  so  near,  and  the  men, 
if  discovered  and  fired  on,  were  not  to  return  the  fire,  but  to  proceed 
with  all  haste  to  set  up  the  planksi  and  throw  u,p  sand  against  them, 
so  forming  entrenchments,  and  then  to  await  the  arrival  of  morn- 
ing and  the  schooner  Brazoria.  The  latter  was  mustered  in  as  a 
"gun  boat"  with  two  small  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  commanded  by 
W.  J.  Russell,  now  of  Fayette  county.  This  vessel  was  a  New 
Orleans  trading  boat,  and  was  impressed  by  the  revolutionists  for 
war  purposes,  her  commander,  Captain  Roland,  an  Englishman, 
being  friendly  to  their  cause,  but  fearing  to  risk  the  vessel  volun- 
tarily. In  the  engagement  following,  the  mate  of  this  vessel,  while 
sitting  in  the  cabin,  making  cartridges  by  order  of  Captain  W.  J. 
Russell,  commander,  between  Andrew  Mills,  a  brother  of  Robert 
Mills,  of  Galveston,  and  then  prominent  as  a  revolutionist,  and 
Theodore  Bennett,  was  killed,  a  ball  from  the  fort  passing  through 
his  body,  and  was  the  only  person  on  board  seriously  hurt. 


38  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

The  night  was  not  dark  enough  to  conceal  the  attacking  forces, 
and  they  had  just  put  their  planks  in  position  when  the  garrison 
discovered  and  fired  on  them.  Contrary  to  orders,  the  fire  was 
returned  by  one  of  Colonel  Austin's  party,  one  Robinson,  before 
alluded  to,  and  at  once  the  firing  became  general.  It  may  be  said 
here  of  Robinson,  who  it  seems  was  rather  fond  of  the  oleum  fru- 
menii,  that  his  wife  bitterly  opposed  his  joining  the  volunteers,  and 
in  her  irritation  at  his  obstinacy  on  this  head,  she  expressed  the 
hope  that  the  Mexicans  might  shoot  him.  Strangely  enough  he  was 
perhaps  the  first  Texan  killed  on  the  occasion.  The  fight  continued 
fiercely  through  the  night,  and  nearly  every  ball  from  the  fort  per- 
forated the  planks  protecting  the  Texans,  scattering  splinters  in  all 
directions,  and  thus  wounding  many.  Among  others  Colonel  (then 
Captain)  Robert  H.  Williams,  of  Matagorda,  lost  an  eye  from  a 
splinter. 

By  daylight  many  of  the  attacking  party  were  disabled,  the  guns 
of  many  more  were  clogged  up,  their  ammunition  was  failing,  and, 
to  use  the  expression  of  a  brave  participant,  they  were  "right  badly 
used  up."  More  than  one  of  them,  too,  had  "limbered  to  the  rear" 
for  safety,  without  "standing  on  the  order  of  his  going."  Colonel 
Munson,  the  father  of  the  present  Judge  Munson,  of  Brazoria,  and 
Thos.  Westall,  had  charge  of  the  guard  to  "keep  up  stragglers,"  and 
by  their  coolness  and  steadiness  rendered  great  service  in  the  engage- 
ment. 

The  fort  "flashed  its  red  artillery"  for  a  space,  but  the  Texan 
riflemen  soon  silenced  most  of  the  guns.  Their  terrible  precision 
so  intimidated  the  enemy  that  they  dared  not  stand  by  their  pieces, 
but  sponged  and  loaded  lying  flat  on  their  backs  under  the  guns. 
Even  this  plan  was  finally  abandoned,  for  the  unerring  marksmen 
shot  them  in  the  hands  and  arms.  The  gallant  war  craft  "pounded 
away"  with  her  two  pieces,  but  was  unable  to  do  perfect  execution 
from  the  relative  position  of  the  combatants,  and  the  fact  that  her 
principal  ammunition  was  "trace  chains,"  which,  though  generally 
useful,  were  not  exactly  suited  to  that  purpose. 

The  work  was  principally  done  by  small  arms,  and  noticeable  in 
the  garrison  was  a  company  commanded  by  a  German,  which  was 
posted  in  the  ditch  outside  the  fort.  This  detachment  did  earnest 
work,  and  finally,  being  out  of  ammunition,  the  officer  ordered  a 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  E'lwln  Waller.  39 

detail  into  the  fort  for  more.  To  this  the  courage  of  his  men  was 
unequal,  as  in  going  into  the  fort  they  must  necessarily  be  exposed 
to  the  deadly  fire  of  the  rifles.  Enraged  at  their  cowardice,  the 
officer  himself  made  the  attempt,  but  fell  almost  the  instant  he 
exposed  'his  body.  This  terrified  the  company,  and  they  communi- 
cated the  countersign  to  the  fort,  and  then  amid  the  wild  huzzas  of 
the  patriots  the  white  flag  fluttered  from  the  fort. 

"And  the  red  field  was  won." 

In  the  battle  Edwin  Waller  was  wounded  in  the  head,  and  it  is 
probable  that  his  life  was  saved  by  his  having  tied  around  his  brow 
a  thickly  twisted  handkerchief,  which  turned  or  deadened  'the  force 
of  the  bullet,  but  fhe  concussion  gave  him  a  painful  bruise  and  a 
pair  of  black  eyes  for  several  days  after.  Among  others  killed 
and  wounded  are  remembered  several  from  Matagorda  county,  a 
detachment  having  joined  the  Texans  from  that  county,  organized 
by  S.  B.  Buckner  and  Eobert  H.  Williams,  the  former  of  whom  was 
•killed  and  the  latter  wounded,  losing  an  eye  as  already  stated. 

The  garrison,  after  their  surrender,  were  allowed  to  retain  their 
side-arms  and  personal  property,  and  some  of  them  were  sent  by 
water  to  Matamoros. 

This  battle  occurred  during  the  supremacy  of  Bustamente,  which 
was  succeeded  by  that  of  Santa  Anna,  who,  soon  after  his  accession 
to  power,  dispatched  five  vessels  of  war,  heavily  laden  with  troops 
and  munitions,  to  retake  the  Port  of  Velasco,  and  to  exterminate 
the  capturers  thereof.2  This  armament,  with  colors  flying,  and  with 

2The  Mejla  expedition.  This  sentence  is  misleading.  The  expedition  oc- 
curred several  months  before  iBustamente's  supremacy  had  been  overthrown 
It  was  not  despatched  by  Santa  Anna,  as  the  narrative  here  States,  but  was 
hastily  organized  by  Mejfa  himself  'without  orders  ifrom  his  commander -in- 
chief,  and  carried  out  with  the  approval  of  his  immediate  superior,  Mocte- 
zuma.  It  came  about  in  this  fashion:  In  1830  Bustamente,  who  had  been 
vice-president  of  the  Mexican  Republic  under  Guerrero,  and  had  driven  the 
latter  from  the  city,  assumed  the  functions  of  the  presidency.  In  January, 
1832,  the  garrison  at  Vera  Cruz  had  demanded  the  dismissal  of  Bustamente's 
obnoxious  ministry,  and  had  invited  Santa  Anna  to  take  the  lead  against 
the  Bustamente  party.  This  declaration  is  called  the  Plan  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Santa  Anna  accepted  the  invitation.  In  the  civil  war  that  followed,  Colonel 
Mejfa,  in  charge  of  a  small  force  of  Santa  Anna's  supporters,  was  con- 
ducting a  movement  against  Colonel  Guerra  of  'the  Bustamente  parity,  who 


40  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

grand  display,  sailed  up  and  anchored  off  Velasco,  preparatory  to 
disembarking  for  the  purpose  of  thinning  out  the  inhabitants.  This 
news  of  course  soon  reached  the  people  of  the  country,  and  caused 
the  wildest  excitement.  "Then  there  was  hurrying  to  and  fro"; 
the  people  sent  runners  with  the  tidings  in  every  direction,  and  a 
convention  was  called  to  meet  forthwith  at  Brazoria,  to  devise  meas- 
ures to  meet  the  issue.  (The  convention  was  held  accordingly,  and 
after  deliberation,  Colonel  Wm.  H.  Wharton,  as  chairman  of  a  com- 
mittee, was  sent  down  to  Velasco  to  confer  with  the  Mexican  author- 
ities, and  endeavor  to  stay  the  threatened  destruction.  This  gentle- 
man, so  distinguished  in  his  day  for  sagacity  and  ability,  adopted 
the  wisest  diplomacy  for  the  hour,  the  plan  of  temporizing  with  the 
enemy,  and  in  the  interview  which  he  held  with  the  hostile  chiefs, 
with  all  of  the  eloquence  for  which  he  was  noted,  set  out  the  facts 
that  the  Texans  had  ever  been  loyal  to  the  Mexican  government, 
expecially  to  Santa  Anna;  that  the  capture  of  Velasco  was  "only  a 
party  movement"  against  Bustamente,  to  show  their  deep  devotion 
to  the  cause  of  Santa  Anna ;  and  that  the  whole  affair  originated  in 
their  admiration  for  him,  and  was  but  a  pleasant  way  they  adopted 
to  show  their  loyalty.  (He  welcomed  the  Mexicans  to  the  country, 
and  besought  the  officers  to  come  up  to  Brazoria  and  partake  of  the 
hospitality  of  its  patriotic  people.  The  truth  is,  up  to  that  time 
Santa  Anna  had  not  exhibited  the  objectionable  features  of  his 
character,  as  he  subsequently  did,  and  it  was  generally  hoped  that, 
as  President  of  Mexico,  he  would  prove  a  decided  improvement  on 
Bustamente.  The  Mexican  officers  suffered  themselves  to  be  per- 
suaded, and  accordingly  came  up  to  Brazoria,  where  they  were 
feted  and  entertained  in  the  most  sumptuous  manner,  remaining 
pleased  and  willing  guests,  and  finally  departed,  happy  in  the  belief 
that  the  Texans  were  a  most  loyal  people  and  Colonel  Wharton  a 
particularly  warm  friend  of  Santa  Anna. 

was  in  command  at  Mata-moros,  when  the  news  of  the  disturbances  in 
Texas  led  Mejfa  to  propose,  and  Guerra  to  accept,  an  armistice  between  them 
until  Mejfa  could  lead  his  troops  against  the  insurrectionary  colonists  and 
restore  quiet.  It  was  then  supposed  by  these  two  officials  that  the  attacks 
on  Anaihuac  end  Velasoo  were  ibhe  beginning  of  a  secession  movement  in 
Texas;  but,  as  the  story  goes  on  to  slhow,  the  fears  of  Mejla  on  this  point 
were  easily  dispelled. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  .Edwin  Waller.  41 

Although  the  officers  commanding  this  expedition  were  thus 
blarneyed  out  of  their  savage  mission  by  Colonel  Wharton' s  ruse  de 
guerre,  yet  their  government  was  not  so  well  deceived  thereby,  and 
in  fact  from  the  day  that  Edwin  Waller's  vessel  ran  the  blockade 
and  raised  the  embargo,  and  Spencer  Jack  wounded  the  Mexican 
soldier,  there  never  was,  between  the  government  and  the  colonists 
any  cordiality  of  feeling,  nor  anything  save  distrust  and  want  of 
faith  cloaked  and  hooded  in  pleasant  speeches  and  empty  compli- 
ments. On  that  day  the  spirit  of  revolution  was  born  never  to  die 
again. 

Shortly  after  these  officers  "marched  up  the  hill  and  then  marched 
dovvn  again,"  Almonte  visited  Brazoria  and  the  .surrounding  coun- 
try with  a  great  flourish  of  trumpets  and  with  the  ostensible  charita- 
ble purpose  of  inquiring  into  the  needs  and  wants  of  the  inhabit- 
ants; and,  although  he  was  everywhere  received  in  the  most  elegant 
and  courteous  manner  by  the  colonists,  yet  while  interchanging  com- 
pliments with  his  hosts  he  was  secretly  taking  notes  of  the  numbers, 
strength,  and  resources  of  the  people,  while  they  were  as  busily 
engaged  in  procuring  and  istoring  up  powder  and  appliances  of  war 
for  the  '"irrepressible  conflict." 

The  first  powder  procured  for  this  purpose  was  purchased  by 
Wm.  H.  Wharton,  Jno.  A.  Wharton,  Edwin  Waller,  Eobert  Mills — 
all  prominent  and  zealous  "war  men," — Wm.  J.  Russell,  and  Jere 
Brown,  and  was  stored  away  by  them  in  a  brick  out-house  owned 
by  Mrs.  Jane  H.  Long,  widow  of  General  Long,  now  a  resident  of- 
Fort  Bend  county,  and  perhaps  the  earliest  and  oldest  living  settler 
of  Texas. 

There  seems  to  have  been  quite  a  strong  feeling  of  opposition  in 
those  days  between  the  "war  party"  and  the  "peace  party,"  and  in 
the  many  meetings  held  by  the  people  to  discuss  the  war  question, 
the  different  parties  usually  spoke  their  opinions  of  each  other  in 
terms  the  freest  and  most  emphatic,  so  that  in  some  of  the  stormiest 
of  them,  it  really  seemed  that  in  the  meeting,  at  least,  war  would 
certainly  prevail,  and  that  the  'members  would  commence  hostile 
operations  upon  each  other.  Nothing  serious,  however,  resulted 
from  the  "freedom  of  debate,"  and  the  meetings  passed  without  any 
real  violence.  Among  those  who  zealously  and  unwaveringly  advo- 
cated the  cause  of  war  and  freedom,  Edwin  Waller,  Wm.  H.  Jack, 


42  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

and  the  two  Whartons,  stood  ever  conspicuously  together  as  firmly 
united  politically  as  they  were  socially. 

In  the  Consultation,  as  it  was  called,  which  met  at  San  Felipe  de 
Austin  in  November,  1835,  and  adjourned  about  a  month  after- 
wards,2 Edwin  Waller  and  Jno.  A.  Whaxton  were  two  of  the  delegates 
who  represented  the  municipality  of  Columbia,  and  stood  shoulder 
to  shoulder  in  opposing  the  measures  of  Sam  Houston,  then  mem- 
ber from  Nacogdoches.  In  the  first  hours  of  the  consultation,  how- 
ever, when  Waller  and  others  who  had  arrived  found  there  was  not 
a  quorum  present,  and  while  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Northern 
delegates,  it  was  resolved  by  those  present  to  form  themselves  into 
a  military  company,  and  to  march  westward  to  assist  at  the  capture 
of  San  Antonio,  which  was  then  in  Mexican  hands.  This  was 
accordingly  done,  and  the  company,  which  Waller  had  joined,  en- 
rolled under  Stephen  F.  Austin,  who  afterwards  left  the  command 
to  Wm.  B.  Travis,  familiarly  known  as  Buck  Tiavis,  who,  with  a 
small  force,  was  then  encamped  on  the  Salado.  While  encamped 
.here  the  enemy  sallied  out  and  attacked  Austin's  little  army,  but 
the  sortie  was  handsomely  repulsed,  and  so  the  warlike  delegates  had 
the  honor  of  participating  in  the  first  battle  fought  in  Western 
Texas,  and  of  returning  to  their  legislative  labors  crowned  with  the 
laurels  of  military  conquerors.  The  army  stationed  here  felt  the 
necessity  of  some  legislative  action,  and  of  the  formation  of  some 
government  under  whose  flag  to  fight,  and  which  should  procure 
for  the  troops  the  necessary  supplies  and  munitions.  Accordingly, 
they  assembled  soon  after  this  battle,  and  by  vote  decided  that  the 
delegates  should  return  to  the  Consultation.  It  is  related  as  a 
reminiscense  of  the  day  that  but  one  man  voted  against  the  return 
of  the  delegates — so  greatly  was  felt  the  necessity  of  establishing  a 
government — and  that  man  was  soundly  thrashed  by  Frank  Adams 
for  entertaining  such  an  opinion.  The  delegates  did  return,  met 
there  the  delegates  from  Northern  Texas,  and  formed  the  provis- 
ional government.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  all  four  of  the  dele- 
gates from  Columbia  voted  in  the  Consultation  for  independence, 

The  meeting  had  been  called  .for  October  15.  The  delegates,  however, 
did  not  assemble  till  the  16th,  and  on  the  17th,  for  want  of  a  quorum,  they 
adjourned  to  November  1,  when  the  regular  session  began.  The  Consulta- 
tion adjourned  finally  (November  14. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Itidwin   Waller.  43 

upon  which  occasion  Edwin  Waller,  being  a  prominent  and  untiring 
advocate  of  that  measure,  was  told  by  General  Houston  in  a  speech 
that  he  and  his  colleagues  would  "find  grapevines  awaiting  them  at 
home,"  as  a  reward  for  their  course  on  this  occasion.  'The  prophecy 
was  doomed  to  be  (proven  false  by  the  vote  of  the  siame  constituency 
by  whom  Edwin  Waller  was  afterwards1  returned  as  a  member  of  the 
Convention)  of  1836,  where  he  was  one  of  the  committee  which 
framed  the  constitution  of  Texas  as  a  republic,  and  his  name  stands 
third  on  the  list  of  the  signers  of  that  document.  That  of  itself 
will  hand  his  name  down  to  posterity,  for  certainly  the  intellects 
which  in  that  dav,  under  the  surrounding  difficulties,  conceived  and 
prepared  such  a  code  of  organic  law  as  that  constitution  are  as  much 
distinguished  in  their  field  of  labor  even  as  those  who  died  on  the 
•ramparts  of  the  Alamo,  or  the  plains  of  San  Jacinto.  The  cool 
wisdom  of  the  one  is  only  equalled  by  the  brilliant  courage  of  the 
other,  and  as  there  were  heroes  in  the  field,  so  there  were  statesmen 
in  the  cabinet  to  set  the  young  ship  of  State  afloat  on  the  tide. 

We  can  not  do  more  in  this  modest  little  sketch  than  allude  to 
these  services  of  Mr.  Waller,  which  distinguished  him  among  his 
compeers  as  an  able  man  and  a  fervent  patriot,  ever  ready  with  pen 
or  rifle  to  aid  the  cause  of  his  adopted  land.  On  the  completion 
of  his  duties  by  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention,  he  was  free  to 
buckle  on  his  war  harness  again,  and  hastened  to  enter  the  field  as 
a  soldier  of  the  army  of  General  Houston>.  In  this  army  he  served 
until  the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  establishment  of  the  independ 
ence  of  the  Republic.  On  leaving  Washington  on  the  Brazos',  a- 
the  close  of  the  Convention,  Mr.  Waller  had  hastened  to  see  aftet 
his  family,  whose  home  lay  directly  in  the  route  of  one  division  oi 
the  Mexican  army,  and  on  arriving  there  he  found  his  family  gonfc, 
and  the  Mexicans  within  a  few  miles  -of  his  house.  One  of  his 
neighbors  informed  him  that  his  family  had  left  with  that  of  Col. 
Wm.  G.  Hill.  He  at  once  set  out  to  find  them,  overtook  them,  saw 
them  safely  across  the  San  Jacinto  river,  and  returned  again  to  the 
army.  The  Mexicans  revenged  themselves  for  not  finding  the 
family  at  home  when  they  called  by  sacking  and  pillaging  the  house 
and  premises.  Mayhap  some  of  his  old  Mexican  acquaintances  of 
Velasco  were  in  the  command,  and  thus  wreaked  their  revenge  on 
one  of  the  first  men  who  dared  to  raise  their  erabargo  of  1832. 


44  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


It  may  be  mentioned  as  characteristic  of  the  times  that  when  Mr. 
Waller  was  alcalde  of  the  municipality  forming  what  are  now  known 
as  the  counties  of  Brazoria,  Matagorda,  Wharton  and  Fort  Bend, 
he  frequently  commuted  the  punishment  of  offenders  convicted  of 
murder  from  death  to  whipping  and  branding,  on  account  of  his 
opposition  on  principle  to  capital  punishment.  In  the  exercise  of 
this  office  he  granted  divorces,  and  exercised  the  general  powers  of  a 
court  of  common  law  and  equity,  and  it  was  indeed  an  office  of 
great  trust  and  responsibility.  This  was  the  only  office  filled  by 
Judge  Waller  under  the  Mexican  government,  but  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Republic,  and  frequently  afterwards,  he  was  called 
upon  to  serve  the  people.  He  was  at  once  appointed  by  the  congress 
president  of  the  board  of  land'  commissioners,  Theodore  Bennett 
and  A.  C.  Hyde  being  his  associates,  to  grant  certificates  for  land 
to  all  those  who  had  stood  firm  and  trusty  in  the  past  dangers  and 
conflicts.  This  duty  was  performed  with  his  usual  exactness  and 
fidelity,  and  in  a  manner  to  increase  Judge  Waller's  estimate  by  the 
people  as  a  public  officer.  He  was  again  put  in  official  harness1  in 
the  year  1839,  when  lie  was  appointed  as  government  agent  to  select 
a  site  for  the  .State  capital,  to  lay  off  and  plan  the  city,  and  to 
superintend  and  conduct  the  erection  of  the  public  buildings.  The 
present  capital,  the  city  of  Austin,  was  his  choice,  and  the  child  of 
his  skill  and  energy,  now  grown  and  matured,  stands  yet  as  the  seat 
of  gdvernmenit  in  Texas,  a  silent  testimony  of  the  modest  but  inval- 
uable service  rendered  by  Judge  Waller  to  the  young  Republic. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  official  bond  required  of  Judge 
Waller  upon  his  assuming  the  duties  of  this  position,  the  original 
bond  being  now  in  existence: 

"REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS,    j 
"County  of  Harrisburg.  ) 

"Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  That  we,  Edwin  Waller,  Wm. 
T.  Austin,  Thos.  G.  Masterson,  B.  T.  Archer,  Thos.  J.  Green,  Win. 
Sims  Hall,  Samuel  Whiting,  John  W.  Hall,  Louis  P.  Cook,  Wil- 
liam Pettus,  W.  B.  Aldredge,  and  Charles  Donoho,  citizens  of  the 
Republic  aforesaid,  are  held  and  firmly  bound  unto  Mirabeau  B. 
Lamar,  President  of  the  Requblic  of  Texas,  and  his  successors  in 
office,  in  the  just  and  full  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
good  and  lawful  morey  of  said  Republic,  for  the  payment  of  which, 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.  45 

well  and  truly  to  be  made,  we  bind  ourselves,  heirs  and  executors, 
administrators,  and  assigns,  firmly  by  these  presents,  sealed  with 
our  seals,  and  dated  this  twelfth  day  of  April,  A.  D.  one  thousand, 
eight  hundred  and  thirty-nine. 

The  conditions  of  the  above  obligations  are  such  that  if  the  said 
Edwin  Waller  shall  faithfully  and  honestly  perform  the  duties  of 
agent  for  the  seat  of  government,  agreeably  to  the  provisions  of 
'An  Act  entitled  &n  a,ct  for  the  permanent  location  of  the  seat  of 
government/  approved  January  14,  1839,  to  which  he  has  been 
appointed  and  duly  commissioned  by  the  President,  then  this  obli- 
gation shall  cease  and  become  null  and  void,  otherwise  to  remain  in 
full  force  and  virtue. 

(Signed)  "EDWIN  WALLER,  [SEAL] 

"WM.  T.  AUSTIN,  [SEAL] 

"THOS.  G.  MASTERSON,    [SEAL] 
"B.  T.  ARCHER, 
"THOS.  J.  GREEN, 
<fWM.  G.  HILL, 
"WM.  SIMS  HALL, 
"SAM'L  WHITING, 
"JOHN  W.  HALL, 
"Louis  P.  COOK, 
"WM.  PETTUS, 
"W.  B.  ALDRIDGE, 
"CHARLES  DONOHO, 
"Approved. 

(Signed)  "MIRABEAU  B.  LAMAR." 

The  penalty  of  the  bond  was  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and 
it  was  found  afterwards  that  during  his  performance  of  this  duty, 
Judge  Waller  handled  over  $400,000.  If  anything  in  the  way  of 
testimony  to  his  integrity  Tvere  needed,  more  than  the  list  of  names 
signed  to  his  official  bond,  as  sureties  for  the  faithful  execution  of 
his  important  duties,  it  is  certainly  supplied  by  the  following  letters 
written  to  Judge  Waller,  one  from  John  G.  Chalmers,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  and  the  other  from  W.  H.  Collier,  Acting  Auditor : 

"CITY  OF  AUSTIN, 

"TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  October  7,  1841. 
"To  Edwin  Waller,  Esq.,  State  Government  Agent. 

"SiR : — Enclosed  you  will  receive  your  bond  as  government  agent 


46  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

for  locating  seat  of  government,  and  in  surrendering  up  your  obli- 
gation, I  beg  leave  to  express  my  great  satisfaction  at  the  full  and) 
satisfactory  manner  in  which  you  have  adjusted  and  settled  up  so 
•extensive  and  complicated  a  matter,  a  circumstance  rather  unusual 
with  the  agents  of  this  government. 

"Yours  most  respectfully, 
(Signed)  "JOHN  G.  CHALMERS, 

"Secretary  of  Treasury." 

"AUDITOR'S  OFFICE,  October  7,  1841. 
"Edwin  Waller,  Esq. 

"SiR : — You  are  hereby  notified  that  your  accounts  as  government 
agent  in  erection  of  public  bu Hidings  at  the  city  of  Austin  have  all 
been  examined,  and  I  find  you  entitled  to  receive  a  credit  for  moneys 
disbursed  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen  thousand,  two 
hundred  and  forty-two  dollars  and  ninety-five  cents,  and  that  you 
are  chargeable  in  addition  to  the  amount  now  standing  against  you, 
viz. :  $113,550,  with  the  sum  of  two  thousand,  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars,  leaving  a  balance  in  your  favor  of  four  thousand,  one  hun- 
dred anld  nineteen  dollars  and  seventy-three  cents. 

''Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  "H.  H.  COLLIER, 

"Acting  Auditor." 

Now,  if  the  honorable  Secreary  of  the  Treasury  was  correct  in  his 
statement  about  government  agents,  which  we  may  well  believe  from 
our  experiences  of  the  present  day,  certainly  Judge  Waller  has  rea- 
son to  be  proud  of  his  record  as  an  agent.  .The  secretary,  in  styling 
the  mission  "an  extensive  and  complicated  matter,"  did  not  name  all 
of  the  difficulties  which  surrounded  Judge  Waller  in  his  position. 
For,  to  accomplish  his  undertaking,  he  had  but  two  hundred  labor- 
ers, a  motley  crew,  drawn  from  all  the  nationalities  of  the  world — of 
all  colors,  classes  and  characters,  and  $113,000  in  Texas  scrip;  he 
was  poorly  supplied  with  the  articles  and  appliances  necessary  to  his 
work;  his  employes  were  wild  characters;  many  of  them  turbulent 
and  restless  under  control,  and  many  of  them  unfitted  for  the  labor. 
There  was  little  if  any  protection  from  the  weather,  to  which  all 
were  more  or  less  exposed  in  all  its  variations  and  changes;  with  a 
cuisine  which  often  boasted  no  more  than  "beef,  and  corn  bread 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.  47 

ground  on  a  hand  mill,  and  water  from  the  spring" ;  exposed  to  fre- 
quent inroads  and. raids  by  the  hostile  Indians;  and  acting  as  sur- 
veyor, treasurer,  secretary,  director  and  president  combined,  he  was 
certainly  surrounded  by  an  array  of  difficulties  almost,  as  hard  to 
overcome  as  "an  army  with  banners."  In  the  face  of  these  obstacles, 
the  work  was  begun  in  May  and  finished  in  November  of  the  same 
year,  and  in  such  manner  asi  to  elicit  the  commendations  above 
referred  to.  Among  other  incidents  of  the  season,  a  party  of 
Indians  came  in  one  night  to  where  some  of  the  men  were  camped 
near  a  creek  named  from  Judge  Waller,  and  yet  called  Waller's 
creek,  and  carried  off  as  trophies  a  brace  of  scalps  of  the  workmen. 

The  public  buildings  erected  at  this  time  were  all  of  plank  and! 
logs  and  made  of  native  timber,  and  in  consequence  presented  no 
very  classically  artistic  appearance,  but  were  serviceable  and  com- 
fortable. The  city  was  duly  laid  off,  and,  when  mapped  out,  one- 
fourth  of  the  lots  in  the  plan  were  sold  by  Judge  Waller  for  $300,- 
000,  which  was  quite  a  snug  amount  of  public  funds  to  be  handled 
by  an  officer  under  bond  for  only  $100,000. 

The  erection  of  public  as  well  as  private  buildings  rapidly  pro- 
gres'sed,  and  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  October,  1839,  President 
Lamar,  with  a  (portion  of  his  cabinet,  arrived  in  Austin.  This  was 
a  day  of  great  rejoicing  among  the  citizens.  The  president  was  met 
a  few  miles  from  the  city  by  a  large  procession,  headed  by  General 
A.  Sidney  Johnston  (who  was  then  Secretary  of  War,  but  who  had 
preceded  the  president),  -and  General  Edward  Burleson.  Judge 
Waller  had  been  selected  by  the  citizens  to  receive  the  president; 
and  as  it  is  believed  that  his  address  will  be  read  with  interest,  it 
is  inserted  as  follows : 

"Having  been  called  upon  by  my  fellow  citizens  to  welcome  your 
excellency  on  your  arrival  at  the  permanent  seat  of  government  for 
the  republic,  I  should  have  declined  doing  so  on  account  of  con- 
scious inability,  wholly  unused  as  I  am  to  public  speaking,  had  I  not 
felt  that  holding  the  situation  here  that  I  do,  it  was  my  duty  to  obey 
ithe  call.  With  pleasure,  I  introduce  to  you  the  citizens  of  Austin, 
and  at  their  request  give  you  cordial  welcome  to  a  place  which  owes 
its  existence  as  a  city  to  the  policy  of  your  administration. 

"Under  your  appointment,  and  in  accordance  with  your  direction, 
I  came  here  in  the  month  of  May  last  for  the  purpose  of  preparing 


48  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

(proper  accommodations  for  the  transaction  of  the  business  of  the 
government.  I  found  a  situation  naturally  most  beautiful,  but 
requiring  much  exertion  to  render  it  available  for  the  purpose 
intended  by  its  location.  Building  materials  and  provisions  were  to 
be  procured,  when  both  were  scarce;  a  large  number  of  workmen 
were  to  be  employed  in  the  lower  country  and  brought  up  in  the  heat 
of  summer,  during  the  season  when  fever  was  rife;  and  when  here, 
our  labors  were  liable  every  moment  to  be  interrupted  by  the  hostile 
Indians,  for  whom  we  were  obliged  to  be  constantly  on  the  watch; 
many-tongued  rumor  was  busy  with  tales  of  Indian  depredations, 
which  seemed  to  increase  in  geometrical  progression  to  her  progress 
through  the  country.  Many  who  were  on  the  eve  of  immigrating 
were  deterred  by  these  rumors  from  doing  so.  Interested  and 
malicious  persons  were  busy  in  detracting  from  the  actual  merits  of 
the  ptace,  and  every  engine  of  falsehood  has  been  called  into  action 
to  prevent  its  occupation  for  governmental  purposes.  Beauty  of 
scenery,  centrality  of  location  and  purity  of  atmosphere  have  been 
nothing  in  the  vision  of  those  whose  views  were  governed  by  their 
purses,  and  whose  ideas  of  fitness/  were  entirely  subservient  to  their 
desire  for  profit.  Under  all  these  disadvantageous  circumstances, 
and  more  wihioh  I  cannot  now  detail,  a  capitol,  a.  house  fox  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  republic,  and  a  large  number  of  public  offices  were 
to  be  erected  and  in  readiness  for  use  in  the  short  period  of  four 
.months.  Not  discouraged  at  the  unpromising  aspect  of  affairs,  I 
cheerfully  undertook  to  obey  your  behests.  Numbers  of  the  present 
citizens  of  Austin  immigrated  hither,  and  with  an  alacrity  and  spirit 
of  accommodation,  for  which  they  have  my  grateful  remembrance, 
rendered  us  every  assistance  in  their  power. 

'To  the  utmost  extent  of  my  abilities  I  have  exerted  myself  and 
have  succeeded  in  preparing  such  accommodations  'as  I  sincerely  hope 
will  prove  satisfactory  to  your  excellency  and  my  fellow  citizens  of 
Texas. 

"In  the  name  of  the  citizens  of  Austin,  I  cordially  welcome  you 
and  your  cabinet  to  the  new  metropolis.  Under  your  fostering  care 
may  it  flourish,  and  aided  by  its  salubrity  of  climate  and  its  beauty 
of  situation,  become  famous  among  the  cities  of  the  New  World. 

Judge  Waller,  after  building  the  city,  was1  elected  the  first  mayor 
thereof  and  guided  the  municipal  helm  with  as  much  credit  as  he 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.  49 

had  managed  his  rough  detachment  of  laborers.  The  attachment  of 
these  men  to  their  old  commander  was  afterwards  exhibited  in  a 
serio-comic  manner,  which,  with  the  accompanying  circumstances, 
is  well  worthy  of  mention. 

The  party  feeling  between  the  "peace  men"  and  "war  men"  in 
the  days  before  the  revolution  had  been  very  high  and  naturally 
produced  partisanships  and  prejudices  which  outlived  the  issues  that 
created  them.  As  an  "original  war  man,"  Judge  Waller  was  early 
•brought  into  direct  and  strong  opposition  to  General  Houston,  who 
;at  first  opposed  war,  so  that  when,  after  the  war,  Houston  and 
Lamar  were  opposing  candidates  for  presidential  honors,  Judge 
Waller  took  the  stuanp  for  Lamar,  who  was  an  intimate 
'personal  friend,  besides  being  of  the  same  political  faith. 
After  the  election  of  President  Lamar,  he  nominated  Judge 
Edwin  Waller  to  the  congress,  as  postmaster-general  of  the  Republic. 
This  nomination  was  very  stoutly  opposed  by  the  Houston  wing, 
and  pointedly  so  by  Governor  Albert  C.  Horton  of  Matagorda,  who 
had  been  an  unsuccessful  applicant  for  the  position  of  government 
;agent  before  mentioned.  At  the  same  time  that  the  nomination  was 
being  discussed,  Judge  Waller's  bill  for  erecting  the  State  capitol 
was  pending,  and  his  opponents,  especially  Holmes  of  Matagorda, 
>in  commenting  on  the  nomination,  made  this  bill  the  basis  for  a 
severe  personal  attack  upon  Judge  Waller,  delivered  from  the  floor 
of  the  house,  by  which  Judge  Waller  was  very  much  irritated. 
.Having  been  privately  assured  by  Harvey  Kendrick,  a  most  worthy 
and  estimable  man  among  the  pioneers  of  the  country,  that  the  whole 
onslaught  was  conceived  and  matured  by  Governor  Horton,  Judge 
Waller  demanded  of  him  a  personal  explanation;  and,  upon  Hor- 
ton's  denying  any  complicity  in  the  matter  and  refusing  to  make 
any  acknowledgement,  Judge  Waller  attacked  him  m  et  armis,  Jiilari- 
ter,  celeriter,  and  like  another  Rhoderick  Dhu  and  Fitz  James,  they 
grappled  each  other,  and  "the  engagement  became  general,"  as  the 
;army  reporters  used  to  say.  They  "tugged  and  strained"  around 
(the  campers  in  front  of  the  capitol,  in  sight  of  President  Lamar, 
and  the  whole  Texan  congress,  who  took  a  recess  to  witness  "the 
row,"  a  sight  which  them  as  now,  appealed  to  the  deepest  emotions 
of  the  Texan  character.  At  first,  Governor  Horton,  by  his  superior 
stature  and  strength,  inflicted  considerable  punishment  on  his  antag- 


50  Texas  Historical  Association  Qvarterly. 

onist,  who,  however,  struggled  manfully  for  victory,  while  the  con- 
gressmen stood  around  shouting  riotously  and  boisterously,  encour- 
aging first  one  gladiator  and  then  the  other.  This  was  rather  undig- 
nified in  them,  but  we  must  remember  that  the  congress  then  was 
in  its  boyhood,  and  had  not  forgotten  primitive  simplicity  and 
natural  feeling. 

At  this  stage  of  the  game,  however,  the  president  was  very  excit- 
edly and  clamorously  calling  upon  the  members  to  "part  them — sep- 
arate the  combatants;"  but  both  houses  ignored  his  veto,  and  yelled 
and  laughed  more  vigorously  than  ever,  or  contented  themselves 
with  observing  an  "attentive  neutrality."  Now,  although  Horbon 
had  the  muscle  above  Judge  Waller,  yet  he  was  inferior  in  another 
important  ingredient,  towit,  "wind,"  and  it  was  not  long  before  the 
latter's  superior  endurance  enabled  him  to  turn  the  tide  of  battle, 
and  Governor  Horton  at  the  same  time,  and  to  give  the  governor 
back  his  compliments  with  interest.  Seeing  this,  and  perhaps  think- 
ing he  had  supported  the  presidential  dignity  under  trying  circum- 
stances sufficiently  long,  President  Lamar  brandished  his  hat  fiercely 
in  the  air  and  shouted  lustily,  "Do  not  interrupt  them,  let  them 
ifight,  let  them  arrange  it  without  interference;"  from  which  one 
would  conclude  that  Judge  Waller  had  at  least  the  ear  of  the  execu- 
tive department  in  the  issue. 

The  uproar  had  penetrated  to  the  cainp  of  Judge  Waller's  former 
employes,  before  mentioned,  and  the  rumor  reached  them  that  the 
congress  was  murdering,  maiming,  >or  hanging  their  old  "boss." 
They  gathered  like  Clan  Alpine,  and  "fierce  as  ten  furies,  terrible 
•as  hell,"  they  poured  in  a  stream  to  the  capitol,  in  numbers  enough 
bo  have  "cleaned  up"  both  houses  and  t^e  executive  and  judiciary 
besides. 

Perhaps  the  government  of  Texas  was  never  in  such  actual  danger 
fit  bouleversement  as  at  this  critical  moment,  when  this  battalion  of 
outre  stragglers  "rallied  on  the  reserve"  to  protect  the  "boss."  One 
(burly  son  of  the  Teutonic  race  leveled  an  argument  a  posteriori  at 
'Governor  Horton,  and  others  rushing  in,  the  combatants  were  for 
the  first  time  effectually  separated,  and  when  the  judge  arose  from 
the  sward,  flushed  and  tattered,  and  seemingly  "bleeding  at  every 
vein,"  the  intervenes  raised  a  war-whoop  which  made  the  welkin 
ring.  They  asked  to  be  informed  of  the  names  of  his  persecutors,  who 


Reminisce  noes  of  Judge  Edwin  Waller.  51 

was  the  man,  and  where  he  was,  and  in  their  excitement  offered  to 
,pull  down  the  capitol  and  thrash  the  congress,  jointly  and  severally, 
;as  a  slight  testimonial  of  their  affection  for  their  old  leader.  Several 
speeches  were  required  to  pacify  them,  and  they  were  not  entirely 
(satisfied  that  it  was  not  their  duty  to  preserve  the  "balance  of  power" 
,by  razing  the  building  they  had  erected,  and  thus  proroguing  the 
(Congress  until  Judge  Waller  himself  recovered  breath  enough  to 
address  them  and  explain  the  situation.  Upon  this  they  retired 
mollified,  no  doubt  feeling  that  they  had  earned  the  gratitude  of 
•the  members  by  sparing  them.  The  passage-at-arms  between  Hor- 
iton  and  Waller  ended  there,  and  they  afterwards  became  warm  per- 
eonal  friends,  in  verification  of  the  sentiment  of  the  old  general  in 
the  Lady  of  Lyons,  who  always  felt  so  much  more  affection  for 
a  man  after  fighting  with  him. 

The  ballot  in  the  Senate  on  Waller's  nomination  resulted  in  an 
even  vote,  and  the  President  of  the  Senate,  Anson  Jones,  gave  the 
casting  vote  for  Waller,  who  was  accordingly  declared  postmaster- 
general  of  the  republic.  This  was  a  compliment  to  the  ability  of 
Judge  Waller,  inasmuch  as  Anson  Jones  was  one  of  the  Houston 
sympathizers,  and  was  afterwards  elected  president  through  the 
influence  of  Houston  and  his  party.  Judge  Waller  retained  his 
position  of  postmaster-general  'but  a  short  time,  when  he  retired 
from  active  political  life  to  seek  rural  ease  and  domestic  comfort. 

In  1840,  however,  Judge  Waller  was  an  active  participant  in 
another  of  the  noted  and  dangerous  scenes  of  that  period,  namely, 
the  Plum  creek  fight.  An  army  of  Comanche  Indians,  about  four 
hundred  in  number,  had  extended  one  of  their  raids  coastward,  and 
reached  the  town  of  Linnville.  They  set  fire  to  and  burned  down 
the  town,  leaving  it  in  complete  ruins,  from  which  it  never  revived. 
Pirst  having  plundered  all  the  stores  and  warehouses,  murdered  sev- 
eral of  the  citizens,  and  carried  others  off  into  captivity,  among 
whom  was  a  lady,  a  Mrs.  Watts,  who  had  but  lately  become  a  bride 
and  whose  husband  was  butchered  in  her  sight. 

Edward  Burleson,  Felix  Huston,  Ben  McCulloch,  Edwin  Waller 
and  others,  assembled  together  what  force  they  could,  on  hearing  of 
this  outrage,  and  started  on  the  war-trail  to  intercept  the  marauders. 
In  all,  some  seventy  men  from  the  vicinity  of  Austin,  Victoria,  Gon- 
zales,and  Seguinwere  in  the  company.  The  Indians  were  loaded  down 


52  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

witJi  spoils  and  booty,  to  which  they  clung  with  great  tenacity  of 
purpose.  Among  other  articles  many  of  them  had  brought  off  blocks 
of  gay  and  gaudy  colored  ribbon,  and  in  the  hurry  of  pursuit  one  end 
of  the  ribbon  would  "become  loosened  and  it  would  gradually  unroll 
from  the  block  and  trail  out  behind  the  fleeing  savages.  It  was 
indeed  a  ludicruous  scene,  the  painted  savages  scouring  across  the 
prairies  in  terror,  on  their  wild  ponies,  "bloody  with  spurring,  fiery 
•red  with  speed,"  and  the  lengths  of  glaring  ribbons  trailing  behind 
them.'  like  the  tail  of  a  comet  and  hanging  out  as  signals  to  the 
pursuers  of  the  track  of  the  Indians,  and  as  proofs  of  their  hellish 
•mission  lately  consummated.  When  the  whites  came  up  with  the 
Indians,  the  contest  was  short.  Many  of  the  latter  were  killed — 
nine  in  one  slough  where  they  had  "bogged  down,"  and  all  of  their 
plunder,  including  dry  goods  and  quite  a  number  of  mules  and 
honses,  was  recaptured.  Among  the  captives  released  by  this  victory 
were  two  white  ladies,  the  Mrs.  Watts  sppken  of  and  another  lady 
whose  name  is  forgotten,  and  a  negro  woman. 

After  the  battle,  the  conquerors  slept  on  the  field,  and  with  them 
eight  or  ten  friendly  Indians.  These  had  busied  themselves  in 
their  own  fashion  in  looking  after  commissary  supplies,  and  brought 
into  camp  quite  a  fine  lot  of  "Comanche  beef,"  towit :  Indian  flesh. 
They  attached  especial  importance  to  roast  hands,  one  of  which, 
nicely  "browned"  and  done  to  a  "crackling,"  they  offered  to  Judge 
Waller,  but  he  modestly  yet  firmly  declined  the  savory  morsel.  The 
savages  evidently  pitied  his  ignorance  of  the  virtues  of  roast  Indian 
and  devoured  their  whole  supply  with  infinite  gusto.  One  would 
think  there  could  hardly  be  a  doubt  of  the  disputed  assertion  that 
the  Carancahuas-  were  cannibals  after  this  dejeune  a  la  fourchette, 
made  of  "hot  hand,"  so  positively  proved  on  them. 

Although  Judge  Waller  was  solicited  by  the  people  of  Travis 
county  to  allow  his  name  to  go  before  the  people  of  that  district  as  a 
candidate  for  congress,  yet  remaining  firm  in  his  intention  of  aban- 
doning public  life,  and  honors,  he  declined  the  nomination.  Not- 
withstanding this,  however,  he  came  very  near  being  elected  by  the 
voluntary  votes  of  the  district,  which  was  a  much  more  pleasant 
compliment  than  if  he  had  been,  after  the  annoyances  and  labor  of 
a  hard  canvass,  really  elected. 

After  his  retirement  from  the  stirring  scenes  of  his  younger  days, 


Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin   Waller.  ~_  _I,,^53 

Judge  Waller  filled  for  many  years  the  office  of  chief  justice  of 
Austin  county,  in  which  he  lives,  and  presided  in  his  chair  with  such 
judgment  and  energy  as  to  lend  to  the  office  some  of  the  dignity 
intended  to  attach  to  it,  but  which,  sooth  to  say,  has  been  seldom 
seen  there.  His  judgment  was  not  only  appreciated  by  the  people 
of  the  county  at  large,  but  in  the  higher  courts;  his  decisions  in 
important  matters,  reviewed  on  appeal,  were  invaria!bly  affirmed. 

iFrom  this  post  Judge  Waller  was  again  summoned  to  the  front 
when  the  second  revolution  vibrated  its  war-cry  through  Texas.  He 
was  again  sent  to  represent  his  people  in  convention,  and  with  the 
same  love  of  his  State  which  animated  him  as  a  young  man,  in  the 
convention  which  separated  Texas  from  Mexico  he,  in  his  old  age, 
labored  in  the  convention  which  declared  the  ties  between  Texas  and 
the  United  States  sundered  'forever.  When  the  Ordinance  of 
Secession  was  passed  by  the  convention,  Judge  Edwin  Waller  was 
the  first  to  sign  it.  On  the  same  list  is  the  name  of  John  A.  Whar- 
ton,  a  descendant  of  those  Whartons  with  whom  Judge  Waller's 
early  history  is  so  intimately  interwoven. 

This  was  his  last  political  act,  and  is  perhaps  the  only  unsuccess- 
ful public  deed  in  his  interesting  record.  Since  then  Judge  Waller 
has  lived  the  life  of  a  'Southern  gentleman,  surrounded  by  those 
>who  delight  to  honor  him.  His  residence  is  in  Austin  county, 
eighteen  miles  from  Bellville,  the  county  seat,  where  he  superintends 
his  plantation.  Judge  Waller  was  born  in  >Spottsylvania  county, 
•Virginia,  in  1800,  and  is  therefore  now  seventy-four  years  old, 
though  he  appears  younger,  and  is  still  active  and  strong  in  business 
life.  He  is  with  us  as  a  connecting  link  with  the  past;  his  history, 
his  name,  is  identified  with  the  most  interesting,  the  most  chivalric 
(period  of  Texan  history,  and  with  the  lives  of  her  best  beloved  sons ; 
Lamar,  Travis,  Houston,  Wharton,  Jack,  Austin,  "have  gone  and 
.left  the  world  behind,"  and  there  are  but  a  few  of  their  fellow- 
heroes  of  that  day  like  Edwin  Waller  left  with  us  to  remind  us  that 

"There  were  giants  in  those  days 
.     .     .     .     men  who  of  old  were 
Men  of  Renown." 


54  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

A  RETROSPECT  OF  SAN  ANTONIO.1 

MRS.  EMILY  B.   COOLBY. 

To  the  student  of  Texas  history  San  Antonio  is  Rome.  All  roads 
lead  hither;  all  roads  hence. 

The  first  grant  or  deed  of  land  in  the  city  to  an  individual  wad 
in  the  year  1727.  These  grants  or  deeds  were  often  verbal,  depend- 
ing for  their  proof  on  witnesses  and  occupation  of  the  land.  In  May, 
1749,  it  was  decreed  by  Gov.  Pedro  de  Barrio  Junca  Espilla  that 
"from  this  time  forward  all  titles,  grants,  etc.,  of  any  nature  be  put 
in  writing  to  avoid  discord,"  or,  as  the  quaint  old  record  puts  it, 
"una  Guerra."  The  first  recorded  grant  of  land  was  on  Soledad 
Street  in  1744,  the  same  year  in  which  the  street  received  its  title 
of  Solitary. 

It  is  said  that  the  mortar  used  in  the  construction  of  the  various 
missions  in  and  around  San  Antonio,  especially  that  for  the  domes, 
abutments  and  altars,  was  mixed  with  milk  furnished  largely  from 
the  corrals  of  private  families,  who  in  their  holy  zeal  made  daily 
sacrifices  in  order  that  the  good  friars  might  not  be  disappointed  in 
the  necessary  supply;  and  the  children,  inspired  with  hope  of  what 
was  to  be  a  veritable  St.  Peter's,  are  said  to  have  toiled  at  piling 
the  small  stones  and  pebbles  in  smooth  heaps  for  ready  use,  often 
handing  them  to  the  workers,  who  labored  slowly  but  faithfully  on. 
So  grew  old  San  Fernando. 

Three  sides  of  the  stone  wall  which  enclosed  it»  church  square, 
the  first  "Campo  Santo"  of  the  city,  within  which  slept  the  dead  of 
the  parish,  were  torn  away  in  the  early  seventies.  The  piece  facing 
west  is  part  of  the  original  wall. 

Just  across  Galan  street,  on  the  corner  of  Military  Plaza,  stood 
the  building2  that  tradition  says  was  honored  by  the  presence  of 
Santa  Anna  on  the  night  previous  to  the  occupation  of  San  An- 
tonio and  siege  of  the  Alamo.  In  this  block  was  the  old  Cassiano 

*Read  before  the  joint  meeting  of  the  Texas  Veterans'  Association  and 
the  Daughters  of  the  Requblic  at  San  Antonio,  April  21,  1900. 

Torn  down   in  1895. 


A  Retrospect  of  San  Antonio.  55 

residence.  It  fronted  east  on  Main  Plaza,  s-tanding  on  the  site  now 
covered  by  the  Southern  Hotel. 

The  "Quinta,"  an  old  rock  house  used  by  General  Arredondo  in 
1813  as  a  military  prison  for  women,  fronted  west  on  Quinta  street, 
adjoining,  perhaps,  part  of  the  old  Bowen  residence.3 

In  the  early  days  of  the  city,  San  Antonio  river  and  San  Pedro 
creek  ran  full  and  clear.  The  average  width  of  the  river  was  sixty 
feet,  and  that  of  the  creek  fifteen,  and  both  were  bordered  with  Tula 
grass  stretching  out  here  and  there  into  great  fields.  As  late  as 
thirty  years  ago  the  Mill  Bridge  was  a  most  picturesque  locality. 
The  river  ford  was  full  two  hundred  feet  wide,  with  a  sweep  of 
crystal  water  from  one  to  three  feet  deep,  fed  by  a  spring  at  Carcel, 
or  Market  street.  Back  of  the  old  Losoya  homestead  on  Losoya 
street,  about  fifty  yards  above  Crockett,  was  another  large  spring 
and  rivulet,  and  just  north  of  the  Commerce  street  bridge  from 
under  a  huge  boulder  of  limestone  came  a  bold  flow  of  pure  water. 
Alas,  what  was  is  now  no  more;  but  the  day  brave  Ben  Milam  and 
his  followers  crossed  the  "Ford  of  los  Tejas"  on  their  way  to  the 
"Molino  Blanco"  it  was  a  river  well  worthy  of  name  and  fame. 
Locate  this  ford  at  .the  bridge,  near  the  Lone  Star  Brewery,  and  the 
old  mill  a  few  hundred  yards  below  on  the  west  bank. 

Of  the  Garza  house,  the  south  front  and  west,  corner  are  intact. 
Worthy  of  notice  are  the  small  window  over  the  door,  and  the  deep 
well.  This  place  became  the  property  of  de  la  Garza  in  1734.  Mr. 
Leonardo  Garza  has  the  deed,  which  is  dated  1771.  From  the 
signatures  and  transfers  it  seems  clear  that  the  house  was  built 
between  1735  and  1740. 

The  Navarro  building,  on  the  northeast  corner  of  Commerce  and 
Flores  Streets,  was  torn  down  about  two  weeks  ago.  This  building 
had  walls  three  and  a  half  feet  thick,  and  was  built  of  adobe,4  wrh 
red  cedar  rafters.  On  one  of  the  rafters  the  date  1728  was  burned 
into  the  wood.  This  property  was  transferred  from  Veramendi  to 
Navarro  in  1838,  according  to  the  records. 

"This  location  agrees  with  the  Yoakum  map. 

*Adobe  is  really  sun-dried  briok,  but  common  use  applies  the  term  to  all 
the  old  rook  buildings  in  the  city,  which  are  built  of  all  sorts  and  sizes 
of  rock  and  pebbles  cemented  together. 


56  Texas  Historical  'Association  Quarterly. 

The  Veramendi  house  is  still  standing,  its  facade  marred  by  ad- 
vertisements and  a  tin  awning.  The  zaguan,  or  entrance  hall,  is 
one  of  two  belonging  to  the  eighteenth  century  left  in  the  city.  The 
other  is  that  of  the  Alamo.  Some  ten  years  ago  the  Veramendi 
doors  were  covered  with  a  coat  of  green  paint  and  marked  with  the 
words,  "These  doors  have  swung  on  their  pivots  since  1720."  I 
have  not  been  able  to  verify  this  date.  The  consesus  of  opinion 
among  those  in  a  position  to  know  would  make  it  about  ten  years 
later.  Just  beyond  the  entrance  fell  Milam.  Yoakum  says, 
"Milam  was  buried  where  he  fell,"  but  local  tradition  says  it  was 
under  a  group  of  fig-trees  on  the  slope  to  the  river,  and  that  his 
remains  were  afterwards  removed  to  the  old  Protestant .  cemetery, 
now  Milam  Park,  where  lie  still  sleeps — if  not  exactly  under  the 
stone  erected  to  his  'memory,  certainly  within  twenty  feet  of  it. 

East  Commerce  street  was  called  the  "Alameda"  as  late  as  1875, 
and  on  this  street,  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Joseph's  church,  tradition 
tells  of  a  huge  grave  filled  with  the  mortal  remainsi  of  the  heroes  of 
•the  Alamo.  How  many  such  graves  are  all  around  us — brave  dead, 
whose  names  are  never,  and  never  will  be,  seen  or  heard,  who  falter- 
ing not  in  the  path  of  duty  respond  only  to  the  roll  call  from  above. 


Notices.  57 


NOTICES. 

The  publications  of;  the  Southern  History  Association  for  May, 
in  addition  to  copious  Reviews  and  Notices,  contain  several  valuable 
.articles.  Congressman  'Stoke's  plan  for  investigating  "the  charac- 
ter and  condition  of  the  archives  and  public  records  of  the  several 
States  and  'Territories,  and  of  the  United  'States,"  is  commented 
upon.  Under  the  title  of  Anecdotes  of  General  Wfinfteld  Scott, 
'Gen.  Hamilton  gives  several  interesting  incidents  touching  the  life 
of  this  great  man.  iTh&  Journal  of  Thomas  Nicholson  describes  his 
.visit  to  his  brethren,  the  Friends,  on  the  'Cape  Fear,  in  1746,  and  his 
visit  to  England  in  1749.  Of  greatest  value,  perha/ps,  is  the  paper 
.by  D.  R.  Goodloe,  entitled  The  Purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  How  it 
was  Brought  About. 


The  April  number  of  the  American  Historical  Review  contains 
.the  following  articles  ?  The  Problem  of  the  North,  a  study  in  Eng- 
lish border  history,  by  G.  T.  Lapsley ;  Social  Compact  and  Constitu- 
tional Construction,  hy  'A.  C.  'McLaughlin ;  The  United  States  and 
Mexico,  1847-1848,  by  E.  'G.  Bourne;  and  The  Chinese  Immigrant 
in  Further  Asia,  by  F.  W.  Williams.  fThe  document,  A  Memoran- 
dum of  M.  Austin's  Journey  from  the  Lead  Mines  in  the  County  of 
Wythe,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  to  the  Lead  Mintes  tin  the  Province 
of  Louisiana,  West  of  the  Mississippi,  1796-1797,  is  of  particular 
.value.  Introduced  by  a  sketch  of  Moses  Austin's  life,  written  by 
Ms  son,  Stephen  F.,  the  journal  is  itself  a  rich  commentary  upon 
•the  character  of  the  man  who  took  the  initiative  in  the  Anglo- Amer- 
ican colonization  of  Texas. 


58  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


NOTES  AND  FRAGMENTS. 

THE  BEXAR  ARCHIVES  are  now  deposited  in  the  vault  of  the  Uni- 
versity. Their  classification  has  begun,  and  when  it  is  finished  they 
will  be  more  available  for  investigation;  but  the  work  is  a  tedious 
one,  and  will  consume  a  long  time.  The  translation,  which  is  a 
still  larger  task,  is  also  to  be  pushed  as  rapidly  as  possible,  but 
until  the  University  can  give  more  help  for  the  purpose,  it  will  go 
on  but  slowly. 


THE  LAMAR  PAPERS. — The  collection  of  documents  made  by  Pres- 
ident Lamar  has  been  lately  received  by  the  State  Librarian.  Several 
years  ago  these  papers  were  placed  by  Mrs.  Lamar  in  the  hands  of 
'Dr.  J.  W.  Palmier,  of  Baltimore,  to  be  edited  for  publication,  but 
for  some  reason  the  plan  was  not  carried  out,  and  Mrs.  Calder, 
the  daughter  of  President  Lamar,  has  secured  the  return  of  the 
papers,  and  has  had  them  deposited  for  the  time  in  the  State  capi- 
tol  building.  The  collection  fills  a  hox  measuring  some  six  or  eight 
cubic  feet.  No  list  nor  general  description  of  the  papers  has  been 
transmitted,  so  far  as  their  present  custodian  is  aware,  but  some 
documents  not  known  to  exist  elsewhere  have  been  found  among 
them.  President  Lamar  was  a  scholarly  man,  and  knew  what  was 
best  worth  gathering  and  preserving.  It  may  be  assumed,  there- 
fore, that  the  collection  is  of  real  value.  More  definite  information 
concerning  it  will  be  given  in  a  future  number  of  THE  QUARTERLY. 


Affairs  of  the  Association.  59 


AFFAIRS  OF  THE  ASSOCIATION. 

G-en.  Felix  H.  Robertson  of  Waco  contributes  to  the  Association's 
collection  of  relics  a  desk  once  owned  by  Judge  R.  T.  Wheeler,  or 
the  first  Supreme  Court  of  Texas.  The  gift  has  not  been  received, 
but  is  expected  soon. 


;Mrs.  Cornelia  Branch  Stone  adds  to  the  collection  of  the  Asso- 
ciation three  copies  of  the  "Magnolia  Weekly/'  dated  respectively 
August  13,  1864;  August  20,  1864;  and  February  11,  1865,  pub- 
lished at  Richmond,  Va.  They  contain  various  war  notes1  and  other 
items  of  interest. 


Mr.  A.  Y.  Walton  of  San  Antonio  sends  for  the  library  of  the 
Association  a  pamphlet  copy  of  the  Informe  Oficial  of  Viceroy 
Revilla-Gigedo  to  the  King  of  Spain  relative  to  the  condition  of  the 
Texas  missions  in  1793.  This  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  sources 
for  the  history  of  the  missions,  and  the  gift  is  thankfully  accepted. 


Mr.  H.  A.  McArdle  of  San  Antonio,  the  well  known  artist,  has 
given  the  Association  a  letter  from  Capt.  R.  M.  Potter  to  himself, 
written  in  1881,  which  contains  an  interesting  account  of  the  escape 
of  the  Texas  commissioners,  Karnes  and  Teal,  from  Matamoros  in 
the  fall  of  1836.  The  letter  will  be  published  in  the  October  QUAR- 
TERLY, and  the  original  will  be  preserved  in  the  vault  of  the  Uni- 
versity. 

REPORT    OF  THE   FOURTH  ANNUAL  MEETING. 

The  fourth  annual  meeting  of  the  Association  was  held  in  Room 
54  of  the  Main  Building  of  the  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  June 
21,  1900,  at  10  a.  m.,  President  Reagan  in  the  chair.  Judge  Z.  T. 
Fulmore  read  a  paper  on  The  Causes  of  the  Mexican  War,  and  Dr. 
W.  F.  McCaleb  one  on  The  First  Period  of  the  Gutierrez-Mag ee 
Expedition.  The  paper  of  Miss  Elizabeth  West,  on  The  Pictur- 
esque Side  of  Protestantism  in  the  Republic,  was  read  by  title. 

(Mrs.  'Cornelia  Branch  Stone  of  G-alveston,  on  behalf  of  Mrs. 
Sallie  Sawyer  Ayres  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  then  presented  to  the 


60  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Association  a  fac-simile  of  the  great  seal  of  the  Confederate  States,1 
which  was  received  by  President  Reagan.  In  reference  thereto  the 
following  resolution  was  adopted: 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Association  are  hereby  tendered 
Mrs.  Sallie  Sawyers  Ayres  and  'Mrs.  (Cornelia  Branch  Stone  for  the 
fac-simile  of  the  great  seal  of  the  Confederacy  generously  given  it 
by  the  former  through  the  agency  of  the  latter. 

A  similar  resolution  was  adopted  relative  to  the  gift  by  Mr.  J.  W. 
Darlington,  of  Taylor,  of  a  painting  of  the  first  capitol  building  of 
the  Republic  erected  in  Austin.2 

The  Association  then  proceeded  to  the  election  of  officers  for  the 
year  1900-1901.  Judge  John  H.  Reagan  was  elected  President, 
and  Hon.  Guy  'M.  Bryan,  Mrs.  Julia  Lee  Sinks,  ex-Gov.  F.  R.  Lub- 
bock  and  T.  S.  Miller,  Esq.,  were  elected  Vice-presidents  in  the 
order  given.  Mr.  L.  G.  Bugbee  was  elected  Corresponding  Secre- 
tary and  Treasurer;  Judges  Z.  T.  Fulmore  and  John  C.  Townea 
were  elected  Members  of  the  Council  from  the  Fellows,  Judge  Ful- 
more for  the  term  ending  in  1903,  and  Judge  Townes  to  fill  the 
unexpired  term  of  Judge  Raines,  resigned.8  Dr.  Rufus  C.  Burle- 
son  was  elected  from  the  members  to  serve  on  the  Council  for  the 
tepm  ending  in  1905. 

The  Association  then  adjourned. 

'Mrs.  Ayres  writes  that  the  original  seal  is  a  block  of  silver  about  two 
inches  thick,  which  she  understands  to  <be  now  in  the  possession  of  a 
United  States  army  officer;  that  Col.  John  T.  Pickett,  of  Kentucky,  had 
the  reproductions  made;  and  that  she  recently  purchased  from  his  son  all 
that  remained  of  them.  With  each  reproduction  goes  a  certificate  from 
J.  S.  and  A.  B.  Wyon,  chief  engravers  of  her  Majesty's  seals,  whose  prede- 
cessor, Joseph  S.  Wyon,  engraved  the  original  in  1864  for  James  M.  Mason, 
then  representing  the  Confederate  States  in  London.  The  certificate  states 
that  the  reproduction  must  ibe  correct  for  the  reason  that  its  impression  is 
the  same  as  that  which  the  Wyons  have  preserved  from  the  original,  of 
•which  they  have  never  made  a  duplicate. 

'Mr.  Darlington,  who  was  one  of  the  builders,  gave  the  assurance  that  the 
painting,  though  executed  only  from  descriptions  furnished  toy  himself,  is 
a  faithful  representation  of  the  old  capitol.  President  iReagan,  who  knew 
the  building  well,  added  his  testimony  to  the  same  effect. 

Mudge  'Raines  became,  by  his  appointment  at  State  Librarian,  an  ex- 
officio  member  of  the  Council,  and  'has  therefore  given  up  his  place  as  SMI 
elected  member. 


Affairs  of  the  Association. 


61 


REPORT  OF  TREASURER  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING  JUNE. 

1900. 

RECEIPTS. 


Balance  on  I 
1  membership  c 
5 
7 
10 
29 
55 
47 
338 
47 
9 
8 
2 
1                       • 
1 

560  membership  c 
1  fellowship  du 
1 
1 
1 
1 
5 
5 

land 
ues 

lues 
esfc 

BS  ... 

at  last  r 
for  year  e 

i 

i 
< 
i 
< 
c 
< 

t 
< 

i 

i 

eport  

B      4  93 

1118  35 

75  25 
22  00 
19  70 
50  00 
196  50 

nding  March  2,  1898...  * 
June,  1898  

&      2  00 
10  00 
14  00 
20  00 
58  05 
110  00 
93  00 
676  30 
94  00 
18  00 
16  00 
3  00 
2  00 
2  00 

December,1898. 
March  2,  1899... 
June,  1899  

December,1899. 
March  2,  1900... 
June  1900  

December,1900. 
March,  1901  
June,  1901  

March,  1902  
March,  1903  
March,  1904  

>r  year  en 

3ing  March,  1898  

5  00 
5  00 
5  00 
5  00 
5  00 
25  25 
25  00 

December,  1898  ... 
March,  1899  

June,  1899  

December,  1899  ... 
March,  1900  

June,  1900  

15  fellowship  du 
Advertisements 
Sale  of  Quarterly 
Contribution  frot 
Borrowed  from  b 

(see 

D. 

n  Judge  B.  Cf 
ink  (note  dat 

>opwood  

?d  Feb.  10).... 

Total $  1486  73 

EXPENDITURES. 


Vouchers.        Date. 


No.  31 

32) 

35  \ 


33 
34 

36 
37 


1899. 
June  26 

June  23 


June  24 
June  25 

June  24 
June  26 


Bethel  Coopwood — 

One-half  year's  dues  overpaid  refunded..   $    1  00 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co. — 

Wrappers,  $2.30;  2000  envelopes,  $5.00: 
wrapping  Quarterly,  $1.50;  postage  on 
Quarterly,  $7.75 16  55 

R.  L.  Preslar — 

Drayage 75 

U.  S.  Postoffice  - 

500  1-cent  stamps,  $5.00;  500  2-cent 
stamps,  $10.00 : [  15  00 

City  National  Bank- 
Collecting  5  checks 50 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meade — 

Commission...  5  00 


62  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

EXPENDITURES— continued. 


Vouchers. 

Date. 

38 

July  17 

Eugene  C.  Barker- 
Cataloguing  and    other   clerical  work, 
$2.00;  2  copies  Quarterly,  $1.00  

$    3  00 

39 

July  18 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meade  — 
Commission  

10  00 

40j 
»1 

July  20 
Dec.  16 

Corner  Book  and  Stationery  Co.  — 
Quart  paste,  .75;  i  dox.  box  flies,  $1.50; 
Quart  paste,  .75  

3  00 

41 

July  24 

U.  S.  Postofflce— 
750  2-cent  stamps  

15  00 

42 

July  24 

Pacific  Express  Co.  — 
Express   charges  on  packages  to  Miss 
Meade,  Dallas  

55 

43 
44 

Aug.    4 
Aug.    4 

Eugene  C.  Barker  — 
Addressing  Quarterly;  bills;  cataloguing. 
U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500  2-cent  stamps  

5  70 
10  00 

45 

Aug.    4 

K.  S.  Preslar— 
Drayage  

25 

46 

Aug.    4 

U.  S.  Postoffle— 
Postage  on  Quarterly  

3  50 

47 

July      5 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co.— 
8000  wrappers,  $6.00;  8000  envelopes, 
$12.00;  8000  circulars,  $15.00;  8000 
slips,  $7  75  $4075 

1200  circulars,  $3.00;  1000  envelopes, 
$1.75  4.75 

July  20 

3000  note  heads,  $6.50;    20  paper 
weights,  $1.30  7.80 

July  24 

1000  T.  W.  heads,  $2.50;  1100  wrap- 
pers, $2.25  4.75 

July    6 

28  sheets  hard  pan,  .75;    112  sheets 
do.,  $3.08  3.83 

fil    R£ 

48 

Aug.  18 

City  National  Bank— 
Note,  dated  June  7  

50  50 

49 

Aug.  18 

City  National  Bank- 
Collecting  2  checks  

20 

50 

Aug.  22 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500    1-cent    stamps,    5.00;     500    2-cent 
stamps,  $10.00  

15  00 

51 

Aug.  24 

Wells-Fargo  &  Co.'s  Express  — 
Expressage  on  package  to  Miss  Meade, 
Dallas  

50 

52 

Aug.  24 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
Postage  

33 

53  1 
54 

June  17 
June  19 
Sept.  2 

E.  W.  Winkler— 
Clerical  help,  addressing  quarterly  
City  National  Bank- 
Stamped  checks  

1  25 
2  00 

55 

Sept.  1 

Ben.  C.  Jones  &  Co.  — 
Postage  on  Quarterly  

5  80 

56 

Sept.  8 

Eugene  C.  Barker  — 
Clerical  work,  sendiner  bills.... 

3  50 

Affairs  of  the  Association. 
EXPENDITURES — continued. 


63 


Vouchers. 

Date. 

57 

Sept.  9 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500    1-cent    stamps,    $5.00;    500   2-cent 
stamps,  $10.00  

$  15  00 

58 

July  29 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co.  — 
The  July  Quarterly;  printing,  etc  

144  80 

59 

Sept.  16 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meade  — 
Commission  

50  00 

60 

Oct.  20 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meade  — 
Commission  

15  00 

61 

Oct.  23 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meade  — 
Commission  

32  00 

62 

Oct.     1 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co.  — 
5500  envelopes,  $11.00;  800  circulars,  $2.75; 
2000  slips,  $3.00;  1200  cards,  $3.50  

20  25 

63 

Oct.  24 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co.  — 
October  Quarterly;  printing,  etc  

148  25 

64 
65 

Nov.    2 
Nov.    1 

City  National  Bank  — 
Note,  dated  Feb.  20,  renewed  April  21... 
City  National  Bank  — 
100  2-cent  revenue  stamps  

131  00 

2  00 

66 

Dec.  20 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500    1-cent    stamps,    $5.00;    500    2-cent 
stamps,  $10.00  

15  00 

67 

Dec.  27 

Miss  Ida  M.  Meado— 
Commission...                .        

50  00 

68 

Dec.  27 

T.  A.  Brodin— 
Drayage  

50 

69 

Dec.  29 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500  1-cent  stamps  

5  00 

70 

1900. 
Jan.     2 

A.  L.  Williamson  — 
Clerical  help;  addressing  circulars  

6  95 

71 

Jan.     2 

P.  T.  Miller- 
Clerical  help:  addressing  circulars  

2  25 

72 

Jan.     2 

Matt  Glover- 
Clerical  help;  addressing  circulars  

5  00 

73 

Jan.     2 

A.  A.  Cother  — 
Clerical  help;  addressing  circulars  

6  50 

74 

Jan.  15 

Pacific  Express  Co.  — 
Charges  on  package  from  Bloomington 
111  

45 

75 

[Included  in  Voucher  No.  40] 

76 

77 
78 

Jan.  17 
Jan.  20 
Jan.  30 

Austin  Photo-Engraving  Co.  — 
Engraving  plate,  $9.00;  map,  $13.70  
U.  S.  Postoffice— 
Postage  on  Quarterly  and  circulars  
Eugene  Von  Boeckmann  Publishing  Co. 
Cash  box  

22  70 
4  00 
75 

79 

Jan.  29 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500  2-cent  stamps               .   .        

10  00 

80 

Feb.  10 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500  1-cent  stamps               

5  00 

81 

Feb.  10 

Thomas  Fletcher  — 
Clerical  work;  addressing  and  mailing.. 

3  50 

64       .     Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


Ex  PENDITU  RE8 — continued. 


Vouchers. 

Dite. 

82 

1899. 
Oct.   12 

Ben  C.  Jones  &  Co.— 
1200  wrappers,  $1.50;   25  reprints, 
$475  $  6.25 

Oct.   27 

10,000  wrappers,  $7.50;  8pp.  reprint 
(10,000)  $47.50;  10,000  slips,  $6.CO...  61.00 
10,000  envelopes,  $13.50  13.50 

Nov.  17 

Binding,  $1.25;    postage,  drayage, 
etc.,  $7.95  9.20 

Dec.  27 

900  circulars,  $2.CO;  900  envelopes, 
$2.15  4.15 

$94.10 
Less  rebate  on  reprints,  $10.00; 
error  in  last  year's  report,  $3.00..  13.00 

Q1     -If) 

83 

Dec.  28 

Von  Boeckmann,  Scbutze  &  Co.— 
2500   circulars,   $10.00;    1COO  pro- 
grams, $3.00;  800  circulars,  $2.00..$  15.00 
January  Quarterly;  printing,  etc.; 
reprints;  postage,  etc  185.00 

1900. 

2ftO  nft 

84 

Feb.  13 

L.  K.  Smoot  — 
July  1899,  Quarterly  

1  00 

85 

Feb.  15 

B.  A.  Sexton- 
Clerical  work  

4  80 

86 

Feb.  27 

U.  S.  Postofflce— 
Postage  (142  pounds)  

1  42 

87 

Feb.  24 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500    1-ccnt   stamps,    $5.00;    500    2-cent 
stamps,  $10.00  

15  00 

88 

1899. 
Dec.  29 

City  National  Bank- 
Charges  on  collecting  74  drafts  (by  City 
National  Bank)  

7  40 

89 

1900. 
Mar.  26 

J.  H.  Tallichet— 
Julv,  1898,  Quarterly  

1  00 

90 

Mar.  29 

J.  B.  Ndbors  — 
July.   1898,  Quarterly,   $1.00;    January, 
1898,  Quarterly,  $1.00  

2  00 

91 
92 

April  2 
Feb.  10 

J.  S.  McCampbell— 
July,  1898,  (or  January,  1898)  Quarterly.. 
Von  Boeckmann,  Schutze  &  Co.  — 
1500  envelopes,  $3.50  $3.50 

1  00 

Mar.    6 

2000  circulars,  $4.50:  1000  envelopes, 
$2.25;  1000  heads.  $2.25  9.00 

Mar.  10 

1500  slips  1.50 

Uoo 

93 

Apr.  20 

U.  S.  Postoffice— 
500    1-cent    stamps,    $5.00;    500   2-cent 
stamos,  $10.00.... 

15  00 

Affairs  of  the  Association. 
EXPENDITURES— contimied. 


65 


Vouchers. 

Date. 

94 

May  18 

U.  S.  Postofflce— 
300    1-cent    stamps,    $3.00;    850   2-cent 
stamps,  $17.00  

$  20  00 

95 

June    8 

U.  S.  Postofflce— 
400  2-cent   stamps,    $8.00;    1200   1-cent 
stamps,  $12.00  

20  00 

96 

June    1 

Von  Boeckmann,  Schutze  &  Co.  — 
March  Quarterly  

118  26 

97 

1899. 
Nov.    1 

Charges  on  collecting  drafts  

2  15 

Total  

$1430  87 

Balance,  cash  on  hand  June  15,  1900.... 

55  86 
$1486  73 

Respectfully  submitted, 

LESTER  G.  BUGBEE,  Treasurer. 
Approved  June  26,  1900. 

C.  W.  RAINES,  Auditing  Committee. 


66 


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Report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  S 
Commerce  and  Navigation  (1872). 
Report  Of  the  International  Penitentia 
of  London  (1872). 
Compendium  of  the  Ninth  Census  of  th 
Memorial  Addresses—  Life  and  Servic 
Cavode. 
Alabama  Claims—  Case  of  the  U.  S  
Report  of  the  Secretrry  of  War  (1881)... 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Mobili 
Manual  on  School  Houses  and  Gotta 
Southern  People. 
Central  American  Affairs  and  Industria 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  Railroads 
Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Rec 
(1866). 

Country  School  Houses  
Quinquennial  Catalogue  of  Harvard  La 
Resources,  Soil,  and  Climate  of  Texas.. 
Tenth  Report  of  Music  Teachers'  As 
Boston,  1886. 
State  Gazette  Appendix,  Vol.  4  (I860)... 
General  Laws  of  Texas  —  14th  Legislatu 
The  Kansas  University  Quarterly,  Vol 
Annals  of  Iowa,  Vol.  3  
Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical 
Vol.  8  

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THE  QUARTERLY 

OF   THE 

TEXAS  STATE  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Vol.  IV.  OCTOBER,   1900.  No.  2. 


The  publication  committee  and  the  editor  disclaim  responsibility  for  views  expressed  by 
contributors  to  the  Quarterly. 


ESCAPE  OF  KAKNES  AND  TEAL  FROM  MATAMOEOS.1 

BROOKLYN,  N.  Y.,  March  2,  1881. 
To  H.  A.  McArdle,  Esq.,  Independence,  Texas. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  In  'Compliance  with  your  request,  I  herein  give 
you  some  of  my  reminiscences  of  Matamoros,  connected  with  the 
revolutionary  struggle  of  Texas,  and  not  included  in  what  I  have 
heretofore  published  on  the  subject ;  and  since  .commencing  the  letter 
I  find  I  have  accidently,  but  quite  appropriately  dated  it  on  an  anni- 
versary half-forgotten  where  it  ought  most  to  be  remembered.  In 
the  May  number  of  the  Magazine  of  American  History  for  1879, 
I  narrated  the  case  of  the  Texan  prisoners  captured  by  Urrea  at  San 
Patrick)  and  thereabout,  and  alluded  to  the  detention  and  escape  of 
the  Texan  commissioners,  Karnes  and  Teal,  whose  adventures,  I 
observed,  would  form  an  interesting  romance,  but  would  be  too  long 
to  be  included  in  that  article.  I  now  propose  to  relate  what  was 
then  omitted. 

The  duty  on  which  those  'Commissioners  were  sent  by  the  Texan 
commander,  "with  the  sanction  of  the  Mexican  general,  Filisola,  was 
that  of  carrying  into  effect  certain  forms  of  a  truce  entered  into 

JThe  original  of  this  letter  has  been  presented  to  the  Association  by  Mr. 
MdAirdle. — EDITOR  QTJARTEBLY. 


72  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

between  Houston  and  Santa  Anna  (the  latter  a  oaptive),  and 
assented  to  by  Filisola,  who  was  still  in  the  field.  Under  that  agree- 
ment Filisok  was  permitted  to  retreat  unmolested  from  Texas,  with 
the  remains  of  Santa  Anna's  forces,  and,  by  the  same  terms,  the 
commissioners  were  to  receive  and  conduct  back  to  Texas  Jill  pris- 
oners of  war  then  in  Matamoros,  as  well  as  all  escaped  slaves  who 
could  be  found  there.  The  readiness  of  both  sides  after  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto  to  hold  lumds  off  was  more  excusable  on  the  part  of 
Mexico  than  of  Texas.  The  latter  got  lazily  rid  of  an  enemy  she 
might  have  destroyed,  while  the  former  profited  by  the  immunity, 
and  dodged  the  terms  left  for  later  fulfillment.  It  was  a  new 
instance  of  the  man  who  was  left  to  hold  the  bag. 

Filisola  was  relieved  of  his  command  and  ordered  to  the  City  of 
Mexico  so  soon  as  he  had  got  through  the  most  arduous  portion  of 
his  retreat,  and  went  to  the  metropolis  without  passing  through 
Matamoros,  while  Urrea,  already  there,  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  the  defeated  forces.  It  was  not  yet  officially  known  what,  recep- 
tion the  Mexican  government  had  given  to  Filisola's  report  of  the 
truce;  but  no  one  living  in  Mexico  had  any  doubt  as  to  what  it 
would  prove  to  be.  That  government  did  not  openly  repudiate  the 
armistice  till  the  benefit  to  their  side  was  accomplished,  and  the  rest 
was  not. 

Karnes  and  Teal  were  officers  in  the  service  of  Texas,  who  had 
figured  in  the  late  campaign,  the  former  as  a  captain  of  volunteer 
cavalry  and  a  most  efficient  scout,  and  the  latter -as  a  captain  of 
regular  infantry.  They  were  accompanied  by  their  orderlies,  two 
soldiers  of  Teal's  company,  and  an  interpreter,  a  French  resident 
of  Texas,  named  Victor  Loupe.  Their  flag  of  truce  and  passport 
from  General  Filisok  brought  them  safe  into  Matamoros,  and  they 
repaired  to  Proctor's  Hotel,  where  many  of  the  American  residents, 
as  well  as  a  number  of  Mexican  officers  boarded. 

To  see  for  the  first  time  in  Matamoros,  in  the  midst  of  those  thej 
had  fought  against,  two  San  Jacinto  officers  with  shoulder  straps  of 
rebel  rank,  and  two  soldiers  from  the  same  field  in  rather  ungainly 
uniforms,  was  a  cause  of  no  little  sensation.  The  foreign  residents 
greeted  the  phenomena  with  great  cordiality.  I  was  at  the  hotel 
when  they  arrived,  and  happened  to  be  one  of  the  first  to  salute 
them;  but  I  threw  no  immediate  damper  on  the  hopes  of  what  I 


Escape  of  Karnes  and  Teal.  73 

knew  to  be  a  fool's  errand.  I  was  struck  by  the  appearance  of 
Karnes,  whose  robust  frame,  red  hair,  and.  bold  Scottish  cast  of 
features  offered,  I  thought,  -a  good!  personation  of  Bob  Koy  in  his 
youth.  Teal,  though  of  less  notable  individuality,  was  as  wiry,  and 
more  handsome,  and  of  genteel  bearing  for  a  lad  of  frontier  breed- 
ing. They  were  soon  greeted  by  a  brother  officer,  then  a  prisoner 
at  large  in  Matamoros,  Major  Miller,  who  had  been  captured  with 
his  men  at  Copano,  and  had.  narrowly  escaped  the  fate  of  Fannin. 
He  hadi  been  brought  thither  with  the  retreating  army,  and  was 
allowed  the  freedom  of  the  city  bounds.  From  him  and  other 
friends  who  called  the  commissioners  soon  learned  that  Filisola's 
pledges  were  certain  to  meet  with  no  recognition ;  and  they  expressed 
•their  readiness  to  accept  whatever  ill  luck  duty  had  brought  upon 
them. 

To  the  Mexican  officers,  smarting  under  recent  disaster,  the  sight 
of  Texan  officers  and  soldiers  wearing  outward  and  visible  signs  of 
their  class  and  quality  was  a  galling  sight,  and  roused  antipathy 
which  the  diplomatic  position  of  the  commissioners  could  hardly 
restrain ;  but  its  manifestation  did  not  go  beyond  muttered  threats 
and  hostile  but  half  covert  gestures.  There  was,  however,  one  class 
of  persons  to  whom  the  new  comers  were  apparitions  of  terrible 
import.  The  fugitive  slaves,  of  whom  there  were  between  fifty  and 
a  hundred  in  the  city,  soon  learned  on  what  errand  these  Texans  had 
come;  and,  'as  they  had  no  longing  for  the  hearth  and  home  of 
Uncle  Tom's  cabin,  they  quaked  with  fear.  Some  skulked  out  of 
sight;  others,  I  think,  bolted  to  the  bush;  and,  one,  at  least,  ran  to 
the  nearest  barrack  and  decorated  (his  ragged  felt  with  a  borrowed 
military  hat-band.  Under  the  protection  of  this  talisman,  which 
represented  the  sovereignty  of  his  adopted  land,  he  ventured  to  walk 
the  streets. 

The  Mexican  officers  lost  no  time  in  protesting  at  headquarters 
•against  the  toleration  of  any  tokens  of  rank  or  soldiership  in  rebels, 
and  advised!  the  prompt  suppression  of  such  displays,  though  it 
should  be  only  for  the  safety  of  the  wearers.  General  Urrea  acted 
on  the  suggestion.  The  commissioners  had  notified  him  of  their 
arrival;  'and  his  first  recognition  of  their  presence  was  an  order 
to  doff  all  military  insignia  from  the  persons  of  themselves  and 
their  attendants.  It  was  done;  and  the  Mexican  bull  became  less 


74  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

irritable  when  the  red  flag  of  the  matador  was  put  out  of  sight. 
This  was  the  first  official  affront  they  received,  and  it  occurred,  I 
think,  before  the  first  day  ended.  It  is  worthy  of  recollection,  how- 
ever, that  one  man  from  the  ranks  showed  a  more  manly  sign  of  the 
freemasonry  of  the  sword.  Soon  after  the  new  group  arrived,  the 
two  orderlies  met  on  the  street  a  battered  looking  Mexican  soldier, 
who,  after  scanning  their  baggy  uniforms  for  a  moment,  accosted 
them  with  a  sufficiency  of  pigeon  English  in  his  speech  to  make 
himself  understood.  "Soldados  Goddammes,"  he  said,  "tomorrow 
we  may  have  to  fire  bullets  at  each  other;  now,  while  we  cam,  vamos 
a  drinky  whiskly."  The  invitation  was  frankly  accepted;  but  like 
Santa  Anna's  truce,  it  left  the  advantage  on  the  Mexican  side. 
There  was  then  a  general  vacuum  in  the  military  pockets  at  Mata- 
moros;  and  the  Texans  had  to  pay  for  the  "whiskly."  The  mag- 
nanimity of  the  veteran-  may  have  been  merely  an  old  soldier  trick. 

I  have  no  precise  recollection  of  dates.  The  commissioners,  1 
think,  came  in  May,  >and  it  was  just  after  the  defeated  army  had 
arrived — probably  about  the  time  Urrea  relieved)  Filisola.  The  com- 
missioners, after  a  day  or  two,  finding  themselves  unable  to  obtain 
an  interview  with  General  Urrea,  concluded  to  address  him  a  note 
referring  to  the  object  of  their  emission,  and  requesting  that  he 
would  enable  them  to  carry  it  into  effect,  or  give  them  a  definite 
answer  of  some  kind  on  the  subject.  Though  they  intended  to 
address  him  in  English,  they  requested  me  to  put  their  letter  into 
proper  shape.  I  did  so,  .to  the  best  of  my  ability,  and  then  requested 
that  one  of  them  would  copy  for  their  signatures  what  I  had  written, 
as  I  did  not  -wiah  it  to  appear  in  my  handwriting.  Karnes  made 
the  copy  I  suggested,  but  both  of  the  young  men  had  been  reared 
wihere  the  schoolmaster  was  but  little  abroad;  and  the  letter  was  so 
badly  penned  that,  for  the  credit  of  Texas,  I  felt  unwilling  to  let  it 
go  in  a  plight  so  illegible;  so  I  wrote  out  the  body  of  the  document 
myself,  though  in  a  hand  which  I  attempted  to  disguise.  This  was 
a  thing  in  which  I  was  never  very  skillful.  An  Irish  spy  and 
striker  whom  Urrea  had  picked  up  recognized  my  distorted  penman- 
ship, and  soon  after  took  occasion  to  inform  me  of  his  own  smart- 
ness and  the  general's  displeasure  at  the  discovery.  This  incident, 


Escape  of  JZarnes  and  Teal.  75 

I  think,  added  considerably  to  the  suspicion  with  which  I  had  begun 
to  be  regarded.1 

The  letter  was  answered,  but  in  evasive  terms  which  amounted  to 
nothing;  and  -when  the  commissioners  requested  passports  to 
return  with  they  were  refused,  and  were  forbidden  to  leave  the  place. 
What  Urrea's  intentions  then  were  towards  them,  if  he  had  any, 
is  uncertain.  As  they  had  come  under  a  flag  of  truce,  he  probably 
could  not  bring  himself  to  make  prisoners  of  them  at  once,  and  he 
was  afraid  to  let  them  go;  so  he  knew  not  what  to  do  with  them. 
They  continued  thus  as  prisoners  at  large,  under  surveillance,  some 
weeks.  In  the  meantime  the  repudiation  of  S'anta  Anna's  truce  was 
proclaimed,  and  with  it  threats  of  a  fresh  and  speedy  invasion  of 
Texas  in  overwhelming  force.  This  bluster  of  rumor  seemed  like 
the  din  of  a  general  uprising.  The  church  was  to  pour  out  its 
treasures,  and  the  population  to  contribute  the  best  of  its  bone  and 
sinew,  brain  and  blood,  for  the  vindication  of  national  honor.  As 
this  game  of  brag  imposed  on  most  of  the  foreign  residents,  if  not 
on  most  of  the  Mexicans  themselves,  it  is  not  .surprising  that  it  com- 
pletely deceived  the  commissioners,  and  that  they  were  anxious  to 
send  promptly  to  Texas  mews  of  the  imagined  danger.  This  brought 
about  what  you  have  heard  of  as  the  sending  of  the  whip-handle 
dispatch.  I  had,  as  you  suppose,  some  connection  with  that  affair, 
but  was  not  'the  principal  agent  in  it.  I  engaged  the  courier  and 
suggested  the  hollow  handle  of  a  whip  as  a  place  of  concealment  for 
papers  not  likely  to  be  suspected ;  but  I  wrote  nothing  that  was  sent 
in  the  casket  I  contrived,  for  I  did  not  approve  the  kind  of  news 
•which  all  the  rest  concerned  insisted  on  sending.  Mr.  William 
Howell,  a  Philadelphian,  and  then  an  extensive  wool  buyer  at  Mata- 
moros,  took  the  lead  in  the  undertaking,  and  bore  the  expense  of  it. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  zealous  friends  of  the  causejof  Texas  in  the 

1Since  writing  this  paragraph  I  have  called  to  mind  more  vaguely  having 
a  few  days  later  written  for  the  signature  of  the  commissioners  a  letter  to 
General  Rusk,  which  General  Urrea  permitted  them  to  send  by  some  con- 
veyance which  the  latter  commanded,  provided  it  were  sent  through  him. 
It  was  accordingly  submitted  to  him,  being  in  the  same  disguised  hand 
which  had  been  recognized  as  mine.  Though  I  do  not  remember  the  con- 
tents of  this  letter,  it  is  now  my  impression  that  it  was  this  more  than  the 
other  which  caused  Urrea's  displeasure  towards  the  amanuensis.  Memory 
often  comes  back  to  us  in  driblets. 


76  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

place,  and  the  most  lavish  of  his  means  for  its  advancement.  He 
was  also  an  intimate  friend  of  mine;  but,  except  in  the  sympathy 
referred  to,  our  ideas  seldom  harmonized.  The  papers  sent  in  the 
whip  handle  were  a  letter  from  Captain  Teal  to  General  Rusk,  and 
another  from  Howell  not  signed,  amd  they  were  worded  more  like 
military  orders  than  suggestions  of  a  subordinate  and  advice  from 
an  unknown  friend.  "I  am  not  discouraged  atoll"  said  Teal. 
"You  must  work  headwork  as  well  as  fight.  You  must  blow  up  San 
Antonio  and  Goliad" ;  while  Howell  wrote,  among  other  sage  advice, 
"Shoot  Santa  Anna  and  his  officers."  I  listened  to  both  communi- 
cations with  disgust;  for  they  were  shrieks  of  the  same  kind  of 
unreasoning  panic  which  had  set  fire  to  Gonzales  and  San  Felipe. 
I  had  been  less  imposed  on  than  many  of  my  friends  by  the  Mexi- 
can bluster  of  the  season,  which  I  was  even  then  inclined  to  put  into 
the  same  category  with  Henry  Smith's  threat  to  carry  his  conquests 
to  the  walls  of  Mexico,  and,  though  I  believed  in  the  possibility  of 
near  danger  to  Texas,  and  thought  she  ought  to  be  -warned,  I  had 
no  wish  to  aid  in  raising  the  shepherd  boy^s  sham  cry  of  wolf.  But 
my  advice  was  overruled. 

Howell  put  Teal's  letter,  with  corrected  orthography,  as  well  as 
his  own,  into  a  very  minute  amd  well-disguised  back  hand.  The 
whip  handle  was  stuffed,  and  the  courier  was  started.  He  was  a 
young  Mexican,  who  had  already  been  employed  in  similar  trips, 
and  was  considered  perfectly  trustworthy.  He  went  with  speed,  and 
without  interruption,  till  he  arrived  near  the  Nueces,  where  he  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Texam  scouts,  who  charged  him  with  being  a  spy 
or  an  enemy's  courier,  and  searched  his  equipments  in  every  place 
except  the  right  one  -for  papers.  Not  finding  them,  they  threatened 
to  hang  him  up  unless  he  produced  dispatches,  whether  he  had  any 
or  not;  and  he  plead  in  vain  ^o  be  taken  to  their  general.  At 
length,  to  save  his  neck,  he  betrayed  the  whip  handle.  Thus  the 
letters  intended  for  General  Rusk  went  into  the  hands  of  the  rough- 
est and  most,  ignorant  scouts,  and  copies  must  have  been  taken  by 
the  first  readers,  for  one  letter  went  speedily  to  tihe  press,  which  it 
would  never  have  done  through  the  hands  of  General  Rusk.  There 
was  certainly  one  among  the  scouts  who  was  sufficiently  clerical  for 
such  mischief,  for  he  gave  the  courier  an  acquittance  oi  his  charge 
by  receipting  to  -him  for  "one  whip."  I  saw  the  receipt  when  it 


Escape  of  Karnes  and  Teal.  77 

came  back,  and  would  have  been  glad  if  the  signer  of  it  and  his 
companions  had  truthfully  receipted  for  "one  whipping."  The 
receipt  was  not  the  only  voucher  which  returned;  for  in  a  short 
time,  I  think  little  more  than  two  weeks,  Teal's  letter  came  to  us 
in  the  columns  of  a  New  Orleans  newspaper.  I  know  not  by  what 
exceptionail  forbearance  it  was  that  Howell's  communication  was  not 
published  also.  Teal  said  in  his,  "We  have  met  with  many  friends 
here,"  but  luckily  he  did  not  name  them;  still  the  incident  was  a 
terrible  damper  to  all  who  had  expected  ordinary  discretion  in  the 
people  they  were  endeavoring,  at  no  little  risk,  to  serve. 

The  whip  handle  news  had  the  ill  effect  I  had  apprehended. 
Texas  for  a  time  was  pervaded  by  panic,  and  many  of  the  frontier 
settlers  were  frightened  from  their  homes,  which  they  had  to  leave 
at  great  sacrifice. 

About  the  time  above  referred  to,  a  friend  who  had  called  on 
business  at  headquarters  informed  me  that  he  had  seen  lying  on 
General  Urrea's  office  table  the  number  of  the  Picayune  which  con- 
tained Teal's  letter,  and  lying  beside  it  a  manuscript  translation  of 
the  letter  into  Spanish.  It  was  about  this  time  that  Karnes  and 
Teal  were  suddenly  arrested  and  put  into  close  confinement  in  one 
of  the  regimental  barracks.  As  well  as  I  recollect,  this  occurred 
just  after  Teal's  letter  came  to  light  through  the  press,  which,  if  I 
am  right  as  to  time,  gave  Urrea,  to  say  the  least,  a  plausible  justi- 
fication of  his  step.  In  a  few  days,  however,  the  commissioners  were 
permitted  to  rent  their  own  prison;  thast  is,  they  were  allowed  to 
hire  private  quarters,  such  as  could  be  easily  guarded,  where  they 
could  be  confined  under  the  charge  of  a  special  detail.  Such  a 
squad,  under  a  commissioned  officer,  was  sent  each  morning  to  the 
private  quarters  to  relieve  its  predecessor, — the  two  prisoners  being 
permitted  to  go  thrice  a  day  in  charge  of  a  file  of  soldiers  to  take 
their  meals  at  the  hotel  where  they  had  before  boarded.  Their 
friends  were  also  allowed  to  visit  and  converse  with  them  at  any  hour 
of  the  day.  Thus  their  imprisonment,  however  irksome,  was  not 
very  rigid;  and  I  think  they  were  generally  treated  with  courtesy 
and  consideration  by  the  officer  of  their  guard.  Their  two  order- 
lies, who  had  been  arrested  at  the  same  time  with  themselves,  were 
confined  with  the  San  Patricio  prisoners  in  the  principal  barrack, 
and  remained  there  till  the  whole  body  was  released  by  General 


78  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Bravo.  In  the  meantime,  apprehensions  of  the  immediate  invasion 
of  Texas  had  died  away;  and,  as  a  considerable  force  was  kept  on 
foot  there,  the  commissioners  no  longer  felt  any  dread  concerning 
the  safety  of  their  country.  Still  the  thought  of  escape  continually 
occupied  their  minds.  Major  Miller  had  effected  his,  and  had 
arrived  safe  at  General  Rusk's  camp  before  Karnes  and  Teal  were 
confined;  and  they,  some  'time  after  their  transfer  to  private  quar- 
ters, were  very  near  making  a  desperate  flitting  before  any  feasible 
plan  could  be  formed  for  doing  it  with  a  fair  prospect  of  success. 
They  had  acquired  some  knowledge  of  Spanish;  and  one  evening  on 
their  way  to  supper  they  ventured  to  sound  the  two  soldiers  who  had 
charge  of  them,  and  found  them  willing  to  desert,  and,  fox  a  small 
consideration,  to  escort  their  prisoners  out  of  town  before  'taking 
their  own  course  of  flight.  This  .need  not  seem  strange,  for  it  was 
at  a  time  when  desertion  was  rife  among  the  half-paid  soldiery. 
The  captives  could  have  had  no  other  plan  than  to  cross  the  river  in 
any  manner  they  could,  and  make  their  way  on  foot  as  best  they 
might  through  the  arid  waste  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  the 
Nueces.  The  supper  was  eaten,  and  an  extra  ration  from  the  table 
put  into  each  pocket;  and  the  prisoners  and  guards  commenced  a 
brisk  march  towards  the  country.  They  had  nearly  reached  the 
edge  of  the  city  when  a  military  patrol,  crossing  their  course, 
frightened  the  soldiers,  who  peremptorily  demanded  a  return  to 
quarters.  Thus  the  attempt  failed';  but  one  minor  incident  con- 
nected witfh  it  is  worthy  of  mention.  On  the  outfward  march,  when 
not  far  from  the  outskirts,  they  passed  two  of  the  black  fugitives 
from  Texas  who  had  been  so  alarmed  by  the  arrival  of  the  commis- 
sioners. "My  God,  Ben,"  said  one  to  the  other,  "the  sojers  is  a 
takin'  'em  out  to  the  bush  to  shoot  'em."  This  was  the  only  way 
in  which  the  negro  could  account  for  the  direction  which  guard  and 
prisoners  were  jointly  taking.  He  spoke  with  evident  horror,  and 
it  was  very  pleasing  to  the  two  Texams  to  meet  with  such  a  token 
of  sympathy  where  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected,  considering  the 
relation  in  which  the  commissioners  stood  towards  the  runaways. 
It  was  one  instance  of  the  many  which  occur  of  the  kindly  feeling 
which  the  escaped  slave  can  entertain  towards  the  house  of  bondage 
and  its  flesh-pots. 

Karnes  and  Teal  continued  in  this  loose  kind  of  custody,  I  think, 


Escape  of  Karnes  and  Teal.  79 

over  'three  months.  Among  the  acquaintances  they  had  made  before 
their  imprisonment  was  Mr.  Robert  Love,  an  American,  who  had 
a  hat  manufactory  in  Matamoros.  He  took  charge  of  their  baggage 
when  they  were  arrested,  and  had  occasional  conferences  with  them, 
and  often  sent  messages  through  me.  They  were  indebted  mainly 
to  'him  for  their  escape,  in  arranging  for  which  he  was  willing  to 
take  any  risk,  and  could  do  it  more  boldly,  as  he  had  fallen  less  under 
suspicion  than  the  rest  of  their  friends.  He  secured  a  guide,  a 
ranchero,  older  than  the  whip-handle  courier,  who  for  the  present 
wished  to  avoid  dangerous  enterprises.  When  other  needful  dispo- 
sitions were  'made,  the  program  for  the  first  step,  or  rather  the 
first  rush,  was  fixed  on.  The  quarters  occupied  by  the  Texans  were 
a  house  of  one  large  room  opening  on  the  street  and  having  no  back 
yard  or  rear  entrance.  It  was  about  midway  between  the  plaza  and 
the  nearest  edge  of  the  town  towards  the  river,  where  an  old  receding 
of  the  stream  had  left  a  small  lagoon.  This,  was  beyond  the  dwell- 
ings, but  not  very  far  from  the  quarters.  To  this  place  the  prison- 
ers were  wont  to  repair  under  a  guard  whenever  'the  calls  of  nature 
had  to  be  obeyed.  It  'was  resolved  that  on  the  evening  fixed  for  the 
escape  the  guide  should  repair  to  this  spot  early  in  the  evening, 
ready  mounted  and  leading  another  saddled  horse,  and  should  there 
await  the  appearance  of  the  prisoners.  They,  on  their  arrival,  were 
to  break  from  the  guard  and  mount,  one  behind  the  guide,  and  the 
other  in  the  empty  saddle,  when  the  horses  were  to  be  put  to  full 
speed  in  the  safest  direction.  At  Mr.  Love's  request.,  I  gave  infor- 
mation of  the  plan  to  the  prisoners  early  in  the  day  by  calling  at 
their  quarters,  when  I  delivered  the  message  in  the  fewest  words 
possible,  and  then  without  taking  a  seat  took  my  leave;  for  a  long 
conversation  at  this  juncture  might  afterwards  seem  suspicious. 
The  plan  succeeded. 

In  the  evening  my  ear  was  on  the  alert  for  the  beating  of  a  gen- 
eral alarm1  or  some  such  token  that  the  escape  was  effected;  but  I 
heard  none,  and  began  to  apprehend  failure.  If  pursuit  was  made, 
as  it  doubtless  was,  it  was  done  without  demonstrations.  I  remained 
on  the  plaza  ,and  its  vicinity  till  a  late  hour.  My  way  thence  to  my 
lodging  room  was  past  the  prisoners1'  quarters,  and  in  going,  after 
10  o'clock,  I  took  my  usual  course  past  them.  The  officer  of  the 
guard  stood  at  the  door,  but  I  saw  nothing  of  the  prisoners.  I  was 


80  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

passing  him  with  a  salutation,  when  he  called  to  me,  and  I  halted. 
"Have  you  seen  Don  Henrique  and  his  companion  this  evening?" 
said  he,  meaning  the  two  Texans.  "No,  Senor,"  I  replied,  "have 
they  not  returned  from  supper?"  "They  went  to  supper,"  he  said, 
"at  the  usual  hour,  amd  then,  as  usual,  to  the  comun;  and  the  cor- 
poral and  soldier  who  escorted  them  report  that,  while  they  were 
lying  down  to  drink  at  the  water's  edge,  the  two  prisoners  disap- 
peared. It  could  not  have  been  a  mere  trick  of  the  latter,  for  if  so 
you  would  probably  have  met  them ;  it  must  be  an  escape."  "Yes,'* 
said  I,  "they  have  doubtless  bolted  for  the  bush."  " Seguramente," 
he  replied,  and  bidding  him  good  night,  I  passed  on.  I  had  expected 
closer  questioning;  and  it  struck  me  that  the  officer  took  the  matter 
very  coolly,  when  it  was  certain  to  involve  an  arrest  and  a  court- 
martial  for  him.  I  went  to  my  room  and  to  bed ;  but  before  falling 
asleep  I  hea.rd  the  foot-steps  of  a  passing  guard,  and  from  some 
stern  words  that  reached  me  I  learned  that  they  had  one  or  more 
persons  in  custody.  It  might  be  the  fugitives,  or  some  one  sus- 
pected1 of  aiding  them ;  and  the  thought  naturally  came  up,  "It  may 
be  my  turn  next."  But  the  turn  did  not  come;  and  in  the  morning 
I  learned  that  the  'man  arrested  was  Victor  Loupe,  the  interpreter 
of  the  commissioners,  who  had  not  shared  the  imprisonment  of  his 
employers.  Nothing  appeared  against  him,  and  he  was  soon  released, 
and  no  other  foreigner  was  arrested.  Though  my  conversation  with 
the  Texans  was  probably  the  last  'they  had  with  any  outsider  before 
their  flight,  the  brevity  of  tihe  conferemoe  must  have  aaved  me  from 
being  suspected  off  complicity.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  the  safe 
retention  of  these  men  had  become  a  matter  of  indifference  to  Gen- 
eral Urrea,  now  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  speedy  operations 
against  Texas.  Their  flitting  did  not  cause  a  tenth  of  the  excite- 
ment which,  a  year  later,  after  I  had  lefit  Mexicfc,  followed  the 
escape  of  Wm.  H.  Wharton,  and  led  to  the  arrest  of  several  Ameri- 
can residents. 

I  afterwards  learned  that  Karnes  and  Teal,  on  going  out  to  the 
lagoon,  found  there  the  guide,  who  seemed  to  be  watering  his  horses. 
The  two  prisoners  made  a  show  of  sky-larking  wiith  each  other,  and 
in  doing  it  amused,  and  got  further  away  from,  their  unvigilant 
guards,  and  then  made  a  sudden  rush  for  the  horses,  mounted,  and 
were  off  in  a  moment.  If  the  soldiers  fired,  it  was  without  effect. 


Escape  of  Karnes  and  leal.  81 

The  corporal's  story  about  lying  down-  to  drirtik  was  no  doubt  a 
lame  excuse  of  hi®  own  invention.  The  fugitive  group  swam  the 
river  with  their  (horses,  and  took  refuge  a  few  miles  from  its  north- 
ern bank  in  a  thicket  which  had  already  been  picked  out  as  a  safe 
hiding  place,  and  had!  been  stored  with  a  (hidden  supply  of  food; 
for  the  plan  contemplated  an  abode  there  of  several  days  till  the 
first  energy  of  pursuit  should  be  over. 

I  am  again  at  a  loss  for  dates,  but  it  was  in  autumn,  I  think  in 
September,  when  the  escape  occurred.  Soon  after  the  fugitives  took 
refuge  in  the  thicket  the  fall  rains  set  in ;  and,  as  their  (hiding-place 
had  no  other  shelter  than  what  they  could  improvise,  they  found  the 
trials  of  freedom,  if  more  welcome,  more  of  a  penance  for  the  pres- 
ent than  the  accommodations  of  captivity.  The  rains  for  a  time 
so  swelled  the  Arroyo  Colorado  and  so  submerged  the  roads  that  it 
was  not  thought  advisable  to  start  'on  their  journey  so  soon  as  had 
been  contemplated ;  and  the  fugitives  had  to  continue  in  their  bleak 
bivouac  more  than  two  weeks.  Their  guide  did  not  keep  with  them 
most  of  the  time,  but  visited  them  daily,  to  take  to  them  whatever 
they  needed  and  to  give  them  information.  When  their  baggage 
was  sent  over,  MT.  Love  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  send  Captain 
Teal's  uniform  and  sword,  for  the  accidental  discovery  of  these  arti- 
cles by  scouts  on  the  way  might  interrupt  the  plan  of  escape;  but 
Teal  continued  his  entreaty  for  them  so  .earnestly  that  Love  at 
length  took  the  risk  of  sending  them.  Karnes,  not  being  a  regular, 
had  no  uniform,  nor  would  he  have  given  it  undue  importance  if  he 
had  had  one.  I  afterwards  heard  the  incident  referred  to  quite  sig- 
nificantly. 

The  time  at  length  came  when  a  start  was  considered  feasible,  and 
the  trio  in  due  time  reached  in  safety  the  camp  of  the  army  of  Texas 
east  of  the  Nueces,  where  their  arrival  called  forth  great  demonstra- 
tions of  joy. 

My  story  is  ended,  but  it  is  proper  that  I  should  give  a  parting 
word  to  the  subsequent  lot  of  the  several  persons  whom  I  have 
named.  Karnes  died  about  three  years  after,  and  was  then,  I  think, 
in  command  of  a  small  garrison  at  San  Antonio.  Though  of  hum- 
ble origin  and  almost  illiterate,  he  was  a  man  of  large  brain,  by 
nature  a  gentleman  as  well  as  a  soldier,  and  of  the  kind  of  material 
which  in  Napoleon's  day  so  often  supplied  the  great  leader  with  field 


82  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

marshals  from  the  ranks.  Teal  soon  after  his  escape  rose  to  the 
command  of  the  regiment  to  which  his  company  belonged,  and  at 
the  time  of  his  death  was,  I  think,  in  temporary  command  of  the 
army  of  Texas.  He  was  a  half  instructed  martinet,  with  none  of  the 
tact  and  discrimination  so  essential  for  the  command  of  soldiers 
among  whom  mutiny  is  chronic,  owing  to  lack  of  pay  and  of  a 
strong  power  above  them.  The  result  was  that  he  became  an  object 
of  hatred  to  his  men,  and  was  shot  dead  one  night  in  his  tent  by 
hands  which  were  never  identified.1  The  assassin  took  advantage 
of  a  violent  storm,  and  so  timed  the  discharge  as  to  make  it  simulta- 
neous with  a  clap  of  thunder.  He  fired  from  without,  where,  so 
long  as  he  knew  on  which  side  of  the  tent  his  victim  lay,  he  could 
place  the  muzzle  almost  in  contact  with  its  mark.  In  the  same  tent 
that  night  lay  the  Bayard  of  the  early  days  of  Texas,  William  G. 
Cooke,  who  slept  unconscious  of  .the  murder  till  it  was  discovered  in 
the  morning.2  A  few  years  later,  while  relating  the  adventures  of 
Matamoros  to  one  who  had  been  an  officer  of  that  short-lived  army, 
I  'told  of  Teal's  anxiety  to  secure  his  uniform  for  his  flight.  "That 
uniform/'  said  the  listener,  "was  the  death  of  him.  He  was  always 
flaunting  it  in  the  eyes  of  his  ragged  soldiery,  and  this  brought  their 
animosity  u.p  to  the  killing  point." 

