SPACEFIIGHT
REVOLUTION
APACHE JUNCTION PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 9971 00211 4624
NASA Langley Research Center
From Sputnik to Apollo
From the collection of the
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SPACEFLIGHT
REVOLUTION
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The "picture of the century" was this first view of the earth from space.
Lunar Orbiter I took the photo on 23 August 1966 on its 16th orbit just
before it passed behind the moon. The photo also provided a spectacular
dimensional view of the lunar surface.
NASA SP-4308
SPACEFLIGHT
REVOLUTION
NASA Langley Research Center
From Sputnik to Apollo
James R. Hansen
The. NASA History Series
1995
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
Washington, DC
NASA maintains an internal history program for two principal reasons:
(1) Sponsorship of research in NASA-related history is one way in which
NASA responds to the provision of the National Aeronautics and Space
Act of 1958 that requires NASA to "provide for the widest practicable and
appropriate dissemination of information concerning its activities and the
results thereof." (2) Thoughtful study of NASA history can help agency
managers accomplish the missions assigned to the agency. Understanding
NASA's past aids in understanding its present situation and illuminates
possible future directions. The opinions and conclusions set forth in this
book are those of the author; no official of the agency necessarily endorses
those opinions or conclusions.
On the cover: Langley's innovative Little Joe rocket streaks into space from its launchpad
at Wallops Island, Virginia, on 4 October 1959, two years to the day after the historic first
orbit of the Soviet Sputnik 1.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Hansen, James R.
Spaceflight revolution : NASA Langley Research Center from
Sputnik to Apollo / James R. Hansen.
p. cm. -- (NASA history series) (NASA SP ; 4308)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Langley Research Center — History. 2. Astronautics — United
States— History. I. Title. II. Series. III. Series: NASA SP ; 4308.
TL521.312.H36 1995
629.4'0973— dc20 94-24592
CIP
For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office, Superintendent of
Documents, Mail Stop: SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328
Contents
Illustrations -.. » ^ . . , - ix
Foreword xv
Acknowledgments xvii
Prologue xxv
1. The Metamorphosis 1
The Venerable Order of the NACA 3
Glennan: Welcome to NASA 11
Air versus Space 15
The Public Eye 22
2. The First NASA Inspection 27
Following the NACA Way 33
Project Mercury 37
Big Joe, Little Joe 46
3. Carrying Out the Task 51
A Home at Langley 55
The Tracking Range 63
Shouldering the Burden 69
The End of the Glamour Days 76
4. Change and Continuity 81
The Organization 85
Thompson's Obscurantism 91
The Sinking of Hydrodynamics — and Aeronautics? .... 93
Growth Within Personnel Ceilings 102
The Shift Toward the Periphery 107
Contracting Out 109
The Brave New World of Projects 112
Uncharted Territory 117
5. The "Mad Scientists" of MPD 121
The ABCs of MPD 121
The Solar Wind Hits Home 122
The MPD Branch . 126
Spaceflight Revolution
Out of the Tunnel • ... 132
Into the Cyanogen Fire 138
The Barium Cloud Experiment 142
The Search for Boundless Energy 147
A Hot Field Cools Off 150
6. The Odyssey of Project Echo 153
The International Geophysical Year and the V-2 Panel . . . 156
O'Sullivan's Design 159
Extraterrestrial Relays 162
Finessing the Proposal 164
The "Sub-Satellite" 166
Something the Whole World Could See 170
Big Ideas Before Congress 175
Assigning Responsibilities 177
Shotput 179
A Burst Balloon 185
"Anything's Possible!" 187
Reflections 189
The Hegemony of Active Voice 193
7. Learning Through Failure: The Early Rush of the Scout
Rocket Program 197
"Itchy" for Orbit 197
Little Big Man 200
Little Foul-Ups 205
"3-2-1 Splash" 209
Recertification 214
An Unsung Hero 216
Postscript 219
8. Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous
Concept 221
Brown's Lunar Exploration Working Group 222
Michael's Paper on a "Parking Orbit" 226
The Rendezvous Committees 230
Houbolt Launches His First Crusade 233
The Feelings Against LOR 237
The Early Skepticism of the STG 241
Mounting Frustration 245
President Kennedy's Commitment 248
Houbolt 's First Letter to Seamans 249
A Voice in the Wilderness 257
The LOR Decision 260
Postscript 267
VI
Contents
9. Skipping "The Next Logical Step" 269
"As Inevitable as the Rising Sun" 271
The First Space Station Task Force 274
From the Inflatable Torus to the Rotating Hexagon .... 277
Betwixt and Between 286
Manned Orbital Research Laboratory 293
Keeping the "R" Alive 301
Understanding Why and Why Not 305
Lost in Space? 307
10. To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project 311
The "Moonball" Experiment 315
Initiating Lunar Orbiter 319
Project Management 321
The Source Evaluation Board 326
Nelson's Team 332
The Boeing Team 334
The "Concentrated" versus the "Distributed" Mission ... 336
"The Picture of the Century" 344
Mission More Than Accomplished 346
Secrets of Success 350
11. In the Service of Apollo 355
Langley's "Undercover Operation" in Houston 357
The Dynamics of Having an Impact 361
Inside the Numbers 366
The Simulators 369
Rogallo's Flexible Wing 380
The Apollo Fire Investigation Board 387
12. The Cortright Synthesis 393
The Stranger 394
The Reorganization 401
New Directions 413
Critique from the Old Guard 418
Epilogue ..,.., 427
Abbreviations 441
Notes ...... 447
Index 519
The Author 537
The NASA History Series 539
vii
Illustrations
Earth as photographed by Lunar Orbiter /, 1966 ii
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1958 3
Map of Tidewater Virginia, 1930s 5
Floyd L. Thompson 6
Langley Aircraft Manufacturers' Conference, 1934 6
NACA Main Committee, 1929 8
Henry J. E. Reid, Vannevar Bush, and George W. Lewis 9
George W. Lewis and Hugh L. Dryden 11
T. Keith Glennan, 1958 13
T. Keith Glennan and Henry J. E. Reid, 1959 14
NACA test pilot Paul King, 1925 16
Variable-Density Wind Tunnel, 1922 18
Bell P-59 Peashooter in Full-Scale Tunnel, 1944 18
Swallow arrow- wing model in 16- Foot Transonic Tunnel, 1959 ... 21
X-15 model in 7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel, 1958 21
Aerial photo of Langley, 1950 25
Mercury exhibit at NASA's First Anniversary Inspection, 1959 ... 29
Ira H. Abbott and Henry Reid, 1959 29
T. Keith Glennan and Floyd L. Thompson, 1959 29
Walter Bonney and T. Keith Glennan, 1959 31
Full-size mock-up of the X-15, 1959 32
John Stack and Axel Mattson 35
Goddard's exhibit at NASA's First Anniversary Inspection,
1959 36
Robert R. Gilruth ...... 38
Diagram of Mercury mission concept 39
The Mercury astronauts 40
Molded couches for Mercury capsule 44
Diagram of Mercury capsule 44
John Glenn inside Mercury capsule 45
John Glenn and Annie Castor Glenn, 1959 46
Little Joe capsules constructed in Langley shops 48
Little Joe on the launchpad at Wallops Island 48
Little Joe blasting off from Wallops Island, 1959 49
Little Joe capsule recovered at sea 49
Model of Mercury capsule in Full-Scale Tunnel, 1959 61
Model of Mercury capsule in 7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel,
1959 . 61
IX
Space/light Revolution
Model of Redstone booster in the Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel,
1959 62
Impact studies of Mercury capsule in the Back River, 1960 62
George Barry Graves, Jr 67
Layout of Project Mercury tracking site 68
John A. "Shorty" Powers, 1962 78
Walter M. Schirra, 1962 78
Robert R. Gilruth and the mayor of Newport News, 1962 79
John Glenn and his wife, Annie, 1962 79
Floyd L. Thompson, 1963 83
Floyd L. Thompson, James E. Webb, and John F. Victory 84
Langley organization chart, 1962 87
Clinton E. Brown, Eugene C. Draley, and Laurence K.
Loftin, Jr 88
Langley's top staff members greet Raymond Bisplinghoff 90
Aerial view of the Full-Scale Tunnel and Tank No. 1, 1959 95
X-20 Dyna-Soar model in Tank No. 2, 1961 96
Aeronautics and Space Work as Percentages of Langley's Total Effort,
1957-1965, table 97
John Stack, 1959 99
Scale model of the General Dynamics F-lll A 100
Model of SCAT 15F in Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel 101
Number of Paid Employees at NASA Langley, 1952-1966,
graph 103
Paid Employees at NASA Langley as Percentage of NASA Total,
1958-1968, graph 103
Kitty O'Brien- Joyner, 1964 105
Langley's women scientists, 1959 105
Langley's computer complex, 1959 Ill
Scale model of WS-110A in 7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel .... 117
Schematic drawings of the Van Allen radiation belts 124
John V. Becker, 1961 128
The Continuous-Flow Hypersonic Tunnel 128
Macon C. Ellis, 1962 129
Paul W. Huber and Marc Feix 131
Philip Brockman and the MPD-arc plasma accelerator, 1964 .... 134
George P. Wood, 1962 136
The accelerator section of the 20-megawatt plasma accelerator
facility 136
Charlie Diggs and an early version of a Hall-current plasma
accelerator 137
Langley's Hall-current plasma accelerator, 1965 137
Robert V. Hess, 1962 139
Langley's cyanogen burner 141
Concept for a Mars landing vehicle 151
Illustrations
Failed deployment of Echo test 155
William J. O'Sullivan and his family, 1961 157
30-inch Sub-Satellite 168
Heat test of 30-inch Sub-Satellite 168
Jesse Mitchell, 1958 171
Folded Beacon satellite 174
William J. O'Sullivan and the Beacon satellite 174
William J. O'Sullivan, 1958 175
Walter Bressette and prototype of the satelloon 175
Echo /container 181
Inflation of Echo I in Weeksville, N.C 182
Edwin Kilgore and Norman Crabill 183
The Echo I team and inflated Echo I 183
Will Taub and James Miller assembling Shotput launch vehicle . . . 184
Shotput ready for launch 184
Explorer 24 192
Pageos satelloon 193
Scout on launchpad, Wallops Island 201
James R. Hall, 1961 203
LTV Scout team, 1967 204
Spectators at Wallops Island rocket launch 206
The first Scout launch, 1 July 1960 207
Scout launch control building, Wallops 208
Scout control room, Wallops 208
Eugene D. Schult, 1963 211
Scout launch, 30 June 1961 212
Scout launch, 1 March 1962 213
Launchpad damaged by Scout, 20 July 1963 213
Vought Astronautics technicians assemble Scout 214
San Marco launch operation 218
San Marco's floating platform 218
Committees Reviewing Lunar Landing Modes, table 225
Clinton E. Brown, William H. Michael, Jr., and Arthur Vogeley,
1989 ~. 227
John D. Bird, 1962 . . ' 229
Sketch "To the Moon with C-l's or Bust" 229
Houbolt's Early Crusades, table 234
Houbolt's Later Crusades, table 240
Early version of a lunar excursion module 243
John C. Houbolt, 1962 244
John C. Houbolt explaining lunar-orbit rendezvous scheme 247
Viewgraph comparing the propulsion steps of the three lunar mission
modes 254
Comparative sizes of manned mission rockets 256
Comparison of lander sizes 256
XI
Space/light Revolution
George M. Low 259
Wernher von Braun at Langley 264
Life magazine cover featuring the lunar excursion module 266
Rejected Life cover of John C. Houbolt 266
75-foot-diameter rotating hexagon 273
Paul R. Hill and Robert Osborne, 1962 275
Rene Berglund, 1962 278
Early space station configurations 278
Inflation of the full-scale model of the inflatable torus 279
Floyd L. Thompson, James Webb, and T. Melvin Butler with the
24-foot inflatable torus 279
24-foot inflatable torus 280
10- foot-diameter scale model of torus 282
Zero gravity mock-up of the 24-foot-diameter torus 282
Drawing of winning rotating hexagonal configuration 284
Model of rotating hexagon assembled and collapsed 284
Douglas MORL baseline configuration 296
Cross section of interior of Douglas MORL 296
MORL illustration from Douglas manual 298
Test of space station portal air lock 299
William N. Gardner explains model of the MORL 300
MORL-Saturn IB model in 8-Foot Transonic Tunnel 302
Otto Trout, 1966 303
Integrative Life Support System arrives at Langley 304
Integrative Life Support System in Building 1250 304
William N. Gardner, 1966 308
Lunar Orbiter above the lunar surface 314
Associate Director Charles J. Donlan 317
Structural dynamics testing for lunar landing 318
Lunar Orbiter III photo of Kepler crater 318
Israel Taback and Clifford H. Nelson, 1964 323
Eastman Kodak dual-imaging camera system 329
Lee R. Scherer 330
Signing of the Lunar Orbiter contract, 1964 331
Clifford H. Nelson and James S. Martin 333
Floyd L. Thompson and George Mueller, 1966 337
The Lunar Orbiter area of interest 337
Typical flight sequence of Lunar Orbiter 340
Lunar Orbiter with labeled components 343
Final inspection of Lunar Orbiter I 343
Lunar Orbiter I liftoff 344
Lunar Orbiter team displays first photo of the earth from deep
space 345
The dark side of the moon 347
The lunar surface, Copernicus crater 348
xn
Illustrations
The lunar surface, Tycho crater 349
The "Whole Earth" as photographed by Lunar Orbiter V 352
Floyd L. Thompson and James E. Webb, 1961 358
Axel Mattson, Robert R. Gilruth, Charles Donlan,
and Donald Hewes 361
Impact tests of the Apollo capsule 364
Project Fire wind-tunnel test 367
Number of Langley Research Projects Directly Related to Apollo
Program, 1962-1968, table 368
The Langley Rendezvous and Docking Simulator 372
Time-lapse sequence of a docking on the Rendezvous Simulator . . . 372
A pilot eyeballing a rendezvous on the simulator 372
Donald Hewes and William Hewitt Phillips 374
Langley Lunar Landing Research Facility 375
Early LEM used with the Lunar Landing Research Facility 376
LEM control cab, the Lunar Landing Research Facility 376
LEM "in flight" using the Lunar Landing Research Facility 376
Time-lapse sequence of an LEM landing using the simulator .... 377
Modeled floor of the Lunar Landing Research Facility 377
Walter Cronkite using the Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator . . . 378
Lunar Orbit and Letdown Approach Simulator 380
Francis and Gertrude Rogallo, 1963 382
Test flight of the Parasev 382
Parasev in Langley's Full-Scale Tunnel 386
Floyd L. Thompson and Thomas O. Paine, 1968 388
Gus Grissom in the Rendezvous and Docking Simulator, 1963 . . . 390
Roger Chaffee using the Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator,
1965 390
Neil Armstrong and the staff of the Lunar Landing Research Facility,
1967 392
Cortright appointment announced in the Langley Researcher .... 396
Langley old guard welcomes Cortright, 1968 398
Edgar M. Cortright, 1970 399
Cortright speaks in the Morale Activities building 399
Organization of Langley, 1970, chart 405
Viking Lander model in Langley wind tunnel, 1970 406
View of Mars from Viking Orbiter 1, 1976 407
The Viking Lander 2 on the Martian surface, 1976 407
John E. Duberg, George M. Low, and Edgar M. Cortright,
1970 409
Organization changes announced in the Langley Researcher, 1970 . . 410
Model of the Boeing 737 in the Anechoic Antenna Test Facility ... 416
Richard H. Petersen in the National Transonic Facility, 1984 .... 417
The National Transonic Facility 417
Xlll
Foreword
James R. Hansen has impeccable credentials as a thorough, perceptive
investigator and writer of technological history. His accomplishments in the
field are outstanding, as exemplified by his book Engineer in Charge, which
was published in 1987. This book presents a careful analysis of the history
of the Langley Memorial Aeronautical Laboratory of the National Advisory
Committee for Aeronautics (NACA) from its formation in 1917 to the demise
of the NACA in October 1958 when this prestigious organization became
the centerpiece of the new National Aeronautics and Space Administration
(NASA). Whereas the NACA was concerned primarily with aeronautical
research conducted by government employees in its own laboratories, NASA
would have a much broader charter that included not only aeronautical and
space research but also the development and operation of various types of
space vehicles, including manned vehicles. Within this new organization,
the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory became the Langley Research Center
of NASA.
As a part of NASA, Langley underwent many profound changes in
program content, organization and management, and areas of personnel
expertise. Although aeronautical research continued in the NASA era,
research in support of such projects as Echo, Scout, Mercury, Apollo, and
the Space Shuttle occupied a larger percentage of the Langley research effort
as the years passed. In addition, Langley forged into new fields by assuming
management responsibility for such large space projects as Lunar Orbiter
and Viking. This responsibility involved major contract activities and
support of in-house research. New research facilities, such as large vacuum
tanks and high-speed and high-temperature air jets capable of simulating
atmospheric entry from space, were developed and constructed.
Although many new personnel were eventually hired, large numbers of
the existing Langley complement easily made the transition to space-related
research and thus showed that a proficient research professional could shift
without too much difficulty into new fields of technical endeavor. For ex-
ample, in orbital mechanics and space rendezvous, individuals who had
previously worked in such diverse disciplines as theoretical aerodynamics,
high-speed propellers, and aeroelasticity quickly became expert and as-
sumed roles of national leadership. A well-known case is found in the ac-
tivities of Dr. John C. Houbolt, an expert in aeroelasticity and dynamic
loads, who became a leading proponent — according to Hansen, perhaps
the key proponent — of Lunar Orbit Rendezvous as the preferred means of
xv
Space/light Revolution
accomplishing the Apollo lunar landing mission. This technique, of course,
turned out to be incredibly successful.
A very unsettling aspect of the transition of Langley in the 1958-1975
period was the replacement of the director, longtime Langley engineer Floyd
L. Thompson, with Edgar M. Cortright. Cortright came from NASA
headquarters and had had prior research experience at the NACA Lewis
Flight Propulsion Laboratory (later designated as the NASA Lewis Research
Center). In the Cortright regime, along with many significant changes
in center organization and management, there came a closer, and many
thought an undesirable, control of Langley programs by a centralized NASA
management.
James Hansen's new book, Space/light Revolution, covers the turbulent
seventeen-year period from 1958-1975 in great and interesting detail. With
his usual thoroughness, Hansen has based this book on careful analysis
of hundreds of written records, both published and unpublished, as well
as on numerous personal interviews with many of the key individuals
involved in the great transition at Langley. One Langley activity that
was intentionally omitted from this study is aeronautical research which,
as the author mentions, will hopefully be covered in a separate book.
Space/light Revolution is a very complete and well-researched exposition and
interpretation of a period of great change at the Langley Research Center.
The main events and trends are clearly and succinctly presented. Although
many who worked for Langley during the period covered may not agree
entirely with some of Hansen's interpretations and conclusions, sufficient
information is given in the text, references, and notes to permit the reader
to evaluate the work. In any event, anyone who ever worked for Langley or
NAC A/NASA or who has any interest in the history of technology will find
the book fascinating and thought provoking. In addition, anyone interested
in the present and the future of NASA and the American space program will
want to pay close attention to the insights found in his epilogue. Readers
will see that Jim Hansen has again demonstrated his great abilities as a
historian, and he deserves a well-earned "Thank you" for creating what will
no doubt prove to be an enduring classic.
November 1994 Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.
Director for Aeronautics (Retired)
NASA Langley Research Center
xvi
Acknowledgments
In writing this book, I am indebted not only to the many talented and
caring people who have helped my project in one way or another in the past
seven years but also to a seminal event of my adolescence that has fed my
adult interest and colored my historical perspective on what I now see to
have been "the spaceflight revolution" of the late 1950s and 1960s.
People all over the world have their personal stories to tell about what
they were doing and thinking when they first spotted a mysterious object
in the night sky. For many, these stories involve Sputnik because it was
the first man-made object to be observed. But for those, like myself, who
were too young to be stargazing in 1957, the stories often involve the Echo
balloon, NASA's first communications satellite. Stories about both objects
may indeed relate to Sputnik because it was our hysterical reaction to the
Soviet satellite that tempered our feelings about objects in space for some
time to come.
For me, the memory of my first satellite sighting is still vivid. One
sultry evening in mid- August 1960 while I was serving as the batboy for my
brother's Little League team in Fort Wayne, Indiana, something unusual and
a little unnerving took place. About halfway through the game, I noticed
that fans in the bleachers were no longer watching the game, but instead
were standing, looking at the sky, and pointing at something. When our
team was in the field and my batboy duties were temporarily over, I found
my mother in the crowd and asked her what the fuss was all about. She
said she had heard someone in the crowd call it "Echo." She reassured me
that it was nothing to be afraid of, as it "belonged to us."
But who exactly was "us," I wondered? To an eight-year-old in 1960, "us"
meant human beings or "earthlings" ; "them" meant "aliens." I was glad to
hear from my mother that the bright little light that I now, too, spotted
moving so slowly yet perceptibly in the heavens did not mean "they" were
coming to get me, but I was still concerned. Even at eight, I was informed
enough about what was going on in the world to know that "us" and "them"
also meant something else almost as sinister as earthlings versus aliens. "Us"
meant "Americans" and "them" meant "Russians," and somehow I knew
that it was better for us to have put something up into the sky for the world
to look at than it was for them to have done it. Whether I knew that they
in fact had already done it some three years earlier, I really cannot say. I do
remember being so entranced by the man-made star that I had to be told
more than once by the coach of our Little League team to "get my head in
the game" and go out and pick up the baseball bats.
xvn
Spaceflight Revolution
The next night, as soon as it started getting dark, my entire family
headed to the backyard to look for Echo, only to find that parents all over our
neighborhood were leading their children to hunt for the artificial star. This
time my feelings about the bright dot of light moving so clearly across the sky
were more positive. We were moving out into space. Like the morning paper
had said, Echo was "the visible symbol of American creativity for all the
world to see." In the next several weeks, a number of library books about
space would come home from school with me. For me, too, a spaceflight
revolution had begun.
As I grew up, so did the American space program. As a second-grader,
near the end of the school year that followed the summer of Echo 1, I sat
on the wooden floor of a gymnasium with all the other kids in my school
and watched shadowy black-and-white television pictures of the suborbital
flight of Mercury astronaut Alan Shepard. Gus Grissom's suborbital flight
came next; I watched it at home while on vacation that July. Then
came John Glenn's historic orbital flight in February 1962 and a return to
TV-watching from telescopic distance on the school gym floor.
After that, my memory of NASA's space missions is cloudy and does
not sharpen again until December 1968, when with the crew of Apollo 8,
my family and I spent Christmas Eve circling the lunar sphere, seeing awe-
inspiring pictures of the moon's surface, and listening to the astronauts
conclude their TV broadcast with "Merry Christmas and God bless all of
you — all of you on the good earth." I also clearly remember July 1969,
when the Apollo 11 lunar module Eagle landed on the Sea of Tranquility
and Neil Armstrong took that first "small step but one giant leap" onto
another heavenly body.
These wondrous events of the space age made a big impression on me,
as they did in one way or another on nearly every human being alive at
the time. But no space event ever surpassed that first sighting of the Echo
balloon, glittering like a diamond over the baseball field.
For a while, mostly on warm summer evenings, I continued to look for
Echo and for other objects moving mysteriously through the sky. But
gradually, I lost almost all interest in space. A child of the Age of Aquarius
and the Vietnam War, I wondered, like so many others did at that time why,
if we could put a man on the moon, we couldn't do so many other things.
Only much later would I begin to look up again, seeking Echo, perhaps
trying to find lost innocence and youth. Little did I know in 1960 that
30 years later I would reexperience the orbits of Echo and write a detailed
history of the satelloon's genesis, as I have in chapter 6 of this book.
Whatever the object of fixation, be it Sputnik or Echo, stories like mine
represent an illuminating cultural expression of the young space age. It was
with our stirring personal experiences of these moving little lights in the
night sky that the spaceflight revolution began. As one young Canadian girl
wrote to NASA in 1968 in a poem entitled "To a Falling Star," on the eve
xvm
Acknowledgments
of Echo fs falling back to its destruction into the atmosphere, "Thanks for
making me look up."
Many times, in thanking all the people who have helped in the research
and writing of a book, an author waits until the end of the acknowledgments
to thank his own family for their love and support. But in this case, I want
to thank my family first. My wife, Peggy, and my two children, Nathaniel
and Jennifer, have been last too many times in the seven years it took me
to research and write this book to be last once again. I was away from
them and at NASA Langley in Virginia for most of every summer from 1987
to 1993 writing this book. This means we all sacrificed and missed each
other a lot. Summertime experiences my wife enjoyed with the children at
our home in Alabama, she enjoyed alone. I only heard about them in our
many long-distance telephone calls. When my children are grown-up and
gone from home, I am sure I will regret what I missed with them even more
intensely.
I would also like to thank Charles and Robert Stanton. I spent my
summers from 1987 to 1993 in their respective homes in Hampton, Virginia,
and I enjoyed those times (especially the golf games) tremendously. I am
sure that Charlie and Bob heard much more about NASA history than they
ever cared to, but they never let on. My friendships with Sharon Buchanon
and Rick Thompson while at Bob Stanton's also kept me from being too
lonely, as they were a regular part of my Hampton "family." Dr. Fereidoun
"Feri" Farassat, a remarkable person and accomplished acoustical scientist
at NASA Langley, was also a valued companion. I have learned a great
deal from him about science and technology, but what I most cherish is his
friendship.
Steve Corneliussen, a talented writer from Poquoson, Virginia, who
edited my book Engineer in Charge and who then became one of my closest
friends, has contributed immensely to my perspective on aerospace history
and life in general. Over the years Steve has given me constant, generous
encouragement and good advice. I regret that he was so busy with his work
at the Continuous Electron Beam Accelerator Facility (CEBAF) in Newport
News, Virginia, that he could not serve once again as my book editor.
But how lucky I was to have Kathy Rawson, of Williamsburg, Virginia,
edit this manuscript. Kathy has done many wonderful things for this book,
turning an overly long and in some essential ways ailing manuscript into a
much healthier one. Her consummate professionalism and her friendly words
of encouragement inspired me to keep working for our book's improvement.
In particular, Kathy prodded me in her gentle way to rewrite what was
originally a weak epilogue.
As Kathy has told me, many other people associated with the Research
Publishing and Printing Branch at NASA Langley came together as a team
xix
Spaceflight Revolution
to see this book to its completion. In particular, I wish to thank Lynn
Heimerl, who supervised the entire project, and Mary McCaskill, the branch
head, whose strong support for NASA Langley's major investment in the
production of this book is sincerely appreciated. Others involved at RPPB
that I would like to thank individually include Nancy Sheheen, who oversaw
the editing and typesetting process; Linda Carlton, who formatted and
typed the majority of the book; Peggy Overbey, who took over the typing
for the homestretch; and Sybil Watson and Mary Edwards, who diligently
proofread every page.
I also want to thank the staff of the Floyd L. Thompson Technical
Library at NASA Langley for their strong support of my project, notably
H. Garland Gouger, Jr., Jane Hess (retired), Sue Miller, Sue Seward
(retired), Susan A. Motley, and George Roncaglia. Also, the Photographies
Section at Langley, under Alton T. Moore, performed yeoman's service for
this book by providing excellent prints of its many photographs. I am
particularly indebted to Frederick D. Jones not only for doing much of the
photo lab work but also for giving me access to a number of pictures from
the early days of Project Mercury, many of which he took on his own time
with his own camera.
Without the generous support and personal interest of Richard T.
Layman of the Facilities Program Development Office, who has been in
charge of the history program at NASA Langley since the late 1970s, this
sequel to Engineer in Charge surely would not have been written. Dick has
been constantly available to help me access historical materials and to solve
problems associated with my work in the Langley Historical Archives. Dick
himself started work at Langley in the early 1960s, and his insights into the
center's history proved very helpful.
A. Gary Price and J. Campbell Martin of Langley's Office of External
Affairs have also provided tremendous support over many years for my work
as the Langley historian, as have Richard H. Petersen and Paul F. Holloway,
the Langley center directors during the years I prepared this book. I came
to know "Pete" Petersen particularly well and wish to express special thanks
to him for his genuine interest in what history books such as mine can offer
to NASA management and the public at large.
And then there are the "NACA Nuts," the dozens of men and women
whom I first got to know while researching Engineer in Charge and came
to know even better while investigating their metamorphosis into "NASA
Wizards." I wish I could mention all of them by name but must focus on
the few whom I have come to know the best: John V. Becker, William
Boyer, Clinton E. Brown, Norman Crabill, Charles J. Donlan, John E.
Duberg, Macon C. "Mike" Ellis, Robert R. Gilruth, Richard Heldenfels,
Jane Hess, Robert Hess, John C. Houbolt, Vera Huckel, Kitty O'Brien-
Joyner, Abraham Leiss, Axel T. Mattson, William A. Michael, Mark R.
Nichols, W. Hewitt Phillips, Edward C. Polhamus, John P. "Jack" Reeder,
Joseph A. Shortal (deceased), William Sleeman, Israel Taback, Helen Willey,
xx
Acknowledgments
Herbert A. "Hack" Wilson (deceased), Richard T. Whitcomb, and Charles H.
Zimmerman. To those with whom I talked about Langley's history but have
failed to name, please accept my apologies and sincere thanks. Getting to
know all of you was the best thing about writing this book.
I need to single out Edgar M. Cortright, another Langley director (1969-
1975) and a major player in the history examined at the end of this book,
and thank him for the long and comprehensive interviews. Dr. Cortright
withheld very little from my tape recorder, and for that I sincerely thank
him. I hope he feels that I have treated his time and his achievements at
Langley fairly.
Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., the author of this book's foreword, also deserves
a special acknowledgment. Over the course of my 14 years as Langley's
official (and unofficial) historian, Larry has spent hundreds of hours with me,
talking about the history of airplanes, NACA research, and the transition
from the NACA to NASA. Much of my perspective about all these things
has been shaped in my conversations with Larry. I owe him a huge debt of
gratitude, not only because he has saved me from some major technical and
historical blunders but also because he and his wife, Agnes, came to treat
me over the years almost like a son. Much of my appreciation for what it
means to be an engineer comes from the time I spent with Larry.
I cannot fail to mention the help and encouragement given to me freely
by my colleagues in the Department of History at Auburn University, a
department for which I have been serving as chairman since my election
in 1993. A faculty workshop in 1991 took a very critical look at an early
draft of my first chapter, thus resulting in a major revision. My colleague,
William F. Trimble, who is one of this nation's preeminent historians of
naval aviation (and who stays abreast of the history of space exploration),
offered a valuable critique of chapter 8 on the genesis of the lunar-orbit
rendezvous concept. Major Roy F. Houchin (USAF), one of my doctoral
students at Auburn, read a few of the chapters and offered some critical
insights. Others in my department whom I have bothered regularly with
reports on my work include Guy Beckwith, Lindy Biggs, Anthony Carey,
J. Wayne Flynt, Larry Gerber, W. David Lewis, and Steve McFarland. I
thank them for being splendid colleagues and good listeners.
Two people at Auburn University that I wish to thank for finding
the means and the tolerance to support me in the carrying out of my
research projects are Gordon Bond, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, and
Paul F. Parks, University Provost. Before becoming my Dean, Gordon Bond
was my department head in history, a job whose difficulties I appreciate
now more than ever, since taking on departmental administration myself.
Also, without the assistance of an unbelievably hardworking and talented
administrative assistant, Jane Dunkelberger, I am afraid the job of the
department chairman might have eaten me alive. Jane did an especially
good job keeping people away from me in the hectic weeks when I just had
to work on this book to meet its deadlines.
xxi
Space/light Revolution
Other scholars outside of Auburn University also offered critical eval-
uations of all or part of my manuscript. In particular, I wish to thank
Virginia P. Dawson of Case Western Reserve University and Michael Corn,
former chief historian of the Air Force Systems Command and current histo-
rian of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, for providing very careful
and constructive reviews of the entire manuscript. Also, Richard K. Smith,
one of the venerable sages in the study of American aviation history, gave
the first three chapters a stern critical reading.
Finally, I have been fortunate beyond any reasonable expectations to have
had the enthusiastic support of Roger Launius, chief historian for NASA.
Roger allowed this book project a high degree of independence. Apparently,
he trusted that I could produce, and he had faith that the people at NASA
Langley had the ability and judgment to take my book from start to finish
without too much management from Washington. I hope the result is a
book that he will be proud to say was published in the prestigious NASA
History Series.
Finally, I thank you, the reader, for picking up such a big book and giving
it more than a passing glance. For you, I have given it my best.
December 1994 James R. Hansen
Auburn, Alabama
xxu
In science as in life, it is well known that a chain of
events can have a point of crisis that could magnify
small changes.
— James Gleick,
Chaos: The Birth of a New Science
Times go by turns, and chances change by course,
From foul to fair, from better hap to worse.
—Robert Southwell
"Times Go By Turns"
xxm
Prologue
Historians should start from the premise that what happened did not
have to happen. They can then do a better job of explaining why it did.
Too often we think about history as something that had to happen
just the way that it did. We think about the past as inevitable and
predetermined. For example, we think about the American Civil War as
an irreconcilable conflict that had to occur given the depth of the regional
differences between the North and the South or as a war that the North,
given its greater population and industrial might, was bound to win — when,
perhaps, neither necessarily had to be the case. The war might have been
avoided, or the Southern states might have won their independence, if certain
things about the flow of history had been different, perhaps only slightly
different.
In 1991 a controversy developed concerning the death of the twelfth
president of the United States, Zachary Taylor, who died in 1850 from a
mysterious intestinal ailment, conceivably a type of cholera. Given the
symptoms of his illness, some believed that Taylor might in fact have
died from arsenic poisoning; maybe a Southerner, angry at Taylor for his
opposition to the expansion of slavery, found a way to murder him. Based
on this theory, in 1991 a coroner and a forensic anthropologist obtained legal
approval to exhume Taylor's body from his tomb in Louisville, Kentucky,
and conducted an autopsy to try to find traces of arsenic in bits of hair,
fingernail, bone, and tissue. As it turned out, they found nothing to
substantiate the theory that Taylor was murdered.
While this investigation was going on, columnist George Will wrote a
thoughtful essay about the whole affair, in which he suggested that the
country might have followed a different path if Zachary Taylor had lived:
the Civil War might have been avoided.1 Even more likely, had he lived,
Taylor might have provoked the secessionist movement and brought on the
bloodshed 10 years sooner. The South would have faced a North deprived of
a decade's worth of growth in industrialism and immigration and would not
have confronted a new political party, which found a nation-saving leader in
a former Illinois congressman named Lincoln. This Civil War of the 1850s
the South might have won.
A more fanciful variation on this what-if theme, again involving the
Civil War, can be found in Ward Moore's classic novella of 1955, Bring
the Jubilee.2 One of the great stories of time travel, this fascinating little
book is based on the idea that the South won the Civil War because of a
single turn of events at the Battle of Gettysburg. Moore's story is rooted in
xxv
Space/light Revolution
a historical event in which a Confederate patrol fails to arrive at a certain
place at a given time, a failure that enabled the Northern forces to occupy
a strategic place on the battlefield atop Little Roundtop. In Moore's book,
however, the Confederate patrol does secure this strategic position, and
the South goes on to win the war. Moore draws a stunning counterfactual
portrait of post- Civil War America. The reader encounters a prosperous
and progressive South, which has all the great universities, and a backward
and poverty-stricken North.
I have taken the time to mention Ward Moore's fantasy and the specula-
tion surrounding Zachary Taylor's death simply to introduce the underlying
theme of the epic story of space exploration that follows: the past was no
more inevitable than is our future. Contrary to what we might have been
taught in school, or to what we might in fact still be teaching, history is not
a straight highway. To study history is not simply to take a pencil and play
dot-to-dot. Rather, it is to thread a maze, to follow a course of what are
potentially limitless directions, including "all sorts of twists and turns and
fresh choices of route confronting each new generation." As George Will
pointed out in his column on Zachary Taylor, history — whether it is the
history of the American Civil War or the history of our own individual
lives — is "a rich weave of many threads." Any one of these threads, if pulled
out, could cause a radical unraveling, "setting the past in motion as a foam-
ing sea of exhilarating contingencies." In other words, history could have
been different: "Choices and chance cannot be scrubbed from the human
story. The river of history could have cut a different canyon." 3 That is the
theme I wish to explore in relation to the history of one of the premier in-
stitutions in the American space program, NASA Langley Research Center
in Hampton, Virginia.
In the keynote address of a conference on the history of space exploration
held at Yale University in 1981, New York Times reporter and prominent
American space journalist John Noble Wilford asked a provocative what-
if question: what if the United States had launched the first satellite in
1957 instead of the Soviets? The United States could have done it. We
had German scientists and engineers who had more technical expertise than
those "recruited" by the Soviets. As Wilford explains, "Wernher von Braun
had the rocket [a modified Redstone designated the Jupiter C] and could
have done it about a year before Sputnik, but was under orders from the
Eisenhower administration not to — the first American satellite was supposed
to be a civilian operation, and von Braun was working for the army at
the time."4 To guarantee that the president's orders were followed, army
inspectors kept a careful watch on the prelaunch activities of von Braun and
his men at Cape Canaveral; they suspected that the Alabama-based rocket
team might just "accidentally" launch a satellite using what was supposed
to be a dummy upper stage of the Jupiter C to boost a nose cone into orbit.5
In terms of technical capability alone, the United States could have
beaten the Russians into space with a satellite. Explaining why our country
xxvi
Prologue
did not and why the Eisenhower administration did not have the ambition
to do so is difficult without reconstructing some complex histories. As
Walter A. McDougall argues in his Pulitzer Prize- winning book of 1985, The
Heavens and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age, the explanation
hinges on Eisenhower's philosophy of government, especially his fear of the
growing influence of what he would come to call "the military-industrial
complex." More specifically, it involves his administration's recognition of
the need for satellite reconnaissance of the closed and secretive Communist
world, but at the same time, the administration's concern that a hot (and
expensive) new battle in the cold war would erupt if an American satellite
with military associations flew over the airspace of the Soviet Union. To
avoid such an eruption, Eisenhower's political strategists suggested that it
would be best to let the Soviets set the legal precedent by orbiting the first
satellite; then, when an American satellite followed, the Soviets would not
have solid grounds for protesting any American overflight.6
With these issues and others in mind, President Eisenhower made his
fateful decision to support the more peaceful-appearing but technically
inferior Vanguard satellite project rather than the project involving the
Army Ballistic Missile Agency's (ABM A) Jupiter rocket. Jupiter, of course,
would ultimately boost the first U.S. satellite, Explorer, into space on 31
January 1958, nearly two months after the Vanguard-carrying Viking rocket
exploded in flames on the launchpad at Cape Canaveral (the press dubbed
it "Flopnik," "Kaputnik," and "Stayputnik" ) and nearly three months after
the Russians successfully orbited their canine-carrying Sputnik 2.7
If Eisenhower could have known how traumatic and revolutionary the
launching of the first satellite would prove to be and what a challenge it
would pose to his presidency and his political party, he might have decided
differently. The von Braun team might have been turned loose sooner, and
the beep-beep-beeping that radio operators heard around the world in early
October 1957 might have come from a small American satellite rather than
a Russian one.
What if the Americans had launched a satellite first? According to
Wilford, "An American first would not have startled the world as much as
Sputnik did, for American technological leadership was taken for granted.
The impact of Sputnik, when it followed, would have been much less,
another case of the Russians catching up, as with the atomic and hydrogen
bombs."8 And if that had been the case, if Americans had not found
Sputnik so challenging, what kind of space program would U.S. leaders have
formulated? Surely, that program would have differed from the ideologically
motivated and in key respects shortsighted one that was mobilized in such
a hurry to win the space race. If Sputnik had not provoked a major
international crisis, much about the history of the world in the last four
decades of the twentieth century would have been significantly different.
Consider America without a Sputnik crisis. Without the snowball-
ing political repercussions that were so damaging to the Republicans,
xxvii
Space/light Revolution
Richard M. Nixon, Eisenhower's vice-president, possibly would have de-
feated Democratic Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts in the
whisker-close 1960 presidential election. A reversal in that election alone,
which turned on a few thousand questionable votes in Illinois, would have
produced such an unraveling of contemporary American history that only a
Ward Moore could do it justice.9
The character of the country's inaugural ventures into space would have
been vastly different. Without the media riot, without the panic incited
by cold war misapprehensions about the Soviet satellite, without the feeling
that the Russians had gotten a jump on us, and without the resulting clamor
for our government to do something dramatic right now to close the gap,
the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NAG A), which dated
to World War I and was the forerunner of the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration (NASA), would have surely lived on.10 Most likely
this agency would have proceeded calmly with plans to expand its space-
related research, and NASA would not have been established, at least not
when it was. The United States would still have entered into space, but the
country would not have rushed into it.
Instead of plunging into the ocean in a ballistic capsule, the first
American astronauts might have flown back from space on the wings of
a hypersonic glider similar to those NACA researchers had been working on
since the mid-1950s. If the United States had not lacked a booster rocket
powerful enough to lift so heavy a weight out of the atmosphere, the first
spaceflight might have happened like that anyway, even with the Sputnik
crisis. The original seven astronauts (the ones with "the right stuff") or more
likely, specially trained NACA or military test pilots would have traveled
to space and back in a laudable space plane akin to a small space shuttle.
Given the time needed to develop the requisite booster and considering the
extensive development and careful flight testing that such a radically new,
winged reentry vehicle inevitably would have undergone, the hypersonic
glider probably would not have been launched into space until the late 1960s,
but it surely would have proved much more capable and versatile than the
Mercury capsules.11
Moreover, instead of sending men to the moon by the end of the decade
as President Kennedy had wanted, an NACA-led program under President
Nixon likely would have focused on the construction of a small, staffed
space station that could have been serviced by the shuttle-like vehicle.
Such was the target project for space exploration at the NACA research
laboratories before Sputnik, and it remained so until President Kennedy's
lunar commitment in May 1961. 12
Whatever we think about the might-have-beens and paths-not-taken, the
undeniable fact is that Sputnik changed the course of history. Sputnik was
one of those revolutionary, megahistorical events that interrupted the flow of
things, altered the would-have-beens, and made a lot of very unlikely events
happen. No one has expressed the irony of the randomness and illogic in the
XXVlll
Prologue
historical process better than the longshoreman-philosopher and quasi-cult
figure of the 1950s and 1960s, Eric Hoffer. "What were the terrible 1960s
and where did they come from?" asked Hoffer after the end of the decade.
"To begin with, the 1960s did not start in 1960. They started in 1957. . . .
The Russians placed a medicine-ball-sized satellite in orbit. . . . We reacted
hysterically."1 If we had not, or if we had put that "ball" in orbit first,
everything would have been different. For the past was no more inevitable
than is our future.
After Sputnik, the American space program would contend with other
critical turning points and other what-ifs: What if President Kennedy had
not committed the country to the manned lunar landing — or at least not to
accomplishing it so quickly? What if NASA had not chosen lunar-orbit
rendezvous as the mission mode for Apollo and had instead gone with
direct ascent or earth-orbit rendezvous, as most engineers at NASA Marshall
Space Center had wanted? What if the national supersonic transport (SST)
program had not been cancelled by Congress in 1971? (The U.S. Senate
killed the program by only one vote.) Would the United States be flying
a competitor to the Concorde? Would the resulting airplane have been a
disastrous failure, thus putting Boeing and most of its customers out of
business? What if the Nixon administration in 1972 had not decided to go
ahead with a scaled-back version of the space shuttle but instead had wanted
to develop a space station? What if President Reagan had not endorsed the
space station in 1984? What if the temperature at Cape Canaveral on the
morning of 28 January 1986 had been only a few degrees warmer? These
are just some of the what-if questions we might ask about NASA and the
American space program.14
The study of history, at least the history of NASA, reveals something
about the past that should not be surprising, but is: historical development
is neither linear nor logical. In practice, talking about the next logical step,
something that NASA planners have been talking about nonstop ever since
NASA came to life, does not ensure that step will be the next one taken.
After launching a man into space via Project Mercury, NASA said that the
next logical step was to establish a permanent manned presence in low earth
orbit, but instead the country landed men on the moon. After going to the
moon via Project Apollo, the next logical step was to build an earth-orbiting
space station along with a space shuttle to service it, but instead the Nixon
administration decided that the country could not afford both and could
manage temporarily with just the shuttle, even though the space station
had always been the shuttle's main reason for existing. After the shuttle,
surely the next logical step was to build a space station, but once again the
country has found reasons to postpone building one.
Clearly, logic does not determine our history. Historical logic, if we even
want to use that phrase, is not the logic of scientists and mathematicians;
it is the logic of Through the Looking- Glass. In that all-too-real fantasy
land, Tweedledee explains logic to Alice: "Contrariwise, if it was so, it
xxix
Spaceflight Revolution
might be; and if it were so, it would be; but as it isn't, it ain't. That's
logic."15 Tweedledee's logic is the only kind the American space program
has ever known, or probably ever will.
In this book, I explore the impact of that logic on the research and de-
velopment activities conducted at Langley Research Center in the 12 years
after Sputnik. As the book's title suggests, this impact was revolutionary. I
gave much thought to the word revolutionary before using it. In the history
of science, since the publication of Thomas S. Kuhn's seminal study The
Structure of Scientific Revolutions in 1962, no historian, in fact no scholar,
has been safe in the use of the term revolution without reference to the essen-
tial Kuhnian concepts and terminology: "paradigm," "anomaly," "normal
science," "Gestalt switch," "paradigm shift," and the "incommensurability
of paradigms," to name just a few.16 All these terms, along with the word
revolution itself, which Kuhn defines as "those noncumulative developmen-
tal episodes in which an older paradigm is replaced in whole or in part by
an incompatible one," have thus been loaded down with meaning, nuance,
argument, controversy, and their own long academic histories.17
But the reader can relax. Nowhere else in the text or notes of this
book will I make direct reference to Thomas Kuhn or his sociological
anatomy of revolution. I do not omit Kuhn because of any disdain for his
insights; I just do not feel that any explicit application of Kuhn's analysis
of scientific revolutions will do much to inform my chosen topic relevant
to NASA Langley history. Whether Kuhn's notions have worked implicitly
to influence my understanding of the spaceflight revolution at the research
center, I leave to the reader to judge.18
Most scholars are familiar with Kuhn and his concept of revolution; far
fewer are familiar with the particular concept of the spaceflight revolution for
which Kuhnian sociologist William Sims Bainbridge is responsible. Despite
my using Bainbridge's terminology and even sympathizing with parts of his
concept, I wish to distance myself and this book on NASA Langley from it,
even farther than I have from Kuhn.
In 1976 Bainbridge, a professor in the sociology department at the
University of Washington, published a fascinating if eccentric analysis of
the enthusiasms of the space age, The Spaceflight Revolution: A Sociological
Analysis.* According to its thesis, the space age came to life "despite the
world's indifference and without compelling economic, military, or scientific
Even Bainbridge worried that the word revolution might be too strong. In the introduc-
tion to his book he defends its use, saying that "the scale and the manner of the achieve-
ment" in space "demand powerful language." According to his estimates, "approximately
$100,000,000,000 has been spent on space technology; the exact figure is debatable, but the
order of magnitude is not." Moreover, Bainbridge continued, "I use the word revolution as
a scientifically descriptive term [as Kuhn did], not a metaphor. The development of space-
flight could be a revolution in two ways: its consequences and its causes." ( The Spaceflight
Revolution: A Sociological Analysis [New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1976], p. 1.)
XXX
Prologue
reasons for its accomplishment." It was not the "public will," declared
Bainbridge, but "private fanaticism" that drove us to the moon. "When
Neil Armstrong called his 'small step' down on to the lunar surface a 'great
leap for mankind', he spoke as the partisan member of a revolutionary social
movement, eager to convert the unbelieving to his faith."19
Bainbridge's book essentially advances a conspiracy theory. The majority
of people did not want spaceflight; only a few did. And those few romantic
idealists, that extremely small but dedicated and well-organized network
of men (very few women were at first involved, according to Bainbridge),
coaxed, tricked, lobbied, and coerced the greatest technological nations
into building mammoth programs to launch them into space. Bainbridge
then analyzes the historical and social character of the conspirators: the
pioneers and visionaries of spaceflight (the Russian Konstantin Tsiolkovskii,
the German Hermann Oberth, and the American Robert Goddard, among
others); the enthusiastic members of the early space and rocket clubs (such
as the German Society for Space Travel, the British Interplanetary Society,
and the American Interplanetary Society); Wernher von Braun's rocket team
in league with the Nazis at Peenemiinde; the agenda of the Committee for
the Future, that "mystical, almost religious organization," which came to
life in the United States in 1970, less than one year after the first manned
lunar landing; and finally, the science-fiction subculture, which he calls the
"breeding ground of deviant movements," and the Star Trek and Search for
Extraterrestrial Intelligence (SETI) groupies of the present day.20
The book is a brilliant and troubling tour de force from a sociologist of
some estimable abilities. I assign it perennially to my graduate students
in aerospace history and not just to get a rise from them, which it always
does — particularly from the students specializing in military air power who
usually think that Bainbridge is simply silly or crazy. Bainbridge's version of
the spaceflight revolution is worth investigating, if only because it explores
the question of why something that did not have to happen, happened. In
the introduction to his book, Bainbridge writes, as I have written in this
prologue, that the spaceflight revolution "was a revolution that need not
have happened."21
In my version of the spaceflight revolution, however, the revolutionaries
are not conspirators from rocket enthusiast organizations and science-fiction
clubs, nor are they romantic idealists aspiring to some quasi-religious,
superhuman, or millenarian experience in outer space. And they are hardly
members of a deviant social movement. Rather, my revolutionaries are
government engineers and bureaucrats, who are members of an established
research organization dating back to 1915, the venerable NACA. These
revolutionaries, because of the hysteria over the launch of Sputnik 1 in
October 1957, metamorphosed along with their organization into creatures
of the space age.
My spaceflight revolution is an unlikely story — perhaps as unlikely as
Bainbridge's. But this one happened.
xxxi
The Metamorphosis
It was the worm, if you will, going into the cocoon
and coming out a butterfly.
-Walter Bonney, NACA/NASA
public relations officer
The first week of October 1958 was a busy time for the newspapers
of Tidewater Virginia. Top stories included the explosive failure of an
Atlas missile at Cape Canaveral, an atomic blast in Nevada that sent news
and test personnel scurrying for cover from radiation fallout, the question
of Red China's membership in the United Nations, and a United Auto
Workers strike against the Ford Motor Company. Receiving the biggest
headlines in the local papers, however, were stories concerning the path of
Hurricane Helene up the Atlantic coast and the furor over the court-ordered
integration of public schools, which was taking place as far away as Little
Rock, Arkansas, and as nearby as Richmond and Norfolk. Not even making
the front page of the Newport News Daily Press on the cool, overcast morning
of Wednesday, 1 October 1958, was the news that the National Advisory
Committee for Aeronautics (NACA) had died the night before at midnight,
only to be reborn at 12:01 a.m. as the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration. Just a few hours earlier, on Tuesday, 7000 people had left
work as NACA employees, but when they reported to their same jobs in the
same buildings the next morning, they became members of NASA.*
A few NACA veterans might have felt a twinge of doubt as they drove
past the new NASA sign at the gates of Langley Research Center, but most
NACA personnel were not at all nervous or wary about the changeover.
Plans for an easy transition had been in the works for at least eight months,
Although foreigners tended to pronounce it as a two-syllable word, "Nacka," within the United
States the organization was always known by its four individual letters, "the N-A-C-A." Veterans of the
NACA assumed that the same would be true for NASA. Into the 1990s, NACA veterans could usually
be identified by the way they treated the NASA acronym as individual letters.
Spaceflight Revolution
since President Dwight D. Eisenhower's panel of scientific advisers had
recommended that a new civilian space agency be organized around the
NACA.1 Almost everything about working at Langley Field, or at any
of the other former NACA facilities around the country, was supposed to
remain the same. Employees had been reassured for several weeks by NACA
headquarters and by Langley management that they were to come to work
as always and do the same things they had been doing. Their jobs already
had much to do with the nation's quickly accelerating efforts to catch up
with the Soviet Union and launch America into space. As NASA personnel,
they were simply to keep up the good work.
After watching from a distance the hysteria provoked by the Soviet
satellites and the political jousting and bureaucratic haggling that followed,
Langley employees were relieved to see President Eisenhower resist the
pressures applied by the military, particularly the air force, to militarize the
infant American space program.2 Ike, the former five-star army general and
leader of the invasion of Nazi-occupied Europe in 1944, had risen above these
pressures and put civilians in charge, entrusting the NACA with the space
program. A small overhead agency that was both focused and accustomed
to squeezing a dollar, the NACA appealed to a genuine balanced-budget
man like Eisenhower.
The creation of the NACA had been quite different from that of NASA.
Although a group of prominent Smithsonian and Washington aviation
enthusiasts had conceived the idea of an organization devoted to the support
of aeronautical development as early as 1910, the actual founding of this
new federal agency proved difficult, especially since aviation had not yet
demonstrated its efficacy in World War I combat. In fact, establishment of
the NACA might not have been approved if a friendly group of congressmen,
fearing that President Woodrow Wilson's policy of neutrality was preventing
the United States from properly preparing for its inevitable role in the war,
had not devised a successful last-minute maneuver. In a classic example of
American political sleight-of-hand, they attached the NACA enabling act as
a rider to a naval appropriations bill that was sure to pass, and the NACA
came into being on 3 March 1915.3
For an important new government body to be established in such a
manner was really quite extraordinary. But certainly no one in 1915 or for
several years thereafter, perhaps not even many early NACA employees,
considered the NACA very important. Now, 43 years later, President
Eisenhower was making it the heart of the new American space program
for which everyone was clamoring. Because of the heated public debate
over national space policy, NASA could not have been founded in the
relatively invisible way that the NACA had been established. Unlike the
old agency, NASA was going to be exposed to direct congressional, media,
and, consequently, public scrutiny from the start.
Probably no NACA employees arriving at work on .NASA's first day
anticipated the impact that this new life in a goldfish bowl eventually would
The Metamorphosis
Although his administration gave
birth to NASA, President Dwight
D. Eisenhower did not believe that
the United States should rush into
a "crash" federal program to beat
the Soviets into space. Instead,
he hoped for a more judicious
and less hysterical approach to
space exploration, one that would
not require massive infusions of
public funds but would still en-
able the United States to remain
a leader, if not the leader, in
space. His Democratic successors,
John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B.
Johnson, would commit the coun-
try to an all-out race.
L-58-68a
have on their work and workplace. Change is difficult to perceive and
evaluate while it is happening, let alone when it occurs in the middle of
a week. Charles J. Donlan, veteran Langley researcher and soon-to-be-
named associate director of NASA's Space Task Group, later reminisced
about the innocence of his thoughts on the day the NACA became NASA:
"It was like passing from December 31 to January 1 without going to a
party. You didn't know the difference except that it was the New Year
and you had to start signing your checks for one year later. "^ Indeed, a
new era had begun, and although this was not apparent on the uneventful
morning of 1 October 1958, Langley Research Center was now exposed to
the complex forces and extreme circumstances that were rapidly reshaping
U.S. aeronautical research and blasting the center pell-mell into space.
The Venerable Order of the NACA
The basic duty of the NACA, as expressed in its charter, was "to
supervise and direct the scientific study of the problems of flight, with
Space/light Revolution
a view to their practical solution, and to determine the problems which
should be experimentally attacked, and to discuss their solution and their
application to practical questions." But the original charter of 1915 did
not assure the funds for the large, diversified, and increasingly expensive
research establishment that the NACA eventually became. It stated only
that "in the event of a laboratory or laboratories, either in whole or in part,
being placed under the direction of the committee, the committee may direct
and conduct research and experiment in aeronautics."5
That mandate was general enough to allow widely differing interpreta-
tions, and not everyone responsible for the NACA in its formative years
agreed on what the mandate meant or, rather, what it should mean. Some
felt that the NACA should remain small and continue to serve, as it had
throughout World War I, merely as an advisory body devoted to scientific
research. Others argued that the NACA should grow larger and combine
basic research with engineering and technology development. This second
group wanted the NACA to attack the most pressing problems obstruct-
ing the immediate progress of American aviation; the group did not want
the agency to spend all of its time on ivory-tower theoretical problems that
would not result in many quick, practical payoffs. To be so effective, the
NACA needed to have its own laboratory facilities and conduct its own
programs of research.
The NACA moved slowly but surely along the second course, and
building a laboratory became its first order of business. Construction
of the Langley Memorial Aeronautical Laboratory, the NACA's original
field station, began approximately 100 miles southeast of Washington,
on an isolated peninsula of Tidewater Virginia in 1917. Named after
Dr. Samuel P. Langley (1835-1906), an eminent American scientist whose
pioneering experiments with powered flight at the turn of the century had
been a mixture of success and failure, Langley served as the NACA's only
research center for the next 20 years.6 Some flight research was conducted
there in late 1919 and early 1920, but the laboratory did not really begin
routine operations until after the completion of its first wind tunnel in the
summer of 1920.
By the mid- 1920s, engineers, not scientists, were put in charge at Langley.
The head of the laboratory would in fact be called the "engineer in charge."
The choice of engineers over scientists reinforced the NACA's decision to
become an agency concerned with the practical, not the purely theoretical.
Engineers would always support the NACA's charter. On Langley engineer
Floyd L. Thompson's desk sat a framed quotation of the essence of the
charter: "The scientific study of the problems of flight with a view to their
practical solution." The quote stayed on Thompson's desk until he retired
from NASA as the director of Langley Research Center in 1968.
In the years following its founding, the NACA expanded far beyond the
advisory role defined in its charter. The NACA served as a national clear-
inghouse for scientific and technical information by establishing uniform
The Metamorphosis
L-36,942
Langley map of the Tidewater Virginia area from the late 1930s.
Spaceflight Revolution
L-62-6373
Floyd L. "Tommy" Thompson was Langley Research Center's associate direc-
tor in 1958, its "number two" man under longtime and soon-to-retire Director
Henry J. E. Reid. The number two man in those days also acted as the chief
of research.
L-9850
Orville Wright, Charles Lindbergh, and Howard Hughes were among the attendees
at Langley 's 1934 Aircraft Manufacturers' Conference. Conference guests assembled
underneath a Boeing P-26A Peashooter in the Full-Scale Tunnel for this photo.
The Metamorphosis
aeronautical terminology; publishing reports; and collecting, compiling, and
disseminating basic information in the various fields pertinent to aeronau-
tics. It also contracted out research projects to universities. From 1926 on,
it held annual meetings known as the NACA Aircraft Manufacturers' Con-
ferences, which brought in experts from around the United States to talk
about aviation technology and what the NACA should be doing to stimulate
further progress.7 It built up staffs to conduct research in aerodynamics,
hydrodynamics, structures, and propulsion. Solutions to problems in these
areas led to the design and operation of safer, faster, higher flying, and
generally more versatile and dependable aircraft. With these aircraft, the
United States became a world power in commercial and military aviation,
and Allied victory in World War II was assured.
To help meet the demand for advanced airplane work during World War
II, the NACA created four new national facilities and seeded them with
staff from Langley. They were the Aircraft Engine Research Laboratory,
built in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1941 (later renamed the Lewis Flight Propul-
sion Laboratory and later still the Lewis Research Center); the Ames Aero-
nautical Laboratory, created at Moffett Field, California, also in 1941 (later
renamed Ames Research Center); the Pilotless Aircraft Research Station,
built on barren Wallops Island on Virginia's Eastern Shore in 1944 (later
renamed Wallops Station); and the High-Speed Flight Station, established
at Muroc Field (subsequently, Edwards Air Force Base [AFB]), California,
in 1946 (later renamed Dryden Flight Research Center). At the last facility
in the high California desert, a special unit of engineers from Langley su-
pervised the flight trials of the first supersonic airplanes, the Bell X-l and
the Douglas D-558. Considering the many technological firsts and other
achievements arising from this array of unique facilities, it is clear why many
experts believe the NACA did at least as much for aeronautical progress as
any organization in the world.8
Indeed, the NACA's track record was not bad for a committee, or
rather, for a pyramid of committees — the NACA consisted of more than
one. Foremost was the NACA's Main Committee, an unpaid body that met
twice a year in Washington to identify and discuss the key research prob-
lems that the agency should tackle. Until World Wax II, it comprised 12
members and from then on 15. Members represented the War and Navy
departments (normally two from each), the Smithsonian Institution, the
U.S. Weather Bureau, and the National Bureau of Standards, as well as se-
lect universities, industries, and airlines. The list of 120 men who served on
the NACA Main Committee ("The NACA") from 1915 to 1958 is a "Who's
Who" of American aeronautics: Dr. Joseph S. Ames, Gen. Henry "Hap"
Arnold, Dr. Vannevar Bush, Harry F. Guggenheim, Dr. William F. Durand,
Dr. Jerome C. Hunsaker, Charles A. Lindbergh, Adm. William A. Moffett,
Capt. Edward V. "Eddie" Rickenbacker, Gen. Carl "Tooey" Spaatz, Gen.
Hoyt Vandenberg, and Orville Wright, to name a few. The president of
the United States appointed all members, and in turn the Main Committee
Space/light Revolution
L-90-3727
An 18 April 1929 meeting of the NACA Main Committee. Around this ta-
ble sat some of the most outstanding authorities on the science, technology, and
military uses of flight. Left to right: John F. Victory, NACA secretary; Dr.
William F. Durand, professor and head of the Department of Mechanical Engi-
neering, Stanford University; Dr. Orville Wright; Dr. George K. Burgess, di-
rector, Bureau of Standards; Brig. Gen. William E. Gilmore, U.S. Army; Maj.
Gen. James E. Fechet, Chief of Air Service, USA; NACA Chairman Dr. Joseph
S. Ames, professor of physics and president of Johns Hopkins University; NACA
Vice- Chairman Dr. David W. Taylor, former Chief Naval Constructor, U.S.
Navy; Capt. Emory S. Land, Navy Bureau of Aeronautics; Rear Adm. William
A. Moffett, Chief, Bureau of Aeronautics; Dr. Samuel W. Stratton, former di-
rector, Bureau of Standards; Dr. George W. Lewis, NACA director of research;
Dr. Charles F. Marvin, Chief, Weather Bureau.
reported directly to him via an annual written report. The eighth and last
chairman of the Main Committee was Dr. James H. "Jimmy" Doolittle, the
former racing pilot, air war hero, retired air force general, and Ph.D. in
physics from Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). On 30 Septem-
ber 1958, the day before NASA took over, he sent the NACA's 44th and
last annual report to President Eisenhower.
The NACA was quite independent. Although the president appointed its
members, he did so on advice from the standing NACA Main Committee,
advice that Eisenhower and his predecessors almost always took. This
helped to take politics out of the selection process. Furthermore, the Main
Committee chose its own chairman and director of research and, in the words
of longtime NACA member (1922-1923, 1938-1958) and former chairman
8
The Metamorphosis
L-16,243
One of the outstanding men to chair the NACA was Vannevar Bush (center), the
computer pioneer and head of the Office of Scientific Research and Development
during World War II. Bush chaired the NACA from 1939 to 1941. On either side
of Bush stand George W. Lewis, the NACA's longtime director of research (right)
and Henry Reid, Langley's engineer-in- charge (left).
(1941-1956) Jerome Hunsaker, "ran its show, within its budget, made its
own statements to Congress for what it wanted to do and could do and
was doing, and got [its] budgets without any interference from the executive
branch of government."5
Organizationally, the old NACA committee system did not stop with
the Main Committee.10 Its members elected a smaller Executive Commit-
tee of seven who served terms of one year and acted as the NACA's actual
governing body. This Executive Committee also appointed several technical
committees that provided expertise to the parent committees on such major
subjects as aerodynamics, power plants for aircraft, and aircraft construc-
tion. In turn, these committees (actually subcommittees) created sub(sub)-
committees of their own to study and give advice in more specialized areas,
such as aircraft fuels, aircraft instruments, and aircraft operating problems.
The NACA also had special committees, usually ad hoc, that dealt with ex-
traordinary problems such as the need, in 1938, to build new facilities to
9
Spaceflight Revolution
meet the threat of another world war. Twenty years later, in the middle of
another international crisis, the NAG A had a special committee working to
explore the ramifications of Sputnik and to help formulate a space policy
for the NACA.
The committee system did not work perfectly, but in its unique way it
did work. Prominent people in the American aviation enterprise became
familiar with NACA capabilities and NACA results; concurrently, the
NACA benefited from the insight of many talented and experienced men
(no women ever served on any of the NACA committees). Further, the
connections and the prestige of committee members helped the NACA
to win friends and secure appropriations from Congress. Over the years,
outsiders such as the Brookings Institution, self-styled experts in government
organization, and several officers in the Bureau of the Budget had viewed
the committee system of advise and consent as a messy way to structure and
manage a federal agency. But NACA insiders did not. Nothing about the
committee system meddled seriously in any unwelcome fashion with work
in the laboratories. The actual management of the research operation was
left to the civil servants who worked full-time for the NACA. Within the
laboratory itself, management was left to the engineer-in-charge.*
At the Washington level, the management of research was left to the
NACA's director of research. Only two men held this post during the
NACA's 43-year history. Dr. George W. Lewis (honorary doctorate from
Swarthmore, his alma mater) held the post from the time it was established
in 1919 until his retirement in 1947. Dr. Hugh Dryden (one of the youngest
Ph.D.'s ever to come out of Johns Hopkins University, in 1919, at age 21)
served from 1947 to 1958. These two men, of very different backgrounds,
demeanors, and talents, guided the NACA through the rapid technological
evolution and sudden revolutions that in less than half a century had taken
aeronautics on a turbulent whirlwind from the era of wooden biplanes,
ponderous airships, and subsonic flight into the age of jets, supersonics,
and rockets at the edge of spaceflight.11
Most critics agreed that the NACA had served the general cause of
American aeronautics well for more than 40 years. But now in the wake
of Sputnik, they felt the time had come for a major reorganization and the
injection of new blood. By early 1958, a growing number of American leaders
joined in that opinion and were ready to tell the NACA thanks, slap it on
the back, and bring its experiment in government organization to an end.
A bold new initiative was required if the United States was to catch up to
the Soviet Union. Space enthusiast Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, chairman
of the Senate's new Special Committee on Space and Astronautics, felt this
In 1948 civil service requirements had forced the NACA to change the old title to director. No
one liked the change, certainly not Langley's top man, Henry Reid, who had been engineer-in-charge
for 22 years, since 1926. The old title had made it clear that an engineer, not a scientist, headed the
organization.
10
The Metamorphosis
L-90-3751
The NA CA 's directors of Research, George W. Lewis (left) and his successor, Dr.
Hugh L. Dry den (right).
way, as did others. They claimed that the old NACA was too timid and too
conservative about exploring the potential of space. Such critics, as well as
some "young Turks" inside the NACA, felt that if the organization was to be
reincarnated as NASA, then it should be revamped with new personnel and
additional facilities and charged up by new leaders.12 Out of this general
sentiment for major change came the National Aeronautics and Space Act
of 1958. The Space Act gave NASA an advisory board, but insiders knew
it could not be the same as it was under the NACA. On NASA's first day,
1 October 1958, the NACA committee system was essentially discarded.
Glennan: Welcome to NASA
At the head of NASA was Dr. T. Keith Glennan. When Eisenhower
announced Glennan as his choice for the NASA administrator on 9 August
1958, people at Langley and at other NACA centers asked, who was
Glennan? They learned that he was the president of Case Institute of
Technology in Cleveland. Then he must be a member of the NACA Main
Committee? No, he was a former Hollywood movie mogul and a minor one
at that, not in the class of a Samuel Goldwyn or Louis B. Mayer.
These answers, which circulated via the NACA grapevine late in the
summer of 1958, appalled some NACA employees, did not make much sense
to most, and made none of them very happy. In its 15 August edition,
the Langley Air Scoop, the in-house newspaper, ran a picture of 53-year-old
11
Space/light Revolution
Glennan along with a complete biographical sketch provided by Case In-
stitute of Technology. Reading this article, Langley employees found that
Glennan indeed had been a manager for Paramount and Samuel Goldwyn
studios during World War II, but that his overall career was marked by
"achievements in business, education, and the administration of scientific
research."13 In recent years he had served on the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion and on the board of the National Science Foundation, and he was sup-
posed to have excellent connections in Washington. Considering the highly
charged and politicized atmosphere now surrounding everything that had to
do with rockets and space, something finally made sense about Glennan's se-
lection. At ceremonies held in the White House on Tuesday, 19 August, Dr.
Glennan raised his right hand, put his left on a Bible, and pledged the oath
as NASA administrator. On the same Bible, close enough to touch the
ends of his fingers, was the left hand of faithful Methodist lay minister Dr.
Hugh Dryden, the NACA's director of research. Although many in Congress
wanted Dryden out of the picture because they thought that his quiet, al-
most mousy personality and conservative approach to launching America
into space might tarnish the images of youthfulness, dynamism, and bold-
ness they wanted for NASA, Glennan had insisted on making him his deputy
administrator, and Dryden had accepted.14 Glennan thought that this selec-
tion would help provide continuity and make the metamorphosis into NASA,
as well as his own administration, easier for NACA people to accept. Other
NACA headquarters officers came to NASA with Dryden, including John F.
Victory, the Main Committee's fastidious executive secretary and first em-
ployee. (Victory had been working for the NACA since 1915.) Some viewed
President Eisenhower's appointment of Jimmy Doolittle, the last NACA
chairman, to his nine-member National Aeronautics and Space Council as
another gesture toward the NACA old guard. For Eisenhower, however,
the appointment of Doolittle was more than a gesture. Ike knew Doolittle,
his former World War II air force commander in North Africa and Europe;
trusted his judgment; and wanted his moderate, reasonable, and experienced
voice on the newly formed space council.
On the morning of 1 October 1958, not a single member of the Langley
senior staff was likely to have remembered ever meeting Glennan. The new
NASA administrator had not yet visited Langley or any other NACA facility,
at least not as the NASA administrator. However, the former Hollywood
executive had appeared at Langley via motion picture. On 22 September,
the NACA public affairs officer in Washington, Walter Bonney, sent copies
of a short 10-minute film, "Glennan Message to NACA Employees," for
immediate showing at all NACA centers.15
At Langley, employees gathered in the East Area a few days later to watch
the film in the air force base's air-conditioned theater, next to the old 19-
Foot Pressure Tunnel, which dated to 1939. From its beginning, something
about the film made many people in the audience uneasy. Perhaps they were
disturbed by the Orwellian undertone of the presentation, a confident and
12
The Metamorphosis
L-58-14a
Glennan introduces himself to the Langley staff via motion picture.
soothing "Big Brother" message coming to the people electronically from
the center of government. This message did not come from the NACA's
staid old headquarters at 1512 H Street NW in Washington (referred to
as the "Washington office"), but rather from Glennan's new deluxe office
within the recently acquired suite of NASA administrative offices in the
Dolly Madison House at nearby 1520 H Street NW. Word had circulated
that Glennan had had his office suite decorated just like the one he had
enjoyed as president of Case Institute of Technology.
The movie opened with the NASA administrator leaning on the front of
his desk. "I very much want to talk with you about our future," Glennan
began. But before he described "the mighty big job" that lay ahead for
NASA, he took time to praise the NACA. He explained that during his 11
years at Case Institute of Technology in Cleveland, he had worked with many
people at NACA Lewis. He was both "familiar with [the] NACA's traditions
and accomplishments" and "impressed by the high state of morale and by
the vigor" with which the NACA conducted its research.16 Glennan failed
to mention, however, what he would soon record in his personal diary, his
opinion that the NACA staff was "composed of reasonably able people,"
lacking experience in the "management of large affairs."17 According to
13
Spaceflight Revolution
L-59-22
Glennan's first live appearance at Langley in early January 1959. Here he is being
welcomed by Henry Reid, the center director.
one member of the Langley senior staff, Glennan "had so little knowledge
of the organization" at the outset that he did not think its staff "had
any competence." Upon seeing the huge vacuum spheres belonging to the
Gas Dynamics Laboratory at Langley, Glennan allegedly remarked, "NASA
doesn't have any capability to handle that kind of high pressure stuff. You're
going to have to get some help from outside to do that, you know."18
Despite his true feelings, Glennan stressed in his message that "NASA
must be like [the] NACA in the qualities of strength and character that
make an organization great," but he also emphasized the arrival of "a new
day" at Langley. To describe that new day, the NACA's changeover to
NASA, Glennan quoted from what he called the "legalistic language" of the
Space Act: "the NACA shall cease to exist" and "all functions, powers,
duties, and obligations and all real and personal property, personnel (other
than members of the Committee), funds, and records" of the NACA were
to be transferred to NASA. But, he explained, he preferred to think of it
differently: "I would like to say, and I believe that I am being very realistic
and very accurate when I do, that what will happen September 30 is a sign
14
The Metamorphosis
of metamorphosis. [It is] an indication of the changes that will occur as we
develop our capacity to handle the bigger job that is ahead."19
The bigger job was outlined in the Space Act, which he encouraged all
NACA employees to take the time to read, at least its first few pages.
The job included the "expansion of human knowledge about space . . .
development and operation of vehicles capable of carrying instruments and
man through space . . . long-range studies of the benefits of using aeronautical
and space activities for peaceful and scientific purposes . . . preservation of
the role of the United States as a leader in aeronautical and space science
and technology." Glennan also outlined the metamorphosis. The NACA's
vital function, research into the problems of atmospheric flight, would now
become "only one part of NASA's activities." To accomplish the goals
set out in the Space Act, NASA would have to add "new and extremely
able people" to its staff; administer "substantial programs of research and
development and procurement with others on a contract basis"; spend
"large amounts of money outside the agency by contracts with scientific
and educational institutions and with industry" ; use military facilities "such
as the launching pads at Cape Canaveral"; and operate satellite-tracking
stations around the world. All this and more had to be done and quickly
in preparation for a manned flight into space and exploration into the Solar
System.20
Finally, Glennan tried to end his message on a high note by quoting
from a speech that Lyndon Johnson made in August during the Senate
confirmation hearings of the top two NASA officials:
There are no blueprints or roadmaps which clearly mark out the course. The limits
of our job are no less than the limits of the universe. And those are limits which
can be stated but are virtually impossible to describe. In a sense, the course of the
new Agency can be compared to the voyage of Columbus to the New World. The
only difference is that Columbus with his charts drawn entirely from imagination had
a better idea of his destination than we can possibly have when we step into outer
space.
Most NACA employees filing out of the base theater felt positive and excited
about what they had heard, but a few cynics might have wondered out loud
about that last reference to Columbus: "Wasn't he headed for China? And
didn't he believe to his dying day that he had landed in Asia?" Hopefully,
NASA had a better idea of its destination and would know where it was
when it got there.
Air versus Space
NACA explorers, unlike Columbus, had a good idea of where they were
going. They were going into the air faster, farther, higher, and more
efficiently in a modern engineering marvel that their systematic research into
15
Spaceflight Revolution
In this 1925 photo, NACA pi-
lot Paul King, donned in a fur-
lined leather flight suit with oxy-
gen facepiece, is ready to test a
Vought VE-7.
L-1118
aeronautics over the last 43 years had helped to make possible. Aeronautics
and the NACA had grown up together; the business of the NACA for its
entire existence had been to see that American aeronautics continued to
progress. For NACA veterans who took Glennan's advice and read the
Space Act of 1958, the time when the airways had been ruled by frail
wooden biplanes covered with fabric, braced by wires, powered by heavy
water-cooled engines, and driven by hand-carved wooden propellers did
not seem so long ago. When 20-year-old Floyd Thompson served as a
mechanic in Pensacola with the U.S. Navy's first torpedo squadron in 1918,
the navy's fastest aircraft, an R6L biplane amphibian, had a top speed of
110 knots and a fuel system with a windmill on the outside to pump fuel
up to an overhead gravity tank. When flight research operations began at
NACA Langley a year later, NACA researchers hardly knew the principles
of aeronautical engineering. Airplane design was still a largely intuitive and
empirical practice, thus requiring bold speculation and risk taking. In 1920
the Langley staff copied the design of an existing wind tunnel at the British
16
The Metamorphosis
National Physical Laboratory to fashion their Wind Tunnel No. 1 because
no one at the NACA knew how to design a wind tunnel.22
In the decades that followed, the NACA designed more wind tunnels
than staff members could count (many of them unique facilities) and
authored more reports on aeronautical technology than any other single
institution in the world.23 With the aerodynamic information that these
tunnels and technical reports provided, American universities educated
most of the country's aeronautical engineers, and U.S. industry became
the world leader in the manufacture of aircraft. By NASA's first day,
the NACA had helped to advance aeronautics far beyond the primitive
state of flight at the end of World War I. Commercial jet airliners were
beginning to fly passengers comfortably around the world in pressurized
cabins. Sleek military jets streaked across the skies at speeds in excess of
Mach 1, greater than the speed of sound. In fact, two McDonnell F-101A
supersonic jet fighters were being made ready in the hangar for further flight
testing. (The F-101A was nicknamed "Voodoo" but known to enthusiasts
as the "One-O- Wonder.") Langley acoustics specialists Domenic Maglieri,
Harvey Hubbard, and Donald Lansing were taking ground measurements
of the shock- wave noise produced by one of the F- 101 As in level flight at
speeds up to Mach 1.4 and altitudes up to 45,000 feet. A team of engineers
and technicians supervised by Langley Assistant Director Hartley "Buster"
Soule, the NACA Research Airplane Project (RAP) leader, was evaluating
several control systems for the North American XB-70 Valkyrie, a gigantic
high-altitude, delta-winged bomber of some 550,000 pounds to be built of
titanium and stainless steel and capable of flying to Mach 3.24
As the federal agency responsible for the progress of the nation's aviation
technology, the NACA had enough to do without getting involved in what
the public considered "Buck Rogers stuff."* During the first four decades
of Langley's operation, the idea of working to promote the immediate
achievement of spaceflight had been too ridiculous. for consideration. Into
the 1940s, NACA researchers were not certain that rockets and missiles were
a part of aeronautics. Langley veteran Christopher C. Kraft, Jr.' (the "C"
stood for "Columbus"), who later became famous as "The Voice of Project
Mercury" and the director of NASA's manned spaceflight operations at
Mission Control in Houston, remembers that before the late 1950s "space"
was a dirty word: "[It] wasn't even allowed in the NACA library. The
prevailing NACA attitude was that if it was anything that had to do with
space that didn't have anything to do with airplanes, [then] why were we
Younger readers may need to know that Buck Rogers was a science-fantasy comic strip created by
Dick Calkins around 1930; the comic strip remained popular until it was terminated in the 1960s. In the
1950s, it also became a popular television "space opera." As such, "Buck Rogers" significantly influenced
American popular culture's attitudes about rocketry and space travel. (In the late 1970s, another TV
show, "Buck Rogers in the 21st Century," went on the air; however, the updated character did not bring
on a similar craze.)
17
Space/light Revolution
L-3310
In this photo taken on 15 March 1922, NACA researchers conduct tests on airfoils
in the Variable- Density Tunnel, a revolutionary new test chamber that permitted, for
the first time anywhere in the world, aerodynamic testing at approximately full-scale
conditions.
L-37,931
Drag-cleanup testing of America's first jet airplane, the Bell P-59, is conducted in
the Full- Scale Tunnel, May 1944-
18
The Metamorphosis
working on it?"25 One Langley veteran, Ira H. Abbott, recalled that the
NACA stood "as much chance of injecting itself into space activities in any
real way as an icicle had in a rocket combustion chamber." In the early
1950s, Abbott had mentioned the possibility of manned spaceflight to a
House subcommittee, and one of the congressmen scornfully accused him of
talking "science fiction."26
Nevertheless, by the early 1950s, the NACA had become seriously in-
volved in the study of rockets, missiles, and the potential of spacefiight;
all of these topics related to aeronautics. Anything that concerned the
science and technology of flight, whether it be in the atmosphere or be-
yond, eventually became an interest of the NACA. In the months fol-
lowing Sputnik, NACA leaders tried to capitalize on the agency's re-
search into spaceflight to justify a central role in whatever space program
came into existence. Acting prudently on behalf of their institution, the
NACA Langley management and most staff members did everything possi-
ble to convince everyone concerned, including the new NASA administrator,
T. Keith Glennan, that the old NACA laboratory could do and already was
doing a great deal more than playing with airplanes.
For example, in January 1958, only four months after the launching
of Sputnik 1, a special Langley committee, surveying current and pending
projects, documented the NACA's transition to space research. Chairing the
committee was Langley Assistant Director Robert R. Gilruth, the future
head of Project Mercury, America's first manned space program. Also
serving on this committee were Eugene Draley, head of the laboratory's Full-
Scale Research Division (and soon to succeed Robert R. Gilruth as assistant
director for the Dynamic Loads, Pilotless Aircraft Research, and Structures
Research Divisions); John V. Becker, chief of Langley 's Compressibility
Research Division; and Charles J. Donlan, technical assistant to Associate
Director Thompson. The in-house review covered the activities of all 11
Langley research divisions during fiscal years 1955 and 1957, as well as
projected activities for fiscal year 1959. Two tables of numbers accompanied
the committee's final report to Director Reid, and the more important of
the two indicated that the "research effort" in the fields of hypersonics and
spaceflight should increase from about 11 percent in 1955 to 54 percent
in 1959; however, it was unclear what these percentages actually meant
in terms of money and personnel hours. In fact, Langley management
derived these percentages from hours spent on projects in the three research
directorates.
According to the review, the two most important fields of application
were satellites and spacecraft, and ballistic missiles. Efforts in these areas
were to rise from less than 1 percent to 16 percent and from 3 percent to 14
percent, respectively. In the words of the committee members, "all research
divisions are adjusting and reorienting manpower, curtailing work in areas
of lesser importance [and] continually studying and developing the special
facilities needed to attack these problems," and each division had been doing
19
Space/light Revolution
so for some time. "The ability to reorient the Laboratory's efforts to the
extent shown in the brief time period considered," the report concluded,
"is due to a considerable extent to active planning for a number of these
[space-related] fields during recent years."27
Langley senior management knew that these figures were authentic. The
transition to space was happening at Langley, and it had been happening
there even before Sputnik. Senior management also knew that more than
a little finagling was done to get the space numbers up as high as possible,
because they were doing the finagling. What was applicable to "space" and
what was applicable to "aeronautics" depended on how they defined the
research programs and divided the disciplines; to differentiate was splitting
hairs. The Gilruth committee discovered, in January 1958, that much of
the work at the laboratory, initially instigated to support what the NACA
had always called the "aeronautics program," could in fact be conveniently
reclassified as space research. In addition, Langley was working on many
projects that honestly involved both aeronautics and space (truly "aero-
space" research), yet could be classified as one or the other depending on
what the center desired to emphasize.28 In the post-Sputnik era of national
debate over the makeup of a new space agency, now was unquestionably
the time to emphasize space, an emphasis on which Langley's future would
depend.