Major  Miller  was  known  to  me  at  a  later  day  as  a  resident  of  Vic- 
toria, where  he  long  since  died.  Mr.  Love  after  annexation  removed 
to  Texas  and  settled  at  Corpus  Ohristi,  where  I  am  told  he  died  a 
few  years  ago.  Mr.  Howedl,  about  a  year  after  the  above  events  in 
Matamoros,  lost  his  life  in  an  attempt  to  pass  from  that  place  to 
Texas  by  land  under  the  guidance  of  the  whip-handle  courier.  How- 
ell  bore  on  his  person  a  large  sum  in  doubloons,  which  may  have 
become  known  to  his  guide.  The  story  told  by  that  man  was  that 
they  were  attacked  on  the  way  by  banditti,  and  that  Howell  was 
killed,  while  he  escaped ;  but  there  was  a  strong  suspicion  that  the 

*A  note  inserted  at  this  point,  apparently  by  Mr.  McArdle,  is  as  follows: 
"By  John  H.  Schultz,  who  so  confessed  before  his  execution  in  Galveston 
in  1855  for  the  double  murder  of  Bateman  and  Jett. — Colonel  Fulton  in 
John  Henry  Brown."  What  Brown  has  to  say  of  the  matter  will  be  found 
in  has  History  of  Texas,  II,  135-37. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 

This  does  not  exactly  harmonize  with  the  (account  given  by  Colonel  Ful- 
ton, who  was  officer  of  the  guard  in  the  Texan  camp  that  night.  See 
note  1  above. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


Escape  of  Karnes  and  Teal.  83 

guide,  notwithstanding  his  previous  fidelity,  had  been  tempted  to 
commit  the  murder  and  robbery  himself.  What  became  of  the  inter- 
preter and  the  two  orderlies  I  know  not,  but  they  have  probably 
traveled  the  same  road  with  the  rest.  That  noble-hearted  circle  of 
foreign  residents  who  then  fraternized  in  Matamoros  were  soon 
scattered,  never  again  to  meet;  and  one  after  another  they  have  in 
the  distance  dropped  or  faded  from  my  sight,  Of  the  persons  asso- 
ciated with  Karnes  and  Teal  in  that  place  I  am  perhaps  the  only 
one  living. 

As  this  episode,  though  unimportant,  may  be  interesting  to  those 
who  take  an  interest  in  the  historic  stem  of  which  it  is  a  mere  twig, 
ift  ought  perhaps  to  be  preserved  by  the  only  one  who  can  now  do  it ; 
and  I  do  not  object  to  your  desire  to  publish  it  if  you  can  find  in 
Texas — 'what  I  never  could — a  printer  who  is  intelligent  enough  to 
know  when  he  is  making  a  fool  of  his  author, — one  who  would  not 
be  liable  to  convert  Bowie's  apparition  into  Bowie's  opposition. 

With  a  prayer  that  printer's  types  may  some  day  become  as  plain 
in  the  meaning  they  aim  at  as  the  types  and  shadows  we  hear  of  in 
another  line  of  business,  I  am  most  truly 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

E.  M.  POTTER. 

P.  S. — Allusions  just  made  remind  me  that,  if  this  letter  be 
printed,  the  typographical  opportunity  may  be  made  use  of  to  say 
a  word  about  another  thing  touching  me,  which  was  put  into  a 
newspaper  without  asking  my  consent.  Over  two  years  ago,  I  sent 
to  a  gentleman  in  Texas,  at  his  request,  a  letter  containing  an  out- 
line of  my  personal  history,  it  being  requested  for  a  use  so  differ- 
ent from  that  of  making  it  the  basis  of  a  newspaper  article  that  I 
had  no  apprehension  of  such  perversion.  The  substance  of  it,  how- 
ever, was  converted  into  a  communication  to  the  Galveston  News; 
and,  though  no  misstatement  was  aimed  at  nor  made  except  through 
the  awkward  use  and  alteration  of  words,  the  writer  and  printer 
between  them  contrived  to  evolve  an  amount  of  nonsense  so  great  that 
I  wish  to  plead  innocence  of  it.  I  heard  of  the  publication  by  mere 
accident  over  two  months  after  it  came  out;  for  the  writer  forgot 
to  send  me  a  copy,  as  well  as  to  ask  my  leave.  On  obtaining  the 
article,  I  read  in  it  with  surprise  'that  my  father  was  a  native  of 
New  Jersey  and  was  born  in  England,  and  there  I  read  for  the  first 


84  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

time  of  such  things  as  "imitated,  rank"  and  a  "second  lieutenant- 
general," — designations  unknown  to  the  Blue  Book.  Other  causes 
of  wonder  turned  up,  but  these  will  suffice.  Setting  aside  blunders, 
the  article  seemed  so  uncalled-for  as  a  subject  of  interest  then  and 
there,  that  I  have  thought  I  might  be  excused  for  accounting  for 
i'i»  appearance,  whenever  I  could  do  so  without  making  it  the  sub- 
ject of  a  special  communication.  The  first  time  I  ever  saw  my  own 
life  in  print  was  when  I  read  that  number  of  the  News  of  December 
12th,  1878,  and  the  sight  of  it  gave  me  the  uncomfortable  feeling 
which  a  man  is  s<aid  to  have  on  catching  a  glimpse  of  his  own  ghost. 

K.  M.  P. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        85 


THE  BEMINISCENCEiS  OF  MES.  DILUE  HAREIS.    I. 

It  is  difficult  to  give  this  contribution  a  title  which  shall  describe  it 
properly.  The  basis  of  it  was  a  journal  kept  by  Dr.  Pleasiamt  W.  Rose,  the 
father  of  Mrs.  Harris,  which  has  unfortunately  been  destroyed.  Copying 
parts  of  the  journal,  Mrs.  Harris  has  added  her  own  recollections,  and  the 
whole  is  almosit  indistinguishably  blended  in  the  manuscript.  It  takes  on, 
therefore,  the  form  of  reminiscences,  and  is  given  that  title;  but  much  of 
it  is  a  journal  in  fact.  The  dates  and  subtitles  axe  written,  in  every 
instance  except  one,  at  the  heads  of  the  pages;  but  in  one  or  two  cases 
it  is  clear  thait  they  do  not  apply  to  all  the  matter  on  the  pages  beneath 
them.  They  have  been  printed,  as  nearly  as  it  could  be  done,  immediately 
before  the  lines  which  they  precede  in  the  manuscript.  It  has  been  revised 
for  publication,  but  the  changes,-  except  in  the  case  of  some  omissions 
which  it  has  been  thought  best  to  make,  affect  only  minor  details.  Not 
only  have  the  statements  been  carefully  preserver,  but  the  language  itself 
has  been  altered  as  little  as  possible. 

Mrs.  Dilue  Harris  is  the  widow  of  Ira  S.  Harris,  who  was  born  in  Jeffer- 
son county,  New  York,  in  1816,  came  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  was  married 
near  Houston  in  1839.  He  lived  at  Columbus,  Colorado  county,  where  he 
died  in  1869. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 

1833,  April  28. 

This  was  the  anniversary  of  my  birthday.  I  was  eight  years  old, 
and  OIL  shipboard  at  the  time  with  my  father,  Dr.  P.  W.  Rose,  my 
mother,  brother,  and  sister.  We  embarked  at  New  Orleans  the 
15th  of  the  month  for  Matagorda,  Texas,  and  -were  two  weeks  on 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  name  of  the  captain  of  the  ship  was  Den- 
more.  The  pilot  was  James  Spillman.  I  don't  remember  the  name 
ol  the  vessel,  but  she  was  a  small  schooner.  We  were  becalmed  for 
two  weeks*,  then  a  storm  arose,  and  we  ran  on  tihe  bar  ,at  Galveston 
Island.  We  were  two  days  and  nights  trying  to  get  off;  then  we 
anchored  near  the  island.  The  storm  had  been  raging  fearfully 
for  twelve  hours',  but  it  ceased  late  in  the  evening.  The  moon  rose 
full.  It  was  a  splendid  sight.  The  passengers  wanted  to  land,  but 
Captain  Denmore  would  not  let  them.  He  said  if  the  wind  rose  he 
would  go  to  Harrisburg,  a  small  town  on  Buffalo  Bayou.. 

Gralveston  Island  was  a  sandbar,  on  whieh  not  a  house  was  to  be 
seen.  The  captain  said  there  had  been  a  custom  house  on  the 


86  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

island,  but  it  had  been  moved  to  Anahuac,  and  that  Mexico  had 
closed  Galveston  as  a  port  of  entry. 

Captain  Spillman,  the  pilot,  said  his  home  was  on  Spilknan 
Island,  and  that  he  had  a  grown  eon  living  there.  He  said  he  would 
take  the  schooner  to  Harrisburg  in  a  few  hours,  if  the  wind  and  tide 
were  favorable.  The  passengers  had  all  been  seasick,  and  were  will- 
ing to  go  anywhere  to  get  on  land.  The  wind  did  not  rise  that 
night,  but  tihe  next  morning  a  terrible  storm  came  up.  The  vessel 
dragged  her  anchor,  and  Captain  Denmore  sent  the  passengers  down 
in  tihe  hold,  and  then  she  shipped  water  till  the  sailors  closed  the 
twitch-way.  It  was  so  dark  we  could  not  see.  In  the  evening  the 
schooner  ran  on  the  beach  at  Clopper's  Point,  near  Virginia  Point. 
She  grounded  and  turned  on  her  side.  The  sailors  saved  the  women 
and  children.  The  men  carried  father  out.  He  was  very  sick,  and 
had  been  all  the  time. 

The  storm  subsided,  the  water  -went  down,  and  tihe  schooner 
remained  on  shore.  There  was  a  small  log  house  near.  It  was 
vacant  and  had  a  fireplace,  but  no  floor.  The  people  took  posses- 
sion. Men  and  sailors  carried  the  freight  out  of  the  schooner.  We 
were  nearly  starved,  for  we  had  not  had  anything  to  eat  all  day. 
There  were  three  negroes  with  us,  one  man  and  two  women.  They 
began  cooking.  The  men  put  a  plank  across  the  house.  They  set 
the  ends  between  the  logs  for  a  table,  and  there  we  dined  the  first 
time  in  Texas.  We  slept  that  night  in  wet  clothes.  Captain  Spill- 
man's  son  came  during  the  night  with  a  small  keel-boat  and  men 
to  our  assistance.  Fatfher  decided  to  go  to  Harrisburg. 

Clopper's  Point,  Texas,  April  29,  1833. 

Mother  and  Mrs.  Johnson  were  the  only  white  women  in  our 
party.  Mrs.  Johnson  had  no  children.  Mr.  Johnson  decided  to 
wait  for  the  return  of  the  boat  to  take  them  to  Matagorda.  The 
captain  said  (father's  family  should  go  first.  Mother  spent  the 
next  morning  drying  out  clothes.  The  freight  was  not  badly 
injured.  By  noon  -we  "were  aboard,  bound  for  Harrisburg.  My 
mother's  brother,  James  Wells,  went  with  us.  The  trip  up  Buffalo 
Bayou  was  very  pleasant.  We  stopped  at  Lyndh's  Ferry,  passed  a 
steamboat  sunk  at  the  junction  of  San  Jacinto  and  Buffalo  Bayou, 
and  arrived  at  Harrisburg  in  the  night.  No  one  expected  a  boat 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        87 

at  that  time,  for  in  'those  days  there  were  no  telegraph  lines  or  rail- 
roads. 

Harrisburg,  April  30,  1833. 

In  tihe  morning,  we  were  received  with  open  arm®  by  the  good 
people  of  Harrisburg.  Father  was  very  sick,  and  lhad  to  be  car- 
ried. A  Mrs.  Brewster  had  Mm  taken  to  her  house.  She  was  a 
widow. 

Uncle  James  Wells  went  out  to  rent  a  house,  but  there  was  none 
vacant.  There  was  not  a  dray  nor  a  wagon  in  the  place.  A  Mr. 
Andrew  Bobinson  came  to  see  father,  and  said  he  had  a  new 
house  half  a  .mile  from  town,  which  he  could  have.  He  said  his  old 
woman  wanted  to  visit  their  son,  Andrew,  living  at  San  Felipe. 
Mr.  Lytle  had  a  cart  and  one  yoke  of  oxen,  and  he  moved  us. 
He  wouldn't  take  pay  for  his-  work;  said  that  was  not  the  way  in 
Texas.  In  the  evening  the  men  came  with  the  cart  for  father  and 
mother.  My  sister  and  brother  and  I  had  been  on  the  go  all  day. 
When  we  got  to  the  house,  the  kind  ladies  had  sent  meal,  butter, 
eggs,  imilk  and  honey,  and  had  the  house  in  order  and  supper  ready. 

Captain  Spillman  returned  to  Clopper^s  Point,  and  carried  Mr. 
Johnson's  famdily  to  Brazoria.  I  remember  the  names  of  but  a 
few  of  the  passengers.  My  mother's  brother,  James 'Wells,  came 
with  us  from  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  and  a  Mr.  Bennet,  from  Ken- 
tucky. He  had  a  sister  i<n  Texas,  Mrs.  W.  J.  Russell.  -She  lived 
near  Columbia  on  the  Brazos  river.  Mr.  Bennet  brought  two 
slaves,  a  man  and  a  woman.  Mr.  Johnson  and  wife  were  young 
married  people,  and  had  one  negro  woman.  He  had  been  in  Texas 
before  he  married.1 

We  were  delighted  with  our  home.  It  was  a  new  frame  house. 
Most  of  the  houses  of  Harrisburg  were  built  of  logs.  Mother  said 
she  would  be  willing  to  lave  in  a  camp  the  rest  of  her  life  rather 
than  cross  the  Grulf  of  Mexico  again. 

*I  never  met  them  again.  (Mother  saw  them  in  Houston  in  the  year 
1837.  -Mr.  Johnson  took  an  active  part  in  separating  Texas  from  Mexico. 
I  never  mat  Captain  Denmore  again,  but  I  met  Captain  Spillman  several 
times.  iHe  nan  his  boat  from  Harrisburg  to  Anahuac. 


88          lexas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

May  1,  1833. — Harrisburg  and  its  Inhabitants.     The  four 
Harris  brothers. 

Harrisburg  had  been  settled  several  years.  It  WHS  settled  by  fc 
brothers.  John  Harris,  the  oldest,  had  died  some  years  before. 
His  family  were  living  in  New  York.  The  other  brothers  were 
Dave  Harris,  who  had  a  wife  and  two  children,  daughter  named 
Saralb.,  and  Willialm  and  Sam  Harris.  Other  people  living  there 
were  Robert  Wilson,  wife,  and  two  sons;  Albert  Gallatin  and  son; 
Mr.  Hiram,  wife,  and  two  daughters,  Sophronia  and  Susan;  Mr. 
Lytle,  wife,  and  daughter;  Mrs.  Brewsiter  and  one  son;  Mr.  Evans 
and  wife;  Dr.  Wright  and  family;  Dr.  Gallagher;  Mr.  Peeples 
and  wife ;  Mr.  Farmer  and  family ;  Mr.  Mansfield,  and  five  negroes ; 
one  negro  man,  Joe,1  servant  of  W.  B.  Travis ;  and  John  W.  Moore, 
the  Mexican  alcalde.2  The  young  men  were  Messrs.  Richardson, 
Dodson,  Wilcox,  Hoffman,  and  Lucian  Hopson.8  The  boye  were 
James  Brewster,  and  John,  George,  and  Isaac  liams,  step-sons  of 
Dave  Harris.  There  was  also  a  Mr.  Ray. 

There  was  a  steam  saw  mill  at  the  mouth  of  Bray's  Bayou.  It 
belonged  to  Robert  Wilson  and  W.  P.  Harris.4  Mr.  Hoffman  was 
engineer. 

May,  1833. 

Everything  in  HJarrisburg  was  different  from  what  we  had  been 
accustomed  to.  No  church,  nor  preacher,  school  house  nor  court 
house.  They  had  no  use  for  a  jail;  everybody  honest.  We  had 
been  there  but  a  few  days  when  a  man.  died.  My  sister  asked 
mother  how  they  could  bury  -the  man  wi'tihout  a  hearse  and  car- 
riages. In  the  evening  the  funeral  came.  Mr.  Lytle  with  his 
cart  and  oxen  conveyed  the  corpse,  men,  women  and  children  walk- 
ing. Brother  and  I  went  with  them.  I  don't  remember  the  man's 

'He  was  with  Colonel  Travis  at  the  Alamo,  and  was  sent  by  General 
Santa  Anna  to  escort  Mrs.  Dickinson  and  child  to  Gonzales.  I  have  never 
seen  his  name  mentioned  in  Texas  history. 

*He  was  the  first  sheriff  elected  in  Harris  county,  the  election  being  in 
the  fall  of  1836. 

*He  died  in  the  year  1896,  aged  98. 

*It  was  burned  by  the  Mexicans  hi  April,  1836. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.         89 

name.  He  came  to  Texas  from  New  York  with  the  'four  Harris 
brothers.  A  Mr.  Ghoate  conducted  the  burial.  The  man  was  a 
stranger  in  ia  strange  land,  but  was  nursed  and  buried  by  the  good 
people  and  mourned  by  afll. 

The  next  time  I  met  Mr.  Choate  was  the  Fourth  of  July.  He 
pliayed  the  violin  for  the  young  people  to  dance.  He  lived  below  the 
town  on  Vince's  Bayou.  He  had  five  daughters.  He  was  the  most 
popular  man  in  Texas. 

Thomas  Earl  lived  below  the  town  on  Buffalo  Bayou.  He  had  a 
wife,  two  sons,  and  four  daughters,  all  grown.  The  Vince  brothers, 
Allen,  William,  Eobert,  and  Richard,  lived  at  .the  bridge  on  Vince's 
Bayou.  Allen  Vince  was  a  widower.  He  had  two  sons.  Their 
sister,  Mise  'Susan,  kept  house  for  them.  'Mr.  Bronson  'and  wife 
lived  at  the  mouth  of  Buffalo  Bayou.  He  was  trying  to  raise  'the 

Harrisburg,  May,  1833. 

steamboat,1  They  did  not  succeed,  but  they  saved  the  machinery 
anJd  furniture.  'The  boat  belonged  to  David  Gr.  Burnet,  who  lived 
near  Galveston  Bay. 

There  were  two  'dry  goods'  stores  at  Harrisburg.  The  export 
trade  consisted  of  cotton  and  hides.  Twice  a  year  a  schooner  would 
bring  groceries  and  other  necessaries  from  New  Orleans. 

That  year  there  was  some  talk  of  trouble  with  Mexico.  Soldiers 
had  been  sent  to  Velasco  and  Anahuac.  The  people  did  not  appear 
to  anticipate  danger.  In  the  year  1832,  several1  Texans  had  been 
put  in  prison  at  Anahuac,  but  were  released  without  trial.  Among 
them  was  W.  B.  Travis. 

Our  first  summer  in  Texas  paissed  very  pleasantly.  Father  got 
well,  bought  a  horse,  and  began  the  practice  of  medicine.  He  bought 
drugs  and  medicine,  also  dry  goods  and  groceries  from  New  Orleans 
for  his  family^  but  sold  the  flour,  as  there  was  none  in  Harrisburg. 
The  merchants  said  flour  would  be  brought  from  New  Orleans  in 
the  falll,  when  the  schooner  came  for  cotton. 

We  were  settled  only  a  few  days  when  sister  and!  I  asked  mother 
if  we  could  not  go  'and  gather  dewberries.  She  said  yes,  but  that  we 
must  not  go  away  from  the  fence.  We  were  so  interested  in  gaither- 

1See  a.bove  under  d&be  April  29,  1833. 


90  Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

ing  berries  and  flowers  that  we  were  soon  out  of  eight  of  the  house 
and  were  lost  in  the  pine  wood®.  It  seems  like  Providence  guided 
our  footsteps.  We  got  on  a  footpath  that  led  to  tihe  last  house 
below  town.  Mr.  Fanner  lived  there,  and  'he  went  home  with  us. 

Harrisfourg,  June,  1833. 

When  we  got  home,  mother  was  calling  us.  We  had  been  gone  one 
hour,  and  were  so  frightened  that  we  stayed  in  the  yard'  af terwards 
all  the  time. 

Father  met  an  old  friend  from  St.  Louis,  Mr.  Gallatin.  Three 
of  the  young  men  that  came  to  Texas  with  us  came  to  visit  us. 
They  had  gone  with  Mr.  Johnson  to  Brazoria.  We  were  glad  to  see 
them.  -They  were  going  to  San  Felipe  on  a  surveying  expedition  to 
locate  land.  One  was  a  surveyor. 

By  the  15th  of  June,  the  Brazos  and  Colorado  rivers  overflowed, 
and  the  water  extended  from  the  Brazos  to  Buffalo  Bayou.  The 
crops  were  all  'lost.  Not  corn  enough  was  raised  to  feed  tihe  people, 
and  no  cotton  was  raised  tihat  year.  No  boat  came  during  the  year. 
David  Harris  sent  a  schooner  loaded  with  lumber  to  Tampico,  Mex- 
ico, which  brought  back  dry  goods,  but  no  provisions.  It  was  many 
days  before  we  got  any  flour.  Soon  times  became  hard.  The  steam 
•mill  was  closed  down,  running  only  one  day  in  the  week  to  grind 
corn.  That  threw  the  men  out  of  work,  as  sawing  timber  was  the 
only  branch  of  industry  in  the  place.  There  was  some  corn  raised 
on  Buffalo  Bayou  and  the  Bay,  but  the  main  dependence  of  the 
people  was  on  the  Brazos  farmers.  They,  the  planters,  didn't  raise 
bread  to  feed  their  negroes. 

Father  concluded  to  move.  He  rented1  a  farm  near  Stafford's 
Point,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Harrisburg  on  the  Brazos.  We 
were  very  sorry  to  leave  our  new  friends,  but  father  thought  it  best 
to  move. 

Decem/ber,  1833. — Leaving  Harrisburg. 

The  farm  father  rented  was  called  the  Cartwright  farm.  The 
owner  had  a  large  stock  of  cattle.  We  were  to  have  the  use  of  the 
milch  cows.  It  was  in  a  good  neighborhood;  and,  as-  there  was  no 
physician  living  there,  it  was  a  desirable  situation. 

We  left  Harrisburg  during  Christinas,  the  weather  warm   and 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.         91 

pleasant.  Mr.  Lytle  helped  us  to  unove.  He  said  it  would  take 
two  days,  the  roads  were  so  bad.  Father  had  sent  most  of  our  (mov- 
ables by  a  neighbor  from  the  country.  We  started)  prepared  to 
camp.  'Mr.  Lytle  gathered  pine  knots  and  put  them  in  the  cart, 
saying  -he  would  need  them  for  fire  >and  lights.  Mother,  sister,  and 
myself  rode  in  the  cart.  It  was  rough  traveling.  Christmas  two 
years  before,  in  the  year  1831,  we  rode  ten  miles  in  a  sleigh  from 
Grandfather  Wells'5  to  .St.  Louis.  Christmas,  1832,  we  were  in  New 
Orleans. 

(There  were  three  young  men  with  us,  also  Uncle  James  Wells. 
The  imen  were  going  to  Mr.  (Stafford's  to  build  a  cotton  gin.  They 
traveled  on,  'horseback.  All  of  them  had!  guns.  They  said  they 
would  go  on  six  miles  and  wait  for  the  cart.  iFather  went  with 
them  to  kill  a  deer,  for  we  (had  'bread,  but  no  meat.  'Brother  rode 
behind  uncle.  He  was  ten  years  old.  He  said  he  wanted  to  see 
•the  sport. 

It  W;as  anything  but  fun  before  we  got  to  the  end  of  our  journey. 
Three  miles  from  town  we  left  the  timber.  The  prairie  was  covered 
with  water.  Bray's  Bayou  had  overflowed  'and  tihe  road  looked 

December  28,  1833. — Moving  from  Harrisburg,  continued. 

lilke  a  river.  We  hadn't  traveled  six  miles  when  the  sun  set,  and 
the  party  on  horseback  was  not  in  siglht.  We  oasme  to  a  mound  that 
was  high  and  dry,  and  Mr.  Lytle  said  we  would  camp.  He  hob- 
bled the  oxen  <and  turned  them  loose  so  they  could  feed.  He  got 
pine  knots  to  make  a  fire.  We  had  a  flint  and  steel,  but  couldn't 
strike  fire.  In  those  days  there  were  no  matches,  and  every  man 
carried  a  flint  and  steel,  and  the  guns  all  had  flint  locks. 

The  men  came  back.  Father  had  killed  a  deer.  He  soon  made 
a  fire,  and  the  young  men  went  to  tihe  timber  to  get  firewood.  They 
had  to  stand  in  tihe  water,  cut  down  a  tree,  cut  it  up,  tie  it  on  their 
saddles,  and  walk  back.  While  the  men  were  gone,  father  skinned 
the  deer  and  got  it  ready  for  cooking. 

We  were  waiting  for  the  wood  men  to  return,  when  all  of  a  sud- 
den the  wolves  began  howling.  'They  surrounded  the  camp.  Mr. 
Lytle  drove  the  oxen  back,  and  tied  them  to  the  cart.  The  wolves 
were  after  the  .venison.  Father  would  have  shot  one,  but  said  if  he 


92          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

killed  it  the  others  wouQd  eat  it  and  then  kill  the  oxen.  Our  wood- 
men got  (back,  and  made  a  big  fire,  which  soared  the  wolves.  They 
ran  a  short  distance,  sat  down,  faced  the  cart,  and  barked  and  howled 
all  night.  The  men  had!  to  hold  their  horses  to  keep  them  from 
running  off.  One  of  the  men  had  a  mare  and  oolt.  He  couldm't 
catch  the  colt;  it  would  kick  at  the  men,  run  off,  and  back  to  ite 

December  29,  1833. — On  the  road  from  Harrisburg  to 
Stafford's  Point. 

mother.  Father  had  two  hound  doga  for  hunting.  Tttiey  h'id  under 
the  cart,  and  one  of  the  men  advised  father  to  kill  the  dogs  and 
feed  the  wolves.  (Mother,  sister,  and  I,  slept  in  the  cart,  brother 
and  the  dogs  underneath.  The  .men  sat  up  to  guard1  the  stock. 
Bray's  Bayou  was  near.  We  were  surrounded  by  wolves  and  water. 
There  was  a  large  Sycamore  tree  that  stood  in  the  water  near  us, 
and  it  was  as  white  as  snow.  The  buzzards  roosted  in  it.  We  could 
hear  owls  hoot  all  night.  Motiher  said  it  was  a  night  of  horrors, 
worse  than  the  days  and  nights  on  the  bar  at  Galveston.  She  said 
the  owls  were  singing  a  funeral  dirge,  and  the  wolves  and  buzzards 
were  waiting  to  bury  us.  At  daylight  the  wolves  and  owls  dis- 
appeared. 

We  continued,  our  journey.  Mother  rode  Uncle  James'  horse, 
and  uncle  stayed  with  the  cart.  Father  went  ahead  to  get  another 
yoke  of  oxen.  He  met  us  at  Stafford's  Point  with  them.  We  had 
to  go  four  miles  further,  and  got  to  the  house  at  one  o'clock.  Mother 
and  brother  were  there.  The  young  men  went  to  Mr.  Stafford's 
plantation,  two  miles  in  the  bottom  on  Oyster  Creek. 

There  was  a  family  in  the  house,  that  of  a  Mr.  West,  Who  had 
lived  on  the  place  five  years.  He  had  a  wife  and  four  children,  and 
had  built  a  house  on  Oyster  Creek,  a  short  distance  away.  He  was 
our  nearest  neighbor.  He  moved  next  day.  He  had  two  daughters, 
one  ten,  the  other  eight  years  old.  I  was  delighted  to  have  them 
for  playmates. 

January  1,  1834. 

The  New  Year  opened  fair  and  bright  with  no  cold  weather.  Mr. 
Lytle  stayed  a  few  days  with  us  to  rest,  then  returned  to  Haaris- 
burg.  Father  said  he  felt  like  he  had  lost  his  best  friend.  Sister 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.         93 

and  I  cried  when  he  bade  us  goodbye.  He  would  not  let  father  pay 
him  for  moving  us,  but  'mother  sent  his  wife  some  coffee,  sugar,  and 
dried  apples,  which  father  h!ad  brought  from  New  Orleans.  I  never 
met  Mr.  Lytle  again. 

We  were  very  lonesome  the  first  few  days.  With  not  a  house  in 
sight,  it  was  a  great  change  from  St.  Louis  and  New  Orleans.  We 
had  four  near  neighbors,  Messrs.  West,  Bell,  William  Neal,  and  C. 
C.  Dyer.  Neal  and  Dyer  married  sisters,  the  daughters  of  Mr. 
Stafford.  There  were  two  brothers,  Harvey  and  Adam  Stafford, 
both  grown. 

Father  and  uncle  commenced  ploughing.  Father  had  had  no 
experience  in  farming.  He  had  been  a  surgeon  in  the  United  States 
army.  In  1812,  he  emigrated  from  Virginia  to  Georgia,  and  in  the 
year  1813  to  Missouri,  before  it  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 
Mother  had  been  reared  on  a  faring  and'  she  knew  how  to  spin  and 
weave.  There  was  a  wheelwright  living  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
he  'ma-de  mother  a  spinning  wheel.  She  had  cards.  I  soon  learned 
to  spin. 

January,  1834. — The  Eoark  Family. 

Mrs.  Eoark,  a  widow  lady,  lived  two  miles  from  our  house.  She 
came  to  see  mother.  She  'had  been  a  widow  four  years,  and  had  a 
large  family,  two  grown  sons,  twin  daughters,  one  daughter  grown, 
two  little  children,  a  boy  named  Andrew,  and  a  girl,  born  several 
months  after  the  death  of  tihe  father.  The  family  came  to  Texas 
from  Illinois  in  the  year  1824.  Tlhey  traveled  by  land,  in  a  large 
wagon  with  six  mules.  They  came  with  Austin's  first  three  hun- 
dred emigrants.  The  husband,  Mr.  Elijah  Eoark,  was  murdered  by 
Indians  in  December,  1829,  near  San  Antonio.  Mr.  Eoark,  ibis 
eldest  son,  Leo,  and  a  young  man  were  going  to  San  Antonio  with 
a  wagon  load  of  country  produce.  It  consisted  of  butter,  cheese, 
lard,  bacon,  soap,  candle®,  and  various  other  things  which  tftiey 
expected  to  exchange  for  dry  goods  and  family  supplies.  San 
Antonio,  at  .that  time,  was  'the  only  marker  in  Texas.  The  inhab- 
itants were  mostly  Mexicans. 

Mr.  Boark's  party  had  camped  for  the  night.  It  was  the  24th 
of  December,  and  they  were  near  the  end  of  their  journey.  One 


94          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

man  was  to  keep  guard  while  The  other  two  slept.     Leo  Roark1  said 
his  father  kept  bhe  first  watch,  and  the  other  man  the  second.     He 
went  on  guard  about  two  o'clock,  putting  on  his  shoes  and  hat.     Ir 
was  the  24th  of  December,  and  'tihey  bad  been  two  -weeks  from  home. 
The  weather  had  been  very  'warm,  but  while  he  was  sitting  by  the 
camp-fire,  the  wind  began  to  blow  from  the  north.     It  was  getting 
cold,  so  he  put  on  his  coat,  book  his  gun  and1  knife,  and  walked  a 
short  distance.     There  was  a  large  log  near  the  road  about  one 
hundred  yards  from,  the  camp.     His  father  told  tihe  boys  they  must 
walk  past  the  log  and  turn  back.     He  got  to  the  log  and  was  afraid 
tc  pass  it.     He  thought  he  would  go  back  and  wake  his  father. 
The  mules  were  staked  near,  and  they  were  so  restless  he  knew  thero 
was  something  close  by.      Before  he  got  back,  the  Indians  sur- 
rounded the  camp.     He  shot  at  them,  and  shis  shot  woke  the  men. 
They  did  not  get  on  their  feet  before  they  were  murdered.     He 
tried  to  catch  a  mule  that  was  tied  to  a  stake,  but  could  not  get 
near  the  mule.     He  laid  down  his  gun  and  tried  to  cut  the  rope. 
But  before  he  could  cut  it,  the  Indians  were  so  near  he  had  to  run. 
He  lost  his  hat,  knife,  and  gun.     He  was  west  of  the  camp,  and 
knew  tihe  way  to  San  Antonio.     He  said  he  left  the  road  and  ran 
into  the  mesquite  thickets.     He  did  not  look  back,  nor  realize  what 
had  happened  till  daylight.     At  sunrise,  be  stopped  to  rest     He 
couldn't  find  water,  but  ate  mesquite  beans.     He  traveled  all  day, 
and  late  in  the  evening  he  found  water.     He  rested  a  few  minutes, 
but  was  afraid  to  lie  down,  he  was  so  tired  and  sleepy.     After  rest- 
ing, he  continued  his  journey,  and  arrived  at  Sail  Antonio  late  in 
the  night.    He  found  the  Mexicans  celebrating  Christmas.     Next 
day,  he  got  'assistance  and  returned  to  bury  his  father.     He  said 
when  he  arrived  at  the  camp  it  was  a  horrid  sight,  both  men  strip- 
ped and  scalped,  the  wagon  burned,  tlhe  mules  carried  off,  and  every- 
thing either  taken  or  destroyed.     After  they  buried  the  dead,  they 
built  a  'log  pen  over  the  graves  to  prevent  the  -wolves  from  digging 

'Mrs.  Roark  could  not  talk  about  the  deaith  of  her  husband,  but  her  SOB 
Leo,  who  was  with  his  father  at  the  time  and  made  his  escape,  often  spoke 
about  it,  and  always  appeared  to  remember  the  horrible  scene  he  has  passed 
through  during  those  Christmas  holidays. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.         95 

tihem  up.     The  burning  wagon  had  scared  the  wolves  away,  or  they 
would  have  devoured  the  bodies.1 

It  was  three  months  before  Leo  got  home.  The  family  did  not 
hear  of  -the  death  of  Mr.  Eoark  and  hia  companion  till  then.  Leo 
returned  with  a  company  of  Mexican  soldiieris  on  their  way  to 
Nacogdoohes.  The  terrible  tragedy  of  MT.  Boark's  death  was  a 
great  source  of  sorrow  to  all  the  people  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
left  his  family  almost  destitute.2 

''Brown's  account  of  this  affair  in  his  History  of  Texas,  vol.  I.  pp.  159- 
161,  adds  'several  important  particulars  to  the  one  here  given,  and  appears 
rather  difficult  to  reconcile  with  it.  He  .says  that  Elijah  B/oark  and  two 
other  men,  Robert  Spears  and  Andrew  Cox,  were  killed,  and  that  David 
MoOormick  escaped  and  went  with  Leo  'to  San  Antonio. — EDITOR  QUAR- 
TERLY. 

2In  the  list  read  a,t  the  reunion  of  the  veterans  in  Dallas  in  the  year 
1886,  giving  the  names  of  those  .persons  murdered  by  'Indians,  and  called 
"Our  'Martyred  Dead,"  the  statement  was  made  that  Elijah  Roark  and  his 
son  Leo  were  murdered  by  Indians  near  San  Antonio  in  the  year  1829. 
That  was  a  mistake.  The  father,  Elijah  Roark,  and  a  young  man  were 
murdered  at  that  time,  as  I  have  told,  but  Leo  Roark  escaped  and  did  not 
die  till  the  year  1891  or  1892.  I  lived  near  the  Roarks  three  years  and 
went  fco  school  with  the  two  brothers,  Jackson  and  Leo.  They  both  passed 
through  scenes  of  horror  in  Texas,  'Mexico,  and  California.  After  Leo 
escaped  from  the  Indians  he  was  in  several  fights  with  them.  He  was  at 
San  Antonio  when  General  Cos  was  captured  by  the  Texans  in  December, 
1835.  He  was  in  the  Grass  Fight  and  at  the  battle  of  Conoepcion  under 
Ben  Milam.  He  would  have  remained  with  Colonel  Travis  at  the  Alamo, 
but  was  sick  and  returned  home.  He  was  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

He  was  married  to  Miss  Pevyhouse,  and  was  the  father  of  a  large 

family.  At  this  time  (January  1,  1898,)  I  don't  know  whether  he  has  any 
descendants  living.  He  was  a  good  man  and  brave  soldier.  Peace  to  his 
ashes. 

Jackson  Roark's  adventures  were  equal  to  those  of  his  brother  Leo.  He 
was  in  the  Somervell  expedition  in  the  year  1842.  After  the  disbanding 
of  Somervell's  army  on  the  Rio  Grande,  he  joined  an  organization  under 
Colonel  Fisher  for  the  invasion  of  Mexico  in  December,  1842.  He,  with 
other  men  from  Houston  and  Harris  county,  was  captured  by  the  Mexi- 
cans. He  and  Henry  Woodland  helped  to  overpower  the  Mexican  guards. 
He  was  recaptured  at  Mier.  He  drew  a  white  bean  and  was  marched  to 
the  city  of  Mexico  with  others,  among  them  John  Shipman,  who  died  in 
Mexico.  After  witnessing  the  slaughter  of  his  companions  and  suffering 
the  hardships  of  the  Mexican  prison,  he  was  released,  and  arrived  in 


96          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

February,  1834. — On  a  Farm  in  Texas. 

By  the  first  of  the  month,  there  was  a  scarcity  of  corn.  People 
had  to  do  without  bread  and  save  the  corn  for  seed.  Father  had 
five  bushels  of  corn  ground  in  Harrisburg  before  he  moved,  and  the 
men  in  the  neighborhood  laughed  at  him  for  not  saving  seed  corn. 
He  gave  Mrs.  Roark  half  the  meal  in  exchange  for  sweet  potatoes 
and  pumpkins.  All  the  farms  on  Oyster  Creek  had  'been  overflowed 
in  June,  1833.  That  year  there  was  no  cotton  raised,  and  the 
schooner  didn't  come  to  Harrisburg  in  the  fall;  so  there  was  no 
flour,  coffee,  bacon,  nor  lard  in  the  country.  Mr.  Stafford  made- 
sugar.  His  sugar  cane  was  not  under  water.  The  sugar  was  a; 
black  as  tar.  It  had  to  be  carried  in  a  bucket.  Father  went  to 
Mr.  Stafford's  to  see  a  sick  negro,  and  mother  gave  him  a  bag  to 
get  sugar.  He  was  going  in  his  every-day  clothes,  but  mother  would 
have  him  put  on,  his  best  suit,  and  when  he  got  back  he  was  holding 
the  bag  at  arm's  length,  his  clothing  covered  with  molasses.  Mother 
hung  up  the  bag  with  a  bucket  underneath,  and  we  then  had  sugar 
and  molasses.  Mother  had  rice,  tea,  dried  apples  and  white  sugar, 
which  she  had  brought  from  New  Orleans,  and  which  she  was  keep- 
ing for  hard  times  and  sickness.  She  said  she  would  use  the  rice, 

Houston  from  New  Orleans  in  the  fall  of  1844.  He  then  settled  in  Colo- 
rado county,  and  married  Miss  Helen  McNeal.  In  Columbus,  Ja/nuary, 
1846,  he  helped  organize  a  company,  marched  to  the  Rio  Grande  to  join 
General  Taylor,  went  through  all  the  hardships  of  that  campaign,  and  was 
at  ,the  capture  of  ithe  city  of  Mexico.  He  visited  the  prison  of  Perote, 
where  he  had  been  confined  when  a  prisoner.  He  returned  home  in  the 
year  1848.  iHis  wife  died  soon  after  his  return,  and  early  in  1841)  he 
joined  a  colony  of  gold  seekers  bound  for  California,  He  died  there  in  the 
year  1851  or  1852,  leaving  one  son,  James  Roark,  now  living  near  Corpus 
Christi. 

The  good  old  mother  died  in  the  winter  of  1836,  during  Christmas. 
My  mother  omd  father  were  with  her  to  the  lost.  The  eldest  daughter  mar- 
ried 'Mr.  Cotie.  Andrew  died  near  Houston,  leaving  a  wife  a-nd  several  chil- 
dren. Mary,  the  youngest,  died  soon  after  the  mother.  She  was  born  four 
months  after  the  father  was  murdered  by  the  Indians.  The  twin  girls, 
Louise  and  Lucinda,  went  ito  San  Felipe  after  their  mother's  death,  to 
live  with  their  aunt,  .Mrs.  Kelly.  I  never  met  them  again,  and  I  suppose 
they  have  long  since  passed  away. 

"O,  where  are  the  friends  of  my  childhood, 
O,  where  are  the  friends  of  my  youth?" 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.         97 

as  bread  was  getting  scarce.  We  had  plenty  of  milk,  butter,  veni- 
son, and  small  game.  'When  one  man  butchered  a  beef,  he  divided 
with  his  neighbors. 

We  had  been  six  weeks  on  the  farm.  Mother,  sister  Ella,  and  I 
had  not  been  from  home,  and  mother  promised  us  we  should  soon 
go  and  visit  Mrs.  Boark's  children.  One  Sunday  she  said  brother 
G-ranville  should  take  us  -and  send'  Mrs.  Eoark  to  spend  the  'day  at 
our  house.  We  were  delighted  with  our  visit.  The  twin  girls  were 
nine  years  old  and  could  spin  and  weave.  The  young  men,  Leo  and 
Jackson,  were  not  at  home.  Mrs.  Eoark  came  back  in  the  evening 
and  sent  us  home.  To  my  great  delight,  I  found  a  little  sister  had 
arrived  while  we  were  gone.  The  thing  next  in  order  was  naming 
the  babe.  I  wanted  to  call  her  Louisiana.  Father  said  we  all  should 
vote  for  her  name.  Mother,  brother,  and'  sister  voted  Missouri,  and 
father  for  Texas.  The  majority  ruled,  and  she  was  named  Mis- 
souri. 

It  was  now  time  to  plant  corn,  and  there  was  no  seed  corn  nearer 
than  fifteen  miles.  Dr.  Johnson  Hunter  sent  father  word  that  if  he 
would  send  up  to  his  place  he  could  get  corn.  Uncle  James  and 
brother  went.  Dr.  Hunter  let  them  have  five  bushels.  He  told 
uncle  to  plant  half  the  corn;  he  said  there  might  be  cold  weather 
that  would  kill  tihe  first  planting. 

February,  1834. — Ben  Fort  Smith  and  his  Negroes. 

One  cold  diay  we  could  see  in  the  'direction  of  Galveston  Bay  a 
large  crowd  of  people.  'Tttiey  were  coming  to  our  house.  Mother 
said  they  were  Indians,  and  we  were  badly  frightened.  Brother  ran 
to  the  field  for  father  and  Uncle  James.  By  the  tione  they  got  to 
the  house,  the  travelers  were  near.  Mother  wanted  to  leave  the 
house  and  go  in  the  woods,  but  father  said  no.  He  said  that  prob- 
aibly  they  had  been  shipwrecked,  as  it  was  only  thirty  miles  to  the 
bay.  When  they  got  near  the  house,  there  were  three  white  men 
and  a  large  gang  of  negroes.  One  man  came  in  and  intfoduced 
himself  as  Ben  Fort  Smith.  He  said  he  lived  near  Miajor  Bing- 
ham's,  and  that  he  was  lost  and  nearly  starved.  He  asked  father 
to  let  him  have  two  beeves  and  some  bread.  Father  told  him  that 
he  did  not  own  the  cattle,  but  as  it  was  a  case  of  necessity,  he  would 


98          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

kill  two  beeves,  and  send  for  Mr.  Dyer,  the  agent.  Father  killed 
the  beeves  and  helped  to  skin  them.  One  man  made  a  fire  near 
some  trees,  away  from  the  house.  As  soon  as  the  'beeves  were 
skinned  the  negroes  acted  like  dogs,  they  were  so  hungry.  With 
the  (help  of  father  and  uncle,  the  white  men  kept  theim  off  till  the 
meat  was  broiled,  and  then  did  not  let  them  have  as  miuch  as  they 
could  eat.  Father  did  not  have  bread  for  them.  Mother  prepared 
dinner  for  the  white  men. 

After  dinner,  MT.  Smith  explained  to  father  how  he  came  to  be 
lost  on  the  prairie.  He  said  he  had  a  plantation  on  tihe  Brazos 
river  near  Major  Bingham's.  *  *  *  The  negroes  were  so  en- 
feebled from  close  confinement  that  they  could  not  travel.  He 
rested  one  day,  and  would  have  reached  home  the  next  night  if  he 
had  not  got  lost.  He  had  been  absent  some  time,  and  did  not  know 
the  Brazos  river  had  overflowed.  He  said  he  had  a  sister  and  her 
children  on  his  plantation.  Her  name  was  Terry.  He  asked  father 
if  he  knew  them,  but  farther  did  not.  He  knew  Major  Bingham; 
had  met  him  in  Harrisburg  the  fall  before.  He  did  not  suppose 
there  had  been  any  casualty,  or  he  would  have  heard,  as  Mr.  Bing- 
ham lived  twenty-five  miles  below. 

Mr.  Smith  asked  Uncle  James  to  guard  the  negroes  till  he  and 
•his  men  could  sleep.  The  men  slept,  but  he  could  not.  *  *  * 
Father  told  hiim  he  had  some  brandy  for  medical  use,  and  advised 
hiim  to  take  ©ome.  Aifter  drinking  a  glass,  he  went  to  sleep.  Uncle 
James  guarded  the  negroes.  They  did  not  need  watching,  for  after 
dark  they  went  to  sleep  and  did  not  wake  till  morning.  They  were 
so  destitute  of  clothing,  moflher  would  nk>t  permit  us  children  to 
near  tihem.  Next  day  they  cooked  their  meat  before  they 
eating. 

Next  morning,  Mr.  Smith  sent  for  Mr.  Dyer,  paid  for  the  cattle 
bought  more  beeves,  and  asked  father's  permission  to  stay  till 
could    send   to   his    plantation    for    assistance.     Harvey    Staff  or 
offered  to  go.     He  said  he  knew  Frank  Terry.1     After  three  or  four 
days,  he  and  Frank  returned.     Mr.  Smith's  bo%  servam.  Mack, 
caimie  witih  them  and  brouglht  a  wagon  and  team  and  clothing  for  the 

1Son  of  ithe  Mrs.  Terry  mentioned  above.  Tt  was  he  that  raised  the  Terry 
Rangers,  who  made  thcm-olvo*  90  famous  during  the  Civil  War. 


The  ^Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        99 

negroes.  Mack  made  them  go  to  the  creek,  bathe,  and!  card  their 
heads.  After  they  were  dressed,  he  marched  them  to  the  house  for 
mother  and  us  little  gink  to  see.  He  tried  to  teach  them  to  make 
a  bow.  They  laughed  and  chattered  like  monkeys.  They  did  not 
understand  a  word  of  English.  All  the  men  and  boys  in  the  neigh- 
borhood came  to  see  the  wild  Africans. 

Mr.  Smith  had  gone  to  Mr.  Stafford's.  He  came  back  the  next 
day  and  was  glad  to  meet  his  nephew  and  'servant.  They  had 
brought  him  a  horse  and  saddle.  He  had  a  large  scaffold  built 
over  a  trench  and1  made  a  fire  under  it.  He  butchered  the  beeves 
and  dried  the  meat  over  the  fire.  After  a  few  days  he  sent  Frank 
Terry  and  Mack  home  with  the  negroes. 

The  stock  of  cattle  on  the  place  was  for  sale.  'Mr.  Smith  and 
Mr.  Woodruff  'bought  them,  and  engaged  Uncle  James  Wells  to 
take  charge  of  them  until1  they  could  move  them.  Mr.  Woodruff 
was  a  Baptist  preacher.  Mother  asked  'him  to  preach  in  our  neigh- 
borhood, but  he  failed  to.  do  so.  He  lived  near  Columbia,  had  a 
large  family,  and  was  engaged  in  farming.  Messrs.  Smith  and 
Woodruff's  stay  with  us  was  very  pleasant.  The  friendship 
formed  at  that  time  between  Mr.  Smith  and  father  continued  as 
long  as  they  lived.  When  Mr.  Smith  bade  mother  goodbye,  he  told 
her  he  would  send  her  a  barrel  of  flour  as  soon  as  the  schooner  came 
to  Brazoria.  She  said  she  had  never  expected  to  see  a  barrel  of  flour 
again.  We  were  very  lonesome  after  our  company  left. 

As  there  was  no  school  in  the  neighborhood,  mother  made  us 

March,  1834. — Farming  on  the  Brazos. 

study  our  lessons  every  day.  At  noon.,  we  recited  to  Uncle  James 
or  father. 

The  spring  opened  fine,  no  cold  weather,  corn  up  and  growing. 
The  farmers  were  planting  cotton.  Father  had  two  bushels  of  corn 
left.  He  said  if  there  was  no  cold  weather  at  Easter  he  would  have 
it  ground.  We  had  been  without  bread  three  weeks.  Mother  made 
a  cheese  every  day.  Father  killed  a  deer  on  Saturday.  He  cut  up 
the  meat  and  dried  it  over  a  fire,  and  we  ate  it  for  bread. 

Mother  and  I  had  been  spinning.  Father  needed  plow  lines,  and 
there  was  not  any  rope  in  the  country.  The  men  made  their  ropes 
out  of  'hides  and  the  hair  from  the  manes  and  tails  of  horses.  The 


100        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

hair  rope  is  a  Mexican  product  called  a  cabris.  The  Mexicans  only 
used  two  sticks  of  wood  to  twist  the  hair.  Making  ropes  from  the 
hides  of  cattle  and  horses  was  a  tedious  process.  First  they  would 
stretch  a  large  hide  on  the  ground  and  cut  a  piece  in  the  center 
fhe  size  of  a  dollar.  Then  they  would  cut  round  andj  round  till 
they  had  four  long  strands.  They  scraped  off  the  hair,  and  soaked 
the  hide  in  ashes  and  water.  After  it  was  greased,  it  was  wound  in 
four  balls  and  hung  up  and  platted.  The  name  of  the  rope  made 
Ms  way  is  lariat,  a  Mexican  word.  I  spun  thread  and  mother  made 
the  plough-lines.  I  soon  learned'  to  plat  straw  and  ropes.  The 
women  made  hats  for  the  men  out  of  palmetto  and  straw.  They 
made  bonnets  out  of  a  plant  called  a  bonnet  squash. 

April,  1834. — Trouble  between  Mr.  A and  Mr.  M .* 

There  has  been  considterable  trouble  between;  two  of  our  neigh- 
bors. Mr. A accused  Mr.  MI of  marking  and  brand- 
ing his  (A *s)  yearlings.  Father  tried  to  settle  the  trouble,  but 

did  not  succeed.  Mr.  A went  to  Harrisburg  and  complained 

to  J.  W.  Moore,  the  Mexican  alcalde.  The  court  came  to  our  house 
and  sent  for  the  defendant.  They  did  not  try  the  case  that  evening, 

but  let  Mr.  M go  home  till  next  day  and  sent  for  all  the  men  in 

the  neighborhood!.  The  court  was  composed  of  Judge  David  Q. 
Burnet,  John  W.  Moore,  the  Mexican  alcalde,  and  others.  The 
lawyers  were  William  B.  Travis,  Patrick  Jack,  and  his  brother,  W. 
H.  Jack,  and  R.  M.  Williamson,  nick-named  Three-legged  Willie. 

That  evening  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Woodruff  came  with  men  to 
gather  the  cattle.  Mr.  Smith  brought  a  wagon,  provisions,  and  a 
negro  man  to  cook.  He  also  brought  mother  some  flour  and  coffee. 
He  said  he  expected1  to  meet  Mr.  Cartwright,  the  owner  of  the  land 
and:  cattle.  Father  told  'him  Mr.  Cartwright  had  arrived,  and  was 
at  Mr.  Stafford's;  also,  that  the  judge,  lawyers,  and  alcalde  were 

present,  and  that  they  would  hold  court  next  day  to  try  M for 

stealing.  Mr.  Smith  knew  the  men;  he  met  them  in  Brazoria. 
They  had!  gone  hunting.  Mr.  Smith  said  he  would,  butcher  two 
calves  and  have  a  barbecue.  Mother  said  she  would  be  very  much 
obliged  if  he  would,  as  all  the  men  in  the  neighborhood  would  be 
present. 

1These  initials  are  not  those  of  the  persons  concerned.— EDITOR  QUAR- 
TERLY. 


The  Heminiecences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        101 

The  'hunters  returned]  with  plenty  of  game.  Mr.  Smith  invited 
them  to  his  camp.  They  had  lariats  for  ropes,  and  drove  stakes  in 
the  ground  and  tied  their  horses  to  feed  on  the  grass.  Near  our 
house  there  was.  a  grove  of  trees.  There  were  four  large  trees  that 
almost  formed  a  square.  Near  the  trees  there  was  a  large  petrified 
log.  It  had  almost  turned  to  stone.  We  children  built  a  playhouse 
under  the  four  large  trees.  We  had  put  moss  on  the  petrified  log  for 
a  seat.  The  men  took  possession  of  our  playhouse,  spread  their 
blankets  on  the  ground  for  beds,  used  their  saddles  for  pillows1,  and 
sat  on  the  petrified  log.  Each  man  had  a  knife,  a  tin  cup,  a  gun, 
and  a  bottle  gourd. 

Mr.  W.  B.  Travis  took  supper  with  our  family.  He  and  several 
of  the  gentlemen,  from  Harris'burg  were  going  after  the  trial  to  San 
Felipe,  and  father  decided  to  go  with  them.  Mr.  Travis  said  he 
would  assist  father  to  locate  land.  The  land  office  was  at  that  place, 
San  Felipe  de  Austin,  where  all  public  business  was  transacted.  It 
was  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Brazos  river,  about  thirty 
miles  above  where  we  lived. 

Aipril,  1834. — Court  under  the  Live  Oak  Trees. 

The  next  day  the  men  began  to  arrive  early.  Several  ladies  came 

with  their  husbands  to  visit  mother.  Mr.  M ,  the  accused,  was 

the  first  man  on  the  ground,  and  by  one  o'clock  there  were  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  people  present.  Mr.  Moses  Shipman  came  early.  He 
lived  five  miles  'below  our  house.  He  had  four  grown  sons,  who 
came  with  their  father.  Mr.  Shipman  was  horrified  that  one  of  the 

neighbors  'should  be  accused  of  stealing.  He  said  that  if  M was 

found  guilty  he  would  be  sent  to  Anahuac  or  Sam  Antonio,  -and 
probably  to  Mexico  to  work  in  the  silver  mines.  He  said  he  would 

much  rather  have  paid  Mr.  A for  the  yearling  than  to  have  a 

family  left  destitute  in  the  neighborhood. 

Mr.  Smith  prepared  dinner  for  the  crowd.  The  trial  began  at 

eleven  o'clock,  and  the  defendant  plead  not  guilty.  A proved 

that  a  yearling  with  M 's  mark  and  brand  was  sucking  his 

( A '®)  cow.  W.  B.  Travis  was  attorney  for  M ,  and  Patrick 

Jack  for  A .  After  argument  on  both  sides',  the  jury  pronounced 

the  defendant  guilty.  W.  B.  Travis  gave  notice  of  an  appeal.  Judge 
Burnet  granted  the  accused  a  second  hearing.  Mr.  Ben  Fort  Smith 


102        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

proposed  to  the  court  to  adjourn  till  everybody  present  should  have 

dinner.     He  got  A to  one  side,  bought  the  cow  and  yearling, 

sent  A home,  and  when,  the  case  was  called  again  there  was  no 

evidence  against  M .     Mr.  Smith  claimed  the  cow  and  yearling. 

He  said  the  branding  had  been  done  through  a  mistake  and  the 
defendant  was  discharged!.  Judge  Burnet  admonished  him  to  be 
more  careful  in  the  future.  Mr.  Smith  and  father  had  a  good 
laugh  after  the  trial.  Father  said  it  was  the  most  perfect  farce  he 
had  ever  seen.  All  the  men.  in  the  neighborhood  -were  rejoiced  at 
the  way  it  terminated. 

This  was  the  first  act  in  the  A and  M tragedy. 

Two  of  the  young  men  proposed  to  mother  to  have  a  dance.  They 
said  they  would  go  and  fetch  some  young  ladies.  Mother  objected. 
She  said  that  if  there  was  a  preacher  she  would  ask  him  to  preach. 
She  said  she  had  been  in  Texas  nearly  a  year  and  had  not  heard  a 
sermon.  One  young  man  said  he  never  had  heard  a  sermon. 
Mother  asked  Mr.  Woodruff  to  preach.  He  agreed,  but  did  not 
have  a  bible.  Mother's  bible  was  lost  when  we  were  shipwrecked 
the  year  before.  No  one  offered  to  go  for  a  bible.  'Mr.  Travis  said 
he  would  send  mother  one  if.  he  could  find  it  in  San  Felipe.  Mr. 
Woodruff  prayed  and  exhorted  the  people  to  lead  pure  lives.  Mrs. 
Stafford  and  mother  sang  the  hymn  "On  Jordan's  stormy  banks  I 
stand  and  cast  a  wishful  eye."  The  preacher  sang,  "Come,  thou 
fount  of  every  blessing." 

Mr.  M was  not  present  at  the  religious  exercise  in  the  even- 
ing. The  neighbors  went  home.  Next  morning  father,  Mr.  Travis 
and  R.  M.  Williamson  started  for  San  Felipe.  The  alcalde  and  law- 
yers returned  to  Harrisburg,  and  David  G.  Burnet  went  to  Brazoria. 

April,  1834.— Going  to  a  Ball 

Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Woodruff  gathered  half  the  cattle  and  were  to 
return  in  May  for  the  balance.  Before  the  gentlemen  left,  they 
thanked  sister  and  me  for  the  use  of  our  playhouse.  Mr.  Travis 
said  he  would  send  us  some  side  combs.  Smith  said  he  would  give 
sister  one  of  his  nephews,  named  Dave  Terry.  She  said  she  did 
not  want  him  if  he  was  as  ugly  as  Frank.  Mr.  Smith  laughed  at 
her  and  said  if  she  would  not  have  Dave,  he  would  give  her  a  cow 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       103 

and  a  calf.  I  was  very  much  mortified  at  what  she  said.  I  was 
nine  years  old,  and  she  seven. 

We  were  very  lonesome  after  the  men  had  gone.  Sister  and  I 
cleared  up  our  playhouse.  The  prairie  was  covered  with  flowers. 
Wild  horses  and  deer  would  feed  near  the  house,  'and  if  the  horses 
became  frightened,  they  formed  in  a  half  circle,  then  in  a  straight 
line,  then  one  horse  would  gallop  up  and-  down  the  line,  then  they 
would  form  three  or  four  together.  After  the  maneuver,  sometimes 
they  would  turn  and  run  off. 

One  evening  Mrs.  Dyer  sent  her  brother,  Harvey  Stafford,  to 
invite  mother  to  attend  a  dancing  party  at  her  house.  We  children 
were  delighted.  Mother  had  not  been  from  home  since  we  had  been 
on  the  farm.  Mr.  Stafford  went  to  the  field  for  Uncle  James  and 
brother.  We  got  there  before  dark.  It  was  only  two  miles  in  thej 
bottom.  The  house  was  a  double  log  cabim  with  a  passage  between 
tihe  rooms.  The  people  soon  'began  to  arrive,  among  them  several 

young  ladies.     Mr.  A came  with  his  family.     Mr.  M and 

family  did  not  attend.  He  appeared  to  have  a  spite  against  every 
man  in  the  neighborhood.  Before  dark  a  servant  came  in  with  a 
bunch  of  cane,  each  piece  about  twelve  inches  in  length.  He  laid 
the  pieces  of  cane  on  a  chair,  got  a  knife,  split  them,  took  out  tallow 
candles,  and  lighted  up  the  house.  Mother  had  candle  moulds.  She 
asked  Mrs.  Dyer  why  she  did  not  send  and  get  them.  Mrs.  Dyer 
said  sihe  had  never  used  candle  moulds.  She  and  her  mother,  Mrs. 
Stafford,  used  cane,  or  dipped  candles. 

As  soon  as  the  house  was  lighted,  a  negro  man  came  in  with  a 
fiddle  and  'commenced  playing.  The  young  people  began  dancing, 
and  one  of  the  boys  asked  me  to  dance:  I  never  had  danced;  had 
been  at  a  ball  in  Harrisburg,  -but  did  not  dance,  and  had  not  seen 
any  dancing  but  one  time  before  we  came  to  Texas.  Then  I  thought 
it  was  horrible.  It  was  New  Year's  night,  1830.  We  were  living 
in  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  Some  masked  negroes  came  to  father's 
house  and  danced  the  old  year  out  and  the  new  year  in.  I  looked  on 
and  watched  the  different  figures  till  I  thought  I  could  dance.  Mr. 
Harvey  Stafford  asked  me  to  be  his  partner  in  an  old  Virginia  reel. 
I  went  on  the  floor  and  danced  till  morning.  Mrs.  Dyer  told 
mother  that  dancing  was  the  only  amusement  the  young  folks  had 
in  Texas.  We  went  home  next  morning  delighted  with  the  ball. 


104        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Father  returned  from  San  Felipe.  He  had  found  ihe  knd  office 
closed  and  could  not  transact  any  business.  He  met  several  friends 
from  Missouri,  among  them  James  Kerr,  a  cousin  of  mother's. 
He  said  there  was  much  excitement  among  the  people  in  San  Felipe. 
Stephen  F.  Austin  had  been  a  prisoner  in  Mexico  since  December 
10,  1833.  Father  said  there  would  be  trouble  with  Mexico,  as  she 
had  ordered  the  arrest  of  several  of  the  most  prominent  men  in 
Texas.  He  didn't  have  much  confidence  in  Spanish  justice  or  Mex- 
ican laws.  He  had  been  in  the  War  of  1812  between  England  and 
the  United  States,  and  had  seen  Washington  city  after  it  was  burned 
by  the  English.  He  was  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  -when  the  theatre 
burned.  He  didn't  attend  it  that  night,  but  saw  the  horrors  of  that 
calamity.  He  resigned  his  position  as  surgeon  in  the  army  and 
went  to  Cuba  for  his  health.  He  was  arrested,  put  in  prison,  and 
remained  there  three  years,  not  being  released  till  peace  was  pro- 
claimed between  England  and  the  United  States.  Mexico  belonged 
at  that  time  to  Spain. 

Mr.  Travis  sent  sister  and  me  a  Sunday  school  book.  There  had 
been  a  Sunday  school  in  San  Felipe,  but  it  was  closed  by  the  Cath- 
olic priest,  Father  Muldoon.  R.  M.  Williamson  sent  us  eide-oombs 
to  pay  us  for  the  use  of  our  playhouse.  Mr.  Travis  sent  mother 
word  that  there  was  not  a  bible  for  sale  in  San  Felipe. 


May,  1834.— Death  of  a  little  Boy. 
There  was  a  sad  accident  near  our  house.     Mr.  M- 


was  out 

with  his  children  gathering  moss,  when  his  little  boy  fell  out  of  the 
cart.  One  wheel  passed  over  the  child's  chest.  When  his  father 
went  to  him  he  was  breathing.  The  accident  happened  near  Mr. 

A 's  fence.     Mr.  A came  for  father  and  mother,  and  Mrs. 

A—  -  helped  Mr.  M—  -  home  with  his  children.  When  fatiher 
and  mother  got  there  the  child  was  dead. 

There  was  no  lumber  to  make  a  coffin  nearer  than  Harrisburg. 

Mother  had  a  large  dry  goods  box,  and  Mr.  A used  it  to  make  a 

coffin.     Mrs.  M didn't  have  anything  nice  to  bury  the  child  in. 

Mother  had  some  nice  clothing.  She  had  lost  two  children  in  St. 
Louis  in  the  year  1831.  One  was  a  babe,  the  other  a  boy  four  years 
old.  She  used  my  little  brother's  clothes  to  lay  out  the  corpse. 


The  ^Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        105 

The  next  day  we  all  went  to  the  funeral.  Mrs.  M and  children 

rode  in  a  cart  with  the  corpse.  Mother  and  Mrs.  Dyer  and  their 
children  rode  in  Mr.  Dyer's  cart.  The  men  -went  on  horseback. 

They  buried  the  child  near  Mrs.  Eoark's.  Father,  Messrs.  A , 

Dyer,  Oottle  and  Sam  Bundick  filled  up  the  grave.  There  was  no 
singing  nor  praying  over  the  dead. 

It  was  late  in  the  evening  when  we  got  home.  Mrs.  Eoark  had 
prepared  dinner  for  us  before  we  left  her  house.  She  had  a  good 

dinner,  but  no  bread  nor  coffee.  Mr.  M and  family  would  not 

take  dinner  with  her.  Mr.  M seemed  to  be  indignant.  Mother 

asked  Mrs.  M to  stay  all  night  with  her,  as  it  was  dark  and  the 

road  was  very  bad  and  there  was  a  creek  to  cross,  but  Mrs.  M 

declined.  A —  -  and  M had  to  travel  the  same  road,  'as  they 

lived  near  each  other.  Mr.  A stopped  at  our  house.  He  told 

father  he  believed  it  was  M 's  intention  to  murder  him.  He  said 

when  the  accident  happened  he  was  ploughing  near  the  fence.  He 
heard  the  children  screaming,  'but  couldn't  see  them,  the  timber  was 
so  thick.  When  he  got  to  the  road  the  oxen  were  walking  and  feed- 
ing on  the  grass.  He  stopped  them.  The  children  said  their 
brother  had  fallen  out,  and  he  went  back  to  the  child  just  as  the 

father  did.  M said  he  was  gathering  moss,  had  seen  a  deer, 

and  was  trying  to  shoot  it.  He  asked  him  to  go  for  the  doctor,  but 
had  not  spoken  a  word  to  him  while  he  was  making  the  coffin  and 

burying  the  child.  Father  told  him  he  didn't  think  M was  a 

man  that  would  commit  murder.  A didn't  appear  to  be  satis- 
fied. He  went  home  by  Mr.  Dyer's  and  did  not  pass  the  road  near 

M 's  any  more,  though  the  distance  was  three  miles  by  Mr. 

Dyer's. 

This  ended  the  second  act  in  the  A M tragedy. 

May,  1834. — Ben  Fort  Smith's  African  Negro. 

We  had  quite  an  excitement  and  considerable  fright  in  this  month. 
Father  and  brother  were  in  Harrisburg,  having  work  done  by  the 
blacksmith.  There  came  a  man  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Smith  noti- 
fying father  and  the  men  in  our  neighborhood  that  one  of  his  Afri- 
cans had  run  away.  They  had  followed  the  negro  to  Mr.  Shipman's 
and  there  had  lost  his  track.  He  had  a  large  knife  he  had  stolen, 
also  a  flint  and  steel  for  striking  fire.  Uncle  James  Wells  was  at 
home  at  the  time,  but  the  next  day  Mr.  Stafford  sent  for  him  to 


106         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

help  raise  the  cotton  gin.  Mother  requested  him  to  come  home 
before  night,  as  she  was  afraid  of  the  runaway  negro,  as  he  would 
probably  come  to  our  house  to  get  something  to  eat.  Unole  said  if 
we  fastened  the  door  no  one  could  get  in.  The  house  was  two 
stories  high,  and  was  built  of  hewed  logs.  It  had  a  brick  chimney 
and  two  doors  and  £hree  windows  all  fastened  inside  with  heavy 
wooden  shutters.  The  doors  were  made  of  heavy  timber  put  together 
with  wooden  pins  and  with  wooden  bars  across.  No  iron  was  used 
except  in  the  fireplace  and  in  nailing  down  the  floor. 

When  Uncle  James  left  he  said  if  he  didn't  get  home  mother  need 
not  be  uneasy,  for  the  negro  would  be  afraid  to  come  near  the  house. 
We  did  not  worry  much  about  the  negro  till  late  in  the  evening. 
Mother  said  if  she  could  fasten  the  doors  outside  she  would  go  and 
stay  all  night  with  Mrs.  Dyer.  Mr.  Dyer  had  moved  out  of  the  bot- 
tom and  built  a  new  house  one  mile  from  ours. 

Mother  milked  the  cows  before  night,  fetched  in  water  and  the 
axe,  barricaded  the  doors  and  windows,  and  prepared  to  go  to  the 
upper  rooms.  There  were  no  stairs,  and  we  had  to  use  a  ladder. 
She  took  the  gun,  axe,  and  water  up,  put  out  the  fire,  carried  the 
babe  up  and  then  sister,  and  by  this  time  it  was  dark.  I  carried 
up  candles  to  last  all  night.  Sister  and  babe  were  both  screaming, 
but  stopped  crying  when  mother  brought  up  a  light.  She  drew  up 
the  ladder  and  placed  it  over  the  opening.  The  babe  and  sister  went 
to  sleep.  Mother  said  for  me  to  go  to  bed.  I  was  not  sleepy,  but 
went.  She  sat  up  knitting.  I  could  not  sleep,  for  I  thought  it 
was  neglecting  mother  for  me  to  go  to  bed.  Father  said  I  was  my 
mother's  right  hand.  He  would  tell  me  when  he  was  leaving  home 
to  take  good  care  of  mother  and  the  children. 

We  had  not  been  still  more  than  'an  hour  when  the  dogs  began 
barking.  Mother  set  the  light  in  a  box  and  hung  blankets  around 
it  to  darken  the  room.  We  knew  by  the  fuss  the  dogs  were  making 
somebody  was  in  the  yard.  I  was  very  much  frightened  till  mother 
told  me  '&he  thought  it  was  impossible  for  anybody  to  get  in,  and  that 
if  anyone  did,  she  would  shoot  when  she  could  see,  if  he  attempted 
to  come  up. 

We  did  not  have  long  to  wait,  but  soon  knew  it  was  the  runaway 
negro.  He  fought  the  dogs  and  ran  them  under  the  house.  He 
talked  and  yelled,  but  we  could  not  understand  his  gibberish.  The 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        107 

dogs  attacked  him  several  times,  but  he  would  whip  them,  and  they 
would  run  under  the  house,  bark,  howl,  and  whine.  Both  the  chil- 
dren woke  up  -and  added  their  cries  to  the  horrid  din.  The  negro 
tried  to  open  the  doors  aoid  windows.  He  tried  to  break  them  down 
with  a  fence  rail.  Mother  would  have  shot  if  she  could  have  got 
sight  of  him.  He  stayed  in<  the  yard  nearly  all  night,  and  then 
robbed  the  chicken  house.  We  could  hear  the  chickens  when  he 
carried  them  away.  Mother  hissed  on  the  'dogs,  and  they  followed 
him  some  distance.  She  waited  till  they  came  back,  then  moved 
us  down  to  the  room  below.  She  did  not  open  the  doors;  she  said 
she  would  sleep,  and  if  the  negro  returned  would  shoot  at  'him. 

She  had  slept  only  .a  few  minutes  when  there  was  -another  com- 
motion among  the  dogs.  It  was  daylight.  We  could  see  through 
an  opening  between  the  logs  two  men  with  a  cart  and  oxen,  and 
mother  opened  the  door.  The  travelers  were  Germans,  Mr.  Haber- 
macher  and  son,  Stephen,  from  Harrisburg,  going  to  Mr.  Stafford's 
to  work  on  the  cotton  gin.  It  was  a  great  relief  to  see  them.  They 
had  met  father,  and  he  said  he  would  be  home  the  next  day.  The 
old  gentleman  could  not  speak  English,  but  the  son  could.  They 
had  camped  near  our  house  and  had  heard  the  dogs  and  thought 
they  were  after  game.  They  said  the  negro  must  have  heard  them 
as  they  were  singing.  The  Germans  stayed  with  us  till  Uncle  James 
came  home.  They  expected  to  have  gotten  to  our  house  by  eight 
o'clock,  but  could  not  see  the  house. 

Father  came  home.  He  bad  bad  news.  Mexico  had  sent  more 
troops  to  Anahuac  and  a  man-of-war  to  blockade  the  port  at  Gal- 
veston  Island. 

'The  runaway  negro  stayed  in  the  neighborhood  several  months. 
The  men  tried  to  capture  him,  but  did  not  succeed.  A  Mr.  Battle 
made  friends  with  the  negro  and  fed  him  and  tried  to  get  him  in 
the  house,  but  he  was  too  smart.  Mr.  Battle  caught  him  and  tried 
to  tie  him,  but  the  negro  cut  Mr.  Battle  severely.  He  then  left 
our  neighborhood,  crossed  the  Brazos-  and'  Colorado  rivers,  and  made 
his  way  to  ithe  Navidad  bottom.  He  was  often  seen  by  travelers, 
and  was  called  the  Wild  Man  of  the  Navidad.  It  was  said  there 
was  a  negro  woman  with  him,  but  some  said  it  was  an  Indian  squaw. 
Others  said  a  schooner  loaded  with  Africans  had  been  lost  on  the 


108         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

western  coast  and  several  negroes  bad  made  their  escape.  I  never 
heard  anything  more  about  the  African.1  Father  said  he  would  have 
thought  mother  was  only  scared  if  the  negro's  footprints  had  not 
been  seen  in  the  yard,  and  the  rail  he  used  in  trying  to  force  an 
entrance.  We  children  did  not  get  over  the  fright  for  many  days. 

May,  1834. — School  near  Oyster  Creek. 

Father,  while  in  Harrisburg,  engaged  a  school  teacher,  a  Mr. 
DaVid  Henson.  He  had  just  arrived.  A  schooner  from  New 
Orleans  with  emigrants  for  Austin's  colony  had  run  the  blockade 
at  Galveston  Island  and  landed  at  Harrisburg.  I  remember  the 
names  of  some  of  them :  Clinton  Harris,  son  of  John  R.  Harris, 
deceased ;  Mr.  Mann,  wife  and  two  step-sons ;  Flournoy  Hunt ;  Sam 
Allen ;  Mr.  Pruitt  and  two  daughters ;  and  Mr.  Kokernot  and  wife, 
young  married  people,  were  among  them.  Mr.  Kokernot  was  Ger- 
man, this  wife  French. 

Mr.  Doby  brought  dry  goods  and  groceries.  One  of  the  liams 
boys  came  home  with  father  and  brother.  He  stayed  a  few  days. 
Brother  Granville  went  back  with  him  and  brought  out  the  school 
teacher.  He  was  an  Irishman,  old,  ugly,  and  red4ieaded. 

The  next  thing  was  a  schoolhouse.  There  was  a  log  house  half- 
Way  between  the  place  where  we  lived  and  Mr.  Dyer's.  It  had  been 
used  for  a  blacksmith  shop.  The  floor  was  made  of  heavy  hewed 
logs,  called  puncheons,  and  there  were  no  windows  nor  any  shutter 
to  the  door.  Father  and  Mr.  Henson  canvassed  the  neighborhood 
to  make  up  the  school.  Mr.  Dyer's  three  children,  William,  Foster, 

and  Harvey,  and  Mr.  A 's  three  went.  Mr.  >M —  -  would  not 

subscribe.  We  three  children,  with  four  young  men,  Leo  Roark  and 
his  brother  Jackson,  Mr.  Calder  and  Harvey  Stafford  made  up  the 
school.  Mrs.  Roark  did  not  send  her  daughters.  She  said  she 
would  send  them  in  the  fall,  as  the  boys  would  then  have  to  gather 
tihe  crops.  Brother  and  I  were  the  only  children  that  could  read 
and  write.  The  young  men  and  brother  could  cipher. 

i After  General  Santa  Anna  invaded  Texas  in  1836,  if  the  Wild  Man  of  the 
Navidad  was  Ben  Fort  Smith's  negro,  he  probably  left  Texas  with  General 
Filisola's  army  on  the  retreat. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       109 

June,  1834. 

School  commenced  the  first  of  June.  We  had  a  good  teacher,  but 
he  was  out  of  his  proper  place  in  Texas.  There  were  but  few  school- 
books  among  the  people.  The  teacher  made  the  multiplication 
table  upon  pasteboard.  'Mother  gave  her  bandbox  for  the  purpose. 
Father  had  a  fine  assortment  of  books,  but  few  school  books. 

The  crops  were  very  promising.  There  were  plenty  of  roasting 
ears  for  cooking.  We  had  been  three  months  without  bread.  By 
the  last  of  June  the  corn  was  too  hard  to  cook.  Uncle  James  said 
that  if  he  had  a  piece  of  tin  he  could  make  a  grater.  Mother  gave 
him  a  tin  bucket.  He  unsoldered  it,  drove  holes  in  it  with  a  nail, 
fastened  it  on  a  board,  and  grated  meal  for  supper.  Mother  gave 
part  of  the  bucket  to  Mrs.  Dyer.  None  of  our  neighbors  had  tin- 
ware; they  used  wooden  vessels.  Mrs.  Koark  had  a  Mexican  utensil 
for  grinding  corn,  called  a  metate.  It  was  a  large  rock  which  had 
a  place  scooped  out  of  the  center  that  would  hold  a  peck  of  corn. 
It  had  a  stone  roller.  It  was  hard  work  to  grind  corn  on  it,  but 
the  meal  made  good  bread.  Some  of  our  neighbors  had  small  mills 
called  steel  mills.  Mr.  Bell  had  a  mortar  scooped  out  of  wood, 
with  a  hanging  pestle  and  sweep  which  had  to  be  pulled  down.  The 
weight  of  the  sweep  would  lift  the  pestle.  It  was  fun  for  the  chil- 
dren to  pull  the  sweep  down  and  see  it  go  up.  When  the  neighbors 
would  meet,  the  first  word  would  be,  "Is  your  corn  getting  hard? 
Have  you  had  any  bread  ?  Send  to  my  house  and  get  meal  or  corn." 

We  were  in  high  spirits.  Our  school  was  doing  well.  ETerybody 
had  plenty  of  bread  'and  potatoes  and  other  vegetables.  Mr.  G-al- 
latin,  from  Harrisburg,  came  to'  stay  with  us.  He  was  sick  and 
came  for  medical  advice.  Father  knew  him  in  Missouri.  He 
brought  us  children  some  pretty  sea  shells.  He  rode  a  gentle  pony, 
and  he  said  sister  and  I  could  ride  the  pony  to  school. 

The  men  in  the  neighborhood  were  preparing  to  celebrate  the 
Fourth  of  July.  They  were  to  have  a  barbecue  and  ball.  The 
ladies  were  to  have  a  quilting  and  the  young  people  anticipated  a 
fine  time,  as  invitations  had  been  sent  to  other  settlements. 

Toward  the  last  of  June  our  neighborhood  was  in  a  state  of  excite- 
ment. A  large  company  of  Mexicans  arrived  with  a  drove  of  horses 
for  sale.  'The  Mexicans  pretended  they  did  not  understand  English. 


110         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

All  the  men  were  confident  that  they  were  spies.  Mr.  Leo  Roark 
could  speak  some  Spanish,  and  he  acted  as  interpreter.  The  men 
kept  on  with  their  preparations  for  the  Fourth  of  July,  but  they 
were  very  cautious  in  their  conversation,  as  they  were  confident  the 
Mexicans  understood  every  word  that  was  said.  The  Mexicans  were 
very  friendly  and  kind,  and  there  were  two  or  three  of  them  that 
seemed  to  be  perfect  gentlemen.  They  visited  the  people  and  made 
very  liberal  offers  in  trying  to  sell  horses.  They  would  sell  on  time 
and  return  in  the  fall  for  the  money.  Leo  Roark  went  with  them 
to  interpret.  They  paid  him  well  for  his  time  and  wanted  him  to 
travel  -with  them,  but  his  mother  would  not  give  her  consent. 

July,  1834. 

The  Fourth  of  July  was  a  fine  day.  The  barbecue  was  near  Mr. 
Dyer's  house,  and.  the  quilting  and  ball  were  at  the  house.  The 
ladies  spent  the  d'ay  in  conversation  and  work,  the  young  people 
dancing  in  the  yard,  the  children  playing  under  the  trees,  and  the 
men  talking  politics.  There  was  no  political  speaking,  as  the  Mexi- 
cans were  present.  'The  politicians  and  lawyers  from  San  Felipe 
and  Harrisburg  were  there,  but  had  little  to  eay.  The  people  were 
very  anxious  about  Stephen  F.  Austin,  as  he  was  in  Mexico,  a  pris- 
oner. Three  of  the  Mexicans  ate  dinner  'and  were  very  sociable. 
One  of  them  danced  a  Virginia  reel,  but  the  others  could  not  dance 
anything  but  waltzes,  and  our  yotfng  ladies  did  not  waltz. 

Well,  it  was  a  grand  affair  for  the  times.  The  young  people 
thought  it  magnificent.  The  music  was  two  fiddles,  played  turn 
about  by  three  negro  men.  One  negro  man  got  an  iron  pin  and 
clevis,  used  at  the  end  of  a  cart  tongue  or  plough  beam,  and  beat 
time  with  the  fiddles.  Another  man  beat  a  tin  pan.  Well,  the 
young  people  danced  to  that  music  from  three  o'clock  in  the  evening 
till  next  morning. 

Mother  went  home  with  her  family  before  day.  Everybody  elee 
stayed  all  night.  We  ate  barbecued  meat,  all  sorts  of  vegetables, 
coffee,  fowls,  potatoes,  honey,  and  corn  bread,  but  no  cakes,  as  there 
was  no  flour  in  the  country.  The  whiskey  gave  out  early  in  the 
evening,  and  there  was  no  fuss  or  quarreling.  Fjverybody  went 
home  in  a  good  humor,  none  more  so  than  the  negro  musicians,  ae 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       Ill 

they  were  paid  for  playing  the  fiddles  and  beating  the  clevis,  and 
tin  pan. 

This  was  the  second'  time  we  attended  a  Fourth  of  July  celebra- 
tion in  Texas.  'The  first  time  was  in  Harrisburg.  I  remembered 
the  Fourth  of  July  celebrations  in  St.  Louis.  I  had  seen  the  militia 
parade,  drums  beating,  flags  flying,  .cannon  firing,  but  the  glory  wias 
not  to  be  compared  -with  that  of  the  Fourth  of  July  in  the  year  1834, 
near  Stafford's  Point  on  the  Brazos,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Har- 
risburg. 

The  Mexicans  left  shortly  after  the  Fourth.  They  separated  into 
three  divisions,  one  party  going  to  Brazori'a,  the  others  to  Anahuac 
and  Nacogdoches.  The  Mexicans  behaved  well  while  they  were 
among  us.  They  spent  money  freely,  and  paid  for  all  they  needed, 
but  the  people  were  glad  when  they  were  gone.  They  'did  not  sell 
many  horses  in  the  neighborhood. 

Mr.  Grallatin  swapped  his  gentle  pony  for  a  wild  horse.  Father 
tried  to  -persuade  the  old  -man  not  to  swap,  but  he  would  not  be 
advised.  He  had  the  wild  horse  tied  to  a  tree  till  the  Mexicans  were 
gone.  One  of  the  Mexicans  put  a  big  saddle  on  the  pony,  with  a 
girth  and  bridle  made  of  hair,  lariat,  blanket,  bottle  gourd,  and 
other  things  too  numerous  to  mention,  then  got  on  and  stuck  his 
big  spurs  in  the  pon/e  side,  struck  it  with  a  quirt,  and  started. 
Sister  and  I  cried  all  day  about  the  pony.  Mother  was  provoked. 
She  said  she  would  have  bought  the  pony  if  Mr.  Gallatin  would  have 
sold  it.  The  next  night  the  wild  horse  broke  the  lariat  and  ran  off. 
We  children  were  glad  it  was  gone.  Uncle  James  and  three  of  the 
young  men  tried  to  find  it,  but  could  not. 

August,  1834. — One  of  the  Neighbors  leaving  Texas. 

Mr.  Stafford  left  Texas  in  June,  and  his  wife  was  to  leave  in  a 
few  days.  They  had  some  property  in  the  United  States  that 
required  their  attention.  Mrs.  Stafford  came  to  see  mother.  She 
said  she  would" not  return  to  Texas,  as  she  did  not  intend  to  bring 
any  more  slaves  to  Mexico.  She  was  Mr.  Stafford's  second  wife, 
and  had  two  small  children.  They  were  to  travel  over  land,  as  she 
was  going  to  take  a  negro  man  and  woman  with  her.  She  could 
'have  gone  on  the  schooner  from  Anahuac,  but  would  have  been 


112         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

arrested  in  New  Orleans  for  bringing  slaves  into  the  United  States. 
She  had  friends  in  San  Augustine  near  the  boundary  line  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States,  and  they  were  to  help  her.  Father 
advised  her  to  leave  the  negroes.  He  said  she  might  have  trouble, 
as  the  United  States  government  had  Monroe  Edwards  under  arrest 
for  running  negroes  into  the  States  of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi. 
She  said  the  man  was  anxious  to  go,  that  he  had  parents  living  in 
Louisiana,  near  where  she  was  going.  She  had  a  good  hack  and 
two  mules  to  travel  with.  All  the  neighbors  gave  'her  letters  to  mail 
to  friends  in  the  United  States.  Adam  Stafford  -was  to  go  with  her 
to  Lynchburg  on  the  San  Jacinto  river.  He  had  cotton  on  the 
schooner  at  Harrisburg,  but  could  not  send  it  out  till  he  got  a  per- 
mit from  the  custom-house  officer  at  Anahuac.  Mexico  had  a 
revenue  cutter  at  Galveston  Island.  All  the  neighbors  were  sorry 
to  see  Mrs.  Stafford  go. 

September,  1834. 

Our  school  closed  the  last  day  of  August.  The  young  men  and 
boys  had  to  gather  the  crops.  Cotton  picking  was  the  order  of  the 
day.  Everybody  was  at  work,  and  the  only  discontented  person 
among  us  was  Mr.  Gallatin.  He  could  not  get  over  the  loss  of  his 
horse.  Our  school  teacher,  Mr.  Henson,  left  the  first  of  September. 
He  said  he  would  return  during  the  winter. 

Mr.  Adam  Stafford  returned  from  Anahuac.  He  went  with  his 
step-mother  to  the  Neches.  He  said  she  was  getting  along  very 
well.  Mother  was  glad  to  hear  from  Mrs.  Stafford,  for  she  had  been 
very  kind  to  our  family.  All  the  neighbors  missed  her.  Mrs.  Dyer 
and  Mrs.  Neal,  lier  step-daughters,  felt  her  loss-  very  much. 

Father  went  to  Harrisburg.  He  had  a  bale  of  cotton  and  three 
or  four  'hundredweight  of  (hides.  He  made  a  large  sleigh  like  those 
used  in  Missouri  for  driving  on  the  snow.  He  had  a  gentle  yoke 
of  oxen.  He  loaded  the  sleigh  with  cotton  and  hides.  Mr.  G-al- 
latin  got  ready  to  leave.  He  was  well,  but-  grieving  about  his  horse. 
Uncle  James  and  Leo  Roark  had  spent  ten  days  looking  for  the 
horse,  but  could  not  find  him.  They  said  he  must  have  gotten  with 
the  mustangs. 

Mother  made  a  list  of  things  she  needed.  Father  asked  us  chil- 
dren what  he  should  bring  us  from  Harrisburg,  and  we  gare  him 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        113 

a  list.  He  said  it  would  take  a  large  wagon  to  haul  all  we  wished. 
He  took  our  measure  for  shoes.  Sister  told  him  to  get  two  pairs 
of  shoes  for  each  of  us,  two  pairs  of  red  shoes  and  two  pairs  for 
every  day  wear.  He  did  not  promise.  He  loaded  the  sleigh  with 
one  bale  of  cotton  and  the  hides.  Mr.  G-allatin  sat  on  the  cotton. 
Both  had  guns,  and  they  went  prepared  to  camp.  After  an  absence 
of  several  days,  he  returned  with  the  red  shoes  and  other  necessaries 
we  had  been  without  for  months,  and  also  some  old  newspapers  a 
gentleman  gave  him.  The  papers  were  published  in  New  Orleans. 
He  brought  Brother  Granville  boots  and  a  fine  hat,  and  got  clothes 
for  the  boys  that  were  picking  cotton.  Father  .sold  his  cotton  for 
a  good  price.  After  supper  he  took  down  his  shot  pouch  and  handed 
the  babe  a  pair  of  blue  slippers.  He  did  not  get  flour.  There  was 
not  .a  barrel  of  flour  in  Harrisburg,  but  there  was  a  schooner 
detained  at  Anahuac,  loaded  with  flour,  salt,  sugar,  and  other 
groceries. 

Father  got  home  late  Saturday  evening.  We  children  were  up 
early  next  morning.  We  were  so  happy  over  our  new  shoes  we 
could  not  sleep.  Uncle  James  and  the  boys  laughed  at  us.  Father 
said  he  had  no  idea  how  new  -shoes  would  run  us  crazy.  Mother 
said  she  was  not  surprised,  it  had  been  such  a  long  time  since  we 
had  had  any  mew  clothing.  When  we  came  up  to  Harrisburg  in 
the  year  1833,  sister  and  myself  were  the  only  little  girls  that  had 
nice  shoes.  "There  wag  a  shoemaker  living  at  Harrisburg  named 
Paddy  Brown,  His  shoes  were  so  ugly  I  said  I  would  not  wear 
Paddy  Brown's  shoes.  The  neighbors  would  join  and  tan  deer  and 
cow  hides,  but  it  was  rough  leather.  When  my  nice  shoes  wore  out 
I  had  to  wear  "paddies,"  as  we  called  Paddy  Brown's  shoes. 

October,  1834. 

The  people  were  all  very  husy  gathering  their  crops.  It  was  the 
first  year  that  father  ever  engaged  in  farming.  He  was  well  satis- 
fied. He  said  if  he  were  the  owner  of  >a  wagon  he  would  be  one 
of  the  aristocracy.  He  said  our  neighbors  were  divided  into  three 
classes:  those  that  owned  wagons  were  the  aristocracy;  the  second 
class  owned  carts ;  as  he  had  a  sleigh  he  belonged  to  the  lower  class. 
Mr.  Ootie,  a  Frenchman,  owned  a  big  wagon  and  six  yoke  of  oxen. 


114         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

He  hauled  freight  from  Brazoria  to  San  Felipe.  He  said  father  was 
the  only  grandee  among  the  people,  as  he  rode  in  a  sleigh. 

There  was  no  one  that  made  wagons  or  carte.  There  was  a  wheel- 
wright and  he  'had  a  turning  lathe,  but  could  not  do  heavy  work. 
Some  of  the  men  sawed  wheels  from  logs  and  made  vehicles  called 
trucks.  Father  was  having  -work  done  on  the  house ;  he  was  going 
to  take  off  the  old  roof  and  have  it  repaired.  All  the  men  and  boys 
were  to  help.  The  young  men  said  if  mother  would  let  them  dance 
they  would  put  the  new  roof  on  and  clear  the  yard  in  one  day. 

Mother  consented,  and  all  the  men  came  except  Mr.  M .  He 

would  not  have  anything  to  do  with  his  neighbors.  It  did  not  take 
long  to  repair  the  house.  The  boards  were  three  feet  in  length 
and  six  inches  in  width. 

The  boys  went  down  in  Mr.  Shopman's  settlement  and  fetched 
four  young  ladies.  They  with  Mrs.  Roark's  four  young  daughters, 
were  enough  for  dancing.  Mr.  Adiam  Stafford  had  sent  a  negro 
woman  the  day  before  to  do  the  cooking.  Before  it  was  dark  the 
dancing  began.  The  girls  and  young  ladies  all  had  new  dresses  and 
shoes.  I  suppose  I  was  the  happiest  child  in  the  world  that  nighf. 
All  the  young  men  danced  with  me.  There  were  five  little  girls  aged 
from  twelve  to  eight,  and  as  there  were  only  six  young  ladies  and 
three  married  ladies  to  dance,  the  little  girls  caime  in  for  a  great  deal 
of  attention. 

Father  asked  the  young  men  why  there  were  no  weddings.  He 
eaid  he  had  been  nearly  a  year  among  them  and  there  had  been 
but  one.  That  was  Mr.  William  Neal  and  Miss  Mary  Stafford. 
One  young  man  said  that  they  were  waiting  for  the  priest  to  come 
from  Mexico,  as  it  would  be  too  much  trouble  to  be  married  the 
second  time.  When  there  was  no  priest  among  the  people,  those 
who  married  had  to  sign  a  written  contract  to  remarry  when  the 
priest  came  round).  It  often  happened  that  the  priest  performed 
the  marriage  ceremony  for  the  parents  and  -baptized  the  children  at 
the  same  time.  He  would  spend  three  or  four  days  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. The  people  would  gather,  and  then  there  would  be 
religious  service,  weddings,  dancing,  feasting,  and  a  good  time  gen- 
erally. I  often  wished  the  priest  would  come  around  so  that  there 
could  be  a  wedding  in  our  neighborhood. 

All  pleasures  must  end,  and  our  ball  came  to  an  end  very  unex- 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       115 

pected  to  me.  Two  of  the  girls  and  myself,  about  four  o'clock  in 
the  morning  went  to  an  outhouse  used,  for  storing  cotton  and  sat 
down  to  talk.  I  lay  down  and  went  to  sleep.  The  next  thing  I 
knew  the  sun  was  up.  Everybody  had1  gone  home  and  mother  was 
calling  sister  and  me  to  breakfast. 

November,  1834. — The  A —  -  and  M—  -  Tragedy. 

The  enmity  between  Messrs.  A and  M culminated  in 

murder.  There  had  been  a  spell  of  cold  weather  and  a  severe  rain 
storm.  It  was  the  first  cold  weather  since  we  had  been  in  Texas. 
All  outdoor  work  stopped.  'Father  was  going  to  Harrisburg  with  a 
load  of  cotton,  but  the  cold  weather  prevented  him.  He  had  been 
stick  for  several  days.  One  Sunday  after  dark  Mr.  Dyer  came  to  the 
gate  and  called  for  father.  He  was  sick  in  bed,  and  Uncle  James 
went  to  the  gate.  We  were  not  surprised-,  as  it  was  not  uncommon 
to  call  for  the  doctor.  After  a  few  minutes  uncle  came  in  and 

Messrs.  Stafford,  Dyer,  ISTeal,  A ,  and  Harvey  Stafford  were  with 

him.     Mother  set  chairs'  for  them,  but  they  would  not  be  seated. 

Mr.  A stepped'  to  the  bed  and  told  father  he  had  shot  M . 

He  said  he  did  not  think  he  had  killed  him,  and  he  wanted  father  to 

•go  and  assist  him  in  getting  Mr.  M home.     He  said  he  was 

hunting,  and  found!  a  place  in  his  back  fence  where  'bears  had  passed 
through.  He  set  Jiis  gun  down  against  a  tree  and  was  going  to  fix 

the  fence,  when  he  turned  around  and  saw  M in  the  act  of 

shooiting  at  him.     M 's  gun  missed  fire.     As  he  was  trying  to 

shoot  the  second  time,  A got  his  gun.     As  M fired,  he 

stumbled.     A fired  at  the  same  time.    'His  shot  struck  M 

in  the  left  side.     M had  killed  a  deer  and  had  it  tied  on  his 

back.     After  he  fell  to  the  ground  he  asked  A to  take  the  deer 

off  his  back  and  go  for  the  doctor.    Mr.  A did  as  requested, 

put  his  coat  under  M' 's  head,  and  dragged  the  deer  away,  so  that 

if  wolves  were  near  they  would  not  trouble  the  wounded  man.    After 

making  Mr.  M as  comfortable  as  circumstances  would  permit, 

he  went  home,  told  his  wife  what  had  happened1,  saddled  his  horse, 
went  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Neal,  his  near  neighbor,  and  asked  Neal 
to  go  with  him  to  Mr.  Dyer's.  Mrs.  Neal  went  with  him>  as  she  had 
no  one  to  stay  with  her.  When  they  got  to  Mr.  Dyer's  they  found 
the  two  brothers,  Adam  and  Harvey  Stafford,  there,  and  asked  them 
to  go  to  the  assistance  of  Mr.  M .  They  thought  it  advisable  to 


116         Texas  Historical  Assodatian  Quarterly. 

get  the  doctor  and  all  go  together.  Our  house  and  Mr.  Dyer's  were 
on  the  edge  of  the  prairie,  and  the  other  families  lived  in  the  bot- 
tom. It  was  only  one  mile  between  the  two  houses. 

Father  said  he  could  not  go,  and  advised  them  to  get  five  men  to 

go,  and  if  they  found  M alive,  to  carry  him  home,  and,  if  dead, 

to  guard  the  body  till  they  couldi  get  men  from  Mr.  Shipman'8 
neighborhood.  The  men  were  all  young;  three  of  them  were  mar- 
ried. Harvey  Stafford  said  that  he  would  go  for  assistance.  The 

others  returned  with  Mr.  A .  All  of  them  appeared  to  be  scared, 

as  it  was  the  first  time  that  that  had  ever  happened  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. After  a  couple  of  hours,  Mr.  Cotie  and  the  Roark  boys  came 
and  said  Harvey  Stafford  sent  them.  .Father  told  them  to  go  near 

Mr.  M 's  house  and  see  if  he  had  been  carried  home;  if  not,  they 

were  to  come  back  to  our  house  and  wait  for  Mr.  Shipman.  They 
returned  after  a  half  hour  and  said  that  M—  -  was  dead.  They 
could  see  a  torchlight  near  A 's  house,  and  found  the  men  wait- 
ing. They  had  made  a  fire,  gathered  cane  for  torches,  and  had 
A 's  cart  and  oxen  ready  to  carry  the  corpse  home. 

After  midnight  Mr.  Shipman  and  sons,  Edward  and  John,  came. 
They  Stopped  to  warm,  for  it  was  very  cold  weather.  Mr.  Shipman 
said  he  did  not  know  what  to  do.  Father  told  him  he  was  the  oldest 
man  and  had  resided  longest  ini  the  neighborhood,  so  he  must  hold 

an  inquest,  take  down  evidence,  arrest  Mr.  A ,  put  him  under 

guard,  and  send  him  to  Harriaburg  to  the  Mexican  alcalde.  The 
Messrs.  Shipman  went  on  after  warming  and  drinking  coffee. 
Faither  said  he  would  go  in  the  morning  and  make  an  examination 
of  the  body  and  -would  give  a  certificate  of  death. 

Mother  and  father  did  not  sleep  much  that  night.  It  was  a  hor- 
rible calamity  to  happen  so  soon  after  the  ball  at  our  house.  It 

was  then  remembered  that  M had  passed  our  house  twice  that 

night  with  his  gun,  but  as  every  man  carried  a  gun  it  did  not 
attract  attention.  Mother  had  invited  his  family  to  the  ball. 

Father  had  asked  Mr.  M to  help  repair  the  house,  but  he  said  it 

was  impossible,  as  he  had  two  bales  of  cotton  picked  out  and  lying 
on  the  ground,  and  would  have  to  haul  it  to  the  gin,  for  Mr.  Stafford 
had  promised  to  have  it  ginned  that  day. 

Early  next  morning  Uncle  James  came  for  mother.  He  said 
Mrs.  M accused  all  the  men  in  the  neighborhood  of  murdering 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       1 17 


her  husband.  She  said  she  had  suspected  M would  kill  A , 

but  did  not  suppose  the  neighbors  would  murder  her  husband. 

A helped  to  carry  the  corpse  home  and  waited  near  the  house 

till  the  men  had  prepared  it  for  burial.  He  went  with  them  to 
Mr.  Stafford's  to  make  tfoe  coffin.  He  was  the  only  carpenter  in  the 
neighborhood. 

Mother  and  Mrs.  'Dyer  did  all  they  could  for  Mrs,  M1 ;  father 

was  not  able  to  go  out  the  next  day.  The  burial  was  at  Mrs. 

Boark's.  The  funeral  procession  came  by  our  house,  Mrs.  M 

and  the  children  riding  in  the  cart  and  sitting  on  her  husband's 
coffin.  Mr.  Dyer  sent  his  cart  for  Iber  to  ride  in,  but  she  would  not 
use  it. 

The  men  carried  tflie  prisoner  to  Harrisburg.  He  was  tried  before 
Judge  Burnet  and  acquitted. 

This  was  the  fourth  act  in  the  A M tragedy. 

'When  the  men  returned  they  were  very  much  discouraged.  Mex- 
ico had  sent  a  ship  to  blockade  G-alveston  and  to  compel  the  people 
to  ship  their  cotton  from  the  port  of  Anahuac.  The  schooners 
could  not  come  direct  to  Harrisburg,  as  Mexico  had  threatened  to 
garrison  that  place.  This  order  from  Mexico  worked  a  great  hard- 
ship on  the  people,  as  it  compelled  'them  to  haul  their  cotton  to  Br.i- 
zoria,  the  principal  commercial  town  in  Texas. 

All  the  men  in  the  neighborhood,  as  soon  as  they  got  home,  pre- 
pared to  go  to  Brazoria.  Mr.  Cotie  was  going  to  haul  cotton  for 

JVtrs.  M ,  father,  and  Mrs.  Eoark.  He  had  a  large  wagon  as  big 

as  a  schooner.  He  came  overland  with  the  Boark  family  from  Mis- 
souri in  the  year  1824. 

December,  1834. 

Father  and  the  other  men  started  for  Brazoria  on  the  25th  of 
November.  They  said  they  would  be  home  in  three  weeks. 
There  was  not  a  white  man  left  in  the  neighborhood  except  Adam 
Stafford.  A  .negro  man  drove  his  wagon,  and  Harvey  Stafford  the 
cart.  Messrs.  Dyer,  Neal,  and  Bell  were  their  own  drivers.  Father 
drove  the  sleigh  loaded  with  peltry.  He  waited  for  those  who  lived 
above  to  come  on.  When  the  caravan  arrived  it  was  a  laughable 
sight  for  us  children.  When  we  were  living  in  St.  Louis  we  had 
seen  twenty  and  thirty  large  wagons  at  a  time,  with  six  or  eight 


118         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

mules,  going  to  Santa  Fe  and  military  posts  on  the  frontier.  It 
was  early  in  the  morning  when  the  wagons  came  in  sight.  All  had 
loaded  the  day  before  at  the  Stafford  gin.  Mr.  Cotie  was  in  the  lead. 
His  wagon  had  been  painted  blue,  and  had  a  canvas  cover.  It  was 
an  imposing  sight  with  six  yoke  of  oxen.  The  Stafford  wagon  came 
next,  and  father's  sleigh  was  in  the  rear.  Uncle  James  had  hired 

Mrs.  M 's  cart  and  oxen  to  haul  his  cotton  and  had  left  the  day 

before  to  go  with  tihe  Messrs.  Shipman.  Mrs.  M was  not  dis- 
posed to  have  anything  to  do  with  her  neighbors.  She  had  no 
relatives  in  Texas.  She  had  four  litifcle  girls  too  small  to  be  any 
help.  She  would  have  driven  her  cart  and  oxen,  and  hauled  her 
cotton  to  Harris-burg  herself  if  she  could  have  put  a  bale  of  cotton 
on  the  cart.  Mr.  Cotie  told  her  he  would  haul  it  and  not  charge 
Jher  a  cent,  but  would  get  what  supplies  she  needed  and  would  bring 
receipts  and  money  to  show  how  he  had  disposed  of  the  cotton. 

'The  men  had  been  absent  but  a  few  days  from  home  when  a  large 
tribe  of  Indians  came  and  camped  between  our  house  and  Mrs. 
Roark's.  There  were  two  or  three  hundred  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren. They  came  in  the  night.  They  had  a  large  drove  of  Indian 
\ponies.  One  equaw  came  to  the  house  to  buy  corn.  She  said  they 
were  good  Indians.  'She  could  speak  English.  She  said  they  lived 
at  the  Waco  village  at  the  falls  of  the  Brazos  river,  and  were  going 
to  Harrisburg  to  sell  hides.  They  had  a  great  many  buffalo  hides 
and  bear  skins.  'The  women  and  children  in  our  neighborhood  were 
afraid  of  them.  Mrs.  Roark  had  a  perfect  horror  of  Indians.  It 
was  only  five  years  since  they  had  murdered  her  husband.  Mrs. 
Dyer's  experience  with  good  Indians  had  been  very  trying.  Mr. 
Dyer  located  land  on  tihe  'Colorado  river,  and  was  living  there  in  the 
year  1825.  One  day  he  was  at  work  in  the  hottom  ploughing.  The 
corn-field  was  not  in  sight  of  the  house.  Some  Indians  came  and 
said,  "Indian  heap  good,  want  something  to  eat,"  She  gave  them 
bread  and  milk,  and  while  they  were  eating  she  left  the  house  and 
ran  witih  her  babe  to  the  bottom  to  her  husband.  They  went  into 
the  thick  cane  and  waited  till  night.  Then  they  went  near  enough 
to  tihe  house  to  see  if  the  Indians  were  gone.  They  could  not  eee 
(them,  and  went  to  the  house.  The  good  Indians  were  gone,  but  had 
robbed  the  house  of  clothing,  provisions,  and  side  saddles,  and  had 
carried  off  the  cows  and  calves.  When  Mrs.  Dyer  first  saw  the 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       119 

Indians  she  was  in  her  stocking  feet.  She  did  not  stop  to  put  on 
her  shoes,  and  they  carried  them  off.  They  stole  one  horse.  Mrs. 
Dyer  did  not  nurse  her  bate,  but  reared  it  by  hand.  'She  had  no 
near  neighbor.  She  was  without  a  morsel  to  eat  and  had  only  a  little 
milk  she  had  carried  in  a  bottle  when  she  ran  from  the  house. 
They  left  their  house  after  dark  with  the  intention  of  going  to 
Morton's  Ferry  'on  the  Brazos,  fifty  miles  from  where  they  lived. 
Mr.  Dyer  was  walking,  and  she  riding  and  carrying  the  babe.  She 
had  to  ride  a  man's  saddle.  They  traveled  all  night,  stopping  only 
on  the  San  Bernard  to  let  the  horse  feed.  They  were  nearly 
starved  ,and  the  babe  was  suffering  greatly.  They  had  gone  above 
the  Fort  Bend  road.  They  went  on  to  San  Felipe  and  got  there 
that  night.  'They  received  assistance,  rested  a  few  days,  and  then 
went  to  Mr.  Stafford's.  He  was  Mrs.  Dyer's  father.  He  would  not 
consent  for  them  to  return  to  the  Colorado,  but  gave  them  land  to 
settle  on. 

Father  and  the  men  got  'home  the  last  of  the  year  1834,  well 
pleased  with  Brazoria,  but  found  the  people  in  great  excitement. 
Mexico  had  landed  soldiers  ait  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  and  had 
established  a  garrison  at  Velasco.  There  had  been  a  meeting  of 
<tihe  people  at  Columbia.  Their  object  was  to  call  a  convention  to 
meet  at  San  Felipe,  the  capital  of  Texas. 

Father  stayed  one  night  at  Mr.  W.  J.  Russell's,  where  he  met  Mr. 
Bennet,  Mrs.  Russell's  brother.  'Mr.  Bennet  came  to  Texas  at  the 
time  father  did.  He  had  been  sick  ever  since  we  were  shipwrecked, 
in  the  year  1833.  He  said  if  he  was  back  in  Kentucky  with  his 
negroes  nothing  on  earth  could  induce  him  to  come  to  Texas. 
Father  said  Mr.  Bennet  would  die,  as  he  had  consumption. 

The  farmers  sold  their  cotton  for  a  good  price  and  bought  family 
supplies  to  last  nearly  a  year.  It  was  a  great  relief  when  the  men 
got  home. 

January,  1835. 

i 
"The   Indians    did    not   trouble   anybody.     They    traded    basket 

moccasins  embroidered  with  beads.  If  they  had  been  so  disposed, 
they  could  have  murdered  the  men,  as  there  were  twenty  Indians  to 
every  white  man.  Mother  said  she  was  not  scared  about  the  Indians. 
She  had  gone  through  such  a  night  of  horror  with  the  runawny 


120         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

negro,  she  did  not  think  anything  could  scare  'her.  She  said  that 
within  a  period  of  two  years  she  had  been  Shipwrecked,  threatened 
by  the  wolves  and  buzzards,  frightened  by  Ben  Fort  Smith  and  his 
Africans,  and  foeseiged  by  the  runaway  negro,  and  did  noc  think 
fate  had  anything  else  of  tfhe  kind  in  store  for  her. 

Father,  Uncle  James  Wellsi,  and  Harvey  Stafford  came  home 

together.  Mr.  Ootie  sent  Mrs.  M 's  supplies  by  Un/de  James,  as 

he  was  to  take  her  cart  and  oxen  home  in  the  morning.  Mr.  Cotie's 
wagon  was  too  cumbersome  to  drive  in  the  bottom.  Early  next 

morning  Mr.  Cotie  came  to  go  with  Uncle  James  to  give  Mrs.  M 

her  money  and  settle  with  her.  She  was  so  peculiar  he  wanted  a 
witness  to  the  settlement.  'She  had  four  bales  of  cotton  and  the 
weight  was  near  two  thousand  pounds.  He  had  bought  flour,  sugar, 
coffee,  and  other  things,  Harvey  Stafford  was  a  wild  boy  aged 
eighteen  years.  He  offered  to  go,  saying  that  the  widow  was  his 
special  charge.  If  she  had  any  more  cotton  to  sell  or  wood  to  cut, 
he  was  the  man  to  do  it.  Father  told  him  that  it  would  be  best 
to  wait  for  her  daughters  to  grow  up.  He  said  no,  he  wanted  the 

whole  family.  Mr.  Cotie  settled  with  Mrs.  M without  any 

trouble. 

Mrs.  M was  not  twenty-five  years  old,  and  was  very  hand- 
some. *  *  *  The  neighbors  did  all  they  could  to  make  her 
comfortable.  They  would  have  sent  her  to  friends  in  tihe  United 
States  if  she  would  have  gone.  She  distrusted  everybody.  Her 
husband  had  not  located  land.  He  had  bought  twenty  acres  from 
Mr.  Stafford,  and  had  built  a  small  house,  but  had  not  made  the 
first  payment  at  tihe  time  of  his  death.  Mr.  Stafford  offered  to  pay 
for  the  house,  buy  her  corn,  cattle,  and  hogs,  and  send  her  and  her 
children  to  her  father  *  *  *.  She  would  not  go,  but  com- 
menced ploughing.  Her  husband  had  leased  the  ground  for  three 
years.  The  men  went  and  ploughed  and  planted  the  crops  for  her. 
Mr.  Adam  Stafford  said  he  would  send  his  negroes  to  cultivate  tine 
land  if  others  would  Ihelip.  All  agreed  to  help  but  father.  He  said 
he  would  attend  her  family  in  sickness,  furnish  medicine,  and  not 
charge  her  a  cent.  The  other  men  said  they  were  willing. 