However, almost no one at Langley on the first day of NASA would have
thought that the time had come to abandon the quest for improved aero-
nautical performance. Many great technological advances remained to be
achieved in aeronautics: greater speeds, bigger airplanes, and superior flight
efficiencies. Already in flight were radically new aircraft like Lockheed's
supersonic F-104 Starfighter, the still-secret U-2 strategic reconnaissance
"spy plane," and Convair's B-58 delta-winged bomber, which was capable
of Mach 2. On the horizon were important developments, such as new heli-
copter applications, tilt wing, and other innovative vertical and short take-
off and landing (V/STOL) capabilities. Additionally, new high-performance
wings with unusual degrees of backward and even forward sweep were being
designed at Langley and elsewhere. One of the wings of the future would
probably have some form of variable sweep, like those Langley's foremost
expert on high-speed aerodynamics, John Stack, had seen on a model of the
arrow-winged Swallow aircraft in England. This wing would no doubt be
part of a commercial supersonic transport (SST) that before too long would
be taking airline passengers from New York to London or Paris in a few
hours.29 Even more dear to the heart of some aerospace enthusiasts was
the first of the next generation of research airplanes, North American Avi-
ation's rocket-powered X-15, designed for the exploration of the hypersonic
speed regime up to Mach 6, as well as the hypersonic boost-glider program,
known as Project Dyna-Soar, sponsored jointly by the U.S. Air Force and
NASA. In one of these "envelopes," many NACA/NASA engineers felt, an
American might first fly into space.30
20
The Metamorphosis
L-59-3817
A model of the Swallow arrow-wing aircraft is tested in the 16-Foot Transonic Tunnel
in June 1959. The British hoped that a research airplane derived from the Swallow
configuration would be the progenitor of a commercial SST.
L-58-2951
In 1958 two Langley researchers install a one-tenth scale model of the X-15 rocket
plane in the Langley 7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel to study its spin characteristics.
21
Space/light Revolution
Clearly, now was no time to take a hiatus from aeronautics. Although
many congressional leaders and probably even the American people as a
whole forgot the second word in the National Aeronautics and Space Act,
calling it "the Space Act," most of the research staff at Langley took a
different view. As preliminary drafts of the Space Act made their way to
the NACA laboratory for review in the spring and early summer of 1958,
aeronautically oriented staff members like RAP leader Hartley Soule and
supersonics pioneer John Stack read them and said to one another, "Well,
we're not doing that. Let those guys [up in Washington] go ahead and write
it up, [but] we'll just [keep doing] what's necessary and get on with the
program." Unlike the ardent space buffs, these men read the Space Act to
mean that they "were supposed to pick up the space program" in addition
to aeronautics not that they "were supposed to get out of aeronautics."31
A few days after passage of the Space Act, U.S. Army representatives
visited Langley to find out who was going to take care of their aircraft
engine problems now that the NACA was about to be dissolved in favor of a
space agency. The surprised Langley people answered, "Well, we are! We're
here and we know what we are doing, and under NASA, we will just keep
doing it."32 That literal view of the Space Act calmed the military visitors
and reassured their hosts. If Langley people had known that the national
commitment to space was going to, "backburner" their traditionally strong
aeronautical programs for years to come, they might not have responded so
glibly to questions about the changeover.
In the following years, the aeronautics effort at Langley decreased
significantly; at its lowest level, it shrank to about 25 percent of the center's
total labor hours. Nonetheless, aeronautics was never allowed to die at
Langley. Even during the rushed days of the Apollo lunar landing program
in the 1960s, fruitful aeronautical programs quietly proceeded behind the
scenes. Langley managed to retain a dedicated cadre of aeronautical people
even when NASA recruited talent primarily in support of the space program.
But for John Stack, Hartley Soule, and likewise air-minded NACA veterans,
aeronautical research would often seem nearly forgotten at Langley.
The Public Eye
Most of those working in aviation knew about the NACA through
exposure to NACA reports and articles concerning NACA research in
aeronautical engineering magazines and other trade journals. But none of
the NACA's operations had high public profiles, not even at the local level.
Until 1958 most Americans knew nothing about the NACA. Before World
War II, some congressmen did not know it existed. Even the people near
Langley Field ignored the place. As Langley engineer and Hampton native
Caldwell (pronounced Cad-well) Johnson remembers, "It [the NACA] wasn't
like NASA. The press didn't care about it — to them it was a dull bunch
22
The Metamorphosis
of gray buildings with gray people who worked with slide rules and wrote
long equations on the board." Brain-busters like that were better-off left
alone. Ironically, throughout its entire history, the only time the NACA
was a high-profile agency was after Eisenhower had selected it as the nucleus
for NASA.
At times the NACA's obscurity put the agency at a disadvantage. The
NACA could not rely on the strength of favorable public opinion in its
campaigns for appropriations; such battles had to be fought and won quietly
in private conferences in hallways or smoke-filled rooms with admirals,
generals, and congressmen. These "gold-braided personages" made the case
for the NACA to Congress, when it was necessary for a case to be made.
Handling much of this delicate politicking from 1919 until his retirement
in 1947 was the NACA's shrewd, cigar-smoking director of research, "Doc"
Lewis (1892-1948). Although the gregarious Lewis and his successor, the
quieter and scientifically sharper Dr. Hugh Dry den, usually acquired the
necessary backing for NACA projects, they experienced many close calls.
The closest one came in December 1932 when President Herbert Hoover,
looking to reduce expenditures and increase efficiency in government, had
ordered the NACA abolished and most of its resources handed over to the
Bureau of Standards. However, House Democrats, anticipating the first
term of Franklin D. Roosevelt, overrode the lame-duck executive order, and
the NACA survived.34
On balance, however, the advantages of the NACA's invisibility out-
weighed the few disadvantages. It certainly benefited the researchers; most
of them thought NACA Langley was a wonderful place to work and "just
a splendid organization."35 Although administrative policies and bureau-
cratic guidelines involving anything related to the laboratory's communi-
cation with the outside world (such as mail, telephone calls, and technical
reports) were rather prescriptive, considerable leniency existed in the per-
formance of in-house research. Individuals could follow their own ideas quite
far without formal approval from superiors. Any scheme that survived peer
discussion and won the approval of the research section was likely to be
implemented. If funding was not formally available to build a given wind-
tunnel model, flight instrument, minor test facility component, or the like,
employees were usually able to "bootleg" what they needed from resources
appropriated to approved projects. As long as the initiative offered some-
thing promising, did not cost too much, and did not have the potential to
get the NACA into real trouble, NACA managers rarely complained or put
tight reins on the researchers. Within the laboratory, few barriers limited
innovation and the free dissemination of knowledge; the young engineers
could discuss their work comfortably with everyone from the technicians in
the shops to the division chief.36
Such freedoms existed because neither the NACA's own management,
other government bureaucrats, nor newspaper or magazine journalists (or
the American people as a whole) spent much time looking over the shoulders
23
Space/light Revolution
of NACA researchers. The NACA shared what it did with major clients;
the how was kept more or less within the NACA itself. Moreover, almost
none of NACA Langley's research work involved contracts with outsiders;
everything was accomplished in-house. As Caldwell Johnson has noted
about the NACA, "It had the best wind tunnels, the best model-builders,
the best technicians, the most rigorous standards." Nothing gave Langley
people more pride than being a part of such an autonomous organization.37
If Langley engineers had cultivated any public image before NASA, it
had been that of the "NACA Nuts." All the local hardware salesmen and
auto dealers recognized them a mile away, and if it had not been for the
federal paychecks that the NACA folks brought to the local economy, the
natives would have dreaded to see them coming. Not only were most NACA
Nuts overeducated Yankees, they were brilliant technical types who wanted
to know the revolutions per minute (rpm) of their vacuum sweepers and
ordered lumber cut to the sixteenth of an inch. Funny stories about their
eccentricities abounded, leading everyone from Yorktown to Newport News
to think that anyone from the NACA had to be either a weirdo or a screwball.
The truth was that most locals in those days had not the faintest idea
what the NACA people did. Few residents even distinguished the NACA
from the army (and later the air force) at Langley Field. Langley was
all about flying and noisy airplanes that woke residents before their alarm
clocks went off. But the people at the NACA were not concerned about
the confusion. Being grouped with the soldiers in uniform was often useful
camouflage. This camouflage was especially helpful during World War II
when hard feelings were expressed by local families who saw their boys
going off to war while NACA men were able to stay put because of a special
deal made between the NACA and the Selective Service System.38
In 1958 the natives still poked fun at the NACA Nuts, but they did so in a
more friendly way. Previously, a friction similar to that felt typically between
university "town and gown" had determined much about the Hampton-
Langley relationship. The softening of hard feelings between locals and the
NACA was due in large part to the marriage of many Langley engineers
to area women and their subsequent assimilation into local society. For
instance, the wife of Langley's number two man in 1958, Associate Director
Floyd Thompson, was Jean Geggie, a native Hamptonian whose father
carved wooden figureheads for ships at the nearby Newport News shipyard.
By the 1950s, NACA employees had become pillars of the community.
Thompson himself had been a member of the Hampton Rotary Club for
several years and had served on the board of directors of the local "Dixie
General" hospital. (In the late 1960s, partly through Thompson's efforts,
the hospital board voted to drop the racially inflammatory name "Dixie"
and renamed the hospital Hampton General.) Furthermore, in the turbulent
and scary weeks following the first Soviet space launches, the scientists and
engineers "over at Langley Field" became reassuring figures. Here, right in
their midst, many locals felt, were experts who could explain the meaning of
24
The Metamorphosis
L-78,005
This 1950 aerial photo of Langley shows the original East Area along the Back River
(bottom) and the West Area, constructed during World War II (top).
the foreign objects orbiting ominously overhead. Interviewed for stories by
the local newspapers, NACA personnel discussed the progress of American
space efforts and helped calm local hysteria. Hamptonians developed greater
appreciation for the technical talents of Langley personnel, and the once
tepid feelings about the NACA warmed.
With the transition to NASA, the public spotlight would inevitably shine
on Langley. Personnel would soon figure out that the NACA attitude toward
public relations had to change. In the old days, most NACA staff members
could have cared less about public opinion. They only cared about the
opinion of generals, congressmen, and other powerful people who could
influence the budget and appropriation processes. With NASA, however,
things had to be different. Beginning the day after the launch of Sputnik 1,
researchers had to make their case before a much more concerned public.
Without hesitating, they got right to it.
25
The First NASA Inspection
It was, by all odds, a superlative display.
Our sincere thanks for a superbly designed, brilliantly
mounted, and perceptive look at the very general goals
man must achieve before he becomes a space traveler.
— Editorial, Newport News Daily Press
27 October 1959
On Saturday morning, 24 October 1959, a little more than a year
after the metamorphosis of the NACA into NASA, approximately 20,000
visitors marched through the gates of Langley Field to attend a public open
house that was being held in conjunction with NASA's First Anniversary
Inspection. The NACA's first anniversary had passed unnoticed; NASA's
proved to be a controlled mob scene. 1
The crowds came at NASA's invitation. Local newspapers and commu-
nity groups had spread the word: for the first time in its 42-year history,
Langley Research Center was admitting curious outsiders into the previously
sheltered sanctuary of aeronautical research. NASA scientists, engineers,
and technicians would show the public just what the new space agency had
been doing to launch their country into space. Throughout the day, men,
women, and children streamed through the huge NASA aircraft hangar as
well as through two other large buildings full of exhibits that represented a
cross section of NASA programs. Escorting the visitors was a handpicked
group of articulate and polite NASA employees whose job was to handle the
pedestrian traffic, guide the visitors through the buildings included in the
program, and explain the exhibits.
The visitors moved "in fascination" past the many marvels on display.2
They saw helicopters and aircraft, including a Chance Vought F8U-3 navy
supersonic jet fighter used by NASA for sonic-boom research over Wallops
Island; a Vertol 76, the world's first tilt-wing aircraft; a ground-effect vehicle
designed to move over a cushion of air that the unusual craft created between
its base and the ground; a display about the possibilities of SST flight
27
Space/light Revolution
(subsonic commercial jet flights across the Atlantic had only been made
for about a year); a full-size mock-up of the air force/NASA X-15 rocket-
powered research airplane; plus dozens of static and dynamic demonstrations
involving wind tunnels, electrically powered models, electromagnetism,
research instrumentation, as well as several examples of NASA technical
reports.
Towering above all and attracting the most attention was a large fleet of
space vehicles and rockets. This collection included a model of the original
German V-2 rocket engine; a full-size version of the Thor-Able missile, which
had been used to launch a number of U.S. space probes; a 19-foot Discoverer
satellite to be used in polar-orbit research; a full-scale Little Joe rocket that
was part of the Mercury program; a 72-foot Scout rocket to be used for
general space research purposes; a six-stage rocket vehicle used for reentry
physics studies at Wallops Island; and a 6-foot model of the world with
orbital traces of the major satellites launched by the United States.
The public was so eager to see these wonders of modern technology that
visitors had started forming lines around the exhibits as early as 8:00 a.m.
even though the program was not scheduled to begin until 10:00 a.m., and
they continued to swarm around the exhibits throughout the day. Most
of the visitors were residents of the Peninsula area, but the license plates
on some of the cars indicated that several had traveled from more remote
parts of Virginia and a few had come from as far away as Georgia and
Tennessee.3 For the NASA Langley staff, "The Nice NASA Show For
The People," as one local editor called it, was quite an eye-opener. No
one expected the general public to be so curious about NASA's research
programs.4
After World War II, family members and friends of Langley personnel
had been welcome on occasion to attend briefings and watch demonstrations
"boiled down" from recently concluded NACA inspections (annual confer-
ences for aeronautical insiders only). Never before the 1959 inspection,
however, had Langley put on an open house involving more than just the
center's employees and their families. Langley had neither a visitors' center
(until 1971) nor any other regular means to handle many outsiders; none
was necessary given the NACA's low profile and the limited public interest
in what was going on inside a place that some locals referred to as "Sleepy
Hollow."
The unprecedented public open house came at the end of a week-long
closed affair modeled after the old NACA annual inspections. Up to 400
people a day had attended these NACA conferences. Although they came
by direct invitation to learn about NACA programs, most guests already
knew quite a bit about these programs because conference attendees were
the patrons and clients of the NACA. Representatives from military aviation,
the aircraft industry, and the airlines, and a few people from government
28
The First NASA Inspection
L-59-8075 L-59-8097
A mock-up of the Mercury space capsule appears to land by parachute on Langley's
"Mercury Support" exhibit at the October 1959 event (top). At bottom left,
Langley Director Henry Reid (middle), former Langley researcher and soon-to-be-
named head of the new Office of Advanced Research Programs (OARP) at NASA
headquarters Ira H. Abbott (right), and an unidentified guest stare up at the capsule
mounted atop a model of the Atlas booster rocket. At bottom right, Langley
Associate Director Floyd L. Thompson (middle), with Coke bottle in hand, and
NASA Administrator Glennan (left) chat with guests and associates in front of the
globe showing the orbital traces of previously launched American satellites.
29
Space/light Revolution
and the trade journal media had been the only visitors invited to the NACA
inspections.*
No one at NASA headquarters had been sure whether to continue the
tradition of the NACA inspection, which by the 1950s was rotating annually
among Langley, Lewis, and Ames. The inspection was such a long-running
show, having premiered at Langley in 1926, and its actors, settings, and
stage directions were so closely identified with the NACA that some NASA
officials wondered whether the event would serve the interests of NASA's new
mission. But in the opinion of many others, including Dr. Hugh Dryden,
NASA's deputy administrator, the inspection offered NASA an excellent
means of publicizing what it had accomplished during its first year to achieve
the nation's new objectives in aeronautics and space. "Prom a publicity
point of view," read one NASA Langley document that outlined the general
purpose of the proposed inspection, "the exhibits will present to the audience
not only our aims and objectives, but the research background that led to
the 'present-day' and future space developments." In other words, NASA
could make the point, both directly and indirectly, that "pioneering 'in-
house' research is a first prerequisite to successful aeronautic and space
developments."5
Although this emphasis on in-house capabilities did not match
Keith Glennan's agenda for NASA (Glennan wanted to see more research
being done by outside contractors), the overall objective of the plan per-
suaded the administrator. He decided that, in October 1959, NASA would
hold its First Anniversary Inspection, a sort of public show-and-tell event.
Because NASA was a new agency with different objectives and a much
wider scope than its predecessor, a few things about the inspection were
to be done differently. Not only was NASA to have an open house for
the general public, it must also invite several foreign guests. While the
NACA had discouraged their attendance, NASA had vested programmatic
interests in (and mandated legal obligations to) foreign nations, which meant
that some foreign scientists, diplomatic representatives, and members of the
foreign press corps had to be invited to attend. At NASA headquarters,
the Office of International Programs, under Henry E. Billingsley, and the
Office of Space Flight Development, under Abe Silverstein, were in charge
of issuing these invitations.
Although NASA had to aggressively pitch its program to the taxpayers,
which meant packaging it as attractively as possible, the 1959 inspection
was virtually the same ritual that the NACA had always orchestrated for
the visitors. After registering at the base gymnasium starting at 8:00 a.m.,
the guests moved to an introductory session in the base theater from 8:50 to
Some headquarters officials did not like the name "inspection," which had been in use since the
1940s. They argued that it did not accurately convey what happened in the program. They suggested
"exhibition," "observance," "annual meeting," and a number of other substitutes, but none of these
names was adopted.
30
The First NASA Inspection
L-59-8081
Administrator Glennan spends a few minutes in front of the Mercury capsule exhibit
with Walter Bonney, NASA 's first director of the office of public information.
Bonney, who had worked for the NACA from 1949 to 1958, never found much
favor in Glennan's employ. Glennan criticized Bonney harshly for his outdated,
NA CA approach to the public information field.
9:00 a.m. and from there went to a brief technical program in the cavernous
test section of the Full-Scale Tunnel. Pinned to the coat of every guest was
an identification badge with the person's name and tour group.
For the extended tour of the laboratory, Langley continued the old
NACA practice of dividing the guests into color-coded groups, in this
case into 10 groups of no more than 40 persons each. Each group had
its own bus with a color-coded sign in the window, its own escorts and
attaches, its own schedule to keep, and, at least in the minds of the
inspection organizers, its own personality. NASA management wanted a
mix of people in every group, but it also wanted the group members to be
compatible. As expected, the gold group included dignitaries and VIPs.
The brown and tan groups had the majority of the journalists, and the
pink group included the few women who were invited. The red group
comprised most of NASA's leaders. On the first day of the inspection,
Tuesday, 20 October, Langley hypersonics specialist John V. Becker was
the guide for the red group, which included Robert R. Gilruth, head of
the new Space Task Group (STG); NASA Administrator Glennan; NASA
Deputy Administrator Dryden; NASA Executive Secretary John F. Victory;
NASA Goddard Director Harry J. Goett; NASA Ames Director Smith J.
DeFrance; NASA Flight Research Center Chief Paul F. Bikle; Wallops
31
Spaceflight Revolution
L-59-7828
Four Langley secretaries serving as hostesses for the inspection take a look inside
the cockpit of a full-size mock-up of the X-15.
Station Engineer-in-Charge Robert L. Krieger; plus several lesser officials
from NASA headquarters. Also in the group were a few important men
from the aerospace industry, the airlines, and the armed forces.6
Although some NASA personnel came to the inspection as guests, most
came to Langley to report on the progress of the work at their respective
centers. NASA Lewis sent an exhibit that demonstrated the relative
merits of low-thrust space propulsion systems, including chemical, nuclear-
hydrogen, and electrical rockets. NASA Ames contributed a display showing
the physics of high-velocity impact in space and the potential dangers of
meteoroid collision with spacecraft. For its part, the NASA Flight Research
Center at Edwards AFB had contracted with North American Aviation
for a mock-up of the X-15 and of the XLR-99 rocket engine along with
a dummy pilot dressed in a pressure suit. The Jet Propulsion Laboratory
(JPL) in Pasadena, California, formerly operated by the California Institute
of Technology, had transferred to NASA in December 1958. The laboratory
sent a small display and a team of scientists to present the story of the Vega
rocket; at the time of the inspection, NASA thought that this three-stage
booster would take a number of future vehicles and payloads into space, even
into lunar orbit, but the proposed $65-million development program would
be cancelled only two months after the inspection. The new Goddard Space
Flight Center was still a part of the Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) at its
Anacostia location pending construction of an independent NASA facility
32
The First NASA Inspection
at Greenbelt, Maryland. Goddard contributed a display featuring several
examples of lightweight inflatable structures that had applications for use
in satellites and spaceflight.7
As was becoming to the host center, NASA Langley presented by far
the greatest number and variety of exhibits. Langley staff built displays
and gave illustrated talks on many space subjects: the nature of the
space environment, reentry physics, and manned reentry vehicles such as
ballistic capsules, high-drag gliders, and high lift-drag boost-gliders. Langley
engineers also reported on aeronautical programs, notably the X-15, Vertol
76, and an SST airplane. Langley even supplemented Ames's display of
high- velocity impacts in space with graphic results of its own experiments
on the subject.
Following the NACA Way
According to the NACA's policy of triennial rotation among its three
major research centers, it was "by the numbers" Langley's turn to host the
1959 inspection. However, NASA probably would have held the inspection
there regardless of the rotation. The assistant chief of the Full-Scale
Research Division and Langley's coordinator for the technical program, Axel
Mattson, remembers with pride:
There was only one place that could put on that show. . . . There was no other place
for it to go. . . . If it had been someplace else, the overall presentation wouldn't
o
have been as good, and the emphasis might have been slightly different.
In other words, Langley had the most experience in staging this event.
Langley was also the oldest NACA facility and the NASA center closest
to Washington, D.C., thus making it convenient to congressional and other
powerful visitors. Perhaps most importantly, Langley was the place where
the stars of the space program — the STG and its astronauts — were in
training for the first U.S. manned space effort, Project Mercury.
Axel Mattson was a big, likeable, and loquacious engineer who loved the
showmanship and conviviality of past inspections. In the weeks prior to
the 1959 event, his job was to confer with the other NASA centers and to
help them plan their participation in the inspection. In the cases of Ames,
Lewis, Wallops, and the Flight Research Center at Muroc, Mattson's help
was only minimal because the staffs at the former NACA facilities knew
what an inspection demanded. They understood the rigorous standards for
quality presentations and were ready for the customary competition among
the centers for the best exhibits. All of the centers "tried to out-do one
another" with the most sophisticated displays and demonstrations, Mattson
recalls. "At least we thought they were sophisticated, let's put it that way."£
33
Spaceflight Revolution
The 1959 Anniversary Inspection was the first time that all the NASA
facilities were participating, and those facilities included two that had not
been part of the NACA — JPL and Goddard.* Mattson was responsible
for encouraging the staffs of these new centers to develop appropriate
and effective presentations for the inspection. "I had a dog and pony
show," Mattson remembers. "I took slides with me from previous NACA
conferences" to show them what went on. He assembled the initiates in
a conference room, making sure that people "with enough horsepower" to
make the right things happen were in the audience, and then he briefed
them on what an inspection was about and the purposes it served.10
Mattson tried his best to be polite and not to act arrogant while
educating the non-NACA staffs about the do's and don'ts of an inspection,
but he still did not receive a warm welcome at either of the two non-NACA
centers. In fact, at Goddard's temporary home within the NRL, he feared
he would "be tarred and feathered." Typically, any organization that had
been "navy" had superb loyalty among its staff and was very closed, even
resentful of outsiders. In the opinion of the Goddard staff members, the
inspection "was just something that the NACA did, and they didn't think
much of it."11
In particular, the navy personnel did not like the idea of rehearsals. In
advance of NACA inspections, staff members customarily rehearsed their
talks in their own research divisions and then sweated through another
performance a week or so before the event as part of a fully staged dress
rehearsal with center management and several key officials from NACA
headquarters as the audience. For all the Washington office people to come
down to Langley and critique the inspection material was a "big thing."
Dr. Dryden, John Victory, and others "all had a grand time with that."
Some laboratory employees complained privately about "having to put on
a parade for their parents," but most had reconciled themselves to the
imposition. By 1959, NACA veterans like Mattson saw the NACA practice
of rehearsals as the only way to guarantee the success of such a complex
show. Mattson had to convince NASA's new partners of the importance of
all the planning and preparations. The staff at Goddard was unimpressed by
Mattson 's explanations. A few of the more indignant told Mattson: "You
won't rehearse me. My gosh, I'm an expert, you know. Who's going to
critique what I say?" But Mattson held his ground and told them they
sk
The ABMA (Army Ballistic Missile Agency) under Dr. Wernher von Braun at the Redstone Arsenal
in Huntsville, Alabama, did not become a part of NASA until their "shotgun marriage" was consummated
by a vote of Congress in February 1960, but the decision to transfer the ABMA to NASA was actually
finalized in October 1959, the month of the first NASA inspection. A number of ABMA representatives
attended the NASA inspection. So, too, did the mayor of Huntsville.
34
The First NASA Inspection
L-59-7831
In this picture from the 1959 inspection, Axel Mattson (right) confers with John
Stack, a devoted airplane man who surely experienced mixed feelings about the affair
because of its emphasis on space rather than aeronautics.
would have to do it. Thinking back, Mattson calls his visits to the non-
NACA installations "interesting sessions," and he singles out the first NASA
inspection as "the most difficult inspection of them all to put together."
Other NACA veterans have also commented on the difficulties of the new
fraternal relationships within NASA. "There wasn't any love lost between
us," remembers Langley's Charles J. Donlan. "I really shouldn't say 'love
lost' because the people really didn't know one another." But "all the NRL
guys" came "kicking and screaming into this new organization" that they
thought was "going to be overwhelmed by the NACA bunch."13 Everyone
needed time to get over these psychological barriers and realize that they
were all working as a team. A few people, some say particularly at Goddard,
were never able to accept the partnership.
Strained interaction among NASA centers represents a key tension in the
story of NASA that historians have not explored fully. In the first NASA
inspection, a vestige of the old NACA culture won out over other integral
parts of NASA; in the ensuing years, the culture of the NACA research
laboratories, dominant in the early years of NASA, would in many ways
be overwhelmed and superseded by those at the more hardware-oriented
and operations-oriented spaceflight and spacecraft centers in Huntsville,
Houston, and at Cape Canaveral. This turnabout, which would have seemed
unlikely in the earliest days of NASA, was made inevitable by the large
manned spaceflight programs of the 1960s and 1970s. The biggest bucks
would be spent on the more industrial side of NASA, as they still are.
In the end, everyone at Goddard and JPL agreed to do their part in the
1959 inspection. As mentioned earlier, Goddard staff sent an exhibit that
featured four erectable space structures, but they did so only after Langley
35
Spaceflight Revolution
L-59-7275
The small exhibit area on space science and technology provided by the Goddard
Space Flight Center.
had proposed that Goddard send an exhibit dealing with reentry physics.
The JPL group sent an exhibit about the soon-to-be-cancelled Vega project.
Both exhibits were prepared with the help of outside design consultants.
The NASA representatives sent to Langley with those exhibits were "awful
proud" of what they had done. "After all the trials and tribulations of
getting them organized and getting them going," Mattson states, "they
walked around like peacocks" strutting their stuff and showing off their
exhibits.14
Interestingly, after getting the new centers to cooperate and to do it the
NACA way, some NACA veterans still found reasons to criticize. "For my
money," Smith J. DeFrance, the director of Ames, wrote to Henry Reid, the
director of Langley:
the stops [on the tour] by your group were far superior to the Jet Propulsion
Laboratory's stop and especially the Goddard Space Flight Center's stop. As you
know, both of these were prepared by so-called specialists in the field of exhibition.
Neither of the stops came up to the degree of perfection that was demonstrated by
your own people.
15
DeFrance had come to work at NACA Langley in 1922; Reid had come
in 1921. They had followed the NACA way for so long that they found it
36
The First NASA Inspection
difficult to value any other. But Reid's answer did reflect an openness to the
new NASA partnerships. "Letters are pouring in from many of the visitors,"
he wrote DePrance, "and I feel that this inspection has certainly been very
much worthwhile, not only because of the impression made on people outside
our organization but also the impression made on many of our new members
of the organization." Despite the problems convincing new members of the
importance of an inspection, Reid summed up the experience as positive:
"We were indeed very fortunate in having the excellent teamwork, even from
our new organization, JPL." The teamwork of Goddard, to the extent that
it materialized, Reid did not mention.16
Project Mercury
"Ladies and gentlemen, at this stop we shall discuss Project Mercury,"
announced the NASA engineer as another busload of visitors to the 1959
inspection found their way to the cold metal folding chairs set up in rows
inside the West Area's Aircraft Loads Calibration building. Eight young
members of the STG working in teams of two took turns giving this talk.
The script of the presentation had been finalized just a day or two before
the inspection to ensure an up-to-date report.
The STG speakers did not bother to introduce themselves (they had been
told not to), and their identities would not have meant much to most people
in the audience. They were Edison M. Fields and Jerome Hammack, Systems
Test Branch; Elmer A. Horton, Control Central and Flight Safety Section;
Milton B. Windier, Recovery Operations Branch; John D. Hodge, Opera-
tions Division; Carl R. Huss, Trajectory Analysis Section; John E. Gilkey,
Engineering Branch; and Norman F. Smith, Engineering and Contract Ad-
ministration. As it turned out, some of these men were destined to play
major roles in NASA's subsequent manned space programs.17
"The possibility of venturing into space," the inspection talk began, "has
shifted quite recently from the fantasy of science fiction to the realm of
actuality. Today, space flight is considered well within the range of man's
capabilities." Only five days after its establishment, NASA had formed
the STG to design and implement, as quickly as possible, a manned satellite
project. NASA put veteran NACA researcher Robert R. Gilruth, the former
head of Langley's Pilotless Aircraft Research Division (PARD), in charge;
based the group at Langley; and named the Project Mercury after the fleet-
footed Roman god of commerce, who served as messenger of the gods.18 The
speakers proudly declared the mission of Project Mercury: to send "this
nation's first space traveler into orbit about the earth," to study "man's
37
Space/light Revolution
NACA veteran Robert R. Gilruth di-
rected Project Mercury from offices at
Langley.
L-59-57
capabilities in space flight," and to assure "the safe return of the capsule
and its pilot to the earth."19
The STG plan was to send a small one-person spacecraft into orbit using
the existing Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile as the launch vehicle and
a ballistic reentry module as the crew capsule. After a few passes around the
earth, retrorockets would fire to slow the satellite and thus initiate descent
from orbit. After reentry into the atmosphere — accomplished safely thanks
to the capsule's blunt ablative heat shield — a large parachute would deploy
to carry the capsule on its final approach and land it in the open sea. The
capsule and the astronaut would be recovered by helicopter and brought
home aboard a naval vessel.
The Mercury plan was a bold yet essentially conservative engineering
concept, and it was to be almost unbelievably successful. By May 1963, it
resulted in the successful launches of six Americans into space, thus leading
to some two and one-half days of flight time in space. Although glitches
and other vexing technical problems would plague virtually every Mercury
mission, no major accidents occurred. "We were pretty lucky," one leader of
Project Mercury remembers. "In retrospect, we wouldn't dare do it again
under the same circumstances. But that's true of most pioneering ventures.
You wouldn't dare fly across the ocean with one engine like Lindbergh did,
either, would you?"20
38
The First NASA Inspection
DEVELOPMENTS FOR MANNED FLIGHT IN SPACE
ISO MILE ORBIT
L-59-1167
A diagram used at the first NASA inspection to illustrate the basic concept of a
Mercury man-in- space mission.
Without question, the Project Mercury stop was the featured attraction
of NASA's entire anniversary show. In 1959 everyone around the country
was obsessed with beating the Soviets to manned spaceflight, and that
obsession soon included the men who would actually pilot the spacecraft.
Introduced to the public for the first time in April 1959, NASA's astronauts
were not yet the golden boys they eventually became, but with the national
media already bearing down on them and NASA's public affairs officers
polishing the seven former test pilots' armor to a blinding shimmer, the
future knights of spaceflight had already acquired star quality. They were
national heroes before they did anything heroic. Some of their luster was lost
in August 1959, if only temporarily, when the astronauts sold the exclusive
rights to their personal stories to Time-Life for one-half million dollars. To
most Americans this seemed an excessive amount of money; at that time the
federal minimum wage was a mere $1 an hour. The resulting controversy
over the ethics of the deal was fueled largely by Life's legitimately disgruntled
competition and did not really do much to damage the public's growing love
affair with their handsome, if not yet "launched," astronauts.21
A few minutes into their talk at the Project Mercury stop, the STG
speakers dimmed the lights and showed a short motion picture devoted
to "the seven brave young men who have been chosen as the Mercury
astronauts."22 First as a group, then one by one, the film introduced them,
39
Spaceflight Revolution
L-71-2971
The "Original Seven": (left to right) Carpenter, Cooper, Glenn, Grissom, Schirra,
Shepard, and Slayton.
just as each had been introduced with such flair during the sensational open-
ing press conference at NASA headquarters on 9 April 1959. The "Original
Seven" were Air Force Capts. Leroy G. Cooper, Jr. (later called L. Gordon),
Virgil I. "Gus" Grissom, and Donald K. "Deke" Slayton; naval aviators
Lt. Malcolm S. Carpenter (who preferred "M. Scott"), Lt. Comdr. Alan B.
Shepard, Jr., and Lt. Comdr. Walter M. Schirra, Jr.; and Lt. Col. John H.
Glenn, Jr., of the Marine Corps. Everyone knew that one of these men
would soon be the first American, possibly the first human, to venture into
space; one of the seven was destined to become the greatest technological
hero since Lindbergh.
The Mercury astronauts were the survivors of an extraordinarily elab-
orate and rigorous search process that the STG had used to solicit appli-
cations from and to evaluate candidate astronauts. At the start nobody
knew what sort or degree of skill, education, and training space pilots would
need. So-called specialists in crew selection proposed that NASA choose the
astronauts from "people in dangerous professions, such as race car drivers,
mountain climbers, scuba divers, as well as test pilots." But the STG was
committed to the idea of test pilots from the beginning; with just any old
breed of daredevil on board, the delegation of critical flight control and
40
The First NASA Inspection
command functions to the crew in the capsule would be much more diffi-
cult. When President Eisenhower decided that astronauts would be chosen
from a military test-pilot pool, Gilruth and associates all "breathed a sigh
of relief."23
A key person in the screening and final selection of the Mercury astro-
nauts was Langley's Charles J. Donlan. Formerly the free-lance technical
assistant to Floyd Thompson, Donlan was now serving as Gilruth's deputy.
Working on a crash schedule basis, Donlan headed the NASA/Department
of Defense (DOD) team, which included a psychologist on loan to NASA
from the National Science Foundation. The team established the final seven
evaluation criteria:
1. Less than 40 years old
2. Less than 5' 11" tall*
3. Excellent physical condition
4. Bachelor's degree in engineering or equivalent
5. Test-pilot school graduate
6. Minimum of 1500 hours flying time
7. Qualified jet pilot
Another Langley man who played a part in the screening process was Robert
A. Champine, a veteran NAG A test pilot who knew what kind of talents
it might take to fly into space. Although not an STG member, he was
part of the small NASA/DOD panel that evaluated the files of the nearly
600 military service test pilots who had applied for the astronaut positions.
Of the seven evaluation criteria, experience as a test pilot was clearly the
deciding factor.24
Ironically, the greatest skepticism about the Mercury concept existed
inside the family of test pilots. Pathbreaking NACA/NASA test pilots like
A. Scott Crossfield, Joseph A. Walker, and even the young Neil Armstrong,
who in 10 years was to become the first man to walk on the moon, were at
first not in favor of Project Mercury. Their attitude was that the astronaut
inside the ballistic spacecraft was no more than "Spam-in-a-can." Charles
E. "Chuck" Yeager, the air force test pilot who broke "the sound barrier"
in 1947 in the X-l, expressed this prejudice: "Who wanted to climb into
a cockpit full of monkey crap?"25 This was a crude reference to the noble
primates (such as "Ham" and "Enos") who flew in the Mercury spacecraft
prior to the astronauts and who went through some challenging and painful
experiences to make the experience of humans safer and more certain.
By the time of the NASA inspection, all seven Mercury astronauts had
been in training at Langley under the STG's technical supervision (and
Langley AFB's administrative care) for about five months. Six of the seven
moved into the area with their families: Carpenter and Cooper lived in
The absence of a weight requirement is incredible given the demands of the payload on the launch
rocket's boosting power and the tight squeeze for the passenger inside the Mercury capsule.
41
Space/light Revolution
Hampton just across the tidal river from the air force base; Grissom, Schirra,
and Slayton bought ranch-style homes within a few blocks of one another
in the new Stoneybrook Estates subdivision of Newport News; and Shepard
drove his white convertible through the Hampton Roads Bridge Tunnel each
day from his family's home at the Naval Air Station in Virginia Beach.
Glenn was the exception; while at Langley Field, he stayed in military base
quarters and commuted to his home in Arlington, Virginia, on weekends to
visit his wife and children. Already the local press was calling the astronauts
"The Peninsula's Own" and trying to satisfy an adoring public's hunger for
even the most mundane details of the astronauts' everyday existence, such
as what kind of fruit juice they drank for breakfast.26
The film shown at the Project Mercury inspection stop said little about
NASA's selection of the astronauts and showed nothing about their per-
sonal lives; it concentrated on illustrating key aspects of their training for
the upcoming Mercury flights. In one of the film's early scenes, the astro-
nauts sat in a classroom listening to a lecture delivered by an STG
engineer. This lecture was one in a series organized by STG member
Dr. Robert Voas, the navy psychologist in charge of coordinating astro-
naut training. The lecture series was designed to introduce formally
the astronauts to the Mercury program.27 Although not depicted in the
film, the astronauts also took a short course equivalent to graduate-level
study in the space sciences. Henry Pearson, W. Hewitt Phillips, and
Clinton E. Brown were among those engineers with special competencies
in reentry physics, astronomy, and celestial mechanics and navigation cho-
sen to teach the course.
While the astronauts learned a little about everything pertinent to the
program, they were also trained to specialize in particular technical areas.
Carpenter specialized in communications and navigation equipment; Cooper
and Slayton concentrated on the liaison with the Army Ballistic Missile
Agency (ABMA, later NASA Marshall Space Flight Center) and the launch
vehicle suppliers; Glenn focused on cockpit layout; Grissom handled in-
flight control systems; Schirra was responsible for life-support systems and
pressure suits; and Shepard followed tracking range and recovery. Each
astronaut was then responsible for briefing the other six periodically about
what he had learned.28
The inspection film of 1959 showed the Langley-based STG putting the
astronauts through several spaceflight simulation systems and techniques
to familiarize them with the Mercury capsule and evaluate the efficacy of
astronaut capsule control. By this time in their training, the astronauts had
already ridden on the end of the 50-foot arm of the centrifuge at the Naval
Aviation Medical Acceleration Laboratory at Johnsville, Pennsylvania. The
film showed one of the astronauts boarding what came to be known among
the astronauts as "the wheel" because it resembled a medieval instrument
of torture. Not even the grimacing face of the astronaut, as he desperately
tried to operate a few manual controls, could communicate how miserable
42
The First NASA Inspection
the experience actually was for the rider, who was being pushed back in the
seat as the wheel picked up speed, pinned there unable to move either arms
or legs, breath forced out of the lungs, vision narrowing and darkening, and
a sharp pain growing beneath the breastbone. John Glenn recalls, "At 16
Gs* it took just about every bit of strength and technique you could muster
to retain consciousness."29
The training at Langley was a little easier, at least physically. The
astronauts made several "flights" in a closed-loop analog simulator that had
been developed by the training devices section of the STG's Operations
Division. This simulator had a basic configuration similar to the X-15
attitude control system simulator that had been built earlier at Langley.
At the time of the October 1959 inspection, it contained a simple chair with
a sidearm controller and rudder pedals.30 A later version would have a
three-axis controller and a molded couch like those individually fitted for
each astronaut for the actual Mercury missions. The function of this couch,
which was one of many ideas supplied by the STG's brilliant Maxime Faget,
was to protect the astronaut against the high G-forces during launch and
reentry. In one scene of the film, two of the finished couch forms were visible
in the background; in tests at the Johnsville centrifuge, such couches had
proved effective for loads of more than 20 Gs. The movie also featured
a sequence in which an astronaut used the sidearm controller to move his
chair through various changes in pitch, roll, and yaw, and a scene showing
an overheated astronaut in a full pressure suit undergoing what the speaker
called "elevated temperature elevation."31
"The Space Task Group has found the seven astronauts inspiring young
men with whom to work," speakers told the audience. To equip them with
the "detailed knowledge and skills that the pilot of a pioneering orbital
space capsule must possess," NASA was putting them through "an extensive
program of training, indoctrination, and specialized education." And rest
assured, the speakers told the audience, the astronauts were preparing for
their upcoming launches into space "with an enthusiasm and a maturity
that are vital in a program of such importance to our nation."32
The speakers did not mention that the astronauts sometimes felt they
were being treated like guinea pigs. This was not the case in their dealings
with the STG at Langley. As the astronauts later attested, the STG
treated them as "active and valuable participants in the safe operation of
the machine." Bob Gilruth and his staff had been dealing directly with test
pilots in NACA aircraft research programs since before World War II. These
years of experience contributed to a relationship with the astronauts that
was built on respect.33
Much to the disappointment of many in the audience at the NASA
open house, especially the young people, the living, breathing astronauts
were nowhere to be seen. Neither Gilruth nor anyone else responsible for
"G" is the symbol representing the acceleration due to gravity.
43
Spaceflight Revolution
L-59-4426
Molded astronaut couches line the Langley model shop wall. The names of the test
subjects — Langley employees — are written on the backs.
PROJECT MERCURY
L-61-5741
This cutaway drawing was used by the STG to explain the Mercury ballistic capsule
to visitors at the first NASA inspection.
44
The First NASA Inspection
Astronaut John Glenn sits within the cozy cocoon of the Mercury spacecraft.
the astronauts wanted to add to the astronauts' already heavy schedule
by keeping them in front of several thousand sticky-fingered and camera-
clicking fans for an entire Saturday. The astronauts' training at Langley
included a rigorous regimen of physical exercise, including skin-diving
operations designed to simulate weightlessness and the kind of sensory
disorientation that they might experience during reentry from space. In
Langley's large hydrodynamics tank (Building 720) as well as in the brackish
water of the Back River, an inlet of the Chesapeake Bay behind the East
Area, the astronauts were learning to get out of the space capsule as it
floated in water. Along with the tiring training at Langley, the astronauts
also made trips to the Johnsville centrifuge; to Cape Canaveral, where the
countdown for their manned orbital flights would be made; as well as to
the McDonnell Aircraft Corporation plant in St. Louis, where the Mercury
capsules were being built.
Although the astronauts were excused by NASA from appearing at the
open house, they had participated in the inspection earlier in the week.
They were not assigned to give speeches or conduct tours, but they were
asked to mix with invited guests in the major exhibit hall within the large
aircraft hangar, where the makeshift after-hours wet bar called "19th Hole"
was set up and most socializing occurred.
45
Spaceflight Revolution
John Glenn, who in three years
would become the first American
to orbit the earth (20 February
1962), explains a feature of the
Mercury capsule to his wife, Annie
Castor Glenn, whom he had known
since his New Concord, Ohio, child-
hood.
L-59-7859
Big Joe, Little Joe
The success of two recent tests for Project Mercury lent a cautiously
upbeat mood to the First Anniversary Inspection. Five weeks earlier,
on 9 September 1959, the project reached an important early milestone
with what the inspection speakers called the "highly successful firing" of
"Big Joe." Big Joe was a one-ton, full-scale instrumented mock-up of the
proposed Mercury spacecraft designed to test the efficacy of the ablative
heat shield and the aerodynamic stability of the capsule design. Speakers at
the Project Mercury stop boasted that the Big Joe project had not begun
until December 1958 and was flying successfully only 10 months later.34
After showing a short movie of Big Joe's launch atop an Atlas D booster
from Cape Canaveral, the STG engineers explained that although the launch
was normal, the two outer booster engines failed to jettison as planned
because of a malfunction; the capsule- Atlas combination rose to an altitude
of only about 100 miles. This was nevertheless high enough for the capsule,
once separated from the Atlas, to fall back to earth in conditions that
closely simulated orbital reentry. Another short movie showed the shipboard
recovery of the capsule by a navy destroyer. The STG speakers explained
that the recent Big Joe test not only proved to be an excellent exercise for
the military recovery teams but also provided data that confirmed that the
46
The First NASA Inspection
blunt-body capsule shape had performed as predicted in NASA wind-tunnel
and other laboratory studies. In their words, the Big Joe test was "the first
major step" in proving that the Mercury design concepts were feasible.35
On display in the Aircraft Loads building was the recovered capsule;
alongside it was a second Big Joe boilerplate capsule mounted on a Little
Joe booster mock-up. NASA Langley was proud of Big Joe. A small group
of Langley technical service people under STG's Jack Kinzler had actually
fabricated the capsule's afterbody, including the upper heat shield and the
parachute deck, while another NASA group under Scott Simpkinson at Lewis
had made the lower part of the capsule, the instrumentation, the controls,
and the rest of the heat shield. But Langley positively doted on its Little
Joe. Little Joe was an innovative solid-fuel rocket, one of the earliest U.S.
launch vehicles based on the principle of the clustered rocket engine. (The
Soviets were already "clustering" the more complex and troublesome liquid-
fuel rocket engines.) STG engineers Max Faget and Paul Purser, then of
Langley 's PARD, had conceived Little Joe as a space capsule test vehicle
even before the establishment of NASA and the formation of the STG.
Gilruth understood the importance of the Little Joe tests: "We had to
be sure there were no serious performance and operational problems that
we had simply not thought of in such a new and radical type of flight
vehicle."36 A launch of Little Joe on 21 August 1959 had failed, but at
Wallops Station on 4 October 1959, just two weeks before the inspection,
NASA successfully fired one of the "little" test rockets to an altitude of
about 40 miles over the Atlantic Ocean before intentionally destroying it.37
"Little" was relative, of course, because the rocket stood 50 feet
tall, weighed 28,000 pounds — the gross takeoff weight of a Douglas DC-3
airliner — and had a cluster of eight solid propellant engines that produced a
quarter of a million pounds of thrust at takeoff. Nor did "little" accurately
describe Little Joe's importance to the Mercury project. For the 4 October
launch, neither the capsule nor the escape rocket had been instrumented,
but Little Joe would carry instrumented pay loads to varying altitudes, thus
allowing NASA engineers to check the operation of the escape rocket and
recovery systems. This they could do from Wallops Island before proceeding
to the more expensive and difficult phases in the latter part of the program
at Cape Canaveral. In ensuing months, Little Joe rockets (models I and
II) also provided information on flight stresses as they related to "biological
payloads." The first of these payloads was Sam, a 7-pound Rhesus monkey
launched from Wallops on the nose of a Little Joe on 4 December 1959. Sur-
viving a violent ride up and down from a height of 55 miles with a parachute
landing into the Atlantic Ocean, Sam gave NASA flight engineers a better
idea of how human astronauts would fare during their upcoming Mercury
flights.38
To the public, Project Mercury looked to be proceeding smoothly. The
major setback of July 1959, when the first Atlas-Mercury production vehicle
failed structurally under launch loads at the Cape, was not mentioned
47
Space/light Revolution
L-59-4946
Langley technicians constructed the Little
Joe capsules in-house in Langley 's shops
(top). A crane swings a capsule into
place atop Little Joe in preparation for a
launch at Wallops Island (right).
L-59-5134
48
The First NASA Inspection
Langley's Little Joe rocket blasting off
(left) from Wallops Island in the fall
of 1959. Max Faget thought that Little
Joe could be made reliable enough
to carry a man, but Gilruth eventu-
ally scrapped the idea, deciding to use
Redstone and Atlas. Below, the Little
Joe capsule is recovered at sea.
L-59-8427
L-64-6455
49
Space/light Revolution
in Langley's open-house presentation. To everyone behind the scenes at
Langley, Project Mercury was in fact advancing at breakneck speed. In the
period between early October 1958 and mid-January 1959, specifications for
the Mercury capsule had been prepared and sent to the aerospace industry
with a Request for Proposals; the bidders had been briefed; all the source
selection (evaluation of proposal) activity had taken place; and the contract
had been placed. That was not all. During the same period, the STG
procured Atlas rockets and launch services from the air force; worked out a
plan with the army (and Wernher von Braun's rocket team in Huntsville) for
Redstone boosters; drew up the specifications for Little Joe; tested escape
rockets over the beach at Wallops; and were in the midst of a wide range
of tests at Langley. The STG also had to present technical reviews of the
project to NASA headquarters officials approximately every two months.
To do all this, every member of the STG worked holidays, evenings, and
weekends. "These were the days of the most intensive and dedicated work
[by] a group of people that I have ever experienced," Gilruth recalls proudly.
This kind of performance could have occurred only "in a young organization
that had not yet solidified all of its functions and prerogatives."3
This performance could have happened only in an organization whose
staff members did not know — or care to know — the difference between the
possible and the impossible until they found out for themselves.
50
Carrying Out the Task
There are no billboards heralding the birthplace of the
Nation's [space] program. There are no colorful ban-
ners proclaiming it the homebase for the U.S. 's seven
astronauts. Yet nestled at one end of the historic Vir-
ginia Peninsula, a small group of buildings were the
setting for the most penetrating research and develop-
ment programs of our time. . . . It was here at the
NASA Langley Research Center that America took its
first step into space.
—Virginia Biggins
Newport News Daily Press
For Bob Gilruth, the chief operational officer of the U.S. manned space
program, NASA's First Anniversary Inspection meant only a brief respite
from the torturously hectic schedule he had been following for more than
a year. As head of Project Mercury, he had given dozens of talks and had
answered thousands of questions in the past 15 months about America's
highly publicized enterprise to send a man into space. He had made
presentations before Congress, to Dr. Killian and the rest of the President's
Science Advisory Committee, and to the senior staff of the Advanced
Research Projects Agency (ARPA) including agency heads Roy Johnson and
Dr. Herbert York.* "Some of these gentlemen were not at all enthusiastic
about our plan to put a man into space," Gilruth later acknowledged. In
fact, Presidential Science Adviser Dr. George Kistiakowsky had remarked
with great displeasure that the plan "would be only the most expensive
funeral man has ever had."1
The secretary of defense had established ARPA in January 1958 to run U.S. space programs on an
interim basis until NASA was established.
51
Space/light Revolution
But at least during the anniversary inspection the pressure was off;
officially, Gilruth was just one of the guests touring with the red group.
At the Mercury stop, the eight men from the STG had to put on the good
show that everyone had come to expect, and for once he could sit back and
listen to someone else do the talking.
For the balding 45-year-old aeronautical engineer from Nashawauk, Min-
nesota, Project Mercury had started in the hot summer of 1958 while on
assignment in Washington, B.C. Dr. Hugh Dryden had needed help putting
together a plan and a budget for the new space agency, and Gilruth, with
about 20 senior men from Langley and the other NACA laboratories, went
to lend a hand. Eisenhower had not yet given specific responsibility for
management of the nation's manned spaceflight program to the soon-to-be
NASA, nor had he officially named Glennan the NASA administrator. Abe
Silverstein, subsequent head of space projects at NASA headquarters, had
not yet come up with the name "Mercury" for the proposed manned satellite
project. In one large room on the sixth floor of the NACA headquarters,
Gilruth and associates worked feverishly through the muggy midsummer to
put together a plan for a man-in-space program that would be acceptable
not only to the reincarnated NACA but also to ARPA, the president, and
his scientific advisers.2
"In order to do this," Gilruth remembers, "I collected a select group
of people ... to form a sort of task force." The members of this original
group included Langley's Max Faget, head of the Performance Aerodynamics
Branch of PARD; Paul Purser, head of the High Temperature Branch of
PARD; Charles W. Mathews, head of the Stability and Control Branch of
the Flight Research Division; Charles H. Zimmerman, assistant chief of the
Stability Research Division; and three men from Lewis. These men were
called from the 10 telephones specially installed in the NACA's big sixth-
floor room and were told to "be in Washington tomorrow afternoon." As
Zimmerman remembers:
I said, well, what for? [The voice said,] "I can't tell you what for." Who am I supposed
to see? [The voice said,] "Just be in the Washington office tomorrow morning/' I
went to the Washington office and I stayed there three or four months. ... I wasn't
told anything, just be there. I had to go and tell my wife I'm going. [I] didn't win a
o
popularity contest that day.
Gilruth brought in several other NACA engineers for consultation when
their expertise was needed. He called in PARD's top engineering designer
Caldwell Johnson, who had been hired by the NACA as a model builder
in 1937 at the age of 18; Johnson's job was to put the first design of the
Mercury capsule on paper. The result was an elegant series of freehand pen-
and-ink sketches that artistically put many detailed engineering drawings to
shame. Near the end of the summer, two more engineers from Lewis and
one from Langley, Charles Donlan, joined the group to finalize and fine-tune
the Mercury plan.
52
Carrying Out the Task
The work of the task force turned out well both in the short term and the
long run. Thinking back on the substance of these early talks about what
came to be Project Mercury, Gilruth would be impressed by how closely
the STG was able to follow the original plan of that summer: "We said we
would use the Atlas rocket; a special space capsule with a [NACA-proven]
blunt heat shield; and parachutes for a landing at sea. All these things
were to work out very much as we proposed."4 During that hot summer of
1958, Max Faget, Caldwell Johnson, and Lewis's Andre Meyer also came up
with the idea of an escape rocket to enable the capsule to get away from a
malfunctioning launch rocket, and Faget conceived the form of the contour
couch, which would help to protect the astronauts against the high G-forces
during launch and reentry.
Much about the group's Mercury concept was not all that new: the
aerodynamic benefits of the blunt-body shape had been discovered (at
least for ballistic nose cones) by H. Julian "Harvey" Allen and Alfred J.
Eggers at NACA Ames in the early 1950s.5 Since then, several important
notions about ballistic reentry vehicles had been germinating in the minds of
Gilruth's colleagues in PARE), notably in the brilliant one belonging to the
outspoken Max Faget. (Because he was one of the most intuitive researchers
on the Langley staff, jealous colleagues jibed that his name stood for Fat- Ass
Guess Every Time.) By the launch of Sputnik 1, Faget had proposed that
a simple nonlifting shape, if properly designed, could follow a ballistic path
when reentering the atmosphere without overheating or accelerating at rates
dangerous to the astronaut. Drag would slow the capsule as it reentered the
atmosphere. Furthermore, the shape — though basically nonlifting — could
generate the slightest amount of aerodynamic lift necessary to permit the
capsule to make one or two simple maneuvers during reentry. Faget had
made some rough tests to prove this theory. From the balcony overlooking
the PARD shop, he had flipped two paper plates that had been taped
together into the air. "I thought he was crazy at first," remembers fellow
PARD engineer J. Thomas Markley. "Max, what are you doing?" asked
Markley in amusement. Faget answered, "I think these things will really fly.
We really have some lift-over-drag in this thing."6
A few months after the paper-plate toss, at the last NACA Conference on
High-Speed Aerodynamics held at Ames in March 1958, the feisty 5-foot-6-
inch Faget gave a talk entitled "Preliminary Studies of Manned Satellites-
Wingless Configuration: Non-Lifting," which was coauthored by Langley's
Benjamin J. Garland and James J. Buglia. In the talk Faget put forward
most of the key items that NASA would later use in Project Mercury: a
ballistic shape weighing some 2000 pounds and having a nearly flat-faced
cone configuration, small attitude jets for controlling the capsule in orbit,
retrorockets to bring the capsule down, and a parachute for final descent.
"As far as reentry and recovery are concerned," Faget concluded his talk,
"the state of the art is sufficiently advanced so that it is possible to proceed
53
Spaceflight Revolution
confidently with a manned satellite project based upon the ballistic reentry
type of vehicle."7
Not everyone was so confident. In the wake of Sputnik, several interesting
concepts for manned satellites had popped up. Some advocates of these al-
ternatives disdained Faget's proposed ballistic approach because, as Gilruth
explained, it represented "such a radical departure from the airplane."8 This
man-in-the-can approach was too undignified a way to fly. Many concerned
with America's new space program searched for another plan: Couldn't a
pilot fly into space and back in some honest-to-goodness flying machine?
Why not doctor the X-15 so a pilot could take it into orbit and back with-
out burning up? Or why not push to quickly build one of the hypersonic
gliders that had been drawn up on paper? One of the most innovative con-
cepts for such a space plane, proposed by Langley's Chuck Mathews, called
for a craft similar to NASA's later Space Shuttle. Mathews' plane would
have a circular wing and would glide back from space at a high angle of at-
tack. During reentry, most of the intense heat caused by the friction would
therefore be confined to the wing's lower surface. Upon reaching the atmo-
sphere, the vehicle would pitch over and fly to a landing like a conventional
airplane.9
Such concepts sparked much interest in the months after Sputnik.
Gilruth and the rest of the team planning for Project Mercury considered
the merits of each one separately. Several of the ideas could have been
made to work in time, but the new space agency did not have time to spare.
Everything indicated that the Soviets were intent on launching a man into
space, and the United States was determined to beat them to it. The Atlas
rocket, the most powerful American booster at the time, was not capable
of lifting more than about 2000 pounds into orbit, which ruled out the hy-
personic glider concepts. Furthermore, even the Atlas was still horribly
unreliable. Only one out of eight Atlases had been launched successfully;
the other seven had staggered off course or blown up. If the United States
wanted to win this important second leg of the space race, waiting for the
development of a bigger and more dependable missile capable of lifting the
far greater weight of a small space plane did not make sense. "It seemed
obvious to our group," Gilruth would explain many years later, "that only
the most simple ballistic capsule could be used if manned spaceflight were
to be accomplished in the next few years." 10
Several options may have been more technologically attractive to some
NASA engineers, but Faget's plan appeared the best to achieve America's
immediate space objectives. In some respects the plan was an ungainly
(some have said unimaginative, even ugly) way to send an American into
space, yet in 1959 it seemed the only way to do so quickly. As Gilruth would
say later, Project Mercury
wasn't pretty like a flower or a tree. But it had no bad traits. It was designed as a
vehicle for a man to ride in, and circle the earth. With its blunt body, its retrorockets
and parachutes, it was an elegant solution to the problem.
54
Carrying Out the Task
But a solution that was elegant in conception had no guarantee of becoming
a practical success. Once ARPA heads Roy Johnson (a former General
Motors executive) and Herbert York (a distinguished atomic physicist)
approved the plan on 7 October 1958 and NASA gave the go-ahead, Gilruth
and his people were left with the job of making Project Mercury work.
A Home at Langley
Gilruth and associates returned to Langley Research Center from the
nation's capital in mid-October 1958 and immediately began to contend
with the unknown challenges of putting together an organization that could
manage an operation much bigger, more complicated, and far riskier than
any previously undertaken by the NACA. In approving the project, Keith
Glennan's comment had been, "All right. Let's get on with it." Bob Gilruth
remembers that at the time he "had no staff and only [oral] orders to return
to Langley Field." When Gilruth politely pressed the administrator for some
details about how he was to implement the plan in terms of staffing, funding,
and facilities, Glennan reiterated brusquely, "Just get on with it."12
Gilruth's yet-to-be-built organization was given temporary quarters at
Langley, where it would act, again temporarily, as a quasi-independent
NASA field unit reporting directly to Abe Silverstein's Office of Space Flight
Development in Washington. Though Langley lacked management control
over the new group, the center's support of the task group's ambitious
program proved remarkably strong.
Almost everything about the initial organization and early operation
of Gilruth's group happened catch- as-catch-can. Even the name of the
STG itself suggested a makeshift character, as if NASA did not want to
raise expectations too high about meeting the Soviet challenge. One STG
member suggests that the choice of the title "Space Task Group" amounted
to a "conscious effort to put the work in proper perspective and avoid
grandiose organizational concepts at a time when satellite development
experience was limited to basketball- and grapefruit-sized objects." The
timid nomenclature might protect NASA if the manned satellite program
did not work as planned. NASA could say that only one task failed; the rest
of NASA's operation was proceeding nicely.
Excluding Bob Gilruth, the most important person behind the formula-
tion of the STG was Langley's Floyd Thompson. Although still nominally
the laboratory's number two man, Thompson had been serving as the di-
rector for some time because of Henry Reid's rather relaxed approach to
his impending retirement. According to Gilruth, Thompson "was all for
me, because he knew that if we didn't succeed, NASA wouldn't succeed."
He realized that Gilruth would need substantial center support until the
slow-grinding paper mill at NASA headquarters made alternative provisions.
Thus, when Gilruth asked Thompson how he could get the men and women
55
Space/light Revolution
he needed for the STG, Thompson told him simply to write a short memo-
randum stating that he had been authorized by Administrator Glennan to
draft personnel. Gilruth wrote that memo on 3 November 1958 and per-
sonally took it down the hall to the associate director's office. The letter
amounted to one brief paragraph:
The Administrator of NASA has directed me to organize a space task group to
implement a manned satellite project. This task group will be located at the Langley
Research Center but, in accordance with the instructions of the Administrator, will
report directly to NASA Headquarters.
For the project to proceed with the utmost speed, Gilruth proposed to form
his group around a nucleus of key Langley personnel, the majority of whom
had already worked with him on the project at NASA headquarters.
Thompson did not want to run the STG himself, because he recognized
that a quasi-independent person like Gilruth, not a center director, was
"the best guy to do it."15 At the same time, Thompson wanted Gilruth, a
personal friend, to have a circle of bright and trustworthy individuals around
him. In particular, Thompson felt Gilruth should have a good, solid deputy,
so he gave him Donlan, his own energetic assistant.* For the past seven
or eight years Donlan had been enjoying the enviable job of probing, at his
own discretion, into different areas of the laboratory's research programs
and acting as its technical conscience. "Thompson thought Gilruth needed
me, because Bob liked to play around with ideas and not pay too much
attention to the actual running of the technical functions," Donlan states.
So, "for the first time in [my] professional career," Thompson told Donlan,
"[I] am going to make a recommendation." Thompson asked Donlan to join
the STG as Gilruth's deputy.16
Gilruth's terse memo created a rapidly expanding core group of space
pilgrims. According to one cynic, these pilgrims were like those who came
to America on the Mayflower, "considering how many people tell you they
were in it."17 But Gilruth asked by name for the transfer of only 36
Langley personnel plus 10 engineers from Lewis laboratory. Lewis provided
rocket-engine and electronic engine-component specialists — the experts in
aerospace propulsion systems that Langley lacked.
Fourteen of the 36 Langley personnel belonged to PARD. This major
and quasi-independent division of the laboratory had been headed for a
time in the early 1950s by Gilruth. The work of PARD had always
required the management of flight operations (albeit pilotless ones) and
had dabbled with hardware development. While studying the aerodynamics
of various missiles and missile nose-cone configurations during the past
>k
Later on, Thompson would "feel an obligation" to bring Donlan back to Langley, making him
Langley's associate director in March 1961. Donlan stayed on as associate director (later renamed
deputy director) until May 1968 when, at the request of the NASA administrator, Donlan transferred
to NASA headquarters and became the deputy associate administrator for Manned Space Flight.
56
Carrying Out the Task
few years, PARD engineers had established launch procedures at Wallops
Island, experimented with the principles of rocket staging, developed key
technologies for missile guidance and control systems, and built or refined
sensitive instrumentation for telemetry studies. They had also supported
manned satellite proposals from the Defense Department. In 1957 and early
1958, before ARPA/NASA approval for Project Mercury, PARD engineers
had given research support for Project MISS, the unfortunate acronym
of the "Man-in-Space-Soonest project," an air force concept for simple
manned orbital flights that in some technical respects presaged the Mercury
concept. This early work in support of the manned satellite proposals had
taken the PARD engineers into such areas as space environmental controls,
communications systems, and heat-shield technology. Having had this
experience, many members of PARD were not as concerned as other Langley
employees about the possible compromise of traditional laboratory research
functions implicit in heavy involvement in Project Mercury. In terms of
technological expertise and organizational culture, PARD people were the
most naturally inclined at Langley to become involved in the planning and
management of NASA's manned spaceflight program.18
Of the remaining 22 STG staff members recruited from Langley, 10 were
from research divisions other than PARD; 4 had been working in the
Fiscal Division, central files, or in the stenographic pool; and 8 were
either secretaries in PARD, stenographers, or "computers" (operators of
the calculating machines). Thompson agreed to give Gilruth all the people
he asked for, save one: a young electrical engineer, William J. Boyer. The
Instrument Research Division (IRD) wanted to keep Boyer, and he was not
anxious to be transferred. The head of that division, Edmond C. Buckley,
finally found a satisfactory replacement in Howard C. Kyle.
Most of the original STG crew signed up voluntarily; they were young,
relatively unestablished, and they relished the challenge. At ages 45 and
42, respectively, Gilruth and Donlan were experienced enough to recognize
the difficulties of the job ahead, but many of their subordinates were naive
about the ways of the world and did not consider the serious hazards facing
them. Jack Kinzler, a skilled master craftsman in the West Area machine
shop, recalls that he had grown "so consumed with space" after Sputnik
that he just dropped everything when Gilruth called him to join the group.
After accepting the transfer, Kinzler then had a devil of a time fighting off
a swarm of excited co-workers who wanted to move to the STG with him.
When the 21-year-old Lewis engineer Glynn Lunney heard about what the
STG was doing, he thought, "Gee, that looks like it would be a hell of a lot
of fun — let's go do that!" Carl Huss and Ted Scopinski worked at the same
desk in the Aircraft Loads Laboratory in Langley 's West Area. The two
engineers recall one day in late 1958, after they had heard so much about
the STG from former co-worker John P. Mayer: "[We] looked at each other
and asked why we didn't transfer over to the Space Task Group. So we
did."19
57
Spaceflight Revolution
Wild enthusiasm might have been confined to the young and inexpe-
rienced, but strong passion for Project Mercury was not. Donlan looked
upon the manned satellite project "as a pioneering effort of a type that
comes along only about once in a half century." To him, the project offered
a moment in history that would be "similar to aviation when Lindbergh
flew the ocean." He never doubted that he should join the STG: "I had
to participate in what I instinctively felt would be a breathtaking opera-
tion, and I decided to do so without much thought as to the long-range
possibilities."20 In the end, his time with the STG (November 1958-May
1961) did not hurt his career. When he resigned his position as the STG's
number two man, he rejoined the Langley operation as Floyd Thompson's
associate director.
The rest of Langley's senior staff was not as easily impressed by the man-
in-space program. With the exception of the two men from the director's
office, only one member of Langley's senior staff joined the STG: Charles
Zimmerman, assistant chief of the Stability Research Division. Zimmerman
was not keen about the assignment. "It was a traumatic experience as far as
I was concerned," Zimmerman remembers. After spending a hectic summer
in Washington with Gilruth's planning group, he said, "The hell with this."
He got in touch with Henry Reid and told him that he wanted to come back
to Langley. After taking a week off to vacation in Canada, he returned to
Langley Field. "I got back home on Friday and was going to go to work
on Monday," Zimmerman recalls, but that Friday night a colleague came to
break the news that Zimmerman had been assigned to the Mercury group.
"So, there I was in it again."21 Once more, Zimmerman had to put aside
his precious airplane work.*
At 51, Zimmerman was the old man of the STG; several of the others
were young enough to be his children. He had started his career at NACA
Langley in 1929, only two years after Lindbergh's transatlantic flight, and
like many NACA researchers of his generation, he was not comfortable with
the idea of moving away from aeronautics into the management of a large
manned space program. For Zimmerman and most other senior Langley staff
members, the excitement of the program was not enough to compensate for
the headaches and perhaps even the career risks associated with moving
outside the comfortable confines of aeronautical research. Perhaps the
country's interest in manned spaceflight was just a passing fancy, some of
the older men thought. Project Mercury had been authorized, but nothing
else up to this point had been. Throwing in with the lot of the "space
cadets" meant accepting a great many technological, political, institutional,
and personal career unknowns, t If the initial series of Mercury launches
came off successfully, the manned space program would probably continue
Zimmerman, famous for the XF5U "flying flapjack," which he designed for Vought during the 1940s,
had been busy for a number of years trying to make the conventional airplane into a VTOL machine.
* Space cadet is an expression of derision taken from a popular American television show of the 1950s.
58
Carrying Out the Task
in some form, and it might even be expanded, but late in 1958 no one could
be any more sure about that than they could be about the outcome of the
upcoming 1960 presidential election, on which so much about the course of
the U.S. space program would ultimately depend.
With the exception of the graying triumvirate of Zimmerman, Gilruth,
and Donlan, the entirety of Langley's senior management stayed where they
were in the organization and continued what they had been doing. At least
a few of the senior staff also privately advised their juniors to do the same.
One member of the STG remembers that his division chief tried to persuade
him not to accept the transfer to the STG. "You don't want to ruin your
career," the division chief told him. "There's nothing going to come of this,
and you're going to be hurt by it." Manned spaceflight, he warned, was just
a fad.22
Many veteran employees felt that "it just wasn't the Langley way" to
implement big projects like Mercury. The laboratory had flourished for
more than 40 years by doing research, not by implementing things.23 It
had remained strong and autonomous by developing its own competencies
and by doing nearly everything that involved research in-house, but Project
Mercury was to be based on considerable work that was contracted out
to industry. The people responsible for the contract work would have to
cover many new fronts: they had to prepare space capsule specifications;
evaluate contractor proposals, then monitor the awarded contracts; procure
Redstone rockets from the army and Atlas rockets from the air force; arrange
for launch services; coordinate recovery operations; and so on. Skeptics
feared that members of the STG would be so caught up in the urgency
of managing contract work and in refereeing contractor haggling sessions
(much to his chagrin, Zimmerman became chief of the STG's Engineering
and Contract Administration Division) that they would not be conducting
much research, if any. Becoming bureaucrats rather than staying technical
personnel was a fate too horrible to ponder. To this day, Bob Gilruth holds
his forehead when remembering how Langley colleagues would approach
him during the heyday of Mercury not to inquire whether he had had any
good ideas recently but rather to ask snidely, "Well, have you let any good
contracts today?"24 His old NACA associates might have envied Gilruth
the publicity he was receiving, but they did not envy him his work.
Gilruth's senior colleagues who did not want to join the STG did
follow Floyd Thompson's example of helpfulness and energetically supported
NASA's manned satellite project through traditional research avenues.
"At the outset of the program, Langley threw all of its resources behind
the infant STG," Thompson reflected in 1970, "providing technical and
administrative support informally as required, just as though the STG was
a part of Langley and not a separate organization."25 Besides providing
extensive support for the development and implementation of the Big Joe
and Little Joe projects, dozens of center personnel conducted experimental
studies aimed at evaluating the performance of the Mercury spacecraft at
59
Space/light Revolution
launch, in space, during reentry, and during its ocean recovery. Dozens of
others became involved in engineering, shop, instrumentation, and logistic
support for much of the STG's own in-house testing.
For example, in 1959 a battery of wind-tunnel tests using scale models
of the Mercury capsule and capsule-booster combinations had helped to
provide needed data about lift, drag, static stability, trajectories, heat
transfer, heat-shield pressures, and afterbody pressures; only after hundreds
of these tests would the shape and appearance of the Mercury capsule be
refined and finalized. At Wallops, engineers had mounted small models of
the Mercury capsule on the tips of research rockets, launched them through
the complete speed range predicted for the proposed spaceshot, and collected
thousands of data points about the capsule's structural integrity, tumbling
characteristics, and reentry dynamics. With the military's assistance,
Langley researchers also tested the reliability of the capsule parachute
system and determined the optimum altitude at which to deploy the drogue
chute. Prom a C-130 Hercules transport that had been loaned to NASA
by the U.S. Air Force Tactical Air Command at Langley Field, full-scale,
one-ton models of the Mercury capsule prepared at Langley were dropped
from an altitude of 10,000 feet into the Atlantic Ocean off Wallops Island.
Motion pictures from cameras in T-33 chase jets were used to make a detailed
engineering study of the capsule's motions during descent and the impact
forces on it when smacking into the sea. Langley personnel also conducted
other impact studies by dropping small models of the space capsule at 30
feet per second (21.6 miles per hour) into the Hydrodynamics Division's
Water Tank No. I.26
While the numerous aerodynamic, structural, materials, and component
tests were going on at the center, Langley representatives were arranging
a schedule for wind-tunnel tests at the air force's Arnold Engineering
Development Center in Tullahoma, Tennessee, and a team of non-STG staff
members was being assembled to travel around the world to plan Project
Mercury's global tracking network, the responsibility for which NASA
headquarters had just assigned to the research center at the STG's request
in February 1959. In addition to this colossal effort, Langley engineers
and technicians were developing the simulators and spaceflight procedure
trainers for the Mercury astronauts who had just been entrusted to the STG.
By opening day of the NASA inspection in October 1959, Langley had sent
six months' worth of weekly reports to NASA headquarters about the great
volume of work being done in support of Mercury. Of the laboratory's 1150
employees, 119 of them (about 10 percent) had been working full-time on
the project in recent months.
In the year following the STG's establishment, between October 1958
and October 1959, some 250 people were added to the original STG;
more than half came from Langley's staff. Many of the key people who
moved from Langley to the STG brought with them important experience
in flight-test research. Floyd Thompson wanted to give Gilruth a strong
60
Carrying Out the Task
L-59-336
L-59-3397
The Mercury spacecraft and booster rockets underwent extensive testing in Langley
wind tunnels. The full-size capsule is mounted in the Full-Scale Tunnel (top). A
one-sixth scale model of the Mercury capsule is tested in Langley 's 7 x 10- Foot
High-Speed Tunnel to determine the effect of escape system power on the capsule 's
stability (bottom).
61
Spaceflight Revolution
L-59-4335
The Redstone booster carrying the spacecraft is mounted for testing in Langley's
Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel.
L-60-76
In impact studies conducted in the Back River behind Langley's East Area, the
astronauts practiced the dangerous maneuver of getting out of the space capsule as
it floated in water.
62
Carrying Out the Task
cohort that understood "flying men" — pilots, that is — not just the flying
of pilotless models. "Tommy wanted to make sure that there were enough
flight guys involved in this venture," Donlan remembers.27 Fortuitously,
NASA headquarters recently had made a decision to limit Langley's flying
and had transferred most of its flight research activities to the NASA
center at Edwards AFB. This decision disappointed Langley researchers and
made them ready to jump at the chance to get involved with the manned
space program. Consequently, several top-notch Langley flight researchers
became part of the STG. Along with Gilruth (also a former NACA flight
research engineer), Walter C. Williams, former director of the NACA Flight
Research Center in California, and Christopher C. Kraft, Jr., and Charles
W. Mat hews, both standouts in Langley's Flight Research Division, became
the heart of the Project Mercury flight operations team.
The Tracking Range
Of all the Langley efforts in support of Project Mercury, by far the
biggest, the most difficult to carry out logistically, and the most adven-
turesome was the Mercury tracking range project. NASA flight operations
officers and aeromedical specialists wanted to have almost constant radio
contact with the Mercury astronauts. To maintain communication with the
spacecraft as it circled the earth, NASA had to create a worldwide commu-
nications and tracking network.
In the early days of Project Mercury, NASA really did not know what
sort of tracking network was needed to monitor its spacecraft. Those frontier
days of the manned space program before the operation, let alone the very
idea, of a "mission control" center are hard to remember. Over the last three
decades, the public has grown familiar with the drama and the emotionally
charged "electricity" of the control center amphitheater. This amphitheater,
with its tidy rows of communications consoles, computerized workstations,
and its front wall covered with a large electronic map of the world, became
thought of as the brain and nerve center of a NASA spaceflight mission.
Here, in what one NASA astronaut has called a "temple of technology,"
worked the middle-aged men in white shirts and dark neckties — the flight
controllers who wore the headphones and the worried looks as they talked
to the astronauts in the spacecraft and made the split-second, life-or-death
decisions about whether to "abort" or "go for orbit."28
This stage for the high drama of "space theater" did not exist prior
to Project Mercury. The flight tests of the most experimental, high-speed
airplane had not required the development of a ground-control facility as
sophisticated as mission control. Even at a pioneering place like Edwards
AFB, the role of the flight experts on the ground had involved little more
than "getting the airplane into the best possible mechanical condition,
spelling out the day's test objectives for the pilot, and retrieving data from
63
Space/light Revolution
the instrumentation after the plane landed."29 During the flight itself, flight
operations people talked to the pilot in moderation; for the most part, they
quelled their curiosity, shaded their eyes, strained anxiously to follow the
flashing metal arrow through the sky, and left the pilot to his own devices.
At first, the STG envisioned little more than this rather passive mode
of flight control for the Mercury spacecraft: checking it out before launch,
maintaining a voice link with the astronaut to see how things were going, but
letting the astronaut and the automatic in-flight systems do the rest. After
reflecting seriously on the immense task before them, that vision changed.
"I don't know how to describe it exactly," explains Glynn Lunney of the
original STG, "but we began to realize that, 'Hey, we're going to fly this
thing around the world!' ' In that instant of stark realization came the
feeling that certain critical decisions about a spaceflight — such as whether
to abort immediately after launch, to use the escape rocket, or to blow up
a maverick rocket before it dug a big hole into downtown Cocoa Beach —
could be, and should be, controlled from the ground. Out of this conviction
came the concept of a ground room with not just a person talking to the
astronaut, but many people analyzing tracking and telemetry data on the
status of the launch vehicle and the spacecraft.30 Already by the time of
the first NASA inspection in October 1959, the STG was calling this room
the Mercury "Control Center" and was moving rapidly to have one built at
Cape Canaveral.
As the vague and open-ended possibilities of Mercury flight operations
and mission control became more clearly defined, the STG decided that to be
out of communication with the astronauts during their spaceflights for very
long would be neither wise nor safe. The STG's flight operations people
and more conservative aeromedical specialists argued over the maximum
amount of time they could be out of contact with the astronauts. The
physicians were "horrified at the casualness" of one suggestion that in-flight
communications with the astronauts could be handled like commercial air
traffic control, with the pilot only reporting to the ground every 15 to 30
minutes.31 The doctors, intent on continuous and complete monitoring of
the astronaut's vital physiological and mental responses to the unknown
demands of spaceflight, did not like the idea of gaps in communication
lasting for any appreciable length of time. Without the resolution of this
internal debate, engineers could not establish design parameters necessary
for proceeding with the global tracking network. In the end, the STG
decided that a tracking network was needed in which gaps in communication
lasted no more than 10 minutes.32
Fathoming the immensity of what had to be done to establish this
network took time. Initially some naive Langley engineers believed that
whatever tracking stations were needed by the Mercury team to provide
"real-time" tracking data could be provided simply by mounting radar sets
on rented air force trucks that could be stationed at sites around the world.
But after giving the matter careful thought, the communications experts
64
Carrying Out the Task
"began to realize that it wasn't good enough to have isolated radar sets:
the people back at the Control Center needed a network of linked stations,
capable of receiving, processing, and reacting to a variety of voice, radar,
and telemetry data."33
Thus began a Promethean task because 1960 was a different technologi-
cal age — especially in terms of communications. An instantaneous telephone
call around the world was not yet possible. The only long-range communi-
cation, from continent to continent, was by undersea telegraph cable, and
most of these cables had been laid at the turn of the century by the British.
That is not to say a remarkable telecommunications network did not exist.
Over the years the British, among others, had built up an amazing global
system involving tens of thousands of miles of submarine cables as well as
vast distances covered by wireless communications, but the day of instan-
taneous electronic communication around the world had not yet arrived.
Its arrival depended largely on the launch of communications satellites like
Telstar, which the infant space programs at that time were making possible.
For NASA staff to have the type of communications necessary for control
of the Mercury spacecraft and for assistance to the astronauts, they had to
build their own global system.
Creating this global network was a job that NASA Goddard Research
Center could not do from its temporary quarters at Anacostia. Also,
Goddard people were still responsible for the Minitrack Network that had
been set up for the Project Vanguard satellite, so they were busy tracking
the unmanned satellites that were then being launched. This existing system
was not suitable for tracking the orbit of the Mercury spacecraft because
the system had been laid out north-to-south (along the 75th meridian),
whereas STG studies had concluded that the best orbital path of the
Mercury spacecraft would be west-to-east along the equator. Minitrack,
even in combination with other existing commercial, scientific, and military
communications networks, had far too many "bare spots" to provide the
comprehensive global coverage required for Mercury.
The STG was unable to take on this job because its manpower was
already stretched to the limit; STG staff could not bear the additional load
of setting up an ambitious new tracking and communications net that had to
reach completely around the world. "There was just no way [for the STG] to
build the spacecraft as well as the ground tracking network," says William
J. Boyer, the fellow from Langley's IRD whose transfer to the original STG
had been short-circuited by his division chief in November 1958. Boyer,
who became one of the most active members of the Langley team that
built the Mercury tracking range, remembers that Howard Kyle, the IRD
engineer who was named to replace him on the STG, was the first to come
to this conclusion. Kyle, without any trouble, persuaded STG's Chuck
Mathews of the impossibility; Mathews in turn convinced Bob Gilruth; and
Gilruth asked Floyd Thompson whether Langley, with NASA headquarters'
approval, could take on this additional heavy responsibility.35
65
Spaceflight Revolution
Once again, Thompson wanted to do everything he could to make Project
Mercury a success. So in February 1959, he called in his assistant director,
Hartley Soule, and they put together an ad hoc team that came to be
known as TAGIU (pronounced "Taggy-you" ) , which stood for the Tracking
and Ground Instrumentation Unit. Heading the temporary unit was Soule
himself, who was deemed the tracking range project director. G. Barry
Graves, Jr., the head of IRD's Pilotless Aircraft Research Instrumentation
Branch, was to handle the detailed management of the tracking network
project from a special TAGIU office, and Paul H. Vavra, Graves's colleague
in the IRD branch, was to assist. The unit was placed within IRD on
an organizational chart. No one really knew how much work faced them:
members of TAGIU were told initially that their work would be part-time
and add only slightly to their regular duties. But as Vavra notes, "a
few weeks later we were in the space program night and day and never
thought about our other jobs."36 As with everything else concerning Project
Mercury, TAGIU progressed rapidly. On 30 July 1959, NASA awarded the
contract for the creation of an integrated spacecraft tracking and ground
instrumentation system to Western Electric Company and its four major
subcontractors: Bell Telephone Laboratories of Whippany, New Jersey, for
system engineering, engineering consultations, and command and control
displays; the Bendix Corporation of Los Angeles and Towson, Maryland, for
radar installation, ground-to-air communications, telemetry, and site display
equipment; Burns and Roe of Long Island for site preparation, site facilities,
construction, and logistic support; and International Business Machines
Corporation of New York for computer programming, simulation displays,
and computers.37 Monitoring the contract involved the expenditure of
nearly $80 million and extensive negotiation with other federal agencies,
private industry, and representatives of several foreign countries. However,
in June 1961, less than two years after awarding the contract, Langley
looked on with pride as the power for the around-the-world-in-an-instant
communications system was turned on for the first time.
Working on the global tracking range took Langley personnel farther
away from the comfortable confines of their wind tunnels than any other
aerospace project ever had before, or has since. In the two-year period
between the awarding of the contract and the initiation of the tracking
operations, a team of engineers and technicians from NASA Langley traveled
tens of thousands of miles to some of the most remote places on earth. They
went to oversee the building of an ambitious network that when completed
stretched from the new Mercury Control Center at Cape Canaveral to 18
relay stations spanning three continents, seven islands, and two ocean-bound
radar picket ships. Along its way around the world, the network utilized land
lines, undersea cables and radio circuits, special computer programs and
digital data conversion and processing equipment, as well as other special
communications equipment installed at commercial switching stations in
both the Eastern and Western hemispheres. The network involved range
66
Carrying Out the Task
George Barry Graves, Jr., head of the
Pilotless Aircraft Research Instrumenta-
tion Branch of Langley's IRD, handled
the detailed management of the Mercury
tracking network from a special office
within the ad hoc TAGIU.
L-61-659
stations in such faraway and inaccessible places as the south side of the
Grand Canary Island, 120 miles west of the African coast; Kano, Nigeria, in
a farming area about 700 rail-miles inland; Zanzibar, an island 12 miles off
the African coast in the Indian Ocean; a place called Woomera, amid the
opal mines in the middle of the Australian outback; and Canton Island, a
small atoll about halfway between Hawaii and Australia.