February,  1835. 

Uncle  James  decided  not  to  live  with,  us  this  year, 
to  oversee  at  the  Stafford  plantation. 


He  was  going 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       121 

Mr.  Cotie  and  Uncle  James  teased  Harvey  Stafford  every  time 
they  met  him  about  his  special  charge,  the  widow.  They  told  him 
he  should  have  helped  her  hoe  corn  and  cotton.  He  said  he  offered 
only  to  cut  wood  and  sell  cotton  after  the  other  men  had  raised  it. 
Mother  scolded  them.  She  said  their  jokes  were  very  wrong,  as  the 
lady's  husband  had  been  dead  but  a  few  months. 

March,  1835. 

The  Indians  left  the  first  of  March.  We  were  glad  to  see  them  go. 
They  sold  their  hides  at  Harrisburg.  Olinton  Harris,  the  son  of 
John  E.  Harris,  deceased,  had  opened  a  store  there.  .The  Indians 
left  in  the  morning,  the  men  with  guns  first,  the  squaws  carrying 
their  pappooses  tied  on  their  ba.cks,  and  leading  the  ponies,  and  the 
dogs  following.  The  ponies  were  packed  with  buffalo  robes,  blan- 
kets, bear  skins,  pots  and  kettles,  and  things  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion. The  children  were  riding  in  baskets  suspended  across  the 
ponies'  backs. 

The  farmers  were  planting  cotton,  and  corn  was  up  and  growing. 
Father  hired  help  that  year.  He  was  the  only  doctor  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  he  was  obliged  to  hire  two  boys.  He  had  been  well 
paid  for  the  last  year's  practice.  The  people  of  Texas  were  doing 
well,  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  uncertainty  of  the  Mexican  laws 
father  could  have  located  land  and  got  a  home.  Mother  was  very 
much  dissatisfied.  She  said  she  would  go  back  to  the  United  States 
if  she  could  go  by  land.  She  said  she  never  would  cross  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  again  in  a  schooner.  Father  was  well  pleased  with  the 
country.  He  said  Texas  would  be  a  great  State  in  the  future,  and 
if  it  was  not  for  the  law}<ers  and  land  speculators  there  might  not 
be  any  trouble  with  Mexico.  The  Mexicans  were  fighting  among 
themselves,  but  he  said  Texas  should  not  interfere. 

Last  week  a  schooner  ran  the  blockade  at  Galveston  Island  and 
brought  several  imlmigrantg  to  Harraisburg.  The  captain  did  not 
see  anything  of  the  Mexican  revenue  cutter ;  he  thought  she  had  been 
lost  in  \a  storm  a  few  days  before. 

April,  1835. — English  Immigrants. 

About  this  time  there  was  quite  an  addition  to  our  neighborhood. 
Ten  families  from  England  had  just  arrived  in  Texas.  They  came 


122         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

in  a  schooner  from  New  York  and  landed  at  Anahuac.  They  were 
treated  with  the  greatest  kindness  by  the  Mexican  custom  house 
officers.  There  were  twenty  or  thirty  of  them.  Some  went  to  Lib- 
erty on  the  Trinity  river.  One  woman,  with  her  son  and  daughter, 
stopped  at  Harrisburg.  She  was  a  dressmaker  and  milliner. 
She  was  very  much  disappointed,  as  she  had  brought  a  stock 
of  millinery  goods  from  Xew  York  with  the  expectation  of  finding 
Harrisburg  a  large  city.  .Three  families  of  them  came  to  our 
neighborhood.  They  met  Mr.  Cotie  with  his  big  wagon  in  Harris- 
burg,  and  inquired  where  they  could  rent  houses  and  land.  He  told 
them  Mr.  Stafford  had  two  vacant  houses,  and  it  would  be  no  trouble 
to  rent  land.  He  brought  them  out.  One  man,  Mr.  Page,  seemed 
to  be  the  leader.  Mr.  Stafford  told  them  that  it  was  too  late  in  the 
season  to  plant  corn  or  cotton,  but  they  could  use  his  houses  free 
of  charge  till  next  year.  The  men  could  hire  out  aM  the  time,  make 
rails,  clear  land,  and  work  at  the  saw  mill  in  Harrisburg. 

Mr.  Page  was  a  very  smart  man.  He  had  a  wife  and  a  girl  babe. 
They  all  appeared  to  be  good  people,  but  they  were  sadly  out  of  place 
in  Texas.  They  'had  elegant  clothing,  silver  ware  and  some  fine 
furniture.  Not  one  of  them  knew  anything  about  farming  or 
country  Mfe.  They  had  alii  been  reared  in  the  city  of  London. 

Two  of  the  English  families  were  named  AdJdns.  One  of  the 
Mrs.  Adkinses  was  a  widow  with  a  pretty  daughter  named  Jane. 
Jane  was  lovely,  dressed  very  fine,  and  could  sing  and  play  the  guitar. 
The  boys  went  crazy  about  her.  Leo  Roark  and  Harvey  Stafford 
came  to  see  mother  to  get  her  to  give  a  ball,  so  they  could  get 
acquainted  with  the  English  beauty.  She  at  first  refused,  but  they 
teased  and  persuaded  father  till  he  said  yes.  The  boys  went  from 
house  to  house  inviting  the  people.  Mother  soon  got  things  in  order 
with  help  from  the  neighbors,  and  the  happy  diay  came.  Harvey 
Stafford  went  to  see  the  pretty  Miss  Adkins  and  offered  to  bring  a 
horse  and  side  saddle  and  escort  her  to  the  ball,  but  she  could  not 
ride.  She  had  never  rode  a  horse.  There  was  nothing  he  could 
do  but  use  the  cart  and  oxen.  Ther  was  a  fine  side  saddle  at  his 
father's  house  which  belonged  to  his  step-mother.  When  the  young 
lady  refused  to  ride  on  horseback,  Leo  Roark  borrowed  the  saddle 
and  brought  his  sweetheart,  Miss  Mary  Hodge.  Harvey  Stafford 
had  a  negro  man  to  drive.  He  and  Mr.  Adkins,  three  ladies  and 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       123 

four  children  came  riding  in  the  cart,  sitting  on  common  chairs 
with  rawhide  seats.  After  all  the  trouble  the  boys  had,  the  young 
lady  did  not  dance,  but  sang  and  played  the  guitar.  I  did  not  go 
to  sleep  that  night,  for  I  had  not  forgotten  going  to  sleep  at  our 
first  ball.  Well,  the  pretty  English  girl  was  very  much  admired. 
She  was  dressed  in  blue  silk,  with  artificial  flowers  in  her  hair. 
When  daylight  came,  all  went  home  wishing  the  night  had  been  six 
months  long. 

May,  1835. 

Our  English  neighbors  concluded  to  move.  They  were  all  sick 
and  discouraged.  Father  advised  them  to  go  to  California.  Mr. 
Stafford  was  to  take  them,  for  he  had  to  send  his  wagon  to  Brazoria 
for  cotton  gin  machinery.  The  English  had  plenty  of  money,  but 
it  was  gold,  and  they  couldn't  change  it.  There  was  but  little  money 
in  the  country.  When  the  farmers  sold  tlheir  cotton,  they  did  not 
get  much  dry  goods,  groceries,  powder,  lead,  and  farming  imple- 
ments. Father  did  not  get  much  money  for  his  practice.  He 
received  cattle  and  hogs.  A  cow  and  calf  passed  for  ten  dollars. 
Father  bought  oxen  and  a  horse,  and  he  said  if  he  could  get  a  wagon 
he  would  be  wealthy.  We  used  the  sleigh  for  visiting  and  light 
'hauling.  (Father  'told  the  young  men  that  when  they  wanted  to 
escort  their  sweethearts  they  could  have  his  sleigh  and  oxen. 

The  English  emigrants  went,  and  the  boys  were  heart  broken  at 
the  departure  of  the  pretty  girl.  My  sweetheart,  William  Dyer,  was 
true  all  the  time.  He  was  eleven  years  old  and  I  was  ten.  He  was 
Mr.  Dyer's  eldest  son,  and  was  the  babe  in  arms  when  Mrs.  Dyer  ran 
from  the  Indians. 

We  were  expecting  to  have  a  school  soon.  Mr.  Henson  was  to 
open  school  the  first  o"f  June.  He  was  to  begin  with  the  girls  and 
small  children,  and  as  soon  as  tihe  crops  were  laid  by  all  the  young 

men  were  to  attend.  Mrs.  M refused  to  send  her  little  girls  if 

Mr.  A 's  children  attended.  Father  said  he  would  be  glad  if 

A would  leave  the  neighborhood,  as  there  would  never  be  any 

peace  while  ihe  and  Mrs.  M both  lived  there. 

June,  1835. — School  and  War. 
School  commenced  the  first  of  June.    There  were  only  ten  pupils, 


124         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

three  girls,  six  boys  and  one  young  man,  Harvey  Stafford.  The 
teacher  boarded  among  the  neighbors. 

We  had  been  going  to  school  two  weeks  when  there  was  another 
excitement.  Father  went  to  Harris-burg  and  found  the  men  making 
'threats  against  the  garrison  at  Anahuac.  Mr.  Andrew  Briscoe  had 
a  large  stock  of  goods  there,  and  it  was  the  chief  port  of  entry  east 
of  the  Brazos.  Captain  Tenorio,  the  Mexican  custom-house  officer, 
would  not  allow  him  to  sell  goods  without  a  permit  from  the  custom 
house.  When  father  left  Harrisburg  the  men  and  boys  were  drill- 
ing and  threatening  to  disarm  the  garrison.  Mr.  Choate,  Dave 
Harris,  and  father  advised  them  not  to  do  it,  as  Stephen  F.  Austin 
was  a  prisoner  in  Mexico,  and  it  might  endanger  his  life.  This  was 
yery  discouraging. 

Mr.  Stafford  had  (heard  from  his  father  and  step-mother.  She 
•was  to  return  in  the  winter  and  take  all  their  slaves  to  the  United 
iStates.  She  did  not  have  any  trouble  with  those  she  took  back  the 
year  before.  She  said  she  could  do  better  than  a  man  running 
slaves  into  the  United  States.  She  said  that  they  got  news  from 
(Mexico  through  the  papers  that  it  was  the  intention  o*f  the  Mexican 
government  to  garrison  every  town  in  Texas  and  liberate  the  slaves. 
'The  United  States  government  was  to  station  troops  at  the  Sabine 
river  to  prevent  the  slave  holders  from  crossing,  and  it  was  to  send 
also  a  warship  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  school  did  well.  There  was  no  sickness.  The  grown  young 
men  started  to  school.  Three  of  them  and  the  teacher  camped  in 
the  schoolhouse  and  did  their  own  cooking.  Mother  and  Mrs.  Dyer 
gave  them  milk,  butter  and  eggs,  and  they  went  home  Friday  even- 
ing. Mr.  Henson  spent  Saturdays  and  Sundays  with  the  neighbors. 
The  young  men  were  anxious  for  the  school  to  be  kept  open  in  the 
summer,  as  they  had  to  work  in  the  fall  and  winter. 

There  was  some  trouble  at  Anahuac.  A  courier  came  to  our 
house  from  Harrisburg,  going  to  San  Felipe  with  a  dispatch,  stating 
there  had  been  fighting  at  Anahuac.  Captain  Tenorio  had  arrested 
Andrew  Briscoe  and  Clinton  Harris  and  put  them  in  prison,  and 
wounded  several  Texans.  Clinton  Harris  went  from  Harrisburg  to 
ibuy  dry  goods  for  Mr.  Briscoe,  when  the  Mexican  officer,  Captain 
Tenorio,  ordered  him  not  to  move  the  goods.  While  he  and  his 
assistant,  Mr.  Smith,  were  going  to  t!he  boat,  they  were  fired  on, 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       125 

and  Mr.  Smith  was  wounded  in  the  breast.  Clinton  Harris  was 
released  and  the  next  day  he  returned  to  Harrisburg.  He  wrote 
ou.t  a  statement  and  sent  it  to  San  Felipe  to  William  B.  Travis. 

This  news  stopped  our  school,  as  fhe  teacher  and  young  men 
decided  to  go  to  Harrisburg.  There  had  been  a  meeting  at  San 
Felipe  which  reeomimended  that  the  garrison  at  Anahuac  be  dis- 
armed. Mr.  W.  B.  Travis  went  to  Harrisburg  where  he  raised  a 
company  of  men  mostly  from  San  Jacinto  and  Buffalo  Bayou. 
They  took  a  cannon  and  put  it  on  a  cart  used  for  hauling  logs  to 

July,  1835. — The  Celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July  after 
the  Fall  of  Anahuac. 

the  saw  (mill.  They  shipped  the  men  and  cannon  on  a  small 
schooner.  They  set  sail  for  Anahuac  and  arrived  there  the  last  of 
June.  They  forced  Captain  Tenorio  and  the  garrison  to  capitulate. 
Mr.  Briscoe  was  released  from  prison.  This  broke  up  Anahuac  as 
a  port  of  entry.  The  Mexicans  and  the  men  under  Mr.  Travis 
boarded  the  schooner  and  returned  to  Harrisburg. 

The  citizens  of  Harrisburg  had  been  preparing  for  a  grand  ball 
and  barbecue  before  the  trouble  at  Anahuac.  When  they  heard  the 
Mexicans  would  be  brought  there  they  sent  word  to  the  people  of 
the  different  settlements  to  attend. 

The  disarming  of  the  garrison,  at  Anahuac  was  not  approved  by 
the  older  citizens.  Those  who  had  families  with  all  they  possessed 
in  Texas  wished'  rather  to  pay  duties  to  Mexico  than  to  fight. 

Well,  the  Fourth  of  July  brought  out  quite  a  crowd.  The  Texans 
and  Mexicans  arrived  in  time  for  the  barbecue,  but  the  ball  was  put 
off  until  the  fifth.  A  man  died  in  town  the  morning  of  the  Fourth, 
and  Mr.  Choate,  the  musician,  would  not  play  till  the  corpse  was 
buried.  The  '.men  spent  the  day  talking  war  and  polities.  Families 
from  the  country  caimped.  Ladies  were  shopping  and  visiting  and 
young  people  were  having  a  good  time.  Mr.  Travis  and  P.  H.  Jack 
had  been  prisoners  in  Anahuac  in  the  year  1832.  In  this  year  they 
were  having  their  revenge.  Captain  Tenorio  walked  among  the 
people  shaking  hands  with  the  men  'and  acting  as  if  he  was  the  hero 
of  the  occasion.  The  Mexican  soldiers  sat  and  smoked  and  played 
cards.  The  funeral  came  off  the  morning  of  the  fifth,  everybody 
attending.  'Mr.  Choate  read  the  burial  services,  and  after  the 


126         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

funeral  we  bad  dinner  and:  then  dancing.  "We  danced  in  a  new 
storehouse.  It  was  built  'by  Mr.  Stafford.  He  would  have  brought 
ury  goods  and  opened  a  store  if  the  trouble  at  Anahuac  could  have 
been  peaceably  arranged.  The  Mexican  officers  were  at  the  ball. 
They  did  not  dance  country  d'ances.  Mr.  Kokernot  and  his  wife 
were  Germans.  They  waltzed,  and  Captain  Tenorio  danced  with 
Mrs.  Kokernot.  She  could  speak  French  and  Captain  Tenorio  also 
was  a  French  scholar,  so  they  diancedi  and  talked  all  the  evening. 
She  was  handsome  and  he  a  fine  looking  man,  and  they  attracted 
a  great  deal  of  attention. 

The  people  went  home  on  the  sixth,  the  young  folks  happy,  the 
old  people  gloomy.  The  Mexican  prisoners  were  to  be  sent  to  San 
Antonio  in  a  few  days.  The  disarming  of  the  garrison  at  Anahuac 
was  without  bloodshed.  There  was  but  one  man  wounded,  and  he 
was  sihot  by  the  'Mexicans  when  they  arrested  Mr.  Briscoe  and  Clin- 
ton Harris. 

Our  school  opened  again  on  the  tenth.  The  teacher  said  the 
young  men  and  boys  did  not  study.  They  talked  war  all  the  time 
and  seemed  to  think  that  two  or  three  hundred  Texans  could  whip 
Mexico. 

Major  Bingham  went  to  San  Felipe,  and  on  his  return  he  stayed 
one  night  with  father.  He  thought  William  B.  Travis  and  others 
would  keep  up  the  .agitation.  He  said  there  was  an  order  from  San 
Antonio  to  arrest,  several  Texans  and  send  them  to  Mexico  for  trial, 
but  there  was  no  one  to  make  the  arrest. 

August,  1835. 

Father  was  the  only  man  in  this  neighborhood  that  had  seen  war. 
He  said  he  had  done  his  share  in  1812.  Mr.  Henson  and  Major 
Bingham  were  both  Irish  'and  had  seen  when  quite  young  the  rebel- 
lion in  Ireland  in  the  year  1798.  It  seemed  that  they  would  be 
glad1  to  fight  England  or  the  Indians.  Both  were  ready  to  raise 
volunteers  and  would  defend  Travis  and  his  companions  if  necessary. 

The  farmers  had  fine  crops.  Cotton  was  open  and  corn  getting 
hard.  Our  school  was  doing  well,  but  the  people  were  in  dread  all 
the  time.  When  the  news  was  received  in  Mexico  that  Anahuac  had 
been  forced  to  surrender  by  the  Texans,  an  order  was  issued  to 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       127 

Colonel  Ugartechea  to  arrest  seven  Texans  and  send  them  to  San 
Antonio  to  toe  tried  by  court  martial.  Thia  was  more  than  the 
people  could  'bear.  There  was  great  excitement.  A  convention  was 
called  to  meet  at  San  Felipe  the  12t!h  of  September.  There  was  a 
meeting  in  our  neighborhood  to  elect  a  delegate  to  this  convention. 
The  farmers  had;  not  much  time  to  spare,  but  they  would  not  see 
the  Texans  arrested. 

There  was  a  sitratnge  Mexican  at  'San  Felipe  who  said  he  was  just 
f roim  Mexico.  He  said  there  was  a  large  army  marching  from  Mex- 
ico to  garrison  San  Antonio,  Anahuac,  Velasco  and  all  towns  in 
Texas.  He  said  Stephen  F.  Austin  had  been  liberated  and  would 
soon  be  home.  He  .advised  the  people  to  stop  holding  political  meet- 
ings .and  give  up  the  men  who  disarmed  the  garrison  at  Anahuac. 
He  spoke  English  and  said  he  was  a  friend  of  Stephen  F.  Austin 
and  to  Texas.  'Our  people  did  not  believe  a  word  the  Mexican  said. 
They  thought  the  Mexican  government  had  sent  him  to  watch  the 
Texans.  .Some  of  them  would  have  had  him  arrested,  but  there  was 
no  jail  in  Austin's  colony,  and  no  one  had  time  to  guard  the  man. 
At  the  election  in  our  neighborhood  Mr.  C.  C.  Dyer  was  chosen  a 
delegate  to  the  convention.  Harrisb'urg  elected  Andrew  Briscoe  and 
William  P.  Harris.  The  convention  was  called  to  meet  at  San 
Felipe,  the  capital  of  Texas. 

A  priest,  Padre  Alpuche,  disappeared.  He  had  been  traveling  in 
Texas  and  Louisiana  several  j^ears.  He  was  loved  by  Protestants 
as  well  .as  Catholics.  The  young  people  looked  for  his  arrival  with 
the  greatest  pleasure.  He  would  marry  all  those  who  had  signed 
a  certificate  'before  the  Mexican  alcalde  to  remarry  when  the  priest 
came.  He  would  baptize  the  ehildiren,  bury  the  dead,  visit  the  sick 
and  pray  for  the  dying.  He  had  not  been  in  San  Felipe  for  three 
years.  When  he  appeared  there  he  was  riding  a  good  mule.  He 
said  he  had  been  in  Europe  and  had  landed  at  New  Orleans  and 
gone  from  there  to  Nacogdoches.  He  heard  in  New  Orleans  of  the 
trouble  in  Texas.  He  did  not  take  any  part  in  political  affairs, 
but  pretended  to  be  a  friend  to  the  Texans.  He  stayed  a  week  in 
San  Felipe,  stopping  at  the  boarding  house.  He  could,  speak 
English  and  heard  all  the  Texans  had  to  say.  He  came  in  the  night. 
One  morning  he  saddled  his  mule  and  went  to  the  river  to  water  the 
mule,  and  that  was  the  last  time  he  was  seen. 


128         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 
THE  MEXICAN  RAID  OF  1875  ON  CORPUS  CHRISTI.1 

LEOPOLD    MORRIS. 

The  country  surrounding  the  little  city  6f  Corpus  Christi,  on  the 
southern  coast  of  Texas,  has  been  the  field  of  many  bloody  encoun- 
ters which  have  helped  to  make  the  bravery  of  Texans  stand  out 
in  bold  letters. 

Among  the  bloodiest  of  these  contests  -were  the  raids  of  1875  and 
1878,  the  incidents  of  either  of  which  would  cause  a  thrill  of  horror 
to  pass  through  one  and  make  a  tale  almost  too  awful  to  relate. 

In  the  seventies,  Texas  was  thinly  settled,  sometimes  fifty  or  sixty 
miles  intervening  between  two  'homesteads  or  settlements ;  but  every 
man  carried  a  rifle  in  those  trying  times,  and,  like  New  England's 
early  settlers,  they  were  always  ready  for  enemies,  either  savages  or 
desperadoes.  Many  were  the  times  that,  when  the  morning  dawned 
and  the  husband'  kissed  his  wife  and  little  ones  good-bye,  it  was 
good-bye  forever.  Such  were  the  conditions  which  the  pioneer 
Texan  had  to  face  and  endure. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1875  a  band  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  was  formed  at  a  place  in  Mexico  called  Las  Quisamas,  and  under 
the  leadership  of  a  cruel  and  daring  commander,  Jose  Cortina, 
started  on  a  march  towards  Texas.  After  crossing  the  Rio  Grande 
near  Eagle  Pass,  they  formed  into  four  separate  commands,  their 
purpose  being  to  first  capture  and  plunder  Corpus  Christi,  and  then 
make  it  the  base  of  their  operations.  As  they  adva>nced  they  mur- 
dered all  who  crossed  their  path,  mem,  women,  and  even  children. 
But  the  United  States  troops  stationed  at  San  Diego  were  on  the 
alert,  and  after  inflicting  several  defeats  upon  three  of  the  bands, 
who  fled  towards  the  Rio  Grande,  they  went  in  search  of  the  fourth. 
Meanwhile,  the  fourth  division,  which  had  met  no  opposition  as  yet, 
halted  just  outside  of  Corpus  Christi  at  a  place  now  called  the  Oso. 
Here  they  camped  on  a  road  which  was  the  main  .highway  to  the 

lThis  narrative  has  been  made  up  from  the  statements  of  those  who  had 
personal  knowledge  of  the  raid,  and  from  the  -notes  of  Mr.  T.  J.  Noakes, 
together  with  his  account  of  the  affair,  which  is  given  entire. 


Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  Christi.  129 

city.  There  were  in  this  band  fifty  men,  heavily  armed.  They 
slopped  all  persons  coming  to  or  from  the  city,  took  their  property, 
and  made  them  prisoners.  Some  of  the  most  prominent  people  of 
Corpus  Christi  were  captured,  among  them  being  S,  G.  Borden,1 
George  Franks,  George  Reynolds,  Judge  Gilpin,  P.  H.  McManigle, 
Mrs.  E.  D.  Sidlbury,  Mrs.  R.  R.  Savage,  and  Mrs.  Laura  Allen,  all 
but  two  of  wilio-m2  are  stil'l  living.  It  is  said  tthat  Judge  Borden, 
who  was  going  to  Sinton,  a  small  settlement  near  Corpus  Christi. 
was  riding  quietly  along,  when  suddenly  Jim  Hunter,  a  friend  of  his, 
came  dashing  from  a  thicket  beside  the  road,  on  horseback,  and 
cried :  "You  had  better  turn  back,  Judge,  for  'an  old  Mexican  just 
told  me  that  the  treacherous  Cortina  and  a  band  of  cut-throats  are 
holding  up  a  part  of  the  road."  Borden,  insisting  th.at  the  Mexican 
had  lied,  started  again  on  his  way.  •Thereupon  Hunter  remarked, 
"Well,  if  you  go  on,  I'll  be  hanged  if  I'm  afraid  to  go" ;  so  he  turned 
and  went  with  the  Judge.  They  rode  along  for  some  distance,  when, 
on  turning  a  sharp  corner  in  the  road,  they  found  themselves  within 
a  few  yards  of  the  enemy.  Borden,  being  in  a  wagon,  was  unable- 
to  escaipe,  and  was  immediately  taken  prisoner,  but  Hunter,  being 
on  a  good,  hardy  mustang,  got  away.  He  hurried  to  Corpus  Christi, 
and  like  Paul  Revere  of  a  hundred  years  before,  he  aroused  the  city 
by  galloping  through  the  streets  and  shouting  with  every  breath, 
"The  Mexicans,  the  raiders  are  coming!"  A  mass  meeting  was 
being  held  at  the  town  (hall  that  night,  and  a  guardi  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  city  was  immediately  formed;  but  arms  and  ammu- 
nition wer  lacking,  and  it  was  impossible  to  supply  the  large  number 
of  volunteers.  At  last,  however,  a  detachment  was  organized  and 
dispatched  to  attack  the  Mexicans  on  the  main  road. 

At  this  time  the  Morgan  steamers  were  running  between  Galves- 
ton  iand  Corpus  Christi,  and  one  of  them,  the  Aransas,  was  then 
in  port.  Women  and  dhildren  nocked  to  the  pier  and  rushed  in 
uncontrollable  excitement  on  board  the  vessel,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
it  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity.  Luckily,  a  large  lumber 
schooner  was  also  in  the  harbor,  having  arrived  the  night  before 
from  Lake  Charles,  La,  This,  too,  was  soon  crowded.  The  schooner 

*A  cousin  of  Gail  Borden,  originator  of  the  famous  condensed  milk. 
2P.  H.  MdMianigle  and  Judge  Gilpin. 


130         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

had  not  yet  discharged  her  cargo  of  'lumber,  and)  with  the  added 
weight  she  sank  into  the  water  until  the  waves  washed  over  her 
upper  deck.  Both  the  ships  left  the  wharf  and  anchored  some  miles 
out  ait  sea  until  the  danger  was  passed. 

It  happened  on  this  eventful  day  that  some  thirty  or  forty  school 
girls  hadi  gone  with  their  teacher  for  a  picnic  to  a  reef  about  three 
mites  from  the  town.  When  their  mothers  heard  news  of  the  raid 
they  became  frantic,  as  all  the  men  were  on  guard  some  miles  di.-tant 
or  were  out  in  (search  of  the  enemy.  Finally  a  company  of  about 
twenty  negro  boys  was  formed',  and  they  conducted  the  frightened 
children  safely  home. 

In  the  meantime  the  raiders  were  still  camped  beside  the  road 
and  amusing  themselves  by  stripping  their  male  prisoners  and 
making  them  dance  under  the  lash  of  the  whip.  The  female  cap- 
tivea  took  advantage  of  a  moment  when  the  Mexicans  were  busy 
with  this  diversion,  and,  darting  into  the  thicket  on  one  side  of  the 
road,  made  their  escape.  Soon  after  six  o'clock  that  evening  the 
raiders  broke  up  camp,  and  to  their  amazement,  found  the  female 
captives  missing.  This  enraged  them  so  that  they  cursed  and  tor- 
mented the  remaining  prisoners  more  than  ever.  Lashing  the  men 
together  in  pairs,  they  marched  them  in  front  of  the  band  in  the 
direction  of  Xuecestown,  a  'hamlet  some  five  miles  distant.  Under 
the  cruel  treatment  accorded  them,  some  of  the  captives  knelt  down 
and  prayed  for  mercy,  but  none  was  granted.  By  and  by  they  came 
to  the  store  of  George  Franks,  on  the  left-hand  side  of  the  road. 
On  reaching  the  place  the  leader  knocked  at  the  door,  -which  was 
promptly  opened  by  an  aged  Mexican.  The  commander  asked  him 
to  join  their  band,  but  he  refused.  He  insisted,  promising  the  old 
man  a  good  share  of  the  booty  if  he  would  only  join  them,  but  he 
•would  not  consent.  The  leader  asked  him  once  more,  this  time 
using  a  threat  and  cursing  him.  At  this  the  old  Mexican  closed 
the  door  in  the  cut-throat's  face.  This  so  enraged  the  leader  that 
he  rushed  in  after  the  old  man  and,  catching  him  by  the  neck,  he 
dragged  him  to  the  door  and  called  to  his  men  to  tie  his  hands  and 
feet  Tvitfh  cords.  He  then  ordered  a  rope  suspended  from  a  near-by 
tree,  and  he  himself  placed  the  frightened  man  beneath  its  branches 
and  tightenedi  the  rope  about  his  neck.  Hearing  the  noise,  Mr. 


Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  Christi.  131 

Franks  immediately  rushed  to  the  scene  and  begged  them  to  spare 
the  life  of  his  servant.  At  that  moment  two  Mexican®  snatched 
the  rope  and  were  about  to  strfangle  the  poor  old  man/ when  Franks 
interceded,  dealing  one  of  the  ruffians  a  .staggering  blow.  Franks- 
was  immediately  put  in  chains  and  was  made  the  object  of  much 
abuse.  The  'hanging  proceeded  and  the  victim1  was  soon  a  corpse. 

When  tihe  Mexicans  left  they  took  'with  them  Franks'  wagon  and 
horses  and  all  the  plunder  they  could  carry.  The  prisoners  were 
again  placed  in  front.  They  were  forced  to  inarch  on  foot  over 
rough  roads,  through  prickly  pear  and  thorny  brush,  and  it  was  with 
fiendish  delight  tihat  their  tormentors  followed  in  the  blood-stained 
path.  Presently  a  rustling  in  the  brush  caused  >a  halt,  and  a  scout 
was  sent  forward  to  ascertain  its  cause.  He  soon  returned  with  the 
information  that  a  herd  of  horses,  driven  by  a  white  .man,  was  isome 
distance  ahead.  Three  men  were  immediately  dispatched  to  capture 
the  herder.  This  commotion  caused  a  stampede  among  the  horses, 
they  being  fresh  from  the  prairie  and  somewhat  wild,  and  during 
the  excitement  the  man  made  his  escape.  He  proved  to  be  Henry 
Stevens,  of  ISTuecesitown.1 

The  night  had  settled  before  the  party  reached  Niiecestown. 
Stopping  near  a  large  frame  building  in  which  the  postoffice  was 
then  kept,  the  leader  jumped  from  his  horse  and  called  a  halt. 
The  United  'Statesi  'mail  carrier  iwho  had1  just  arrived  with  the  evening 
mail  from  'San  Antonio,  was  made  a  captive  and  the  imail  taken  and 
plundered.  T.  J.  ISToakes,  who  was  postmaster  at  that  time,  after- 
wards wrote  an  interesting  account  of  the  raiders'  visit  to  Nueces- 
town,  which  was  found  just  recently  among  some  old  papers,  and 
reads  as  follows: 

"NUECESTOWN,  NUECES  COUNTY,  TEXAS,  May  13,  1875. 
"On  Good  Friday,  March  26,  1875,  I  was  kept  busy  all  day, 
having  remittances  to  make  to  several  business  houses,  that  I  wanted 
to  send  by  the  evening  mail  for  goods  that  I  had  received  a  few 
days  before,  and  if  they  had  been  sent  off  sooner  I  shooild  have 
owed  no  man  a  cent. 

*Mr.  Stevens  is  still  living,  and  is  actively  engaged  in  the  dairy  business 
near  Corpus  Christi. 


132         Zexa*  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

"After  finishing  my  letters  I  made  up  the  mail  in  readiness  for  the 
carrier  who  was  about  due,  when  a  man  named.  John  Smith  came 
into  the  store  for  some  flour,  and  while  in  the  act  of  handing  Mm 
a  parcel  over  the  counter,  I  noticed  three  Mexicans  ride  up  and 
fasten  their  horses  to  the  rack  in  front  of  the  store,  and  excitedly 
approach  the  door,  heavily  armedl  I  said  nothing  to  Smith  of  the 
circumstance,  but  walked  hastily  to  the  sitting  room  at  the  back 
of  the  store  to  get  my  Winchester  rifle,  thinking  things  looked 
shakey.  I  had  no  sooner  reached  my  rifle  into  my  'hands  when 
Smith  came  rushing  into  the  room,  closely  followed  by  a  savage 
looking  Mexican  with  his  gun  in  the  attitude  to  shoot  Smith,  but 
immediately  on  'seeing  me,  brought  it  round  on  me,  but  before  he 
could  shoot,  my  bullet  had  penetrated  his  chest  and  knocked  all 
the  fight  out  of  him.  In  the  meantime,  Smith  had  escaped  out  of 
an  open  door  opposite  to  the  one  by  which  he  had  entered  the  room, 
and  my  wife,  passing  in  as  he  went  out,  was  with  me  in  the  room. 
Seeing  the  wounded  Mexican  could  shoot  no  more,  I  made  ready 
for  the  next  to  follow  him.  Having  seen  but  three  Mexicans,  I  felt 
no  apprehension  as  to  my  being  able  to  cope  with  that  number,  and 
expected  when  they  heard  the  firing  they  would  come  to  the  assist- 
ance of  tiheir  comrade,  but  none  came.  I  stepped  to  the  door  leading 
into  the  store  to  see  where  they  were,  and  was  taking  aim  at  the 
fellow  nearest  me  when  my  attention  was  attracted  by  the  number 
outside  the  front  of  the  store  which  appeared  to  me  to  amount  to 
<i  hundred  Mexicans.  Realizing  at  once  that  I  was  greatly  over- 
powered (for  one  man  cannot  with  much  hope  fight  a  hundred), 
I  did  not  fire,  but  turned,  expecting  to  ©ee  my  wife  in  the  room 
and  tell  her  to  take  the  children  and  leave  the  house,  but  she  was 
nowhere  to  be  found,  and  the  doors  and  windows  looking  into  the 
room  where  I  was  from  the  three  sides  of  the  house  all  being  open, 
and  the  Mexicans  taking  up  position  so  as  to  surround  us,  I  was 
compelled  to  avail  myself  of  a  trap  door  through  the  floor,  by  which 
I  passed  into  a  trench  dug  beneath  the  floor  of  the  house  that 
enabled  me  to  pass  from  one  part  of  the  house  to  another  and  get 
int«  any  room  I  wanted  to  without  b2ing  exposed  to  sight.  Here  I 
found  Smith,  who,  crawling  under  the  house  at  tlhe  back,  had  found 
the  trench.  He  was  very  excited  and  I  advised  him  to  stay  where 
he  was  and  keep  quiet  and  I  would  go  to  the  front  of  the  house 


Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  Christi.  133 

and  see  if  there  was  any  chance  to  fight  them,  when,  if  I  saw  that 
he  could  do  any  good  with  it,  I  would  furnish  him  with  a  pistol, 
but  as  excited  as  he  was  he  was  best  without  one. 

"On  reaching  the  trench  from  which  I  could  see  the  crowd  in 
front  of  the  store,  I  noticed  several  Americans  held  as  prisoners, 
among  whom  was  a  person  named  Lane,  another,  Mike  Dunn,  and 
one,  Tom  Nelson,  'and  I  came  to  the  conclusion  tihat,  Mexican-like, 
they  meant  to  take  all  tine  prisoners  they  could  from  among  the 
Americans,  and  as  soon  as  they  were  through  robbing,  have  the 
enjoyment  of  a  general  massacre,  a  la  Peniscal. 

"I  determined)  at  once  I  would  not  be  taken  alive,  so  I  passed 
back  to  a  place  where  I  could  command  the  istore  with  my  rifle, 
but  to  my  consternation,  I  found  my  wife  in  the  store,  surrounded 
by  the  raiders  and  two  of  them  placed  in  such  a  way  with  cocked 
pistols  that  any  shot  that  should  be  fired  from  an  unseen  party  would 
be  retaliated  on  her  by  one  of  the  fiends;  consequently,  to  resume 
firing  iwas  only  to  insure  her  being  shot,  and  I  had  to  remain 
inactive  while  my  wife  was  trying  to  pursuade  them  not  to  carry 
out  their  threat  of  taking  me  or  burning  the  house.  Several  times 
when  they  had  lighted  a  fire  in  the  store  my  wife  put  it  out, 
and  the  .first  time  by  throwing  a  pitcher  of  water  on  it.  I  now 
noticed  that  Smith  had  left  the  trench,  and  hearing  shots  from  the 
direction  in  which  he  must  have  gone,  knew  that  he  was  shot  down 
by  the  guards  placed  to  keep  us  from  leaving  the  house.  I  could  now 
hear  the  roar  of  the  fire  over  my  head,  and  to  remain  longer  was 
certain  death,  and  my  only  chance  lay  in  shooting  down  the  Mexi- 
cans who  guarded  the  back  of  the  house,  and  escape  in  the  smoke. 
But  when  I  reached  the  end  of  the  trench  from  which  to  put  my 
design  into  operation,  my  wife  calfled  to  me  that  the  Mexicans  were 
not  there,  and  now  was  my  only  chance  to  leave  alive,  and  she  helped 
me  to  tear  a  hole  through  the  fence  by  which  to  escape.  When  I 
left  her  she  was  getting  her  feather  bed  out  of  the  house,  and  in 
spite  of  the  impending  danger,  I  could  but  feel  amused  at  such  a 
notion  as  getting  out  a  bed  while  thousands  of  other  articles,  in 
my  estimation,  would  have  had  the  preference.  I  expected!  every 
moment  to  be  fired  upon,  and  in  such  a  case  had  made  up  my  mind 
to  lie  flat  and  return  the  fire,  but  I  was  allowed  to  turn  tihe  corner 
of  the  fence  without  molestation,  and,  by  keeping  along  tihe  amgle 


134         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

of  the  fence,  I  reached  a  point  where  to  go  further  I  had  to  pass 
over  open  ground  where  I  should  have  been  seen,  so  concluded  to 
remain  and  see  it  out.  I  passed  by  Smith  soon  after  leaving  the 
house,  being  on  his  face  and  covered  with  blood,  and)  as  I  thought, 
dead.  The  Mexicans,  not  seeing  me  leave,  boasted  they  'had  burnt 
me  with  the  house  as  were  their  intentions.  When  reeoanoitering 
from  my  trench  'among  the  crowd  in  front  of  my  store,  I  notkrd 
the  mail  rider  among  the  prisoners;  they  took  hiim  as  he  came  up 
to  deliver  his  mail,  and  he  was  not  allowed  to  do  so,  but  both  he 
and  his  two  horses  were  carried  off  by  them,  together  with  the  mail 
bags,  when  they  left. 

"From  the  numerous  murders  and  raids  that  have  been  made 
within  the  last  two  years,  I  deemed  it  necessary  to  be  well  prepared 
for  such  an  emergency  whenever  my  time  came,  which  I  always  had 
a  presentiment  it  would  do,  and  I  had  used  all  my  spare  time  in 
making  preparations  for  the  event,  and  had  gone  to  a  great  expense 
in  planning  the  trench.  I  shaped  it  so  that  a  person  being  in  it 
was  perfect/ly  safe  from  the  shots  from  the  outside,  and  I  readied 
it  from  three  trap  doors,  one  in  the  floor  at  my  bed1,  one  at  my  desk 
in  the  store  and  another  from  a  room  besiide  the  sttore,  and  it  led 
to  a  way  of  escape  at  the  back  of  the  house,  which  saved  my  life. 
A  trench  also  led  to  the  cellar,  and  anoitlher  from  the  cellar  to  the 
front  of  the  stairs-.  At  the  trap  door  in  the  front  room  I  could 
reach  the  top  of  the  house  by  means  of  a  hook  and  ladder,  and  in 
the  top  of  the  house  I  kept  a  needle  gun  with  five  -hundred  rounds 
of  cartridges,  and  I  had,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  sixteen 
improved  pistols  and  about  fifty  boxes  of  cartridges/  distributed 
about  the  house,  and  with  sufficient  warning  of  bheir  approach  to 
enable  me  to  close  the  house,  I  considered  myself,  alone,  capable  of 
fighting  off  twelve  or  fifteen  men,  and  had  determined  never  to  sur- 
render to  a  force  smaller. 

"My  wife  tells  me  that  when  she  left  the  house,  as  she  ran  down 
the  hill  towards  the  river,  the  two  Mexicans  who  had  killed  Smith 
rode  after  her  and  were  preparing  their  guns'  to  shoot  at  her,  but 
she  begged  them  to  spare  her  for  the  sake  of  her  baby,  and  they  lei 
her  go. 

"Early  in  the  attack  my  wife  had  given  the  baby  to  my  little 
daughter  and  her  brother,  who,  both  together,  were  hardly  able  to 


Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  Christi.  135 

carry  the  smallest,  telling  them  to  carry  him  away  as  quickly  as 
they  could,  and  the  three  had)  about  reached1  a  point  very  near  to 
where  the  Mexicans  shot  Smith,  and  at  the  time  tihey  were  engaged 
in  doing  so,  and  were  witnesses  to  the  deed,  and  from;  what  they 
saw  became  so  horrified  that  they  fell  to  the  ground,  incapable  of 
moving.  In  the  meantime,  the  two  older  boys,  who  had  been  on  the 
river  and  knew  nothing  of  what  was  going  on,  suspected  something 
wrong  at  the  house  from  -seeing  the  Mexicans  shoot  down  Smith, 
caught  sight  of  the  little  ones  at  the  same  time,  and  seeing  them 
fall,  came  to  their  rescue,  and  all  agree  in  saying  tihat  while  crossing 
the  flats,  the  five  were  fired  at  by  the  Mexicans  and  one  of  the  shots 
tihat  was  intended  for  Smith  nearly  hit  Grace,  the  little  girl.  The 
children  reached  the  river  and  crossed  in  the  skiff,  where  my  wife 
joined  them  some  time  after. 

"As  soon  as  darkness  set  in  the  Mexicans  turned  loose  all  their 
prisoners  except  the  mail  carrier  and  two  or  three  others,  among 
whom  was  W.  A.  Ball,  our  justice  of  the  peace,  who,  I  afterwards 
learned,  they  took  with  them  some  distance  before  they  allowed  him 
to  escape.  As  soon  as  they  were  gone  I  ran  to  Smith,  whom  I  found 
alive,  but  with  so  many  bullet  holes  in  him  that  death  seemed!  at 
first  inevitable.  I  now  met  my  wife  who  told  me  the  children  were 
all  safe,  which  made  me  feel  very  grateful.  Smith  was  lying  about 
one  hundred  yards  from  the  burning  house  and  praying  for  water, 
so  I  ran  to  the  place  where  the  house  had  stood,  with  the  idea  of 
getting  water,  but  of  course  everything  was  gone  or  red  hot,  and  I 
could,  not  find  anything  that  would  hold  water,  but  while  I  was 
hunting  for  something  two  men,  strangers,  rode  up  to  the  fire  on 
the  other  side,  and  one  of  them  requested  me  to  approach  the  fence 
on  the  otfher  side  of  whi'oh  he  stood,  and  as  soon  as  I  was  close  to 
him  he  demanded  my  rifle,  at  the  same  time  bringing  his  six-shooter 
down  on  me  and  threatened  to  kill  me  unless  I  complied'.  Not 
dreaming  of  such  conduct  from  a  white  man,  I  was  totally  unpre- 
pared and  he  could  have  shot  me  before  I  could  have  raised  my  rifle. 
But  I  refused  him  his  request,  saying  that  I  needed  the  rifle  for  my 
own  and  my  family's  protection,  as  tihat  was  all  the  Mexicans  had 
left.  However,  as  he  insisted  that  he  could  do  more  good  with  it 
than  I  could,  as  he  was  going  in  pursuit  of  the  Mexicans,  I  gave  the 
rifle  to  'him  on  bis  promise  to  return  it,  but,  poor  fellow,  in  less  than 


136         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

an  hour  he  was  dead,  and  only  through  luck  I  recovered  the  rifle, 
which  was  picked  up  near  his  body  by  F.  Sims,  a  gentleman  living 
near  me,  and  it  was  some  days  before  I  recovered  possession  of  it. 
The  person  who  took  my  rifle  was  named  Swanks,  I  was  told,  and 
was  among  the  first  of  bhose  in  pursuit  of  the  Mexicans,  and  was 
reported  at  the  time  to  have  been  killed  by  them.  He  was  a  brave 
man,  a  fine  example  of  a  Texan. 

"I  had  now  returned  to  Smith.,  who  would  not  let  me  leave  him, 
although  I  had  no  hat  nor  clothes  enough  to  ;keep  me  warm.  After 
a  while  parties  brought  a  cart  and'  took  Mm  away,  and  then  we 
hunted  up  the  little  ones,  who  were  by  this  time  fhuddled  together 
under  a  fence  near  the  river,  crying  and  half-witted  from  fright. 
My  wife  bad,  luckily,  pulled  the  running  gear  of  the  light  wagon 
out  of  reach  of  bhe  flames,  and  we  now  took  the  hind  wheels  and 
mustered  up  all  our  possessions,  which  consisted  of  a  bed,  a  blanket 
and  a  quilt,  which  she  had  carried  out  wihile  the  house  was  burning, 
with  her  sewing  machine,  and  with  the  five  little  ones  we  started 
down  the  hill  to  the  wharf  I  had  recently  built  on  the  river,  and 
in  the  darkness  we  took  possession  of  the  only  home  we  now  owned, 
but  felt  thankful  for  it. 

"While  the  house  was  burning  I  had  to  stand'  and  watch  from  my 
retreat  by  the  fence,  the  huge  tongues  of  flame  shoot  heavenward, 
knowing  that  they  were  licking  up  the  fruits  of  ten  years'  toil,  and 
everything  except  oursellves  that  I  valued  in  this  world,  yet  I  never 
experienced  so  utterly  maddening  a  feeling  as  came  over  me  when 
I  first  realized  tftie  fact  that  my  children  were  crying  for  the  want 
of  a  roof  to  cover  them,  and  a  taste  of  a  bite  of  bread. 

[Signed]  T.  J.  NOAKES." 

This  brave  man  died  several  years  afterwards.  Since  his  death 
his  sons  have  been  pushing  a  claim  for  fifty  thousand  dollars  against 
the  Mexican  government;  but  it  is  only  one  of  the  many  of  such 
claims  for  damages  sustained  through  Mexican  raids,  on  which,  for 
some  unexplainable  reason,  no  action  has  ever  been  taken. 

The  prisoners  who  escaped  from  the  camp  of  the  bandits  near 
Corpus  Christi  ran  for  their  'lires  and  were  soon  a  mile  or  more  from 
the  demons.  When  first  captured  they  had  been  robbed  of  'all  tiheir 


Mexican  Raid  cm  Corpus  Christi.  137 

variables,  but  they  were  thankful  indeed  to  escape  with  their  lives. 
All  that  night  and  the  next  day  Hhey  wandered  aimlessly,  lost  in 
the  woods.  Again  night  was  coming  on,  they  were  suffering  for 
water  and  their  hunger  was  extreme.  Their  only  food  during  this 
time  being  what  few  berries  and  herbs  they  could  find  in  the  woods. 
During  the  first  night  -tihey  had  seen  a  bright  blaze  in  the  distance, 
and  had  been  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  Corpus1  Qhristi  had  been 
captured  by  tihe  raiders  'and  was  being  burned.  So  they  knew  not 
which  way  to  turn. 

The  two  companies  formed  at  Corpus  Christi  pursued  the  Mexi- 
cans in  the  direction  of  Nuecegtown,  and1  when  witMn  a  few  miles 
of  the  place  they  noticed  a  large  fire  and  at  once  knew  what  was 
happening.  They  hastened  their  speed  and  soon  arrived  at  the 
village.  John  McClane,  who  was  then  sheriff  of  Nueces  county, 
commanded  one  company,  and  John1  Swanks,  a  merchant,  the  other. 
Upon  nearing  Nuecesrtown  the  mem.  heard'  the  tramping  of  horses, 
and  knew  the  enemy  was  only  a  few  hundred  yards  'ahead  of  them. 
During  the  night  ilhe  Mexicans  had  become  aware  of  their  pursuers 
and  decided  to  retreat  towards  the  Rio  Grande.  In  their  haste  to 
reach  the  border  line  they  abandoned  all  their  prisoners,  amounting 
to  some  twenty  men.  [Both  sides  were  anxiously  awaiting  the  dawn, 
one  in  the  anticipation  of  a  battle  royal,  the  other  to  see  more  clearly 
their  way  of  escape.  At  last  it  came.  Several  of  tihe  men  who  had 
gained  their  liberty  had  in  ilheir  hurry  wandered  in  the  direction  of 
the  American  camp,  'and  they  received  a  hearty  welcome.  They 
related  that  the  Mexicans  were  making1  preparations  to  leave  for 
Mexico. 

When  the  number  of  Mexicans  was  ascertained,  McClane  did  not 
think  it  prudent  for  his  men  to  undertake  to  fight  them,  being  so 
poorly  armed.  'The  Mexicans  had  two  or  three  pistok  each  and 
several  rounds  of  cartridges,  besides  their  guns.  Swanks,  not  think- 
ing as  did  McClane,  was  determined'  to  fight,  and  while  he  was 
making  preparations  for  tihe  attack,  the  Mexicans  became  aware  of 
his  purpose  and  immediately  formed  in  line  for  battle.  Soon  after 
five  o'clock,  Swanks,  at  tihe  head  of  (his  company,  gave  a  fierce  cow- 
boy yell  and  charged  on  the  murderous  fiends.  Frightened  by  this 
proceeding,  the  Mexicans  retreated  ingloriously ;  but  one  of  them, 


138         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

turning  in  his  saddle,  fired  at  the  brave  Swanks,  who  immediately 
fell  from  his  horse,  lifeless.  Seeing  their  leader  fall,  the  command 
came  to  a  halt. 

Poor  Swanks  wae  found  with  his  face  buried  in  the  earth,  lying 
in  a  pool  of  blood'.  The  day  before,  when  the  town  of  Corpus  Christi 
had  been  thrown  into  sudh  excitement,  he  had  been  working  at  his 
trade,  happy  and  well.  Five  'minutes  after  the  alarm  he  was  seen 
pacing  the  streets,  yelling  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  "Boys,  who  will 
follow  old1  Swanks  to  the  Oso?"  The  response  was  prompt,  and 
he  was  soon  on  the  road  with  a  party  of  brave  companions.  He  died 
like  a  man,  but  deserved  a  better  fate. 

As  the  body  of  Swanks  was  being  prepared'  for  hasty  burial,  some- 
one was  heard  calling  from  the  thicket  for  water.  It  was  found 
to  be  the  John  Smith  who  was  shot  during  the  burning  of  the 
Noakes  residence.  So  badly  was  his  body  torn  that  it  took  three  or 
four  men  to  raise  him  from  the  earth.  He  was  often  spoken  of 
as  "Lying  John,"  because  it  is  said  he  was  never  known  to  tell  a 
truth,  but  he  told  one  when  he  said  to  his  physician  that  'he  would 
not  die.  What  seemed1  to  worry  him  more  than  anything  else,  was 
the  fact  that  the  Mexicans  would  get  beyond  the  reach  of  our  men 
and  escape;  so,  after  they  had  ministered  to  him  and  made  'him 
as  comfortable  as  possible,  he  insisted  on  their  hurrying  on.  After 
riding  on  for  some  distance  they  saw,  close  to  a  tree  near  the  road, 
a  white  object  on  the  ground.  It  proved  to  be  a  sheet  in  whose  folds 
was  wrapped  a  half  dead  Mexican.  He  was  the  man  whom  Mr. 
Noakes  shot.  His  companions,  in  their  hurry,  had  abandoned 
him.  In  his  right  hand  he  held  an  ugly  knife,  and  like  a  lion  at 
bay  defied  the  Texans.  Some  of  tihe  men  were  in  favor  of  hanging 
him  on  the  spot,  but  cooler  heads  controlled,  and  he  was  bound  and 
carried  along.  On  a  scrap  of  soiled  paper,  which  he  handed1  them, 
was  this  message  from  his  leader,  written  in  human  blood :  "Texans, 
we  will  revenge  our  comrade  and  expect  to  meet  us  again  two  years 
hence.  Cortena." 

Finally  abandoning  the  trail,  which  they  had  followed  for  several 
miles,  tftie  men  from  Corpus  Christi  returned  home  at  midnight. 
On  the  way  their  attention  was  attracted  by  cries,  which  they  at 
first  thought  to  be  those  of  wolves,  but  soon  recognized  as  human, 
and  following  them  they  found,  some  distance  from  the  road,  in  a 


Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  CTiristi.  139 

frightened  and  half  'starved  condition,  the  women  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners  two  days  "before.  The  party  reached  home  just  at 
sunrise,  and  it  would!  be  'hard  to  imagine  a  more  joyful  reunion  than 
that  heild  in  Corpus  Christi  that  morning. 

After  being  held  as  a  prisoner  for  four  days,  the  captured  Mexi- 
can was  taken  by  a  mob  and  hanged.  He  refused  to  disclose  any- 
thing in  regand  to  his  companion's,  only  saying  that  the  Mexican 
who  was  killed  at  Franks'  store  met  death  because  he  recognized  one 
of  the  raiders. 


140         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


THE  NEW  ORLEANS  NEWSPAPER  FILES  OF  THE  TEXAS 
REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD. 

ALEX.  DIENST. 

In  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  thirty-five  there  were  less  than 
one  thousand  newspapers  publislhed  in  the  United  States.  Of  this 
number  about  thirty-five  were  daily  publications,  and  of  these  thirty- 
five  the  city  of  New  Orleans  could  boast  of  five.  This  looks  like 
a  large  proportion  for  New  Orleans,  but  we  must  remember  that 
at  that  time  New  Orleans  was  the  third  largest  city  in  the  United 
States,  having  an  actual  population  of  seventy  thousand,  and  a 
transient  population  estimated  at  over  thirty  thousand.  From  a 
commerciasl  standpoint  it  was  the  second  city  in  the  Union. 

The  standard  of  journalistic  character,  capacity  and  resources 
of  these  New  Orleans  dailies  was  as  high  as  that  of  any  in  the 
United  States.  Their  editors  were  regarded,  as  chiefs  of  their 
respective  parties,  and  besides  their  editorial  work  were  frequently 
called  upon  to  draw  up  ttie  platforms,  resolutions  and  addresses  of 
their  parties.  In  the  very  nature  of  things,  therefore,  whatever 
measures  they  endorsed  were  adopted  by  their  readers;  and  so  of 
necessity  their  personal  influence,  exerted  through  their  facile  pens, 
meant  much  to  the  revolutionary  party  in  Texas.  New  Orleans  was 
the  city  through  which  ninety  per  cent  of  the  immigration,  and 
more  than  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  financial  aid  in  the  revolution 
came  to  Texas;  and  it  was  the  city  that  gave  to  the  Texans  their 
strongest  moral  support.  This  support,  the  most  valuable  help  that 
could  be  given,  it  gave  abundantly.  The  editorials  favorable  to  the 
Texan  cause,  of  which  examples  will  be  given  in  this  article,  were 
such  as  only  a  Southron  whose  heart  is  fired  with  patriotism  could 
write. 

The  value  of  newspapers  as  a  source  of  history  is  underestimated 
by  most  people,  and  by  many  students.  Dr.  A.  B.  Hart,  professor 
of  history  in  Harvard  University,  in  his  Method  of  Teaching  Amer- 
ican History,  speaking  of  his  authorities  classifies  them  in  this 
order  of  importance:  first,  official  publications;  second,  legal  pub- 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  141 

lications;  third,  newspapers;  fourth,  biographies;  fifth,  works  of 
statesmen;  sixth,  constitutional  histories;  seventh,  general  histories. 
John  Henry  Brown,  in  the  preface  to  his  History  of  Texas,1 
concerning  the  value  of  the  newspaper  sources  of  history,  says : 
"Much  of  interest,  in  the  very  nature  of  things,  resulting  from  the 
want  of  official  records,  the  absence  in  large  part  of  current  news- 
papjer  files,  and!  the  failing  memory!  of  many  old!  and  patriotic  men, 
must  remain  untold." 

Admitting  then  the  value  of  newspapers  as  a  source  of  Texas 
history,  we  come  to  the  question,  what  newspapers  were  in  existence 
in  Texas  during  'the  period  from  June,  1835,  to  August,  1836, — 
the  actual  fighting  time  of  the  Texas  revolution,  and  a  period  for 
which  in  studying  we  should  desire  all  the  details  obtainable.  In 
January,  1835,  the  Texas  Republican  was  the  only  paper  published 
in  Texas,  and  it  was  discontinued  in  August,  1835,  when  hostilities 
had  just  commenced.  In  Bancroft's  enumeration  of  early  Texas 
newspapers,  he  says:2  "The  fourth  paper  is  of  historic  interest, 
being  the  Telegraph,  which  was  started  by  Gail  and  Thomas  H. 
Borden  and  Joseph  Baker  at  San  Felipe  in  August,  1835.  When 
that  town  wais  abandoned  by  the  government  in  April,  1836,  on  the 
approach  of  tihe  Mexicans,  the  press  was  conveyed  to  Harrisburg, 
and  while  the  twenty-second  number  was  being  printed  the  forces 
of  Santa  Anna  entered  the  town.  Six  copies  only  had  been  struck 
off  when  the  printers,  press  and  t}^pe  were  seized  by  the  Mexicans. 
The  material  was  thrown  into  Bray's  Bayou."  One  of  these  six 
copies  Mr.  Bancroft  mentions  as  still  in  existence;  he  does  not, 
however,  inform  us  where.3  The  Telegraph  was  not  published  again 
until  Augu'st,  1836.  So  during  this  interval,  fraught  with  such 
stirring  events,  from  April  to  August,  Texas  was  without  a  news- 
paper, and  the  siege  of  the  Alamo,  Fannin's  mass-acre,  the  battle  of 

1:See  Vol.  I,  p.  4. 

2North  Mexican  states  and  Texas,  Vol.  II,  pp.  548-549. 

SI  have  in  my  collection  Vol.  I,  No.  21,  the  last  copy  printed  in  San 
Felipe.  It  is  a  very  interesting  number,  and  among  much  other  historical 
matter  gives  the  details  of  the  Alamo  fight  and  its  participants  so  far  as 
then  known,  and  the  last  letter  written  by  Travis.  The  files  of  the  Tele- 
graph, though  very  incomplete,  are  very  valuable. 


142         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly.  • 

San  Jacinto,  General  Games'  attitude  on  the  frontier,  the  flight  of 
.the  people  before  the  Mexican  army,  the  cruising  of  the  fleet,  the 
blockading  of  the  port  of  Matamoros,  and  many  other  important 
events  would  have  been  left  bare  facts  if  it  had  not  been  for  detailed 
accounts  furnished  to  the  New  Orleans  daily  journals  by  Texan  cor- 
respondents. Every  vessel  that  arrived  in  the  New  Orleans  harbor 
from  a  Texas  port  was  eagerly  visited  by  representatives  of  the 
press,  and  tihe  papers  would  always  give  information  from  Texas 
the  most  prominent  place  in  their  columns  and  have  it  appear  leaded. 
While  facts  are  what  the  historian  is  after,  and  battles  and  their 
results,  and  the  doings  of  political  parties  and  factions  are  the  main 
things  that  draw  his  attention,  yet  he  must  not  ignore  nor  leave 
unrecorded  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  a  people  living  on  the 
border  of  a  1'and  in  the  throes  of  a  mighty  revolution.  It  does,  seem 
to  me  that  our  historians  dwell  too  little  on  the  great  .moral  support 
given  Texas  by  fhe  people  of  New  Orleans.  The  New  Orleans 
Greys,  who  did  so  much  to  assist  Texas  in  'her  struggle  for  liberty, 
undoubtedly  came  on  account  of  patriotic  editorials  in  New  Orleans 
papers.  The  people  of  New  Orleans  and  of  the  United  States  at 
large  were  naturally  disposed  to  side  with  their  kith  and  kin  beyond 
the  Sabine;  but  the  feeling  lay  dormant,  and  it  took  editorials 
breathing  patriotism  in  every  line  to  awake  them  into  doing  some- 
thing helpful.  This  awakening  the  editors  felt  to  be  their  task,  and 
nobly  they  did  their  work ;  just  as  in  the  late  Spanish- American  war 
the  sentiment  in  favor  of  helping  the  Cubans  was  created  by  the 
press,  which  thus  became  undeniably  tlhe  diredt  cause  of  tihe  war. 
So  in  the  days  of  the  revolution  Texas  could  not  have  succeeded 
•if  the  journals  of  New  Orleans  and!  of  the  United  States  had  not 
befriended  her ;  and  especially  the  press  of  tihe  city  of  New  Orleans, 
whence  came,  as  I  stated  before,  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  sinewe  of 
war.  What  made  the  editorials  strong  and  convincing  was  the  fact 
that  truth  and  patriotism  of  the  heart,  und  not  of  party,  dwelt  in 
every  word  and  sentence.  They  represented  the  individual  thoughts 
of  tfhe  writers ;  since  at  that  time  the  political  parties  had  not  begun 
to  cast  covetous  or  jealous  eyes  upon  Texas  soil.  And  so  their  ideas 
were  not  the  reflections-  simply  of  their  party's  policy,  but  of  iflieir 
earnest,  heartfelt  sympathy.  At  this  period  the  abolitionist  had  not 
commenced!  his  campaign  against  the  acquisition  of  more  slave  ter- 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  143 

ritory,  and  the  sympathy  and  prayers  of  almost  all  the  people  of  the 
United  Stlates  were  >witih  Texas  and  her  gallant  defenders. 

I  say  almost  all  the  people,  because  here  and  there  a  paper 
espoused  the  Mexican  cause,  or  by  its  silence  betokened  its  enmity 
to  that  of  the  Texans;  and  it  was  so  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans. 
One  of  its  five  journals  was  opposed  to  Texas  and  hostile  in  a 
marked  degree  to  all  efforts  to  give  any  aid  to  the  revolutionists; 
but  this  paper  was  helpful  by  giving  the  others  'am  opportunity  to 
refute  its  charges  and  make  the  righteousness  of  the  revolution  all 
the  more  apparent.  From  the  historian's  standpoint  such  journals 
make  material  all  the  more  for  his  use,  since  if  there  has  been  any 
misrepresentation,  assuredly  tihe  hostile  paper  has  been  keen  enough 
to  discover  it  and  make  much  of  it. 

The  five  daily  newspapers  of  New  Orleans  at  'the  time  of  the 
Texas  revolution  were:  the  Commercial  Bulletin,  editor,  Mr.  Put- 
nam Bea;  the  Bee,  editor,  Judge  Alexander  C.  Bul'litt;  the  True 
American,  editor,  Major  John  Gibson;  the  Courier,  editor,  Peter  K. 
Wagner;  and  the  Post  and  Union,  editor,  Mr.  Carter.  There  was 
one  more  paper  published  in  New  Orleans,  but  from  the  clippings  I 
have  I  am  unable  to  state  whether  it  was  a  daily'  or  a  weekly.  I 
think,  however,  it  was  also  a  daily.  It  was  the  Louisiana  Adver- 
tiser, edited  by  Judge  Hawkins.  These  publications  were  friendly 
to  Texas,  with  one  exception,  the  Post  and  Union,  which,  as  some  of 
the  editorials  will  show,  was  a  violent  enemy.  None  of  them  are  in 
existence  today — under  the  names  they  then  had.  I  think  the  New 
Orleans  Picayune  is  the  oldest  paper  in  New  Orleans,  amd  it  was 
founded  in  1837.  Prom  correspondence  with  this  paper  I  find  they 
have  complete  files  from  that  date.  As  to  files  of  tihe  other  papers 
I  was  referred  to  the  custodian  of  the  oity  (archives  of  New  Orleans, 
Mr.  M.  Pohlmann.  He  writes:  "I  examined  the  files  of  papers  in 
my  office.  I  have  the  Courier  June  13  to  November  30,  1836.  The 
Commercial  Bulletin,  first  file,  I  have  1839,  and  I  have  Louisiana 
Advertiser  January  7  to  March  31,  1836." 

Whether  there  are  any  other  files  for  the  period  of  the  revolution 
in  Texas  or  the  city  of  New  'Orleans  I  cannot  say.  I  have  made 
diligent  inquiry,  but  can  find  none.  My  files  of  the  Commercial 
Bulletin  are  complete  for  matters  relating  to  Texas  from  about  July, 
1835,  to  July,  1837;  and  of  the  Bee  for  the  period  of  December, 


144         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

1835,  to  December,  1836.  Of  the  Courier,  the  True  American,  the 
Post  and  Union  and  the  Louisiana  Advertiser  I  have  only  clippings 
relating  to  the  most  important  events  going  on  in  Texas;  but  these 
are  all  very  valuable  to  the  student.  From  an  acknowledgment 
among  my  papers  I  find  tihat  William  Kennedy  had  access  to  a 
portion  of  these  files  in  gathering  material  for  his  history  of  Texas. 
Mr.  Kennedy  was  a  "philosophical"  more  than  a  "detail"  historian, 
if  I  may  use  the  expression,  and  I  find  he  made  very  little  use  of 
the  journals.  The  future  historian  of  Texas,  whether  his  writings 
are  in  the  form  of  monographs  or  of  a  complete  history,  must  use 
such  material  extensively,  or  the  time  will  come  when  he  will  find 
his  work  superseded  by  that  of  some  one  who  does  appreciate 
them  at  their  true  value.  For  illustration's  sake,  I  trust  I  shall  be 
pardoned  in  speaking  of  my  own  experience.  For  two  years  I  have 
been  making  a  special  study  of  the  navy  of  the  Republic  of  Texas. 
From  contemporaneous  newspapers  alone,  leaving  out  all  documents, 
can  be  gathered  over  a  hundred  pages  of  historical  matter  relating 
to  the  first  navy  of  the  Republic,  or  the  one  which  belonged  to  the 
actual  revolutionary  period;  and  the  amount  of  material  has  so 
appalled  me  that  I  have  about  decided  to  confine  my  effort  to  this 
first  navy.  Yet  with  all  this  and  other  valuable  sources  available, 
not  a  single  historian  gives  the  first  Texas  navy  as  much  as  a  dozen 
pages,  and  some  do  not  give  it  a  dozen  lines.  The  same  remarks 
are  applicable  to  many  other  special  subjects  in  Texas  history. 

Following  are  some  complete  editorials  and  extracts  from  others 
that  appeared  in  the  New  Orleans  papers  in  1835-1836.  They  axe 
words  which  inspired  men  to  enlist  for  Texas,  to  give  to  Texas,  and 
to  die  for  Texas. 

From  the  Louisiana  Advertiser  of  the  llth  of  June,  18.35: 
"We  have  just  received  tihe  following  documents  lately  circulated 
in  Texas;  by  which  it  appears  the  colonists  are  preparing  to  stand 
to  their  arms  rather  than  submit  to  a  military  despotism,  which 
Santa  Anna  was  preparing  against  them.  The  resolutions  are  bold 
and  decided;  they  seem  determined  to  rescue  their  governor  [Mex- 
ican governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas]  and  take  tihe  management  of 
their  own  affairs.  We  trust  everything  will  be  adjusted  satisfac- 
torily, without  an  appeal  to  arms,  particularly  as  the  last  resolution 
shows  great  moderation  and  temper.  We  are  personally  acquainted 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  1 4-5 

with  Dr.  Archer,  W.  Wharixm  and  several  of  the  signers  of  the  reso- 
lution, and  we  know  them  to  be  cool  and  prudent  men,  anxious  to 
conciliate  all  parties — men  who  will  never  resort  to  anrns  if  not 
driven  by  unavoidable  necessity.  We  shall  anxiously  look  for  tihe 
next  arrivals,  as  the  last  meeting  was;  to  have  been  held  on  the  28th 
ultimo." 

Then  follow  the  documents,  one  from  the  chieftancy  of  the 
Department  of  Brazos  dated  June  21,  1835,  and  signed  by  J.  B. 
Miller ;  and  the  other  an  account  of  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  in  tihe 
town  of  Columbia  June  23,  1835. 

Meeting  of  Texas  sympathizers-,  July  14,  1835. 

"In  conformity  with  previous  notice,  a  numerous  and  respectable 
assemblage  of  citizens  of  various  States  of  the  southwestern  portion 
of  the  Union  was  held  at  the  Arcade  in  this  city  on  Friday  even- 
ing, 14th  inst.  The  meeting  was  organized  by  the  appointment  of 
General  Felix  H.  Huston,  of  Natchez,  Mississippi,  to  t)he  chair, 
Colonel  Wm.  R.  Hill,  of  Tennessee,  and  Dr.  Jaimes  F.  Maclin,  of 
Vicksburg,  Mississippi,  secretaries.  The  chair  addressed  the  meet- 
ing in  a  spirited  and  elegant  harangue,  describing  in  a  manner 
exceedingly  touching,  the  wrongs  and  sufferings  of  the  people  of 
Texas,  and  exhibiting  the  necessity  of  immediate  action  on  the 
part  of  friends  of  civil  and  religious  freedom  in  their  behalf ;  after 
which  General  H.  S.  Foote,  of  Clinton,  Mississippi,  arose  in  his 
place  and  submitted  the  following  resolutions,  andl  accompanied 
them  with  eloquent  and  appropriate  remarks," — and  then  follow 
lengthy  resolutions  of  sympathy,  etc. 

From  the  Commercial  Bulletin,,  on  the  departure  of  the  New 
Orleans  Greys  for  Texas: 

"The,  Orleans  Greys,  or  a  considerable  portion  of  the  com- 
pany, which  -have  just  returned  from  the  Florida  Territory,  appear 
to  be  resolved  upon  carrying  out  the  good  work  of  chastising  those 
who  would  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  our  countrymen.  A 
considerable  number  have  joined  General  Green,  who  leavea  today 
with  his  volunteers  for  Texas,  and  where  we  ardently  hope  they  will 
find  on  their  arrival  the  country  in  the  peaceful  posses'sifon  of  its 
rightful  occupants,  the  enemy  powerless,  and  a  foundation  laid  for 
permanent  peace,  security  and  independence.  They  can  then  change 
their  warlike  weapons  for  implements  of  husbandry,  and  contribute 


146         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

to  the  formation  of  a  well  ordered  government,  become  as  upright 
influential  citizens  of  Texas,  >as  they  have  proved  themselves  devoted 
lovers  of  the  free  institutions  of  the  country  they  have  left.  Texas 
holds  out  a  great  field  for  the  adventurous  and  enterprising  popu- 
lation of  our  States,  'and  soon  will  its  vast  prairies  be  covered  with 
the  habitations  of  the  thrifty  and  industrious,  and  all  its  v;ist 
resources-  become  gradually  developed  under  the  fostering  care  of  a 
government  administered  by  judicious  and  enlightened  men.  Civil 
and  religious  liberty  will  prevail  over  the  restraining  edicts  of  mili- 
tary and  priestly  tyranny  and  raise  an  intelligent  people  above  the 
besotted  ignorance  and  superstition  that  the  combined  efforts  of  a 
despotic  state  and  church  would  fasten  on  them,  and  give  them  a 
merited  rank  and  elevation  among  the  powers  of  the  earth." 

Editorial  from  the  Commercial  Bulletin,  on  the  news  of  the  fall 
of  the  Alalmo,  March  29,  1836. 

"The  recent  news  from  Texas  is  calculated  to  throw  doubt  and 
gloom  over  at  least  the  speedy  disenthralmemt  of  the  brave  Texans 
from  the  power  of  deapot  and  oppression.  Yet,  fhough  San  Antonio 
has  fallen  and  its  gallant  defenders,  worthy  of  a  better  fate,  have 
felt  the  full  force  of  savage  vengeance,  and  given  their  mangled 
bodies  for  sacrifices  to  an  overpowering  foe,  atill  Texas  is  not 
enslaved,  and  the  very  spirit  which  burned  in  the  breasts  of  San 
Antonio's  defenders  is  kindled  in  the  hearts  of  every  tenant  of  the 
wood  cabin  and  throughout  the  wide  extent  of  Texas.  A  few  such 
victories  even  .will  prove  but  discomfiture  and  death  to  the  enemy 
himself.  The  disastrous  faite  of  San  Antonio  will  in  all  probability 
strengthen  the  cause  of  Texas,  in  producing  a  greater  degree  of 
unanimity  among  the  'Texans  themselves — causing  them  to  drop 
minor  differences,  and  to  concentrate  all  feelings,  hearts  and  minds 
into  one  common  and  undivided  purpose,  the  establishment  of  this 
independence  upon  a  basis  too  firm  to  be  overthrown  by  all  the 
united  forces  of  faction,  intrigue  or  despotic  power. 

"The  oppressor  will  find  more  than  one  San  Antonio  to  besiege — 
and  the  same  bold  and  determined  men  who  there  proved  to  him 
what  the  sinews  of  but  few  arms  can  effect  when  exerted  in  the 
defense  of  civil  liberty — will  meet  him  at  every  step  of  his  progress, 
contesting  it  inch  by  inch — making  each  success  of  his  numerous 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  147 

horde  but  a  speedier  'and  more  certain  prelude  to  his  final  destruc- 
tion. 

"It  is  impossible  for  us  not  to  have  our  sympathies  aroused  in 
behalf  of  this  gallant  people,  'and  earnestly  to  desire  that  they  may 
issue  from  their  present  struggle  for  the  dearest  and  most  invaluable 
of  all  rights  in  a  manner  the  most  successful  and  triumphant. 

"Their  cause  is  a  good  one — it  is  based  upon  the  immutable  foun- 
dation of  natural  right  and)  justice — they  are  not  invaders,  but 
defenders  of  their  constitutional  rights,  their  homes,  their  altars. 
Who  then,  anxious  for  the  establishment  of  free  and  liberal  prin- 
ciples in  Texas — in  which  will  be  sown  those  seeds  that  will  event- 
ually lead  to  the  revolution  of  the  whole  of  besotted  and  benighted 
Mexico,  that  will  not  contribute  his  sympathies  not  only,  bui  his 
might  and  his  influence  for  the  successful  attainment  of  soich  praise- 
worthy ends.  'There  are  men  who  have  fallen  in  defense  of  Texas' 
liberty  of  whom  history  will  preserve  proud!  and  enduring  -memo- 
rials. The  names  of  Travis,  Crockett,  Bowie,  Milaim  and  others 
wild  fall  to  posterity  as  those  who  nobly  fought  and  died,  martyrs 
to  their  devoted  attachment  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  right, 
and  their  stern,  unyielding  hatred  to  oppression  and  tyranny. 

"For  ourselves,  we  feel  convinced  that  the  recent  disastrous!  attack 
on  San  Antonio,  land  the  inhuman  butchery  of  those  who  survived 
the  assault,  will  in  the  end  prove  of  signal  service  to  the  cause  of 
Texas,  in  effecting  a  more  determined  and  successful  opposition 
than  ever  to  the  progress  of  the  usurping  Santa  Anna.  We  enter- 
tain no  fears  as  to  the  result," 

Extract  from  an  editorial  in  the  Commercial  Bulletin  for  March 
31,  1836: 

*  *  *  "In  the  meantime,  although  we  invoke  no  infraction  of 
the  treaties  established  and  recognized  between  Mexico  and  our 
country,  and  would  not  render  ourselves  amenable  to  the  laws  by 
raising  troops  or  doing  what  might  be  regarded  as  violating  solemn 
compacts — still  we  do  say,  that  regarding  the  contest  in  which 
the  Texans  are  engaged  as  a  struggle  for  the  most  invaluable  rights 
of  God  to  mam,  a  straggle  against  inhuman  oppression  and  tyranny, 
they  are  entitled  to  our  warmest  •swmpathies,  our  best  wishes,  nay 
more,  to  our  private  contributions  for  their  deserving  need." 


148         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

From  the  same  paper,  April  4,  1836 : 

*  *  *  "In  the  sacred  cause  of  right,  justice  and  humanity, 
it  is  no  time  to  calculate  cold)  policy  and  expediency — let  us  then 
do  something  for  Texas.  The  chivalry  and  generosity  of  Louisiana 
cannot  slumber  under  the  appeal  made  to  them  from  those  who  are 
breasting  an  unnatural  enemy  in  defense  of  fathers,  mothers,  wives, 
children  and  all  the  nearest  and  dearest  rights  of  freemen. 

"Let  us  at  least  express  our  feelings,  give  of  our  abundance — and 
foremost  as  our  citizens  have  been  in  flying  to  the  succor  of  our 
countrymen  in  Florida,  we  are  confident  that  tihe  same  moitives  will 
enkindle  a  similar  spirit,  and  produce,  as  we  trust  in  God,  a  similar 
result  on  the  plains  of  Texas." 

Extract  from  an  editorial  in  the  Bee,  April  4,  1836 : 

"We  feel  constrained  by  the  situation  of  affairs  in  Texas,  and  the 
fact  that  the  people  of  the  United  States — and  especially  in  Louisi- 
ana— have  become  deeply  interested  in  the  struggle  of  which  that 
country  is  now  the  field,  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety 
of  acting  upon  the  public  mind,  of  calling  the  public  atention  to, 
or  of  soliciting  through  the  medium  of  public  meetings1  and  the 
public  papers,  the  interference  in  behiallf  of  the  people  of  Texas,  of 
the  people  of  New  Orleans,  or  of  the  United  States.  Comparison 
of  situation  and  claims  have  been  drawn  by  the  Texans  between 
their  situation  and1  that  of  Greece,  and  between  the  present  condition 
of  Texas  and  that  of  the  Union  during  the  war  of  the  revolution; 
and  in  the  precedent  found  in'  the  appeal  of  Greece,  and  which  was 
the  subject  of  the  consideration  of  iftie  Congress  of  the  United  States 
and  which  obtained  much  support  for  their  cause  from  the  people 
in  this  country;  and  in  the  call  upon  France,  which  obtained  tihe 
approbation  and  support  of  the  government  and  people  of  that  coun- 
try, during  the  struggles  of  these  States  for  their  independence,  tihey 
claim  for  Texas  a  right  to  our  encouragement  and  support.  *  *  * 
That  they  might  .ask  aid  from  any  power,  American  or  European, 
or  seek  support  by  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  any  other  nation,  and 
without  referring  a  consideration  of  their  cause  to  government — with 
no  less  justice  or  propriety  than  ourselves  heretofore,  would  seem 
to  be  evident ;  and  that  we  are  bound  to  hear  and  answer  their  appeal 
not  only  by  the  reasoning  that  applies  to  the  people  of  other  civilized 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  149 

nations,  and  with  additional  force  to  us,  inasmuch  as  they  form  . 
part  of  our  own  family,  they  are  the  offspring  of  our  own  hive, 
although  hitherto  subjects  of  a  foreign  state,  but  also  for  that  we 
have  already  engaged  in  their  behalf  our  own  sympathy  and  our 
support  to  an  extent  that  justifies  them  in  expecting  us  to  continue 
that  support,  and  we  have  occasioned  the  elmbarcation  of  life  and 
property  in  the  cause  of  which  our  neglect  at  this  time  might  occa- 
sion tihe  sacrifice.  The  people  of  Texas;  deserve  much  from  the 
consideration  that  they  have  not  sought  the  interference  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  this  country  on  their  beihalf ;  their  appeal  is  made  only 
to  the  people.  Their  language  is :  'We  know  and  we  have  endeav- 
ored to  exhibit  to  you  tihe  justice  of  our  cause.  We  are  in  want  and 
suffering  from  a  cruel  and  implacable  enemy.  Assuredly  you  are 
free  to  give  or  to  lend.  Will  you  not  assist  us  ?' 

"We  confess  we  know  not  of  the  existence  of  any  law  to  the  con- 
trary, and  can  say  for  ourselves  that  we  are  ready  to  contribute  our 
share  in  support  of  their  cause,  which  we  hope  will  be  soon  and 
effectually  triumphant.  *  *  *  Let  the  sentiment  be,  and  may 
it  be  heard  wherever  our  language  miay  be  understood  or  interpreted, 
Texas  and  Liberty !" 

Editorial  from  the  Post  and  Union,  April  16,  1836,  and  extracts 
from  replies: 

•"Another  'Texas  meeting  was  hodden  last  evening  at  the  Arcade, 
but  we  rejoice  to  say  that  not  a  citizen  of  Louisiana  officiated  on 
this  occasion.  The  officers  and  speakers  weire  all  strangers ;  the  only 
person  we  recognized  was  General  Felix  Huston,  of  Natchez,  who 
acted  as  president.  We  listened  with  attention  for  the  purpose  of 
learning  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Texas,  but  no  positive  or  accurate 
information  was  communicated  to  the  meeting.  There  was  an 
abundance  of  decliamaifcion  about  'honor/  'glory,'  'revenge/  'liberty/ 
'death' — and  even  'immortality'  was  promised  to  those  who  ventured 
to  aid  the  Texanis.  Whether  this  promise  was  held  out,  because  the 
'blood  of  the  volunteers'  has  oniy  been  spilt,  we  know  not — in1  con- 
clusion we  would  inquire  why  so  many  'members  of  conventions/ 
'secretaries/  'emibassiadors'  and  'commissioners'  are  absent  from 
Texas  at  this  critical  juncture  We  expect  that  few  believe  in  the 
Lmlmortaliity  attending  upon  fighting. 


150         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

"Mr.  Bryan,  the  agent  of  the  Texas  Provisional  Government  in 
this  city,  has  commenced;  suit  and)  taken  out  a  writ  of  sequestration 
against  all  the  funds  and  property  in  this  district  belonging  to  the 
Provisional  Government.  It  ia  very  ihard,  in  these  degenerate  times, 
to  make  'Patriotism'  and  Tocket'  meet  on  friendly  terms." 

Reply  from  a  friend  to  Texas : 

"WiH  Mr.  Carter  [editor  of  the  Post  and  Union]  please  inform 
us  how  much  a  certain  Mexican  pays  'him  for  his  remarks?  The 
meeting  on  Friday  was  a  .western  meeting,  and  we.  recognized  some 
very  respected  persona  among  them,  viz. :  General  Felix  Huston, 
of  Mississippi,  General  Foote,  of  Tennessee,  andi  General  Green. 
The  patriotic  citizens  of  the  United'  States  are  well  acquainted  with 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  Texas,  if  Mr.  Garter  is  not.  This  Mr. 
Carter  pretends  to  be  an  Irishman,  but  he  would  sell  his  birthright; 
he  has  not  the  soul  of  an  Irishman.  Messrs.  McMullen  and  Mc- 
Gloin,  founders  of  the  Irish  colonies  in  Texas,  are  now  in  the  city; 
all  the  Irish  families  in  the  grants  are  flying  before  the  Mexicans, 
and  now  on  the  Texas  side  of  the  Sabine  and  perishing  "for  food." 

Reply  from  the  general  agent  for  Texas : 

"To  the  editor  of  the  Post  and  Union. 

"SiR :  My  attention  has  been  called  to  a  paragraph  in  your  paper 
of  Saturday  evening,  in  which  it  is  asserted  that  'I  have  taken  out 
a  writ  of  sequestration  against  all  the  funds  and  property  in  this 
district  belonging  to  the  Provisional  Government  of  Texas.'  Such 
is  not  the  fact ;  you  will  therefore  oblige  me  by  inserting  this  com- 
munication. The  new  government,  immediately  after  their  inaugu- 
ration into  office,  and.  before  they  had  inspected  the  public  docu- 
ments and  contracts  of  thia  agency,  and  without  an  understanding 
with  the  old  government,  dtrew  for  $10,000,  now  in  the  Bank  of 
Orleans,  in  favor  of  a  highly  respectable  house  in  this  city.  The 
stem  had  been  previously  appropriated  to,  and  had  been  anticipated 
by  this  agency,  as  it  had  evidently  originated  in  a  mistake  from 
want  of  information  of  the  responsibilities  here.  It  was  my  duty 
to  keep  these  funds  in  bank  until  the  executive  could  be  a/pprised 
of  the  circumstances,  and  give  them  their  legitimate  destination. 
The  agency  is  fully  sustained  in  its  conduct  by  all  the  friends 
of  Texas  in  New  Orleans,  which  could  not  be  the  case  were 


New  Orleans  Newspaper  Files.  151 

your  remarks  correct.  I  am  fully  assured  of  the  honor  and  good 
faith  of  tihe  present  government,  and  the  public  may  rely  upon  my 
determination  to  maintain,  as  far  as  possible,  the  credit  and  faith 
of  the  government,  and  warrant  the  confidence  that  the  public  have 
placed  in  my  pledge  of  the  government  credit. 

"Yours  respectfully, 

"WM.  BRYAN, 
April  18,  1836.  "General  Agent  for  Texas." 

From  the  Commercial  Bulletin,  June  14,  1836 : 

"The  Texas  armed  schooner,  Independence,  commanded  by 
Charles  E.  Hawkins,  seven  days  from  Velasco,  Texas,  anchored  yes- 
terday 'below  tihe  Point  and  fired  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns.  P.  W. 
Grrayson  and!  James  Oollngsworth,  Esqs.,  came  in.  her  as  passengers. 
These  gentlemen  are  clotihed  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  with  our 
government  for  a  recognition  of  tihe  independence  of  Texas,  and  will 
leave  tomorrow  for  Washington  city  with  that  view.  If  Congress 
has  not  ere  tihis  recognized  the  independence  of  Texas,  we  entertain 
but  little  doubt  as  'to  its  consuimlmation  upon  the  arrival  at  Washing- 
ton of  the  commissioners. 

"Would  that  upon  the  joyful  commemoiration  of  our  Fourth  of 
July  we  could  at  the  same  time  rejoice  in  the  effectual  recognition 
of  tihe  independence  of  our  sister  republic  of  Texas." 


152         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  AND  NOTICES. 


The  July  number  of  the  Publications  of  the  Southern  History 
Association  publishes  The  Journal  of  Thomas  Nicholson,  a  Quaker 
minister  born  in  North  Carolina  about  1685;  a  Letter  from  a 
Revolutionary  Officer  (Captain  Philip  Slaughter) ;  A  Brief  Outline 
of  Governor  Richard  Bennett,  by  I.  T.  Tichenor;  and  an  essay  on 
The  Southern  Planter  of  the  Fifties,  by  Miss  Louisa  P.  Looney. 
Besides  these  there  are  a  number  of  book  reviews  and  other  notices. 


In  view  of  public  questions  now  before  the  American  people  the 
American  Historical  Review  for  July  is  a  particularly  interesting 
number.  The  leading  articles  are:  The  Critical  Period  of  Eng- 
lish Constitutional  History,  by  George  B.  Adams;  Chatham's 
Colonial  Policy,  by  Hubert  Hall;  Territory  and  District,  by  Max 
Farrand;  The  Judiciary  Act  of  1801,  by  Max  Farrand;  President 
Buchanan's  Proposed  Intervention  in  Mexico,  by  Howard  L.  Wil- 
son. The  documents  consist  of  the  Letters  of  Ebenezer  Hunting- 
ton,  covering  the  Revolutionary  years  of  1774-1781. 


The  Laws  of  Texas.  Volume  VIII,  1822-1897.  Compiled  and 
arranged  by  H.  P.  N.  Gammel,  with  an  introduction  by  C.  W. 
Raines, 

This  volume  covers  the  period  extending  from  1873  to  1879,  and 
contains 

All  the  General  and  Special  Laws,  of  the  14th  Legislature, 

The  Ordinances  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1875, 

The  Constitution  of  1875, 

The  General  and  Special  Laws  of  the  15th  Legislature,  and 

The  General  Laws-  of  the  Regular  Session  of  the  16th  Legis- 
lature. 

It  would  take  more  space  than  is  at  our  command  to  notice  even 
briefly  all  the  important  changes  made  in  the  Law  of  Texas  during 
these  years. 

The  Constitution  of  1869  had-  no  special  provisions  regarding. 
Public  or  Private  Corporations,  and.  charters  were  granted  both  by 


Boole,  Reviews  and  Notices.  153 

Genera/I  Law  and1  Private  Acts.  In  1871  the  Legislature  had 
passed  a  general  law  for  creating  private  corporal  ions,  and  it  wag 
published,  and  in  force,  and  many  charters  were  taken  out  under  it. 
Subsequently  it  was  ascertained  that  there  was  no  enacting  clause 
to  the  bill.  One  of  the  most  important  acts  of  the  14th  Legisla- 
ture was  a  curative  act  practically  reenacting  the  bill  of  1871,  and 
further  providing  that  all  charters  taken  out  under  that  act  should 
be  valid.  The  first  session,  of  this  14th  Legislature  also  passed 
forty-seven  acts  for  the  creation  or  relief  of  private  corporations. 

The  most  important  of  these  was  the  bill  for  relief  of  the  I.  &  G-. 
N".  R.  R.  Co.,  by  which  that  company  was  granted  twenty  sections  of 
land  per  mile  of  road,  and  immunity  from  taxation  for  twenty-five 
years,  in  lieu  of  State  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $10,000  per  mile 
which  it  claimed  under  previous  legislation. 

There  were  eighty-six  private  bills  at  one  session,  prohibiting  the 
sale  of  intoxicants  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  designated  schools 
and  institutions  of  learning. 

A  general  incorporation  law  for  "Cities'  and  towns  of  1000  in- 
habitants or  over"  was  passed. 

On  March  13,  1875,  the  Legislature  passed  a  joint  resolution  to 
take  a  vote  of  the  people  as  to  calling  a  constitutional  convention. 
The  convention  was  called  and  convened  at  Austin  September  6th 
and  adjourned  November  24th,  1875.  The  constitution  prepared  by 
it  was  ratified  by  the  people  February  15th,  1876,  and  became 
operative  April  18th,  1876,  and  has  since  been  the  organic  law  of  the 
State,  though  several  amendments  have  been  made.  A  few  of  the 
many  changes  thus  accomplished  are: 

The  giving  of  authority  to  the  Legislature  to  regulate  the  quali- 
fications of  jurors. 

The  insertion  in  the  Constitution  of  an  entire  article  on  Munici- 
pal Corporations;  one  on,  Private  Corporations;  one  on  Railroads. 

Very  extensive  provisions  as  to  taxation. 

The  creation  of  a  new  judicial  system,  including  two  courts  of 
last  resort;  three  classes  of  trial  courts,  District,  County,  and  Jus- 
tice's, with  jurisdiction  distributed  among  them  in  a  manner  never 
before  provided  in  Texas. 

The  introduction  of  "local  option"  and  usury  laws. 


154         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

This  Constitution  also  gives  much  more  detailed  attention  to 
public  school  and  University  matters. 

On  the  day  the  Constitution  went  into  effect,  the  15th  Legislature 
convened,  and  it  set  vigorously  to  work  to  adapt  the  body  of  the 
statutory  kw  to  the  new  organic  law.  It  passed  167  bills  and  15 
joint  resolutions. 

Among  the  most  important  are  those  organizing  the  new  judi- 
ciary ; 

A  general  incorporation  law  for  railroad  companies ; 

An  aof  prohibiting  usury  and  providing  penalties  for  its  violation ; 

The  creation  of  the  Department  of  Insurance,  Statistics  and  His- 
tory; 

A  statute  of  Local  Option. 

This  Legislature  adjourned  August  21,  1876. 

The  next  Legislature,  the  16th,  met  January  14th,  1879,  and 
adjourned  April  24)th,  1879.  The  most  important  legislation  of 
this  session  was: 

The  General  Assignment  Law ; 

The  law  governing  Chattel  Mortgages ; 

The  law  giving  to  the  Commissioner  of  Insurance  large  control 
over  insurance  companies; 

The  establishment  off  the  State  Normal  Schools ; 

Authorizing  cities  and  towns  to  elect  boards  of  trustees  for  their 
public  schools ; 

Charging  rent  for  enclosed  public  school  lands,  and  the  famous 
Bell  Punch  Law. 

The  Special  Laws  of  1879  do  not  appear  in  this  volume  as  the 
foregoing  matters  fill  over  1500  pages,  but  will  be  given  in  full  in 
Vol.  9. 

A  volume  which  contains  all  these  matters  and  numerous  others, 
which  we  caonot  now  mention,  must  be  of  great  value  not  only  to 
the  lawyer  and  the  student  of  history  and  the  growth  of  government, 
but  also  to  every  person  who  desires  to  be  familiar  with  his  own 

country  and  its  laws  and  institutions. 

JOHN  C.  TOWNES. 


THE  QUARTERLY 

OF   THK 

TEXAS  STATE  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Yol.  IV.  JANUARY,  1901.  No.  3. 


The  publication  committee  and  the  editor  disclaim  responsibility  for  views  expressed  by 
contributors  to  the  Quarterly. 


THE  REMINISCENCES  OF  MRS.  DILUE  HARRIS.     II.1 

October,  1835. 

Stephen  F.  Austin  arrived  in  Texas  in  September.     He  had  been 
a  prisoner  in  Mexico  since  December,  1833.     He   did   all   in   his 


.  Adele  B.  Looscan  has  kindly  contributed  some  notes  to  this  part  of 
the  narrative  which  are  printed  over  her  name.  Concerning  Part  I  of  the 
Reminiscences  Mrs.  Harris  says,  in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Looscan:  *  *  *  "in 
my  reminiscences  of  the  Roark  family  I  copied  from  my  father's  journal. 
Brown's  account  of  the  affair  is  not  correct.  Those  men,  Spears,  Cox,  and 
Collins  Beason  were  killed  by  Indians  near  the  time  Elijah  Roark  was  mur- 
dered. McCormick  was  probably  in  San  Antonio  when  Leo  Roark  arrived 
there.  At  the  time  it  was  impossible  to  get  correct  news.  It  would  be 
months  before  events  happening  near  San  Antonio  would  be  heard  of  at 
Brazoria. 

"Those  four  men  Mr.  Brown  gives  an  account  of,  Spears,  Cox,  Beason,  and 
McCormick,  were  from  the  Colorado.  Season's  father  settled  where  the 
town  of  Columbus  now  stands.  The  place  was  called  Season's  Ferry. 
Santa  Anna  crossed  the  Colorado  at  Beason's  Ferry.  When  I  moved  to 
Columbus  in  the  year  1845  the  Beasons  were  living  there,  two  brothers, 
Abe  and  Leander  Beason,  two  sisters,  Miss  Mary  Beason  and  Mrs.  Bluford 
Dewees.  Mr.  Dewees  wrote  a  book  on  early  days  in  Texas.  *  *  *  All 
these  people  have  passed  away  leaving  but  few  descendants.  *  *  *  In 
the  QUABTEBLY  [for  October,  p.  123]  the  printer  makes  me  say  father 
advised  the  English  people  to  go  to  California.  It  should  have  been  Colum- 
bia. *  *  *  jyiy  husband's  name  was  Ira  A.  Harris,  not  Ira  S." 


156         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

power  to  prevent  the  people  from  holding  the  convention,  for  he 
said  Texas  was  in  no  condition  to  fight  Mexico.  He  could  have 
quieted  the  people,  but  General  Ugartechea  in  command  at  San 
Antonio  decided  to  send  Captain  Tenorio  back  to  Anahuac  by  water 
with  two  hundred  men  and  some  cannon.1  A  man  came  from  San 
Antonio  and  said  the  order  was  to  be  sent  to  Wiley  Martin  soon  to 
arrest  Mosely  Baker,  W.  B.  Travis,  R.  M.  Williamson,  and  others, 
and  he  said  General  Oos  would  be  in  Texas  by  and  by  with  a  large 
army. 

The  convention2  met  at  San  Felipe  in  September.  The  first  act 
was  a  call  for  volunteers  to  capture  San  Antonio  before  it  could  be 
reinforced  by  General  Cos. 

Our  school  closed  in  September.  The  teacher  said  there  was  so 
much  excitement  that  it  affected  the  small  children,  and  the  young 
men  could  not  be  got  back  in  school  at  all  after  the  election  in  Sep- 
tember. There  was  a  constant  talk  of  war.  Messengers  from  San 
Felipe  going  to  Brazoria  and  Harrisburg  stopped  at  our  house  from 
time  to  time  and  told  the  news.  All  the  men  in  our  neighborhood 
went  to  San  Felipe.  Stephen  F.  Austin  was  elected  to  command 
the  army,  and  it  was  to  rendezvous  on  the  Guadalupe  River  at 
Gonzales. 

This  month  we  heard  again  from  the  priest,  Padre  Alpuche.  He 
was  in  San  Antonio,  and  had  been  in  fact  a  spy  sent  from  Mexico 
through  New  Orleans  and  Nacogdoches  to  San  Felipe. 

November,  1835. 

Mrs.  Stafford  came  home  in  a  schooner  from  New  Orleans.  She 
had  spent  two  weeks  in  that  city  waiting  for  the  schooner.  She  said 
there  was  a  good  deal  of  excitement  there  about  Texas,  but  they 
never  got  any  news  direct  from  Mexico.  The  captains  of  ships 
told  them  that  Mexico  had  no  idea  of  sending  a  large  army  to  Texas. 
We  heard  so  many  different  reports  that  we  did  not  know  what  to 
believe.  Mrs.  Stafford  was  to  stay  until  spring  and  take  some  of 

JThere  is  some  confusion  here  as  to  Austin's  attitude.  In  his  speech  of 
September  12,  at  Brazoria,  he  urged  the  holding  of  the  Consultation 
strongly.— EDITOK  QUARTERLY. 

'That  is,  the  Consultation;  but  it  did  not  meet  till  October  15,  and  the 
next  day  it  adjourned  to  November  1. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       157 

the  negroes  back  to  the  United  States.  She  would  have  gone  at 
once,  but  she  had  to  wait  until  the  cotton  was  gathered  and  sold. 

There  was  no  mistake  about  General  Cos  and  his  army.  He  got 
to  San  Antonio  before  the  Texans  organized.  It  was  said  that  he 
was  going  to  march  through  Texas  during  the  winter,  liberate  the 
slaves,  and  force  all  discontented  persons  to  leave  the  country. 
Every  man  and  boy  that  had  a  gun  and  horse  went  to  the  army,  and 
the  women  and  children  were  left  to  finish  picking  the  cotton. 
There  were  but  three  men  left  in  our  neighborhood — father,  Adam 
Stafford,  and  Moses  Shipman.  Father  was  keeping  two  boys,  one 
named  Alexander  Armstrong,  and  the  other  William  Morris.  They 
were  orphans  and  half  brothers.  One  of  them  was  fifteen  years  old, 
and  the  other  eleven.  Brother  Granville  was  thirteen.  These  boys 
were  picking  cotton  and  talking  war  all  the  time.  Father  said  if 
they  had  guns  and  horses  they  would  go  to  the  army. 

Mr.  Dyer  came  home  from  San  Felipe  and  said  there  was  so 
much  dissension  among  the  delegates  he  would  not  wait  for  the 
convention  to  adjourn.  As  he  and  his  wife  were  going  to  the 
United  States  on  business,  he  thought  it  best  to  come  away.  They 
went  on  to  the  United  States,  taking  passage  from  Harrisburg  on 
the  same  schooner  that  Mrs.  Stafford  came  home  on.  Adam  Staf- 
ford 'and  Mr.  Dyer  shipped  cotton  at  the  same  time. 

Since  the  garrison  at  Anahuac  had  been  forced  to  surrender,  the 
schooners  were  coming  to  Harrisburg  frequently.  The  captains  said 
there  was  a  Mexican  war  vessel  near  Galveston  Island.  Farmers 
in  our  neighborhood  would  not  ship  any  more  cotton  from  Harris- 
burg then.  A  steamboat  had  been  sent  from  New  Orleans,  which 
was  to  run  from  Brazoria  on  the  Brazos  river  to  San  Felipe  and 
Washington,  and  the  cotton  at  Stafford's  gin  was  to  be  hauled  and 
piled  near  Mr.  William  Little's  at  the  Henry  Jones  ferry.  The 
steamboat  was  the  Yellowstone.  She  had  been  in  the  St.  Louis 
trade  when  father's  family  lived  in  that  city  in  the  years  '29  to  '32. 
She  was  now  to  remain  in  the  Texas  trade,  and  was  to  carr}r  the 
cotton  to  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos,  where  it  was  to  be  shipped  on 
schooners  to  New  Orleans.  Father  had  promised  us  children  to 
take  us  to  see  the  steamboat  when  she  was  at  the  landing,  and  Mr. 
Jones  said  he  would  give  a  grand  ball  Christmas,  when  the  captain 
of  the  boat  had  told  him  he  expected  to  be  at  the  ferry.  Mr.  Jones 


158         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

lived  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Brazos,  and  Mr.  Little  on  the  east 
bank. 

We  heard  that  the  Texans  had  General  Cos  and  the  Mexican  army 
surrounded  in  San  Antonio,  and  that  there  had  been  fighting,  but 
that  none  of  our  neighbors  were  engaged  in  it  except  Leo  Roark. 
His  mother  and  sieters  were  very  uneasy  on  his  account. 

December,  1835. 

Everything  was  at  a  standstill  and  times  very  gloomy.  The 
Brazos  river  was  so  low  the  steamboat  couldn't  go  up.  She  was  to 
go  to  Groce's  ferry  to  a  little  town  called  Washington.  There  were 
two  towns  in  Austin's  colony  named  Washington,  one  above  San 
Felipe,  the  other  on  Galveston  bay.1 

There  was  a  new  girl  baby  at  our  house  born  the  fifth  of  the 
month.  Sister  and  I  were  very  happy  over  the  babe.  Brother 
Granville  and  the  two  orphan  boys  teased  us  and  said  we  couldn't 
go  to  see  the  steamboat  or  attend  the  ball,  but  we  were  so  pleased 
with  our  little  sister  that  we  did  not  care.  Father  said  he  was  very 
proud  of  his  four  daughters,  and  that  he  would  be  as  popular  as 
Mr.  Choate  when  they  were  grown.  Mr.  Choate  had  seven  daugh- 
ters, three  of  them  married.  Father  said  his  only  trouble  was  to 
get  a  wagon  to  haul  his  daughters  around. 

We  heard  that  the  Texans  had  captured  San  Antonio,  and  that 
General  Cos  was  a  prisoner.  The  fighting  commenced  on  the  fifth 
of  the  month,  but  the  Mexicans  did  not  surrender  until  the  tenth. 
None  of  the  men  from  our  neighborhood  were  killed  or  wounded, 
but  several  we  knew  were  wounded.  Messrs.  Bell  and  Neal  came 
home  and  said  that  General  Cos  and  the  Mexicans  under  his  com- 
mand had  been  sent  across  the  Rio  Grande. 

Father  went  to  Columbia  and  Brazoria  with  a  cart  load  of  peltry, 
consisting  of  the  skins  of  otters,  deer,  bears,  panthers,  wild  cats, 
wolves,  and  'coons.  He  was  in  need  of  medicines,  powder,  and  lead, 

'Washington  on  Galveston  Bay  was  laid  out  by  Col.  James  Morgan,  and 
was  called  by  him  New  Washington.  It  was  located  on  the  Johnson 
Hunter  league,  and  as  it  was  the  residence  of  Col.  Morgan  it  became  known 
as  Morgan's  Point,  which  name  it  bears.  At  this  place,  only  a  few  days 
before  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  Santa  Anna  and  his  staff  came  near  cap- 
turing President  David  G.  Burnet  as  the  latter  was  boarding  the  schooner 
Flash,  Captain  Luke  Falvel,  for  Galveston. — ADELE  B.  LOOSCAN. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       159 

and  could  not  wait  any  longer  for  the  steamboat,  which  went  up 
the  river  later. 

January,  1836. 

Father  returned  home  on  New  Year's  day,  after  having  been  gone 
two  weeks.  He  sold  the  hides  and  laid  in  a  good  supply  of  drugs 
and  medicines.  He  would  have  gone  to  Harrisburg,  but  there  was 
no  drug  store  in  that  place.  He  said  it  would  have  been  better  to 
haul  his  cotton  to  Harrisburg  than  wait  for  the  steamboat,  and  that 
it  was  doubtful  whether  he  could  get  it  to  market  before  May  or 
June.  He  got  an  advance  of  one  hundred  dollars  on  his  cotton. 
While  he  was  gone  he  met  some  of  the  English  people  that  had  lived 
in  our  neighborhood.  Mr.  Page  had  moved  to  Galveston  bay,  and 
the  Adkinses  were  living  on  the  Brazos  near  Columbia.  Miss  Jane 
Adkins,  the  pretty  English  girl,  was  married,  and  so  was  her 
mother,  the  widow  Adkins. 

All  the  men  and  boys  that  went  to  the  army  from  our  part  of 
the  country  had  come  home  and  were  at  work.  They  seemed  to 
think  there  would  be  no  more  trouble  with  Mexico.  There  had  been 
a  garrison  of  Texas  soldiers  left  at  San  Antonio  under  Colonel 
Travis.  There  were  men  enough  in  Texas  to  have  organized  a 
large  army  if  they  could  all  have  been  concentrated  at  one  point. 

The  people  became  very  much  discouraged  on  learning  that 
Mexico  had  sent  a  revenue  cutter  to  Galveston.  It  didn't  try  to 
land,  but  anchored  outside.  There  were  several  schooners  at  Har- 
risburg loaded  with  cotton  and  hides,  that  couldn't  get  out.  The 
captains  said  that  the  first  big  storm  that  came  would  blow  the  war 
ship  away,  and  that  then  they  would  run  out. 

February,  1836. 

Every  farmer  was  planting  corn.  Mr.  Dyer  and  his  wife  came 
from  New  Orleans  on  board  a  schooner  which  entered  the  mouth  of 
the  Brazos,  but  the}'  didn't  see  the  revenue  cutter.  They  came  on 
the  boat  to  Columbia,  and  from  there  on  horseback.  They  had 
heard  such  bad  news  that  they  did  not  finish  their  visit.  It  was 
that  Generals  Santa  Anna  and  Cos  with  a  large  army  were  en  route 
for  Texas.  This  news  was  brought  direct  from  Tampico,  Mexico, 
to  New  Orleans  by  an  American  who  came  on  a  French  ship.  The 


160         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Dyers  said  men  and  munitions  were  coming  to  Texas.  We  had 
heard  this  news  before,  but  didn't  know  whether  it  was  true. 

Mrs.  Stafford  went  away,  taking  one  negro  woman  and  two  negro 
children,  besides  her  own  child,  and  Mr.  Harvey  Stafford  went  with 
them.  They  traveled  on  horseback,  and  their  friends  were  very  un- 
easy on  their  account,  as  there  were  Indians  on  the  Trinity  river, 
and  also  in  East  Texas. 

The  news  that  Santa  Anna  was  marching  on  San  Antonio  was 
confirmed.  The  people  at  Goliad  and  San  Patricio  were  leaving 
their  homes,  and  everybody  was  preparing  to  go  to  the  United 
States.  There  was  more  or  less  dissension  among  the  members  of 
the  Council  of  the  Provisional  Government.  They  deposed  Gover- 
nor Smith  and  installed  Lieutenant  Governor  Robinson.  The  Mex- 
ican army  arrived  at  San  Antonio,  and  the  Council  went  to  Wash- 
ington on  the  Brazos.  People  were  crossing  the  river  at  Fort  Bend 
and  Jones'  ferry  going  east  with  their  cattle  and  horses.  Every- 
body was  talking  of  running  from  the  Mexicans. 

March,  1836. — The  Fall  of  the  Alamo. 

The  people  had  been  in  a  state  of  excitement  during  the  winter. 
They  knew  that  Colonel  Travis  had  but  few  men  to  defend  San  An- 
tonio. He  was  headstrong  and  precipitated  the  war  with  Mexico, 
but  died  at  his  post.  I  remember  when  his  letter  came  calling  for 
assistance.  He  was  surrounded  by  a  large  army  with  General 
Santa  Anna  in  command,  and  had  been  ordered  to  surrender,  but 
fought  till  the  last  man  died.  A  black  flag  had  been  hoisted  by  the 
Mexicans.  This  letter  came  in  February.  I  have  never  seen  it 
in  print,  but  I  heard  mother  read  it.  When  she  finished,  the  cou- 
rier who  brought  it  went  on  to  Brazoria.  I  was  near  eleven  years 
old,  and  I  remember  well  the  hurry  and  confusion.  Uncle  James 
Wells  came  home  for  mother  to  help  him  get  ready  to  go  to  the 
army.  We  worked  all  day,  and  mother  sat  up  that  night  sewing. 
She  made  two  striped  hickory  shirts  and  bags  to  carry  provisions. 
I  spent  the  day  melting  lead  in  a  pot,  dipping  it  up  with  a  spoon, 
and  moulding  bullets.  The  young  man  camped  at  our  house  that 
night  and  left  the  next  morning.  Our  nearest  neighbors,  Messrs. 
Dyer,  Bell,  and  Neal,  had  families,  but  went  to  join  General  Hous- 
ton. Father  and  Mr.  Shipman  were  old,  and  Adam  Stafford  a 
cripple,  and  they  stayed  at  home. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       161 

By  the  20th  of  February  the  people  of  San  Patricio  and  other 
western  settlements  were  fleeing  for  their  lives.  Every  family  in 
our  neighborhood  was  preparing  to  go  to  the  United  States. 
Wagons  and  other  vehicles  were  scarce.  Mr.  Stafford,  with  the  help 
of  small  boys  and  negroes,  began  gathering  cattle.  All  the  large 
boys  had  gone  to  the  army. 