"It was quite mind-boggling to realize that you're living in Hampton,
Virginia, and you were getting tickets to change planes in the Belgian Congo
to go to Kenya and from there on to Zanzibar," exclaims Bill Boyer. Boyer
traveled with Barry Graves's small "management team," which negotiated
with foreign governments and picked the tentative sites for the Mercury
tracking stations. In Madrid his team sat for four weeks waiting for the
Spanish government to grant permission to go to the Canary Islands. On
their way through central Africa, in the Belgian Congo, group members
moved cautiously past threatening gun-toting rebels who were fighting
against European colonial rule. "We would pick the tentative sites based on
the technical criteria established by the Space Task Group," Boyer states,
"and then we'd go around to the telecommunications people in those foreign
countries to get as much advice and assistance from them as we could."
The TAGIU team looked into the logistics of particular sites: Where would
NASA people eat? Where would they sleep? How would they be supplied?
What were the capabilities of the local construction companies? After
addressing these questions, the management team would move on, and a
67
Spaceflight Revolution
WPfCAL
AND
ACQUISITION AID
L-61-5740
^4 layout of a typical Project Mercury tracking site as conceptualized by Graves's
outfit in 1961.
"technical team" would move into the recommended site. This larger, follow-
on team would then conduct a detailed study to determine whether the site
met technical criteria: could NASA construct the buildings it needed, and
were the materials easily available? The technical team would then make a
final recommendation about the proposed site.38
As with so many other rushed and complicated operations of the early
manned space program, much about the multimillion-dollar Mercury track-
ing network could have gone wrong. Instead, it worked like a charm, track-
ing the spacecraft with a high degree of accuracy. In the words of Edmond
C. Buckley, the former IRD head at Langley who by the time of the first
Mercury orbital flight by John Glenn was the director of tracking and data
acquisition at NASA headquarters, the network "worked better than it could
have in the most optimistic dreams."39 For example, as the system tracked
the spacecraft from the Bermuda station on, NASA found that the "residu-
als," that is, the comparison of the computed predicted path and the actual
path as determined by each location, differed in most cases by less than 1000
68
Carrying Out the Task
feet and in some cases by less than 100 feet. These figures compared favor-
ably with the ability of tracking systems of that day to report the location
of naval ships crossing the oceans.
The creation of this unprecedented and highly successful worldwide
ground instrumentation and tracking network required the services of many
members of the Langley staff beyond those formally part of TAGIU. Three
Langley organizations (as well as several outfits at Wallops Island) played
major roles in establishing the network: IRD, which helped to guide the
design of the electronic systems; the Engineering Service Division, which
assisted in the selection of sites and the coordination and monitoring of the
station construction; and the Procurement Division, which negotiated the
huge contract and maintained constant liaison with the prime contractor,
Western Electric, and its associates. Thanks to this extensive effort,
NASA was able to have the kind of direct and comprehensive contact
with the astronauts and their spacecraft that the flight operations and
medical experts believed was necessary. As Edmond Buckley remarked, in a
masterpiece of understatement, Langley "can take a well-deserved bow."40
Shouldering the Burden
Nothing was more important to the stated objectives of the American
space program by the early 1960s than Project Mercury, but supporting the
program was still a burden on Langley Research Center. Gilruth admits
that the days of a rapidly expanding Mercury program must have been
"particularly difficult for Langley" because Gilruth's need for good people
was such that he "could not help but continue to recruit" from the center.
Faced with Gilruth's personnel demands, Thompson bargained with him.
"Okay, Bob. I don't mind letting you have as many good people from
Langley as you need . . . but for every one that you want to take . . . you must
also take one that I want you to take." Prom that day, whenever Gilruth
recruited a person for the STG, he also took a person that Thompson was,
for one reason or another, eager to transfer.41
Thompson became the center director in May 1960, and Henry Reid
moved on to become his titular senior adviser. Aware that certain Langley
staff members were not productive in their present positions, the crafty
Thompson wanted to make room in his organization for some new blood.
Langley had found ways to make room in the past, notably in the 1940s
when several wagonloads of its people had moved west to colonize the
newly created NACA centers in Ohio and California. The founding of new
laboratories such as Ames and Lewis, and now the STG, enabled the center
director to transfer out restless souls and nonproductive old-timers along
with the people who were crucial to the success of the new operation. These
transfers allowed for the influx of fresh and dynamic young people that
Langley continually needed to remain a productive laboratory.
69
Spaceflight Revolution
While Langley's support for Project Mercury continued to expand, so too
did the size and experience of the STG. With Langley's help, the STG's
capacity for handling its own technical and administrative affairs increased
dramatically. By the time Thompson officially became the director, he
and his senior staff recognized that Langley's ad hoc parental role in the
Mercury program needed further definition. According to Thompson, the
time had come "to replace the informal free-wheeling and somewhat chaotic
working arrangements with orderly procedures." A formalizing of relations
was needed to "clearly identify the respective responsibilities of the two
organizations" and to establish more distinct channels for authorizing and
conducting business. Otherwise, too many more of Langley's own precious
capabilities would be carved off for the STG.42
But Thompson's thoughts about Langley's proper relationship to the
STG were ambivalent. On the one hand, a voice within Thompson told
him to follow the advice that Hugh Dryden had been giving him about
Project Mercury: "Support it, but don't let it eat you up." By that Dryden
meant that the director of a research laboratory should not neglect his
basic research programs because of the center's appetite for any one big
project, however delectable it might seem.* As soon as possible, Dryden
warned, the STG needed to become part of a laboratory devoted just to
spaceflight development. Dryden knew that in a technical environment
where a "research function" and a "development function" tried to coexist,
the development function would always win out (as it would later do when
Langley managed the Viking project). If Langley kept the STG, Dryden
worried, the center would inevitably lose many of its most capable people
to development. Without its expertise in research, NASA would turn into a
shadow of its former self and something less than what the country needed
it to be.
Moreover, Thompson was plagued by some troubling questions: What
happens when "the development" reaches completion? How are the "devel-
opment people" brought back effectively into the general research program,
or do these people just continue to look for things to develop? The only way
to truly ensure the priority of the center's research function was to move
the STG away from Langley completely, but by the early 1960s so much of
NASA Langley's identity was tied up with the success of Project Mercury
and the publicity glow surrounding its astronauts that Thompson and oth-
ers at Langley were not at all sure they wanted to lose the STG to some
other facility. The STG was so important to the national mission, so many
resources were being devoted to it, and the American public was becoming
so fascinated with astronauts and the prospect of manned spaceflight, that
even the most clearheaded researchers at Langley were turning a little misty
over the center's involvement in Project Mercury. At Langley the number
?k
Although Hugh Dryden supported Project Mercury, he was in truth no great fan of the emphasis
NASA placed on it.
70
Carrying Out the Task
of "envious people who didn't want to leave their own jobs but who liked to
bask in the [STG's] limelight" was growing.43 Mercury was a mushrooming
project that was suddenly making national, even international, news. The
local press was sending reporters out regularly to the center — something
that had never happened before. The attention was a lot to lose.
Thompson was less alarmed by the risks of supporting the STG and
Project Mercury than Dry den, although he claims to have understood them
well. Thompson was willing to gamble that the STG would help Langley
more than harm it. In the long run, Thompson argued, "the broader
demands imposed by a space program added to an existing aeronautics
program" would make the research role more important to the country than
it had ever been before. To carry out the space program while continuing to
stimulate the aircraft industry and support commercial and military aviation
required more fundamental research, not less.44
A voice inside Thompson told him that the STG should become an official
part of Langley; into the early 1960s, this voice of aggrandizement, not
Dryden's of caution, dominated much of Thompson's thinking and some
of his behind-the-scenes activities and management decisions pertaining to
Project Mercury. "He wanted to combine the STG with Langley and have
Langley manage it," recalls Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., one of Thompson's
closest associates from the time. "He wanted to run the whole damn
thing."45
However, in a research culture with deep NACA roots like Langley's,
not everyone felt that supporting the STG was an acceptable risk. These
feelings were reflected in such mundane matters as board hearings about
promotions. Originally the STG went through the regular Langley board
for promotions, but some STG members felt "they didn't get a fair deal"
that way. For example, candidates for promotions who had done jobs such as
the preparation of Mercury training manuals were "considered unfavorably"
by Langley people who felt that the production of a traditional research
report was a much more important achievement. Feelings about this "unfair
treatment" eventually grew so strong that the STG decided to create its
own promotions board to sidestep those at Langley who felt that writing
training manuals amounted to "clambake work" and was not "worth that
kind of money."46
Funding was at the root of some of the senior staff's concerns. They
worried that the STG might absorb so much of the center's research
capability that NASA headquarters would reduce its support for Langley's
independent research function. The tail would start wagging the dog.
Most members of the STG were too busy, ambitious, or imprudent to
discourage this notion. Some STG members believed that they would
continue conducting research while proceeding with Project Mercury. If that
happened, some at Langley worried, NASA's and the country's support for
independently funded research at the center might be badly, and perhaps
71
Spaceflight Revolution
even fatally, compromised. Langley might turn into a place that handled
big projects while remaining no more than semiactive in research.47
Only very gradually and reluctantly did Langley management and the
conflicted Floyd Thompson come to feel that something had to be done
to cut the apron strings that connected Langley to the STG. Certain
productive steps were taken by NASA headquarters in 1959 and 1960 to
strengthen the STG's own organization and management and reduce its
dependence on Langley for administrative and technical support.48
One of the steps taken to distinguish the STG operation from that of
the larger research center simply involved office space and physical facilities.
Pressed for space, Langley had assigned the STG initially to the second floor
of the Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel building in the West Area. But before
long, Langley relocated Gilruth and his staff to facilities in the East Area.
Two factors behind the move were the need to expand and the desire to
find a cluster of offices where the growing STG could work as a consolidated
team, but a third seems to have been the prejudice of the Langley senior
staff against locating research and development functions so close together
within the confines of the same center.
In the East Area, the STG went to work inside two of the oldest buildings
at the center; they had been constructed nearly 40 years earlier, before the
laboratory's formal opening in 1920. Building 104 (later renumbered NASA
no. 586) was the old Technical Services building; to make room for the
STG, some of Langley 's systems and equipment engineering people had to
vacate their dusty premises. Building 58 (later renumbered NASA no. 587)
had served as Langley's main office from 1920 until the new headquarters
building opened in the West Area right after World War II; in the center
telephone directory, this once important building on Dodd Boulevard, the
former home of Langley's engineer-in-charge, was still referred to as the
Administration building. In 1959 the sturdy two-story, red-brick structure
housed the East Area's cafeteria, a group of stenographers, the center's
editorial division, as well as most of the personnel, employment, and
insurance offices. To accommodate members of the STG, some but not
all of these office operations were moved to buildings in the West Area.
The rapidly expanding STG eventually took over most of NASA's
buildings in the East Area, as well as several adjacent air force facilities. But
the STG remained hungry for space. Langley management had to release a
few buildings in the West Area for STG use. For instance, Building 1244
became a staging area where technicians refurbished the boilerplate capsules
that were used for drop tests in the nearby Back River, and Building 1232
was turned into an STG fabrication shop where prototype capsules were
inspected and assembled.
Members of the STG did not complain much about the patchwork nature
of these quarters because the group was housed at Langley only temporarily,
pending transfer to a permanent base of operation. Abe Silverstein, the
head of the Office of Space Flight Development, planned to move the STG
72
Carrying Out the Task
to Goddard when the facility for the new spaceflight center in Greenbelt,
Maryland, was completed. Although located at Langley, the STG had been
reporting directly to Silverstein's office in Washington, but this arrangement,
like housing the group at Langley, was a temporary expedient until a more
permanent arrangement could be established.49
The management logic behind the transfer of the STG into the Goddard
organization came from Silverstein: a focused little organization like the
STG might be capable of running the technical part of its operation,
but in terms of handling budgetary matters, looking after swelling fiscal
and procurement responsibilities, and supplying material and housekeeping
support, the STG needed all the help it could get. NASA did not have
the resources to build a complete organization around a solitary task force
carrying out a single project, no matter how important the project. It
made more sense to place the task force inside an existing organization
already having a complete range of capabilities — but not as overburdened
with responsibilities as Langley.
Most members of the STG disliked Silverstein's plan. They did not
want to move to a suburb of the nation's congested capital city, and they
were a little bitter over what they viewed as a lack of appreciation for the
magnitude of their work. The manned spaceflight program would be only
one of several projects at the new Goddard center. If Gilruth and the rest
of his STG could have had their way, they would have preferred to stay
at Langley and continue the close relationship with the center that both
sides had found workable from late 1958 on. In spite of the heavy drain
on his center's manpower and facilities and the justifiable fears about what
such a big space project might do to divert and distort essential research
capability strengths, Floyd Thompson ultimately would have preferred to
keep the entire manned space program at Langley. Such were the personal
and institutional temptations that came with the spaceflight revolution and
its "big technology."
The STG, however, was made formally a part of Goddard on 1 May 1959,
which was Goddard's official opening day. Although still housed at Langley
and separated from the new spaceflight center by more than 100 miles of
Tidewater Virginia, the STG became the Manned Spacecraft Division of
Goddard, with Gilruth serving as the new center's assistant director for
manned satellites while remaining the director of Project Mercury.
In the beginning, everyone had thought that Bob Gilruth would be the
director of Goddard and that the new space center would be not only the
place for manned spaceflight but also for all of NASA's space science activity.
As Charles Donlan remembers, "When Dr. Dryden gave Gilruth his first
title, it wasn't 'Director of Project Mercury,' it was 'Assistant Director
of Goddard.' ' The thought was that Gilruth would be the director. In
fact, in the fall of 1958, Gilruth and Donlan, figuring they were going to
be the director and deputy director of this new Goddard center, "went up
and looked over the place and what-not." Donlan recalls, "We spent some
73
Spaceflight Revolution
time thinking about how we would organize it." In the meantime, however,
Project Mercury was bubbling along at a very fast rate. "Silverstein was
anxious to get Goddard moving, and he knew that Gilruth was going to be
tied up with Mercury," Donlan explains. So Silverstein brought in Harry
Goett, a friend he used to work with in Langley's Full-Scale Tunnel in the
old days before Goett moved to the Ames laboratory in the early 1940s and
before he, Silverstein, moved to Lewis. "This upset Gilruth very much,"
Donlan recalls, "but nevertheless he decided he'd rather work on the manned
program than spend his time organizing a new center."50
In truth, the STG always acted quite independently of Goddard's control.
Harry Goett, the figurehead director of the STG's operation, and some of his
associates visited Langley almost weekly and were always received "politely
but noncommittally." Goett told Donlan and others flatly that "he knew
what the situation was" : Goddard's control over the STG was pro forma and
that most STG members, from Gilruth on down, felt some contempt for the
contrived relationship. Fortunately, the awkward "paper" arrangement did
not last long enough for hard feelings to develop on either side.51
By the time of President Kennedy's May 1961 commitment to landing
astronauts on the moon, everybody in NASA realized that the manned
space program was never going to be just a division of some other center.
Silverstein and others at NASA headquarters finally decided to break off the
STG as a completely separate entity, away not only from Goddard but also
from Langley.
The fate of the STG, however, ultimately came to rest in the hands of
powerful people beyond the control of Langley or the STG — or even NASA
headquarters. Influential people representing vested political and economic
interests were maneuvering behind the scenes to build a manned spacecraft
center in Texas. The principal players behind the Texas plan were Vice-
President Lyndon B. Johnson, the nation's number two man in the executive
office but number one space enthusiast; Representative Olin E. Teague
of College Station, Texas, the third-ranking member of the House Space
Committee; and Albert H. Thomas, chairman of the House Independent
Offices Appropriations Committee, a powerful link in the legislative chain
that reviewed NASA's annual budget requests.52 In September 1961, after
months of unsettling rumors (often denied by NASA) that the STG would
be moving to a large and expensive new facility in Texas, and despite
outspoken criticism of the alleged backstage chicanery expressed by the
outraged politicos and newspapers serving the equally vested interests of
the Commonwealth of Virginia, NASA announced that the STG would in
fact be moving from Langley to a 1620-acre site at Clear Lake, some 25
miles south of Houston, which just so happened to be in Albert Thomas's
own, hurricane-torn, congressional district.53
"Now what's behind this need for relocation?" asked one editorial in the
Newport News Daily Press. And the questions kept coming:
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Carrying Out the Task
What is needed that we don't have, or can't get, right here where the Space
Task Group was conceived and developed?. . .What is wrong with research facilities
presently located in the Langley Research Center area? Some of this 'back 40' could
be conditioned for space probe progress and closely related to the existing complex
of laboratories, facilities, and manpower.
The simple one- word answer, the local media sourly reported, was "politics."
This angered area residents. In their minds, the activities of the STG and
Langley Research Center were "interwoven." To tear them apart was not
only "a terrible waste of time and money" but was also tantamount to
kidnapping a brainchild.54
Many of the STG members were unhappy as well. "I was so upset about
going to Texas," one STG engineer still remembers with indignation, "I
wouldn't even let them send me the free subscription to their goddanged
newspaper." But, once the decision was made, nothing could be done
about it short of leaving the manned space program. A native and lifelong
resident of Hampton, Caldwell Johnson, who had just built a beautiful new
waterfront home, sums up the predicament: "I'd eat my heart out if I stayed
here and let all these other guys come to Houston and do this. I would've
kicked myself fifty thousand times."55 In the frenetic period during late
1961 and early 1962 when thousands of preparations for the first Mercury
orbital flight still had to be made, Caldwell and 700 other engineers and
their families packed their belongings and drove the 1000-plus miles to East
Texas.
Although no one at Langley was happy to see the STG go, many sighed
with relief when the group finally left. "It would have been a great mistake
to have had the STG stay at Langley," argues Charles Donlan in retrospect.
According to Donlan, who by the time of the move to Texas was back at
Langley as Floyd Thompson's associate director, once the decision was made
that the STG would go someplace else, Thompson and everybody else felt
that "it was for the best, because if it had stayed it would have overwhelmed
the center."56
The move helped Langley almost immediately. As a compensation for
the loss of the STG, NASA approved a $60-million expansion of Langley
and authorized the center to hire several hundred new employees to replace
the departing STG members. Hugh Dryden, who had been looking out for
the interests of the center at NASA headquarters, was in part responsible
for these boons. "That was the best thing that could have happened," says
Donlan about the authorization to hire, because one of the most important
resources for creative thinking at a research laboratory is a supply of young
minds. "We got the cream of the crop of many of the best kids coming out
of the universities," Donlan remembers. Thanks to the STG's departure,
Langley received a healthy infusion of the "fresh blood" Thompson wanted,
and instead of it all flowing into space project work, most of it was channeled
into the general research areas.5' It was a development that, on balance,
75
Space/light Revolution
pleased Langley's senior management and made them less regretful over the
STG's leaving.
The experience of having had the STG at Langley also helped to clarify
management's thinking about the proper relationship between projects and
fundamental research and helped a few to understand better that all projects
eventually reach a dead end. Donlan remembers the policy started after the
STG moved away from Langley: "Whenever a new guy came in, we never
put him in a project. [We would] put him in one of the research divisions
and let him work there for a few years. If a researcher then wanted to try
something else, fine, stick him in a project."58
A management philosophy that called for a mix of experience was healthy
for the overall NASA operation, especially because it enhanced the in-house
capability of the field centers. People assigned to projects did not have to do
research work, meaning that they could devote their time to the job at hand.
But the breadth and depth of problem-solving experience gained during the
required period in major research divisions almost always immeasurably
helped scientists and engineers if and when they did become involved in the
management of a project.
Although the new management philosophy solved some problems, the
tension and ambivalence created by supporting development work would
persist at Langley well beyond Project Mercury. The same tension would be
present through the Apollo program, the Viking project, the Space Shuttle
program, the space station program, and beyond. Because of Sputnik
and the ensuing space race, development projects would always be a part
of Langley, and the conflicting feelings surrounding them would never go
away. Buried deep inside those feelings was the final and most worrisome
irony of all, which Hugh Dryden tried to make Floyd Thompson recognize:
everything about the space program in the long run could turn out to be ad
hoc except research. No one from the NACA except the clairvoyant Hugh
Dryden anticipated this outcome of the spaceflight revolution, and no NACA
veterans would be pleased by it.
The End of the Glamour Days
It took about nine months, until mid-June 1962, for the STG in its
entirety to complete the move to the new $60-million facility south of
Houston. For Gilruth and associates this period was busy and difficult.
At the same time that they were clearing their desks and packing their
files, families, and household belongings for the western trek from Langley,
they were also doing the thousands of things that had to be done to make
John Glenn's February 1962 Mercury- Atlas 6 flight (America's first manned
orbital flight) and Scott Carpenter's May 1962 Mercury-Atlas 7 flight the
great successes that they turned out to be.59
76
Carrying Out the Task
Thanks to President Kennedy's May 1961 commitment to the lunar
landing program, the STG (renamed the Manned Spacecraft Center in
November 1961) was also gearing up to meet the demands of what was
now being called Project Apollo. Although several ideas for lunar missions
had been circulating at Langley and the other NASA centers for some time,
NASA did not yet know how to send an astronaut to the moon, how to land
him on its surface and return him safely, or how to do all three by the end of
the decade as President Kennedy wanted. Many crucial decisions had to be
made quickly about the lunar mission mode, and the overworked manned
spaceflight specialists of the STG, when they found the time and energy,
were asked to help make those decisions.
Project Mercury came to an end in the early summer of 1963, following
the successful orbital flights of astronauts Walter A. Schirra (Mercury-
Atlas 8) in October 1962 and L. Gordon Cooper (Mercury- Atlas 9) in May
1963. As the project drew to a close, Bob Gilruth wrote a letter to Floyd
Thompson, thanking his old friend for all the help that Langley had given
the STG over the past four years. "It is fitting that the Manned Spacecraft
Center express its sincere appreciation to the Langley Research Center
for the invaluable part that the Center has played in our initial manned
space flight program," Gilruth's letter stated. "The Manned Spacecraft
Center owes much to Langley, since . . . Langley was really its birthplace."
Specific contributions that Langley had made to Project Mercury were
"too numerous to detail completely" but briefly, they included assistance in
the Big Joe program; implementation of the Little Joe program; planning
and implementation of the tracking and ground instrumentation system;
numerous aerodynamic, structural, materials, and component evaluation
and development tests; engineering, shop, instrumentation, and logistic
support for much of the STG in-house testing; and administrative support
and office space during the period from late 1958 until mid- 1962 when the
STG completed its move to Houston. In conclusion Gilruth wrote, "As you
can see, all elements of the Langley Center provided major assistance to
Project Mercury, and we are deeply grateful for this help."60
The local public also wanted to express its gratitude. On Saturday
morning, 17 March 1962, more than 30,000 shouting and flag-waving
residents of the Peninsula lined a 25-mile motorcade route through the cities
of Hampton and Newport News. The huge crowds, swelling to 10 and 20
people deep in some places, came to salute the country's seven original
astronauts, one of whom, Marine Lt. Col. Glenn, had just made the first
American orbital flight into space on 20 February. Area residents wanted
to show the people of NASA Langley Research Center just how much they
appreciated Langley's effort to launch the first Americans into space.
Frequent cries of "Good work, John," "You're one of us, Gus," and
similar encouraging messages to the seven smiling astronauts followed the
impressive motorcade throughout its meandering trip from Langley AFB
to Darling Memorial Stadium in downtown Hampton. Inside the stadium,
77
Space/light Revolution
In his capacity as the astronauts' public affairs officer, Lt. Col. "Shorty" Powers
(sitting in the back seat of the convertible with his wife) introduced the astronauts
one by one to the enthusiastic crowd. (Photo by Fred D. Jones.)
Astronaut Walter M. Schirra arrives at Darling Stadium for the rally; seven months
later, on 3 October 1962, he would become the fifth American to be launched into
space. (Photo by Fred D. Jones.)
78
Carrying Out the Task
The mayor of Newport News,
Va., presents Robert R. Gilruth,
head of Project Mercury, with
a token of his citizens' esteem
(left). Below, wild cheers greet
astronaut John Glenn and his
wife, Annie. From the out-
set of the manned space pro-
gram, "The Marine," Lt. Col.
Glenn, had been the public 's fa-
vorite astronaut. (Photos by
Fred D. Jones.)
79
Space/light Revolution
5000 people waited anxiously in brisk 50-degree weather for the arrival of
the parade. Beneath the speakers' stand in the middle of the football field,
where Manned Spacecraft Center Public Affairs Officer John A. "Shorty"
Powers would introduce the astronauts and Governor Albertis S. Harrison
would deliver the featured speech in praise of them, the huddled spectators
watched in anticipation as a red, white, and blue banner fluttered in the
strong breeze; the banner read: "HAMPTON, VA., SPACETOWN U.S.A."
Behind the astronauts in the procession of 40 open convertibles rode
Gilruth, Thompson, and several prominent Langley researchers and senior
staff members. Like the astronauts, the engineers smiled broadly and waved
vigorously to the crowd while receiving lusty cheers from the throng.61 Help-
ing to launch the astronauts into space had altered, in a fundamental way,
the public's perception of who these men were and what they did. Instead of
NACA Nuts — those shadowy figures whom the public had mostly ignored —
they had become NASA Wizards, the technological magicians who were
making the incredible flights of mankind into space a reality.
Things had moved full circle. On a previous Saturday morning three
years earlier, NASA Langley for the first time in its history had opened
wide its gates and played host to the people of the Hampton area. Now
the people of Hampton were returning the favor. For them, the glamour of
having the nation's first seven space pilots living and working in their midst
had been wonderful. Losing them and the rest of the STG to Texas was a
bitter pill to swallow.* Thirty years later, long after changing the name of
busy Military Highway to "Mercury Boulevard" and dedicating the bridges
of Hampton in honor of the astronauts, area residents still reminisce fondly
about "the good old days in Hampton and Newport News" when "those
brave astronauts" lived in their neighborhoods, ate in their restaurants, and
drove down their streets and across their bridges.62
jfc
A headline of the Newport News Daily Press, 24 Sept. 1961, read, "See Here, Suh! What Does
Texas Have That Hampton Doesn't?"
80
Change and Continuity
What we should do is retain our competence and
contract out our capacity.
—Floyd L. Thompson, director of
Langley Research Center
In the working partnership between universities, in-
dustry, and government . . . each of the three has re-
tained its traditional values. . . . I believe that each
has become stronger because of the partnership.
— James E. Webb, NASA administrator
Born in 1898, the offspring of another century, Floyd Thompson was 62
years old when he took over officially from Henry J. E. Reid as the Langley
director in May 1960. When defending the interests of his beloved Langley,
Thompson could definitely play the part of a stubborn old curmudgeon.
He played it particularly well in July 1963 at a press conference called
by NASA Administrator James E. Webb, President Kennedy's appointed
successor to Keith Glennan. In his office at NASA headquarters, Webb
announced the appointment of Earl D. Hilburn, a former vice-president
and general manager of the Electronics Division of the Curtiss- Wright
Corporation, as a new deputy associate administrator. Webb reported
to the assemblage that Hilburn would now be responsible for the general
management of all the NASA facilities that were not manned spaceflight
centers — in other words, Hilburn would manage Ames, Lewis, Langley,
Goddard, Wallops, JPL in Pasadena, and the Flight Research Center at
Edwards AFB. After introducing Hilburn, Webb turned to Thompson, who
had been invited to Washington just for the occasion, stuck out his chin, and
asked Langley's director what he thought of the news. Thompson answered
loud enough for everyone to hear, "Well, Langley has been around a long
81
Space/light Revolution
time, and I suspect it will be around a lot longer no matter what you people
up here do."1
This arrogant reply stemmed from Thompson's devotion to Langley's
long tradition of independence and freedom from bureaucratic headaches
and political machinations in Washington. Why should the director of a
research center be overly impressed by the news that another bureaucrat was
joining the organization in Washington? Although most NASA personnel
in the audience knew Thompson well enough not to be stunned by his
comment, they were still surprised that he would make it in Webb's own
office and with reporters present. Neither Webb nor any other NASA officials
present would ever forget the incident. For many of them, it was just another
instance of a prideful Langley trying to go its own way.
But Thompson's answer revealed more than just pride; it demonstrated
his conviction that some essential continuity at NASA must be sustained
amid the rapid changes taking place for the space race. Whatever man-
agement changes or reforms NASA headquarters made in the affairs of the
research laboratories, Langley would continue to do its job.
The Langley center director was no thoughtless institutional reactionary.
Thompson had shown by his nurturing of the STG, if not by his comments
to headquarters officials, that he was no foot-dragger when it came to
supporting and promoting the space program. Not for a moment would
he try to stop the spaceflight revolution from happening at Langley; rather,
in his own cautious and pragmatic ways he would advocate, encourage, and
even delight in NASA's ambitious objectives. In the changes in the modus
vivendi of the NASA laboratory that were taking place in the early 1960s,
Thompson recognized an elevated level of excitement and commitment,
a new degree of freedom, and an unprecedented opportunity for building
unique capabilities that went beyond the constraints of traditional NACA-
style, in-house research activities. After the fever of supporting the space
race had passed, Langley, Thompson believed, would emerge not weakened,
but strengthened.
Sometime in the early 1960s, Thompson invented a motto to capture
what he wanted Langley's new operational philosophy to be: "We should
retain our competence and contract out our capacity."2 By that Thompson
meant that a NASA center forfeited none of its own capabilities by sharing
some of its work with outsiders. Langley should nurture the industrialization
of research and development (R&D), which had been taking place at an
increasing rate in America since the end of World War II. Langley would
not be losing control over its own destiny by farming out some of its
responsibilities to American business and industry while taking on certain
duties that went beyond the traditional in-house research function. Instead,
Langley would benefit because it would now be able to focus on the genesis of
valuable scientific and technological ideas, take its own potential to the limit,
and accomplish important tasks that could not be done, as well any other
way. Moreover, in spreading its wealth to contractors, NASA would not just
Change and Continuity
Langley Director Floyd Thompson
might have done more to obstruct
the spaceflight revolution at Lang-
ley if he had known how much the
essential character of his research
center was going to be changed by
it.
L-63-3879
be putting together a national team to beat the Soviets in the space race
but would also be invigorating the aerospace industry and strengthening
the country's economy. NASA's new style of managing large endeavors
might even demonstrate a cooperative means by which other national and
international needs, such as the alleviation of poverty, could be met.
Thompson's slogan was his own, but the broader message belonged
to bigger thinkers. Whether Thompson was conscious of it or not, the
phrase "retain our competence and contract out our capacity" echoed a
more sweeping vision of his time, one that was an essential part of John
F. Kennedy's "New Frontier." An ambitious program of space exploration
would make the United States an overall healthier society, Kennedy declared
during the 1960 presidential campaign. "We cannot run second in this vital
race. To insure peace and freedom, we must be first. . . . This is the new
age of exploration; space is our great New Frontier." A successful space
program would help in the ultimate defeat of communism by showing to all
peoples of the world the great things a western democratic and capitalistic
society can do when its resources are effectively mobilized. NASA would
make manifest the essential superiority of the American way of life.3
83
Space/light Revolution
L-64-6455
President Kennedy's (actually Vice- President Lyndon B. Johnson's) choice for
NASA administrator, James E. Webb, sits between Langley Director Floyd
Thompson (left) and the NACA's retired executive secretary, John F. Victory
(right), at the 1964 NASA Inspection held at Langley. Although Thompson had
some memorable run-ins with Webb, the two were much alike. Both were country
boys (Thompson from Michigan, Webb from North Carolina) with rumpled collars,
corn-pone accents, and down-home homilies. They were also highly intelligent, com-
plex, and cunning.
A dynamic new union of science, technology, and government — or what
NASA Administrator Webb called the "university-industry-government
complex" — would lead the charge in this campaign for a better world.
NASA, above all other national institutions, would help to forge this re-
lationship, which would serve as the means for winning the contest with the
Soviet Union, for solving pressing social and economic problems at home
and abroad, and for accelerating the pace of progress in the human com-
munity. The elaborate teamwork necessary for spaceflight programs would
force some major changes and adjustments in the workings of existing insti-
tutions, but the end result would be for the best. Traditional values, those
worth keeping, would be retained. But through the new partnership, each
of the team members, including NASA, would become stronger.4
Given his democratic leanings and his position of responsibility within
the space program, not even a stubborn old curmudgeon like Thompson
84
Change and Continuity
was outside the rising tide of thinking about how the world was changing
and how even successful places like NASA Langley would also have to
change if they were to contribute to and be a vital part of the new order.
Thompson could be brusque with Webb, as at the Hilburn press conference,
but in technological spirit he and the NASA administrator stood on common
ground. "Every thread in the fabric of our economic, social, and political
institutions is being tested as we move into space," Webb stated in a 1963
speech on the meaning of the space program.
Our economic and political relations with other nations are being reevaluated. Old
concepts of defense and military tactics are being challenged and revised. Jealously
guarded traditions in our educational institutions are being tested, altered, or even
discarded. Our economic institutions — the corporate structure itself — are undergoing
reexamination as society seeks to adjust itself to the inevitability of change.
Thompson, in his much less publicized talks around Langley, often echoed
the same sentiments. Not even the oldest and best American institutions
could go on as before, unaffected, in light of the technological revolution that
was taking place as humankind moved into space. Even a place like NASA
Langley would have to make some major adjustments, and Thompson knew
it — no matter what curt remark he might make to the contrary.
The Organization
Apart from meeting the sizable personnel requirements of the STG,
Langley laboratory initially did not change much to meet the growing
demands of the nascent space age. Some new boxes were drawn on the
organization charts, and a few old ones eliminated. Some existing divisions
and branches received new names and experienced reorganizations, and
a few significant new research sections and branches were built around
emerging space disciplines (for example, the Space Applications Branch
of the Full- Scale Research Division created in December 1959 and the
Magnetoplasmadynamics Branch of the Aero-Physics Division created in
May 1960). Several major project offices also came to life at the laboratory
in the early 1960s, but, for the most part, everything about the formal
structure of the laboratory remained the same as before. Thompson and his
senior staff believed that the organization of the laboratory for its general
applied aerodynamic research under the NACA in the late 1950s would
serve the new combination of aeronautics and space equally well. When
Langley's diversified capabilities needed to be focused on mission plans
or specific program goals, ad hoc task forces, steering committees, study
groups, and other "shadow organizations" that usually did not appear on
the organization charts were created.
The organization chart of 1962 shows the continuity in Langley's struc-
ture from the 1950s into the 1960s even though four years had passed since
85
Space/light Revolution
the changeover of the NACA to NASA and one year had passed since
President Kennedy had committed the country to a manned landing mission
to the moon by the end of the decade. In the summer of 1962, Langley
Research Center consisted, as it had since the mid-1950s, of three major re-
search directorates. Heading each directorate was an assistant director. This
person was responsible for overseeing the work being done in the subsidiary
research divisions. In 1962 each research directorate had three research di-
visions, for a total of nine at the center. Within the nine research divisions
were some 50 branches, plus a number of sections, offices, facilities, shops,
and testing units. Typically, a division numbered between 100 and 150 full-
time research professionals. In the management formula, 3 nonprofessionals,
that is, secretaries, mechanics, data processors and the like, were needed to
support one researcher. That did not mean that every division employed
300 to 450 support people; none in fact did. The research divisions instead
received much of their nonprofessional assistance from two supporting di-
rectorates. One of these directorates, "technical services," employed the
mechanics, modelmakers, electricians, and other technicians necessary for
keeping the shops, testing facilities, and the rest of the infrastructure of the
research operation alive. The other supporting directorate, "administrative
services," handled fiscal matters, personnel affairs, the photo lab, the library,
and the publications office as well as the rapidly increasing requirements for
procurement.6
Until early in 1962, the research directorates did not have names or
any official designation; on the organization charts were three boxes simply
labeled "Office of Assistant Director" with no way to distinguish them,
apart from knowing who the particular assistant director was and what
divisions he directed. In February 1962, Director Thompson and Associate
Director Charles J. Donlan decided to remedy this situation. There were
three directorates, they thought, so why not call them "Group 1," "Group
2," and "Group 3."7
Named to head Group 1 at the time of this nominal reorganization was
Clinton E. Brown, formerly the chief of the Theoretical Mechanics Division.
This division was one of several smaller Langley divisions that in the early
1960s were focusing on the study of lunar missions. Brown replaced Hartley
A. Soule, who retired. The new Analysis and Computation Division (ACD),
whose chief was Paul F. Fuhrmeister, was part of Group 1. This division was
established in January 1961 by combining the Analytical and Computation
Branch of the Theoretical Mechanics Division with the Data Systems Branch
of IRD. The goal of ACD was "to allow more effective management at the
Center in the development and utilization of data systems for data reduction
services and for theoretical analysis requirements."8 Also within Brown's
group were IRD, headed by electrical engineer and future assistant director
Francis B. Smith, and the Theoretical Mechanics Division (in June 1963,
renamed the Space Mechanics Division), led by Dr. John C. Houbolt, the
champion of the lunar-orbit rendezvous concept for Project Apollo.
86
Change and Continuity
II h
II ii
ill!
is !§!§
Og <ir2^
II full
i -e^
87
Space/light Revolution
L-60-5232
L-64-9585
L- 77-3336
The heads of Groups 1, 2, and 3: Clinton E. Brown (top left), Eugene C. Draley
(top right), and Laurence K. Loftin, Jr. (bottom). When these groups were baptized
in February 1962, the three men had been working at Langley for a combined 62
years.
Change and Continuity
Heading Group 2 was Eugene C. Draley, who had been serving as an
assistant director since November 1958. Within this directorate was Joseph
A. Shortal's (Class of 1929, Texas A&M) Applied Materials and Physics
Division, the reincarnation of PARD, which had been dissolved in December
1959. PARD, created near the end of World War II, had developed the
methods of rocket-model testing at Wallops and had provided instrumented
flight data at transonic and supersonic speeds important for the design
of the country's postwar high-speed jets and ballistic missiles. Led in its
early years by Bob Gilruth, the old PARD had served almost unwittingly
as Langley's training ground for the space age. One year after the birth
of NASA, and in view of the changed programs and responsibilities of
PARD, Langley had changed its name to the Applied Materials and Physics
Division.9 The Dynamic Loads Division, headed by I. Edward Garrick, an
applied mathematician who had graduated from the University of Chicago
in 1930, and the Structures Research Division, headed by MIT aeronautical
engineer (Class of 1942) Richard R. Heldenfels, were also in Group 2.
Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., a mechanical engineer who came to work at
Langley in 1944 after graduating from the University of Virginia, had served
as the technical assistant to Floyd Thompson since December 1958. When
Henry Reid relinquished his duties on 20 May 1960, Loftin began working
for the laboratory's director. On 24 November 1961 Loftin replaced John
Stack as Langley's third assistant director when Stack moved up to take
charge of the agency's aeronautical programs at NASA headquarters. In
practice, Loftin served also as Langley's director for aeronautics. When,
four months later, Thompson assigned group numbers to the directorates,
Loftin remained in charge of what was called from then on Group 3.
Group 3 was home to the Aero-Physics Division, headed by hypersonics
expert John V. Becker (M.S. in aeronautical engineering, New York Univer-
sity, 1935). The roots of this division went back to the old Compressibility
Research Division of the late 1940s and 1950s, in which NACA researchers
had studied the vexing problems of high-speed flight in new wind tunnels
and other unique test facilities. In December 1958, Langley had redesignated
this division the Supersonic Aerodynamics Division. But this name, which
Becker and others did not like because it did not capture the range of re-
search areas covered by the division's work, did not last long. Seven months
later, after another reorganization, it was rebaptized the Aero-Physics Divi-
sion, a title that then lasted until the major organizational shake-up brought
on in 1969 and 1970 by Thompson's successor as center director, Edgar M.
Cortright.
The second division in Group 3 was the Aero-Space Mechanics Division,
led by Philip Donely, an aeronautical engineer who had graduated from
MIT in 1931. Like a few other parts of Langley, this division was cre-
ated not long after the establishment of NASA, during the reorganization of
September 1959. Essentially, the Aero-Space Mechanics Division combined
two older aeronautical research groups: the Flight Research Division and
89
Spaceflight Revolution
L-64-6446
On the Langley tarmac in May 1964 to welcome Raymond Bisplinghoff, director of
the Office of Advanced Research and Technology (OART) at NASA headquarters,
are, left to right, Floyd Thompson, Langley director; Raymond Bisplinghoff; T.
Melvin Butler, chief administrative officer; Eugene C. Draley, head of Group 2; and
Laurence K. Loftin, head of Group 3.
the Stability Research Division, both of which dated to the late 1930s. As
with many other changes at the time, the establishment of the Aero-Space
Mechanics Division reflected the snowballing of space-related research activ-
ities at Langley and the de-emphasis on aeronautics. In a directorate such
as this, where aeronautics always had been the byword, center management
was reclassifying activities to show how even the airplane flight research
groups were tackling critical problems in the new regime of space. Nobody
in Donely's division much liked the new name, because it eliminated the
word "flight" to add the word "space." Effective 30 June 1963, after a reor-
ganization, Donely's division became the Flight Mechanics and Technology
Division, a redesignation that stuck until the Cortright reorganization, when
the political advantages of calling everything "space" -this or "space" -that
had mostly passed.
The third division in Loftin's group was the Full-Scale Research Divi-
sion, which comprised several large aeronautics groups clustered around the
laboratory's larger wind tunnels. This division began in the early 1940s
but had recently expanded in May 1961 with the addition of the former
Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel Division as one of its major research branches.
Aeronautical engineer Mark R. Nichols, a 1938 graduate of the Alabama
90
Change and Continuity
Polytechnical Institute (later Auburn University), led this division through
the 1960s.
Not surprisingly, all three assistant directors and all nine division chiefs,
as well as the director and associate director, were former employees of
the NACA. The average age of these 14 men in 1962 was just over 44.
When Lindbergh made his famous transatlantic crossing in 1927, they were
young boys. Many of them remembered the flight of "Lucky Lindy" as a
seminal event in their lives, launching them toward professional careers in
aeronautics. Only two of them, ACD's Fuhrmeister and IRD's Smith, had
not worked at NACA Langley during World War II, but they arrived only
a few years later.
A few important changes in the structure of the organization occurred
after 1962. A handful of new assistant directors would be assigned. In
October 1965, IRD would be split into two divisions: a new IRD and a
brand new Flight Instrumentation Division. Both divisions would belong
to Group 1. In the spring of 1964, a fourth major research directorate,
the Office for Flight Projects, was formed to accommodate the growing
number of special projects at the laboratory. Under this office was placed
the Flight Reentry Programs Office, which handled Project Fire, the Lunar
Orbiter Project Office, the Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory (MORL)
Studies Office, the Scout Project Office, and the Applied Materials and
Physics Division (the old PARD). The first assistant director of this new
Office for Flight Projects was Gene Draley, who moved over from Group 2.
Replacing Draley as head of Group 2 was Dr. John E. Duberg (Ph.D. from
the University of Illinois, Class of 1948). Duberg was responsible for a
directorate comprising only the Dynamic Loads Division and the Structures
Research Division. The Applied Materials and Physics Division, which for
its entire history had been the maverick in Langley's overall organization,
moved over with Draley to Flight Projects.10 Curiously, this fourth research
directorate was not called "Group 4."
Thompson's Obscurantism
Langley's organization charts did not reveal the substance of the labora-
tory operation. In keeping with a long-standing tradition of obscurantism
fathered by George W. Lewis, the NACA's politically shrewd director of re-
search in Washington from 1919 to 1947, Langley Directors Henry Reid and
Floyd Thompson never made the structure of the laboratory too apparent.
If they had, they thought, then outsiders — and that category of suspicious
people included Langley's own superiors at NACA/NASA headquarters in
Washington — would be able to interfere with what was going on inside the
laboratory. Micromanagement was something that the directors of the field
centers and their research staffs definitely did not want.11
91
Space/light Revolution
"Thompson was a great one for saying that you couldn't be too sensible
about this kind of stuff," remembers Larry Loftin, assistant director for
Group 3. He wanted to "keep things confused so that the people at
headquarters wouldn't really know what was going on." Thus, Langley's
formal organization, following the NACA way, was kept deliberately vague.
Loftin remembers one instance from the early 1960s when a concerned
Bernard Maggin from the Office of Aeronautical and Space Research in
NASA headquarters asked Thompson outright how many people were
working on space projects under William J. O'Sullivan, Jr., in Langley's
Applied Materials and Physics Division. Thompson just looked at Maggin
grimly (to some colleagues, the Langley center director was known as "The
Grim Reaper") and said, "I'm not going to tell you."12
And he never did tell Maggin. Thompson could get away with veiling
the organization because of his many years with the NACA, the outstanding
reputation of Langley Research Center both inside and outside the agency,
and the power Langley wielded early on within NASA. This policy of ob-
scurantism, however, was not something that headquarters liked or wanted
continued much longer; it was not to be carried on by Thompson's successor.
Edgar M. Cortright, the headquarters official named by NASA Administra-
tor Jim Webb in March 1968 to replace Thompson, believed that it would be
to Langley's advantage if headquarters had a more detailed understanding
of the laboratory operation. So, in 1969 and 1970, when he put Langley
through what was the most sweeping and traumatic reorganization in its
then more than 50-year history, Cortright made certain that the titles in all
the boxes on the organization charts indicated exactly what staff members
did. This was just what Thompson had avoided.
Another hallmark of Thompson's management style was generating
spirited competition among his research divisions. He did not want any one
group to have all the research opportunities in a given technical area. No
one group should be doing all the reentry heating work, all the space station
design, or all the supersonic research. Monopolies such as that, though they
might seem to prevent duplication of efforts, bred complacency. Better to
have several research groups tackling the same set of problems from different
angles.
This philosophy of creative research through friendly competition led
to the formation of shadow organizations and invisible lines of organiza-
tional communication and responsibility within Langley — a process that
would become known to management theorists by the 1990s as "nonlinear"
thinking. For example, besides serving as assistant director for Group 3,
Loftin also was responsible for all the aeronautics efforts at the laboratory—
that included all of the aeronautical work in the Structures Research Divi-
sion, which was technically under the auspices of Gene Draley's Group 2.
As part of his everyday duties, Loftin had to review and approve all the
important paperwork related to the aeronautical activity of someone else's
directorate.13
92
Change and Continuity
This arrangement did create some tension but frequently resulted in a
positive outcome. "There was enormous technical competition between the
divisions at Langley," remembers Israel Taback, a longtime member of IRD
who came to work at the laboratory in the early 1940s and stayed into the
1980s. "People would fight with each other over technical details. That was
all very healthy. The end result was a battle of ideas. Ideas that had merit
tended to float to the surface. The good ideas won." 14
The Sinking of Hydrodynamics — and Aeronautics?
Only one major research division completely disappeared at Langley
during the first years of the spaceflight revolution: Hydrodynamics. This
division had done pioneering work in the field of waterborne aircraft research
since 1930. Langley management decided to dissolve Hydrodynamics in
late December 1959 and reassign its roughly four dozen personnel to other
divisions. Many of its staff members went to Dynamic Loads, which dated
back to the old Aircraft Loads Division of World War II and had specialized
in the study of such problems as aeroelasticity, flutter, buffeting, ground
wind loads, gust loads, and aircraft noise. In recent months, however,
Dynamic Loads, like most other Langley divisions, had been taking on work
related to Project Mercury and the space program.15
With the group that moved to Dynamic Loads went the continued
responsibility for operating the High-Speed Hydrodynamics Tank, a 2177-
foot-long, 8-foot-wide, and 5-foot-deep towing test basin. This long concrete
water channel was located in the far West Area of Langley Field alongside
the Dynamic Loads Division's Landing Loads Track.* In the High-Speed
Hydrodynamics Tank, NAG A researchers in the mid-1950s had evaluated
the performance of floats for the navy's Martin YP6M-1 Seamaster jet-
propelled flying boat. They had worked to develop retractable "hydro-
skis" for the navy's experimental little XF2Y-1 Sea Dart jet fighter built
by Convair (still to this day the only supersonic seaplane ever to fly).
In addition, they had searched for a way to provide water-based aircraft
with the combat air performance of comparable land-based planes. These
investigations contributed information essential to the design of several
experimental military vehicles including a "panto-base" airplane, a proposed
amphibious type that could operate from concrete runways, grass, mud,
snow, sandy beaches, or even from seaplane ramps and floating rafts.16
Those members of the Hydrodynamics Division who did not move to Dy-
namic Loads became members of the Full-Scale Research Division. This was
the largest single division at the laboratory, and it was essentially composed
of aeronautical researchers who staffed the larger wind tunnels. John B.
The Landing Loads Track was an outdoor facility that simulated aircraft landing loads and motions
through the braking and impact of a catapult-launched test carriage onto a hard runway-like surface.
93
Space/light Revolution
Parkinson, Hydrodynamic's ever-faithful chief and the 1957 winner of the
first Water-Based Aviation Award given by the Institute of Aeronautical
Science, was reassigned to this division. Parkinson had worked in Hydro-
dynamics since coming to Langley in 1931. He accepted with reluctance
his new assignment as "Aeronautical Research Scientist, Aerodynamics,"
which then Associate Director Floyd Thompson invented for him. In that
position, Parkinson was to help in program planning and serve as "the Cen-
ter's consultant for the consideration of future vehicles that operate on or
in the water as part of their mission and other future vehicles for which wa-
ter landing or other hydrodynamic requirements affect and modify design
requirements." As Parkinson would no longer be a division chief, Langley
had to request an "excepted position" for him from the civil service that
would allow him to retain his present salary of $15,500. Within two years
of the dissolution of Hydrodynamics, Parkinson left Langley for a job over-
seeing the management of aerodynamics research in the Office of Advanced
Research and Technology (OART) at NASA headquarters.17
Parkinson and his colleagues took with them to the Full- Scale Research
Division the responsibility for maintaining what had always been Hydrody-
namics premier facility, "Tank No. 1," a unique 2900- foot indoor seaplane
towing basin on the shore of the Back River in the East Area. This tank
was designed in 1930 by NAG A civil engineer Starr Truscott, who according
to Langley lore was a descendant of the Wild West outlaw Belle Starr and
a veteran of the construction of the Panama Canal. The NACA's original
hydrodynamics research program had begun in Tank No. 1 when, 29 years
before, Truscott, Parkinson, and fellow engineers had employed it to test
floats that were eventually used on several American seaplanes, including
the Sikorsky twin-float "Amphibian," which set speed records in the 1930s.
Data gained from work in this facility also contributed to the development
of the famous Clipper flying boats, the romantic ocean-hoppers that before
World War II had trailblazed air routes and carried hundreds of paying pas-
sengers over all the oceans of the world. In the big water tank, the NACA
had studied the design characteristics of most American floatplanes and the
performance of nearly all the early U.S. Navy flying boats that would be
used for air-sea rescue, antisubmarine patrol, and troop transport in World
War II. In the enlarged version of the tank (it was lengthened to its full
2900 feet from an original 2000 feet in 1937) and in its 1800-foot-long lit-
tle brother, Tank No. 2 (built adjacent to it in 1942), Langley engineers
discovered ways to ease the shock on a landplane when crash-landing or
ditching in the water. Both tanks were equipped with an overhead elec-
tric carriage from which a dynamic model could be suspended and towed
at up to 80 miles per hour, which was sufficient to make a model take off
from the water and fly at scale speed. As the model was moving along
the surface, researchers took motion pictures and recorded measurements
demonstrating the aircraft's stability, controllability, water resistance, drag,
and spray characteristics. The tanks were equipped with catapult devices,
94
Change and Continuity
L-59-8685
Aerial view of Langley's East Area. The largest building on the shore of the Back
River is the Full-Scale Tunnel; the long building seeming to run from the top of the
tunnel is Tank No. 1.
for the study of the free-launched landing characteristics of airplanes and
with mechanical wave-makers, for the simulation of takeoff and landing in
rough water.18
On the eve of the dissolution of the Hydrodynamics Division, researchers
in Tank No. 1 were studying the characteristics of revolutionary VTOL
machines over water. They were even investigating the requirements of a
supersonic seaplane and a prototype "ground-effect" machine, a platform-
like vehicle that could hover and move just above the ground by creating
a cushion of supporting air between it and the ground surface. Nobody,
not even the U.S. Navy, was interested enough in the research going on
in Langley's Hydrodynamics Division to ask NASA to keep it alive. Two
ambitiously experimental Martin YP6M-1 Seamaster jet seaplanes had
recently been lost due to design failures; the navy was about to terminate
its entire flying-boat program; and Martin, one of the most dedicated
builders of flying boats, was on the verge of moving into the guided missile
business.19 Langley's Hydrodynamics Division, historic as it was, had
apparently outlived its usefulness. Tank No. 2 had already been deactivated
in April 1958 after 16 years of continuous use. Beginning on the first working
day of 1960, historic Tank No. 1 would be placed on standby status, with
no operating personnel regularly assigned to it. It became an abandoned
facility that was to be used "only to meet the requirements of such special
needs as they might arise."20 Shortly thereafter, NASA would give complete
control over the tank to the navy.
95
Spaceflight Revolution
L-61-6509
A Langley engineer prepares a model of the proposed air force X-20 Dyna-Soar
aerospace plane for testing in Tank No. 2 in 1961.
Langley management explained its decision to abolish the Hydrodynam-
ics Division by pointing to "the declining need for hydrodynamics research
as it applies to seaplanes and other water-borne aircraft." Although that
justification was apparently legitimate, it was only half the story. The other
half was that the exigencies of NASA's space program were sweeping over
Langley like a tidal wave and, in this case, engulfing an entire aeronautics-
oriented division whose activities, facilities, and reason for being suddenly
seemed antiquated. It did not matter that the division had been contributing
to Project Mercury by making studies of the water landing characteristics of
the capsule; it was better to get rid of the division and make its staff more
clearly a part of the new regime of space. "In view of the changing nature of
the nation's research programs," conceded Langley Director Henry Reid, "it
is felt that the experienced personnel of the Hydrodynamics Division could
best be utilized by transferring them to the staffs of divisions which have
assumed increased space research responsibilities in recent months."
As indicated by the elimination of the Hydrodynamics Division in 1959,
Langley management was doing everything it could to transform Langley
into an R&D center ready-made for the space age. But aeronautical
engineers and their passion for airplanes and other winged flight vehicles
did not completely disappear at the center. Floyd Thompson was not about
to let aeronautics die at the historic NACA facility where he had worked
96
Change and Continuity
Aeronautics and Space Work as Percentages of
Langley's Total Effort, 1957-1965
Effort
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
Hypersonics
Supersonics
Subsonics
Special Types
6
12
5
8
9
16
6
9
6
13
8
9
9
13
5
7
6
16
5
7
5
15
4
7
7
12
3
4
9
12
3
3
8
10
3
3
Aeronautics Total
Space Total
31
69
40
60
36
64
34
66
34
66
31
69
26
74
27
73
24
76
Source: "Distribution of Effort" pie charts in folder labeled "Research Effort,"
Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., Collection, Langley Historical Archives.
since before the Lindbergh flight and where so many ideas important to the
progress of American aviation had been born.22
The place of aeronautics at Langley was nevertheless to change signifi-
cantly in the wake of Sputnik. For the NACA to metamorphose successfully
into NASA, aeronautics, out of political necessity, had to give up the center
stage that it had enjoyed for over five decades so that an overnight sensation
could now dazzle in the spotlight. The astronaut rocketing into the dark-
ness of space would now get top billing; the aviator flying through the wild
blue yonder, and the engineers and scientists who made that flight possible,
would play the part of supporting actors. Already by the spring of 1958,
aeronautics at Langley made up only 40 percent of the total work done at
the center. By 1965 aeronautics would plummet to its lowest point, a measly
24 percent. The space program was outshining older stars.
For aviation enthusiasts, this turn of events proved traumatic. Veteran
aeronautical engineer Raymond L. Bisplinghoff, who directed the OART at
NASA headquarters from 1962 to 1966, put it mildy when in a 1983 memoir
he stated that the formation of NASA had
a dramatic, and at first deleterious, influence on the on-going program of aeronautical
research. The new space tasks were often under scientists who worked on a space
problem for one week then switched back to aeronautics the next week. . . .
The massive priority which the country, from the president on down, placed on
eclipsing the Russian lead in spaceflight had a profound influence on the NACA
aeronautical staff as they assumed positions in the new agency. Many took advantage
of opportunities to move to higher grades and levels of responsibility in space
activities. As a result, many moved from aeronautical research tasks to space program
management tasks.
23
97
Spaceflight Revolution
Others, such as Langley's fiery director of aeronautics, John Stack, were so
sure that the first "A" in NASA was being erased forever that they decided
to leave the space agency entirely. At the time, especially after NASA's
annual R&D budget for aeronautics fell below a million dollars in 1962, these
disillusioned aviation enthusiasts could not have known how extensively, or
how successfully, NASA would rebuild its aeronautics programs following
its major buildup for space.
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, all that the aviation enthusiasts could
think about was the overwhelming dominance of space over aeronautics.
In private, many Langley aeronautical engineers held NASA's manned
spaceflight programs in contempt, especially the quest to land men on the
moon, believing it to be the height of dishonesty for their organization to
undertake such a mission, even if it could be done, when it was not worth
doing. John V. Becker, a talented Langley researcher who by the late 1940s
had already shifted his attention to hypersonics and the possibilities of an
evolutionary progression into space via transatmospheric vehicles like the
X-15, remembers that his longtime colleague John Stack was "not really
much interested in the reentry problem or in space flight in general." For
Stack, even the X-15 was a program barely worth supporting, and he did so
"with only the semblance of the notorious promotional fire he could generate
if he was really interested."24
John Stack and his team of aeronautical engineers reserved their enthu-
siasm for advanced high-speed military jets and for a viable commercial
SST. As Becker remembers about his volatile colleague, Stack developed
"a hostile, adversary attitude towards Space, perhaps because it threat-
ened to drain resources that otherwise might belong to aeronautics." When
the Apollo program was established in 1961, Stack told Becker, "I don't
buy this 'to the Moon by noon' stuff." Unimpressed by the great size and
complexity of the booster rockets, he compared von Braun's Saturns to
the impressive but very stationary Washington Monument and sided with
some early but abortive attempts inside NASA to find viable air-breathing
aircraft-like launch systems for the manned space missions. According to
Becker, Stack, even after leaving NASA in 1962 for an executive position
with Republic Aviation, "continued to favor advanced aircraft as opposed
to space projects."25
Most members of the Stack team, as well as many of Langley's other
aviation enthusiasts, felt exactly the same way. The hard-core aeronautical
engineers in the years following Sputnik were in Mark R. Nichols' Full- Scale
Research Division and in Philip Donely's Flight Mechanics and Technology
Division, both of which were part of Group 3. Inside the wind tunnels and
flight hangars of these two divisions, torrid love affairs with aerodynamics,
with high lift/drag ratios, with satisfactory flying and handling qualities,
and with the comely shapes and exciting personalities of airplanes and
helicopters continued to flourish long after the formation of the STG. Far too
numerous to count or name them all, the strongest adherents to aeronautics
98
Change and Continuity
L-59-5435
// accomplished high-speed aerodynam-
icist John Stack looks disgruntled in
his staff photo from 1959, it may be
because of the growing predominance
of the space program at Langley.
during the 1960s can be spotted simply by looking at an organization chart
or thumbing through the Langley phonebook noting who belonged to these
divisions. From top to bottom, these men were the "aero guys."
And they were not happy. In the aftermath of the Sputnik crisis, "there
was a real strong emphasis on getting people out of aeronautics and into
space," remembers Mark Nichols, the Full-Scale Research Division chief. In
fact, Nichols himself was moved. In 1959, Floyd Thompson put Nichols
in charge of Langley's first space station committee, choosing him, one of
the laboratory's most die-hard aeronautical engineers, as a lesson to all
others. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., a devoted aeronautical researcher and
aerodynamic nutter expert, also found himself immersed in planning for both
space stations and lunar missions in the early 1960s. As this substitution
pattern became clear, the air-minded at Langley found themselves in "an
adversarial mode with management, which was always trying to take our
people and put them into space." Nichols and his buddies looked "for ways
of resisting this," but were not successful.26
No one was unhappier with this development than Langley's number one
"aero guy," John Stack. No one at Langley grew more disgruntled over
what he believed the space agency was doing to, and not /or, the country's
precious aeronautical progress. Stack, the brilliant and outspoken head of
aeronautics, set the tone for the numerous dissatisfactions of the air-minded
engineers at the center during the first years of the space revolution. This
was true especially after he, one of the most decorated and powerful men
at the laboratory, started to lose out in some infighting within the Langley
front office. Most notably, in March 1961, Thompson made Charles Donlan,
99
Spaceflight Revolution
L-65-2870
One of the aeronautical passions at Langley in the late 1950s and early 1960s was
variable wing sweep, a technology by which an airplane 's wings could be mechanically
adjusted to different sweep angles to conform to either subsonic, transonic, or
supersonic flight requirements. In this photo from May 1965, a wind-tunnel engineer
checks the mounting of a scale model of the General Dynamics F-lllA, the air
force's version of the nation's first variable-sweep fighter. The F-lllA first flew in
December 1964; the navy version, the F-111B, made its initial flight in May.
and not Stack, Langley's associate director. A man of rare accomplishments
and visionary ambitions, Stack was not accustomed to being passed over.
Not even NASA's heavy involvement in the national SST program could
keep Stack working for the space agency.
However preoccupied NASA became in the 1960s with space-related mat-
ters, at Langley aeronautics research continued and resulted in outstanding
contributions to everything from hypersonic propulsion to the handling qual-
ities of general aviation aircraft.* One reason for the unexpected degree
of success, ironically, was the fact that aeronautics did not receive much
attention from NASA management or from the public at large. The Apollo
program and all its related activities so consumed NASA headquarters that
it let the aeronautical engineers do as they pleased. In this sense, the aero-
Originally, I planned to include a long chapter dealing specifically with aeronautics. As the
study's thesis evolved, however, I realized that, although the spaceflight revolution certainly affected the
aeronautics efforts in many significant ways, I could not do justice to the complete history of aeronautics
at Langley during the 1960s within the confines of an already long book. So, I decided not to cover the
aeronautical programs and leave them for separate treatment at some later date, perhaps by someone
other than myself.
100
Change and Continuity
L-70-1386
In this photo from 1970, a technician readies a model of Langley's own pet Super-
sonic Commercial Air Transport, known as SCAT 15F ("F" for fixed wing), for
testing in the Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel.
nautical work at Langley kept much the same personality and flavor as dur-
ing the NACA era when the engineers, not the bureaucrats in Washington,
had been in charge.
But oddly, in retrospect, the rearguard of aviation enthusiasts at Langley
in the 1960s in some ways resembled the vanguard of the spacefiight
revolution. As much as the air-minded hated NASA's emphasis on space
exploration, these air-minded engineers and scientists nevertheless became
equally caught up in their own dreams of monumental new accomplishments.
Perhaps it was just the nature of the revolutionary times brought on by
Sputnik and President Kennedy's New Frontier to think so grandly and to
feel that the old limitations no longer applied.
NASA's aeronautical engineers had their own Apollo program in the
1960s: the design of the most revolutionary aircraft ever built — a commer-
cial supersonic airliner capable of flying two or even three times the speed of
sound and crossing the Atlantic from New York to London or Paris in a few
hours. This dream compared favorably with the lunar landing because an
SST would have such immense economic, political, and social significance
that it would change how humankind traversed the face of the earth. The
Apollo program would accomplish nothing similar. Neither, of course, would
the aeronautical engineers' national SST program because the U.S. Congress
killed it in 1971. In this sense, too, the space cadets emerged "one up," for
101
Space/light Revolution
they had their spectacular moment with the manned lunar landings; the
"aero guys" never did.
Growth Within Personnel Ceilings
Despite the dissolution of the Hydrodynamics Division and the wane of
aeronautics, Langley's formal organization did not change significantly in
the early 1960s. This was in part because the center did not grow much
bigger. By the changeover to NASA, Langley Research Center was already
a large operation. It had greatly expanded during its NAG A history from
a few small buildings in an isolated corner of the military base prior to
World War II to a 710-acre complex on both sides of the air force runways.
It was now an establishment that included 30 major wind tunnels and
laboratories and whose replacement worth to the federal government was
estimated at nearly $150 million. In 1958 the center paid approximately
$6 million in operating expenditures, including nearly $2 million just for
electric power. Its annual payroll stood at $22 million. Its full-time civil
service staff numbered about 3300, of whom approximately one-third were
engineers, scientists, mathematicians, and other professional people.27
With the transition to NASA, the size of the Langley staff actually
became a little smaller before it grew any larger: from 3795 paid employees
in June 1959 to 3456 by the end of that year. The staff fell to 3191 six months
after the previously auxiliary Wallops Station became an independent field
installation (on 1 January 1960). In the next three years, the number rose
to 4007. By June 1966 the Langley staff reached its all-time high of 4485
employees. This was nearly 1000 more staff members than Langley's peak
number in 1952. But relative to the agency wide growth of NASA in the
1960s, Langley's expansion was actually quite moderate.
In 1958, Langley's 3300 employees represented more than 41 percent of
NASA's total first-year civil service complement of 7966. But in 1964, the
4329 employees of the Virginia facility amounted to barely 13 percent of the
agency's entire number, which in a span of just five years had doubled and
doubled again, to 33,108. In other words, while Langley was growing, its rate
of growth was slow compared with NASA's. At this rate Langley would be
unable to retain its traditional position of dominance in the agency. NASA
was adding large new manned spaceflight centers such as Marshall Space
Flight Center in Alabama, the Manned Spacecraft Center in Texas, and the
Launch Operations Center (in November 1963, renamed the Kennedy Space
Center) at Cape Canaveral in Florida. The addition of Marshall alone had
meant the mass influx of over 4000 personnel from the U.S. Army as part of
the transfer of the ABMA's Development Operations Division to NASA.
Moreover, NASA's total personnel headcount of 33,108 in 1964 repre-
sented a diminishing fraction of NASA's overall effort. In the late 1960s,
NASA estimated that Project Apollo employed some 400,000 Americans
102
4500,-
4250
4000
Number
of paid 3750
employees
3500
3250
3000
Change and Continuity
1952
June
1959
Dec.
1959
Year
June
1960
Dec.
1962
June
1966
Number of paid employees at NASA Lang ley, 1952-1966.
45
40
35
30
Percentage
of NASA 25
total
20
15
10
5
0
1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968
Year
Paid employees at NASA Langley — percentage of NASA total, 1958-1968.
103
Space/light Revolution
in government, industries, and universities. NASA's civil service employees
amounted to just a little more than 10 percent of the total NASA work force,
broadly defined. The other 90 percent were contractors.
Langley was often called "Mother Langley" because it had been the
mother lode for all NACA facilities. A guiding force throughout NACA
history and for the first years of NASA, Mother Langley now was losing
its central position in the agency. Although only a few concerned research-
oriented people like Hugh Dryden would have thought about the significance
of the changing personnel numbers at the time, they were symptomatic of a
slow but sure decline of the formerly predominant influence of the research
centers and the coming hegemony of the development centers. The personnel
numbers signified the ascendancy of organizations devoted primarily not to
research but to planning and conducting actual spaceflight operations and
building hardware.
The trend did not go unnoticed. Thompson received a forewarning of the
siphoning of research center staff funds for development centers from Earl
Hilburn, whose appointment as a NASA deputy associate administrator
Thompson had summarily discounted. On 9 September 1963, Thompson
sent a four-page letter to NASA headquarters regarding Langley's personnel
requirements. His letter underscored what he called "the problem of
manpower distribution" among the NASA centers. "The immediate needs
of a development program are always more easily recognized," he began,
"than is the requirement for a continuing research program that lays the
basic foundation of technology upon which the development program can
continually depend for guidance in solving detailed technical problems."28
At the heart of Thompson's illuminating letter was his concern about an
ongoing tug-of-war between the manned spaceflight centers and the research
centers over the apportionment (or reapportionment) of NASA's personnel
quotas. The internal struggle, which the research centers were losing, was
the result of work-load stresses caused by the ceilings that were imposed
on the total number of people NASA could employ. The way the system
worked, the agency asked for the amount of money it needed to pay salaries
based on the number of people it anticipated it would employ. However, if
Congress or the Bureau of the Budget found reason to trim the request, then
NASA had to cut back on its staffing projections accordingly, even though
the requirement to do so was not explicit in the appropriation act.29
In the first years of NASA, this sort of cutting back had happened fre-
quently because Congress, the Bureau of the Budget, President Eisenhower,
and even NASA Administrator Glennan hoped to keep a rather tight lid on
civil service staffing. For Glennan as well as for many others, keeping the lid
on the personnel total played directly into the Republican philosophy that
government was already too big. At a NASA staff conference in Monterey,
California, in early March 1960, Glennan claimed that "there was a need for
some kind of arbitrary limitation on NASA's size. By limiting the number
of employees, NASA would limit its in-house capability and thus be forced
104
Change and Continuity
The first woman to work as an en-
gineer at NACA Langley was Kitty
O'Brien-Joyner (left), who was also
the first female to graduate with an
engineering degree from the Univer-
sity of Virginia.
-64-5210
L-59-7
In 1959, Langley employed six women who were classified by NASA as "scientists."
During the Apollo era, women made up 3 to 5 percent of the professional work force
agencywide. The percentage of African American professionals was significantly
smaller, from 1.5 to 3 percent. These percentages rose slowly for both groups as the
decade proceeded.
105
Space/light Revolution
to develop the capabilities of contractors."30 This development would be far
better for the American economy than hiring larger coteries of government
workers. Glennan sanctioned relatively low personnel ceilings. For fiscal
year 1962, for example, he approved a limit of 16,802 employees, which was
less than 3 percent above the total authorized for the previous year.31 Nat-
urally, no NASA center director facing the high public expectations and
enormously expanded work load of the early 1960s could be expected to be
happy about such limits on hiring.
The acceleration of the space program brought on by President Kennedy
and his dynamic new man, James Webb, jacked the personnel ceiling up to
new heights. Instead of the 3-percent increase for fiscal year 1962 proposed
by Glennan, an increase of a whopping 43 percent was approved. Between
1961 and 1965 the total number of agency personnel would double, from
17,471 to 35, 860. 32 Given this rapid growth in the size of the NASA
staff, it may seem more than a bit astonishing to find a NASA center
director worried about the need for more personnel. But by late 1963,
that was the case. Government controls on personnel totals even during the
ensuing Democratic administrations of Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson
were such that the only way to take care of any unforeseen requirements
that occurred during a fiscal year was to transfer manpower and related
financial resources among institutions. And when a transfer was needed,
the research laboratories invariably lost.
On more than one occasion, subsequent to a preliminary formulation
of the basic data regarding the agency's manpower requirements at NASA
headquarters, the managements of Houston and Huntsville would request a
substantial number of supplementary personnel. (Earl Hilburn was warning
Thompson about such a request in September 1963.) To give the space
centers several hundred additional staff positions without obtaining the
congressional authorization to increase the agency's overall complement
meant that NASA headquarters had no other choice but to reapportion
the personnel quotas among the field centers. In other words, in order for
Houston and Huntsville to get more, Langley and other research centers
would have to get less.33
In Thompson's mind, this was a tug-of-war that the research centers,
given the priorities of the space race, could not win, but which the nation
could not afford to lose. "Two-thirds of the current total effort of Langley
is utilized in support of the NASA space effort," Thompson wrote to the
NASA administration. "These programs have been prepared in cooperation
with and approved by the OART and other cognizant program offices.
They have been endorsed by NASA as essential to continued leadership in
space exploration and vital to the success of such basic NASA programs
as Saturn, Gemini, and Apollo."34 To support this claim, he attached
to his letter (along with lists and charts illustrating "the wide range
of activity" at Langley) a 10-page document listing all the then-current
Langley investigations relevant to the program interests at the Manned
106
Change and Continuity
Spacecraft Center. This document, prepared by Axel T. Mattson, whom
Thompson had dispatched as a special attache to Houston in the summer of
1962, demonstrated that Langley was spending some 300 man- years just in
support of the Texas center's projects.35 If NASA continued to neglect
Langley 's manpower needs and persisted in improperly distributing the
quotas, something would have to give. Too few people would remain at
the research center to perform the total center mission. Either Langley
would do all the support work, leaving little if any time for fundamental
research, or the support work would have to subside, thus putting the goals
of the American space program at risk.
The Shift Toward the Periphery
The trend pushing Langley from the center of NASA toward its periphery
is evident not only in the personnel numbers but also in the budget figures.
In 1959 the direct cost of Langley's administrative operations in terms of its
obligations to pay employees and honor all those contracts (not including
Wallops') that were not funded by R&D money was $30.7 million. This
amounted to 36 percent of the NASA total. In 1967, Langley spent $64.3
million, the most money it would spend on operations during any one year in
its entire history; however, this amount was less than 10 percent of the NASA
total for that year. In 1959 the cost of running Langley was significantly
higher than that of operating any other NASA facility. But by 1967, Langley
was down to seventh place on that list, while Marshall stood at the top, at
$128.7 million, or double what it cost to operate Langley. Even the price of
running NASA headquarters was nearly up to the Langley figure. Whereas
$5.5 million kept the offices in Washington going in 1959, by 1967 that figure
had shot up over tenfold to a grandiose $57 million.36
NASA headquarters was growing by leaps and bounds in the early 1960s.
It was a larger, more multilayered, and more active bureaucracy than had
ever been the case for the NACA's Washington office. A host of headquarters
officials congealed and took charge of all the programs at Langley and the
other NASA centers. This meant that the field centers had to work through
Washington not only for their allotment of resources but also for many
levels of program initiation and administration. Also unlike the days of
the NACA, the bureaucrats in Washington were now directly in charge
of their own little empires. They issued major contracts to universities
and industries for R&D and for design studies.37 Between 1960 and 1968,
the value of contracts awarded by NASA headquarters rose from 3 to 11
percent of the total value of contracts awarded agencywide. During the
same period, Langley experienced a decline from 35 to 3 percent of the
total value of contracts agencywide, and Huntsville and Houston centers
collectively hovered consistently between 50 and 60 percent of the NASA
total.38
107
Space/light Revolution
Compared with the megabucks turned over to the spaceflight centers for
R&D during this period, Langley's funding was also relatively small. In
1963 the center received less than 2 percent of the total money set aside by
NASA for R&D programs. On the other hand, Marshall received almost 30
percent of the total NASA R&D budget. The most Langley ever received
in R&D funding was $124 million in 1966; the least that Marshall received
in the same period was 10 times that in 1968. 39
The point of going through these numbers is not to show that Langley
was being treated unfairly. As a facility devoted primarily to applied basic
research in aviation and space, Langley simply was not doing as much
procurement as were those NASA centers responsible for designing, building,
launching, and operating spacecraft. What the numbers do show is a new
technological order brought on by the spaceflight revolution. In examining
the numbers we hold up a mirror to the new sociopolitical context of research
activities at the former NACA aeronautics laboratory. The mirror reflects
NASA's determination to allocate the lion's share of its financial resources
to those arms of the agency most directly involved in what the country
was intent on achieving through its space program. In the 1960s that was,
first, getting astronauts into orbit around the earth; second, per President
Kennedy's May 1961 commitment, landing American astronauts on the
moon; and third, in the process, refreshing the nation's spirit, reinvigorating
its economy, and showing the world just what the U.S. system of democracy
and free enterprise could do when the American people put their minds and
energies to it. In other words, the intent was to win the space race.
These figures signify more specifically the rather immediate effects that
NASA's broader mission had on the lives of the old NACA research labora-
tories. Unlike the NACA, NASA would be an operational organization, not
just a research organization. It would become heavily involved in projects
with goals and schedules and it would contract out to American business
and industry a great part of its work. As this happened, Langley staff feared
that administrators in Washington would no longer see the center as special.
With headquarters now running many of its own shows through contracts
to industry, a place like Langley could come to be regarded by many at
headquarters as just another contributor to the program. Langley was just
one more possible center where work could be done, if NASA headquarters
chose to locate it there. But headquarters might instead choose the General
Electric Company's Command Systems Division; BellComm, Incorporated;
the Douglas Aircraft Company; Thompson- Ramo-Wooldridge (TRW); MIT;
or some other very capable organization.40 Langley was now for the first
time in competition with "outsiders," the many laboratories and firms that
had been springing up or growing in competency in conjunction with the
burgeoning of the "military-industrial complex" after World War II.
The competition was not inherently harmful to Langley. Given the ample
budgets brought on by the spaceflight revolution, NASA had more money
than it could spend on itself or on its research laboratories. Langley was
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Change and Continuity
simply not accustomed to the competition, and it was not accustomed
to relying on others. For more than four decades its organization had
been largely self-sufficient. As an internal Langley study on the history
of contracting at the NASA center by Sarah and Steve Corneliussen has
noted, the laboratory staff had almost always conducted its own research,
built its own models and instrumentation and wind tunnels, and handled its
own logistical needs, from mowing the grass to operating its two cafeterias.
Only occasionally had outsiders been brought in during the NACA period
to augment the civil service staff — and "only temporarily at that, just to
help out with occasional peaks in the center's housekeeping workload."41
Thus, many former NACA staffers would need time to adjust to the new
environment of NASA and to see that the involvement of outsiders in the
work of the new space agency would not take anything away from their
historic capabilities or their tradition of self-sufficiency, but would instead
add to them. "Contracting out" was not substituting the work of others for
what the in-house staff had always done. It was augmenting the capabilities
of the NASA researchers so that they could accomplish more. The Langley
organization would be no less cohesive nor would contracting damage its best
qualities; it would only enhance them.42 That, at least, was the argument.
Contracting Out
Other than the occasional employment of temporary laborers for odd
jobs, Langley had accomplished almost everything it had to do with its own
staff. This self-sufficiency worked well during the NACA period because the
range of what needed to be done was usually narrow enough for the civil
service work force to handle it. If the work load increased significantly, as
during World War II, then the solution was to obtain authorization from
Congress for additional civil service staffing. The answer was not to hire
contractors.
With the quickening pace of the space race and the urgency of NASA's
expanded mission, however, the work load increased so dramatically that
civil service staffing authorizations could not keep up. An evolving mismatch
between the high work load at the research center and the low level of
congressional authorizations for more research staff eventually forced a
reluctant Langley into contracting out for much of the work that it always
had done and would have preferred to continue doing itself.
At first the research center resisted the trend toward contracting out
and was only willing to hand over to outsiders mundane maintenance and
administrative jobs, such as delivering the mail, operating the cafeterias,
running the center's credit union, and maintaining some of the warehouses.
Procurements for these jobs involved so-called support service contracts,
that is, binding legal relationships drawn up so that the time and the services
of an outside firm (i.e., the contractor) could be secured to attain a specified
in-house objective.43
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Space/light Revolution
Even for the tasks of routine housekeeping, Langley wanted the best
employees. "If we're going to hire outsiders," the procurement officers em-
phasized, "then let's choose a way of doing so that maximizes their contri-
butions as adjunct members of the team.'4 The best way to do this, they
found, was to use a "cost-plus-award fee," a special — and for the government,
novel — form of cost-reimbursement contract. In Langley's opinion, this ar-
rangement had the highest potential for inducing quality in the contractor's
performance because the contractor's profit — the award fee — rises or falls
in direct correspondence to the customer's (i.e., Langley's) appraisal of the
work. As with straight cost reimbursement, the expense to the government
is not preset, but changes over time with the changing circumstances of the
work. This process differentiates both cost-reimbursement and cost-plus-
award fee contracts from the more typically used "fixed-price" contract, in
which the contracting party specifically delineates the job requested and the
time allowed for completing it, and the bidder assumes the risk of match-
ing the forecast of the demands of the job to what those demands will in
fact turn out to be. However, in Langley's case of contracting for ongoing
support services usually for terms of several years, during which working
circumstances would change and jobs would have to be adjusted, the fixed-
price approach would not work.45
In essence, the cost-plus-award fee was an incentives contract; according
to a formal NASA definition, it provided for "a basic fixed fee for perfor-
mance to a level deemed acceptable, plus an additional award fee, not in
excess of a stipulated maximum, for accomplishment of better than the 'ac-
ceptable' level."46 Its downside was the administrative burden. The amount
of the award was linked to the contractor's performance; thus, on a regular
and in some cases almost daily basis, responsible Langley employees had
to inspect and evaluate the contractor's work. A board of senior managers
had to appraise the contractor's performance at agreed-upon intervals and
decide the amount of extra money deserved. A much larger and more for-
mal mechanism for handling contractors therefore had to be developed at
Langley. One clear indicator of the burden of this added responsibility was
the growth in the size of the Langley procurement staff itself. Before NASA
replaced the NACA, this staff comprised 25 people. After the changeover,
the staff quickly expanded to more than 100 before leveling off at 70 to 80
after the STG left for Houston.47
In this fashion, Langley did what it could to bring out the best in
its contractors and to make them feel a vital part of the center. This
method of contracting was a way of bringing outsiders "in," of making
"them" part of "us." However, an inherent and potentially serious difficulty
existed in carrying out the philosophy of these contracts. Like all other
procurements by the U.S. government, these contracts for support services
were governed by federal regulations. The regulations clearly allowed, and
the then-current federal policy indeed encouraged, the direct involvement of
American businesses, industries, and universities at government facilities like
110
Change and Continuity
L-59-352
The Langley division most assisted by support- service contractors in the early
1960s was ACD. By mid- decade, contractors were programming the computers and
handling the hardware and software support of the mainframe systems, and by 1970,
contractors were contributing substantially to the development of computer programs
for the guidance, navigation, and control of aircraft and spacecraft.
In this photo, taken in 1959, engineers are at work in Langley 's computer
complex. Langley 's electronic analog brain (seen in photo) with its plugboards and
vacuum tubes was replaced in 1965 by mainframe digital computers. The conversion
from analog to digital was a major technological development of the spaceflight
revolution. Without it the on-board navigation and control needed to achieve the
manned lunar landing would have been impossible.
Langley, but the same body of regulations also insisted that the contractors
make their contributions at arm's length from civil service management. In
other words, the two could not be "in bed together." If civil servants did
not maintain this distance, the contractors might become entrenched, their
expense charges could get out of hand, and they would essentially have a
"license to steal."48
Over the years, despite the best intentions of government, Langley
staff would have trouble adhering always to the arm's- length requirement.
Because Langley wanted to make the contractors feel that they were part of
"the family" and in spirit no different from any other employee, staff could
hardly treat contractors in the formal, mechanical ways required by the rules.
Contracting officials were supposed to follow a labyrinth of procedures and
policies to arrive at the letter of the law required by federal procurement.
But as civil servants and contractors worked side by side, ate lunch together
in the NASA cafeteria, and often became close friends, feelings that Langley
should keep to the spirit of the law, as opposed to the letter, prevailed. As
a result, the position of the contractors at Langley slowly grew stronger.
Ill
Spaceflight Revolution
Starting with the assignment of the Scout booster rocket project to the
center in the late 1950s, as Chief Procurement Officer -Sherwood Butler
recalls, "Langley began to branch out and contract for some highly technical
services such as launch support, support of research, and maintenance
and calibration of instrumentation."49 Several representatives of the prime
contractor, Ling-Temco-Vought (LTV) worked on-site on a daily basis as
integral members of the Scout "team." These contractors included 12 LTV
engineers working specifically in the field of instrumentation. Bringing in
instrumentation experts amounted to "the first instance of support services
contracting in a technical field at Langley."50 With the start of other major
projects like Fire and Lunar Orbiter, many contract employees of industrial
firms came to work at the center and were such an integral part of the team
that they could not be distinguished from the government workers without
a glance at their ID badges.
The Brave New World of Projects
In the brave new world brought on by the spaceflight revolution, Langley,
as we have seen in its support of the STG, for the first time became
heavily involved in project work and the formal management of large-
scale endeavors involving hardware development, flight operations, and
the administration of contracts. For some of these projects, Langley
personally handled the reins of management for NASA headquarters as
the designated "lead center." In the early 1960s such projects included
Scout, which began in 1960 for the development of NASA's first launch
vehicle, a dependable and relatively inexpensive solid-propellant rocket;
Radio Attenuation Measurements (RAM), which came to life in 1961 to
address the radio blackout that occurred during a spacecraft's reentry into
the atmosphere; Fire, which was started in 1962 to study the effects of
reentry heating on Apollo spacecraft materials; Lunar Orbiter, which was
initiated in 1963 to take photographic surveys of the moon in preparation for
the Apollo manned lunar landings; and the Hypersonic Ramjet Experiment
Project, which began in 1964 to explore the feasibility of a hypersonic ramjet
engine.
Other NASA organizations took the lead for many other projects, and
Langley helped by providing diversified R&D support. Langley contributed
in this way to all the manned spaceflight projects, from Project Mercury
through Apollo. Langley also participated in "cooperative projects." These
were projects for which NASA headquarters assigned the overall project
management to another center but gave Langley the official responsibility
for subsidiary projects or for specific project tasks. The earliest example
of a cooperative project involving Langley was Project Echo, which was
started in 1959 for the development of a passive communications satellite.
For Project Echo, NASA assigned the project management not to Langley
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Change and Continuity
but to Goddard; however, Langley was responsible for the development of
the Echo balloon, for the container in which the balloon was carried into
space, and for the balloon's in-space inflation system. Beyond that, Langley
was also responsible for managing two flight projects in support of Echo,
Projects Shotput and Big Shot, which were designed to test Echo designs
under suborbital conditions before the balloons were launched into orbit.
Before exploring the history of NASA Langley's early involvement in
project work in subsequent chapters of this book, I want to address a few
basic points about projects and about research. A project sets out to do
something quite specific and to do it in a limited time frame. For example,
the goal of the Manhattan Project during World War II was the design
and construction of an atomic bomb; the goal of Project Sherwood in the
1950s, as mentioned in the next chapter, was the design and construction
of an effective fusion reactor. To fulfill these objectives, the projects'
researchers had to move ahead quickly and adhere to strict schedules. They
could not afford many detours. The Manhattan Project started in 1941
and concluded in 1945. To achieve the project goal in those four years,
a vast array of resources had to be effectively mobilized, organized, and
supplied. The enormously complex task of creating the first atom bomb
would not have been successful if the U.S. government and its wartime
military establishment had not given high priority to completing such a
"crash effort." With a far lower priority and with more intractable problems
to solve, Project Sherwood staff never did achieve the project's final goal.51
In its bare essentials, a NASA project was no different from the two
projects discussed above. According to a formal NASA definition in the
early 1960s, a project was "an undertaking with a scheduled beginning and
end," which involved "the design, development, and demonstration of major
advanced hardware items such as launch vehicles or space vehicles." The
purpose of a NASA project was to support the activities of a program. NASA
defined a program as "a related series of undertakings which continue over
a period of time and which are designed to accomplish a broad scientific or
technical goal in the NASA Long- Range Plan."52 Typically, the time span
of a NASA project was two to three years. Two examples of the agency's
"broad scientific and technical goals" from the early 1960s were manned
spaceflight (spearheaded by Project Mercury) and the exploration of the
moon and the planets (supported early on by the Ranger and Surveyor
projects). After President Kennedy's speech in May 1961, NASA's most
important goal became a manned lunar landing that was achievable by the
end of the decade. That goal was so primary that Apollo, the project,
quickly became Apollo, the program. It so dominated NASA's efforts that
the moon landing became virtually coextensive with the mission of the entire
CO
space agency.00*
In contrast to projects with their definite beginnings and ends and specific
goals, research is by nature more open-ended and unpredictable. To obtain
significant results from research, even from the more practical engineering
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Space/light Revolution
kind carried out at Langley during its NACA period, risks must be taken.
Researchers must venture down long and winding roads .that might lead
nowhere, ask questions that might turn out to be unanswerable, and spend
money on experimental equipment to conduct demonstrations that might
never work.
In other words, the environment for research has to be flexible. Needless
to say, so too does the researcher and, perhaps especially so, the research
manager. For a technical culture to be understanding and supportive of
research, it must be forgiving of failure and the apparent lack of progress.
On the other hand, as a 1979 NASA study of the R&D process declares,
"Projects often provide the ultimate reality. [They] are practical demonstra-
tions. New equipment must function well, performance is measured against
the previous experience, and success needs to be achieved."54 Otherwise,
the project is a total failure. The situation is rather black-and-white.
In research, the criteria for success and failure are gray; success needs to
be achieved only once in a while. One fundamental breakthrough that can
be built upon for many years makes up for dozens of wrong turns and dead
ends. A breakthrough may even be accidental or the fortuitous consequence
of some meandering. This is rarely the case in a project. When success
is a necessity and the timetable is short, nothing can be left to accident
or luck; a "fail-safe" system is called for. Constructing such a system
requires systematic and detailed planning, rigorous discipline, proof-tested
technology, and extremely prudent management and overall leadership — not
to mention enough talented and motivated people to work all the overtime
required to complete the job on schedule.
During its 41-year-long history as an NACA laboratory, Langley's "ulti-
mate reality" had been firmly rooted in research, not in projects. Generally
speaking, Langley valued research more than anything else. The most mer-
itorious thing that a Langley scientist or engineer could do was to write
an outstanding research paper that the NACA would publish as a formal
technical report. Langley researchers did not design or build airplanes; as
government employees, they were not supposed to, or allowed to, do that.
What they did was the basic testing that generated the fundamental knowl-
edge that the aircraft industry used to advance the state of the nation's
aeronautical art.
The NACA laboratory was, therefore, not a place for pure research; it
was a place for applied basic research and for technology development. As
such, Langley staff understood and placed great importance on project work.
Most NACA research was neither "basic" nor "scientific" in the usual sense
of those words; almost every investigation at the center, whether "funda-
mental" or "developmental," was aimed at a useful aircraft application.
What Langley researchers did best was attack the most pressing problems
obstructing the immediate progress of American aviation, particularly those
vexing the military air services, and aircraft manufacturing and operating
industries. This had often meant "fighting fires," bringing diversified R&D
114
Change and Continuity
talents to bear on a problem of the moment, and eliminating or solving that
problem in as short a time as possible. Doing so was virtually like carrying
out a project.
Thus, in the NACA's way of doing research, of developing wind tunnels
and other test facilities, and of attacking technical problems, Langley
researchers often followed an approach akin to project management. Many
people at NACA Langley felt that their best research programs were those
run as projects. For instance, the approach the center adopted to building
many major new facilities had been very much like project management.
Frequently during meetings of employee promotion boards in the 1950s,
a member of the senior staff would ask whether the candidate was a
"project engineer" or simply a "researcher." By project engineer, they
meant someone who could take on all the responsibilities for carrying out
a task and meeting a deadline. To do this, the project engineer had to
deal with wind-tunnel operators, get work done in the shops, consult with
systems engineering and other technical support people, and perhaps even
do a little bit of procurement, such as arranging for the purchase of supplies,
materials, or some minor piece of equipment.
This kind of management was done on a much smaller scale than would
be done for a NASA project, but NACA Langley researchers did have
comparable experiences. With the coming of NASA, they only had to learn
to do it on a larger scale. From the end of World War II, PARD had
been involved with rocket acquisitions and launch operations, and starting
in the mid-1950s, Langley was also heavily involved in the large Project
WS-110A. (The designation "WS" stood for "Weapons System.") This
was a top secret air force project for the development of what became
the North American XB-70, an experimental, six-engine, 520,000-pound
strategic bomber designed for a speed in excess of Mach 3. (Only two were
built before the project was canceled in 1964. )55
Experiences such as those in PARD and with WS-110A made the man-
agement of a project easier for Langley when the time came. Most people
who would be assigned to many of the earliest NASA projects at Langley
would come from PARD. Although Langley staff moved into the project
work brought on by the spaceflight revolution and the changeover to NASA
without too much difficulty, the novelty or the essential differences between
conducting project work and doing research should not be underestimated.
PARD had more critics within Langley than did any of the laboratory's
other research divisions. From the moment of PARD's establishment as a
separate division in 1946 through its reincarnation as the Applied Materials
and Physics Division in 1959, researchers in other divisions were always
bickering with someone in PARD. Wind-tunnel groups questioned the merits
of PARD's wing-flow and rocket-model transonic testing techniques, arguing
that they were too costly and often took priority over more basic tunnel
programs. Each firing of a PARD rocket model from Wallops Island required
that a precious test model be sacrificed; often the models had expensive
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Space/light Revolution
instruments inside. Among others, John V. Becker, the influential head
of the Compressibility Research Division, complained about the "voracious
appetite" of the rocket-model advocates, suggesting that many engineers in
PARD were more interested in making their rocket models perform with
increasing accuracy than in solving research problems. Becker warned that
the practice was causing "a major slowdown" in the production of the
models and instruments required by his division and by others. In his
judgment, what PARD was expecting, and often receiving, from Langley's
model shops and other technical support services was "roughly equivalent
to the requirements of perhaps 10 major wind tunnels."56
Although much of the criticism was unfair, these feelings about PARD
and about its focused, rather aggressive project-like approach to doing
things worried many senior staff members of the 1960s. Becker and others
thought that most of the personnel in PARD were "blacksmiths," hairy-
armed, technical musclemen who did things hit or miss, with hammer and
tongs, and without much serious forethought. One of Becker's branch heads,
Macon C. Ellis, Jr., remembers that feelings against PARD within the Gas
Dynamics Laboratory were so strong that "when we became MPD [the
Magnetoplasmadynamics Branch, in 1960], we definitely didn't want to go
into PARD. That was for sure."57
As Langley took on more project work during the 1960s, people
strictly involved in research grew increasingly upset. Larry Loftin, Floyd
Thompson's technical assistant and later director of Group 3, remembers
with some hard feelings that "anything with the name 'project' got first
priority in the shops." Again, this perturbed those research groups involved
in wind-tunnel testing. "You couldn't do wind-tunnel tests without mod-
els," Loftin recalls, "and you couldn't get your models done without the
shops. All a person had to do was mention Mercury or some other project
to somebody in the shops, and it got done. Everybody else waited their
turn." Hostility was particularly high regarding Project WS-110A. Any
work connected to WS-110A received the highest priority at Langley. Any
test model needed for the project immediately was built in the shops, then
was pushed to the front of the line for wind-tunnel testing. This situation
led a frustrated researcher to try connecting one of his job orders to Project
WS-110A so that he could get some of his own work done.58
In analyzing the impact of NASA project work on the traditional
character of Langley, continuity from the NACA period must not be
exaggerated. Researchers like Becker and Ellis drew a line dividing the
ways of NASA projects from NACA research and continued to draw it well
into the NASA years. John Stack, the billy-goat-gruff of the Langley senior
staff, never abandoned the research ideal of the NACA. In his opinion, the
most valuable thing that any Langley employee ultimately could contribute
was a published research paper that the American aerospace community
could use. Without such contributions, a laboratory would amount to no
more than an industrial plant.59
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Change and Continuity
L-57-5231
In this 1957 photo, aerodynamicists prepare a scale model of the top secret WS-110A
for testing in Langley's 7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel.
Uncharted Territory
No matter what PARD had done that was akin to project work during the
NACA period, large-scale projects for spaceflight were totally new. Langley
was inexperienced in many details of project management, in procurement,
and in matters concerning the administration of the space agency's expanded
R&D and mission activities.
In putting together its diversified operation, NASA faced a complex task:
it had to build an effective organizational structure involving intraagency
relationships; it had to devise a rational complex of administrative proce-
dures that took care of both internal and external matters; and it had to
find the best ways to procure supplies and services. This last requirement,
procurement administration, was especially problematic for a technical or-
ganization like Langley because it involved the writing, negotiating, and
managing of contracts. This meant extensive dealings, legal and otherwise,
with corporations and industrial firms in the profit-motivated private sector
of the American economy. Such a complicated affair had never been the
case for NACA research.
In the early days of the space agency, NASA headquarters realized that
most of its executive personnel, especially those running the field centers,
were "excellent technical people" who "lacked experience" in managing large
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Space/light Revolution
projects. Two outside studies sponsored by NASA in mid-1960, one by an
advisory committee on NASA organization chaired by University of Chicago
President Lawrence Kimpton and the other done under contract by the
Washington management consulting firm of McKinsey & Co., found that
NASA's executive class needed beefing up. With Administrator Glennan
enthusiastically in support of this finding, NASA immediately began a
formal program to train project managers. It hired a contractor, Harbridge
House, to develop and lead a series of two- week training courses in project
management. The first of these courses convened in Williamsburg, Virginia,
not more than 25 miles from Langley, in December 1960. Employees
from all the NASA installations attended. Langley sent several people —
not all of them picked for their potential as project managers. Some
general administrative staff also attended the seminars, as did a handful
of senior managers like Larry Loftin and Gene Draley. Top NASA officials
and managers of industry addressed the participants, while specialists
from Harbridge House took groups through case studies "from actual, but
camouflaged, R&D problems" faced by NASA and the DOD. Essentially,
what everyone was supposed to glean from the training, and for the most
part did, was a heightened concern for certain basic management principles
and theories.60
What NASA hoped to achieve through this training course was "a
measure of uniformity" in the management of its diverse projects agen-
cywide. NASA did not want more centralized control over the projects;
this had already been tried to some extent in the first two years of NASA's
operation and had resulted in an impossibly heavy work load at NASA
headquarters.61 NASA wanted to move toward a more decentralized system
in which one field installation would have virtually complete management
control over the execution of an entire project; the need for interinstallation
coordination would be at a minimum; and NASA headquarters could stay
out of the intraproject coordination and instead could concentrate on inter-
project coordination, which included "the review and approval of projects
in the light of overall objectives, schedules, and costs of the entire agency."
All three points were underscored in the October 1960 final report of the
McKinsey & Co. study of the NASA organization. In fact, the firm's advo-
cacy of a training course in project management stemmed directly from the
conclusions of its specialists about the advantages of a decentralized system.
Such a system could work, the report said in emphatic terms, only if each
NASA center trained 10 or 20 people in this kind of management.62
NASA would need three years to create the decentralized system called
for in the McKinsey report. With the NASA reorganization of October 1963
asked for by Administrator Webb, the system finally was firmly put into
place. From that point on, as Arnold S. Levine explains in his 1982 analysis,
Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, NASA leadership stressed that "project
management was the responsibility of the centers." For all flight projects,
"there was to be one lead center, regardless of how many installations
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Change and Continuity
actually participated."* To take the lead, "a particular center had to
[have] (or was assumed to have) the capacity to manage large development
contracts, the skills to integrate the subsystems of a project parceled out
among two or three different centers, and the ability to draw on the resources
of the centers instead of needlessly duplicating them."63 Those in charge of
a project at a lead center would report their business, in a direct and official
line of communication, to the head of the appropriate program office at
NASA headquarters, for example, to the head of the OART. Senior staff in
these program offices then supervised and counseled the work of the project
managers in the field as they saw fit.64
Ironically, where this shift in NASA project management policy seems
to have led by 1963 was back to the NACA concept of giving the field
centers the responsibility for technical decisions. Of course, the overall
political and cultural context in which those decisions were made was
far different from the one in which Langley had operated as an NACA
aeronautics laboratory. The NACA was not involved with contractors and
all the snarly legalities and procedures that necessarily came with them. In
the narrower context of the NACA, technical decisions were not nearly as
visible or important to the American public as they would be in the high-
profile space program. If an NACA decision had been wrong, the result
might have been tragic — if, for example, the aircraft industry or military air
services had applied a mistaken NACA research finding in a new airplane
design. But the overall context for NACA research was such that major
mistakes were almost impossible to make. In normal periods, researchers
could usually take all the time necessary to be scrupulously careful and
certain of their findings. Even during the rush to support the Allied air
forces in World War II, which involved "cleanup" of existing aircraft designs
as well as fundamental research and development, researchers had time to be
systematic.65 Furthermore, the NACA's clients never applied aerodynamic
test results indiscriminately. All sorts of institutional checks and balances
would be exercised to confirm the veracity of the government's research data
before using it. In comparison, the context for NASA projects involved a
much higher degree of institutional risk. As we have already noted about
projects, "success needs to be achieved" and in a limited amount of time.
The successes of the space race projects would eventually cost NASA and
Langley in ways their researchers could not have calculated in the early
1960s. In research, success had always been broadly defined and its price
not so dear, but Langley would learn quickly just how exacting a space
project could be.
i
This was not true for Apollo, which was so big and so important that NASA divvied up the work
among lead centers: the spacecraft development to Houston, the launch vehicle development to Marshall,
and the tracking system to Goddard.
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
What about this plasma physics ? Will it ever amount
to anything?
-Dr. Hugh L. Dryden, NASA
deputy administrator, to
Macon C. Ellis, Jr., head of
Langley's Magnetoplasmadynamics Branch
While the Hydrodynamics Division sank at Langley, a few new research
fields bobbed to the surface to become potent forces in the intellectual
life of the laboratory. Most notable of these was magnetoplasmadynamics
(MPD) — a genuine product of the space age and an esoteric field of scientific
research for an engineering- and applications-oriented place like Langley.
If any "mad scientists" were working at Langley in the 1960s, they were
the plasma physicists, nuclear fusion enthusiasts, and space-phenomena
researchers found in the intense and, for a while, rather glamourous little
group investigating MPD. No group of researchers in NASA moved farther
away from classical aerodynamics or from the NACA's traditional focus on
the problems of airplanes winging their way through the clouds than those
involved with MPD.
The ABCs of MPD
The field of MPD concerned the effects of magnetic and electric fields on
the motions of plasmas. A plasma, as simply defined at the time, consists
of an ionized high-temperature gas. For those readers who have forgotten
their high school chemistry, a gas consists of atoms and molecules that are
virtually unrestricted by intermolecular forces, thus allowing the molecules
to occupy any space within an enclosure. In other words, the atoms and
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Spaceflight Revolution
molecules are continually moving around and colliding with one another.
When a sufficiently violent collision between two atoms occurs, a negatively
charged subatomic particle known as an electron is knocked out of its orbit,
thus resulting in a "free electron" (an electron that is not bound to an atom).
Sometimes in the collision, an ion (a positively charged particle bound to the
electron) is knocked free as well. At the instant these particles are released,
the gas is said to be "ionized" and is called a plasma.
Considered as a whole, a plasma is electrically neutral, composed as it
is of an approximately equal number of positively and negatively charged
particles plus a variable fraction of neutral atoms. A plasma, however, by
virtue of its charged particles, is nonetheless a conductor of electricity. Thus,
as is true for any electrical conductor, the motion of a plasma can be greatly
influenced, and perhaps even controlled, by electromagnetic forces.1
By the late 1940s, the study of the motion of ionized gases in the
presence of magnetic fields had become a major international focus for
scientific research. The new field, which was really a subfield of the
large, complicated, and still emerging discipline of "plasma physics,"
was known by many names: "magnetohydrodynamics," "hydromagnet-
ics," "magneto-aerodynamics," "magnetogasdynamics," and "fluid electro-
dynamics." * Generally speaking, however, the name "magnetohydrodynam-
ics," or MHD, won out.2
But the name did not prevail at NACA Langley. There, in the years
before the establishment of NASA, a coterie of aerodynamic researchers
involved in plasma studies conducted in the center's Gas Dynamics Labo-
ratory, thought that the name magneto /lydrodynamics was not appropriate.
The interested researchers were not concerned with water but rather with
hot gases or plasmas, so they coined the term "magnetop/asmodynamics."
Outside of NASA, however, magnetohydrodynamics remained the standard
term.
The Solar Wind Hits Home
Most work on plasmas before World War II pertained to the dynamics
of upper atmosphere magnetic storms and to the phenomenon of radiant
auroral displays similar to the aurora borealis or "northern lights." These
studies, undertaken most notably by a British group interested in solar
and terrestrial relationships led by astrophysicist Sydney Chapman (1888-
1970), involved questions about what fueled the sun and the stars and about
how the ionized gases brought about by ultraviolet radiation behaved in
>k
Preference for one name over the others depended on whether the scientists involved felt that the
electrically active medium that they were studying should properly be regarded as a continuum or,
more accurately, as comprising discrete individual particles. The astrophysicists preferred the name
"hydromagnetics" ; the aerodynamicists opted for "magneto-aerodynamics." '
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
interstellar space. In the 1920s, Chapman postulated that several geocosmic
phenomena could be explained by the "differential action" of the earth's
magnetic field on protons and electrons emanating from the sun. Solar
activity, in Chapman's soon-to-be dominant view, influenced the terrestrial
magnetic field, aurorae, the conduct of atmospheric electricity, and the
earth's weather patterns.3
In 1942, Swedish astrophysicist Hannes Alfven (an eventual winner of
the Nobel Prize) advanced an MHD theory of the so-called solar cycle,
the periodic round of disturbances in the sun's behavior as seen in the
fluctuation in the number and the area of sunspots and in the form and
shape of the sun's corona. Some 10 years later, in the early 1950s, Alfven
proposed an even more provocative theory. He postulated that the planets
had been formed by an MHD process by which ionized gases became trapped
electromagnetically and pulled inward by the sun's gravitational force, thus
leaving them at certain distances from the sun. The only way to fathom the
process, Alfven argued, was to work further with MHD equations.4
Thus, in large measure, the interest in MHD began with the modern
astrophysicists. From the 1920s on, many of their most essential questions
concerned MHD: What mechanisms are involved in galaxy formation?
What is the nature of the magnetic fields of the sun and the other stars?
How does the internal energy in hot stars convert into the kinetic energy of
gaseous clouds in interstellar space? How do stars form from gas clouds?
What is the origin of cosmic rays, the Solar System, the universe? The key
to understanding the cosmos lay in the fathoming of MHD principles.
Revolutionary discoveries about the space environment made with the
first space probes strengthened the belief in MHD's importance. On 1 May
1958, five months to the day before the NACA transition to NASA, Amer-
ican astrophysicist James Van Allen announced his discovery of a region of
intense radiation surrounding the earth at high altitude. Data from Geiger
counters aboard the first three Explorer spacecraft, the first successful Amer-
ican satellites, confirmed a theory that Van Allen had been working on for
some time. This theory suggested that the earth's magnetic field trapped
charged subatomic particles within certain regions. Experiments aboard
subsequent exploratory rockets and spacecraft indicated with a high degree
of certainty that more than one radiation belt in fact enveloped the earth.
The intensity of the belts varied with their distance from the earth. The
zone of the most intense radiation began at an altitude of approximately
1000 kilometers (621.37 miles).5
The discovery of what immediately came to be known as the Van Allen
radiation belts inspired a wide range of fundamental new investigations.
Within months, scientists around the world realized that surrounding the
earth was a vitally important magnetic region of still unknown character,
shape, and dimension where ionized gases — plasmas — exerted a strong force.
They dubbed this mysterious region "the magnetosphere." In the exciting
but highly speculative early days of magnetospheric physics, this region was
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L-61-6169
WE EXPLORE THE PLANET EARTH
INNER RADIATION BUT
CHARGED PARTICLES
FRO» SOU
MAONiTiC FIELD
IONOSPHERE
ATMOSPHERE
L-61-6163
Langley's MPD researchers used these schematic drawings to illustrate the main
features of earth 's bordering region with outer space.
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
alternately described as "a high region of the earth's atmosphere" or as a
"low or bordering region of space.
Another important discovery of the space age fed the new science of
magnetospheric physics: the notion of "the solar wind." This theory was
first expressed by Eugene N. Parker of the University of Chicago in 1958
and later confirmed by measurements taken from Soviet Lunik spacecraft
in 1959-1960 and from Explorer 10 in 1961. Parker suggested that the
sun's corona, or outer visible envelope, was expanding continuously, causing
streams of ionized gases to flow radially outward from the sun through
interplanetary space. (The sun is, after all, a big ball of plasma.) The
intensity of these plasma streams varied greatly relative to solar activity,
especially solar flares. The force of these streams, or solar wind, impinging
upon the earth's magnetic field created the familiar magnetic storms.7 By
1960 scientists possessed evidence that a plasma wind did blow continuously
from the sun, and the wind clearly displayed dynamic magnetic phenomena.
The field of study that the Langley researchers had come to call MPD
was growing quickly in esteem and importance, not only in the United States
but also around the world. Newly conceived experiments with magnetically
compressed plasmas provided scientists with an opportunity to generate
and study a small sample of the solar corona in the laboratory. Scientists
gathered basic data on subatomic behavior at temperatures for which no
such information existed before. A major and extraordinarily exciting new
age of modern physics was dawning. Scientists saw fascinating new research
opportunities, and they dreamed of fantastic technological applications.
Unfortunately, very few of their dreams would be realized. But in the early
1960s, that was something impossible to know.
What Langley researchers, especially those involved in gas dynamics and
other hypersonic investigations, did know in the late 1950s was that the
time for a major change had arrived. "The space age told us to move away
[from] classical aerodynamics into more modern things," remembers Macon
C. "Mike" Ellis, the man who would head Langley's formal MPD effort,
"and, as quickly as we could, we did."8 In handwritten notes made at
an internal meeting of his Gas Dynamics Branch held on 18 June 1958—
during the same period that plans for NASA's initial organization were
being formulated in Washington — Ellis wrote, "Either we make a big change
now or [we] try to make more significant contributions in aerodynamics."
MPD is
a field we are already in and should push hard. . . . We should go all out to get
qualified physics instructors. . . . We should have seminars on "space-type" and
reentry subjects. . . . We must work and plan toward ultimate "conversion" of our
work when aerodynamics becomes secondary. . . . We must go big into the new
environment of space.
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Spaceflight Revolution
Now was the time for Langley researchers to assume leadership roles in
the emerging space disciplines and vigorously seek major technological
applications.
The MPD Branch
Through the late 1950s, nothing had been done formally at Langley to
focus the efforts of those involved in the study of MPD-related subjects.
Many people at the laboratory, some of them senior engineers and research
managers, did not know what MPD was or did not understand what all
the fuss was about. Furthermore, nearly all of the people concerned with
MPD were members of the Gas Dynamics Laboratory, so they were already
grouped together and interacting regularly. Thus, for several months, even
after the new space agency was established, no Langley leaders saw a need
to create a new organization just for the MPD enthusiasts.
But interest in the new field kept growing. The idea that flows could
get so hot that the constituents of the air would actually break down and
become treatable by applying magnetic forces was extremely exciting. If air-
flows could be "treated" electromagnetically, they might even be controlled.
That was every aerodynamicist's dream. MPD offered a sort of aerodynamic
alchemy, a magical way of turning lead into gold, rough turbulent flow into
smooth laminar flow, dangerous reentry conditions into pacific ones. With
these glorious possibilities, MPD fostered great technological enthusiasm
and attracted many able researchers who hoped to find solutions to some
fascinating and very complex problems.
The study of MPD became increasingly glamourous in the late 1950s, so
much so that Langley management soon understood that it should advertise
the progress that Langley researchers were making in MPD studies. At each
of the former NACA laboratories — Lewis, Ames, and Langley — research in
MPD grew in earnest in the months just before the metamorphosis of the
NACA into NASA and thereafter gained momentum.10 At the first NASA
inspection in October 1959, MPD was a featured attraction. In the printed
inspection program, MPD merited one of the 13 subtitled sections. Visitors
on the inspection tour stopped at a special MPD exhibit. At that stop, a
Langley MPD specialist stood in front of a graphic panorama of the universe
and introduced his subject by saying that "the space environment is filled
with manifestations of this new science."11
Above all other members of Langley's staff, Floyd Thompson, still
officially the associate director, became most enthralled with the glamour of
MPD. As Mike Ellis remembers, "Thompson was tremendously supportive
of our effort." One of the best measures of Thompson's enthusiasm was
his request that the MPD staff be "on tap" as the special attraction
for major events. He "always put us on stage at the NASA inspections
and when various groups of scientists came through the laboratory," Ellis
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
recalls. Thompson appreciated that work in this exciting new field of science
could enhance the reputation of his aeronautics laboratory.12 In May 1960,
the same month he took over officially from Henry Reid as the Langley
director, Thompson established a Magnetoplasmadynamics Branch of the
Aero-Physics Division. Prom its beginning, MPD was one of Thompson's
pet projects.
The Aero-Physics Division was the natural home for Langley's MPD
effort. This division was led by hypersonics specialist John V. Becker, an
NAG A veteran whose employment at Langley dated back to 1936 and who
by the mid-1950s had become deeply involved in work related to hypersonic
gliders and winged reentry vehicles. A research-minded engineer, Becker was
a strong and confident division chief (he had been one since the mid-1940s,
passing up several opportunities to move up to posts in senior management).
He was comfortable having a research effort as esoteric and as sophisticated
as MPD based in his division. Scientifically, he was quite sharp and was more
than capable of appreciating the complexities of this new field of research
as well as its promise for making major contributions to the space program.
Through the 10-year span of the MPD Branch (1960-1970), Becker not only
tolerated the many MPD enthusiasts in his division but also almost always
supported their ideas.
The first and only person to be in charge of Langley's MPD Branch
was Mike Ellis, an NACA veteran who was 42 years old when the branch
was organized. Ellis had come to work at Langley in 1939, and over the
course of his career at the laboratory, he had been involved in pioneering
work on the aerodynamics of jet engines, ramjets, and supersonic inlets
and nozzles. Fittingly, Ellis had worked for Eastman Jacobs and with
Arthur Kantrowitz in the early 1940s, and he had heard firsthand accounts
of his former colleagues' attempt to design a fusion reactor in the spring
of 1938. By the late 1950s, Ellis was one of Langley's most outspoken
believers in MPD's promise of technological benefits. Ellis encouraged Floyd
Thompson's enthusiasm for MPD and persuaded Langley's senior staff of
mostly engineers that MPD was a field of research vital to the future of
NASA. When the time came to pick someone to head the new branch, Ellis
was unquestionably the person for the job.
Ellis was no extraordinary "scientific brain." As an aeronautical engineer,
his talents were quite respectable, but he possessed no special competency in
the physics of fluids beyond his experience in aerodynamics or gas dynamics.
He was always the first to admit that the complexities of plasma physics and
MPD were such that "there was no way" that he personally could conduct
basic MPD research. That challenge he would leave to minds more suited
for it. But Ellis could bring the MPD researchers together as a unit, serve as
their strong external advocate, shield them from front-office pressures, and
make sure that they received the support they needed to carry out their
work. "I just tried to keep my head above water," Ellis explains, "and keep
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Space/light Revolution
In the 1960s, John V. Becker
(left) headed the Aero-Physics Di-
vision, which was home to many
of the center's highest speed, and
most radical, research facilities.
These included supersonic and
hypersonic wind tunnels, arc-jets,
and shock tubes covering a speed
range from Mach 1.5 to Mach 20.
Some of these facilities, such as
the $6.5 million Continuous- Flow
Hypersonic Tunnel (below), were
the forebearers of the strange
apparatuses of the MPD Branch.
L-61-4064
L-6 1-6268
128
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
Engineer Macon C. "Mike" Ellis was
an early believer in the promise of
MPD.
L-62-8043
these 'mad scientists' from going off on too many tangents, or going mad
myself."13
The MPD Branch never became a large outfit. By the end of 1962,
it had less than 50 total staff members: 27 professionals, 10 mechanics,
4 computers (mathematicians who helped to process and plot numerical
data), and 6 secretaries. This staff was divided into four teams or sections.
Plasma Applications, headed by Paul W. Huber, was the largest section,
with 8 professionals. Space Physics, led by British physicist David Adamson,
was the smallest with 3. Robert Hess's Plasma Physics Section had 7
professionals, and George P. Wood's Magnetohydrodynamics Section had
5. These sections (and their section heads) remained in place until the
dissolution of the MPD Branch in 1970.
In addition to being small, MPD was self-contained. Whereas most of
the research done in the center's branches regularly spilled over into other
functioning units, most MPD work was done within the MPD Branch. A
small amount of related research was done in the Flight Research Division
and Full-Scale Research Division; however, most of this work concerned
the development of microwave and spectroscopic diagnostic techniques. All
told, the MPD work conducted outside the MPD Branch never involved
more than about five researchers.
In terms of organizational genealogy, the MPD Branch grew from a nar-
row stem. With the exception of Adamson, and a trio of his colleagues from
a space physics group in the Theoretical Mechanics Division, all the original
members of the MPD Branch came from the Gas Dynamics Laboratory.
The guru of MPD studies in this lab was Adolf Busemann. Throughout
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Space/light Revolution
the 1950s, Busemann had inspired engineers with his provocative theories
and experimental ideas. At Langley on 22-23 September 1958, the Ger-
man aerodynamicist even chaired an important interlaboratory meeting on
MHD. Ninety-three people attended the meeting, which featured 6 speakers
from Ames, 4 from Lewis, and 11 from Langley and was organized into three
sessions — plasma acceleration, arc-jets, and ion beams. Busemann gave a
20-minute talk on the theory of alternating-current (AC) plasma accelera-
tion. This two-day scientific meeting, held one week before the changeover
to NASA, was the precursor of much larger conferences on MPD sponsored
by NASA on almost an annual basis into the mid-1960s.14
Among the scientists working in MPD at Langley were several Germans.
Like many other scientific institutions around the country, Langley had re-
ceived a handful of German scientists who were part of Operation Paperclip,
the U.S. Army intelligence operation that brought captured German rocket
scientists and engineers to work for the U.S. government at the end of World
War II. Busemann and two other outstanding researchers, Karlheinz Thorn
and Goetz K. H. Oertel, came to Langley through Paperclip. Both Thorn
and Oertel moved from Gas Dynamics to George Wood's MHD Section of
the new MPD Branch. Both men stayed at Langley for several years before
eventually taking posts at NASA headquarters.
At least 10 German scientists came to Langley as part of a postdoc-
toral program funded by NASA but sponsored by the National Academy of
Sciences. This program, which was totally divorced from the normal civil
service procurement system, enabled NASA to obtain talented people as
Resident Research Associates (RRAs) without going through the normal
hiring procedures of the civil service and without regard for NASA's per-
sonnel ceilings. In 1968, for instance, 6 of the 39 professionals in the MPD
Branch were RRAs.15
Langley's MPD group attracted other foreign scientists. These included
Dr. Marc Feix, a French nuclear scientist who spent a few years at Langley
in the mid-1960s and did some outstanding theoretical work. Feix was
nominally assigned to Hess's Plasma Physics Section, but he actually
worked with various people throughout the branch, especially with the
Space Physics Section under David Adamson. Adamson had first worked at
Langley at the end of World War II on an exchange program from the Royal
Aircraft Establishment in Farnborough England.16 After the exchange,
Adamson went home to England, but soon returned to Langley.*
In the 1960s, the researchers of the MPD Branch were the most highly
educated group of people at Langley. The MPD Branch enjoyed the
In 1958, in support of Assistant Director Eugene Draley's initiative to advertise Langley's (then
largely alleged) expertise in space science, Adamson composed an excellent paper on the principles of
gravity. According to some experts, this paper, which NASA published, turned out to be "one of the
best papers ever written" on the subject, as well as one of the most quoted. (Ellis audiotape, Nov. 1991,
author's transcript, p. 18.)
130
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
L-62-8122 L-65-1110
Paul W. Huber (left), head of MPD 's largest section, Plasma Applications. In the
mid-1960s, French nuclear scientist Dr. Marc Feix (right) floated from section to
section within the MPD Branch, helping researchers solve theoretical problems basic
to plasma physics.
academic mystique of having by far the highest percentage of advanced
degree holders. At one point MPD had eight employees with earned
doctorates, seven others at the Ph.D. dissertation stage, and virtually all
of its younger people working toward advanced degrees.*
Compared with other research groups at Langley, the MPD enthusiasts
participated in more international scientific conferences; had more contacts
with consultants, important scientific committees, and advisory groups out-
side Langley; monitored more research contracts; and received more dis-
tinguished visitors. Senior management asked MPD researchers to occupy
center stage during NASA inspections and to escort distinguished guests into
their Prankensteinian laboratories, which were filled with plasma accelera-
tors, MPD-arc fusion reactors, powerful electrical supplies, spectrometers,
microwave diagnostic instruments, and other bizarre apparatuses. Even to
other engineers, this equipment was strange and unidentifiable. Understand-
ably, their peers considered the Ph.D.'s and other 'mad scientists' of MPD
a prestigious group.17
* Ironically, neither Wood, head of the MHD Section, nor Hess, head of the Plasma Physics Section,
held a Ph.D. Wood completed all the course work toward a doctorate in the early 1930s, but because of
the Great Depression he had to go to work before receiving his degree; Hess graduated from the Vienna
Institute of Technology and had taken graduate courses in fluid mechanics and thermodynamics at MIT
in the late 1930s, but he also did not possess an advanced degree.
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Space/light Revolution
But the prestige could last only if Langley's MPD work proved deserving;
the proof lay in conducting outstanding research programs and producing
meaningful results. When the MPD Branch was formed in 1960, Langley
researchers saw three particularly promising applications for MPD research.
First, they hoped to accelerate gases to very high speeds to study and
solve the reentry problems of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs),
spacecraft, and transatmospheric or aerospace vehicles such as the North
American X-15 rocket plane and the U.S. Air Force proposed X-20 Dyna-
Soar boost-glider. The potential for these applications explains in part
Langley's commitment to the small-scale but significant program of research
and development of various plasma accelerators.
Second, the MPD experts at Langley hoped to develop prospective ap-
plications of MPD for spacecraft propulsion and power generation systems.
They were confident that electric or ion rockets would be the space propul-
sion system of the future. If humankind was to go to Mars or some other
planet in a reasonable travel time, such radical sorts of propulsion systems
would be required. Therefore, the centers for NASA's major propulsion ef-
forts (especially Lewis in Cleveland and Marshall in Huntsville) must begin
studying the ion and plasma devices that might someday offer to rocket
technology the extraordinarily high specific impulses required for such far-
away missions. Most definitely, the design and operation of these rockets
would require the use of MPD principles.18
Third, Langley's MPD specialists realized that if controlled thermonu-
clear fusion was to become a practical source for the volume generation
of electricity, much more about the subject would have to be learned.
Beginning in the late 1950s, the Atomic Energy Commission had begun
conducting MPD research with the production of electric power in mind.
Branch Head Mike Ellis also believed that "the eventual energy source
will be thermonuclear fusion" and that "the development of this energy
source most likely will depend upon fundamental discoveries in the field of
magnetoplasmadynamics." 19
The promise of the field was indeed wonderful. But the promise of
wonderful or even revolutionary findings and applications could sustain the
new MPD group at Langley for only so long. At some point, MPD studies
had to produce. The reality was, as John Becker later put it, "Of all the
efforts we had, it was the most sophisticated and probably the least likely
to succeed. We shouldn't have expected as much from it as we did."20
Out of the Tunnel
Concern for the problems that the ICBM encountered during reentry
flight prompted Langley researchers to begin the study of MPD in 1958.
The physics of the unique conditions of the hot ionized flow around the
missile's nose during reentry demanded special attention. Space vehicles
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
when reentering the atmosphere quickly became covered with electrically
charged particles. These particles formed a "plasma sheath" behind the bow
shock. Researchers hoped that an application of electric and/or magnetic
fields to the plasma sheath could affect the airflow in desirable ways; for
example, it could reduce the heat transfer to the nose. The most direct
effect of the plasma sheath, however, was that radio transmission from the
vehicle during reentry was not possible for obtainable radio frequencies. The
plasma caused a period of "radio blackout."
To solve these problems, researchers at Langley had to simulate reentry
conditions in the laboratory. This would require some new and unusual
research equipment; conventional wind tunnels would not do the job. Small
hypersonic tunnels, made possible by the development of high- temperature
heat exchangers and high-speed nozzles and operated on an intermittent
basis for flow durations of only seconds to no more than a minute, permitted
studies of some forces during reentry, but not all and not some of the most
important.
Several university, industrial, and government research groups had made
significant advances in the acceleration of hot ionized gases by the late
1950s. Some of these advances involved the arc-jet, a novel apparatus for
aerodynamic testing that could heat a test gas (usually nitrogen, helium,
or air) to temperatures as high as 20,000° Fahrenheit (F). In essence,
the arc-jet was a primitive electric rocket engine.21 In May 1957, five
months before Sputnik, NACA Langley began operating a pilot model of
its first experimental arc-jet. Installed in Room 118 of the center's Gas
Dynamics Laboratory, it was an "Electro-Magnetic Hypersonic Accelerator
Pilot Model Including Arc-Jet Ion Source," with a test section size of a
minute 7x7 millimeters and gas temperatures ranging between 10,000°
and 12,000°F.22
Fundamentally, the arc-jet was just another hot-gas wind tunnel, which
heated the gas electrically (typically using 100,000 kilowatts) to high tem-
peratures in a low-velocity settling chamber, and then expanded it quickly
through a tiny nozzle to supersonic velocities. No translational electric or
magnetic forces acted on the gas in this conventional arc-jet. The gas was
simply being heated by an electrical discharge. Most of the charged particles
in this high-temperature discharge recombined in the cooling process that
occurred during expansion.
In 1962, Langley tried a slightly different but companion arc-jet facility
known as the hotshot tunnel. This hybrid, invented in the mid-1950s by
engineers at the U.S. Air Force's Arnold Engineering Development Center in
Tullahoma, Tennessee, combined the basic features of an arc-jet with those
of a new type of wind tunnel known as an impulse tunnel. In this tunnel
an explosive release of energy created high pressures and temperatures in
the test gas.23 In practice Langley's hotshot mostly missed the mark. To
generate the very high heat, its operators had to resort to exploding a piece
of copper through the tunnel circuit, thus the name "hotshot." The material
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Spaceflight Revolution
L-64-11,179
Research physicist Philip Brockman pushes the button to start the MPD-arc plasma
accelerator in December 1964- The test chamber for this facility was part of a larger
high-flow, low-vacuum space simulation apparatus housed within the MPD Branch.
that then made its way through the test section was a mixture of hot air and
vaporized copper, a very unsatisfactory medium for aerodynamic testing.
The facility remained active into the 1970s, but the amount of useful work
accomplished in it was quite limited.
Another facility for reentry testing that was developed in the late
1950s was the shock tube. Fundamentally, this was an impulse tunnel,
distinguished from a hotshot mainly by the way in which energy was added
to the test gas. According to a formal definition of the time, a shock tube
was "a relatively long tube or pipe in which very brief high-speed gas flows
are produced by the sudden release of gas at very high pressure into a low-
pressure portion of the tube." The idea was to generate a normal planar
(that is, lying in one plane) shock wave and send it through a gas at a speed
20 to 30 times the speed of sound, [and] thus heating the gas behind the
normal shock to an extreme temperature.24
Langley's first shock tube began operation in the Gas Dynamics Lab-
oratory in late 1951. By the end of the NACA period, three more shock
tubes were put to work at the laboratory; they produced temperatures be-
tween 10,500° and 15,000°F, attained speeds of Mach 8 to Mach 20, and had
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The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
running times of 0.001 to 0.002 seconds.25 Researchers believed that experi-
ments with these devices would yield much knowledge, even though everyone
involved with shock-tube work conceded that "it was a very tough area of
research." Contending with flows that lasted for only a few thousandths of
a second and that required a considerable amount of special instrumenta-
tion was "a fantastic problem." How were researchers "to get answers out of
something like that?"26 Still, those passionate about high- velocity flows and
high-temperature gases at Langley put great faith in the shock tube. The
facility was used for much basic research including studies of shock waves
generated by atomic bomb blasts.
Through the transition period of 1957 and 1958, researchers at the lab
continued to seek new ways to accelerate hot plasmas to the tremendous
velocities of reentry flight. In a method devised by Langley MPD enthusiast
George Wood, a hot gas was fed into a tube, then the body force of crossed
electric and magnetic fields was used to accelerate the gas to the point where
a mixture of disassociated, high-enthalpy flow would reproduce the very high
Mach numbers of hypersonic flight. At NASA's First Anniversary Inspection
in 1959, Langley engineers demonstrated a crude version of Wood's crossed-
field plasma accelerator. It produced a flash of light, a loud bang, a startled
audience, and a belief in the promise of major new scientific findings.
Nearly everyone was excited by the potential of plasma accelerators.
When John Stack first heard about the facility, he exclaimed, "This is great!"
Stack felt that Langley should call the device something grand; he proposed
the awe-inspiring name, the "Trans- Satellite- Velocity Wind Tunnel."28
Given the limited performance of Wood's early version of the exper-
imental accelerator, such a pretentious name would have been a poor
choice. As part of a guided tour for top officials from NASA headquar-
ters in late 1959, Langley hoped to show off the radically new plasma ac-
celeration device. Almost comically, it did not work. One embarrassed
Langley engineer who watched the demonstration remembers, "We all sat
around expectantly while Dr. [Adolf] Busemann explained the system. Then
Busemann went over and threw the switch." Unfortunately, only "a little
stream of red-hot particles sort of 'peed out' the end of this tube. It was
a complete washout. Busemann just giggled and said, 'Well, we have a
problem.' "29
The concept behind Wood's crossed-field plasma accelerator was sound:
it was an application of a 130- year-old theory of electromagnetic force that
had been expressed by Ampere in the 1820s. Langley researchers kept
fiddling with the pilot model until in 1960 they successfully demonstrated its
feasibility. Having done so, they continued research on larger, more powerful
versions of the device. One version, the 20-megawatt plasma accelerator, was
completed in 1966 at a cost of more than $1 million. With this facility, the
MPD Branch planned to achieve more accurate simulation of the reentry
conditions of both manned and unmanned vehicles. Shakedown testing in
the accelerator continued until 1969, when political pressures applied by the
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Space/light Revolution
George P. Wood (right), head of MPD's
Magnetohydrodynamics Section, developed
Langley's earliest crossed- field plasma ac-
celerator. The accelerator section of the
20-megawatt plasma accelerator facility is
shown below. Note the many electrodes for
furnishing the high-energy electric field.
L-62-8047
L-66-1913
136
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
L-63-3361
In this April 1963 photo, MPD lab tech-
nician Charlie Diggs regulates the flow
of a test gas in an early 10-kilowatt test
version of Langley's Hall-current plasma
accelerator (above); over his left shoulder
sits a Polaroid camera for photograph-
ing an oscilloscope. In November 1965,
an unidentified technician (left) wears
goggles to protect his eyes against the in-
tense light in a later coaxial version of a
Hall-current plasma accelerator. In the
test section, one can see the very bright,
high-velocity plume from the MPD arc-
jet exhausting into a vacuum tank.
L-65-8509
137
Space/light Revolution
Nixon administration forced an abrupt halt to the accelerator's pioneering
work. Whether the machine would have ever completely panned out, no one
can be sure.
In NASA's report on the last tests made in this device, published in 1971,
George Wood and his colleagues pointed out that an exit velocity of 30,176
feet per second had been achieved, which was a remarkable 81 percent of
the facility's computed capacity of 37,064 feet per second. According to the
NASA report, the crossed-field accelerator "appears to be the largest and
highest velocity nonpulsed linear plasma accelerator" to attain "an operable
status."30 An experimental facility with this record must be called a success.
While trying to work out the kinks in Wood's crossed-field accelerator
design, Langley's MPD experts conceived several other methods for accel-
erating plasmas. One of these methods, which was not pursued very far,
they called "microwave cavity resonance." The major alternative, however,
was known as the "linear Hall-current accelerator." This type of plasma
accelerator was based on a principle of electrical polarization and current
generation laid out by the American physicist Edwin H. Hall in the 1920s
and 1930s. The facility used a constant rather than intermittent interaction
of currents and magnetic fields across a channel to accelerate a steady flow
of plasma.
Beginning in the late 1950s, a small group of Langley researchers led
by Robert V. Hess, an applied physicist from Austria who had come to
work for the NACA in 1945, began pursuing two major variants of the
Hall accelerator: the MPD arc and the so-called linear Hall accelerator.
Throughout the 1960s, Hess and his associates refined these versions of
the plasma accelerator, thus making extensive experimental and theoretical
studies of the physics and overall performance of their devices. Although
they successfully demonstrated the efficiency of the MPD arc and linear Hall
accelerator and made several important findings relating to the manner in
which oscillations and instabilities in plasma could develop into turbulent
flows, MPD researchers were never able to simulate reentry conditions or
the interaction between the solar wind and the geomagnetosphere, and they
would never realize meaningful applications in space propulsion. As was
the case with the other MPD experimental facilities mentioned, the linear
Hall-current accelerator possessed limitations that Hess and his colleagues
could not eradicate. By the late 1960s, Hess and others in MPD shifted the
focus of their work with these accelerators to the potential application of
gas lasers.31
Into the Cyanogen Fire
In the late 1950s, the Langley MPD group found a stopgap method of
generating a plasma in the laboratory. This method involved the production
of a hot flame fueled by the combustion of cyanogen gas and oxygen.
138
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
Robert V. Hess, head of MPD's Plasma
Physics Section.
L-62-8120
MPD physicist Bob Hess was an intense researcher and bibliophile. He
combed the current technical and scientific literature for ideas that might
prove useful to his and his colleagues' work. Proficient in German and French
as well as English, he was able to keep abreast of scientific ideas along several
fronts. With his desk piled high with papers, Hess ferreted out the best
notions, and massaged them for his own creative uses.* In 1957, Hess came
across a reference to a new experimental device at the Research Institute
of Temple University in Philadelphia. This device produced an extremely
hot flame by burning oxygen with cyanogen, a colorless, flammable, and
poisonous gas, sometimes formed by heating mercuric cyanide. After reading
about the cyanogen flame experiment, Hess hit on an idea for adapting the
flame to create a hot plasma for simulating the space reentry environment.
By feeding oxygen and cyanogen gas into a combustion chamber and igniting
the mix, the researchers at Temple were producing a flame of more than
8000° F. This was one of the hottest flames scientists had ever produced.
What would be the result, Hess mused, if a potassium vapor that ionized
easily at that temperature was added to the combustion chamber? Would
For example, in 1945 Hess found an overlooked British translation of German aerodynamicist Dr.
Adolf Busemann's seminal 1937 paper on sweptwing theory. Hess found it in the Langley Technical
Library, where his future wife, Jane, would someday serve as the head librarian and assist him greatly
with his search for references, and he passed it on to colleague Robert T. Jones. This was just prior
to Jones's final revision of a confidential NACA paper in which Jones would report his independent
discovery of the advantages of wing sweep for supersonic flight.
139
Space/light Revolution
this create a jet of hot gas that reproduced the extremely ionized plasma
conditions of missile reentry?
On 17 June 1957, Hess and his boss in the Gas Dynamics Laboratory,
Macon C. Ellis, Jr., visited Temple University to discuss the details of
producing a cyanogen-oxygen flame and to inquire about the feasibility of
adding an easily ionizable alkaline material, potassium or perhaps cesium, to
the flame. The key people to whom they spoke were Dr. Aristid V. Grosse,
director of the Temple Research Institute, and Charles S. Stokes, who was in
charge of the cyanogen flame program. Grosse and Stokes agreed that "the
great stability of the combustion products" made them "well suited" for an
addition of an ionizer such as potassium; they told the Langley visitors that
they themselves had recognized this in one of their early reports, perhaps
in the one that Hess had read. However, they had not made quantitative
estimates of the electron densities or followed up on the idea in any way.
They wondered whether the addition of potassium might not exert a cooling
effect that would somewhat diminish the density of electrons. Hess, however,
had already made the estimates and knew that the density of the electrons in
the seeded cyanogen flame would be sufficiently high (about 1016 per cubic
centimeter) to compensate for any temperature-reducing reactions.32
At Langley, Paul Huber with the help of the facilities engineering group
quickly designed a cyanogen flame apparatus, and the funding for its
construction was approved. By the time the NACA became NASA, the
device had been operating for several months. As expected, the first major
test program conducted in Langley's alkali-metal-seeded, cyanogen-oxygen
flame explored how flow-field conditions near an ICBM nose prevented the
transmission of radio signals back to earth. Researchers in the Gas Dynamics
Laboratory working with Joseph Burlock of IRD mounted a transmitting
antenna in front of a nozzle that bathed the antenna in the hot cyanogen
gas jet. Instruments then measured the rate at which the transmitter lost
its signal power.
The early MPD test program demonstrated the feasibility of creating
and controlling the highly ionized plasmas representative of the extreme
dynamic conditions of spaceflight and reentry. The program also showed
that certain simplified theoretical methods could be used to calculate the
loss of electronic communication with a vehicle during reentry of a vehicle
from space. If plasma conditions around the vehicle could be estimated
with reasonable accuracy, researchers then would be able to predict the
expected radio power loss. This was critical information for trips in and out
of space by guided missiles, aerospace planes, and manned and unmanned
spacecraft. Led by the outstanding theoreticians Calvin T. Swift and John S.
Evans, who worked in the Plasma Applications Section under Paul Huber,
MPD researchers at Langley continued to make significant contributions
throughout the 1960s. On the problems of transmitting radio signals to and
from reentry vehicles, no group inside or outside of NASA came to speak
with more authority.33
140
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
L-63-2898
Three-quarter top view of Langley's cyanogen burner, which was located for safety
reasons in a remote spot on the edge of a marsh in Langley's West Area. To the left
of the jet is a microwave "horn, " a device for electron- concentration measurement
and radio-transmission attenuation.
The MPD program was particularly valuable to the little-known NASA
project RAM. Initiated too late to help in the communications blackout
problems of the Mercury and Gemini capsules, the purpose of Project
RAM was to support the Apollo program. Many of the project's results
proved inconclusive, and most of the hoped-for technological fixes, for
example, the use of higher radio frequencies and the timed injection of
small sprays of water into the hot gas envelope surrounding a reentering
spacecraft, were judged too problematic for use in Apollo. However, MPD
specialists at Langley did learn how to predict the flow-field characteristics of
a reentering spacecraft more accurately, and their work led to viable schemes
for alleviating or "quenching" part of the plasma sheath so that some level
of effective radio communications to and from a reentering vehicle could
occur.34 Experience gained in the MPD reentry experiments of the 1960s
eventually aided in projecting the reentry conditions of the Space Shuttle.
141
Spaceflight Revolution
The Barium Cloud Experiment
Not all of Langley's MPD work sought such direct technological appli-
cations as Project RAM. Some of the more fruitful research efforts fell into
the realm of basic science and represented what MPD Branch Head Ellis de-
scribed in a February 1962 briefing to the Langley senior staff as "examples
of keeping research alive on a reasonable scale without solid, specific appli-
cations or even the guarantee of applications!"35 One such effort that made
significant contributions was a barium cloud experiment designed for explo-
ration of the interaction between the solar wind and the earth's magnetic
fields.
Although a continuous outpouring of plasma appeared to emanate from
the sun (i.e., the solar wind), this plasma by virtue of its high conductivity
did not seem to penetrate the earth's strong magnetic field; instead, the
solar wind flowed around the earth's field, forming a huge cavity. Sensitive
magnetometers aboard some of the first Soviet and American spacecraft
provided useful information about the disposition of the magnetic fields
within this cavity; however, many questions about the arrangement of the
field lines remained unanswered. Conservative estimates of the volume of the
cavity placed it at about 60,000 times the volume of the earth. Langley's
interested MPD experts knew that it was "going to be a formidable task
indeed to map such an extensive field by point to point samplings."36 Little
was known about the shape of the cavity on the nightside of the earth,
and indeed astrophysicists had suggested that the cavity was in fact open
and that the earth's magnetosphere had a tail extending out some several
"astronomical units."*
These were only some of the complications stirring the "intellectual stew"
over the magnetospheric cavity. Other concerns stemmed from evidence that
the magnetic field lines of the earth were linked at least partially with those
of the interplanetary field, which in turn were entrained in the solar wind. If
so, tangential stresses and drag forces in the realm of space affected motions
within the magnetosphere in addition to those imparted by the earth's own
rotation, which were themselves unknown.37
At Langley, these cosmological matters were of particular interest to
the small group of theoretically inclined researchers working in the MPD
Space Physics Section under David Adamson. Beginning in late 1963, the
Adamson group began to seriously consider a novel experimental technique
by which scientists could use an artificially ionized plasma "cloud" as a space
probe. As Adamson explained at the time, the principle of the cloud was
rather simple.
Of
An astronomical unit is usually defined as the mean distance between the center of the earth and
the center of the sun, i.e., the semimajor axis of the earth's orbit, which is equal to approximately
92.9 X 1,000,000 miles or 499.01 light seconds.
142
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
If a charged particle is projected into a magnetic field, it spirals along a magnetic
field line, remaining tied to that field line until it is dislodged by colliding with
another particle. Picture then a cloud of charged particles, sufficiently dispersed at
a sufficiently great altitude that collisions can be ignored. The individual particles
will be tied to the field lines, and motions of the cloud perpendicular to the field lines
will be inhibited. Of course, the cloud can and will diffuse along the field lines, and
as it does so will serve to define the shaping of those field lines to which it is frozen.
Moreover, if the magnetic field lines are themselves in motion, this motion, too, will
oo
be imparted to the cloud.
Only three requirements were placed on the cloud: it had to be fully ionized,
the ionized atoms had to show resonance lines in the visible portion of the
spectrum, and it had to be visible to observers on earth.
The notion of an ionized cloud was not new. For several years, research
groups around the world had been experimenting with chemical releases as
a means of exploring the nature of the upper atmosphere. For the most
part, the creation of such artificial clouds was done by launching a sounding
rocket carrying on its nose a payload of pyrotechnic constituents mixed with
alkali metals. At the proper altitude in the upper atmosphere, a canister
carrying the payload would be ejected. The temperature of the canister's
contents would rise thousands of degrees and then escape explosively to form
a colorful vapor whose atoms would glow blue- violet in the sunlight. The
result was a bright and rather beautiful space cloud, a sort of instant aurora,
which could be seen quite distinctly by an observer watching from the
nightside of the earth. Highly responsive magnetometers and spectroscopes
could then be used to analyze the physics of what happened when a body of
charged particles exploded in the outermost realms of the earth's atmosphere
and at the fringes of space.
The world leaders in developing the tricky optical cloud technique were
the West Germans, specifically a group of experimental astrophysicists in
the Gaerching Laboratory of the Max Planck Institut in Berlin. The leading
figures in the development of what came to be known as "the barium
bomb" were Dr. Ludwig Biermann and his associate Dr. Riemar Lust. In
1951, Biermann had anticipated Parker's discovery of the solar wind by
hypothesizing that a comet's tail, which always points away from the sun,
was being pushed by streams of solar particles. He spent the rest of the
decade looking for an experimental means by which to prove his theory.
By the late 1950s, the Biermann group had developed a technique for the
creation of an artificially ionized cloud in the upper atmosphere. By 1964,
although the existence of the solar wind was by then taken for granted, the
same group was ready to use more powerful rockets to deploy the first of
these clouds in space.
Biermann and Lust used a payload of barium inside their canisters. In
their opinion, a mix of copper oxide and barium (a soft, silver-white, metallic
element obtained when its chloride was decomposed by an electric current)
143
Spaceflight Revolution
was most desirable because it ionized at a reasonable temperature and even
in modest concentration could produce clouds visible to observers on earth.
In the early 1960s, French sounding rockets fired from the Sahara began
carrying West Germany's barium payloads into the upper atmosphere as
part of a research program sponsored by the newly founded European Space
Research Organization (ESRO). NASA's space scientists naturally knew
about the European program, and some of them thought, like Biermann and
Lust, that the barium cloud technique could be adapted for experimental
•JQ
use in space.
In the summer of 1964, Bob Hess traveled to Feldafing, near Munich,
Germany, to participate in an international symposium on the diffusion of
plasma across a magnetic field. At this meeting, Hess spoke with Biermann
about the barium cloud technique. The interest of the West Germans in
the experiment was different from that of Langley's MPD Branch. The
Germans wanted to release barium in the streaming solar wind outside
the magnetosphere in the hope of learning more about the formation of
comets; the NASA researchers sought to explore the magnetosphere itself.
Nevertheless, the interests were similar enough to make Biermann and Hess
agree that some measure of international cooperation would be useful.
Upon his return to Langley, Hess wrote a letter to NASA's Space
Sciences Steering Committee. Founded in May 1960 by the head of NASA's
Office of Space Sciences and Applications (OSSA), Dr. Homer Newell, this
committee consisted of NASA officials and leading academic scientists in
the field. Their duty was to advise NASA on its space science program
and evaluate proposals for scientific experiments on NASA missions. In his
letter, Hess summarized the observational possibilities of plasma clouds as
magnetospheric probes and proposed that NASA devise a cloud experiment,
which perhaps could be done with the cooperation of Dr. Biermann and
the West Germans. Instead of launching the barium from inside a rocket,
Hess suggested that the makings for the plasma cloud be released from
inside the MORL that NASA was planning, "where the advantages of longer
observation of the plasma cloud and of a wider choice of materials are offered
as compared with observation from the ground through the atmosphere."40
The space scientists at NASA headquarters were interested in the general
idea, but plans to proceed progressed slowly through 1965 and 1966. Other
space science experiments more directly supportive of the Apollo lunar
landing program, like the Surveyor and Lunar Orbiter programs, received
the highest priority. Still, the MPD Branch in conjunction with the
appropriate program officers at NASA headquarters, as well as with the
technical support of the Applied Materials and Physics Division at Langley,
continued to plan for the cloud experiment. From Wallops Island, NASA
would launch an explosive canister atop a high-altitude rocket.* Early on,
The type of rocket was yet to be determined. Ultimately, several sounding rockets, as well as
Langley's multipurpose Scout rocket, would be used.
144
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
Langley researchers thought that the canister should contain a combustible
mixture of cyanogen-oxygen with cesium; however, with input from Lust's
team in Germany, they finally chose a barium payload. At the appropriate
altitude in space (the rocket would not go into orbit), the canister would
detonate and out would float the ionized particles which would form the
space cloud. The cloud would last several minutes to more than one hour
during which it would reflect radio waves and could be viewed from a location
on earth in the sun's shadow.
The general scientific purpose of the cloud would be to serve as "a
ready means of discerning on a large scale the topology of the earth's
[magnetic] field and of determining magnetospheric motions." However,
Langley's MPD group felt that the cloud might also be used as an aid in
tracking high-altitude vertical sounding rockets or even vehicles (hopefully
not Soviet) bound for the moon. It could be used as a form of visible tracer,
not altogether unlike the use of certain metallic elements (often barium)
and radioactive isotopes fed into the stomach or injected into the blood as
tracers for X-ray diagnosis of cancer and other diseases.41
Eventually, NASA gave the go-ahead for the barium cloud-in-space
experiment. The approval was in part politically motivated; NASA wanted
to encourage international cooperation, at least in certain noncritical space
endeavors, and especially with the democratic nations of western Europe.
In June 1965, representatives of the Max Planck Institut approached NASA
with a proposal for a joint barium cloud experiment involving German
pay loads and NASA launches from Nike- Tomahawk and Javelin rockets.
The following month, NASA and West Germany's Federal Ministry for
Scientific Research signed a memorandum of understanding calling for
cooperation in a program of space research on the earth's inner radiation
belts and aurora borealis. According to the memorandum, NASA would
provide a Scout booster for the launch of a German-made satellite into
polar orbit by 1968, with the results of the experiment to be made available
to the world scientific community. Pursuant to another memorandum
of understanding between the two nations (signed in May 1966), the
two research agencies would then proceed with investigations of cometary
phenomena, the earth's magnetosphere, and the interplanetary medium
through studies of the behavior of high- altitude ionized clouds.42
Four months later, on 24 September 1966, in a joint effort with the Max
Planck Institut, NASA launched a four-stage Javelin sounding rocket from
Wallops Island to check its canister-ejection technique, and on the next day,
again from Wallops, launched a Nike- Tomahawk rocket which released a
mixture of barium and copper oxide. The second "shot" only reached 160
miles, whereas the desirable altitude for a barium cloud release was 3 to 5
earth radii. Nonetheless, the experiment was successful. For hundreds of
miles up and down the Atlantic coast, three distinct clouds were visible.
NASA and West German scientists photographed the clouds in an effort to
track and measure electric fields and wind motions in the upper atmosphere.
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Space/light Revolution
The results of both launches caused quite a public stir. Some residents along
the coast reported sightings of brilliant UFOs, and some motorists became
so fascinated by the brightly colored clouds that they ran off the road.
What came to be known formally as the MPI (Max Planck Insti-
tut)/NASA Magnetospheric Ion Cloud Experiment was the next step in the
two parties' cooperative investigation. Proposed formally by the Germans
in February 1967, the joint experiment was not approved by NASA until
December 1968. According to the final agreement, the Germans would pro-
vide the barium payload, two ground observer stations, and data analysis;
NASA would furnish the rocket, conduct the launch from Wallops Island,
and provide tracking and communications services.43
Despite a fatal explosion on 5 October 1967, at the Downey, California,
plant of North American Rockwell, which was caused by a mishandling
of finely divided barium mixed with Freon, the barium cloud experiment
eventually proved a great success.44 On 17 March 1969, a barium cloud
1865 miles long, lasting some 20 minutes, and visible to the naked eye,
formed at an altitude of 43,495.9 miles (69,999.87 kilometers). Heos 1,
a "Highly Eccentric Orbiting Satellite" belonging to ESRO, carried the
cloud-producing canister into space. Instrumented observation of this
and subsequent plasma cloud- in-space experiments revealed the motions
of the earth's magnetic field lines, including those influencing the aurorae;
demonstrated other plasma effects in space; helped scientists to correlate
these motions and effects as a function of solar flares; and generally allowed
world astrophysicists to model the geomagnetosphere more accurately. All
the barium cloud shots generated considerable public concern and interest
and were widely announced in advance in the press.
Aside from fascinating the public, this experimental probing of the near-
earth environment of space also led researchers to explore what was believed
to be the great potential value of magnetospheric data for understanding and
perhaps even controlling the earth's weather. Although the energies in space
were recognized to be small compared with those in the atmosphere, those
researchers interpreting the results of the barium cloud experiment raised
the possibility that even small disturbances of inherently unstable regions
in space could trigger significant behavior in large regions around the earth.
The few people outside Langley who remember the barium cloud research
program believed NASA left most of the interpretation of the results to the
Germans. In truth, as the NASA reports on the program demonstrate,
Langley's space physics group moved ahead very quickly to interpret the
data, "scooping" the preeminent Germans by first reporting and explaining
in full many of the essential findings.45
NASA Langley planned to participate in at least one follow-on barium
cloud test in 1974 or 1975. The purpose of this proposed test was to shape
the barium charge along a magnetic field line, then time the discharge to
coincide exactly with the passage of an unmanned satellite having a very
high-frequency (VHF) receiver aboard. The receiver would measure the
146
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
cyclotron radiation from the electrons circling the field line. The test did
not take place, however, because of the lack of support in the OSSA at
NASA headquarters.46
The Search for Boundless Energy
Astrophysics was not the only driving force behind the explosion of MPD
research in the 1950s. Another inciting factor was the quest for atomic
energy. After World War II and the dawn of the atomic age, many physicists
had begun exploring ways to confine plasmas magnetically in a new sort
of nuclear reactor based not on fission but on fusion. Such projects were
designed to explore the potential of generating thermonuclear power. Many
researchers and institutions believed this was the pot of gold at the end of
the MPD rainbow.
In 1951 the four-year-old U.S. Atomic Energy Commission initiated a
secret project known by the code name "Sherwood" ; its ambitious objective
was the controlled release of nuclear energy through stable confinement
of plasmas at an extremely high temperature. Interestingly, the strategy
behind Project Sherwood was not to build a scientific and technical base for
advanced fusion experiments; rather, the goal was to immediately develop a
working technology. Researchers were "to invent their way to a reactor," so
to speak, just as the scientists and engineers through a crash effort had built
the first atomic bomb. Such was the mood of optimism and enthusiasm over
the human capacity for solving any problem, however monumental, in the
wake of the successful Manhattan Project.47
Many of the devices developed during Project Sherwood served as ad-
vanced research tools. Although highly varied in their designs, almost all
the facilities tried, with only partial success, to produce fusion reactions
through some type of magnetic containment of a plasma. By the 1950s,
scientists knew that a thermonuclear reactor would require a reacting gas
with a temperature of at least 1,000,000,000 kelvin (K). Because contain-
ment of such an extraordinarily hot gas by solid walls seemed impossible,
many plasma physicists believed that the only way to contain the gas was
by powerful magnetic forces. Further work in MPD became vital.
At Langley, as elsewhere, researchers turned to the sun (a giant fusion
reactor) to find the answers. In Langley laboratories, the MPD group
worked on designing facilities that would simulate the activity of the solar
corona. George Wood's MHD Section built several highly experimental
devices to study solar physics; however, none of them yielded the secret
of thermonuclear power.
Consider, for example, George Wood's first highly experimental facility
for the basic study of solar-coronal physics, the one-megajoule theta-pinch.
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Space/light Revolution
"The pinch" used a powerful, one- million- joule* discharge of direct-current
(DC) electricity along a single-turn coil to generate a strong longitudinal
magnetic field. Wood's section hoped that an interaction of this high-
density current with its own magnetic field would cause a contained column
of plasma (that is, a molten conductor) to self-contract and become pinched
even tighter and perhaps even to rupture itself momentarily, thus producing
a controlled fusion reaction.
First explained in a theoretical paper by American physicist Willard H.
Bennett in 1934, the application of this self-focusing pinch effect had become
a basic mechanism of plasma and plasma-containment research worldwide
in the 1950s. Langley's MPD enthusiasts (notably MHD's Nelson Jalufka)
naturally wanted to get involved. Unfortunately, research in the Langley
pinch facility, as in all other reactors of the time designed to generate
controlled nuclear fusion, did not lead to fundamental breakthroughs. It
did, however, make some solid contributions to the literature.48
Another device that perhaps did not live up to all expectations but
nonetheless succeeded in fundamental respects was Langley's Magnetic
Compression Experiment. In the early 1960s, Karlheinz Thorn, Goetz
Oertel, and George Wood devised an experimental apparatus capable of
generating a multimillion-degree-kelvin plasma for simulation of the solar
corona and for studying the processes that produce highly ionized atoms in
the corona. Completed in 1965 at a total cost of roughly $2 million, the
apparatus consisted of a one-megajoule capacitor bank (a device for storing
electrical energy) plus a straight narrow tube that produced a theta-pinch.
Experiments conducted with this device led to some significant results on the
spectral lines of highly ionized gases like deuterium and argon, and members
of Wood's MPD group published several papers on the experiments into the
late 1960s. Well after the dissolution of the MPD branch in 1970, the facility
was still operating, thanks largely to the support of Karlheinz Thorn, who
had moved to a position of partronage in the OSSA at NASA headquarters.
Thorn was able to keep the Magnetic Compression Experiment alive by
relating its research more directly to astrophysics, thereby circumventing
a policy of the Nixon administration against basic research in the highly
speculative energy field of thermonuclear fusion.49
A third important fusion research effort of the MHD Section involved
the plasma-focus research facility. Although the stated purpose of this fa-
cility (whose operation dates to the mid-1960s) was to simulate and study
the physics of solar flares, its real purpose from the outset was to explore
A joule is equivalent to one watt-second.
148
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
the possibilities of fusion.* Essentially, the plasma-focus apparatus was a
coaxial arrangement wherein a sheet of electrical current was created by a
high-energy discharge from a powerful capacitor bank. The current sheet
traveled down a ring-shaped (annular) channel designed around a central
anode (positive electrode) and collapsed by virtue of its own self-induced
magnetic field into a high-density plasma.
Several researchers in Wood's MHD Section became deeply involved in
experiments with the plasma-focus facility, and although their work did not
produce the boundless energy of nuclear fusion, it cannot be called a failure;
rather, the effort, which was extensive, turned out to be important and
lasting. Between 1968 and 1985, Langley researchers published no less than
81 papers based on their experiments in the plasma- focus facility; only 7 of
these papers were written between 1968 and 1970, when the MPD Branch
was still functioning. Clearly, the research did not end with the formal
dissolution of the branch. In this collection of papers authored or coauthored
by the members of the former MPD Branch are significant offshoots from
the initial purpose of the experiments. These offshoots include exploration
of space-based lasers both for direct conversion of solar energy and for
early "Star Wars" designs. In the late 1970s, the plasma-focus facility
received national and international attention and acclaim by producing more
neutrons per experimental "shot" — 1019 fusion neutrons from a deuterium
plasma — than had been produced by any other fusion experiment to date
in the United States. By placing enriched uranium at the end of the anode,
researchers were even able to get 1010 fissions, which was another remarkable
result.50
These achievements signified that Langley's general fusion-related re-
search rated near the top of the American scientific effort by the early 1980s.
Langley's work was equal to similar pioneering efforts by Winston H. Bostick
at the Stevens Institute of Technology in New Jersey and G. R. Mather at
Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico. Of course, the chronol-
ogy for this work extends beyond the period that is the focus of this book;
however, the relevance of the research carried on by the MPD Branch of the
1960s extended to these significant follow-on efforts.
5k
A much earlier piece of equipment for plasma research at Langley known as "the diffusion inhibitor"
was developed to pursue thermonuclear power. In 1938, Langley researchers Eastman N. Jacobs
and Arthur Kantrowitz tried to confine a hot plasma magnetically and thereby achieve a controlled
thermonuclear reaction. Although NACA management quickly stopped the unauthorized research, the
preliminary experiments attempted by Jacobs and Kantrowitz in their toroidal (or doughnut-shaped)
chamber represent not only Langley's first flirtation with the basic science later leading to MPD studies
but also the first serious effort anywhere in the world .(and three years before the Manhattan Project)
to obtain energy from the atom. For a complete account of the Jacobs-Kantrowitz fusion experiment of
1938, see James R. Hansen, "Secretly Going Nuclear," in American Heritage of Invention & Technology
(Spring 1992) 7:60-63.
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Spaceflight Revolution
A Hot Field Cools Off
Although the promise of MPD remained high into the late 1960s, its
mystique was slowly dissipating. In a briefing to new Langley Director
Edgar M. Cortright in 1968, Mike Ellis had to admit that "a large part of
the glamour of moving into plasma physics that existed ten years ago is now
over and we feel that hard-headed research is now the order of the day."51
Ten years had passed, and the ambitions of the first exhilarating mo-
ments of the spaceflight revolution had been moderated by the mounting
frustrations of trying to achieve significant research results in what was
proving to be a much more illusive area of research than anticipated. "The
field was just so incredibly complicated," Mike Ellis remembers, "that to
make a really significant contribution that would apply to some great prob-
lem just became increasingly hard."52 The deeper the Langley researchers
and others plunged into the MPD field, the more they realized how difficult
contributing to any applications would be.
Because they could not find clear applications for most of their research,
the sights of the MPD enthusiasts changed gradually over the course of the
1960s. In terms of simulating the reentry conditions, which was the practical
application driving so much of the MPD effort in its early years, neither
Langley's arc-jets, nor its plasma accelerators, nor any other new facility
ever succeeded in generating on the ground a flow of high-temperature
air that corresponded to actual flight conditions. And, by the late 1960s,
NASA knew that a spaceflight program could do well without having that
capability. As John Becker of Aero-Physics explains,
We learned everything that we could in an airstream that was way too cool, and then
we corrected wherever we needed to for the effects of the temperature, by calculation,
by studying the effects of temperature in adequate facilities, and then adding that
to what we already knew. It was a partial simulation, but the corrections were good
enough to design successful hardware.
In other words, much of what MPD researchers had been trying to do just
proved unnecessary.
The primary motivation for many who had joined the MPD field had
been the hope of controlled thermonuclear fusion. Anybody and everybody
in the scientific community who was connected to plasma physics had the
dream of inventing the final device that would allow controlled fusion, or
at least they hoped to contribute in some direct way to its eventual design.
But by the late 1960s, the lack of progress in the field clearly indicated that
any practical technology based on fusion (other than an atomic bomb or
nuclear warhead) was still a long way off.54
At the dawn of the space age, NASA's MPD enthusiasts at Langley and
elsewhere had also believed that nuclear-powered rockets, ion rockets, and
other advanced space propulsion systems might be just around the corner
150
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
This May 1965 photograph shows a
Langley concept for a Mars landing ve-
hicle. By the end of the decade, all
thoughts of making a quick trip to Mars
ended.
L-65-3960
and that with them astronauts would soon be shooting off for Mars and other
faraway places. As the decade passed, the idea of the nuclear rocket fell by
the wayside and was for all practical purposes killed when NASA planning
for a manned Mars mission was put to an abrupt halt in 1970 by President
Nixon. The value of exploring the potential of electric propulsion systems
also diminished. Mike Ellis remembers the impact of the presidential policy
on his own work: "In early 1970, I was told to cease working immediately
on a paper I was preparing for formal presentation on the proposed manned
mission to Mars. The paper, on which I was working with Walter B. Olstad
and E. Brian Pritchard in the Aero-Physics Division, was all ready for
rehearsal. But then word came down from Washington, and I was told
not even to breathe the notion of a manned Mars mission."55
As their lofty aspirations were forced down to earth, the MPD enthusiasts
shifted their focus and began to look for other objectives. A group in the
Plasma Physics Section, for example, started to explore the potential of gas
lasers. Under the direction of Bob Hess and his associate Frank Allario,
this new area of interest grew into a sustained field of intense research at
NASA Langley. By the early 1970s, this effort provided some information
basic to the eventual development of the plasma cutting torches and plasma
metal-definition apparatuses that have since come to dominate the metals
field.56
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Spaceflight Revolution
In 1970, Edgar Cortright as part of his major reorganization of the center
dissolved the MPD Branch and put most of its people and many of their
facilities under a new Space Sciences Division headed by William H. Michael.
Aware of MPD's practical limitations, Mike Ellis did not complain about
his branch's dissolution, nor did any other member of his staff.* Cortright
was somewhat familiar with the MPD field from his days as a researcher
at Lewis laboratory and from his management experience in the OSSA at
NASA headquarters, so he did not criticize MPD's work or refer to it in
any way as a failure. John Becker, who had supported his MPD Branch for
nearly a decade, best sums up Langley's view of MPD: It was "a field that
we had to explore in detail because of the great promise. The fact that it
didn't yield any earth-shaking new things is not our fault. It's just the way
nature turned out to be."57
Never before in the history of applied basic research at Langley had a
field of study promised so much, yet delivered so little. But the "mad scien-
tists" of MPD were not mad in their pursuit; they were just different from
the "normal" body of researchers at Langley, who searched for practical
solutions and did not stray into matters of fundamental cosmological im-
portance. The MPD group's commitment to basic scientific research was in
fact quite sensible. At a time when NASA had an increasingly strong politi-
cal mandate for research that was "relevant" to the technological objectives
of space projects, the "mad scientists" of MPD maintained a broader and
more fundamental interpretation of relevant research.
Mike Ellis would always feel that MPD's interpretation was the proper
one and that the urgency of project work had deteriorated the status of
basic research at Langley. Project work so dominated the agency in the
late 1960s that all work, even basic research such as that conducted by the
MPD Branch, was judged by the black-and-white criteria for project success.
Results must be quickly achieved and immediately applicable. The results
of Langley's MPD work were neither. Mike Ellis puts the experience in
perspective: "It is certainly true that we didn't produce any earth-shaking
results or great breakthroughs. Not many efforts do."58
ill
Ellis himself, however, did not move into the new Space Sciences Division; instead, he became one
of the assistant chiefs (and later associate chief) of John Becker's Aero-Physics Division. Paul Huber,
head of the Plasma Applications Section, became head of Aero-Physic's Propulsion Research Branch,
which worked on hypersonic scramjets.
152
6
The Odyssey of Project Echo
The vitality of thought is an adventure. Ideas won't
keep. Something must be done about them. When the
idea is new, its custodians have a fervor. They live
for it.
—Dialogues of Alfred North Whitehead
For the things we have to learn before we can do them,
we learn only by doing them.
— Aristotle
In the early hours of 28 October 1959, five days after the close of the
first NASA inspection, people up and down the Atlantic coast witnessed a
brilliant show of little lights flashing in the sky. This strange display, not
unlike that of distant fireworks, lasted for about 10 minutes. From New
England to South Carolina, reports of extraordinary sightings came pouring
into police and fire departments, newspaper offices, and television and radio
stations. What were those mysterious specks of light flashing overhead?
Was it a meteor shower? More Sputniks? UFOs? Something NASA finally
managed to launch into space?
Several hours later, the press was still trying to solve the mystery. At
about three o'clock in the morning, a night watchman roused NASA Langley
rocket engineer Norman L. Crabill from a sound sleep in a dormitory near
the launchpads on Wallops Island. The watchman told Crabill that a long-
distance telephone call was waiting for him in the main office. A reporter
for a New York City newspaper wanted a statement about, as he put it,
"the lights that you guys had put up." Crabill, an irascible young member
of Langley 's PARD, had not been able to celebrate his thirty-third birthday
properly the night before because of what had happened, and now he had
gotten out of a warm bed, put on his pants, and taken a walk in the cool night
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Spaceflight Revolution
air just to explain the situation to some newspaper guy. "My statement is,
'It's three o'clock in the morning,' " growled Crabill, slamming the receiver
down. As he would later remember, "It was the only time I, a government
employee, ever told off the press and got away with it."1
Given the events of that evening, Crabill s anger was understandable.
Although the disaster that had occurred was minor, it was big enough to
potentially damage Crabill's NASA career. The initial test of a 110- foot-
diameter inflatable sphere for the Echo 1 Passive Communication Satellite
Project had ended abruptly with the sphere blowing up as it inflated.
Floating back into the atmosphere, the thousands of fragments of the
aluminum-covered balloon had reflected the light of the setting sun, thus
creating the sensational flashing lights.
The inflatable sphere had been launched from Wallops Island at 5:40
p.m. For the first few minutes, everything went well. The weather was
fine for the launch, and the winds were not too high. PARD engineers
were worried about the booster called "Shotput," an experimental two-stage
Sergeant X248 rocket, because the performance of the rocket's second-stage
Delta was to be the initial test of the U.S. Thor-Delta satellite launching
system. However, in the early moments of its test flight, Shotput 1 had
performed flawlessly. The rocket took the 26-inch-diameter, spherical,
190-pound payload canister — inside of which the uninflated 130-pound
aluminum-coated Mylar-plastic satellite had been neatly folded — to second-
stage burnout at about 60 miles above the ocean. There, the payload
separated successfully from the booster, the canister opened, and the balloon
started to inflate. The first step in Project Echo had been taken with
apparent success.
Then, unexpectedly, the inflating balloon exploded. The payload engi-
neers had left residual air inside the folds of the balloon by design as an
inflation agent. The air expanded so rapidly, because of the zero pressure
outside, that it ruptured the balloon's thin metallized plastic skin, ripping
the balloon to shreds. Shotput 1 was history; the use of residual air to help
blow up the balloon had been, in Crabill's words, a "bad mistake."2
After spending a depressing night reviewing why the test went wrong,
the only thing for Crabill to do the next morning was to get to work solving
the problem. After all, this was project work — the ultimate reality — not
general research. No time to cry over spilled milk — or burst balloons.
At the NASA press briefing at Wallops, held about one hour after the
explosion, Crabill and others had given their usual matter-of-fact postlaunch
systems report. In the midst of taking a quick look at the telemetry records
to make sense of the balloon failure, a NASA official sensitive to public affairs
approached Crabill and told him, "Just tell them everything worked all
right."3 Sure, Crabill thought, no problem. No data pointed to the contrary.