By  the  last  of  February  there  was  more  hopeful  news.  Colonel 
Fannin  with  five  hundred  men  was  marching  to  San  Antonio,  and 
General  Houston  to  Gonzales  with  ten  thousand.1 

Father  finished  planting  corn.  He  had  hauled  away  a  part  of 
our  household  furniture  and  other  things  and  hid  them  in  the  bot- 
tom. Mother  had  packed  what  bedding,  clothes,  and  provisions 
she  thought  we  should  need,  ready  to  leave  at  a  moment's  warning. 
Father  had  made  arrangements  with  a  Mr.  Bundick  to  haul  our 
family  in  his  cart ;  but  we  were  confident  that  the  army  under  Gen- 
eral Houston  would  whip  the  Mexicans  before  they  reached  the  Col- 
orado river. 

Just  as  the  people  began  to  quiet  down  and  go  to  work,  a  large 
herd  of  buffaloes  came  by.  There  were  three  or  four  thousand  of 
them.  They  crossed  the  Brazos  river  above  Fort  Bend,  and  came 
out  of  the  bottom  at  Stafford's  Point,  making  their  first  appearance 
before  day.  They  passed  in  sight  of  our  house,  but  we  could  see 
only  a  dark  cloud  of  dust,  which  looked  like  a  sand  storm.  Father 
tried  to  get  a  shot  at  one,  but  his  horse  was  so  fractious  that  it  was 
impossible.  As  the  night  was  very  dark  we  could  not  tell  when  the 
last  buffalo  passed.  We  were  terribly  frightened,  for  it  was  sup- 
posed that  the  Indians  were  following  the  herd.  The  buffaloes 
passed  and  went  on  to  the  coast,  and  the  prairie  looked  afterwards 
as  if  it  had  been  plowed.2 

We  had  'been  several  days  without  any  news  from  the  army,  and 
did  not  know  but  that  our  men  had  been  massacred.  News  was 
carried  at  that  time  by  /a  man  or  boy  going  from  one  neighborhood 
to  another.  We  had  heard  that  the  Convention  had  passed  a  decla- 

]These  reports  were,  of  course,  untrue. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 

2This  was  the  last  time  that  buffaloes  in  large  numbers  were  seen  in  this 
part  of  Texas ;  but  for  some  years  a  few  ranged  on  Mustang  and  Chocolate 
Bayous,  and  a  Mr.  Hill,  of  Grimes  county,  had  several  running  with  his 
•attle  as  late  as  the  early  40's. — ADELE  B.  LOOSCAN. 


162         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

ration  of  independence,  and  elected  David  G.  Burnet  president,  and 
Sam  Houston  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  On  the  12th  of 
March  came  the  news  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.  A  courier  brought 
a  dispatch  from  General  Houston  for  the  people  to  leave.  Colonel 
Travis  and  the  men  under  hie  command  had  been  slaughtered,  the 
Texas  army  was  retreating,  and  President  Burnet's  cabinet  had 
gone  to  Harrisburg. 

Then  began  the  horrors  of  the  "llunaway  Scrape."  We  left 
home  at  sunset,  hauling  clothes,  bedding,  and  provisions  on  the 
sleigh  with  one  yoke  of  oxen.  Mother  and  I  were  walking,  she  with 
an  infant  in  her  arms.  Brother  drove  the  oxen,  and  my  two  little 
sisters  rode  in  the  sleigh.  We  were  going  ten  miles  to  where  we 
could  be  transferred  to  Mr.  Bundick's  cart.  Father  was  helping 
with  the  cattle,  but  he  joined  us  after  dark  and  brought  a  horse  and 
saddle  for  brother.  He  sent  him  to  help  Mr.  Stafford  with  the  cat- 
tle. He  was  to  go  a  different  road  with  them  and  ford  the  San 
Jacinto.  Mother  and  I  then  rode  father's  horse. 

We  met  Mrs.  M — .  She  was  driving  her  oxen  home.  We  had 
sent  her  word  in  the  morning.  She  begged  mother  to  go  back  and 
help  her,  but  father  said  not.  He  told  the  lady  to  drive  the  oxen 
home,  put  them  in  the  cow  pen,  turn  out  the  cows  and  calves,  and 
get  her  children  ready,  and  he  would  send  assistance. 

We  went  on  to  Mrs.  Koark's,  and  met  five  families  ready  to  leave. 
Two  of  Mr.  Shipman's  sons  arrived  that  night.  'They  were  mere 
boys,  and  had  come  to  help  their  parents.  They  didn't  go  on  home ; 
father  knew  that  Mr.  Shipman's  family  had  gone  that  morning,  so 
he  sent  them  back  for  Mrs.  M — 's. 

It  was  ten  o'clock  at  night  when  we  got  to  Mrs.  Koark's.  We 
shifted  our  things  into  the  cart  of  Mr.  Bundick,  who  was  waiting 
for  us,  and  tried  to  rest  till  morning.  Sister  and  I  had  been  weep- 
ing all  day  about  Colonel  Travis.  When  we  started  from  home  we 
got  the  little  books  he  had  given  us  and  would  have  taken  them  with 
us,  but  mother  said  it  was  best  to  leave  them. 

Early  next  morning  we  were  on  the  move,  mother  with  her  four 
children  in  the  cart,  and  Mr.  Bundick  and  his  wife  and  negro 
woman  on  horseback.  lie  had  been  in  bad  health  for  some  time  and 
had  just  got  home  from  visiting  his  mother,  who  lived  in  Louisiana. 
He  brought  with  him  two  slaves,  the  woman  already  mentioned  and, 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       163 

a  man  who  was  driving  the  cart;  and,  as  Mr.  Bundick  had  no  chil- 
dren, we  were  as  comfortable  as  could  have  been  expected. 

We  had  to  leave  the  sleigh.  Sister  and  I  had  grieved  all  the  day 
before  about  Colonel  Travis,  and  had  a  big  cry  when  our  brother 
left  us.  We  were  afraid  Mrs.  M — .  would  be  left  at  home.  We  had 
a  fresh  outburst  of  grief  when  the  sleigh  was  abandoned,  but  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  Mrs  M — .  and  her  children. 

Mr.  Cotie  would  not  go  to  the  army.  He  hauled  five  families  in 
the  big  blue  wagon  with  his  six  yoke  of  oxen,  besides  negroes,  pro- 
visions, bedding,  and  all  the  plunder  the  others  could  not  carry. 

We  camped  the  first  night  near  Harrisburg,  about  where  the  rail- 
March,  ISSG.^-TJie  Runaway  Scrape. 

road  depot  now  stands.  Next  day  we  crossed  Vince's  Bridge  and 
arrived  at  the  San  Jacinto  in  the  night.  There  were  fully  five 
thousand  people  at  the  ferry.  The  planters  from  Brazoria  and  Co- 
lumbia with  their  slaves  were  crossing.  We  waited  three  days  be- 
fore we  crossed.  Our  party  consisted  of  five  white  families: 
father's,  Mr.  Dyer's,  Mr.  Bell's,  Mr.  Neal's,  and  Mr.  Bundick's. 
Father  and  Mr.  Bundick  were  the  only  whife  men  in  the  party,  the 
others  being  in  the  army.  There  were  twenty  or  thirty  negroes 
from  Stafford's  plantation.  They  had  a  large  wagon  with  five  yoke 
of  oxen,  and  horses,  and  mules,  and  they  were  in  charge  of  an  old 
negro  man  called  Uncle  Ned.  Altogether,  black  and  white,  there 
were  about  fifty  of  us.  Every  one  was  trying  to  cross  first,  and  it 
was  almost  a  riot. 

We  got  over  the  third  day,  and  after  travelling  a  few  miles  came 
to  a  big  prairie.  It  was  about  twelve  miles  further  to  the  next  tim- 
ber and  water,  and  some  of  our  party  wanted  to  camp;  but  others 
said  that  the  Trinity  river  was  rising,  and  if  we  delayed  we  might 
not  get  across.  So  we  hurried  on. 

When  we  got  about  half  across  the  prairie  Uncle  Ned's  wagon 
bogged.  The  negro  men  driving  the  carts  tried  to  go  around  the 
big  wagon  one  at  a  time  until  the  four  carts  were  fast  in  the  mud. 
Mather  was  the  only  white  woman  that  rode  in  a  cart;  the  others 
travelled  on  horseback.  Mrs.  Bell's  four  children,  Mrs.  Dyer's 
three,  and  mother's  four  rode  in  the  carts.  All  that  were  on  horse- 
back had  gone  on  to  the  timber  to  let  their  horses  feed  and  get 


164         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

water.  They  supposed  their  families  would  get  there  by  dark. 
The  negro  men  put  all  the  oxen  to  the  wagon,  but  could  not  move 
it ;  so  they  had  to  stay  there  until  morning  without  wood  or  water. 
Mother  gathered  the  white  children  in  our  cart.  They  behaved 
very  well  and  went  to  sleep,  except  one  little  boy,  Eli  Dyer,  who 
kicked  and  cried  for  Uncle  Xed  and  Aunt  Dilue  till  Uncle  Xed 
came  and  carried  him  to  the  wagon.  He  slept  that  night  in  Uncle 
Ned's  arms. 

Mother  with  all  the  negro  women  and  children  walked  six  miles 
to  the  timber  and  found  our  friends  in  trouble.  Father  and  Mr. 
Bundick  had  gone  to  the  river  and  helped  with  the  ferry  boat,  but 
late  in  the  evening  the  boat  grounded  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Trinity  and  didn't  get  back  until  morning.  While  they  were  gone 
the  horses  had  strayed  off  and  they  had  to  find  them  before  they 
could  go  to  the  wagons.  Those  that  travelled  on  horseback  were 
supplied  with  provisions  by  other  campers.  We  that  stayed  in  the 
prairie  had  to  eat  cold  corn  bread  and  cold  boiled  beef.  The 
wagons  and  carts  didn't  get  to  the  timber  till  night.  They  had  to 
be  unloaded  and  pulled  out.1 

March,  1836. — Crossing  the  Trinity  River. 

At  the  Trinity  river  men  from  the  army  began  to  join  their 
families.  I  know  they  have  been  blamed  for  this,  but  what  else 
could  they  have  done?  The  Texas  army  was  retreating  and  the 
Mexicans  were  crossing  the  Colorado,  Col.  Fannin  and  his  men 
were  prisoners,  there  were  more  negroes  than  whites  among  us  and 
many  of  them  were  wild  Africans,  there  was  a  large  tribe  of  Indians 
on  the  Trinity  as  well  as  the  Cherokee  Indians  in  Eastern  Texas  at 
Nacogdoches,  and  there  were  tories,  both  Mexicans  and  Americans, 
in  the  country.  It  was  the  intention  of  our  men  to  see  their  fami- 
lies across  the  Sabine  river,  and  then  to  return  and  fight  the  Mex- 
icans. I  must  say  for  the  negroes  that  there  was  no  insubordina- 
tion among  them ;  they  were  loyal  to  their  owners. 

*A  note  written  by  Mrs.  Harris  in  the  year  1898  is  as  follows:  "I  know 
of  no  one  living  at  this  time  who  was  in  that  party  except  my  brother, 
Granville  Rose,  and  myself.  He  is  seventy-five  years  old,  and  I  am  seventy- 
three.  He  was  not  with  us  when  we  crossed  the  Trinity,  but  was  helping 
Mr.  Stafford  with  his  cattle." 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       165 

Our  hardships  began  at  the  Trinity.  The  river  was  rising  and 
there  was  a  struggle  to  see  who  should  cross  first.  Measles,  sore 
eyes,  whooping  cough,  and  every  other  disease  that  man,  woman, 
or  child  is  heir  to,  broke  out  among  us.  Our  party  now  consisted 
of  the  five  white  families  I  first  mentioned,  and  Mr.  Adam  Staf- 
ford's negroes.  We  had  separated  from  Mrs.  M — .  and  other 
friends  at  Vinoe's  bridge.  The  horrors  of  crossing  the  Trinity  are 
beyond  my  power  to  describe.  One  of  my  little  sisters  was  veiy 
sick,  and  the  ferryman  said  that  those  families  that  had  sick  chil- 
dren should  cross  first.  When  our  party  got  to  the  boat  the  water 
broke  over  the  banks  above  where  we  were  and  ran  around  us.  We 
were  several  hours  surrounded  by  water.  Our  family  was  the  last 
to  get  to  the  boat.  We  left  more  than  five  hundred  people  on  the 

March,  1836. — Crossing  the  Trinity. 
Retreating  Before  the  Mexican  Army  Under  General  Santa  Anna. 

west  bank.  Drift  wood  covered  the  water  as  far  as  we  could  see. 
The  sick  child  was  in  convulsions.  It  required  eight  men  to  man- 
age the  boat. 

When  we  landed  the  lowlands  were  under  water,  and  everybody 
was  rushing  for  the  prairie.  Father  had  a  good  horse,  and  Mrs. 
Dyer  let  mother  have  her  horse  and  saddle.  Father  carried  the 
sick  child,  and  sister  and  I  rode  behind  mother.  She  carried 
father's  gun  and  the  little  babe.  All  we  carried  with  us  was  what 
clothes  we  were  wearing  at  the  time.  The  night  was  very  dark. 
We  crossed  a  bridge  that  was  under  water.  As  soon  as  we  crossed, 
a  man  with  a  cart  and  oxen  drove  on  the  bridge,  and  it  broke  down, 
drowning  the  oxen.  That  prevented  the  people  from  crossing,  as 
the  bridge  was  over  a  slough  that  looked  like  a  river. 

Father  and  mother  hurried  on,  and  we  got  to  the  prairie  and 
found  a  great  many  families  camped  there.  A  Mrs.  Foster  invited 
mother  to  her  camp,  and  furnished  us  with  supper,  a  bed,  and  dry 
clothes. 

The  other  families  stayed  all  night  in  t^e  bottom  without  fire  or 
anything  to  eat,  and  the  water  up  in  the  carts.  The  men  drove 
the  horses  and  oxen  to  the  prairies,  and  the  women,  sick  children, 
and  negroes  were  left  in  the  bottom.  The  old  negro  man,  Uncle 
Ned,  was  left  in  charge.  He  put  the  white  women  and  children  in 


166        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

his  wagon.  It  was  large  and  had  a  canvas  cover.  The  negro 
women  and  their  children  he  put  in  the  carts.  Then  he  guarded 
the  whole  party  until  morning. 

It  was  impossible  for  the  men  to  return  to  their  families.  They 
spent  the  night  making  a  raft  by  torch  light.  As  the  camps  were 
near  a  grove  of  pine  timber,  there  was  no  trouble  about  lights.  It 
was  a  night  of  terror.  Father  and  the  men  worked  some  distance 
from  the  camp  cutting  down  timber  to  make  the  raft.  It  had  to  be 
put  together  in  the  water.  We  were  in  great  anxiety  about  the 
people  that  were  left  in  the  bottom ;  we  didn't  know  but  they  would 
be  drowned,  or  killed  by  panthers,  alligators,  or  bears. 

As  soon  as  it  was  daylight  the  men  went  to  the  relief  of  their 
families  and  found  them  cold,  wet,  and  hungry.  Many  of  the  fami- 
lies that  were  water  bound  1  didn't  know;  but  there  were  among 
them  Mrs.  Bell's  throe  children,  and  Mrs.  Dyer  and  her  sister,  Mrs. 
Xeal,  with  five  children.  Mr.  Bundick's  wife  had  given  out  the  first 
day  that  we  arrived  at  the  river.  Her  health  was  delicate,  and  as 
she  and  her  husband  had  friends  living  near  Liberty  they  went 
to  their  house.  When  the  men  on  the  raft  got  to  those  who  had 
stayed  all  night  in  the  Trinity  bottom  they  found  that  the  negroes 
were  scared,  and  wanted  to  get  on  the  raft;  but  Uncle  Ned  told 
them  that  his  young  mistress  and  the  children  should  go  first.  It 
was  very  dangerous  crossing  the  slough.  The  men  would  bring  one 
woman  and  her  children  on  the  raft  out  of  deep  water,  and  men  on 
horseback  would  meet  them.  It  took  all  day  to  get  the  party  out 
to  the  prairies.  The  men  had  to  carry  cooked  provisions  to  them. 

The  second  day  they  brought  out  the  bedding  and  clothes?. 
Everything  was  soaked  with  water.  They  had  to  take  the  wagom 
and  carts  apart.  The  Stafford  wagon  was  the  last  one  brought  out. 
Uncle  Ned  stayed  in  the  wagon  until  even-thing  was  landed  on  the 
prairie.  It  took  four  days  to  get  everything  out  of  the  water. 

The  man  whose  oxen  were  drowned  sold  his  cart  to  father  for 
ten  dollars.  He  said  that  he  had  seen  enough  of  Mexico  and  would 
go  back  to  old  Ireland. 

It  had  been  five  days  since  we  crossed  the  Trinity,  and  we  had 
heard  no  news  from  the  army.  The  town  of  Liberty  was  three 
miles  from  where  we  .camped.  The  people  there  had  not  left  their 
homes,  and  they  gave  ue  all  the  help  in  their  power.  My  little 
sister  that  had  been  sick  died  and  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  at 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       167 

Liberty.  After  resting  a  few  days  our  party  continued  their  jour- 
ney, but  we  remained  in  the  town.  Mother  was  not  able  to  travel ; 
she  had  nursed  an  infant  and  the  sick  child  until  she  was  compelled 
to  rest. 

A  few  days  after  our  friends  had  gone  a  man  crossed  the  Trinity 
in  a  skiff  bringing  bad  news.  The  Mexican  army  had  -crossed  the 
Brazos  and  was  between  the  Texas  army  and  Harrisburg.  Fannin 
and  his  men  were  massacred.  President  Burnet  and  his  cabinet  had 
left  Harrisburg  and  gone  to  Washington  on  the  bay  and  were  going 
to  Galveston  Island.  The  people  at  Liberty  had  left.  There  were 
many  families  west  of  the  Trinity,  among  them  our  nearest  neigh- 
bors, Mrs.  Boark  and  Mrs.  M — . 

April,  1836. — The  Battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

We  had  been  at  Liberty  three  weeks.  A  Mr.  Martin  let  father 
use  his  house.  There  were  two  families  camped  near,  those  of  Mr. 
Bright  and  his  son-in-law,  Patrick  Keels,  from  the  Colorado  river. 
One  Thursday  evening  all  of  a  sudden  we  heard  a  sound  like  distant 
thunder.  When  it  was  repeated  father  said  it  was  cannon,  and  that 
the  Texans  and  Mexicans  were  fighting.  He  had  been  through  the 
war  of  1812,  and  knew  it  was  a  battle.  The  cannonading  lasted 
only  a  few  minutes,  and  father  said  that  the  Texans  must  have  been 
defeated,  or  the  cannon  would  not  have  ceased  firing  so  quickly. 
We  left  Liberty  in  half  an  hour.  The  reports  of  the  cannon  were 
so  distant  that  father  was  under  the  impression  that  the  fighting 
was  near  the  Trinity.  The  river  was  ten  miles  wide  at  Liberty. 

We  travelled  nearly  all  night,  sister  and  I  on  horseback  and 
mother  in  the  cart.  Father  had  two  yoke  of  oxen  now.  One  yoke 
belonged  to  Adam  Stafford  and  had  strayed  and  father  found  them. 
The  extra  yoke  was  a  great  help  as  the  roads  were  very  boggy.  We 
rested  a  few  hours  to  let  the  stock  feed.  Mr.  Bright  and  two  fami- 
lies were  with  us.  We  were  as  wretched  as  we  could  be ;  for  we  had 
been  five  weeks  from  home,  and  there  was  not  much  prospect  of 
our  ever  returning.  We  had  not  heard  a  word  from  brother  or  the 
other  boys  that  were  driving  the  cattle.  Mother  was  sick,  and  we 
had  buried  our  dear  little  sister  at  Liberty. 

We  continued  our  journey  through  mud  and  water  and  when  we 
camped  in  the  evening  fifty  or  sixty  young  men  came  by  who  were 


168         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

going  to  join  General  Houston.  One  of  them  was  Harvey  Stafford, 
our  neighbor,  who  was  returning  from  the  United  States  with  vol- 
unteers. Father  told  them  there  had  been  fighting,  and  he  in- 
formed them  that  they  could  not  cross  the  Trinity  at  Liberty. 
They  brought  some  good  news  from  our  friends.  Mr.  Stafford  had 
met  his  sisters,  Mrs.  Dyer,  and  Mrs.  Xeal.  He  said  there  had  been 
a  great  deal  of  sickness,  but  no  deaths.  He  said  also  that  General 
Gaines  of  the  United  States  army  was  at  the  Neches  with  a  regi- 
ment of  soldiers  to  keep  the  Indians  in  subjection,  but  didn't  pre- 
vent the  people  from  crossing  with  their  slaves.  General  Gaines 
said  the  boundary  line  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  was 
the  Neches. 

The  young  men  went  a  short  distance  from  us  and  camped. 
Then  we  heard  some  one  calling  in  the  direction  of  Liberty.  We 
could  see  a  man  on  horseback  waving  his  hat ;  and,  as  we  knew  there 
was  no  one  left  at  Liberty,  we  thought  the  Mexican  army  had 
crossed  the  Trinity.  The  young  men  came  with  their  guns,  and 
when  the  rider  got  near  enough  for  us  to  understand  what  he  said, 
it  was  "Turn  back !  The  Texas  army  has  whipped  the  Mexican 
army  and  the  Mexican  army  are  prisoners.  No  danger !  No  dan- 
ger! Turn  back!"  When  he  got  to  the  camp  he  could  scarcely 
speak  he  was  so  excited  and  out  of  breath.  When  the  young  men 
began  to  understand  the  glorious  news  they  wanted  to  fire  a  salute, 
but  father  made  them  stop.  He  told  them  to  save  their  ammuni- 
tion, for  they  might  need  it. 

Father  asked  the  man  for  an  explanation,  and  he  showed  a  des- 
patch from  General  Houston  giving  an  account  of  the  battle  and 
saying  it  would  be  safe  for  the  people  to  return  to  their  homes. 
The  courier  had  crossed  the  Trinity  River  in  a  canoe,  swimming  his 
horse  with  the  help  of  two  men.  He  had  left  the  battle  field  the 
next  day  after  the  fighting.  He  said  that  General  Houston  was 
wounded,  and  that  General  Santa  Anna  had  not  been  captured. 

The  good  news  was  cheering  indeed.  The  courier's  name  was 
McDermot.  He  was  an  Irishman  and  had  been  an  actor.  He 
stayed  with  us  that  night  and  told  various  incidents  of  the  battle. 
There  was  not  much  sleeping  during  the  night.  Mr.  McDennot 
said  that  he  had  not  slept  in  a  week.  He  not  only  told  various  in- 
cidents of  the  retreat  of  the  Texas  army,  but  acted  them.  The 
first  time  that  mother  laughed  after  the  death  of  my  little 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.        169 

sister  was  at  his  description  of  General  Houston's  helping  to  get 
a  cannon  out  of  a  bog. 

We  were  on  the  move  early  the  next  morning.  The  courier  went 
on  to  carry  the  glad  tidings  to  the  people  who  had  crossed  the 
Sabine,  but  we  took  a  lower  road  and  went  down  the  Trinity.  We 
crossed  the  river  in  a  flat  boat.  When  Mr.  McDermot  left  us  the 

April,  1836. — On  the  way  back  Home. 

young  men  fired  a  salute.  Then  they  travelled  with  us  until  they 
crossed  the  river. 

We  staid  one  night  at  a  Mr.  Lawrence's,  where  there  were  a  great 
many  families.  Mrs.  James  Perry  was  there.  She  had  not  gone 
east  of  the  Trinity.  Her  husband,  Captain  James  Perry,  was  in 
the  army.  Mrs.  Perry  was  a  sister  of  Stephen  F.  Austin.  My 
parents  knew  them  in  Missouri.  She  had  a  young  babe  and  a 
pretty  little  daughter  named  Emily. 

After  crossing  the  Trinity  River  we  had  a  disagreeable  time 
crossing  the  bay.  It  had  been  raining  two  days  and  nights. 
There  was  a  bayou  to  cross  over  which  there  was  no  bridge,  and  the 
only  way  to  pass  was  to  go  three  miles  through  the  bay  to  get 
around  the  mouth  of  the  bayou.  There  were  guide-posts  to  point 
out  the  way,  but  it  was  very  dangerous.  If  we  got  near  the  mouth 
of  the  bayou  there  was  quicksand.  If  the  wind  rose  the  waves 
rolled  high.  The  bayou  was  infested  with  alligators.  A  few  days 
before  our  family  arrived  at  the  bay  a  Mr.  King  was  caught  by  one 
and  carried  under  water.  He  was  going  east  with  his  family.  He 
swam  his  horses  across  the  mouth  of  the  bayou,  and  then  he  swam 
back  to  the  west  side  and  drove  the  cart  into  the  bay.  His  wife 
and  children  became  frightened,  and  he  turned  back  and  said  he 
would  go  up  the  river  and  wait  for  the  water  to  subside.  He  got 
his  family  back  on  land,  and  swam  the  bayou  to  bring  back  the 
horses.  He  had  gotten  nearly  across  with  them,  when  a  large  alli- 
gator appeared.  Mrs.  King  first  saw  it  above  water  and  screamed. 
The  alligator  struck  her  husband  with  its  tail  and  he  went  under 
water.  There  were  several  men  present,  and  they  fired  their  guns 
at  the  animal,  but  it  did  no  good.  It  was  not  in  their  power  to 
rescue  Mr.  King.  The  men  waited  several  days  and  then  killed  a 
beef,  put  a  quarter  on  the  bank,  fastened  it  with  a  chain,  and  then 


170         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

watched  it  until  the  alligator  came  out,  when  they  ehot  and  killed 
it.  This  happened  several  days  before  the  battle.1 

We  passed  the  bayou  without  any  trouble  or  accident,  except  the 
loss  of  my  sunbonnet.  It  blew  off  as  we  reached  the  shore.  The 
current  was  very  swift  at  the  mouth  of  the  bayou.  Father  wanted 
to  swim  in  and  get  it  for  me,  but  mother  begged  him  not  to  go  in 
the  water,  so  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  it  float  away.  I  don't 
remember  the  name  of  the  bayou,  but  a  little  town  called  Wallace 
was  opposite  across  the  bay.  We  saw  the  big  dead  alligator,  and  we 
were  glad  to  leave  the  Trinity. 

Father's  horse  had  strayed,  but  we  wouldn't  stop  to  find  it.  He 
said  when  he  got  home  he  would  go  back  and  hunt  for  it. 

April,  1836. — On  the  San  Jacinto  Battle  Field. 

We  arrived  at  Lynchburg  in  the  night.  There  we  met  several 
families  that  we  knew,  and  among  them  was  our  neighbor,  Mrs. 
M — .  She  had  travelled  with  Moses  Shipman's  family. 

We  crossed  the  San  Jacinto  the  next  morning  and  stayed  until 
late  in  the  evening  on  the  battle  field.  Both  armies  were  camped 
near.  General  Santa  Anna  had  been  captured.  There  was  great 
rejoicing  at  the  meeting  of  friends.  Mr.  Leo  Roark  was  in  the 
l>attle.  He  had  met  his  mother's  family  the  evening  before.  He 
came  to  the  ferry  just  as  we  landed,  and  it  was  like  seeing  a  brother. 
He  asked  mother  to  go  with  him  to  the  camp  to  see  General  Santa 
Anna  and  the  Mexican  prisoners.  She  would  not  go,  because,  as 
she  said,  she  was  not  dressed  for  visiting;  but  she  gave  sister  and 
me  permission  to  go  to  the  camp.  I  had  lost  my  bonnet  crossing 
Trinity  Bay  and  was  compelled  to  wear  a  table  cloth  again.  It 
\vn,-  six  weeks  since  we  had  left  home,  and  our  clothes  were 
much  dilapidated.  I  could  not  go  to  see  the  Mexican  prisoners 
with  a  table  cloth  tied  on  my  head  for  I  knew  several  of  the  young 
men.  I  was  on  the  battle  field  of  San  Jacinto  the  26th  of  April, 

'Mr.  King's  widow  and  two  children,  a  son  and  daughter,  lived  at  Har- 
risburg  for  a  time  after  the  Revolution  and  then  moved  to  Galveston.  The 
daughter  married  a  Mr.  Vedder,  of  Galveston,  and  is  still  living  there. 
The  son  also  married  and  lived  in  Galveston. — ADELE  B.  LOOSCAX. 

To  this  Mrs.  Harris  adds  that  Mrs.  King  died  of  yellow  fever  in  Houston 
in  1836,  leaving  one  son,  a  printer,  Ben  F.  King. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       171 

1836.  The  28th  was  the  anniversary  of  my  birth.  I  was  eleven 
years  old. 

We  stayed  on  the  battle  field  several  hours.  Father  was  helping 
•with  the  ferry  boat.  We  visited  the  graves  of  the  Texans  that  were 
killed  in  the  battle,  but  there  were  none  of  them  that  I  knew.  The 
dead  Mexicans  were  lying  around  in  every  direction. 

Mother  was  very  uneasy  about  Uncle  James  Wells,  who  was  miss- 
ing. Mr.  Eoark  said  uncle  had  been  sent  two  days  before  the 
battle  with  Messrs.  Church  Fulcher,  and  Wash  Secrest  to  watch 
General  Cos.  They  had  gone  to  Stafford's  Point,  and  were  chased 
by  the  Mexicans  and  separated.  Fulcher  and  Secrest  returned 
before  the  battle.  Mr.  Eoark  says  the  burning  of  Vince's  bridge 
prevented  several  of  the  scouts  from  getting  back. 

Father  worked  till  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  helping  with  the 
ferry  boat,  and  then  he  visited  the  camp.  He  did  not  see  General 
Santa  Anna,  but  met  some  old  friends  he  had  known  in  Missouri. 
We  left  the  battle  field  late  in  the  evening.  We  had  to  pass 
among  the  dead  Mexicans,  and  father  pulled  one  out  of  the  road, 
so  we  could  get  by  without  driving  over  the  body,  since  we  could 
not  go  around  it.  The  prairie  was  very  boggy,  it  was  getting  dark, 
and  there  were  now  twenty  or  thirty  families  with  us.  We  were 
glad  to  leave  the  battle  field,  for  it  was  a  grewsome  sight.  We 

April,  1836. — Leaving  the  San  Jacinto  Battle  Ground. 

camped  that  night  on  the  prairie,  and  could  hear  the  wolves  howl 
and  bark  as  they  devoured  the  dead. 

We  met  Mr.  KuykendalPs  family  from  Fort  Bend,  now  Eich- 
mond.  Their  hardships  had  been  greater  than  ours.  They  had  stayed 
at  home  and  had  had  no  idea  that  the  Mexican  army  was  near. 
One  day  the  negro  ferryman  was  called  in  English,  and  he  carried 
the  boat  across.  On  the  other  side  he  found  the  Mexicans,  who  took 
possession  of  the  boat  and  embarked  as  many  soldiers  as  it  could 
carry.  While  they  were  crossing  some  one  said  it  was  Captain 
Wiley  Martin's  company.  "  They  knew  he  was  above,  near  San 
Felipe,  and  men,  women,  and  children  ran  down  the  river  bank 
expecting  to  meet  their  friends;  but  just  as  the  boat  landed  the 
negro  ferryman  called  out  "Mexicans !"  There  were  three  or  four 
families  of  the  Kuykendalls,  and  they  ran  for  the  bottom.  Mrs. 
Abe  Kuykendall  had  a  babe  in  her  arms.  She  ran  a  short  distance 


172         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

and  then  thought  about  her  little  girl  and  went  back.  She  saw  her 
husband  take  the  child  from  the  nurse,  and  she  afterwards  said  she 
was  then  the  happiest  woman  in  the  world. 

April,  1836. — Camping  near  the  Battle  Ground. 
The  Kuykendalls. 

One  old  gentleman  ran  back  to  the  house,  got  his  money,  went 
through  a  potato  patch  and  buried  it.  The  money  was  silver  and 
was  so  heavy  he  could  not  carry  it  away.  One  young  married 
woman  with  a  babe  in  her  arms  ran  into  a  big  field  and  followed 
the  party  that  was  on  the  outside.  The  fence  was  high,  and  they 
had  now  gotten  out  of  sight  of  the  Mexicans,  so  the  woman's  hus- 
band came  to  the  fence,  and  she  gave  him  the  child.  He  told  her 
to  climb  over,  but  she  turned  and  ran  in  a  different  direction.  Her 
husband  followed  the  other  families.  They  stayed  that  night  in  a 
cane-brake  without  anything  to  eat,  and  the  children  suffered  ter- 
ribly. The  next  day  they  made  their  way  to  Harrisburg  and  got 
assistance.  They  were  at  Lynchburg  during  the  battle,  and  were 
helped  by  General  Houston,  and  furnished  means  to  get  back  home. 

Mrs.  Abe  Kuykendall  nursed  the  child  that  had  been  left  by  its 
mother.  She  said  they  had  heard  from  the  mother.  She  had 
gone  through  the  field  and  got  out,  and  had  gone  twenty  miles 
down  the  river  to  Henry  Jones'  ferry,  where  she  fell  in  with  some 
people  she  knew.  She  thought  her  husband  and  friends  would  go 
there.  She  was  alone  the  first  day  and  night,  and  the  next  day  she 
got  to  Henry  Jones'. 

April,  1836. — Hearing  bad  News. 

Early  the  next  morning  we  were  on  the  move.  We  had  to 
a  roundabout  road,  for  the  burning  of  Vince's  bridge  prevented 
us  from  going  directly  home.  We  could  hear  nothing  but  sad  news. 
San  Felipe  had  been  burned,  and  dear  old  Harrisburg  was  in  ashes. 
There  was  nothing  left  of  the  Stafford  plantation  but  a  crib  with 
a  thousand  bushels  of  corn.  The  Mexicans  turned  the  houses  at 
the  Point  into  a  hospital.  They  knew  that  it  was  a  place  where 
political  meetings  had  been  held. 

Leo  Roark  told  father' while  we  were  in  the  camps  that  he  was 
confident  Colonel  Almonte,  General  Santa  Anna's  aide-de-camp, 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       173 

was  the  Mexican  that  had  the  horses  for  sale  in  our  neighborhood 
the  fourth  of  July,  '34.  Father  could  not  get  to  see  General  Al- 
monte, for  he  was  anxious  to  get  us  away  from  the  battle  ground 
before  night. 

Burning  the  saw  mill  at  Harrisburg  and  the  buildings  on  Staf- 
ford's plantation  was  a  calamity  that  greatly  affected  the  people. 
On  the  plantation  there  were  a  sugar-mill,  cotton-gin,  blacksmith- 
shop,  grist-mill,  a  dwelling-house,  negro  houses,  and  a  stock  of 
farming  implements.  The  Mexicans  saved  the  corn  for  bread,  and 
it  was  a  great  help  to  the  people  of  the  neighborhood. 

April,  1836. — Going  Home  after  the  Battle. 

We  camped  that  evening  on  Sims'  bayou.  We  met  men  with 
Mexicans  going  to  the  army,  and  heard  from  Brother  Granville. 
Mr.  Adam  Stafford  had  got  home  with  the  boys,  and  they  were  all 
well.  We  heard  that  the  cotton  that  the  farmers  had  hauled  to 
the  Brazos  with  the  expectation  of  shipping  it  to  Brazoria  on  the 
steamer  Yellowstone,  then  at  Washington,  was  safe.  Father  said 
if  he  got  his  cotton  to  market  I  should  have  two  or  three  sun-bon- 
nets, as  he  was  tired  of  seeing  me  wearing  a  table-cloth  around  my 
head. 

We  heard  that  Uncle  James  Wells  was  at  Stafford's  Point.  He 
made  a  narrow  escape  from  being  captured  by  the  Mexicans. 
When  he  and  Messrs.  Secrest  and  Fulcher  were  run  into  the  bot- 
tom, his  horse  ran  against  a  tree  and  fell  down,  and  uncle  was  badly 
hurt.  He  lost  his  horse  and  gun.  He  went  into  the  bottom.  He 
saw  the  houses  burning  on  the  Stafford  plantation.  As  he  was  over- 
seer there  when  he  joined  the  army  at  the  time  when  Colonel  Travis 
called  for  assistance,  it  was  like  his  home.  General  Cos  marched 
on  the  next  day,  but  left  a  strong  guard  at  the  Point. 

While  mother  was  talking  about  Uncle  James,  he  and  Deaf 
Smith  rode  up  to  our  camp.  It  was  a  haippy  surprise.  Uncle 
James's  shoulder  was  very  lame.  The  night  after  he  lost  his  horse 

April,  1836. — Camping  on  Sims'  Bayou.     Meeting  Deaf  Smith. 

and  gun  he  crawled  inside  the  Mexican  line  and  captured  a  horse 
and  saddle.  He  then  went  into  the  bottom  at  Mrs.  M — .'s  house, 
where  he  found  corn  and  bacon  and  a  steel  mill  for  grinding  the 


174         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

corn.  His  arm  was  so  lame  he  could  not  grind  corn,  so  he  ate  fried 
eggs  and  bacon.  He  had  been  to  our  house,  and  he  said  everything 
we  left  on  the  place  had  been  destroyed.  He  watched  on  the  prairie 
that  night  till  he  saw  so  many  Mexican  fugitives  wandering  about 
that  he  knew  there  had  been  a  battle.  He  met  Deaf  Smith  and 
other  men  sent  by  General  Houston  to  carry  a  dispatch  from  Santa 
Anna  to  Filisola.  Deaf  Smith  told  uncle  all  about  the  battle,  and 
said  he  had  captured  General  Cos  the  next  day  six  miles  south  of 
Stafford's  Point.  Cos  had  a  fine  china  pitcher  full  of  water  and 
one  ear  of  corn.  He  carried  Cos  to  the  Point,  where  he  got  a 
horse,  and  then  took  him  back  to  the  San  Jacinto  battle  ground. 
He  left  the  fine  pitcher  at  the  Point,  and  he  gave  it  to  Uncle  James. 
Uncle  stayed  there  till  Mr.  Smith  returned  from  Filisola's  camp 
with  an  answer  to  Santa  Anna's  dispatch. 

Mr.  Smith  could  speak  Spanish.  He  said  that  when  he  cap- 
tured General  Cos,  whom  he  did  not  know,  he  asked  him  if  he  had 
been  in  the  battle.  On  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  asked 
him  if  he  had  been  a  prisoner.  General  Cos  replied  that  he  had 
not,  but  that  he  escaped  after  dark  the  evening  of  the  battle,  and 
that  he  abandoned  his  horse  at  the  burnt  bridge.  Smith  then 
asked  him  if  he  had  seen  General  COB,  and  he  said  that  he  had 
not.  Smith  continued:  "I  am  Deaf  Smith,  and  I  want  to  find 
General  Cos.  He  offered  one  thousand  dollars  for  my  head,  and  if 
I  can  find  him  I  will  cut  off  his  head  and  send  it  to  Mexico." 
When  they  arrived  at  the  battle  ground  he  was  very  much  surprised 
to  find  his  prisoner  was  General  Cos.  He  took  the  horse  and  saddle 
back  to  Uncle  James,  and  gave  him  the  fine  pitcher,  and  when  we 
got  home  uncle  gave  the  pitcher  to  mother. 

Father  examined  uncle's  shoulder,  and  said  there  were  no  bones 
broken,  and  that  he  would  be  well  in  three  or  four  weeks.  Mother 
had  some  of  Uncle  James'  clothing.  She  trimmed  his  hair,  and 
made  him  go  to  the  bayou,  bathe,  and  put  on  clean  clothes.  All 
our  soldiers  were  dirty  and  ragged.  As  Uncle  James  had  fever, 
mother  wanted  him  to  go  home  with  her,  but  he  would  not.  He 
said  that  he  had  been  absent  from  the  army  ten  days,  and  must 
report  to  headquarters. 

Deaf  Smith  was  very  anxious  to  get  back  to  the  army.  He  was 
dark  and  looked  like  a  Mexican.  He  was  dressed  in  buckskin  and 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       175 

said  that  he  would  be  ashamed  to  be  seen  in  a  white  shirt.  He  said 
that  Uncle  James  would  be  taken  for  a  tory  or  a  stay-at-  home. 

Deaf  Smith  was  the  man  that  helped  burn  the  Vince  bridge.  He 
said  if  the  bridge  had  not  been  destroyed,  General  Filisola  would 
have  heard  of  Santa  Anna's  defeat  and  would  have  marched  to 
his  assistance,  as  he  was  not  more  than  thirty  miles  from  the  battle 
ground.  General  Urrea  was  also  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Brazos 
river  with  a  division  of  the  Mexican  army.  When  the  first  fugi- 
tives from  the  battle  field  arrived  at  the  headquarters  of  Filisola, 
he  did  not  believe  their  report,  but  when  others  came  with  the 
horrid  tidings,  he  became  convinced.  The  Mexican  fugitives  gave 
such  a  dreadful  account  of  Santa  Anna's  fall  that  General  Filisola, 
when  Deaf  Smith  arrived,  was  preparing  to  cross  the  river  to  join 
General  Urrea. 

Mr.  Smith  left  our  camp  before  daylight.  Uncle  James  Wells 
stayed  with  us  until  we  were  ready  to  start  home.  He  was  sick  all 
night,  and  father  gave  him  medicine  and  bound  up  his  arm. 

General  Santa  Anna  was  captured  the  next  day  after  the  battle. 
He  was  seen  by  Captain  Karnes  to  plunge  into  the  bayou  on  a  fine 
black  horse.  He  made  his  escape  from  the  battle  ground  on  Allen 
Vince's  horse,  but  not  on  the  fine  saddle.  The  horse  went  home 
carrying  a  common  saddle.  He  was  taken  to  headquarters  and  after 
a  few  days  was  restored  to  Allen  Vince.  James  Brown  went  to 
General  Sherman  and  pointed  out  the  horse.  General  Santa  Anna 
was  captured  by  James  A.  Silvester,  Washington  Secrest,  and 
Sion  Bostick.  A  Mr.  Cole  was  the  first  man  that  got  to  Santa 
Anna.1  He  was  hid  in  the  grass,  was  dirty  and  wet,  and  was 
dressed  as  a  common  soldier.  He  rode  to  the  camps  behind  Mr. 
Eobinson.  The  men  had  no  idea  that  they  had  Santa  Anna  a  pris- 
oner till  the  Mexicans  began  to  say  in  their  own  language,  "the 
president." 

5A  note  made  by  Mrs.  Harris  in  1898  says:  "Santa  Anna  gave  Mr.  Cole 
a  cup.  Mrs.  Cole,  his  widow,  has  the  cup.  She  lives  at  Eagle  Lake,  Colo- 
rado county.  Wash  Secrest  died  in  Columbus,  Colorado  county,  in  the 
year  '59.  S.  Bostick  resided  many  years  in  Colorado  county.  [He  now 
lives  at  San  Saba,  Texas. — EDITOR  QUARTERLY.]  I  knew  Bostick,  Cole,  and 
Secrest." 


176         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

April  30,  1836. — Going  Home.     Mrs.  Brown's  Family. 

We  stayed  one  day  on  Sims'  bayou.  There  were  more  than  one 
hundred  families,  and  all  stopped  to  rest  and  let  the  stock  feed. 
We  met  a  Mrs.  Brawn1  who  was  living  at  William  Vinoe's  when 
the  Mexican  army  crossed  the  bridge.  They  took  possession 
of  Allen  Vince's  fine  black  horse.  Mrs.  Brown's  son  Jam 
lad  aged  thirteen,  went  and  mounted  the  horse  and  would  not  give 
him  up.  The  Mexicans  made  the  boy  a  prisoner.  His  mother 
came  out  and  asked  for  General  Santa  Anna.  Colonel  Almonte 
came  out  and  asked  in  English  what  he  could  do  for  her.  She  told 
him  she  was  a  subject  of  the  king  of  England,  and  demanded  pro- 
tection. Almonte  assured  her  that  she  and  her  children  would 
not  be  hurt,  and  ordered  her  son  to  be  liberated.  Santa  Anna's 
servant  put  a  fine  saddle  on  the  horse.  It  was  ornamented  with 
gold,  and  had  solid  gold  stirrups.  When  the  captured  plunder  was 
sold  at  auction,  the  Texas  soldiers  bid  it  in  and  presented  it  to  Gen- 
eral Houston.  Mrs.  Brown  stayed  at  Mr.  William  Vince's  till  after 
the  battle.  We  met  some  English  friends  from  Columbia  that  were 
going  home.  The  Adkinses  that  lived  in  our  neighborhood  were 
relatives  of  Mrs.  Brown.  We  met  the  pretty  English  girl,  Jenny 
Adkins.  She  was  married  and  was  the  mother  of  two  children. 

April  30,  1836. — Home,  Sweet  Home. 

We  camped  one  day  and  two  nights  on  Sim's  Bayou.  We  had 
traveled  since  the  twenty-first,  without  resting,  half  the  time  in 
mud  and  water.  It  was  only  fifteen  miles  home. 

Early  in  the  morning  we  broke  camp.  We  were  alone ;  the  other 
families  lived  fartfoer  down  the  country.  The  weather  was  getting 
warm,  and  we  stopped  two  hours  in  the  middle  of  the  day  at  a 
water  hole.  When  the  sun  set  we  were  still  five  miles  from  home. 

We  overtook  our  nearest  neighbor,  Mrs.  M .  She  had  left 

Sims'  Bayou  that  morning  with  the  Shipman  family,  but  had  sepa- 

'Mrs.  Brown  was  a  Scotch  woman.  Her  son,  James  K.  Brown,  after- 
wards became  a  prominent  merchant  of  Galveston.  He  never  married,  and 
has  been  dead  many  years.  A  daughter  Jessie  married  a  Mr.  Wade  and 
lived  in  St.  Louis. — ADELE  B.  LOOSCAN. 

Mrs.  Harris  adds  a  note  to  the  effect  that  Mrs.  Brown  gave  a  description 
of  the  fine  saddle  and  recounted  the  story  of  the  burning  of  the  bridge. 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       177 

rated  from  them,  saying  she  could  find  the  way  home.  One  of  her 
oxen  got  down,  and  she  could  neither  get  it  up  nor  get  the  yoke  off 
the  other  ox.  When  we  drove  up  she  had  her  four  children  on  her 
horse  and  was  going  to  walk  to  our  house.  She  knew  that  we  had 
started  home  that  morning.  If  we  had  not  stopped  two  hours  we 
should  have  been  with  her  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon. 
Father  unyoked  her  oxen,  and  turned  loose  one  of  his  that  was 

broken  down  and  put  the  other  along  with  Mrs.  M 's  stronger 

ox  to  her  cart.     It  was  now  dark  and  we  traveled  slower.     The  oxen 

were  tired  and  kept  feeding  all  the  time.     One  of  Mrs.  M 's 

da/ughters  and  I  rode  her  horse;  it  was  a  great  relief  to  me,  for  I 
was  tired  of  riding  in  the  cart. 

It  was  ten  o'clock  when  we  got  home.  We  camped  near  the 
house. 

Sunday  morning,  May  1,  1836. — Home. 

Father  said  we  could  not  go  in  until  morning.  Uncle  James 
told  mother  that  the  floor  had  been  torn  up  by  the  Mexicans  ill 
searching  for  eggs.  He  would  have  put  the  house  in  order,  but  his 
shoulder  and  arm  were  so  painful  he  could  not  work. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  for  us  to  see  we  went  to  the  house, 
and  the  first  thing  we  saw  was  the  hogs  running  out.  Father's 
bookcase  lay  on  the  ground  broken  open,  his  books,  medicines,  and 
other  things  scattered  on  the  ground,  and  the  hogs  sleeping  on 

them.  When  Mrs.  M 's  children,  sister,  and  I  got  to  the  door, 

there  was  one  big  hog  that  would  not  go  out  till  father  shot  at 
him.  Then  we  children  began  picking  up  the  books.  We  could 
not  find  those  that  Colonel  Travis  gave  us,  but  did  find  broken  toys 
that  belonged  to  our  dear  little  sister  that  died.  Through  the  joy 
and  excitement  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  we  had  forgotten 
our  sad  bereavement. 

The  first  thing  that  father  did  after  breakfast  was  to  go  to  the 
corn  field.  He  had  planted  corn  the  first  of  March,  and  it  needed 
plowing.  He  did  not  wait  for  Monday,  or  to  put  the  house  in 
order,  but  began  plowing  at  once.  His  field  was  in  the  bottom, 
and  he  had  hidden  his  plow. 

Mother  said  I  should  ride  Mrs.  M 's  horse,  and  go  to  Staf- 
ford's Point  and  bring  Brother  Granville  home.  I  did  not  want  to 
go.  Sister  said  that  I  could  wear  her  bonnet.  My  dress  was  very 


178         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

much  the  worse  for  wear.  It  was  pinned  up  the  back,  my  shoes 
were  down  at  the  heels,  and  my  stockings  were  dirty.  I  waa 
greatly  embarrassed,  for  I  knew  all  the  boys  were  at  the  Point.  I 
did  all  the  primping  that  the  circumstances  would  permit,  plaiting 
my  hair,  etc.  I  had  had  my  face  wrapped  in  a  table  cloth  till  it 
was  thoroughly  blanched.  When  I  got  to  the  Point  there  were 
more  than  one  hundred  people  there,  men,  women,  children, 
negroes,  and  Mexicans.  Many  of  the  Mexicans  were  sick  and 
wounded;  I  had  never  seen  such  a  dirty  and  ragged  crowd.  The 
boys  were  without  shoes  and  hats,  and  their  hair  was  down  to  their 
shoulders.  After  I  had  met  them  I  did  not  feel  ashamed  of  my 
appearance.  Brother  got  his  horse,  and  we  went  home. 

I  was  not  near  the  burnt  buildings;  the  plantation  was  in  the 
bottom,  on  Oyster  Creek.  The  Stafford  family  used  the  house  at 
the  Point  for  a  summer  residence;  and,  as  they  brought  their 
negroes  out  of  the  bottom  in  the  summer,  there  were  a  good  many 
houses  at  the  Point. 

When  brother  and  I  got  home  we  found  mother  and  Mrs.  M 

at  the  wash  tub.  I  was  shocked,  for  mother  had  always  kept  the 
Sabbath.  At  noon  father  and  brother  put  down  the  floor,  Mrs. 
M 's  girls  and  I  scoured  it,  and  we  moved  in. 

Mrs.  M took  a  bucket  and  went  back  to  give  water  to  her 

sick  oxen,  but  found  the  ox  dead.  Brother  Granville  helped  her  to 
move  home  that  evening. 

Mother  was  very  despondent,  but  father  was  hopeful.  He  said 
Texas  would  gain  her  independence  and  become  a  great  nation. 

Uncle  James  Wells  came  home  with  two  Mexicans  for  servants, 
and  put  them  to  work  in  the  corn  field.  There  was  now  a  scarcity 
of  bread.  The  people  came  back  in  crowds,  stopping  at  Harris- 
burg  and  in  our  neighborhood.  A  colony  of  Irish  that  had  left 
San  Patricio  in  February  stopped  at  Stafford's  Point. 

Father  had  hid  some  of  our  things  in  the  bottom,  among  them 
a  big  chest.  Mother  had  packed  it  with  bedding,  clothes,  and  other 
things  we  could  not  take  when  we  left  home.  After  a  few  days, 
Uncle  and  brother  hauled  it  to  the  house,  and  that  old  blue  chest 
proved  a  treasure.  When  we  left  home  we  wore  our  best  clothes. 
Now  our  best  clothes  were  in  the  chest,  among  them  my  old  sun- 
bonnet.  I  was  prouder  of  that  old  bonnet  than  in  after  years  of 
a  new  white  lace  one  that  my  husband  gave  me. 


Tlie  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       179 

By  the  middle  of  May  our  neighbors  that  we  had  parted  from 
came  home.  They  had  got  to  the  Sabine  Eiver  before  they  heard 
of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

Father  and  the  men  that  had  cotton  on  the  banks  of  the  Brazos 
went  to  the  river  to  build  a  flat  boat  to  ship  their  cotton  to  Bra- 
zoria.  Mother  said  that  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  wait  a  few 
days,  but  they  would  not  stop.  They  said  that  as  they  had  been 
camping  for  two  months  it  would  make  them  sick  to  sleep  in  a 
house.  Uncle  James  stayed  with  us.  He  had  several  bales  of 
cotton,  but  was  not  able  to  work.  He  looked  after  our  Mexicans 
and  helped  the  women  in  the  neighborhood  to  get  their  corn 
worked.  They  all  got  Mexicans,  but  it  required  an  overseer  to 
make  them  work. 

There  was  no  prospect  of  a  cotton  crop  in  our  neighborhood. 
The  people  had  been  very  short  of  provisions,  and  there  would  have 
been  suffering  among  them  if  the  citizens  of  New  Orleans  had  not 
sent  a  schooner  load  to  Harrisburg.  The  provisions  were  distrib- 
uted without  cost. 

There  was  considerable  talk  of  a  new  town's  being  started  on 
Buffalo  Bayou  about  ten  miles  above  Harrisburg  by  the  Allen 
brothers.  They  wanted  to  buy  out  the  Harris  claim  at  Harrisburg, 
but  the  Harris  brothers  would  not  sell.1 

June,  1836. — Shipping  Cotton  on  a  Flafboat. 

The  first  of  June  the  men  sent  word  that  they  had  the  cotton 
on  a  boat  ready  to  start,  and  that  Uncle  Ned  should  be  sent  with 
the  Stafford's  wagon  to  bring  home  family  supplies.  It  was  more 
than  fifty  miles  by  land,  but  a  long  and  dangerous  route  by  water. 

The  new  town  laid  out  by  the  Aliens  was  named  Houston,  in 
honor  of  General  Houston.  There  were  circulars  and  drawings 
sent  out,  which  represented  a  large  city,  showing  churches,  a  court- 
house, a  market  house  and  a  square  of  ground  set  aside  to  use  for 
a  building  for  Congress,  if  the  seat  of  government  should  be 
located  there.  The  government  had  been  on  the  move  since  the 

*The  land  at  Harrisburg  was  in  litigation  between  the  heirs  of  Jno.  R. 
Harris  and  Robert  Wilson,  and  by  the  time  the  courts  were  in  session  and 
the  suit  settled,  the  town  of  Houston  had  been  made  the  seat  of  gorera- 
aient,  which  gave  it  a  great  advantage  over  the  more  favorably  located  towm 
•f  Harrisburg. — ADELE  B.  LOOSCAN. 


180         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

beginning  of  February,  stopping  temporarily  at  Washington  on  the 
Brazos,  Harrisburg,  Washington  on  the  bay,  Galveston  Island, 
Lynchburg,  Velasco,  and  Columbia.  There  was  so  much  excitement 
about  the  city  of  Houston  that  some  of  the  young  men  in  our  neigh- 
borhood, my  brother  among  them,  visited  it.  After  being  absent 
some  time  they  said  that  it  was  hard  work  to  find  the  city  in  the 
pine  woods;  and  that,  when  they  did,  it  consisted  of  one  dugout 
canoe,  a  bottle  gourd  of  whisky  and  a  surveyor's  chain  and  compass, 
and  was  inhabited  by  four  men  with  an  ordinary  camping  outfit. 
We  had  a  good  joke  on  the  boys  at  their  disappointment.  We  asked 
them  at  what  hotel  they  put  up,  and  whether  they  went  to  church 
and  to  the  theater.  They  took  our  teasing  in  good  part  and  said 
they  were  thankful  to  get  home  alive.  They  said  the  mosquitoes* 
were  as  large  as  grasshoppers,  and  that  to  get  away  from  them  they 
went  bathing.  The  bayou  water  was  clear  and  cool,  and  they 
thought  they  would  have  a  nice  bath,  but  in  a  few  minutes  the  water 
was  alive  with  alligators.  One  man  ran  out  on  the  north  side,  and 
the  others,  who  had  come  out  where  they  went  in,  got  a  canoe  and 
rescued  him.  He  said  a  large  panther  had  been  near  by,  but  that  it 
ram  off  as  the  canoe  approached. 

While  father  was  gone,  a  man  came  to  our  house  trying  to  find  a 
place  to  teach  school.  Mother  told  him  that  the  men  who  had  fami- 
lies were  absent,  but  that  she  thought  he  could  get  a  school,  and  that 
she  expected  father  home  in  a  few  days.  He  said  he  was  without 
money.  He  had  been  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  but  as  the  army 
had  gone  west,  he  had  decided  to  teach  until  he  could  get  money 
to  return  to  the  United  States.  He  offered  to  teach  us  three  chil- 
dren for  hie  board  until  he  could  get  a  school.  Mother  was  glad  to 
have  a  teacher  for  us,  for  we  had  been  out  of  school  since  Septem- 
ber, '35,  when  our  teacher  and  the  young  men  had  gone  to  San 
Antonio,  then  in  possession  of  the  Mexicans  under  General  Cos. 
We  gathered  what  books  we  could  and  began  work.  We  were  well 

June,  1836.— Stafford's  Point. 

pleased  with  the  teacher,  whose  name  was  Bennet.  We  were  with- 
out paper  and  wrote  on  slates. 

The  first  copy  Mr.  Bennet  wrote  seemed  to  amuse  our  Mexican 
servant.  He  picked  up  a  pencil,  wrote  a  few  words,  and  handed  the 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       181 

elate  to  Mr.  Bennet.  The  Mexican  wrote  French,  and  the  teacher 
was  a  French  scholar,  and  they  had  a  long  conversation  in  that  lan- 
guage. The  Mexican  had  been  a  colonel  under  Santa  Anna,  and  he 
said  that  he  and  Santa  Anna  were  not  far  apart  when  the  battle 
began.  The  Mexican  soldiers  w,ere  resting,  and  Santa  Anna  was 
asleep,  not  expecting  an  attack  by  the  Texans.  The  cavalry  had 
just  finished  watering  their  horses,  and  Santa  Anna's  servant  was 
riding  Allen  Vince's  fine  black  stallion,  using  a  common  saddle.  He 
said  the  last  he  had  seen  of  Santa  Anna  was  when  he  was  mounting 
the  horse  dressed  in  ordinary  clothes.  We  had  treated  the  Mexican 
like  a  negro  servant,  and  had  made  him  work,  churn,  wash,  and  do 
all  kinds  of  drudgery,  besides  working  in  the  corn  field.  He  said 
he  was  well  off,  and  had  a  home  and  family  in  Mexico.  He  stayed 
with  us  only  a  few  days  after  he  let  us  know  he  was  a  gentleman.  I 
don't  remember  his  name.  We  called  him  Anahuac,  after  the  town 
that  was  the  Mexican  port  of  entry. 

July  4,  1836.— A  Bull  fight. 

Father  and  the  men  arrived  home  the  last  of  June.  It  was  three 
weeks  from  the  time  they  left  Mr.  William  Little's  before  they 
landed  at  Brazoria.  They  sold  their  cotton  for  a  good  price  and 
bought  family  supplies.  Father  did  not  forget  his  promise,  but  got 
sister  and  me  nice  bonnets. 

The  men  employed  Mr.  Bennet  to  teach,  and  built  a  shed  on  the 
side  of  the  log  cabin  we  used  the  year  before  for  a  school  house.  A 
blacksmith,  a  Mr.  Thompson,  had  rented  the  house  and  opened  a 
shop.  He  said  then  when  it  rained  he  would  quit  work  and  let  the 
children  use  his  shop.  There  were  only  eight  pupils.  Mr.  Dyer 

eent  three  boys  and  Mrs.  M two  girls.  Mr.  A would  not 

send  his  children.  He  and  Mrs.  M were  keeping  up  their  quar- 
rel. Brother  Granville  and  William  Dyer  were  the  largest  boys  in 
school. 

We  had  been  in  school  but  a  few  days  when  we  had  quite  an 
adventure  with  two  wild  bulls.  There  was  no  fence  around  the  log 
house,  and  the  cattle  fed  close  by.  One  day  two  large  bulls  were 
fighting,  and  got  near  the  house.  The  teacher  said  for  the  children 
to  go  into  the  shop.  We  ran  to  the  door,  but  could  not  get  it  open ; 
so  we  climbed  up  the  side  of  the  house,  and  with  the  help  of  the 


182        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

teacher  and  the  boys  got  on  the  roof.  By  the  time  we  reached  it  the 
bulls  were  under  the  shed.  It  was  fun  for  the  boys,  but  the  girls 
were  scared.  The  bulls  pawed  the  ground,  fought,  and  bellowed,  the 
boys  laughing  and  hallooing,  and  the  girls  crying.  The  beys  said 
we  would  have  to  stay  on  the  house  all  night,  if  nobody  came  for 
us.  The  teacher  was  as  helpless  as  a  child.  He  had  been  reared  im 
Mobile,  Alabama.  After  the  boys  had  had  their  fun,  they  got  down 
and  ran  the  cattle  off.  The  bulls  quit  fighting  and  went  away  bel- 
lowing. The  next  day  the  men  built  a  fence  around  the  school 
house.  Our  Texas  boys  had  a  good  joke  on  Mr.  Bennet;  they  said 
if  he  had  showed  fight  the  cattle  would  have  run. 

Mr.  William  Stafford,  owner  of  the  Stafford  plantation  came  back 
to  Texas.  He  and  his  family  had  been  living  in  the  United  States 
since  the  year  '34.  He  came  back  by  water  and  landed  at  Galveston. 
He  had  not  had  a  letter  from  Texas  since  April.  His  daughters 
had  written  while  they  were  on  the  Sabine  river,  but  he  heard  at 
Galveston  for  the  first  time  that  all  the  buildings  on  his  plantatiom 
had  been  burned  by  the  Mexicans.  He  said  he  would  not  rebuild, 
and  gave  his  land  and  cattle  to  his  sons,  Adam  and  Harvey,  and  his 
married  daughters,  Mrs.  Dyer  and  Mrs.  Neal.  He  meant  to  move 
the  negroes,  who  had  built  several  small  houses,  to  Eastern  Texas 
in  the  winter. 

July,  1836. — The  great  City  of  Houston. 

We  heard  glowing  accounts  of  the  city  on  Buffalo  Bayou.  Several 
families  from  Brazoria  and  Columbia  had  moved  there,  among  them 
Ben  Fort  Smith,  his  mother,  Mrs.  Obedience  Smith,  and  family, 
Mr.  Woodruff,  Mr.  Mann,  with  his  wife  and  two  step  sons,  Flournoy 
Hunt  and  Sam  Allen,  Moseley  Baker,  and  others.  Uncle  James 
had  gone  to  Houston  to  locate  land.  Everybody  had  the  Houstom 
fever.  They  were  building  a  steam  saw  mill  there.  Father  was 
going  to  locate  land  near  Houston  on  Bray's  Bayou.  Mr.  Smitk 
wanted  him  to  settle  in  town,  and  said  he  Avould  give  him  a  lot ;  but 
father  could  not  do  so,  as  he  had  to  live  on  the  land  to  secure  title. 

The  fourth  of  July  came  and  went  and  we  had  no  celebration, 
but  were  to  have  a  barbecue  and  ball  in  September.  President 
David  G.  Burnet  issued  a  proclamation  for  an  election  the  first 
Monday  in  September.  The  young  people  had  no  amusements  an4 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       183 

no  church  to  attend.  I  was  in  my  twelfth  year  and  had  not  heard 
a  sermon  since  Easter  '33,  when  I  was  in  New  Orleans.  We  had 
been  disappointed  the  Christmas  before  in  our  expectation  of  going 
to  a  ball  at  Henry  Jones'  and  seeing  the  steamer  Yellowstone.  The 
boat  ran  down  the  river  a  few  days  before  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto, 
and  the  Mexicans  tried  to  catch  it  with  their  lariats.  The  Yellow- 
stone had  gone  to  New  Orleans. 

August,  1836. 

August  came,  but  it  seemed  as  if  September  never  would.  Our 
school  was  doing  well,  and  several  young  men  had  entered,  among 
them  Leo  and  Jack  Eoark,  Moses  and  James  Shipman,  Mr.  Calder 
and  Harvey  Stafford. 

Mr.  Stafford  had  gone  back  to  the  United  States.  His  wife  was 
to  return  to  Texas  in  the  winter  and  take  the  slaves  back  to  Eastern 
Texas.  There  was  a  prospect  for  plenty  of  corn  in  our  neighbor- 
hood, but  no  cotton,  as  there  was  no  cotton  gin.  Father  said  there 
would  be  good  crops  of  both  corn  and  cotton  raised  near  Brazoria 
and  Columbia. 

One  of  father's  St.  Louis  friends,  Mr.  Gillette,  was  visiting  us. 
His  wife  was  a  sister  of  Ex-Governor  Henry  Smith's  wife.  Mr. 
Gillette's  wife  died  while  we  were  in  St.  Louis.  He  had  two  little 
children,  a  boy  named  Edwin  and  a  girl  named  Martha.  Mother 
took  care  of  the  children  till  they  were  sent  to  married  sisters  in 
Kentucky.  We  were  glad  to  see  Mr.  Gillette,  especially  since  he 
had  seen  mother's  father  three  months  before,  while  we  had  not 
heard  from  St.  Louis  in  three  years.  It  was  a  great  satisfaction  to 
hear  from  our  friends. 

September,  1836.  —  An  Election. 

The  first  of  September  was  Monday.1  The  election  held  then  was 
the 

All  things  come  to  him  who  waits.  The  barbecue,  ball,  and  elec- 
tion were  at  Mr.  Dyer's,  near  our  house.  The  people  came  from 
different  settlements  and  several  of  our  Harrisburg  friends  were 
there.  William  Harris  and  Eobert  Wilson  were  judges  and  Clinton 


is  a  mistake.     September  the  first,  1836,  came  on  Thursday.  —  EDI- 
TOR QUARTERLY. 


184         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Harris  clerk.  Others  from  Harrisburg  were  Mr.  Doby,  George  and 
Isaac  liams,  James  Brewster,  Miss  Isabella  Harris,  sister  of  the 
four  brothers,  Lewis  B.  Harris  and  several  young  ladies,  among 
them  Misses  Elizabeth  and  Jane  Earl.  Mr.  McDermot,  the  courier 
who  had  carried  the  news  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  to  the 
Sabine  Kiver,  was  there.  He  was  young,  handsome,  and  sociable, 
and  was  quite  a  hero.  He  was  electioneering  for  Sam  Houston  and 
Mirabeau  Lamar.  When  the  returns  came  in  Houston  was  elected 
president  and  Lamar,  vice-president. 

I  had  been  to  an  election  in  Harrisburg  in  the  year  '33,  when  a 
delegate  was  elected  to  represent  Coahuila  and  Texas  in  the  Mexi- 
can Congress,  but  I  don't  remember  the  names  of  the  candidates. 
The  next  election  I  attended  was  at  Mr.  Dyer's,  when  delegates  were 
sent  to  San  Felipe,  in  the  fall  of  '35.  W.  P.  Harris  and  C.  C.  Dyer 
were  elected  at  that  time.  That  election  for  president  and  vice-pres- 
ident of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  September  1,  1836,  was  the  last  I 
attended.  There  was  no  drinking  or  fighting.  The  ladies  spent  the 
day  quilting.  The  young  people  began  dancing  at  three  o'clock 
and  kept  it  up  till  next  morning.  *  *  *  Mother  had  ripped 
up  an  old  silk  and  made  me  a  ball  dress.  It  was  one  she  had  before 
she  married,  and  it  had  been  left  in  the  old  blue  chest  that  was 
hid  in  the  bottom  when  we  ran  away  from  the  Mexicans.  That  was 
my  last  ball  at  an  election.  After  that  there  was  too  much  whisky 
drunk  for  ladies  to  be  present.  *  *  * 

October,  1836.— After  the  Ball 

We  were  going  to  school.  Mother  was  very  anxious  to  move,  and 
would  have  gone  to  the  United  States,  if  father  had  consented. 

Congress  met  at  Columbia  the  third  of  this  month.  President 
David  G.  Burnet  retired  from  office,  and  Houston  and  Lamar  were 
inaugurated. 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  excitement  among  the  people  in  regard 
to  General  Santa  Anna.  He  was  a  prisoner,  and  there  were  some 
of  the  Texans  who  would  have  had  him  shot  for  the  slaughter  of 
Colonel  Fannin's  men;  while  others  wished  him  sent  to  Mexico, 
under  promise  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Texas.  There 
had  been  severe  threats  made  against  President  Burnet,  and  he  was 
glad  to  become  a  private  citizen.  Father  said  that  Mr.  Burnet  was 


1  he  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       185 

honorable  and  just  in  all  his  official  life,  but  there  were  so  many 
ambitious  men  in  Texas  they  were  liable  to  start  strife  among  the 
people.  If  Colonel  Travis  and  Colonel  Fannin  had  obeyed  orders 
and  retreated  until  they  could  have  joined  General  Houston  at  Gon- 
zales,  the  Mexican  army  could  not  have  crossed  the  Colorado,  but 
every  man  seemed  to  think  he  could  command  an  army. 

November  and  December,  1836. 

Our  school  closed  the  last  of  December  and  Mr.  Bennet  went 
back  to  the  United  States.  Father  took  him  to  Harrisburg,  where 
he  boarded  a  schooner  for  New  Orleans.  That  was  the  first  time 
father  had  been  to  Harrisburg  after  the  Mexicans  burned  it.  He 
said  the  people  were  building,  and  that  they  had  made  the  Mexicans 
burn  brick  and  help  build  houses. 

Father  visited  the  new  town  at  Houston.  He  said  the  Aliens 
would  bring  a  steamboat  from  New  York  the  next  year;  that  they 
were  having  one  built.  It  was  to  run  from  Galveston  to  Houston. 
They  would  have  bought  the  Yellowstone,  but  she  was  too  large  to 
turn  around  in  Buffalo  Bayou. 

Mrs.  Stafford  came  back.  She  was  getting  ready  to  move  the 
negroes.  She  said  she  would  farm  near  the  Sabine  river,  while 
Mr.  Stafford  stayed  in  the  state  of  Mississippi,  and  if  Texas  were 
invaded  again  i>y  Mexico,  sht  would  cross  the  negroes  into  Louis- 
iana, as  they  had  the  right  to  run  from  the  Indians  or  Mexicans. 
Uncle  Ned  came  to  tell  us  goodby.  He  said  he  would  take  care  of 
his  mistress  and  take  the  negroes  to  the  United  States. 

January  1,  1837. 

The  year  '36  had  gone  with  all  its  horrors.  The  Christmas 
before,  in  1835,  we  were  expecting  to  go  to  Henry  Jones'  to  a  ball 
and  to  see  the  steamer  Yellowstone  carry  off  the  cotton.  She  did 
not  come,  but  ferried  the  Texas  army  across  the  Brazos  at  Groce's. 
While  a  part  of  the  Mexican  army  was  camped  at  Henry  Jones' 
ferry  she  passed  down,  and  the  Mexica/ns  tried  to  catch  her  with 
their  lariats. 

This  Christmas  there  had  been  three  deaths,  two  of  them  in  our 
neighborhood.  Mrs.  Eoark  died  on  Christmas  day,  Mr.  Shipman's 
eldest  son  died  a  few  days  after,  and  a  Mr.  Gordon  died  with  con- 
sumption. 


186         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

All  our  neighbors  were  preparing  to  move.  Mr.  Dyer  was  to 
move  to  Port  Bend,  and  Mr.  Neal  had  located  land  on  Bray's  Bayou, 
ten  miles  from  Houston.  Mr.  Bell  lived  on  rented  land  and  was 
going  to  more.  Since  the  cotton  gin  on  Stafford's  plantation  had 
been  burned  there  was  no  use  for  the  farmers  to  raise  cotton,  for 
they  would  have  had  to  haul  it  twenty  miles  to  have  it  ginned.  No 
one  would  build  again  till  the  trouble  with  Mexico  was  settled. 

General  Santa  Anna  was  still  a  prisoner.  Father  saw  him  at 
Dr.  Phelps's,  near  Columbia.  Stephen  F.  Austin  died  early  in 
December,  but  we  did  not  hear  the  sad  news  till  father  returned 
from  Columbia. 

February,  1837. 

Father  was  planting  corn.  He  said  there  would  be  a  market  for 
corn,  as  there  would  be  a  great  many  people  coming  to  Texas  that 
jear.  The  planters  from  the  states  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana 
were  moving  to  Texas. 

Congress  had  appointed  judges  and  divided  Texas  into  judicial 
districts.  Court  was  to  be  held  in  Houston  in  March  as  that  town 
was  to  be  the  seat  of  Harris  county.  Congress  was  to  meet  in 
Houston  in  May.  The  land  office  at  San  Felipe  had  been  closed 
by  the  Mexican  government  in  the  year  '34.  Father  and  Colonel 
Travis,  the  hero  of  the  Alamo,  were  in  San  Felipe  at  the  time. 
Father  didn't  locate  land.  The  land  office  would  be  opened  the 
first  of  June  in  Houston.  Father  was  going  to  locate  land  on 
Bray's  Bayou,  five  miles  from  Houston,  and  was  to  move  there  in 
the  summer.  We  were  very  sorry  to  move  from  the  place  that  had 
been  our  home  since  January  '34,  but  as  father  was  to  get  a  home 
very  near  Houston  the  change  would  be  for  the  best. 

Mrs.  M — .  was  to  remain.  She  had  a  large  stock  of  cattle  and 
did  not  pay  any  rent,  so  she  was  satisfied.  Father  advised  her  to 
locate  land,  but  all  the  land  near  by  had  been  grabbed  by  specuala- 
tors  that  had  swarmed  in  from  the  United  States. 

March,  1837. — Court  in  Houston. 

The  first  court  held  in  the  Republic  of  Texas,  under  the  new 
regime,  was  in  Houston,  March,  1837.  Father  attended  the 
court.  He  had  been  summoned  by  the  sheriff  of  Harrisburg 
county,  John  W.  Moore,  to  serve  on  the  grand  jury.  The  jury  sat 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       187 

on  a  log  under  an  arbor  of  pine  bushes.  Mr.  Moore  had  been 
alcalde  under  the  Mexican  government. 

This  court  witnessed  another  act  in  the  A — .  and  M — .  tragedy. 
Mrs.  M — .  went  before  the  grand  jury  and  had  Mr.  A — .  indicted 
for  the  murder  of  her  husband.  He  was  the  first  man  tried  in 
Houston  for  murder  and  he  was  acquitted.  He  had  been  tried  at 
Harrisburg  for  the  same  crime  before  Judge  David  G.  Burnet  in 
'34  and  pronounced  not  guilty.  Poor  man,  he  had  had  so  much 
trouble  he  decided  to  leave  that  part  of  Texas. 

Father  said  he  went  out  on  Bray's  Bayou  and  cut  his  name  on  a 
pine  tree,  and  that  he  would  camp  there  soon  and  build  a  corn  crib, 
so  he  could  claim  the  land. 

One  of  Mr.  Woodruff's  step-daughters,  Miss  Mary  Smith,  mar- 
ried a  Mr.  McCrory.1  They  were  the  first  people  to  marry  in 
Houston.  (  . 

The  young  men  in  Houston  were  preparing  to  give  a  grand  ball 
on  the  twenty-first  of  April.  The  dancing  was  to  be  in  the  capitol 
building,  if  the  representative  hall  was  in  a  condition  to  be  used. 

April,  1837. — Celebrating  the  First  Anniversary  of  the  Battle  of 
San  Jacinto  near  Stafford's  Point. 

When  father  returned  from  Houston  after  the  grand  jury 
adjourned  he  said  that  if  possible  he  would  take  us  to  the  ball  on 
the  twenty-first  of  April  at  Houston.  He  had  an  invitation  for 
Mrs.  Rose  and  daughters,  with  Clinton  Harris'  compliments  writ- 
ten on  the  back.  To  say  I  was  wild  at  the  prospect  would  best 
describe  my  happiness,  till  mother  reminded  me  that  one  of  our 
neighbors,  a  Mrs.  Turner,  was  very  sick  and  had  sent  for  father  as 
soon  as  he  returned  home.  She  said  that  she  would  not  leave  a 
sick  neighbor  with  two  children  to  go  anywhere.  The  Turners 
were  refugees  from  San  P&tricio  and  had  been  but  a  short  time 
among  us. 

The  young  men  in  our  neighborhood  said  that  they  must  have  a 

JMr.  McCrory  was  a  gallant  soldier  in  the  war  for  independence.  He 
lived  only  a  few  weeks  after  his  marriage,  and  some  years  afterwards  his 
widow  married  Hon.  Anson  Jones,  the  last  President  of  the  Republic  of 
Texas.  Mrs.  Jones  is  still  living  at  her  home  in  Houston. — ADELE  B. 
LOOSCAN. 


188        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

ball  on  the  first  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  There 
were  but  few  young  ladies  amongst  us.  Several  had  married  and 
moved  away,  and  everyone  that  could  was  going  to  Houston.  Mrs. 
Dyer  said  that  they  could  dance  at  her  house.  There  was  an  old 
Irishman  living  near  us  that  had  two  pretty  daughters,  but  he 
would  not  allow  the  boys  to  visit  them;  so  the  young  men  asked 
mother  to  see  if  she  could  get  him  to  let  the  girls  attend  the  ball. 
Their  mother  had  been  dead  several  years.  Mother  went  to  see 
the  old  man,  whose  name  was  Paddy  Malone.  The  names  of  the 
girls  were  Margaret  and  Rosie.  Pie  was  so  pleased  by  mother's  visit 
that  he  consented  for  her  to  take  them  to  the  ball.  He  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  and  asked  mother  not  to  let  any  d —  heretic  make 
love  to  his  girls. 

The  ball  was  not  a  success.  There  were  but  few  young  people 
present,  and  the  pretty  young  Irish  girls  monopolized  all  the  atten- 
tion of  the  young  men.  None  of  our  Harrisburg  friends  attended. 
*  *  *  This  was  the  last  time  the  four  families  of  Dyer,  Neal,  Bell, 
and  Rose  met.  We  had  lived  near  neighbors  since  the  year  '34 
without  a  word  of  dissension  among  us. 

After  the  ball  we  all  went  home  sadly  disappointed,  and  to  make 
the  affair  worse,  several  young  people  stopped  at  our  house  on  their 
way  from  Houston  and  told  us  what  a  grand  affair  the  first  San 
Jacinto  ball  there  had  been. 

The  summer  of  '"37  soon  passed.  We  had  a  good  school  and 
raised  a  good  crop.  Harvey  Stafford  died  very  suddenly  with  con- 
gestion. As  his  death  occurred  soon  after  our  San  Jacinto  ball,  it 
was  a  sad  bereavement,  for  he  was  a  favorite  with  the  old  people 
as  well  as  young.  The  Irish  colony  from  San  Patricio  left  early 
in  the  summer,  and  Paddy  Malone  with  his  pretty  daughters  went 
with  them. 

In  September  we  moved  to  our  new  home  on  Bray's  Bayou.  We 
lived  that  winter  in  a  log  house,  attending  church  in  Houston  and 
going  to  school  there  in  the  year  '38.  The  teacher's  name  was 
Hambleton.  He  taught  the  second  school  in  Houston.  Mrs.  Saw- 
}'er  taught  the  first.  She  married  a  Mr.  Lockhart.  The  school 
house  was  built  of  rough  plank  and  consisted  of  two  rooms.  The 
boys'  room  was  without  a  plank  floor,  and  there  was  no  shutter  to 
the  door,  nor  glass  to  the  window.  Rough  planks  placed  on  barrels 
and  nail  kegs  served  for  desks  and  seats.  The  names  of  the  families 


The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris.       189 

represented  were :  Hose,  Parker,  Woodruff,  King,  Macleroy,  Cooper, 
Martin,  Kilgore,  Gayley,  and  Vernon.  Sam  Allen  and  his  half- 
brother,  Flournoy  Hunt,  attended,  and  others  whose  names  I  don't 
remember,  among  them  a  pretty  girl  from  New  York,  who  criticised 
our  school,  Texas,  and  Houston  till  we  nicknamed  her  Texas. 
Several  German  families  sent  their  children  to  study  English. 


190         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


DIFFICULTIES    OF    A    MEXICAN    REVENUE  OFFICER 

IN  TEXAS. 

EUGENE  C.  BARKER. 

"The  Mexican  National  Congress  met  on  the  first  of  January, 
1835,  in  pursuance  of  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca.  The  centralists  had 
triumphed  everywhere,  except  in  the  two  states  of  Zacatecas  and 
Coahuila  and  Texas."1  And  steps  were  already  in  progress  to  estab- 
lish the  central  authority  in  the  Texas  part  of  the  latter  state. 

Near  the  last  of  January,  1835,2  there  arrived  at  Anahuac  a 
detachment  of  thirty-four  Mexican  soldiers  and  two  officers  from 
the  regiments  of  Abasola  and  Jimenes8,  sent  by  General  Cos  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Antonio  Tenorio,  to  assist  in  re-establish- 
ing there  the  custom  house.  Anahuac  was  the  chief  port  of  the 
department  of  Nacogdoches,  whose  imports  in  1834  were  valued  at 
$265,000*,  and  the  duties  on  these  would  perhaps  have  paid  the 
government  a  small  profit  above  the  cost  of  collection;  but  it  is 
easy  to  imagine  in  the  renewed  attempt  to  enforce  the  revenue 
laws  at  this  time  the  beginning  of  a  scheme  for  the  gradual  exten- 
sion, under  the  color  of  constitutionality,  of  the  central  power  over 
the  province  of  Texas.  No  effort,  however,  had  been  made  to  col- 
lect customs  in  this  department  for  "several  years'" — presumably 
not  since  the  expulsion  of  Bradburn  and  Ugartechea  in  1832, — and 

'Yoakum:     History  of  Texas,  I.  329-30. 

"Texas  Republican,  August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers,  in  the  collection  of 
Hon.  Guy  M.  Bryan.  Also  Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  January  31,  1835. — 
Bexar  Archives. 

Edward  (History  of  Texas,  235)  says  they  arrived  in  "the  fall  of  1834;" 
and  Mrs.  Harris  (Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris,  Quarterly  of  the 
Texas  Historical  Association,  IV,  107)  says  that  "more"  troops  were  sent 
to  Anahuac  in  May,  1834. 

"Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  January  31,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
'Almonte's  Report,  in  Kennedy's  Texas,  II,  78. 
'Texas  Republican,  August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  Revenue  Officer.       191 

this  violent  precedent,  together  with  the  free  trade  habits  fostered 
during  the  interim,  augured  ill  for  the  comfort  of  the  new  officers. 

Nor  was  colonial  opposition  the  only  difficulty  with  which  Cap- 
tain Tenorio  had  to  contend.  He  seems  to  have  come  to  Texas 
with  instructions  to  garrison  the  Island  of  Galveston,  but  explained 
to  Ugartechea,  in  a  letter  dated  January  31,  that  after  disembark- 
ing at  G-alveston,  he  had  thought  it  best  to  proceed  to  Anahuac, 
"where  there  were  means  of  living;"  while  at  the  same  time  he 
complained  that  he  could  do  very  little  to  prevent  smuggling 
because  of  his  lack  of  boats,  that  his  force  was  too  small  "to  compel 
respect  for  the  national  honor/'  and  that,  being  without  cavalry 
or  trustworthy  messengers  among  the  colonists,  and  the  bi-weekly 
post  established  between  Bexar  and  Nacogdoches  not  extending  to 
Anahuac,  his  position  was  deplorably  isolated.  The  soldier,  who 
was  to  carry  this  letter  to  Brazoria,  whence  it  would  be  forwarded 
to  San  Antonio,  returned  with  it  after  an  absence  of  some  seven 
weeks,  saying  that  the  American,  with  whom  he  sailed  for  Velasco, 
landed  him  on  the  sand  bar,  where  he  was  poisoned  by  the  captaiD 
of  the  "Ojallo" — Ohio — which  was  stranded  there,  lest  he  should 
give  information  of  the  smuggling  in  which  the  vessel  was 
engaged.1 

Tenorio  promptly  reported  this  to  Colonel  Ugartechea,  and  urged 
that  postal  service  be  provided  between  Anahuac  and  Nacogdoches ; 
but  more  pressing  troubles  had  now  forced  themselves  upon  his 
attention.  His  supplies  were  almost  exhausted;  the  merchants 
refused  to  furnish  him  anything,  "fearing  very  justly,"  as  he  said, 
that  the  government,  as  in  past  years,  would  not  pay  them  for 
advances  made  to  the  troops;  and  the  revenue  collector  declared 
that  he  was  forbidden  to  use  the  funds  in  his  hands  except  for  the 
payment  of  custom  house  employees,  and  that  no  assistance,  there- 
fore, should  be  expected  from  him  in  the  support  of  the  soldiers. 
Tenorio  closed  his  letter  with  an  earnest  request  that  this  officer 
be  instructed  to  help  him,  else  he  should  "be  obliged  to  help  him- 
self in  order  to  satisfy  the  first  law  of  nature."2  Added  to  all 
these  causes  of  uneasiness,  he  felt  that  an  attack  from  the  colonists 

irrenorio  to  Ugartechea,  March  21,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
2Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  March  21,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 


192         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

was  a  possibility  at  any  time,  and  he  was  insufficiently  armed.  The 
commander  of  the  Mexican  war  schooner  Moctezuma  lent  him  three 
muskets,  but  he  still  needed  five  guns  to  complete  his  armament, 
and  begged  Ugartechea  to  forward  them  to  him  immediately.1 

Moreover,  the  hardships  of  the  garrison  were  beginning  to  tell 
on  the  morale  of  the  soldiers.  Two  of  them  went  into  the  pay  of 
the  enemy,  informing  them  of  everything  that  went  on  in  the  quar- 
ters, and  trying  to  induce  their  comrades  to  desert.  Under  their 
persuasions  several  of  the  soldiers  did  desert — five  at  one  time,  and 
others  in  smaller  numbers — and  Tenorio  complained  bitterly  that 
not  only  would  the  civil  authorities  not  help  him  to  recover  them, 
but  that  they  actually  had  furnished  them  passports  through  the 
colonies.2 

The  first  rift  in  the  sombre  horizon  of  the  sorely  harassed  cap- 
tain appeared  when  Lieutenant  Ignacio  Duran,  of  the  battalion  of 
Abasola,  arrived  on  the  first  of  May  with  reinforcements.  Ho 
brought  with  him  nine  men,  fifty  guns,  a  hundred  and  fifty  flints, 
and  $2,310  for  the  payment  of  the  troops.3  Tenorio,  having  de- 
spaired of  arousing  his  superiors  to  a  sense  of  his  critical  condition 
by  any  number  of  letters,  had  dispatched  Lieutenant  Carles 
Ocampo  to  make  a  personal  appeal  to  Ugartechea.4  For  the 
moment,  then,  this  unexpected  assistance  induced  in  him  a  more 
hopeful  view  of  the  situation,  but  the  customary  gloom  began  again 
to  settle  around  him  when  he  found,  on  May  4,  that  the  lumber 
which  had  been  sent  him  "for  the  purpose  of  rebuilding  Fort 
Dabis,"  had  been  burned  during  the  night.  The  outrage,  he  said, 
was  the  work  "of  a  certain  Mores,"  whom  he  reported  to  the  com- 
missary of  police,  but  that  official,  instead  of  arresting  Mores, 
"took  absolutely  no  steps  whatever."5  And  another  difficulty  now 

'Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  April  2,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

2Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

Several  references  will  be  made  to  letters  of  this  date.  Mexican  official 
etiquette  forbade  the  discussion  of  more  than  one  subject  in  a  single  letter, 
so  that,  although  these  were  all  written  at  the  same  time,  they  were  sent 
under  different  covers. 

'Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
4Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  April  2,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  Revenue  Officer.        193 

confronting  him  was  the  lack  of  non-commissioned  officers.  He 
therefore  requested  that  he  be  empowered  to  regularly  appoint 
corporals.1 

Tenorio  was  temporarily  elated  again  about  this  time  by  an  asser- 
tion of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  schooner  Moctezuma. 
The  merchant  vessel  Martha  being  found  without  clearance  papers, 
was  captured  and  carried  as  a  prize  to  Vera  Cruz.2  Nine  passen- 
gers, on  board  without  passports,  were  arrested  and  left  in  the 
custody  of  the  custom  house  officer  at  G-alveston.3  And  a  rumor 
wab  abroad  that  while  on  her  way  to  Vera  Cruz,  the  Moctezuma  had 
stopped  at  Velasco,  and  finding  there  the  merchant  vessel  Colum- 
bia, also  without  clearance  papers,  had  captured  her  too.  The 
effect  upon  the  colonists  of  thus  tightening  the  reins  of  authority 
Tenorio  deemed  already  salutary.  "They  are  not  so  proud/''  he 
wrote,  "and  they  draw  the  conclusion  that  more  troops  are  coming ; 
because,  as  they  say,  this  act  indicates  security,  and  that  we  have 
lost  the  fear  that  they  imagine  we  have  of  them,  since  we  now  dare 
to  harm  them,  which  he  did  not  do  before."4 

This  exuberant  confidence,  however,  was  short  lived.  So  far 
the  discomforts  of  the  garrison  had  been  due  mainly  to  original 
lack  of  equipment  and  subsequent  neglect  from  the  government; 
while  the  semi-passive  hostility  of  the  colonists  had  been  only  a 
vague  cause  of  uneasiness  in  the  background.  Some  of  the  latter 
for  a  time  paid  the  duties  levied  on  their  goods ;  others  promised  to 
pay  and  often  never  redeemed  their  pledge  ;5  while  still  others  were 
considerate  enough  to  bring  in  their  cargoes  under  cover  of 
night  without  disturbing  the  officers,  and  thus  there  was  no  occa- 
sion for  friction.  But  in  this  arrangement  lay  the  seed  of  discord. 

'Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bcxar  Archives. 
2Juan  Calvi  to  Tenorio,  May  17,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

3The  names  of  these  passengers,  as  reported  by  Tenorio,  were:  The  col- 
onists, C.  T.  Branch,  Edward  S.  Koffe,  H.  Cunningham,  Wm.  D.  T.  Shilton, 
and  S.  Batter;  the  visitors,  C.  W.  Ogden,  C.  S.  Buff  en,  and  Elija  Williams; 
and  the  intended  colonist,  J.  B.  Hiyan. 

4Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
'Ibid. 


194         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Those  who  paid  began  to  murmur  that  the  illicit  trade  of  their 
less  conscientious  neighbors  should  be  suppressed,  and  the  latter 
probably  grew  envious  of  those  fortunate  individuals  whose  credit 
was  good  at  the  custom  house  and  who  were  thereby  enabled  to 
introduce  their  merchandise  free,  without  undergoing  the  incon- 
venience of  smuggling.  The  result  was  that  many  soon  refused 
openly  to  pay  duties  at  all.1 

The  discontent  of  the  colonists  was  increased,  too,  from  the  fact 
that  the  revenue  laws  were  not  enforced  consistently  in  different 
parts  of  the  same  section.  The  collector  for  the  "ports  of  Galvee- 
ton" — Galveston  and  Anahuac — was  Don  Jos6  Gonzalez,  but 
apparently  without  authority,  he  stationed  himself  at  Brazoria,  a 
much  more  pleasant  post,  and  began  the  discharge  of  his  office  by 
collecting  only  the  tonnage  duties,  saying  that  he  had  no  instruc- 
tion to  levy  the  specific  duties  of  the  tariff;2  while  at  the  same 
time  his  deputies,  Gil  Hernandez  and  Martin  de  Alegria  took 
charge  respectively  of  the  custom  houses  at  Galveston  and  Ana- 
huac and  attempted  to  enforce  the  tariff  in  its  fullest  extent.  The 
opposition  of  the  merchants  of  Anahuac  had  reached  such  a  point 
by  the  middle  of  April  as  to  induce  the  loyal  Ayuntamiento  of 
Liberty  to  issue  a  proclamation  (April  17)  informing  "all  the 
good  citizens  of  this  Jurisdiction  that  a  proper  obedience  to  the 
Laws  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  citizen,"  and  that  "the  revenue 
laws  like  all  other  political  laws  are  to  be  respected  by  those  who 
come  within  the  legitimate  scope  of  their  action."  They  were  of 
the  opinion  that  the  tariff  was  "disproportionate,  in  some  particu- 
lars and  oppressive  in  others,"  and  stood  in  "great  need  of  modifi- 
cation;" but  thought  this  modification  could  only  be  effected  by 
the  national  Congress,  and  in  the  meantime  urged  all  "good  citi- 
zens" to  observe,  and  all  military  officers  to  enforce  the  revenue 
laws.8 

^gartechea  to  Tenorio,  April  14,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
*Texas  Republican,  August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

'Manifesto  of  the  Ayuntaraiento  of  Liberty  (April  17,  1835),  in  the 
Texas  Republican,  May  30,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

Edward  (History  of  Texas,  235-38)  prints  this  document  under  the  date 
of  June  1,  and  all  succeeding  historians  have  followed  him.  Yoakum  (His- 
tory of  Texas,  I,  339)  has  slipped  into  a  strange  anachronism  by  declaring 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  Revenue  Officer.        195 

The  irate  citizens  of  Anahuac  were  little  impressed  by  this 
appeal  for  the  observance  of  the  laws,  but  the  suggestion  that  they 
might  be  modified  seemed  worth  investigating;  and  so,  on  May  4, 
— the  day  on  which  Tenorio  found  his  lumber  burned — some 
twenty  or  twenty-five  men  gathered  at  the  house  of  Benjamin 
Freeman,  and  framed  a  memorial  to  the  governor  of  the  state, 
asking  him  to  intercede  with  Congress  for  a  remission  of  the  tariff 
in  Texas.  They  gave  as  their  reason  for  such  a  request,  "That 
for  several  years  past  no  duties  have  been  demanded  in  any  part  of 
these  colonies,  and  even  now  none  are  demanded  at  any  port  but 
that  of  Galveston;  that  this  Jurisdiction  is  the  poorest  and  least 
improved  of  any  in  all  Texas ;  that  though  any  part  of  these  colonies 
are  too  poor  to  pay  the  regular  duties  according  to  the  Mexican 
Tariff,  this  is  the  least  able  of  any.*  *  *  And  though  they  have  so 
patiently  submitted  for  so  long  a  time  to  this  injustice,  they  have 
at  length  resolved  to  pay  no  more,  till  custom  houses  shall  be 
organized  and  duties  collected  throughout  all  the  other  parts  of 
these  colonies.  *  *  *  The  poverty  of  the  citizens  of  these  colo- 
nies and  of  this  Jurisdiction  in  particular,  their  increasing  popula- 
tion, the  scarcity  of  provisions  in  the  country,  and  the  difficulty 
of  securing  supplies  make  it  absolutely  necessary  that  all  kinds  of 
provisions  and  groceries,  and  all  other  articles  of  absolute  necessity, 
should  be  imported  duty  free,  it  being  impossible  to  procure  these 
things  in  'a  Mexican  market,  a  sufficiency  not  being  made  in  this 
country,  and  there  being  an  insufficiency  of  money  in  the  country 
to  pay  the  duty  on  half  the  articles  of  absolute  necessity  to  the 
existence  of  these  colonies.  *  *  *  m 

that  the  manifesto  was  issued  in  denunciation  of  Travis  and  his  party  who 
expelled  Tenorio  from  Anahuac, — though  the  uniformly  accepted  date  of 
that  act  is  June  30 — and  refers  to  Edward  (235)  as  his  authority.  Ban- 
croft (North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  II,  156)  understood  that  this 
proclamation  was  not  issued  against  Travis,  but  says  later  that  the 
Ayuntamiento  of  Liberty  did  condemn  him,  and  carelessly  following  Yoa- 
kum  in  his  reference  cities  for  confirmation  Edward,  235-38,  where  this 
document  is  printed.  • 

Memorial  to  the  Governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  in  the  Texas  Repub- 
lican, August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

The  belief  that  the  tariff  was  not  in  force  in  other  parts  of  Texas  was 
unfounded.  There  was  a  custom  house  in  operation  at  Matagorda  at  this 
time,  the  proceeds  of  which  were  applied  toward  the  support  of  the  troops 
at  San  Antonio  (Ugartechea  to  Cos,  July  25,  1835. — Bexar  Archives). 


196         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Following  this  address  to  the  governor  several  resolutions  were 
parsed,  one  of  which  characteristically  declared  that  until  the  object 
of  the  memorial  could  be  accomplished,  "no  duties  should  be  col- 
lected in  this  port  unless  the  collection  is  also  equally  enforced 
throughout  the  province,  nor  until  then  will  we  pay  any  duties  on 
importations  into  this  port."1  And  a  copy  of  this  was  to  be  fur- 
nished the  collector,  Don  Jose  Gonzalez,  who  had  relieved  Senor 
De  Alegria,  his  deputy  at  Anahuac,  on  April  25.  The  chairman 
of  the  meeting,  William  Hardin,  having  hastily  departed  for  the 
United  States,  however,  without  affixing  his  official  signature  to 
these  documents,  they  seem  to  have  been  considered  invalidated 
and  were  never  forwarded  to  their  destinations."2 

Nevertheless,  the  independent  attitude  of  Anahuac  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  been  without  effect.  It  doubtless  hastened  the 
departure  of  Gonzalez,  who  left  for  Mexico  with  his  deputy  and 
some  of  the  custom  house  clerks  on  the  ninth  of  May;8  and  report^ 
of  the  meeting  reaching  General  Cos  at  Matamoras  probably  did 
more  than  all  Tenorio's  previous  complaints  to  arouse  that  gentle- 
man to  the  importance  of  hastening  reinforcements  to  Texas. 

After  the  abandonment  of  his  post  by  Gonzalez,  Tenorio  exer- 
cised the  duties  of  a  collector  for  a  time — without  authority,  as  he 
himself  admitted,  but  he  thought  it  would  establish  a  disastrous 
precedent  to  allow  ships  to  land  their  cargoes  without  any 
attempt  to  collect  the  duties,  and  felt  that  the  end  justified  the 
means.4  He  must  have  been  soon  relieved  by  an  authorized  col- 
lector, however,  for  he  tells  us  that  on  the  eleventh  of  June  the 
collector  asked  him  for  a  guard  of  four  soldiers  and  a  corporal, 

Resolutions  of  the  Anahuac  Meeting,  May  4,  1835,  in  the  Texas  Repub- 
lican, August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  I.  N.  Moreland,  the  secretary  of  the  Ayunta- 
miento  of  Liberty,  which  had  so  loyally  exhorted  "all  good  citizens"  some 
three  weeks  before  to  support  the  revenue  collectors,  was  also  secretary  of 
this  meeting. 

*A.  Briscoe  to  the  Editor  of  the  Texas  Republican,  July  11,  1835,  in  the 
Texas  Republican,  August  8,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835;  and  Hernandez  to  Ugartechea, 
May  30,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

'Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  May  18,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  Revenue  Officer.        197 

giving  as  his  reason,  for  the  request  that  Mr.  Briscoe  was  going  to 
call  during  the  day  to  pay  some  duties  which  he  owed  and  might 
attack  the  office.1 

"The  office  received  no  insult"  on  this  occasion,  writes  Tenorio, 
but  on  the  "night  of  the  12th  the  same  Mr.  Briscoe  took  from  his 
house  a  box,  and  went  to  the  sea  shore  to  embark  it ;  but  the  collec- 
tor and  the  guard  also  went  to  the  sea  shore,  and  when  they  tried 
to  arrest  Briscoe  and  two  other  Americans  they  resisted  with 
arms,  and  one  of  them — named  Smith — was  shot  and  wounded  by 
one  of  the  soldiers.  *  *  *  Mr.  Briscoe  was  simply  making  fun 
of  the  collector  with  all  this  business,  for  when  the  box  was  opened, 
it  was  found  to  be  full  of  mere  rubbish."2  To  Tenorio  this 
seemed  a  maliciously  planned  joke,  but  the  account  of  DeWitt 
Clinton  Harris,  one  of  the  "two  other  Americans"  with  Briscoe, 
gives  another  view  of  it.3  On  his  return  to  Harrisburg,  Harris 
sent  a  report  of  this  trouble  to  San  Felipe,  and  his  statement, 
together  with  other  events  which  soon  occurred  there,  hastened  the 
climax  of  Tenorio's  difficulties. 

On  May  26,  General  Cos  wrote  from  Matamoras  to  inform  the 
Anahuac  commandant  that  the  battalion  of  Morelos  would  embark 
immediately  for  Copano,  whence  they  could  be  quickly  distributed 

Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  June  25,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
2Ibid. 

"QUABTEKLY,    II,    23. 

Harris  says:  "*  *  *About  eight  o'clock  a  young  man  came  to  the  store 
and  asked  Briscoe  for  a  box  to  put  ballast  in ;  this  Mr.  Briscoe  gave  him, 
and  he  placed  it  in  a  wheelbarrow  filled  with  brick  and  started  for  the 
beach;  after  he  left  the  store  I  observed  to  Mr.  Briscoe  that  we  could  now 
ascertain  whether  my  goods  would  be  stopped  or  not.  Shortly  after,  we 
heard  the  young  man  calling  for  Mr.  Smith,  the  interpreter.  Mr.  Briscoe 
and  I  then  walked  up  to  the  young  man,  and  found  that  he  had  been  stopped 
by  the  guard.  Mr.  Smith  soon  came  up  and  informed  the  guard  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  box;  this  appeared  to  satisfy  him,  and  the  box  was  taken  to 
the  beach,  Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  going  with  the  young  man.  After  the  box 
was  put  in  the  boat  and  we  were  about  returning,  ten  or  twelve  Mexican 
soldiers  came  on  us  and  ordered  us  to  stand.  Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  were  taken 
prisoners.  As  we  were  ascending  the  bank  a  young  man  named  Wm.  Smith 
came  down  the  hill,  and  when  within  ten  feet  of  us  was  shot  down.  *  *  * 
Mr.  Briscoe  and  I  were  then  put  in  the  calaboose,  where  I  remained  until 
next  day  at  11  o'clock,  when  I  was  liberated,  Briscoe  still  being  detained." 


198         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

throughout  Texas  as  occasion  required,  and  that  he  had  urged  the 
general  government  to  send  additional  reinforcements  at  once.  In 
closing,  he  said:  "You  will  operate  in  every  case  with  extreme 
prudence,  but  if  by  any  fatality  the  public  order  should  be  over- 
turned, you  are  to  proceed  without  any  contemplation  against 
whomsoever  may  occasion  it  without  permitting  for  any  cause  the 
national  arms  and  decorum  to  be  tarnished."1  This  note  was  not 
dispatched  until  about  the  middle  of  June,  and  the  friends  of  Cap- 
tain Tenorio,  who  seems  to  have  been  rather  popular,  seized  the 
opportunity  to  send  him  congratulatory  messages  upon  his 
approaching  deliverance.  On  reaching  Bexar,  the  express  bearing 
these  letters  received  another  of  a  very  encouraging  tone  from 
Colonel  Ugartechea,  expressing  the  belief  that  "these  revolutionists 
will  be  ground  down,"  and  that  they  should  soon  see  each  other.2 
All  this  would  doubtless  have  proved  extremely  comforting  to 
Tenorio;  but  it  was  the  courier's  ill  luck  at  San  Felipe,  on  June 
21,  to  fall  in  with  a  contingent  of  the  war  party,  and  though  he 
attempted  to  save  his  dispatches  by  passing  them  quickly  to  a 
friendly  American,  he  was  detected;  and  his  captors  were  soon  in 
possession  of  them.3 

News  reaching  the  Texans  some  time  before  this  of  the  deposition 
and  imprisonment  of  their  governor,  Augustin  Viesca,  had  caused 
a  good  deal  of  excitement ;  and  J.  B.  Miller,  the  Political  Chief  of 
the  Department  of  the  Brazos,  had  asked  that  delegates  from  the 
different  parts  of  his  department  meet  at  San  Felipe  on  June  22  to 
consider  the  advisability  of  attempting  a  rescue.  San  Felipe  itself 
was  mainly  in  favor  of  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  people  were  con- 
siderably elated  by  the  capture  of  these  dispatches,  believing  that 
the  information  contained  in  them  would  rouse  the  meeting  of  the 
next  day  into  hostile  action.  Their  hopes,  however,  were  disap- 
pointed ;  the  majority  of  the  delegates,  presided  over  by  R.  M.  Wil- 
liamson,4 favored  a  policy  of  inaction  and  nothing  was  done.  But 

Texas  Republican,  July  4,   1835. — Austin  Papers. 

'Ugartechea  to  Tenorio,  June  20.  1835,  in  the  Texas  Republican,  July  4, 
1835. — Austin  Papers. 

"Gritten  to  Ugartechea,  July  5,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

tWillianison  to  the  People  of  Texas  (Circular),  July  4,  1835.  Brown: 
History  of  Texas,  I,  294.  A  Comprehensive  History  of  Texas,  I,  168. 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  jRevenue  Officer.       199 

the  war  party  were  determined,  and  secretly  assembling  later  on1 
they  appointed  the  Political  Chief  chairman  of  their  meeting,2  and 
passed  resolutions  authorizing  W.  B.  Travis  to  collect  a  company  of 
men  and  eject  Tenorio  from  the  garrison  at  Anahuac  before  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements.  This  commission  he  accepted  the  more 
cheerfully,  perhaps,  because,  as  he  said,  he  had  already  been  invited 
there  for  the  same  purpose  by  some  of  his  friends,  who  were  the 
"principal  citizens"  of  the  place,  and  who  "were  suffering  under 
the  despotic  rule  of  the  military."3 

Travis  immediately  began  the  formation  of  a  volunteer  company, 
and  in  San  Felipe  and  Harrisburg  thirty  men  signed  an  agreement 
to  meet  at  Lynch's  ferry,  and  march  against  the  garrison.  Ten  of 
these  failed  to  start  on  the  expedition,  and  three  of  the  Harrisburg 
contingent  withdrew  at  Vince's  Bayou ;  but  by  the  addition  of  eight 
men  from  Lynchburg  and  Spilman's  Island  the  party  was  again 
increased  to  twenty-five.4  A  halt  was  made  at  Cloipper's  Point, 

'Edward:     History  of  Texas,  238. 

2Texas  Republican,  August  8,  and  September  26,  1835;  and  Cos  to  Ayun- 
tamiento  of  Columbia  (MS.),  August  12,  1835. — Austin  Papers. 

"Travis  to  Henry  Smith,  July  6,  1835,  in  the  QUABTERLY,  II,  24. 

Mohn  W.  Moore's  The  Capture  of  Anahuac  (MS.). 

The  agreement  which  they  signed  read  like  this:  "We  whose  names  arc 
hereunto  subscribed  feeling  the  necessity  of  disarming  the  military  of  Ani- 
huac  pledge  ourselves  to  rendezvous  at  Lynches  on  San  Jacinto  on  Saturday 
next  armed  and  equipped  for  the  expedition,  and  that  we  will  form  our- 
selves into  a  volunteer  company  &  march  under  the  orders  of  the  officers 
we  may  elect — Sanfilipe  de  Austin  June  22d  1835." 

Those  who  went  from  San  Felipe  and  Harrisburg  are  given  as:  John 
W.  Moore,  Win.  B.  Travis,  Elija  Hunnings,  Wm.  E.  Harris,  David  Harris, 
Cado  Allen,  Rufus  Wright,  E.  Mather,  H.  C.  Hudson,  A.  Farmer,  Edward 
Wray,  James  Webb,  James  Brown,  Joseph  Atkins,  John  Reese,  Andrew 
Lawson,  and  Andrew  Robinson. 

Those  who  signed,  but  failed  to  go,  were:  Thomas  Gay,  Edward  P. 
Whitehead,  Jackson  Roark,  Abner  Eckols,  Martin  Allen,  James  Holland, 
John  Peterson,  Gar  bo  Mancho  (Mexican),  Francis  Holland,  and  Charles 
Thompson. 

DeWitt  Clinton  Harris,  John  W.  Healer,  and  A.  B.  Dodson  stopped  at 
Vince's. 

And  the  following  joined  the  expedition  at  Lynchburg  and  Spilman's 
Island:  Retson  Morris,  Ashmore  Edwards,  Edward  Purkison,  I.  Purkison. 
James  Spilman,  John  Brock,  Dr.  David  Gallagher,  and  John  Imes  [liams?]. 

This  is  endorsed  by  Mr.  Moore  as  "A  correct  list  and  the  last." 


200         Twas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

and  an  election  held,  the  result  of  which  made  Travis  captain,  Ret- 
son  Morris,  first  lieutenant,  and  Ashmore  Edwards,  second  lieuten- 
ant. The  captain  then  appointed  John  W.  Moore  orderly  ser- 
geant.1 

The  sloop  Ohio,  belonging  to  David  Harris  had  been  chartered  at 
Harrisburg,  and  in  this  they  all  now  embarked  and  proceeded 
toward  Anahuac.  When  within  about  half  a  mile  of  the  shore,  the 
sloop  was  grounded,  and  Captain  Travis  ordered  a  shot  to  be  fired 
by  way  of  warning  from  the  small  cannon  which  they  had  on  board, 
mounted  on  a  pair  of  saw  mill  truck  wheels.2  The  gun  was  then 
placed  in  one  of  the  small  boats,  and  they  all  rowed  ashore,  where 
Travis  was  met  by  a  note  from  Tenorio  asking  the  purpose  of  his 
visit.  Travis  replied  that  he  had  come  to  receive  the  surrender  of 
the  garrison.  Tenorio  asked  that  he  be  allowed  till  the  next  morn- 
ing for  consideration ;  but  Travis  informed  him  that  he  could  have 
only  one  hour,  and  then,  without  waiting  for  the  expiration 
of  that,  since  it  was  growing  dark,  ordered  an  advance.  But  the 
Mexicans  had  made  use  of  the  delay  to  flee  to  the  woods,  and  the 
Texans  found  the  fort  deserted.  Travis  soon  received  a  message 
from  Tenorio,  however,  asking  for  an  interview  on  the  river  bank; 
and  this  being  granted  him,  he  held  a  council  and  decided,  by  his 
own  account,  "in  view  of  the  difficulty  and  uselessness  of  making 
a  defense,  that  a  capitulation  should  be  made."3 

On  the  next  morning  (June  30)  the  terms  of  the  surrender  were 
arranged.  Twelve  soldiers  were  to  be  allowed  to  retain  their  arms, 
as  a  protection  against  the  Indians  in  their  march  toward  Bexar, 
and  the  Mexican  officers  pledged  themselves  not  to  take  up  arms 
again  against  Texas.4  Captain  Harris  says  there  were  forty-tour 
Mexicans  in  the  garrison,  and  that  the  Texan  force  had  been 
increased  by  several  accessions  at  Anahuac  to  about  thirty.5  Travis, 

'John  W.  Moore's  The  Capture  of  Anahuac. 