All the visual evidence on the Shotput launch vehicle, which was Crabill's
responsibility, suggested that Shotput had worked as planned. Moreover, the
154
The Odyssey of Project Echo
L-93-8337 L-93-8339 L-93-8333
During a test of the Echo deployment in 1962, which was three years after Shotput's
first failed deployment of the Echo satelloon, a structural load problem caused the
balloon once again to explode. A camera aboard the launcher captured these images.
The earlier Shotput failure would have looked very much the same.
purpose of the Shotput phase of Project Echo* was to determine whether the
mechanism designed to deploy an inflatable passive communications satellite
of that size and weight would work, and it had; in that sense, Shotput 1 was
indeed successful. To tell the whole truth about that scintillating collection
of little moving lights tumbling through the upper atmosphere before all the
records were examined and understood was premature — and the complete
story would be too complicated for the press to understand. This was a time
when launching any object into space was big news for the American people.
Why let an otherwise uplifting moment be turned into another letdown?
Thus, for the initial newspaper stories about the launch of Shotput 1, the
press would not be told enough even to hint at the possibility of a failure. For
example, in a front-page article appearing in the next morning's Newport
News Daily Press, the headline for military editor Howard Gibbons' article
about the launch was: "Eart tilings Stirred by NASA Balloon, Awesome
Sight in the Sky." According to Gibbons, NASA had launched "the largest
object ever dispatched into space by man, stirring the curiosity and awe of
thousands of Americans residing on the Eastern Seaboard." The inflated
sphere "rode for 13 minutes in the sun's rays . . . before it fell again into
the atmosphere and dropped into the Atlantic about 500 miles east of
Wallops." Gibbons made no mention of the rupture. The balloon "was
probably deflated on the way down into the atmosphere, NASA reported."
Not a word appeared about a mistake involving the use of residual air as an
inflation agent. According to Gibbons, "NASA's assessment of the operation
was that 'it did what we wanted it to do.' "4
Also on the front page of the Daily Press that morning, next to the
article on Shotput 1, was an Associated Press wire story from Washington,
D.C., announcing the start of extensive congressional hearings. The House
The word "echo" was already in use by the late 1950s to describe a pulse of reflected radio-frequency
energy.
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Spaceflight Revolution
Space Committee was investigating why the United States continued "to
play second fiddle" to the Soviets in the exploration of space; the headline
of this second article read: "Why U.S. Lagging In Space Explorations To
Be Probed." The last thing NASA needed at the moment was to explain a
burst balloon.
Norm Crabill knew that NASA was not telling the press the truth, but
he and the rest of the Langley crew responsible for the shot understood
and accepted the subterfuge. This was project work, and it had to succeed.
For public consumption, both failure and the inability to achieve complete
success need not be admitted, at least not immediately. Sometimes mistakes
could not be concealed, such as a missile blowing up on the launchpad before
hundreds of cameras, as so many had been doing. But a balloon bursting
in space, especially one producing such a sensational show of flashing
lights, could be presented as a total success. This age of the spaceflight
revolution was a new epoch. Research activities were now exposed to the
nontechnical general public, and so many old rules and definitions no longer
were applicable. Some discretion in the discussion of results seemed justified.
The International Geophysical Year and the V-2 Panel
As with so many early NASA projects and programs, Project Echo
originated in NAG A work. In fact, the idea predated the Sputnik crisis
by several months and at first had nothing to do with proving the feasibility
of a global telecommunications system based on the deployment of artificial
satellites. Rather, the original purpose of Echo was to measure the density
of the air in the upper atmosphere and thereby provide aerodynamic
information helpful in the design of future aircraft, missiles, and spacecraft.
Like so many other matters affected by the spaceflight revolution, the
concept that led to Project Echo had modest and circumscribed beginnings
that ballooned into sensational results.
The father of the Echo balloon was Langley aeronautical engineer
William J. O'Sullivan, who was a 1937 graduate of the University of Notre
Dame (and Langley employee since 1938) and a former staff member of
PARD. The idea for the air-density experiment first came to O'Sullivan on
26 January 1956, nearly two years before the launch of Sputnik 1. All that
raw winter day, the 40-year-old O'Sullivan sat in a meeting of the Upper
Atmosphere Rocket Research Panel, which was being held at the Univer-
sity of Michigan in Ann Arbor. Originally known as the "V-2 Panel," this
body had been formed in February 1946 to help the army select the most
worthwhile experiments to be carried aboard the captured and rebuilt Ger-
man V-2 rockets.* After World War II, scientists from around the country
The V-2 rockets were originally known as A-4s. To avoid association with the German "Vengeance
Weapons" that had terrorized England, the U.S. military often referred to them by their original name.
156
The Odyssey of Project Echo
L-61-7786
William J. O 'Sullivan, the father of the Echo balloon, was also the father of five
children. They, too, were caught up in the enthusiasms of the spaceflight revolution.
Notice the homemade NASA emblems on the blazers worn by the two teenage sons.
The NASA public affairs office distributed copies of this family portrait to the news
media along with stories about O 'Sullivan's ingenious invention of the Echo balloon.
had flooded the army with requests for an allotment of space aboard the
V-2s, and the army had handled the awkward situation rather adroitly by
instructing the scientists to form a panel of their own to decide which exper-
iments should go on the rockets. Thus, the V-2 Panel came to life as a free
and independent body, with no authority to enforce its decisions, but with
a voice that carried the weight of the scientific community behind it. By
the early 1950s, the name of the panel changed to the Upper Atmosphere
Rocket Research Panel, signifying both a wider agenda of research concerns
and the use of rockets other than the V-2s as flight vehicles.5
The purpose of the Ann Arbor meeting was to choose the space ex-
periments for the forthcoming International Geophysical Year (IGY). This
event, to be celebrated by scientists around the world beginning 1 July 1957,
stimulated many proposals for experiments, including the stated ambition of
both the American and Soviet governments to place the first artificial satel-
lites in orbit about the earth. The panel's job was to sort these proposals into
two groups: those that could most satisfactorily be conducted with sounding
rockets and those that could be performed aboard "Vanguard," the proposed
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Space/light Revolution
National Academy of Sciences/U.S. Navy earth satellite. Then, after hearing
20-minute oral presentations in support of each proposal, the panel, chaired
by University of Iowa physicist James Van Allen, was to choose the most
deserving experiments.
As the NACA representative to this panel, O'Sullivan sat through the
day-long meeting and grew increasingly frustrated with what he was hearing.
He was particularly disappointed by the methods proposed to measure
the density of the upper atmosphere. As an aeronautical engineer, he
understood that information about air density might prove vital to the
design of satellites, ICBMs, and every aerospace vehicle to fly in and around
the fringes of the earth's atmosphere. In 1952 and 1953, O'Sullivan had
belonged to a three-man study group supported by Langley management for
the purpose of exploring concepts for high-altitude hypersonic flight. With
fellow Langley researchers Clinton E. Brown and Charles H. Zimmerman,
O'Sullivan had educated himself in the science of hypersonics and helped
the group to conceptualize a manned research airplane that could fly to
the limits of the atmosphere, be boosted by rockets into space, and return
to earth under aerodynamic control. In essence, the Brown- Zimmerman-
O' Sullivan study group had envisioned a "space plane" very similar to the
future North American X-15 and its related heir, the Space Shuttle.7
Given his enthusiasm for spaceflight, O'Sullivan was disappointed to hear
respected scientists offering such defective plans for obtaining the critical
air-density data. One proposal, developed by a group at the University of
Michigan, involved the use of a special omnidirectional accelerometer whose
sensitivity, according to O'Sullivan, would have to be "improved by between
100 and 1000 times before the experiment would work." Another proposal,
one of two submitted by Princeton University physicist Lyman Spitzer, Jr.,
called for the measurement of drag forces on a satellite spiraling its way back
to earth. In O'Sullivan's view, the principle behind Spitzer's proposal was
sound, but not practical. The experiment would work, he predicted, "only at
altitudes much below that at which practical satellites of the future would
have to fly in order to stay in orbit long enough to be worth launching,
probably at least five years."8 Several of the day's proposals, including the
ones just mentioned, were based on the presumption that somebody could
build and launch a lightweight structure strong enough to remain intact
during its turbulent ballistic shot into space. But as far as O'Sullivan knew,
nobody had yet discovered how to do this. At that moment, still more than
a year and a half before Sputnik, no one had yet succeeded in launching
even a simple grapefruit-sized object into space, let alone objects as big
and complicated as those being suggested by the scientists that day in Ann
Arbor.
In his hotel room that evening, O'Sullivan could not let go of the problem.
None of the proposals he had heard were satisfactory. But were there better
alternatives? Even if he could think of one himself, technically, as a panel
member, he was supposed to judge the suggestions formally submitted by
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The Odyssey of Project Echo
others, not make any of his own. With a pad of paper from the hotel desk in
hand, however, he could not resist making some rough calculations. Over the
next several hours, O'Sullivan was engaged in a process of creative problem
solving, which he would later outline in seven major points of analysis.9
O'Sullivan's Design
(1) Aero theory. O'Sullivan naturally started his analysis from the point
of view of aerodynamic theory. He knew from theory that "the drag force
experienced by a satellite in the outer extremities of the earth's atmosphere
was directly proportional to the density of the atmosphere." This meant
that "if the drag could be measured, the air density could be found." Thus,
in the first few minutes of his analysis, O'Sullivan had reduced the entire
problem to measuring the satellite drag.10
(2) Shape and size. How big should the satellite be and what shape?
O'Sullivan chose a sphere. Such a fixed shape eliminated the problem of
the satellite's frontal area relative to the direction of motion, and it also
simplified the question of the satellite's size.
(3) Drag forces. O'Sullivan turned next to a consideration of celestial
mechanics. On his pad of paper, he began to play with the classical equations
for the drag forces on a body as it moves on a ballistic trajectory through
the atmosphere and into orbit around the earth. After several minutes
of mathematical work, during which he constantly reminded himself that
the success of the experiment depended on making the satellite extremely
sensitive to aerodynamic drag, O'Sullivan realized that he must devise a
satellite of exceedingly low mass relative to its frontal area. The satellite
could be a large sphere, but the sphere's material could not be so dense as
to make the satellite insensitive to the very air drag it was to detect. Only
an object with a low mass-to-frontal area ratio could be pushed around by
an infinitesimal amount of air.
(4) Design considerations. No researcher who worked at such a diversified
place of technical competence as Langley, which was the only NACA
aerodynamics laboratory with a Structures Research Division, could long
proceed with the analysis of a flight-vehicle design without considering
matters of weight, loads, elasticity, and overall structural integrity. The
structural problems of O'Sullivan's sphere might prove serious, for the
lighter the weight (or lesser the mass), the weaker the structure. With
this conventional knowledge about structural strength in mind, O'Sullivan
contemplated the magnitude of the loads that his satellite structure would
have to withstand. Calculations showed that the loads on his sphere, once
in space, would be quite small, amounting to perhaps only one-hundredth to
one-thousandth the weight that the sphere would encounter at rest on the
surface of the earth. From this, he concluded that the satellite need only be
a thin shell, as thin perhaps as ordinary aluminum foil.
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Space/light Revolution
But herein was the dilemma. In orbit, the sphere would encounter
negligible loads and stresses on its structure, but to reach space, it would
have to survive a thunderous blast-off and lightning-like acceleration through
dense, rough air. O'Sullivan knew that he could not design a satellite for the
space environment alone; rather, a structure must be designed to "withstand
the greatest loads it will be exposed to throughout its useful life." The
satellite would have to withstand an acceleration possibly as high as 10 Gs,
which was 1000 to 10,000 times the load the structure would be exposed to
in orbit. To survive, the satellite could not consist merely of a thin shell;
it would have to be so strong and have such a high mass-to-area ratio that
it would be insensitive to minute air drag and thereby "defeat the very
objective of its existence." J
Midnight was approaching, and O'Sullivan, the scientific wizard of
Langley's PARD, still sat at the hotel desk, perched on the horns of this
dilemma. Finally, in the early hours of the morning, he arrived at a
possible solution: why not build the sphere out of a thin material that
could be folded into a small nose cone? If the sphere could be packed
snugly into a strong container, it could easily withstand the acceleration
loads of takeoff and come through the extreme heating unscathed. After
the pay load container reached orbit, the folded satellite could be unfolded
and inflated pneumatically into shape. Finding a means of inflation should
not be difficult. Either a small tank of compressed gas such as nitrogen, or
a liquid that would readily evaporate into a gas, or even some solid material
that would evaporate to form a gas (such as the material used to make
mothballs) could be used to accomplish the inflation. (He apparently had
not yet thought of using residual air as the inflation agent, as in Shotput 1.)
Almost no air pressure existed at orbiting altitude, so a small amount of gas
would do the job. "Clearly then," O'Sullivan concluded, "that is how the
satellite had to work." 12
(5) Construction materials. Other critical questions still needed answers.
Surely, if he presented his notion of an inflatable satellite to the prestigious
scientific panel the next day, someone would ask him to specify its con-
struction material. The material had to be flexible enough to be folded,
strong enough to withstand being unfolded and inflated to shape, and stiff
enough to keep its shape even if punctured by micrometeoroids. O'Sullivan
reviewed the properties of the materials with which he was familiar and
quickly realized that "no one of them satisfied all the requirements." Next
he tried combining materials. The forming of thin sheet metal into certain
desired shapes was a standard procedure in many manufacturing industries,
but sheet metal thin enough for the skin of his satellite would tear easily
during the folding and unfolding. Perhaps, thought O'Sullivan, some tough
but flexible material, something like a plastic film, could be bonded to the
metal foil.13
Here was another critical part of the answer to O'Sullivan's satellite
design problem: a sandwich or laminate material of metal foil and plastic
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The Odyssey of Project Echo
film. "I could compactly fold a satellite made of such a material so that
it could easily withstand being transported into orbit, and once in orbit, I
could easily inflate it tautly, stretching the wrinkles out of it and forming it
into a sphere whose skin would be stiff enough so that it would stay spherical
under the minute aerodynamic and solar pressure loads without having to
retain its internal gas pressure."14 Such a thin-skin satellite would be so
aerodynamically sensitive that even a minute amount of drag would cause
a noticeable alteration in its orbit. Researchers on the ground could track
the sphere, measuring where and when it was being pushed even slightly
off course, and thereby compute the density of the air in that part of the
atmosphere.
(6) Temperature constraints. Would a satellite made out of such material
grow so cold while in the earth's shadow that the plastic film would embrittle
and break apart? O' Sullivan reckoned that this would not be a problem
as he knew of several plastic films that could withstand extremely low
temperatures. The real concern was heat. Exposure to direct sunlight
might melt or otherwise injure the outer film. But this, too, seemed to
have a remedy. Rough calculations showed that high temperatures could be
controlled by doping the outside of the satellite with a heat-reflecting paint.
Some heat-reflecting metals might even do the job without paint, if they
could be made into a metal foil.
(7) Satellite tracking. One problem remained: the means of tracking the
satellite. As a member of the Upper Atmosphere Rocket Research Panel,
O' Sullivan was familiar with current tracking techniques. These included the
radio method built into the navy's Minitrack network in which the object
to be tracked carried a small transmitter or radio beacon. This system
would be adopted for the Vanguard satellite project. Unfortunately, the
radio-tracking method would not work for O'Sullivan's satellite concept. If
a radio beacon was attached to his sphere, it would add significantly to the
structural mass, thereby reducing the sphere's sensitivity to air drag. The
only way to track the sphere, it seemed, was optically, with special cameras
or telescopes.
Tracking a satellite optically when the satellite would be made out of
something as bright and highly reflective as polished sheet metal would not
be difficult; however, optical tracking limited satellite observation to the
twilight hours. At all other times, reflections from the satellite would not be
practical. At night the satellite would be in the earth's shadow and hence
would receive no sunlight to reflect to tracking instruments or observers on
earth; in daylight, the satellite would reflect light, but that light would be
obliterated from view by the scattering of the sun's rays in the earth's dense
lower atmosphere.
O' Sullivan knew that tracking a satellite at all times of the day and at
night was possible only by radar. As a member of Langley's PARD, he
was intimately familiar with the radar tracking of rocket models; at Wallops
Island, it had been a routine and daily procedure for several years. As
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Space/light Revolution
O'Sullivan suspected, the problem was that radars powerful enough to do
the job, even if the satellite were as big as a house, would not be available
for several years because they were still in development.
Extraterrestrial Relays
These thoughts about radar tracking led O'Sullivan to a much higher
level of technological speculation. "As I thought about this ability to reflect
radio and radar waves, there came a stream of thoughts about the future
possibilities of such a satellite when there would exist . . . rockets capable
of launching big enough satellites, and when powerful enough radars and
radios [would exist] to be able to use such satellites for radio and television
communication around the curvature of the earth, and as navigational aids
that could be seen by ship and airplane radars night and day, clear weather
or cloudy: satellites that some day might take the place of the stars and sun
upon which navigators have depended for so many generations." 15
On many occasions in the history of modern technology, science fiction
has blazed the way to an understanding of real possibilities and has moti-
vated scientists and engineers to seek practical results; perhaps O'Sullivan's
concept for the inflatable satellite was one of those occasions. Several
years earlier, in October 1945, the British science-fiction writer Arthur C.
Clarke had published a visionary article in the popular British radio journal
Wireless World suggestively entitled "Extraterrestrial Relays." In the arti-
cle, Clarke predicted the development of an elaborate telecommunications
system based on artificial satellites orbiting the earth.16
The key to such a system, according to Clarke, would be the "geosyn-
chronous" satellite. Such a satellite, launched to a distance of roughly 22,000
miles high in an equatorial orbit, would, according to the laws of celestial
mechanics, take exactly 24 hours to complete one orbit, thereby staying
fixed indefinitely over the same spot on the earth. The satellite would act
as an invisible television tower, which could maintain line-of-sight contact
with one-third of the earth's surface. If three satellites were put into geosyn-
chronous orbit above the equator and made to communicate with one an-
other through long-distance "extraterrestrial relays," as Clarke called them,
electronic signals, be they radio, television, or telephone, could be passed
from satellite to satellite until those signals made their way around the
globe. For the first time in history, people all over the world would be able
to communicate instantaneously.
The impact of a global communications system would be revolutionary,
Clarke was sure. "In a few years every large nation will be able to establish
(or rent) its own space-borne radio and TV transmitters, able to broadcast
really high-quality programs to the entire planet." This would mean "the
end of all distance barriers to sound and vision alike. New Yorkers or
Londoners will be able to tune in to Moscow or Peking as easily as to their
162
The Odyssey of Project Echo
local station." The new communications technology might even lead to a
new order of world cooperation and peace. "The great highway of the ether
will be thrown open to the whole world, and all men will become neighbors
whether they like it or not." Inevitably, peoples of all nations will become
"citizens of the world."17
We do not know if Langley's William J. O'Sullivan (who died from cancer
in 1971 at age 56) had read any of Arthur Clarke's writings or was in any
other way acquainted with Clarke's ideas about communications satellites
at the time of the Ann Arbor meeting in 1956. Most likely O'Sullivan knew
something of them, given the intellectual proclivities of the flight-minded
community in which he worked and the extent to which some of the bolder
ideas about space exploration were making their way into the mainstream
of American culture during the early 1950s through books, magazines, and
movies. Some of the ambitious ideas about space, including the scheme for
a global system of communications satellites, were beginning to appear in
the serious technical literature.
Take the relevant case of John R. Pierce, the visionary American elec-
trical engineer working at Bell Telephone Laboratories. In 1952, Pierce
began to develop his own ideas for a communications satellite system but,
fearing the ridicule of his colleagues, decided to publish his ideas under a
pseudonym. They appeared in a popular magazine, Amazing Science Fic-
tion. In the next few years, however, the climate of opinion changed; the
electronics revolution, as well as the notion of integrating rockets, transis-
tors, computers, and solar cells, progressed far enough to make a serious
technical discussion of the possibility of "comsats" (communication satel-
lites) professionally acceptable. Pierce then came out of the closet; in April
1955, he published "Orbital Radio Relays" under his own name in the re-
spected trade journal Jet Propulsion.1^
In the same month, another provocative article by Pierce appeared in the
Journal of the American Rocket Society; in it, the Bell engineer specified the
use of large spherical reflector satellites, much like the one being designed
by O'Sullivan, for long-range telecommunications. Such satellites would
be "passive" rather than "active." A passive satellite served simply as an
electronic mirror, retransmitting back to earth only those signals that were
intercepted.* The chief advantage of a passive system, Pierce indicated, was
that a passive satellite was less complicated electronically than an active
satellite. Unlike a passive satellite, an active one could receive and amplify
signals before retransmitting them to the ground, but, in order to do so, it
had to carry its own power supply or possess the means of deriving power
from external sources.19
A global communications network based on a series of geosynchronous
satellites like those suggested by Pierce and Clarke interested O'Sullivan, but
The navy was soon to use this concept as the basis for an experimental system called "Communi-
cation by Moon Relay," in which the moon was used as a passive reflector for radar waves.
163
Spaceflight Revolution
in January 1956, as a member of the Upper Atmosphere Rocket Research
Panel, his sights were set on a much more limited and immediate goal,
the upcoming IGY. So just as quickly as he began to speculate about the
potential of communications satellites in earth orbit, the Langley engineer
once again narrowed his focus and concentrated on the requirements of the
air-density experiment at hand. These other applications "were things for a
few years in the future," he said to himself, "not for the year 1956." 20 Little
did he know how quickly those wildly ambitious applications would be
realized once the spaceflight revolution began.
Finessing the Proposal
Having pondered the problems of designing an air-density flight experi-
ment into the wee hours of the morning, O'Sullivan finally went to bed. But
he could not sleep. He tossed and turned, worrying that when he disclosed
his idea to the Upper Atmosphere Rocket Research Panel the next day he
would find that he had "overlooked some factor that would invalidate the
whole idea." At one point, he sat up in bed, laughed, and said aloud, "It
will probably go over like a lead balloon!"21 His plastic-covered, inflatable
metal-foil sphere was about as close to a lead balloon as any professional
engineer would ever want to get.
The next day, January 27, after hearing several members of the panel
express their disappointment in the proposed methods of measuring satellite
drag and air density, O'Sullivan mustered enough courage to tell a few of
the panel members about his design. He talked to Fred L. Whipple, then
of the Harvard College Observatory (and soon to be named director of the
Smithsonian Astrophysical Laboratory), as well as to Raymond Minzer of
the U.S. Air Force Cambridge Research Center. Their principal concern
was that the payload space in the Vanguard satellite was almost completely
taken up by other experiments. All that was left for O'Sullivan's inflatable
balloon was a tiny space the size of a doughnut. Could the balloon be made
to fit? And could it be made to weigh no more than seven-tenths of a pound?
O'Sullivan was not sure about meeting either requirement, but, puffing on
a cigarette, said he would try to work it out. That was enough of an answer
for Whipple and Minzer. Both men urged O'Sullivan to put his proposal
in writing and submit it to the U.S. National Committee/International
Geophysical Year (USNC/IGY) Technical Panel on the Earth Satellite
Projects, which was being formed in Ann Arbor that afternoon.22
For O'Sullivan, the proposal posed a problem. Most technical panels
of the USNC/IGY had already been formed, and he had just accepted an
appointment, with the NACA's permission, on the Technical Panel on Rock-
etry. Not only was he a member of this panel, but he also was responsible for
coordinating the NACA's development of two sounding, rockets: the Nike-
Deacon (DAN) and an improved version of it, the Nike-Cajun (CAN). Both
164
The Odyssey of Project Echo
were to become mainstays of the USNC/IGY sounding rocket program. Fur-
thermore, O'Sullivan knew that a rather strict USNC/IGY policy required
that a "principal experimenter" accept complete responsibility for carrying
out his experiment from beginning to end. The USNC/IGY would deal
only with him, not with any organization with which he was associated, in
all matters pertaining to his experiment, including funding. The purpose of
this policy was to ensure that every scientist, regardless of institutional affil-
iation or backing, would enjoy an equal opportunity to propose experiments
and to obtain the necessary funding from the USNC/IGY if the experiment
was accepted. Taking on the heavy duties of a principal experimenter would
be a full-time job that O'Sullivan could not possibly do and still hold his
civil service position with the NACA. The options appeared to be either
to resign his 18-year position with the NACA and obtain funding to do the
experiment from the USNC/IGY or to forget about the inflatable satellite.23
O'Sullivan found another option, which was to share the satellite project
with someone else. He talked again with Raymond Minzer, this time about
joining him as a "co-experimenter." Minzer agreed, and within a few weeks,
the two men submitted a successful proposal to Dr. Richard W. Porter,
the General Electric engineer in charge of the V-2 test program at White
Sands and chairman of the Technical Panel on the Earth Satellite Projects.
Unfortunately, after the proposal was accepted, the air force withdrew
its support of the experiment, and Minzer had to bow out. Once again,
O'Sullivan was left alone with his lead balloon, and by that time, O'Sullivan
explains, the USNC/IGY Technical Panel on the Earth Satellite Projects
was "hounding [him] to get the experiment under way."24
Upon returning to Langley, the only option left open to O'Sullivan,
besides dropping the experiment, was to secure full support from his
employer. As the NACA's representative on the Upper Atmosphere Rocket
Research Panel, O'Sullivan had reported all of his activities in travel reports
and memoranda that were routed to the office of the Langley director
(still Henry Reid), with copies forwarded to NACA headquarters. In mid-
June 1956, Associate Director Floyd Thompson and Bob Gilruth, then the
assistant director responsible for PARD, had heard all about the concept
for an inflatable satellite. They advised O'Sullivan to prepare a formal
memorandum giving the complete theory of the experiment and requesting
that the NACA sponsor the experiment for development at Langley as
another NACA contribution to the IGY.
Immediately, O'Sullivan wrote the proposal, dated 29 June 1956. In it, he
explained why the NACA, an organization hitherto devoted to the progress
of aircraft, "not only should, but must" become engaged in development of
earth satellites. With the recent advances in rocket propulsion and guidance
systems, O'Sullivan argued, "earth satellites can and will be developed
and used for numerous defense and commercial purposes. . . . Not
least among the foreseeable benefits is the lessening of world tension by
bringing closer together the various nations through interest in a common
165
Spaceflight Revolution
beneficial development." The development of earth satellites was therefore
"inevitable." For the NACA not to be involved with satellites would be
a serious mistake. "In every industry, failure to undergo evolution in pace
with technological development inevitably leads to extinction. In the field of
research, by virtue of it being the technological frontier, no time lag between
recognition of an important problem and initiation of work upon it can
exist without loss of ground." To begin, the NACA should perform research
"particularly in the field of air drag measurement, employing lightweight
inflatable spheres," with a special task group established at Langley to
perform the necessary technical work. Given the low estimated cost of
the experiment, which O' Sullivan placed very conservatively at just over
$20,000, he was hopeful that NACA management would accept his proposal,
even though he knew that his employer would have to bear all the expenses
of developing the project because federal law prevented the NACA from
accepting any funds from the USNC/IGY.25
Very quickly the NACA accepted the proposal. Hugh Dry den, the
director of research for the NACA in Washington, liked the concept and
in September 1956 authorized John W. Crowley, his associate director, to
report to the USNC/IGY Technical Panel on the Earth Satellite Projects
with news of the NACA's willingness to develop the satellite. But the
advocacy was not over. Not everyone on Dr. Richard Porter's newly
constituted technical panel had heard about O 'Sullivan's idea, and many of
them needed to be convinced. O' Sullivan remembers, "I had to describe [the
experiment] in minute detail and defend it against all scientific and technical
objections the [panelists] could think of." This was "the acid test," for
most members of this panel came from academe and not from government;
everyone on the panel had a Ph.D., and O'Sullivan did not. After a careful
presentation of his proposal, however, O'Sullivan managed to clear the
hurdle and persuade the panel to accept the NACA project. At a meeting
on 9 October 1956, Porter's committee put it on the official list of approved
experiments and designated O'Sullivan as the principal experimenter. The
committee was convinced that no other means for measuring satellite drag
and thus deducing air density in the upper atmosphere approached the
sensitivity of O'Sullivan's little inflatable balloon.26
The "Sub-Satellite"
The panel's approval gave O'Sullivan's air-density experiment only the
right to compete for what little space remained on the Vanguard launching
rocket; it did not guarantee that the experiment would ever be flown. The
sole allotment of space remaining in the payload amounted to a few cubic
inches of space in an annular or ring-shaped area between the head end of the
third stage of the rocket motor and the placement of an IGY magnetometer
satellite developed by the NRL. Into these cramped quarters, O'Sullivan
166
The Odyssey of Project Echo
and his helpers at Langley would have to squeeze their satellite, along with
its inflation mechanism and surrounding container. All of it together could
be no more than 20 inches in diameter or a mere seven-tenths of a pound.
Because it was so little and was to be carried into orbit underneath the
magnetometer satellite, O'Sullivan named the small inflatable vehicle the
"Sub-Satellite."*
Although the USNC/IGY technical panel designated O'Sullivan as the
principal experimenter for the balloon project, too many problems had to be
solved in too short a time for one man to do all the work alone. Therefore, in
the fall of 1956, Floyd Thompson authorized the formation of a small team
of engineers and technicians, mostly from PARD, to assist O'Sullivan in the
preparation of the satellite project. Administratively, Thompson facilitated
this in late December 1956 by appointing O'Sullivan as head of a new
Space Vehicle Group placed inside PARD. The group would report directly
to the division office, which was headed by Joseph A. Shortal. Jesse L.
Mitchell of the Aircraft Configurations Branch and Walter E. Bressette from
the Performance Aerodynamics Branch of PARD would assist O'Sullivan.
Significantly, this small Space Vehicle Group was the first organizational
unit at Langley to have the word "space" in its title.27
First, the Space Vehicle Group tested dozens of plastic and metal foils
(even gold) in search of the right combination to withstand the extreme
range of temperatures that the little satellite would encounter: from 300°F
in direct sunlight to -80°F when in the shadow of the earth. The group
found half of the answer to the problem in a new plastic material called
"Mylar." Made by E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Mylar was being
used for recording tape and for frozen-food bags that could be put directly
into hot water. When manufactured in very thin sheets, perhaps only half
as thick as the cellophane wrapper on a pack of cigarettes, Mylar plastic
proved enormously tough. It showed a tensile strength of 18,000 pounds per
square inch, which was two-thirds that of mild (low-carbon content) steel.
The second half of the answer, that is, an effective metal covering for
the plastic that could protect the satellite from radiation and make it
visible to radar scanners, proved a little more difficult to find. For more
than a month, the O'Sullivan group "tested metal after metal, looking for
ways to paint them on Mylar in layers far thinner than airmail onionskin
paper."28 Then, one man in the Space Vehicle Group heard about a
technique for vaporizing aluminum on plastic that the Reynolds Metals
>k
An interesting and seemingly appropriate name, it nonetheless turned out to be problematic
technically, because of confusion with the term "subsatellite point," a term from orbital mechanics
that defined the point of intersection where a straight line (known as the "local vertical" ) drawn from a
satellite to the center of the body being orbited (in this case, the earth) cuts through the surface of that
body. The confusion would grow worse in the late 1960s when the term "subsatellite" came to be used to
describe small artificial satellites ejected from other satellites or spacecraft, such as those released from
Apollo 15 in 1971 and Apollo 16 in 1972 for the purpose of carrying out certain scientific experiments.
167
Space/light Revolution
To determine the capacity of the 30-
inch "Sub-Satellite" (right) to withstand
the high temperature of direct sunlight in
space, Langley researchers subjected it to
a 450 °F heat test (below). Results indi-
cated that the aluminum- covered Mylar
plastic would effectively reflect the danger-
ous heat.
L-57-3113
L-58-4293
168
The Odyssey of Project Echo
Company of nearby Richmond, Virginia, was experimenting with for the
development of everyday aluminum foil. This new and unique material
was acquired and successfully tested. The fabrication problem was solved
by cutting the material into gores, that is, into three-cornered or wedge-
shaped pieces, and gluing them together along overlapping seams. Using
this technique with this material, the Langley researchers built the outer
skin of their first 20-inch domes for inflation tests.
Almost everyone involved was excited by the prospect of sending the
experiment into space, and several individuals worked nights and weekends
through the last months of 1956 to get the Sub-Satellite ready. The right
blend of materials had been found for the inflatable sphere; now, two major
problems remained: how to fold the sphere so that it could expand quickly
without a single one of its folds locking up and causing a tear, and how to
inflate the balloon. As for the means of inflation, the Langley researchers
tried dozens of strange chemicals before discovering that a small bottle of
nitrogen would inflate the little balloon, at the proper rate, so that the
sphere would not blow apart. Learning how to fold the satellite was also
a purely empirical process; no theory existed to guide the group. As one
observer remembers, "Harassed by O 'Sullivan, men who couldn't fold a road
map properly found a way to fold his aluminum balloon."29
However, this characterization gives O' Sullivan too much credit. Walter
Bressette and Edwin C. Kilgore were the engineers who actually worked
out not only the folding pattern but also the ejection method and inflation
bottle pressure for the Sub-Satellite. Bressette, an airplane pilot in World
War II and a 1948 graduate in mechanical engineering from Rhode Island
College (now the University of Rhode Island), had spent the last 10 years
working on ramjet propulsion systems, jet effects on airplane stability, and
reentry problems using both rocket-propelled vehicles and a supersonic
blowdown tunnel at Wallops Island. Kilgore, a 1944 engineering graduate
from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, had proved to be
one of Langley's top machine designers. The two men conducted many
trials in a small vacuum chamber in the PARD shop before solving the Sub-
Satellite's problems. In addition, Bressette made frequent trips to the NRL
in Washington to put the Sub-Satellite package through what he called "the
shake, rattle, and roll" of vehicle environmental tests.30
By January 1957, the Sub-Satellite was almost ready. A front-page article
appearing in the Langley Air Scoop on 5 January touted the little satellite
for having originated at Langley, credited O' Sullivan with "having conceived
the novel manner of construction," and told employees to look forward to
its impending launch. Next to the article was a photograph of O'Sullivan
holding in his right hand the shiny inflated Sub- Satellite, the emblem of
the NACA wing on its side, and in his left hand, a folded uninflated Sub-
Satellite.31
However, just when everything was proceeding on schedule, a compli-
cation developed. The Baker-Nunn precision optical tracking cameras at
169
Spaceflight Revolution
White Sands would not be able to follow and photograph such a small
sphere; Fred Whipple urged O 'Sullivan and the NAG A to increase the size
of the Sub-Satellite from 20 to 30 inches in diameter. The Sub-Satellite
could not weigh more or take up more space on the Vanguard; it just had to
be 10 inches bigger. On 7 February 1957, Whipple's panel made this request
official, reconfirming assignment of the NACA experiment on Vanguard if
the change was made. O'Sullivan believes that the new size requirement
"would have been a deathblow to the Sub-Satellite had it occurred at the
start"; however, with the experience gained at Langley through actually
building the sphere, the increase to a 30-inch diameter was accomplished
over the next few months without too much trouble.32
After all Langley's work, the Sub-Satellite was finally on the launchpad
at Cape Canaveral on 13 April 1959. Seconds after takeoff, the second stage
of the Vanguard SLV-5 vehicle experienced a failure that sent the rocket
and the Sub-Satellite crashing ignominiously into the depths of the Atlantic
Ocean. With this launch failure, the attempt to determine air density with
the Sub-Satellite came to an end. (This was Vanguard's third attempted
launch.) However, other models of the 30-inch sphere were used for a short
time both before and after the SLV-5 misfire as a calibration target for a new
long-range radar being developed at MIT's Lincoln Laboratory at Millstone
Hill Radar Observatory in Westford, Massachusetts.33
Something the Whole World Could See
Even before the Sub-Satellite's fatal plunge into the ocean in April 1959,
O'Sullivan had started to contemplate the benefits of a larger reflector
satellite that could be the sole payload on a Vanguard. In November 1957,
Fred Whipple presided over a space science symposium in San Diego, which
was sponsored jointly by the air force and Convair Astronautics. At this
symposium, O'Sullivan proposed that a large inflatable launched by a rocket
more powerful than Vanguard could be used as a lunar probe. "It could be
seen and photographed through existing astronomical telescopes, not only
giving conclusive proof to everyone that such a probe had reached the moon,
but its location as it orbited the moon or impacted on the moon would be
known." Before sending a balloon to the moon, however, O'Sullivan felt
that something must be put into earth orbit, perhaps a 12- foot-diameter
satellite, which "the whole world could see."34
For a professional engineer, O'Sullivan was something of a universalist.
He worked on airplanes, missiles, and satellites; he knew aerodynamics, and
he knew space. But he was not gracious about sharing credit. The idea for
the 12-foot satellite was not O'Sullivan's but Jesse Mitchell's. An analysis
performed by Mitchell had indicated that a 30-inch-diameter sphere would
not make a suitable optical device for a lunar probe; the sphere would have to
be several times larger. So in the summer of 1957 while O'Sullivan was away
170
The Odyssey of Project Echo
Space Vehicle Group engineer Jesse
Mitchell examines the Sub-Satellite
package in early October 1958, only
days after NASA 's establishment.
Mitchell, who would later become head
of the Geophysics and Astronomy Di-
vision at NASA headquarters, directed
Langley's program development plan
for Echo 1 .
L-58-393a
from Langley, Mitchell and Bressette had consulted the model shop about
building a larger sphere. The size of the sphere became 12 feet because of
the ceiling height in the model shop, not because O' Sullivan had determined
it to be the perfect size.35
For millions of people, the spaceflight revolution began the first time
they looked up in wonder at the bright twinkling movement of an artificial
satellite. O' Sullivan was aware of this when he proposed his 12-foot
inflatable. With the appearance of Sputnik 1 a month earlier in October
1957, people around the world, especially Americans, developed a heightened
if not exaggerated interest in searching the sky for UFOs. A widespread
interest in UFOs had existed before the ominous overflights of the Russian
satellites. As historian Walter McDougall explains in his analysis of the
onset of the space age, 10 years prior to the first Sputnik, "beginning in the
midsummer of 1947 the American people began to see unidentified flying
objects, kicking off a flying saucer 'epidemic' of such proportions that the
air force launched a special investigation and began compiling thousands of
case studies that, in the end, satisfied no one."36 The cause of the epidemic
was the new need of Americans to externalize their postwar fears about
technology, about the atomic bomb, and about nuclear war destroying the
world.
171
Space/light Revolution
Into the blackness of that anxiety-ridden mass psychology came the
specter of Sputnik. Across the United States, people went outside with
binoculars and telescopes, straining to see the faint blinking reflection of
the tiny yet ominous metal globe tumbling end over end. For instance, in
San Francisco on Friday night, 4 October 1957, volunteer crews of amateur
astronomers with special "moon-watch" telescopes maintained a vigil atop
the Morrison Planetarium in Golden Gate Park in hopes of sighting the
Russian satellite. Crew members took up their prearranged stations as soon
as reports of the satellite's launching were received. Six tireless individuals
continued the lonely vigil until morning, when conditions for viewing were
allegedly at their best. How many people actually spotted the satellite that
night and over the next several months as it moved in its north-to-south orbit
is unknown, but certainly far fewer saw Sputnik 1 than said they did.37
On that same evening in early October on a large ranch in Texas, Senate
Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson was having a few guests in for dinner
when the news of Sputnik 1 came over the radio and television. After eating,
the party went outside rather nervously for what was supposed to be a
calming stroll in the dark along the road to the Padernales River. But the
walk only unnerved them. As one of the guests, Gerald Siegel, a lawyer with
the Senate Democratic Policy Committee, remembers thinking at the time:
"In the Open West you learn to live closely with the sky. It is a part of your
life. But now, somehow, in some new way, the sky seemed almost alien. I
also remember the profound shock of realizing that it might be possible for
another nation to achieve technological superiority over this great country
of ours."38
On the Atlantic coast, among the millions of people all over the country
and the world who were looking up in the sky that night to see Sputnik
were O' Sullivan and his colleagues at NACA Langley. Bob Gilruth recalls
seeing the satellite from his bayside home in Seaford, Virginia. In Gilruth's
words, the sighting "put a new sense of value and urgency" on everything he
and his co-workers were doing at Langley. Charles Donlan also remembers
sighting the little satellite: "I was running around my yard in Hampton
one evening, when I looked up and saw Sputnik go right over my house. I
remember stopping and staring at it. What I remember thinking was how
much better it would be if the thing belonged to America."39
Everyone involved with decisions regarding U.S. satellites, including the
State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), felt the same
way. In the wake of the Sputniks, virtually all government officials concerned
expressed a desire to orbit a satellite that would be visible over Russia as
well as the United States. O'Sullivan's 12-foot inflatable sphere seemed to
fit the bill. Because of shocking world events, what had started out as a
simple air-density experiment was becoming an instrument of propaganda
in the cold war.
The idea for an inflatable sphere big enough for everyone to see received
high priority. Whipple and other members of the USNC/IGY Technical
172
The Odyssey of Project Echo
Panel on the Earth Satellites expressed serious interest in O' Sullivan's
proposal for a bigger inflatable, but they had to wait a few months to
see whether a booster more powerful than the Vanguard rocket could be
obtained. Finally, in the spring of 1958, the USNC/IGY informed the
NACA that some space was available inside the nose cone of a Jupiter C, an
intermediate-range ballistic missile developed by the ABMA that was more
powerful than the Vanguard rocket. If the Jupiter failed, and of course none
of these boosters had yet proved reliable, a Juno II, a new vehicle similar to
the Jupiter C, might be available as the backup. A Juno II would launch
America's first successful lunar flyby, Pioneer 4, on 3 March 1959. 40
The NACA agreed to the project, and the Space Vehicle Group continued
to construct and test its 12-foot inflatable.41 Because it was to orbit at 300
to 400 miles above the earth and thus would appear as bright as the north
star, Polaris, the satellite eventually came to be called "Beacon." Beacon
would be easy to see with the naked eye and so could be tracked optically
and photographically without difficulty. Big new radars, such as the one
being developed by MIT at Millstone Hill,* were just coming on line and
would be able to track day or night, regardless of the weather.42
On 25 June 1958, the USNC/IGY officially assigned the 12-foot Beacon
satellite as a pay load for the launch of Jupiter C No. 49. To obtain
the difficult orbit that O' Sullivan insisted on — it was circular rather than
elliptical — the Jupiter C had to have a small "high-kick" rocket motor
that gave an extra boost to help the satellite reach the desired orbit.
Unfortunately, on 23 October 1958, the "high-kick" did not get a chance to
"kick in," because the "low kicks" kept failing. As was the case with its 30-
inch ancestor, the Beacon was not launched into orbit from Cape Canaveral
because the booster failed. Fourteen months later, Juno II No. 19 was ready
to carry a second 12-foot satellite into orbit but failed to do so when the
rocket's fuel supply emptied prematurely.43
With three failures in a row, O'Sullivan and the Space Vehicle Group
might have given up on the balloon if not for the spectacular successes
of Explorer 1 on 31 January and Vanguard 1 on 17 March 1958. These
American satellites proved not only that Americans could put an object in
orbit but also that those objects, tiny as they were, could disclose great
scientific discoveries such as the Van Allen radiation belts. Beyond that,
satellites could be of tremendous economic and social benefit. They could
make continuous worldwide observation of the weather possible, and the
existence and the likely paths of hurricanes and other destructive storms
would be accurately predicted. By studying the development of the world's
weather patterns from space, humans might someday control the climate.
In summary, satellites offered too many far-reaching benefits for researchers
to allow a few launch vehicle failures to discourage them. Rockets were still
On 3 June 1959, Millstone Hill would transmit a voice message from President Eisenhower and
reflect it off the moon to Prince Albert in Saskatchewan, Canada.
173
Space/light Revolution
In July 1959, William J.
O 'Sullivan (right, standing) and
an unidentified engineer exam-
ine the capsule containing the
tightly folded and packed 12-
foot-diameter Beacon satellite
(below).
L-59-2836
L-59-4973
in their infancy, in the "Model-T" stage of technical evolution. Failures were
to be expected, Langley's team consoled itself. All the problems had been
with the boosters, not with their own satellites.44
According to O'Sullivan, he set an example of grit and determination for
the rest of his people, many of whom were still quite young. As he told a
magazine writer at the time, he was "mindful of his research associates who
had labored so hard" to produce the experiments and who "looked to me as
their leader." This was driven home to him, he told the writer, during the
unsuccessful launch of the 12- foot satellite. Watching the Doppler velocity
drop off rather than climb, he knew instantly the launching rocket had failed.
Turning to his associates, he said, "The launching is a failure." Standing
dumbfounded, staring at O'Sullivan, one of them asked, "What do we do
now?" O'Sullivan immediately answered, "We pack up our instruments and
equipment as quickly as we can. We haven't a moment to lose. We have to
get back to the Laboratory and get the next satellite ready for launching."
When his men started moving in a hurry, O'Sullivan informed the writer,
he knew for sure that he "must never waiver or hesitate no matter how
stunning the blow."45
According to other key individuals involved with the project, however,
O'Sullivan was not the leader he claimed to be. Walter Bressette remembers
that "O'Sullivan never went to the satellite launch areas." In fact, he gave
174
The Odyssey of Project Echo
L-58-88a L-58-1063a
The genius of William J. O 'Sullivan (left) rested in the theory stage of an engineer-
ing development; other Langley researchers took over the main responsibility during
the design and deployment phases. Walter Bressette (right) played a major role in
the Echo program from start to finish. Here he examines a scaled prototype of the
satelloon in December 1958.
up direction of the 12-foot satellite mission immediately after the Juno II
failure, handing it over to Claude W. Coffee, Jr., and Bressette, who then
made the 12-foot Scout proposals. O'Sullivan abandoned his project, leaving
it to others to carry on. Those who did continue the work view O'Sullivan's
self-publicized heroic role in the eventual success of the effort as egotistical
and inaccurate.46
Big Ideas Before Congress
Up to the point of the Juno II failure, Langley's interest in inflatable
satellites had been limited to air-density experiments in the upper atmo-
sphere and to orbiting an object large enough to be seen by the naked eye;
the notion of deploying satellites for a worldwide telecommunications net-
work like the one suggested by John Pierce and Arthur Clarke had not yet
taken hold as an immediate possibility.
But the flight of the Sputniks emboldened conservative researchers. In
the spring of 1958, as plans for NASA were being formulated in Washington,
communications satellites or "comsats" became a moderately hot topic. Not
surprisingly, even the NAG A began to take a healthy interest in them. At
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Space/light Revolution
Langley, an advance planning committee recommended that the center begin
a comprehensive study of radio- wave propagation and channel requirements,
as well as the requirements for active relays. In a decision that would later
come to haunt them, the planning committee resolved that the first flight
experiment should involve only a simple passive reflector, one in which the
satellite acted merely as a mirror and retransmitted only those signals it
received. That sort of simple experimental communications satellite could
be placed in orbit very soon, perhaps as early as fiscal year 1959, the Langley
planners stated. The greater difficulties of building an active system were
being tackled elsewhere. A passive flight experiment would demonstrate the
feasibility of a space-based system, and the new NASA could accomplish the
task largely on its own, without extensive help from industrial contractors,
notably Radio Corporation of America (RCA), American Telephone and
Telegraph (AT&T), and General Electric (G.E.), who at that time were
petitioning the federal government to invest in their own special comsat
projects.47
Throughout the spring and summer of 1958, Congress listened to argu-
ments about the potential of space exploration and what should be done to
ensure that the country's nascent "into space" enterprises would continue
far beyond the end of the ICY. This testimony, in part, was the genesis
of NASA. The NACA's director of research, Hugh Dryden, testified more
than once on Capitol Hill. Before the House Select Committee on Science
and Astronautics on 22 April, Dryden explained, among many other things,
how large aluminized balloons could be inflated in orbit and used for com-
munication tests. Accompanying him on this occasion was O' Sullivan, who
took a full-size Beacon satellite into the Capitol and inflated it there "to
demonstrate the structural, optical, and electronic principles involved." In
his testimony, O'Sullivan delighted the congressmen by saying, quite em-
phatically, that Langley had been studying the problem of communications
satellites for several months and that its staff was absolutely convinced that
a very large inflatable reflecting sphere, at least 10 stories high, could be
built quickly and launched into space. This big balloon "would reflect ra-
dio signals around the curvature of the earth using frequencies not other-
wise usable for long range transmission, thus mostly increasing the range
of frequencies for worldwide radio communications and, eventually, for tele-
vision, thus creating vast new fields into which the communications and
electronics industries could expand to the economic and sociological benefit
of mankind."48
The ideas of Pierce and Clarke were finding a home at, of all places, a
government aeronautics laboratory. On 31 March 1958, some three weeks
before Dryden and O'Sullivan testified in Washington, John W. "Gus"
Crowley, Dryden's associate director, had visited Langley and told Floyd
Thompson, O'Sullivan, Joseph Shortal, and others that Dryden had been
having conversations with Dr. Pierce of Bell Telephone Labs and with
members of President Eisenhower's Science Advisory Committee about
176
The Odyssey of Project Echo
the potential of a global telecommunications system based on satellites.
What NACA headquarters now wanted to know, Crowley said, was whether
Langley was interested in constructing a larger 100- foot inflatable sphere, on
a tight schedule, to be used as an orbital relay satellite like that envisioned
by Pierce.49
O' Sullivan assured Crowley a few days later that his Space Vehicle Group
was "not only interested but enthusiastic about the possibility of placing
such a satellite in orbit, and that the schedule could be met." On 3 April
1958, a follow-up meeting took place at Shortal's PARD office to consider
designs for the big balloon. At this meeting, O'Sullivan, adopting Jesse
Mitchell's scheme, suggested using the 100-foot sphere as a lunar probe. On
18 April, Langley submitted to NACA headquarters a proposed research
authorization entitled, "A Large Inflatable Object for Use as an Earth
Satellite or Lunar Probe." The NACA did not formally approve the proposal
until 8 May, but work on the big sphere had actually started at Langley on
a high-priority basis even before Crowley's visit.50
In early February 1959, Project Echo, as O'Sullivan had begun to call
it, cleared another major hurdle when NASA headquarters assured Lang-
ley that an allotment of space would be devoted to the large inflatable in
a forthcoming "space shot." Following this authorization, on 19 February,
Langley Assistant Director Draley approved the creation of a large interdis-
ciplinary "task group" of approximately 200 people, assigned on a temporary
basis without change of organization and initially under O' Sullivan's leader-
ship. The Space Vehicle Group alone could not handle the entire work load,
which at this point still involved the 30-inch Sub-Satellite and the 12-foot
inflatable. Significantly, as befitting a project that had to succeed, Draley
announced that the move was necessary to meet an "emergency." He in-
formed the directorate that "for the duration of this emergency condition,"
O 'Sullivan's Space Vehicle Group and Clarence L. Gillis's Aircraft Config-
uration Branch, both of PARD, "will merge and work as one unit" with
O'Sullivan as head and Gillis as his deputy. To make room for the work
load in this merged group, "it may be necessary to postpone, or transfer
to other units, some of the work now in progress." In other words, Project
Echo took priority over business-as-usual, and everyone at Langley would
just have to adjust.51
Assigning Responsibilities
The first planning meetings for Project Echo convened at NASA head-
quarters in the summer of 1959, not long before the first NASA inspection.
At the second of these meetings, on 13 October 1959, Leonard Jaffe, chief of
NASA's fledgling communications satellite program and director of one of
the program offices in the Office of Space Sciences at NASA headquarters,
surprised Langley representatives by announcing that the "primary respon-
sibility" for managing Echo was being given, not to Langley, but to Goddard,
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Spaceflight Revolution
which was still under construction in Greenbelt, Maryland. Various parties
would contribute to the project through expanded in-house activities and
some extensive contracting, Jaffe explained. The Douglas Aircraft Com-
pany plant in Tulsa (a converted B-24 factory) would provide the assembled
booster, a three-stage Thor-Delta (later it would be called just a Delta); Bell
Telephone Laboratories, where comsat pioneer John Pierce worked as direc-
tor of electronics research, would make available at Holmdel, New Jersey, a
20 x 20-foot horn-fed parabolic receiver, a 60-foot antenna, as well as ampli-
fiers, demodulators, and other electronic and radar equipment; RCA would
provide the radar beacon antenna for incorporation upon the Echo spheres;
NRL would use its large 60-foot dish antenna at Stump Neck, Maryland,
to receive the reflected signals from Echo; and JPL would employ its two
85-foot low-noise antennae at the Goldstone (California) Receiving Site to
track the satellite.52
Naturally, Langley was quite disturbed over the assignment of the overall
responsibility to Goddard. As one senior Langley researcher remembers,
"Echo was considered to be but the first in a long series of large satellite
experiments under the jurisdiction of Langley." If Langley lost Echo to
Goddard, all the other large satellite experiments would probably go to
Goddard as well. Whatever proved to be the case, however, Langley felt that
Jaffe's instructions need not have any immediate effect on Echo. Langley,
both through in-house work and the monitoring of contracts, would keep
the responsibilities for the key research and development tasks. These tasks
were not spelled out precisely by Jaffe at the planning meeting, and more
than a year would pass before a working agreement satisfactory both to
Goddard and Langley was finalized. Even after the agreement was reached in
January 1961, relations between the two NASA centers were stressful. As we
have seen, tensions already existed between them. Goddard staff wanted to
exercise management authority over a project they felt was rightfully theirs;
Goddard was the center for all NASA space projects. As the originators of
the Echo concept, O'Sullivan and his associates saw Goddard as an intruder.
Langley researchers, therefore, planned to ignore Goddard and continue
working as before the reassignment.53
Pending the final agreement over the division of responsibilities, Langley's
Project Echo Task Group continued to do whatever it felt needed to be done
to assure the success of the "satelloon."* This included doing virtually all
••a
Langley could proceed independently of Goddard in part because of the manner in which NASA
managed Echo and provided funding to Langley for the project. With its establishment as an
official NASA spaceflight project, responsibility for managing Echo went to the Office of Space Flight
Development under Abe Silverstein, who then assigned the project to the Office of Space Sciences,
wherein Leonard Jaffe, the chief of communications satellites, took over the regular responsibilities.
Funding for Echo came from Silverstein's bailiwick, through Jaffe's office, and then made its way to
Langley via transfers from Bob Gilruth's STG. For a time, O'Sullivan's entire. Space Vehicle Group was
carried on the personnel rolls of the STG. In effect, this convoluted but cozy arrangement meant that
178
The Odyssey of Project Echo
of the preliminary design for the payload, including the satellite itself; the
satellite container with all its associated circuitry, hardware, and pyrotech-
nics; the container-separation or deployment mechanism; and the inflation
system. The Langley group developed the techniques for fabricating, fold-
ing, packing, and inflating the rigidized sphere, and it carried out the sys-
tematic ground tests to make sure that everything worked properly. After
completing the ground tests, Langley also assisted in all launches and test
flights.
Nonetheless, as the Langley engineers involved would soon discover, the
assignment of Project Echo to the Goddard Space Flight Center was the
initial step in the demise of the development of any passive communications
satellite system. The Goddard director had already heavily committed his
resources to the development of an active system; his organization was thus
reluctant to take on the added burden of the passive system, which many
Goddard engineers, and probably Goddard Director Goett, believed would
prove inferior.
Shotput
One of the responsibilities taken on by Langley in early 1959 was the
management of a project essential to Echo's success: Shotput. The purpose
of Shotput was "to ensure proper operation of the payload package at
simulated orbital insertion" — in other words, to do thorough developmental
testing of the techniques by which the folded Echo balloon would be ejected
from its canister and inflated in space. The techniques conceived and
refined for the Sub-Satellite and the 12-foot Beacon satellite were almost
totally inapplicable to the giant Echo balloon, so new schemes had to be
perfected. Only some of the critical tests could be made on the ground
because a vacuum chamber large enough to simulate the complete dynamics
of the balloon inflating in space was impractical to build. The only option
was to do the testing in the actual environment of space, and that meant
developmental flight tests.54
The importance of Shotput to Project Echo's ultimate success bears wit-
ness to the need for thorough developmental testing prior to any spaceflight
program. Before NASA researchers risked an expensive launch of a precious
piece of space hardware, they made sure that the project would work from
start to finish. Langley's plan was to flight-test suborbital Shotput vehi-
cles from Wallops Island, then conduct as many orbital launches from Cape
Canaveral as needed to put an Echo satellite in orbit successfully. For the
most part, that plan was followed.
the part of Langley working on Echo was really working for the Office of Space Flight Development under
Silverstein. But it also meant that the Langley Project Echo Task Group relied not on Goddard, but
on Langley's Procurement Division for its funding. See Joseph A. Shortal, A New Dimension: Wallops
Flight Test Range, the First Fifteen Years, NASA RP-1028 (Washington, 1978), p. 688.
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Spaceflight Revolution
One of the most difficult technical tasks facing Langley researchers
working on Project Echo was designing a container that would open safely
and effectively release the satelloon. After several weeks of examining
potential solutions to this problem, the Langley engineers narrowed the
field of ideas to five. They then built working models of these five container
designs, and 12-foot-diameter models of the satellite for simulation studies.
With help from Langley's Engineering Service and Mechanical Service
divisions, the Echo group built a special 41-foot-diameter spherical vacuum
chamber equipped with pressure-proof windows. There the dynamics of
opening the container and inflating the satelloon could be studied as the
satelloon fell to the bottom of the tank. To observe and photograph
the explosive opening and inflation within the dark chamber, a special
lighting rig had to be devised. Employing heavy bulbs enclosed in protective
housings, the rig ensured that in the short time the test required, the bulbs
would not overheat or be shattered by a shock wave.55
The container-opening mechanism that eventually resulted from these
vacuum tests was surely one of the oddest explosive devices ever contrived.
The container was a sphere that opened at its equator into top and bottom
hemispheres. The top half fit on the bottom half much like a lid fits snugly
atop a kitchen pot. The joint between the two hemispheres, therefore,
formed a sliding valve. The halves had to move apart an inch or two before
the canister was actually open. It was in this joint between the hemispheres
that the charge was placed.
The charge was incased in a soft metal tube that encircled the canister;
in cross section, the tube had the shape of a sideways V. This shape
concentrated the blast into a thin jet that shot out the mouth of the V. When
the charge had been placed, Langley technicians fastened the hemispheres
of the container together. Because even minimal pressure remaining inside
the canister would be greater than that in space, the team had to take steps
to prevent the canister from blowing apart too soon. The solution was to
lace fishing line through eyelet holes in the hemispheres. When the explosive
charge fired out, the resulting jet cut the lacing so that the container halves
were free to separate. At the same time, pressure from the charge drove the
hemispheres apart, releasing the balloon.
This ingenious arrangement proved successful despite its inelegance. So
pleased were the Langley researchers with their invention that they were
"somewhat taken aback" when visiting scientists and engineers, hearing
descriptions of a container-opening mechanism involving such crazy things
as a pot-lid sliding valve and a lacing made of fishing line, "thought we were
joking."56
As challenging as the opening of the satelloon container was, the problem
of inflating the large satelloon without bursting it was even more vexing.
O'Sullivan once explained the crux of the matter: "When the satelloon
container is opened to release the satelloon in the hard vacuum of space,
any air inside the folded satelloon or outside of the satelloon between its
180
The Odyssey of Project Echo
A technician assigned to the Project
Echo Task Group separates the two
hemispheres of the Echo 1 container
for inspection. The charge that freed
the balloon was placed inside of a ring
encircling the canister at its equator.
L-64-6971
folds tends to expand with explosive rapidity and rip the satelloon to pieces.
But this understanding of the problem was not easily acquired, for there is
no vacuum chamber on earth big enough and capable of attaining the hard
vacuum of space, in which the ejection and complete inflation of the satelloon
could be performed and the process photographed with high speed cameras
to detect malfunctionings of the process. 7
Before risking the launch of a balloon into space, the Project Echo Task
Group determined that it should first conduct a static inflation test on
the ground to see whether the 100- foot-diameter satelloon would assume
a spherical shape with surface conditions sufficient to serve as a passive
communications relay satellite between two distant stations on the surface
of the earth. To make the static inflation tests, Jesse Mitchell took a team
of engineers to nearby Weeksville, North Carolina, off the north shore of
the Albemarle Sound, where a cavernous navy blimp hangar big enough to
inflate the Echo balloon to full size stood empty. The inflation process was
slow, taking more than 12 hours, and thus did not offer a dynamic simulation
of the explosive inflation that would take place in space; however, the results
did reassure everyone that the balloon would work as a communication relay.
As Norm Crabill, present at the Weeksville tests, explains, "It was another
one of the tests we had to go through before we could trust the design."58
These tests also demonstrated that the original balloon, manufactured by
General Mills, was seriously defective. When the balloon was inflated in the
hangar, the triangular panels, or gores, began coming apart at the seams.
181
Spaceflight Revolution
L-58-3598
L-B
L-F L-58-3600
Testing Echo 1 's inflation (above) in the navy hangar at Weeksville took half the
day but proved worth the trouble.
182
The Odyssey of Project Echo
L-58-3603
Langley engineers Edwin Kilgore (center), Norman Crabill (right), and an uniden-
tified man take a peek inside the vast balloon during inflation tests.
L-6 1-4603
The Echo 1 team stand in front of their balloon. William J. O 'Sullivan is the tall
man at center; Walter Bressette is to his left.
183
Space/light Revolution
^Pt \ m
L-60-490 L-60-485
Langley technicians Will Taub and James Miller (left) prepare to spin-balance the
final stage of the Shotput launch vehicle. The ABL X248 motor sits on the spin
table; the balloon- containing canister is at the top. When the Shotput was fully
prepared for launch (right), a pencil-shaped shroud was fitted over the payload.
Another manufacturer, the G. T. Schjeldahl Company of rural Northfield,
Minnesota, had a glue perfect for sealing the seams, so General Mills hired
the company to construct a second sphere. The proud Schjeldahl Company
provided all subsequent inflatable spheres for NASA.59
Although the ground testing proved critical, the only sure way to test
the inflation process was to launch the sphere in its container up to satellite
altitude. To do this, members of the Project Echo Task Group designed the
special two-stage test rocket called "Shotput." This, they thought, was the
perfect nickname for a vehicle that would essentially hurl a big ball out of
the atmosphere.
Shotput's first stage was the Sergeant XM-33; its second stage was the
ABL (Allegheny Ballistics Laboratory) X248. The latter also served as the
third stage of the Douglas Thor-Delta, soon to be one of the United States'
primary satellite launchers. Although the test program's main purpose was
to check out the Echo satelloon, testing this part of the Thor-Delta became
a critical secondary task. The ABL X248 stage included a solid-propellant
rocket motor designed to achieve proper satellite velocity and altitude. The
motor was spin-stabilized, so after it had burned out and the motor-satellite
complex had entered orbit, the whole ensemble had to. be de-spun before
the satellite could be separated. To accomplish that, engineers fashioned a
184
The Odyssey of Project Echo
weighted mechanism known as a "yo-yo," which stopped the spinning and
allowed the container to separate safely.60
Solving the problems of the launch vehicle was as difficult as solving the
problems of the balloon. Norm Crabill traveled back and forth to Tulsa
several times to understand the detailed design of the Delta third stage.
(O'Sullivan once tried to remove Crabill from the project because he thought
the young Langley engineer did not know enough to be in charge of the
development of the Shotput test vehicle.) Crabill and his assistant Robert
James intensely studied the forces and moments (i.e., the aerodynamic
tendency to cause rotation about a point or axis) on the Shotput vehicle
as it shot up and out of the atmosphere, spun its way to altitude, and de-
spun for payload separation. The researchers had to assimilate in just a few
months what amounted to an advanced course in aerodynamics and missile
dynamics, but finally, after numerous analytical studies and simulations,
Crabill and his helpers, one by one, solved the problems of launching
Shotput 1.
A Burst Balloon
By the second Project Echo planning meeting, Langley had established
a schedule for four Shotput tests. (Five Shotput launches would in fact
occur; the last would take place on 31 May 1960.) Everyone inside NASA,
including the interested parties at Goddard, agreed that the responsibility
for managing Shotput and launching the vehicles from Wallops Island should
remain in Langley's hands.
Unfortunately, keeping their brainchild at home did not assure total
success. As described in this chapter's opening, the launch of Shotput 1 on
28 October 1959 started off well, but far above the "sensible" atmosphere,
upon inflation, the big balloon blew up. Instead of a respectable scientific
experiment, Echo looked more like a Fourth of July skyrocket.61
Despite the initial subterfuge of calling the test a success and omitting
any mention of the balloon's explosion, the group's spokesmen finally con-
fessed under pressure from the media and with great embarrassment, "that it
was not supposed to work that way." For several weeks thereafter, everyone
at Langley became an authority on inflatable satellites, telling O' Sullivan's
associates (not daring to tell O'Sullivan himself, as he was known to have
little charity for opinions contrary to his own) what had caused the explo-
sion and how to fix it. Many of these "self-appointed experts" demanded
to be heard. The Project Echo Task Group accommodated most of them,
trying to keep in mind that "all of these people meant well and were trying
to help."62 Thereafter, NASA headquarters also announced the Shotput
tests well ahead of time, so that everyone on the East Coast could watch
and enjoy them. However, if everything went right with the balloon, the
spectacular fireworks would not occur.
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Space/light Revolution
A 500-inch focal-length photographic camera set up on the beach at
Wallops Island had taken pictures of Shotput 1 as the balloon inflated and
blew up, but even with these data a team from the Project Echo Task Group
spent several weeks trying to confirm why the balloon had burst apart. Some
researchers believed that the water used to help inflate the balloon had been
the culprit. Like other volatile liquids, water will boil explosively in the zero
pressure of space. It was "entirely conceivable that the elastic containers
in which the water was carried inside the satellite might have leaked or
ruptured during launch, and thus did not release the water at a slow and
controlled rate as planned, to give a slow and gentle inflation."63 Leaked
water could easily have produced an explosion.
To ensure that the water inflation system would not malfunction in the
future, the team, led by Walter Bressette, switched to benzoic acid, a solid
material that underwent sublimation — that is, transformation from a solid
state directly to a vapor. With such a material, conversion to a gas would be
limited by the rate at which it would absorb heat from the sun. In essence,
it would "gas off" slowly, not instantaneously.
Researchers worried that another contributor to the explosion may have
been residual air, which the payload engineers had intentionally left inside
the folds of the balloon as an inflation agent. Langley's O'Sullivan once
explained: "When the satelloon container is opened to release the satelloon
in the hard vacuum of space, any air inside the folded satelloon or outside
the satelloon between its folds tends to expand with explosive rapidity
and rip the satelloon to pieces."64 To remove all residual air from future
deployments, the engineers made over 300 little holes in the balloon to allow
the air to escape after the balloon was folded. Once the balloon was packed,
the canister was placed, slightly open, in a vacuum tank. When its internal
pressure had been reduced to near zero, the canister was closed, and an
O-ring maintained the internal vacuum.
Finally, to better identify deployment problems, the engineers put a red
fluorescent powder into the folded-up balloon. If the balloon ruptured during
ejection or inflation in subsequent tests, the powder would blow out and leave
a trail that could be instantly seen around the satellite even from the earth.
Four Shotputs were launched before the Langley researchers were satis-
fied that Echo would work. The second shot, on 16 January 1960, failed
because of a problem with Crabill's beloved launch vehicle. The yo-yo de-
spin system of the Shotput second stage did not deploy properly, and the
payload separated from the burned-out second stage still spinning at 250
rpm. When the red dye appeared in the sky, it was clear that the de-spin
failure had caused the balloon to tear while inflating. Following this test,
no more serious problems with the launch vehicle occurred; there were only
problems with the test balloon. On the third shot five weeks later, on 27
February, the balloon tore and developed a hole, although not before Bell
Labs was able to use the sphere to transmit voice signals from its headquar-
ters in Holmdel, New Jersey, to Lincoln Labs in Round Hill, Massachusetts.
186
The Odyssey of Project Echo
A successful shot took place on 1 April, but the tests were still incomplete
as the satellite did not yet carry any of the tracking beacons that the final
version would have.65 (Because Echo's orbit would not be geostationary —
hovering over the same spot on earth 24 hours a day — such devices were
required to enable ground crews to track the balloon.)
The Project Echo Task Group, however, believed that "they were over
the hump" and that the next step was to move beyond Shotput, put the
completely equipped 100-foot passive reflector balloon on the Thor-Delta,
and attempt a launch. The scheduled launch date of "TD No. 1" from Cape
Canaveral was 13 May 1960, just over a month away. Unlike the Shotput
tests, whose ABL X248 carried the test balloons only to 200 to 250 miles
above the surface, the much more powerful 92-foot-high Thor-Delta would
ultimately take the balloon to an orbit 1000 miles above the earth. From
there, the enormous Echo would be visible to people all around the world.66
"Anything's Possible!"
The Echo balloon was perhaps the most beautiful object ever to be put
into space. The big and brilliant sphere had a 31,416-square-foot surface of
Mylar plastic covered smoothly with a mere 4 pounds of vapor-deposited
aluminum. All told, counting 30 pounds of inflating chemicals and two 11-
ounce, 3/8-inch-thick radio-tracking beacons (packed with 70 solar cells and
5 storage batteries), the sphere weighed only 132 pounds.
For those enamored with its aesthetics, folding the beautiful balloon into
its small container for packing into the nose cone of a Thor-Delta rocket
was somewhat like folding a large Rembrandt canvas into a tiny square and
taking it home from an art sale in one's wallet. However, the folding of the
balloon posed more than aesthetic problems. The structure not only had to
fit inside the spherical canister but also had to unfold properly for inflation.
The technique for folding the 100- foot inflatable balloons evolved from
a classic "Eureka" moment. One morning in 1960, Ed Kilgore, the man
in the Engineering Service Division responsible for the Shotput test setups,
received a call from Schjeldahl, the manufacturer of the Echo balloons. The
company's technicians were having a terrible time: not only were they unable
to fit the balloon into its canister, they couldn't even squeeze it into a small
room.
Kilgore mulled over the problem all day and part of the night, but it
wasn't until the next morning that he happened upon a possible solution.
"It was raining," he recalls, "and as I started to leave for work, my wife
Ann arrived at the door to go out as I did. She had her plastic rain hat
in her hand. It was folded in a long narrow strip and unfolded to a perfect
hemisphere to fit the head." Recognizing the importance of his accidental
discovery, Kilgore told his wife that she "would have to use an umbrella or
get wet because I needed that rain hat."67
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Spaceflight Revolution
At Langley, Kilgore gave the hat to Austin McHatton, a talented
technician in the East Model Shop, who had full-size models of its fold
patterns constructed. Kilgore remembers that a "remarkable improvement
in folding resulted." The Project Echo Task Group got workmen to
construct a makeshift "clean" room from two-by-four wood frames covered
with plastic sheeting. In this room, which was 150 feet long and located
in the large airplane hangar in the West Area, a small group of Langley
technicians practiced folding the balloons for hundreds of hours until they
discovered just the right sequence of steps by which to neatly fold and pack
the balloon. For the big Echo balloons, this method was proof-tested in the
Langley 60-foot vacuum tank as well as in the Shotput flights.68
Whether the packed balloon would have deployed properly on 13 May
1961, no one will ever know because once again the launch vehicle failed. The
second stage of the Delta refused to fire, and the whole rocket dropped into
the Atlantic. The vehicle's manufacturer, Douglas, blamed a malfunctioning
accelerometer.69
By this point, the program had experienced a total of seven failures
including those of the two small pre-Echo test satelloons. For a test
conducted on 31 May, the team returned to using the Shotput launcher.
With tracking beacons aboard, the balloon deployed successfully, which
helped the NASA engineers rally from their recent setback.
Still, critics continued to doubt the overall Echo concept. Some swore
that even if the satelloon ever got up into space and inflated properly,
micrometeorites would puncture its skin, thus destroying the balloon within
hours. Not so, the Langley engineers countered. The idea was to pressurize
the balloon just enough to overstress the material slightly, thus causing it
to take on a permanent set. Even after its internal pressure had dwindled
to nothing, the balloon would retain its shape. Because the outer skin was
not extremely rigid — it was in engineering slang "dead-soft" — it could be
punctured by a small meteorite and still not shatter. Finally, a study by
Bressette showed that micrometeorites would erode less than one-millionth
of the surface area a day. If only a launching and deployment would go right,
the satelloon 's sublimating solid-pressurization system would work long
enough to enable engineers to conduct their communications experiment.
The next time around, the launch finally did go right. At 5:39 a.m.
on 12 August 1960, Thor-Delta No. 2 blasted into the sky from launchpad
17 at Cape Canaveral, taking its balloon into orbit. A few minutes later,
the balloon inflated perfectly. At 7:41 a.m., still on its first orbit, Echo 1
relayed its first message, reflecting a radio signal shot aloft from California
to Bell Labs in New Jersey. "This is President Eisenhower speaking," the
voice from space said. "This is one more significant step in the United
States' program of space research and exploration being carried forward
for peaceful purposes. The satellite balloon, which has reflected these
words, may be used freely by any nation for similar . experiments in its
own interest."71 After the presidential message, NASA used the balloon to
188
The Odyssey of Project Echo
transmit two-way telephone conversations between the east and west coasts.
Then a signal was transmitted from the United States to France and another
was sent in the opposite direction. During the first two weeks, the strength
of the signal bounced off Echo 1 remained within one decibel of Langley's
theoretical calculations.
The newspapers sounded the trumpets of success: "U.S. Takes Big Jump
in Space Race"; "U.S. Orbits World's First Communications Satellite: Could
Lead to New Marvels of Radio and TV Projection" ; "Bright Satellite Shines
Tonight." So eager was the American public to get a glimpse of the balloon
that NASA released daily schedules telling when and where the sphere could
be seen overhead.72
For the engineers from Langley who were lucky enough to be at Cape
Canaveral for the launch, this was a heady time. Norm Crabill remembers
hearing the report that "Australia's got the beacon," meaning that the
tracking station on that far-off continent had picked up the satellite's beacon
signal. To this day, Crabill "gets goose bumps just thinking about that
moment." He remembers thinking, "Anything's possible!"73 After all, the
space age had arrived, and in a sense, anything was.
Reflections
Out of the seven failures, including the scintillating bits of Shotput 1,
NASA built a successful communications satellite program, which entranced
the public. After a fully operational Echo balloon was launched into orbit
on 12 August 1960, the big silver satelloon continued to orbit for eight
years, not falling back to earth until May 1968. For that entire period, the
satelloon served as a significant propaganda weapon for the United States.
It was a popular symbol of the peaceful and practical uses of space research,
especially in the early 1960s when the country still seemed so far behind the
Soviets.
During its long sojourn in space, Echo 1 proved to be an exceptionally
useful tool. First and foremost, by enabling numerous radio transmissions
to be made between distant ground stations, it demonstrated the feasibility
of a global communications system based on satellites. The rapid and
successful development of worldwide communications in the 1960s depended
upon this demonstration. Echo 1 also proved wrong the experts who
said that the satelloon, after losing internal pressure because of meteoroid
punctures, would collapse from external pressure. Echo actually retained its
sphericity far longer than expected, the external pressures (including solar
radiation) doing more to change the orbit of the satelloon than to collapse
it.74 In addition, NASA researchers studied the long-term durability of the
unique metallized plastic of the Echo balloons (an Echo 2 was launched
in 1964) in order to evaluate similar materials proposed for components
of other spacecraft, including early versions of a manned space station.
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Space/light Revolution
Finally, Echo permitted scientists to demonstrate a triangulation technique
for determining the distance between various points on the earth's surface,
thus improving mapping precision. The satelloon also served as a test target
for the alignment and calibration of a number of new radars.
However, the Echo satelloon demonstrated some critical limitations. As
it turned out, the balloon's shape was a poor passive reflector. When hit
with a plane wave (a wave in which the wave fronts lay in a fixed line
parallel to the direction of the propagation) , the sphere tended to propagate
the wave outward and reflect it as a divergent wave. Echo did an adequate
job reflecting radio signals transmitted from the ground, but it did a poor
job of focusing them. As a result, everybody received some of the reflected
signal, but nobody received very much of it.
Thus, the Echo balloon served primarily as a demonstration model,
showing how a simple passive comsat might work. For actual operations, a
better concept, which NASA and the companies involved in the development
of commercially viable satellites were already working on, was satellites that
could communicate with active electronics. Because the force or intensity
of a radio wave is weakened or attenuated by the square of the distance it
must travel through space, an active communications system has a distinct
advantage over the passive system: the active system receives the signal at
one frequency and retransmits it at another. In effect, the signal travels
the earth-to-satellite distance only once; the signal in a passive system must
travel the distance twice, and thus is more seriously attenuated, as the fourth
power of the distance.75
The demise of the passive satellite communication system and the
emergence of the active communication system, however, also need to be
explained in the context of broader economic, political, and institutional
realities. In the beginning, satellite communications research was funded by
the U.S. government because the military required worldwide instantaneous
communications for national defense. The military was interested in the
passive system because it could not be electronically jammed. On the other
hand, the private telecommunications companies were not yet interested
in a satellite communications system, partly because they were investing
heavily in ground relay stations and under-the-ocean cable systems and
partly because their engineers strongly suspected that radio signals passing
through the earth's ionosphere would be seriously weakened in intensity.
In an ironic twist of fate, given the history that was to follow, the Echo
balloon actually changed this thinking about the potential of a communica-
tions system in space. When Echo 1 demonstrated that the ionosphere was
not going to be a problem in satellite communications, the private sector
jumped on the bandwagon and demanded their own geosynchronous satellite
system, but the private sector wanted an active rather than a passive system.
Many of the companies involved had the technical knowledge to develop an
active system, but this was not the sole reason for their interest; money was
another factor. Individual companies could charge for sending a message
190
The Odyssey of Project Echo
through the system since they would own the frequency channels located
in the particular satellites. As Bressette comments, "The active communi-
cations people used the capitalistic approach for the success of a project:
'Does it make money?' On the other hand, the few people [like Bressette]
who were promoting the passive system were thinking more democratically.
Just think how inexpensive satellite communications would be today, if it
were possible to replace all the active communications satellites with just
three nonmaintenance passive satellites."76
To overcome the problem of radio- wave attenuation from geosynchronous
orbit, the Echo satelloon would need to be many times larger. Since the
technology did not exist in the early 1960s to put such a large satelloon
in orbit, even the military began to opt for the active system. Given the
logistical difficulties and tremendous costs of flying high-altitude radio-relay
stations over the oceans inside giant aircraft such as the B-52, the DOD
was excited by the promise of a space-based geosynchronous system, which
could move the high-altitude radar-relay flights into a backup position.
For its part, NASA Langley did not easily give up on the passive
system. Between 1963 and 1965, in conjunction with Goodyear Aerospace
Corporation, a team of Langley researchers performed a study showing that
as little as a 10° segment cut from a very large sphere in geosynchronous
orbit would be satisfactory for passive communications between two remote
stations on earth.77
William J. O'Sullivan's original concept for the inflatable satellite, which
was to serve as an air-density experiment, was not forgotten. The long-term
orbiting of the satelloon allowed scientists to measure accurately, for the
first time, the density of the air in the far upper atmosphere. With the
data came some important insights into the effects of solar pressure on the
motion of satellites, information that was helpful in predicting the behavior
and lifetime of future satellites. Several versions of the basic experiment
were carried out at a high altitude over both low and high latitudes of the
earth's surface as part of four Explorer missions: Explorer 9 in February
1961, Explorer 19 in December 1963, Explorer 24 in November 1964, and
Explorer 39 in August 1968. NASA launched these satellites at regular
intervals to provide continual coverage of density variation throughout a
solar cycle. With the findings from these worthwhile missions, scientists
were able to improve their measurements of atmospheric density, better
understand variations in density caused by variations in the solar cycle, and
study the MPD- related phenomena of geomagnetically trapped particles and
their down-flux into the atmosphere.
O'Sullivan's 1956 concept led to not just a single experiment but an entire
program of inflatable satellites, all of which involved Langley in some central
way. This program included, in addition to the Echo satelloons and the air-
density Explorers, a Langley-managed passive geodetic satellite known as
"Pageos" (Passive Geodetic Earth-Orbiting Satellite). A Thor-Agena lifting
off from the Pacific Missile Range in June 1966 took Pageos 1, which was
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Space/light Revolution
L-64-9269
This satellite, Explorer 24, was a 12- foot- diameter inflatable sphere developed
by an engineering team at Langley. It provided information on complex solar
radiation/ air- density relationships in the upper atmosphere.
very similar to Echo 1, into a near polar orbit some 200 nautical miles above
the earth. This orbit was required by the U.S. Coastal and Geodetic Survey
to use the triangulation technique developed from Echo 1 for determining
the location of 38 points around the world. More than five years and the
work of 12 mobile tracking stations, which waited for favorable weather
conditions during a few minutes of twilight each evening, were required to
complete the project. Finally, the geodetic experts were able to fix the 38
points into a grid system helpful in determining the precise location of the
continents relative to each other. Some of this information, that which was
not classified as secret, enabled the U.S. scientific community to determine
geometrically the shape and the size of the earth. This, in turn, was useful to
scientists studying the theory of continental drift. Data that the U.S. Army
Map Service classified as secret proved helpful to U.S. military planners
concerned with the accuracy of intercontinental ballistic missiles. Thus,
although initially conceived to tell us about the upper atmosphere, NASA's
inflatable satellite program told us perhaps even more about the military
buildup here on earth. 9
O'Sullivan became one of NASA's most highly publicized scientists. In
December 1960, the U.S. Post Office Department issued a commemorative
4-cent stamp in honor of his beloved Echo balloon. For his concept of the
inflatable space vehicle, NASA would award him one of its distinguished
service medals, in addition to $5000 cash. In 1962, O'Sullivan would appear
as a guest on the popular TV game show "What's My Line?"; all four of
192
The Odyssey of Project Echo
Hanging from the ceiling of the
Weeksville blimp hangar like a
shiny Christmas tree ornament,
Langley 's Pageos satelloon was vir-
tually identical to Echo 1.
L-65-6894
the celebrity panelists correctly picked him from the lineup as the father of
the Echo satelloons.
As is nearly always the case in the history of a large-scale technological
development, however, many other individuals, mostly overlooked, deserved
a significant share of the credit. Jesse Mitchell was one of those individ-
uals. In late 1959, Mitchell, who had been responsible for the program
development plan for Echo 1, left Langley for a special assignment on an
important space advisory committee chaired by Dr. James Killian, Presi-
dent Eisenhower's special assistant for science and technology. After this
assignment, Mitchell became the head of the Geophysics and Astronomy
Division at NASA headquarters. In following years, his office funded the
last three air-density satellites and the Langley-managed Pageos geodetic
survey satellites.
The Hegemony of Active Voice
Project Echo continued for several more years. In 1962, Langley en-
gineers staged "Big Shot" — two space deployment tests of the Echo 2
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Spaceflight Revolution
balloon.* The first test was a disaster, with the balloon tearing apart
because of a structural load problem. The second test was a success. Echo 2
was launched into orbit in 1964, serving, like its predecessor, as a passive
communications relay. By the mid-1960s, however, the active satellite had
proved itself the better method for communications in space. In July 1962, a
little more than two years after the launch of Echo 1 and some 20 years after
the publication of Arthur C. Clarke's speculative essay on the potential of
"extraterrestrial relays," NASA had launched its first active communications
satellite, Telstar 1. This experimental "comsat," which belonged to AT&T,
sent the first direct television signals ever between two continents (North
America and Europe). In December 1962, while Langley and Goddard
were still quarreling over what to do with Echo 2, NASA's own Relay 1
satellite went into action. Within days, Relay 1, which was developed at
NASA Goddard, was transmitting civilian television broadcasts between
the United States and Europe. When TV viewers saw astronaut L. Gordon
Cooper being recovered from his capsule on 16 May 1963 at the end of the
last Mercury mission, they were seeing a signal from Relay I.80
The age of the active comsat had arrived, and with it came a revolution
in telecommunications that would have an enormous impact worldwide. On
25 February 1963, NASA announced that it was canceling its plans for
any advanced passive communications satellites beyond Echo 2 and cutting
off funding for several feasibility study contracts aimed at determining the
best shape, structure, and materials of future communications balloons in
space. In light of the formation of the national Communications Satellite
Corporation (ComSatCorp), the space agency instead would focus its efforts
on the development of synchronous-orbit active satellites.81
The next American active comsat, Telstar 2, went into space in May
1963, which was still before the launch of Echo 2. Telstar 2 sent the first
color television pictures across the Atlantic Ocean. On 22 November 1963,
NASA's Relay 1 was scheduled to transmit color television pictures across
the Pacific. An audience in Japan waited to see a ceremonial meeting
between NASA Administrator James E. Webb and the Japanese ambassador
in Washington. The audience in Tokyo was also supposed to receive a taped
greeting from President Kennedy; instead, Relay 1 transmitted the shocking
news of his assassination. Thanks to Relay 2, which was launched in January
1964, TV viewers were able to witness Pope Paul VFs visit later that year
The management of Big Shot and Echo 2 proved more quarrelsome than Shotput and Echo 1.
Langley and Goddard personnel disagreed strongly about many engineering details and fought over
budgetary and procurement matters. The Langley engineers were angry that Goddard officials were
in charge of Echo when Langley was doing the basic planning leading to launch. Goddard's satellite
experts, on the other hand, were already involved in the development of active electronic comsats and
were not much interested in improving the performance of passive reflectors. Thus, the tug-of-war
between Langley and Goddard was more than a turf battle; it was a technical, debate between advocates
of passive and active satellites.
194
The Odyssey of Project Echo
to the Middle East as well as Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev's tour of
Poland. Thanks to another NASA-sponsored communications satellite, the
Hughes Aircraft-developed Syncom 3, Americans enjoyed live TV coverage
of the Olympic games taking place on the other side of the world in Tokyo. 2
In 1964, 10 nations (plus the Vatican) formed the International Telecom-
munications Satellite Consortium, or Intelsat. In the next 12 years, Intelsat
built something close to the integrated system of global communications
that Arthur Clarke had suggested. By the late 1960s, Intelsat's member-
ship included 80 countries. Individual nations owned and operated their
own ground stations and reaped dividends in proportion to their investment
shares, while a large, new American joint-stock company, ComSatCorp,
whose operations were private but heavily subsidized by the U.S. govern-
ment, managed the financial and operations end of the satellite communica-
tions system. (NASA simply launched the satellites and was reimbursed for
its costs.) By the early 1970s, Intelsat's sophisticated network was enabling
rapid long-distance telephoning and distribution of TV programs as never
before. One NASA historian has written, "Before these satellites existed,
the total capability for transoceanic telephone calls had been 500 circuits;
in 1973 the Intelsat satellites alone offered more than 4000 transoceanic cir-
cuits. Real-time TV coverage of events anywhere in the world — whether
Olympics, wars, or coronations — had become commonplace in the world's
living rooms."83
Arthur Clarke's prophecy of "global TV" and "citizens of the world" had
arrived. By the 1980s, satellite television had grown so popular, especially
in rural and mountainous areas where standard TV reception was poor or
cable TV business did not reach, that hundreds of thousands of people in
the United States and around the world were installing their own personal
satellite dishes in their backyards, thereby receiving into their homes directly
from space a seemingly boundless number of channels and programs, only
a small fraction of which they would have had access to through their local
ultra-high frequency (UHF), VHF, or even cable stations. By the early
1990s, many people and governments around the world were relying for
their news not on local or even national stations, but on Ted Turner's Cable
News Network (CNN) via satellite from Atlanta.
In just a few decades, Arthur Clarke's idea for a global communications
system (for which the British radio journal paid him the equivalent of a
measly $40) exploded into a multibillion-dollar industry, leading Clarke to
pen a facetious little article, "A Short Pre-History of Comsats, Or: How I
Lost a Billion Dollars in My Spare Time."84 None of this, not even Clarke's
humorous lament, would have been possible with just the passive reflectors.
Others besides Clarke also came to recognize the missed opportunities. In
1962 and 1963, when members of the Project Echo Task Group first learned
in detail about the capabilities of the inaugural active comsats Telstar and
Relay, they were a little disappointed that they had spent so much time on
the passive reflector. "I remember thinking, damn, we worked on the wrong
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Space/light Revolution
one!" recalls Norman Crabill. "Except I really didn't because I had learned
a lot. Whether it was active or passive, I had a job to do."85 In the late
1950s and early 1960s, before the advent of the silicon chip, which completely
altered the scale of electronic devices and made possible the miniaturized
amplifiers required for actively transmitting satellites, the passive reflector
seemed to be the only "do-able" technology. Because of their work on
passive satellite technology, Crabill and many other Langley researchers had
prepared themselves well for the management of more significant unmanned
spaceflight and satellite programs, such as Lunar Orbiter and the Viking
landing on Mars.
196
Learning Through Failure:
The Early Rush of the Scout
Rocket Program
Failure analysis is basically research, when you get
down to it. You recover and learn from mistakes;
you don't do that with success.
— Eugene Schult, head of guidance
and control work for the Scout Project
at NASA Langley
Nothing demonstrates the pitfalls of rushing into space more dramatically
than the early history of the Scout rocket program. This relatively small,
four-stage solid-fuel rocket was conceived in 1956 by NACA engineers in
Langley's PARD as a simple but effective way of boosting light payloads
into orbit. Scout eventually proved to be one of the most economical,
dependable, and versatile launch vehicles ever flown — not just by NASA
but by anyone, anywhere. The program did not begin, however, with an
impressive performance; it began with four years of confidence-crushing
failures. To make Scout a success, researchers had to climb a long and
torturous learning curve, which resembled, at least to those involved, the
infernal hill up which Sisyphus eternally pushed his uncooperative rock.
"Itchy" for Orbit
Max Faget, Joseph G. Thibodaux, Jr., Robert O. Piland, and William
E. Stoney, Jr., formed the core of a notoriously freethinking group within
Langley's PARD. Early in 1956, a year -and a half before Sputnik 1, this
group began playing with the idea of developing a multistage hypersonic
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Spaceflight Revolution
rocket.1 These engineers had been launching dozens of rockets each year
from the lonely beach at Wallops Island. To them, the idea of building one
powerful enough to reach orbit did not seem at all farfetched.2
Moreover, the organizers of the IGY in 1955 had asked expressly for
someone to put up the first artificial satellite as the highlight of the upcoming
celebration. In response, the governments of the United States and the
Soviet Union, respectively, on two consecutive days, 29 and 30 July 1955,
had announced their rival intentions to launch satellites. Each country, given
its burgeoning ballistic missile program, expressed confidence that it, and
not the other, would be the first to put an object in space. A few months
later, in the fall of 1955, the Eisenhower administration made the ultimately
history-turning (and in the opinion of some critics, disastrous) decision to
endorse the navy's Vanguard proposal — and Viking booster — as the way to
launch America's first satellite. Viking's competitor, the army's Jupiter C
rocket, the darling of von Braun and associates in Alabama, had to wait in
the wings, ready to perform when the Vanguard program flopped.3
But von Braun's rocket experts were not the only ones "itchy" for or-
bit. The PARD group felt that the boosting of a small, lightweight pay load
into orbit would require only an extension of the hypersonic solid-fuel rocket
technologies that they had been developing at Wallops Island and Langley
since the early 1950s. "Solid-fueled rockets have always had the advantage
over liquid- fueled as far as simplicity, cost, and possibly reliability," remem-
bers PARD engineer and later Scout Project team member Roland D. "Bud"
English. The PARD group's idea was to employ solid propulsion and use
as many existing solid-fuel rockets for the various stages of the proposed
launch vehicle as possible. "It was the logical extension of the work going
on in PARD on solid rockets," says English. "It was a natural progression
from Mach 15 [ballistic velocity] to the audacity to think in terms of orbit,"
agrees his colleague James R. Hall.4
In the mid-1950s, large solid- fuel rocket motors such as the Cherokee and
the Jupiter Senior — the latter being the largest solid-fuel rocket motor up to
that time — were undergoing rapid development to meet the need to power
the U.S. military's growing fleet of ballistic missiles. The PARD engineers
were convinced that by combining a few of these new motors intelligently
into a three- or four-stage booster configuration, the NAG A in a relatively
short period could develop a launch vehicle that would have enough power to
shoot past ballistic velocity and fly into orbit. This would require a speed
of at least Mach 18. The Honest John rocket, a five-stage vehicle under
development for the army, had achieved speeds of Mach 15 in flight tests at
Wallops in the summer of 1956, and the Sergeant, a five-stage rocket also
under development, was supposed to be capable of Mach 18. Other rocket-
stage motors were under way for the navy's Polaris and Vanguard project
missiles. From this promising menu, PARD engineers believed they could
assemble a stack of rocketry that could achieve orbit.5
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The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
The only problems were that this stack would amount to "the most
expensive vehicle ever developed by PARD" and "no funds were immediately
available."6 Furthermore, as the rocket was to serve as a satellite launch
vehicle, it directly competed not only with the navy's presidentially anointed
Vanguard and the army's overlooked Jupiter C, but also with the air
force's Thor-Able, which was rapidly nearing completion. These long-range
military rockets, all of them liquid rather than solid-fuel, made the case
for the little Scout harder to advocate. The modest PARD proposal for a
simpler, cheaper, and potentially more reliable bantam rocket simply could
not compete with such heavyweights.
Then came Sputnik, complicating this contest among American rocket
initiatives. Engineer William Stoney, perhaps the earliest champion of what
became the Scout Project, remembers feelings within PARD about Sputnik,
"We were disappointed we weren't the first but in another sense it reassured
us that we were really on the right track — that, boy, we really could get
supported from now on, because this was important that the U.S. continue
to try to catch up, and we were part of that game." Sputnik made the
PARD rocketeers think "at a whole new level of exploration that heretofore
was beyond consideration."7
In the hectic and uncertain months following Sputnik, PARD tried
to push a formal proposal for its rocket development through Langley
management for consideration by NACA headquarters. In January 1958,
however, Ira H. Abbott, one of the NACA's assistant directors for research in
Washington who had excellent connections to Langley, informed PARD that
"NACA Headquarters would not be receptive to a proposal for development
of another satellite vehicle."8 However, the political environment for such
proposals was in a state of flux in early 1958, and Langley engineers knew
it; therefore, they kept design studies for their rocket going even after such
an emphatic refusal.
In late March 1958, another Langley veteran, John W. "Gus" Crowley,
associate director for research at NACA headquarters, revived hopes for the
rocket when he asked Langley to prepare a "Space Technology Program" for
the prospective new space agency. In its report, submitted on 15 May, the
Langley senior staff, "without any opposition," included the PARD concept
"as a requirement of the program for the investigation of manned space
flight and reentry problems." The report stated that, for $4 million, Langley
could develop a booster that launched "small-scale recoverable orbiters" into
space, and could do it in a matter of months.9
Even before the report circulated, on 6 May, Langley requested a research
authorization to cover "the investigation of a four-stage solid-fuel satellite
system capable of launching a 150-pound satellite in a 500-mile orbit."
Formal approval, which took just a few weeks, meant that PARD's vehicle
had officially made it into the space program.10 The air force's interest
in an advanced solid-fuel rocket test vehicle, with mutually acceptable
specifications for a joint system negotiated in July, further secured Scout's
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Space/light Revolution
position. Such a deal eventually complicated the Scout Project greatly,
however, because Langley had to take on the added burden of handling many
of the contractual details for the coordinated NASA/DOD project. The
DOD objective was to obtain a fleet of solid-fuel boosters for support of the
air force's wide range of space research projects, which at that time included
Dyna-Soar support, anti-ICBM research, and nuclear weapons. The last of
these was to lead to the development of the so-called "Blue Scout" rocket.11
After Scout won further approval, engineering analysis of the rocket
system indicated that the proposed third-stage motor (an ABL X248) had
to be replaced with a larger motor of the same type. This was a problem
that could have killed an earlier proposal but now bothered no one. As
one PARD veteran remembers, "The overall space plans for NASA were so
grandiose when compared with NACA operations" that such changes, and
such costs, were now relatively minor items.12
Little Big Man
Sometime during 1958, PARD's William Stoney, soon to be assigned
overall responsibility for development of the new rocket, named it "Scout."
Given engineers' propensity for acronyms, some believed Scout stood for
"Solid Controlled Orbital Utility Test System"; however, Stoney insists to-
day that the various acronyms that have appeared attached to the name
"Scout" (even in official publications) have all been "after-the-fact addi-
tions." According to him, Scout was named in the spirit of the contemporary
Explorer series of satellites with which the rocket would often be paired. He
and his colleagues gave no thought at the time to deriving its name from a
functional acronym.13
As for the technical definition of the rocket, as suggested earlier, the
Langley engineers tried to keep developmental costs and time to a minimum
by selecting components from off-the-shelf hardware. The majority of
Scout's components were to come from an inventory of solid- fuel rockets
produced for the military, although everyone involved understood that some
improved motors would also have to be developed under contract.* By early
1959, after intensive technical analysis and reviews, Langley settled on a
design and finalized the selection of the major contractors. The rocket's
40-inch-diameter first stage was to be a new "Algol" motor, a combination
of the Jupiter Senior and the navy Polaris produced by the Aerojet General
Corporation, Sacramento, California. The 31-inch-diameter second stage,
The only new technology required for Scout was its hydrogen peroxide reaction-jet control system,
developed by contractor Walter Kidde and Company, which enabled controlled flight outside the
atmosphere. Later versions of this technology would be used for various purposes in space programs,
including the spatial orientation and stabilization of "Early Bird," ComSatCorp's first experimental
satellite.
200
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
In this photo from October
1960, Scout Test-2 (ST-2)
stands ready for launch at
Wallops Island.
L-60-6627
"Castor," was derived from the army's Sergeant and was to be manufactured
by the Redstone Division of the Thiokol Company in Huntsville, Alabama.
The motor for the 30-inch-diameter third stage, "Antares," evolved under
NASA contract from the ABL X248 design into a new version called the
X254 (and subsequently into the X259); it was built under contract to
NASA by ABL, a U.S. Navy Bureau of Ordnance facility operated by the
Hercules Powder Company, Cumberland, Maryland. The final upper-stage
propulsion unit, "Altair," which was 25.7 inches in diameter (34 inches at the
heat shield), amounted to an improved edition of the X248 that was also
manufactured by ABL. Joining these four stages were transition sections
containing ignition, guidance and attitude controls, spin-up motors, and
separation systems.
Upon assembly of the vehicle, which was to be done by Chance Vought
of Dallas, the rocket's airframe and control-system contractor, the original
Scout stood only 72 feet high from the base of its fins to the tip of its nose
cone and weighed, at first-stage ignition, a mere 37,000 pounds. The thrust
of the four stages added together totaled just over 200,000 pounds, which was
easily enough to carry the proposed 150-pound payload into space, although
at a 300-mile rather than a 500- mile orbit. (Later versions of Scout would
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Spaceflight Revolution
eventually fly missions with 300-pound and even 450-pound pay loads, using
an optional fifth stage.)14
For such a comparatively small rocket, Scout turned into something quite
significant — the first large NASA project that Langley ran in-house. The
only previous in-house project to match Scout was the Bell X-l supersonic
research airplane of a decade earlier. The X-l, however, was a joint effort
with the air force and was physically remote from Langley at faraway Muroc
Dry Lake in California. The plane never got to Langley Field, although
NACA Langley was primarily responsible for its development.15 The Scout
project, on the other hand, was conceived, designed, and for the most part,
built at Langley. Components were brought to nearby Wallops for launch
and flight testing, thus making a "very tight Langley loop."16
A formal "Scout Project Group" was not organized at Langley until
February 1960 after a recommendation was made by a NASA headquar-
ters review committee chaired by NASA Lewis Research Center's Bruce
Lundin.17 Until that time, all the work on the rocket had been overseen
first by regular PARD management and later, after the creation of the STG
in 1958, by Bob Gilruth and his staff. Gilruth already had his hands full
with Project Mercury, but he reluctantly took over the responsibility for
a short period because Abe Silverstein, whose Office of Space Flight De-
velopment initially funded Scout, insisted on it.* Given Gilruth's intimate
knowledge of PARD and its personnel, he trusted the Scout engineers to
manage themselves. So did Langley Associate Director Floyd Thompson,
who gave Scout personnel "remarkable freedom" to operate almost indepen-
dently. "[Our work] was of course part of the race to catch the Russians,"
James Hall has stated. "But more important it was to prove something to
ourselves. People worked hard and were selfless about helping each other."
They were mostly young men "trying to do something that had never been
done before."1 Such naive enthusiasts neither cared for nor would have
benefited from top-heavy management.
The project office started small with nine personnel: Project Office
Head Bill Stoney, Technical Assistant Bud English, Administrative Assis-
tant Abraham Leiss, three project engineers (C. T. Brown, Jr., Eugene D.
Schult, and William M. Moore), Field Director James Hall, Project Co-
ordinator Elmer J. Wolfe, Secretary Edith R. Horrocks, plus two resident
representatives from industry. Each division of the laboratory also made
one employee responsible for coordinating support for Scout whenever it
was required.19
This skeletal crew and associated shadow organization began to race
against the calendar to build and launch Scout. The project team grew
in size rather quickly, so by 1962 more than 200 Langley staff members
!H
With the establishment of the Scout Project Group in February 1960, the Scout team began to
report instead to Donald R. Ostrander, director of the new Office of Launch Vehicle Programs at NASA
headquarters, which was established on 29 December 1959 and had responsibility for all launch vehicles.
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The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
James Hall, Langley's original field director
for the Scout Project Group.
L-61-5176
were working almost exclusively on Scout, which even project leaders had
to concede was "a very large segment of people to work on anything
at Langley."20 At Wallops, Scout work dominated, taking over several
assembly shops and other buildings. The core staff in the project office
stayed relatively small, however, reaching its peak of 55 employees in 1965
and then dropping back to 34 by the time of Scout flight number 75 in 1971.
The involvement of contractors was essential. Especially helpful were
the people from Chance Vought — soon to be organized into the LTV Missile
Group of the Chance Vought Corporation — who had won the bid to develop
the Scout airframe and launching capability.21 The partnership between
Langley and LTV grew into one of the most cooperative, fruitful, and long-
lasting (30 years) in NASA history. As James Hall remembers so fondly,
from almost the beginning, the Scout Project Office made "no distinction
between government people and contractors. We were all on the same team
and did what we had to do regardless of the color of our badges." The
feeling was mutual. According to Ken Jacobs, who worked many years on
Scout for LTV, "We were very much more liable to work together than we
were to work apart. If your counterpart in the government had a problem or
a question, he would contact you on the telephone and [we would] be able to
come up with a mutual agreement or solution. The end result was that the
program would be much better off for experiencing this degree of cooperation
between the two individuals who had the task." Milt Green, another LTV
employee, remarks, "We all had one common goal." The teamwork resulted
from "a mutual respect for each other. It wasn't an adversarial relation with
a lot of gnarling of hands. [It was] strictly a job that had to be done, and
done in the most reliable manner."22
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Space/light Revolution
L-67-95
In this picture from June 1967, 32 LTV employees pose in front of the Scout S-159C,
which a few months later on 19 October 1967 would successfully carry the RAM C-l
experiment into orbit.
This deeply felt sense of mutual reliance and cooperation, at least on
Langley's part, related to the deeply ingrained, 40-year-old NACA culture.
If Langley's work included Scout, and Scout needed LTV to succeed, then
Langley needed LTV and would consider it a member of the family; that
was the formula. The LTV staff appreciated it. "It was just a close-knit,
dedicated group," remembers Larry Tant, a Scout operations manager for
Langley. "We had a lot of pride in what we were doing. We were like
brothers." "There was something about the program," declares Jon Van
Cleve, an early Scout team member from Langley. "You worked in it for a
little while and really got involved in it. When that happened, you lost the
lines of whether you were agency, LTV, or air force. You became a Scout
person."23
These warm testimonials, which came years after Scout had amassed
its remarkable record, were mostly made in the early 1990s when NASA
honored members of the Scout team in official ceremonies. Both government
and industry Scout staff reminisced about Scout's record, which no other
booster, large or small, foreign or American, had surpassed. Langley's Scout
Project Group enjoyed incredible strings of 22 and 37 consecutive launches
without failure during two long periods, the first lasting from July 1964
until January 1967 and the second from September 1967 until December
1975. In 1991, when NASA Langley reluctantly turned over the direction
of the Scout Project to NASA Goddard and the commercial production of
the vehicle to LTV, the scorecard of 113 launches showed an overall success
rate of an astounding 96 percent.
204
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
The retrospective comments about the great teamwork on the Scout
Project need to be understood within the context of that final glorious
record. The feelings between government and contractor could not have
been so positive in the early years of the Scout program, when one rocket
after another self-destructed or otherwise failed. In the Scout program,
such can-do, throw-your-arm-around-your-buddy camaraderie developed
only gradually and was tested severely by frequent early experiences with
misfortune. These are trials that Scout team members understandably
prefer to forget.
Little Foul-Ups
On 18 April 1960, only 14 months after the creation of the Langley Scout
Project Office, the first experimental Scout sat ready to be fired from a new
launch tower at Wallops Island. For weeks NASA headquarters had been
demanding that "some type of flight test be made in the Scout program
as soon as possible."24 The only way for Langley and its contractors to
meet this demand was to work hours of overtime. James Hall recollects the
days before this and other early Scout launches: "It was schedule-driven.
People worked very hard and long hours. This was such a dynamic program,
people felt compelled to work however long it took. The closer to launch,
the more demanding the schedule became. At the launch site, people would
often go without sleep to make up time or make something work or correct
a problem. People were consumed by the program's schedule."25
On 7 March, after deflecting the demands of NASA headquarters for as
long as he could, Langley Director Floyd Thompson gave in and conceded
that an unguided Scout, one greatly reduced in scope from later Scouts,
could be fired under the direction of Langley's Applied Materials and
Physics Division (the old PARD) to obtain "some information on the overall
configuration," but preparations would take a month. The second stage of
the rocket would have to be a weighted dummy, one of several supplied by
the contractors for fitting transition sections during construction and for
checking "overall alignment and general suitability including freedom from
interference with components supplied by other contractors." Thompson,
reflecting the concerns of his Scout Project team, wanted it to be known
that this was "not an official Scout test." It was an "expedited launch," a
"Cub Scout," meant only to obtain engineering data on the vehicle.26
Several problems occurred during this hurried, "unofficial" test flight of
Cub Scout. The rocket rolled more than anticipated during ascent, thus
causing a structural failure near the burnout of the first stage. This failure
prevented the third stage (atop the second-stage dummy motor) from test-
firing. In addition, the heat-shield design proved defective by breaking away
from the fourth stage as the vehicle passed through the transonic region.
This was not the start everyone had hoped for. Scout Project personnel
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Space/light Revolution
L-63-5567
Spectators — mainly the families of NASA employees — usually filled the makeshift
grandstand at Wallops Island to witness the launch of NASA 's small unmanned
rockets.
tried to put on a happy face, remarking that the test provided valuable
experience assembling the rocket's components on the new launcher and
actually firing from it. No one, however, was fooled. The launch had been
important to the test program and was meant to develop confidence in the
systems. As one Langley engineer at the launch later recorded, "The failure
was a blow to the prestige of the project, and efforts to complete the first
actual Scout were redoubled."27
With these efforts, the first launch of a full-fledged Scout — ST-1 — was
to take place on 1 July 1960, less than three months after Cub Scout's little
foul-up. The anticipation level was extremely high. By the time of Scout
Test-1, Langley had been firing rockets at Wallops for 16 years, since 1944.
To Langley engineers launching rockets might have been "old hat," but
this launch was different. "Everybody was excited," James Hall remembers
with a gleam in his eye. "The concept of launching an orbital vehicle was
a new and a really exciting challenge. That launch was the culmination
of two years of intensive work. We had a number of practice countdowns
and dry runs. We got our timing down and got things all set up. In fact,
we were almost wearing that thing out testing it. That's what you're up
206
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
The first Scout was launched on the
evening of 1 July 1960.
L-60-2565
against in space. But you reach a point where you have to come down to
the countdown."28
The countdown lasted 11 hours. As it progressed, the Scout launch
team gradually moved away from the vehicle. During the last hour or so,
the rocketeers moved into a little cinder block building with three racks of
switches, controls, and displays. By later launch system standards, it was
simple, crude technology, but it was enough to light the fuse. Compared
with ICBMs, Scout was tiny, but compared with all the previous rockets
launched at Wallops, it was quite large. When the first-stage Algol motor
was lit up, with its approximately 100,000 pounds of thrust, an awesome
energy was released. As Hall describes it, "The ground shakes and the fire
and smoke appear. It's a very splendid thing."29 It was similar to being
close to the heart of an earthquake, with massive pressure waves bouncing
off the chest.
The rocket was to ascend into space and then use its last-stage Altair
motor to fire a 193-pound acceleration and radiation package back through
the atmosphere as a probe. But Scout did not reach a high enough altitude
to fire the package. One of the new built-in features of the full-fledged Scout
system was a destruct capability to be used if the rocket flew off course and
endangered populated areas. Scout Test-1 would appear to do just that.
At 136 seconds after launch, radar tracking on the ground showed that
the rocket had gone off course. A rolling moment (i.e., an aerodynamic
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Space/light Revolution
L-62-6440
The cone-shaped cinder block building was the site of Scout 's launch control.
L-67-212
Worried looks on the faces of the NASA men in the control room at Wallops bear
witness to the vicissitudes of launching rockets into space.
208
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
tendency to rotate the body about its longitudinal axis) developed with the
Antares motor, and then it just as quickly dissipated. However, the rolling
caused a very slight disorient at ion of the radar tracking. As the postflight
test analysis would later show, the shift of the radar that was indicated on
the plotboard meant that "the vehicle had taken a violent turn in azimuth
and a dip down in elevation." The rocket seemed to be about 50 degrees off
course and heading somewhere it definitely was not supposed to go. This
deviation forced the radar safety officer inside the blockhouse to take action.
He actuated the "hold-fire" signal for the fourth stage, then, as James Hall,
who was also in the blockhouse bitterly recalls, the range officer "waited
as long as he could, looked over to us, and we had to concur. He hit the
destruct button."30 The radar tracking recovered quickly, thus showing that
there really never had been a significant problem.
"That was a crushing blow to destroy a rocket that was doing exactly
what it was programmed to do," Hall laments 30 years later, "but which just
indicated on a range safety plotboard that it was on an incorrect trajectory.
You can't imagine how hard people worked as a group to bring this to the
launch point." Inside the blockhouse the men kicked cans and cussed the
unfortunate safety officer. "But after an hour," according to Hall, "most
people recognized there was only one thing to do. That was to work
and build the next vehicle, which we did in three or four months." The
spaceflight revolution demanded nothing less.31
In fact, circumstances also demanded that the test be labeled a success
even when everyone knew better. The many subsequent chronicles of the
Scout program all classified ST-1 as a success. "The fourth stage never had
a chance to perform," but "radiation measurements were successfully made
to an altitude of 875 miles."32
"3-2-1 Splash"
On 4 October 1960, ST-2 proved to be the first real success of the project.
Also launched as a probe with a radiation pay load on board, the rocket
reached a maximum altitude of 3500 miles and achieved a total range of
5800 miles. The newspaper headlines underscored the elation surrounding
this successful launch. In the Newport News Times Herald, a large typeface
banner headline celebrated the feat. The headline on page 12 of section
A of the Washington Post read: " 'Poor Man's Rocket' Fired Successfully."
The Washington Star followed with a feature article, "Versatile Scout to
Get Space Chores." During this period, Scout also received additional
positive publicity for the air force's successful launch of two of its "Blue
Scouts."33 The Scout Project was, indeed, looking up.
With this one successful but nonorbital mission behind them, the Scout
leaders believed that testing was complete and that the missile was ready to
start operations as one of NASA's launch vehicles. As such, it would be used
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Spaceflight Revolution
for three types of missions: placing small satellites in orbit, making high-
velocity reentry studies and testing heat-resistant materials, and launching
high-altitude and space probes. The Scout rockets were scheduled to take off
not only from Wallops but also, beginning in early 1962, from a Scout launch
site being prepared at the Western Test Range located on Vandenberg AFB
in California. NASA headquarters was so optimistic about Scout that it
arranged for a full-scale 72-foot model of the rocket to be displayed at the
15th annual meeting and "astronautical exposition" of the American Rocket
Society in mid-December 1960. More than 5500 attendees viewed the model
outside the Shoreham Hotel in Washington, B.C., and were impressed that
it stood almost as high as the nine-story building.
Such a celebration of Scout proved premature. The first orbital flight
from Wallops on 4 December 1960 failed. Now the headlines read, "NASA
Fizzles Orbit Attempt" (Virginian-Pilot, 5 Dec. 1960), "Scout Sinks After
Fizzle" (Norfolk-Portsmouth Ledger-Star, 5 Dec. 1960), "Feeling of Unsuc-
cess Persists at Rocket Site" (Norfolk Ledger- Dispatch, 5 Dec. 1960), and
"Rocket, Satellite Lie Under Deep Waters" (Richmond News Leader, 5 Dec.
1960). Three of the first six flights were in fact failures. Not long there-
after, Lt. Col. George Rupp, formerly project officer on the Bullpup missile
weapons system, came to NASA from the U.S. Marine Corps to replace
a disheartened Bill Stoney as director of Langley's Scout Project Office.*
This change solved nothing because Stoney's management had not been the
problem. In the first four months following Stoney's replacement, three out
of four launches failed. A NASA investigation found faults with the elec-
trical systems, the heat shield, the ignition systems, and much more. As a
later Scout program brochure recalls, "This was a time of exhilarating suc-
cesses and heart breaking failures. The space age was in its infancy and the
participants were learning about the operation of complex systems in the
unforgiving environment of a high speed flight through the atmosphere to
the border of space."34 Personal accounts come closer to the truth. Roland
"Bud" English, one of the original nine members of the Scout Project Group
and the fourth head of the Scout Project Office, remembers: "The Scout
program was done in a rush. Unquestionably, everything was behind sched-
ule, and there was pressure on NASA to perform. The Space Act had been
passed, and NASA was supposed to be going up to do a job, and Scout was
part of that. So there was very definitely a pressure to do it in a hurry,
too much of a hurry, and not enough emphasis on proper quality and really
getting ready for an operational flight."35
Even with the many failures, the launch dates just kept coming. "None
of us liked to slip a commitment," James Hall admits, "and slippages were
relatively modest considering the complexity of the program. As things
got down to deadline, completion of ground system checkout, completion of
M
Rupp stayed in this post until his retirement from the military in June 1963, whereupon he was
succeeded by Eugene D. Schult and later by Roland English.
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The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
Succeeding Rupp in June 1963 was
Langley engineer Eugene D. Schult,
who had been with the Scout Project
Office from the start.
L-63-4479
launch tower checkout, and then the actual practice countdown and final
launch countdown — those critical milestones — didn't slip that much, but
people had to work 24 hours a day to hold them."36
Not until 20 July 1963 and the launch of Scout flight number 22 did the
problem come to a head. (Preceding this flight, ironically, three consecutive
missions had been successful, and two of three had been orbital.) Two
and one-half seconds after liftoff at Wallops, a flame appeared above the
first-stage fins. Two seconds later, the Algol stage became engulfed by fire.
"It was obvious something terrible had happened," Bud English recalls,
frowning. "You could tell from the communications coming from the range
safety net [work]. There had been a burnthrough of the first stage nozzle a
few seconds after takeoff. The vehicle went through some wild gyrations. It
got about 300 feet high and broke into three parts: the first stage went in one
direction; the second stage went in another; and the third and fourth stages
fell more or less back on the launch pad and burned. It was a disaster."37
Langley's Scout engineer Tom Perry was part of the recovery team that
slogged through the salt marshes a mile off the coastal island to pick up
bits and pieces of the rocket to help NASA determine what went wrong. He
found one large chunk of the fiery debris in an unexpected place. "Someone
had parked a small car inside one of the assembly buildings and it just so
happened that a flaming piece of the rocket had come right down through
the roof and into the front seat, burning that car to a crisp."38
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Space/light Revolution
L-61-5743
As this sequence of photos demonstrates, the launch of ST-5 on 30 June 1961 went
well; however, a failure of the rocket's third stage doomed the payload, a scientific
satellite known as S-55 designed for micrometeorite studies in orbit.
NASA headquarters launched a formal investigation. A seven-man
review board found flaws in a rocket nozzle that had gone undetected
during production and testing. Following the board's recommendation, the
space agency imposed a three-month moratorium on the launch schedule;
no more Scouts would fly until a comprehensive study of all the data from
the previous 21 Scouts had been completed.39
Significantly, the in-depth investigations of the rocket's subsystems made
during this review revealed that each Scout failure had been caused by a
different problem. That in itself was the essential problem. "We never had
the same failure twice," James Hall underscores, "but it was clear from the
early record of Scout that there was enough miscellaneous failure that we
had to sit down and rethink the whole thing very seriously."40
Certain institutional and bureaucratic factors also had contributed to
Scout's failures. As much as the Langley engineers had wanted to make
Scout contractors and air force partners members of one integrated team,
in many key essentials they simply were not. Former PARD engineer and
212
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
L-62-1729 L-63-5790
What kept the Scout engineers going through the tough times was the occasional
spectacular success. In this photo from 1 March 1962 (left), ST-8 streaks into the
night sky above Wallops, carrying a reentry heating experiment. The bumthrough
of ST-110's first-stage nozzle just seconds after firing on 20 July 1963 resulted in
significant damage to the launch tower (right). Remnants of the third and fourth
stages of the erratic Scout can be seen on the launchpad.
member of Langley's original Scout Project Office Eugene Schult remembers,
"We did things differently at Wallops than at the Western Test Range.
The air force had its own way of doing things; the contractor had his
ways; and we had our ways. It was a problem trying to coordinate
them.'"1 L Essentially, each organization employed its own safety procedures:
an assembly checkout line at the LTV plant in Dallas, other checkout lines
on the ground at Wallops and Vandenberg, and yet two more lines in the
towers at the launchers, both in California and Virginia. Each line used
different equipment and procedures.
However, the principal cause of Scout's mishaps was simply the need to
make everything happen so fast. The LTV mission integrator, Ken Jacobs,
recalls how engineers scrambled to assemble the rocket: "Back in those days,
if you needed a part, you did what we called a 'midnight requisition.' We'd
go get the part from the space vehicle in inventory." This was obviously one
of the shortcomings of the system. "People were robbing Peter to pay Paul,
and the result was we had an unsuccessful vehicle." Over and above this
"cannibalizing" of the hardware, Bud English feels that "there simply were
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Spaceflight Revolution
L-60-7980
In this photo from December 1960, employees of Vought Astronautics, Scout's
prime contractor, work with NASA technicians to prepare ST-3 for launch. Un-
fortunately, this rocket would fail because of a second-stage misfire.
not good standardized vehicle safeguards and checkout procedures, which
were needed to have a successful vehicle."42
"Our record was not good," Jacobs has to admit. "Our reliability was
3-2-1 splash, 3-2-1 splash." The time had come to "blow the whistle and
take a look at this program and see what our problem was." The Scout
Project Office, LTV, the supporting engineers at Langley, the related air
force personnel, and everyone involved had to sit down and do some "deep
thinking" about what had to be done to fix not only the rocket but also the
entire program.43
Recertification
The Scout team decided that a 14- month reliability improvement pro-
gram to recertify the rocket was needed. The effort was spearheaded by
a NASA/LTV/air force "tiger team," whose mission was "to revise com-
pletely how [the project office] handled the vehicle and to standardize the
214
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
process to the ultimate degree."44 The tiger team concept, which in essence
was a technological commando squad, had already proved effective in indus-
trial settings. NASA was beginning to use it more frequently in the 1960s
to attack particularly troublesome problems. The tiger team's activities
started at Langley when James Hall, operations manager for Scout, wrote
an inch-thick specification that laid out a single set of test equipment, a
single checkout procedure, and the rigorous standards for using both.
Such an approach proved to be exactly what was needed. Under the
direction of the tiger team, all 27 of the Scout rockets already manufactured
for the program were returned to LTV in Dallas to be taken apart and
inspected. Weld seams were X-rayed, and solder joints were inspected under
microscopes. Everything that could be standardized was standardized. Even
the lengths of the cable in Vought's laboratories now had to match those
at the two launch sites. The launch countdown now included more than
800 items. Additional tiger teams were put together at Wallops and at
Vandenberg to assure compliance with the new standards. No Scout was
to leave Dallas until an inspection team had done a complete worthiness
review of the whole vehicle and given it a clean bill of health.45
At the end of the long recertification process, nearly all members of the
Scout team were confident that they now understood why things had gone
wrong: from the time that NASA had adopted the concept for the little solid-
fuel rocket and made it an agenda item for the spaceflight revolution, the
Scout Project Group simply had had neither the time, nor the inclination, to
look before they leaped. "We all underestimated the magnitude of the job at
that time," Milt Green admits. "The biggest problem we had was denying
the existence of problems that we did not understand."46 The problem was,
of course, all too human.
The process of honestly facing up to fundamental mistakes and moving
beyond them was probably what made the Scout Project Group the remark-
ably successful organization it eventually became. Certainly the experience
turned the project's leaders into some of the most reflective of NASA's engi-
neer/philosophers. Eugene Schult, who was responsible for Scout's guidance
and control, ponders the project, "We wouldn't learn anything if we didn't
have problems; that's basic in engineering training. . . . Success doesn't tell
us anything. It doesn't tell us where the limits are, or what the limiting
aspects of the envelope are. But when you hit a mistake, you dig into it
and you find out there's a weakness. And by curing weaknesses you get
11 47
success.
Schult and his Scout group did indeed recover from failure. The first three
launches after the recertification — in December 1963 (from Vandenberg),
March 1964 (from Wallops), and June 1964 (from Vandenberg) — were all
resounding orbital successes. Between July 1964 and January 1967, Scout
established a record of 22 consecutive launches. Only one of the 16 recertified
rockets experienced a failure. The pressure to succeed was now off. Scout
workers no longer had to perform failure reviews every other month, and
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Space/light Revolution
they no longer had to work the endless overtime and spend weekends away
from their families. In such a positive environment, success bred success.
"Now we really had the kind of vehicle we'd set out to develop," boasts
Bud English. "Reliable. It was still simple and inexpensive, but we could
launch [it] quickly."48 In fact, the Scout group needed only six weeks to
process one of the rockets for a successful launch. Even with this short
turnaround time, NASA would launch this little rocket for 10 years without
a problem. English and his colleagues had indeed done the job they set out
to do.
An Unsung Hero
Scout made a total of 113 flights under NASA Langley's direction; the
last one before the official transfer of the program to NASA Goddard and
LTV took place on 9 May 1990 from Vandenberg AFB. As a result of these
flights, NASA engineers and their contractors authored more than 1300
technical and scientific reports on various aspects of the rocket's design,
performance, and mission findings.49
The pride that the Scout Project Group felt for the rocket's performance
sprang not only from its phenomenal post-recertification accomplishment
rate of 22 and 37 successful launches but also from the critical roles played
by Scout payloads in the advancement of atmospheric and space science.
Early Scout missions helped researchers study the density of the atmosphere
at various altitudes, the properties of the Van Allen radiation belts, and the
possible dangers of the micrometeoroid environment on spacecraft. Scouts
in the 1970s tested Einstein's theory of relativity by carrying an extremely
accurate atomic clock into space, and they also helped to confirm the theory
of the "black hole."
In support of NASA's early space program, Scout was critical to the
important research into reentry aerodynamics for the manned space mis-
sions. With the resulting data, NASA researchers determined what mate-
rials best withstood the heat of reentry. This information as well as other
data acquired by Scout missions contributed directly to test programs such
as Projects Fire and RAM and to the successes of Mercury, Gemini, and
Apollo. In one notable mission in November 1970, the rocket carried two
male bullfrogs into orbit. This turned out to be the only time a Scout satel-
lite was to carry a living payload. The unusual mission enabled NASA to
study the effects of space on the inner ear and thereby better understand
the causes of the space sickness experienced by astronauts.
Scout also delivered into space several reconnaissance and communica-
tions satellites. For the DOD, the rocket launched classified payloads; for
the navy, it put into orbit the satellites needed for its Transit system, which
by the late 1960s provided instantaneous global navigation data not only for
the operational fleet but also for commercial shipping worldwide.
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The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
Much of Scout's contribution was international: the rocket launched 23
satellites for foreign countries, including Germany, the Netherlands, France,
and the United Kingdom, and the European Space Agency. Based on a 1961
agreement between the United States and Italy, NASA Langley supplied
Scouts for an innovative Italian launch operation known as San Marco, which
was established on two huge mobile platforms in the Indian Ocean, 3 miles off
the coast of Kenya. From this unusual location in Ngwana Bay, the Centre
Italiano Ricerche Aerospaziali (the Center for Italian Aerospace Research),
starting in April 1967, used NASA Scouts to boost an international series
of eight spacecraft into orbit. The flights of these spacecraft, many of
which were placed into equatorial orbits, gathered valuable data about the
ionosphere and the magnetosphere, about the galactic sources of radiation
and X-rays, and especially about the nature of the earth's atmosphere in the
region of the equator. Participation in the San Marco project incidentally
gave some Langley engineers their first opportunity for foreign travel and
international cooperation. In 1966 it even afforded some of them the rare
opportunity of an audience with Pope Paul VI, who blessed the rocket.
Fortunately, the launch of the anointed Scout went well.50
Over the years, through the waning of the Apollo program and into
the era dominated by the Space Shuttle, Scout became more of a bargain.
Improvements in its stage motors enabled the rocket to carry larger pay loads,
but costs remained low.* Using the consumer price index, Langley employees
hoping to retain the Scout program calculated that a Scout cost less when
NASA Goddard took over the program (and LTV took over the rocket) in
1991 than the original $4 million invested in it in 1958. 51
In summary, Scout, although virtually unknown outside NASA circles,
developed into one of the finest pieces of technology in the history of space
exploration. As Tom Perry has observed about the evolution of his most
cherished rocket, "The Scout became so reliable that mission planners could
take it for granted. They focused on the science of the satellite pay load
rather than on its transportation system. ... It happens to be NASA's
smallest launch vehicle and it does not receive the same level of notoriety
you would with a larger system. But over the years it has proven to be a very
reliable, consistent, performing warhorse." As Perry and other Scout people
at Langley, Houston, Wallops Island, Vandenberg AFB, and San Marco are
still fond of saying, more than 30 years after its first countdown, Scout is
"the unsung hero of space."52
sk
For the first 10 production Phase II Scouts (Phase I was the developmental phase), the vehicle
hardware costs amounted to $0.96 million per vehicle; for the next 14 production Scouts (Phase III), the
cost per vehicle rose to $1.42 million. Costs decreased for the 25 Phase IV rockets (provided by LTV)
to $1.19 million per vehicle. Costs for later Scouts rose only slightly, and stayed under $1.5 million per
vehicle.
217
Space/light Revolution
From Italy's innovative San Marco
launch operation in the Indian
Ocean, NASA Langley helped to
launch an international series of
eight spacecraft into orbit. A huge
mobile launcher lifts Scout into fir-
ing position (right); the San Marco
platform floats securely in inter-
national waters in Ngwana Bay
(below).
L-74-7828
L-71-1197
218
The Early Rush of the Scout Rocket Program
Postscript
A cynic might suggest that it was entirely in keeping with Scout's
difficult and publicly unappreciated sojourn into space that the project
ended as it did. In the late 1970s, NASA policymakers proposed to
launch all future NASA satellites using the Space Transportation System
(STS) still under development and abolish all expendable launch vehicles;
the Space Shuttle, when fully operational, could do it all. Only the
Challenger explosion in 1986, which underscored the need for alternative
launch capabilities, reversed the shortsighted policy. In the aftermath of
the Challenger accident, and in league with the Reagan administration's
objectives for the commercialization of space and the privatization of many
government services, NASA created the "Mixed Fleet" concept. Under this
plan, NASA was to give up its other launch services to commercial firms,
which from then on were to handle whatever NASA payloads the Shuttle
could not carry. Essentially, this meant the end of the expendable launch
vehicle business as NASA's Scout Project Group had known and developed
it.53
Scout engineers sorely lamented the loss of Scout. For them, the ven-
ture into space had come to mean an all-enveloping system and a rigorous
discipline: a government-driven version for rockets of Henry Ford's mass pro-
duction. "Other programs are full of changes and improvisations," declares
James Hall; they are always "borrowing from other missiles and assembling
something just to get it delivered on schedule" — which is exactly what the
Scout team itself had been doing in the pre-recertification days.54 Over
time, however, the "cannibalizing" became minimal in Scout. The program
for rocket assembly matured beyond the practice, thus becoming standard
almost to the point of stereotype. Scout engineers wanted to produce a
launch vehicle that was as reliable for a trip to space as an automobile was
for a trip to town. Scout, like the Ford Model T, was the "poor man's
rocket."
Learning hard lessons through failure and then enjoying such incredible
long-term success made losing the rocket especially difficult for the Scout
Project Group. Scout had been giving the country access to space for more
than 30 years. It succeeded in spite of — and ironically perhaps because of—
its hurried early development. Not many programs born of the spaceflight
revolution survived the spaceflight revolution; Scout was one.
219
8
Enchanted Rendezvous:
The Lunar- Or bit Rendezvous Concept
There was a reluctance to believe that the rendezvous
maneuver was an easy thing. In fact, to a layman,
if you were to explain what you had to do to perform
a rendezvous in space, he would say that sounds so
difficult we'll never be able to do it this century.
—Clinton E. Brown, head, Langley
Lunar Mission Steering Group
on Trajectories and Guidance
I'm not so sure we ever thought of rendezvous as very
complicated. It's an amazing thing. We thought that
if our guys could work out the orbital mechanics and
we gave the pilot the right controls and stuff, then he 'd
land it and make the rendezvous. We didn't think it
was very complicated.
— Arthur W. Vogeley, head, Langley
Guidance and Control Branch
On Thursday morning, 25 May 1961, in a speech to a joint session of
Congress, President John F. Kennedy challenged the American people to
rebound from their recent second-place finishes in the space race: "First, I
believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before
this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him
safely to earth. No single space project . . . will be more exciting, or
more impressive ... or more important . . . and none will be so difficult or
expensive." "It will not be one man going to the Moon," the dynamic
43-year-old president told his countrymen, "it will be an entire nation. For
all of us must work to put him there."1
221
Space/light Revolution
At first no one at Langley could quite believe it. If President Kennedy
had in fact just dedicated the country to a manned lunar landing, he could
not be serious about doing it in less than nine years. NASA had been
studying the feasibility of various lunar missions for some time, but had
never dreamed of a manned mission that included landing on and returning
from the surface of the moon by the end of the 1960s. NASA was not exactly
sure how such a lunar mission could be achieved, let alone in so little time.
Not even Bob Gilruth, the leader of the STG, was prepared for the sen-
sational announcement. He heard the news in a NASA airplane somewhere
over the Midwest on his way to a meeting in Tulsa. He knew that Kennedy
planned to say something dramatic about the space program in his speech,
and so he asked the pilot to patch it through on the radio. Looking out
the window over the passing clouds, he had heard every incredible word.
Only one word described Gilruth's feelings at that moment: "aghast." The
first manned Mercury flight by Alan Shepard had taken place only three
weeks before, on 5 May. NASA had made this one brief 15-minute subor-
bital flight, and suddenly the President was promising Americans the moon.
The audacity of the goal was stunning.2 American astronauts would fly a
quarter of a million miles, make a pinpoint landing on a familiar but yet so
strange heavenly body, blast off, and return home safely after a voyage of
several days through space, and do it all by the end of the decade. Only
one thought was more daunting to Gilruth, and that was that he was one
of the main people who would have to make it happen. Already the STG
had its hands full preparing for another suborbital flight (Virgil I. "Gus"
Grissom's, on 21 July) and for the first orbital flight sometime early in the
next year (John Glenn's, on 20 February 1962). Gilruth himself, before
the president's announcement, "had spent almost no time at all" on lunar
studies, so demanding were the activities of Project Mercury.3
Only the project managers directly responsible for making Mercury a
success felt burdened by the prospects of now having to fulfill the lunar
commitment. Other planners and dreamers about space exploration within
NASA were elated.
When they heard about Kennedy's announcement, Clinton E. Brown and
his adventurous colleagues cheered, "Hooray, let's put on full speed ahead,
and do what we can." To them, landing astronauts on the moon as quickly
as possible was obviously the next step if the United States was going to
win the space race. Furthermore, Brown and his little band of men — plus
one other key Langley researcher, Dr. John C. Houbolt — were confident that
they already knew the best way to accomplish the lunar goal.4
Brown's Lunar Exploration Working Group
After Sputnik, a small circle of Langley researchers had plunged into the
dark depths of space science. "We were aeronautical engineers," remembers
222
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
William H. Michael, Jr., a member of Brown's division who had recently
returned to Langley after a two-year stint in the aircraft industry. "We
knew how to navigate in the air, but we didn't know a thing about orbital
mechanics, celestial trajectories, or interplanetary travel, so we had to teach
ourselves the subjects." In the Langley Technical Library, Michael could find
only one pertinent book, An Introduction to Celestial Mechanics, written
in 1914 by British professor of astrophysics Forrest R. Moulton (someone
Michael had never heard of).5 With this out-of-date text, Michael and a
few associates taught themselves enough about the equations of celestial
mechanics to grow confident in their computations. Before long, the novices
had transformed themselves into experts and were using their slide rules and
early electronic computers to calculate possible paths to the moon.
In anticipating the trajectories for lunar missions in the late 1950s,
Brown, Michael, and the few others were leapfrogging over what most people
considered to be "the logical next step" into space: an earth-orbiting space
station. Little did they know that their mental gymnastics would set the
direction of the U.S. space program for the next 30 years.
Following the wisdom of Konstantin Tsiolkovskii, Hermann Oberth,
Guido von Pirquet, Wernher von Braun, and other spacefaring visionaries,
most proponents of space travel believed that the first step humans would
take into the universe would be a relatively timid one to some sort of space
station in earth orbit. The station could serve as a research laboratory
for unique experiments and valuable industrial enterprises, and from this
outpost, human travelers could eventually venture into space using craft
for trips to the moon, the planets, and beyond. Most NASA researchers
believed that the space station was the perfect target project because it
could focus NASA's space-related studies as well as its plans for future
space exploration.6
Clint Brown and associates felt differently: they thought that the space
station step must be skipped. The politics of the space race, not the inspired
prophecies of the earliest space pioneers, were dictating the terms of our
space program. The Russians had already demonstrated that they had
larger boosters than the United States. This meant that they had the
capability of establishing a space station first. As Brown explains, "If we put
all our efforts into putting a space station around the world, we'd probably
find ourselves coming in second again." The "obvious answer" was that
"you had to take a larger bite and decide what can really give us leadership
in the space race." To him "that clearly seemed the possibility of going to
the moon and landing there."7
Inside Brown's Theoretical Mechanics Division, the conviction that lu-
nar studies should take precedence over space station studies grew. In early
1959, Langley's assistant director, Eugene Draley, agreed to form a Langley
working group to study the problems of lunar exploration. Brown, the cat-
alytic group leader, asked for the participation of six of Langley's most
thoughtful analysts: David Adamson, Supersonic Aerodynamics Division;
223
Space/light Revolution
Paul R. Hill, PARD; John C. Houbolt, Dynamic Loads Division; Albert A.
Schy, Stability Research Division; Samuel Katzoff, Full-Scale Research Divi-
sion; and Bill Michael of his own Theoretical Mechanics Division. Leonard
Roberts, a talented young mathematician from England, eventually joined
the group. Brown assembled these researchers for the first time in late March
1959 and periodically into 1960. Besides advising Langley management on
the establishment of lunar-related research programs, Brown's group also
organized a course in space mechanics for interested employees. For many,
this course provided their first real brush with relativity theory. The Brown
study group even worked to disseminate information about the moon by
holding public seminars led by experts from Langley and from the nearby
universities.8
Everything about this original lunar study group was done quietly
and without much fuss. In those early days of NASA, the management
of research was still flexible and did not always require formal research
authorizations or approval from NASA headquarters in Washington. When
Brown expressed his desire to work more on lunar exploration than on the
space station, Draley simply told him, "Fine, go ahead." Henceforth, he and
his lunar working group proceeded with their efforts to solve the problems of
sending an American to the moon. Brown's group was doing what Langley
researchers did best: exploring an interesting new idea and seeing how far
they could go with it.
Langley researchers were not the only people in the United States think-
ing seriously about lunar missions. Officers in the air force, scientists in think
tanks, professors at universities, and other engineers and researchers in and
around NASA were all contemplating a journey to the moon. In February
1959, a month before the creation of Brown's Lunar Exploration Working
Group at Langley, NASA headquarters had created a small "Working Group
on Lunar and Planetary Surfaces Exploration" (evolving later into the
"Science Committee on Lunar Exploration") chaired by Dr. Robert Jastrow,
the head of NASA headquarters' new Theoretical Division. This group in-
cluded such leaders in planetology and lunar science as Harold C. Urey,
professor at large at the University of California at San Diego, several lead-
ing scientists from JPL in Pasadena, and a few from Langley. In their
meetings Jastrow's group looked into the feasibility of both "rough" (later
usually called "hard") and "soft" landings on the moon. In a rough landing,
a probe would crash onto the surface and be destroyed, but only after an
on-board camera had sent back dozens of valuable pictures to earth. In a
soft landing, a spacecraft would actually land intact on the moon. Langley's
Bill Michael sat in on one of the first meetings of the Jastrow Committee.
In reaction to what he heard, Michael and others at Langley began develop-
ing ideas for photographic reconnaissance of the moon's surface from lunar
orbit as well as for lunar impact studies.9 Houbolt, of Langley's Dynamic
Loads Division, also attended some of these meetings to share his budding
knowledge of the requirements for spacecraft rendezvous.
224
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Committees Reviewing Lunar Landing Modes
Date
Formed
Location
Title
Chairman
Feb. 1959
NASA HQ
Working Group on Lunar
and Planetary Surfaces
Exploration
Jastrow
Mar. 1959
Langley
Lunar Exploration Working
Group
Brown
Apr. 1959
NASA HQ
Research Steering Committee
on Manned Space Flight
Goett
Summer
1959
Langley
Manned Space Lab Group
Subcommittee: Rendezvous
Nichols
Houbolt
May 1960
Langley
Intercenter Review of
Rendezvous Studies
Maggin
May 1960
Langley
Lunar Mission Steering Group
Subcommittee:
Trajectories and Guidance
Subcommittee:
Rendezvous
Becker
Brown
Houbolt
Oct. 1960
NASA HQ
Manned Lunar Landing Task
Group (Low Committee)
Low
May 1961
NASA HQ
Ad Hoc Task Group for a
Lunar Landing Study
(Fleming Committee)
Fleming
May 1961
NASA HQ
Lundin Committee
Lundin
June 1961
NASA HQ
Ad Hoc Task Group for
Study of Manned Lunar
Landing by Rendezvous
Techniques
(Heaton Committee)
Heaton
July 1961
NASA HQ
NASA/DOD Large Launch
Vehicle Planning. Group
(Golovin Committee)
Golovin
Dec. 1961
NASA HQ
Manned Space Flight
Management Council
Holmes
225
Space/light Revolution
Two months later, in April 1959, NASA headquarters formed a Research
Steering Committee on Manned Space Flight. Chaired by Harry J. Goett
of NASA Goddard, this committee was to review man-in-space problems,
recommend the missions to follow Project Mercury, and outline the research
programs to support those missions.10
In its final report, which came at the end of 1959, the Goett Committee
called for a manned lunar landing as the appropriate long-term goal of
NASA's space program. Between that goal and the present Project Mercury,
however, a major interim program designed to develop advanced orbital
capabilities and a manned space station was needed. Before that program,
to be named Gemini, took shape, however, basic priorities would change.
Langley's representative on the Goett Committee, Laurence K. Loftin,
Jr., the technical assistant to Associate Director Thompson, agreed that the
space station should be NASA's immediate goal. But two other members
disagreed: the STG's Max Faget and George Low, NASA's director of
spacecraft and flight missions in Washington. During meetings from May
to December, they voiced what turned out to be the minority opinion that
the moon should be NASA's next objective. George Low was particularly
vocal in making the point. Not only did he want to go to the moon, Low
also wanted to land on it, with men, and the sooner the better.11
Michael's Paper on a "Parking Orbit"
At Langley, members of Brown's lunar exploration group were studying
ways of accomplishing Low's dream. One of these studies, by Bill Michael,
examined the benefits of "parking" the earth-return propulsion portion of a
spacecraft in orbit around the moon during a landing mission.
The spark for Michael's interest in what came to be called a "parking
orbit," a spacecraft in a waiting orbit around the moon or some other
celestial body, was calculations he had made to see whether any advantage
could be gained in a lunar mission from additional "staging." First explained
by Tsarist Russia's space visionary Tsiolkovskii in the late 1800s, staging
was the proven technological concept by which a self-propelled, staged-
rocket vehicle (Tsiolkovskii called it a rocket "train" ) could ascend to greater
heights as its stages expended their fuel and separated.
In a lunar landing mission, Michael speculated, flying a big rocket ship
directly from the earth to the moon would be impractical. (Jules Verne's
popular book and other science-fiction fantasies had pictured this method
for a lunar landing.) Too much unnecessary weight would have to be
transported to the moon's surface. How much wiser it would be to make "an
intermediate step" and place the vehicle in lunar orbit where much of the
total weight remained behind including the structure of the interplanetary
spacecraft, its heavy fuel load for leaving lunar orbit and returning home,
and its massive heat shield necessary for a safe reentry into the earth's
226
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
L-89-8683
At a colloquium held at Langley on 20 July 1989 to celebrate the 20th anniversary of
the first lunar landing, William H. Michael, Jr., (center) reviews the evolution of his
parking orbit concept with Clinton E. Brown (right), head of the Lunar Exploration
Working Group and Arthur Vogeley (left), mastermind of Langley 's rendezvous and
docking simulators of the 1960s.
atmosphere. "It's very expensive to accelerate any type of mass to high
velocity," Michael thought. "Any time you do not have to do that, you save
a lot of fuel and thus a lot of weight."
Michael wrote his calculations in 1960 in a never-to-be-published paper,
"Weight Advantages of Use of Parking Orbit for Lunar Soft Landing
Mission." In the paper, Michael identified the most basic advantage of what
came to be known as lunar-orbit rendezvous (LOR). His results implied
that LOR could save NASA an impressive 50 percent or more of the total
mission weight. Figuring the numbers did not require any difficult or
sophisticated calculations. Nor did it require any knowledge of the writings
of Russian rocket theoretician Yuri Kondratyuk and British scientist and
Interplanetary Society member H. E. Ross, both of whom had expressed the
fundamentals of the LOR concept years earlier (Kondratyuk in 1916, and
Ross in 1948). 14 Neither Michael nor anyone else at Langley at this point,
so they have always maintained, had any knowledge of those precursors.
They also knew nothing about competition from contemporaries; how-
ever, they soon would. The same morning that Michael first showed his
227
Spaceflight Revolution
rough parking-orbit calculations to Clint Brown, a team led by Thomas E.
Dolan from Vought Astronautics, a division of the Chance Vought Cor-
poration in Dallas, gave a briefing at Langley. The briefing concerned
Vought 's ongoing company- funded, confidential study of problems related
to Manned Lunar Landing and Return (MALLAR) and specifically its plans
for a manned spaceflight simulator and its possible application for research
under contract to NASA.15
During the briefing, Dolan's staff mentioned an idea for reaching the
moon. Although the Vought representatives focused their analysis on the
many benefits of what they called a "modular spacecraft" — one in which
several parts, including a lunar landing module, were designed for certain
tasks — Brown and Michael understood that Vought was advertising the
essentials of the LOR concept. "They got up there and they had the whole
thing laid out," Brown remembers. "They had scooped us" with their idea
of "designing a spacecraft so that you can throw away parts of it as you go
along." For the next several days, Michael walked around "with his face
hanging down to the floor."16
Nevertheless, the chagrined Langley engineer decided to write a brief
paper because he was confident that he had come up with his idea indepen-
dently. Furthermore, the word around Langley later came to be that Dolan
had developed the idea of using a detachable lunar landing module for the
landing operation after an earlier visit to Langley when PARD engineers fa-
miliar with Michael's embryonic idea had suggested a parking orbit to him.
This explanation may simply be "sour grapes." On the other hand, Dolan
had been visiting Langley in late 1959 and early 1960, and Michael does
remember having already mentioned his idea to a few people at the center,
"so it shouldn't have been any surprise to anybody here at Langley that
such a possibility existed."17 The truth about the origin of Dolan's idea
will probably never be known.
Michael's paper, at least in retrospect, had some significant limitations.
It was only two pages long and presented little analysis. Its charts were dif-
ficult to follow and interpret. He did not mention "earth-escape weights,"
though an informed reader could infer such numbers. Perhaps most impor-
tantly, the paper did not explicitly mention either the need for a separate
lunar lander or the additional weight savings derived from using one and
discarding it before the return trip home. A reader would already have to
be familiar with the subject even to recognize, let alone fully fathom, what
was being implied. Michael's paper was hardly a fully developed articulation
of a lunar landing mission using LOR. Nonetheless, it made a fundamentally
important contribution: it made rendezvous the central theme for Langley
researchers contemplating lunar missions. As his paper concluded, the chief
problems in a lunar landing mission were the "complications involved in
requiring a rendezvous with the components left in the parking orbit."18
Although disappointed by the news that Vought. had scooped them
with the idea of LOR, the Langley researchers were hardly demoralized.
228
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Three days before President Kennedy's
lunar commitment, John D. Bird,
"Jaybird" (left), captured Langley's en-
thusiasm for a moonshot in his sketch
"TO THE MOON WITH C-l's OR
BUST" (below). In essence, his plan
called for a mission via earth- orbit ren-
dezvous (EOR) requiring the launch of
10 C-l rockets.
L-62-8189
/ >-*.J
/ r'v ' y
-". £4 ^Tnr
I C-l
^c-
-3
229
Spaceflight Revolution
Researchers in and around Brown's division quickly began making lunar
and planetary mission feasibility studies of their own. John P. Gapcynski,
for example, considered factors involved in the departure of a vehicle from a
circular orbit around the earth. Wilbur L. Mayo calculated energy and mass
requirements for missions to the moon and even to Mars. Robert H. Tolson
studied the effects on lunar trajectories of such geometrical constraints as
the eccentricity of the moon's orbit and the oblate shape of the earth, and
also looked into the influence of the solar gravitational field. John D. Bird,
"Jaybird," who worked across the hall from Michael, began designing "lunar
bugs," "lunar schooners," and other types of small excursion modules that
could go down to the surface of the moon from a "mother ship." Jaybird
became a particularly outspoken advocate of LOR. When a skeptical visitor
to Langley offered, with a chuckle, that LOR was "like putting a guy in
an airplane without a parachute and having him make a midair transfer,"
Bird set the visitor straight. "No," he corrected, "it's like having a big ship
moored in the harbor while a little rowboat leaves it, goes ashore, and comes
back again."19
The Rendezvous Committees
A feeling was growing within NASA in late 1959 and early 1960 that
rendezvous in space was going to be a vital maneuver no matter what
NASA chose as the follow-on mission to Project Mercury. If the next
step was a space station, a craft must meet and dock with that station
and then leave it; if the next step was a lunar mission, that, too, would
require some sort of rendezvous either in lunar orbit, as Michael's study
suggested, or in earth orbit, where a lunar-bound spacecraft might be
assembled or at least fueled. Even if neither of these projects was adopted,
communications and military "spy" satellites would require inspection and
repair, thus necessitating rendezvous maneuvers. Rendezvous would be a
central element of all future flight endeavors — whatever NASA decided.
By late summer 1959, Langley's senior staff was ready to proceed with
detailed studies of how best to perform rendezvous maneuvers in space. Two
rendezvous study committees eventually were formed, both chaired by Dr.
John C. Houbolt, the assistant chief of Langley's Dynamic Loads Division.
Houbolt was an aircraft structures expert who had begun work at Langley
in 1942 with a B.S. and M.S. in civil engineering from the University
of Illinois. In contrast to most Langley researchers, he had spent a
significant amount of time conducting research abroad. He had been an
exchange research scientist at the British Royal Aircraft Establishment at
Farnborough, England, in 1949, and in 1958, Houbolt had only recently
returned from a year at the Swiss Federal Polytechnic Institute in Zurich,
where his dissertation on the heat-related aeroelastic problems of aircraft
structures in high-speed flight had earned him a Ph.D.20
230
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Upon returning from his graduate work in Switzerland, Houbolt had
found himself becoming more curious about spaceflight as were other
Langley researchers. On his own, largely independent of the conversations
taking place within Brown's group, Houbolt learned the fundamentals of
space navigation. "I racked down and went through the whole analysis of
orbital mechanics so I could understand it." Prom his own preliminary stud-
ies of trajectories, he saw the vital importance of rendezvous and began to
recognize and evaluate the basic problems associated with it. During the
STG's training of the Mercury astronauts at Langley, Houbolt taught them
their course on space navigation.21
Houbolt focused on one special problem related to rendezvous — the
timing of the launch. NASA could not launch a mission at just any time and
be assured of effecting a rendezvous with an orbiting spacecraft. In order
to visualize the problem, Houbolt built a gadget with a globe for the earth
and a small ball on the end of a short piece of coat hanger for the satellite.
He connected it all to a variable-ratio gearbox. The gadget simulated a
satellite at different altitudes and in different orbital planes. With this
little machine Houbolt could figure the time that satellites would take at
varying altitudes to orbit the revolving earth. From his considerations of
orbital mechanics, Houbolt found that a change in orbital plane at 25,000
feet per second without the help of aerodynamic lift would require such an
enormous amount of energy that it could not be made. With this simple
but ingenious model, Houbolt saw how long NASA might have to wait — a
period of many days — in order to launch a rendezvous mission from Cape
Canaveral. However, he also found a way to circumvent the problem: "if the
orbital plane of the satellite could be made just one or two degrees larger
than the latitude of the launch site," the launch "window" could be extended
to four hours every day. Thus, he began to understand how NASA could
avoid the long waiting periods.22
The word quickly spread through Langley that Houbolt, the aircraft
structures specialist, was now "the rendezvous man." He even had a
"license to rendezvous" issued to him by the Rand Corporation, a nonprofit
think tank (affiliated with Douglas Aircraft) in southern California. The
Rand Corporation, which had an interest in space rendezvous and a space
rendezvous simulator, presented Houbolt with this "license" in November
1959 after he successfully linked two craft on the Douglas rendezvous
simulator.23 Thus, when NASA Langley created its steering groups to
study the problems of orbital space stations and lunar exploration missions,
Houbolt naturally was asked to provide the input about rendezvous.
The first of Houbolt 's rendezvous committees was linked to Langley 's
Manned Space Laboratory Group. Headed by the Full- Scale Research
Division's Mark R. Nichols, an aerodynamics specialist who was reluctant
to accept the assignment, this group was formed late in the summer of
1959. It was similar to Brown's interdivisional Lunar Exploration Working
Group, except that it was larger and had committees of its own. One of
231
Space/light Revolution
them, Houbolt's committee, was to look into the matter of rendezvous as
it pertained to earth-orbit operations. This it did in a- "loosely organized
and largely unscheduled" way during the first months of 1960. Serving
on the committee were John M. Eggleston, Arthur W. Vogeley, Max C.
Kurbjun, and W. Hewitt Phillips of the Aero-Space Mechanics Division;
John A. Dodgen and William Mace of IRD; and John Bird and Clint Brown
of the Theoretical Mechanics Division.24 The overlapping memberships and
responsibilities of the committees and study groups created during this busy
and chaotic period have caused much confusion in the historical record about
where the concept of LOR first arose at Langley and about who deserves
the credit.
At one of the early meetings of the Manned Space Laboratory Group
on 18 September 1959, Houbolt made a long statement on the rendezvous
problem. In this statement, one of the first made on this subject anywhere
inside NASA, Houbolt insisted that his committee be allowed to study
rendezvous "in the broadest terms" possible because, as he argued correctly,
the technique was certain to play a major role in almost any advanced
space mission NASA might initiate.25 Three months later, in December
1959, Houbolt appeared with other leading members of the Manned Space
Laboratory Group before a meeting of the Goett Committee held at Langley.
He urged the adoption of a rendezvous-satellite experiment — an experiment,
in essence, similar to NASA's later Project Gemini — which could "define
and solve the problems more clearly." The Goett Committee members, the
majority of whom were still narrowly focusing on a space station and a
circumlunar mission, showed little interest in Houbolt's experiment idea.26
Representatives from Goddard, Marshall, and JPL met at Langley on
16-17 May 1960 for an intercenter review of NASA's current rendezvous
studies. At this meeting, Houbolt gave the principal Langley presentation
based on a paper he had just delivered at the National Aeronautical Meeting
of the Society of Automotive Engineers in New York City, 5-8 April. All
representatives were in "complete agreement" that rendezvous was "an
important problem area" that opened "many operational possibilities" and
that warranted "significant study." The strength of Houbolt's presentation
demonstrated that of all the NASA centers, Langley was "expending the
greatest effort on rendezvous." Eleven studies were under way at the
center compared with three at Ames and two each at Lewis and the Flight
Research Center. Marshall had an active interest in rendezvous but only
in connection with advanced Saturn missions. With their "leanings toward
orbital operations," von Braun's people had done little work specifically on
rendezvous and were not prepared to talk about what little they had done.2
One week after the intercenter review, a second rendezvous committee
met for the first time. It was part of a Lunar Mission Steering Group
created by Director Floyd Thompson. Chairing this group was hypersonics
specialist John V. Becker, chief of the Aero-Physics Division.28 Much larger
and more formal than Brown's original little band of lunar enthusiasts, the
232
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
group chaired by Becker incorporated the Brown group, with the dynamic
Brown himself serving as chairman of the new group's subcommittee on
trajectories and guidance. Five other subcommittees were quickly organized:
Howard B. Edwards of IRD chaired an instrumentation and communications
committee; Richard R. Heldenfels of the Structures Research Division
headed a committee on structures and materials; Paul R. Hill of the Aero-
Space Mechanics Division was in charge of a committee on propulsion, flight
testing, and dynamic loads; Eugene S. Love, Becker's assistant chief of the
Aero-Physics Division, led a committee on reentry aerodynamics, heating,
configuration, and aeromedical issues; and John C. Houbolt headed the
rendezvous committee. Serving with Houbolt were Wilford E. Silvertson,
Jr., of IRD and John Bird and John Eggleston, who were also members of
his other rendezvous committee for the Manned Space Lab Group.
Becker's Lunar Mission Steering Group was to take a "very broad look
at all possible ways of accomplishing the lunar mission." At the time NASA
envisioned a circumlunar rather than a landing mission. (By late summer
1960, Lowell E. Hasel, secretary of Becker's study group, was referring to it
in his minutes as the "LRC Circumlunar Mission Steering Group.") More
specifically, the Becker group was to decide whether it approved of the
general guidelines for lunar missions as established by the STG in meetings
a month earlier, in April I960.29 In the next six months, Becker's group met
six times, sent representatives to NASA headquarters and Marshall Space
Flight Center for consultation and presentation of preliminary analyses, and
generally educated itself in the relevant technical areas. Its exploratory
experimental data eventually appeared in 12 Langley papers presented at
the first NASA/Industry Apollo Technical Conference held in Washington
from 18-20 July 1961. Long before that time, however, Langley 's Lunar
Mission Steering Group discontinued its activities. In mid-November 1960,
when the STG developed its formal Apollo Technical Liaison Plan, which
organized specialists in each problem area from every NASA center, the
group was no longer needed and simply stopped meeting.30
Houbolt Launches His First Crusade
In his paper presented before the Society of Automotive Engineers in
April 1960, Houbolt had focused on "the problem of rendezvous in space,
involving, for example, the ascent of a satellite or space ferry as to make
a soft contact with another satellite or space station already in orbit."
His analysis of soft rendezvous could have applied to a lunar mission, but
Houbolt did not specifically refer to that possibility.31
He had been seriously studying it, as revealed" in the minutes of a meeting
of Langley's Manned Space Laboratory Group held on 5 February 1960. On
that occasion Houbolt discussed the general requirements of a "soft landing
device" in a lunar mission involving LOR. He did so in spite of the fact that
233
Spaceflight Revolution
Houbolt's Early Crusades
Date
Location
Presentation Audience
Sept. 1959
Langley
Manned Space Lab Group
Dec. 1959
Langley
Goett Committee
Feb. 1960
Langley
Manned Space Lab Group
Apr. 1960
New York
Society of Automotive Engineers
Spring 1960
Langley
Robert Piland and STG members
(informal)
Spring 1960
Langley
William Mrazek
May 1960
Langley
Intercenter Review
Sept. 1960
Langley
Seamans (informal)
Nov. 1960
Pentagon
Air Force Scientific Advisory
Board
Dec. 1960
Langley
STG leaders
Dec. 1960
NASA HQ
Headquarters staff
including Glennan, von Braun,
Seamans, and Faget
this particular rendezvous committee was supposed to be focusing more
narrowly on a rendezvous with an earth-orbiting space station.32
From this point on, Houbolt began to advertise LOR in meetings and
conversations. In the spring of 1960, he talked about LOR with Robert O.
Piland and other members of the STG at Langley. During the same period,
Houbolt mentioned LOR to William A. Mrazek, director of the Structures
and Mechanics Division at Marshall. Houbolt had been helping Mrazek to
evaluate the S-IV stage (consisting of four uprated Centaur engines) of the
Saturn rocket.33
In the summer of 1960, while making back-of-the-envelope calculations to
confirm the savings in rocket-boosting power gained by the LOR approach,
Houbolt experienced a powerful technological epiphany. Three years later,
in a 1963 article, he described what happened: "Almost simultaneously, it
became clear that lunar-orbit rendezvous offered a chain reaction simplifi-
cation on all 'back effects': development, testing, manufacturing, erection,
count-down, flight operations, etc." In this moment of revelation, Houbolt
made an ardent resolve: "I vowed to dedicate myself to the task." From
234
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
that instant until NASA's selection of the mission mode for Project Apollo
in July 1962, he tirelessly crusaded for the LOR concept.34
On 1 September 1960, Dr. Robert C. Seamans, who had a Ph.D. in
aeronautical engineering and was a former member of an NACA technical
subcommittee, became NASA's new associate director. One of his first
official duties was visiting all the agency's field centers for orientations
about their programs and introductions to their personnel. During his
visit to Langley, one of the many people he encountered was an excited
John Houbolt, who seized the moment to say something privately about the
advantages of LOR. He told the associate administrator, "We ought to be
thinking about using LOR in our way of going to the moon."35
Bob Seamans, in his previous job as chief engineer for RCA's Missile
and Electronics Division in Massachusetts, had been involved in an air force
study known as Project Saint — an acronym for satellite interceptor. This
"quiet but far-reaching" classified military project involved the interception
of satellites in earth orbit. Project Saint predisposed Seamans to enter-
tain ideas about rendezvous techniques and maneuvers. Houbolt explained
to him that LOR would work even if less weight than that of the entire
spacecraft was left in a parking orbit. If only the weight of the spacecraft's
heat shield was parked, NASA could realize some significant savings. Im-
pressed with the importance of leaving weight in orbit, and equally impressed
with Houbolt's zeal, Seamans invited the impassioned Langley researcher to
present his ideas formally before his staff in Washington.36
Before that presentation, however, Houbolt gave two other briefings
on rendezvous: the first, in November 1960, to the Air Force Scientific
Advisory Board at the Pentagon; the second, on 10 December, to leading
members of the STG including Paul Purser, Robert Piland, Owen Maynard,
Caldwell Johnson, James Chamberlin, and Max Faget. (Gilruth was not
present.) In both talks, Houbolt spoke about all the possible uses of
rendezvous. For LOR, the uses included a manned lunar landing, and
for earth-orbit rendezvous (EOR) they included assembly of orbital units,
personnel transfer to a space station, proper placement of special purpose
satellites, and inspection and interception of satellites. Houbolt stressed
that rendezvous would be both inherently useful and technically feasible in
many space missions. Historians have missed this key point about Houbolt:
he was advocating rendezvous generally, not just LOR.
If humans were going to land on the moon using existing rocket boosters,
or even the boosters that were then on the drawing boards, a combination
of EOR and LOR would be required. "We would put up a component
with a first booster; we would put up another component with another
booster; then we would rendezvous the two of them in earth orbit. Then we
would go to the moon with this booster system and perform the lunar-orbit
rendezvous with the remaining spacecraft. The whole reason for doing it
this way would be because the boosters were still too small."
235
Space/light Revolution
Although he presented several rendezvous concepts, Houbolt championed
LOR. With charts showing a soft manned lunar landing accomplished both
with the Saturn-class rockets then in development and with existing launch
vehicles such as Atlas or Langley's Scout, Houbolt concluded his lecture
by emphasizing the "great advantage" of LOR. In a lunar landing mission,
the earth-boost payload would be reduced two to two-and-a-half times. "I
pointed out over and over again" that if these boosters could be made bigger,
then NASA "could dispense with the earth-orbit rendezvous portion and do
it solely by lunar-orbit rendezvous."37
Houbolt recalls that neither the Scientific Advisory Board nor the STG
seemed overly interested; however, they did not seem overly hostile. He was
to experience this passive reaction often in the coming months. But not all
the reactions were so passive. Some of them, from intelligent and influential
people inside the space program, were loud, harshly worded, and negative.
On 14 December 1960, Houbolt traveled to Washington with a group of
Langley colleagues to give the staff at NASA headquarters the briefing he
had promised Bob Seamans three months earlier. All NASA's important
people were in the audience, including Keith Glennan, Seamans, Wernher
von Braun, and the leadership of the STG. For 15 minutes, Houbolt moved
carefully through his charts and analysis. He concluded, as he had done
in the earlier briefings, with an enthusiastic statement about LOR's weight
savings — a reduction of earth payload by a "whopping" two to two-and-a-
half times.
When he finished, a small man with a receding hairline and a bow tie
jumped up from the audience. Houbolt knew all too well who he was: the
hot-blooded Max Faget, his longtime Langley associate and present member
of the STG. "His figures lie." Faget accused. "He doesn't know what he's
talking about." Even in a bull session at Langley, Faget's fiery accusation
would have been upsetting. But "in an open meeting, in front of Houbolt 's
peers and supervisors," it was "a brutal thing for one Langley engineer to
say to another."38 Faget had not bothered to voice these doubts four days
earlier during the more private STG management briefing at Langley, when
Houbolt and the others who were to give talks at headquarters had rehearsed
their presentations. Faget continued his vocal objections in the hallway after
the headquarters briefing was over. Houbolt tried to stay calm, but clearly
he was agitated. He answered the charge simply by telling Faget that he
"ought to look at the study before [making] a pronouncement like that."39 It
was an "ought to" that Houbolt would be passing on to many LOR skeptics
before it was all over.
Curiously, earlier at the same NASA headquarters meeting, Clint Brown
had made a presentation based on a study he had done with Ralph W.
Stone, Jr., of the Theoretical Mechanics Division. Brown had explained a
general operational concept for an LOR plan for a manned lunar mission.
Brown's basic idea was to develop an early launch capability by combining
several existing rocket boosters, specifically the Atlas, Centaur, and Scout.
236
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
He also illustrated the advantage of rendezvous for weight reduction over
direct ascent. But oddly, Brown's talk — unlike Houbolt's — did not provoke
a strong negative reaction.40 Perhaps this was because Houbolt gave a
more explicit analysis of the advantages of LOR over the direct approach,
or perhaps it was because Brown had given his presentation first and Faget
needed to build up some steam, or perhaps it was personal, with Faget
simply liking Brown better than he liked Houbolt.
The Feelings Against LOR
The basic premise of the LOR concept that NASA would eventually
develop into Project Apollo was to fire an assembly of three spacecraft into
earth orbit on top of a single powerful (three-stage) rocket, the Saturn V.
This 50,000-pound-plus assembly would include a mother ship or command
module (CM); a service module (SM) containing the fuel cells, attitude
control system, and main propulsion system; and a small lunar lander or
excursion module. Once in earth orbit, the last stage of the Saturn rocket
would fire and expend itself, thus boosting the Apollo spacecraft with its
crew of three astronauts into its trajectory to the moon. Braking into lunar
orbit via the small rockets aboard the service module, two members would
don space suits and climb into the lunar excursion module (LEM), detach
it from the mother ship, and pilot it to the lunar surface. The third crew
member would remain in the CM, maintaining a lonely but busy vigil in
lunar orbit. If all went well, the top half or ascent stage of the LEM would
rocket back up, using the ascent engine provided, and redock with the CM.
What remained of the lander would then be discarded to the vast void
of space — or crashed on the moon as was done in later Apollo missions for
seismic experiments — and the three astronauts in their command ship would
head for home.*
Knowing what we know now, that is, that the United States would
land Americans on the moon and return them safely before the end of
the decade using LOR, the strength of feeling against the concept in the
early 1960s is hard to imagine. In retrospect, we know that LOR enjoyed —
as Brown, Michael, Dolan, and especially John Houbolt had said — several
advantages over its competitors. It required less fuel, only half the payload,
and somewhat less new technology; it did not require a monstrous rocket
such as the proposed Nova for a direct flight; and it called for only one launch
from earth, whereas one of LOR's chief competitors, EOR, required at least
two. Only the small lightweight LEM, not the entire spacecraft, would have
to land on the moon. This was perhaps LOR's major advantage. Because
One can summarize the LOR concept with three specifications: (1) Only a specially designed LEM
would actually descend to the moon's surface; (2) Only a portion of that LEM, the ascent stage, would
return to dock with the CM in lunar orbit; and (3) Only the CM or Apollo capsule itself, with its
protective heat shield, would fall back to earth.
237
Space/light Revolution
the lander was to be discarded after use and would not be needed to return
to earth, NASA could customize the design of the LEM for maneuvering
flight in the lunar environment and for a soft lunar landing. In fact, the
beauty of LOR was that NASA could tailor all the modules of the Apollo
spacecraft independently — without those tailorings having to compromise
each other. One spacecraft unit to do three jobs would have forced some
major concessions, but three units to do three jobs was another plus for LOR
that no one at NASA, finally, could overlook.
In the early 1960s, these advantages were theoretical, but the fear that
American astronauts might be left in an orbiting coffin some 240,000 miles
from home was quite real. If rendezvous had to be part of the lunar mission,
many people felt it should be attempted only in earth orbit. If rendezvous
failed there, the threatened astronauts could be brought home simply by
allowing the orbit of their spacecraft to deteriorate. If a rendezvous around
the moon failed, the astronauts would be too far away to be saved. Nothing
could be done. The specter of dead astronauts sailing around the moon
haunted those responsible for the Apollo program. This anxiety made
objective evaluation of LOR by NASA unusually difficult.