'Captain  Harris's  Account  of  the  Fight  at  Anahuac   (MS.). 

Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  July  7,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

'Tenorio  to  Ugartecliea,  July  7,  1835. — Bexar  Archives.  Harris's  The 
Fight  at  Anahuac. 

'Brown  (History  of  Texas,  I,  305)  places  the  number  of  the  Texans  at 
twenty. 


Difficulties  of  a  Mexican  Revenue  Officer.        201 

writing  to  Henry  Smith  about  a  week  after  the  capitulation,  says, 
"I  received  sixty-four  stands  of  arms  (muskets  and  bayonets)."1 

The  Mexicans  and  the  Texaus  returned  together  in  the  Ohio  to 
Harrisburg,  which  they  reached  in  time  for  a  barbecue  on  the 
fourth  of  July.  One  may  well  imagine  that  Tenorio  was  rather 
glad  than  otherwise  to  be  relieved  of  his  trying  duties  at  Anahuac ; 
for,  at  the  barbecue,  he  is  said  to  have  "walked  among  the  people, 
shaking  hands  with  the  men  and  acting  as  if  he  was  the  hero  of  the 
occasion"2.  On  the  night  of  the  fifth  he  attended  a  ball,  and 
waltzed  and  talked  French  all  the  evening  with  Mrs.  Kokernot. 
"He  was  a  fine  looking  man"3,  says  Mrs  Harris,  and  a  perusal  of 
his  correspondence  while  he  was  in  command  at  Anahuac  will  sus- 
tain the  impression  that  he  was  by  no  means  an  unadmirable  gentle- 
man. 

By  July  17,  Tenorio  had  reached  San  Felipe4;  but  being  very 
kindly  received  by  the  authorities  there, — Wiley  Martin  having 
superseded  J.  B.  Miller  as  Political  Chief — he  remained  some  seven 
weeks  in  the  hope  that  Ugartechea  would  send  him  horses  and 
money  with  which  to  complete  his  journey  to  San  Antonio.  He 
arrived  at  Bexar  about  September  8.5 

The  outrage  upon  the  Anahuac  troops  was  condemned  through- 
out Texas,  except  by  the  rankest  of  the  war  party6,  which  at  this 
time  was  comparatively  small;  and  though  it  is  properly  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  first  act  of  violence  in  the  Texas  revolution,  it  was 
really  the  indiscreet  measures  of  the  Mexican  authorities  in  conse- 

'QUARTERLY,  II,  24. 

In  a  report  of  the  garrison  on  April  23  (Bexar  Archives)  Tenorio  says 
that  he  has,  in  good  condition:  20  muskets,  29  bayonets,  5  short  carbines, 
50  flints,  and  300  cartridges;  semi-useless:  6  muskets,  20  flints,  and  90 
cartridges;  useless:  3  muskets  and  2  carbines.  But  it  has  already  been 
noted  that,  on  May  1,  Lieutenant  Duran  brought  him  fifty  muskets  and  a 
hundred  and  fifty  flints. 

^Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris,  QUARTERLY,  IV,  125. 

3Ibid. 

4Tenorio  to  Ugartechea,  July  17,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

"Ugartechea  to  Cos,  September  8,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 

'James  H.  C.  Miller  to  T.  J.  Chambers,  July  4,  1835. — Bexar  Archives. 
Kennedy:     History  of  Texas,  II,  92.     Texas  Almanac,  1859,  112. 


202         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

quence  of  it  which  provoked  all  the  Texans  into  united  rebellion. 
Travis,  indeed,  found  the  general  sentiment  so  strong  against  him 
that  for  several  weeks  he  published  a  card  in  the  Texas  Republican, 
asking  the  people  to  suspend  judgment  concerning  him  until  he  had 
time  to  make  an  explanation  and  justification  of  his  act.  This  was 
tardily  written  on  September  1,  and  forwarded  to  Henry  Smith  at 
Brazoria  for  publication,  but  I  believe  it  never  appeared  in  print. 
It  reads  as  follows : 

"To  the  Public: 

"The  undersigned  published  a  card  some  time  since,  stating  that 
he  would  give  the  public  his  motives  in  engaging  in  the  expedition 
to  Anahuac  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  garrison  of  that 
place  on  the  30th  of  June  last.  Circumstances  beyond  my  control 
have  hitherto  prevented  me  from  redeeming  the  pledge  therein 
given.  I  will  now  do  so  in  a  few  words. 

"I  refer  the  public  to  the  following  documents  to  shew  what  were 
my  motives  in  that  affair.  At  the  time  I  started  to  Anahuac,  it 
seemed  to  be  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  people  here  that  that 
place  should  be  reduced.  The  citizens  about  Galveston  Bay,  who 
had  formed  a  volunteer  company  for  the  purpose  sent  to  this  place 
for  aid.  The  Political  Chief  approved  the  plan  and  presided  at  a 
meeting  of  about  200  persons  who  adopted  the  resolutions  which 
appear  below. 

"Being  highly  excited  by  the  circumstances  then  stated,  I  volun- 
teered in  that  expedition,  with  no  other  motives  than  of  patriotism 
and  a  wish  to  aid  my  suffering  countrymen  in  the  embarrassing 
strait  to  which  they  were  likely  to  be  reduced  by  military  tyranny. 
I  was  casually  elected  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  without 
soliciting  the  appointment.  I  discharged  what  I  conceived  to  be 
my  duty  to  my  country  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  Time  alone  will 
shew  whether  the  step  was  correct  or  not.  And  time  will  shew  that 
when  this  country  is  in  danger  that  I  will  shew  myself  as  patriotic 
and  ready  to  serve  her  as  those  who  to  save  themselves  have  disa- 
vowed the  act  and  denounced  me  to  the  usurping  military. 

"San  Felipe,  September  1st,  1835. 

"W.  BARRETT  TRAVIS." 

The  documents  which  he  expected  to  publish  with  this  were 
doubtless  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  of  June  22,  which  author- 
ized his  attack  on  Anahuac.  I  have  been  unable  to  find  them. 

The  University  of  Texas,  December,  1900. 


History  of  Leon  County. 


203 


SKETCH  OF  THE  EARLY  SETTLEMENT  OF  LEON 

COUNTY,  ITS  ORGANIZATION,  AND  SOME  OF 

THE  EARLY  SETTLERS.1 

W.  D.  WOOD. 

Leon  county  is  situated  between  the  Trinity  and  Navasota  rivers, 
and  north  of  the  old  San  Antonio  road.  It  is  bounded  on  the  south 
by  the  San  Antonio  road  and  Madison  county ;  on  the  west  by  the 
Navasota  river  and  Brazos,  Robertson,  and  Limestone  counties;  on 
the  north  by  Limestone,  Freestone,  and  Anderson  counties;  on  the 
east  by  the  Trinity  river  and  Anderson  and  Houston  counties.  Its 
area  is  about  1049  square  miles. 

So  far  as  is  now  known  the  first  permanent  settlers  of  the  county 
were  the  Kickapoo  and  Keechi  tribes  of  Indians.  When  the  Amer- 
icans first  became  acquainted  with  the  territory  of  Leon,  the  Kick- 
apoos  had  a  permanent  village  or  encampment  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  Trinity,  at  a  place  now  known  as  the  Kickapoo  shoals.  The 
village  was  located  on  land  now  included  in  an  eleven  league  grant, 
made  to  Ramon  de  la  Garza  May  7,  1831.  When  the  country  was 
first  known  to  the  writer,  which  was  in  1851,  every  vestige  of  the 
Indian  town  had  disappeared,  and  there  was  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  spot  had  ever  been  the  seat  of  a  red  man's  village — that 
his  council  house  and  wigwam  had  been  there,  and  that  there,  on 
his  return  from  a  successful  foray,  he  exhibited  his  scalps  and  cele- 
brated with  barbaric  orgies  his  prowess  as  a  warrior  and  his  triumph 
over  his  enemies.  Corn  and  cotton  fields  now  occupy  the  site  of 
the  village,  and  the  peaceful  evidences  of  thrift  and  civilization  are 
substituted  for  the  war  dance.  Could  the  shade  of  a  departed  Kick- 
apoo be  permitted  to  visit  the  scenes  of  the  flesh,  he  would  find 
naught  to  remind  him  of  his  former  home  but  the  river  and  the 
water  brawling  over  the  rocky  shoals.  All  else  is  blotted  out. 

The  Keechi  tribe  had  a  village  on  what  is  now  the  Ramirez 
league  of  land,  about  two  and  a  half  miles  north  of  the  present 
town  of  Centreville.  This  village  had  an  ideal  location,  and  cer- 

irThe  sources  of  information  from  which  this  sketch  has  been  compiled  are 
a  History  of  Navarro,  Leon  and  other  Counties  kindly  lent  the  writer  by 
William  Croft,  Esq.,  of  Corsicana,  and  conversations  had  with  many  of  the 
pioneers  of  Leon  county  in  the  early  fifties. 


204         Texas  Historical  A  ssociation  Quarterly. 

tainly  demonstrated  that,  notwithstanding  the  Keechis  were  most 
inveterate  thieves  and  beggars,  they  had  an  eye  to  beauty  of  locality, 
and  an  appreciation  of  a  soil  that  would  produce  most  bountifully 
the  favorite  Indian  crop  of  corn  and  beans.  The  village  was  situ- 
ate near  the  hills  on  the  upper  edge  of  a  bottom  prairie  that 
extended  down  to  near  the  lower  or  Little  Keechi  creek.  Fine 
springs  furnished  «n  ample  supply  of  the  purest  water.  The  soil  of 
the  prairie  was  exceedingly  fertile,  on  which  grew  the  richest 
grapes,  varigatcd  with  an  almost  endless  variety  of  the  loveliest 
wild  flowers.  The  land  on  which  the  village  was  situated  is  now  a 
farm,  and  the  plow  share  occasionally  turns  up  an  old  gun  barrel 
or  some  other  evidence  of  Indian  occupation.  Even  as  late  as  1851, 
when  the  writer  first  saw  the  place,  there  was  to  be  seen  some  evi- 
dences of  the  rude  Indian  cultivation  of  a  portion  of  the  prairie 
contiguous  to  the  village. 

When  the  Americans  first  crossed  the  Trinity  in  1831  and  com- 
menced to  survey  and  locate  land  in  the  territory  of  what  is  now 
Leon,  the  Indians  viewed  with  the  greatest  curiosity  the  surveyor 
and  his  instruments.  They  looked  upon  him  and  his  assistants 
as  intruders  and  thieves,  engaged  in  the  theft  of  the  land  which 
had  been  theirs  and  their  hunting  ground  from  time  immemorial; 
and,  the  surveyor's  compass  being  the  instrument  by  means  of 
which  the  theft  was  accomplished,  they  called  it  "the  land  stealer." 

Fort  Parker  was  located  in  what  is  now  Limestone  county, 
between  the  site  of  the  old  town  of  Springfield  and  the  present 
town  of  Groesbeck.  After  the  massacre  at  this  fort  in  1833,  the  few 
settlers  that  were  between  the  Brazos  and  Trinity  and  north  of  the 
San  Antonio  road,  all  fled  for  safety  east  of  the  Trinity  river,  and 
there  is  no  evidence  that  there  was  any  permanent  settler  located  in 
what  is  now  Leon  prior  to  1839  or  1840. 

In  1836,  the  San  Antonio  road,  which  was  the  southern  boundary 
of  the  county  when  first  organized,  from  the  crossing  on  the  Nava- 
sota  river  to  Bobbin's  Ferry  on  the  Trinity,  was  thronged  and 
choked  with  men,  women  and  children  fleeing  from  the  settlements 
on  the  Brazos  and  Colorado,  before  the  advance  of  the  army  of 
Santa  Anna.  These  fugitives  were  terror  stricken,  some  on  foot, 
some  on  horseback,  and  others  with  any  sort  of  conveyance  they 
could  at  the  moment  press  into  service.  They  seemed  to  be  moved 
by  only  one  impulse,  and  that  was  to  reach  the  Sabine  and  the  terri- 


History  of  Leon  County. 


205 


tory  of  the  United  States,  where  they  would  be  safe  from  Mexican 
pursuit.  But  during  their  headlong  flight,  and  before  many  of 
them  had  crossed  the  Trinity,  the  news  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto, 
the  defeat  of  the  Mexican  army,  and  the  capture  of  Santa  Anna, 
reached  them.  This  stopped  their  flight,  and  they  at  once  faced 
about  and  returned  to  their  respective  homes.  This  escapade  was 
called  by  the  old  Texans,  "the  Runaway  Scrape."1  At  this  time, 
early  in  1836,  says  one  who  met  the  crowd  of  refugees  on  the  old 
road,  between  the  Navasota  and  Trinity,  there  was  not  a  single 
settler  within  the  present  limits  of  Leon  county. 

The  Kickapoo  and  Keechi  Indians  had  the  reputation  of  being 
great  thieves,  especially  the  Keechis.  Shortly  after  the  Americans 
crossed  the  Trinity  and  commenced  the  surveying  and  locating  of 
land,  the  Kickapoos  abandoned  the  territory  of  Leon,  going  west 
towards  the  Rio  Grande,  and  in  that  section,  in  connection  with  the 
Lipan  Indians,  gave  the  early  western  settlers  much  trouble.  The 
location  of  land  in  the  eastern  and  central  portions  of  Leon  caused 
the  Keechi  Indians  to  remove  their  village  from  Keechi  creek  to  the 
Navasota  river,  in  the  western  portion  of  the  county.  These 
Indians  made  great  professions  of  friendship  for  the  whites,  but 
were  constantly  engaged  in  thieving  expeditions,  and  when  charged 
with  their  thefts  would  assert  their  innocence  and  lay  the  blame  on 
other  Indians.  These  depredations  became  insupportable,  and  in 
1835  an  expedition  was  organized,  under  a  Colonel  Coleman,  who 
drove  them  out  of  the  territory  of  Leon  and  chased  them  to  the 
head  waters  of  the  Trinity,  and  the  Keechis  were  no  more  heard  of 
in  the  territory  they  had  so  long  inhabited.  It  seems  that  their 
existence  as  a  separate  tribe  soon  afterwards  ceased,  and  their 
identity  was  lost  by  absorption  with  other  tribes. 

In  1839,  there  was  organized  a  company  of  rangers  or  minute 
men  to  protect  such  settlements  as  might  be  made  north  of  the  San 
Antonio  road,  and  between  the  Navasota  and  Brazos  rivers.  Cap- 
tain Chandler  had  charge  of  this  organization,  and  its  headquarters 
was  at  Old  Franklin  in  what  has  since  become  Robertson  county. 
About  the  time  of  this  organization  at  Old  Franklin,  John  Karnes, 
the  Middletons,  the  Burnses,  the  Taylors,  Irwin  and  three  of  his 
sons,  the  Stateys,  and  several  others  organized  a  minute  company 
under  Captain  Greer,  with  headquarters  an  Boggy  creek,  the  object 

JSee  The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris,  in  this  number. 


206         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

of  which  was  to  protect  settlers  in  the  territory  of  Leon  between  the 
Navasota  and  Trinity.  This  company  of  minute  men  built  a  block- 
house on  the  north  bank  of  Boggy  creek,  about  two  and  a  half  miles 
north  of  the  present  town  of  Leona,  and  about  five  miles  south  of 
Centreville.  The  blockhouse  was  built  two  stories  high,  the  upper 
story  extending  over  and  beyond  the  walls  of  the  lower  story,  so  that 
those  in  the  fort  could  shoot  >any  person  coming  near  the  walls  of 
the  lower  sto^.  This  blockhouse  was  called  Fort  Boggy,  and  not 
many  years  since  its  remains  were  still  to  be  seen.  The  organiza- 
tion of  the  company  of  minute  men  and  the  building  of  this  fort, 
and  the  formation  of  a  like  company  at  Old  Franklin,  inspired  con- 
fidence, and  soon  settlers  with  their  families  commenced  coming 
into  the  territory  of  Leon.  The  first  settlements  were  made  around 
the  Fort,  about  where  Leona  now  stands,  on  the  Leon  prairie  and  on 
the  San  Antonio  road,  in  what  is  now  known  as  Kogers'  prairie. 

During  the  years  1840-41  quite  a  number  of  men  with  their  fam- 
ilies settled  round  Boggy  Fort,  among  whom  were  the  Greers,  the 
Middletons,  the  Burnses,  the  Taylors,  the  Patricks,  the  Stateys,  and 
some  others.  About  the  same  time  the  Rogerses,  the  Ewings,  and 
the  Rileys  settled  on  the  line  of  the  San  Antonio  road  west  of  the 
Leon  prairie.  Somewhat  later  in  the  forties  came  Major  John 
Durst,  Henry  J.  Jewett,  James  Fowler,  William  Evans,  Onesimus 
Evans,  Riley  and  William  Wallace,  the  Marshalls,  the  Kings,  E. 
Whitton,  Sam  Davis,  Thomas  H.  Garner,  McKay  Ball,  Dr.  A.  D. 
Boggs,  Moses  Campbell,  William  Pruitt,  Thomas  Thorn,  P.  M. 
Sherman,  D.  C.  Carrington,  J.  J.  McBride,  John  J.  Goodman,  Wil- 
liam Little  and  many  others.  Some  of  these  settled  on  Boggy  near 
the  fort,  some  round  Leona,  some  on  lower  Keechi  creek,  and  some 
round  the  Leon  prairie  and  along  the  San  Antonio  road.  Moses 
Campbell  opened  the  first  store  in  the  county  at  Fort  Boggy,  and 
Riley  Wallace  built  the  first  grist  mill  on  Boggy  creek  near  the 
fort  and  was  the  first  postmaster  in  the  county.  Thomas  H.  Garner 
built  the  first  saw  mill  in  the  county  on  a  spring  branch,  a  tributary 
of  Beaver  Dam  creek.  Elisha  Whitton,  at  a  very  early  day,  built 
a  grist  mill  on  lower  Keechi,  not  far  above  where  it  empties  into 
the  Trinity,  and  near  the  town  of  Cairo,  a  steamboat  landing 
on  Trinity,  established  by  the  Rogerses  and  Captain  Chandler. 
Colonel  Alexander  Patrick  landed  with  his  family  at  Cairo  in  1841. 
The  town  of  Navarro  in  the  northern  part  of  the  county  was  located 


History  of  Leon  County.  •  207 

in  the  early  forties  as  a  steamboat  landing  by  Captain  J.  J. 
McBride,  John  J.  Goodman,  and  William  Little.  These  two  towns, 
at  quite  an  early  day,  did  a  large  business  in  the  way  of  distributing 
supplies  brought  by  the  steamboats  to  the  country  back  from  the 
river,  and  as  shipping  points  for  such  products  as  the  country  had 
to  sell.  The  sites  of  both  of  these  towns  are  now  cotton  and  corn 
fields,  the  towns  having  been  destroyed  by  the  advent  of  the  rail- 
roads. 

Subsequent  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Keechis  and  Kickapoos  Irom 
the  territory  of  Leon,  there  was  no  more  permanent  occupation  by 
any  Indian  tribe,  but  after  the  white  settlers  commenced  coming  in 
the  Indians  made  occasional  incursions  into  the  settlements  for  the 
purpose  of  stealing  stock.  Eobert  and  Stephen  Kogers  had  settled 
in  Kogers'  prairie  on  the  San  Antonio  road,  and  in  1841  the  son  of 
Stephen  was  killed  by  the  Indians.  Young  Kogers  was  bathing  in 
a  pool  of  water  near  his  fathers  residence  when  he  was  suddenly 
set  upon  by  a  gang  of  Indians.  He  attempted  to  escape  to  the 
house,  but  was  cut  off  and  killed.  About  the  same  time  Captain 
Greer,  who  had  charge  at  Fort  Boggy,  accompanied  by  two  or  three 
companions  went  on  a  prospecting  tour  to  the  upper  Keechi  creek 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  county.  While  they  were  on  a  prairie 
bordering  the  creek,  a  band  of  ten  or  twelve  Indians,  mounted  on 
horses,  rushed  out  from  a  line  of  timber  along  the  margin  of  the 
creek,  yelling  and  brandishing  their  weapons,  and  charged  Greer 
and  his  companions,  who  at  once  put  spurs  to  their  horses,  hoping 
to  reach  the  hills  and  timber  where  they  would  have  some  chance 
for  a  successful  defence.  Captain  Greer,  however,  being  poorly 
mounted,  fell  behind,  and  was  overtaken  in  the  prairie  and  shot 
to  death  by  arrows.  His  companions  succeeded  in  making  their 
escape.  They  made  their  way  back  to  Fort  Boggy  and  securing 
assistance  at  the  fort  returned  the  next  day  for  the  body  of  Captain 
Greer,  which  they  found  near  the  spot  where  he  was  overtaken  by 
the  Indians.  Greer  and  young  Rogers  were  the  only  white  men 
known  to  be  killed  by  Indians  in  the  territory  of  Leon  county. 

The  San  Antonio  road,  which  was  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
county,  was  the  artery  of  travel  between  San  Antonio  in  the  west, 
Nacogdoches  in  the  east,  and  all  intermediate  settlements.  In  the 
early  days  it  was  simply  a  trail  for  pack  mules.  They  traveled  one 
behind  another,  and  from  the  abrasion  of  their  feet,  all  in  the  same 


208         Texan  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

track,  the  road  was  a  mere  trench.  The  old  Spaniards  who  located 
this  road  from  San  Antonio  to  Nacogdoches,  if  not  engineers  by 
education,  were  such  by  dint  of  native  genius.  They  selected  the 
best  crossings  on  the  streams  and  the  best  ground,  avoided  the  hills 
and  sandy  stretches,  and  at  the  same  time  economized  distance. 
The  road  from  the  Navasota  to  the  Trinity  passes  over  firm  ground, 
prairies  and  timber  alternating,  missing  heavy  sand  on  either  side, 
with  convenient  water  holes  along  the  entire  distance. 

Large  caravans  of  pack  mules  loaded  with  silver  passed  over  this 
road,  between  San  Antonio  and  Nacogdoches,  some  two  or  three 
times  a  year.  There  is  a  tradition  that  one  of  these  caravans,  heav- 
ily loaded  with  treasure,  camped  one  night  between  the  Navasota 
and  the  Trinity.  During  the  night  they  were  attacked  by  Indians, 
and  in  order  to  save  the  treasure  they  threw  the  bags  of  silver  into 
an  adjacent  lake.  After  a  stoul  defence  the  cargadores  were  over- 
powered and  all  of  them  murdered  by  the  Indians  except  three,  who 
succeeded  in  making  their  escape  and  getting  back  to  San  Antonio. 
Years  afterwards,  it  is  said  one  of  the  three  that  escaped  the  mas- 
sacre returned  to  see  if  he  could  not  locate  the  spot  and  find  the  lost 
treasure;  but  such  were  the  changes  that  time  had  wrought  in  the 
features  of  the  country  and  the  road,  that  his  efforts  were  in  vain, 
and  he  abandoned  the  search  in  disgust.  Before  he  left  the  neigh- 
borhood, however,  he  told  his  story  to  some  of  the  settlers,  who  had 
faith  enough  in  its  truth  to  search  and  drag  all  of  the  water  holes 
on  either  side  of  the  road  from  the  Navasota  to  the  Trinity,  but  they 
found  none  of  the  treasure ;  or,  if  they  did,  they  took  care  never  to 
let  it  be  known.  Occasional  coins  have  been  picked  up  in  this 
region  along  the  line  of  the  road,  mute  evidence  of  the  treasure 
that  was  carried  by  cargadores  over  this  old  "King's  Highway." 

By  18 —  the  accession  of  population  in  the  territory  now  included 
in  Leon  county  had  been  such  that  McKay  Ball,  then  a  resident  of 
Fort  Boggy  and  member  of  the  State  legislature  from  the  territory 
comprising  at  that  time  Robertson  county,  introduced  a  bill  into  the 
legislature  for  the  organization  of  Leon  county  out  of  a  part  of  the 
territory  then  included  in  Robertson.  The  bill  passed,  and  the 
county  was  organized.  Mr.  Ball  suggested  the  name  Leon  for  the 
county,  and  Leona  for  the  county  seat.  The  location  of  this  place 
was  about  one  mile  north  of  Leon  prairie  and  some  three  miles 
from  the  San  Antonio  road.  The  name  of  the  prairie  suggested 


History  of  Leon  County.  209 

that  of  the  county,  and  the  prairie  received  its  name  from  the  fact 
that  in  very  early  times  a  large  Mexican  lion  was  killed  there. 

The  first  court  held  in  the  county  of  Leon  was  opened  at  Leona, 
on  the  12th  day  of  October,  1846.  That  friend  of  education  and 
able  jurist,  E.  E.  B.  Baylor,  was  the  presiding  judge.  Thomas 
Johnson  was  district  attorney,  William  Keigwin  district  clerk,  and 
W.  B.  Middleton  sheriff.  The  other  county  officers  were  I.  P.  Bein- 
hardt,  county  clerk ;  and  David  M.  Brown,  chief  justice.  Onesimus 
Evans  was  foreman  of  the  grand  jury.  Only  two  indictments  were 
returned  at  this  term  of  the  court. 

Population  from  the  San  Antonio  road,  round  Leona  and  Fort 
Boggy,  gradually  diffused  itself  over  the  territory  of  the  county. 
By  1849  complaints  began  to  be  heard  from  the  settlers  that  Leona, 
the  county  seat,  was  on  one  edge  of  the  county  and  for  that  reason 
inconvenient  of  access  to  a  large  part  of  the  population,  and  that 
the  county  seat  for  the  convenience  of  the  people  should  be  near  the 
territorial  center.  The  result  was  an  election  to  decide  the  matter. 
The  spot  where  Centreville  now  stands — within  a  radius  of  five 
miles  of  the  territorial  center — and  Leona  were  the  contesting  local- 
ities. After  a  warm  and  spirited  canvass,  Centreville  was  selected, 
and  the  county  seat  removed  there  in  1850,  where  it  has  since 
remained. 

Leon  county  has  the  honor  of  having  located  within  its  bound- 
aries the  headlight  league  and  labor  of  that  unique  personality,  E. 
M.  Williamson,  better  known  as  "Three-legged  Willie/'  It  is  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Trinity,  opposite  the  old  Alabama  crossing  of 
that  stream. 

The  early  annals  of  Leon  county  bear  no  record  of  the  occurrence, 
on  its  soil,  of  any  great  historic  event  of  such  supreme  importance 
as  to  become  a  notable  factor  in  the  shaping  of  the  destiny  of  Texas. 
While  there  is  in  its  borders  no  spot  of  ground  that  has  been  made 
classic  or  hallowed  by  its  historical  associations,  yet  from  the  date 
of  its  earliest  settlement  by  Americans  in  1839  or  1840,  its  people 
have  done  their  whole  duty  in  the  settlement  and  development  of 
Texas,  both  as  soldiers  and  as  civilians.  Leon  county  feels  a  just 
pride  in  those  of  her  early  settlers  who  assisted  in  laying  the  foun- 
dations of  the  State. 

Henry  J.  Jewett,  one  of  the  early  settlers  of  Leon,  attended  as  a 
member  of  the  bar  the  first  court  held  in  the  county.  He  was  a 


210         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

man  of  strong  intellectuality,  a  finished  scholar,  and  learned  lawyer. 
When  the  thirteenth  judicial  district  was  organized  in  1852  or  1853, 
leaving  Judge  Baylor  out  of  the  new  thirteenth,  Jewett  was  elected 
judge  and  served  the  people  of  the  district  as  such  most  acceptably 
up  to  a  short  time  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil  War,  when 
he  was  defeated  by  John  Gregg,  who  was  then  a  rising  young  lawyer 
of  Freestone  county.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  Judge  Gregg 
resigned  his  judgeship  and  went  into  the  army,  where  he  soon  rose 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier  general  and  was  killed  in  Virginia  at  the 
head  of  his  brigade.  Judge  Jewett  was  a  candidate  to  fill  the 
vacant  judgeship  and  was  elected.  He  served  a  short  time,  when 
his  mind  became  so  deranged  as  to  wholly  disqualify  him  for  dis- 
charging the  duties  of  the  office,  and  he  was  compelled  to  resign. 
He  never  recovered,  but  wandered  away  from  his  home  in  Leon, 
during  the  Civil  War,  and  at  its  close  he  was  in  Matamoras,  Mexico. 
From  there,  by  some  means,  he  got  to  the  city  of  New  York,  where 
he  was  placed  in  the  lunatic  asylum  on  Blackwell's  Island.  By 
some  means  he  effected  his  escape  from  the  asylum  and  drowned 
himself  in  the  North  river.  Such  was  the  melancholy  end  of  one 
of  the  many  bright  men  that  adorned  the  early  period  of  Texas  his- 
tory and  did  so  much  towards  the  formation  of  its  laws  and  its 
system  of  jurisprudence. 

Judge  Jewett  had  been  private  secretary  of  President  Lamar  dur- 
ing his  administration.  He  left  a  widow  and  children,  who,  when 
the  writer  last  heard  from  them,  resided  in  Kobertson  county, 
Texas. 

William  B.  Middleton  was  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of  Leon 
county.  He  was  a  native  of  Illinois  and  came  to  Texas  when  a  boy. 
He  helped  to  build  Fort  Boggy  in  1839  or  1840,  and  was  a  member 
of  the  minute  company  organized  at  the  fort  to  guard  against  the 
incursions  of  the  Indians  and  render  the  settlement  of  the  territory 
of  Leon  county  by  the  Americans  possible.  Middleton  was  a  vol- 
unteer in  the  unfortunate  Meir  expedition  and  was  captured  by  the 
Mexicans.  Like  his  fellow  prisoners,  he  had  to  stake  his  life  on  the 
drawing  of  a  bean,  but  fortune  favored  him.  He  was  carried  to 
the  City  of  Mexico  and  there  placed  upon  the  public  works,  starved, 
beaten,  and  subjected  to  every  conceivable  indignity.  Thanks,  how- 
ever, to  a  robust  constitution,  he  survived  the  hardships  of  his 
imprisonment,  and  with  his  fellow  prisoners  was  finally  liberated 


History  of  Leon  (Bounty.  211 

through  the  intercession  of  the  authorities  of  the  United  States. 
He  returned  to  his  home  in  Leon  county,  where  the  people  elected 
him  to  the  office  of  sheriff  at  the  first  election  after  the  organization 
of  the  county.  He  represented  the  county  several  times  in  the  Leg- 
islature, and  was  its  representative  when  the  States  seceded  from 
the  Union.  During  the  war  he  was  a  brigadier  general  of  militia. 
After  the  war  he  was  again  elected  sheriff  of  the  county,  and  was 
holding  that  office  at  the  time  of  his  death.  No  man  did  more 
towards  the  settlement  and  building  up  of  Leon  county  than  he,  and 
no  man  ever  lived  in  the  county  who  had  a  greater  popularity.  He 
was  social,  kind,  genial  and  charitable.  At  his  hospitable  home 
the  latch  string  always  hung  on  the  outside  of  the  door.  Every  one 
that  knew  him  loved  him.  He  died  of  pneumonia,  as  the  writer 
remembers,  in  1878,  leaving  no  descendents. 

One  of  the  noted  men  and  early  pioneers  of  Leon  county  was 
Maj.  John  Durst.  He  did  much  to  bring  into  notice  and  cause  the 
settlement  of  the  territory  of  Leon.  He  was  a  native  of  Arkansas 
county,  Missouri.  Left  an  orphan  on  his  own  resources  at  an  early 
age,  he  wandered  to  New  Orleans,  and  was  there  taken  under  the 
protection  of  Major  Davenport,  who  was  one  of  a  company  that  had 
established  at  Nacogdoches  a  mercantile  house  and  did  an  extensive 
trade  with  the  Mexicans  and  Indians.  Major  Davenport  discovered 
in  the  boy  Durst  the  material  out  of  which  men  are  made.  He 
took  him  in  charge,  educated  him  in  a  business  way,  taught  him 
the  Spanish  language,  and  finally  sent  him  to  Nacogdoches.  Young 
Durst  was  soon  placed  in  charge  of  the  entire  business  of  the  com- 
pany at  that  place,  which  he  conducted  most  successfully,  and  to 
the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  company.  He  was  the  first  American 
resident  in  Nacogdoches,  having  located  there  in  1823.  Prior  to 
this,  when  quite  a  boy,  Durst  had  been  sent  by  the  company  to  the 
city  of  Monclova  with  business  dispatches,  which  long  and  danger- 
ous journey  he  satisfactorily  performed.  When  Texas  and  Coahuila 
had  been  formed  into  a  State,  Major  Durst  was  elected  one  of  the 
delegates  to  the  State  legislature  which  held  its  sessions  at  the  city 
of  Monclo-va.  From  Nacogdoches  to  the  capital  of  the  State  was 
960  miles,  through  a  wilderness,  and  he  made  the  journey  on  horse- 
back. 

Major  Durst  located  in  Leon  county  in  the  early  forties,  buying 
a  tract  of  land  of  2000  acres,  situated  near  the  present  site  of  the 


212         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

town  of  Leona,  and  lying  between  Boggy  creek  and  Leon  Prairie. 
He  purchased  this  land  from  Allen  Dimery,  a  free  negro.  Before 
he  removed  to  Leon,  he  resided  in  Nacogdoches  county,  on  the 
Angelina  river  in  a  large  house  protected  by  blockhouses.  He 
was  the  owner  of  a  number  of  slaves,  and  he  opened  a  farm 
on  the  Dimery  tract  of  land  and  built  a  large  rock  house.  The 
Durst  homestead  was  famous  far  and  wide  for  its  hospitality,  and 
for  being  general  headquarters  for  the  newcomer  and  the  traveler. 
In  1821  Major  Durst  married  Miss  Harriet  M.  Jameson,  daughter 
of  John  Jameson,  an  officer  in  the  United  States  army.  Mrs. 
Durst  was  a  native  of  Virginia,  born  near  Harper's  Ferry.  She 
was  an  excellent  woman,  possessing  in  an  eminent  degree  all  the 
qualities  that  adorn  and  ennoble  womanhood.  Major  and  Mrs. 
Durst  both  died  in  Leon  county  at  the  old  Dimery  homestead. 
Major  Durst  was  an  important  figure  in  the  early  affaire  of  Texas, 
and  in  the  settlement  and  development  of  Leon  county. 

On  the  14th  day  of  November,  1851,  I  arrived  in  Centreville, 
the  county  seat  of  Leon.  The  town  was  then  one  year  old, 
the  county  seat  having  been  removed  from  Loud  the  year  before. 
At  the  time  of  my  arrival  there  were  in  the  county,  perhaps,  some 
200  or  250  voters.  The  country  was  new,  and  game  was  abundant. 
The  uplands  were  covered  with  sage  and  other  grasses  from  two 
to  four  feet  high.  The  glades  and  bottom  lands  were  set  with  a 
luxuriant  growth  of  gramma  grass  so  high  that  when  a  deer  entered 
it  his  course  could  be  followed  by  the  opening  of  the  grass,  and 
occasionally  his  head  and  ears  could  be  seen  as  he  leaped  along. 
The  creek  and  river  bottoms  were  filled  with  a  dense  growth  of 
cane,  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet  high.  The  range  was  fine  for  cattle, 
horses  and  hogs,  winter  and  summer.  Hogs  fed  on  the  acorns  of 
the  postoak.  overcup  oak,  red  oak,  water  oak  and  black-jack  and  the 
various  native  grapes,  and  needed  no  attention,  except  now  and 
then  feeding  them  a  little  corn  to  keep  them  gentle.  Cattle  and 
horses  kept  fat  winter  and  summer  on  the  range.  In  the  fall,  the 
first  norther  would  send  the  cattle  to  the  bottoms  among  the  cane 
brakes,  where,  feeding  on  the  switch  cane,  they  would  come  out  in 
the  spring  fat  and  sleek.  Pork  in  the  fall  was  worth  a  cent  and  a 
half  per  pound,  and  beef  was  to  be  had  at  the  buyer's  own  price. 

A  feeling  of  social  and  neighborly  kindness  pervaded  the  entire 


History  of  Leon  County.  213 

community.  The  advent  of  a  newcomer  was  the  signal  of  universal 
rejoicing  in  the  neighborhood.  All  of  the  neighbors  vied  with  each 
other  in  their  acts  of  kindness  and  hospitality  towards  him.  If  he 
needed  beef,  he  was  informed  by  each  old  settler  as  to  his  mark 
and  brand,  and  told  to  go  amongst  his  cattle  and  make  his  own 
selection  free  of  charge.  The  old  settler's  corn  crib  was  open  to 
the  wants  of  the  newly  arrived.  Everybody  seemed  to  enjoy  life. 
There  were  no  social  distinctions,  other  than  those  which  were 
based  on  integrity  and  merit.  All  honest,  industrious  people  met 
on  a  common  plane.  Merit  and  worth  w&s  received  and  welcomed 
everywhere.  Locks  and  keys  were  not  needed.  All  kept  open  house. 
The  visitor,  whether  stranger  or  neighbor,  on  his  arrival  was  wel- 
comed with  hearty  and  sincere  hospitality.  The  coffee  pot  was 
always  on  the  fire,  and  the  guest  soon  after  his  arrival  was  invited 
to  partake  of  its  contents.  If  he  was  a  stranger,  he  was  bidden  to 
make  himself  at  home  and  stay  a  week,  and  when  business  or  incli- 
nation urged  his  departure  he  was  earnestly  requested  to  call  again. 

There  was  among  the  people  no  party  or  political  discords.  The 
spirit  that  ruled  the  settlers  was  the  desire  to  settle  and  upbuild  the 
country.  There  were  in  the  early  fifties  no  primaries  nor  conven- 
tions for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  office.  Men  became  can- 
didates of  their  own  volition,  or  at  the  solicitation  of  personal 
friends,  ran  on  their  own  merits  and  not  on  the  demerits  of  others, 
and  were  elected  because  of  their  fitness  for  the  office  they  aspired 
to. 

Such  was  the  sentiment  among  the  early  settlers  of  Texas.  They 
were  men  who  bravely  confronted  all  of  the  dangers,  hardships 
and  discomforts  of  a  newly  settled  country,  conquered  the  wilder- 
ress  and  laid  the  foundation  deep  and  strong  for  the  future  pros- 
perity, glory  and  greatness  of  the  State.  These  early  pioneers  of 
Texas  not  only  had  to  suffer  the  discomforts  of  a  new  and  sparsely 
settled  country,  but  in  addition  took  their  lives  in  their  hands  in 
combat  with  the  thieving  and  bloodthirsty  savage.  The  names  and 
deeds  of  these  pioneers  should  be  treasured  in  grateful  remem- 
brance by  us,  who  now  enjoy  the  fruits  of  what  they  so  nobly 
planted  in  discomfort,  toil  and  danger. 

In  the  early  fifties  the  means  of  travel  and  transportation  m 
Texas  were  of  the  most  primitive  and  limited  character.  Everybody, 
men  and  women  as  well,  rode  horseback.  Carriages  and  buggies 


214         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

were  almost  unknown.  The  supply  of  goods  and  groceries  for  Leon 
county  was  obtained  for  the  most  part  from  Houston  and  Galves- 
ton.  Steamboats  navigated  the  Trinity  river  during  the  winter  and 
spring,  brought  up  supplies  and  carried  off  the  produce  of  the  coun- 
try. During  the  low  water  season,  wagons  drawn  by  from  four  to 
six  yoke  of  oxen  hauled  the  cotton  to  Houston  and  brought  back 
the  necessary  supplies.  These  land  ships  would  often  be  six  weeks 
in  making  the  round  trip  from  Centreville  to  Houston  and  back. 
Time  was  no  special  object.  People  then  lived  slow,  compared 
with  those  of  the  present  fast  age.  They  were  in  no  hurry  to  make 
money  and  get  rich,  and  did  not  live  by  steam  and  electricity. 
Kerosene  was  unknown,  and  the  saucer  lamp  and  the  tallow  dip 
were  the  illuminants  in  those  days.  Wherever  night  overtook  the 
teamster  he  stopped,  unyoked  his  oxen,  and  hobbled  them  and 
turned  them  out  into  nature's  pasture  to  feed  on  the  nutritious 
grass  that  grew  everywhere.  He  built  his  camp  fire,  cooked  and  ate 
his  frugal  supper,  and  slept  on  his  blanket  under  his  wagon.  In 
the  morning  he  awoke  early,  recruited  his  fire,  cooked  and  ate  his 
breakfast,  gathered  and  yoked  up  his  oxen,  and  pursued  his  journey 
and  as  he  moved  on,  his  cheerful  song  kept  time  to  the  rifle-like 
report  of  his  long  whip.  In  those  days,  the  teamster  was  a  lord. 
Kings  might  well  envy  him  in  his  high  state  of  content  and  satis- 
faction. 

Much  of  the  cultivation  was  done  with  oxen.  The  farmer  would 
plow  one  yoke  from  morning  to  noon,  then  turn  these  out  upon  the 
grass  and  yoke  up  another  pair  for  the  afternoon's  plowing. 

In  those  days,  every  traveler  carried  his  water-goard,  his  stake 
rope,  coffee  pot,  provision  wallet  and  blanket,  and  should  night 
overtake  him  with  no  house  in  sight,  he  dismounted,  staked  his 
horse,  built  his  fire,  cooked  and  ate  his  meal,  spread  his  blanket 
under  the  stars,  and  slept  the  sleep  of  the  contented. 

Such  were  the  manners,  customs,  and  surroundings  of  the  people 
when  the  writer  came  to  Texas,  in  1851.  While  they  did  not  enjoy 
the  advantages  and  privileges  of  these  modern  days,  yet  they 
enjoyed  more  real  pleasures,  were  better  contented  and  were  in  close 
contact  with  life  on  natural  lines  than  we  in  these  rushing,  strug- 
gling, discontented  times.  The  lives  of  the  people  then  moved 
along  the  ways  of  Arcadian  simplicity.  There  was  no  complaint  of 
trusts,  no  strikes,  no  contention  between  employer  and  employe, 


History  of  Leon  County.  215 

no  demand  for  legislation  favoring  one  class  at  the  expense  of 
another,  no  war  on  capital,  no  ambitious  struggle  for  social  distinc- 
tion, riches,  power  or  place.  Content  and  good  feeling  among  the 
people  was  universal. 

Nor  were  the  people  in  the  early  fifties  unmindful  or  neglectful 
of  education,  morality,  or  religion.  In  the  village  of  Centreville, 
when  the  writer  'arrived  there,  they  had  a  well  ordered  and  well 
attended  school,  taught  first  by  an  educated  gentleman  from  Scot- 
land, and  afterwards  by  a  college  graduate  from  New  England. 
The  church  of  the  village  was  one  of  the  first  houses  erected.  While 
the  Baptist  denomination  preponderated  in  the  neighborhood,  at 
the  time,  the  church  was  open  to  all  denominations.  Once  a  month 
a  good  and  truly  pious  old  Baptist  minister,  by  the  name  of  Coker, 
who  lived  in  the  upper  end  of  the  county,  some  twenty-five  miles 
form  Centreville,  mounted  his  horse  and  came  down  to  minister  to 
the  spiritual  wants  of  the  village  and  vicinity,  without  fee  or 
charge.  He  was  a  minister  of  the  olden  time  whose  only  ambition 
was  to  faithfully  serve  his  Lord  and  Master  and  save  .sinners.  I  can 
now  hear,  ringing  in  memory's  chambers,  his  fervent  petitions,  in 
which  he  invoked  all  of  the  blessings  upon  the  little  town  of  Centre- 
ville, and  the  "invincinity  thereof/'  In  the  honest  simplicity  of  his 
soul,  he  would  often  thank  the  Lord  that  "he  was  sent  all  the  way 
from  Alabama  to  preach  to  the  heathen  here  in  Texas."  Such  was 
the  good  old  man  Coker,  long  since  gathered  to  his  father's  and 
gone  up  to  receive  the  crown  of  an  honest,  faithful,  well-spent 
life. 

In  this  same  little  church  in  those  early  days,  another  good  and 
pious  Baptist  brother,  used  occasionally  to  hold  forth.  He,  too, 
was  one  of  those  old-fashioned  sort,  by  the  name  of  Jones  (but 
that  was  not  his,  name),  that  delivered  his  sermons  in  a  chant  or 
sing-song  tone.  In  fact,  the  first  sentence  of  this  brother  was 
pitched  on  the  sing-song  key,  which  he  kept  up  to  the  end  of  the 
sermon.  He,  too,  was  an  honest,  conscientious  man,  who  tried  with 
all  of  his  might  to  serve  the  Lord  and  his  fellows.  His  was  an  im- 
petuous nature,  and  he  was  liable  to  be  carried  off  his  feet  by  the 
impulse  of  the  moment.  He  fully  realized  that  human  nature  was 
weak  and  beset  by  many  temptations.  He  candidly  admitted  that 
of  these  temptations  to  him  the  most  alluring  and  those  against 
which  he  had  fiercest  battles  all  his  life,  to  prevent  their  diverting 


216         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

his  feet  from  the  straight  and  narrow  path,  were  women,  wine  and 
horses.  While  he  worshipped  the  very  ground  on  which  a  lady 
walked,  loved  a  race  horse,  and  had  a  natural  inclination  for  the 
wine  that  was  red,  he  fought  the  good  fight  and  came  out  the  victor. 
He,  too,  has  long  since  crossed  the  river  and  gone  up  to  receive  the 
reward  of  a  Christian  life  spent  in  the  service  of  his  Master  and  his 
fellow  man. 

There  was  another  preacher,  the  Methodist  circuit  rider,  Parson 
Wright,  who  preached  in  the  village  church  during  his  monthly 
round.  The  writer  heard  him  preach  first  in  December,  1851,  in 
a  little  log  school  house,  with  puncheon  floor  and  split  log  benches, 
located  in  the  woods,  about  five  miles  from  Centreville.  His  con- 
gregation consisted  of  a  dozen  or  more,  and  the  surroundings  were 
of  the  most  primitive  character,  but  these  things  had  no  effect  on 
the  man.  The  expression  of  his  face,  his  tone,  and  his  manner 
impressed  his  hearers  with  the  absolute  conviction  that  soul  and 
body  he  was  a  soldier  of  King  Emanuel,  whose  hope  and  aim  was  to 
uphold  the  banner  of  righteousness. 

The  work  of  this  good  man,  in  that  early  day,  was  not  one  of 
ease  or  profit.  His  circuit  comprised  some  half  dozen  counties. 
His  appointments  were  so  scattered  and  so  far  apart,  that  to  preach 
at  each  once  a  month,  necessitated  constant  travel.  He  traveled 
horseback,  with  Bible,  hymn  book,  blanket  and  saddle-bags,  and 
change  of  linen,  when  he  was  so  fortunate  as  bo  have  a  change.  1 1  e 
was  exposed  to  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  seasons,  and  he  had  often 
to  swim  swollen  streams,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  in  order  to  meet 
his  congregations.  He  cheerfully  submitted  to  all  this  toil  and 
discomfort,  never  uttering  a  word  of  complaint.  He  was  a  God- 
fearing, pious  and  exemplary  Christian  man.  He,  too,  has  been 
dead  for  many  years.  He  never  had  an  enemy,  and  his  death  was 
sincerely  mourned  by  all  who  knew  him. 

The  men  here  mentioned  are  but  examples  of  the  many  and 
faithful  ministers  that  labored  in  early  Texas.  While  many  of 
them  were  neither  college-bred  nor  graduates  of  any  theological 
seminary,  they  were  honest,  pious  and  God-fearing  men,  who  by 
their  sincerity  and  zeal  set  an  example  before  their  fellow  man 
worthy  of  all  acceptance,  which  exercised  an  irresistible  influence 
for  good. 

Such  were  the  preachers  in  Texas  in  the  early  fifties,  who  in  the 


History  of  Leon  County.  217 

face  of  danger  and  appalling  hardships  laid  the  foundation  on 
which  has  been  built  the  virtue,  morality  and  religious  sentiment 
that  characterizes  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  Texas  at  this  day. 
Jn  consideration  of  the  beneficent  and  civilizing  results  of  their 
efforts  it  is  but  just  that  they  should  be  remembered.  Their  work 
is  an  essential  part  of  the  history  of  Texas. 


218         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


THE  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  GUTIERREZ-MAGEE 
EXPEDITION. 


WALTER  FLAVIUS 

The  Gutierrez-Magee  episode  marks  an  interesting  point  not  only 
in  the  history  of  Texas,  but  in  that  of  the  whole  Southwest.  In  a 
way  it  has  a  national  interest,  for  after  the  movement  in  question, 
Texas  was  never  again  Spanish,  and  its  admission  into  the  Union 
was  only  a  question  of  time.  Apart  from  the  political  significance 
of  the  undertaking,  this  irruption  of  Americans  into  the  Spanish 
territories  was,  to  a  certain  extent,  an  unconscious  manifestation  of 
the  spirit  of  aggression,  the  spirit  of  expansion,  which  has  at  various 
times  dominated  the  actions  of  the  American  people.  Perhaps  the 
most  notable  instances  of  this  are  seen  in  the  Mexican  war  and  the 
recent  outburst  against  Spain.  These  were  national  in  their  larger 
aspects  ;  but  the  germs  of  both  lie  beyond  the  Gutierrez-Magee  expe- 
dition, and  had  a  common  origin.  The  animosity  which  had  grown 
up  in  the  United  States  towards  Spain  before  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  lies  at  the  bottom  of  these  troubles.  The  causes 
for  the  development  of  this  antagonism  must  be  sought  in  the  physi- 
cal growth  of  this  country  measured  in  terms  of  Anglo-Saxon 
aggressiveness  and  rationalism,  —  Spanish  intrigue  and  suspicion  — 
or  liberalism  versus  inquisition. 

Strangely  enough,  our  accredited  historians,  with  few  exceptions, 
have  failed  to  grasp  the  real  significance  of  this  page  of  American 
history.  Most  of  those  of  eminence  "who  have  written  have  treated 
it  as  growing,  in  the  main,  cmt  of  the  selfishness  of  the  Southern 
slave  owner;  the  other  elements  involved,  in  their  opinion,  were  not 
of  vital  import.  But  when  the  true  story  is  told,  the  tablets  of  stone 
will  be  broken  and  the  iniquitous  evil  of  writing  with  preconceived 
ideas,  with  partisanship  tinctured  with  malice,  will  once  more  have 
been  put  to  shame. 

In  the  long  chain  of  events,  or  series  of  waves,  which  led  up  to 
these  climaxes,  the  Gutierrez-Magee  enterprise  occupies  an  import- 
ant place.  It  had  been  preceded  by  the  Kemper  raid,  the  Muranda 
Expedition,  the  Aaron  Burr  Conspiracy,  and  the  overwhelming  of 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez-Magee  Expedition.     219 

West  Florida.  These  served  as  temporary  vents,  and  are  important 
as  exemplifying  the  spirit  working  in  the'  people.  They  were  all 
aggressive,  and  aimed  at  Spain.  Only  one,  however,  the  last,  pro- 
duced a  real  change  in  the  relative  situation  of  things.  It  was  for 
Gutierrez  and  Magee  to  marshal  the  forces  which  had  followed  Burr 
and  which  had  overthrown  'the  Spanish  regime  in  West  Elorida  for 
yet  another  advance. 

When  the  revolution  broke  out  in  Mexico  in  1810,  the  leaders 
were  not  unaware  of  the  sympathy  which  the  great  mass  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  new  American  republic  bore  them.  Miranda's 
expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  Venezuela  had  taught  the 
patriotic  Mexicans  that  support  was  to  be  expected,  while  Aaron 
Burr  in  his  conspiracy  had  brought  the  matter  nearer  to  them 
through  -his  emissaries.  So,  when  disaster  had  fallen  terribly  on 
the  arms  of  the  revolutionists,  when  Hidalgo  had  been  driven  from 
Guadalajara,  when  his  army  had  become  demoralized  and  his  retreat 
a  flight,  he  headed  with  the  remnant  of  'his  forces  toward®  Texas, 
giving  it  out  that  perhaps  already  the  Anglo-Americans  were  on 
their  way  to  bring  succor  to  his  cause. 

In  March,  1811,  only  a  few  days  before  the  heroic  Cura  with  his 
generals  and  fragment  of  an  army  were  treacherously  betrayed  at 
the  Nonas  de  Bajan,  Jose  Bernardo  Gutierrez  (sometimes  Guiterrez 
de  Lara)  was  made  a  lieutenant-colonel,  and  commissioned  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  United  States  to  solicit  aid'  for  'the  struggling  patriots. 
Nothing  daunted  by  the  calamity  which  had  overtaken  the  leaders 
of  the  rebellion,  and  spurred,  some  have  written,  by  the  news  of  the 
execution  of  his  brother  along  with  other  so-called  traitors,  he  made 
his  way  into  Texas,  which  he  found  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  and  from 
thence  to  Washington, 

It  will  be  recalled  that  January  22,  1811,  the  garrison  and  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar  raised  the  standard  of  revolt, 
took  Governor  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  Simon  de  Herrera,  and  others 
prisoners — whose  heads  were  later  to  stain  the  pikes  of  the  men  of 
Gutierrez — and  declared  for  the  republic.  This  enabled  Gutierrez 
to  pass  on  his  journey  unmolested.  In  Washington,  however,  he 
received  no  official  recognition,1  and  soon  returned  South. 

1Vicente  Filisola:  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tejas, 
I,  49. 


220         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Early  in  the  year  1832  he  appeared  at  Natohitoches,  bhe  old  fron- 
tier fort,  which,  for  more  than  a  century,  stood  over  against  the 
Spaniards  in  Nacogdoches,  and  opened  communication  with  the 
adventurers,  modern  robber  knighte,  who  had  taken'  charge  of  the 
Neutral  Ground.  Lieutenant  Augustus  W.  Magee,  who  was  sta- 
tioned at  Natchitoohes  for  the  purpose  of  looking  after  the  freeboot- 
ers, who  'helped  themselves  to  whatever  property  they  found  within 
the  bounds  of  tlhe  Sabine  and  Arroyo  Hondo,  fell  under  bhe  influence 
of  the  revolutionist.  The  reports  of  Gutierrez  as  to  the  internal 
condition  of  the  province  of  Texas  and  Mexico,  the  hope  of  booty, 
and  the  certainty  of  success,  won  over  many  to  his  schemes.  In 
spite  of  the  war  which  now  broke  out  with  Great  Britain,  recruits 
came  from  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mississippi  and  Louisiana,  while 
the  Neutral!  Ground  disgorged  a  swarm  of  adventurers.1 

As  early  as  April  6,  the  Spaniards  at  Bayou  Pierre,  which  lies  to 
the  east  of  the  Sabine  near  the  old  mission  site  of  Adaes,  had  notice 
of  the  arrival  of  Gutierrez  on  the  frontier.  On  that  day  Marzelo 
de  Zoto,  justice  of  the  peace,  reported  to  Montero,  the  commander 
of  Nacogdoches,  that  Bernardo  Gutierrez  had  arrived  at  Natchit- 
oches  in  company  with  an  officer,  that  he  brought  many  recom- 
mendations, and  that  it  was  whispered  he  was  engaged  in  some 

*It  may  not  be  amiss  to  trace  in  a  word  the  history  of  the  Neutral 
Ground.  The  fall  of  1806  found  the  United  States  and  Spain  all  but  at 
war  because  of  many  disputes,  chief  of  which  arose  over  the  Louisiana 
boundary.  Their  armies  were  marched  to  the  frontier.  There,  November 
5,  1806,  on  the  basis  of  a  proposition  made  by  James  Wilkinson,  general 
of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  Simon  de  Herrera,  governor  of  Nuevo 
Leon,  agreed  to  make  neutral  the  land  lying  'between  the  Sabine  and  the 
Arroyo  Hondo.  This  was  a  considerable  area  varying  from  thirty  to  fifty 
miles  in  width  and  extending  from  near  Nntchitoches  to  the  gulf.  As  no 
authority  was  exercised  in  that  region  it  was  soon  occupied  by  men  who 
respected  no  law.  The  after  history  of  this  robbers'  nest,  bad  as  it  is, 
does  not  surpass  in  point  of  lawlessness  or  immorality  the  conduct  of  the 
man  at  the  time  he  made  its  existence  possible.  This  Neutral  Ground 
strip,  the  recognition  of  which  waived  our  claim  to  Texas,  which  was  con- 
ceded to  the  Spaniards  to  pacify  them  in  order  that  Wilkinson  might  send 
an  expedition  to  Mexico  to  demand  a  large  sum  of  money  for  his  services 
in  defeating  Aaron  Burr,  continued  to  give  trouble  down  to  the  treaty  of 
1819. 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez-Mag ee  Expedition.     221 

treacherous  plot.1  Less  than  a  month  later,  Felix  Trudeaux,  consul 
at  Natchitoches  and  Spanish,  spy,  of  whom  we  hear  much  during 
these  years,  wrote  Montero:2 

"Bernardo  Gutierrez  has  returned  here  from  the  United  States, 
and  wiith  him  is  an  American  who  seems  to  be  of  much  importance. 
It  is  reported  that  his  intentions  are  to  seek  every  means  to  revolu- 
tionize the  Internal  Provinces." 

These  notices  had  the  expected  effect  on  the  .commander  of  the 
Spanish  garrison  at  Nacogdoches.  May  12  he  dispatched  to  the 
governor  of  Texas,  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  who  had  been  restored  to 
power  in  the  preceding  fall,  the  notices  he  had  of  threatened  trou- 
bles, among  which  were  Indian  raids  amd  the  circulation  of  sedi- 
oious  papers.3  A  few  days  later  Trudeaux  wrote  in  a  positive  tone 
that  nothing  was  to  be  left  undone  to  accomplish  the  revolutioniz- 
ing of  the  Internal  Provinces.  A  printing  press  had  been  set  up, 
which,  of  course,  meant  that  incendiary  documents  were  to  be  scat- 
tered broadcast.4  And  sure  enough,  Montero  had  not  long  to  wait 
before  his  suspicions  were  verified.  June  27  he  wrote  the  governor 
that  three  of  his  soldiers  had  captured  the  deserter,  Jose  Banegas, 
and  with  him  forty  pamphlets  entitled  El  Amiga  de  los  Hombres 
(The  Friend  of  Man).  There  were,  besides  other  documents,  all 
of  which  bore  the  name  of  the  "traitor,  Bernardo  Gutierrez."5 

June  2,  Salcedo  detailed  the  situation  to  the  viceroy,  enclosing 
copies  of  the  letters  he  had  received  from  the  frontier.  He  referred 
to  Gutierrez  as  the  Embajador  de  Rayon*  But  the  affair  became 

JMarzelo  de  Zoto  to  Bernardino  Montero,  April  6,  1812 ;  MS.  Opera- 
ciones de  Guerra  (Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  64;  Mexican  Archives. 

2Felix  Trudeaux  to  Montero,  May  3,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra 
(Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  63;  Mexican  Archives. 

"Montero  to  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  May  12,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de 
Guerra  (Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  126;  Mexican  Archives. 

*Trudeaux  to  Montero,  May  23,  1812;  MS.  Case  17,  No.  589;  Archives 
State  of  Texas. 

5Montero  to  Salcedo,  June  27,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra  (Man- 
uel de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  182;  Mexican  Archives. 

'Salcedo  to  Viceroy,  June  2,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra  (Man- 
uel de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  58;  Mexican  Archives. 


222        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

more  alarming,  and  under  date  of  the  twenty-fifth  he  wrote  the  cen- 
tral government:1 

"I  do  not  know  how  I  can  sufficiently  impress  upon  your  excel- 
lency the  necessity  of  sending  officers  with  Spanish  (estranas) 
troops  to  be  distributed  in  various  parts,  and  to  be  empowered  with 
the  necessary  functions  to  extinguish  the  fire  of  rebellion  "which 
smoulders  in  the  villages  to  the  north  and  their  environs." 

During  the  course  of  the  summer  the  Americans  continued  their 
preparations.  "Proposals  were  published,  in  the  name  of  Don  Ber- 
nardo Guiterrez,  for  raising  the  'Republican  Army  of  the  North.' " 
Yoakum2  goes  on  to  say  that  "The  publication  promised  to  each 
volunteer  forty  dollars  per  month,  and  a  league  of  land  to  be 
assigned  him  within  the  boundaries  of  the  new  republic."  There 
is  evident  confusion  of  objects  and  purposes^  The  men  who  rallied 
to  the  standard  which  was  hoisted  -within  the  Neutral  Ground  came 
from  various  motives.  There  were  some  who  expected  to  see  a  new 
republic  set  up;  some  who  longed  for  the  excitement  of  war  and 
adventure;  some  for  the  gold  they  expected  to  find  somewhere  out 
in  the  Spanish  domain ;  finally,  tihere  were  many  who  indulged  real 
sentiment  over  the  war  'for  Mexican  liberty,  who  were  eager  to  strike 
a  blow  at  the  enemy  who  had  vexed  them  with  harsh  laws,  who  hid 
so  long  thwarted  their  enterprises  and  stayed  their  advance  into 
lands  which  seemed  by  right  or  purchase  to  belong  to  them.  Nor 
was  this  all — this  same  enemy  stood  with  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  the 
Aztec! 

The  greater  part  of  the  summer  was  spent  in  gathering  provis- 
ions under  the  supervision  of  Ooloned  Davenport,  who  had  been  a 
long  time  Indian  agent  in  that  quarter,  and  in  mustering  recruits. 
At  last,  however,  in  August  an  advance  was  made.  The  Spaniards 
had  taken  post  at  the  Sabine  with  the  expectation  of  disputing  its 
passage;  but  they  were  outflanked  and  forced  to  retreat  to  Nacog- 
doches.  Montero  goes  on  in  his  report  of  the  affair  to  the  governor8 
to  say  that  after  having  been  forced  to  retire,  he  left  a  patrol  of 

'Salcedo  to  Viceroy,  June  25,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerre  (Man- 
uel de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  171;  Mexican  Archives. 

2Yoakum:     History  of  Texas,  I.  154. 

*Montero  to  Salcedo,  August  12,  1812;  MS.     Archives  State  of  Texas. 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez-Magee  Expedition.    223 

twenty  men  at  Attoyac  under  the  command  of  Gkmzales  for  the  pur- 
pose of  watching  the  further  movements  of  the  enemy.  At  dawn 
the  next  day,  August  11,  an  assault  was  made  while  they  were  at 
their  matins,  and  only  the  sentinel  escaped  to  bear  the  news  to 
Nacogdoches.  He  (Momtero)  at  once  sounded  the  alarm,  but  not 
a  citizen  came  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  the  old  Spanish  outpost.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  town  seemed  happy,  while  the  troops  were 
depressed  and  indifferent.  At  the  approach  of  the  Americans  con- 
fusion and  consternation  possessed  the  Spaniards,  and'  they  fled 
precipitately  in  squads  or  singly,  as  it  happened.  Only  ten  rod<? 
with  Montero  towards  the  Trinity,  a  distance  of  eighty  miles,  which 
place  was  reached  next  day,  and  there  the  first  halt  was  made. 
From  this  point  Montero  recounted  his  ill  fortune.1 

Five  days  later,  August  17,  the  messenger  reached  San  Antonio 
de  Bexar,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Texas,  with  the  alarming 
dispatches. 

The  governor  wrote  at  once  to  Lieutenant- Colonel  Bustamente:2 
"I  have  this  moment  received  word,  under  date  of  the  12th,  from 
the  commander  of  Nacogdoches,  who  finds  himself  withdrawn  to  the 
Trinity  with  part  of  his  officers  and  troops.  He  reports  that  the 
Americans  occupied  Nacogdoches  on  the  eleventh,  the  place  having 
been  abandoned  because  of  the  superiority  of  the  American  forces. 
Thus  the  dreaded  day  has  arrived  in  which  I  see  the  ominous  stand- 
ard of  revolt  unfurled  in  that  part  of  the  kingdom." 

The  same  day  Salcedo  sent  an  appeal  to  the  viceroy  for  reinforce- 
ments : 

"With  one  thousand  of  the  troops  recently  arrived  from  Spain  at 
Matagorda  I  sihall  free  this  'kingdom  within  a  month  of  a  new  and 
more  formidable  insurrection  than  the  past  one.3  .  .  .  The 
people,  incautious  on  the  one  hand  and  hallucinated  on  the  other, 
embrace  with  readiness  the  sedition.  The  Americans  say  they  have 
not  come  to  do  harm  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  kingdom,  but  to  aid 
them  in  securing  their  independence.  Unfortunately,  our  people  do 

1It  will  be  noted  at  once  that  this  account  of  the  advance  of  the  Ameri- 
cans varies  from  the  generally  accepted  one.  Yoakum  (I.  154-55)  places 
the  time  in  June  rather  than  August,  but  from  the  evidence  it  appears 
that  he  has  fallen  into  an  error,  which  those  who  have  followed  him  have 
failed  to  correct. 

2Salcedo  to  Bustamente,  August  17,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra 
(Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  188;  Mexican  Archives. 

'The  revolution  in  January,  1811. 


224         Texas  Historical  A  ssociation  Quarterly. 

not  know  the  poison  and  hypocrisy  of  our  enemies;  do  not  realize 
that  they  are  working  under  the  pretext  of  succoring  them  to  con- 
quer our  provinces  little  by  little.  In  tihe  end  the  natives  cannot 
rid  themselves  of  the  Americams;  then  they  will  arouse  'from  their 
lethargy.  While  I  ani  waiting  for  the  reinforcements  I  have  asked. 
.  .  .  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  to  expel  the  invaders,  if  the 
troops  of  this  garrison  remiain  faithful."1 

This  exposition  of  the  situation  by  a  high  Spanish  official  is  not 
without  its  interest.  We  have  been  accustomed  to  look  upon  that 
important  era  of  transition  only  through  American  eyes — here  we 
have  a  view  through  the  eyes  of  a  Spaniard.  In  this  letter  race 
differences  amd  institutional  peculiarities  crop  out.  The  one 
phrase,  our  people,  los  nuestros,  tells  a  long  story.  It  indicates  the 
wide  divergence  in  the  political  thinking  of  the  two  races  that  now 
for  the  first  time  contest,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  -f  or  supremacy 
in  one  quarter  of  the  Western  Hemisphere.  Indeed,  the  warning 
uttered  concerning  the  object  of  the  invaders  recalls  a  letter  of 
Jefferson  to  A.  Stewart  in  which  he  spoke  of  a  time  when  the  Amer- 
icans would  win  the  Spanish  territories  bit  by  bit.  And  this  was, 
in  truth,  tihe  beginning  of  the  fulfillment  of  the  prophesy. 

August  21,  Salcedo  ordered  Mortftero,  who  it  will  be  remembered 
had  taken  post  at  tihe  Trinity,  to  march  to  his  capital,  San  Antonio 
de  Bexar.  The  former  commander  of  Nacogdoches  was  to  bring 
with  him  what  people  he  could,  as  the  Indians  were  now  hostile  to 
them  a/lso.  Montero,  however,  had  not  waited  for  these  orders,  but 
retreated  on  his  own  account,  reaching  San  Antonio  September  2. 
His  'line  of  march  had  been  through  Navasota,  where  five  soldiers 
had  deserted,  and  from  these  to  the  capital.2 

Salcedo  has  left  us  a  bitter  arraignment  of  the  condsuct  of  the 
United  States.  After  repeating  to  the  viceroy  a  fuller  account  of 
the  desertion  of  Nacogdoches,  which  had  been  made  necessary 
because  of  tihe  attitude  of  the  people,  all  of  whom  had  been  seduced, 
as  well  as  many  of  the  soldiers  who  refused  to  respond  to  the  call 
to  arms,  he  took  up  the  case  against  the  American  republic.3 

'Salcedo  to  Viceroy,  August  17,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra 
(Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  185;  Mexican  Archives. 

2Salcedo  to  Montero,  August  21,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  dc  Guerra 
(Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  193;  Mexican  Archives. 

*Salcedo  to  Viceroy,  September  24,  1812;  MS.  Operaoiones  de  Guerra 
(Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  194;  Mexican  Archives. 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez-Magee  Expedition.     225 

"Our  invaders  are  as  yet  insignificant;  but  this  "which  seems 
unimportant  is  much  to  my  mind,  especially  when  we  know  that  the 
United  States  'has  aided  Gutierrez,  knowing  him  to  be  a  refugee. 
We  know  also  that  they  secretly  aided  in  the  overthrow  of  West 
Florida,  and  that  this  reunion  took  place  within  view  of  the  judges 
of  that  country.  They  made  no  effort  to  interfere,  as  they  could 
and  ought ;  for  this  sort  of  attack  is  the  most  insulting  which  one 
government  can  offer  to  another.  Knowing  this  and)  the  grave 
dangers  which  may  follow  the  coming  of  these  revolutionists,  I 
desire  to  find  myself  entrusted  with  a  sufficient  force  to  drive  them 
beyond  the  bounds  of  their  own  couintry.  ...  I  nrast  repeat  to 
your  excellency  the  necessity  of  sending  me  by  sea  some  of  the  troops 
from  Spain.  This  is  urgent  because  of  the  nature  of  the  war  which 
is  being  waged  by  the  enemy  through  the  medium  of  incendiary 
literature,  the  doctrines  therein  contained  being  readily  -accepted  by 
the  troops  and  the  people." 

Certainly  some  of  Salcedo's  points  are  well  takem.  He  was  wrong, 
however,  in  crediting  the  government  with  a  part  in  the  overthrow 
of  West  Florida;  but  to  one  not  versed  in  the  mystery  of  this  gov- 
ernment's actions,  the  promptitude  with  which  that  territory  was 
annexed  to  the  Anglo-American  republic  was  ait  least  ground  for 
suspicion.  Nor  was  Gutierrez,  so  far  ^as  we  'know,  aided  by  the  gov- 
ernment. Where  the  culpability  of  the  administration  lay  was  in 
its  failure  to  enforce  the  neutrality  laws.  We  have  seen  that  as 
early  as  April  6  the  Spaniards  knew  that  Gutierrez  was  at  work  on 
his  scheme.  It  seems  strange  that  'the  officers  in  the  United  States 
learned'  nothing  of  the  preparationis  >and  'the  enlistments  until 
August.  It  happened  by  coincidence  that  the  day  Nacogdoches  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  filibusters,  August  11,  Claiborne  issued  his 
proclamation  against  the  enterprise.1  John  Dick,  United  States 
attorney,  later  offered  the  excuse  that  though  it  was  known,  it  was 
not  possible  'to  act  because  no  assemblage  'could  be  found.2  A  much 
more  likely  excuse  would  have  been  that  the  Neutral  Ground,  which 
was  beyond  the  independent  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  was 
made  the  base  for  operations.  The  'war  with  England,  too,  doubtless 
played  a  part  in  'withdrawing  the  attention  of  the  authorities.  How- 
ever, it  is  probable  that  the  expediton  was  purposely  overlooked. 

'Proclamation,  August  11,  1812;  MS.  No.  689;  Archives  State  of  Texas. 
"American  State  Papers,  XI  302. 


226         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

After  the  taking  of  Nacogdoches  the  town  becaome  the  headquar- 
ters of  the  invaders.  There  the  final  organization  was  completed; 
Lieutenant  Miagee,  who  had  resigned  his  commission,  in  the  United 
States  army,  was  elected  colonel  with  the  chief  command,  though 
Gutierrez,  for  palpable  reasons,  bore  the  title  of  general.1  While 
provisions  were  being  collected!  and  recruits  mustered,  the  leaders 
prepared  ait  least  three  distinct  forma  of  proclamations  which  were 
supposed  to  set  forth  their  designs.  They  were  in.  bad  Spanish  and 
written,  which  probably  makes  a  fiction  of  the  earlier  report  that 
the  insurrectionists  were  possessed  of  a  printing  press.  These  inter- 
esting papers  bore  the  date  of  September  1,  1812,  <cthe  second  year 
of  our  independence,"  and  were  issued  from  the  "quarters  of  General 
Jose  Bernardo  Gutierrez,  colonel  in  the  armies  of  the  Republic  of 
Mexico,  and  representative  to  the  government  of  tine  United  States 
of  America,  'and  commander-in-ohief  of  the  Army  of  the  North." 
One  of  the  proclamations  was  issued  specially  to  the  soldiers  and 
citizens  of  San  Antonio.  It  ran  as  follows  :2 

"Soldiers  and  citizens  of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar :  It  is  more  than 
a  year  since  I  left  my  country,  during  which  time  I  have  labored 
indefatiguably  for  our  good.  I  have  overcame  many  difficulties, 
have  made  friends  amd  have  obtained  means  to  aid  us  in  throwing 
off  the  insulting  yoke  of  the  insolent  despotism.  Rise  en  masse, 
soldiers  and  citizens;  unite  in  the  holy  cause  of  our  country !  Many 
of  our  friends  and  countrymen  have  been  unjustly  slain  by  the  sword 
of  tihe  tyrant!  Their  blood  cries  aloud  from  the  grave  for  venge- 
ance !  Their  souls  are  before  the  throne  of  God,  praying  for  revenge 
and  for  our  victories. 

"I  am  now  marching  to  your  succor  with,  a  respectable  force  of 
American  volunteers  who  have  left  their  homes  and  families  to  take 
up  our  cause,  to  fight  for  our  liberty.  They  are  the  free  descendants 
of  the  men  who  fought  for  the  independence  of  the  United  States ; 
they  feel  the  force  and  worth  of  liberty  as  did  their  fathers  in 
the  war  with  Great  Britain ;  and  as  brothers  and  inhabitants  of  the 
same  continent  they  have  drawn  their  swords  with  a  hearty  good 
will  in  the  defense  of  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  in  order  to  drive 
the  tyrannous  Europeans  beyond  the  Atlantic.  .  .  . 

"Awake !    Awake !    Think  no  more  of  these  tyrants  who  pretend 

'Yoakum,  I.  162. 

'Proclamation,  September  1,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Oiterra  (Man- 
uel de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  203;  (Mexican  Archives. 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez-Magee  Expedition.      227 

to  have  absolute  power  over  your  lives,  who  have  dyed  their  iniqui- 
tous hands  in  the  blood  of  your  brethren !  .  .  .  They  have  no 
longer  the  shadow  of  authority;  the  legitimate  power  is  in  your 
own  hands — <and  you  shall  soon  be  free !" 

September  4,  Guiterrez  wrote  Don  Luis  Grande,  an  influential 
friend  in  San  Antonio,  that  he  had  despatched  thither  a  dozen 
proclamations  by  Alferez  Miguel  Menchaca;  but  that  great  diffi- 
culties would  be  experienced  in  getting  into  tftie  city  because  of  the 
Spanish  spies  who  covered  the  country  up  to  the  Guadalupe  River. 
If,  however,  they  reached  his  hands  he  should  circulate  them  by 
dropping  them  by  the  doors  of  tihose  to  be  'trusted,  in  this  way 
spreading  the  truth.1  But  the  despatches  never  reached  their  des- 
tination. September  22  the  governor  announced  the  capture  of 
Luis  Grande  and  a  deserter,  Bergara,  who  had!  in  their  possession 
seditious  documents.2  Thus  the  inflammatory  papers — tfhan  which 
one  would  search  far  to  find  a  more  inflammatory — found  a  safe 
lodgment  in  the  dark  vaults  of  the  palace  of  the  viceroy  of  Nueva 
Espana. 

A  second  proclamation3  was  directed  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  of  Texas.  Gutierrez  began  by  avowing  that  he  had  come 
to  assist  them  in  casting  off  the  chains  of  tihe  most  debasing  tyranny 
the  world  hadi  ever  known — the  government  of  the  foreign-born 
Spaniard,  "Europeo." 

"I  have  traveled  immense  distances,"  he  continued,  in  an  exag- 
gerated vein,  "have  treated  with  tihe  supreme  government  of  North 
America  concerning  those  things  directly  affecting  the  security  of 
our  sacred  rights,  and  have  opened  a  road  which  had  been  previously 
closed.  Moreover,  I  discussed  those  matters,  which  to  me  seemed 
necessary,  with  tihe  ambassadors  and  ministers  of  the  kings  of 
Europe,  securing  the  abandonment  of  various  and  formidable  arma- 
das, which  were  being  prepared  for  the  war  against  us,  by  counter- 
acting tihe  stories  wihich  the  Gachupines  [European-born  Span- 
iards] had  circulated.  .  .  .  All  of  the  civilized  nations  have 

'Gutierrez  to  Luis  Grande,  September  4,  1812 ;  MS.  Operaciones  de 
Guerra  (Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  199;  Mexican  Archives. 

2Manuel  de  Salcedo  to  Nemesio  de  Salcedo,  September  22,  1812;  MS. 
Operaciones  de  Guerra  (Manuel  de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  204;  Mexican  Archives. 

Proclamation  September  1,  1812;  MS.  Operaciones  de  Guerra  (Manuel 
de  Salcedo)  I.  f.  203;  Mexican  Archives. 


228         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

declared  in  favor  of  OUT  independence,  and  have  promised  me  many 
things  when  -we  shall  have  destroyed  our  oppressors." 

After  this  egotistic  paragraph  interlarded?  with  exaggerations  of 
such  a  character  as  'were  evidently  calculated  to  deceive  the  ignorant 
natives,  he  exhorted  them  to  raise  their  voices  against  the  detested 
foreigners,  and  to  await  his  approach  when,  they  should  have  no  fear 
aa  to  the  result: 

"By  land  as  well  as  by  sea  are  coming  very  powerful  reinforce- 
ments of  troops  and  arms,  .and  whatever  else  we  need.  And  you 
may  say  witih  full  assurance  that  we  shall  never  again  be  dominated 
by  those  foreigners,  and  that  the  days  of  horror  and  calamity  have 
passed  away  forever." 

The  prospects  of  success  held  out  by  the  general  of  the  Army  of 
the  North  could  hardly  have  been  more  flattering.  Perhaps  he  felt 
that  in  this  way  he  could  turn  the  wavering  to  his  standard.  The 
immediate  future  proved  some  of  his  statements  false;  but  he  was 
right  when  he  said  that  the  Spaniards  would  never  rule  over  them 
again.  However,  he  was  wrong  when  he  thought  the  expulsion 
would  end  the  days  of  horror  and  calamity. 

The  third  proclamation  of  the  series  was  addressed  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  kingdom  of  Mexico.  Its  chief  interest  lies  in  the  fact 
that  if  it  is  to  be  accepted  as  an  outline  of  the  purpose  of  the  revo- 
lutionists, the  nature  of  the  expedition  has  not  been  understood, — 
its  sphere  of  action  was  not  to  have  been  limited  tx>  the  province  of 
Texas.1  In  'this,  as  in  former  declarations,  he  exaggerated  his 
strength  and  resources,  while  he  appealed  to  the  prejudices  existing 
in  the  church  to  further  his  cause.  He  stated  that  he  had  at  his 
disposal  the  thousands  of  men  necessary  to  give  freedom  to  the 
kingdom ;  and  then  followed  a  series  of  promises  to  the  people : 

"All  persons  shall  have  a  right  to  vote ;  to  make  use  of  the  gift  of 
nature  to  establish  the  laws  of  the  government  under  which  they 
live;  and  to  choose  those  by  whom  they  are  to  be  governed,  and  in 
whose  hands  are  to  be  deposited  their  sovereign  rights.  Every  one 
shall  have  the  right  to  engage  in  commercial  pursuits  and  to  export 
his  products;  agriculture  and  the  arts  shall  be  encouraged  in  all 
their  branches ;  and  one  may  live  where  'his  happiness  is  best  served, 
without  any  government  lawfully  to  interfere." 

After  these  pledges  it  was  stated  that  the  church  would  suffer  no 
Compare  Yoakum,  I  153. 


First  Period  of  Gutierrez- Mag  ee  Expedition.     229 

change,  though  some  reforms  would  be  undertaken.  Next,  the  Gen- 
eral discussed  the  ideas  which  animated  the  brave,  noble  Americans 
who  were  marching  to  fight  for  the  freedom  of  Mexico.  He  had  not 
come,  he  avowed,  nor  his  army,  to  rob  nor  to  take  aught  from  any- 
one, not  even  the  Europeos  who  loved  the  new  order  of  things ;  but 
woe  to  "those  traitors  who  oppose  the  course  of  independence  and 
happiness !" 

These  manifestoes  exihibit  the  full  code  of  the  revolution.  They 
were  not,  however,  the  creations  of  Gutierrez;  he  was  an  ordinary 
mortal,  and  proved  utterly  inefficient.  The  handiwork  of  the  Amer- 
icans is  everywhere  manifest;  and  if  reliance  can  be  placed  in  the 
appeals  which  were  issued  from  Nacogdoches,  it  must  be  granted 
that  the  followers  of  Gutierrez  and  Magee  were  imbued  with  higher 
ideals  and  less  of  selfishness  than  we  are  accustomed  to  credit  to 
them. 

In  fine,  September,  1812,  found  the  filibusters  about  five  hun- 
dred strong  at  Nacogdoches,  making  ready  to  advamce,  with  no  foe 
nearer  than  Goliad  (La  Bahia).  Thus  all  the  eastern  part  of  the 
province  of  Texas  had  been  abandoned,  though  with  no  idea  of 
leaving  it  permanently  in  the  hands  of  the  "infamous  Anglos." 
While  the  reinforcememts  which  Salcedo  had  solicited  were  coining 
up,  adventurers  and  filibusters  were  daily  added  to  the  rol  of  those 
Who  had  undertaken  a  task  greater  than  they  could  master. 


230        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  AND  NOTICES. 

The  Publications  of  the  Southern  History  Association  for  Novem- 
ber, 1900,  contains  two  rather  important  articles :  Some  Colonial 
Ancestors  of  Johns  Hopkins,  and  Southern  Frontier  Life  in  Revo- 
lutionary Days.  The  latter  shows  a  very  interesting  picture  of  early 
Tennessee  life.  There  is  also  a  somewhat  long  review  of  Dr.  J.  P. 
MacLean's  book,  Highlanders  in  America,  and  many  other  reviews 
of  lesser  note.  The  Publications  has  expanded  in  the  present 
number  to  128  pages. 


The  American  Historical  Review  for  January  contains  the  fol- 
lowing notable  articles :  The  Sifted  Grain  and  the  Grain  Sifters, 
by  Charles  F.  Adams;  Mirabeaus  Secret  Mission  to  Berlin,  by  R. 
M  Johnston;  The  Turkish  Capitulation,  by  James  B.  Angell; 
Nominations  in  Colonial  New  York,  by  Carl  Becker;  The  Legend 
of  Marcus  Whitman,  by  Edward  G.  Bourne.  The  documents  con- 
sist of  the  diary  of  Samuel  Cooper,  1775,  1776,  and  a  letter  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  1811. 

The  Chevalier  de  St.  Denis. — By  Alice  Ilgenfritz  Jones,  author 
of  "Beatrice  of  Bayou  Teche."  Chicago:  A.  C.  McClurg  and 
Company.  1900.  Pp.  387. 

This  is  a  well  written  historical  novel.  In  a  very  pleasing 
manner,  the  hero  is  introduced  and  brought  to  his  first  meeting 
with  the  young  girl  with  the  wonderful  speaking  eyes  in  the  presence 
of  the  king  of  France ;  and  he  there  catches  from  her  a  glance  which 
binds  him  as  by  a  spell  and  is  finally  paired  off  with  her  in  the  first 
dance.  Then  they  are  passed  through  many  exciting  changes  and 
trying  circumstances,  including  a  journey  together  to  Spain,  where 
St.  Denis  meets  her  father  and  is  told  by  him  that  the  daughter's 
hand  is  disposed  of,  but  hears  from  her  that  she  loves  him,  and 
will  marry  none  other. 

While  there  he  meets  his  rival,  and  the  plot  thickens  till  he 
resolves  to  take  service  in  the  Spanish  army,  which  is  delayed  till 
he  goes  back  to  France  and  returns  with  his  King's  approbation. 


Book  Reviews  and  Notices.  231 

"Well,"  says  the  king,  "go  to  Spain,  then,  Monsieur,  and  do  your 
best  there,  and  God  be  with  you !" 

From  that  time  the  rapid  and  startling  events  intervening  until 
the  hero  and  heroine  are  apparently  in  danger  of  never  meeting 
again,  can  be  appreciated  only  by  reading  chapters  XVII  and 
XVIII.  The  hero  passes  through  captivity,  shipwreck  and  service 
in  the  British  navy  against  the  pirates,  to  Mobile,  where  the  plan 
is  formed  for  an  expedition  westward  to  Natchitoches ;  and  then  the 
march  to  that  place  is  admirably  pictured  with  its  incidents  and 
some  seeming  breaches  of  established  historical  lore.  From  Natch- 
itoches  he  goes  through  Texas  to  the  Rio  Grande  by  way  of  the 
Cenis  village,  the  presidio  de  la  Bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo,  and  that 
of  San  Antonio;  the  reference  to  these  presidios  not  being  ana- 
chronistic, as  believed  by  some,  for  General  Alonso  de  Leon  placed 
a  garrison  at  each  of  them  in  1690,  over  twenty-four  years  before 
the  hero  passed  them.  After  fording  the  Bravo  at  the  Pecuache 
crossing,  he  and  his  faithful  friend  gallop  two  leagues  to  the  pre- 
sidio and  mission  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  where  they  find  the  father 
of  Maria  in  command.  She  and  St.  Denis,  after  many  other  excit- 
ing and  trying  events,  marry  there  and  this  happy  denouement 
closes  the  scene  and  ends  the  story. 

This  book  is  above  the  average  of  its  kind  in  the  market,  having 
a  liberal  share  of  invented  topics  pertinent  to  and  pleasingly  con- 
nected with  its  main  thread  and  manifesting  diligent  study  and  a 
correct  and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  episode  of  Spanish- 
American  history  which  furnishes  the  plot. 

BETHEL  COOPWOOD. 


232         Tevas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


NOTES  AND  FRAGMENTS. 

"THE  WHIP-HANDLE  DISPATCH"  :  In  the  "Escape  of  Karnes  and 
Teal  from  Matamoras"  (Quarterly,  October,  1900)  R.  M.  Potter 
has  told  the  story  of  the  "whip-handle  dispatch."  He  did  not  know 
its  date,  and  was  uncertain  about  other  details.  It  reads  like  this : 

"Matamoras,  State  of  Tamaulipas, 
"June  9th,  1836. 

"My  Dear  friend. — I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  of  our  unfortunate 
situation.  We  are  detained  here  for  nothing  but  to  keep  you  igno- 
rant of  the  enemy's  intention;  they  will  soon  be  down  on  you  in 
great  numbers ;  four  thousand  will  leave  here  in  four  or  eight  days 
for  La  Bahia,  it  is  supposed  via  Nueces  or  San  Patricio,  and  so  many 
more  by  water,  in  15  or  20  days  from  Vera  Cruz,  to  land  at  Capano 
or  Brazos,  not  yet  ascertained  at  which  place.  They  make  a  war  of 
extermination  and  show  no  quarters.  My  dear  friends,  you  see 
what  treating  with  a  prisoner  is,  but  you  must  make  the  best  of 
it,  you  can  fall  back  to  the  Colorado;  and  call  all  the  men  to  the 
field,  for  if  you  do  not  Texas  is  gone;  they  have  heard  that  the 
President  is  at  Velasco,  with  a  very  small  guard,  and  say  they  will 
have  him  in  less  than  two  weeks,  I  think  you  ought  to  send  all  the 
prisoners  through  to  San  Augustine  for  safe  keeping. 

"You  will  have  from  7  to  10,000  troops  to  contend  with,  many  of 
them  cavalry,  to  be  well  mounted,  to  murder  women  and  children. 
Now  soldiers,  you  must  not  spare  any  pains  for  the  sake  of  saving 
us ;  we  are  willing  to  be  lost  to  save  Texas.  Dear  soldiers !  march  to 
the  field,  and  there  defend  your  rights,  they  say  that  you  are  rebels ; 
but  you  must  show  them  that  you  are  soldiers,  and  know  how  to 
defend  your  rights — send  all  of  the  prisoners  to  the  East.  We  are 
not  in  jail  yet,  but  tomorrow  demand  our  passports,  as  soon  as  that 
is  done,  we  shall  have  quarters  in  the  calaboose.  We  have  good 
friends,  which  prudence  at  present  forbids  me  to  name  for  fear  of 
detection. 

"Urea  is  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mexican  army,  and  says  he 
will  not  stop  short  of  the  Sabine  river. 

"You  must  now  work  head  work  as  well  as  fighting.    Blow  up 


Notes  and  Fragments.  233 

Goliad  and  Bexar.  You  must  have  a  sufficient  force  in  the  field  at 
once,  and  we  will  whip  them  again; — be  united — let  the  people  of 
the  U.  S.  know  what  kind  of  a  war  they  make  of  it,  and  they 
will  certainly  come  to  our  assistance.  I  do  not  consider  our  lives  in 
danger  if  in  close  quarters.  To  give  you  as  much  information  as 
possible  my  letter  is  in  this  small  hand.  I  bid  you  adieu  in  haste, 
"Our  cause  forever,  Your  friend, 

"HENRY  TEAL. 

"I  concur  with  all  that  has  been  stated  above  and  foregoing, 

"Your  Obdt.  servant, 

"H.  W.  KARNES." 

Captain  Potter  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  dispatch  fell  into  the 
hands  of  irresponsible  persons,  "for,"  says  he,  "one  letter  went 
speedily  to  press,  which  it  would  never  have  done  through  the  hands 
of  General  Kusk."  This  inference,  however,  is  incorrect.  All  the 
letters  contained  in  the  whip  handle  were  forwarded  to  the  War 
Department,  and  copies  of  the  one  above,  with  another  from  Major 
W.  P.  Miller — both  over  the  certificate  of  Alexander  Somerville, 
Secretary  of  War — were  published  in  a  circular  on  June  20,  1836, 
with  a  proclamation  from  President  Burnet,  ordering  all  citizens 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  fifty  to  enroll  in  the  militia.  Sev- 
eral copies  of  this  document  are  found  among  the  Austin  Papers 
in  the  collection  of  Hon.  Guy  M.  Bryan. 

EUGENE  C.  BARKER. 


THE  TEXAS  EEPUBLICAN. — In  his  article  on  "Newspaper  Files" 
(Quarterly,  October,  1900),  Alex  Dienst  says  the  Texas  Republican, 
"was  discontinued  in  August,  1835."  Mr.  A.  C.  Gray,  in  his  mono- 
graph, "The  Texas  Press"  (A  Comprehensive  History  of  Texas,  II. 
369-70),  says  that  an  intermittent  publication  of  this  paper  was 
kept  up  until  "August,  1836 ;"  so  it  appears  possible  that  Dr.  Dienst 
may  have  been  following  this  account, — though  he  does  not  say  so — 
and  that  the  date  given  by  him  is  a  misprint.  There  is  reason  to 
believe,  however,  that  Gray  is  in  error,  too;  for  in  the  Telegraph  and 
Texas  Register,  January  18th,  1837,  one  may  read  this:  "*  *  *  in 
our  last  two  papers  published  at  San  Felipe,  on  the  17th  and  24th 
of  March  [1836].  Before  the  last  date  the  presses  at  Brazoria  [of 
the  Texas  Republican]  and  Nacogdoches  had  ceased  their  publica- 


234        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

tions."  This  seems  to  fix  the  date  pretty  closely,  and,  being  an 
almost  contemporaneous  publication,  it  is  valuable  historical  evi- 
dence. Mr.  Gray  does  not  mention  the  authority  for  his  statement. 
Among  the  Austin  Papers,  in  the  collection  of  the  Hon.  Gu\  M. 
Bryan,  there  are  many  copies  of  the  Republican,  dating  from  June 
to  November,  1835.  The  latest  is  for  November  14, 1835. 

EUGENE  C.  BARKER. 


A  fairs  of  the  Association.  235 


AFFAIES  OF  THE  ASSOCIATION. 

The  midwinter  meeting  of  the  Association  was  held  at  Baylor 
University  on  January  5.  In  the  absence  of  Judge  Reagan,  Hon. 
Oscar  H.  Cooper,  President  of  that  University,  presided  over  the 
meeting;  and  Dr.  George  P.  Garrison  delivered  a  brief  address, 
explaining  the  object  of  the  Association,  and  describing  and  dis- 
cussing the  various  collections  of  documents — in  both  Texas  and 
Mexico — which  contain  the  unwritten  history  of  Texas. 

The  program,  'as  announced,  consisted  of  The  Difficulties  of  a 
Mexican  Revenue  Officer  in  Texas,  by  Eugene  C.  Barker;  The 
Picturesque  Side  of  Protestantism  in  the  Republic,  by  Miss  Eliza- 
beth West,  and  The  Alamo  Monument,  by  C.  W.  Eaines.  The  first 
of  these  papers  will  be  found  in  this  number  of  the  QUARTERLY;  the 
last  two  were  read  by  title.  President  Cooper,  too,  read  a  letter 
that  had  been  written  by  himself  to  Governor  Roberts — and 
returned  to  him  with  the  latter's  endorsement, — reviewing  the  his- 
tory of  the  bill  organizing  the  University  of  Texas.  The  letter 
forms  an  interesting  chapter  in  the  educational  history  of  the  State. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  program,  a  business  meeting  was 
held,  and  more  than  a  hundred  members  elected  to  the  Association. 


THE  QUARTERLY 

OF   THE 

TEXAS  STATE  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION. 

Vol.  IV.  APRIL,   1901.  No.  4. 


The  publication  committee  and  the  editor  disclaim  responsibility  for  views  expressed  by 
contributors  to  the  Quarterly. 


THE  SAN  JACINTO  CAMPAIGN. 

EUGENE  C.  BAEKER. 

[INTRODUCTION  :  In  this  paper  little  claim  is  made  to  originality  of  mat- 
ter. I  have  been  able  to  find  but  few  documents  bearing  directly  upon  the 
San  Jacinto  campaign  that  were  unknown  to  others  who  have  handled 
the  subject, — and  those  few  are  not  of  great  importance.  But  from  all  of 
the  available  material  I  have  attempted  to  construct  a  clear  and  absolutely 
unpartisan  narrative,  a  task  which  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  accom- 
plished with  any  degree  of  success  as  yet  by  any  historian  save  Bancroft. 
To  this  end,  I  have  confined  myself  strictly  to  a  narration  of  facts,  avoid- 
ing— so  far  as  is  consistent  with  an  intelligent  treatment  of  the  subject — 
any  expression  of  personal  opinion  or  discussion.  And  where,  upon  dis- 
puted points,  it  has  been  necessary  to  choose  between  conflicting  statements, 
I  have  endeavored  to  present  in  the  notes  both  sides  of  the  question,  in 
order  that  the  reader  may  draw  his  own  conclusions. 

A  word  is  necessary  concerning  the  material  in  English  for  a  history  of 
this  campaign.  Though  there  is  a  good  deal,  very  little  of  it  is  contempo- 
raneous, Houston's  letters,  published  in  the  appendix  to  Yoakum's  History 
of  Texas,  a  few  letters  and  proclamations  in  the  Archives  of  Texas,  and 
some  newspaper  clippings,  circulars,  and  letters  in  the  Austin  Papers  being 
all  of  such  a  character  that  I  have  found.  Most  of  the  remainder  was 
written  at  various  dates  between  1837  and  1860,  while  Houston  was  prom- 
inent in  politics  and  had  both  devoted  friends  and  bitter  enemies,  and  is 
strongly  colored  by  personal  prejudices.  In  presenting  the  main  facts  from 
different  view  points,  however,  and  acting  as  checks  upon  one  another,  these 
documents  are  valuable,  but  need  to  be  used  with  caution. 


238         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Several  documents  are  published  supplementary  to  this  paper,  the  object 
being  to  popularize  much  that  has  hitherto  been  practically  inaccessible  to 
the  public.  Those  written  by  Kuykendall,  Turner,  and  Baker,  now  appear 
in  print  for  the  first  time,  and  Santa  Anna's  Report  is  new  in  English ;  the 
first  two,  with  Houston's  official  report  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  are 
published  in  full,  but  in  the  extracts  from  Baker's  letter  and  all  the  other 
documents  only  the  main  narrative  has  been  retained.  The  documents  are 
arranged  in  the  chronological  order — so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  deter- 
mine it — in  which  they  were  written.  They  are  sparingly  annotated,  and 
unless  otherwise  indicated  the  notes  are  those  of  the  respective  writers. 
To  each  one  of  them  I  have  prefixed  a  brief  bibliography,  and  a  summary 
covering  disputed  points. 

On  account  of  space  limitations,  it  has  been  necessary  to  select  the  doc- 
uments printed,  and  to  omit  some  that  are  well  worth  publication.  The 
published  works  used  in  addition  to  these  in  the  preparation  of  this  paper 
will  be  found  in  the  attached  list  (pp.  344-45),  which,  though  not  intended 
to  be  exhaustive,  contains,  I  believe,  all  the  important  material  at  present 
known  upon  the  subject. 

In  the  notes  to  this  paper,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  citations  to 
Foote's  Texas  and  the  Texans,  Kennedy's  Texas,  Yoakum's  History  of 
Texas,  Bancroft's  North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  and  Brown's  History 
of  Texas  are  made  by  the  name  of  the  author  instead  of  by  the  title  of  the 
book.] 

The  so-called  San  Jacinto  campaign1  occupied  just  one  month 
and  ten  days  of  the  spring  of  1836,  beginning  with  Houston's 
assumption  of  the  command  at  Gonzales  (March  11),  and  ending 
with  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  During  the  first  five  weeks  of  this 
time  the  chief  occupation  of  the  Texan  army  consisted  apparently 
in  the  effort  to  keep  out  of  reach  of  the  Mexicans,  but  for  the  last 
five  days  it  assumed  a  more  belligerent  policy,  and,  in  the  end, 
almost  annihilated  the  enemy  on  the  field  of  San  Jacinto.  Before 
commencing  the  narrative,  however,  it  will  be  necessary  to  glance, 
first,  at  the  distribution  of  Texan  and  Mexican  forces  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  campaign ;  and  then  to  take  a  brief  retrospect  of  Texan 
affairs  for  the  preceding  few  months. 

Santa  Anna  had  arrived  in  Bexar  (San  Antonio)  on  February 
23,  1836,  with  an  army  2,500  or  3,000  strong,2  and  sat  down  to  the 

JIt  might,  perhaps,  be  more  accurately  entitled  "The  Retreat  from  Gon- 
zales to  San  Jacinto." 

*R.  M.  Potter,  in  Fall  of  the  Alamo,  16 — a  reprint  from  Magazine  of 
American  History,  January,  1878. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  239 

siege  of  the  Alamo,  defended  by  a  hundred  and  fifty-six  men  under 
command  of  Colonels  Travis  and  Bowie.  Another  division  of  900 
or  1,000  men1  was  advancing  from  Matamoros  under  General  Urrea 
towards  San  Patricio  and  Goliad. 

The  Texan  volunteers  had  successfully  measured  arms  with  Mex- 
ican regulars  in  the  fall  and  winter  of  1835  at  Gonzales,  Goliad, 
Lipantitlan,  Concepcion,  and  San  Antonio ;  and  besides  the  garrison 
in  the  Alamo  at  this  time,  there  were  nearly  five  hundred  men  with 
Fannin  at  Goliad,  about  a  hundred  with  Johnson  and  Grant  at 
San  Patricio,  and  some  four  hundred  on  the  march  to  concentrate 
at  Gonzales. 

The  consultation  which  met  October  16,  1835,  but,  from  scarcity 
of  members,  did  not  organize  until  November  3,  had  declared  that 
Texas  would  "defend  with  arms  the  republican  principles  of  the 
constitution  of  1824"  against  the  centralizing  encroachments  of 
Santa  Anna,  and,  on  November  12,  elected  Sam  Houston  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  "all  the  forces  called  into  service  during  the 
war,"  giving  him  the  rank  of  major-general.  And  Houston,  with- 
out attempting  to  assume  command  of  the  volunteers  then  besieging 
San  Antonio,  had  established  his  headquarters  at  San  Felipe  and 
begun  with  scant  success  the  work  of  organizing  a  regular  army. 

The  Mexicans  had  temporarily  abandoned  Texas  after  the  evacu- 
ation of  Bexar  by  General  Cos,  about  the  middle  of  December,  and 
the  General  Council,  encouraged  by  promises  of  generous  support 
from  the  republicans  of  Mexico  and  desiring  to  secure  the  content- 
ment of  their  volunteers  by  keeping  them  busy,  determined  to  direct 
an  attack  upon  Matamoros  and  continue  the  war  in  the  enemy's 
country.  Governor  Smith  was  opposed  to  this  expedition,  but  the 
Council  having  authorized  it  over  his  veto  and  separately  commis- 
sioned both  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  and  F.  W.  Johnson  to  prepare  for 
it,  he  ordered  General  Houston,  on  January  6,  to  proceed  to  Goliad, 
to  take  charge  of  the  troops  there  and  at  San  Patricio  and  Eefugio 
and  lead  them  upon  Matamoros.  The  latter  found  the  forces  at 
these  places  unprepared  and  in  considerable  confusion,  and  becom- 

'Bancroft,  II,  222. 

Santa  Anna  (Report  in  Caro's  Verdadera  Idea  de  Id  Primera  Campafia 
de  Tejas,  79)  says  this  force  was  1300  strong;  while  Urrea  (Diario,  7) 
says  it  numbered  only  550,  200  of  whom  remained  in  Matamoros. 


Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

ing  convinced  that  the  expedition  was  foredoomed  to  failure, 
returned  to  Washington,  reported  as  much  to  the  governor  on  Jan- 
uary 30,1  and  obtained  a  furlough  until  March  1  to  treat  with  the 
Indians  of  East  Texas,  a  task  that  had  been  imposed  upon  him  by 
the  General  Council  a  month  before.2 

Houston,  however,  did  not  leave  the  frontier  without  making  a 
strong  effort  to  prevent  the  expedition  which  he  was  convinced 
could  not  succeed.  Hearing  of  Governor  Smith's  deposition  from 
office,  he  assembled  the  volunteers  and  declared  the  undertaking 
unauthorized;  and  such  was  the  effect  of  his  speech  that  when 
Johnson  arrived  at  Eefugio  he  found  that  of  the  men  there  and  at 
Goliad  barely  a  hundred  would  follow  him  without  the  order  of  the 
governor.3  Temporarily  relinquishing  the  Matamoros  plan  per- 
force, then,  he  and  his  colleague,  Dr.  Grant,  advanced  with  this 
small  party  to  San  Patricio.  Here  half  of  them  were  surprised  by 
Urrea  during  the  stormy  night  of  February  27  and  either  killed  or 
captured,  Johnson  and  three  companions  only  escaping.  The 
remainder  of  the  company,  returning  from  a  foraging  expedition 
three  days  later,  were  ambushed  near  the  town,  and  only  two  or 
three  escaped  the  slaughter. 

Fannin,  who  had  arrived  in  the  meantime  at  Eefugio,  being 
apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  and  the  disaster  to  Johnson 
and  Grant's  party,  moved  back  to  Goliad  and  began  preparations  to 
hold  that  post  with  nearly  five  hundred  men,  volunteers  chiefly 
from  Georgia  and  Alabama. 

Meanwhile  the  provisional  government,  through  the  quarrel 
between  the  governor  and  General  Council,  had  become  thoroughly 
disorganized;  but  fortunately  a  resolution  had  been  passed  in 
December,  in  spite  of  the  governor's  veto,  authorizing  the  election 
of  delegates  to  a  convention  at  Washington,  March  1.  The  repre- 
sentatives had  plenary  power  to  formulate  a  government  ad  interim, 
and  when  the  convention  assembled,  independence  was  declared  and 

Houston  to  Smith  (Copy),  January  30,  1836. — Archives  of  Texas.  Also 
in  Brown,  I,  502-16. 

'Journal  of  the  General  Council,  194. 

Mohnson  to  General  Council,  January  30,  1836  (Copy). — Archives  of 
Texas. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  241 

immediate  steps  taken  to  organize  a  republic  ;  while  General  Hous- 
ton —  a  delegate,  strangely  enough,  from  Eefugio,  though  he  was  a 
resident  of  ISTacogdoches,  —  was  formally  re-elected  commander  of 
the  Texan  forces,1  and  urged  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
troops  then  in  Gonzales  and  hasten  to  the  relief  of  the  Alamo. 

To  take  up  now  the  San  Jacinto  campaign,  on  Sunday,  March  6, 
when  Santa  Anna  had  just  concluded  the  storming  of  the  Alamo, 
General  Houston  made  a  farewell  speech  to  the  convention  and  be- 
gan his  journey  to  Gonzales.  Having  been  informed  of  the  alarm- 
ing situation  of  the  garrison  in  Bexar  through  a  letter  from  Colonel 
Travis  to  the  convention,  dated  March  3,2  he  formed,  as  he  went,  a 
plan  for  its  relief.  Fannin,  at  Goliad,  was  ordered  to  advance  with 
the  bulk  of  his  division  to  the  west  bank  of  the  Cibolo  and  await 
there  the  arrival  of  the  commander-in-chief  who  would  join  him 
with  all  the  forces  from  Gonzales  and  march  to  Travis's  rescue.3 
On  reaching  Gonzales,  however  (March  11),  he  was  met  by  a  rumor 
that  the  Alamo  had  been  captured,  and  privately  confiding  in  its 
truth,  though  pretending  to  disbelieve  it,  he  dispatched  an  express 


explains  (II,  74)  that  this  was  necessary,  because  Houston's 
former  commission  was  held  under  the  Mexican  Constitution  of  1824.  In 
1837,  President  Burnet  was  of  this  opinion,  too;  for,  in  another  connection, 
he  says  (Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  August  26,  1837  —  Austin  Papers, 
44)  :  "The  provisional  gubernatorial  government  of  Texas  in  January, 
1836,  was  a  Mexican  state  government,  organized  under  the  Mexican  Con- 
stitution of  1824,  *  *  *.  By  necessary  consequence,  all  the  offices 
created  by  that  state  government,  and  all  commissions  civil  and  military, 
issued  by  and  under  its  authority,  were  purely  and  properly  Mexican, 
*  *  *.  On  the  2d  of  March,  *  *  *  they  declared  Texas  to  be  *  *  * 
independent.  *  *  *.  The  8th  section  of  the  schedule  of  the  new  Con- 
stitution provided  for  all  civil  officers  remaining  and  discharging  their 
duties  until  others  should  be  appointed,  etc.  *  *  *.  But  there  was  no 
such  provision  in  regard  to  military  appointments,  *  *  *."  But,  writ- 
ing of  this  particular  case  in  1860  (Texas  Almanac,  1860,  50),  he  says: 
"*  *  *  Gen.  Houston  *  *  *  asked  and  received  a  renewal  of  his 
commission  as  commander-in-chief.  This  was  a  useless  consumption  of 
time;  for  all,  civil  and  military,  recognized  him  as  such  as  fully  before  as 
after  the  reappointment." 

2Gammel's  Laws  of  Texas,  I,  845-46. 

3Yoakum,  II,  104,  note;  also  Houston  to  Collinsworth,  March  13,  1836, 
in  Yoakum,  II,  473-74. 


242         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

to  Fannin,  countermanding  his  previous  order  and  instructing  him, 
"as  soon  as  practicable,"  to  fall  back  to  Victoria.1 

At  Gonzales  Houston  found,  according  to  his  own  report,  "three 
hundred  and  seventy-four  effective  men,  without  two  days'  provis- 
ions,2 many  without  arms,  and  others  without  any  ammunition;"8 
and  although  a  few  had  served  under  Austin  and  Burleson  the  pre- 
ceding year,  the  most  of  them  were  entirely  innocent  of  any  knowl- 
edge of  military  discipline.  While  waiting,  therefore,  for  confirma- 
tion of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  he  seized  the  opportunity  to  organize 
his  force.  A  regiment  was  formed  with  Edward  Burleson  for 
colonel,  and  Sidney  Sherman  and  Alexander  Somervell  lieutenant- 
colonel  and  major  respectively.  Houston  regretted,  however,  that 
he  had  not  time  to  teach  the  men  "the  first  principles  of  the  drill." 

Deaf  Smith,  Henry  Karnes,  and  B.  E.  Handy,  sent  out  on  the 
morning  of  the  13th  with  instructions  to  approach  near  enough  to 
San  Antonio  to  learn  the  fate  of  the  Alamo,  met  Mrs.  Dickinson, 
the  wife  of  a  lieutenant  killed  in  the  Alamo,  some  twenty  miles 
from  Gonzales,  and  learned  that  the  worst  had  happened,  and  that 
a  division  of  the  enemy  under  General  Sesma  was  already  on  the 
"march  eastward.  They  returned  with  her  to  camp,  where  they 
arrived  about  twilight,  and  her  report  threw  both  army  and  town 
into  the  greatest  consternation.  Thirty-two  of  Santa  Anna's  vic- 
tims had  left  their  homes  in  Gonzales  no  longer  than  two  weeks 
before,  and  the  grief  of  their  stricken  families  was  intense.  Others, 
with  ears  only  for  the  news  that  the  Mexicans  were  advancing, 
hastened  to  flee  for  their  lives — a  few  of  the  little  army  who  had 
left  their  own  families  unprotected  doubtless  among  them.4  Hous- 

JHouston  to  Fannin,  March  11,  1830,  in  Yoakum,  II,  471-72:  also  in 
Brown,  I.  588-89. 