John Houbolt understood NASA's fears, but he recognized that all the
alternative schemes had serious pitfalls and dreadful possibilities of their
own. He was certain that all the other options would be more perilous and
did not really offer rescue possibilities. The LOR concept, in contrast, did
offer the chance of a rescue if two small landing modules, rather than one,
were included. One lander could be held in reserve with the orbiting mother
ship to go down to the lunar surface if the number one lander encountered
serious trouble. Or, in the case of an accident inside the command-service
module, one attached LEM could serve as a type of "lifeboat."* Houbolt
just could not accept the charge that LOR was inherently more dangerous,
but neither could he easily turn that charge aside.
The intellectual and emotional climate in which NASA would have to
make perhaps the most fundamental decision in its history was amazingly
tempestuous. The psychological obstacle to LOR's progress made the
entire year of 1961 and the first seven months of 1962 the most hectic and
challenging period of John Houbolt's life.41
On 5 January 1961, Houbolt spoke again on rendezvous during the
first afternoon session of a historic two-day Space Exploration Program
Council (SEPC) in Washington. This council had been created by NASA
for "smoothing out technical and managerial problems at the highest level."
Chaired by the associate administrator, this council meeting — the first that
This scenario would indeed happen during the mission of Apollo 13, when outward bound and
200,000 miles from earth, an explosion in one of the oxygen tanks within the service module caused a
leak in another oxygen tank and confronted NASA with an urgent life-threatening problem. NASA solved
the problem by having the astronauts head home, without landing, and by moving them temporarily
into the atmosphere of the LEM.
238
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Seamans presided over — included, as always, all program office heads at
headquarters, the directors of all NASA field centers, and their invited guests
and speakers. The SEPC had been meeting quarterly since early 1960, but
this first meeting of 1961 was by far the most historic to date; it was the
first meeting inside NASA to feature an agencywide discussion of a manned
lunar landing.42
At the end of the first day of this meeting, everyone agreed that the
mission mode for a manned lunar landing by NASA could be reduced to
three options: direct ascent, which was still the front-runner; EOR, which
was gaining ground quickly; and LOR, the dark horse on which only the
most capricious gamblers in NASA would have ventured a bet.
One speaker had presented each option. First, Marshall's impressive
rocket pioneer from Germany, Wernher von Braun, reviewed NASA's launch
vehicle program, with an eye to the advantages of EOR. Von Braun ex-
plained how two pieces of hardware could be launched into space indepen-
dently using advanced Saturn rockets then under development; how the two
pieces could rendezvous and dock in earth orbit; how a lunar mission vehi-
cle could be assembled, fueled, and detached from the joined modules; and
how that augmented ship could proceed directly to the surface of the moon
and after exploring, return to earth. The clearest immediate advantage of
EOR, as von Braun pointed out, was that it required a pair of less powerful
rockets that were already nearing the end of their development. Two of his
early Saturns would do the job. The biggest pitfall of EOR, as with direct
ascent, was that no one knew how the spacecraft would actually make its
landing. On the details of that essential maneuver, von Braun said nothing
other than to admit that more serious study would have to be done very
quickly.43
Next, Melvyn Savage of the Office of Launch Vehicle Programs at NASA
headquarters explained direct ascent. A massive rocket roughly the size of a
battleship would be fired directly to the moon, land, and blast off for home
directly from the lunar surface. The trip required one brute of a booster
vehicle, the proposed 12-million-pound thrust Nova rocket.
Late in the afternoon, Houbolt came to the podium to discuss rendezvous
and highlight the unappreciated strengths of his dark-horse candidate. To
him the advantages of LOR and the disadvantages of the other two options
were obvious. Any single rocket such as Nova that had to carry and lift
all the fuel necessary for leaving the earth's gravity, braking against the
moon's gravity as well as leaving it, and braking against the earth's gravity
was clearly not the most practical choice — especially if the mission was to
be accomplished in the near future. The development of a rocket that
mammoth would take too long, and the expense would be enormous. In
Houbolt 's opinion, EOR was a more reasonable choice than direct ascent but
not as sensible as LOR. After the lunar-bound spacecraft left its rendezvous
station around the earth, the rest of an EOR mission would be accomplished
in exactly the same way as direct ascent. NASA's crew of astronauts would
239
Spaceflight Revolution
Houbolt's Later Crusades
Date
Location
Presentation Audience
Jan. 1961
NASA HQ
Space Exploration Program
Council Meeting
Jan. 1961
Langley
STG members
Jan. 1961
Langley
Pearson (Low Committee)
Jan. 1961
NASA HQ
NASA Headquarters staff
Apr. 1961
Langley
STG
May 1961
Letter to Seamans (NASA HQ)
June 1961
NASA HQ
Lundin Committee
June 1961
France
International Space Flight
Symposium
July 1961
Langley
Rehearsal with STG
July 1961
Washington, B.C.
NASA/Industry Apollo Technical
Conference
Aug. 1961
NASA HQ
Golovin Committee
Aug. 1961
Langley
STG
Nov. 1961
Letter to Seamans (NASA HQ)
Jan. 1962
Langley
Shea and STG
Jan. 1962
MSC, Houston
Manned Spacecraft Center
personnel
Feb. 1962
NASA HQ
Manned Space Flight Management
Council
Apr. 1962
Report and papers sent to
von Braun (MSFC)
have to land an incredibly heavy and large vehicle on the surface of the
moon. The business of backing such a large stack of machinery down onto
the moon and "eyeballing" a pinpoint soft landing on what at the time
was still a virtually unknown lunar surface would be incredibly tricky and
dangerous. Those few NASA researchers who had been thinking about the
terrors of landing such a behemoth (and getting the astronauts down from
240
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
the top of it using some little inside elevator!) knew that no satisfactory
answers to these problems were on the horizon.44
Other talks were given that day, including an introduction by George
Low, chair of NASA headquarters Manned Lunar Landing Task Group
(formed in October 1960), and a technical talk by Houbolt's nemesis
Max Faget outlining the hardware and booster requirements for several
possible types of lunar missions. Everyone walked away from the meeting
understanding that, if the United States was someday to reach the moon,
NASA would have to choose a plan soon.45 At this point, the odds were
excellent that the choice would be direct ascent, which seemed simplest in
concept. Coming in second, if a vote had been taken that day, would have
been EOR. LOR, to many NASA officials present, was an option almost
unworthy of mention.
The Early Skepticism of the STG
In the early months of 1961, the STG was preoccupied with the first
manned Mercury flight and the hope — soon to be crushed by Vostok 1—
that an American astronaut would be the first human in space. When
any of its members had a rare moment to consider rendezvous, they were
typically thinking about it "as one of several classes of missions around
which a Mercury program follow-on might be built."46
At Langley on 10 January 1961, five days after the meeting of the SEPC,
Houbolt went with three members of the Theoretical Mechanics Division —
the division chief Clint Brown, Ralph Stone, and Manuel J. "Jack" Queijo —
to an informal meeting at the center with three members of the STG's
Flight Systems Division — H. Kurt Strass, Owen E. Maynard, and Robert
L. O'Neal. Langley Associate Director Charles Donlan, Gilruth's former
chief assistant, also attended. At this meeting Houbolt, Brown, and the
others tried to persuade representatives from the STG that a rendezvous
experiment belonged in the Apollo program and that LOR was the way to
go if any plans for a manned lunar landing were to be made.47
They were not persuaded. Although the STG engineers received the
analysis more politely than had cohort Max Faget the month earlier,
all four men admitted quite frankly that the claims about the weight
savings were "too optimistic." Owen Maynard remembers that he and
his colleagues initially viewed the LOR concept as "the product of pure
theorists' deliberations with little practicality." In essence, they agreed with
Faget's charge, though they did not come out and say it, that Houbolt's
figures did "lie." The STG engineers believed that in advertising the earth-
weight savings of LOR and the reduction in the size of the booster needed
for the lunar mission, Houbolt and the others were failing to factor in, or
they were at least greatly underestimating, the significant extra complexity,
and thus added weight, of the systems and subsystems that LOR's modular
spacecraft would require.48
241
Spaceflight Revolution
This criticism was central to the early skepticism toward the LOR concept
both inside and outside the STG. Even Marshall's Wernher von Braun
initially shared the sentiment: "John Houbolt argued that if you could leave
part of your ship in orbit and don't soft land all of it on the moon and fly it
out of the gravitational field of the moon again, you can save takeoff weight
on earth." "That's pretty basic," von Braun recalled later in an oral history.
"But if the price you pay for that capability means that you have to have one
extra crew compartment, pressurized, and two additional guidance systems,
and the electrical supply for all that gear, and you add up all this, will you
still be on the plus side of your trade-off?" Until the analysis was done (and
some former NASA engineers still argue today that "this trade-off has never
been realistically evaluated"), no one could be sure. Many NASA people
suspected that LOR would prove far too complicated. "The critics in the
early debate murdered Houbolt," von Braun remembered sympathetically.49
Houbolt recalls this January 1961 meeting with the men from the STG as
a "friendly, scientific discussion." He, Brown, and the others did what they
could to counter the argument that the weight of a modular spacecraft would
prove excessive. Using an argument taken from automobile marketing,
they stated that the lunar spacecraft would not necessarily have to be
"plush" ; an "economy" or even "budget" model might be able to do the job.
Houbolt offered as an example one of John Bird's lunar bugs, "a stripped-
down, 2,500-pound version in which an astronaut descended on an open
platform,"50 but the STG engineers did not take the budget model idea
seriously. In answer to the charge that a complicated modular spacecraft
would inevitably grow much heavier than the LOR advocates had been
estimating, Houbolt retaliated with the argument that the estimated weight
of a direct-ascent spacecraft would no doubt increase during development,
making it an even less competitive option in comparison with rendezvous.
But in the end, the substantive differences between the two groups
of engineers went out the window. All Houbolt could say to the STG
representatives was "you don't know what you're talking about," and all
they could say to him was the same. "It wasn't a fight in the violent sense,"
reassures Houbolt. "It was just differences in scientific opinion about it."51
Whether the skeptical response to that day's arguments in favor of LOR
was indicative of general STG sentiment in early 1961 has been a matter
of some serious behind-the-scenes debate among the NASA participants.
Houbolt has argued that the STG consistently opposed LOR and had to be
convinced from the outside, by Houbolt himself, after repeated urgings, that
it was the best mission mode for a lunar landing. Leading members of the
STG, notably Gilruth and Faget, have argued that was not really the case.
They say that the STG was too busy preparing for the Mercury flights to
think seriously about lunar studies; they began considering such missions
only after Kennedy's commitment. Gilruth recalls that when Houbolt first
approached him "with some ideas about rendezvousing Mercury capsules
in earth orbit" as "an exercise in space technology," he did in fact react
242
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Looking like a birdie for a badminton game,
this early lunar excursion model was pro-
posed by Langley researchers in the spring
of 1961 for the suggested Project MALLIR
(Manned Lunar Landing Involving Ren-
dezvous).
L-61-6790
negatively. It was a "diversion from our specified mission" according to
Gilruth and, therefore, not something about which he as the head of Project
Mercury then had any time on which to reflect.52
According to Gilruth, he did not know of Houbolt's interest in LOR until
early 1961. By that time, NASA had begun studying the requirements of
a manned lunar landing through such committees as the Manned Lunar
Landing Task Group chaired by George Low (the Low Committee). The
STG, although still overwhelmed with work, did its best to follow suit. When
it did begin serious consideration of a lunar program, especially of landing
men on the moon, LOR gained "early acceptance . . . notwithstanding the
subsequent debates that erupted in numerous headquarters committees."53
"I was very much in favor of that mode of flight to the moon from the very
beginning," Gilruth has since claimed. "I recall telling our people that LOR
seemed the most promising mode to me — far more promising than either the
direct ascent or the earth orbital rendezvous modes." The most important
thing in planning for a manned lunar program was to minimize the risk of
the landing operation. Thus, LOR was the best of the contending modes
because it alone permitted the use of a smaller vehicle specifically designed
for the job. In Gilruth's view, he was always encouraging to Houbolt. In
his estimation, he felt all along that "the Space Task Group would be the
key in carrying the decision through to the highest echelons of NASA" and
that, "of course, this proved to be the case."5
243
Spaceflight Revolution
Although Houbolt was not the first
to foresee the advantages of a moon
landing via LOR, his total commit-
ment and crusading zeal won the
support of key people in NASA.
L-62-5208
Houbolt accepts very little of these ex post facto assertions; indeed, he
violently disagrees with them. He points out that on several occasions in
late 1960 he had briefed leading members of the STG about LOR and that
Gilruth had to know his ideas. According to Houbolt, the STG had ignored
and resisted his calculations as too optimistic and continued to ignore and
resist them while insisting on the development of the large Nova boosters.
As evidence, Houbolt points to many subsequent incidents in which his
ideas were summarily discounted by the STG and to various statements of
resistance from key STG members. One such statement came from Gilruth
in an official letter as late as September 1961. "Rendezvous schemes are
and have been of interest to the Space Task Group and are being studied,"
Gilruth informed NASA headquarters on 12 September. "However, the
rendezvous approach itself will, to some extent, degrade mission reliability
and flight safety." Rendezvous schemes such as Houbolt's "may be used
as a crutch to achieve early planned dates for launch vehicle availability,"
Gilruth warned. Their advocates propose them "to avoid the difficulty of
developing a reliable Nova class launch vehicle."55
Houbolt felt strongly that if he could just persuade Gilruth's people to do
their homework on rendezvous, "then they too would become convinced of its
merits." But for months he could not get them, or anyone else, to do that.
LOR met with "virtually universal opposition — no one would accept it —
they would not even study it." In Houbolt's words, "my perseverance, and
solely mine" caused the STG and various other groups finally to study and
244
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
realize "the far-sweeping merits of the plan." "My own in-depth analysis,
. . . my crusading, . . . paved the way to the acceptance of the scheme."56
In early 1961, when the Low Committee announced its plan for a manned
lunar landing and its aspiration for that bold mission to be made part of
Project Apollo, NASA still appeared to be resisting LOR. In outlining the
requirements for a manned lunar flight, the committee's chief recommen-
dation was to focus on the direct approach to the moon, thus leaving ren-
dezvous out; LOR was not discussed at all. Low remembers that during the
time of his committee's deliberations, he asked one of the committee mem-
bers, E. O. Pearson, Jr., to visit John Houbolt at Langley and "to advise
the Committee whether we should give consideration to the Lunar Orbit
Rendezvous Mode." Pearson, the assistant chief of the Aerodynamics and
Flight Mechanics Research Division at NASA headquarters, returned with
the answer, "No," LOR "was not the proper one to consider for a lunar land-
ing." A rendezvous 240,000 miles from home, when rendezvous had never
been demonstrated — Shepard's suborbital flight had not even been made
yet — seemed, literally and figuratively, "like an extremely far-out thing to
do."57
Thus the Low Committee in early 1961, recognizing that it would be
much too expensive to develop and implement more than one lunar landing
mission mode, made its "chief recommendation": NASA should focus
on direct ascent. "This mistaken technical judgment was not Houbolt 's
fault," Low admitted years later, "but rather my fault in trusting a
single Committee member instead of having the entire Committee review
Houbolt's studies and recommendations."58
Mounting Frustration
Everything that happened in the first months of early 1961 reinforced
John Houbolt's belief that NASA was dismissing LOR without giving it
due consideration. On 20 January, Houbolt gave another long talk at
NASA headquarters on rendezvous. In this briefing, he displayed analysis
showing a manned lunar landing using Saturn rockets and outlined a
simplified rendezvous scheme that had been devised by Art Vogeley and
Lindsay J. Lina of the Guidance and Control Branch of Langley 's Aero-
Space Mechanics Division. He also mentioned preliminary ideas for the
development of fixed-base simulators by which to study the requirements
for manned lunar orbit, landing, and rendezvous.59 On 27 and 28 February,
NASA held an intercenter meeting on rendezvous in Washington, but
no LOR presentation was made by Houbolt or anyone else. As if by
political consensus, the subject was not even brought up. This prompted
one concerned headquarters official, Bernard Maggin from the Office of
Aeronautical and Space Research, to write Houbolt a memo commenting
on NASA's, and especially the STG's, lack of consideration for LOR.60
245
Spaceflight Revolution
Institutional politics was involved in the unfolding lunar landing mission
mode debate. The politics centered around the concern over where the work
for the manned lunar program was going to be done. The organizations
involved in building the big rockets were interested in direct ascent, which
required the giant Nova, and in EOR, which required two or more Saturns
per mission. Abe Silverstein, the director of the Office of Space Flight
Programs at NASA headquarters, was working primarily from his experience
as the former head of Lewis Research Center, which was the old NACA
propulsion research laboratory now heavily involved in rocket development,
so he naturally favored direct ascent. Wernher von Braun had to be thinking
about the best interests of his Marshall Space Flight Center, which was
primarily responsible at that time for developing the Saturns.61 For the
most part, the management staff of Langley kept out of these debates. No
matter which mission mode was implemented, Langley researchers and wind
tunnels would have plenty of work to do to support the program.62
In some articles and history books on Project Apollo, LOR has been
called a pet concept of Langley, but that was not the case. Even within
Langley, LOR was embraced only by a small but vocal minority. Langley
management did not get behind LOR until after the STG and the rest of
NASA did. The personal opinion of Langley Director Floyd Thompson, as
well as that of most of his senior staff, mirrored that of the STG: LOR was
too complicated and risky. Direct ascent or EOR was the better choice.63
Although a brilliant engineering analyst and an energetic advocate of the
causes he espoused, Houbolt was not an overly shrewd behind-the-scenes
player of institutional politics. Faced with the impasse of early 1961, his
first instinct was simply to find more informed retorts to the criticisms he
had been hearing. So, with the help of Brown, Vogeley, Michael, Bird,
Kurbjun, and a few others, he developed elaborate and detailed studies
of the lunar landing mission he envisioned along with extensive analyses
of weight savings. Somehow, he felt, he must find a way to circumvent
the problem and convince the agency that it was making a big mistake by
dismissing LOR.
On 19 April 1961, Houbolt was to give another briefing on rendezvous
to the STG. In an effort to package his argument more convincingly, he
created an "admiral's page." This was a short, visually convenient summary
for "the admiral" designed to save him wading through a long report. For
his STG briefing, Houbolt put 16 pages of charts, data plots, drawings,
and outlined analyses — taken from his own analysis as well as material
supplied by Langley's John Bird, Max Kurbjun, and Art Vogeley — onto
one 17 x 22-inch foldout sheet. The title of his foldout was "Manned Lunar
Landing Via Rendezvous" and on its cover was a telescopic photograph of
the moon. Several important people attending the meeting received a copy
of the foldout which helped them follow Houbolt 's talk more closely.64
As had been the case in Houbolt 's earlier presentations, this one also
dealt with both EOR and LOR, but it had a clearly stated preference
246
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
L-62-5849
Houbolt explains the critical weight-saving advantage of the LOR scheme. Because
the lunar excursion vehicle ("L.E.V.") in Houbolt's plan weighed only 19,320
pounds, compared to 82, 700 pounds for the lander required for direct ascent or EOR,
the total weight that must be boosted to earth escape could be reduced by more than
half using LOR.
for LOR. In this talk, however, Houbolt advocated for the first time two
specific projects for which he supplied project names and acronyms.
The first of these ("Project 1") he called "MORAD" —Manned Orbital
Rendezvous and Docking. This was his old idea for a modest flight "exper-
iment" follow-on to Mercury that would "establish confidence" in manned
rendezvous techniques. An unmanned pay load from a Scout rocket would
serve as a target vehicle for a maneuvering Mercury capsule in earth orbit.
The second of the projects ("Project 2") he called "MALLIR" —Manned
Lunar Landing Involving Rendezvous. This contained the essence of the
controversial LOR scheme.65
247
Space/light Revolution
In the last box of his foldout, Houbolt listed his recommendations for
"Immediate Action Required." For MORAD, he wanted NASA to give
a quick go-ahead so that Langley could proceed with a work statement
preparatory to contracting with industry to do a study. For MALLIR, he
wanted NASA "to delegate responsibility to the Space Task Group" so that
the STG would have to give "specific and accelerated consideration" to
the possibility of including rendezvous as part of Project Apollo. In place
of the STG's apparent resistance to his rendezvous ideas and its current
discretionary freedom to treat the matter of rendezvous as part of Apollo on
a will-also-consider basis, he wanted a NASA directive that made rendezvous
integral to an accepted project. Houbolt wanted something that would make
the STG, finally, give rendezvous the attention it merited. "I simply wanted
people to study the problems and look at [them], and then make a judgment,
but they wouldn't even do that," Houbolt remembers with some of his old
frustration. "It was that strange a position."6
Nothing came immediately from either one of his proposals. Again, the
reaction seemed to him to be mostly negative, as if the STG still wanted
no part of his ideas. His frustration mounted. "I could never find a real
answer to why they wouldn't even consider it," Houbolt laments. Perhaps
it was the not-invented-here syndrome, perhaps it was just because he was an
"outsider" who was "rocking the boat on their own thinking, and they didn't
want anybody to do that,""7 or perhaps the STG was just not prepared to
think seriously about such an incredibly bold and seemingly treacherous idea
when they were still not even sure that they would be able to make their own
Mercury program a complete success. Mercury "was proving so troublesome
that rendezvous, however simple in theory, seemed very far away."
At this April 1961 briefing, however, a solitary STG engineer did demon-
strate a clear and exceptional interest in Houbolt's rendezvous analysis.
James Chamberlin approached Houbolt after the meeting and asked him for
an extra copy of the foldout sheet and "for anything else he had on ren-
dezvous." Interestingly, both Houbolt and Chamberlin recall Chamberlin
telling him that he had known about Langley's rendezvous work but this
was the first time he had heard any of the details about the lunar-orbit
version.69 One might indeed wonder then how widely the information from
Houbolt's previous talks had spread within the STG. It seems significant
that Chamberlin was not one of Gilruth's old-time associates from the
NACA; he was one of the relative newcomers.*
President Kennedy's Commitment
Houbolt's April briefing to the STG came at the end of a humbling
week for America. On 12 April the Soviets sent the first human into space,
The former chief of design for the Avro Arrow aircraft, Chamberlin had been recruited by the STG
in late 1959.
248
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin, beating the United States in the second leg of the
space race. Three days later, with President Kennedy's hesitant approval, a
confused invasion force prepared by the CIA landed at Cuba's Bay of Pigs
only to be driven back quickly by an unexpectedly efficient army of 20,000
led by communist Fidel Castro. Pierre Salinger, Kennedy's articulate press
secretary, later called this period "the three grimmest days" of the Kennedy
presidency. This national crisis proved in some ways to be more urgent than
even the troubled aftermath of Sputnik.70
Up to this time, NASA had been preparing for a lunar landing mission
as its long-term space goal. Some NASA visionaries, such as George Low,
wanted to go to the moon sooner rather than later and were working to
convince NASA leadership, now headed by a new administrator, James E.
Webb, that such a program should be pushed with the politicians. Not all
the politicians needed to be pushed. Most notably, Vice-President Lyndon
B. Johnson was pressing NASA for a more ambitious space agenda that
included a lunar landing program.71 President Kennedy, however, needed to
be convinced. The one-two punch of the Gagarin flight and Bay of Pigs fiasco
followed by the welcome relief and excitement of Alan Shepard's successful
Mercury flight on 5 May was enough to persuade the president. Sputnik 1
and 2 had taken place in the previous Republican administration and had
helped the dynamic young senator from Massachusetts nose by Eisenhower's
vice-president, Richard M. Nixon, in the 1960 election. Now, in just a
month, Kennedy's "New Frontier" had itself been undermined by crisis.
Something had to be done to provoke the country into rebounding from its
recent second-place finishes and national humiliations.72 On 25 May, John
Kennedy announced that American astronauts would be first to land on the
moon.
Houbolt's First Letter to Seamans
Six days before Kennedy's historic announcement, and unaware that
it was coming, John Houbolt shot off "a hurried non-edited and limited
note" of three single-spaced pages to Bob Seamans. Confident from past
meetings that Associate Administrator Seamans was greatly interested in
the subject of rendezvous, Houbolt took the liberty of cutting through
several organizational layers to communicate with him directly.
Houbolt's message was straightforward and not overly passionate: the
situation with respect to the development of new launch vehicles was
"deplorable." The Saturns "should undergo major structural modifications"
and "no committed booster plan" beyond Saturn was in place. Furthermore,
NASA was still not attending to the use of rendezvous in the planned
performance of the Apollo mission. "I do not wish to argue" whether "the
direct way" or "the rendezvous way" is best, Houbolt reassured Seamans.
But "because of the lag in launch vehicle developments," it appeared to
249
Spaceflight Revolution
him that "the only way that will be available to us in the next few years
is the rendezvous way." For this reason alone Houbolt believed that it was
"mandatory" that "rendezvous be as much in future plans as any item, and
that it be attacked vigorously."73 If NASA researchers continued to dismiss
LOR totally as they had been doing, Houbolt knew that someday they would
be sorry.
If Houbolt had known that an ad hoc task group at NASA headquarters
was at that moment in the midst of concluding that rendezvous had no place
in the lunar landing program, his letter to Seamans might have been more
urgent. But nothing in his letter suggests that Houbolt knew anything
about the meetings of the Fleming Committee. Established by Seamans
on 2 May, the job of this committee was to determine, in only four weeks,
whether a manned lunar landing was in fact possible and how much it would
cost. Chaired by NASA's assistant administrator for programs, William
A. Fleming, who — unlike George Low — was known to be neutral on the
ideas of both a moon landing and the method for accomplishing it, this
committee eventually recommended a lunar landing program based on a
three-stage Nova. In essence, the Fleming Committee "avoided the question
of rendezvous versus direct ascent." Seeing "no reason to base its study
on a risky and untried alternative" — and apparently not recognizing that
using a huge and unproven launch vehicle was also "risky and untried" -
the committee spent all four weeks trying to choose between solid-fuel and
liquid-fuel propellants for the Nova stages.74
Houbolt and the other LOR advocates at Langley would have been dis-
mayed. To them, development of the rendezvous concept was "the obvious
thing" to do before a lunar mission, but to so many others, space rendezvous
was still an absurdly complicated and risky proposition. Some, like Bob
Seamans, were not sure what to think. On 25 May, after hearing President
Kennedy's speech, the associate administrator called for the appointment
of yet another ad hoc committee, this one "to assess a wide variety of pos-
sible ways for executing a manned lunar landing."75 Bruce T. Lundin, an
associate director of NASA Lewis, would chair this new committee.
Whether Houbolt 's letter, written nearly a week before, directly caused
Seamans to create the Lundin Committee is not certain. But the letter
surely was a contributing factor as two pieces of circumstantial evidence ap-
pear to indicate.* First, in explaining why a new task force was necessary,
JLi
Houbolt believes that Seamans created the Lundin Committee solely in response to his letter. "The
story I got [from somebody else at NASA headquarters] was that my letter jolted Seamans, and he got up
at five o'clock in the morning, got on the phone, called several people and said, 'Be at my office at seven
o'clock'. . . . And then they formed the Lundin Committee." No documents exist to back up Houbolt's
version of the story. Based on what Seamans has said about the formation of the Lundin Committee,
there is no doubt that Houbolt's letter did contribute directly to its establishment but perhaps not as
exclusively as Houbolt has heard. (Houbolt interview with author, Williarrisburg, Va., 24 Aug. 1989,
transcript, p. 31, Langley Historical Archives.)
250
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Seamans explained to his director of Advanced Research Programs (Ira H.
Abbott) and his director of Launch Vehicle Programs (Don R. Ostrander)
that the Fleming Committee was finding it necessary "to restrict its con-
siderations to a limited number of techniques by which it is feasible to ac-
complish the mission in the shortest possible time." Consequently, "nu-
merous other approaches" — and Seamans specifically mentioned the use of
rendezvous — were not currently being assessed. Second, Seamans, a busy
man, wrote to Houbolt on 2 June, thanking him for his comments and re-
assuring the distressed Langley researcher that "the problems that concern
you are of great concern to the whole agency." NASA headquarters had just
organized "some intensive study programs," Seamans informed him, without
mentioning the Fleming or Lundin committees by name. These programs
"will provide us a base for decisions."76
Some historians have said that Seamans made sure that Houbolt was on
the Lundin Committee; this is untrue. Houbolt was not an official member
of that committee. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., was Langley 's representative,
although he apparently did not attend all the meetings. Houbolt did meet
with and talk to the committee several times, and in his view, was "the real
Langley representative" because Loftin did not attend as regularly as he.77
The idea behind the Lundin Committee, at least as originally conceived
by Seamans, was to take an open-minded look into the alternative "modes"
for getting to the moon. Primarily, Seamans wanted the committee to ex-
amine those options involving "mission staging by rendezvous" and "alter-
native Nova vehicles." In the committee's initial meeting, however, that
original objective seems to have been seriously compromised. Larry Loftin,
who attended the opening meeting in early June 1961, remembers that Bob
Seamans came in the first day and "sort of gave us our marching orders."
Then Abe Silverstein, director of the Office of Space Flight Programs at
NASA headquarters, came in to address the men:
Well, look fellas, I want you to understand something. I've been right most of my
life about things, and if you guys are going to talk about rendezvous, any kind of
rendezvous, as a way of going to the moon, forget it. I've heard all those schemes and
I don't want to hear any more of them, because we're not going to the moon using
any of those schemes.
With those words of warning, which completely violated the reason for
forming the committee in the first place, Silverstein "stomped out of the
room.''78
To its credit, the Lundin Committee disregarded Silverstein 's admonition
and considered a broad range of rendezvous schemes. With a complete
analysis of the rendezvous problems by Houbolt and assorted insights from
invited analysts both from inside and outside NASA, the group looked into
mission profiles involving rendezvous in earth orbit, in transit to the moon,
in lunar orbit before landing, in lunar orbit after takeoff from the moon, and
in both earth and lunar orbit. The committee even considered the idea of
251
Space/light Revolution
a lunar-surface rendezvous. This involved launching a fuel cache and a few
other unmanned components of a return spacecraft to the -moon's surface — a
payload of some 5000 pounds — and then landing astronauts separately in a
second spacecraft whose fuel supply would be exhausted just reaching the
moon. The notion, as absurd as it now sounds, was for the landed astronauts
to leave their craft and locate the previously deposited hardware (homing
beacons previously landed as part of the unmanned Surveyor program were
to make pinpoint landings possible) and then to assemble and fuel a new
spacecraft for the return trip home. The spacecraft would be checked out
by television monitoring equipment before sending men from earth to the
landing area via a second spacecraft.
Houbolt thought this was "the most harebrained idea" he had ever heard.
In the committee's final "summary rating" of the comparative value of
the various rendezvous concepts, however, lunar-surface rendezvous finished
only slightly lower than did Houbolt 's LOR. One anonymous committee
member (most likely the JPL representative) chose lunar-surface rendezvous
as his first choice.79
As Houbolt remembers bitterly, the Lundin Committee "turned down
LOR cold." In the final rating made by the six voting committee members
(Loftin voted, but Houbolt did not), it finished a distant third — receiving
no first-place votes and only one second-place vote. Coming in far ahead of
LOR were two low-earth-orbit rendezvous schemes, the first one utilizing two
to three Saturn C-3 boosters and the other involving a Saturn C-l plus the
Nova. Both were concepts strongly favored by NASA Marshall staff, who by
this time had grabbed onto the idea of EOR for its potential technological
applications to the development of an orbiting space station.80
Houbolt was devastated when he heard the results. To have LOR placed
on the same level as the ridiculous lunar-surface rendezvous was especially
insulting. He had given the Lundin Committee his full-blown pitch complete
with foldout sheet and slides. "They'd say, 'That sounds pretty good, John,'
but then the next morning the same guys would come up and say, 'John,
that's no good; we don't like it at all.'" For Houbolt, this perverse reaction
was hard to understand.81 Loftin reflects on the general fear and pessimism
about LOR that ultimately ruled the committee:
We thought it was too risky. Remember in 1961 we hadn't even orbited Glenn yet.
We certainly had done no rendezvous yet. And to put this poor bastard out there,
separate him in a module, let him go down to the surface, and then fire him back
up and expect him to rendezvous. He didn't get a second chance; it had to be dead
right the first time. I mean that just seemed like a bit much.
Loftin and the others believed — incorrectly — that LOR offered no possibility
for a rescue mission. In earth orbit, if something went wrong, NASA still
might be able to save its astronauts. Loftin felt along with the others that
the idea of LOR was just "kind of absurd."82 The Lundin Committee could
252
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
not bring itself to acknowledge that all the other mission-mode options
entailed greater risks.
As discouraged as John Houbolt was after the Lundin Committee's
recommendation, the situation would soon become worse. On 20 June,
10 days after the Lundin Committee delivered its blow, Bob Seamans
formed yet another task force. This one was chaired by his assistant director
of launch vehicle programs, Donald H. Heaton. Following up on the
summary ratings and recommendations of the Lundin Committee, Seamans
asked Heaton's group to focus on EOR and to establish the program
plans and the supporting resources needed to accomplish the manned
lunar landing mission using rendezvous techniques.83 Trying to stay within
those guidelines, Heaton refused to let Houbolt, an official member of this
committee, mention LOR.
Houbolt felt he was caught in a bizarre trap of someone else's making.
He was one of the strongest believers in rendezvous in the country, and that
meant either kind of rendezvous. Just days before the Heaton Committee
was formed, he had returned from France, where he had given a well-received
formal presentation on EOR and LOR at an international spaceflight
symposium.84 He and his Langley associates had done the analysis, and
they knew that LOR would work better than EOR for a manned lunar
landing. He pleaded with Heaton to study LOR as well as EOR. Heaton
simply answered, "We're not going to do that, John. It's not in our charter."
"If you feel strongly enough about it," Heaton challenged, "write your own
lunar-orbit report."85
Houbolt eventually did just that. As for Heaton's own report, which was
published in late August, it concluded that rendezvous — EOR, that is —
"offers the earliest possibility for a successful manned lunar landing." In
postulating the design of the spacecraft that would make that type of lunar
mission, however, the Heaton Committee previewed a baseline configuration
that Houbolt regarded as a "beast." It involved "some five different pieces
of hardware that were going to be assembled in the earth-orbit rendezvous,"
Houbolt remembers. "It was a great big long cigar." In his opinion, such an
unwieldy concept "would hurt the cause of rendezvous." He feared NASA
engineers, especially in the STG, would read the Heaton report and say,
"Well, we knew it all the time: these rendezvous guys are nuts."86
Or they were being driven nuts. For many NASA engineers, the summer
of 1961 was the busiest summer of their lives; it certainly was the busiest
of John Houbolt's. "I was living half the time in Washington, half the
time on the road, dashing back and forth."87 In mid- July he was to be in
Washington again, to give a talk at the NASA/Industry Apollo Technical
Conference. This was an important meeting that was to include about 300
potential Project Apollo contractors. It was so important that Langley
management in association with the STG, in the tradition of N AC A/NASA
annual inspections, was holding a formal rehearsal of all its presentations
prior to the conference.
253
Spaceflight Revolution
Direct Flight
Lunar Rendezvous
Relativ. VT(7 ) «*** \> J Relative V» 7
p^babUity N.1-X P^^'y N--/ probability \JL/
.98* 1 Launch
38* 1 Launch
.98 1 Launch part of escape payload
.94* 2 Establish coasting orbit
345 2 Establish coasting orbit
.94 6 2 Establish coasting orbit
-948 3 Earth escape
.94 4 Midcoune correction
.94 S Brake into lunar orbit
.90 6 Descent and landing
.96 7 Ascent
.98 8 Lunar escape
.98 9 Midcouree correction
.99 10 Re-entry
— 11 Touch down
34 3 Earthescape
39 4 Midcoune correction
33 5 Brake into lunar orbit
.95 6 Descent with lander
SB 7 Ascent with lander
35 8 Rendezvous
39 9 Lunar escape
39 10 Midcoune correction
39 11 Re-entry
.98 3 Launch remainder of escape payload
.94 4 Establish parking orbit
.94 5 Accelerate to transfer to outer orbit
.90 6 Rendezvous (and fuel transfer)
34 7 Earthescape
.94 8 Midcoune correction
.94 9 Brake into lunar orbit
.90 10 Descent and landing
.98 11 Ascent
— 12 Touchdown
.98 12 Lunar escape
.98 13 Midcoune correction
.99 14 Re-entry
— 15 Touch down
SJ
at
9fi t Overall probability
Probability for equal
aa
.78
.26 _« poundage on pad
In making his pitch to various NASA committees and study groups in 1961 and 1962,
Houbolt used this viewgraph comparing the propulsion steps involved in direct flight,
LOR, and EOR, thereby demonstrating the much higher probability of success with
LOR.
Houbolt was to give his talk at the end of rehearsals because he had
another NASA meeting earlier that day in Washington. "I was to rush out
to the airport at Washington National, get on the airplane, they were to pick
me up here and then bring me to where they were having the rehearsals."
However, when he arrived breathless at the airport, the airplane could not
take off. In refueling the aircraft, the ground crew had spilled fuel on one
of the tires and the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) would not let
the plane take off until the tire had been changed. That made Houbolt a
little late and the STG member waiting for him a little impatient. "They
dashed me back to the conference room," and with all of the other rehearsals
finished, "everybody was sort of twiddling their thumbs," complaining,
"'Where the hell is this Houbolt?'"88
With a brief apology, Houbolt moved right into his talk. Until the end,
he purposefully said nothing about LOR; he spoke only about rendezvous
in general. Then he showed three or four final slides. "There is a very
interesting possibility that rendezvous offers," Houbolt ventured, feeling like
a lawyer who was trying to slip in evidence that he knew the judge would
254
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
not allow, "and that is how to go to the moon in a very simplified way." He
then described the whole LOR concept.89
People listened politely and thanked him when he had finished. "That's
a damn good paper, John," offered Langley Associate Director Charles
Donlan. "But throw out all that nonsense on lunar-orbit rendezvous."
Houbolt remembers that Max Faget and several other members of the STG
piped in with the same advice.90
The Lundin Committee had been strike one against Houbolt: LOR had
been turned down cold. The Heaton Committee had been strike two: LOR
would not even be considered. Houbolt's rehearsal talk was in a sense a
third strike. But at least all three had been swinging strikes, so to speak.
Houbolt had used each occasion to promote LOR, and he had given his best
effort each time. Furthermore, he was allowed a few more times at bat. An
inning was over, but the game was not.
Houbolt's next time at bat came quickly, in August 1961, when he
met with the Golovin Committee, which was yet another of Bob Seamans'
ad hoc task forces. Established on 7 July 1961, this joint Large Launch
Vehicle Planning Group was co-chaired by Nicholas E. Golovin, Seamans'
special technical assistant, and Lawrence L. Kavanau of the DOD. This
committee was to recommend not only a booster rocket for Project Apollo
but also other launch vehicle configurations that would meet the anticipated
needs of NASA and the DOD.91
Nothing in the committee's charge, which was to concern itself only with
large launch vehicle systems, necessitated an inquiry into the LOR scheme;
however, Eldon W. Hall, Harvey Hall, and Milton W. Rosen (all of the Office
of Launch Vehicle Programs) and members of the Golovin Committee asked
that the LOR concept be presented for their consideration in the form of a
mission plan.92 This was to be done as part of a systematic comparative
evaluation of three types of rendezvous operations (earth-orbit, lunar-orbit,
and lunar-surface) and direct ascent for manned lunar landing. The Golovin
Committee assigned the study of EOR to Marshall Space Flight Center,
lunar-surface rendezvous to JPL, and LOR to Langley. The NASA Office
of Launch Vehicle Programs would itself provide the information on direct
ascent.93
This commitment to a comparative evaluation of the mission modes, in-
cluding LOR, constitutes a critical turning point in the torturous intellectual
and bureaucratic process by which NASA eventually decided upon a mission
mode for Project Apollo. The Golovin Committee would not conclude in
favor of LOR. Its final somewhat vacillating recommendation, made in mid-
October, was in favor of a hybrid rendezvous scheme that combined aspects
of both EOR and LOR. However, the committee's preference was clearly
for some form of rendezvous. Lunar-surface rendezvous, JPL's pet project,
had been ruled out, and direct ascent was fading from the realm of possibil-
ity. The engineering calculations showed clearly that any single rocket that
had to carry all the fuel necessary for completing the entire lunar mission
255
Space/light Revolution
.COMPARATIVE SIZES OF MANNED PROJECT
EOR
LOR
C-5
C-l
(SATURN)
GEMINI
(TITAN
MERCURY
(ATLAS)
i!
ENA D)
L-1630
COMPARISON OF LANDER SIZES
DIRECT LANDING
13.4'
LUNAR FERRY OF
LUNAR RENDEZVOUS
21.2'
LUNAR
EXCURSION
VEHICLE
L-1629
By using drawings that compared the sizes of rockets (top) and lunar landing vehicles
(bottom), Houbolt tried to convince the nonbelievers that LOR was the only way to
go to the moon.
256
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
was not a realistic option — especially if the mission was to be accomplished
anytime close to President Kennedy's deadline.
For Houbolt and the other LOR advocates, the work of the Golovin
Committee meant the first meaningful opportunity to demonstrate the
merits of LOR in a full-blown comparison with the other viable options.
This consideration was the opportunity that Houbolt had been asking for
in all of his previously unsuccessful briefings. When he appeared before the
Golovin Committee in August, "they were damn impressed." They asked
him, to his delight, whether the STG knew all about LOR. Golovin turned
to Aleck C. Bond, the STG's representative on the committee, and asked
him to go back to Langley and "check with your fellows on what they're
doing about this." A few days later, Houbolt was back in front of the STG
talking to them about the same thing that they had told him not to talk
about just the month before.94
The STG, with the Shepard and Grissom flights at least behind them
and the Golovin Committee now urging them to study rendezvous, started
to reconsider. Thus far, as other historians have noted, the STG had "seen
little merit in any form of rendezvous for lunar missions," but reserved
"its greatest disdain for the lunar orbit version." Now, at least, some
STG engineers were showing solid interest. In early September 1961,
Jim Chamberlin, who had asked for Houbolt's material after hearing the
proposals for MORAD and MALLIR five months earlier, talked to Gilruth
about an LOR plan for a lunar landing program and for a preparatory
three-flight rendezvous experiment, both of which sounded similar to the
ideas Houbolt had been promoting. Although Gilruth was not convinced of
the merits of such a scheme, he was open to their further evaluation.95
Chamberlin's notion derived in part from the STG's August 1961 pro-
posal for an accelerated circumlunar program; this proposal appeared as an
appendix to its "Preliminary Project Development Plan for an Advanced
Manned Space Program Utilizing the Mark II Two-Man Spacecraft." In
essence, the larger document called for the start of what became known
as Project Gemini, the series of two-man rendezvous and docking mis-
sions in earth orbit that NASA successfully carried out between March
1965 and November 1966. But the idea for Project Gemini, as proposed
by Chamberlin at least, must also have had some important connection to
Houbolt's April 1961 MORAD proposal.96
A Voice in the Wilderness
During the late summer and early fall of 1961, Houbolt was busily
preparing the formal report that the Golovin Committee had requested.
Except for his "admiral's page," much of the analysis in favor of LOR was
still in a loose form. With John Bird, Art Vogeley, Max Kurbjun, and the
other rendezvous people at Langley, he set out to document their research
257
Space/light Revolution
findings and demonstrate what a complete manned lunar landing mission
using LOR would entail. The result was an impressive -two-volume report
entitled "Manned Lunar-Landing through Use of Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous."
Published by NASA Langley on 31 October 1961, this report promoted what
its principal author, John Houbolt, called a "particularly appealing scheme"
for performing the manned lunar landing mission.97
This extremely thorough document might seem sufficient even for a
zealous crusader like Houbolt, but it was not. The Heaton Committee had
submitted its final report in August 1961 — a report with which Houbolt
fervently disagreed. Houbolt took committee chair Heaton up on his remark
about submitting his own report.
On 15 November 1961, Houbolt "fired off" a nine-page letter to Seamans
with two different editions of his LOR admiral's page attached to it without
ever thinking that it might cost him his job. He was again bypassing proper
channels, a bold move for a government employee, and appealing directly
to the associate administrator. "Somewhat as a voice in the wilderness,"
Houbolt's letter opened, "I would like to pass on a few thoughts that have
been of deep concern to me over recent months." Houbolt's main complaint
was about the bureaucratic guidelines that had made it impossible for the
Heaton Committee to consider the merits of LOR. "Do we want to go to
the moon or not?, and, if so, why do we have to restrict our thinking to a
certain narrow channel?" He asked: "Why is Nova, with its ponderous size
simply just accepted, and why is a much less grandiose scheme involving
rendezvous ostracized or put on the defensive?"
"I fully realize that contacting you in this manner is somewhat unortho-
dox," Houbolt admitted, "but the issues at stake are crucial enough to us all
that an unusual course is warranted." Houbolt realized that Seamans might
feel that he was "dealing with a crank." "Do not be afraid of this," Houbolt
pleaded. "The thoughts expressed here may not be stated in as diplomatic
a fashion as they might be, or as I would normally try to do, but this is by
choice." Most important was that Seamans hear his heartfelt ideas directly
and "not after they have filtered through a score or more of other people,
with the attendant risk [that] they may not even reach you."s
It took two weeks for Seamans to reply to Houbolt's extraordinary letter.
When he did, the associate administrator agreed that "it would be extremely
harmful to our organization and to the country if our qualified staff were
unduly limited by restrictive guidelines." He assured Houbolt that NASA
would in the future be paying more attention to LOR.100
Seamans also informed him that he had passed his long letter with its
attachments on to Brainerd Holmes, who had just replaced Abe Silverstein
as head of the Office of Manned Space Flight (recently renamed Space Flight
Programs). Unlike Seamans, who apparently was not overly bothered by the
letter being sent out of formal organizational channels, Holmes "didn't like
it at all" and said so when in turn he passed Houbolt's letter on to George
Low, his director of spacecraft and flight missions. Low was more forgiving.
258
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
Although he too had been slow to ac-
cept the LOR scheme, NASA leader
George M. Low eventually became a
devout believer not only in LOR but
also in the essential role played by
Houbolt in its adoption.
L-70-1270
Although he conceded that Houbolt probably should have followed standard
procedures, he found the basic message "relatively sound." He, too, felt that
"the bug approach" might yet prove to be "the best way of getting to the
moon" and that NASA needed to give it as much attention as any other
alternative. At the end of the memo to Holmes in which he passed on
these feelings, Low recommended that Houbolt be invited to Washington to
present in detail Langley's plan for a manned lunar landing via LOR. Low
even went so far as to suggest that Houbolt should be made a member of
Holmes's staff.101
That never happened, but another person who joined Holmes's staff at
this time, Dr. Joseph F. Shea, came to play a major role in supporting
Houbolt 's ideas and making the eventual decision in favor of LOR. Shea
arrived at NASA the first week of January 1962 as Holmes's deputy director
for spaceflight systems. From 1956 to 1959 the energetic engineer from
the Bronx had served as the systems engineer at Bell Laboratories for a
radio guidance project involving the Titan I rocket. In 1959 he moved to
General Motors, where he ran the advanced development operation for its
A. C. Sparkplug Division. His major achievement while in this job was to
win a contract for the development of an inertial guidance system for the
Titan II.102
With NASA, Joe Shea found himself thrust into the job of sorting out the
best means of accomplishing the lunar landing mission. During his first days
259
Space/light Revolution
in office, Brainerd Holmes came to see him, with his copy of Houbolt's letter
in hand. Shea perused the long letter and was taken down to Seamans' office
where Seamans asked him if he thought anything of value could be found
in Houbolt's message. Having received an unsure response, Seamans then
advised the young systems engineer that NASA really did not know how it
was going to go to the moon. Shea answered tactfully, "I was beginning to
get that same suspicion."103
"Shea didn't know much about what was going on," John Houbolt
remembers, but quickly he became informed. Within days of his meeting
with Seamans and Holmes about the Houbolt letter, Shea was at Langley for
a private conversation with Houbolt and for a general briefing attended by
Langley management and the leadership of the STG. Going into the meeting,
if Shea had a preference for any one lunar mission mode, it was a weak one for
EOR, but after reading Houbolt's letter to Seamans and knowing Seamans'
sympathetic reaction to it, Shea was not adverse to other options. Shea was
an open-minded man who "prided himself on going wherever the data took
him."104
This time the data took him to LOR. When Houbolt finished his much-
practiced pitch, the receptive Shea admitted that the analysis looked "pretty
good" to him. The new boy on the block of manned spaceflight then turned
to Gilruth, Faget, and other members of the STG and asked them politely if
they, too, had been thinking along the lines of LOR. Having gotten the word
about the general skepticism to Houbolt's ideas, Shea expected a negative
reaction. He did not receive one. Instead, the STG leaders responded in
a mildly positive way that signified to Shea, as the discussion continued,
that "actually, they had been doing some more thinking about lunar-orbit
rendezvous and, as a matter of fact, they were beginning to think it was a
good idea."105
Shea returned to Washington convinced that LOR was a viable option
for Apollo and that the next step was for NASA to contract for an even
more detailed study of its potential. On 1 March 1962, eight days after
astronaut John Glenn's historic three-orbit flight in the Mercury spacecraft
Friendship 7, NASA named Chance Vought Corporation as the contractor
to study spacecraft rendezvous. The firm had on staff one of the original
proponents of LOR, Tom Dolan. At Langley on 29 March 1962, a group of
researchers led by Houbolt briefed a Chance Vought team on the center's
LOR research and mission plan. On 2 and 3 April, Shea presented LOR
as a possible mission mode for Apollo in a headquarters meeting that was
attended by representatives of all the NASA centers.106 The final decision
to select LOR for Apollo was about to be made.
The LOR Decision
In the months following Houbolt's second letter to Seamans, NASA gave
LOR the serious consideration that Houbolt had long been crusading for.
260
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
To the surprise of many, both inside and outside the agency, the dark-
horse candidate became the front runner. Several factors worked in LOR's
favor. First, many were becoming disenchanted with the idea of direct ascent
because of the time and money required to develop the huge Nova rocket.
Second, technical apprehension was growing over how the relatively large
spacecraft demanded even by EOR would be able to maneuver to a soft
and pinpoint landing on the moon. As Langley's expert on the dynamics
of rendezvous, Art Vogeley, has explained, "The business of eyeballing that
thing down to the moon really didn't have a satisfactory answer. The best
thing about LOR was that it allowed us to build a separate vehicle for
landing."107
The first major group to break camp in favor of LOR was Bob Gilruth's
STG, which during the critical months of the Apollo mission mode debate
was harried not only with the planning for the first Mercury orbital flight
but also with packing and leaving for its new home, the Manned Spacecraft
Center in Houston. During an interview in the late 1980s, Houston's Max
Faget recalled the details of how the STG Manned Spacecraft Center finally
became convinced that LOR was the right choice. By early 1962,
we found ourselves settling into a program that was not easy to run, because so
many different groups were involved. In particular, we were concerned about the big
landing rocket, because landing on the moon would, of course, be the most delicate
part of the mission. The landing rocket's engine, which would be controlled by the
astronauts, would have to be throttleable, so that the command-and-service module
could hover, and move this way and that, to find a proper place to touch down.
Obtaining that capability meant the need for "a really intimate interface,
requiring numerous connections, between the two elements," as well as
between Houston and NASA Lewis.
Accordingly, we invented a new proposal for our own and von Braun's approach. It
involved a simpler descent engine, called the lunar crasher, which Lewis would do.
It wouldn't be throttleable, so the interface would be simpler, and it would take
the astronauts down to a thousand feet above the lunar surface. There it would
be jettisoned, and it would crash onto the moon. Then there would be a smaller,
throttleable landing stage for the last thousand feet, which we would do, so that we
would be in charge of both sides of that particular interface.
At that point, however, Faget and his colleagues in Texas "ran into a real
wall."108
Initially their thinking had been that the landing would be done auto-
matically with radar and instrument control. Then the astronauts, along
with a growing number of NASA engineers (primarily at Langley), began to
argue that the astronauts were going to need complete control during the
last phases of landing and therefore would require a wide range of visibil-
ity from the descending spacecraft. How to provide that visibility "with a
Space/light Revolution
landing rocket big enough to get the command-and-service module down to
the lunar surface and wide enough to keep it upright" was the problem that
Houston began tackling in early 1962 and found very quickly they could not
solve. "We toyed with various concepts," Faget remembers, such as putting
a front viewing porch on the outside or a glass bubble on top of the CM
similar to the cockpit of a helicopter. But all the redesigns had serious flaws.
For example, "the porch would have to be jettisoned before lift-off from the
moon, because it would unbalance the spacecraft." "It was a mess," Faget
admitted. "No one had a winning idea. Lunar-orbit rendezvous was the
only sensible alternative." ]
Houbolt's role in the STG's eventual "coming-around" to LOR cannot be
described without upsetting someone — or at least questioning the accuracy
of someone's memory. Faget, Gilruth, and others associated with the
Manned Spacecraft Center believe that Houbolt's activities were "useful"
but hardly as vital as many others, notably Houbolt himself, believe them
to be. "John Houbolt just assumed that he had to go to the very top,"
Gilruth has explained, "he never talked to me." Gilruth maintains that "the
lunar orbit rendezvous would have been chosen without Houbolt's somewhat
frantic efforts." The "real work of convincing the officials in Washington and
Huntsville," he says, was done "by the spacecraft group in Houston during
the six or eight months following President Kennedy's decision to fly to
the moon." Gilruth's group sold the concept, first to Huntsville and then,
together with von Braun, to NASA headquarters. Houbolt's out-of-channels
letter to Seamans was, in Gilruth's opinion, irrelevant.11
Houbolt calls the STG's version self-serving "baloney." He talked to
Gilruth or his people many times, and not once did they tell him that they
were really on his side. If just one time Gilruth or some other influential
officer in the manned space program had said to him, "You can stop fighting.
We are now on your side; and we'll take it from here," then, Houbolt claims,
he would have been satisfied. But they never said that to him, and they
certainly did not say it "during the six or eight months" after Kennedy's
speech. In fact, their words always suggested just the opposite. Not until
early 1962, after prodding from Joe Shea, did the STG give any indication
that it, too, was interested in LOR.11
Significantly, the outsiders or third parties to the question of Houbolt's
role in influencing the STG's position on the mission mode for Apollo tend
to side with Houbolt. Bob Seamans remembers the STG showing nothing
but disdain for LOR during 1961. 112 George Low agrees. To the best
of his recollection, "it was Houbolt's letter to Seamans that brought the
Lunar Orbit Rendezvous Mode back into the picture." Only after that
did a group within the STG under Owen Maynard begin to study LOR.
"Based on Houbolt's input" and on the results of the systems engineering
studies carried out at the behest of Joe Shea's Office of Manned Space
Flight Systems, "the decision was finally made" about the lunar landing
mission mode. "Without a doubt," in Low's view, the letter Houbolt sent
262
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
to Seamans in November 1961 and the discussions at headquarters that it
provoked "were the start of bringing LOR into Apollo."113
One final piece of testimony from an informed third party supports
the importance of Houbolt's role in convincing the STG of the benefits
of LOR. Starting in late 1961, NACA veteran Axel Mattson served as
NASA Langley's technical liaison officer at the Manned Spacecraft Center.
Mattson, who was responsible for coordinating the other NASA centers
for the first NASA inspection, maintained a small office at the Houston
facility for the timely moving of technical information between Langley and
Gilruth's recently removed STG. Mattson's operation was not high profile,
nor was it supposed to be. According to the agreement that had been worked
out between Gilruth and Langley Director Floyd Thompson, Mattson was
to spend most of his time with the engineers who were working on Mercury
problems.11
In early 1962, sometime after the Shea briefing, Langley sent Houbolt to
Houston. The purpose of his visit was, in Mattson's words, "to get the STG
people really to agree that [LOR] was the best way to go and to support
it." Mattson took him to practically everyone who had some interest in the
mission mode issue, and Houbolt told them about LOR and answered all
their questions. At the end of the day, Mattson felt that "it was all over."
"We had the support of the Manned Spacecraft Center" for LOR.115
Significantly, on 6 February 1962, Houbolt and former Langley engineer
Charles W. Mathews of the Manned Spacecraft Center gave a joint presenta-
tion on rendezvous to the Manned Space Flight Management Council. This
council was a special body formed by Brainerd Holmes in December 1961
to identify and resolve difficulties in the manned spaceflight program on a
month-to-month basis. In their presentation the two engineers compared the
merits of LOR and EOR and clearly favored LOR. Gilruth had telephoned
Houbolt personally to ask him to give this talk. In Houbolt's memory, the
invitation was "the first concession" that Gilruth had ever made to him
regarding LOR.116
With the STG now firmly behind LOR, its adoption became a contest
between the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston and the Marshall Space
Flight Center in Huntsville. Marshall was a bastion of EOR supporters. Von
Braun's people recognized two things: EOR would require the development
of advanced versions of Marshall's own Saturn booster, and the selection of
EOR for the lunar landing program would require construction of a platform
in earth orbit that could have many uses other than for Apollo. For this
reason, space station advocates — who existed in droves at the Alabama
facility — were enthusiastic about EOR.117 To this day, many of them feel
that EOR would have had the best long-term results.
But von Braun, their own director, would disappoint them. During the
spring of 1962, the transplanted German rocket designer made the decision
to throw his weight behind LOR. He surprised his staff with this shocking
263
Space/light Revolution
L-66-3090
Taking charge of every situation, Wernher von Braun (second from left) entertains
his hosts during a visit to Langley in April 1966. To the far right stand Floyd
Thompson and Charles Donlan.
announcement at the end of a day-long briefing given to Joe Shea at Marshall
on 7 June 1962:
We at the Marshall Space Flight Center readily admit that when first exposed to the
proposal of the Lunar Orbit Rendezvous Mode we were a bit skeptical — particularly
of the aspect of having the astronauts execute a complicated rendezvous maneuver
at a distance of 240,000 miles from the earth where any rescue possibility appeared
remote. In the meantime, however, we have spent a great deal of time and effort
studying the four modes [EOR, LOR, and two Direct Ascent modes, one involving
the Nova and the other a Saturn C-5], and we have come to the conclusion that this
particular disadvantage is far outweighed by [its] advantages. . . .
We understand that the Manned Spacecraft Center was also quite skeptical at
first when John Houbolt advanced the proposal of the Lunar Orbit Rendezvous Mode,
and that it took them quite a while to substantiate the feasibility of the method and
finally endorse it.
Against this background it can, therefore, be concluded that the issue of 'invented
here' versus 'not invented here' does not apply to either the Manned Spacecraft Center
or the Marshall Space Flight Center; that both Centers have actually embraced a
scheme suggested by a third source. ... I consider it fortunate indeed for the
Manned Lunar Landing Program that both Centers, after much soul searching, have
come to identical conclusions.
264
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
The persuasive von Braun then elaborated on "why we do not recommend"
the direct ascent and EOR modes, and "why we do recommend the Lunar-
Orbit Rendezvous Mode."118
For Marshall employees and many other people inside NASA, von Braun's
announcement seemed to represent a type of closure, that is, the culmination
of a sociopolitical process "when a consensus emerges that a problem arising
during the development of a technology has been solved." In this case, it
was a very undemocratic form of closure, coming from von Braun himself,
with very little support from his own people. But NASA, of course, was
not a democratic organization. For closure to occur and LOR to become
the mission mode for Apollo, referendum or consensus was not necessary; it
only required that a decision be made and supported by a few key people:
von Braun, Bob Gilruth, Bob Seamans, Administrator James Webb, and
President Kennedy.11
How von Braun was persuaded is a historically significant matter. Al-
though some questions about his motives remain unanswered, one apparent
factor in his conversion was that he understood the necessity of moving
ahead with the program if NASA was to meet President Kennedy's dead-
line. No progress was possible until the decision about the mission mode
was made. Both the Manned Spacecraft Center and Langley's John Houbolt
had worked to convince von Braun to come over to their side. In April
1962 Houbolt sent von Braun several papers prepared at Langley on a lu-
nar landing mission using LOR, including the published two- volume report.
Von Braun had requested the papers personally after hearing Houbolt 's pre-
sentation at NASA headquarters. Von Braun not only passed copies of the
Langley papers to Hermann Koelle in Marshall's Future Projects Office but
also, after making his unexpected announcement in favor of LOR to the
stunned crowd of Marshall employees in early June, reciprocated by send-
ing Houbolt a copy of the remarks he had made. This was a noteworthy
courtesy. The final sentence of the cover letter asked Houbolt to "please
treat this confidentially since no final decision on the mode has yet been
made."120
The LOR decision was finalized in the following weeks when the two
powerful groups of converts at Houston and Huntsville, along with the
original little band of true believers at Langley, persuaded key officials at
NASA headquarters, notably Administrator James Webb, who had been
holding out for direct ascent, that LOR was the only way to land on the
moon by 1969. With the key players now supporting the concept, the NASA
Manned Space Flight Management Council announced on 22 June 1962 that
it favored LOR. On 11 July, the agency announced that it had selected the
mode for Apollo. Webb made the announcement even though President
Kennedy's science adviser, Dr. Jerome Wiesner, remained firmly opposed to
LOR.12f
On the day that NASA made the public announcement, Houbolt was giv-
ing a paper on the dynamic response of airplanes to atmospheric turbulence
265
Space/light Revolution
On 14 March 1969, four months before
the first lunar landing, Life magazine fea-
tured the LEM on its cover (right). The
magazine proposed a cover featuring John
Houbolt (below) but did not use it because
of NASA 's concern for giving too much
credit to any one person for the decision
to go to the moon via LOR.
L-66-6301
266
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous Concept
at a meeting of NATO's Advisory Group for Aeronautical Research and
Development (AGARD) in Paris.122 His division chief, Isadore E. ("Ed")
Garrick, was also at the meeting. A talented applied mathematician who
had been working at Langley since the 1930s, Garrick had witnessed the
evolution of his assistant's ideas on space navigation and rendezvous. He
had listened sympathetically to all of Houbolt's stories about the terrible
things that had been blocking a fair hearing of LOR.
While at the AGARD meeting in Paris, Garrick saw a little blurb in the
overseas edition of the New York Herald Tribune about NASA's decision
to use LOR. Garrick showed the paper to Houbolt, who had not seen it,
shook Houbolt's hand, and said, "Congratulations, John. They've adopted
your scheme. I can safely say I'm shaking hands with the man who single-
handedly saved the government $20 billion."123
In the ensuing years, whenever the question of Houbolt's importance
for the LOR decision came up for discussion, Garrick said that he was
"practically certain that without John Houbolt's persistence it would have
taken several more years for LOR to have been adopted." Although "the
decisions of many other people were essential to the process" and although
"there is no controversy that Houbolt had help from others, . . . the essential
prime mover, moving 'heaven and earth' to get the concepts across, remains
Houbolt himself."124
Postscript
Whether NASA's choice of LOR would have been made in the summer of
1962 or at any later time without the research information, the commitment,
and the crusading zeal of Houbolt remains a matter for historical conjecture.
His basic contribution, however, and that of his Langley associates who in
their more quiet ways also developed and advocated LOR, seem now to be
beyond debate. They were the first in NASA to recognize the fundamental
advantages of the LOR concept, and for a critical period in the early 1960s,
they were also the only ones inside the agency to foster and fight for it. The
story of the genesis of LOR underscores the vital role occasionally played by
the unpopular opinion. It testifies to the essential importance of the single
individual contribution even within the context of a large organization based
on teamwork. And it demonstrates the importance of passionate persistence
in the face of strong opposition and the pressure for conformity.
Thousands of factors contributed to the ultimate success of the Apollo
lunar landing missions, but no single factor was more essential than the
concept of LOR. Without NASA's adoption of this stubbornly held minority
opinion, the United States might not have reached the moon by the end of
the decade as President Kennedy had promised. Without LOR, possibly no
one even now — near the beginning of the twenty-first century — would have
stepped onto the moon.
267
Space/light Revolution
No less an authority than George Low has expressed this same judgment.
"It is my opinion to this day," Low wrote in 1982, "that had the Lunar Orbit
Rendezvous Mode not been chosen, Apollo would not have succeeded." All
of the other modes "would have been so complex technically, that there
would have been major setbacks in the program, and it probably would
have failed along the way." Low has also gone on record with his belief, that
without "John Houbolt's persistence in calling this method to the attention
of NASA's decision makers," and "without Houbolt's letter to Seamans (and
the work that backed up that letter)," NASA "might not have chosen the
Lunar Orbit Rendezvous Mode." Houbolt's commitment was a key factor
in the adoption of LOR and was "a major contribution to the success of
Apollo and, therefore, to the Nation." 125
At 4:17 p.m. (EDT) on 20 July 1969, John Houbolt, now a senior con-
sultant with the innovative Aeronautical Research Associates of Princeton,
New Jersey, sat inconspicuously as one of the invited guests and dignitaries
in the viewing room of Mission Control at the Manned Spacecraft Center in
Houston. Like so many others around the world at that moment, he listened
in wonder to the deliberately spoken yet wildly dramatic words of Apollo 1 1
astronaut Neil Armstrong: "Houston, Tranquility Base here. The Eagle has
landed."
Alternate cheering and shushing followed that precious moment, when
Americans landed and stepped onto the moon for the first time. Turn-
ing from his seat, NASA's master rocketeer, Wernher von Braun, found
Houbolt's eye among all the others, gave him the okay sign, and said to him
simply, "John, it worked beautifully."126
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9
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
The reason some of us wanted EOR was not just to go
to the moon but to have something afterwards: orbital
operations, a space station, a springboard. LOR was
a one-shot deal, very limited, very inflexible.
— Jesco von Puttkamer
NASA Marshall engineer
By 1969, it was apparent that there was no logical se-
quel to the lunar landing, and that the agency would
have to redeploy its resources in a radically differ-
ent direction. Had NASA selected earth- orbit ren-
dezvous instead, the lunar landing could still have
been achieved and NASA would have had at least a
ten-year start on deploying an orbiting space station,
rather than waiting until 1982 to let contracts for its
design.
—Hans Mark and Arnold Levine
The Management of Research Institutions
No decision in NASA history had a greater impact on the course of
the American space program than the selection of LOR as the mission
mode for Apollo. The LOR decision led to a total of six successful lunar
landing missions by 1972, thus enabling the United States to win the most
important leg of the space race. Whether the United States reaped the
many anticipated advantages of winning that race, given the critical national
and international problems plaguing the country during the Vietnam era,
is another matter altogether. The LOR decision, however, had other
ramifications for the U.S. space program; it meant that the country would
skip the well-laid plans for a manned space station.
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Space/light Revolution
Excited NASA researchers had been studying space station concepts
seriously for at least four years when NASA chose the LOR mode for Apollo;
in truth, many researchers had been planning for a space station from
the moment of NASA's beginning as an organization. Although the LOR
decision did not stop all space station planning, it decisively changed space
station studies by de-emphasizing the immediate importance of earth-orbital
capabilities. Moreover, the goal of landing humans on the moon by the end
of the decade became all-consuming, and researchers who did space station
work in the wake of the mission-mode decision had to compete with Apollo
for support. After Apollo, the situation did not improve; space station
advocates then had to justify a return to the development of something
that the country had once decided it did not need. NASA Marshall engineer
Jesco von Puttkamer explains this predicament:
After the close down of Apollo, we began to pay the price. We are trying to fill
that gap, which we jumped over, and are having a tough time with a convincing
justification to do it. Sometimes I wish we had done EOR. Then we would probably
have a space station already. Then we wouldn't have to go back and rejustify
something that looks to many people like a step backwards. And in a certain sense
it is. We've been to the moon already, history knows, and now all of a sudden we're
trying to fill this empty space.
This was a major psychological and political obstacle for the champions of
any space station concept to overcome. It explains why now, on the eve of
the twenty-first century, "the next logical step" in space exploration after
orbiting a human has not yet been taken.
In the mid-1970s, the United States did launch an orbital space station,
Skylab. The technology for this station was a direct outgrowth of the
Apollo Extension System, a spin-off of the LOR-determined Apollo program.
Skylab, as successful as it proved to be, was not the versatile and long-
lasting station that NASA had planned since the late 1950s. Designed
to satisfy the institutional need to do something after Apollo and to keep
the NASA team together long enough to finish the lunar landing missions,
Skylab was makeshift and temporary. NASA's space station engineers,
in fact, deliberately built the station without the thrusters necessary to
keep it in orbit for any significant amount of time. By limiting Skylab's
"lifetime," they hoped to ensure the construction of a more permanent and
sophisticated station — one more in keeping with their original plans. When
Skylab came down, they would replace it with the station they had always
wanted— that was the idea. In 1979, Skylab did fall to earth and made
more news as a burning hunk of metal than it ever did as an operating
space laboratory. The public feared that falling pieces of the spacecraft
might destroy homes or kill children at play in school yards. Most of the
orbital workshop landed in Western Australia, and none of it did any serious
damage. Although Skylab came down, by the 1990s, NASA still had not
270
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
been able to replace it as hoped. Once skipped over, "the next logical step"
proved increasingly difficult to justify.2
"As Inevitable as the Rising Sun"
In imagining how humans would voyage to the moon and the planets,
all rocket pioneers envisioned the value of a staging base in earth orbit.
The Russian theoretician Konstantin Tsiolkovskii recommended such an
outpost in 1911 in his pioneering Investigation of Universal Space by Means
of Reactive Devices, and the German scientist Hermann Oberth suggested
likewise in his 1923 book Die Rakete zu den Planetenraumen. Austria's
Guido von Pirquet envisioned the use of an earth-orbit station in his series
of provocative articles on "Interplanetary Travel Routes" appearing in Die
Rakete ( The Rocket) , which was published by the German Society for Space
Travel in 1928 and 1929. Despite these early ideas for a station, rocket
enthusiasts did not seriously consider building one until several years after
the end of World War II and the appearance of the first practical jet and
rocket engines.3
One of the first to offer a station design was the master designer of
the V-2 rocket, Wernher von Braun. In 1952, having quickly acclimated
himself to the American scene and recognizing the need to make spaceflight
a respectable topic for public discussion, von Braun wrote an article for a
special issue of the popular American magazine Colliers. This issue was
devoted to the idea of space exploration. Von Braun called his contribution
"Crossing the Last Frontier" and made its focus the imaginative design of
a manned space station in permanent earth orbit.4
In the article von Braun wrote, "Development of the space station is as
inevitable as the rising sun." "Man has already poked his nose into space"
with sounding rockets, and "he is not likely to pull it back." "Within the
next 10 to 15 years," von Braun predicted, "the earth will have a new
companion in the skies." An "artificial moon," an earth-orbiting base "from
which a trip to the moon itself will be just a step," will be "carried into space,
piece by piece, by rocket ships." From there, the human civilization of deep
space would begin.5
The space station conceived by von Braun was no crude affair; it was an
elaborate and beautiful object, a huge 250- foot- wide wheel. The enormous
torus rotated slowly as it orbited the earth to provide artificial or "synthetic
gravity" for pressurized living spaces situated about the wheel's center.
Writer Arthur C. Clarke and moviemaker Stanley Kubrick would borrow
the torus design for their exhilarating (and baffling) 1968 movie epic 2001:
A Space Odyssey. In the film, the space wheel turns majestically to the
waltz of Johann Strauss's "The Blue Danube," while a space shuttle vehicle
with passengers aboard leisurely approaches the station.
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Space/light Revolution
The hub of von Braun's wheel served as a stationary zero-gravity mod-
ule for earth and space observations with an assembly of equipment and in-
struments useful for a host of scientific and applied industrial experiments.
On-board apparatuses would include "powerful telescopes attached to large
optical screens, radarscopes, and cameras to keep under constant inspec-
tion every ocean, continent, country, and city." At short distances from the
station, there would be unmanned stationary platforms for remotely con-
trolled telescopic observation of the heavens. While helping to uncover the
secrets of the universe, the space station would also work to disclose the evil
ambitions of humankind. With its telescopic and camera eyes, von Braun
claimed, the station would make it virtually "impossible for any nation to
hide warlike preparations for any length of time." Such would be the novel
and unprecedented benefits of a permanent manned base in earth orbit. Von
Braun predicted that the station would become a reality in a few decades.6
At NACA Langley in the 1950s, the prospects of an orbiting space station
did not pass unnoticed. Several researchers speculated about the technology
that would be needed someday to develop an operational space station
such as the one von Braun had described. Suddenly, in 1958, interest
in a space station exploded. While the ink was still drying on the Space
Act, preliminary working groups concerned with space station concepts and
technology came alive both within NASA and around the aerospace industry.
NASA's intercenter Goett Committee was one of these early groups.
At the first meeting of the Goett Committee on 25-26 May 1959, each
member addressed the group for 10 to 15 minutes to propose ideas for the
next manned spaceflight objective after Project Mercury. Of all the speakers
at the meeting, no one sounded more enthusiastic about the potential of
an orbiting space station than Langley representative Larry Loftin. In his
presentation for what he called Project AMIS, or Advanced Man In Space,
Loftin recommended that "NASA undertake research directed toward the
following type of system: a permanent space station with a 'transport
satellite' capable of rendezvous with the space station." According to
Loftin, the space station should possess the following general characteristics:
It should be "large enough to accommodate two or more persons for an
extended period of time"; it should be "stabilized and oriented in some
prescribed manner" ; it should be "capable of changing its orientation, and
perhaps its orbit, under control of the crew"; and it should be able to attach
to the transport satellite for supply and change of personnel. In addition,
Loftin argued that the satellite transport or "rendezvous machine" should
be able to alter, "through appropriate guidance and control systems, its
initial orbit so as to rendezvous with the space station." It should possess a
navigation system "which will ensure that that pilot can find and intercept
the space station." The transport vehicle should be able to dock with the
station "in such a way as to permit transfer of payloads between vehicles,"
and, importantly, it should be able to return from space and land, under
control of the pilot, "at a preselected spot on the earth."7
272
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
L-62-8400
One of Langley's early concepts for a manned space station: a self-inflating 75-foot-
diameter rotating hexagon.
For emergency use, Loftin explained, the station could be outfitted with
a "space parachute," some sort of "flexible, kite-like" package that would
deploy to make it possible for the station's occupants to survive atmospheric
reentry. Otherwise, the space transport would make all trips to and from
space. As for what this shuttle-like vehicle might be, Loftin indicated
that the air force's X-20 Dyna-Soar manned boost-glider vehicle, "could be
modified to perform the desired function." (The X-20 would not be built;
Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara canceled the multimillion-dollar,
six-year-old program in 1963.) As an "initial step" to test the transport
concept, Loftin suggested that a "proximity rendezvous of Dyna Soar" with
some orbiting satellite might be undertaken.8
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Space/light Revolution
In his talk Loftin emphasized the many uses of the space station. It could
serve as "a medical laboratory for the study of man and his ability to func-
tion on long space missions." In the station, researchers could study "the
effects of space environment on materials, equipment, and powerplants."
NASA could use the station to develop new stabilization, orientation, and
navigational techniques, as well as to learn how to accomplish rendezvous in
space. With telescopes and cameras on board, the station could also serve
as an orbiting astronomical observatory and as an "earth survey vehicle"
for meteorological, geographical, and military reconnaissance. The minutes
of the Goett Committee do not record the immediate reaction to Loftin's
AMIS presentation specifically, but several members of the steering com-
mittee did come away from their two-day meeting in Washington with a
strong feeling that a manned space station should be the "target project"
after Mercury.9
At NASA's First Anniversary Inspection a few months later, Loftin told
a large audience at one of the major stops along the tour that NASA's long-
range objectives included "manned exploration of the moon and planets
and the provision of manned earth satellites for purposes of terrestrial and
astronomical observation," and perhaps even for military surveillance. But
"the next major step [author's emphasis] in the direction of accomplishing
these long-range objectives of manned space exploration and use would
appear to involve the establishment of a manned orbiting space laboratory
capable of supporting two or more men in space for a period of several
weeks." NASA Langley, Loftin told the crowd, was now focusing its research
"with a view toward providing the technological background necessary to
support the development of a manned orbiting laboratory." 10
Interestingly, in his original typed comments for the inspection, Loftin
had written: "I would like to stress that we at Langley do not intend to
develop, build, or contract for the construction of such a vehicle." The
center's goal, according to Loftin, in keeping with its conservative NACA
policy not to design aircraft, was to "seek out and solve the problems which
lie in the way of the development of such a vehicle system." Loftin, however,
had crossed through this first line. Perhaps he realized that the times were
changing; Langley could "develop, build, or contract" for NASA's space
station.11 This was NASA not the NACA, after all.
The First Space Station Task Force
When Larry Loftin spoke to the Goett Committee, he had already
helped Floyd Thompson organize 15 of the center's brightest researchers
into the Manned Space Laboratory Research Group. Thompson had made
a surprising choice for the chair of the space station committee in veteran
aeronautical engineer Mark R. Nichols, the longtime head of the Full-Scale
Research Division. Nichols, a dedicated airplane man, had little interest
274
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
L-62-4088 L-62-4065
Two key members of Langley's early space station research were Paul R. Hill (left)
and Robert Osborne (right).
in making the transition to space. As mentioned in chapter 4, Thompson
made the appointment as an example to the many other airplane buffs at
the center. Langley research was still a team effort, and the team was
now moving beyond the atmosphere. Aeronautics staff members would be
expected to become involved in space projects. No one should expect a
deferment — not even the head of a division.12
The Manned Space Laboratory Research Group consisted of six subcom-
mittees responsible for the study of various essential aspects of space station
design and operations: (1) Design and Uses of the Space Station, led by
Paul R. Hill of PARD; (2) Stabilization and Orientation, led by the brilliant
and mild-mannered head of the Guidance and Control Branch, W. Hewitt
Phillips; (3) Life Support, headed by A. Wythe Sinclair, Jr., of the new
Theoretical Mechanics Division; (4) Rendezvous Analysis, led by Houbolt,
then the assistant chief of the Dynamic Loads Division; (5) Rendezvous Ve-
hicle, led by Eugene S. Love, who was an extremely talented hypersonics
specialist working in the Aero-Physics Division; and (6) Power Plant, led
by Nichols himself.* According to handwritten comments by Thompson
on the rough organization chart sketched by Loftin, the objective of the
space station committee was to "develop technology and make pitch for do-
ing it." The goal was to demonstrate that "this is possible and this is the
way we can do it." As for how to organize and manage the work of the
Due to Nichols' ambivalence about the space project, Paul R. Hill actually took over much of the
leadership role for the group.
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Space/light Revolution
committee, Thompson said only to "organize like WS 110," that is, similar
to the support of the development of Weapons System 110, the air force's
experimental B-70 strategic bomber. The organization would be informal
so that it could cut across formal divisional lines, but its work would receive
the highest priority in the shops.13
Thompson made one other revealing note at the bottom of the commit-
tee's organization chart: "Plan whole organization of getting man to moon."
This footnote implies that in Thompson's mind the clear and accepted ob-
jective of NASA's manned space effort following Project Mercury was to
send an astronaut to the moon and back. The way to achieve that objective
was, as all the visionaries of space exploration had articulated, by moving
out from an orbiting relay station. Langley's associate director was asking
his in-house committee to study the entire enterprise involved not only in
building and operating a space station but also in using it as a launchpad
for the eventual manned lunar landing mission.14
Not everyone in NASA thought that the space station should be the tar-
get project. Dr. Adolf Busemann, the German pioneer of the swept wing
who came to Langley in 1947, argued that the space environment would offer
experimenters no vital scientific or technological knowledge that researchers
with some ingenuity could not acquire on earth. But with the exception of
Busemann and the small group of lunar landing advocates mostly clustered
around Clint Brown and the Theoretical Mechanics Division, nearly every-
one else at Langley in the summer of 1959, including senior management,
threw their weight behind the space station. Members of Nichols' group
immersed themselves in a centerwide effort to define and answer a host
of major questions related to placing and operating a manned laboratory
in earth orbit. Inquiries and suggestions were pouring into Langley from
the aerospace industry, notably from the Goodyear Aircraft Corporation,
Chance Vought Astronautics, and the Martin Company, whose representa-
tives had heard what NASA Langley was up to and wanted to participate
in the development of the manned station.15
By the fall of 1959, the work of the Nichols committee had progressed to
the point where Loftin could make a simple three-point statement of pur-
pose. Langley would (1) "study the psychological and physiological reactions
of man in a space environment over extended periods of time," thereby de-
termining "the capabilities and limitations of man in performing long space
missions" ; (2) "provide a means for studying materials, structures, control
and orientation systems, auxiliary powerplants, etc., in a true space environ-
ment"; and (3) "study means of communication, orbit control, rendezvous,"
as well as techniques for earth and astronomical observations.16 In sum-
mary, Loftin told the committee that Langley was primed and ready to take
on the role of the lead center in all NASA's space station work — quite an
ambitious undertaking for the former NACA aeronautics laboratory.
276
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
From the Inflatable Torus to the Rotating Hexagon
If Langley researchers favored any particular kind of space station as
they set out to examine the feasibility of various configurations in 1960,
their preference was definitely a self- deploying inflatable. The Langley
space station office had eliminated one-by-one the concepts for noninflatable
configurations, some of which came from industry. Notions for a simple
orbiting "can," or cylinder, and for a cylinder attached to a terminal stage
of a booster were rejected as dynamically unstable; they had a tendency
to roll at the slightest disturbance. A version of Lockheed's sophisticated
elongated modular concept was turned down because it was too futuristic
and required the launch of several boosters to place all the components into
earth orbit. Proposals for hub-and-spoke designs, big orbiting Ferris wheels
in space, were turned down because of the Coriolis effects. Disturbances of
the inner ear, such as nausea, vertigo, and dizziness, would debilitate crew
members moving radially in any system that was rotating too rapidly.
Langley's space station team had sound technical reasons for doubting
the feasibility of these proposals. However, the team possessed a strong
institutional bias for an inflatable station. After all, the inflatable was
developed at Langley. The concept also made good engineering sense.
Hundreds of pounds of propellant were required to put one pound of payload
into orbit. Any plan that involved lightening the payload meant simplifying
rocket requirements. Because of their experience with the Echo balloon,
Langley engineers also knew firsthand that a folded station packed snugly
inside a rocket would be protected during the rough ride through the
atmosphere.
The first idea for an inflatable station was the Erectable Torus Manned
Space Laboratory. A Langley space station team led by Paul Hill and
Emanuel "Manny" Schnitzer developed the concept with the help of the
Goodyear Aircraft Corporation. Their idea called for a flat inflatable ring
or torus 24 feet in diameter, or about one-quarter the size of the Echo 1
sphere.17
The inflatable torus had several major selling points. It was "unitized,"
meaning that all its elements were part of a single structure that could be
carried to orbit by the launch of one booster, just as was the case with the
Echo balloon. NASA would simply fold the station into a compact payload
for an automatic deployment once the payload had reached altitude. The
inner volume of the torus could be given a gravity capability of 0 to 1 G.
The station could be designed for both natural and artificial stability, for
rendezvous-dock-abort capability, and for variable-demand power supply.
The torus could also have regenerative life-support systems for a six-person
crew. To provide their space station with electric power, Hill and Schnitzer
pursued the possibility of using a solar turboelectric system, which used an
innovative umbrella-like solar collector then under development by TRW
as part of the NASA-supported Sunflower Auxiliary Power Plant Project.
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Space/light Revolution
L-63-3879
Langley researcher Rene Berglund (left) used this figure (right) in 1962 to illustrate
some of the earliest space station configurations investigated at the center: (a) a
large cylinder, (b) a smaller cylinder attached to a terminal-stage booster, (c) a
boom with multiple docking ports powered by a nuclear power plant at one end,
(d) a spoke configuration, (e) a modified spoke configuration with vertical rather
than horizontal modules, and (f) a wheel or torus.