2J.  H.  Kuykendall  says  (infra,  293),  "Pork,  corn-meal,  and  vegetables 
were  supplied  us  in  abundance  by  the  people  of  Gonzales,  and  we  had 
brought  a  good  supply  of  bacon  and  sugar  and  coffee  from  home." 

'Houston  to  Collinswortli,  March  15,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  475-76. 

This  number  is  probably  correct,  for  Moseley  Baker  reported  (clipping 
of  the  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register — Austin  Papers)  only  275  men  assem- 
bled on  March  8. 

'Houston  to  Collinsworth,  March  15,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  476. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  243 

ton  himself  thought  his  position  too  advanced  and  his  force  too 
small  to  meet  the  enemy  at  Gonzales,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  gen- 
eral excitement  ordered  his  men  to  prepare  for  retreat.  Some  of 
his  few  baggage  wagons  being  surrendered  to  the  helpless  citizens 
of  the  town,  the  soldiers  were  forced  to  destroy  all  clothing  and 
stores,  except  what  they  could  carry  on  their  persons  ;*  and  his  only 
two  pieces  of  cannon  were  thrown  into  the  Guadalupe.  Before 
midnight  he  was  on  the  march,2  his  plan,  as  reported  by  himself  at 
the  time,  being  to  halt  on  the  Colorado  until  strengthened  suffi- 
ciently to  meet  any  force  that  the  Mexicans  might  dare  to  send 
against  him.3  And  before  morning  Gonzales  was  burned  to  the 
ground,  that  it  might  not  afford  shelter  and  supplies  to  the 
approaching  enemy.4 

At  the  Colorado,  Houston  would  be  near  the  most  populous  sec- 
tion of  the  state  where  he  could  easily  command  its  resources  and 
receive  quick  reinforcement;  while  so  long  as  he  could  hold  that 
line,  the  Mexicans  would  be  restricted  to  an  uninhabited  country, 
where  they  could  do  no  damage  to  Texas,  and  whence,  if  held  long 
enough  in  check,  they  might  be  compelled  to  withdraw  merely 
through  failure  of  their  own  supplies. 

After  receiving  several  small  reinforcements  along  the  line,  the 
army  reached  Burnham's  crossing  on  the  Colorado  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  17th,  when  Houston  reported  his  strength  as  six  hundred 
men.5  Eemaining  here  two  days,  they  crossed  the  river  and 

M.  H.  Kuykendall,  infra,  294. 

2Bancroft  (II,  225)  follows  Foote  in  dating  the  beginning  of  the  retreat 
on  March  12. 

3Houston  to  Collinsworth,  March  15,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  475-77. 

Even  Houston's  critics,  though  they  object  to  his  precipitancy,  agree 
that  he  did  right  in  leaving  Gonzales:  President  Burnet  says  (Texas 
Almanac,  1860,  52;  infra,  327),  "The  retreat  from  Gonzales  was  inevita- 
ble, an  absolute  necessity.  The  grand  error  had  consisted  in  choosing  two 
feeble,  isolated  positions,  Goliad  and  San  Antonio,  as  the  bases  of  defensive 
operations." 

'Bancroft  (II,  225,  note  54)  thinks  the  evidence  warrants  the  conclusion 
that  Houston  verbally  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  town;  though  he 
himself  repeatedly  denied  it.  See  infra,  318. 

'Houston  to  Collinsworth,  March  17,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  477-78. 


244        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

descended  the  east  bank  to  Season's  Ford,  near  the  present  town  of 
Columbus,  where  they  pitched  camp  for  nearly  a  week. 

Before  leaving  Burnham's  however,  a  scouting  party,  consisting 
of  Deaf  Smith,  Henry  Karnes,  R.  E.  Handy,  and  three  others,  was 
sent  back  toward  the  Navidad  to  reconnoitre,  and  encountering  a 
similar  body  of  the  enemy  at  Rocky  Creek,  they  took  one  prisoner 
and  learned  that  General  Sesma  was  near  with  a  considerable  force.1 
The  latter,  indeed,  who  had  left  Bexar  on  the  llth  with  orders  from 
Santa  Anna  to  proceed  through  San  Felipe  and  Harrisburg  to  Ana- 
huac,  encamped  the  night  of  the  21st2  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Colorado,  only  two  miles  above  the  Texans.  He  had  but  725  men,8 
and  having  already  asked  for  reinforcements,  and  finding  the  river 
well  defended,  he  made  no  attempt  to  cross. 

In  this  position  the  two  armies  remained  five  days,  Houston 
receiving  reinforcements  all  the  time  until,  by  the  26th,  he  could 
have  mustered  from  twelve  to  fourteen  hundred  men,4  though  the 
two  cannon  for  which  he  had  sent  William  T.  Austin  to  Velasco 
did  not  arrive.  Several  prisoners  were  taken  from  time  to  time, 
and  almost  the  exact  strength  of  the  enemy  being  learned,0  the 

'Hockley  to  Rusk,  March  21,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  479-80. 
Foote,  following  the  narrative  of  John  Sharpe,  has  the  dates  all  wrong 
here. 

!Brown  (II,  6)  says  they  did  not  arrive  till  the  23rd. 
*Filisola's  Representation,  8 — translation  in  State  Library. 

4For  various  estimates  of  the  Texan  force  here,  see  infra,  328.  Sesma 
(Filisola's  Representation,  8)  thought  them  about  1,200;  John  Sharpe, 
who  left  camp  on  the  25th,  reported  (circular  to  the  citizens  of  Brazoria, 
March  27,  1836 — Austin  Papers)  1,000  to  1,200  already  assembled,  and  that 
he  had  met  "several  small  companies  pushing  on  for  camp;"  Mosely  Baker 
(Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  March  24,  1836 — Austin  Papers)  reported 
800  men  on  the  22nd:  G.  W.  Hockley  reported  to  Rusk  for  Houston 
(Yoakum,  II,  481)  "upward  of  seven  hundred  men,"  on  the  23rd,  and 
Houston  himself  adding  to  this  the  next  day  said,  "I  expect  in  a  few  days 
to  receive  two  hundred  volunteers  and  regulars.  In  a  few  days 

my  force  will  be  highly  respectable."  Subsequently  Houston  declared  that 
his  "effective"  force  never  exceeded  700  (infra,  325). 

"Yoakum  (II,  110-11),  entirely  without  justification — for  he  publishes 
Hockley's  and  Houston's  letters,  of  March  23rd  and  24th,  to  Rusk  (II, 
480-84), — says  the  Texans  understood  the  enemy's  force  to  number  at  least 
2,650,  "with  heavy  reinforcements  coming  up." 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  245 

Texans  became  eager  to  fight.  Houston,  too,  up  to  the  very  day  of 
his  retreat,  seemed  to  think  it  desirable  to  engage  Sesma  here;1 
but  suddenly  changed  his  mind,  and  late  in  the  afternoon  of  March 
26th  began  to  fall  back  towards  the  Brazos. 

Why  he  took  such  a  step  is  not  evident.2  So  long  as  he  remained 
on  the  Colorado  he  received  daily  reinforcements — as  he  himself 
said,  his  force  was  rapidly  becoming  "respectable."  And  though 
considerable  excitement  had  been  created  by  the  refugees  from  Gon- 
zales,  it  had  been  largely  allayed  through  his  assurances  that  the 
enemy  should  not  pass  the  Colorado.  It  seems  likely,  indeed,  that 
merely  by  holding  that  line,  without  risking  a  battle,  his  strength 
would  soon  have  become  sufficient  to  encounter  the  combined  Mex- 
ican army.  When,  however,  along  with  the  news  of  Fannin's  mis- 
fortune, it  became  known  that  the  Texans  were  falling  back  from 
the  Colorado,  the  wildest  confusion  seized  upon  all  east  of  that 
river.  Eeinforcements  on  their  way  to  join  the  army  faced  about, 
and  fled  with  their  families  to  put  them  in  safety  beyond  the 
Sabine.  And  many  of  the  volunteers  already  with  Houston — either 

Houston,  writing  to  R.  R.  Royal,  March  24th  (Yoakum,  II,  485),  says, 
"on  the  Colorado  I  make  my  stand";  John  Sharpe,  leaving  camp  on  the 
25th,  announced  to  the  people  of  Brazoria  on  the  27th  that  "*  *  *  our 
army  now  will  never  leave  the  Colorado,  but  to  go  westward,  *  *  *"  and 
declared  (Foote,  II,  278,  note)  that  he  did  so  by  authority  of  General 
Houston;  and  Baker,  Coleman,  and  others,  assert  that  on  the  morning  of 
the  26th  the  general  promised  to  attack  Sesma  at  daybreak  the  next  morn- 
ing infra,  277 ) . 

2General  Tolsa  had  arrived  on.  the  24th  with  reinforcements  which 
increased  Sesma's  division  to  1,300  or  1,400;.  but  neither  Houston  nor  any 
body  else,  so  far  as  I  know,  ever  intimated  that  this  had  the  slightest 
influence  on  the  Texan  retreat — in  fact  the  army  seems  to  have  left  the 
Colorado  thinking  that  Sesma  had  no  more  than  800  men.  Yoakum  says 
Tolsa  arrived  about  the  time  the  Texans  encamped  at  Season's.  Bancroft 
suggests  that,  Peter  Kerr  having  brought  the  news  of  Fannin's  disaster  on 
the  25th,  Houston  retreated,  fearing  that  Urrea  would  now  gain  his  rear. 
Houston,  however,  was  pretty  sure  of  Fannin's  defeat  as  early  as  the  23rd 
(Houston  to  Rusk,  March  23,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  482-84)  ;  but,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  his  determination  to  hold  the  Colorado  did  not  waver 
therefor.  In  after  years,  when  hard  pressed  for  a  reason,  he  himself  could 
think  of  nothing  better  than  that  a  battle  with  Sesma  must  necessarily 
have  been  indecisive  and  that  he  had  no  means  of  transporting  wounded 
soldiers  in  a  retreat  after  battle  (infra,  319,  335). 


246         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

with  or  without  permission — left  him  for  the  same  purpose,  so  that 
when  he  reached  the  Brazos  his  force  was  reduced  more  than  half.1 
Arriving  at  San  Felipe  on  the  28th,  the  little  army  remained 
over  night  and  set  out  the  next  day  for  Groce's,  fifteen  or  twenty 
miles  up  the  river.  Many  thought  that  since  most  of  the  settle- 
ments were  down  the  river,  the  movement  should  be  made  in  that 
direction,  and  Moselcy  Baker  and  Wily  Martin  refused  to  follow 
Houston  further.2  The  former,  therefore,  was  ordered  to  guard 
San  Felipe  with  his  company  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  men  ;8  while 
the  latter,  with  a  hundred  men,4  was  sent  to  hold  the  crossing  at 
Fort  Bend.  Dissatisfaction,  indeed,  was  general  throughout  the 
ranks,  and  was  only  increased  by  the  difficulties  of  the  march 
through  muddy  roads  and  a  driving  rain.  After  encamping  near 
Mill  creek  on  the  night  of  the  29th  and  marching  but  a  few  miles 
the  next  day,  they  came  to  Groce's  on  the  31st  and  went  into  camp 
for  nearly  a  fortnight.5 

Santa  Anna,  in  the  meantime,  having  ordered  General  Gaona  to 
diverge  from  his  original  route  to  Nacogdoches  and  advance  from 

'For  a  graphic  picture  of  the  excited  condition  of  the  country  at  this  time, 
see  Kate  Scurry  Terrell's  The  Runaway  Scrape,  in  -4.  ComprehenKirc 
History  of  Texas,  I,  669-71;  for  a  vivid  contemporary  account,  consult 
The  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris,  in  the  QUARTERLY,  IV,  162-69. 

2N.  D.  Labadie,  in  Texas  Almanac,  1859,  44,  infra,  310;  also  279. 

"This  is  Burnet's  number  (Texas  Almanac,  1860,  58;  infra,  329)  ;  Santa 
Anna  was  informed  (Verdadera  Idea,  81,  infra,  266)  that  Baker  had  150 
men;  while  Baker  himself  (infra,  279)  declares  that  his  original  company 
numbered  only  forty,  but  that  volunteers  joined  him,  increasing  his  force 
to  eighty-five.  After  the  enemy  came  up,  Houston  sent  him  additional 
reinforcements  (See  Yoakum,  II,  493). 

4This  is  Baker's  number  (infra,  280)  ;  Santa  Anna  calls  it  a  "scant 
detachment"  (un  corto  dest acamento ) . 

Houston's  reason  for  halting  in  such  an  out  of  the  way  place  has  never 
been  satisfactorily  explained;  writing  to  Rusk  on  the  31st  (in  Yoakum.  If. 
487)  he  said,  "I  have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  my  arrival  at  this  point, 
with  a  view  to  receive  reinforcements  and  supplies.  It  is  the  best  and 
nearest  route  to  Harrisburg,  or  the  Bay,  at  which  I  could  have  struck  the 
Brazos,  and  it  will  prevent  the  whole  country  passing  the  Trinity."  Cap- 
tain R.  J.  Calder  thought  it  was  for  purposes  of  discipline  (infra,  336). 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  247 

Bastrop  upon  San  Felipe,  and  Urrea  to  march  upon  Brazoria, 
started  five  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Augustin  Amat  to  rein- 
force Sesma,  and  leaving  General  Filisola  at  Gonzales,  to  take  com- 
mand of  these  and  superintend  their  passage  of  the  Guadalupe, 
pressed  on  to  join  Sesma  himself.1  This  he  did  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Colorado,  that  general  having  just  crossed  at  the  Atascosita 
ford,  and  together  they  hastened  after  Houston  to  San  Felipe,  the 
ruins  of  which  they  reached  April  7.2  Finding  the  crossing  here  in 
possession  of  Baker's  company,  Santa  Anna  made  a  reconnoissance 
for  several  miles  up  and  down  the  swollen  river  in  the  hope  of  dis- 
covering a  ford  where  he  might  cross  and  surprise  Baker  by  a  night 
attack.  But  failing  in  this,  he  ordered  the  construction  of  two 
large  flat-boats,  and  then,  too  impatient  to  remain  inactive  while 
this  was  being  done,  for  he  desired  to  end  the  campaign  before  the 
rains  rendered  the  country  impassable,  set  out  down  the  river  with 
five  hundred  grenadiers  and  fifty  cavalry,  looking  for  more  expedi- 
tious means  of  crossing.3  After  three  days  he  gained  possession  of 
the  ferry  at  Fort  Bend,4  and  was  joined  on  the  13th  by  Sesma, 
who  had  been  awaiting  in  vain  at  San  Felipe  the  arrival  of  Gaona 
and  Filisola. 

Here  Santa  Anna  learned  that  the  seat  of  government  was  only 
twelve  leagues  distant  and  unprotected,  and  that  by  a  rapid  march 

Werdadera  Idea,  79-81. 

2Moseley  Baker  had  set  fire  to  the  town  in  the  afternoon  of  the  29th, 
upon  a  report  from  his  scouts  that  the  enemy  were  approaching.  In  1838 
Baker  declared  under  oath  that  this  was  done  in  accordance  with  Houston's 
written  order  (Texas  Almanac,  I860,  59;  infra,  329)  ;  but  the  latter 
always  denied  it.  Even  as  early  as  March  31,  1836,  writing  to  Rusk  (in 
Yoakum,  II,  487-88),  he  says,  "Two  nights  since,  when  it  was  reported  that 
the  enemy  were  on  this  side  of  the  Colorado,  the  citizens  of  San  Felipe 
reduced  it  to  ashes.  There  was  no  order  from  me  for  it."  He  adds,  how- 
ever, "I  am  glad  of  it,  should  the  enemy  march  there." 

"Verdadera  Idea,  83;  infra,  267. 

*"A  pesar  de  los  esfuerzos  de  un  corto  destacamento  enemigo  que  lo  de- 
fendia."  One  Texan  story  goes  that  the  Mexicans  came  to  the  ford  and 
spoke  English,  whereupon  a  boat  was  sent  over  to  them  which  they  seized 
(Texas  Almanac,  1860,  23).  But,  in  fact,  they  captured  a  skiff  in  which  a 
negro  had  stolen  across,  and  passing  a  sufficient  number  of  men  over  in 
this,  surprised  the  Texans  and  drove  them  away  from  the  ferry. 


248         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

he  might  succeed  in  capturing  the  President  and  all  his  cabinet, 
among  them  his  old  enemy,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala.  Abandoning,  there- 
fore, what  was  perhaps  his  original  plan  of  pursuing  Houston  and 
forcing  a  battle  near  Groce's,1  he  left  Sesma  with  a  part  of  his 
division,  and  sealed  instructions  to  Filisola  when  he  should  come 
up,  and  with  the  rest  of  Sesma's  force — seven  hundred  infantry, 
fifty  cavalry,  and  a  six  pound  cannon — hastened  on  towards  Har- 
risburg.  Keaching  that  place  during  the  night  of  April  loth,  the 
Mexicans  found  it  abandoned,  and  only  three  printers  captured  in 
the  office  of  the  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register  informed  them  that 
the  officers  of  the  government  had  departed  that  morning  for  Gal- 
veston  Island,  and  that  Houston  was  at  Groce's  with  eight  hundred 
men.  A  reconnoitering  party  sent  out  towards  Lynchburg  reported 
that  settlers  in  that  direction  uniformly  declared  that  Houston 
intended  retreating  to  the  Trinity  by  way  of  Lynch's  Ferry,  and 
Santa  Anna,  by  his  own  account,  formed  the  plan  of  intercepting 
him  there.  Ordering  Filisola,  who  had  now  come  up  with  Sesma, 
to  reinforce  him  with  five  hundred  picked  infantry  (infantes 
escogidos),  he  set  fire  to  Harrisburg2  and  pushed  on  to  overtake  his 
scouts  at  New  Washington — having  sent  them  there,  it  would  seem, 
for  purposes  of  plunder. 

In  marked  contrast  with  the  impetuosity  of  Santa  Anna  was 
Houston's  long  delay  in  the  bottom  opposite  Groce's.  He  sought 
to  employ  his  leisure  in  the  better  organization  of  his  forces;  a  new 
regiment  was  formed  with  Sidney  Sherman  as  its  colonel,  and 
numerous  promotions  were  made  in  consequence.  A  medical  staff 
also  was  created,  and  specific  duties  assigned  to  each  of  the  six  or 
eight  physicians  with  the  army.  But  the  troops  looked  askance  at 
the  non-combative  policy  of  their  commander,  and,  so  far  from  dis- 
cipline's being  promoted  by  these  changes  and  the  long  halt,  almost 
open  mutiny  was  the  result.  The  belief  became  general,  in  fact, 
that  Houston  desired  to  avoid  a  conflict  altogether,  and  that  his 

1Verdadera  Idea,  83 — "*  *  *  nada  mas  convcniente  que  pcrscguirlo  y 
batirlo,  antes  de  que  pudiera  reponerse." 

"Santa  Anna  declares  the  town  was  already  burning  when  he  arrived, 
and  that  the  printers  told  him  it  had  caught  by  accident  (Verdadera  Idea, 
84;  but  see  Delgado's  account  (infra,  289). 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  249 

only  movement  from  the  Brazos  would  be  to  continue  the  retreat 
eastward — most  likely  towards  Nacogdoches.  Such  a  contingency 
was  freely  discussed,  and  officers  and  men  alike  boldly  canvassed  the 
advisability  of  electing  a  more  aggressive  leader.1  The  civil  author- 
ities, too,  became  uneasy  at  the  continued  inactivity  of  the  army, 
and  began  to  urge  General  Houston  to  bestir  himself.  General 
Rusk,  the  Secretary  of  War,  was  sent  to  the  field  in  the  hope  of 
inaugurating  a  more  vigorous  policy,  and  President  Burnet 
attempted  to  sting  the  commander  into  action  by  the  information 
that  he  was  becoming  the  laughing  stock  of  the  enemy,  and  that  the 
salvation  of  Texas  depended  upon  his  fighting.2 

Despite  the  general  dissatisfaction,  however,  the  army  was  grad- 
ually reinforced  to  almost  its  size  on  the  Colorado.3  General  Rusk 
arrived  on  the  4th,  and  in  consultation  with  Houston  on  the  night 
of  the  llth  it  was  decided  to  cross  to  the  east  side  of  the  river. 
This  operation — rendered  very  tedious  on  account  of  the  absence  of 
a  ferry  boat  and  the  presence  of  several  wagons  with  their  ox  teams 
and  some  two  hundred  horses — was  completed  by  means  of  the 
steam  tug  Yellowstone  on  the  13th,  before  which  time  Houston  was 
apprised  of  the  passage  of  the  river  by  the  enemy  at  Fort  Bend.4 
Orders  had  already  been  issued  to  the  scattered  detachments  at  San 
Felipe,  Fort  Bend,  and  Washington  to  join  the  main  army  at  D'on- 
oho's,  a  few  miles  east  of  Groce's,  and  thither  Houston  took  his  way 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  14th,  the  difficulties  of  his  march  being 
increased  by  the  addition  to  his  train  on  the  llth  of  the  "Twin 

*Infra,  282,  302,  311,  331. 

"Texas  Almanac,  1860,  59-60;  infra,  330. 

2Rusk  to  Burnet,  April  6,  1836  (Copy), — Archives  of  Texas;  Proclama- 
tion of  President  Burnet,  April  6,  1836  (MS.  copy), — Archives  of  Texas. 

Rusk  says:  "I  find  the  army  in  fine  spirits,  ready  and  anxious  to  meas- 
ure arms  with  the  enemy;  the  army  are  about  fifteen  hundred  strong, 
though  not  all  at  this  point.  Some  are  at  San  Felipe,  and  I  doubt  not  you 
have,  before  this,  heard  of  Captain  Wily  Martin  being  stationed  with  a 
small  force  at  Fort  Bend."  Burnet  says:  "Houston  now  has  an  army  of 
fifteen  hundred  men  on  the  west  side  of  the  Brazos."  Houston  himself 
declared  (Houston  to  Thomas,  April  13,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  496-97)  that 
his  total  force  in  camp  on  the  llth  was  only  523  men. 

"Houston  to  Thomas,  April  13,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  II,  496-97. 


250         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Sisters,"  two  six  pound  cannon  presented  to  Texas  by  the  people  of 
Cincinnati. 

At  Donoho's  Baker  and  Martin  came  up,  both  of  the  opinion  that 
this  was  only  another  subterfuge  of  the  commander-in-chief's  to 
avoid  the  enemy,  and  very  much  disgusted.  The  latter,  according 
to  Houston's  account,  refused  to  fall  into  line  with  his  company, 
and  was  ordered  to  hasten  to  Bobbins'  Ferry  on  the  Trinity  to  pro- 
tect the  families  crossing  there  from  the  Indians.1  The  whole 
army,  in  fact,  was  in  doubt  of  Houston's  plan,  and  the  belief  was 
quite  common  that  he  intended  falling  back  as  far  as  Nacogdoches ; 
in  which  case  the  general  sentiment  favored  the  election  of  a  new 
leader.2  The  road  to  Harrisburg  diverged  from  the  one  to  Nacog- 

1Texas  Almanac,  1860,  24,  infra,  321.  Yoakum,  Bancroft  and  Brown 
all  follow  this  account:  but  Dr.  Labadie  (infra,  312)  gives  another 
version.  He  says  that  Martin  reported  at  Donoho's  alone,  explaining  that 
his  company  had  disbanded  to  look  after  their  own  families,  in  the  belief 
that  Houston  intended  retiring  to  Nacogdoches.  This  seems  the  more 
likely,  for  Martin,  who  was  anxious  to  fight,  would  scarcely  have  been 
willing  to  turn  aside  to  the  Trinity,  when  he  knew  the  enemy  had  gone  in 
the  direction  of  Harrisburg.  Moseley  Baker,  however,  writing  in  1844, 
said  that  after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  "Wiley  Martin's  company  was 
within  fifty  miles." 

-Infra,  302,  312. 

Colonel  R.  M.  Coleman  says  (Houston  Displayed — Pamphlet  in  the 
Austin  Papers)  he  informed  Houston  that,  "an  attempt  to  take  the  left 
hand  road  at  Roberts'  would  *  *  *  result  in  the  disorganization  of  the 
army;  that  another  would  be  called  to  the  command."  Houston's  corre- 
spondence while  in  camp  at  Groce's,  however,  does  not  indicate  that  he 
thought  of  further  retreat  to  any  other  point  than  Harrisburg:  writing  to 
General  Rusk  on  March  31st  (in  Yoakum,  II,  487),  he  says,  "I  have  the 
honor  to  report  to  you  my  arrival  at  this  point,  *  *  *.  It  is  the  best 
and  nearest  route  to  Harrisburg,  or  the  Bay,  at  which  I  could  have  struck 
the  Brazos."  To  David  Thomas  he  wrote  on  April  13th  (in  Yoakum,  II, 
496-97)  :  "I  would  at  once  have  fallen  back  on  Harrisburg.  but  a  wish  to 
allay  the  panic  that  prevailed,  induced  me  to  stop  at  the  Brazos,  contrary 
to  my  views  of  military  operations."  And  on  the  same  day  he  wrote  to 
Colonel  Nathaniel  Robbins  (in  Yoakum,  II,  497-98):  "You  are  hereby 
ordered  and  commanded  to  seize  all  arms  and  guns  *  *  *  as  may  be 
useful  to  the  army^  *  *  *  holding  them  subject  to  the  orders  of  the 
government.  You  will  arrest  all  deserters  from  the  army,  and  pass  them 
over  to  commands  on  their  march  to  the  army."  Though  this  letter  does 
not  show  where  Colonel  Robbins  was  located,  Labadie  tells  us  (Texas 


The  8an  Jacinto  Campaign.  251 

doches  a  short  distance  from  McCurley's,  some  fifteen  miles  east 
of  Donoho's,1  and  it  was  felt  that  here  the  die  would  be  cast.  There 
was  probably  considerable  relief  among  the  men,  therefore,  when, 
instead  of  an  attempt  to  lead  them  towards  Nacogdoches,  they  were 
allowed  without  opposition  to  keep  the  road  to  Harrisburg.2 

The  hypothesis  that  Houston's  plan  was  to  retreat  to  Nacog- 
doches, or  perhaps  to  the  Sabine,  had  at  this  time  probably  little  to 
support  it  beyond  his  apparent  reluctance  to  face  the  enemy,  and  the 
known  fact  that  there  was  a  large  body  of  United  States  troops  at 
Fort  Jessup,  near  Natchitoches  in  Louisiana,  whose  protection  from 
both  Mexicans  and  Indians  many  relied  upon,  in  case  the  worst 
came,  and  Texas  had  to  be  temporarily  abandoned.  But  subse- 
quent knowledge  of  the  sympathy  of  General  Gaines,  who  com- 
manded these  troops,  and  of  the  attitude  of  President  Jackson 
towards  the  Texas  question  has,  it  is  sometimes  fondly  contended, 
clearly  proved  that  Houston's  purpose  throughout  the  campaign 
was  to  draw  Santa  Anna  to  the  Sabine,  where  it  was  hoped  that  he 
might  inadvertently  offer  General  Gaines  an  excuse  for  taking  up 
the  war  and  establishing  a  protectorate  of  the  United  States  over 
Texas.3 

Almanac,  1859,  46)  that  he  was  on  the  Trinity  at  the  ferry  bearing 
his  name;  the  inference  seems  plain,  therefore,  that  Houston  did  not 
intend  passing  that  point.  And  finally,  the  settlers  around  New  Wash- 
ington told  Almonte  that  Houston  was  going  to  retire  to  the  Trinity  by 
way  of  Lynchburg  (infra,  268). 

Vnfra,  302,  312. 

2Houston,  Kuykendall,  and  Labadie  (infra,  321,  302,  313)  agree  that  the 
army  took  the  Harrisburg  road  without  any  orders  being  given;  Calder 
(infra,  336)  thinks  they  were  commanded  to  take  the  Harrisburg  road; 
while  Coleman  and  others  claim  that  Houston  was  ordered  to  Harrisburg 
by  General  Rusk. 

3Texas  Almanac,  1860,  61-62;  infra,  331-32;  Anson  Jones:  Republic  of 
Texas,  83. 

President  Jackson's  private  position  in  regard  to  Texas  four  years  earlier 
may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extract  (Jackson  to  Butler,  February 
25,  1832, — Austin  Papers).  Having  heard  an  erroneous  report  of  an  insur- 
rection in  Texas  early  in  1832,  he  wrote  to  Anthony  Butler,  United  States 


252         Texas  Historical  A  ssociation  Quarterly. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  some  negotiations  were  made  to  enlist  the 
support  of  these  forces ;  but  they  were  made  by  the  civil  government 
and  the  citizens  of  Nacogdoches,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  Hous- 
ton at  the  time  knew  anything  about  them.1  The  following  letter 
from  the  Secretary  of  State,  Sam  P.  Carson,2  gives  the  first  sug- 
gestion of  these  overtures : 

"His  Excellency  David  0.  Burnet* 

"12  o'clock.    News — good  news. 

"I  have  just  heard  through  a  source  in  which  Judge  Hardin  has 
confidence  that  a  company  or  battalion  of  U.  S.  troops  left  Fort 
Jessup  eight  or  ten  days  since,  crossed  the  Sabine  and  were  march- 
ing towards  the  Xesches.  /  believe  it  to  be  true.  Gen.  Gaines  is 
there  and  doubtless  my  letter  by  Farmer  had  the  desired  effect. 
Jackson  will  protect  the  neutral  ground,  and  the  beauty  of  it  is, 
he  claims  to  the  Nesches  as  neutral  ground.  I  should  like  his  pro- 
tection that  far  at  present.  If  we  are  successful,  we  can  hereafter 
negociate  and  regulate  boundaries.  This  news,  just  arrived,  has 
infused  new  life  into  people  here,  and  be  assured  I  will  keep  the 
ball  rolling.  *  *  * 

"CARSON." 

Charge  <T Affaires  in  Mexico:  "*  *  *  The  present  resources  of  Mexico 
will  not  be  competent  to  reconquer  and  put  down  this  insurrection  and- 
regain  the  country,  if  once  lost,  and  a  government  composed  of  all  kindred 
and  tongues  on  our  border,  plundering  and  murdering  our  good  citizens  at 
will,  and  exciting  the  Indians  to  make  war  upon  us,  and  on  our  borders, — 
this  may  compel  us,  in  self-defense,  to  seize  that  country  by  force  and  estab- 
lish a  regular  government  there  over  it.  *  *  *  Therefore  it  is  we  want 
to  obtain  a  cession  of  that  country  for  a  fair  consideration,  to  prevent  this 
very  unpleasant  emergency  that  would  compel  us  to  seize  that  country  on 
principles  of  real  necessity,  and  self-defense,  being  well  aware  that  Mexico 
cannot  prevent  Texas  becoming  independent  of  her.  *  *  *"  It  has  even  been 
charged  (Robert  Mayo:  Political  Sketches  of  Eight  Years  in  Washington, 
117-29)  that  Houston  came  to  Texas,  after  a  semi-official  understanding 
with  Jackson  in  1830,  to  stir  up  a  rebellion  and  either  found  an  independ- 
ent republic  or  enable  the  United  States  to  seize  the  territory.  And  strange 
to  say,  this  wild  story  is  credited  by  both  Parton  ( Life  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
III,  654-57)  and  Sumner  (Andrew  Jackson,  354). 

'See  infra,  255,  note  3. 

"Yoakum  (II,  118)  miscalls  him  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

'Copy  (no  date) — Archives  of  Texas. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  253 

The  letter  bears  no  date,  but  was  certainly  written  in  the  earlier 
part  of  April,  probably  on  the  4th.1 

By  way,  as  he  would  perhaps  have  expressed  it,  of  "keeping  the 
ball  rolling,"  Carson  pushed  on  to  Fort  Jessup — officially,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, since  he  was  still  Secretary  of  State — and  tried  the  efficacy 
of  a  personal  appeal  to  General  Gaines.  His  formal  report  to  the 
President  and  cabinet  gives  the  result  of  the  interview,  together 
with  some  other  interesting  information: 

"NACHITOCHES,  April  14,  1836. 

"To  his  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet  and  tlie  Cabinet  of  the  Repub- 
lic of  Texas.2 

"GENTLEMEN  :  On  my  arrival  here  last  night  I  met  with  Gen'l 
Gaines  and  have  had  with  him  a  full  and  satisfactory  conversation. 
His  position  at  present  is  a  delicate  one,  and  requires  at  his  hands 
the  most  cautious  movements.  The  object  of  the  concentration  of 
forces  at  Jessup  is  to  protect  the  frontier  and  neutral  ground,  also 
to  keep  the  Indians  in  check  and  repress  savage  aggressions.  This 
he  is  bound  to  do  in  fulfillment  of  treaty  stipulations  between 
the  government  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  *  *  *  Gen'l 
Gaines  *  *  *  issued  an  order  to  prepare  thirteen  companies 
to  march  this  evening  to  the  Sabine,  with  two  field  pieces  with 
seventy-five  rounds  for  each  and  thirty-five  rounds  for  the  infantry 
— also  twelve  days  provisions,  etc. 

"I  herewith  send  you  a  copy  of  his  requisition  upon  the  govern- 
ment of  Louisiana  to  furnish  a  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers:3 

JOn  April  4th,  Carson  wrote  to  Burnet  from  Liberty  (copy  in  the 
Archives  of  Texas)  saying:  "*  *  *  Never  till  I  reached  Trinity  did  I 
despond,  I  will  not  yet  say  I  despair.  If  Houston  has  retreated  or  been 
whipped,  nothing  can  save  the  people  from  themselves.  *  *  *  If  Hous- 
ton retreats,  the  flying  people  must  be  covered  in  their  escape  [Yoakum,  II, 
119,  misquotes  this:  "may  be  covered,"  etc.].  *  *  *  Nothing  can  stop 
the  people  unless  Houston  is  successful.  *  *  *"  I  think  it  likely  that 
the  letter  above  was  a  postcript  to  this;  at  any  rate,  his  reference  to  Judge 
Hardin  shows  that  it  was  written  while  he  was  still  at  Liberty,  and  as  we 
shall  soon  see,  he  was  at  Fort  Jessup  by  the  13th. 

2Copy — Archives  of  Texas. 

"The  requisition  (MS.  copy  in  Archives  of  Texas),  dated  April  8th,  asked 
Governor  White,  of  Louisiana,  for  two  or  three  battalions  of  volunteers, — 


254         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

a  similar  request  has  been  made  to  the  governors  of  Tennessee, 
Mississippi,  and  Alabama,  requiring,  however,  only  a  battalion  of 
the  latter  in  consequence  of  the  Florida  war.  He  will  have  in  a  few 
days  (say  20  or  30)  from  7  to  8,000  men  with  him.  You  will  per- 
ceive that  we  cannot  use  Indian  auxiliaries  unless  in  self  defense. 
The  treaty  referred  to  requires  the  United  States  to  put  such  con- 
duct down.  *  *  * 

"I  cannot  state  positively  what  Gen'l  Games  may  do,  but  one 
thing  I  think  I  may  say,  that  should  he  be  satisfied  of  the  fact  that 
the  Mexicans  have  incited  any  Indians,  who  are  under  the  control 
of  the  United  States,  to  commit  depredations  on  either  side  of  the 
line,  he  will  doubtless  view  it  as  a  violation  of  the  treaty  referred 
to,  *  *  *  and  be  assured  that  he  will  maintain  the  honor  of 
his  country  and  punish  the  aggressor,  be  he  who  he  may.  Now  the 
fact  is  that  the  Mexicans  have  already  with  them  a  number  of  the 
Caddoes,  some  Cherokees,  and  Indians  of  other  tribes  which  are 
under  the  protection  and  control  of  the  United  States.  It  is  only 
necessary  then  to  satisfy  Gen'l  Gaines  of  the  fact,  in  which  case, 
be  assured  he  will  act  with  energy  and  efficiency.  The  proofs  will, 
I  have  no  doubt,  be  abundant  by  the  time  he  reaches  the  Sabine; 
in  which  case  he  will  cross  and  move  upon  the  aggressors.  *  *  * 

"Yours, 

"SAM  P.  CARSON." 

"P.  S.  I  have  written  Gen'l  Houston  and  requested  him  to  for- 
ward the  communication  to  you." 

General  Gaines  did,  indeed — upon  information  furnished  him 
mainly,  however,  by  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  private  citizens 
of  Nacogdoches — advance  to  the  Sabine  with  thirteen  companies; 
but  finding  there  that  the  Indians  had  killed  but  one  man,  and  that 
not  in  such  a  manner  as  to  indicate  a  "spirit  of  general  hostility 
towards  the  inhabitants,"  he  contented  himself  with  halting  on  the 

as  many  to  be  mounted  as  possible, — stating  that  General  Gaines  had  been 
informed  upon  reliable  authority  that  many  United  States  Indians  had  gone 
over  to  the  Texas  side ;  that  he  feared  an  Indian  war,  knowing  that  it  would 
extend  to  both  sides  of  the  boundary;  that  he  intended  to  advance  into 
Texas  and  make  the  Indians  return  to  their  reservations;  and,  finally,  that 
he  asked  troops  of  Governor  White,  because  he  had  not  time  to  await  rein- 
forcements and  instructions  from  the  President. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  255 

left  bank  of  the  river  and  sending  a  warning  message  to  the  Chero- 
kee chief  Bowles.1  That  he  was  in  eager  sympathy  with  the  Texans 
and  was  possessed  of  an  almost  feverish  desire  to  help  them  is  cer- 
tain, but  the  simultaneous  reports  that  Santa  Anna  had  been 
defeated  and  captured  at  San  Jacinto  and  that  "the  Cherokee  and 
other  Indians  in  Texas  from  our  side  of  the  national  boundary-line 
are  disposed  to  return  to  their  villages,  plant  corn,  and  be  peace- 
able/'2 relieved  him  alike  of  the  necessity  and  the  pretext.  Never- 
theless, he  remained  encamped  on  the  Sabine  until  the  fall  of  1836, 
keeping  a  vigilant  eye  upon  Texas,  and  bristling  at  every  fresh 
rumor  of  renewed  aggressiveness  on  the  part  of  Mexico. 

Whether  Houston  ever  received  Carson's  letter,  informing  him  of 
the  movements  of  General  Gaines  is  questionable.3  At  any  rate, — 
either  voluntarily  or  constrained  by  the  mutinous  sentiment  of  his 
troops — he  proceeded  to  Harrisburg,  arriving  opposite  its  site  in  the 
forenoon  of  the  18th.  The  Texans  rested  here  until  the  following 
morning,  and  during  their  halt  two  couriers  were  captured,  bearing 
dispatches  from  Filisola  and  the  Mexican  government  to  Santa 
Anna,  from  which  Houston  first  definitely  learned  that  the  latter 
was  leading  the  troops  to  the  east  of  him. 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  both  Houston  and  Kusk  made  encour- 
aging addresses  to  the  soldiers,  declaring  that  they  were  now  going 
to  fall  upon  the  enemy,  and  urging  them  to  avenge  their  comrades 
of  the  Alamo  and  Goliad.  After  leaving  in  camp  here  his  baggage 
train  and  some  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  sick  and  ineffi- 
cient, with  seventy-five  men  under  Major  McNutt  to  guard  them,4 

Raines  to  Secretary  of  War,  April  20,  1836,  in  House  Exec.  Doc.  851, 
25th  Cong.,  2nd  Sess.,  pp.  771-73. 

2Ibid.,  783. 

8So  far  as  I  know,  Houston  never  mentioned  the  receipt  of  it,  though 
in  later  controversies  he  might  have  used  it  to  good  effect.  The  inference 
must  follow  that  either  it  never  came  into  his  hands,  or  that  having  it,  he 
still  preferred,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  to  tacitly  disclaim  any  knowledge 
whatever  of  General  Gaines's  operations. 

*I  follow  here  the  account  of  J.  H.  Kuykendall  (infra,  303,  note),  who 
was  a  member  of  the  guard;  W.  P.  Zuber,  also  a  member  of  the  guard, 


256         Tevas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Houston  marched  down  the  left  bank  of  Buffalo  bayou,  and  cross- 
ing below  the  mouth  of  Sims's  bayou,  pressed  on  across  Vince's 
bridge  towards  the  San  Jacinto.  The  march  was  kept  up  till  nearly 
midnight,  when  the  exhausted  men  were  allowed  to  rest  for  a  few 
hours.  At  daybreak,  however,  they  were  again  put  in  motion,  and 
when,  about  six  o'clock,  a  halt  was  made  for  breakfast  and  the 
scouts  came  galloping  up  and  reported  that  they  had  discovered 
the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy  returning  from  New  Washington, 
the  half-cooked  food  was  bolted  down  and  a  hurried  march  con- 
tinued to  Lynch's  Ferry,  where  they  arrive<l  early  in  the  forenoon. 

Almost  immediately  upon  their  arrival  at  the  ferry,  the  enemy's 
advance  guard  was  seen  approaching,  and  the  Texans  fell  back 
about  half  a  mile,  to  establish  themselves  in  a  live-oak  grove  on  the 
bank  of  the  bayou.  In  front  of  them,  and  extending  to  the  right 
towards  Vince's  bayou,  was  a  prairie,  perhaps  two  miles  in  width, 
bounded  on  the  south  by  a  marsh ;  to  the  left  was  the  San  Jacinto 
river;  and  at  their  back,  Buffalo  bayou.1  Into  this  prairie  the  Mex- 
icans soon  filed  from  the  direction  of  New  Washington — which  they 
had  just  burned — and  formed  their  camp  near  the  southern  edge. 

Early  in  the  afternoon  Santa  Anna  advanced  his  artillery — one 
six-pounder2 — under  cover  of  the  cavalry,  and  fired  a  shot  at 
the  Texans,  but  this  being  immediately  returned  from  the  "Twin 
Sisters,"  the  cannon  was  hastily  withdrawn  to  the  protection  of  a 
cluster  of  timber,  from  which  it  continued  to  be  fired  at  intervals 
throughout  the  afternoon.8  A  few  hours  later,  Colonel  Sherman, 

says  (Texas  Almanac,  1861,  59;  infra,  339)  .  the  whole  number  in  the 
camp,  sick  included,  was  about  200;  R.  M.  Coleman  says  (Houston  Dis- 
played, 20)  :  "About  300  men  were  left  under  the  command  of  Major 
McNutt  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  the  sick  and  the  baggage."  Labadie 
(Texas  Almanac,  1859,  49)  says:  "Dr  Phelps  having  been  left  to  attend  to 
some  ten  or  twelve  who  were  sick  with  the  diarrhoea;  the  Red  Land  com- 
pany, consisting  of  some  forty  men,  also  remaining  to  guard  the  camp." 
And  Bancroft  (II,  253,  note  34)  thinks  Labadie's  figures  the  most  reasona- 
ble. 

1Williams:    Sam  Houston  and  the  War  of  Independence  in  Texas,  194-95. 

"This  is  the  Mexican  account;  Houston — and  most  Texan  writers  after 
him — calls  it  a  twelve-pounder.  Calder  believes  it  was  a  nine-pounder. 

*Labadie:  Texas  Almanac,  1859,  51. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  257 

according  to  his  own  account,  asked  and  obtained  permission  to 
advance  with  mounted  volunteers  and  attempt  to  capture  it.1  But 
he  got  into  a  rather  lively  skirmish  with  the  Mexican  cavalry,  creat- 
ing a  good  deal  of  excitement  in  the  Texan  camp  thereby,  and 
returned  with  two  men  seriously  wounded,  one  of  whom  afterwards 
died.  Nothing  else  of  interest  occurred  during  the  rest  of  the  after- 
noon.2 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  General  Cos  arrived  with  some  four 
hundred  men,  and  increased  Santa  Anna's  strength  to  eleven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  twelve  hundred.3  This  gave  the  latter  considera- 

1Defence  of  Gen.  Sydney  Sherman,  etc.,  5.  Sherman's  words  are:  "The 
enemy's  only  field  piece  was  in  sight  from  our  camp,  and  had  been  annoying 
us  during  the  day.  Late  in  the  evening,  I  proposed  to  General  Houston  to 
allow  me  to  call  for  volunteers,  and  capture  their  gun.  He  consented,  and 
proposed  himself  to  order  out  Colonel  Millard's  regulars  to  support  me,  and 
gave  orders  to  that  effect."  For  Houston's  version,  see  infra,  322. 

2In  the  light  of  a  subsequent  event — the  arrival  of  reinforcements  to  Santa 
Anna  on  the  21st — it  would  have  been  better  for  General  Houston  to  fight 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  on  the  20th;  but  his  delay  was  perhaps  natural. 
The  army  had  made  forced  marches  from  Harrisburg,  had  slept  little  the 
previous  night,  and  the  men  were  necessarily  greatly  fatigued;  a  complete 
rest  for  them,  therefore,  might  well  have  been  considered  desirable.  It  is 
by  no  means  certain,  either,  that,  as  has  been  charged,  the  dispatches 
captured  at  Harrisburg  gave  the  Texans  definite  information  that  Santa 
Anna  was  expecting  reinforcements,  though  they  did,  perhaps,  afford 
ground  for  suspecting  it.  Santa  Anna  says  ( Verdadera  Idea,  92)  the 
dispatches  informed  them  of  his  presence  in  New  Washington,  of  the  num- 
ber composing  the  section  that  was  advancing  by  that  route,  and  of  the 
position  of  his  other  forces  ("*  *  *  que  yo  me  hallaba  en  New  Wash- 
ington, el  numero  de  que  se  componia  la  section .  que  expedicionaba  por 
aquel  rumbo,  y  la  situation  de  nuestras  otras  fuerzas") .  However,  see  infra, 
304,  338. 

"Texas  historians  generally,  following  Houston's  official  report  of  the 
battle  of  San  Jacinto,  place  this  number  much  higher,  varying  it  from 
sixteen  hundred  down  to  thirteen  hundred  men.  Houston  says  (Report,  3 
— published  also  in  Brown,  II,  18-23;  Yoakum,  II,  498-502;  Kennedy,  II, 
222-27;  and  elsewhere)  concerning  the  whole  number  of  the  enemy,  Cos 
came  up,  "increasing  their  effective  force  to  upwards  of  1500  men";  and 
again,  after  the  battle,  he  reports,  "The  enemy's  loss  was  630  killed  *  *  * 
wounded,  208,  *  *  *  prisoners,  730."  But  all  Mexican  authority, 
accepted  by  Yoakum  (II,  122)  and  Bancroft  (II,  250),  agrees  that  Santa 
Anna  left  Fort  Bend  with  no  more  than  750  men, — though  Brown  (II, 
11),  counting,  perhaps,  Sesma's  whole  division,  a  part  of  which  remained 


258        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

ble  advantage  over  Houston,  who  had  but  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-three  men,1  and  the  Texans  became  apprehensive  that  in 
consequence  their  general  would  again  try  to  avoid  a  battle  and 
continue  the  retreat  across  the  San  Jacinto.  As  time  passed  and  no 
preparation  was  made  to  attack,  their  fears,  they  thought,  were 
verified,  and  the  old  question  of  deposing  the  commander-in-chief 
was  revived.2 

Some  time  during  the  forenoon  Deaf  Smith  left  camp  to  destroy 
Vince's  bridge3 — not,  as  is  quite  popularly  believed,  for  the  purpose 
of  making  the  approaching  conflict  a  death  struggle,  but  to  obstruct 
the  march  of  additional  Mexican  reinforcements.4  And  about 
midday  Houston  consented  to  a  council  of  war  in  which  it  was 
decided  to  attack  the  enemy  at  daybreak  the  following  morning; 
but  this  decision  being  rather  sullenly  received  by  the  majority  of 
the  army,  the  question  was  submitted  directly  to  them  through 
their  respective  captains,  and  settled  in  favor  of  immediate  attack.5 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  cf  April  21st,  therefore, 
Houston  gave  the  order  to  prepare  for  action.  The  line  having 

on  the  Brazos,  says  he  "had  with  him  between  eleven  and  twelve  hundred." 
And  Texan  writers  almost  uniformly  put  Cos's  reinforcements  at  500 
about  100  of  whom,  as  we  know  from  both  Mexican  ( Verdadera  Idea,  87 ; 
Filisola:  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tejas,  II,  473)  and 
Texan  authority  (infra,  303)  were  left  at  Harrisburg.  Houston  himself, 
unless  he  counted  the  wounded  twice,  disposed  of  only  1,360,  and  it  is 
well  established  that  scarcely  40  escaped. 

Houston's  Report,  3. 

"Labadie,  Baker  (infra,  285,  315)  ;  Houston  Displayed,  25-26. 

'Bitter  controversy  wages  over  this  point;  Houston  and  his  adherents 
maintaining  that  the  plan  originated  with  him,  while  others  assert  that  it 
was  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  he  was  induced  to  give  it  his 
consent. 

4The  whole  episode  of  Vince's  bridge  has  received  an  emphasis  from  the 
historians  which  is  probably  far  beyond  its  real  importance.  The  bayou 
does  not  exceed  three  miles  in  length,  and  could  have  been  "headed"  by 
either  reinforcements  or  fugitives  with  the  loss  of  but  a  few  hours  at  the 
most. 

'/nfra,  316,  324,  337. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  259 

been  formed,  an  advance  was  made  upon  the  enemy  which  took 
them  almost  completely  by  surprise,  most  of  the  officers — Santa 
Anna  included — being  asleep.  The  Mexicans  made  one  confused 
effort  to  sustain  the  charge,  then  broke  and  fled  in  utter  panic.  The 
Texans  pursuing,  the  rout  became  a  slaughter  which  only  stopped 
at  nightfall, — though  the  battle  proper  lasted  perhaps  not  more 
than  thirty  minutes.  Practically  the  entire  Mexican  force  was 
either  killed  or  captured,  and  of  the  Texans,  two  were  killed  and 
twenty-three  wounded — six  mortally.1  The  following  day  Santa 
Anna  was  captured  and  brought  into  camp,  when  an  armistice  was 
arranged  between  him  and  Houston  providing  for  a  cessation  of  hos- 
tilities until  a  permanent  peace  could  be  negotiated.  And  in  the 
meantime  Filisola  was  to  fall  back  from  Fort  Bend  to  San  Antonio, 
and  cause  Urrea  to  do  the  same  from  Victoria. 

From  San  Jaeinto  Santa  Anna  was  taken  with  the  other  prison- 
ers to  Velasco,  and  there  on  May  14  the  treaty  of  that  name  was 
arranged  between  himself  and  the  government  of  Texas.  The  pub- 
lic treaty  provided,  among  other  things,  for  a  cessation  of  hostil- 
ities; the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  Mexican  forces  beyond  the 
Rio  Grande;  the  restoration  of  property  taken  by  the  Mexicans; 
and,  finally,  that  the  Texan  army  should  not  approach  nearer  than 
five  leagues  to  the  retreating  Mexicans.  At  the  same  time  a  secret 
agreement  was  made  with  the  captive  dictator  in  which  the  govern- 
ment promised,  in  return  for  his  solemn  pledge  to  use  his  influence 
in  securing  an  acknowledgment  of  Texan  independence,  to  immedi- 
ately liberate  him  and  send  him  to  Yera  Cruz.2 

On  May  26th,  General  Filisola  ratified  the  public  treaty  and  ful- 
filled its  provisions  by  abandoning  Texas;  but  through  the  inter- 
ference of  the  enraged  army  the  Texan  government  was  compelled 
to  break  the  secret  articles,  and  Santa  Anna  was  detained  a  prisoner 
until  late  in  1836,  when  he  was  sent  to  Washington,  D.  C.  Quite 
naturally  he  felt  himself  absolved  from  his  promise  to  labor  for 
Texan  independence.  And  though  this  was  practically  established 

Houston's  Keport  (infra,  263).  For  additional  accounts  of  the  battle, 
both  Texan  and  Mexican,  see  infra,  270-71;  290-91;  340-43. 

2Both  treaties  are  published  in  full  in  Yoakum,  II,  526-28;  and  Brown, 
II,  62-65.  The  public  treaty  is  also  published  in  Kennedy,  II,  233-35 ;  and 
Foote,  II,  318-20. 


260         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

by  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  it  was  not  until  the  settlement  of  the 
Mexican  War  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  in  1848  that 
Mexico  formally  renounced  her  claims  to  Texas. 


DOCUMENTARY  SELECTIONS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

I. 

Houston's  Report  of  the  Battle. 

[The  original  of  this  report  has  been  lost,  but  numerous  copies  of  it  have 
been  published.  The  first  was  issued  in  pamphlet  form  from  New  Orleans 
in  1836.  Other  copies  may  be  found  in  Kennedy,  II,  222-27;  Yoakum,  II, 
498-502;  Brown,  II,  18-23;  Dewees's  Letters  from  Texas,  194-200;  Linn's 
Reminiscences  of  Fifty  fears  in  Texas,  203-9;  and  probably  elsewhere.  A 
Spanish  translation  occurs  in  Caro's  Verdadera  Idea,  106-13.] 

HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY, 

SAN  JACINTO,  April  25, 1836. 

To  His  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet,  President  of  the  Republic  of 

Texas. 

SIR  :  I  regret  extremely  that  my  situation,  since  the  battle  of  the 
21st,  has  been  such  as  to  prevent  my  rendering  you  my  official 
report  of  the  same,  previous  tc  this  time. 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  18th 
inst.,  after  a  forced  march  of  fifty-five  miles,  which  was  effected  in 
two  days  and  a  half,  the  army  arrived  opposite  Harrisburg.  That 
evening  a  courier  of  the  enemy  was  taken,  from  whom  I  learned 
that  General  Santa  Anna,  with  one  division  of  choice  troops,  had 
marched  in  the  direction  of  Lynch's  ferry  on  the  San  Jacinto, 
burning  Harrisburg  as  he  passed  down.  The  army  was  ordered  to 
be  in  readiness  to  march  early  on  the  next  morning.  The  main  body 
effected  a  crossing  over  Buffalo  bayou,  below  Harrisburg,  on  the 
morning  of  the  19th,  having  left  the  baggage,  the  sick,  and  a  suffi- 
cient camp  guard  in  the  rear.  We  continued  the  march  throughout 
the  night,  making  but  one  halt  in  the  prairie  for  a  short  time,  and 
without  refreshments.  At  daylight  we  resumed  the  line  of  march, 
and  in  a  short  distance  our  scouts  encountered  those  of  the  enemy, 
and  we  received  information  that  General  Santa  Anna  was  at  New 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  261 

Washington,  and  would  that  day  take  up  the  line  of  march  for 
Anahuac,  crossing  at  Lynch's  Ferry.  The  Texian  army  halted 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  ferry  in  some  timber  and  were  engaged  in 
slaughtering  beeves,  when  the  army  of  Santa  Anna  was  discovered 
to  be  approaching  in  battle  array,  having  been  encamped  at  Clop- 
per's  point,  eight  miles  below.  Disposition  was  immediately  made 
of  our  forces,  and  preparation  for  his  reception.  He  took  position 
with  his  infantry  and  artillery  in  the  center,  occupying  an  island 
of  timber,  his  cavalry  covering  the  left  flank.  The  artillery,  con- 
sisting of  one  double  fortified  medium  brass  twelve-pounder,  then 
opened  on  our  encampment.  The  infantry,  in  column,  advanced 
with  the  design  of  charging  our  lines,  but  were  repulsed  by  a  dis- 
charge of  grape  and  canister  from  our  artillery,  consisting  of  two 
six-pounders.  The  enemy  had  occupied  a  piece  of  timber  within 
rifle  shot  of  the  left  wing  of  our  army,  from  which  an  occasional 
interchange  of  small  arms  took  place  between  the  troops,  until  the 
enemy  withdrew  to  a  position  on  the  bank  of  the  San  Jacinto,  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  our  encampment,  and  commenced 
fortifications.  A  short  time  before  sunset,  our  mounted  men,  about 
eighty-five  in  number,  under  the  special  command  of  Colonel  Sher- 
man, marched  out  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering  the  enemy. 
Whilst  advancing  they  received  a  volley  from  the  left  of  the  enemy's 
4nfantry,  and  after  a  sharp  rencounter  with  their  cavalry,  in  which 
ours^acte<ijextremely  well  and  performed  some  feats  of  daring  chiv- 
alry, they  retired  in  good  order,  having  had  two  men  severely 
wounded  and  several  horses  killed.  In  the  meantime,  the  infantry 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Millard,  and  Colonel 
Burleson's  regiment  with  the  artillery,  had  marched  out  for  the  pur- 
pose of  covering  the  retreat  of  the  cavalry,  if  necessary.  All  then 
fell  back  in  good  order  to  our  encampment  about  sunset,  and 
remained  without  any  ostensible  action  until  the  21st,  at  half  past 
three  o'clock,  taking  the  first  refreshment  that  they  had  enjoyed  for 
two  days.  The  enemy  in  the  meantime  extended  the  right  flank  of 
their  infantry  so  as  to  occupy  the  extreme  point  of  a  skirt  of  timber 
on  the  bank  of  the  San  Jacinto,  and  secured  their  left  by  a  fortifica- 
tion about  five  feet  high,  constructed  of  packs  and  baggage,  leav- 
ing an  opening  in  the  center  of  the  breastwork  in  which  their 
artillery  was  placed,  their  cavalry  upon  their  left  wing. 

About  nine  o'clock  on  the  norning  of  the  21st,  the  enemy  were 


262        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

reinforced  by  500  choice  troops,  under  the  command  of  General 
Cos,  increasing  their  effective  force  to  upwards  of  1,500  men,  whilst 
our  aggregate  force  for  the  field  numbered  783.  At  half  past  three 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  I  ordered  the  officers  of  the  Texian  army 
to  parade  their  respective  commands,  having  in  the  meantime 
ordered  the  bridge  on  the  only  road  communicating  with  the 
Brazos,  distant  eight  miles  from  our  encampment,  to  be  destroyed, 
thus  cutting  off  all  possibility  of  escape.  Our  troops  paraded  with 
alacrity  and  spirit,  and  were  anxious  for  the  contest.  Their  con- 
scious disparity  in  numbers  seemed  only  to  increase  their  enthu- 
siasm and  confidence  and  heighten  their  anxiety  for  the  conflict. 
Our  situation  afforded  me  the  opportunity  for  making  the 
arrangements  preparatory  to  the  attack,  without  exposing  our 
designs  to  the  enemy.  The  first  regiment,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Burleson,  was  assigned  the  center.  The  second  regiment,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Sherman,  formed  the  left  wing  of  the 
army.  The  artillery  under  the  special  command  of  Colonel  George 
W.  Hockley,  Inspector-General,  was  placed  on  the  right  of  the 
first  regiment;  and  four  companies  of  infantry,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieut.-Col.  Henry  Millard,  sustained  the  artillery  upon  the 
right.  Our  cavalry,  sixty-one  in  number,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  whose  gallant  and  daring  conduct  on  the  pre- 
vious day  had  attracted  the  admiration  of  his  comrades  and  called 
him  to  that  station,  placed  on  our  extreme  right,  completed  our 
line.  Our  cavalry  was  first  dispatched  to  the  front  of  the  enemy's 
left,  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  their  notice,  whilst  an  extensive 
island  of  timber  afforded  us  an  opportunity  of  concentrating  our 
forces  and  deploying  from  that  point,  agreeably  to  the  previous 
design  of  the  troops.  Every  evolution  was  performed  with  alacrity, 
the  whole  advancing  rapidly  in  line  and  through  an  open  prairie, 
without  any  protection  whatever  for  our  men.  The  artillery 
advanced  and  took  station  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's 
breastwork,  and  commenced  an  effective  fire  with  grape  and 
canister. 

Colonel  Sherman  with  his  regiment,  having  commenced  the 
action  upon  our  left  wing,  the  whole  line  at  the  center  and  on  the 
right,  advancing  in  double-quick  time,  rung  the  war  cry,  "Remem- 
ber the  Alamo!"  received  the  enemy's  fire  and  advanced  within 
point  blank  shot  before  a  piece  was  discharged  from  our  lines.  Our 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  263 

lines  advanced  without  a  halt,  until  they  were  in  possession  of  the 
woodland  and  the  breastwork,  the  right  wing  of  Burleson's  and  the 
left  of  Millard's  taking  possession  of  the  breastwork;  our  artillery 
having  gallantly  charged  up  within  seventy  yards  of  the  enemy's 
cannon,  when  it  was  taken  by  our  troops.  The  conflict  lasted  about 
eighteen  minutes  from  the  time  of  close  action  until  we  were  in  pos- 
session of  the  enemy's  encampment,  taking  one  piece  of  cannon 
(loaded),  four  stands  of  colors,  all  their  camp  equipage,  stores  and 
baggage.  Our  cavalry  had  charged  and  routed  that  of  the  enemy 
upon  the  right,  and  given  pursuit  to  the  fugitives,  which  did  not 
cease  until  they  arrived  at  the  bridge  which  I  have  mentioned 
before,  Captain  Karnes,  always  among  the  foremost  in  danger,  com- 
manding the  pursuers.  The  conflict  in  the  breastwork  lasted  but  a 
few  moments;  many  of  the  troops  encountered  hand  to  hand,  and 
not  having  the  advantage  of  bayonets  on  our  side,  our  riflemen  used 
pieces  as  war  clubs,  breaking  many  of  them  off  at  the  breech.  The 
rout  commenced  at  half  past  four,  and  the  pursuit  by  the  main 
army  continued  until  twilight.  A  guard  was  then  left  in  charge  of 
the  enemy's  encampment,  and  our  army  returned  with  their  killed 
and  wounded.  In  the  battle  our  loss  was  two  killed  and  twenty- 
three  wounded,  six  of  them  mortally.  The  enemy's  loss  was  630 
killed,  among  whom  was  one  general  officer,  four  colonels,  two 
lieutenant-colonels,  five  captains,  twelve  lieutenants.  Wounded: 
208,  of  which  were:  five  colonels,  three  lieutenant-colonels,  two 
second  lieutenant-colonels,  seven  captains,  one  cadet.  Prisoners, 
730;  President-General  Santa  Anna,  General  Cos,  four  colonels, 
aides  to  General  Santa  Anna,  and  the  colonel  of  the  Guerrero  bat- 
talion are  included  in  the  number.  General  Santa  Anna  was  not 
taken  until  the  22nd,  and  General  Cos  on  yesterday,  very  few 
having  escaped. 

About  six  hundred  muskets,  three  hundred  sabres  and  two  hun- 
dred pistols  have  been  collected  since  the  action.  Several  hundred 
mules  and  horses  were  taken,  and  near  twelve  thousand  dollars  in 
specie.  For  several  days  previous  to  the  action  our  troops  were 
engaged  in  forced  marches,  exposed  to  excessive  rains,  and  the  addi- 
tional inconvenience  of  extremely  bad  roads,  illy  supplied  with 
rations  and  clothing;  yet,  amid  every  difficulty,  they  bore  up  with 
cheerfulness  and  fortitude,  and  performed  their  marches  with  spirit 
and  alacrity.  There  was  no  murmuring. 


264        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Previous  to  and  during  the  action,  my  staff  evinced  every  dispo- 
sition to  be  useful,  and  were  actively  engaged  in  their  duties.  In 
the  conflict  I  am  assured  they  demeaned  themselves  in  such  manner 
as  proved  them  worthy  members  of  the  Army  of  San  Jaciuto.  Col- 
onel Thos.  J.  Rusk,  Secretary  of  War,  was  on  the  field.  For  weeks 
his  services  had  been  highly  beneficial  to  the  army ;  in  battle  he  was 
on  the  left  wing,  where  Colonel  Sherman's  command  first  encoun- 
tered and  drove  the  enemy.  He  bore  himself  gallantly,  and  con- 
tinued his  efforts  and  activity,  remaining  with  the  pursuers  until 
resistance  ceased. 

I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  herewith  a  list  of  all  the  officers 
and  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  action,  which  I  respectfully 
request  may  be  published  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the  individuals. 
For  the  commanding  General  to  attempt  discrimination  as  to  the 
conduct  of  those  who  commanded  in  the  action,  or  those  who  were 
commanded,  would  be  impossible.  Our  success  in  the  action  is  con- 
clusive proof  of  such  daring  intrepidity  and  courage;  every  officer 
and  man  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  cause  in  which  he  battled, 
while  the  triumph  received  a  lustre  from  the  humanity  which  char- 
acterized their  conduct  after  victory,  and  richly  entitles  them  to  the 
admiration  and  gratitude  of  their  general.  Nor  should  we  with- 
hold the  tribute  of  our  grateful  thanks  from  that  Being  who  rules 
the  destinies  of  nations,  and  has  in  the  time  of  greatest  need 
enabled  us  to  arrest  a  powerful  invader,  whilst  devastating  our 
country. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  high  consideration. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

SAM  HOUSTON,  Commander-in-Chief. 


II. 

Extract  from  Santa  Anna's  Report. 

[Santa  Anna's  report  of  the  San  Jacinto  campaign  to  the  Minister  of 
War  and  Marine  is  dated  March  11,  1837.  The  copy  from  which  this  is 
translated  is  published  in  Ramon  Caro's  Verdadera  Idea  de  la  Primera 
Campana  de  Tejas,  78-106.  An  almost  complete  copy  may  also  be  found 
in  Filisola's  Memorials  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tejas,  II,  453-70. 
Though  extracts  of  the  report  have  from  time  to  time  been  translated,  no 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  265 

complete  translation  has  ever  appeared,  I  believe;  nor  is  this  one  complete. 
The  greater  part  of  what  follows  (the  amount  being  indicated  by  a  foot- 
note) was  furnished  me  by  Miss  Shirley  R.  Green,  of  Palestine,  Texas;  the 
remainder  is  taken  from  Maillard's  History  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  107- 
111. 

Describing  the  campaign  from  the  Mexican  point  of  view,  Santa  Anna 
has  this  to  say  upon  two  disputed  questions: 

A  Texan  soldier  captured  at  San  Felipe  declared  that  the  town  had  been 
burned  by  order  of  General  Houston. 

At  Harrisburg  he  was  told  that  Houston  would  retire  to  the  Trinity  by 
way  of  Lynchburg,  and  he  determined  to  intercept  him.] 

*  *  *  On  the  third  day  I  overtook  on  the  Guadalupe  river, 
across  from  the  burnt  village  of  Gonzales,  the  battalions  of  engi- 
neers and  sappers  from  Guadalajara,  which,  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Agustin  Amat,  were  marching  to  reinforce  General  Kami- 
rez  y  Sesma's  division. 

Two  days'  march  to  the  rear  Lieutenant-Colonel  Pedro  Ampudia 
followed  with  the  artillery,  implements  and  tools,  knapsacks  (sacos 
a  tierra),  ammunition  and  supplies  for  the  same  division. 

As  the  Guadalupe  was  swollen,  it  was  not  possible  that  the  troops 
and  train  referred  to  should  cross  the  river  with  the  necessary  dis- 
patch, a  delay  of  three  or  four  days  being  imperative.  *  *  * 
I  hastened  my  march,  and  on  the  fifth  day  arrived  at  Atascocita 
ford  on  said  river  [Colorado].  I  met  on  the  other  side  the 
division  of  General  Eamirez  y  Sesma,  and  he  informed  me  that  the 
enemy  having  retired  toward  the  Brazos,  a  chance  had  been  given 
him  to  cross  without  opposition ;  and  observing  that  there  was  only 
one  canoe,  I  recommended  to  the  permanent  battalion  of  Aldama, 
under  command  of  General  Adrian  Woll,  the  construction  of  rafts 
in  order  to  facilitate  the  march  of  the  section  left  with  General 
Filisola,  Believing  General  Gaona  to  be  on  the  march  toward  San 
Felipe  de  Austin,  according  to  his  answer  from  Bastrop,  a  town 
located  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Colorado,  30  leagues  to  the  west  of 
San  Felipe  de  Austin,  and  General  Urrea  towards  Brazoria,  located 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Brazos  river,  and  twenty-five  leagues  to  the 
south  of  the  said  San  Felipe,  I  continued  on  the  sixth  with  the 
division  of  General  Sesma  as  far  as  the  San  Bernard  creek,  and  at 
daybreak  on  the  seventh  arrived  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin.  This 
town,  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Brazos,  no  longer  existed, 
because  the  enemy  had  burned  it  and  sent  the  inhabitants  into  the 


266         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

interior,  as  at  Gonzales.  An  armed  Anglo-American  was  captured 
among  the  ruins  and  he  declared:  that  he  belonged  to  a  detach- 
ment of  150  men,  located  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  for  the  pur- 
pose of  defending  the  ford;  that  the  towns  were  burned  by  the  order 
of  their  general,  Samuel  Houston,  in  order  to  cut  the  Mexicans  off 
from  supplies;  that  Houston  was  to  be  found  in  a  thicket  near  the 
crossing  of  the  Gross  [Groce's]  15  leagues1  distant  on  our  left 
with  only  800  men  remaining  to  him;  and  that  his  intention  was 
to  retire  to  the  Trinity  river,  in  case  the  Mexicans  crossed  the  Bra- 
zos. 

Our  troops,  seen  at  a  distance  by  the  detachment  mentioned,  were 
fired  upon  from  a  redoubt.  *  *  *  I  immediately  reconnoitered 
the  bank  of  the  river,  right  and  left,  for  two  leagues,  hunting  a 
ford  by  which  to  make  a  surprise  by  night,  but  all  effort  was  fruit- 
less. The  breadth  and  depth  of  the  river  are  great,  it  was  swollen, 
and  not  even  a  small  canoe  was  to  be  found.  The  various  rivers 
which  traverse  that  country  present  great  obstacles  to  an  invading 
army:  they  are  full,  and  have  frequent  freshets  in  the  spring, 
caused  by  the  melted  snows  from  the  mountains.2  *  *  * 

On  the  8th  I  ordered  the  construction  of  two  flat  bottomed  boats, 
for  which  it  was  necessary  to  bring  wood  from  distant  points. 
Even  after  getting  to  work,  ten  or  twelve  days,  it  was  estimated, 
would  be  necessary  to  complete  them,  because  of  the  lack  of  carpen- 
ters ;  and  three  or  four  more  to  put  them  in  condition  for  use.  The 
loss  of  this  time  seemed  to  me  an  irreparable  evil,  the  ending  of  the 
campaign  before  the  rains  being  so  important,  in  consideration  of 
the  condition  of  the  army  of  the  republic,  as  I  shall  soon  be  able  to 
explain  to  the  nation. 

General  Filisola  did  not  arrive  at  the  Colorado,  and  General 
Gaona,  who  was  to  join  us,  did  not  announce  when  he  would  do  so. 
The  condition  of  the  hostile  chief  was  not  unknown  to  me.  Intimi- 
dated by  the  successive  triumphs  of  our  army ;  terrified  by  the  sight 
of  rapid  movements  over  ground,  which  by  nature  opposes  obstacles 
almost  insurmountable,  and  suffering  desertion  and  want,  which 
impelled  him  to  seek  safety  by  the  retreat  undertaken,  nothing  were 
easier  than  to  follow  and  destroy  him  before  he  could  recover  him- 
self. 

'Really  about  fifteen  miles. — E.  C.  B. 

:It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  tins  is  an  error. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  267 

We  were  unable  to  cross  the  Brazos  at  San  Felipe,  and  in  view  of 
such  previous  reasons,  I  resolved  to  make  a  reconnaissance  for  ten 
or  twelve  leagues  along  the  right  bank,  whose  side  (flanco)  I  judged 
to  be  covered  by  General  Urrea's  division,  which,  as  I  have  indi- 
cated, was  directed  upon  Brazoria.  To  that  end  I  marched  from 
San  Felipe  on  the  9th  with  500  grenadiers  and  scouts  and  50  horse, 
leaving  General  Ramirez  y  Sesma.  with  the  rest  of  his  division, 
which  could  reinforce  that  of  General  Gaona  at  any  time.  After 
three  days  of  laborious  marching  and  countermarching,  during  one 
of  which  I  made  on  foot  a  journey  of  five  leagues,  I  got  possession  of 
the  Thompson  ford,  in  spite  of  the  courage  of  a  scant  detachment  of 
the  enemy  which  defended  it,  and  which  succeeded  in  wounding 
only  one  grenadier  and  one  bugler.  By  this  extraordinary  move- 
ment, unforeseen  by  the  enemy,  I  came  into  possession  of  a  good  flat 
boat  and  two  skiffs.  *  *  *  General  Ramirez  y  Sesma,  according 
to  my  orders,  joined  me  on  the  13th.  General  Gaona  did  not 
appear. 

Through  some  neighboring  settlers,  one  of  them  a  Mexican,  I 
ascertained  that  in  the  village  of  Harrisburg,  about  twelve  leagues 
distant,  on  the  right  bank  of  Buffalo  bayo^^,  there  was  located  the 
so-called  governor  of  Texas;  Don  Lorenzo  Zavala;  and  the  other 
leaders  of  the  revolution,  and  that  their  capture  would  be  certain 
if  troops  could  be  rapidly  marched  against  them.  The  news  wa=? 
important.  *  *  *  I  sent  across  the  river  the  grenadiers  and 
sharpshooters  (Cazadores),  with  whom  I  had  taken  the  ford, 
together  with  the  permanent  battalion  of  Matamoras,  the  dragoons 
of  my  escort,  a  six-pound  gun,  and  50  boxes  of  musket  cartridges, 
and  undertook  the  march  to  Harrisburg  with  this  force  on  the 
evening  of  the  14th.  I  left  General  Ramirez  y  Sesma  at  Thomp- 
son's with  the  rest  of  his  division,  and  left  sealed  instructions  for 
General  Filisola. 

At  night  on  the  15th  I  entered  Harrisburg,  lighted  by  several 
burning  houses,  and  found  only  a  Frenchman  and  two  Americans 
in  a  printing  house.  They  said  that  the  so-called  President,  Vice- 
President,  and  other  persons  of  authority  had  set  out  at  midday  in 
a  steamboat  for  the  island  of  Galveston;  *  *  *  that  the  fire 
which  we  saw  was  accidental,  they  having  been  unable  to  extinguish 
it;  that  the  families  had  abandoned  their  homes  by  the  command  of 


268         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

General  Houston;  and  that  he  was  at  the  pass  of  Gross  with  800 
men,  and  two  four-pound  guns  (del  calibre  de  a  cuatro). 

The  capture  of  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  being  frustrated,  and 
knowing  the  rendezvous  of  the  enemy,  and  his  strength,  in  order  the 
better  to  concert  my  succeeding  movements,  I  ordered  that  Colonel 
Juan  Almonte  with  the  fifty  dragoons  of  my  escort  reconnoiter 
as  far  as  the  pass  of  Lynchburg  and  New  Washington.  From  the 
latter  place  the  said  colonel  communicated  to  me,  among  other 
things,  that  various  settlers  found  in  their  houses  had  uniformly 
asserted  that  General  Houston  was  retiring  towards  the  Trinity 
by  the  pass  of  Lynchburg. 

To  block  this  pass  for  Houston,  and  to  destroy  at  one  blow  the 
armed  strength  and  the  hopes  of  the  revolutionists,  was  too  impor- 
tant a  thing  to  let  slip.  It  occurred  to  me  to  take  the  Lynchburg 
pass  before  his  arrival,  and  to  avail  myself  of  the  advantage  in  posi- 
tion. My  first  command  was  directed  to  reinforcing  the  section 
accompanying  me,  composed  of  700  infantry,  50  horse,  and  one  can- 
non, until  it  should  be  superior  to  the  enemy  in  number,  as  it 
already  was  in  discipline;  and  I  ordered  General  Filisola  to  coun- 
termand the  advance  of  General  Cos  towards  Velasco,  which  I  had 
advised  in  my  instructions,  and  to  send  him  to  join  me  at  the  ear- 
liest moment  with  500  picked  infantry. 

Colonel  Almonte  being  engaged  at  the  port  of  New  Washington 
on  the  shore  of  Galveston  Bay,  [awaiting]  the  enemy's  ships  that 
might  arrive,  and  it  being  at  the  same  time  necessary  to  secure  the 
quantity  of  supplies  that  he  had  captured,  I  made  a  journey  to  that 
point  on  the  afternoon  of  the  18th.  On  my  arrival  there  I  found 
in  full  view  a  schooner,  which  for  lack  of  wind  could  not  get  away ; 
I  intended  to  seize  it  to  make  use  of  in  due  time  on  the  Island  of 
Galveston,  but  when  the  skiffs  and  flatboats,  which  Colonel 
Almonte  had  provided  himself  with,  were  made  ready,  a  steamship 
arrived  and  opened  fire  upon  him.1 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  I  sent  Captain  Barragan,  with 
some  dragoons,  to  a  point  on  the  Lynchburg  road,  three  leagues 
distant  from  New  Washington,  in  order  that  he  should  watch  and 
communicate  to  me,  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  arrival  of  Houston : 
and,  on  the  20th,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  informed  me 

lHere  ends  Miss  Green's  translation;  the  balance  is  taken  from  Mail- 
lard's  History  of  the  Republic  of  Texas. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  269 

that  Houston  had  just  got  to  Lynchburg.  It  was  with  the  greatest 
joy  that  all  the  individuals  belonging  to  the  corps,  then  under  my 
immediate  orders,  heard  the  news;  and  they  continued  the  march, 
already  begun,  in  the  best  spirit. 

At  my  arrival,  Houston  was  in  possession  of  a  wood  on  the  mar- 
gin of  Biiffalo  bayou,  which,  at  that  point,  empties  itself  into  the 
San  Jacinto  creek.  His  situation  rendered  it  indispensable  to 
fight;  and  my  troops  manifested  so  much  enthusiasm,  that  I  imme- 
diately began  the  battle.  Houston  answered  our  firing,  but  refused 
to  come  out  of  the  cover  of  the  wood.  I  wished  to  draw  him  into 
a  field  of  battle  suited  to  my  purpose,  and  in  consequence  withdrew 
about  one  thousand  yards  distance,  to  an  eminence  affording  a 
favorable  position,  with  abundance  of  water  on  my  rear,  a  thick 
wood  on  my  right,  and  a  large  plain  on  my  left.  Upon  my  execut- 
ing this  movement,  the  enemy's  fire  increased,  particularly  that  of 
his  artillery,  by  which  Captain  Fernando  Urriza  was  wounded. 
About  one  hundred  cavalry  sallied  out  of  the  wood,  and  boldly 
attacked  my  escort,  which  was  posted  on  the  left,  causing  it  to  fall 
back  for  a  few  moments  and  wounding  a  dragoon.  I  commanded 
two  companies  of  cazadores  to  attack  them,  and  they  succeeded  in 
repelling  them  into  the  wood. 

It  was  now  five  in  the  evening,  and  our  troops  wanted  rest  and 
refreshment,  which  I  permitted  them  to  take.  Thus  was  the 
remainder  of  the  day  spent.  We  lay  on  our  arms  all  night,  dur- 
ing which  I  occupied  myself  in  posting  my  forces  to  the  best 
advantage,  and  procuring  the  construction  of  a  parapet  to  cover  the 
position  of  our  cannon.  I  had  posted  three  companies  in  the  wood 
on  our  right,  the  permanent  battalion  of  Matamoras  formed  our 
body  of  battle  in  the  centre,  and  on  our  left  was  placed  the  cannon, 
protected  by  the  cavalry,  and  a  column  of  select  companies  (de  pre- 
ferencia),  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant- Colonel  Santiago 
Luelmo,  which  composed  the  reserve. 

On  the  21st,  at  nine  in  the  morning,  General  Cos  arrived  with 
four  hundred  men  belonging  to  the  battalions  of  Aldama,  Guer- 
rero, Toluca,  and  Guadalaxara,  having  left  one  hundred  men  under 
the  orders  of  Colonel  Muriano  Garcia,  with  their  loads  in  a  swampy 
place,  near  Harrisburg;  and  these  never  joined  me.  I  then  saw 
that  my  orders  had  been  contravened ;  for  I  had  asked  five  hundred 
select  infantry,  and  they  sent  me  raw  recruits,  who  had  joined  the 


270         2exas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

army  at  San  Louis  Potosi  and  Saltillo.  I  was  highly  displeased 
with  this  act  of  disobedience,  and  considered  the  new  reinforcement 
as  trifling,  whereas  I  had  before  its  arrival  entertained  well- 
founded  hopes  of  gaining  some  decisive  advantage  with  the  new 
succor,  which  was  to  have  given  me  the  superiority  of  numbers. 
I  disposed  myself,  however,  to  take  advantage  of  the  favorable  dis- 
position which  I  perceived  in  our  soldiers  on  the  arrival  of  General 
Cos;  but  the  latter  represented  to  me  that  having  made  a  forced 
march  in  order  to  reach  my  camp  early,  his  troops  had  neither  eaten 
nor  slept  during  twenty-four  hours,  and  that  while  the  baggage  was 
coming  up,  which  it  would  do  within  two  more  hours,  it  was  indis- 
pensable to  grant  some  refreshment  to  the  soldiers.  I  consented  to 
it,  but  in  order  to  keep  a  watch  over  the  enemy  and  protect  the  said 
baggage,  I  posted  my  escort  in  a  favorable  place,  reinforcing  it  with 
thirty-two  infantry,  mounted  on  officer's  horses.  Hardly  one  hour 
had  elapsed  since  that  operation,  when  General  Cos  begged  me,  in 
the  name  of  Don  Miguel  Aguirre,  the  commander  of  the  escort, 
that  I  would  permit  his  soldiers  to  water  their  horses,  which  had 
not  drunk  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  let  the  men  take  some 
refreshment.  Being  moved  by  the  pitiable  tone  in  which  this 
request  was  made,  I  consented,  commanding  at  the  time  that 
Aguirre  and  his  men  should  return  to  occupy  their  position  as  soon 
as  they  should  have  satisfied  their  necessities ;  and  his  disobedience 
to  this  order  concurred  to  favor  the  surprise  which  the  enemy 
effected. 

Feeling  myself  exceedingly  fatigued  from  having  spent  the  whole 
morning  on  horseback,  and  the  preceding  night  without  sleep,  I 
lay  down  under  the  shade  of  some  trees,  while  the  soldiers  were  pre- 
paring their  meal.  Calling  General  Castrillon,  who  acted  as 
major-general,  I  recommended  him  to  be  watchful  and  to  give  me 
notice  of  the  least  movement  of  the  enemy,  and  also  to  inform  me 
when  the  repast  of  the  soldiers  would  be  over,  because  it  was  urgent 
to  act  in  a  decisive  manner. 

I  was  in  a  deep  sleep  when  I  was  awakened  by  the  firing  and 
noise;  I  immediately  perceived  we  were  attacked,  and  had 
fallen  into  frightful  disorder.  The  enemy  had  surprised  our 
advance  posts.  One  of  their  wings  had  driven  away  the  three  com- 
panies (de  preferencia)  posted  in  the  wood  on  our  right,  and  from 
among  the  trees  were  now  doing  much  execution  with  their  rifles. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  271 

The  rest  of  the  enemy's  infantry  attacked  us  in  front  with  two 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  their  cavalry  did  the  same  on  our  right. 

Although  the  mischief  was  already  done,  I  thought  I  could  repair 
it,  and  with  that  view  sent  the  battalion  of  Aldama  to  reinforce  the 
line  of  battle  formed  by  that  of  Matamoras,  and  organized  a  column 
of  attack  under  the  orders  of  Don  Manuel  Cespedes,  composed  of 
the  permanent  battalion  of  Guerrero,  and  the  piquets  of  Toluca  and 
Guadalaxara,  which  moved  to  the  front  with  the  company  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Luelmo,  in  order  to  check  the  advance  of  the  enemy; 
but  my  efforts  were  vain.  The  line  was  abandoned  by  the  two  bat- 
talions that  were  covering  it;  and  notwithstanding  the  fire  of  our 
cannon,  the  two  columns  were  thrown  into  disorder,  Colonel  Ces- 
pedes being  wounded  and  Colonel  Luelmo  killed.  General  Cas- 
trillon,  who  ran  to  and  fro  to  re-establish  order  in  our  ranks,  fell 
mortally  wounded ;  and  the  new  recruits  threw  everything  into  con- 
fusion, breaking  their  ranks  and  preventing  the  veterans  from  mak- 
ing use  of  their  arms,  whilst  the  enemy  was  rapidly  advancing  with 
loud  hurrahs,  and  in  a  few  minutes  obtained  a  victory  which  they 
could  not,  some  hours  before,  even  have  dreamed  of. 

All  hopes  being  lost,  and  every  one  flying  as  fast  as  he  could, 
I  found  myself  in  the  greatest  danger,  when  a  servant  of  my  aide- 
de-camp,  Colonel  Don  Juan  Bringas,  offered  me  his  horse,  and  with 
the  tenderest  and  most  urging  expressions  insisted  upon  my  riding 
off  the  field.  I  looked  for  my  escort,  and  two  dragoons,  who  were 
hurriedly  saddling  their  horses,  told  me  that  their  officers  and  fel- 
low-soldiers had  all  made  their  escape.  I  remembered  that  General 
Filisola  was  only  seventeen  leagues  off,  and  I  took  my  direction 
towards  him,  darting  through  the  enemy's  ranks.  They  pursued 
me,  and  after  a  ride  of  one  league  and  a  half,  overtook  me  on  the 
banks  of  a  large  creek,  the  bridge  over  which  was  burned  by  the 
enemy  to  retard  our  pursuit.  I  alighted  from  my  horse  and  with 
much  difficulty  succeeded  in  concealing  myself  in  a  thicket  of  dwarf 
pines.  Night  coming  on,  I  escaped  them,  and  the  hope  of  reaching 
the  army  gave  me  strength.  I  crossed  the  creek  with  the  water  up 
to  my  breast  and  continued  my  route  on  foot.  I  found,  in  a  house 
which  had  been  abandoned,  some  articles  of  clothing,  which  enabled 
me  to  change  my  apparel.  At  eleven  o'clock,  a.  m.,  while  I  was 
crossing  a  large  plain,  my  pursuers  overtook  me  again.  Such  is  the 
history  of  my  capture.  On  account  of  my  change  of  apparel,  they 


272          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

did  not  recognize  me,  and  inquired  whether  I  had  seen  Santa 
Anna  ?  To  this  I  answered  that  he  had  made  his  escape ;  and  this 
answer  saved  me  from  assassination,  as  I  have  since  been  given  to 
understand. 

By  what  has  been  already  explained  Your  Excellency  will  see  at 
a  glance  the  principal  causes  of  an  event  which  with  good  reason 
was  a  surprise.  *  *  * 


III. 


[These  extracts  are  taken  passim  from  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  letter 
made  by  A.  D.  Darden,  and  deposited  by  Mr.  Bowers  in  the  Texas  State 
Library.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  original.  Baker's  motive  is  revealed  in 
a  sentence:  "In  my  recent  canvass  for  the  Senate,  you  descended  from 
your  political  elevation  and  engaged  with  warmth  and  zeal  against  me." 

Summary:     Houston  took  no  part  in  bringing  on  the  Texas  revolution. 

Houston's  force  at  Gonzales  numbered  500  men. 

In  the  panic  of  retreat  from  Gonzales,  Houston  threw  two  cannon  into 
the  Guadalupe  and  destroyed  much  baggage,  because  there  was  not  suffi- 
cient time  to  collect  the  baggage  animals  which  were  grazing.  For  the 
same  reason,  the  picket  guard  was  left  unnotified  of  the  retreat  (but  see 
infra,  294,  318). 

At  Season's,  on  the  Colorado,  Houston  had  from  1,500  to  1,700  men, 
and  sent  messengers  through  the  country  assuring  the  people  that  he 
intended  "to  whip  the  enemy  on  the  Colorado."  He  delayed  so  long  that 
both  officers  and  men  became  mutinous  in  their  desire  to  attack  Sesma, 

'The  MS.  is  accompanied  by  the  following  explanatory  letter  from  John 
M.  Bowers:  These  pages  on  the  history  of  Texas  were  written  by  Gen. 
Moseley  Baker  in  the  summer  of  1844  at  Evergreen,  his  plantation  on 
Galveston  Bay,  and  were  at  first  intended  for  publication.  Subsequent 
reasons  prevented  this,  and  in  the  spring  of  1845  he  gave  the  manuscript, 
together  with  a  number  of  old  newspapers  and  other  documents,  to  Col., 
then  Dr.,  Ashbel  Smith.  What  became  of  these  papers  I  do  not  know.  A 
few  years  before  Dr.  Smith's  death  he  sent  the  manuscript  to  Mrs.  Fanny 
A.  D.  Darden,  of  this  town,  the  only  surviving  child  of  Gen.  Baker,  and 
shortly  before  her  death  she  gave  it  to  me.  I  know  it  to  have  been  written 
in  1844,  as  I  was  a  near  neighbor  of  the  general's,  and  saw  him  write  the 
greater  portion  of  it. 

(Signed)  JOHN  M.  BOWEBS. 

Columbus,  Texas,  8th  December,  1894. 


The  San  Jatinto  Campaign.  273 

on  the  opposite  bank  with  700  men.  Houston  finally  promised  to  fight, 
but  immediately  retreated. 

At  San  Felipe,  threats  were  openly  made  to  depose  the  commander-in- 
chief. 

Moseley  Baker  refused  to  follow  Houston  up  to  Groce's,  and  the  latter 
then  ordered  him  to  remain  and  guard  San  Felipe,  and  to  burn  it  on  the 
"approach  of  the  enemy." 

At  Groce's  Houston  had  "not  more"  than  1,300  men;  Baker  had  85  at 
San  Felipe;  and  there  were  100  at  Fort  Bend. 

At  Donoho's  Houston  told  Baker  that  he  was  marching  to  Harrisburg 
by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  that  he  did  so  against  his  own 
better  judgment. 

About  500  men  left  the  army  between  the  Brazos  and  Harrisburg. 

Houston  had  900  men  at  Harrisburg. 

Deaf  Smith  originated  the  idea  of  burning  Vince's  bridge. 

Houston  was  forced  to  a  reluctant  consent  to  fight  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto  by  the  refusal  of  his  army  to  continue  the  retreat. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  engagement,  before  100  Mexicans  had  been  killed, 
Houston  ordered  a  halt.  Rusk  took  command,  and  continued  the  battle.] 

EVERGREEN,  October  — . 
To  Gen.  Sam  Houston. 

SIR:  A  regard  for  what  I  have  considered  the  public  interest 
has  induced  me  for  the  last  seven  years,  not  only  to  overlook  the 
numerous  outrages  I  have  sustained  at  your  hands,  but  also  in  my 
public  character  at  all  times  to  appear  as  your  friend  and  supporter. 

*  *     *     That  I  now  depart  from  my  heretofore  rule  of  action  is 
attributable  to  yourself  alone.    In  my  recent  canvass  for  the  Sen- 
ate, you  descended  from  your  political  elevation  and  engaged  with 
warmth  and  zeal  against  me.     *     *     * 

The  first  time  that  I  had  an  opportunity  of  forming  your 
acquaintance  was  at  Nacogdoches,  in  the  month  of  August,  1835. 

*  *    *    One  of  the  charges  that  I  have  made  against  you  and  to 
which  you  except  is  that  you  took  little  or  no  part  in  the  bringing 
about  of  the  revolution  of  Texas,  and  that,  although  you  had  been  a 
resident  of  Naeogdoches  for  three  years,  that  you  had  not  sufficient 
influence  to  give  tone  to  public  sentiment  even  in  your  own  county. 
This  charge  is  unquestionably  true,  and  yet  you  have  permitted  the 
idea  to  go  forth  that  you  were  a  prominent  actor  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  great  struggle ;  and  you  hear  yourself  spoken  of  as  the 
Patrick  Henry  of  the  revolution  without  contradicting  by  sign  or 
by  word  the  flagrant  mistake. 


274         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

*  *     *     I  venture  to  assert  that  you  never  forgot  how  universal 
was  the  lamentation  that  Milam  could  not  have  lived  to  command 
the  army  of  Texas.     Had  he  lived  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  would 
not  have  been  fought,  nor  would  sf  Mexican  army  ever  have  seen 
the  eastern  banks  of  the  Guadaloupe. 

*  *     *     On  your  arrival  at  Gonzales  you  immediately  assumed 
the  command  of  the  army.     *     *    *    You  marshaled  your  forces 
at  Gonzales,  and  found  yourself  .at  the  head  of  five  hundred  as  brave 
men  as  ever  shot  the  rifle,  the  most  of  whom  had  been  in  the  Mexi- 
can and  Indian  fights  of  the  country, — the  victors  of  Concepcion 
and  the  Grass  Fight,  and  the  capturers  of  Santa  Anna,  men  anx- 
ious for  a  fight  and  burning  for  an  opportunity  of  revenging  the  fate 
of  their  fellow  citizens  at  the  Alamo.    All  eyes  were  now  turned 
upon  you,  and  all  anxiously  awaited  the  first  movement  of  their  new 
commander.     No  one  doubted  but  that  the  order  would  be  to  cross 
the  Guadaloupe  and  fall  upon  Gen.  Siesma,  who  was  advancing 
upon  us  with  only  seven  hundred  men.     So  long  had  the  men  under 
your  command  been  accustomed  to  whip  the  enemy,  five,  and  often 
ten,  to  one,  that  the  most  enthusiastic  delight  existed  when  they 
found  that  they  were  about  to  have  an  opportunity  of  fighting  them 
on  even  terms.     But  how  astonished  was  that  army  when  you 
ordered  that  at  the  hour  of  midnight  a  retreat  would  commence. 

*  *     *     With  so  many  brave  men  under  your  command,  and  so 
many  rallying  from  the  settlements  to  your  army,  you  had  only  to 
give  the  word  and  then  Texian  rifles,  as  they  ever  did  before  and 
ever  since  have  done,  would  have  rushed  as  the  whirlwind  over  their 
pusillanimous  foe.    You  had  before  you  the  bright  example  of  John 
Austin,  who,  with  92  men,  captured  the  strong  fort  of  Velasco, 
garrisoned  by  170  men,  in  open  assault.1     You  had  before  you  the 
example  of  Fannin,  of  Burleson,  and  of  Milam.     *     *     *     But 

*  *     *     you  determined  that  your  first  military  act  should  be 
a  retreat.     *     *     * 

But  at  the  hour  of  midnight  your  retreat  did  commence,  and 
commenced  amid  a  scene  ever  disgraceful  to  Texian  arms.  You 
threw  your  only  two  pieces  of  cannon  into  the  river;  you  caused 
many  of  your  men  to  burn  their  tents  and  leave  their  baggage, 

'Yoaktim  says  (I,  204)  that  the  Mexican  force  here  was  only  125  men, 
while  that  of  the  Texans  was  112. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  275 

because  your  order,  given  just  before  night,  prevented  them  from 
finding  their  baggage  animals;  you  left  on  post  your  open  picket 
guard  unnotified  of  your  retreat;  and  as  we  passed  the  houses  of 
Gonzales,  our  ears  were  met  with  the  heart-rending  shrieks  of 
those  females,  who  heretofore,  confidently  depending  on  Texian 
courage,  had  made  no  provision  for  a  removal ;  and  last,  though  not 
least,  our  way  was  lighted  by  the  unnecessary  and  indefensible 
burning  of  Gonzales.1  Such,  sir,  is  a  faint  picture  of  your  first 
military  move.  I  will  not  renew  your  recollection  by  a  further 
review  of  the  horrors  of  that  disgraceful  night.  Worn  down  in 
spirit  and  body,  we  reached,  shortly  before  day,  Peach  creek,  ten 
miles  this  side  of  Gonzales.  Here  your  men  confidently  expected 
that  you  would  make  a  stand,  because  on  your  retreat  from  Gonzales 
you  said  you  would  retreat  to  the  tall  timbers,  and  no  one  for  a 
moment  thought  that  you  had  any  intention  of  proceeding  as  far 
as  the  Colorado.  But  you  precipitately  left  your  camp  early 
that  same  morning,  induced  by  a  sound  resembling  that  of  a  can- 
non which  repeatedly  elicited  from  you  the  expression  that  you 
"had  no  idea  that  the  enemy  would  be  upon  you  so  soon,"  but  which 
we  afterwards  learned  was  only  the  explosion  of  whisky  barrels  in 
ill-fated  Gonzales.  You  made  forced  marches  for  the  Colorado 
amid  the  murmurings  and  complaints  of  your  dissatisfied  army. 
You  crossed  the  Colorado  fifteen  miles  above  the  great  crossing  at 
Season's;  taking  a  solitary  and  unusual  route,  one  certainly  which 
the  enemy  would  not  think  of  taking,  and  which  they  did  not  take. 
You  remained  there  *  *  *  2days,  and  finally  at  the  remon- 
strance of  many  of  your  officers  and  the  universal  complaints  of 
your  men,  you  removed  down  to  Beason's  crossing.  *  *  *  What 
possible  reason  could  you  have  for  going  to  Burnham's  crossing? 
No  one  that  I  have  ever  heard  speak  on  the  subject  has  been  able  to 
assign  any.  *  *  * 

You  are  now,  sir,  encamped  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Colo- 
rado, with  an  army  numbering  from  fifteen  hundren  to  seventeen 
hundred  men.  But  we  will  here  make  a  pause,  and,  leaving  out 
of  the  question  the  disgracefulness  of  the  retreat,  make  some 
inquiry  into  its  influence  on  the  better  interests  of  the  country. 

JThe  town  was  not  burned  until  after  the  army  had  left  it. — E.  C.  B. 
"Illegible.— E.  C.  B. 


276         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

When  you  commenced  your  retreat  from  Gonzalee  Col.  Fannin  was 
at  Goliad  with  five  hundred  men.  You  attempted  no  diversion  in 
his  favor,  you  attempted  no  co-operation,1  you  sent  him  no  intelli- 
gence of  your  movements,  of  your  ulterior  intention.  *  *  * 
How  easy  it  would  have  been  for  you  to  have  fallen  down  upon 
Victoria  and  by  uniting  with  Fannin  have  brought  off  his  whole 
detachment  in  safety;  for  your  army  by  that  time,  with  the  numer- 
ous recruits  there  were  coming  in,  would  have  equaled  at  least  fif- 
teen hundred  men,  a  number  that  under  any  other  leader  would  not 
have  thought  of  a  retreat;  but  would  have  marched  to  battle  and 
to  certain  victory.  *  *  * 

By  your  retreat  you  abandoned  the  whole  country  west  of  the 
Colorado  to  the  enemy ;  but  what  was  still  more  disastrous  than  all, 
you  infused  a  feeling  of  terror  and  dismay  into  the  minds  of  the 
people;  and  so  soon  as  it  was  heard  that  you  were  retreating,  hun- 
dreds who  were  on  their  way  to  join  the  army  at  once  returned  for 
the  purpose  of  removing  their  families  beyond  danger.  The  people 
of  Texas,  although  aware  of  their  vast  inferiority  in  point  of  num- 
ber, to  the  Mexicans,  yet  had  boldly  gone  into  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, reasoning  from  numerous  battles  that  had  occurred,  that 
they  were  a  full  match  for  the  Mexicans  with  a  difference  of  ten  to 
one.  When  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  made,  it  was  sup- 
posed that  Santa  Anna  had  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  in  Texas, 
and  yet  the  people,  so  far  from  running  away,  were  hastening  to  the 
army  for  the  purpose  of  "enjoying  a  frolic"  in  whipping  the  Mexi- 
cans, as  they  styled  it.  So  soon,  however,  as  it  was  found  that  you 
were  retreating,  a  new  face  was  given  to  the  whole  matter.  It  was 
at  once  said  that  Texas  was  lost,  that  the  men  we  now  had  to  fight 
were  a  different  order  from  the  Mexicans  we  had  so  often  whipped. 
It  was  said  that  Santa  Anna  with  choice  legions  was  coming  down 
upon  us,  and  that  so  far  from  whipping  them  ten  to  one,  we  were 
unable  to  contend  with  them  man  to  man.  So  soon  as  you  crossed 
the  Colorado  the  families  all  to  the  west  of  that  river  hurried  away 
to  the  settlements  on  the  east  side,  and  by  the  dreadful  accounts 
given  in  their  terror  the  feeling  became  general,  and  universal  con- 
sternation seized  the  country.  Thousands  who  had  a  week  before 

'Houston  ordered  him  to  fall  back  to  Victoria  "as  soon  as  practicable." — 
E  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  277 

little  dreamed  that  anything  was  to  be  apprehended  from  Mexicans, 
who  were  going  and  preparing  to  go  to  the  army,  were  now  scat- 
tered throughout  the  land,  fleeing  from  the  wrath  behind  them. 
The  situation  of  things  at  this  time  was  awful.  You  yourself  per- 
ceived the  magnitude  of  your  folly  and  you  sent  messengers 
throughout  the  country,  telling  the  people  to  stay  at  home,  that 
you  intended  to  fight  and  to  whip  the  enemy  on  the  Colorado. 
This  assurance  had  a  most  salutary  influence.  A  large  number  did 
stop  in  their  career,  and  many  of  them  were  hurrying  to  the  army 
when  they  found  they  were  in  full  retreat  to  the  Brazos.  All  confi- 
dence in  you  now  was  gone;  people  gave  up  the  country  as  wholly 
lost,  and  then  commenced  that  "runaway  scrape"  as  'tis  called  in 
Texas,  which  did  not  stop  until  many  had  passed  the  Sabine  and 
others  heard  of  the  fortune  of  our  arms  at  San  Jacinto. 

*  *  *  You  were  now,  as  I  have  before  said,  encamped  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Colorado.  You  now  have  an  army  of  from  fif- 
teen hundred  to  seventeen  hundred  men,  and  notwithstanding  the 
terrible  panic  that  has  siezed  the  country,  you  have  every  reason  to 
believe  that  a  short  time  will  make  it  two  thousand.  On  the  oppo- 
site side  Gen.  Siesma,  the  Mexican  general,  is  encamped  with  seven 
hundred  men.  Your  spies  assure  you  that  no  reinforcement  is  at 
hand,  that  his  encampment  can  easily  be  approached ;  and  one  uni- 
versal burst  from  the  army  desired  you  to  lead  them  to  the  conflict ; 
yet  3rou  hesitated.  *  *  *  C0|.  Sherman,  who  commanded  the 
crossing  at  Dewees's  earnestly  entreated  that  he  might  be  permitted 
to  cross  over  with  three  hundred  men,  promising  to  rout  the  enemy 
or  not  return  alive.  This  you  declined  and  yet  hesitated  to  fight. 
You  hesitated  so  long  that  the  most  mutinous  feeling  began  to  show 
itself,  and  to  allay  the  storm,  you  unequivocally  assured  the  army 
that  you  would  fight  on  the  next  morning  at  daybreak.  You  even 
went  so  far  as  to  write  letters  to  families  on  the  Colorado  to  remain 
at  home,  assuring  them  that  you  would  fight  next  morning  at  day- 
break. *  *  *  That  morning,  however,  *  *  *  broke  to  an  army 
dispirited  and  mutinous,  desperate  in  the  highest  degree;  but  still 
unresolved  what  to  do.  You  had  promised  in  the  morning  to  fight 
at  daj'break  of  the  next ;  but  on  the  evening  of  that  same  day  you 
called  the  army  together  and  made  it  a  speech.  You  represented  the 
imperative  necessity  of  the  encampment  being  removed  to  a  place 
where  water  and  grass  could  be  had,  and  although  this  seemed  unac- 


278         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

eountably  strange,  when  you  were  engaged  to  fight  the  next  morn- 
ing, yet  your  order  was  obeyed,  and  you  retreated  seven  miles  that 
evening.  No  one  had  the  most  distant  conception  that  you  were 
retreating  from  the  enemy  until  they  came  up  with  Col.  Sherman's 
command.  *  *  *  The  whole  country  west  of  that  river  was 
now  possessed  by  the  enemy ;  universal  panic  had  siezed  the  people ; 
women  and  children  were  flying  in  crowds  from  their  homes  and 
scattered  throughout  the  land,  presented  ah  object  of  harrowing 
pity  that  made  your  brave  army  weep.  Fannin  had  now  capitu- 
lated to  an  overwhelming  force  and  his  fate  was  uncertain.  Had 
you  crossed  the  river  and  captured  Siesma  and  his  army,  as  you 
could  have  so  easily  done,  you  would  have  had  such  hostages  as 
would  have  saved  Fannin  and  his  men  from  the  cruel  fate  to  which 
they  were  destined.  *  *  *  But,  sir,  independent  of  all  other 
considerations,  in  a  military  point  of  view,  now  was  the  time  to 
fight.  Texas,  as  I  have  before  stated,  had  gone  into  this  revolution 
anticipating  that  she  would  have  to  battle  with  the  odds  largely 
against  her.  If  she  could  not  whip  Mexico  man  to  man,  then 
indeed  was  her  cause  helpless;  but  here  by  some  strange  infatua- 
tion, a  force  of  seven  hundred  men  had  deliberately  thrown  itself 
in  your  way  and  you  had  but  to  reach  forth  your  hand  to  capture 
it.  If  you  could  not  destroy  this  force,  then  was  utter  ruin  to 
Texas  the  consequence.  If  with  two  to  one  you  were  not  a  match 
for  Siesma,  when  and  where  and  how  did  you  expect  to  contend 
with  Santa  Anna,  when  he  should  unite  his  detachments  and  mar- 
shal an  army  of  ten  thousand,  as  you  then  supposed,  animated  by 
its  victories  and  confident  of  success  ?  You  could  not  have  thought 
ever  to  have  had  a  better  opportunity  than  the  one  before  you. 
*  *  *  As  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  Texas  you  could  not 
have  placed  Santa  Anna's  forces  in  a  more  disadvantageous  situa- 
tion for  himself  or  more  advantageous  for  yourself.  Siesma  had 
seven  hundred  men  on  the  Colorado  before  you.  Santa  Anna  was 
at  Gonzales,  sixty  miles  distant,  on  the  march  with  one  thousand 
men  under  Filisola.  Gaona  was  on  the  march  to  Bastrop  with  one 
thousand  men,  on  his  way  to  the  Trinity  (the  upper  route) ;  Gen. 
Andrade  was  at  Bexar  with  fifteen  hundred  men;  Gen.  Urrea  at 
Goliad  with  two  thousand  men;  and  numerous  small  detachments 
scattered  at  different  points  to  the  west  of  San  Antonio.  Now,  sir, 
by  routing  Siesma,  you  could  have  immediately  have  fallen  upon 


The  /San  Jacinto  Campaign.  279 

Santa  Anna  on  his  Avay  from  Gonzales,  and  have  given  him  battle 
with  nearly  two  to  one  in  your  favor.  A  victory  over  him  would 
have  given  you  the  choice  of  attacking  Gaona  or  Urrea,  as  you 
might  have  deemed  proper,  without  the  ability  on  the  part  of  one 
to  have  assisted  the  other.  With  the  exception  of  Urrea,  every 
detachment  of  Santa  Anna's  army  was  inferior  in  point  of  numbers 
to  your  own,  and  you  then  and  there  *  *  *  refused  an  advan- 
tage which  Providence  appeared  to  have  given  you.  *  *  *  YOU 
have  since  given  as  a  reason  for  not  fighting  at  the  Colorado  that 
your  cannon  had  not  arrived,  and  you  have  endeavored  to  affix  the 
blame  on  Col.  John  A.  Wharton,  who,  you  say,  prevented  the  arrival 
of  the  cannon.  *  *  * 

The  morning  that  you  had  promised  to  fight  the  enemy  found 
you  in  full  retreat  for  the  Brazos.  *  *  *  That  night  you 
reached  San  Felipe,  and  propositions  from  many  quarters  were 
made  to  depose  you.  I  certainly  supposed  that  next  morning  it 
would  be  done  at  all  events;  it  was  well  understood,  as  I  supposed 
with  a  considerable  portion  of  the  army  that  they  would  not  follow 
you  longer.  On  the  next  morning  you  determined  to  leave  San 
Felipe  and  to  go  up  the  Brazos  twenty  miles.  Your  army  followed 
you  with  the  exception  of  my  company.  Satisfied  that  you  had  no 
intention  to  fight,  I  indignantly  refused  longer  to  follow  you.  You 
put  your  army  in  motion  and  when  you  found  that  I  would  no 
longer  be  led  by  you,  you  rode  back  to  me  in  person  and  gave  me 
orders  to  take  post  opposite  San  Felipe  with  my  command,  and  gave 
me  orders  to  burn  the  town  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  You 
pursued  your  route  up  the  Brazos  and  finally  encamped  amid  some 
lakes,  at  a  spot  to  which  no  roads  ran.  Will  you  tell  me  why  you 
went  there?  Why  you  abandoned  the  crossing  at  San  Felipe,  the 
great  public  highway  of  the  country?  I  will  tell  you.  You  were 
bound  for  the  Red  Lands,  and  went  there  in  order  that  you  might 
at  all  times  be  at  least  twenty  miles  ahead  of  the  enemy.  By  going 
there  you  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy  the  whole  population  of 
the  Brazos  from  San  Felipe  down.  Not  dreaming  that  you  would 
retreat  from  the  Colorado,  but  few  of  the  Brazos  families  had 
removed,  and  when  they  did  you  had  removed  up  the  Brazos. 
*  *  *  I  had  but  forty  men  with  which  to  protect  the  crossing 
at  San  Felipe,  and  although  you  ordered  me  forthwith  to  cross  over 
my  men,  I  saw  proper  to  refuse.  I  remained  on  the  western  side 


280         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

until  I  had  seen  every  family  in  San  Felipe  across  the  river.  *  *  * 
Satisfied  that  should  the  enemy  effect  a  crossing  at  San  Felipe,  the 
whole  population  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  below,  as  well  as 
that  numerous  population  making  its  way  to  San  Jacinto,  would 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  I  went  forthwith  to  cutting  down 
trees  and  digging  ditches,  determined  to  protect  the  crossing  at  all 
hazards.  My  work  was  not  complete  when  Santa  Anna  in  person 
with  a  thousand  men  arrived.  When  he  came,  I  had  but  forty  men 
and  had  besides  a  number  of  Mexicans  who  you  considered  enemies 
and  whom  you  gave  me  to  guard.  Notwithstanding  the  continued 
cannonading  that  we  sustained,  my  men  were  undaunted.  *  *  * 
After  several  days  skirmishing,  the  enemy  retreated  and  crossed  at 
Fort  Bend,  below. 

Your  retreating  policy  now  began  to  develop  its  consequences. 
Although  many  on  the  Brazos  joined  you,  and  two  companies  on 
your  retreat  from  the  Colorado,  yet  your  army  at  your  camp  now 
could  not  muster,  in  all  probability,  over  thirteen  hundred  men. 
Volunteers  had  joined  me  at  San  Felipe,  making  my  force  eighty- 
five  men.  At  Fort  Bend,  thirty  miles  below,  there  were  one  hun- 
dred men;  and  still  below,  under  Col.  Morehouse  (now  Gen.  More- 
house)  and  Capt.  Eberly  *  *  *1  men.  You  had  lost  some  three 
or  four  hundred  men  who  had  been  with  you  at  the  Colorado,  but 
who  now  were  satisfied  that  you  would  not  fight,  had  left  the  army, 
and  gone  to  take  care  of  their  families.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  had  you  fallen  down  to  San  Felipe,  and  ordered  up  the  com- 
panies from  below,  you  would  have  had  some  seventeen  hundred 
fighting  men;  and  had  you  made  such  a  demonstration  as  would 
have  left  no  doubt  of  your  fighting,  in  two  days  time  you  could  have 
confidently  counted  on  two  thousand  men.  *  *  *  You  had  the 
steamer  Yellowstone  at  your  command,  the  river  was  very  high  and 
any  other  man  than  yourself  would  not  have  desired  a  more  favor- 
able opportunity  for  attacking  the  enemy.  But  no;  there  you 
remained,  resisting  the  earnest  entreaties  of  your  officers  and  men 
for  battle.  *  *  *  You  have  repeatedly  stated  that  the  reason 
you  did  not  fight  on  the  Colorado  was  because  you  had  no  can- 
non. You  had  two  good  pieces  on  the  Brazos,  and  yet  you  did  not 
fight.2  *  *  *  You  also  deny  having  given  me  an  order  to  burn 

'Illegible.— E.  C.  B. 

The  cannon  did  not  arrive  till  the  llth. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  281 

San  Felipe.  *  *  *  My  statement  received  full  credit  before 
the  auditorial  court.  *  *  * 

You  then  sent  down  an  officer  of  the  line  to  bring  up  all  below 
your  camp.  *  *  *  I  believed  you  were  running  to  the  Eed 
Lands,  and  believed  it  my  duty  to  use  every  attempt  to  depose  you, 
if  you  should  take  the  road  for  the  east ;  but  on  learning  on  the  next 
day  that  you  were  bound  for  Galveston  bay,  in  accordance  with  the 
orders  of  the  Secretary  at  Washington,  I  overlooked  the  past  and 
followed  cheerfully  your  command. 

*  *  *  It  is  true  you  were  nominally  the  head  of  the  army, 
because  you  had  been  appointed  by  the  Convention ;  but  the  govern- 
ment existed  now  only  in  the  imagination.  Your  retreating  policy 
had  caused  the  inhabitants  in  a  body  to  move  in  the  direction  of 
the  Sabine.  The  men  with  you  were  nearly  all  that  remained  of 
the  population ;  and  our  hopes  of  liberty,  of  homes,  and  of  property 
now  depended  on  our  own  exertions.  *  *  *  By  calling  to  your 
assistance  the  companies  from  below  and  letting  it  be  distinctly 
understood  that  you  would  fight  the  enemy  on  the  Brazos,  you  could 
have  commanded  two  thousand  men;  with  two  pieces  of  artillery 
and  a  steamboat  to  facilitate  your  operations.  The  enemy  were 
now  situated  as  follows:  Santa  Anna  and  Siesma  at  San  Felipe 
with  one  thousand  men;  Gaona  on  the  road  from  Bastrop  to  San 
Felipe,  distant  at  least  seventy  miles,  Filisola  between  the  Guada- 
loupe  and  the  Colorado,  distant  at  least  sixty  miles ;  Urrea  at  Mata- 
gorda,  distant  ninety  miles;  and  the  remainder  of  Santa  Anna's 
troops  to  the  west  of  the  San  Antonio  river.  You  could  have  fallen 
upon  Santa  Anna  with  two  to  one  in  your  favor,  or  you  could  have 
attacked  General  Gaona,  having  in  your  favor  the  same  odds,  with- 
out the  possibility  of  any  detachment  giving  assistance  to  the  other. 
You  now  had  it  in  your  power  to  have  defeated  in  detail  every 
detachment  of  Santa  Anna's  army,  with  a  large  numerical  superi- 
ority on  your  part,  and  yet  not  a  gun  was  fired  at  them,  except  what 
was  done  from  my  camp  and  from  the  one  at  Fort  Bend. 

The  necessity  of  doing  something  decisive  was  now  apparent  to 
all,  for  the  most  sanguine  spirits  in  your  army  now  began  to 
despond.  *  *  *  You  felt  that  the  cause  of  Texas  was  forever 
lost,  and  you  determined  to  retreat  at  least  to  the  very  bosom  of  the 
Eed  Lands.  But  immaterial  what  was  the  cause,  the  necessity  for  a 


282         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

fight  was  now  so  apparent  that  the  army  generally,  as  I  have  always 
understood,  determined  that  a  fight  should  be  had  and  that  you 
should  be  deposed.  *  *  *  If  you  continued  your  flight  to  the 
Eed  Lands,  then  all  that  portion  of  the  population  which  had 
crossed  the  San  Jacinto  on  the  lower  route  must  inevitably  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans  and  Cushatte  Indians. 
If  you  took  the  lower  route  without  fighting  them,  all  that  portion 
of  the  population  which  had  gone  to  the  Trinity  by  way  of  Robin's 
ferry  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  General  Gaona,  who  was  then 
supposed  to  be  on  that  route,  and  of  the  Cherokees  and  other 
Indians,  whose  hostility  now  began  to  be  more  and  more  apparent. 
You  and  your  army  might  escape  by  taking  a  middle  route,  and 
what  course  you  would  pursue  was  the  important  question.  When 
you  left  your  camp  at  Donoho's  the  question  was  now  settled  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  army.  *  *  *  Much  the  larger  portion 
believed  that  you  were  bound  for  the  Red  Lands,  and  the  most 
intense  anxiety  prevailed  as  we  approached  the  fork  of  the  roads, 
one  going  in  the  direction  of  Nacogdoches  and  the  other  to  Harris- 
burg.  Had  you  taken  the  road  to  Nacogdoches,  that  hour  would 
have  terminated  your  command  and  another  would  have  been 
placed  in  your  stead.  Fortunate,  however,  for  you  and  for  Texas, 
the  Secretary  of  War,  Gen.  Rusk,  had  now  arrived  in  camp.  Con- 
trary to  your  intention  and  your  judgment,  he  ordered  you  to  march 
in  the  direction  of  Linchburg.  This  I  had  from  your  own  lips. 
You  stated  to  me,  on  the  day  of  the  march  after  leaving  Donoho's, 
"that  you  were  not  and  would  not  be  responsible  for  the  move,  and 
that  you  were  now  going  to  Linchburg  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of 
War,  whose  order  you  had  in  your  pockets."  That  route,  you,  how- 
ever, did  take,  and  a  more  heart-rending  scene  Texas  never  wit- 
nessed. Afraid  of  the  Indians  on  either  route,  a  large  number  of 
families,  I  should  say  not  less  than  three  hundred  women  and  chil- 
dren, had  remained  within  a  few  miles  of  your  camp ;  but  now  they 
were  seen  scattering  in  every  direction,  some  taking  one  route  and 
some  another,  weeping  and  wailing.  The  rumors  of  an  Indian  out- 
break aggravated  the  horrors  of  the  period,  but  more  than  all,  the 
conviction  that  you  did  not  intend  to  fight  heightened  the  despair. 
While  you  were  on  your  route  to  Harrisburg  it  was  not  known  that 
the  enemy  were  on  the  way  to  Linchburg,  and  as  you  did  not  see 
proper  to  go  where  you  knew  the  enemy  were,  dismay  was  the  con- 


The  San  Jacinto  Camyaign.  283 

sequence.  At  least  five  hundred  men  in  the  course  of  twenty-four 
hours  abandoned  the  army  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  their  fami- 
lies and  friends,  believing  that  Texas  was  intrinsically  lost. 

You  are  now,  however,  on  your  route  to  Linchburg,  and  of  course 
you  have  some  object  in  going  there.  You  say  to  fight  the  enemy. 
Be  it  so.  We  will  look  to  your  movements.  While  you  were  at 
Donoho's,  seventy  miles  from  Linchburg,  Santa  Anna  has  crossed 
the  river  at  a  point  forty-five  miles  from  Linchburg.  Your  object, 
'you  say,  was  to  intercept  him.  Let  us  inquire  how  you  manage. 
Your  first  day's  march  is  to  McCurley's,  thirteen  miles ;  your  second 
to  Burnett's,  fifteen  miles;  your  next  is  fifteen  miles,  and  about 
eleven  o'clock  on  the  next  day,  18th  of  April,  you  arrive  opposite 
Harrisburg.  Immediately  on  your  arrival,  the  mail  destined  to 
Santa  Anna  was  captured,  and  now  for  the  first  time  you  know  that 
he  is  below  you  in  the  neighborhood  of  Linchburg,  having  passed 
through  Harrisburg  the  evening  of  the  16th.  *  *  *  The  cap- 
tured mail  gave  you  information  of  Santa  Anna's  position,  and 
that  he  had  with  him  only  five  hundred  men.1  You  could  now  mus- 
ter, say,  nine  hundred  men.  You  were  now  between  him  and  the 
balance  of  his  forces.  *  *  *2 

Why  did  you  do  so?  It  was  not  for  the  purpose  of  a  fight, 
because,  as  I  have  stated,  you  have  already  passed  the  enemy,  and 
by  this  move  you  place  him  between  you  and  his  army  on  the  Bra- 
zos. *  *  *  At  the  ferry  (Lynch's)  you  can  have  no  wood,  no 
timber  to  shelter  you  from  the  hot  burning  rays  of  the  sun ;  but  in 
a  flat,  marshy  ground,  without  scarcely  a  dry  place  for  an  encamp- 
ment, you  have  rushed  your  army,  leaving  the  high  sheltered 
ground  in  your  rear,  from  which  the  enemy  oould  play  his  artillery 
without  danger  or  risk.  But,  *  *  *  I  do  not  believe  you  had 
any  idea  of  encamping  in  such  a  place.  I  am  satisfied  that  it  was 
your  purpose  to  cross  the  San  Jacinto  and  place  that  stream 
between  you  and  the  enemy.  And  I  am  supported  in  this  opinion 
by  your  very  next  movement.  Having  almost  reached  the  ferry, 
messenger  after  messenger  in  quick  succession  arrived,  stating  that 
the  Mexican  army  was  just  in  your  rear.  To  cross  from  the  ferry 

'He  really  had  750  men. — E.  C.  B. 

"The  copyist  has  inserted  a  note  saying  that  here  a  part  of  the  original 
MS.  is  lost.— E.  C.  B. 


284         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

was  impossible,  to  encamp  where  you  were  was  equally  so ;  and  you 
gave  orders  for  the  army  immediately  to  retrograde  and  form  the 
encampment  on  Buffalo  bayou,  in  the  timber  through  which  we 
had  previously  passed.  This  was  barely  effected  when  Santa  Anna 
appeared  in  full  view.  *  *  *  Your  own  brave  army  quailed 
not,  but  with  ready  rifle  anxiously  awaited  the  word  to  charge. 

*  *     *     But  no  such  fortune  was  in  store.     Your  order  was  for 
them  to  remain  under  the  bank  and  not  to  show  themselves.    You 
played  upon  the  enemy  with  your  cannon,  before  which  they  imme- 
diately quailed  and  obliqued  to  an  island  of  timber,  distant,  say, 
four  hundred  yards,  from  whence  they  cannonaded  you  some  hours. 

*  *     *     You  are  almost  twice  their  strength  in  numbers1  and  you 
are  urged  to  the  fight  by  the  almost  frantic  demands  of  the  army, 
for  so  frantic  was  the  demand  for  a  fight  that  it  was  with  the 
utmost  difficulty  that  I  could  prevent  my  company  from  rushing  on 
the  enemy.     *     *     *     But  no  order  for  a  fight  came  and  you  suf- 
fered the  Mexicans  unmolested  to  retreat  to  an  encampment  about 
a  mile  distant,  from  whence  some  hours  they  continued  to  can- 
nonade you.     *     *     *     On  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  one  universal 
clamor  prevailed  throughout  your  ranks.     You  were  an  object  of 
hatred  and  disgust,  and  the  proposition  was  entertained  to  arrest 
you  for  the  future  disposition  of  the  Cabinet,  and  to  place  some 
one  in  your  stead.     The  most  of  the  field  officers,  I  know,  had  no 
objection  to  its  being  done;  but  their  refusal  to  take  the  lead  pre- 
vented any  action  on  the  part  of  others.     In  this  condition  of  feel- 
ing we  remained  until  a  call  was  made  for  volunteer  cavalry  to  go 
out  on  some  expedition  not  publicly  known.     Some  fifty  or  sixty 
cavalry  under  Colonel  Sherman  did  go  out  and  boldly  attacked  the 
enemy  in  his  lines,  drove  back  their  cavalry,  and  maintained  their 
ground  for  some  time  against  the  whole  Mexican  force.     *     *     * 
It  is  the  first  opportunity  that  any  portion  of  your  army  has  had  of 
trying  strength  with  the  enemy  on  an  open  field,  and  it  is  sufficient 
to  say  that  they  covered  themselves  with  glory.     They  demonstrated 
to  you  and  to  your  army  that  the  men  before  whom  we  had  so  long 

*  *     *    retreated  were  the  same  pusilanimous  foe  that  we  had 
ever  whipped.     *     *     *     Your  camp  that  night  and  succeeding 
morning  was  one  of  uproar  and  confusion.     Officers  and  men  were 

Houston  had  783  men,  Santa  Anna  750. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  285 

seen  grouped  together  discussing  the  practicability  of  doing  any- 
thing. *  *  *  When  next  morning  it  was  understood  that  you 
had  ordered  a  floating  bridge  to  be  built  across  the  bayou,  one 
universal  expression  was  that  it  should  not  be  done.  During  the 
forenoon  of  that  day  various  members  of  the  army  were  seen  pub- 
licly and  fearlessly  going  from  company  to  company,  *  *  * 
soliciting  volunteers  to  fight  the  enemy  without  your  consent. 
During  this  period  of  exasperation  Gen.  Cos  was  seen  by  our  cav- 
alry marching  into  Santa  Anna's  camp  with  a  re-enforcement  from 
the  Brazos.  Your  relative  positions  were  now  changed.  Santa 
Anna  had  now  become  nearly  double  your  strength  in  point  of 
numbers,  and  every  hour  you  have  reason  to  believe  will  now  add  to 
that  strength.  In  this  emergency  you  are  still  unresolved  what  to 
do.  You  dare  not  attempt  to  cross  the  San  Jacinto;  you  cannot 
retreat  back  the  way  you  came,  because  you  have  every  reason  to 
believe  that  you  will  meet  the  whole  Mexican  force.  You  have  no 
provisions  in  your  camp,  and  you  are  now  fairly  at  bay.  In  this 
*  **  Deaf  Smith  rode  up  to  you  and  asked  to  take  some  men 
and  burn  the  bridge  over  Vince's  bayou,  in  order  to  delay  any  re-en- 
forcement that  might  be  coining  from  the  Brazos.  This  you 
granted  and,  although  your  situation  is  now  one  of  victor}'  or  death, 
still  you  are  unresolved  what  to  do.  One  universal  demand  is 
heard  from  all  parts  of  your  camp,  not  in  the  language  of  entreaty, 
but  in  the  dictatorial  language  of  freemen,  whose  all  was  now 
involved.  You  were  plainly  told  that  you  must  fight  or  that  the 
army  would  disband.  *  *  *  There  was  in  fact  no  other  course 
left  but  to  fight  or  surrender,  and  at  the  hour  of  three  o'clock  P.  M., 
on  the  21st  day  of  April,  1836,  you  gave  an  order  for  the  army  to 
prepare  for  battle.  *  *  *  After  retreating  from  Gonzales  with 
fifteen  hundred  men  before  Siesma  with  seven  hundred  men,  after 
giving  up  Fannin  and  his  men  to  a  cruel  massacre,  after  retreating 
from  the  Brazos  before  half  your  number,  after  refusing  to  fight  on 
the  20th  Santa  Anna  when  he  charged  down  upon  you  with  five 
hundred  men,  after  giving  up  all  Texas,  as  it  were,  and  scattering 
its  population  in  every  quarter  and  direction,  you  are  at  last  com- 
pelled to  march  out  and  attack  the  enemy  in  his  encampment  with 
all  the  advantage  which  his  situation  gives  him,  and  having  twice 
your  number  of  men.  *  *  * 

'Illegible.— E.  C.  B. 


286         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

You  are  now  drawn  up  before  the  enemy  in  battle  array.  *  *  * 
The  Mexican  artillery  and  the  Mexican  musketry  are  playing  upon 
your  line,  but  your  men,  obedient  to  orders,  move  not,  fire  not. 
"Trail  rifles  and  forward  P  is  the  word.  *  *  *  When  within 
seventy  yards  the  word  "Fire !"  is  heard,  and  a  string  of  blaze  pro- 
ceeds from  your  line.  "Charge!"  instantaneously  follows,  and 
then,  *  *  *  the  enemy  are  now  in  full  flight.  We  have  pos- 
sessed their  cannon  and  their  camp,  and  they  are  fleeing  unre- 
sistingly before  us.  We  have  pursued  them  some  three  hundred 
yards  beyond  their  camp,  killing  them  as  we  go.  A  few  minutes 
more  and  they  will  be  ours,  when  the  voice  of  Sam  Houston  is 
heard,  shouting  to  "Halt,  that  the  fate  of  Texas  now  depends  on  the 
cast  of  a  die,  and  that  Gen.  Cos  is  coining  up  with  re-enforcements !" 
Such,  sir,  was  your  language  and  your  order,  but,  fortunately  for 
Texas,  your  power  was  now  at  an  end.  With  the  exception  of  a  few 
regulars,  your  army  was  composed  of  volunteers,  of  men  of  sub- 
stance, the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  land,  who  were  fighting  for  every- 
thing dear  on  earth,  and  who  heard  your  order  only  to  laugh  it  to 
scorn.  Of  all  the  volunteers  in  your  army,  not  one  obeyed  you. 
I  was  in  ten  steps  of  you,  and  Gen.  Rusk,  the  Secretary  of  War,  a 
short  distance  further  on.  When  your  order  to  halt  was  given  he 
immediately  replied  to  you  as  follows:  "Gen.  Houston,  I  have 
been  your  friend,  but  I  have  followed  you  long  enough.  The  vic- 
tory is  not  yet  complete  and  *  *  *  the  army  shall  go  ahead/' 
*  *  *  You  will  also  please  bear  in  mind  that  when  your  order 
to  halt  was  given  that  not  more  than  a  hundred  of  the  enemy  had 
been  slain  and  not  one  prisoner  made;  and  the  most  important  of 
the  work  was  done  in  express  violation  of  your  commands.  *  *  * 

You  have  now  encamped,  say,  eight  hundred  men.  Several  squads 
of  men  have  arrived  at  your  camp  on  Buffalo  bayou,1  making  the 
number  there  about  four  hundred.  You  have  intelligence  of  the 
advance  of  three  companies  from  the  east.  Capt.  Wiley  Martin's 
company  is  within  fifty  miles.  Capt.  Bird's  company  about  the 
same  distance  and  Capt.  (now  Gen.)  Morehouse  about  the  same 
distance.  You  can  command  at  least  twelve  hundred  men,  and 
within  three  days  time  you  can  command  upwards  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred men.  *  *  * 

'Probably  the  Harrisburg  camp,  where  the  baggage  train  was  left. — 
E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  287 

*  *  *  You  speak  of  the  wonderful  advantages  to  Texas  result- 
ing from  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  I  would  like  to  ascertain 
from  you  what  those  advantages  are.  Has  it  obtained  for  us  an 
acknowledgment  of  our  independence?  Has  it  diminished  the 
angry  and  vindictive  feelings  of  Santa  Anna,  etc.,  etc.  ?  No,  it  has 
done  none  of  these  things.  *  *  * 


IV. 

Delgado's  Account  of  the  Battle. 

[This  account  is  taken  from  the  diary  of  Col.  Pedro  Delgado,  of  Santa 
Anna's  staff,  and  gives,  therefore,  the  Mexican  point  of  view.  It  was  first 
published  in  Filisola's  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tejas, 

I,  82-116,  Mexico,  1849.1     The  following  extracts  are  taken  passim  from 
a  translation  in  the  Texas  Almanac,  1870,  41-53.] 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1836,  His  Excellency  the  President  ordered 
his  Staff  to  prepare  to  march,  with  only  one  skiff  and  leaving  his 
own  and  the  officers'  baggage  with  General  Eamirez  y  Sesma,  who 
was  instructed  to  remain  at  the  crossing  of  the  Brazos,  whither  we 
expected  to  return  within  three  days. 

On  the  13th  the  flank  companies  of  the  Battalions  of  Matamoros, 
Aldama,  Guerrero,  Toluca,  Mexico,  and,  I  believe  Guadalajara,  had 
commenced  crossing  the  river  with  a  six-pounder  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Ignacio  Arrenal,  and  fifty  mounted  men  of  Tampico 
and  Guanajuato,  who  formed  His  Excellency's  escort.  The  whole 
force  amounted  to  six  hundred  men,  more  or  less. 

At  about  four  o'clock  P.  M.  His  Excellency  started  for  Harris- 
burg,  with  the  force  above  mentioned. 

The  bottom  of  the  Brazos  is  a  dense  and  lofty  timber,  over  three 
leagues  wide.  On  reaching  the  prairie  we  found  a  small  creek, 
which  offered  only  one  crossing.  The  infantry  passed  it  comfort- 
ably over  a  large  tree,  which  had  fallen  in  such  a  manner  as  to  form 

lln  1848-49,  Filisola  published  two  volumes  under  this  title,  and  in  1849 
two  supplementary  volumes — numbered,  respectively,  I  and  II — bearing 
the  same  title.  The  first  set — Volume  I,  published  in  1848,  and  Volume 

II,  in  1849 — is  Filisola's  history  of  the  war;  the  other  set — both  volumes 
published  in  1849 — consists  chiefly  of  a  collection  of  documents  concerning 
the  war.    Delgado's  narrative  is  in  Volume  I  of  the  latter  set. 


288         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

a  convenient  bridge.  The  ammunition  was  passed  over  by  band. 
But  His  Excellency,  to  avoid  delay,  ordered  the  baggage  and  the 
commissary  stores  to  remain  packed  on  the  mules.  However,  the 
water  was  soon  over  the  pack-saddles,  and  the  opposite  bank  was 
steep  and  slippery.  Several  mules  fell  down,  interfering  with  each 
other,  which  resulted  in  a  terrible  jamming  of  officers  and  dra- 
goons, pack-mules  and  horses.  This,  together  with  shouts  and 
curses,  completed  a  scene  of  wild  confusion,  which  His  Excellency 
witnessed  with  hearty  laughter.  Several  officers  and  dragoons  fell 
in  the  water ;  the  stores  were  damaged  and  two  mules  were  drowned. 
So  much  for  the  precipitation  of  this  march. 

******* 

On  the  15th,  at  eight  o'clock  A.  M.,  most  of  the  stragglers  having 
joined,  we  started  again. 

At  about  noon  we  reached  a  plantation  abundantly  supplied  with 
corn,  meal,  sheep  and  hogs ;  it  had  a  good  garden  and  a  fine  cotton 
gin.  We  halted  to  refresh  men  and  beasts. 

At  three  o'clock  P.  M.,  after  having  set  fire  to  the  dwelling  and 
gin  houses,  we  resumed  our  march.  Here  His  Excellency  started 
ahead  with  his  staff  and  escort,  leaving  General  Castrillon  in  com- 
mand of  the  infantry.  We  traveled  at  a  brisk  trot  at  least  ten 
leagues,  without  halting,  until  we  reached  the  vicinity  of  Harris- 
burg,  at  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  His  Excellency,  with  an 
adjutant  and  fifteen  dragoons,  went  on  foot  to  that  town,  distant 
about  one  mile,  entered  it,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  two  Ameri- 
cans, who  stated  that  Zavala  and  other  members  of  the  so-called 
government  of  Texas,  had  left  the  morning  before  for  Galveston. 
A  part  of  the  infantry  joined  us  on  the  following  morning  at  day- 
light. 

On  the  16th  we  remained  at  Harrisburg  to  await  our  broken- 
down  stragglers,  who  kept  dropping  in  till  two  or  three  o'clock. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  bayou  we  found  two  or  three  houses 
well  supplied  with  wearing  apparel,  mainly  for  women's  use,  fine 
furniture,  an  excellent  piano,  jars  of  preserves,  chocolate,  fruit, 
etc.,  all  of  which  were  appropriated  for  the  benefit  of  His  Excel- 
lency and  his  attendants.  I  and  others  obtained  only  what  they 
could  not  use.  After  the  houses  had  been  sacked  and  burnt  down 
a  party  of  Americans  fired  upon  our  men  from  the  woods ;  it  is  won- 
derful that  some  of  us,  camped  as  we  were  along  the  bank  of  the 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  289 

bayou,  were  not  killed.  The  quartermaster-sergeant  of  Matamoros 
was  seriously  wounded.  This  incident  took  place  at  five  o'clock 
P.  M.  On  the  same  day  Colonel  Almonte  started  from  Harrisburg 
for  New  Washington  with  the  cavalry. 

On  the  17th,  at  about  three  o'clock  P.  M.,  His  Excellency,  after 
having  instructed  me  to  burn  the  town,  started  for  New  Washing- 
ton with  the  troops.  It  was  nearly  dark  when  we  had  finished 
crossing  the  bayou.  Then  a  courier  from  General  Almonte  arrived, 
upon  which  His  Excellency  ordered  Colonel  Iberri  to  start  with  his 

adjutant,  bearing  dispatches  to  General  Filisola,  on  the  Brazos. 

*  *     * 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  we  moved  on,  our  cannon  being  still 
far  away. 

At  noon  we  reached  New  Washington,  where  we  found  flour, 

soap,  tobacco,  and  other  articles,  which  were  issued  to  the  men. 

*  *     * 

General  Castrillon  came  in,  at  five  o'clock  P.  M.,  with  the  cannon. 

On  the  19th  His  Excellency  ordered  Captain  Barragan  to  start 
with  a  detachment  of  dragoons  to  reconnoitre  Houston's  move- 
ments. We  halted  at  that  place,  all  being  quiet. 

On  the  20th,  at  about  eight  o'clock  A.  M.,  everything  was  ready 
for  the  march.  We  had  burnt  a  fine  warehouse  on  the  wharf,  and 
all  the  houses  in  the  town,  when  Captain  Barragan  rushed  in  at  full 
speed,  reporting  that  Houston  was  close  on  our  rear,  and  that  his 
troops  had  captured  some  of  our  stragglers,  and  had  disarmed  and 
dispatched  them. 

There  is  in  front  of  New  Washington  a  dense  wood,  through 
which  runs  a  narrow  lane,  about  half  a  league  in  length,  allowing 
passage  to  pack-mules  in  single  file  only,  and  to  mounted  men  in 
double  file.  This  lane  was  filled  with  our  pickets,  the  drove  of 
mules,  and  the  remainder  of  the  detachment.  His  Excellency  and 
staff  were  still  in  town.  Upon  hearing  Barragan's  report,  he  leaped 
on  his  horse,  and  galloped  off  at  full  speed  for  the  lane,  which, 
being  crowded  with  men  and  mules,  did  not  afford  him  as  prompt 
an  exit  as  he  wished.  However,  knocking  down  one  and  riding  over 
another,  he  overcame  the  obstacles,  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  voice : 
"The  enemy  are  coming !  The  enemy  are  coming !"  The  excite- 
ment of  the  General-in-Chief  had  such  a  terrifying  effect  upon  the 
troops,  that  every  face  turned  pale;  order  could  no  longer  be  pre- 


290         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

served,  and  every  man  thought  of  flight  or  of  finding  a  hiding  place, 
and  gave  up  all  idea  of  fighting.  Upon  reaching  the  prairie  a 
column  of  attack  was  formed,  with  trepidation  and  confusion, 
amidst  incoherent  movements  and  contradictory  orders. 

At  this  moment  His  Excellency  did  me  the  honor  to  place  me  in 
command  of  the  artillery  and  ordnance,  giving  me  his  orders  ver- 
bally, with  strict  injunctions  as  to  my  responsibility.  Meanwhile, 
the  officers  having  dismounted  and  taken  their  stations  in  front  of 
their  commands,  we  moved  in  search  of  the  enemy,  with  flankers 
on  both  sides  to  explore  the  woods.  *  *  * 

It  was  two  o'clock  P.  M.  when  we  descried  Houston's  pickets  at 
the  edge  of  a  large  wood,  in  which  he  concealed  his  main  force. 
Our  skirmishers  commenced  firing;  they  were  answered  by  the 
enemy,  who  fell  back  in  the  woods.  His  Excellency  reached  the 
ground  with  our  main  body,  with  the  intention,  as  I  understood,  of 
attacking  at  once ;  but  they  kept  hidden,  which  prevented  him  from 
ascertaining  their  position.  He  therefore  changed  his  dispositions, 
and  ordered  the  company  of  Toluca  to  deploy  as  skirmishers  in  the 
direction  of  the  woods.  Our  cannon  established  on  a  small  eleva- 
tion, opened  its  fire.  The  enemy  responded  with  a  discharge  of 
grape,  which  wounded  severely  Captain  Urrzia,  and  killed  his 

horse. 

****** 

At  nine  o'clock  A.  M.,  General  Cos  came  in  with  a  reinforcement 
of  about  five  hundred  men.  His  arrival  was  greeted  with  the  roll 
of  drums  and  joyful  shouts.  As  it  was  represented  to  His  Excel- 
lency that  these  men  had  not  slept  the  night  before,  he  instructed 
them  to  stack  their  arms,  to  remove  their  accoutrements,  and  to  go 
to  sleep  quietly  in  the  adjoining  grove. 

No  important  incident  took  place  until  4:30  o'clock  P.  M.  At 
this  fatal  moment  the  bugler  on  our  fight  signaled  the  advance  of 
the  enemy  upon  that  wing.  His  Excellency  and  staff  were  asleep ; 
the  greater  number  of  the  men  were  also  sleeping ;  of  the  rest,  some 
were  eating,  others  were  scattered  in  the  woods  in  search  of  boughs 
to  prepare  shelter.  Our  line  was  composed  of  musket  stacks.  Our 
cavalry  was  riding  bare-back  to  and  from  water. 

I  stepped  upon  some  ammunition  boxes  the  better  to  observe  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  I  saw  that  their  formation  was  a  mere 
line  in  one  rank  and  very  extended.  In  their  centre  was  the  Texas 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  291 

flag;  on  both  wings  they  had  two  light  cannons,  well  manned. 
Their  cavalry  was  opposite  our  front,  overlapping  our  left. 

In  this  disposition,  yelling  furiously,  with  a  brisk  fire  of  grape, 
muskets  and  rifles,  they  advanced  resolutely  upon  our  camp.  There 
the  utmost  confusion  prevailed.  General  Castrillon  shouted  on 
one  side ;  on  another,  Colonel  Almonte  was  giving  orders ;  some 
cried  out  to  commence  firing;  others,  to  lie  down  to  avoid  grape 
shots.  Among  the  latter  was  His  Excellency. 

Then,  already,  I  saw  our  men  flying  in  small  groups,  terrified, 
and  sheltering  themselves  behind  large  trees.  I  endeavored  to  force 
some  of  them  to  fight,  but  all  efforts  were  in  vain — the  evil  was 

beyond  remedy;  they  were  a  bewildered  and  panic  stricken  herd. 
****** 

Then  I  saw  His  Excellency  running  about  in  the  utmost  excite- 
ment, wringing  his  hands  and  unable  to  give  an  order.  General 
Castrillon  was  stretched  on  the  ground,  wounded  in  the  leg.  Colo- 
nel Trevino  was  killed,  and  Colonel  Marcial  Aguirre  was  severely 

injured.     *     *     * 

****** 

There  they  killed  Colonel  Batres ;  and  it  would  have  been  all  over 
with  us,  had  not  Providence  placed  us  in  the  hands  of  the  noble  and 
generous  captain  of  cavalry,  Allen,  who  by  great  exertion  saved  us 
repeatedly  from  being  slaughtered  by  the  drunken  and  infuriated 
volunteers.  *  *  * 


V. 

Kuykendall's  Recollections  of  the  Campaign. 

[This  account  of  the  San  Jacinto  campaign  was  written  by  J.  H.  Kuy- 
kendall  at  some  time  after  1856,  I  judge — since  he  annotates  it  with  a 
reference  to  Yoakum's  History  of  Texas — and  has  never  before  been  pub- 
lished. It  is  apparently  free  from  prejudice,  and  seems  worthy  of  reliance. 
The  MS.  belongs  to  the  Austin  Papers,  in  the  collection  of  Hon.  Guy  M. 
Bryan. 

Summary:  The  Texan  army  at  Gonzales  could  not  have  exceeded  400 
men  when  Houston  assumed  command. 

General  Houston  gave  some  of  his  baggage  wagons  to  the  families  of 
Gonzales  to  facilitate  their  flight,  and,  since  this  deprived  the  army  of  the 
means  of  transportation,  most  of  their  baggage  had  to  be  burned. 


292        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

On  the  march  from  San  Felipe  to  Groce's,  Houston  declared  that  he  did 
not  intend  to  march  to  the  Red  Lands. 

At  Groce's,  there  was  open  talk  among  both  officers  and  men  of  deposing 
the  commander,  in  case  he  continued  his  retreating  policy. 

The  writer  believes  that,  at  the  fork  of  the  road  below  McCurley's,  the 
army  took  the  Harrisburg  road  without  any  order  from  Houston. 

About  seventy-five  effective  men  were  left  in  camp  at  Harrisburg  to 
guard  between  150  and  200  sick.  The  rest  of  the  army,  about  800  strong, 
marched  in  pursuit  of  the  Mexicans.] 

I  was  in  Mexico  when  hostilities  commenced  between  her  and 
Texas.  I  arrived  at  home  (twenty-two  miles  above  San  Felipe) 
between  the  15  and  20  of  February,  1836 — a  few  days  previous 
to  which  time  my  neighbors  had  organized  themselves  into  a  com- 
pany— having  elected  Robert  McXutt  captain  and  Gibson  Kuyken- 
dall  and  John  Burleson  lieutenants. 

A  few  days  afterwards  an  express  from  Travis  reached  San 
Felipe  with  the  intelligence  that  the  Mexican  army  under  Santa 
Anna  had  commenced  siege  of  the  Alamo,  and  urging  his  country- 
men to  repair  to  his  assistance  with  all  possible  dispatch.  G-ov't. 
responded  to  his  call  by  ordering  the  various  companies  which 
had  been  organized  to  march  forthwith  towards  San  Antonio.  Gon- 
zales  was  designated  as  the  point  of  general  rendezvous.  I  enrolled 
myself  in  Capt.  McNutt's  company,  which  took  up  the  line  of 
march  on  the  evening  of  the  first  day  of  March,  1836.  On  the 
morning  of  the  3d  March,  we  formed  a  junction  with  Capt. 
Moseley  Baker's  company  from  San  Felipe.  Both  companies  were 
infantry,  and  each  had  a  baggage  wagon.  The  night  of  the  third 
of  March,  we  slept  at  Rocky  creek,  twenty  miles  west  of  the  Colo- 
rado, where  we  were  joined  by  Capt.  Thomas  Rabb's  company,  from 
Egypt,  on  the  Colorado,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  we  reached 
Gonzalcs,  where  we  found  two  companies,  towit,  Capt.  Billingsley's 
from  Bastrop  and  Capt.  Sherman's  from  Kentucky.  On  the  7th 
another  company  (Capt.  Hill's)  arrived  from  Washington,  on  the 
Brazos.  The  companies  of  Sherman  and  Billingsley  were  encamped 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river.  The  other  companies  encamped  in 
the  bottom,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  about  a  mile  below 
the  village  of  Gonzales,  and  less  than  half  that  distance  below  the 
ferry.  Capt.  Baker  was  chosen  by  the  heads  of  companies  to  take 
charge  of  our  little  force  until  the  arrival  of  a  superior  officer.  We 
were  in  total  ignorance  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  and  hoped  it  would 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  293 

be  able  to  hold  out  until  we  could  relieve  it.  Parties  were  sent  out 
in  the  direction  of  San  Antonio  (distant  seventy  miles),  but  they 
brought  back  no  tidings  of  friend  or  foe. 

On  the  west  side  of  the  river,  opposite  our  encampment,  was  a 
bluff,  which  overlooked  our  position.  This  circumstance  was 
noticed  by  Capt.  Baker,  who  caused  a  number  of  trees  to  be  felled 
and  a  circuit-shaped  breastwork  to  be  erected  in  front  of  our  camp. 
The  men  rather  sharply  criticized  this  first  essay  of  Capt.  Baker  in 
the  art  of  fortification,  and  contended  that  the  trees  as  they  stood 
in  the  forest  afforded  much  better  protection.  Notwithstanding  our 
own  perilous  situation,  and  our  anxiety  about  our  friends  in  the 
Alamo,  there  was  a  good  deal  of  life  and  merriment  in  our  camp. 
Pork,  corn  meal,  and  vegetables  were  supplied  us  in  abundance  by 
the  people  of  Gonzales.  and  we  had  brought  a  good  supply  of  bacon 
and  sugar  and  coffee  from  home.  But  our  days  of  good  cheer  were 
fated  to  be  few. 

On  the  llth  of  March,  General  Houston  arrived,  and  on  the  12th 
reviewed  and  addressed  his  tiny  army.  By  his  orders  a  regiment 
was  organized  on  the  12th  by  the  election  of  Edward  Burleson  for 
colonel,  S.  Sherman  for  Lieut.  Col.,  A.  Somervill  for  major. 
General  Houston  also  caused  our  camp  to  be  moved  two  or  three 
hundred  yards — to  the  edge  of  the  prairie — where  our  tents  were 
pitched  in  two  parallel  rows. 

On  the  evening  of  the  13th  Mrs.  Dickinson  and  Travis's  negro 
man  arrived  at  Gonzales  with  the  astounding  intelligence  that  the 
Alamo  had  been  assaulted  and  taken  on  the  morning  of  the  6th,  and 
all  of  its  defenders  slain.  Superadded  to  this  news,  a  rumor  became 
rife  that  two  thousand  of  the  enemy — the  advance  division  of  the 
Mexican  army — might  be  hourly  expected  at  Gonzales.  As  may 
reasonably  be  supposed  this  news  produced  intense  excitement  in 
our  camp.  In  the  little  village  of  Gonzales  the  distress  of  the  fam- 
ilies was  extreme.  Some  of  them  had  lost  friends  and  near  and 
dear  relations  in  the  Alamo,  and  now  the  ruthless  foe  was  at  hand, 
and  they  unprepared  to  fly.  To  facilitate  their  exit,  Gen'l.  Hous- 
ton caused  some  of  our  baggage  wagons  to  be  given  up  to  them;  but 
the  teams,  which  were  grazing  in  the  prairie,  were  yet  to  be  found, 
and  night  had  already  set  in.  In  the  meantime,  orders  were  issued 
to  the  army  to  prepare  as  fast  as  possible  to  retreat.  As  most  of 
the  companies  (all  infantry)  had  been  deprived  of  the  means  of 


294         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

transportation,  all  our  baggage  and  provisions,  except  what  we  were 
able  to  pack  ourselves,  were  thrown  into  our  camp-fires.  Tents, 
clothing,  coffee,  meal,  and  bacon  were  alike  consigned  to  the  devour- 
ing element.  Tall  spires  of  flame  shot  up  in  every  dirction,  illumi- 
nating prairie  and  woodland.  About  ten  o'clock  one  of  the  captains 
marched  his  company  to  Gen'l  Houston's  tent  and  said,  "General, 
my  company  is  ready  to  march."  The  general,  in  a  voice  loud 
enough  to  be  heard  throughout  the  camp,  replied,  "In  the  name  of 
God,  sir,  don't  be  in  haste — wait  till  all  are  ready  and  let  us  retreat 
in  good  order." 

Accordingly,  about  eleven  o'clock,  it  was  announced  that  all  were 
in  readiness  to  march.  We  were  formed  four  deep  and  at  the  com- 
mand, "Forward !  March !"  commenced  their  memorable  retreat. 
The  night  was  warm,  but  so  dark  as  to  constrain  the  army  to  move 
at  a  very  moderate  pace.  Silent,  and,  indeed,  solemn  was  the 
march.  As  we  passed  through  the  streets  of  Gonzales,  we  noticed 
great  lights  in  the  houses  and  the  people  packing  up  their  house- 
hold effects  in  all  possible  haste.  A  man  came  out  on  the  piazza 
and  said  (addressing  the  army),  "In  the  name  of  God,  gentlemen, 
I  hope  you  are  not  going  to  leave  the  families  behind !"  Some  one 
in  our  ranks  answered,  "0  yes,  we  are  all  looking  out  for  number 
one."  In  another  minute  we  had  emerged  from  the  illuminated 
street  and  were  again  "covered  with  darkness  as  with  a  pall." 
Although  most  of  our  men  were  accustomed  to  service,  very  few  had 
ever  served  as  footmen  until  this  campaign  or  borne  such  burdens 
as  were  imposed  on  them  that  night.  A  mile  or  two  east  of  Gon- 
zales the  road  entered  an  extensive  post-oak  forest  and  was  in  some 
places  quite  sandy,  which  greatly  increased  the  fatigue  of  the  march. 
Many  men  becoming  leg-wear}',  left  the  ranks  and  lay  down  at  the 
roadside  to  rest.  About  an  hour  before  day,  having  -felt  our  way  to 
McClure's,  on  the  east  side  of  Peach  creek  (ten  or  eleven  miles 
from  Gonzales),  we  were  halted  and  ordered  to  lie  down  on  our 
arms.  Never  was  order  more  promptly  obeyed.  Many  of  the  men 
did  not  take  time  to  spread  their  blankets,  but  lay  down  on  the  bare 
ground  with  their  knapsacks  under  their  heads,  and  were  almost 
instantly  asleep.  In  the  meantime,  a  brilliant  light  shot  up  far 
above  the  western  horizon.  This  phenomenon  was  caused  by  the 
conflagration  of  the  town  of  Gonzales.  After  an  hour's  repose,  we 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  295 

were  aroused.  By  this  time  many  of  the  families  of  Gonzales  had 
overtaken  the  army  and  paused  for  rest  and  refreshment. 

While  we  were  sipping  our  unsweetened  coffee,  two  or  three  loud 
explosions  in  quick  succession  were  heard  in  the  direction  of  Gon- 
zales, and  the  idea  instantly  occurred  to,  perhaps,  nearly  every  man 
in  the  army  that  these  reports  were  caused  by  the  artillery  of  the 
enemy.  But  this  apprehension  was  soon  removed  by  a  suggestion 
which  seemed  very  reasonable  and  which  proved  true,  that  these 
sounds  were  produced  by  the  explosion  of  some  canisters  of  gun- 
powder which  had  been  left  in  one  of  the  burning  houses.  This 
morning  we  were  joined  by  thirty  or  forty  mounted  men,  most  of 
whom  were  from  the  Brazos  and  had  passed  the  preceding  night 
near  the  spot  where  the  army  bivouacked. 

Immediately  after  dispatching  our  scanty  breakfast,  the  march 
was  resumed.  At  the  distance  of  four  or  five  miles  we  emerged 
from  the  oak  forest  before  mentioned,  and  entered  a  wide,  undulat- 
ing prairie,  on  the  principal  eminence  of  which — known  as  the 
"Big  Hill" — the  army  was  halted  a  few  minutes  to  rest. 

Though  it  was  yet  early  in  the  spring,  the  prairie  was  as  green  as 
an  emerald,  and  the  sun,  which  during  the  morning  had  been  hid- 
den by  clouds,  suddenly  shone  out,  heightening  the  beauty  of  the 
scenery  and  greatly  exhilarating  our  spirits.  During  this  halt  I 
remember  to  have  noticed  the  contrast  in  the  personal  appearance 
and  attire  of  Cols.  Burleson  and  Sherman.  The  former  wore  a 
somewhat  faded,  blue  home-spun  round-jacket  and  pantaloons.  He 
carried  no  sword  or  other  arms,  except  a  pair  of  small  pistols  in  his 
belt.  Sherman  had  a  much  more  trim  and  military  appearance. 
He  wore  a  blue  cloth  round- jacket  trimmed  with  silver  lace,  and  a 
handsome  dress  sword  was  suspended  at  his  side.  Yet  the  former 
had  seen  much  service,  both  in  the  United  States  and  Texas,  whilst 
the  latter  was  then  in  his  novitiate. 

Immediately  after  the  march  was  resumed,  Gen'l.  Houston  rode 
slowly  from  the  front  to  the  rear  of  the  army,  pointing  towards  the 
ranks  with  his  finger,  evidently  counting  the  men.  Having  num- 
bered his  host,  he  returned  to  the  front,  proclaiming  as  he  rode 
along  in  his  peculiar  deliberate  and  distinct  utterance,  "we  are  the 
rise  of  eight  hundred  strong,  and  with  a  good  position  can  whip 
ten  to  one  of  the  enemy."  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  purposely  exag- 
gerated our  strength  in  order  to  inspirit  the  men.  Our  force,  in 


296         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

fact,  could  not  have  much  exceeded  four  hundred  men,  towit,  six 
companies  of  infantr)1,  averaging  probably  sixty  men  each,  and,  per- 
haps, sixty  mounted  men.  I  feel  confident  that  had  the  fugitive 
families  from  Gonzales  been  included  in  the  estimate,  the  number 
of  souls  then  on  the  "Big  Hill"  did  not  exceed,  if  it  reached,  eight 
hundred. 

Some  cases  of  measles  appeared  in  the  army  before  the  retreat 
commenced,  and  during  this  day's  march  my  file-leader  was 
extremely  ill  with  that  disease,  and  in  due  time  I  had  to  pass 
through  the  ordeal  myself.  A  little  after  sunset  the  army  reached 
Daniels's,  on  the  waters  of  Lavaca,  and  encamped  in  the  prairie 
remote  from  wood,  but  Daniels's  fence  was  at  a  convenient  distance 
and  was  used  for  fuel. 

About  dusk  some  beeves  were  driven  up  and  slaughtered,  and 
rations  of  meat  distributed.  We  had  no  bread  and  but  little  coffee. 
As  we  had  marched  hard  and  slept  little  ( indeed,  some  had  not 
slept  any)  for  twenty-four  hours,  this  was  a  very  trying  night  on 
the  sentinels — one  of  whom,  a  young  man  by  the  name  of  Rhodes, 
of  McNutt's  company,  was  found  asleep  at  his  post.  When  this 
fact  was  reported  to  Gen'l.  Houston  the  ensuing  morning,  he  swore 
he  would  have  Rhodes  shot. 

About  one  o'clock  on  the  fifteenth  the  army  reached  the  Navidad 
and  encamped  for  the  remainder  of  the  day.  Just  before  reaching 
the  Navidad.  we  were  met  and  joined  by  a  squad  of  mounted  men 
from  the  Brazos.  During  this  day's  march,  at  Rocky  creek,  Rhodes, 
who  was  under  arrest,  stopped  in  the  middle  of  the  stream  to  drink. 
This  caused  the  men  in  the  rear  to  halt  for  a  moment.  Gen'l. 
Houston  rode  to  the  crossing  and  inquired  the  cause  of  the  halt, 
and  when  informed  that  it  was  made  to  give  Rhodes  time  to  drink, 
he  cried  aloud,  "Knock  him  down,  God  d — n  him,  knock  him  down 
— standing  there  and  impeding  the  march  of  the  whole  army,  G — d 
d — n  him,  knock  him  down!"  Frightened  by  these  imprecations, 
Rhodes  instantly  cleared  the  way  without  the  necessity  of  being 
felled.  After  we  camped  in  the  evening,  the  general  reprimanded 
Rhodes  and  ordered  his  release. 

At  this  camp  the  general  was  furious  because  some  horses  were 
turned  loose  to  graze  within  the  line  of  sentinels.  He  did  not  want 
many  mounted  men,  and  many  of  those  who  repaired  to  the  army 
on  horseback,  rather  than  be  dismounted,  returned  to  their  homes. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  297 

This  they  could  do  with  impunity,  as  they  were  careful  not  to 
attach  themselves  to  any  organized  company.  This  was  the  second 
attempt  in  the  history  of  these  colonies  to  organize  an  army  of  foot- 
men, and,  considering  that  our  people  were  as  much  attached  and 
accustomed  to  mounted  service  as  the  Cossack  or  Comanche,  the 
voluntary  relinquishment  of  the  horse  was  a  strong  manifestation 
of  patriotism. 

March  16th,  the  army  arrived  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Colorado 
river,  at  Burnhain's. 

March  17th,  the  weather  became  drizzly,  rendering  our  camp  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  river  very  muddy.  This  day  a  notorious  char- 
acter named  Garner  attempted  to  pass  out  of  our  lines  nolens 
volens,  and  the  sentinel  broke  his  gun  over  his  head.  More,  anon, 
of  this  fellow.  Here  also,  on  this  same  day,  General  Houston,  hav- 
ing occasion  to  pass  beyond  our  lines,  was  hailed  by  a  sentinel,  who 
demanded  his  "pass."  The  general  asked  the  guardian  of  the  camp 
if  he  did  not  know  that  his  general  had  a  right  to  pass  without 
being  challenged;  to  which  the  sentinel  replied,  that  he  had  been 
instructed  by  the  officer  of  the  day  to  permit  no  man  to  pass  the 
lines  Avithout  written  permission  of  said  officer  of  the  day.  <rWell, 
my  friend,"  said  the  general,  "if  such  were  your  orders,  you  are 
right,"  and  seating  himself  on  a  stump,  waited  till  the  officer  of 
the  day  came  and  rectified  the  blunder.  By  two  or  three  o'clock, 
the  last  man  was  ferried  over  to  the  east  bank  of  the  Colorado,  and 
the  same  evening  the  army  marched  down  the  river  as  far  as  Crier's 
(2  or  three  miles).  On  the  19th,  we  marched  a  few  miles 
farther  down  and  camped  early  in  the  day  in  the  post  oak  woods. 
There  was  rain  this  day.  Here  our  scouts  —  at  the  head  of  whom 
was  Capt.  Karnes  —  rode  into  camp  with  a  Mexican  prisoner  and 
created  a  lively  sensation  by  the  intelligence  that  they  had  that 
evening1,  a  few  miles  west  of  the  Colorado,  met  the  spies  of  the 
enemy  and  killed  one  and  captured  another.  The  killing  was  done 
by  Secrest,  who  exhibited  the  sword  and  pistols  of  his  adversary. 
The  near  approach  of  the  Mexican  army  was  now  placed  beyond 
doubt.  On  the  20th,  the  army  moved  a  few  miles  farther  down  the 
river  and  encamped  nearly  opposite  Beason's;  Lieutenant-  Col. 


says  this  happened  on  the  20th.     He  is  correct,  provided  the 
army  arrived  at  Burnham's  on  the  17th  instead  of  the  16th. 


298         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Sherman  with  about  one  hundred  men  having  the  same  morning 
been  detached  to  take  a  position  at  Dewees's  crossing  (a  very  shal- 
low ford)  about  three  miles  above  Season's.  On  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  our  scouts  came  in  and  reported  that  a  considerable  force  of 
the  enemy  was  encamped  on  the  west  side  of  the  Colorado  within 
three  miles  of  headquarters,  and  within  less  than  two  of  Sherman's 
position.  This  intelligence  greatly  exhilarated  the  men,  who  were 
eager  for  a  fight.  Several  large  cottonwood  trees  were  felled  on 
the  bank  of  the  river  at  Beason's  crossing  (not  fordable)  behind 
which  men  were  posted  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  river.  Four 
miles  farther  down  the  river  was  the  Atascocito  crossing,  which 
was  unguarded.  This  circumstance,  probably,  did  not  occur  to  the 
general  until  late  in  the  evening,  about  dusk,  at  which  time  he  sent 
one  of  his  aides  to  the  camp  of  the  company  to  which  I  belonged, 
with  an  urgent  request  that  four  or  five  of  us  would  volunteer  to 
proceed  immediately  down  to  said  crossing.  Felix  G.  Wright, 
David  Lawrence,  and  myself,  of  Capt.  McNutt's  company;  and) 
John  Ingram,  of  Capt.  Hill's,  at  once  volunteered  for  this  service, 
and  went  to  Gen.  Houston's  tent  for  his  instruction.  The  gen- 
eral said,  "It  is  very  dark,  men,  for  which  reason,  footmen  can 
more  easily  find  their  way  down  than  horsemen.  You  will  proceed 
silently  and  cautiously  to  the  Atascocito  crossing,  where  you  will 
all  remain  until  you  are  relieved  tomorrow  morning;  unless  the 
enemy  shall  present  himself  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  in 
which  event  one  of  you  will  mount  your  best  horse  and  bring  the 
news  as  speedily  as  possible.1  Guided  by  Ingram,  we  slowly  and 
silently  groped  our  way  down  to  the  crossing  where  we  arrived 
about  midnight.  Here  we  remained  until  after  sunrise  the  next 
morning  without  seeing  or  hearing  aught  of  the  enemy;  and  had 
already  started  back  to  camp  when  we  met  a  relief  guard  of 
mounted  men.  About  nine  o'clock  we  got  back  to  camp  and 
reported  to  General  Houston.  During  this  and  the  succeeding  two 
or  three  days  the  army  was  joined  by  several  organized  companies 
from  eastern  Texas,  and  numerous  squads  from  various  parts. 
During  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  we  had  tattoo  and  reveille^ 

'Gen'l.  H.  was,  perhaps,  a  little  "in  liquor,"  but  I  do  not  assert  that 
he  was.  The  inconsistency  in  his  orders  may  be  otherwise  accounted  for. 
I  do  not  believe  that  he  drank  much  during  the  campaign.  He  carried  in 
his  pocket  a  small  bottle  of  salts  of  hartshorn,  which  he  frequently  applied 
to  his  nostrils. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  299 

On  the  morning  of  the  23rd,  the  army  was  paraded  and  informed 
that  a  strong  division  of  the  enemy  were  encamped  within  two 
miles,  and  in  sight  of  Col.  Sherman's  position  —  to  strengthen  whom 
a  hundred  volunteers  were  now  called  for.  The  required  number 
(among  whom  was  my  captain  and  the  greater  part  of  his  company, 
including  myself)  instantly  stepped  in  advance  of  the  line,  and  in 
five  minutes  were  en  route  for  Dewees's  ford.  On  our  way  up  we 
met  a  file  of  men  taking  two  or  three  Mexican  prisoners  to  Gen'l. 
Houston.  These  were  soldiers  and  had,  whilst  foraging,  been  cap- 
tured by  Sherman's  men.  They  stated  that  they  belonged  to  the 
division  of  the  Mexican  army  encamped  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  ;  that  said  division  was  eight  hundred  strong,  and  commanded 
by  General  Siezma. 

We  found  Col.  Sherman  encamped  in  the  bottom  about  sixty 
yards  from  the  river,  along  the  bank  of  which,  and  opposite  the 
ford,  he  had  dug  a  ditch.  In  the  rear  of  the  camp  was  a  dense  cane- 
brake  through  which  an  opening  had  been  cut  to  post  sentinels. 
A  prairie  extended  from  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  to  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy  in  the  edge  of  the  postoak  woods.  It  was  either 
on  this  or  the  following  day  (24th)  that  thirty  or  forty  mounted 
men  were  sent  from  headquarters  (crossing  in  a  boat  at  Beason's) 
to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  camp.  They  were  unable,  however,  to 
approach  very  near  it,  as  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  on  them  with  one 
or  two  small  field  pieces.  A  ravine  nearly  opposite  our  camp 
extended  from  the  river  for  some  distance  in  the  direction  of  the 
enemy.  At  the  head  of  this  ravine  Sherman  posted  a  strong  party 
of  men  and  caused  two  or  three  horsemen  to  approach  near  the  Mex- 
icans, whose  cavalry,  it  was  hoped,  would  pursue  our  men  and  be 
drawn  into  the  ambush.  But  the  ruse  did  not  succeed.  The  enemy 
could  not  be  tempted  to  leave  his  camp.  Very  anxious  were  our 
men  to  be  led  against  the  enemy,  who,  it  was  confidently  believed, 
was  completely  within  our  power.  Daily,  hourly,  were  orders 
expected  for  an  attack.  None  doubted  that  we  would  be  permitted 
to  strike  a  blow,  until  the  evening  of  the  26th,  when  Col.  Sherman 
received  an  order  from  the  commander-in-chief  to  break  up  his 
camp  and  retire  toward  San  Felipe.1  About  sunset  our  little  divis- 
ion (probably  250  men)  was  in  motion.  After  marching  six  or 


of  the  surrender  of  Col.  Fannin's  command  reached  the  army 
before  it  retreated  from  'the  Colorado. 


300         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

seven  miles  we  lay  down  on  our  arms  without  fire.  Early  ne3 
morning,  after  sipping  a  little  black  coffee,  the  march  was  resume 
About  an  hour  before  noon  we  arrived  at  the  San  Bernardo,  where 
we  found  and  slaughtered  a  fat  cow.  While  we  were  eating  our 
roast  beef,  the  main  army  arrived,  but  did  not  halt.  Sherman's 
battalion,  instead  of  joining  the  line  of  the  marching  column  on  the 
road,  was  thrown  thirty  or  forty  paces  to  its  right,  and  had  to  march 
during  the  remainder  of  the  day  thro'  the  high  grass.  Soon 
after  leaving  the  Bernard,  Ben  Fort  Smith  (Houston's  adjt. 
gen'l)  rode  along  for  a  few  minutes  near  that  part  of  our  rank  in 
which  I  marched,  and  conversed  with  some  of  us  freely  in  regard  to 
the  policy  of  this  second  retreat.  He  found  that  we  were  much 
opposed  to  it,  and  strongly  censured  General  Houston  for  his  non- 
combative  policy  (and  Smith  doubtless  knew  that  the  whole  army 
censured  him)  yet  he  (Smith)  did  not  say  a  word  in  defense  of  the 
general,  and,  when  something  was  said  about  depriving  Houston  of 
the  command  and  electing  some  one  in  his  place,  Smith  neither 
said  aye  nor  nay  to  the  suggestion ;  but  remarked  that  he  believed, 
and  had  always  believed,  that  if  God  Almighty  had  intended  him 
(Smith)  for  anything,  it  was  for  a  military  commander. 

A  little  after  dark,  after  having  marched  about  twenty  miles, 
the  army  encamped  on  Spring  creek — a  mile  and  a  half  west  of 
San  Felipe.  Here,  again,  the  fencing  supplied  us  with  fuel.  On 
the  morning  of  the  28th,  Captain  Baker's  company  was  detached 
to  remain  at  San  Felipe,  and  the  army  again  took  up  the  line  of 
march.  Late  in  the  afternoon  it  arrived  at  Mill  creek  (at  a  point 
three  miles  above  Cummins's  mill).  Ere  the  army  had  crossed  this 
stream  it  began  to  rain  in  torrents.  As  we  marched  through  Mill 
creek  bottom,  floundering  through  mud  and  water  and  pelted  by  the 
pitiless  storm,  General  Houston  rode  along  slowly  close  to  the 
company  to  which  I  belonged.  He  wore  a  black  cloth  dress  coat, 
somewhat  threadbare,  which  was  rapidly  absorbing  the  rain.  He 
complained  of  having  no  blanket.  He  said  he  had  had  a  very  good 
one,  but  some  scoundrel  had  stolen  it  from  him.  He  then  said, 
"My  friends,  I  am  told  that  evil  disposed  persons  have  reported 
that  I  am  going  to  march  you  to  the  Redlands.  This  is  false.  I 
am  going  to  march  you  into  the  Brazos  bottom  near  Groce's,  to  a 
position  where  you  can  whip  the  enemy  ten  to  one,  and  where  we 
can  get  an  abundant  supply  of  corn  from  Lake  creek."  It  was 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  301 

after  sunset  when  the  army  encamped  about  a  mile  north  of  Mill 
creek.  It  continued  to  rain  heavily  yet ;  some  beeves  were  driven  to 
camp  and  shot  down  and  butchered  amid  the  storm  and  darkness. 
An  hour  or  two  after  night  the  rain  ceased.  Huge  fires  were  soon 
blazing  throughout  the  camp,  and  the  process  of  roasting  beef  and 
drying  blankets  and  clothing  commenced,  and  continued  until  a 
late  hour.  This  night  Felix  G.  Wright,  of  Capt.  McNutt's  com- 
pany, became  suddenly  very  ill.  Next  day  (29th),  in  consequence 
of  having  to  open  a  road  through  a  thicket  for  our  baggage  wagons, 
we  marched  only  three  miles,  and  encamped  about  midway  between 
Cummins's  mill  and  Piney  creek.  Here  Wright  died.  Next  morn- 
ing (30th)  we  dug  his  grave  in  a  little  oak  grove  and,  having  con- 
signed him,  uncoffined,  to  his  dark  abode,  resumed  the  march. 
Early  in  the  evening  (after  marching  7  or  8  miles)  the  army 
encamped  at  Bracey's,  near  the  edge  of  the  Brazos  bottom,  and 
March  31st,  sufficient  space  having  been  cleared  in  the  bottom, 
near  the  margin  of  a  large  pond,  we  pitched  our  tents  there.  Dur- 
ing the  12  or  13  days  we  remained  in  the  bottom,  it  rained 
almost  daily,  in  consequence  of  which  our  camp  became  extremely 
muddy  and  disagreeable.  This  added  greatly  to  the  discomfort  of 
the  sick,  of  whom  there  were  many — nearly  every  tenth  man,  myself 
included,  had  the  measles.  Shortly  after  we  moved  into  the  bottom 
a  new  regiment  was  formed,  of  which  Sherman  was  elected  colonel. 
To  fill  his  place  in  the  first  regiment  Alexander  Somervill  was 
elected  Lt.  Col.  The  office  of  major  in  the  first  regt.  having  also 
become  vacant,  Capt.  McNutt  was  elected  to  fill  it.  Gibson  Kuy- 
kendall  was  elected  captain  of  the  company  formerly  commanded 
by  McNutt.  While  we  lay  here,  Garner,  before  spoken  of,  for 
various  acts  of  insubordination,  was  tried  by  a  court-martial  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot.  He  was  taken  to  his  grave  and  the  whole 
army  paraded  to  witness  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  when  a 
reprieve  from  Gen'l.  Houston  was  read.  Very  little  sympathy  was 
felt  by  anyone  for  Garner,  as  he  was  not  only  an  insubordinate 
soldier,  but  a  hardened  villain. 

About  the  6th  of  April,  the  enemy  arrived  at  San  Felipe,  and 
began  to  cannonade  Capt.  Baker's  position  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Brazos.  Every  cannon  they  fired  was  distinctly  heard  at  our  camp. 
A  day  or  two  afterwards,  Col.  Somervill  returned  from  a  visit  to 
Capt.  Baker's  camp.  He  came  to  the  tents  of  the  company  to  which 


302         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

I  belonged  and  talked  with  the  men;  expressing  himself  strongly 
in  disapprobation  of  the  Fabian  policy  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
Should  Gen'l.  Houston  persist  in  avoiding  a  conflict  with  the 
enemy,  and  continue  to  march  the  army  eastward,  as  it  was  gen- 
erally believed  he  intended  to  do, — he  said  he  was  in  favor  of 
depriving  him  of  the  command  and  supplying  his  place  with  a  more 
belligerent  leader,  and  wished  to  know  whether  our  company 
favored  such  a  course  and  would  take  it,  should  it  become  necessary. 
He  was  assured  by  both  officers  and  men  that  he  might  rely  upon 
their  co-operation.  I  doubt  not  that  Somervill  and  other  officers 
sounded  the  whole  army  on  this  subject  and  received  the  same 
response.  There  was  no  injunction  of  secrecy — no  one  disguised  his 
sentiments,  and  Gen'l  Houston  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of 
what  was  in  agitation.  On  the  12th,  the  army  was  ferried  over  the 
river  (then  very  high)  in  the  steamboat  Yellowstone,  and  encamped 
a  few  hundred  yards  east  of  Groce's  residence.  Here  we  at  length 
received  what,  since  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  had  been  a 
desideratum;  namely,  two  beautiful,  new,  iron  field  pieces — the  far- 
famed  "Twin  Sisters."  Here  we  were  also  joined  by  Mirabeau  B. 
Lamar  and  a  few  other  volunteers  from  the  United  States.  On  the 
evening  of  the  14th  the  army  was  again  put  in  motion.  After 
marching  about  five  miles  it  encamped  near  the  residence  of  Mr. 
Donoho,  whose  rails  were  used  for  fuel.  A  great  many  fugitive 
families  were  encamped  at  and  near  this  place.  It  was  now  ascer- 
tained that  the  enemy  had  effected  the  passage  of  the  Brazos  at 
Fort  Bend,  and  his  destination  was  presumed  to  be  Harrisburg, 
the  road  to  which  place  diverged  from  the  one  on  which  the  army 
was  marching  about  16  or  17  miles  east  of  Donoho's.  The  night 
of  the  15th  the  army  bivouacked  at  McCurley's.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  the  16th  a  heavy  shower  of  rain  fell  which  delayed 
the  advance  of  the  army  until  nearly  10  o'clock  A.  M.,  when  the 
march  was  resumed.  All  expected  a  scene  at  the  forks  of  the 
road  (a  mile  or  two  east  of  McCurley's),  for  it  was  generally  agreed 
that,  if  the  commander-in-chief  did  not  order  or  permit  the  army 
to  take  the  right-hand  road,  he  was  then  and  there  to  be  deposed 
from  its  command.  I  do  not  believe  that  Gen'l  Houston  gave  any 
order  whatever  as  to  which  road  should  be  followed,  but  when  the 
head  of  the  column  reached  the  forks  of  the  road  it  took  the  right- 
hand  without  being  either  bid  or  forbid. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  303 

During  this  day's  march  over  a  level,  boggy  prairie  the  wagon 
wheels  often  sank  to  their  axles.  Gen'l  Houston  once  or  twice 
dismounted  and  gave  the  teamsters  "a  lift."  It  was  dark  when  we 
reached  Burnett's  on  Cypress  creek,  where  we  encamped.  The 
night  of  the  17th  the  army  slept  in  the  edge  of  the  pine  woods  about 
six  miles  north  of  Harrisburg,  and  on  the  18th,  in  the  forenoon, 
encamped  on  the  left  bank  of  Buffalo  bayou,  less  than  eight  hun- 
dred yards  below  the  town  of  Harrisburg,  which  we  found  reduced 
to  ashes.  Deaf  Smith  having  this  morning  captured  and  brought 
into  camp  two  Mexicans,  one  of  whom  was  a  courier  with  dispatches 
for  Santa  [Anna],  who,  with  a  force  of  six  hundred  men  was  now 
ascertained  to  be  somewhere  down  on  the  San  Jacinto,  and  probably 
within  a  short  day's  march  of  our  camp.  The  long  cherished  wish 
of  our  men  to  meet  the  enemy  seemed  likely  to  be  speedily  gratified. 
On  the  morning  of  the  19th  an  order  was  issued  for  every  man  to 
provide  himself  with  three  days  ration  preparatory  to  marching 
towards  the  enemy.  This  order  was  quickly  followed  by  a  notifica- 
tion to  my  brother,  Capt.  G.  Kuykendall,  that  his  company  was 
detailed  to  remain  at  Camp  Harrisburg  to  guard  the  sick  and  bag- 
gage. The  small  company  of  Capt.  P.  E.  Splane  was  also  detailed 
for  the  same  service — all  to  be  under  the  command  of  Major 
McNutt.  As  my  brother's  company  was  one  of  the  first  in  the  field, 
its  detail  to  "keep  camp"  when  there  was  a  prospect  of  a  fight 
seemed  unfair.  Cols.  Burleson  and  Somervill  and  Sergt-Major 
Cleveland,  at  the  request  of  my  brother,  urged  Gen'l  Houston 
to  excuse  said  company  from  this  service.  The  Gen'l  refused  to 
do  so.1  It  was  near  noon  when  the  army,  about  eight  hundred 

1PThere  can  be  no  doubt  that  Gen.  Houston  considered  the  camp  near  Har- 
risburg  a  post  of  danger.  For  some  time  during  the  morning,  before  the 
army  marched  away,  Gen'l.  Houston  sat  on  a  log,  writing  with  a  pencil. 
After  the  departure  of  the  army  one  of  our  men  picked  up,  at  the  spot 
where  he  had  sat,  his  general  orders,  written  in  pencil  in  his  own  hand,  in 
which  it  was  stated  that  the  artillery  would  remain  for  the  defence  of  the 
camp  near  Harrisburg.  I  saw  and  read  this  paper  myself.  So  did  others 
who  are  still  living.  Furthermore,  after  the  army  was  paraded  to  march, 
it  was  said  in  camp  that  Col.  Neil  remonstrated  against  this  order,  and 
the  result  was  that  the  artillery  accompanied  the  army.  To  the  best  of 
my  recollection,  the  effective  force  left  with  Major  McNutt  did  not  exceed 
seventy-five  men,  towit:  KuykendalFs  company,  forty-five;  Splane's, 
twenty,  and  ten  teamsters.  Between  the  19th  and  21st,  several  small 


304         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

strong,  began  the  march  for  San  Jacinto.  After  it  crossed  Buffalo 
bayou  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  below  our  camp,  we  had  no 
further  communication  with  it  until  after  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto.  From  the  prisoners  and  dispatches  taken  on  the  18th  it 
was  ascertained  that  a  division  of  the  enemy  was  on  its  march  from 
the  Brazos  to  join  Santa  Anna  and  must  necessarily  pass  through 
Harrisburg,  and  within  half  a  mile  of  our  camp.  Major  McNutt 
had  strict  orders  from  General  Houston  not  to  show  himself,  and 
to  act  entirely  on  the  defensive.  As  the  bayou  and  a  dense  wood 
lay  between  us  and  the  road,  it  was  believed  by  the  general  that,  if 
his  orders  were  obeyed,  it  was  not  likely  that  the  enemy  would  dis- 
cover our  camp. 

Early  in  the  forenoon  of  the  20th  we  were  advised  of  the  arrival 
of  the  enemy  at  Harrisburg  by  the  sound  of  his  bugle  and  gun. 
He  made  no  halt,  however,  until  he  arrived  at  Sims's  Bayou,1  about 
a  mile  below  Harrisburg,  and  only  half  that  distance  from  our 
camp.  Here  he  was  delayed  until  night  crossing  the  bayou,  and  as 
he  evidently  did  not  suspect  our  proximity,  we  could  easily  have 
surprised  him ;  but  in  obedience  to  his  orders,  our  commander  suf- 
fered him  to  continue  his  march  unmolested.  This  day  two  of  our 
sick  died  and  were  buried  without  the  customary  military  honors. 
We  also  heard  some  firing  in  the  direction  our  army  had  marched, 
and  inferred  that  it  had  fallen  in  with  the  enemy.  Our  anxiety 
to  know  the  result  was,  of  course,  very  great. 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  about  half  a  dozen  of  our  men  were 
sent  down  the  bayou  to  repair  the  boat  in  which  our  army  had 
crossed.  While  they  were  at  work,  a  party  of  the  enemy,  attracted 
by  the  sound  of  the  axe  and  hammer,  stole  close  to  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  bayou  and  fired  on  them.  Upon  hearing  the  volley 
of  musketry,  Major  McNutt  instantly  paraded  his  command.  In 
a  very  short  time  one  of  the  parties  from  the  boat  galloped  into 

squads  of  mcmnted  men  joined  us,  increasing  our  force  to  about  100  men.  The 
sick  and  ineffectives  numbered  more  than  150  (perhaps  there  were  200). 
Many  years  afterwards  Major  McNutt  informed  the  writer  that  General 
Houston  gave  him  secret  instructions,  in  case  he  should  be  attacked  and 
hard  pressed  by  the  enemy,  to  shoot  the  two  Mexican  prisoners  and  blow 
up  the  ammunition  wagon. 

1The  division  of  the  enemy  was  between  five  and  six  hundred  strong — 
mostly  infantry — and  commanded  by  Gen.  Cos. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  305 

camp  with  the  intelligence  of  what  had  happened.  He  also  brought 
behind  him  Henry  Freid,  of  my  brother's  company,  whose  leg  had 
been  shattered  by  a  musket  ball.  With  the  largest  part  of  his  com- 
mand, Major  McNutt  marched  rapidly  down  to  the  boat;  but  the 
enemy  had  become  invisible,  and  in  a  few  minutes  we  started  back 
to  camp,  but  ere  we  had  proceeded  half  way,  a  brisk  firing  com- 
menced on  our  left,  about  the  crossing  of  Sims's  Bayou.  Heavy 
platoons  of  musketry  followed  each  other  in  quick  succession,  inter- 
spersed with  sharp  reports  of  rifles.  Several  bullets  sang  along 
over  our  heads,  some  of  them  striking  the  pine  trees  and  an  old 
cabin  on  our  right.  The  firing  ceased  before  we  reached  camp, 
where  we  found  that  Eoarer,  the  wagon  master,  taking  advantage 
of  the  absence  of  the  commander,  had,  with  his  teamsters  (8  or 
9)  crossed  the  bayou  and  had  gone  to  look  for  the  enemy,  whom 
he  had  doubtless  found,  and  hence  the  firing.  In  a  few  minutes 
Eoarer  returned 'and  reported  that  he  had  found  a  large  party  of 
the  enemy  encamped  on  the  left  bank  of  Sim's  bayou,  which  he  had 
attacked,  and  of  whom  he  believed  he  had  killed  seven  or  eight  with- 
out any  loss  on  his  part.  Scarcely  was  this  tale  told  when  heavy 
firing  again  commenced  in  the  direction  of  San  Jacinto.  For 
several  minutes  there  was  but  a  few  seconds  interval  between  the 
booming  reports  of  the  artillery,  and  those  intervals  were  filled  with 
the  continuous  roar  of  small  arms.  We  now  felt  assured  that  the 
conflict  of  the  day  previous  had  not  been  decisive;  but  that  now, 
indeed,  had  "come  the  tug  of  war."  Of  course  we  were  greatly 
excited,  yet  we  were  very  hopeful — nay,  almost  confident — of  the 
success  of  our  arms  in  the  impending  strife.  Long  after  the  cannon 
ceased  to  thunder  we  could  still  distinctly  hear  at  irregular  inter- 
vals rattling  discharges  of  small  arms.  At  length,  near  sunset, 
these  reports  also  died  away. 

At  the  earnest  entreaty  of  many  of  us,  Major  McNutt  now 
determined  to  dispatch  twenty-five  or  thirty  men  under  Lt.  Fran- 
cis Miller  to  renew  the  attack  on  the  party  of  the  enemy  at  the 
crossing  of  Sims's  bayou.  Guided  by  Eoarer,  we  began  to  move 
towards  the  camp  of  the  enemy  about  dusk.  Ere  we  had  proceeded 
four  hundred  yards,  the  darkness,  in  consequence  of  the  thick 
foliage  of  the  magnolias,  sweet  bays,  and  other  evergreens,  became 
so  great  that  there  seemed  some  danger  of  losing  our  way.  We  con- 
tinued, however,  to  advance  slowly  and  silently  until  it  was  supposed 


306        Texas  Historical  Association  Qiiarterly. 

we  were  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy,  when  we  were 
halted  and  told  to  lie  down ;  our  officers  having  determined  to  defer 
the  attack  until  daybreak.  We  were  too  cold  and  too  much  excited 
to  sleep.  At  early  dawn  we  crept  cautiously  up  to  the  Mexican 
camp — but  alas,  the  bird  had  flown !  The  camp  fires  had  nearly 
burned  out  and  not  a  living  thing  was  visible,  save  two  or  three 
wolfish  looking  dogs.  One  or  two  dead  mules  were  floating  in  the 
bayou  on  the  bank  of  which  we  found  a  sack  of  bacon  and  several 
bushels  of  corn  in  the  ear.  There  was  also  a  skiff  in  the  bayou 
which  had  been  used  by  the  Mexicans  in  crossing.  Observing  a 
little  mound  of  fresh  earth  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  bayou,  some 
of  us  went  over  to  examine  it.  Scratching  away  the  earth  to  the 
depth  of  five  or  six  inches,  we  found  the  body  of  a  man,  I  searched 
no  further,  but  those  who  did,  said  they  found  three  other  human 
bodies  in  the  same  shallow  grave.  These  bodies  were  probably  the 
fruits  of  the  previous  evening's  skirmish. 

We  were  about  to  start  back  to  our  camp  when  we  perceived  a 
man  riding  towards  us  from  below.  When  he  arrived  within  two 
hundred  yards  of  us  he  waved  his  hat  over  his  head  and  shouted, 
"Huzza  \"  By  this  token  we  knew  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  good 
news.  In  another  minute  that  news  was  told.  The  battle  of  the 
evening  before  had  crowned  our  arms  with  a  complete  and  brilliant 
victory !  Then  such  a  shout  went  up  as  made  the  woods  resound ! 

"O  war,  thou  hast  thy  rude  delight, 
Thy  gleams  of  joy  intensely  bright." 

Upon  returning  to  camp  we  found  that  our  friends  had  already 
received  the  glorious  news.  A  day  or  two  afterwards  we  moved 
down  to  the  headquarters  of  our  army,  near  the  battle  ground. 

Postscript:  Eohrer  reported  that  the  party  of  the  enemy  he 
fought  were  seventy-five  strong.  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that 
there  were  more  than  forty,  several  of  whom  were  camp  followers. 
They  belonged  to  the  division  of  Gen.  Cos,  by  whom,  for  some  rea- 
son unknown,  they  were  left  at  Sims's  bayon. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  307 


VI. 

Labadie's  Account  of  the  Campaign. 

[The  narrative  from  which  these  extracts  are  taken  passim  was  pub- 
lished in  the  Texas  Almanac,  1859,  40-64.  It  was  written  from  his  notes 
taken  during  the  campaign  by  Dr.  N.  D.  Labadie,  who  joined  the  army  at 
Beason's.  Its  publication  provoked  Houston's  speech  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  (See  infra,  317-25.) 

Summary:     Houston  took  command  of  about  400  men  at  Gonzales. 

Two  cannon  and  much  baggage  were  destroyed  when  the  retreat  was 
begun,  because  there  was  not  sufficient  time  to  catch  the  grazing  baggage 
animals.  The  picket  was  left  unnotified  of  the  retreat  for  the  same  reason. 

The  army  at  the  Colorado  numbered  1500  or  1600  men,  but  it  began  to 
decrease  after  news  arrived  of  Fannin's  defeat. 

Moseley  Baker  and  Wily  Martin  refused  to  follow  Houston  from  San 
Felipe.  Houston  then  ordered  the  former  to  guard  the  crossing  at  San 
Felipe,  and  the  latter  to  guard  that  at  Fort  Bend. 

The  medical  staff  was  organized  at  Groce's. 

At  Groce's  there  was  much  talk  of  electing  a  new  commander  for  the 
volunteers.  • 

Houston  admitted  that  he  had  ordered  a  company  from  the  East  to  halt 
at  Robbins's  Ferry,  on  the  Trinity. 

The  army  took  the  road  to  Harrisburg  without  any  order  from  Houston, 
who  sent  R.  M.  Williamson  to  order  the  company  on  the  Trinity  to  join 
him,  since  the  army  had  now  changed  its  course. 

Deaf  Smith  cut  down  Vince's  Bridge. 

During  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  Houston  ordered  a  halt,  but  Rusk 
countermanded  it.] 

Previous  to  General  Houston's  arrival,  some  400  men  had  assem- 
bled at  Gonzales,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  command  of  Col- 
onel Neill,  where  they  remained  for  some  days,  anxiously  waiting 
the  arrival  of  reinforcements  sufficient  to  justify  the  attempt  to  cut 
their  way  into  the  Alamo. 

About  the  llth  or  12th  of  March,  General  Houston  arrived  and 
assumed  command.  On  the  following  day  the  first  regiment  was 
organized  by  electing  the  following  officers:  Burleson,  colonel; 
Sherman,  lieutenant-colonel;  Summerville,  major.  A  camp  was 
formed  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  just  below  the  town. 
That  night  news  was  brought  into  camp  by  an  old  Mexican  of  the 
fall  of  the  Alamo ;  on  the  following  day  this  sad  news  was  fully  con- 


308        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

finned  by  the  arrival  of  Mrs.  Dickinson  and  child,  aud  two  negro 
men-servants  of  Travis  and  Almonte.  They  brought  information  to 
the  effect  that  3000  of  the  enemy  would  camp  on  the  Cibolo  that 
night.  Immediately  on  receiving  that  information,  Houston  ordered 
a  retreat.  Two  cannon  that  had  been  procured  were  thrown  into 
the  Guadalupe  river,  tents  and  camp  baggage  were  burnt,  as  there 
was  no  way  of  transporting  them  in  consequence  of  the  great  haste 
to  get  off,  and  it  being  extremely  dark,  but  few  of  the  horses  of  the 
small  number  they  had  could  be  found.  In  fact,  the  haste  was  so 
great  that  the  picket-guard  that  had  been  posted  two  or  three  miles 
west  of  the  river  were  not  called  in.  There  were  many  families 
left  in  the  rear  also.  About  12  o'clock  at  night  the  army  com- 
menced the  retreat;  at  daylight  next  morning,  it  reached  Peach 
creek,  about  ten  miles  distant,  where  they  halted  to  rest  and  get 
breakfast.  While  there,  heavy  explosions  were  heard,  which  proved 
to  be  the  blowing  up  of  liquors  left  in  the  stores,  the  town  having 
been  set  on  fire  by  parties  left  behind.  *  *  * 

The  army  resumed  its  march  towards  noon,  and  continued  until 
it  reached  Burnham's  on  the  Colorado,  where  it  crossed  the  river 
and  marched  down  to  a  point  opposite  Season's;  here  it  made  a 
halt  for  several  days.  In  the  meantime,  General  Sesma  formed 
a  camp  on  the  west  bank,  where  the  town  of  Columbus  is  now 
situated.  His  command  did  not  exceed  800  men.  While  the  army 
lay  at  this  point  troops  were  constantly  coming  in,  until  the  Texas 
army,  in  a  few  days,  increased  to  fifteen  or  sixteen  hundred  men. 

THE  LIBERTY  COMPANY  ORGANIZE  AND  JOIN  THE  ARMY.  *  *  * 
Having  arrived  at  Eoberts',  *  *  *  an  express  rides  up  giving 
us  the  sad  tidings  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  *  *  *  and  the 

retreat  of  General  Houston,  after  having  set  fire  to  Gonzales. 
*  *  * 

A  DISTRESSING  SPECTACLE.  On  reaching  the  Brazos  bottom,  the 
spectacle  we  witnessed  was  agonizing  and  well  calculated  to  dis- 
courage the  stoutest  heart.  The  road  was  filled  with  carts  and 
wagons  loaded  with  women  and  children,  while  other  women,  for 
whom  there  was  no  room  in  the  wagons,  were  seen  walking,  some  of 
them  barefoot,  some  carrying  their  smaller  children  in  their  arms 
or  on  their  backs,  their  other  children  following  barefooted;  and 
other  women  were  again  seen  with  but  one  shoe,  having  lost  the 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  309 

other  in  the  mud;  some  of  the  wagons  were  broken  down;  and 
others  again  were  bogged  in  the  deep  mud.  *  *  * 

ARRIVAL  AT  SAN  FELIPE.  The  bottoms  presented  an  uninter- 
rupted succession  of  such  sights,  till  we  reached  the  ferry  opposite 
San  Felipe.  *  *  *  Having  arrived  at  Beason's  Ferry  on  the  Col- 
orado, we  there  found  General  Houston  with  the  army  encamped,  to 
whom  we  reported  ourselves  20th  March.  *  *  * 

During  one  week  while  we  were  encamped  on  the  Colorado,  our 
army  increased  by  daily  arrivals  from  about  600  to  1600  men.  In 
this  I  know  I  am  correct,  as  we  paraded  every  day,  which  gave  me 
an  opportunity  of  making  a  record  of  the  numbers  on  the  ground, 
and  I  made  the  entry  in  my  journal. 

[NEWS  OF  FANNIN'S  DEFEAT.  *  *  *  Meantime,  *  *  * 
the  painful  news  of  Fannin's  defeat  was  brought  into  camp  by  one 
Peter  Carr,  whom  Houston  treated  as  a  spy,  putting  him  under 
guard.  We  all,  however,  believed  his  report  to  be  true,  and  it  was 
corroborated  by  others  the  next  day,  after  which  the  numbers  in  our 
camp  began  to  diminish  rapidly. 

EXPEDITION  UNDER  CARNES.  Meantime  Gen.  Sezma  had  pitched 
his  camp  on  the  opposite  or  west  bank,  and  about  one  mile  from 
the  river,  and  Captain  Games  was  authorized  to  raise  a  mounted 
company  to  cross  over  and  reconnoitre  the  position  of  the  enemy. 
*  *  *  Having  thus  failed  in  our  purpose,  we  recrossed  the  river 
about  dark,  and  having  recovered  our  horses  with  some  difficulty, 
and  having  lost  most  of  our  provisions,  we  mounted  and  returned 
towards  the  camp,  and  reaching  it,  lo!  we  found  it  entirely 
deserted. 

THE  EETREAT  FROM  THE  COLORADO.  We  at  once  perceived  that 
Houston  had  commenced  his  retreat.  *  *  *  Finding  the  army 
had  left,  we  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  follow,  and  we  did  so  as  well 
as  we  could  in  the  night.  *  *  *  Many  of  us  declared  it  was 
necessary  to  have  a  better  leader,  and  that,  if  we  could  do  no  better, 
we  would  elect  some  one  better  fitted  to  command.  At  near  day- 
break we  came  up  with  the  army  at  the  spring  Gen.  Houston  had 
named  to  me.  *  *  *  The  retreat  was  continued  through  this 
day,  and  at  night  we  reached  the  place  of  Mr.  S.  M.  Williams,  about 
two  miles  from  San  Felipe.  *  *  *  As  Houston  had  decided 
on  marching  up  the  river  some  twenty  miles  opposite  Col.  Groce's 
plantation,  on  giving  orders  to  that  effect,  Sherman  found  two  com- 


310         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

panics  refused  to  come  into  line,  and  he  sent  a  message  to  that 
effect  to  Houston,  who  had  gone  in  advance  with  his  staff,  when  he 
immediately  sent  back  Col.  Hockley  to  Sherman  to  put  the  army  in 
motion,  saying,  if  subordinate  commanders  were  going  to  disobey 
orders,  the  sooner  it  was  ascertained  the  better.  One  of  the  com- 
panies was  commanded  by  Capt.  Moseley  Baker,  the  other  either  by 
Wiley  Martin  or  Bird.  The  army  had  not  marched  far,  when  Gen. 
Houston  sent  an  order  to  Baker  to  defend  the  crossing  at  San 
Felipe,  and  to  Martin  to  defend  that  at  Fort  Bend.  Subsequently 
Baker  set  fire  to  San  Felipe  and  then  took  his  position  on  the  oppo- 
site bank  of  the  river,  where  he  defended  the  crossing  till  he  found 
the  main  army  was  retreating,  and  then  abandoned  it.  Baker 
afterwards  asserted  that  he  burnt  San  Felipe  by  order  of  Gen. 
Houston,  but  the  latter  denied  it.  The  enemy  afterwards  finding 
the  crossing  at  San  Felipe  defended  by  Baker,  diverged  and  went 
down  to  Fort  Bend,  the  crossing  at  which  place  Martin  was  unable 
to  defend,  and  there  they  crossed  over. 

CAMP  AT  GROCE'S  FERRY — SAN  FELIPE  BURNT,  ETC.  Our  camp 
was  pitched  near  a  deep  ravine.  *  *  *  In  relation  to  the  burn- 
ing of  San  Felipe,  I  may  here  remark  that  on  one  occasion,  in  com- 
pany with  J.  N.  Moreland,  I  visited  Gen.  Houston,  whom  we  found 
lying  in  his  tent.  Turning  towards  us  he  said:  "Moreland,  did 
you  ever  hear  me  give  orders  to  burn  the  town  of  San  Felipe?" 
His  reply  was :  "General,  I  have  no  recollection  of  it."  "Yet  they 
blame  me  for  it,"  said  Houston.  *  *  * 

SICKNESS  IN  CAMP — REORGANIZATION,  ETC.  While  our  army 
lay  thus  encamped  in  the  Brazos  swamp,  using  stagnant  water  from 
the  old  bed  of  the  river,  a  great  deal  of  sickness  prevailed  among 
the  men,  which  caused  serious  alarm.  It  was  then  deemed  proper 
to  organize  the  army  on  the  best  possible  plan,  and  many  promo- 
tions were  made.  *  *  *  It  was  here  also  that  the  medical  staff 
was  organized,  April  6th.  To  Dr.  Phelps  was  assigned  the  hos- 
pital, which  for  some  weeks  before  had  been  kept  on  Groce's  planta- 
tion, where  a  few  sick  had  been  sent.  Dr.  Ewing  received  the 
appointment  of  surgeon-general,  and  by  him  Dr.  Bower  and  the 
writer  were  appointed  surgeons  of  the  first  regiment  of  regulars. 
The  surgeons  of  the  volunteer  regiments  were  appointed  by  their 
respective  commanders.  Burleson  of  the  1st  regiment  appointed 
Doctors  Davidson  and  Fitzhue,  and  Sherman  of  the  2nd  regiment 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  311 

appointed  Doctors  Anson  Jones  (late  President  Jones),  and 
Booker.  *  *  * 

Owing  to  the  state  "Of  inactivity  and  the  increase  of  diarrhoea  in 
the  army,  great  discontent  and  murmuring  were  manifested  among 
all  the  officers  and  men.  *  *  * 

SANTA  ANNA'S  CHALLENGE — TALK  OF  SUPERSEDING  HOUSTON. 
Meantime  the  feeling  of  discontent  increased.  The  news  of  the 
burning  of  San  Felipe,  of  the  advance  of  Santa  Anna  in  person,  of 
his  reaching  San  Felipe  and  Fort  Bend,  rendered  our  men  impa- 
tient of  this  delay.  *  *  *  Colonel  Sidney  Sherman  had  been 
elected  colonel  of  the  second  regiment,  to  which  the  Liberty  com- 
pany belonged,  and  while  all  were  saying  it  was  time  to  be  doing 
something  besides  lying  in  idleness  and  getting  sick,  upon  hearing 
this  challenge,  it  was  declared  to  be  necessary  that  the  army  should 
have  another  commander,  and  Colonel  Sherman  was  pointed  out  as 
the  man  best  calculated  to  meet  the  emergency.  This  came  to  the 
ears  of  General  Houston,  who  at  once  caused  notices  to  be  written 
and  stuck  on  trees  with  wooden  pegs,  to  the  effect  that  the  first  man 
who  should  beat  for  volunteers,  should  be  court-martialed  and  shot. 
One  of  these  notices  was  pinned  to  a  hickory  tree  not  six  feet  from 
the  tent  of  the  Liberty  company,  and  Colonel  Lynch  and  others 
pointed  it  out  to  me.  J.  N.  Moreland  (who  was  a  strong  friend  to 
the  commander),  and  Major  Ben  Smith  and  Dr.  Ewing,  all  came 
to  us  and  desired  that  no  such  step,  as  that  spoken  of,  should  be 
taken,  as  there  was  no  doubt  the  camp  would  break  up  in  a  few 
days. 

BOBBIN'S  FERRY — ARRIVAL  or  THE  "TWIN  SISTERS."  The  next 
day  some  one  from  the  Ked  Lands  arrived  and  reported  that  a  com- 
pany from  that  section  had  reached  Bobbins'  ferry  on  the  Trinity, 
where  it  had  halted,  as  Mr.  Bobbins  stated  it  to  be  the  wish  of  the 
commander  that  the  company  should  proceed  no  farther  to  the  west. 
In  reply,  Houston  said,  in  my  presence,  it  was  right,  and  that  it 
was  his  order  for  the  company  to  stop  there.  About  this  time  news 
came  to  us  that  two  pieces  of  artillery  had  been  landed  at  Harris- 
burg  and  would  reach  .the  camp  within  five  days.  It  was  this, 
mainly,  that  put  an  end  to  the  movement  of  beating  up  for  a  vol- 
unteer commander.  *  *  * 

THE  CAMP  AT  GROCE'S  BREAKS  UP  AND  CROSSES  THE  BIVER. 
Having  now  possession  of  these  two  four-pound  pieces,  preparations 


312         lexas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

for  the  march  were  at  once  made,  and  the  whole  army  soon  crossed 
on  the  Yellowstone  without  difficulty.  I  believe  the  crossing  was 
commenced  on  the  12th,  and  I  know  it  was  completed  on  the  13th 
and  14th,  as  my  journal  is  to  that  effect.  *  *  *  The  next  day, 
on  the  15th,  the  army  marched  six  miles  to  Mr.  Donohoe's  place,  and 
then  camped.  While  the  companies  were  taking  the  ground  allot- 
ted them,  I  observed  Captain  Moseley  Baker  (who  had  just  joined 
us),  apparently  much  absorbed  in  thought.  As  Gen.  Houston  came 
up  he  said  to  him:  "General,  according  to  your  orders,  I  have 
retreated  with  my  company,  which  is  now  encamped  in  good  order, 
three  miles  above."  Then  came  Captain  Martin  who  said :  "Gen- 
eral, I  have  brought  but  my  sword;  my  company  has  disbanded. 
On  hearing  that  you  were  retreating  to  Nacogdoches,  they  declared 
they  would  no  longer  bear  arms,  but  would  protect  their  families, 
and  they  have  therefore  all  dispersed."  I  was  then  standing  within 
four  or  five  steps  of  General  Houston,  and  I  asked  Capt.  Baker  if 
his  company  was  on  the  road  to  Bobbins'  ferry.  "They  are  on  that 
road,''  said  he.  "But,"  said  I,  "are  you  and  your  men  willing  to 
retreat  there?"  *  *  *  "No,  never,  never!"  said  he;  "for  if 
Gen.  Houston  will  not  take  us  to  meet  the  enemy,  we  will  elect  a 
commander  who  will."  This  he  said  in  a  loud  voice,  eo  that  Gen. 
Houston  heard  it,  and  turned  to  us  with  a  nod,  and  then,  finishing 
his  conversation  with  Capt.  Martin,  he  passed  by  us  suddenly  and 
began  cursing  the  men  for  taking  the  fence  for  firewood.  *  *  * 

SICKNESS — DOUBTS  AS  TO  WHICH  KOAD  WOULD  BE  TAKEN.'  The 
next  day,  16th,  brought  the  army  to  near  Mr.  Roberts'  place,  and 
here  a  heavy  Texas  rain  poured  upon  us.  *  *  * 

Owing  to  the  conflicting  opinions  as  to  which  road  the  army  was 
to  take  after  reaching  Mr.  Roberts',  where  it  forked,  I  wanted  to 
satisfy  myself  on  that  point,  and  went  to  Major  Ben  Smith,  for 
information.  He  replied  to  my  inquiry  that  it  was  his  opinion  the 
army  would  continue  straight  on  and  cross  the  Trinity  at  Robbing' 
ferry.  As  many  were  unwilling  to  go1  on  that  road,  a  halt  was 
expected  to  be  made  at  Roberts',  and  as  we  neared  that  point  (17th 
April),  the  writer,  with  three  or  four  others,  galloped  to  near  the 
advance  guard,  the  captain  of  which  told  us  he  had  received  no 
orders,  but  would  go  between  the  two  roads.  As  Gen.  Houston  was 
now  coming  up,  several  of  us  desired  Mr.  Roberts,  who  was  stand- 
ing on  his  gate,  to  point  out  to  all — the  road  to  Harrisburg.  Gen. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  313 

Houston  was  then  close  by,  when  Koberts  raised  his  hand,  and, 
elevating  his  voice,  cried  out:  "That  right  hand  road  will  carry 
you  to  Harrisburg  just  as  straight  as  a  compass."  A  shout  was 
then  raised:  "To  the  right,  boys,  to  the  right."  The  whole  line 
was  fast  closing  up  as  the  music  had  stopped ;  but  upon  hearing  the 
shout  from  the  men,  the  music  proceeded  to  the  right.  The 
advance  guard,  then  a  quarter  of  a  mile  ahead,  between  the  two 
roadis,  seeing  the  music  take  the  right,  wheeled  also  to  the  right; 
and  then  loud  and  joyous  shouts  followed  in  succession.  *  *  * 

MRS.  MANN  AND  HER  OXEN.  Here  I  first  discovered  my  medi- 
cine cart  was  missing,  when  I  learned  that  owing  to  some  difficulty 
with  Mrs.  Mann  about  her  oxen,  it  had  been  left  behind.  *  *  * 
I  reached  the  spot  just  in  time  to  see  Mrs.  Mann  driving  off  her 
yoke  of  oxen.  *  *  *  She  said  she  had  loaned  her  oxen  to  Gen. 
Houston  to  go  as  far  as  the  ferry  on  the  Trinity,  but,  as  the  army 
had  changed  its  course,  she  said  she  would  be  d — d  if  the  general 
should  have  her  oxen  any  longer.  *  *  * 

MARCH  CONTINUED  TO  HARRISBURG,  ETC.  Some  six  miles  further 
on  our  march,  I  observed  "Three-legged  Willie"  galloping  up  to 
Gen.  Houston.  *  *  *  Gen.  Houston  then  ordered  him  to  go 
with  all  possible  speed  to  the  Eed  Land  company,  with  directions 
that  they  should  join  the  army,  as  it  had  now  changed  its  course  to 
Harrisburg.  *  *  *  We  arrived  at  Harrisburg  about  noon, 
when  the  smoke  at  the  town  told  us  too  plainly  to  be  mistaken,  that 
the  enemy  had  been  there  before  us,  and  set  fire  to  its  buildings. 
After  camping  a  little  below,  our  spy,  Deaf  Smith,  found  means  to 
cross  the  bayou  with  a  few  others ;  and  about  8  o'clock  that  night, 
he  came  back,  bringing  captive  a  Mexican  express  carrier  with  a 
pair  of  deerskin  saddlebags  full  of  documents  for  Santa  Anna. 
These  saddlebags  had  belonged  to  Travis  and  had  his  name  upon 
them.  *  *  *  Accordingly  the  balance  of  the  cavalry  joined 
the  main  army  next  morning  and  crossed  Buffalo  bayou  below  the 
mouth  of  Sims'.  The  next  day  at  Bray's  bayou,  a  flat  boat  was 
found  loaded  with  corn  meal,  etc.,  intended  for  the  division  under 
General  Cos,  but  we  found  those  supplies  quite  as  acceptable  to  us 
as  they  could  have  been  to  Cos.  By  dusk  that  day  the  army  had 
all  crossed  over,  Dr.  Phelps  having  been  left  to  attend  to  some  ten 
or  twelve  who  were  sick  with  the  diarrhoea.  *  *  * 

SPEECHES  TO  THE  ARMY.    *    *    *    Before  crossing  the  bayou, 


314         Texas  Historical  Association  Qua/rterly. 

General  Houston  made  us  an  animated  speech,  towards  the  con- 
clusion of  which  he  said :  "The  army  will  cross,  and  we  will  meet 
the  enemy."  *  *  * 

THE  MARCH  AND  SKIRMISH  OF  THE  20TH.  *  *  *  The  spies 
reported  that  only  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy  was  in  sight 
Upon  examining  our  rifles  we  found  that  they  required  fresh  prim- 
ing, and  then  one  after  another  discharged  his  gun  for  the  purpose 
of  loading  afresh.  *  *  *  Gen.  Houston,  who  had  all  along  been 
silent  now  raised  his  stentorian  voice,  crying:  "Stop  that  firing, 

*  *     *."     Some  of  us  said,  "Our  guns  have  been  loaded  over 
two  weeks,  and  we  will  not  meet  the  enemy  with  them  wet,"  and 
then,  right  before  his  face,  bang  goes  another,  and  still  another. 
By  this  time    *     *     *     holding  his  drawn  sword,  he  declared  he 
would  run  through  the  first  man  that  would  fire.     One  man,  close 
by  myself,  said,  "General,  it  won't  do  for  you  to  try  that  game  on 
us";  and  with  the  most  perfect  indifference  he  fires  his  rifle  as  he 
spoke.     The  general  then  gave  it  up.     *     *     * 

SOME  TORIES  DISCOVERED.  We  soon  discovered  some  men  on  the 
hills  beyond  Lynchburg,  whom  we  took  to  be  a  reinforcement  com- 
ing from  the  east.  *  *  *  It  was  found  out  that  they  were 
some  of  the  Texas  tories,  and  had  come  to  pilot  Santa  Anna  acroao 
to  the  Sabi^-.  *  *  *  These  men,  finding  they  had  mistaken 
the  Texian  for  the  Mexican  army,  made  a  hasty  retreat  and  disap- 
peared. 

THE  FIRST  SKIRMISHING.  [On  the  20th].  *  *  *  As  I  went 
along,  I  met  Gol.  G.  W.  Hockley,  who  was  handing  a  letter  to  an 
express,  saying  to  him :  "Get  all  the  axes  in  camp,  and  bring  the 
flat  boat  down  tonight."  *  *  *  After  he  had  left  the  pur- 
pose was  well  understood,  to  cut  trees  to  enable  the  army  to  cross ; 
but  the  men  declared  that  not  a  tree  should  be  cut  down,  but  that 
they  would  give  battle  at  once.  *  *  * 

DARING  ATTACK  BY  SHERMAN  AND  LAMAR.  *  *  *  About 
4  o'clock  in  the  evening  Col.  Sherman  asked  General  Houston's  per- 
mission to  call  for  mounted  volunteers  to  take  their  cannon. 

*  *     *     General  Houston  reluctantly  consented;  but  before  Col. 
S.  could  get  his  men  ready  for  the  attack  (about  seventy  having 
volunteered,  among  them  were  Cols.  Lamar  and  Handy),  the  enemy 
withdrew  their  cannon,  leaving  their  cavalry  in  the  prairie.     Sher- 
man immediately  charged  them  and  drove  them  back  under  the 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  315 

guns  of  their  main  body.  The  Texians,  being  composed  mostly  of 
riflemen  mounted  for  the  purpose,  were  compelled  to  fall  back  and 
dismount,  to  reload  their  long  rifles.  The  enemy  perceiving  their 
condition  *  *  *  dashed  down  upon  them,  forcing  them  to  defend 
themselves  as  best  they  could  until  they  were  again  in  their  saddles, 
when  they  forced  the  enemy  back  the  second  time.  In  the  mean* 
time  Santa  Anna  *  *  *  ordered  out  several  hundred  infantry  to 
cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Texians.  *  *  *  While  in  this  situation, 
Sherman  sent  Major  Wells  to  bring  up  Col.  Willard's  command  of 
regulars,  which  had  been  promised  him  by  Houston.  *  *  * 
Wells  soon  returned  with  the  mortifying  intelligence  that  Willard's 
orders  had  been  countermanded.  *  *  *  Of  course  the  Texians 
were  compelled  to  retreat.  *  *  *  Thus  ended  the  skirmishing 
of  the  20th.  *  *  * 

The  number  of  our  men  in  camp  was  quite  small,  *  *  *  now 
estimated  at  less  than  800.  *  *  * 

KEINFORCEMENTS  TO  THE  ENEMY.  *  *  *  Our  spies  reported 
a  large  number  of  mules  in  sight,  with  pack  saddles  on.  And 
now  there  was  a  general  murmur,  for  most  agreed  that  it  was  a 
reinforcement  to  the  enemy.  *  *  *  Deaf  Smith  passed  by 
me,  remarking,  "*  *  *  the  enemy  is  increasing."  *  *  * 
Many  became  clamorous  and  murmurs  were  heard  to  the  effect 
that:  "The  delays  of  our  commander  are  continually  adding 
strength  to  the  enemy,  and  diminishing  our  own.  *  *  *  Today 
we  must  fight,  or  never."  As  this  long  string  of  mules  disap- 
peared, Deaf  Smith  *  *  *  remarked:  "They  have  traveled 
over  our  track.  The  bridge  at  Vince's  ought  to  be  burnt  down.  I 
will  see  the  general."  *  *  *  And  two  minutes  after  he  rides  up 
to  me  saying:  "*  *  *  The  general  thinks  it  a  good  plan." 
*  *  *  At  about  two  o'clock  he  returned  and  I  asked  him  how 
he  had  succeeded.  He  said:  "I  first  fired  it;  but  it  would  not 
burn;  and  I  then  cut  away  a  few  timbers  and  made  it  fall  into 
the  bayou."  About  ten  that  morning,  Col.  Wharton  visited  every 
mess  in  camp,  and  slapping  his  hands  together,  he  spoke  loud 
and  quick:  "Boys,  there  is  no  other  word  today  but  fight,  fight! 
Now  is  the  time!"  Every  man  was  eager  for  it,  but  all  feared 
another  disappointment,  as  the  commander  still  showed  no  disposi- 
tion whatever  to  lead  the  men  out.  *  *  *  Over  one-half  of  the 
men  paraded,  expecting  orders,  but,  up  to  noon,  nothing  could  be 


316        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

decided;  yet  the  desire  of  the  men  only  increased  the  more,  until 
finally  Houston  said  to  Wharton :  "Fight  and  be  damned."  This 
was  enough.  Wharton  again  went  among  them  to  prepare  them, 
telling  them  the  order  had  been  given  at  last.  *  *  *  It  was 
past  three  o'clock  when  all  the  arrangements  were  finally  concluded. 
*  *  *  We  found  the  enemy  somewhat  unprepared  for  us  at  that 
hour.  *  *  * 

HOUSTON  ORDERS  A  HALT.  On  a  sudden  a  halt  is  made  in  obe- 
dience to  an  order.  Upon  which,  Rusk  shouts  to  the  top  of  his 
voice :  "If  we  stop,  we  are  cut  to  pieces.  Don't  stop — go  ahead." 


VII. 

Houston's  Speech  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

[This  speech  was  delivered  by  General  Houston  in  the  United  States 
Senate  February  28,  1859,  and  pretends  to  be  a  reply  to  Labadie's  account 
of  the  San  Jacinto  campaign,  published  in  the  Texas  Almanac  for  1859. 
(See  supra,  307-16).  It  may  be  found  entire  in  the  Congressional  Globe, 
1859,  pp.  7 133-39.  These  extracts  are  taken  passim  from  a  reprint  in  the 
Texas  Alt.tanac,  1860,  18-35. 

Summary:  When  Houston  took  command  of  the  army  at  Gonzales,  it 
numbered  374. 

The  General  placed  his  baggage  wagons  at  the  disposal  of  the  citizens  of 
Gonzales,  reserving  only  one  for  the  transportation  of  the  army,  baggage 
and  ammunition. 

Gonzales  was  burned  by  the  rear  guard,  without  instructions. 

The  general  retreated  from  the  Colorado,  because  he  knew  that  one 
battle  must  "decide  the  fate  of  Texas,"  and  that  if  many  were  wounded 
there,  he  would  have  to  sacrifice  the  army  to  the  wounded,  since  he  had  no 
means  of  transporting  them. 

At  San  Felipe  there  was  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  in  the  troops. 

At  Groce's  the  general's  "efficient"  force  was  520  men.  He  would  have 
attempted  to  surprise  Santa  Anna  at~  San  Felipe,  but  the  swollen  condi- 
tion of  the  Brazos  prevented. 

The  army  took  the  Harrisburg  road  at  the  fork  without  an  order  from 
anybody. 

The  army  which  marched  from  Harrisburg  numbered  a  'little  over  700." 

A  council  of  war  was  called  at  about  12  o'clock  on  the  21st.  The  ques- 
tion submitted  was,  "Shall  we  attack  the  enemy  in  their  position,  or  await 
their  attack  in  ours?"  The  council  decided  to  await  the  attack  of  the 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  317 

enemy;    but  the  general   determined,  notwithstanding  their   decision,   to 
take  the  offensive. 

Houston  alone  conceived  the  idea  of  destroying  Vince's  bridge.] 

*  *  *  The  general  proceeded  on  his  way  and  met  many  fugi- 
tives. The  day  on  which  he  left  Washington,  the  6th  of  March,  the 
Alamo  had  fallen.  He  anticipated  it  and  marching  to  Gonzales 
as  soon  as  practicable,  though  his  health  was  infirm,  he  arrived 
there  on  the  llth  of  March.  He  found  at  Gonzales  three  hundred 
and  seventy-four  men,  half-fed,  half-clad,  and  half-armed,  and 
without  organization.  That  was  the  nucleus  on  which  he  had  to 
form  an  army  and  defend  the  country.  No  sooner  did  he  arrive 
than  he  sent  a  dispatch  to  Col.  Fannin,  fifty-eight  miles,  which 
would  reach  him  in  thirty  hours,  to  fall  back.  He  was  satisfied 
that  the  Alamo  had  fallen.  Col.  Fannin  was  ordered  to  fall  back 
from  Goliad,  twenty-five  miles,  to  Victoria,  on  the  Guadalupe,  thus 
placing  him  within  striking  distance  of  Gonzales,  for  he  had  only 
to  march  twenty-five  miles  to  Victoria  to  be  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Colorado,  with  the  only  succor  hoped  for  by  the  general.  *  *  * 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  confirmation  of  the  fall  of  the 
Alamo  reached  the  general.  Was  it  policy  to  give  battle  there 
against  an  overwhelming  force,  flushed  with  victory  and  the  massa- 
cre of  the  Alamo  ?  Was  it  wisdom  in  him  to  put  upon  the  hazard 
of  a  die,  three  hundred  and  seventy-four  men,  in  the  condition  ia 
which  his  troops  were,  against  ten  thousand  choice,  victorious 
troops  of  Mexico,  backed  by  a  nation  of  eight  million  people,  when 
he  had  only  to  rely  upon  the  voluntary  casualties  that  might  exist 
to  sustain  him?  What  did  he  do  when  he  first  went  there?  He 
ordered  every  wagon  but  one  to  be  employed  in  transporting  the 
women  and  children  from  the  town  of  Gonzales,  and  had  only  four 
oxen  and  a  single  wagon,  as  he  believed,  to  transport  all  the  bag- 
gage and  munitions  of  war  belonging  to  Texas  at  that  point.  That 
was  all  he  had  left.  He  had  provided  for  the  women  and  chil- 
dren. *  *  * 

Though  the  news  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo  arrived  at  eight  or  nine 
o'clock  at  night,  that  night,  by  eleven  o'clock  the  commander-in- 
chief  had  everything  in  readiness  to  march,  though  panic  raged, 
and  frenzy  seized  upon  many;  and  though  it  took  all  his  personal 
influence  to  resist  the  panic  and  bring  them  to  composure,  with  all 
the  encouragement  he  could  use,  he  succeeded.  An  example  of 


318         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

composure  himself,  he  at  last  got  the  excitement  allayed;  but  not 
until  twenty-five  persons  had  deserted  and  carried  panic  with  them 
to  the  eastern  section  of  the  country,  as  far  as  the  Sabine,  announc- 
ing the  fall  and  massacre  of  the  Alamo,  and  the  massacre  of  the 
troops.  He  fell  back,  but  fell  back  in  good  order. 

An  incident  that  I  will  mention,  of  the  most  unpleasant  charac- 
ter, occurred  on  leaving  Gonzales.  On  that  night,  about  twelve 
miles  from  there,  it  was  announced  to  the  general  that  the  Mexicans 
would  suffer;  that  a  barrel  of  gin  and  a  barrel  of  wine  had  been 
poisoned  with  arsenic,  and  that,  as  they  came  to  consume  it,  it 
would  destroy  them.  I  presume  no  man  ever  had  such  feelings  of 
horror  at  a  deed  being  perpetrated  of  this  kind,  *  *  *  but, 
fortunately,  the  rear  guard,  without  direction,  set  fire  to  the  place 
on  leaving  it.  *  *  * 

At  Peach  creek,  fifteen  miles  from  Gonzales,  he  met  a  reinforce- 
ment of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  men,  but  out  of  these  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  men,  ere  morning  twenty-five  had  again 
deserted,  owing  to  the  terrible  details  that  were  brought  of  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  Alamo.  With  that  addition  his  force  only  amounted 
to  four  hundred  and  seventy-four  men  that  remained  with  him. 
The  next  day  he  met  a  detachment  of  thirty-five  men,  and  antici- 
pating that  he  would  make  a  stand  at  the  Colorado,  as  he  found  it 
impossible  to  make  a  stand  at  Gonzales,  appointed  an  aide-de-camp, 
Major  William  T.  Austin,  and  dispatched  him  for  artillery  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Brazos  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him,  on  arriving 
at  the  Colorado,  to  make  a  stand — for  he  had  not  a  single  piece  of 
ordnance,  not  a  cartridge,  or  a  ball.  The  aide-de-camp  departed 
with  the  assurance  that  within  seven  or  eight  days  he  would  have  it 
on  the  Colorado,  at  Beason's.  In  the  meantime,  and  to  show 
that  the  general  was  not  a  fugitive,  or  that  he  was  not  disposed  to 
expose  anyone  to  hazard,  he  was  informed  on  the  Navidad,  fifteen 
miles  from  the  Colorado,  that  a  blind  woman,  with  six  children, 
had  been  passed  by,  as  she  was  not  residing  on  the  road,  but  off  at 
a  distance.  He  immediately  ordered  two  of  his  aides-de-camp,  with 
a  company  of  men,  to  go  and  bring  her  up.  *  *  *  He  then 
halted  at  the  Colorado  four  days,  until  the  last  hoof  and  the  last 
human  being  that  was  a  fugitive  had  passed  over.  He  had  per- 
mitted none  to  remain  behind  exposed  to  the  ruthless  enemy. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  319 

There  he  remained  [at  Season's]  until  the  news  of  Fannin's  dis- 
aster came.  *  *  * 

The  general  fell  back  from  the  Colorado.  The  artillery  had  not 
yet  arrived.  He  had  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  check  given  to 
General  Sesm&j  opposite  to  his  camp  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Colo- 
rado, would  induce  him  to  send  for  reinforcements,  and  that  Fan- 
nin  having  been  massacred,  a  concentration  of  the  enemy  would 
necessarily  take  place,  and  that  an  overwhelming  force  would  soon 
be  upon  him.  He  knew  that  one  battle  must  be  decisive  of  the 
fate  of  Texas.  If  he  fought  a  battle  and  many  of  his  men  were 
wounded,  he  could  not  transport  them,  and  he  would  be  compelled 
to  sacrifice  the  army  to  the  wounded.  He  determined  to  fall  back, 
and  did  so,  and  on  falling  back  received  an  accession  of  three  com- 
panies that  had  been  ordered  from  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos.  He 
heard  no  word  of  the  artillery,  for  none  had  reached  there,  nor  did 
it  ever  start  for  the  army ;  and  it  was  years  before  he  knew  that  his 
orders  had  been  countermanded,  and  his  aide-de-camp  withdrawn 
from  him.  *  *  *  He  [the  general]  marched  and  took  posses- 
sion on  the  Brazos,  with  as  much  expedition  as  was  consistent  with 
his  situation;  but  at  San  Felipe  he  found  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction 
in  the  troops.  The  government  had  removed  east.  It  had  left 
Washington  and  gone  to  Harrisburg,  and  the  apprehension  of  the 
settlers  had  been  awakened  and  increased  rather  than  decreased. 
The  spirits  of  the  men  were  bowed  down.  Hope  seemed  to  have 
departed,  and  with  the  little  band  alone  remained  anything  like  a 
consciousness  of  strength. 

At  San  Felipe  objection  was  made  to  marching  up  the  Brazos. 
It  was  said  that  settlements  were  down  below  and  persons  interested 
were  there.  The  oxen  could  not  be  found  for  the  march  in  the 
morning,  of  a  certain  company.  The  general  directed  that  they 
should  follow  as  soon  as  the  oxen  were  collected.  He  marched  up 
the  Brazos,  and  crossing  Mill  creek,  encamped  there.  An  express 
was  sent  to  him,  asking  his  permission  for  that  company  to  go  down 
the  Brazos  to  Fort  Bend,  and  to  remain  there.  Knowing  it  arose 
from  a  spirit  of  sedition,  he  granted  that  permission,  and  they 
marched  down.  On  the  Brazos  the  efficient  force  under  his  com- 
mand amounted  to  five  hundred  and  twenty.  He  remained  there 
from  the  last  of  March  until  the  13th  of  April.  On  his  arrival  at 
the  Brazos,  he  found  that  the  rains  had  been  excessive.  He  had  no 


320         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

means  of  operating  against  the  enemy.  They  marched  to  San 
Felipe^  within  eighteen  miles  of  him,  and  would  have  been  liable  to 
surprise  at  any  time  had  it  not  been  for  the  high  waters  of  the 
Brazos,  which  prevented  him  from  marching  upon  them  by  sur- 
prise. Thus,  he  was  pent  up.  The  portion  of  the  Brazos  in  which 
he  was  became  an  island.  The  water  had  not  been  for  years  so 
high. 

On  arriving  at  the  Brazoe,  he  found  that  the  Yellowstone,  a  very 
respectable  steamboat,  had  gone  up  the  river  for  the  purpose  of 
transporting  cotton.  She  was  seized  by  order  of  the  general,  to 
enable  him,  if  necessary,  to  pass  the  Brazoe  at  any  moment,  and 
was  detained  with  a  guard  on  board.  *  *  *  The  general  had 
taken  every  precaution  possible  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  passing 
the  Brazos  below.  He  had  ordered  every  craft  to  be  destroyed  on 
the  river.  *  *  *  But  by  a  ruse,  they  obtained  the  only  boat 
that  was  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  a  command  was  sta- 
tioned. *  *  *  And  thus  Santa  Anna  obtained  an  opportunity 
of  transporting  his  artillery  and  army  across  the  Brazos.  *  *  * 
The  encampment  on  the  Brazos  was  the  point  at  which  the  first 
piece  of  artillery  was  ever  received  by  the  army.  *  *  *  Two 
small  six-pounders,  presented  by  the  magnanimity  of  the  people  of 
Cincinnati,  and  subsequently  called  the  "Twin  Sisters,"  were  the 
first  pieces  of  artillery  that  were  used  in  Texas.  From  thence,  the 
march  commenced  at  Donoho's,  three  miles  from  Groce's.  It  had 
required  several  days  to  cross  the  Brazos,  with  the  horses  and 
wagons. 

General  Husk  had  arrived  in  camp  on  the  4th  of  April.  He  was 
then  Secretary  of  War — Colonel  Rusk — and  as  a  friend  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  he  was  received.  He  was  superseded,1  and  Mr. 
Thomas  was  acting  Secretary  of  War.  *  *  *  The  commander-in- 
chief  camped,  three  miles  from  the  Brazos  timber,  and  with  unusual 
vigilance  preserved  the  forces  together,  only  a  few  deserting.  They 
were  then  east  of  the  Brazos  and  the  settlements  were  east  of  them. 
*  *  *  The  road  from  San  Felipe,  situated  below  the  army  on  the 
Brazos,  led  to  eastern  Texas  on  the  Sabine.  The  road  to  Harris- 
burg  crossed  it  at  right  angles,  going  south.  The  general  had  pro- 
vided a  guide  acquainted  with  the  country,  as  it  was  a  portion  in 

*Rusk  was  not  superseded. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  321 

which  he  had  never  been.  *  *  *  As  the  troops  filed  out  in  the 
direction  of  Harrisburg,  without  an  intimation  being  given  to  any 
one,  two  companies  that  had  been  stationed  at  San  Felipe  and  below 
that  on  the  Brazos,  and  ordered  to  concentrate  at  Donoho's,  arrived. 
The  officers  were  sullen  and  refractory;  they  had  "not  eaten." 
*  *  *  At  that  moment  a  negro  came  up,  and  said  he  had  been 
made  a  prisoner  by  the  Mexicans  and  was  released,  and  announced 
the  fact  that  Santa  Anna  had  crossed  the  Brazos,  and  was  marching 
to  Harrisburg.  These  companies  were  ordered  into  line.  One  of 
them  obeyed ;  the  other  objected  to  going,  as  they  had  no  refresh- 
ments. The  whole  management,  and  the  entire  responsibility  of 
every  movement  at  that  time  devolved  upon  the  general.  He  told 
the  refractory  captain,  whom  he  had  known  for  many  years,  to 
march  directly  to  the  Trinity  and  protect  the  women  and  children, 
if  the  Indians  should  prove  turbulent ;  and  at  all  events  to  kill  beef 
for  them,  and  see  that  their  supplies  were  sufficient.  The  general 
acted  upon  no  orders,  given  to  him  during  the  campaign;  but 
assumed  the  sole  responsibility  of  all  his  acts. 

*  *  *  The  remarkable  success  of  the  march  brought  the 
army  in  a  little  time  to  Harrisburg,  opposite  which  it  halted.  Deaf 
Smith — known  as  such — his  proper  name  was  Erasmus1  Smith — 
had  gone  over  by  rafts  with  -other  spies,  and,  after  crossing,  arrested 
two  couriers  and  brought  them  into  camp.  Upon  them  was  found 
a  buckskin  wallet  containing  dispatches  of  General  Filisola  to  Gen- 
eral Santa  Anna,  as  well  as  from  Mexico,  and  thereby  we  were  satis- 
fied that  Santa  Anna  had  marched  to  San  Jacinto  with  the  elite  of 
his  army,  and  we  resolved  to  push  on.  Orders  were  given  by  the 
general  immediately  to  prepare  rations  for  three  days,  and  to  be  at 
an  early  hour  in  readiness  to  cross  the  bayou.  The  next  morning 
we  find  that  the  commander-in-chief  addressed  a  note  in  pencil  to 
Henry  Eaguet,  of  Nacogdoches,  in  these  words : 

CAMP  AT  HARRISBURG,  April  19,  1836. 

"SiR :  This  morning  we  are  in  preparation  to  meet  Santa  Anna. 
It  is  the  only  chance  of  saving  Texas.  From  time  to  time  I  have 
looked  for  reinforcements  in  vain.  The  convention  adjourning  to 
Harrisburg  struck  panic  throughout  the  country.  Texas  could 
have  started  at  least  four  thousand  men.  We  will  only  have  about 

JIt  was  really  Erastus. — E.  C.  B. 


322        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

seven  hundred  to  march  with,  besides  the  camp  guard.  We  go  to 
conquer.  It  is  wisdom,  growing  out  of  necessity,  to  meet  the  enemy 
now;  every  consideration  enforces  it.  No  previous  occasion  would 
justify  it."  *  *  * 

This  letter  was  signed  by  the  commander-in-chief. 

A  crossing  was  effected  by  the  evening,  and  the  line  of  march  was 
taken  up.  The  force  amounted  to  a  little  over  seven  hundred  men. 
The  camp  guard  remained  opposite  Harrisburg.  *  *  *  The 
army  *  *  *  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  San  Jacinto,  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  off  Santa  Anna  below  the  junction  of  the 
San  Jacinto  and  Buffalo  Bayou.  It  was  necessary  for  Santa  Anna 
to  cross  the  San  Jacinto  to  unite  with  the  Mexicans  in  Nacogdoches 
county,  and  incite  the  Indians  to  war.  Santa  Anna  had  provided 
a  boat  through  the  instrumentality  of  Texans  who  had  joined  him, 
and  was  in  readiness  to  cross.  He  had  marched  down  to  New  Wash- 
ington, some  seven  or  eight  miles  below  the  San  Jacinto,  and  was 
returning  to  take  up  his  march  eastward.  After  sunrise  sometime, 
the  army  having  halted  to  slaughter  beeves  and  refresh,  the  signal 
was  given  that  our  scouts  had  encountered  those  of  the  enemy; 
eating  was  suspended,  everything  packed,  and  we  were  on  the 
march.  We  marched  down  to  the  ferry  of  San  Jacinto  and  then 
halted.  *  *  * 

*  *  *  The  enemy,  within  about  three  hundred  yards,  I  think, 
took  position  with  their  artillery  and  infantry,  and  opened  fire  from 
a  twelve-pounder.  It  continued  until  evening.  At  length  Santa 
Anna  ordered  his  infantry  to  advance.  They  were  advancing  when 
our  artillery  was  ordered  to  fire  upon  them;  *  *  *  they  re- 
turned in  such  haste  and  confusion  to  their  encampment  that  it 
inspirited  our  troops,  and  caused  the  welkin  to  ring.  *  *  * 

In  the  evening,  the  general  ordered  a  reconnoitering  party  under 
Colonel  Sherman,  to  reconnoiter;  but  they  were  ordered  not  to  go 
within  the  fire  of  the  enemy's  guns,  or  to  provoke  an  attack. 
*  *  *  No  sooner  was  he  out  of  sight  than  a  firing  commenced, 
with  a  view,  as  Sherman  himself  declared,  of  bringing  on  a  general 
action,  in  violation  of  the  general's  orders.  Confusion  was  the 
result  of  it.  *  *  *  This  was  done  in  direct  violation  of  the 
general's  orders ;  for  it  was  not  his  intention  to  bring  on  a  general 
action  that  day.  The  guards  that  night  were  doubled.  The 
next  day,  about  nine  o'clock,  troops  were  discovered  advancing 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  323 

along  the  prairie  ridge  in  the  direction  of  the  Mexican  encamp- 
ment, which  produced  some  excitement.  The  general,  not  wishing 
the  impression  to  be  received  that  they  were  reinforcements,  sug- 
gested that  it  was  a  ruse  of  the  Mexicans ;  that  they  were  the  same 
troops  that  were  seen  yesterday;  that  they  were  marching  around 
the  swell  of  the  prairie  for  the  purpose  of  display  because  they 
were  apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  the  Texans.  He  sent  out  two 
spies  secretly — Deaf  Smith  and  Karnes — upon  their  track,  with 
directions  to  report  to  him  privately.  They  did  so,  and  reported 
that  the  reinforcements  the  enemy  had  thus  received  amounted  to 
five  hundred  and  forty. 

Things  remained  without  any  change  until  about  twelve  o'clock, 
when  the  general  was  asked  to  call  a  council  of  war.  No  council 
of  war  had  ever  been  solicited  before.  It  seemed  strange  to  him. 
*  *  *  The  council  was  called,  however,  consisting  of  six  field 
officers  and  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  proposition  was  put  to  the 
council,  "Shall  we  attack  the  enemy  in  position  or  receive  their 
attack  in  ours?"  The  two  junior  officers — for  such  is  the  way 
of  taking  the  sense  of  courts  in  the  army — were  in  favor  of  attack- 
ing the  enemy  in  position.  The  four  seniors,  and  the  Secretary  of 
War,  who  spoke,  said,  that  "to  attack  veteran  troops  with  raw  mili- 
tia is  a  thing  unheard  of ;  to  charge  upon  the  enemy  without  bayo- 
nets, in  an  open  prairie,  had  never  been  known;  our  situation  is 
strong ;  in  it  we  can  whip  all  Mexico."  .  Understanding  this  as  the 
sense  of  the  council,  the  general  dismissed  them.  *  *  * 

In  the  morning  the  sun  had  risen  brightly,  and  he  determined, 
with  this  omen,  "Today  the  battle  shall  take  place."  In  further- 
ance of  that,  *  *  *  he  sent  for  the  commissary-general,  Colo- 
nel Forbes,  and  ordered  him  to  procure  two  axes,  and  place  them  at 
a  particular  tree,  which  he  designated  in  the  margin  of  the  timber. 
He  sent  for  Deaf  Smith,  and  told  him  at  his  peril,  not  to  leave 
the  camp  that  day  without  orders ;  that  he  would  be  wanted,  and  for 
him  to  select  a  companion  in  whom  he  had  unbounded  reliance. 
His  orders  were  obeyed.  After  the  council  was  dismissed  the  gen- 
eral sent  for  Deaf  Smith  and  his  comrade,  Eeeves,  who  came 
mounted,  when  he  gave  them  the  axes  so  as  not  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  troops.  *  *  * 

*  *  *  The  general  announced  to  them :  "You  will  be  speedy 
if  you  return  in  time  for  the  scenes  that  are  to  be  enacted  here." 


324         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

They  executed  the  order,  and  when  the  troops  with  the  general  were 
within  sixty  yards  of  the  enemy's  front,  when  charging,  Deaf  Smith 
returned  and  announced  that  the  bridge  was  cut  down.  It  had  been 
preconcerted  to  announce  that  the  enemy  had  received  no  reinforce- 
ment. It  was  announced  to  the  army  for  the  first  time ;  for  the  idea 
that  the  bridge  would  be  cut  down  was  never  thought  of  by  any  one 
but  the  general  himself,  until  he  ordered  it  to  be  done,  and  then 
only  known  to  Smith  and  his  comrade.  It  would  have  made  the 
army  polemics  if  it  had  known  that  Vince's  bridge  was  to  be 
destroyed,  for  it  cut  off  all  means  of  escape  for  either  army.  There 
was  no  alternative  but  victory  or  death.  *  *  *  It  has  been  denied 
that  the  bridge  was  cut  down  by  order  of  the  general.  It  was 
said  to  be  the  promptings  of  Deaf  Smith.  *  *  *  It  was 
announced  in  the  official  report  of  the  battle,  in  which  the  command- 
ing general  says :  *  *  *  ''having  in  the  meantime  ordered  the 
bridge  on  the  only  road  communicating  with  the  Brazos,  distant 
eight  miles  from  our  encampment,  to  be  destroyed,  thus  cutting  off 
all  possibility  of  escape."  *  *  * 

"I  ordered  them,"  is  the  language  that  is  used  in  the  official 
report  of  the  general,  that  has  remained  uncontroverted  until  this 
time.  *  *  * 

*  *  *  But,  Mr.  President,  it  is  proper  to  remark,  that  pre- 
vious to  the  order  for  the  demolition  of  the  bridge,  and  during  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  two  officers  came  to  the  commander-in-chief 
and  asked  him  if  it  would  not  be  well  to  construct  a  bridge  across 
the  bayou,  immediately  opposite  the  encampment,  which  was,  per- 
haps, some  seventy  or  hundred  yards  wide  at  tide  water.  The  gen- 
eral, to  get  rid  of  them  remarked,  "Is  there  material?"  and  told 
them  to  see.  They  went,  and  after  returning,  reported  that  by 
demolishing  Governor  Zavala's  house,  a  bridge  might  be  constructed. 
The  general  observed  to  them  that  other  arrangements  might  suit 
better,  and  cast  them  off.  So  soon  as  the  general  supposed  the 
bridge  destroyed  or  cut  down,  he  ordered  Colonel  Bennett  to  go 
around  to  the  captains  and  men  of  Sherman's  regiment  to  see  what 
their  spirits  were;  whether  they  were  cheerful,  and  whether  he 
thought  them  desirous  for  a  battle.  Colonel  Bennett  reported 
favorably.  They  were  ordered  to  parade.  *  *  * 

With  the  exception  of  the  commander-in-chief,  no  gentleman  in 
the  army  had  ever  been  in  a  general  action,  or  even  witnessed  one. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  325 

*  *  *  The  Commander-in-chief  requested  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  take  command  of  the  left  wing.  *  *  *  About  all  the  silly 
and  scandalous  charges  made  against  the  general  as  to  ordering 
a  halt  during  the  action,  and  after  he  was  wounded,  leaving  the 
field,  *  *  *  I  will,  as  authority,  refer  to  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  Gen.  Kusk,  and  see  what  he  says  in  relation  fo 
that.  In  this  report  to  the  President,  ad  interim,  he  says : 

"Major-General  Houston  acted  with  great  gallantry,  encouraging 
his  men  to  the  attack,  and  heroically  charged,  in  front  of  the  infan- 
try, within  a  few  yards  of  the  enemy,  receiving  at  the  same  time  a 
wound  in  his  leg.  *  *  *" 

From  this  time  no  hostile  gun  was  fired.  The  last  detachment  of 
the  enemy  immediately  surrendered.  *  *  * 

They  have  charged  the  commander-in-chief  with  having  more 
troops  than  he  reported.  Seven  hundred  on  the  Colorado  was  the 
number,  according  to  the  statement  of  Colonel  Burleson,  as  he  sup- 
posed;, the  general-in-chief  never  reported  more  than  six  hundred 
and  thirty-two;  his  efficient  force  never  exceeded  over  seven  hun- 
dred troops  at  any  one  point.  *  *  *  But  by  cutting  off  their 
retreat,  by  the  commander-in-chief's  own  design  of  destroying  the 
bridge,  and  leading  his  troops  into  action  at  the  proper  time,  he 
secured  for  Texas  all  that  wisdom  and  valor  could  have  done, 
whether  he  exercised  them  or  not. 

The  commander-in-chief  *  *  *  never  received  an  order  from 
the  Secretary  of  War.  *  *  *  He  never  intimated  that  he 
would  march  towards  the  Trinity,  but  gave  orders  to  the  troops  to 
unite  at  Donoho's.  *  *  * 


VIII. 

Burnet's  Narrative  of  the  Campaign. 

[These  extracts  are  taken  passim  from  "A  Compendium  of  the  History 
of  Texas,"  in  the  Texas  Almanac,  1860,  50-67.  The  compendium  runs 
through  the  Almanac  from  1857  to  1862,  and  though  anonymous,  it  is  well 
established  that  it  was  written  by  David  G.  Burnet,  the  first  president 
of  the  Republic  of  Texas.  This  installment  was  a  reply  to  Houston's 
speech  of  February  28,  1859,  in  the  United  States  Senate.  (See  supra, 
317-25.) 


326         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

Summary:     Houston  had  more  than  400  men  at  Gonzales. 

When  the  retreat  commenced  the  pickets  were  left  out  unnotified,  and  the 
only  two  cannon  were  thrown  into  the  river. 

The  retreat  from  Gonzales  was  "an  absolute  necessity." 

The  Texan  army  at  Season's  was  from  1200  to  1500  strong. 

While  Houston  was  at  Groce's,  General  Rusk  was  sent  to  him  by  the 
cabinet  to  urge  him  into  action ;  the  President  also  sent  him  a  letter  advis- 
ing him  to  fight. 

While  at  Groce's,  Houston  dispatched  an  express,  ordering  all  reinforce- 
ments from  the  east  to  halt  at  Robbins's  Ferry,  on  the  Trinity,  until  the 
army  joined  them. 

There  was  an  arrangement  among  the  volunteers  to  elect  a  new  com- 
mander, in  case  Houston  refused  to  take  the  Harrisburg  road  near  Don- 
oho's. 

At  San  Jacinto,  Houston  went  into  battle  very  reluctantly. 

Deaf  Smith  begged  permission  to  destroy  Vince's  bridge.] 

*  *  *  As  a  member  of  the  Convention,  a  position  quite 
incompatible  with  his  higher  and  more  pressing  duties,  Gen.  Hous- 
ton was  of  no  practical  utility.  He  asked  and  received  a  renewal  of 
his  commission  as  commander-in-chief.  This  was  a  useless  con- 
sumption of  time ;  for  all,  civil  and  military,  recognized  him  as  such 
as  fully  before  as  after  the  reappointment.  *  *  *  After  being 
urged  by  members  of  the  Convention  to  hasten  to  the  suffering 
army,  he  left  Washington  on  the  6th  of  March  for  Gonzales,  where 
a  number  of  volunteers  had  assembled.  *  *  * 

The  same  express  that  gave  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo, 
told,  also,  that  Gen.  Houston  and  his  little  army  were  in  rapid 
retreat  from  Gonzales.  This  was  calculated,  and  did  contribute  to 
the  general  excitement.  *  *  * 

But  *  *  *  we  must  refer  to  the  events  at  Gonzales.  *  *  * 
Major  Heard  says: 

"I  arrived  at  Gonzales  on  6th  March,  1836.  Some  four  or  five 
days  after  I  got  there,  Gen.  Houston  arrived.  On  the  13th,  Mrs. 
Dickinson  and  a  negro  boy  belonging  to  Col.  Travis  arrived  in 
camp,  bringing  the  first  reliable  information  of  the  fall  of  the 
Alamo.  On  the  night  of  the  13th,  about  the  time  the  men  were 
preparing  their  night's  repast,  Gen.  Houston  came  down  and 
ordered  the  horses  to  be  got  up,  and  the  fires  put  out ;  after  which 
such  a  scramble  and  confusion  commenced  as  I  had  never  witnessed. 
About  10  o'clock  at  night  we  were  ordered  to  move,  by  whom  I  do 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  327 

not  recollect;  *  *  *.  As  to  guards,  we  had  none;  there  was  no 
order  or  regularity  in  the  retreat  from  there  to  Peach  Creek,  ten 
miles  east.  The  town  of  Gonzales  was  burnt;  by  whose  order  I  do 
not  know,  but  believe  it  was  by  Gen.  Houston's,  for  the  reason  that 
it  was  generally  talked  of  and  believed  so  to  be  in  camp.  Captain 
Bird  Lockhart,  who  arrived  in  Gonzales  on  the  morning  of  the 
14th,  when  it  was  on  fire,  told  me  that  the  men  who  were  setting 
fire  to  the  houses  said  they  were  left  there  by  Gen.  Houston,  to  burn 
the  town  and  gather  up  the  horses.  Some  of  the  women  and  chil- 
dren had  started  before  we  did ;  some  started  with  us,  and  we  left 
others  crying  and  screaming  in  the  town.  Some  we  passed  on  the 
road  that  night  between  Gonzales  and  Peach  Creek. 

(Signed)  "W.  I.1  E.  HEARD, 

"ELI  MBECEB." 

In  a  later  communication,  Major  Heard  says: 

"I  never  heard  one  word  about  poisoned  liquor  of  any  kind  (at 
Gonzales)."  *  *  * 

The  retreat  from  Gonzales  was  so  hurried,  that  the  picket  guard 
was  left  at  its  post  without  notice  to  withdraw.  Two  small  pieces 
of  artillery  were  thrown  into  the  river  Guadalupe.  *  *  * 
,  Major  Heard  estimated  the  forces  at  Gonzales  over  four  hundred 
men ;  and  says  they  all  had  their  rifles  with  abundant  ammunition, 
and  there  was  no  want  of  provisions.  After  the  arrival  of  Gen. 
Houston,  the  brave  Burleson  was  elected  colonel,  and  Sherman 
lieutenant-colonel.  The  volunteers  were  not  without  such  "organi- 
zation" as  had  achieved  the  most  brilliant  victories  of  Texas.  *  *  * 

The  retreat  from  Gonzales  was  inevitable,  an  absolute  necessity. 
The  grand  error  had  consisted  in  choosing  two  feeble,  isolated  posi- 
tions, Goliad  and  San  Antonio,  as  the  bases  of  defensive  operations. 
*  *  * 

The  retreat  was  continued  in  more  order  to  Burnham's,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Colorado,  where  the  army  arrived  on  the  17th  of 
March.  It  remained  there  two  days,  then  crossed  the  river  and 
descended  its  left  bank  to  Beason's.  Burnham's  buildings  were 
destroyed  soon  after  leaving  them;  it  was  generally  understood  in 
camp  by  the  order  of  Gen.  Houston.  The  army  tarried  a  considera- 
ble time  at  Beason's  in  recuperative  inactivity.  *  *  *  The 

'This  should  be  </.— E.  C.  B. 


328         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

army  at  Beason's  received  daily  accessions  of  men,  who  came  to 
fight  the  enemy.  *  *  * 

Almost  simultaneously  with  Houston's  arrival  at  Beason's  the 
Mexican  Gen.  Sesma,  with  a  force  variously  estimated  at  600  to  800 
men  ( sixty  or  seventy  being  cavalry)  and  two  field  pieces,  took 
position  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Colorado.  *  *  *  There  is  no 
one  matter  of  fact  connected  with  this  campaign  that  has  been  more 
controverted  and  misstated,  than  the  number  of  men  composing  the 
army  at  the  Colorado.  *  *  * 

Col.  Ben.  F.  Smith,  Acting  Quartermaster  and  Adjt.-General, 
says :  "The  number  of  men  *  *  *  was  about  1360 ;"  *  *  * 
This  was  sworn  to.  Ex-President  Anson  Jones  says :  "We  had,  by 
the  report  of  the  day,  over  1500  men  (I  think  1570)"  *  *  * 

Major  Wm.  I.  E.  Heard — his  communication  being  signed  by 
Eli  Mercer — says:  "Our  numerical  force  was  from  1500  to  1600 
men,  the  morning  the  army  left  the  Colorado."  *  *  * 

Col.  Amasa  Turner,  *  *  *  sayg :  *  *  "I  am  confident  I 
am  not  mistaken.  The  morning  report,  including  Sherman's  com- 
mand, was  1464,  rank  and  file.  Rowan's  and  Fisher's  companies 
joined  at  the  first  camp  (after  the  retreat),  five  miles  from  the 
Colorado.  These  would  swell  the  number  to  1568,  at  the  five  mile 
camp."  We  have  a  printed  handbill,  issued  by  Capt.  John  Sharp, 
and  dated  Brazoria,  March  27, 1836,  in  which  the  following  occurs : 
"Our  army  now  encamped  at  or  near  Beason's,  on  the  Colorado, 
consists  of  1000  to  1200  men,  and  reinforcements  coming  in  hourly. 

*  *     *     On  my  way  down,  I  met  several  small  companies  pushing 
on  for  our  camp;  and  those  that  came  from  the  eastward,  report 
from  300  to  500  men  on  their  way  from  that  quarter."    *    *    * 

From  a  letter  by  Col.  James  Tarleton  *  *  *  dated  Novem- 
ber 6,  1855,  *  *  *  we  extract  the  following :  "Gen.  Houston's 
little  army  was  at  least  1800  strong  the  morning  he  ordered  the 

*  *    *    retreat  from  the  Colorado."    *    *    * 

The  army  remained  at  Beason's  from  the  1 8th,1  noon,  to  the  27th 
March.  During  this  entire  period,  Gen.  Sesma  was  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Colorado,  within  striking  distance,  and  with  certainly 
not  over  800  men,  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy  of  them  being 
mounted.  He  had  one  piece  of  artillery.  *  *  *  Col.  Sherman 

*It  arrived  at  Beason's  on  the  20th. — E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  329 

solicited  Gen.  Houston  to  permit  him  to  cross  with  his  division  of 
350  to  400  men,  and  attack  Sesma,  perfectly  confident  of  his  abil- 
ity to  rout  him,  with  small  loss;  *  *  *  This  request  was  per- 
emptorily refused,  and  Sherman  was  ordered  by  no  means  to  pro- 
voke an  attack  by  the  enemy. 

On  the  20th  of  March  Col.  Fannin  surrendered,  and  on  the  27th 
the  tremendous  massacre  was  perpetrated.  *  *  * 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th1  the  retreat  was  resumed,  and  on  the 
28th  the  army  arrived  at  San  Felipe  on  the  Brazos;  *  *  * 

Capt.  Mosely  Baker,  with  a  company  of  120  men,  tarried  at  San 
Felipe,  while  the  main  army,  now  reduced  to  nearly  one-half, 
pushed  onward  to  Groce's  Crossing,  which  they  reached,  greatly 
fatigued  in  body  and  mind,  on  the  31st  March.  Gen.  Houston  took 
position  in  a  muddy,  insulated  area,  within  the  Brazos  bottom, 
where  he  continued  some  twelve  days,  and  where  disease  soon 
invaded  his  camp. 

Santa  Anna,  being  informed  of  the  retreat  of  the  Texans  from 
the  Colorado,  and  that  Sesma  also  had  effected  a  passage  of  that 
stream,  repaired  with  expedition  to  the  headquarters  of  that  chief, 
and  took  personal  command  of  his  division,  still  numbering  not 
over  800  men,2  with  one  field-piece,  a  12-pounder.  *  *  *  On 
the  7th  April  he  reached  San  Felipe,  or  its  smouldering  ruins. 
Capt.  Baker,  being  apprised  of  the  enemy's  approach,  set  fire  to  the 
town,  after  removing  what  was  movable,  and  reduced  it  to  ashes.3 
This  one  fact,  the  burning  of  San  Felipe,  has  elicited  a  diametrical 
contradiction  between  Gen.  Houston  and  his  subaltern.  The  for- 
mer alleges  unequivocally  that  it  was  not  done  by  his  order.  Capt. 
Baker  made  a  formal  deposition  before  the  Auditorial  Court,  a  spe- 
cial judicature  got  up  in  1838  for  the  liquidation  of  claims  against 
the  government,  that  Gen.  Houston  did,  by  writing  in  pencil,  order 
him  to  burn  the  town.  *  *  * 

About  this  period,  President  Burnet  and  the  cabinet  being  averse 

Houston  began  to  fall  back  from  the  Colorado  late  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  26th.— E.  C.  B. 

"General  Tolsa  had  come  up  on  the  24th,  increasing  Sesma's  force  to  1400 
men;  but  none  of  the  Texans  seem  to  have  known  it  at  the  time. — E.  C.  B. 

3This  was  done  on  March  29.— E.  C.  B. 


330         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

to  the  retreating  policy  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  it  was  deter- 
mined that  the  Secretary  of  War,  Col.  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  should 
repair  to  the  army,  and  inaugurate  a  better  and  more  effective  sys- 
tem of  strategy.  As  this  also  is  a  controverted  point,  we  subjoin  a 
note  from  Col.  William  T.  Austin,  one  of  the  heroes  of  San  An- 
tonio: 

To  Messrs.  Richardson,  Editors,  etc. 

GENTLEMEN  :  *  *  *  I  beg  to  say,  that  when  on  a  visit  to  the 
official  apartment  of  President  Burnet,  in  Harrisburg,  in  the  month 
of  April,  1836,  he  informed  me  that  a  meeting  of  his  cabinet  had 
taken  place,  and  had  resulted  in  a  determination  to  send  Col. 
Thomas  J.  Eusk  (then  Secretary  of  War),  to  the  field  with  orders 
to  stop  a  further  retreat  of  the  army,  and  to  bring  the  enemy  to 
battle.  While  conversing  on  this  subject,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Col.  Potter,  came  in  with  the  order  to  Col.  Rusk,  which  he  read  to 
the  President  in  my  presence.  *  *  * 

The  order  to  Col.  Rusk  went  on  to  ignore  the  propriety  of  our 
army  making  a  further  retreat,  *  *  *.  Col.  Rusk  was  there- 
fore ordered  to  repair  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army,  and  to  com- 
pel it  to  take  up  a  position  before  the  enemy,  and  bring  him  to  bat- 
tle at  the  first  favorable  position  possible.  *  *  *  The  Presi- 
dent *  *  *  stated  that  Col.  Rusk  was  then  being  sent  to  the 
field  with  authority  to  take  charge  and  command  of  the  army,  if 
necessary  to  carry  out  the  policy  indicated  in  the  order.  *  *  * 

(Signed)  Yours,  etc., 

WILLIAM  T.  AUSTIN. 
Galveston,  May  23d,  1859. 

In  accordance  with  the  above  mentioned  order,  Col.  Rusk  left 
Harrisburg  about  the  first  of  April,  and  arrived  at  the  army  while 
it  lay  among  the  foul  and  turbid  lagoons  of  the  Brazos  bottom. 
*  *  *  President  Burnet,  hearing  of  no  change  in  the  move- 
ments of  the  army,  *  *  *  addressed  a  note  to  Gen.  Houston, 
which  we  insert.  *  *  * 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  HAERISBUEQ,  April,  1836. 

To  Gen.  Sam  Houston. 

SIR:  The  enemy  are  laughing  you  to  scorn.  You  must  fight 
them.  You  must  retreat  no  farther.  The  country  expects  you  to 
fight.  The  salvation  of  the  country  depends  on  your  doing  so. 

DAVID  G.  SUBNET. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  331 

****** 

Previous  to  leaving  the  Brazos,  Gen.  Houston  dispatched  an  offi- 
cer (Major  Diggs)  to  the  Trinity,  with  orders  to  stop  all  volunteers. 
*  *  *  It  was  received  by  Gen.  Quitman,  who  was  hastening  on 
to  join  the  Texian  army,  *  *  * 

Santa  Anna  *  *  *  on  the  9th  April  marched  down  the  river 
to  Fort  Bend  *  *  *  and  crossed  on  the  12th  instant.  *  *  * 
He  marched  directly  and  hastily  for  Harrisburg.  *  *  *  He 
established  his  headquarters  there  on  the  18th  April.1  *  *  * 
He  burnt  Harrisburg.  *  *  * 

The  position  of  the  invading  army,  at  this  period  and  for  some 
time  previous,  was  singularly  injudicious,  and  exposed  to  a  rapid 
destruction  in  detail.  Santa  Anna's  immediate  command  was 
something  over  seven  hundred  men,  with  one  field-piece.  Urrea 
was  at  Matagorda,  with  some  twelve  hundred  men;  Gaona  (diverg- 
ing from  his  original  route)  was  lost  in  the  country  between  Bas- 
trop  and  San  Felipe,  with  seven  hundred  and  twenty-five  men; 
Filisola  about  to  cross  the  Brazos  low  down,  with  two  thousand 
more.  (Y oakum,  in  part,  Vol.  II,  122.) 

General  Houston  broke  up  at  the  Brazos  on  the  16th  April,  and 
marched  to  Donohue's,2,  a  few  miles  in  the  prairie.  Here  the  road 
to  the  Trinity  forked,  the  right-hand  prong  leading  to  Harrisburg, 
and  here  much  excitement  occurred.  *  *  * 

Ex-President  Anson  Jones  says:  "Gen.  Houston  intended  to 
cross  the  Neches  (not  the  Sabine)  without  fighting.  At  Donohue's 
he  was  compelled,  by  the  unanimous  sense  of  the  army,  to  deflect 
from  the  road,  and  go  to  Harrisburg."  *  *  * 

Major  Heard  and  Eli  Mercer  say :  "We  believe  that  Gen.  Hous- 
ton intended  to  take  the  road  to  the  Trinity  when  he  arrived  at  the 
fork  at  Donohue's  because  he  had  sent  Major  Diggs,  with  another 
individual,  to  Bobbins'  ferry,  on  the  Trinity,  to  stop  all  recruits 
coming  to  the  army  at  that  place.  The  men  believing  this  to  be  his 
intention,  made  no  secret  of  their  dissatisfaction,  and  there  was  an 
arrangement  among  them,  that  in  case  he  took  the  road  to  the 
Trinity  with  his  regulars,  the  volunteers  would  call  out  for  a 

*Santa  Anna  arrived  the  night  of  the  15th,  and  Jeft  on  the  18th. — E.  C.  B. 

*He  encamped  at  Donoho's  the  night  of  the  14th,  and  reached  McCurley's, 
where  it  seems  another  road  diverged  to  the  Trinity,  on  the  16th. — E.  C.  B. 


332        Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

leader  to  go  at  their  head  to  Harrisburg  to  meet  the  enemy,  all  of 
which  we  believe  was  known  to  Gen.  Houston,  and  which  we  think 
was  the  cause  of  his  turning  in  that  direction.  In  our  march  from 
Donohue's,  we  came  to  a  fork  in  the  road,  one  leading  to  Harris- 
burg,  the  other  to  San  Jacinto,  eastward.  Gen.  Houston  and  a 
part  of  the  army  had  passed  the  fork,  taking  the  latter  route,  when 
the  army  came  to  a  halt,  and  well  nigh  to  mutiny,  the  volunteers 
wishing  to  cross  at  Harrisburg  and  meet  the  enemy,  and  we  believe 
Gen.  Houston  was  going  eastward.  Finally  it  was  agreed  to  cross 
Buffalo  Bayou  about  two  miles  below  Harrisburg,  and  we  took  a 
middle  route  to  that  place."  Major  Heard  commanded  a  company 
of  volunteers  at  this  time. 

Ex-Governor  Eobinson,  under  date  of  January  4,  1847,  says: 
"In  the  campaign  of  1836,  Gen.  Houston  manifested  the  strongest 
determination  to  retreat  to  the  Red  lands,  or  across  the  Sabine,  and 
was  only  prevented  by  President  Burners  order,  sent  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  Gen.  Thomas  J.  Eusk,  who  urged  and  commanded  him 
to  abandon  his  retreat  and  take  the  road  to  Harrisburg.  *  *  * 
President  Burnefs  order,  and  the  command  of  Gen.  Rusk,  were 
powerfully  aided  by  an  almost  united  resolution  by  the  men  to  meet 
and  fight  the  enemy."  *  *  * 

Gen.  Sherman,  under  date  February  3d,  1847,  says :  "I  do  believe 
Gen.  Houston  intended  to  take  the  road  to  the  Trinity,  when  he 
arrived  at  the  fork  near  Donohue's;  but  that  he  would  have  been 
constrained  by  the  troops  to  take  the  road  to  Harrisburg,  there  is 
not  the  least  doubt,  had  not  the  Secretary  of  War  issued  him  a 

peremptory  order,  requiring  him  to  take  the  Harrisburg  road." 

*  *     * 

He  *  *  *  took  the  Harrisburg  fork  of  the  road.  The  now 
reconciled  troops  moved  with  alacrity,  and  arrived  at  Buffalo 
Bayou,  about  two  miles  below  the  town,  still  smouldering  in  its 
ruins,  before  midday  of  the  18th  instant.  Here  they  halted  for  the 
night.  The  ever  vigilant  Deaf  Smith  was  out  as  usual,  scouting, 
and  captured  a  Mexican  courier  bearing  dispatches  to  Santa  Anna. 

*  *     *     It  was  on  this  evening,  too,  that  the  epistle  to  Mr.  H. 

Eaguet,  of  Xacogdoches,  was  indited.1 

****** 

The  Texian  army  was  excited    [in  camp  at  San  Jacinto]   by 
JThe  letter  is  priqted  in  Yoakum,  II,  498  j  also  supra,  321. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  333 

rumors  that  an  order  had  been  given  by  the  commander-in-chief  to 
construct  a  floating  bridge  across  Buffalo  Bayou.  *  *  *  Col. 
Amasa  Turner  *  *  *  says :  "It  was  current  in  the  army  that 
Gen.  Houston  was  not  disposed  to  fight,  but  to  build  a  floating 
bridge  across  the  bayou.  This  was  very  unpopular,  the  men  saying 
they  would  not  work  to  build  a  bridge/'  *  *  *  Major  Heard 
says :  "On  the  morning  of  the  21st  there  was  a  council  of  war  held. 
After  it  adjourned,  I  asked  Col.  Somervell  what  they  determined 
on:  he  told  me,  nothing;  that  Houston  had  proposed  to  build  a 
bridge  across  Buffalo  Bayou,  but  the  other  members  of  the  council 
would  not  agree  to  it."  *  *  * 

Gen.  M.  B.  Lainar  says  (Galveston  News,  June  23,  1855)  : 
"Some  time  after  the  council  of  war,  I  met  Gen.  Houston,  and 
expressed  to  him  the  strong  desire  of  the  army  to  make  battle.  He 
replied  merely  as  follows:  'Sir,  can  I  whip  Santa  Anna  and  his 
whole  army  by  myself?  Would  you  have  me  attack  them  alone? 
The  officers  are  all  opposed  to  fighting,  and  so  are  the  men.  I  have 
always  been  ready  to  fight,  but  the  army  has  not,  and  how  can  I 
battle  ?'  *  *  *  At  the  moment  we  were  all  preparing  for  bat- 
tle, and  his  lines  were  actually  forming,  Houston  came  to  me  and 
said,  *  *  *  'Col.  Lamar,  do  you  really  think  we  ought  to 
fight?'"  *  *  * 

Our  estimable  friend,  Major  Heard,  says :  "About  11  o'clock  on 
the  21st  (April)  Deaf  Smith  rode  up  to  Gen.  Houston  and  said: 
I  want  you  to  let  me  go  and  burn  Vince's  bridge.  Houston 
objected,  *  *  *  Smith  insisted  on  burning  the  bridge,  to  pre- 
vent any  more  reinforcements  from  joining  Santa  Anna.  Houston, 
after  a  good  deal  of  altercation,  consented,  and  Deaf  Smith  and 
Moses  Lappum  went  and  burned  the  bridge."  *  *  * 

The  battle  of  San  Jacinto  has  been  described,  *  *  *  The 
opposing  forces  were  about  equal,  something  over  seven  hundred 
each,  the  Mexicans  somewhat  superior,  until  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  when  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Cos  with  some  500  men,  gave  a  large 
numerical  preponderance  to  the  hostile  camp.  *  *  * 

The  Secretary  of  War,  Col.  Busk,  was  in  the  field  as  an  amateur. 
He  took  no  specific  command,  and  pretended  to  none. 


334         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

IX. 

R.  J.  Calder's  Recollections  of  the  Campaign. 

[The  paper  from  which  this  is  taken  passim  was  published  in  the  Texas 
Almanac,  1861,  62-70.  The  writer  was  a  captain  of  volunteers,  was  with 
the  army  from  Gonzales  to  San  Jacinto,  and  tells  his  story  clearly  and 
dispassionately. 

Summary:  The  Texans  had  about  1400  men  at  the  Colorado.  Houston 
declared  that  he  knew  he  could  have  defeated  Sesma's  division  here,  but 
he  would  necessarily  have  had  men  wounded  in  the  engagement,  and  he 
had  no  means  of  transporting  these;  that  he  really  had  not  enough  wagons 
to  transport  a  sufficiency  of  ammunition. 

The  writer  believes  that  Houston's  long  delay  at  Groce's  was  for  pur- 
poses of  discipline. 

At  the  fork  of  the  roads  leading  to  Harrisburg  and  to  East  Texas 
Calder's  company  was  in  the  advance  guard.  They  halted  for  a  short  time, 
and  then  received  an  order  to  take  the  Harrisburg  road.  Captain  Calder 
does  not  remember  to  have  heard  of  any  "altercation"  or  "mutinous  con- 
duct" at  this  point. 

A  refusal  by  the  commander-in-chief  to  fight  at  San  Jacinto  would  have 
produced  a  general  mutiny. 

About  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  21st,  Colonel  Burleson  took  the 
vote  of  the  captains  of  his  regiment  upon  whether  the  army  should  attack 
Santa  Anna  immediately,  or  wait  until  4  o'clock  the  next  morning.  All 
except  Calder  and  Moseley  Baker  voted  for  immediate  attack. 

Houston  had  a  real  reluctance  to  fight  at  San  Jacinto,  and  desired,  in 
case  of  defeat,  to  fall  back  upon  the  excuse  that  he  fought  against  his 
better  judgment.] 

*  *  *  The  brief  period  spent  at  Gonzales  in  organizing  our 
little  army  was  barren  of  incident,  *  *  *  That  night  we  com- 
menced a  retreat  to  the  Colorado,  and  were  joined  daily  by  volun- 
teers from  the  country  west  of  the  Trinity,  but  by  very  few  east  of 
that  stream.  On  arriving  at  the  Colorado,  a  detachment  of  some 
one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  men  were  left  at  Dewees' 
ferry,  and  the  main  army  encamped  for  several  days  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Colorado,  about  a  mile  (as  near  as  I  can  recollect)  from  the 
river,  and  opposite  Beason's.  The  writer  was  left  with  a  detach- 
ment from  Captain  Splann's  company,  in  addition  io  his  own,  at 
Season's,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Major  Benjamin  F.  Smith. 

The  morning  after  taking  our  position,  Major  Smith  left  our 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  335 

encampment  at  Beason's  with  about  one  hundred  men,  to  skirmish 
with  the  enemy.  After  an  absence  of  about  an  hour,  they  returned, 
bringing  intelligence  that  the  advance  of  the  enemy  was  close  at 

hand,  and  ordered  our  detachment  to  the  east  side  of  the  river. 

*  *     * 

I  think  about  the  third  or  fourth  day  after  crossing  the  Colorado, 
a  detachment  of  some  two  hundred  mounted  volunteers  were  sent 
over  the  river  to  skirmish  with  the  enemy.  *  *  *  They  returned, 
after  a  short  absence,  without  reporting  any  positive  results  from 
their  enterprise.  *  *  * 

Here  there  was  a  strong  desire  on  the  part  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  army  to  attack  this  division  of  the  enemy,  numbering  about 
seven  hundred  men,  and  a  considerable  murmuring  was  heard  at  the 
commander-in-chief's  refusal  to  gratify  this  desire.  That  we 
might  have  routed  them,  I  have  no  doubt.  I  think  our  muster-rolls 
showed  that  we  had  some  fourteen  hundred  men  at  the  time. 

*  *     *    General  Houston  rode  alongside  me,  and,  after  a  courte- 
ous salutation,  requested  my  views  of  the  movements  of  the  army. 
I  replied    *    *    *    I  thought,  however,  we  might  have  whipped  the 
Mexicans  we  left  at  the  Colorado;  but  I  supposed  his  policy  would 
be  to  draw  the  enemy  into  the  heart  of  the  country    *    *    *    where 
a  defeat  to  the  enemy  would  be  final  and  complete.    To  this,  Gen- 
eral Houston  replied  :    *    *    *    "To  be  sure,  we  could  have  whip- 
ped the  Mexicans  back  at  the  Colorado;  but  we  can't  fight  battles 
without  having  men  killed  and  wounded.     But  we  actually  have 
not  the  means  of  conveying  as  much  ammunition  and  baggage  as 
we  need,  much  less  the  means  of  conveying  wounded  men  after  an 
action;  besides,  a  defeat  to  the  enemy  at  the  Colorado  would  in- 
evitably have  concentrated  the  other  divisions  of  the  Mexican  army 
against  us/'    He  further  remarked  that  we  would  take  some  eligible 
position  on  the  Brazos,  at  San  Felipe,  or  in  its  vicinity,  and,  hav- 
ing the  advantage  of  the  steamboat,1  we  would  drop  down  or  go  up, 
as  the  case  might  be,  and  give  the  enemy  battle.     *     *     * 

Much  has  been  said  of  our  encampment  [at  Groce's],  and  the 
motives  which  impelled  General  Houston  to  encamp  and  remain 


allusion  to  the  steamboat  is  probably  anachronistic;  it  is  doubtful 
whether  Houston  knew  anything  about  it  until  his  arrival  at  San  Felipe. 
(See  supra,  320).—  E.  C.  B. 


336          Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

there  as  long  as  he  did.    My  own  impressions  have  always  been  that 
it  was  for  discipline.     *     *     * 

After  we  left  the  Brazos,  ranch  has  been  said  of  a  disorderly 
movement  in  our  army,  occurring  at  the  forks  of  the  roads  leading 
to  Harrisburg  and  Eastern  Texas.  I  will  only  state,  under  this 
head,  that  my  company  formed  the  advance  guard  of  the  army  on 
that  and  the  previous  day,  and  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  after 
a  short  halt  at  that  point,  I  received  an  order  to  take  the  right-hand 
road.  I  do  not  recollect  to  have  seen  or  heard  of  any  altercation, 
nor  do  I  think  there  was  any  mutinous  conduct. 

On  the  day  we  reached  Harrisburg  the  hearts  of  our  little  army 
were  cheered  by  the  capture  of  a  Mexican  officer,  and  a  courier 
bearing  dispatches  from  the  Mexican  officers  in  Texas  to  the  gov- 
ernment at  home.1  *  *  * 

*  *  *  And  the  next  morning  the  whole  army  commenced 
crossing,  and  got  over  in  marching  order,  I  think  about  sundown, 
including  one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  volunteers  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  gallant  and  efficient  colonel  of  the  Second  regiment, 
Sidney  Sherman.  The  balance  of  the  army  under  the  rank  of  a 
field  or  staff  officer  were  dismounted  and  their  horses  and  baggage 
left  at  Harrisburg,  Captain  P.  B.  Splann's  company  having  been 
detached  to  guard  the  sick  and  baggage.  *  *  * 

[20th]  Our  Mexican  friends,  finding  our  position  a  good  one, 
made  some  show  of  attack,  their  cavalry  menacing  our  right,  their 
artillery  playing  upon  us,  and  slightly  wounding  two  of  our  men; 
but  finding  no  impression  was  made,  they  fell  back  to  a  position 
about  half  a  mile  from  ours,  still  keeping  up  a  fire  upon  our 
encampment  with  a  9-pounder  (I  think)  from  a  small  mot  of  tim- 
ber about  four  or  five  hundred  yards  from  our  encampment,  until 
Colonel  Sherman  commenced  to  muster  his  mounted  men  to  dis- 
lodge them  and  take  their  cannon,  when  it  was  covertly  removed 
to  their  main  body  in  the  rear. 

The  gallant  colonel  was  not  to  be  balked,  however,  of  his  chance 
of  a  brush.  He  made  a  dash  for  the  cannon,  but  finding  it  had 
been  removed,  *  *  *  he  made  an  attempt  at  the  enemy's  cav- 


is  a  mistake.  The  officer  was  bearing  dispatches  to  Santa  Anna 
from  the  government,  while  the  courier  was  returning  to  Santa  Anna 
from  General  Filisola's  encampment  at  Fort  Bend.  —  E.  C.  B. 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  337 

airy.  I  think  his  view  must  have  been  thus  to  bring  on  a  general 
engagement.  *  *  * 

The  next  morning,  the  21st  of  April,  there  was  a  restless  and 
anxious  spirit  pervading  the  camp  •  *  *  *  rumor  said  that  the 
Mexicans  had  been  largely  reinforced  at  an  early  hour  that  morn- 
ing; and  for  once  rumor  did  not  lie.  General  Cos  had  effected  a 
junction  that  morning  with  the  commander-in-chief,  Santa  Anna; 
and  it  was  farther  said  that  we  were  to  cross  the  bayou,  by  some 
means,  perhaps  by  making  a  raft  of  Zavala's  house,  and  continue 
our  retreat  to  the  east.  I  do  not  recollect  to  have  heard  a  single 
man  hint  that  he  was  in  favor  of  such  a  move.  *  *  *  Hence,  if 
there  was  an  idea  of  retreat,  as  has  been  charged,  it  was  certainly 
not  based  on  the  remotest  disposition  of  those  who  were  to  meet  the 
charge  of  the  enemy,  nor  was  any  such  idea  based  on  prudence,  as, 
in  my  humble  judgment,  refusal  to  fight  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief would  have  mutinied  the  greater  part,  if  not  the 
entire  army. 

After  the  reinforcements  of  the  enemy  had  crossed  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  21st,  as  above  stated,  our  commander-in-chief  ordered 
Deaf  Smith  to  take  a  party  and  demolish  the  bridge  over  Vince's 
bayou,  which  was  done  accordingly ;  and  about  the  hour  of  three  or 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  our  colonel,  Edward  Burleson,  rode 
along  the  line  of  encampment  of  his  regiment,  and  ordered  the 
captains  of  the  same  to  meet  him  «*  *  *  forthwith.  They  fol- 
lowed on,  *  *  *  when  our  colonel  told  us  he  wished  to  take  our 
vote  upon  the  best  time  for  attacking  the  enemy — whether  immedi- 
ately .or  at  four  o'clock  the  next  morning.  All  the  captains  but 
Mosely  Baker  and  myself  voted  for  immediate  attack;  Baker  and 
myself  for  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Upon  which  we  were 
ordered  to  parade  our  companies  for  immediate  action. 

*  *  *  As  so  much  has  been  said  about  General  Houston's 
reluctance  to  fight  on  that  occasion,  I  will  simply  give  my  own 
conclusions,  without  charging  him  with,  or  believing  he  felt  a  pos- 
itive reluctance  to  fight.  I  think  he  wished,  in  case  of  failure  or 
disaster,  an  apology,  towit,  that  he  fought  against  his  own  judg- 
ment, and  suffered  himself  to  be  controlled  by  the  opinions  and 
clamor  of  his  officers  and  men.  *  *  * 

The  fire  from  our  division  was  delivered  when  we  were  within 
sixty  yards  of  the  foe.  *  *  *  The  action  was  very  poorly  con- 


338         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

tested  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  *  *  *  Just  before  sunset  the 
pursuit  and  massacre  was  brought  to  a  sudden  stand  by  Colonel 
Almonte's  halting  the  terrified  Mexicans  in  a  solid  body  or  column, 
and  making  a  formal  surrender.  *  *  * 


Zuber's  Account  of  the  Camp  at  Harrisburg. 

[The  letter  from  which  this  is  extracted  passim  was  published  in  the 
Texas  Almanac,  1861,  58-60.  The  writer  was  a  member  of  the  camp  guard 
left  by  General  Houston  at  Harrisburg,  while  the  main  army  went  to  meet 
the  enemy  at  San  Jacinto. 

Summary:  About  150  men  were  detailed  to  guard  the  Harrisburg  camp. 
This  number  was  increased  to  perhaps  200  by  the  arrival  of  stragglers.] 

*  *  *  On  the  18th  of  April,  1836,  the  Texas  army  arrived 
at  a  point  on  the  northeast  side  of  Buffalo  bayou,  opposite  to  Har- 
risburg, about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant.  On  the  evening  of  the 
same  day,  from  documents  found  in  the  captured  Mexican  mail,  it 
was  learned  that  Santa  Anna,  with  his  immediate  command,  had 
gone  down  towards  New  Washington,  and  that  (General  Cos,  with 
600  or  more  effective  troops,  would  arrive  at  Harrisburg  on  or 
about  the  20th.  On  the  next  morning  (the  19th)  General  Houston 
ordered  150  men  to  be  detailed,  pro  rata,  from  the  different  com- 
panies, to  remain  at  our  present  encampment,  to  guard  the  sick  and 
the  baggage,  while  the  main  army  would  proceed  down  the  bayou, 
in  pursuit  of  Santa  Anna.  This  order  was,  as  far  as  practicable, 
immediately  carried  into  effect.  Two  entire  companies  (Splann's 
and  Kuykendall's,  both  very  small)  were  left  with  the  guard.  The 
captains  of  the  other  companies  attempted  to  fill  their  detachments 
with  volunteers,  but  I  believe  none  of  them  quite  succeeded ;  and  in 
some  companies  (I  believe  in  most,  if  not  all  of  them)  many  of 
the  sick  were  counted,  as  the  required  number  of  sound  men  could 
not  possibly  be  induced  to  remain.  This  circumstance,  however, 
is  no  detraction  to  those  who  did  remain.  Those  required  to 
remain  were  placed  in  an  unenviable  dilemma.  On  the  one  hand 
was  certainty,  with  no  incumbrance,  to  encounter  the  flower  of  the 
Mexican  army,  and  no  one  doubted  of  victory;  and  on  the  other 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  339 

hand,  in  charge  of  the  sick,  and  of  heavy,  immovable  baggage,  was 
probability  of  conflict  in  which  they  must  oppose  more  than  thrice 
their  number,  with  no  chance  to  attack  or  even  to  change  position 
for  defense,  'and  more  than  a  double  chance  to  be  overpowered, 
crushed,  and  routed.  *  *  *  Sympathy  for  the  sick  and  the 
importance  of  protecting  the  ammunition,  -with  the  fear  that,  the 
guard  could  not  be  made  strong  enough,  caused  them  to  consent  to 
remain. 

On  the  same  day,  the  main  army  proceeded  down  the  bayou. 
On  the  20th,  some  men  that  had  been  left  sick  at  Donoho's  came  up, 
making  our  number  about  200,  including  the  sick.  On  the  night 
of  the  20th,  as  we  confidently  expected,  Cos's  division,  six  hundred 
strong,  entered  Harrisburg.  *  *  *  Having  received  an  express 
from  Santa  Anna,  Cos  decamped,  and  marched  with  his  division 
down  the  bayou.  *  *  * 

Respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

W.  P.  ZUBER. 


XI. 

Burning  of  Vince's  Bridge. 

[This  letter  was  published  in  the  Texas  Almanac,  1861,  55-58.  The 
writer  says  the  idea  of  destroying  Vince's  bridge  originated  with  John 
Coker,  and  that  Deaf  Smith  proposed  it  to  Houston,  and  secured  permis- 
sion to  destroy  the  bridge.] 

SAN  ANTONIO,  January  14,  1858. 
Hon.  Jesse  Grimes:     *     *     * 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st  of  April,  1836,  Captain  Games'  cav- 
alry company,  commonly  called  Deaf  Smith's  Spy  Company,  were 
drawn  up  in  line  on  the  edge  of  Gen.  Houston's  position.  As  well 
as  I  recollect,  we  were  between  thirty  and  forty  strong.  *  *  * 
While  sitting  in  our  saddles,  John  Coker,  my  left  file-leader,  made 
the  following  remark,  and  the  suggestions  following : 

"Boys,  *  *  *  I  believe  it  would  be  a  good  idea  to  go  and 
burn  that  bridge,  so  as  not  only  to  impede  the  advance  of  reinforce- 
ments of  the  enemy,  but  it  will  cut  off  all  chance  of  retreat  of 
either  party." 


340         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

The  proposition  was  seconded  by  the  whole  company,  when  Deaf 
Smith  proposed  to  go  and  see  the  General,  and  get  his  approval  of 
the  enterprise.  *  *  *  Smith  told  us  Houston  asked  him: 
"Can  you  do  it  without  being  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Mexican  cav- 
alry?" Smith  said  that  he  replied  to  Houston:  "Give  me  six 
men,  and  I  will  try."  *  *  * 

He  said:  "I  want  six  men.  I  am  going  to  burn  the  bridge." 
*  *  *  I  will  here  mention  the  names  of  all  who  joined  Deaf 
Smith  in  the  enterprise;  *  *  *  Deaf  Smith,  Denmore  Rives. 

John  Coker,  Y.  P.  Alsbury,  Rainwater,  John  Garner,  - 

Lapham.    *    *    * 

In  a  few  minutes  the  bridge  was  in  flames.  If  I  recollect  aright, 
it  was  built  of  cedar.  *  *  * 

Respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

Y.  P.  ALSBDRY. 

I,  John  Coker,  of  the  county  of  Bexar,  State  of  Texas,  have  no 
hesitation  in  stating  that  the  material  facts  in  the  preceding  narra- 
tive are  correct. 

Signed  this  7th  day  of  January,  1858. 

JOHN  COKER. 


XII. 

Amasa  Turner's  Account  of  the  Battle. 

[This  account  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  has  never  before  been  printed. 
Captain  Turner,  who  commanded  a  company  of  regulars  during  the  cam- 
paign, wrote  it  in  August,  1874,  at  the  request  of  Hon.  Guy  M.  Bryan,  to 
whose  collection  of  papers  the  MS.  belongs. 

'The  letter  deals  mainly  with  the  disputed  question  of  Houston's  ordering 
a  halt  during  the  battle.  The  writer  believes  that  he  did  not  do  so,  and 
thinks  the  report  that  he  did  was  maliciously  spread  by  Colonel  R.  M. 
Coleman.] 

At  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  after  our  line  had  taken  the 
enemy's  breastworks,  and  in  passing  them,  our  line  was  thrown  into 
great  confusion,  and  at  that  time  and  place  the  rout  commenced. 
The  enemy  had  not  time  to  form  in  rear  of  their  breastworks  before 
the  Texians  were  with  them,  and  seemed  to  have  the  issue  in  their 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  341 

own  hands.  Many  of  the  company  officers  made  an  effort  to  form 
their  command  after  passing  the  breastworks,  but  failed  to  [do] 
so.  I,  however,  succeeded  in  forming  a  part  of  company  into  some- 
thing like  a  line,  and  in  the  course  of  two  hundred  yards  they  all 
got  into  line,  and  'We  joined  in  the  rout,  in  something  like  order 
in  my  company.  After  pursuing  a  few  hundred  yards  at  double- 
quick  step,  I  heard  the  command  given  from  near,  "Halt,  halt !" 
I  looked  round,  and  Lieutenant- Colonel  Henry  Millard  was  advanc- 
ing, calling,  "Halt,  halt!"  I  did  not  order  my  company  to  halt 
until  he  came  up  and  called  out,  "Captain  Turner,  halt  your  com- 
pany, sir!"  I  then,  as  soon  [as]  possible,  halted  my  command, 
and  formed  a  line,  and  here  I  will  remark  that  after  I  halted  my 
company,  that  there  was  not  a  single  gun  fired  by  the  enemy. 
They  had  thrown  away  their  guns,  and  were  running  to  get  away, 
and  Almonte,  in  a  few  minutes  after,  herded  them  and  surren- 
dered to  General  Eusk  some  five  or  six  hundred  yards  from  where 
I  halted  my  command.  Before  Colonel  Millard  had.  time  to  give 
me  his  orders,  Colonel  J.  A.  Wharton  rode  up  from  the  rear  also, 
and  cried  out,  "Regulars,  why  have  you  stopped?  On,  on"  and 
was  about  to  pass  us  when  Colonel  Millard  spoke  to  him.  I  did 
not  hear  the  conversation  between  them.  The  result,  however,  was 
that  Colonel  M.  said  to  me,  he  detailed  my  company  to  return  to 
the  battle  ground  and  take  charge  of  it  by  placing  a  guard  around 
the  Mexican  camp.  At  this  time  I  saw  General  Houston  with  some 
of  his  staff  with  him  walking  their  horses  slowly  from  the  rear 
from  the  same  direction  that  Colonel  Millard  and  Colonel  Wharton 
had  come  from,  and  it  was  from  the  direction  of  the  battle  field. 
When  we  got  up  to  them — that  is,  Wharton,  Millard  and  my  com- 
pany soon  met  Houston,  and  those  with  him  were  Inspector-Gen- 
eral Geo.  W.  Hockley,  Wm.  G.  Cook,  James  Collinsworth,  and 
Volunteer  Aids  B.  Eden  Handy  and  Colonel  E.  M.  Coleman.  All 
this  company  returned  to  the  battlefield  with  me  and  my  company. 
After  my  arrival  I  halted  my  company  near  the  gun  (12-pounder) 
we  had  taken,  and  formed  a  line,  and  stood  at  ease.  General  Hous- 
ton's company  seemed  to  scatter  and  leave  him  as  we  came  on  the 
camp  and  battle  ground,  and  he  rode  up  in  front  of  my  company 
and  stopped  his  horse,  and  in  a  minute  or  so  he  threw  up  his  hands 
and  exclaimed,  "All  is  lost,  all  is  lost;  my  God,  all  is  lost."  This 
drew  my  attention  to  him.  I  saw  he  was  looking  at  General  Eusk 


342         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

with  the  surrendered  Mexicans  on  their  way  to  our  camp  on  Buffalo 
bayou.  There  was  a  spy  glass  lying  on  the  ground  near  him,  which 
[I]  took  up  and  handed  him,  and  said,  "Take  this,  General,  it  will 
assist  you  in  ascertaining  what  that  is  out  there  in  the  prairie." 
He  took  it,  and  just  then  some  one,  I  think  my  first  Lieut., 
spoke  and  said  that  Rusk  had  a  very  respectable  army  now. 
Houston  said  to  me,  "Is  that  Eusk  ?"  I  said,  "Yes,  certainly,  that 
is  Eusk  with  the  prisoners."  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  when  he 
first  saw  Rusk  that  he  thought  it  was  Filisola  from  Eichmond; 
hence,  his  "All  is  lost."  By  this  time  his  staff  were  about  him  or 
near  by.  General  Houston  exclaimed,  "Have  I  a  friend  in  this 
world?  Col.  Wharton,  I  am  wounded,  I  am  wounded;  have  I  a 
friend  in  this  world  ?"  Wharton  said,  "I  wish  I  was  [wounded  ?]  ; 
yes,  General,  I  hope  you  have  many  friends."  It  was  now  about 
sunset,  and  the  general  and  commander-in-chief,  with  staff  and 
aids,  left  the  battle  ground  for  our  camp  on  Buffalo  bayou,  and 
must  have  arrived  there  about  the  time  that  Eusk  did  with  the 
prisoners. 

*  *  *  I  have  led  you  in  the  above  round-about  way  to  times 
and  places  in  order  that  you  might  perfectly  understand  where  and 
under  what  circumstances,  and  the  time  that  General  Houston  or 
others  made  use  of  the  order  to  halt. 

I  will  now  give  you  something  more  from  hearsay : 

Captain  Isaac  Moreland,  a  gentleman  and  a  soldier,  and  was 
attached  to  the  artillery  on  that  day,  for  some  cause  I  do  not  at 
this  time  recollect,  lingered  on  the  battlefield,  and  whilst  there  dis- 
covered a  parcel  of  men  engaged,  as  he  thought,  in  the  act  of  plun- 
dering the  effects  left  on  the  ground  by  the  enemy.  He  said  they 
[were]  breaking  packages,  and  he  told  them  to  desist,  as  he  would 
report  them.  He  said  he  then  left,  and  came  up  to  where  General 
Houston  and  staff  were,  and  reported  to  him  the  fact,  and  that 
General  Houston  called  out,  "Halt,  halt!"  and  sent  Colonel  Mil- 
lard  to  detail  a  company  and  put  a  guard  around  the  Mexican 
camp;  that  Millard  left,  overtook  my  company,  and  called  me  by 
name,  and  ordered  me  to  halt,  and  detailed  my  company  to  return 
ae  above  stated.  Now,  you  will  perceive  that  Captain  Millard's 
remarks  to  me  fit  so  well  with  what  I  have  stated  before  mentioning 
his  name  that  I  believe  every  word  of  it. 

Now,  I  will,  as  I  think,  explain  how  it  was  ever  reported  that 


The  San  Jacinto  Campaign.  343 

General  Houston  ever  ordered  a  halt  on  the  battlefield,  etc. :  At 
the  time  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  E.  M.  Coleman,  volunteer  aid 
to  Houston,  was  friendly  with  him,  but  soon  afterwards  became 
Houston's  most  inveterate  enemy,  as  you  know  from  the  history  of 
1836,  and  as  he  was  with  Houston  at  the  time  Moreland  came  up 
and  reported  what  was  going  on  on  the  battlefield,  it  is  not  impos- 
sible, but  probable,  that  General  Houston  did,  under  the  circum- 
stances, order  a  halt  and  give  Colonel  Millard  the  orders  before 
mentioned.  *  *  * 

I  will  now  close  with  a  single  remark,  that  if  General  Houston 
did,  on  receiving  Moreland's  report  of  the  plundering  of  the  Mexi- 
can camp,  order  a  halt,  to  whom  did  he  give  that  order?  There 
was  no  one  with  him  but  his  staff  and  two  aids,  together  with  Cap- 
tain Moreland  and  Col.  Henry  Millard  commanding  the  regulars, 
and  at  time  Moreland  reported  to  Houston,  there  was  not  a  cap- 
tain's command  in  sight  of  him  but  mine  that  >could  be  identified. 
We  were  regular  soldiers.  Houston  might  have  preferred  regulars 
for  the  duty  required;  hence,  his  order  to  detail  that  company  in 
sight  for  that  express  duty.  *  *  * 

I  do  [not]  believe  that  General  Houston  ever  ordered  a  halt  of 
the  army,  or  even  wished  or  expected  to  halt  it,  but  that  he  articu- 
lated the  word  'Tialt,"  surrounded  by  his  staff  and  aids,  I  have  no 
doubt. 


344         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

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Maillard,  N.  D.,  History  of  the  Republic  of  Texas.    London :  1842. 
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Morphis,  J.  M.,  History  of  Texas  (pp.  167-314).  New  York:  1874. 
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Hartford:    1848. 
Sherman,  Sydney,  Defence  of  Gen.  Sydney  Sherman  Against  the 

Charges  Made  by  Gen.  Sam  Houston,  etc.    Galveston:    1859. 

25  pp. 
Sumner,  W.  G.,  Andrew  Jackson  (p.  354).    Boston:     Houghton, 

Mifflin. 
Taylor,  W.   S.,  Pursuit  of  Santa  Anna,  etc.,  in  Texas  Almanac, 

1868,  43-45. 
Thrall,  H.  S.,  A  Pictorial  History  of  Texas  (pp.  238-71).     St. 

Louis :    Thompson.    1879. 
Williams,  Alfred  M.,  Sam  Houston  and  the  War  of  Independence 

in  Texas.    Boston :    Houghton,  Mifflin.    1893. 
Yoakum,  H.,  History  of  Texas,  Vol.  2.     New  York:     Redfield. 

1855. 


346         lexas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  AND  NOTICES. 

The  January  Publications  of  the  Southern  History  Association 
contains  two  articles  of  especial  interest  to  all  lovers  of  the  Old 
South.  They  are  the  first  chapter  of  the  History  of  the  Confederate 
Treasury,  by  Prof.  E.  A.  Smith;  and  an  essay  on  The  South  in 
Olden  Times,  by  Dr.  J.  L.  M.  Curry. 


Notes  and  Fragments.  347 


NOTES  AND  FRAGMENTS. 

Mrs.  Harris  wishes  to  correct  the  following  typographical  errors 
in  her  "Reminiscences" :  QUARTERLY,  IV,  p.  160,  1.  33,  for  "The 
young  man  camped  at  our  house,"  read  "The  young  men,"  etc;  p. 
161,  1.  9,  for  "General  Houston  to  Gonzales  with  ten  thousand," 
read  "with  one  thousand";  p.  167,  1.  23,  for  "The  reports  of  the 
cannon  were  so  distant,"  read  "were  so  distinct." 

ADELE  B.  LOOSCAN. 

In  the  QUARTERLY,  IV,  p.  156,  note  1,  the  date  of  Austin's  speech 
at  Brazoria  is  given  through  an  inadvertence  as  September  12;  it 
should  be  September  8. 

EDITOR  QUARTERLY. 


L'ABEILLE  AMERICAINE. 
Philadelphia,  23  April,  1818. 
Extracts  from  a  letter  dated  Natchitoches,  16th  of  March,  1818. 

Persons  arriving  from  Galveztown  bring  the  extraordinary  news 
of  the  arrival  there  of  a  number  of  Frenchmen  having  with  them  a 
quantity  of  agricultural  implements  and  munition  of  war.  About 
three  thousand  more  are  expected  there.  They  come  partly  from 
Philadelphia;  all  their  property  was  marked  Mobile.  Generals 
I/Allemand  and  Rigaud  are  with  them.  They  carefully  avoid 
giving  offence  to  the  government.  Their  intentions  are  unknown, 
but  it  is  believed  that  they  wish  to  go  beyond  Big  River,  or  perhaps 
to  Tampico,  to  appropriate  and  occupy  a  country  which  may  become 
the  asylum  of  discontented  Europeans,  etc.,  etc. 

New  Orleans,  1st  of  April. 

It  is  reported  that  the  French  exiles  in  the  United  States  have 
formed  for  some  time  the  plan  of  taking  possession  of  the  province 
of  Texas,  as  well  as  neighboring  countries  known  as  internal  prov- 
inces. A  subscription  has  been  raised  among  the  richer  persons 
to  provide  the  first  expenses.  It  is  even  said  that  they  have 
acquainted  the  minister  of  Spain,  at  Washington,  with  their  inten- 


348         Texas  Historical  Association  Quarterly. 

tion  of  colonizing  the  above  province,  in  which  they  are  willing  to 
recognize  the  authority  of  old  Spain,  provided  that  they  are 
allowed  to  live  there  quietly. 

4th  of  June,  1818. 

To  the  Editor :  You  are  authorized  to  say  that  the  French  emi- 
grants, who  have  formed  an  establishment  on  the  Trinity  river  in 
the  province  of  Texas,  are  assembled  there  to  the  number  of  about 
two  hundred.  That  quiet  reigns  amongst  them  since  the  departure 
of  all  who  were  discontented  with  an  enterprise  demanding  labor 
and  perseverance ;  that  the  country  they  inhabit  is  admirably  situa- 
ted, that  the  land  is  very  fertile ;  the  neighboring  Indians  as  well  as 
the  Spanish  government  are  neither  jealous  nor  troubled  with  res- 
pects to  a  colony  which  is  purely  agricultural,  and  wishes  to  present 
to  the  party  which  shall  be  victorious  in  the  present  struggle,  a  ter- 
ritory worth  keeping  and  cultivated  by  men  who  have  courageously 
quitted  the  sword  for  the  plow.  You  may  add,  sir,  that  the  inde- 
pendent Indian  chiefs  who  inhabit  the  same  country,  have  frater- 
nized with  the  chief  of  the  small  French  colony,  and  have  made  a 
point  of  proving  their  hospitality  by  providing  their  friends,  the 
French,  with  the  things  most  necessary  for  their  subsistence. 

L'ABEILLE  AMERICAINE. 

Philadelphia,  11  of  June,  1818. 

Extracts  from  letters  from  the  French  Colony  of  Trinity  Eiver  in 
the  Province  of  Texas. 

We  are  established  at  the  mouth  of  the  Trinity  River  on  the 
Orcoquinas  bluff,  which  is  twenty  feet  above  the  river  even  now  when 
it  is  pretty  high.  On  this  plateau  is  a  fine  prairie,  surrounded  by 
woods  with  here  and  there  a  group  of  trees,  communicating  with 
what  is  known  as  Grand  or  Tolcositas  Prairie,  which  is  at  least 
fifteen  miles  from  the  south  to  the  north  and  which  stretches  toward 
the  east  as  far  as  a  bayou  which  communicates  with  Sabine  Lake. 
.The  soil  is  of  the  best  quality,  easy  to  work.  We  have  around  us  a 
wide  stretch  of  land  which  promises  the  richest  results  to  those 
who  are  willing  to  work.  There  is  game  in  quantity.  There  are 
many  wild  cows,  bulls  and  horses  which  can  be  easily  caught.  The 


Notes  and  Fragments.  349 

waters  are  full  of  fish.  Our  colonists,  who  have  returned  from 
exploring  on  the  east  of  the  river,  say  that  the  country  is  still  finer. 
It  is  traversed  by  fine  streams  which  water  splendid  hills,  on  which, 
also,  there  are  many  animals,  particularly  wild  goats.  All  of  this 
country  is  fit  for  the  production  of  sugar,  cotton,  indigo,  etc. 

We  have  already  seen  the  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nations.  We  have 
smoked  the  calumet  of  peace,  we  have  made  reciprocal  presents. 
They  come  each  day  to  bring  us  provisions.  We  are  abundantly 
provided  with  fresh  meat,  and  we  shall  soon  have  enough  both  salt 
and  smoked.  Our  colony  is  thus  established  in  a  vast  and  fertile 
country  abounding  in  resources,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  a  river 
that  falls  into  a  fine  bay,  where  industries  of  all  kinds  should  pros- 
per more  promptly  than  in  any  other  country  of  the  world.  We  have 
no  intention  of  undertaking  extravagant  enterprises  or  of  commit- 
ting hostilities  against  anj'one.  We  shall  only  use  our  weapons  to 
repel  aggressions,  but  we  are  thoroughly  resolved  to  defend  the 
country  which  we  cultivate.  Victims  of  circumstances,  no  power 
can  deny  to  us  the  right  to  provide  for  our  existence,  and  to  assure 
it  by  our  labor,  our  industry,  our  activity,  and  social  order  as  well 
as  natural  law  authorizes  us  to  demand  from  an  unoccupied  country 
the  products  which  we  may  need.  WTe  open  an  asylum  to  men  in  the 
same  situation  as  ourselves.  If  success  crowns  our  efforts,  we  shall 
have  rendered  an  important  service  to  our  unfortunate  fellow  coun- 
trymen, as  well  as  to  others.  If  we  do  not  succeed,  we  shall  at  least 
have  had  the  courage  to  undertake  it.  We  shall  not  have  feared  the 
fatigue  and  privations  of  the  commencement.  Our  aim  is  praise- 
worthy, our  intentions  honorable  and  pure,  and  we  may  feel  hope 
that  in  any  case  we  shall  obtain  the  approval  and  consent  of  the 
honest  and  faithful  men  who  know  us  well. 


INDEX  TO  VOLUME  IV. 

Adams,  Frank 42 

Adkins,  -      — ,  122,  159,  176;  Jane,  122,  159 176 

Affairs  of  the  Association 59-69,  235 

Alcaraz,  Diego  de 3,  5,  13,  20,  21,  25,  29 

Aldredge,  W.  B 44,  45 

Allen,  Cado,  199;  Mrs.  Laura,  129;  Sam,  182,  189;  Martin,  199;  Capt., 

at  San  Jacinto 291 

Almonte,  41,  172,  173,  176;  reconnoitering  at  New  Washington,  268; 

at  San  Jacinto 291,  341 

Alsbury,  Y.  P.,  Account  of  burning  of  Vince's  Bridge 339-40 

Archer,  B.  T 44,  45,  ,145 

Armstrong,   Alex 157 

Atkins,  Joseph 199 

Austin,  John,  36,  38,  274;  Stephen  F.,  42,  53,  57,  93,  104,  110,  124,  127, 
155,  156,  169,  186;  Wm.  T.,  44,  45;  goes  to  Velasco  for  artillery, 

244,  318;  letter  of,  330;  Moses  Austin's  Journal 57 

Ayres,  Mrs.   Sallie  Sawyer 59,  60 

Baker,  Joseph,  141;  Moseley,  156,  182;  Letter  to  Houston,  272-87; 
guards  San  Felipe,  246,  279,  310,  329;  burns  San  Felipe,  247, 
281  310 

Ball,  McKay,  206,  208 ;  W.  A 135 

Barker,  Eugene  C 190,  234,  235 

Barragan,  Capt 289 

Batter,  S. 193 

Baylor,  R.  E..B 209,  210 

Season,  Abe,  Collins,  Leander,  Mary 155 

Season's  Crossing,  Houston's  camp  at,  244,  298,  308,  328,  335;  retreat 

from 299,  309,  319,  328 

Bell,  -      — ,  Mrs.,  158,  166;  Mr 93,  109,  117,  160,  163,  186,  188 

Bennet,  -      — ,  87,  119;  Theodore 37,  44 

Bexar  Archives 58 

Billingsley,  Jesse 292 

Bingham,  Maj 97,  98,  136 

Boggs,  A.  D 206 

Book  Reviews  and  Notices 57,  152,  154,  230,  231 

Borden,  Gail,  129,  141 ;  S.  G.,  129 ;  Thos 141 

Bostick,  Sion 175 

Bowie,   James 147,  239 

/    Bradburn,  Juan  Davis 34,  36,  190 

Branch,  C.  T 193 

Brewster,  Mrs.,  87,  88 ;  James 88,  184 

Briscoe,  Andrew 124,  125,  126,  127,  196,  197 


Index. 

Brock,  John lull 

Brown,  Henry,  :W ;  .James,  175,  199;  J.  K.,  170;  Jerry,  34,  35,  41;  D. 

M.,  209;  Mrs.,  176;  John  Henry 36,  141.  ir,3 

Bronson, 89 

Buckner,  S.  B 

Buffen,  C.  S 1 '.):'. 

Bugbee,  L.  G liO 

Bullit,  Alex.  P 143 

Bimdick,  Sum 105,  161,  162,  163,  164.  ]M 

Burleson,  Edward,  47,  51,  263,  203,  295,  307;  John,  292;  Rufus  C »" 

Bin-net,  David  G.,  89,  100,  101,  102,  117,  158,  162,  182,  184,  187,  233: 
Account  of  San  Jacinto  Campaign,  326-33;   urges  Houston  to 

fight 24: 

Burr  Conspiracy 218,  21' 

Bryan,  Cuy  .M.,  60,  190,  233,  234;  Wm l.io 

Bustamente,  Anastacio 39,  40.  -j-j:; 

Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Route  of,  1-32;  Alvar  Nuflez. .  .  .3,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10,  11, 

12,  13,  14,  16,  17,  19 20 

Calder,  —      — ,  108,  183;  Mrs.,  58;  R.  J.,  Recollections  of  San  Jacinto 

Campaign 334-38 

Campbell,  Moses 206 

Carson,  Sam  P.,  negotiations  with  Gen.  Gaines 252-54 

Carrington,  D.  C 206 

Cartwright,  -        - 100 

Carter,  -         -   143,  150 

Castillo,  Juan  del 3,  6,  30 

Castrillon,  Gen.,  at  San  Jacinto 291 

Chalmers,  John  G 45,  46 

Chambers,  T.  J 201 

Chandler,   Capt 205,  206 

Chirinos,  Pedro  Almendez  de 5,  10,  12,  14 

Choate, i 89,  124,  125,  158 

Church,  -        -   171 

Cloud,  J.  W 36 

Coker,  John 339 

Cole, 175 

Coleman,  R.  M 2t)5,  341 

Collier,  W.  H 4.1.  4t> 

Collingsworth,  James 151,  341 

Consultation 42,  127,  156.  lii! 

Convention  of  1836 43.  240 

Cook,  Louis  P.,  44,  45;  Wm.  G 82,  341 

Cooley,  Mrs.  Emily  B 54 

Cooper,  Oscar  H -2:} ; 

Coopwood,  Bethel 1,  231 

Coronado,  Vasquez  de 3,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  1!».  :2.~ 


Index. 

Corpus  Christi,  Mexican  Raid  of  1875 128-139 

Cos,  -  — .  95,  156,  157,  158,  159,  171,  173,  174,  180,  190,  196,  197, 
199,  207 ;  brings  reinforcements  to  Santa  Anna,  257,  262,  285, 

315,  323,  337 ;  leaves  100  men  in  camp  at  Harrisburg 269 

Cortes,  Francisco,  10,  11 ;  Fernando 5,  6,  7,  17 

Cotie,  -        - 96,  113,  116,  117,  118,  120,  121,  122,  163 

Cortina,  Jose 128,  129,  138 

Cox,  Andrew 95,  155 

Council  of  War  at  San  Jacinto 323 

Crockett,  David 147 

Croft,  Wm 203 

Cunningham,   H 193 

Darlington,  J.  W 60 

Davenport,   Maj 211,  222 

Davis,   Sam 206 

Delgado,  Pedro,  Account  of  battle  of  San  Jacinto 287-91 

Denmore,  Capt 85,  86,  87 

Dewees,  Mrs.  Bluford 155 

Diaz,  Melchior 3,  5,  32 

Dickinson,  Mrs.,  88;  arrival  at  Gonzales 242,  293,  308 

Dienst,  Alex 140,  233 

Diggs,  Major,  sent  to  Bobbins'  Ferry  to  stop  reinforcements 331 

Doby,  -        - 108,  184 

Dodson,  A.  B 88,  199 

Donoho,   Charles 44,  45 

Donoho's  Plantation 250,  302,  312,  320 

Dorantes,  Andres 3,  21,  22,  30,  31 

Dunn,   Mike 133 

Duran,   Ignacio 192,  201 

Durst,  John.  . 206,  211,  212 

Dyer,  C.  C.,  93,  98,  105,  106,  108,  110,  115,  117,  118,  119,  127,  157,  158' 
159,  160,  163,  181,  183,  184,  186;  Mrs.,  103,  105,  109,  112,  117, 
118,  119,  123,  124,  165,  166,  168,  182,  188;  Eli,  164;  Foster,  108; 
Hawey,  108 ;  Wm 108,  123,  181 

Earl,  Elizabeth,  184 ;  Jane,  184 ;  Thos 89 

Eckols,    Abner 199 

Edwards,  Ashmore,  199,  200 ;  Munroe 112 

Evans,  Onesimus,  206,  209 ;  Wm 206 

Fannin,  J.  W.,  73,  161,  164,  167,  184,  185;  Massacre,  141:  ordered  to 

retreat  from  Goliad.  317 ;  news  of  defeat 245,  278,  309 

Farmer,  A 88,  90,  199 

Filisola,  Vicente  de 71,  72,  73,  74,  108,  174,  175,  247,  24$ 

Foote,  H.  S 145,  150 

Fowler,  James  .  206 


Index. 


Franks,  George 129,  130,  131,  139 

Freeman,  Ben    195 

Freid,  Henry 305 

Fulcher, 171,  173 

Fulmore,  Z.  T 59,  60 

Gaines,  Edmund  P.,  142,  168;  attitude  towards  Texas 251-55 

Gallagher,  Dr.,  88 ;  David 199 

Gallatin,  Albert 88,  90,  109,  111,  112,  113 

Gaona,    Gen 246,  247 

Garner,  Thos.,  18,  206;  John,  courtmartialed 301,  340 

Garrison,  George  P 235 

Garza,  Leonardo,  55 ;  Ramon  de 203 

Gay,  Thomas    199 

Gibson,  John    143 

Gillette,  Edwin,  183 ;  Martha 183 

Gonzales,  burning  of 243,  294,  318 

Gonzales,  Jos6    194,  196 

Goodman,  John  J 206,  207 

Gray,  A.  C 233,  234 

Grayson,  P.  W ir,l 

Gregg,  John   210 

Greene,  Thos.  J 44,  45,  145,  150 

Greer,  Capt 205,  206,  207 

Groce's,  Houston's  camp  at 248-49,  301,  310,  319,  329,  335 

GutierrezrMagee  Expedition,  First  Period  of 218-229 

Guzman,  Nufio  de 8,  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  14 

Habermacher,  Stephen  107 

Hall,  John  W.,  44,  45;  Wm.  Sims 44,  45 

Hambleton, 188 

Handy,  R.  E 341 

Hardin,  Wm 196 

Harris,  DeWitt  Clinton,  108,  121,  124,  125,  126,  184,  187,  199;  David, 

88,  90,  124,  199,  200;  Ira  A.,  85,  155;  Isabella,  184;  John,  88; 

John  R.,  108,  121,  179;  Louis  B.,  184;  Sam,  88;  Sarah,  88;  Wm., 

88,  183;  Wm.  E.,  199;  Wm.  P 88,  127,  184 

Harris,  Reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Dilue 85-127,  155-189,  190,  201,  205,  348 

Harrisburg,  Couriers  captured  at,  255,  260,  283,  303,  313,  321,  332,  336, 

338 ;  camp  guard  at 255,  260,  322,  336 

Hawkins,  Charles  E 151 

Healer,  John  W 199 

Heard,  W7.  J.  E.,  letter  concerning  retreat  from  Gonzales .  326 ;  328,  331,  333 

Henson,  David 108,  112,  123,  124,  126 

Hernandez,  Gil 194 

Herrera,  Simon  de 218,  220 

Hill,  Wm.  G.,  43,  45;  Wm.  R .145 


Index. 

Hiram,  Sophronia,  88 ;  Susan 88 

Hiyan,  J.  B 193 

Hockley,  G.  W 262,  310,  341 

Hodge,   Mary 122 

Hoffman,  88 

Holland,  Francis,  199 ;  James 199 

Holmes, 49 

Hopson,   Lucian 88 

Horton,  Albert  C 49,  50,  51 

Houston,  Sam,  42,  43,  49,  51,  53,  72,  160,  161,  162,  168,  169,  172,  174, 
176,  179,  184,  185;  Report  of  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  260-64; 
elected  commander-in-chief,  239,  241 ;  retreat  from  Gonzales, 
243,  274,  293,  308,  317,  327 ;  at  Season's,  244,  275,  299,  309,  319, 
328,  335;  at  Groce's,  248-49,  279,  301,  310,  329,  335;  at  Harris- 
burg,  255,  283,  313;  at  San  Jacinto 257,  316,  337 

Howell,  Wm 75,  76,  77,  82 

Hudson,  H.  C 199 

Runnings,  Elijah  199 

Hunt,  Flournoy ' 182,  189 

Hunter,  Jim,  129 ;  Dr.  Johnson 97 

Huston,  Felix 51,  145,  149,  150 

Hyde,  A.  C 44 

Iberri,  Col.,  sent  to  Filisola  with  dispatches 287 

liams,  George,  88,  184;  John,  88,  108,  199;  Isaac 88,  184 

Indians — Carancahuaces,  52;  Cherokees,  164;  Chichimecas,  14,  15,  16, 

18,  19;   Comanches,  19,  31,  51,  52;   Creek,  20;  Iguaces,  20,  31; 

Keechi,  203,  204,  205,  206;  Kickapoo,  203,  205,  207;  Lipan 205 

Ingram,  John 298 

Jack,  Patrick,  53,  100,  101,  125;    Spencer,  35,  36,  41;   Thos.  M.,  35; 

Wm.   H 41,  100 

Jackson,  Andrew,  attitude  towards  Texas 251 

Jewett,  Henry  J 206,  209,  210 

Johnson,  Mr.,  86,  87,  90 ;  Frank,  36,  240 ;  Thos 109 

Johnston,  Albert  Sidney 47 

Jones,  Anson,  51,  187,  328,  331;  Henry 157,  160,  172,  183,  185 

Karnes  and  Teal,  Escape  from  Matamoros 71-84,  232 

Karnes,  H.  W.,  59,  175,  233,  297,  309,  339;  John 205 

Keigwein,  Wm 209 

Kelley,  Mrs 96 

Kemper   Raid 218 

Kendrick,   Harvey 49 

Kennedy,  Wm 144 

Kerr,  James 104,  309 

King,  -      — ,  169,  170,  189;  Ben  F 170 

Kokernot,  108,  126,  201 


Index. 


Kiiykendall,  Mrs.  Abe,  171,  172;  Gibson,  292;  left  with  camp  guard  at 
Harrisburg,  303,  338;  J.  H.,  Recollections  of  Campaign  of  San 
Jacinto  2!>1-.W» 

La  ha  die,  N.  D.,  Recollections  of  the  San  Jacinto  Campaign 307-15 

Lanmr,  Mirabeau  B.,  44,  45,  47,  49,  50,  53,  58,  184,  210;  at  battle  of 

San  Jacinto,  262,  333 ;  Lamar  Papers 58 

Lawn-nee,   David 298 

Laws  of  Texas 1  .~>2 

I.a \vscm.  Andrew 199 

Leon  County.  Sketch  of  Settlement  of 203-217 

Little,  Win 157,  158,  181,  206,  207 

Lockhai ! .  -        - 188 

Long,  Gen'l,  41 :  Mrs.  Jane  H 41 

Loupe.  Victor 72,  80 

Looscan,  Adf-le 155,  158,  161,  170,  176,  179,  187 

Love,  Robt 79,  81,  82 

Lubbock,  Francis  R 60 

Lytle,  -         - 87,  88,  91,  92.  '.ill 

Maclin,  James   F 145 

Malone,  Margaret,  Paddy,  Rosie 188 

Mann,  —      — ,  108,  182 ;  Mrs.  and  her  oxen 313 

Mansfield, 88 


Martin, 


-,  167;  Wily,  156,  171,  201:  sent  to  guard  Ft.  Bend,  246, 


310;  ordered  to  Robbin's  Ferry,  250;  disbands  company 312 

Masterson,  Thos.  G 44,  45 

Matamoros   Expedition 239-40 

Mather,  E 199 

McArdle,  H.  A 59,  71,  82 

McBride,  J.  J 206 

McCaleb,  W.  F 59.  21S 

McClane,  John 137 

McCormick,   David 95,  155 

McCrory,  187 

McCulloch,    Ben 51 

McCurley's   251,  302 

McDermot,  -        -  168,  169,  184 

McManigle,  P.  H 120 

McMullen  and  McGloin 150 

McNeal,  Helen 96 

McNeil,  -        - 34,  36 

McNutt,  Robert,  commands  camp  at  Harrisburg 255,  292,  301 

Meir  Expedition 210 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de 2,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9 

Mercer,  Eli 327,  331 

Mexia's  Expedition 40,  41 


Index. 

Mexican  Raid  on  Corpus  Christ! 128-139 

Mexican  Revenue  Officer  in  Texas,  Difficulties  of 190-202 

Mexican   War 57 

Middleton,  W.  B 205,  206,  209,  210 

Milam,  Ben 55,  56,  95,  147,  274 

Millard,  Henry,  at  battle  of  San  Jacinto 262,  341 

Miller,  J.  B.,  145,  198,  201;  James  H.  C.,  201;  Francis,  305;  T.  S.,  60; 

W.  P 73,  78,  82,  233 

Mills,  Andrew,  37 ;  Robt . . 37,  41 

Miranda   Expedition 208,  219 

Montero,  -        - 220,  221,  222,  223,  224 

Moore,  John  W 88,  100,  186,  187,  192,  199,  200 

Moreland,  I.  N 196,  342 

Morgan,  James 158 

Morris,  Leopold,  128  :  Retson,  199,  200 ;  Win 157 

Muldoon,   Father 104 

Munson,  Judge,  38 ;  Col 38 

Narvaez  Expedition,  2,  31 ;  Panfilo  de 3 

Neal,  Wm.,  93,  114,  115,  117,  160,  163,  186,  188;  Mrs 112,  115,  158, 

166,    168 182 

Neill,  J.  C 307 

Nelson,  Tom 133 

New  Orleans  Greys 142,  145 

New    Orleans   Newspaper    Files    of   the    Texas   Revolutionary    Period 

140-157.  233 

Newspapers — New  Orleans,  "Bee,"  143,  148;  "Commercial  Bulletin," 
143,  145,  146,  147,  151:  "Courier,"  143,  144;  "La.  Advertiser," 
143,  144;  "Picayune,"  143;  "True  American,"  143,  144;  "Post 
and  Union,"  143,  144.  Texas:  "Telegraph,"  141,  233;  "Texas 

Republican," 141,  190,  194,  195,  196,  198,  233,  234 

New  Washington,  burnt  by  Santa  Anna 289 

Niza,  Marcos  de 2,  3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  9 

Noakes,  T.  J 128,  131,  136,  138 

Notes  and  Fragments 58,  232-234 

Ogden,  C.  W 193 

Page,  -   122,  159 

Palmer,  J.  W 58 

Patrick,   Alexander 206 

Peareson,  P.  E 33 

Peeples, 88 

Perry,   James 169 

Peterson,  John 199 

Pettus,  Wm 44,  45 

Phelps,   Dr 186 


Index. 


Plum  Creek  Fight 51 

Pohlmann,   M 143 

Potter,  R.  M 59,  83,  232,  233 

Pruitt,   Wm 206 

Purkinson,  Edward,  199 ;  1 11>!) 

Quitnian,    Gen 331 

Rabb,  Thomas 292 

Raguet,   Henry 321,  332 

Raines,  C.  W 58,  60,  152,  235 

Rainwater    340 

Rea,  Putnam 143 

Reagan,  John  H 59,  60,  235 

Reels,  Patrick 167 

Reese,  John 199 

Rcinhardt, 209 

Reynolds,   Geo 129 

Rhodes,  —     — ,  .asleep  on  picket  duty 296 

Richardson, 88 

Riley,  -        - 206 

Rives,    Denmore 340 

Roark,  Elijah,  93,  94,  95,  155;  Jackson,  95,  97,  108,  116,  183,  199; 
James,  96;  Leo,  93,  94,  95,  97,  108,  110,  112,  116,  122,  155,  158, 
170,  182,  183;  Mrs.,  93,  94,  96,  97,  105,  108,  109,  114,  117,  118, 

1G2,  167 185 

Roarer   (or  Rohrer ) 305,  306 

Robbins,  holds  reinforcements  on  Trinity  by  order  of  Houston 311 

Robertson,.  Felix  H 59 

Robinson,  Andrew,  87,  199 ;  Dr.,  35,  38 ;  J.  W 160,  332 

Roffe,  Edward  S 193 

Rogers,  Robt.,  206,  207 ;  Stephen 207 

Roland,  -       - 37 

Rose,  Granville,  164,  173,  177,  178,  181 ;  Mrs.,  187;  Pleasant  M 85 

"Runaway  Scrape" 162,  204,  205 

Rusk,  T.  J.,  75,  76,  78,  233;  joins  army  at  Groce's,  248,  320;  in  battle 

of  San  Ja<;into 264,  286,  332,  341 

Russell,  Wm.  J.,  36,  37,  41,  119;  Mrs.  W.  J 87,  119 

"Sabine"   34,  35,  36 

Salcedo,  Manuel  de 219,  221,  222,  223,  224,  225,  227,  229 

San  Antonio,  A  Retrospect  of 54-56 

San  Felipe,  burning  of 265,  329 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of 259,  270-71,  290-91,  340-43 

Santa  Anna,  Antonio  Lopez  de,  39,  40,  54,  72,  74,  75,  76,  88,  108,  141, 
144,  147,  155,  158,  159,  160,  165,  168,  170,  171,  172,  174,  175, 
176,  181,  184,  186,  205;  arrival  at  San  Antonio,  238;  at  San 


Index. 

Felipe,  247,  265,  329;   crosses  Brazos,  267,  320;   burns  Harris- 
burg,  248,  266;  capture  of,  259,  271-72;  Report  of  San  Jacinto 

Campaign 264-72 

Savage,  Mrs.  R.  R 129 

Sawyer,  Mrs 188 

Secession,  Ordinance  of 53 

Secrest,  Washington 171,  173,  175 

Sesrna,  Ramirez  y,  at  Season's 244,  277,  308,  328 

Seven  Cities 2,  3,  4,  5,  8,  9,  12,  13 

Sharp,   John 328 

Sherman,  Roger,  175;  P.  M.,  206;  Sidney,  elected  Lt.-Col.,  242;  pro- 
moted, 301 ;  skirmish  at  Season's,  277,  298,  328 ;  skirmish  of 

April  20,  262,  314,  322,  336 ;  at  San  Jacinto 262 

Shilton,  Wm.  D.  T 190 

Shipman,  Edward,  116,  185;  James,  116;  John,  95,   116;   Moses,  101, 

105,  114,  116,  118,  157,  160,  162,  170,  176,  183 185 

Sidbury,  Mrs.  E.  D 129 

Silvester,   James    A 175 

Sims,    F 136 

Sinks,  Mrs.  Julia  Lee 60 

Smith,  Ben  Fort,  97,  98,  99,  100,  101,  102,  105,  108,  121,  182;  thinks  he 
would  make  a  good  commander,  300,  334;  Deaf,  173,  174,  175; 
at  Gonzales,  242 ;  captures  Mexican  scout  at  Rocky  Creek,  243 ; 
captures  couriers  at  Harrisburg,  303,  313,  321,  333:  burns 
Vince's  bridge,  262,  285,  323,  337 ;  Henry,  76,  160,  183,  199,  201, 
202,  239;  John,  132,  133,  134,  135,  136,  138;  Mary,  187;  Obe- 
dience, 182;  Wm 124,  125,  197 

Somervelle  Expedition,  95;  Alexander 233,  242,  293,  301,  307 

Spears,   Robt 95,  155 

Spilman,  James 85,  86,  87,  199 

Splann,  Capt.  P.  R.,  left  at  Harrisburg  with  camp  guard 303,  334,  338 

Stafford,  Adam,  93,  112,  114,  115,  117,  120,  157,  160,  165,  167,  173, 
182;  Harvey,  93,  98,  103,  108,  115,  116,  117,  120,  121,  122,  124, 
160,  168,  182,  183,  188;  Mary,  114;  Mrs.,  102,  103,  112,  156,  157, 
160,  168,  185;  William,  91,  92,  93,  96,  99,  100,  103,  105,  106, 
111,  115,  116,  117,  118,  119,  120,  122,  123,  124,  125,  161,  162,  164,  182 

State  Capital,  Location  of , 44 

St.  Denis,  Chevalier  de 230,  231 

Stevens,    Henry 131 

Stone,  Mrs.  Cornelia  Branch 59,  60 

Swanks,  John 136,  137,  138 

Sweet,  Mrs 35 

Tarleton,  James 328 

Teal,  Henry ;  .59,  233 

Tenorio,  Capt 124,  125,  126,  156,  190,  191,  192,  193,  194,  195,  196, 

197,  198,  199,  200. 201 

Terry,  Mrs.,  98 ;  Dave,  102 ;  Frank '. 98,  99 


Index 

Thomas,    David 320 

Thompson,   Charles 181,  Ifl!) 

Thorn,  Thos 200 

Townes,  John  C GO,  154 

Travis,  W.  B 42,  53,  88,  89,  95,  100,  101,  102,  104,  125,  126,  141, 

147,  156,  159,  160,  162,  163,  173,  177,  185,  186,  195,  199,  200,  202,  239 

Trudeaux,   Felix 221 

Turner,  Amasa,  328 ;  Account  of  Battle  of  San  Jacinto 340-43 

"Twin  Sisters,"  arrive  at  Brazos 249,  302,  311,  320 

Ugartechea,  Domingo  de 37,  127,  156,  190,  191,  192,  193,  194,  195, 

196,  197,  198,  200 201 

Urrea,  -       - 71,  72,  73,  74,  75,  77,  80,  175,  232,  239,  240 

Velasco,  Treaty  of 

Yiesca,  Augustin 198 

Vince,  Allen,  89,   175,  181;   Richard,  89;   Robt.,  89;   Susan,  89;    Wil- 
liam     89,  176 

Vince's  bridge 258,  202,  315,  339 

Wallace,  Riley,  206;  William 200 

Waller,  Reminiscences  of  Judge  Edwin 33-53 

Walton,  A.  Y 59 

Watts,  Mrs 51,  52 

Webb,  James 199 

Wells,  James.  .86,  87,  91,  92,  93,  97,  98,  99,  103,  105,  106,  107,  109,  111, 

112,  113,  115,  116,  118,  120,  160,  171,  173,  174,  175,  177,  178,  179,  182 

West,  -     — ,  92,  93;  Elizabeth  H 59,  235 

Westell,  Thos 34,  36,  38 

Wharton,  John  A.,  41,  42,  53,  279,  341  ;  Wm.  H.,  34,  35,  36,  40,  41,  42,  80,  145 

Wheeler,  Judge  R.  T 59 

"Whip-handle  Dispatch" 75,  76,  77,  79,  82,  232,  233 

Whitehead,  E.  P 199 

Whiting,   Samuel 44,  45 

Whitton,   Elisha 206 

Wilcox,  -       - 88 

Williams,  Elijah,  193 ;  Robert  H.,  38,  39 ;  Samuel  M 35 

Williamson,  R.  M 100,  102,  104,  156,  178,  20!),  313 

Wilson,  Robt 88,  179,  183 

Wood,  W.  D 203 

Woodland,  Henry 95 

Woodruff,  -        - 99,  100,  102,  182,  187,  189 

Wray,  Edward 199 

Wright,  Dr.,  88 ;  Rufus,  199 ;  Rev 216 

Wright,  Felix  G.,  298 ;  dies 301 

Yellowstone    320 

Zavala,  Lorenzo 248 

Zoto,  Marcelo  de 220,  221 

Zubev.  W.  P..  Account  of  the  Camp  at  Harrisburg 338-39 


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