By April 1960, Schnitzer was so enthusiastic about the inflatable torus
that he made a formal presentation on the design to a national meeting
of the American Rocket Society. A revised and updated version of his talk
appeared as the feature article in the January 1961 issue of Astronautics
Magazine. (In late 1962, Schnitzer moved to the Office of Manned Space
Flight at NASA headquarters, where he would remain active in space station
R&D and promote Langley's work in the field.)18
In the months following Schnitzer's presentation, Langley built and tested
various models of the Erectable Torus Manned Space Laboratory, including
a full-scale research model constructed by Goodyear. But researchers began
to suspect that the design was lacking in certain key respects. The principal
concern was the same one that had plagued the promoters of Echo: the
danger of a meteorite puncturing the structure. Goodyear built the research
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
L-61-8027 L-61-8029
Testing indicated that the inflatable torus could be packaged around the hub so that
it occupied only 2 percent of its inflated volume.
L-61-8693
Looking like a huge pneumatic tire sitting on a giant car jack, Langley 's full-size test
model of its 24-foot toroidal space station receives a visit from NASA Administrator
James Webb in December 1961. Escorting Webb are Floyd Thompson (far left) and
T. Melvin Butler, Langley 's assistant director for administration.
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Spaceflight Revolution
L-62-312
Langley engineers check out the interior of the inflatable 24- foot space station in
January 1962.
model out of a lightweight three-ply nylon cord held together firmly by
a sticky rubber-like material known as butyl elastomer. Such a large
rubberized surface would certainly be vulnerable during a meteoroid shower.
This concern proved much harder to dismiss for a manned station than for
the unpiloted satellite. In addition, while the condition of being "dead soft"
was seen as an advantage for the Echo balloon, it was a disadvantage for
a busy manned space station. Some engineers worried that if the flexible
material was not strong enough, crew members moving around vigorously
in the space station might somehow propel themselves so forcefully from one
side of the station to the other that they would break through a wall and
go shooting into outer space.
A more serious engineering concern arose that was related to the dynam-
ics of the toroidal structure. When arriving crew members moved equipment
from the central hub to a working area at the outside periphery of the ring,
or when a ferry vehicle simply impacted with the station's docking port,
Langley researchers believed that the station might become slightly unsta-
ble, thus upsetting its precisely established orbit. Less strenuous activities
might also disturb the fragile dynamics of the torus. Knowing that the hu-
man occupants of the station would have no weight but would still have
mass, the Langley space station group conducted analytical studies using
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
analog computers to calculate the effect of astronauts moving about in the
station. The results showed that the mass distribution would be changed
when crew members just walked from one part of the vehicle to another.
This change produced a slight oscillation, or what the researchers called a
"wobble," of the entire station.
To discover whether they could alleviate this wobble, the Langley space
station group decided to build a 10- foot-diameter elastically scaled model of
the torus. This model did not become operational until the summer of 1961,
however, and by that time NASA had realized that it must either develop
a more rigid inflatable or abandon the idea of an inflatable altogether.19
While still in pursuit of the best possible inflatable torus, the NASA
Langley space station group did explore other ideas. Most notably, in the
summer of 1961 it entered into a six-month contract with North American
Aviation for a detailed feasibility study of an advanced space station
concept.* Developed by Langley engineer Rene A. Berglund, the design
called for a large modular manned space station, which although essentially
rigid in structure, could still be automatically erected in space. In essence,
Berglund 's idea was to put together a series of six rigid modules that were
connected by inflatable spokes or passageways to a central nonrotating hub.
The 75-foot-diameter structure (initially planners thought it might be as
large as 100 feet) would be assembled entirely on the ground, packaged into
a small launch configuration, and boosted into space atop a Saturn rocket.
One of Berglund 's prerequisites for the design was that it provide protection
against micrometeorites. To accomplish this, he gave the rigid sections of
the rotating hexagon air-lock doors that could be sealed when any threat
arose to the integrity of the interconnecting inflatable sections.20
This sophisticated modular assembly was to rotate slowly in space, thus
making it possible for its occupants to enjoy the benefits of artificial gravity,
which virtually all space station designers at the time believed was absolutely
necessary for any long-term stay in space. In fact, the diameter of 75
feet was selected because it provided the minimal rotational radius needed
to generate at low rotational velocities the 1 G desired for the station's
living areas. Rotation was the only mechanism known at the time for
artificially creating gravity conditions. The only part of the structure that
would not rotate was the central hub; suspended by bearings, the hub
would turn mechanically in the opposite direction of the hexagon at just
the right rate to cancel all the effects of the rotation. Located in this
nonrotating center of the space station would be a laboratory for various
experiments, including comparative studies of the effects of zero and artificial
gravity. The nonrotating hub would also contain the dock for the ferry
vehicle. Preliminary experience with Langley's earliest rendezvous and
docking simulators indicated that a trained pilot could execute a docking
North American had been studying the logistics of a permanent satellite base and a global
surveillance system for the air force, and the physics of meteoroid impact for NASA.
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Space/light Revolution
L-62-3819
With a 10- foot- diameter scale model
(above), Langley researchers studied the
attitude errors, wobbling motions, and
other dynamic characteristics of a space
station spinning in space. The effects of
crew motion and cargo transfer within
the station were simulated by an electri-
cally driven mass moving around a track
on the torus. To the right, a Langley
engineer takes a walk in simulated zero
gravity around a mock-up of a full-scale,
24- foot- diameter space station.
L-64-10,099
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
maneuver with surprising ease as long as the station docking hub was fixed.
If the hub rotated along with a rotating station, the maneuvering operations
would have to be much more complicated.
As engineers from North American and Langley probed more deeply into
the possibilities of a rotating hexagon, they became increasingly confident
that they were on the right track. The condition that the station be self-
deploying or self-erecting (implying some means of mechanical erection or a
combination of mechanical erection with inflation) was not negotiable, given
the economic and technological benefits of being able to deliver the space
station to its orbit via a single booster. Early on, the space station group
talked with their fellow engineers in the Scout Project Office at Langley
about using a Scout booster to launch the station, but Scout did not appear
to be powerful enough to carry all 171,000 tons of the rotating hexagon
to orbit altitude. The group also looked into using a Centaur, a liquid-
fuel booster for which NASA had taken over the responsibility from the
DOD. The Centaur promised higher thrust and bigger pay loads for lunar
and planetary missions; however, Langley learned in early 1961 that the
Centaur was "out of the question" because "nothing in the [high priority]
NASA manned space programs calls for it." Furthermore, the Centaur was
not yet "man-rated," that is, approved for flights with astronauts aboard,
and a man rating was "neither expected nor anticipated." Centaur would
prove to be a troublesome launch vehicle even for its specified unmanned
missions, and the rocket never would be authorized to fly humans.21
Soon space station advocates turned to von Braun's Saturn. With its
210,000-pound payload capacity, an advanced Saturn could easily lift the
171,000-pound hexagon into orbit. A team of Langley researchers led by
Berglund did what they could to mate their space station to the top stage
of a Saturn. Working with a dynamic scale model, they refined the system
of mechanical hinges that enabled the six interconnected modules of the
hexagon to fold into one compact mass. As a bonus, the hinges also
eliminated the need for fabric connections between modules, which were
more vulnerable to damage. Tests demonstrated that the arrangement could
be carried aloft in one piece with the three retractable spokes stowed safely
inside the cavity of the assimilated module cluster. Once orbit was achieved,
a series of screw-jack actuators located at the joints between the modules
would kick in to deploy the folded structure. The Langley researchers also
made sure that the nonrotating central hub of their hexagon would have a
port that could accommodate ferry vehicles. Such vehicles were then being
proposed for the Apollo circumlunar mission and, later, for a lunar landing
via EOR.
The estimated cost for the entire space station project, for either the
erectable torus or the rotating hexagon, was $100 million, a tidy sum upon
which Langley and NASA headquarters agreed. This figure amounted to
the lowest cost proposal for a space station submitted to the air force at
its space station conference in early 1961. But, as George Low pointed out
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Space/light Revolution
HEXAGONAL CONFIGURATION
SOLAR -CELL PANELS
63 FT
LIVING
MODULE
1 03 FT
DOCKING
FACILITY
APOLLO -TYPE
FERRY VEHICLE
FT-
L-62-8730 L-62-8732
North American selected this space station design in 1962 for final systems analysis
(diagram shown at top, models at bottom, left and right). Incorporating all the
advantages of a wheel configuration, it had rigid cylindrical modules arranged in a
hexagonal shape with three rigid telescoping spokes. This configuration eliminated
the need for exposed flexible fabric.
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at a space station meeting held at Langley on 18 April 1961, NASA did
not have the money for a space station follow-on to Project Mercury; what
funds NASA expected were "only enough to finish Mercury and $29 million
for Apollo."22
For five more weeks, until President Kennedy's speech on 25 May, Apollo
entailed only a circumlunar mission, with the possibility of building a space
station as a by-product of the earth-orbital phase; however, as George Low
observed, NASA had not guaranteed that such a phase would be part of
Apollo. Low warned the assembled space station advocates that the chances
were high that Apollo would not require a space station with artificial
gravity. If that were the case, NASA would have neither the mandate nor
the money to build a space station of any kind for some time to come.
Such uncertainty put Langley in a difficult but not unfamiliar situation.
Some sort of space station was possible for the Apollo era, and as long as that
possibility existed, the basic technology needed for a station had to be ready,
perhaps at short notice. To assure that Langley would be technologically
prepared, exploratory research had to be ongoing.
Larry Loftin made this point clear on 19 May 1961, six days before
President Kennedy's lunar landing speech, in his testimony to the U.S.
House Committee on Science and Astronautics, chaired by Overton Brooks
(Democrat from Louisiana). "We have not been developing a manned
vehicle," Loftin reassured the congressmen and their staffs. "We have been
studying what we would consider to be salient or pertinent problems which
would have to be solved" if the country decided that a station was needed.
Loftin described in some detail Langley's manned space station work. "In
order to try to fix what the problem areas were," he explained, "it was
necessary to arrive at some sort of a concept of what the vehicle might
look like." He then passed around a series of pictures showing Langley's
concepts for both the inflatable torus and the rotating hexagon, expressing
no preference for either design.* After reviewing the general characteristics
of both designs, Loftin summarized Langley's assessment of the status of
the space station:
So far as we know, so far as we have gone at the present time, we don't see that there
are required any fundamental scientific breakthroughs ... in order to design one of
these things. However, we have not undertaken at the Langley Research Center a
detailed engineering design study. If such a study were undertaken, you might run
into some problems that we haven't been smart enough to think about that are
fundamental. I don't know if you would, but you could.
Moreover, Loftin concluded his testimony with a caution, "In such a careful
engineering design, this is a long-term proposition. We are not really sure
Two representatives of the Goodyear Aircraft Corporation, the primary contractor involved in
Langley's study of the inflatable torus, were testifying the same day before the congressional committee.
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when you got all done whether you would have something you really want
or not."23
Whether the politicians understood Loftin's essential point is uncertain,
for they had a difficult time even fathoming what a manned space station was
all about and how someday it might be used. Chairman Overton Brooks, for
example, asked, "You are just going to allow that [thing] to float around in
space?" When asked by Minnesota congressman Joseph E. Karth what the
"primary function of this so-called space station" would be, Loftin answered,
"It could have many functions. We are not really proposing a space station.
What we are doing here is saying if you want one, we would like to look into
the problems of how you might make it." Encouraged to say what those
functions were, Loftin explained how the experience of having humans in
an orbiting space station would be helpful and perhaps even necessary in
preparing for long-distance space flights, perhaps even for the two-week
trip from the earth to the moon and back that the United States was now
planning. Certainly, if the United States was to attempt any flights to places
more distant than the moon, Loftin explained, "it would be desirable to have
a space station in orbit where we could put men, materials, different kinds
of mechanisms. We could put them up there for weeks at a time and see if
there are any undesirable effects that we have not foreseen. If these effects
crop up, then you bring the man back." An astronaut already on course to
a distant planet was not so easily retrieved.24
Betwixt and Between
Six days after Loftin's appearance before the congressional committee,
President Kennedy stunned NASA with his lunar landing speech. Apollo
was no longer a manned circumlunar mission; it was now the project
for landing a man on the moon by 1969. In one extraordinary political
moment, step three of the space program had become step one. For 14
months following Kennedy's speech, NASA debated the advantages and
disadvantages of various mission modes. For at least the first half of this
period, many in NASA were quite sure that the country would be going
to the moon via EOR. In this mode, the lunar spacecraft would actually
be assembled from components put into orbit by two or more Saturn
launch vehicles. This EOR plan would therefore involve the development
of certain orbital capabilities and hardware that might easily translate into
the country's first space station.
With this possibility in mind, Langley's space station team worked
through the remainder of 1961 and into 1962 to identify and explore the
essential problems facing the design and operation of a space station.
The thrust of the center's research during this period of political and
institutional limbo for the space station was divided among three major
areas: (1) dynamics and control, or how to control a rotating structure in
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orbit; (2) on-board power, or how to provide electrical power as well as store
and use energy in the space station; and (3) life support, or how to ensure
that the occupants of the station could best remain healthy and vigorous
during (and after) long sojourns in space.
From the start, almost all space station designers presumed the need
for artificial gravity. From this presumption came the notion of a rotating
structure, be it a rotating cylinder, torus, or hexagon, or of a centrifuge
mechanism within a nonrotating structure that could provide a force that
substituted for the lack of gravity. Whether it was absolutely necessary
to substitute centrifugal force for the effects of gravity, no one really knew.
Perhaps a human in space would need 1 G; perhaps as little as 0.25 G would
do. One thing the space station researchers did know with some certainty
was that they needed to be careful about this matter of gravitational effects.
If the rotational radius was too small, or the structure rotated at too high
an rpm, the astronauts inside would suddenly become ill.
The rotation had to be controlled precisely, whatever the station's
configuration. Thus, one set of problems that Langley researchers attempted
to solve concerned a spinning space station's inherent vulnerability to
disturbances in dynamic stability; this included compensating for the wobble
motions that might occur when crew members moved about inside the
station or when ferry vehicles pushed up against the outside structure during
docking.
The Langley space station group found a solution for attitude control
using a system of four pulse jets.* These small pulse jets could be mounted
at 90-degree intervals around the outside rim of the station to reorient the
station when necessary. Then, to dampen the wobbles caused by crew
movements and other disturbances in mass distribution, Langley found that
a spinning flywheel could be rotated to produce the necessary countervailing
torques; the same flywheel could produce the torque required to keep the
station rotating around its predetermined axis. If the flywheel failed to
steady the wobbles, the pulse jets could be fired as a backup. In late
1961 and early 1962, Langley researchers subjected full-scale models of
both the rotating hexagon and the inflatable torus (the torus was then still
being considered) to systematic tests involving these experimental control
mechanisms.25
Langley researchers found little reason to disagree about what was needed
for the dynamic control of the space station; however, bitter arguments
arose over the power source for the station. Two main energy sources were
considered: solar and nuclear. (A third possibility, involving the use of
chemical energy from a regenerative fuel cell, was considered briefly but was
summarily dismissed as "futuristic" and "unfeasible.") To many at Langley,
A pulse jet is a simple jet engine, which does not involve a compressor, in which combustion takes
place intermittently and produces thrust. In this case, 10 pounds of thrust per pulse jet is produced by
a series of explosions.
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the obvious choice was solar. The sun's energy was abundant and available.
If solar power was used, the space station would not have to carry the weight
of its own fuel into orbit; photovoltaic or solar cells (which existed in 1960
but not in a very advanced form) would simply convert the sunlight into the
electrical energy needed to run the space station.
Outspoken critics, however, argued that the technology did not yet exist
for a solar-powered system that could sustain a spacecraft over long missions.
With the rotation necessary for artificial gravity, situating and realigning the
solar panels so that they would always be facing the sun became problematic.
Depending on the station's configuration, some solar panels would be shaded
from the sun most of the time. Solar panels, especially large ones, would
also have an undesirable orbital drag effect.
Some argued that the better choice was nuclear power. The problems
of shielding living areas from the reactor's radiation and radioactive waste
would have to be solved, of course, because humans would be on board,
but once these problems were resolved, a small nuclear reactor could safely
supply enough power (10 to 50 kilowatts) to sustain the operation of a station
for a year or more. Yet engineers were not able to overcome the major
logistical and safety problems of the proposed reactor systems. Particularly
bothersome was the problem of replacing an operational reactor should
it fail. Even the shielding problem proved more difficult to handle than
imagined. In later space station designs, engineers tried to bypass the
shielding problem by employing a large shadow shield and a long boom
to separate the reactor from the habitation areas, but the boom required
such a major reconfiguration of the proposed space station structure that
the idea had to be abandoned.
Some researchers rejected both solar and conventional nuclear systems
and advocated a radioisotope system. In this arrangement a radioactive
element such as uranium 238 or polonium 210 would emit energy over a long
period and at a specific and known rate. This power system was based on
the so-called Brayton cycle (also called the "Joule cycle" ) , which was a well-
known thermodynamic cycle named after American engineer and inventor
George B. Brayton (b. 1873). The Brayton cycle consisted of an isentropic
compression of a working substance, in this case a radioactive isotope,
the addition of heat at a constant pressure, an isentropic expansion to an
ambient pressure, and, finally, the production of an exhaust. Such a system
required minimum shielding and did not require booms or large panels.
The availability of high-quality waste heat could also be used in thermal
control and in the life-support system, thereby reducing the overall power
system requirements. On the other hand, the isotope Brayton cycle power
system did require internal rotating machinery that still needed considerable
development. It would also require an increased radiator area as well as
doors on the skirt of the radiator that could open to allow the isotope to
radiate directly into space when the power system was not functioning. Even
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nuclear enthusiasts had to admit that this machinery and auxiliary hardware
would probably not be available for at least 10 years.26
In trying to choose between the various options for the on-board power
supply, the "power plant" subcommittee of Langley's Manned Space Labo-
ratory Research Group reviewed several pertinent R&D programs involving
solar and nuclear power plants then under development by NASA, the air
force, and the Atomic Energy Commission; however, after this review, the
subcommittee was still undecided about the best power source. In a feasibil-
ity study of the rotating hexagon conducted by North American Aviation,
solar power was the favored source. According to the company's proposed
design, a group of solar cells and associated electrical batteries could be
mounted successfully on the six main modules as well as on the hub of the
space station. When Langley's power plant subcommittee evaluated the so-
lar modular system, they judged it to be the most feasible in the near term
because the system did not require the development of much technology but
was still adequate to meet the projected station's electric power needs.27
This evaluation only temporarily resolved the controversy about which
type of power plant to incorporate in the study configurations. Several
Langley researchers who favored a small on-board nuclear reactor (and who
were to be closely associated with subsequent space station planning at the
center) were never convinced by the arguments in favor of solar power. This
small group, whenever the opportunity arose, would argue that energy from
a naturally decaying radioactive isotope ultimately offered the best means of
powering a space station. However, this group never could overcome the fear
that many researchers had about a nuclear accident, no matter how remote
that possibility might be. If the small canister carrying the radioactive
isotope ever happened to crash into the earth, because of a launch failure,
for instance, the results of the contamination could be catastrophic.28
The issue of the power supply was critical to the design of the space
station because of the "human factor." As everyone involved with space
station research understood, the greatest single draw on the power supply
would be the systems necessary to keep the crew inside the space station
alive and in good physical and emotional condition. In fact, the human
factor was central to all the elements of space station design: the gravity
and energy requirements, the sources of wobble, the number and sizes of
modules and ferry vehicles, the number and length of missions, and the types
of internal furnishings and accommodations. Human occupancy established
the central parameters for the entire research and design process. The job
of the Langley space station group was not to build the actual hardware
that would sustain human life in space; rather, it was to "evaluate and
originate basic concepts of life support systems." This evaluation was to
include exploration of a range of prototypes to generate the technological
knowledge that could form the basis for an "optimum-system concept."29
The essential requirements for a human life-support system aboard a
long-duration spacecraft in earth orbit were not hard to determine. The
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system had to be lightweight and very dependable, and it had to consume as
little energy as possible. It would have to provide oxygen for breathing; food
for eating; accommodations for sleeping, exercising, washing, and taking
care of other bodily functions; and it would have to somehow eliminate or
recycle human and other waste products.
Either through in-house research or by contracting out to industry, all of
these basic matters of life support and many others were thoroughly studied
by the Langley space station group in 1961 and 1962. Several contractors
became specialists in the development of experimental mechanisms for
collecting, treating, reclaiming, and disposing of solid and liquid wastes.
For its rotating hexagon, North American invented a method for carbon
dioxide removal involving a regenerative molecular sieve. Small silica gel
beds removed water vapor from the air and passed it into the molecular sieve,
which then either vented the absorbed water and exhaled carbon dioxide to
the outside or shunted it to an oxygen regeneration system.30
None of the solutions proposed during this period, however, were com-
pletely satisfactory. What Langley researchers wanted for their optimum
space station was a totally closed water-oxygen system — one that did not
have to be resupplied from the ground. In the early years, many problems
associated with such a closed life-support system appeared relatively easy to
solve, but they proved troublesome. This was especially true for the water
recovery and recycling system in which the astronauts' urine was to be con-
verted into drinking water. In the early years, researchers tried such things
as simply blowing air over the liquid waste, controlling the odor by using
a bactericide, and evaporating the water on a cold plate. Unfortunately, a
huge amount of power was needed to do that, and it was more power than
any space station could afford. The astronauts' natural aversion to drinking
water made in this manner also posed a problem. Psychological studies,
however, showed that thirst would quickly overcome disgust. Today, after
more than 30 years of space station research, effective technology for such a
closed water recycling system still does not exist.31
Langley researchers went to great lengths to discover the unknowns of life
in a spinning spacecraft. One fun-loving group made a trip to the amusement
park at Buckroe Beach near the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay to ride the
carousel. They took a bunch of tennis balls with them to throw back and
forth while sitting atop their colorfully painted wooden ponies. The man
attending the carousel soon threw the researchers off the ride because they
were making children sick. But even this information was instructive about
Coriolis effects on astronaut equilibrium and hand-eye coordination.32
Of course, the Langley researchers also carried out many less frivolous and
more systematic simulations of human performance in space. To investigate
how the effects of rotation might conceivably hamper astronaut performance,
the space station group put several volunteers, including a few Langley test
pilots, into simulators that mimicked the rotations of a space station. Some
of these volunteers managed to stay in the simulator for several hours before
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
asking (or in some cases, demanding) to be let out. Data from other man-
in-space simulations, some of them done to garner real-time data about how
crews would do during 7-day and 14-day missions to the moon, also shed
light on what to expect inside a space station.33
Overall, the early findings about the ability of humans to adapt to life in
space were quite reassuring. Simple adjustments in sleep and work schedules
alleviated astronaut fatigue and boredom. An on-board exercise program
would forestall marked deterioration in muscle tone and other physiological
functions at zero gravity. Most importantly, a weeklong confinement of a
three-person crew within the close quarters of a module had no detrimental
effect on performance, nor did it trigger psychological stress. In short,
the Langley simulations of 1961 and 1962 reinforced a growing body of
evidence that humans could indeed live successfully in space, and could
remain physically and mentally healthy and able to carry out complex tasks
for extended periods.
Other critical matters, however, still demanded study. To see if a com-
fortable "shirt-sleeve" working environment could be provided for astronauts
inside the space station, Langley researchers worked with a thermal vac-
uum chamber in which they put small, scale models of their inflatable torus
and rotating hexagon designs. Built for Langley by Grumman, this cham-
ber employed an arc that served as the "sun" and smaller electric heaters
that served as analogues for heat-producing humans. After several weeks of
tests with this thermal chamber, researchers found that the North American
hexagon design, because of its insulated, protective walls, was superior to
the torus.34
Protecting the occupants of the space station from the heat of the sun
was one thing; protecting them from meteorite showers was still another.
Into the early 1960s, according to a Langley study, NASA still faced "severe
uncertainties regarding the basic structure of manned space stations." How
should the walls of such a structure be built, and out of what materials?
They had to be light because of launch-weight considerations and built of
a material that would help in the control of internal temperatures. The
walls also had to provide dependable and long-term protection from major
meteoroid penetrations; some small chinks and dents in the sides of a space
station might cause no trouble, but big hits, especially in the case of an
inflatable torus, could prove disastrous. Thus, structures experts at both
Langley and Ames looked for the type of wall structure that offered the
greatest protection for the least weight. They turned to a sandwiched
structure with an inner and an outer wall. Developed by North American
for the rotating hexagon, the outer wall was a "meteoroid bumper" made
of aluminum, backed by a polyurethane plastic filler that overlay a bonded
aluminum honeycomb sandwich. Such a wall seemed to meet the design
criteria, but no one could be sure because the actual velocities of meteoroid
impacts were impossible to simulate in any ground facility. The only thing
to do was to make further studies. For the inner wall, Langley's space
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Space/light Revolution
station office looked into the efficacy of nylon-neoprene, dacron-silicone,
saran, Mylar (E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc.), polypropylene,
Teflon (E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc.), and other flexible and
heat-absorbing materials. These materials could not be toxic or leak gases
(especially oxygen), and they had to be able to withstand a hard vacuum,
electromagnetic and particle radiation, and temperatures ranging from -50°
to 150°F.35
At a symposium held at Langley in late July 1962, the Langley staff
assembled in the large auditorium in the center's main activities building
to present summary progress reports on their exploratory space station
research. By the time of this symposium, Langley's space station researchers
had arrived at four key conclusions:
(1) The rotating hexagon was superior to the inflatable torus; a 15-
foot scale model of the North American design had been undergoing tests
at Langley for several months, whereas studies of the torus had virtually
ceased. 6
(2) Although the hexagon was preferable to the torus, the Langley
researchers knew that they had not yet discovered the optimum design and
were committed to carrying out "the conceptual design of several space
stations in order to uncover the problem areas in such vehicles."37
(3) A flight program, something akin to a Project Shotput, was needed
to extend space station research. The space environment was difficult to
impossible to simulate in a ground facility, thus making tests of station
materials impossible as well. As early as May 1961, members of the Langley
space station office had proposed using a Scout rocket to test the deployment
of a 10-foot version of the inflatable torus at an orbit of 220 miles; however,
the idea for the test had gone nowhere.38
(4) Whatever R&D was to be done on space stations in the future,
the researchers wanted their work to be guided by the broad objectives
of learning how to live in space, of making the station a place for scientific
research, and of finding ways to make the station "a suitable facility for
learning some of the fundamental operations necessary for launching space
missions from orbit." Moreover, they wanted their space station efforts to
be better integrated with the overall NASA effort.39
Langley researchers regarded a manned space station as more than a
jumping-off point for Apollo or for some other specific mission. They
thought of it as a versatile laboratory in space, a Langley research operation
that happened to be located hundreds of miles above the earth rather than in
Tidewater Virginia. Just as Langley had always explored the basic problems
of flight with a view to their practical solution, the ultimate use of a space
station was "for continuing to advance the technology of space flight."40 The
objective was long-term, not just immediate.
How the space station would fare without any direct application to
the Apollo lunar landing program was a question that loomed over the
researchers at the symposium. With an expensive Apollo program in
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
progress and LOR the chosen strategy, Washington's support for an earth-
orbiting space station might quickly plummet, no matter what Langley
scientists and engineers had to say about the potential benefits of space
station operations. If the space station was to be built in the near future,
Langley would have to quickly reconcile the objectives of the station with
those of the Apollo mission.
Manned Orbital Research Laboratory
In the months following the in-house symposium, Langley management
initiated a revised program of space station studies that would better dove-
tail with the Apollo lunar landing program. In late 1962, this determination
brought forth a more focused space station effort — one that proved to be
qualitatively quite different from the broader conceptual studies that had
given birth to the inflatable torus and the rotating hexagon. As a result
of this concentrated effort, Langley researchers in early 1963 conceived a
smaller and more economical space station that would complement and make
maximum use of the technological systems being developed for Apollo. They
called it the Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory, or MORL, for short.
The original MORL concept evolved within Langley's space station
group. The idea was for a "minimum size laboratory to conduct a na-
tional experimental program of biomedical, scientific, and engineering ex-
periments," with the laboratory to be specifically designed for launch in one
piece atop a Saturn I or IB. The goal of the MORL program was to have one
crew member stay in space for one year, with three other crew members on
board for shorter periods on a rotating schedule. Langley wanted to achieve
this goal in 1965 or 1966, a few years before the anticipated first manned
Apollo flight, and accomplish it in unison with Project Gemini, the NASA
program that bridged Mercury and Apollo, whose basic purpose was to re-
solve the problems of rendezvous and docking and of long-duration manned
spaceflights necessary for a successful lunar landing via LOR. The MORL
would be launched unmanned by a Saturn booster into a circular orbit from
Cape Canaveral, and after a short checkout period, two crew members in a
Titan-mounted Gemini spacecraft (then under development) would "ascend
to the laboratory's orbit and complete a rendezvous and docking maneu-
ver." A few weeks later, two more crew members would join the laboratory
by the same method, completing the four-person crew. One new astronaut
would enter the laboratory at each crew change, thus providing a check on
the cumulative effects of weightlessness on the total capability of the crew.
Three of the astronauts would occupy the space station for only parts of
a year; only one crew member would try to complete a full year's mission.
Every 90 days or less, an unmanned resupply spacecraft launched by an
Atlas- Agena combination would be orbited and brought by radio control to
a rendezvous with one of the laboratory's multiple docking ports. These
ports would not only provide the means for the crew rotations and any
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Space/light Revolution
emergency evacuations but also would serve as attachment sites for cargo
and experiment modules.41
By the spring of 1963, Langley management judged the MORL design
ready for industry evaluation. A contractor was to look for ways of
improving and refining the concept into what engineers called a "baseline
system," that is, a detailed plan for an optimum MORL configuration. In
late April, Langley asked the aerospace industry to submit brief proposals
by 14 May for a contract study of "Manned Orbital Research Laboratory
Systems" capable of sustaining such a rotating four-person crew in space
for one year. The Request for Proposals outlined an industry competition
in two phases: Phase I was to be an open competition for "comparative
study of several alternative ways to obtain the orbital laboratory which is
envisioned"; Phase II was to be a closed contest between the two winners
of the first competition, for "preliminary design studies." If all progressed
well and NASA approved continued work on MORL, Langley might propose
a follow-on to the second phase (Phase II-A) in which "a single contractor
would be requested to synthesize into a mature concept" the design study
that had been judged by NASA as the most feasible and to furnish a baseline
configuration for a complete orbital laboratory system. Yet another phase
(Phase II-B) might involve a final design stage, including test mock-ups of
the laboratory and resupply spacecraft.42
Phase I, the open competition, lasted only until mid-June 1963, when
Langley Director Floyd Thompson announced that from the 11 proposals
received, he had selected those from Boeing and Douglas as the winners.
An 11-member in-house MORL Technology Steering Committee, chaired by
Paul R. Hill of the Applied Materials and Physics Division space station
office, had helped Thompson with the selection. At the same time that
Thompson established this ad hoc steering committee, on 6 June, he also
created a small MORL Studies Office, which comprised originally only six
members and was to report directly to the director's office. Thompson chose
someone new to space station research to head the new office. William
N. Gardner, formerly head of the Flight Physics Branch of the Applied
Materials and Physics Division, and his six-person staff were to implement
the management of the study contracts soon to be awarded to Boeing and
Douglas. Thompson also formalized the many R&D efforts relating to a
space station that had popped up inside the Applied Materials and Physics
Division. He did this on 10 June by establishing a new 19-member Space
Station Research Group, with Robert S. Osborne, a veteran of the center's
previous space station office, in charge.43
Langley's revised space station effort had not progressed without a hitch.
Earlier in 1963, still in the immediate wake of the LOR decision, NASA
headquarters had threatened the cancellation of all the MORL research
at the research center. To have it reinstated even on a provisional basis,
Langley Associate Director Charles J. Donlan, who from the start had lent
strong support to space station research at Langley, traveled to Washington
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
with some of the most articulate members of the center's space station group
for several meetings with old friends and other NASA officials. Donlan had
always been a strong supporter of Langley's space station research, and
together with associates he argued that a manned space station was still
"the next logical step," after Apollo, and was thus likely to be a central
part of the agency's post- Apollo planetary exploration. Donlan pointed out
that a manned orbital laboratory offered perhaps the only way of making
many necessary studies such as the effects of weightlessness.
Eventually, the lobbying paid off. In the spring of 1963, Bob Seamans
issued MORL a reprieve, thus arranging for the authorization Langley
needed to proceed with the first phase of the industry competition. At
the start, that was the only permission Langley had. When Phase I started,
NASA headquarters had not yet approved Phase II and had certainly not
given the go-ahead for any follow-on phases.44
Some of the ground rules for Phase I of the MORL competition conformed
closely to the general specifications of the rotating hexagon, but others
reflected some significant changes in the way Langley was now thinking
about space stations. The major shift in thinking was the realization, gained
by American and Soviet experiences with manned spaceflight, that humans
could in fact function quite well in zero gravity, at least for several orbits,
without serious ill effects. If a few days of weightlessness did not debilitate
an astronaut, the same would most likely hold true for a couple of weeks.
Further experimentation certainly had to be done to determine exactly how
long humans could perform in zero gravity, but as reflected in MORL ground
rules, researchers were growing confident that a person might be able to
perform well in space for as long as a year. When Langley asked industry
in April 1963 to design MORL with zero gravity as the primary operating
mode, it was abandoning once and for all the long-held notion that a space
station must continually rotate to provide artificial gravity.45
Douglas and Boeing took Phase II of the competition seriously, each
assembling its MORL personnel into a team situated at a single plant (Santa
Monica for Douglas and Seattle for Boeing). Douglas had shown interest
in a space station for some time; in 1958, the company had won a $10,000
first prize in a contest for a design of "A Home in Space," which had been
sponsored by the London Daily Mail.4Q Douglas had also been a serious
bidder for the NASA contract for a six-month study of Berglund's rotating
hexagon concept, which NASA had awarded to North American in the
summer of 1961. 47 Boeing, on the other hand, was something of a newcomer
to the field of space exploration. However, as the reader shall learn in more
detail in the next chapter, the well-known airplane manufacturer was at
this time completing a solid performance in the Bomarc missile program
and was keen to be involved with the civilian space program. Not only did
Boeing want the space station study contract, it also wanted to become the
prime contractor for the ambitious Lunar Orbiter project, the unmanned
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Spaceflight Revolution
Douglas engineers incorporated the
idea of a two-person centrifuge into
their winning MORL baseline con-
figuration proposal in 1963 (right).
The centrifuge (bottom, second cut-
away from left) was to serve as a
possible remedial or therapeutic de-
vice for enhancing the astronauts'
tolerance to weightless conditions and
for preconditioning crew members
for the stresses of reentry.
L-63-1132
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
photographic mission to the moon which NASA was planning in order to
select the best landing sites for Apollo.
A NASA "technical assessment team" consisting of 43 engineers (36
of them from Langley) and organized into four review panels ("Major
Systems Configuration and Integration," "Subsystems Configuration and
Integration," "Operations," and "Management and Planning") looked very
carefully and fairly at both MORL studies in late September 1963 before
recommending the Douglas study to the Langley director.48 Perhaps NASA
was reluctant to give a company inexperienced in space exploration the
responsibility for doing two big new jobs at one time. (Boeing had just been
awarded the contract for Lunar Orbiter.) More likely, however, the Douglas
proposal was simply superior. Members of the MORL Studies Office at
Langley had spent many hours at the plants of the contractors assessing
their space station work, and they knew firsthand the capabilities of their
assembled teams.
For the next two months, NASA Langley negotiated with Douglas (and
with NASA headquarters, where the approval for Phase II-A was still
uncertain) over the details of what would come next: a six-to-nine-month
study at the end of which Douglas would furnish a baseline system that
would be so detailed and fully documented that a final design could be
prepared from it, if NASA so chose. By mid-December all the parties
involved reached an agreement, and on 20 December, as a nice little
Christmas present, NASA awarded Douglas a Phase II-A nine-month study
contract worth just over $1.4 million to refine its winning MORL concept.49
The baseline configuration fleshed out by the Douglas engineers between
December 1963 and August 1964 proved, not surprisingly, to be a mixture of
old and new ideas. As had been the case with Langley's former pet concept,
the Berglund/North American rotating hexagon, Douglas's baseline facility
would be carried into orbit as a unit aboard a Saturn launch vehicle. As had
been proposed for the hexagon, the first generation MORL would be powered
by solar cells, but with either a nuclear reactor or isotope Brayton cycle
system phased in at an early date. The same life-support systems for meeting
the physical needs of a small crew in a shirt-sleeve working environment
would also be part of MORL. As before, many of MORL's design features,
such as separate zero-gravity and artificial- gravity operational modes, would
in effect serve as experiments that would yield data applicable to other
manned space programs.
Because Langley's thinking changed about what was best for a space
station in the age of Apollo, Douglas's baseline system for MORL involved
key differences from all the previous space station concepts. Unlike the
earlier configurations, which had unitized structures, MORL would consist of
a series of discrete modules. The modular approach would promote greater
flexibility of function: MORL could grow with evolving space technology
and over time serve multiple purposes for a varied constituency, including
perhaps the DOD. The DOD had been carrying out its own manned space
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Space/light Revolution
MORL
& LOGISTICS SYSTEM
According to the briefing manual submitted by Douglas to NASA Langley in August
1964, MORL "provides a flexible, expandable facility developed in a manner similar
to current submarine concepts that permit redundancy of life-support equipment and
evacuation from one compartment to another. "As shown in this illustration from
the manual, MORL was to be launched by an Apollo Saturn SIB.
station R&D since the Military Test Space Station (MTSS) project of the
late 1950s and was currently involved in a study of what it called the
National Orbiting Space Station (NOSS).50
Besides benefiting the military, the MORL could serve the progress
of science, in general. This was a mission capability that had not been
298
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
L-64-841
Two Langley engineers test an experimental air lock between an arriving spacecraft
and a space station portal in January 1964-
especially emphasized in the earlier space station studies. When consider-
ing the inflatable torus and rotating hexagon, Langley researchers and their
contractors had envisioned only a limited role for general scientific exper-
imentation aboard the station, but the Douglas engineers were beginning
to see the MORL as a facility for research covering the spectrum of scien-
tific disciplines. In addition to carrying one or more astronomical telescopes
(a capability that proponents of a space station had in fact been pushing
from the start), the MORL could be designed to have a self-contained mod-
ule for biological studies involving animals, plants, and bacteria. Such re-
search had potential applications not only in basic life sciences research but
also in medicine and pharmaceuticals. For geologists, oceanographers, and
meteorologists, Douglas provided a specialized nine-lens camera system for
multiband spectral reconnaissance of earth features and weather systems. A
special radar system could be placed on board to garner the data necessary
for large-scale topographical mapping.
This was not all that the MORL could provide. The orbital station would
also be the ideal place to study subsystems for interplanetary vehicles and
their propulsion systems, technologies that could not be tested adequately
on the ground. Douglas's integrated plan even included using the MORL
in lunar orbit to provide surface observation and mapping, landing site
selection, and LEM support. With such capabilities, NASA might not need
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Space/light Revolution
L-64-4636
William N. Gardner, head of the MORL Studies Office, explains the interior design
of the space station at the 1964 NASA inspection.
the unmanned Lunar Orbiter program. If equipped with a state-of-the-art
landing stage, the MORL could land on the moon and become a long-term
base for exploration. MORL could serve as the jumping off point for a
manned mission to Mars and as a module of a planetary-mission vehicle
in which a crew would investigate the physical environment and assess the
habitability of a selected planet.51
In fact, as Douglas touted it, there was little that the MORL system
could not do, if NASA wanted it done. Thus, while trying to stay within the
political and economic framework of Apollo, the proponents of the MORL
were actually demonstrating how a versatile space station could greatly
expand U.S. capabilities in space and make new exploration possible. The
MORL would have spin-off studies in areas such as biology, medicine, and
possibly industrial manufacturing, which would ultimately benefit all sectors
of society. The lunar landing program, by itself, would make few of those
things possible. But in 1964 that was a point that neither the Langley space
station advocates nor their counterparts in industry dared to make, given
the national commitment to Apollo.
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
Keeping the "R" Alive
All in all, Langley was happy with the baseline system that Douglas
submitted to NASA in August 1964 and was interested in moving to
Phase II-B in which full-scale mock-ups of the laboratory would be tested in
preparation for a final MORL design. By 1964, however, MORL was facing
stiff competition from other space station concepts, not to mention space
projects proposed by other NASA centers.
As Phase II-A of the MORL began in early 1964, the Office of Manned
Space Flight at NASA headquarters was considering what to do next with
several other space station designs. Most of these ideas came from either
Houston or Huntsville. The most ambitious of these schemes called for
a Large Orbiting Research Laboratory (LORL), a huge structure to be
launched unmanned by a Saturn V, with a volume more than seven times
that of MORL (67,300 cubic feet compared with MORL's 9000) and a weight
more than 10 times greater (74,600 pounds versus 6800). According to the
plan, LORL would be capable of holding a 24-person crew for five years; as
such, it was the "Cadillac" of NASA's space station concepts at the time.
At the other end of the design spectrum was a "Volkswagon" version known
as "Apollo X." This space station (only 600 cubic feet in volume) was based
entirely on Apollo technology; a modified Apollo command module would
be used as a small orbital workshop. Manned from time of launch, Apollo
X would thus be a small "limited-life" laboratory serving a crew of two for
30 to 120 days. Between these two extremes were various designs for some
type of Apollo Orbital Research Laboratory (AORL), a medium-size station
(5600 cubic feet in volume) that would have an extended life of two years,
with a crew of three to six.52
Besides the NASA concepts, military space station ideas also had to be
considered. Interagency agreements had been made related to the Gemini
program requiring that all planning for manned earth-orbital missions and
supporting technology be coordinated between NASA and the DOD. As
mentioned earlier, the DOD, particularly the air force, was busy conducting
its own space station studies. By late 1963, experts in the DOD were keenly
interested in the potential military applications of MORL or of a revised
MORL design for an air force Gemini-based Manned Orbiting Laboratory
(MOL) in which NASA's research component was left out. Even before the
Phase II contract was awarded to Douglas, managers in the OART at NASA
headquarters had been referring not to MORL studies, but simply to MOL,
which Secretary of Defense McNamara and NASA Administrator Webb were
coming to see as a way of combining DOD and NASA first-generation space
station objectives.53
Surprisingly, Langley researchers seem to have accepted the shift from
MORL to MOL without complaint. In the minutes of the 28 October 1963
meeting of the Langley MORL Technology Steering Committee, secretary
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Spaceflight Revolution
L-65-7433
The MORL-Saturn IB launch combination undergoes aerodynamic testing in the
8-Foot Transonic Tunnel in October 1965.
John R. Dawson noted with emphasis that MORL was being "redesignated
MOL" and that "MOL Phase IIA was now planned so as to fit with DOD
coordination requirements." In all the committee minutes following that
meeting, Dawson always referred to "MOL Phase II" rather than to MORL
Phase II.54 So, too, would the Langley press release of 2 December 1963
refer to MOL Phase II. (In this release, NASA announced that Douglas
had won the second round of competition over Boeing for a "follow-on
study contract for refinement and evaluation of a NASA Manned Orbital
Laboratory concept.") Somehow the "R" in the space station plan was
being erased as Langley tried to justify a space station as part of the Apollo-
driven national space program.
At Langley, researchers did what they could to keep the spirit of MORL
alive. Looking beyond the industry study contracts, Langley engineers and
managers invested thousands of hours in MORL/MOL research. In 1963
and 1964, basic studies continued on a broad front.
In the area of life-support systems, Langley researchers tried to stay
particularly active. As outlined earlier in this chapter, Langley early on had
taken the lead among the NASA centers in this vital field. In 1963, Langley
researchers wanted to extend their efforts with a fully operational prototype
of a space station life-support system. In such a prototype, they could
302
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
Langley's Otto Trout suggested as early as
1963 that zero-gravity activities could be
simulated by immersing astronauts in a
large tank of water. Years later, Marshall
Space Flight Center turned Trout 's abortive
idea into a major component of NASA 's
astronaut training program.
L-66-7850
test all the integrated mechanisms for water management and sanitation,
oxygen regeneration, ridding the system of waste heat and gases, and all
other required functions. They wanted a ground test facility — a wind tunnel
of sorts but one equipped for the physiology of humans rather than for the
physics of air molecules.
Langley explored several options before it found the right facility to meet
these research needs. Engineers working with the MORL Studies Office built
a small life-support test tank but found that the device could not be used
in manned tests because of safety concerns. As William Gardner, head of
the MORL Studies Office remembers, "Essentially, the medical profession
killed it. The medical experts who came in as consultants would not endorse
anything we were doing. We couldn't get the medical people to say it would
be safe to do the tests."55 Another bold idea came from Otto Trout, an
ingenious engineer working in the Space Systems Division. Trout suggested
that the space station group simulate zero gravity by immersing test subjects
in a tank of water for long periods. Robert Osborne curtly dismissed Trout's
novel idea, a hasty decision that Osborne came to regret when engineers at
Marshall Space Flight Center took up the idea and turned it into a major
component of NASA's astronaut training program.56
Osborne and others did not want Gardner's little tank or Trout's big tank
of water but sought an enclosed, self-sustaining life-support system in which
four human subjects could live for as long as six months. A rivalry existed
303
Space/light Revolution
The $2.3 million ILSS arrives at Langley
by barge (right) from its manufacturer,
the Convair Division of General Dynam-
ics, in August 1965. Below is the home
of the huge 30-ton life-support tank in
Building 1250. Test subjects occupied
this facility for as long as 28 days at a
time.
L-65-6054
I
304
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
between Gardner's MORL group and Osborne's life-support studies group.
In this case the Osborne group won. In late June 1963, he and his colleagues
got their wish when NASA awarded a contract to the Astronautics Division
of the General Dynamics Corporation for the design and construction of an
Integrative Life Support System (ILSS). Funded by the OART's director of
Biotechnology and Human Research, this facility was to be built by General
Dynamics at its plant in San Diego and shipped to Langley at a total cost
of $2.3 million.57
Two years passed before General Dynamics finished the ILSS unit. The
unique structure stood 18 feet tall, weighed 30 tons, and was housed in a
cylindrical tank 18 feet in diameter. When the big chamber arrived by barge
at the dock of Langley AFB in August 1965, a more curious structure had
not been delivered since the 85-ton pressure shell for the laboratory's historic
Variable-Density Tunnel had arrived atop a railcar from the Newport News
Shipyard and Dry Dock Co. in February 1922.
The ILSS did not prove to be the landmark facility that the Variable-
Density Tunnel became, but it did contribute significant data. In the years
following its long-anticipated arrival, manned and unmanned tests in the
big test chamber provided a wealth of new information about how various
life-support systems would work individually and together. The longest
human occupancy experiment lasted 28 days. The ILSS test program
even included microbiological experiments on possible toxic contaminants
in space. Langley management heartily supported the ILSS program, thus
allowing it to encompass the efforts of dozens of Langley staff members in
the Space Systems and Instrument Research divisions. Associate Director
Charles Donlan even worked personally on some aspects of the project.58
By the time ILSS came on-line at Langley in August 1965, however,
NASA knew that its space station research must, out of political and
economic necessity, become more sharply defined. With costs for Gemini and
Apollo rapidly outstripping early estimates and the nation in an increasingly
expensive war in Vietnam, the space agency realized that if any manned
orbiting facility was to obtain funding and become a reality, it would have
to be a part of Apollo.
Understanding Why and Why Not
The economical Apollo Extension System became NASA's surrogate
choice for its first orbiting space station. This crushed Langley researchers'
dreams for MORL. Instead of a versatile laboratory with an extended
life of five years in which all sorts of experiments could be done, NASA
would settle, at least for the time being, for a small space station with
a limited life. This station would be launched as soon as possible after
Apollo astronauts set foot on the moon. For the Apollo Extension System,
NASA headquarters asked Langley researchers to devise potential mission
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Spaceflight Revolution
experiments, tempting them with the responsibility of acting as principal
investigators. Osborne's panel on space station experiments responded
by collecting experiments in 11 categories ranging from regenerative life-
support systems to extravehicular activities, horizon sensing, and radiation
effects.59
Two years would pass before a new president, Richard Nixon, and the
Congress extinguished what remained of Langley's hopes for a multifaceted
U.S. space program. In 1967 the Apollo Extension System became the
Apollo Applications Program. NASA headquarters called upon Langley,
Houston, and Marshall to carry out independent studies to "identify the
most desirable Agency program for the Saturn workshop," noting "the
constraints of projected funding limitation." The outcome at Langley
was one of the research center's last major contributions to space station
development: an "Intermediate Orbital Workshop System Study" issued by
the MORL Studies Office on 28 June 1968.60
The concluding remarks of this 1968 in-house report encapsulate the
years of hard work and intellectual energy Langley designers and researchers
had devoted to the idea of a U.S. civilian space station. The report described
a versatile facility that "should be and can be inherently capable of growth
into the ultimate space station which will provide broad capability manned
systems." True to the original Langley vision, it called for a two-phase
program that would begin with a manned orbiting workshop, followed by a
space station similar to MORL. The report emphasized that "definition of a
real manned experiment program and supporting requirements is mandatory
to the true understanding of spacecraft system needs and total flight system
scope."61
Not even the economical first phase came to pass as conceived. In
late 1968, a spending-weary Congress slashed the budget of the Apollo
Applications Program to one-third of the NASA request. A down-scaled
concept, the Skylab orbital workshop, would be launched in May 1973,
carrying with it an experiment package developed by Langley researchers.
By that time, however, with personnel reductions and program shifts
resulting from severe budget cuts within NASA, Langley was largely out
of the space station business. When so-called Phase B Definition Studies
for NASA's space station program began in 1969, they were managed by
the Marshall and Johnson centers.62
Bigger ideas were stealing the thunder from the Langley concept. At
Houston in 1968, engineers were working on plans for a huge "Space
Base" weighing a million pounds, with room for thousands of pounds of
experiments, and a crew of 75 to 100 people. According to the plan, the
Space Base would provide .1 G by spinning at 3.5 rpm at the 240-foot
radius of the living module and would operate "on a permanent basis to
take advantage of the economics of size, centralization, and permanency."
The base would be constructed in an orbital buildup of hardware delivered
by no less than three Saturn launches.63
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
Although everyone recognized that this large space station would have
to come after the Apollo Applications workshop, Houston's grandiose
idea nonetheless had "a significant effect on agency planning" — and one
that in the end did not help the ultimate cause of the space station
program.64 When Phase B Definition began in late 1969, with major con-
tracts awarded to McDonnell Douglas and North American Rockwell, the
notion of a large station held sway. The contractors were asked to explore
the feasibility of a smaller but still rather large station, 33 feet in diameter,
to be launched by a Saturn V and manned initially by a crew of 12. The
NASA/industry space station teams were to do this "in concert with stud-
ies of future large space bases," involving crews of 100 people or more, as
well as with manned missions to Mars. Crews for some of these space base
concepts exceeded 100 and included plans for an advanced logistics system,
which was soon to be named the "Space Shuttle."65
In 1971, when the decision was made to go forward with the development
of the manned Space Shuttle, NASA redirected its space station contractors
to consider a modular design, with the modules to be placed in orbit, not
by Saturns, but by a totally reusable shuttle. The purpose of Phase B from
that point on, into 1972, was to define the modular concepts. A large space
station with the Space Shuttle to assemble and service it was now "the
next logical step" in NASA's manned space program following the Apollo
Applications Program and Skylab.
Politics and budget pressures, however, once again meant a missed step.
The nation had neither the will nor the money for NASA's entire mission
package. As Howard McCurdy points out in his 1990 analysis The Space
Station Decision: Incremental Politics and Technological Choice, NASA
officials, having failed to win the support of the Nixon administration for
their internal long-range plan, decided to shift their strategy. "Rather than
seek a comprehensive, Apollo-style commitment, they decided to pursue the
steps in their plan one by one."66 NASA would ask first for an economical
Space Transportation System, the Shuttle, then they would ask for the space
station. The result, after Nixon accepted NASA's compromise, meant that
"the next logical step" would be skipped once again.
Lost in Space?
The majority of Langley researchers involved in the pioneering space
station studies of the early 1960s believe that the decision not to develop
and deploy the MORL was a major national mistake. As many of them
have asserted in retrospect, the Soviet's tremendously successful MIR space
station of the 1980s (the spacious follow-on to the more primitive Salyuts
first launched in 1971) "would prove to be almost exactly like what MORL
would have been."67 W. Ray Hook, a member of Langley 's MORL Studies
Office, expresses the general sentiment of Langley researchers:
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Space/light Revolution
Skipping over a space station for a second time
left William N. Gardner, head of Langley's
MORL office, with a bitter taste for his pi-
oneering work of the 1960s and a judgment
that NASA, unlike NACA, was too much the
creature of presidential projects — or the lack of
them. ^___^^^^_______
L-66-7229
Our goal was to get one man in space for one year. That was the simple objective.
Of course, it has since gotten a lot more complicated. I have often thought that if
we'd stuck with that simple-minded objective, we would have, thirty years later, one
fi8
man in space for one year, which we don't.
If the modular MORL had been ready for deployment on the heels of Skylab,
as MIR was ready to go after the Salyuts, the United States like the Soviets
would have amassed countless man-hours in space and conducted numerous
useful experiments. If the country had supported MORL, it might have been
easier to design and justify Space Station Freedom, and instead of being in
the present position of considering the purchase of a MIR from the former
Soviet Union and proceeding toward an international space station, Alpha,
the United States might today be operating its own station.
The most bitter among Langley space station enthusiasts feel that the
decisions regarding the station were not only mistakes but also symptoms of
a basic flaw in NASA's organizational character. "It finally dawned on
me," explains William Gardner, the head of the MORL Studies Office,
"that NASA wasn't intended to be a real federal agency." NASA did
not enjoy a long-term goal like the former NACA — an agency designed
"to supervise and direct the scientific study of the problems of flight with
a view to their practical solution," or even like the FAA, whose job was
to make air travel effective and safe. "NASA was just a project of the
presidential administration," and under Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and
Nixon, the project was "just to put a man on the moon." "We do spectacular
things when the Administration wants spectacular things done," Gardner
challenges, and when it does not, "we don't really have .a mandate."69
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Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
But Langley researchers, out of technological conviction or political
naivete, or both, kept working on the space station as if they had such
a mandate. The effort was not in vain. In persisting with their design and
redesign of space stations and seeking to understand how humans could live
and work in space, they contributed to the successes of Apollo, Skylab, and
the Space Shuttle, and they laid a solid foundation upon which to build
when NASA in the early 1980s created a new Space Station Task Force
and once again began examining the program options for "the next logical
step" — a step that may in its own time be skipped over for something else.
In the wake of the spaceflight revolution, it would take all the running space
station researchers could do, just to keep in the same place.
309
10
To Behold the Moon:
The Lunar Orbiter Project
But, Cliff, you said we weren't going to improvise like
this . . .
But, listen to what I say now! We 've worked out the
numbers. It's worth the risk.
— Conversation between Boeing engineer
project manager Robert J. Helberg
and Clifford H. Nelson, head of
Langley's Lunar Orbiter Project Office,
concerning a change in the mission
plan for Lunar Orbiter I.
The bold plan for an Apollo mission based on LOR held the promise
of landing on the moon by 1969, but it presented many daunting technical
difficulties. Before NASA could dare attempt any type of lunar landing,
it had to learn a great deal more about the destination. Although no one
believed that the moon was made of green cheese, some lunar theories of
the early 1960s seemed equally fantastic. One theory suggested that the
moon was covered by a layer of dust perhaps 50 feet thick. If this were true,
no spacecraft would be able to safely land on or take off from the lunar
surface. Another theory claimed that the moon's dust was not nearly so
thick but that it possessed an electrostatic charge that would cause it to
stick to the windows of the lunar landing vehicle, thus making it impossible
for the astronauts to see out as they landed. Cornell University astronomer
Thomas Gold warned that the moon might even be composed of a spongy
material that would crumble upon impact.1
At Langley, Dr. Leonard Roberts, a British mathematician in Clint
Brown's Theoretical Mechanics Division, pondered the riddle of the lunar
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Spaceflight Revolution
surface and drew an equally pessimistic conclusion. Roberts speculated
that because the moon was millions of years old and had been constantly
bombarded without the protection of an atmosphere, its surface was most
likely so soft that any vehicle attempting to land on it would sink and be
buried as if it had landed in quicksand. After the president's commitment
to a manned lunar landing in 1961, Roberts began an extensive three-year
research program to show just what would happen if an exhaust rocket
blasted into a surface of very thick powdered sand. His analysis indicated
that an incoming rocket would throw up a mountain of sand, thus creating
a big rim all the way around the outside of the landed spacecraft. Once
the spacecraft settled, this huge bordering volume of sand would collapse,
completely engulf the spacecraft, and kill its occupants.2
Telescopes revealed little about the nature of the lunar surface. Not even
the latest, most powerful optical instruments could see through the earth's
atmosphere well enough to resolve the moon's detailed surface features.
Even an object the size of a football stadium would not show up on a
telescopic photograph, and enlarging the photograph would only increase
the blur. To separate fact from fiction and obtain the necessary information
about the craters, crevices, and jagged rocks on the lunar surface, NASA
would have to send out automated probes to take a closer look.
The first of these probes took off for the moon in January 1962 as part
of a NASA project known as Ranger. A small 800-pound spacecraft was
to make a "hard landing," crashing to its destruction on the moon. Before
Ranger crashed, however, its on-board multiple television camera payload
was to send back close views of the surface — views far more detailed than
any captured by a telescope. Sadly, the first six Ranger probes were not
successful. Malfunctions of the booster or failures of the launch-vehicle
guidance system plagued the first three attempts; malfunctions of the
spacecraft itself hampered the fourth and fifth probes; and the primary
experiment could not take place during the sixth Ranger attempt because
the television equipment would not transmit. Although these incomplete
missions did provide some extremely valuable high- resolution photographs,
as well as some significant data on the performance of Ranger's systems,
in total the highly publicized record of failures embarrassed NASA and
demoralized the Ranger project managers at JPL. Fortunately, the last
three Ranger flights in 1964 and 1965 were successful. These flights showed
that a lunar landing was possible, but the site would have to be carefully
chosen to avoid craters and big boulders.3
JPL managed a follow-on project to Ranger known as Surveyor. Despite
failures and serious schedule delays, between May 1966 and January 1968,
six Surveyor spacecraft made successful soft landings at predetermined
points on the lunar surface. From the touchdown dynamics, surface-
bearing strength measurements, and eye-level television scanning of the
local surface conditions, NASA learned that the moon could easily support
the impact and the weight of a small lander. Originally, NASA also
312
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
planned for (and Congress had authorized) a second type of Surveyor
spacecraft, which instead of making a soft landing on the moon, was to
be equipped for high-resolution stereoscopic film photography of the moon's
surface from lunar orbit and for instrumented measurements of the lunar
environment. However, this second Surveyor or "Surveyor Orbiter" did not
materialize. The staff and facilities of JPL were already overburdened with
the responsibilities for Ranger and "Surveyor Lander"; they simply could
not take on another major spaceflight project.4
In 1963, NASA scrapped its plans for a Surveyor Orbiter and turned
its attention to a lunar orbiter project that would not use the Surveyor
spacecraft system or the Surveyor launch vehicle, Centaur. Lunar Orbiter
would have a new spacecraft and use the Atlas- Agena D to launch it into
space. Unlike the preceding unmanned lunar probes, which were originally
designed for general scientific study, Lunar Orbiter was conceived after a
manned lunar landing became a national commitment. The project goal
from the start was to support the Apollo mission. Specifically, Lunar Orbiter
was designed to provide information on the lunar surface conditions most
relevant to a spacecraft landing. This meant, among other things, that
its camera had to be sensitive enough to capture subtle slopes and minor
protuberances and depressions over a broad area of the moon's front side.
As an early working group on the requirements of the lunar photographic
mission had determined, Lunar Orbiter had to allow the identification of 45-
meter objects over the entire facing surface of the moon, 4.5-meter objects
in the "Apollo zone of interest," and 1.2-meter objects in all the proposed
landing areas.5
Five Lunar Orbiter missions took place. The first launch occurred in
August 1966 within two months of the initial target date. The next four
Lunar Orbiters were launched on schedule; the final mission was completed
in August 1967, barely a year after the first launch. NASA had planned five
flights because mission reliability studies had indicated that five might be
necessary to achieve even one success. However, all five Lunar Orbiters were
successful, and the prime objective of the project, which was to photograph
in detail all the proposed landing sites, was met in three missions. This
meant that the last two flights could be devoted to photographic exploration
of the rest of the lunar surface for more general scientific purposes. The final
cost of the program was not slight: it totaled $163 million, which was more
than twice the original estimate of $77 million. That increase, however,
compares favorably with the escalation in the price of similar projects, such
as Surveyor, which had an estimated cost of $125 million and a final cost of
$469 million.
In retrospect, Lunar Orbiter must be, and rightfully has been, regarded
as an unqualified success. For the people and institutions responsible,
the project proved to be an overwhelmingly positive learning experience
on which greater capabilities and ambitions were built. For both the
prime contractor, the Boeing Company, a world leader in the building of
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The most successful of the pre-Apollo probes, Lunar Orbiter mapped the equatorial
regions of the moon and gave NASA the data it needed to pinpoint ideal landing
spots.
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
airplanes, and the project manager, Langley Research Center, a premier
aeronautics laboratory, involvement in Lunar Orbiter was a turning point.
The successful execution of a risky enterprise became proof positive that
they were more than capable of moving into the new world of deep space.
For many observers as well as for the people who worked on the project,
Lunar Orbiter quickly became a model of how to handle a program of space
exploration. Its successful progress demonstrated how a clear and discrete
objective, strong leadership, and positive person-to-person communication
skills can keep a project on track from start to finish.6
Many people inside the American space science community believed that
neither Boeing nor Langley was capable of managing a project like Lunar
Orbiter or of supporting the integration of first-rate scientific experiments
and space missions. After NASA headquarters announced in the summer
of 1963 that Langley would manage Lunar Orbiter, more than one space
scientist was upset. Dr. Harold C. Urey, a prominent scientist from the
University of California at San Diego, wrote a letter to Administrator James
Webb asking him, "How in the world could the Langley Research Center,
which is nothing more than a bunch of plumbers, manage this scientific
program to the moon?"7
Urey's questioning of Langley's competency was part of an unfolding
debate over the proper place of general scientific objectives within NASA's
spaceflight programs. The U.S. astrophysics community and Dr. Homer E.
Newell 's Office of Space Sciences at NASA headquarters wanted "quality
science" experiments incorporated into every space mission, but this caused
problems. Once the commitment had been made to a lunar landing mission,
NASA had to decide which was more important: gathering broad scientific
information or obtaining data required for accomplishing the lunar landing
mission. Ideally, both goals could be incorporated in a project without one
compromising the other, but when that seemed impossible, one of the two
had to be given priority. The requirements of the manned mission usually
won out. For Ranger and Surveyor, projects involving dozens of outside
scientists and the large and sophisticated Space Science Division at JPL,
that meant that some of the experiments would turn out to be less extensive
than the space scientists wanted.8 For Lunar Orbiter, a project involving
only a few astrogeologists at the U.S. Geological Survey and a very few space
scientists at Langley, it meant, ironically, that the primary goal of serving
Apollo would be achieved so quickly that general scientific objectives could
be included in its last two missions.
The "Moonball" Experiment
Langley management had entered the fray between science and project
engineering during the planning for Project Ranger. At the first Senior
Council meeting of the Office of Space Sciences (soon to be renamed
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the Office of Space Sciences and Applications [OSS A]) held at NASA
headquarters on 7 June 1962, Langley Associate Director Charles Donlan
had questioned the priority of a scientific agenda for the agency's proposed
unmanned lunar probes because a national commitment had since been
made to a manned lunar landing. The initial requirements for the probes
had been set long before Kennedy's announcement, and therefore, Donlan
felt NASA needed to rethink them. Based on his experience at Langley and
with Gilruth's STG, Donlan knew that the space science people could be
"rather unbending" about adjusting experiments to obtain "scientific data
which would assist the manned program." What needed to be done now,
he felt, was to turn the attention of the scientists to exploration that would
have more direct applications to the Apollo lunar landing program.9
Donlan was distressed specifically by the Office of Space Sciences' recent
rejection of a lunar surface experiment proposed by a penetrometer feasi-
bility study group at Langley. This small group, consisting of half a dozen
people from the Dynamic Loads and Instrument Research divisions, had
devised a spherical projectile, dubbed "Moonball," that was equipped with
accelerometers capable of transmitting acceleration versus time signatures
during impact with the lunar surface. With these data, researchers could
determine the hardness, texture, and load-bearing strength of possible lunar
landing sites. The group recommended that Moonball be flown as part of
the follow-on to Ranger.10
A successful landing of an intact payload required that the landing loads
not exceed the structural capabilities of the vehicle and that the vehicle
make its landing in some tenable position so it could take off again. Both of
these requirements demanded a knowledge of basic physical properties of the
surface material, particularly data demonstrating its hardness or resistance
to penetration. In the early 1960s, these properties were still unknown, and
the Langley penetrometer feasibility study group wanted to identify them.
Without the information, any design of Apollo's lunar lander would have to
be based on assumed surface characteristics.11
In the opinion of the Langley penetrometer group, its lunar surface
hardness experiment would be of "general scientific interest," but it would,
more importantly, provide "timely engineering information important to
the design of the Apollo manned lunar landing vehicle."12 Experts at JPL,
however, questioned whether surface hardness was an important criterion
for any experiment and argued that "the determination of the terrain was
more important, particularly for a horizontal landing."13 In the end, the
Office of Space Sciences rejected the Langley idea in favor of making further
seismometer experiments, which might tell scientists something basic about
the origins of the moon and its astrogeological history.*
Later in Apollo planning, engineers at the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston thought that
deployment of a penetrometer from the LEM during its final approach to landing would prove useful. The
penetrometer would "sound" the anticipated target and thereby determine whether surface conditions
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-67-8553
Associate Director Charles J. Donlan understood that the requirements of the
manned lunar landing took priority over pure science experiments.
For engineer Donlan, representing a research organization like Langley
dominated by engineers and by their quest for practical solutions to applied
problems, this rejection seemed a mistake. The issue came down to what
NASA needed to know now. That might have been science before Kennedy's
commitment, but it definitely was not science after it. In Donlan's view,
Langley's rejected approach to lunar impact studies had been the correct
one. The consensus at the first Senior Council meeting, however, was that
"pure science experiments will be able to provide the engineering answers
for Project Apollo." 14
Over the next few years, the engineering requirements for Apollo would
win out almost totally. As historian R. Cargill Hall explains in his story
of Project Ranger, a "melding" of interests occurred between the Office
were conducive to landing. Should surface conditions prove unsatisfactory, the LEM could be flown to
another spot or the landing could be aborted. In the end, NASA deemed the experiment unnecessary.
What the Surveyor missions found out about the nature of the lunar soil (that it resembled basalt and
had the consistency of damp sand) made NASA so confident about the hardness of the surface that it
decided this penetrometer experiment could be deleted. For more information, see Ivan D. Ertel and
Roland W. Newkirk, The Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, vol. 4, NASA SP-4009 (Washington, 1978),
p. 24.
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L-67-4028
Langley gathered information specifically for the accomplishment of Apollo. Top, a
Langley engineer monitors the structural dynamics of a simulated lunar landing in
early 1963. Bottom, Lunar Orbiter III maps a potential Apollo landing site. The
large crater is Kepler, which is 30 miles across.
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
of Space Sciences and the Office of Manned Space Flight followed by a
virtually complete subordination of the scientific priorities originally built
into the unmanned projects. Those priorities, as important as they were,
"quite simply did not rate" with Apollo in importance.15
Initiating Lunar Orbiter
The sensitive camera eyes of the Lunar Orbiter spacecraft carried out a
vital reconnaissance mission in support of the Apollo program. Although
NASA designed the project to provide scientists with quantitative infor-
mation about the moon's gravitational field and the dangers of micro-
meteorites and solar radiation in the vicinity of the lunar environment, the
primary objective of Lunar Orbiter was to fly over and photograph the best
landing sites for the Apollo spacecraft. NASA suspected that it might have
enough information about the lunar terrain to land astronauts safely with-
out the detailed photographic mosaics of the lunar surface compiled from
the orbiter flights, but certainly landing sites could be pinpointed more ac-
curately with the help of high-resolution photographic maps. Lunar Orbiter
would even help to train the astronauts for visual recognition of the lunar
topography and for last-second maneuvering above it before touchdown.
Langley had never managed a deep-space flight project before, and
Director Floyd Thompson was not sure that he wanted to take on the burden
of responsibility when Oran Nicks, the young director of lunar and planetary
programs in Homer Newell's Office of Space Sciences, came to him with the
idea early in 1963. Along with Newell's deputy, Edgar M. Cortright, Nicks
was the driving force behind the orbiter mission at NASA headquarters.
Cortright, however, first favored giving the project to JPL and using
Surveyor Orbiter and the Hughes Aircraft Company, which was the prime
contractor for Surveyor Lander. Nicks disagreed with this plan and worked
to persuade Cortright and others that he was right. In Nicks' judgment, JPL
had more than it could handle with Ranger and Surveyor Lander and should
not have anything else "put on its plate," certainly not anything as large
as the Lunar Orbiter project. NASA Langley, on the other hand, besides
having a reputation for being able to handle a variety of aerospace tasks, had
just lost the STG to Houston and so, Nicks thought, would be eager to take
on the new challenge of a lunar orbiter project. Nicks worked to persuade
Cortright that distributing responsibilities and operational programs among
the NASA field centers would be "a prudent management decision." NASA
needed balance among its research centers. To ensure NASA's future in
space, headquarters must assign to all its centers challenging endeavors that
would stimulate the development of "new and varied capabilities."16
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Cortright was persuaded and gave Nicks permission to approach Floyd
Thompson.* This Nicks did on 2 January 1963, during a Senior Council
meeting of the Office of Space Sciences at Cape Canaveral. Nicks asked
Thompson whether Langley "would be willing to study the feasibility of
undertaking a lunar photography experiment," and Thompson answered
cautiously that he would ask his staff to consider the idea.17
The historical record does not tell us much about Thompson's personal
thoughts regarding taking on Lunar Orbiter. But one can infer from the
evidence that Thompson had mixed feelings, not unlike those he experienced
about supporting the STG. The Langley director would not only give Nicks
a less than straightforward answer to his question but also would think
about the offer long and hard before committing the center. Thompson
invited several trusted staff members to share their feelings about assuming
responsibility for the project. For instance, he went to Clint Brown, by
then one of his three assistant directors for research, and asked him what
he thought Langley should do. Brown told him emphatically that he did
not think Langley should take on Lunar Orbiter. An automated deep-space
project would be difficult to manage successfully. The Lunar Orbiter would
be completely different from the Ranger and Surveyor spacecraft and being
a new design, would no doubt encounter many unforeseen problems. Even
if it were done to everyone's satisfaction — and the proposed schedule for the
first launches sounded extremely tight — Langley would probably handicap
its functional research divisions to give the project all the support that it
would need. Projects devoured resources. Langley staff had learned this
firsthand from its experience with the STG. Most of the work for Lunar
Orbiter would rest in the management of contracts at industrial plants and
in the direction of launch and mission control operations at Cape Canaveral
and Pasadena. Brown, for one, did not want to be involved.18
But Thompson decided, in what Brown now calls his director's "greater
wisdom," that the center should accept the job of managing the project.
Some researchers in Brown's own division had been proposing a Langley-
directed photographic mission to the moon for some time, and Thompson,
too, was excited by the prospect.19 Furthermore, the revamped Lunar
Orbiter was not going to be a space mission seeking general scientific
knowledge about the moon. It was going to be a mission directly in
support of Apollo, and this meant that engineering requirements would be
primary. Langley staff preferred that practical orientation; their past work
often resembled projects on a smaller scale. Whether the "greater wisdom"
stemmed from Thompson's own powers of judgment is still not certain.
Some informed Langley veterans, notably Brown, feel that Thompson must
Edgar Cortright and Oran Nicks would come to have more than a passing familiarity with the
capabilities of Langley Research Center. In 1968, NASA would name Cortright to succeed Thompson
as the center's director. Shortly thereafter, Cortright named Nicks as his deputy director. Both men
then stayed at the center into the mid-1970s.
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
have also received some strongly stated directive from NASA headquarters
that said Langley had no choice but to take on the project.
Whatever was the case in the beginning, Langley management soon
welcomed Lunar Orbiter. It was a chance to prove that they could manage
a major undertaking. Floyd Thompson personally oversaw many aspects
of the project and for more than four years did whatever he could to make
sure that Langley's functional divisions supported it fully. Through most of
this period, he would meet every Wednesday morning with the top people in
the project office to hear about the progress of their work and offer his own
ideas. As one staff member recalls, "I enjoyed these meetings thoroughly.
[Thompson was] the most outstanding guy I've ever met, a tremendously
smart man who knew what to do and when to do it."20
Throughout the early months of 1963, Langley worked with its counter-
parts at NASA headquarters to establish a solid and cooperative working
relationship for Lunar Orbiter. The center began to draw up preliminary
specifications for a lightweight orbiter spacecraft and for the vehicle that
would launch it (already thought to be the Atlas- Agena D). While Langley
personnel were busy with that, TRW's Space Technologies Laboratories
(STL) of Redondo Beach, California, was conducting a parallel study of
a lunar orbiter photographic spacecraft under contract to NASA head-
quarters. Representatives from STL reported on this work at meetings at
Langley on 25 February and 5 March 1963. Langley researchers reviewed the
contractor's assessment and found that STL's estimates of the chances for
mission success closely matched their own. If five missions were attempted,
the probability of achieving one success was 93 percent. The probability of
achieving tv/o was 81 percent. Both studies confirmed that a lunar orbiter
system using existing hardware would be able to photograph a landed Sur-
veyor and would thus be able to verify the conditions of that possible Apollo
landing site. The independent findings concluded that the Lunar Orbiter
project could be done successfully and should be done quickly because its
contribution to the Apollo program would be great.21
Project Management
With the exception of its involvement in the X-series research airplane
programs at Muroc, Langley had not managed a major project during the
period of the NACA. As a NASA center, Langley would have to learn
to manage projects that involved contractors, subcontractors, other NASA
facilities, and headquarters — a tall order for an organization used to doing all
its work in-house with little outside interference. Only three major projects
were assigned to Langley in the early 1960s: Scout, in 1960; Fire, in 1961;
and Lunar Orbiter, in 1963. Project Mercury and Little Joe, although
heavily supported by Langley, had been managed by the independent STG,
and Project Echo, although managed by Langley for a while, eventually was
given to Goddard to oversee.
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To prepare for Lunar Orbiter in early 1963, Langley management re-
viewed what the center had done to initiate the already operating Scout and
Fire projects. It also tried to learn from JPL about inaugurating paperwork
for, and subsequent management of, Projects Ranger and Surveyor. After
these reviews, Langley felt ready to prepare the formal documents required
by NASA for the start-up of the project.22
As Langley prepared for Lunar Orbiter, NASA's policies and procedures
for project management were changing. In October 1962, spurred on by its
new top man, James Webb, the agency had begun to implement a series
of structural changes in its overall organization. These were designed to
improve relations between headquarters and the field centers, an area of
fundamental concern. Instead of managing the field centers through the
Office of Programs, as had been the case, NASA was moving them under
the command of the headquarters program directors. For Langley, this
meant direct lines of communication with the OART and the OSSA. By
the end of 1963, a new organizational framework was in place that allowed
for more effective management of NASA projects.
In early March 1963, as part of Webb's reform, NASA headquarters is-
sued an updated version of General Management Instruction 4-1-1. This
revised document established formal guidelines for the planning and man-
agement of a project. Every project was supposed to pass through four
preliminary stages: (1) Project Initiation, (2) Project Approval, (3) Project
Implementation, and (4) Organization for Project Management.23 Each step
required the submission of a formal document for headquarters' approval.
From the beginning, everyone involved with Lunar Orbiter realized that
it had to be a fast-track project. In order to help Apollo, everything about
it had to be initiated quickly and without too much concern about the letter
of the law in the written procedures. Consequently, although no step was
to be taken without first securing approval for the preceding step, Langley
initiated the paperwork for all four project stages at the same time. This
same no-time-to-lose attitude ruled the schedule for project development.
All aspects had to be developed concurrently. Launch facilities had to
be planned at the same time that the design of the spacecraft started.
The photographic, micrometeoroid, and selenodetic experiments had to be
prepared even before the mission operations plan was complete. Everything
proceeded in parallel: the development of the spacecraft, the mission
design, the operational plan and preparation of ground equipment, the crea-
tion of computer programs, as well as a testing plan. About this parallel
development, Donald H. Ward, a key member of Langley's Lunar Orbiter
project team, remarked, "Sometimes this causes undoing some mistakes,
but it gets to the end product a lot faster than a serial operation where
you design the spacecraft and then the facilities to support it."24 Using the
all-at-once approach, Langley put Lunar Orbiter in orbit around the moon
only 27 months after signing with the contractor.
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
Israel Taback (left) and Clifford H.
Nelson (right), head of LOPO,
ponder the intricacies of the space-
craft design.
L-64-7909
On 11 September 1963, Director Floyd Thompson formally established
the Lunar Orbiter Project Office (LOPO) at Langley, a lean organization
of just a few people who had been at work on Lunar Orbiter since May.
Thompson named Clifford H. Nelson as the project manager. An NACA
veteran and head of the Measurements Research Branch of IRD, Nelson was
an extremely bright engineer. He had served as project engineer on several
flight research programs, and Thompson believed that he showed great
promise as a technical manager. He worked well with others, and Thompson
knew that skill in interpersonal relations would be essential in managing
Lunar Orbiter because so much of the work would entail interacting with
contractors.
To help Nelson, Thompson originally reassigned eight people to LOPO:
engineers Israel Taback, Robert Girouard, William I. Watson, Gerald
Brewer, John B. Graham, Edmund A. Brummer, financial accountant
Robert Fairburn, and secretary Anna Plott. This group was far smaller
than the staff of 100 originally estimated for this office. The most important
technical minds brought in to participate came from either IRD or from the
Applied Materials and Physics Division, which was the old PARD. Taback
was the experienced and sage head of the Navigation and Guidance Branch
of IRD; Brummer, an expert in telemetry, also came from IRD; and two
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new Langley men, Graham and Watson, were brought in to look over the
integration of mission operations and spacecraft assembly for the project. A
little later IRD's talented Bill Boyer also joined the group as flight operations
manager, as did the outstanding mission analyst Norman L. Crabill, who
had just finished working on Project Echo. All four of the NACA veterans
were serving as branch heads at the time of their assignment to LOPO. This
is significant given that individuals at that level of authority and experience
are often too entrenched and concerned about further career development
to take a temporary assignment on a high-risk project. The LOPO staff set
up an office in a room in the large 16- Foot Transonic Tunnel building in the
Langley West Area.
When writing the Request for Proposals, Nelson, Taback, and the others
involved could only afford the time necessary to prepare a brief document,
merely a few pages long, that sketched out some of the detailed requirements.
As Israel Taback remembers, even before the project office was established,
he and a few fellow members of what would become LOPO had already
talked extensively with the potential contractors. Taback explains, "Our
idea was that they would be coming back to us [with details]. So it wasn't
like we were going out cold, with a brand new program."25
Langley did need to provide one critical detail in the request: the
means for stabilizing the spacecraft in lunar orbit. Taback recalls that an
"enormous difference" arose between Langley and NASA headquarters over
this issue. The argument was about whether the Request for Proposals
should require that the contractors produce a rotating satellite known as
a "spinner." The staff of the OSSA preferred a spinner based on STL's
previous study of Lunar Orbiter requirements. However, Langley's Lunar
Orbiter staff doubted the wisdom of specifying the means of stabilization
in the Request for Proposals. They wished to keep the door open to other,
perhaps better, ways of stabilizing the vehicle for photography.
The goal of the project, after all, was to take the best possible high-
resolution pictures of the moon's surface. To do that, NASA needed to
create the best possible orbital platform for the spacecraft's sophisticated
camera equipment, whatever that turned out to be. From their preliminary
analysis and conversations about mission requirements, Taback, Nelson, and
others in LOPO felt that taking these pictures from a three-axis (yaw, pitch,
and roll), attitude-stabilized device would be easier than taking them from
a spinner. A spinner would cause distortions of the image because of the
rotation of the vehicle. Langley's John F. Newcomb of the Aero-Space
Mechanics Division (and eventual member of LOPO) had calculated that
this distortion would destroy the resolution and thus seriously compromise
the overall quality of the pictures. This was a compromise that the people
at Langley quickly decided they could not live with. Thus, for sound
technical reasons, Langley insisted that the design of the orbiter be kept
an open matter and not be specified in the Request for Proposals. Even
if Langley's engineers were wrong and a properly designed spinner would
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
be most effective, the sensible approach was to entertain all the ideas the
aerospace industry could come up with before choosing a design.26
For several weeks in the summer of 1963, headquarters tried to resist the
Langley position. Preliminary studies by both STL for the OSSA and by
Bell Communications (BellComm) for the Office of Manned Space Flight
indicated that a rotating spacecraft using a spin-scan film camera similar to
the one developed by the Rand Corporation in 1958 for an air force satellite
reconnaissance system ("spy in the sky") would work well for Lunar Orbiter.
Such a spinner would be less complicated and less costly than the three-axis-
stabilized spacecraft preferred by Langley.27
But Langley staff would not cave in on an issue so fundamental to the
project's success. Eventually Newell, Cortright, Nicks, and Scherer in the
OSSA offered a compromise that Langley could accept: the Request for
Proposals could state that "if bidders could offer approaches which differed
from the established specifications but which would result in substantial
gains in the probability of mission success, reliability, schedule, and econ-
omy," then NASA most certainly invited them to submit those alternatives.
The request would also emphasize that NASA wanted a lunar orbiter that
was built from as much off-the-shelf hardware as possible. The development
of many new technological systems would require time that Langley did not
have.28
Langley and headquarters had other differences of opinion about the
request. For example, a serious problem arose over the nature of the con-
tract. Langley's chief procurement officer, Sherwood Butler, took the con-
servative position that a traditional cost-plus-a-fixed-fee contract would be
best in a project in which several unknown development problems were
bound to arise. With this kind of contract, NASA would pay the contractor
for all actual costs plus a sum of money fixed by the contract negotiations
as a reasonable profit.
NASA headquarters, on the other hand, felt that some attractive financial
incentives should be built into the contract. Although unusual up to this
point in NASA history, headquarters believed that an incentives contract
would be best for Lunar Orbiter. Such a contract would assure that
the contractor would do everything possible to solve all the problems
encountered and make sure that the project worked. The incentives could be
written up in such a way that if, for instance, the contractor lost money on
any one Lunar Orbiter mission, the loss could be recouped with a handsome
profit on the other missions. The efficacy of a cost-plus-incentives contract
rested in the solid premise that nothing motivated a contractor more than
making money. NASA headquarters apparently understood this better than
Langley's procurement officer who wanted to keep tight fiscal control over
the project and did not want to do the hairsplitting that often came with
evaluating whether the incentive clauses had been met.29
On the matter of incentives, Langley's LOPO engineers sided against
their own man and with NASA headquarters. They, too, thought that
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incentives were the best way to do business with a contractor — as well
as the best way to illustrate the urgency that NASA attached to Lunar
Orbiter.30 The only thing that bothered them was the vagueness of the
incentives being discussed. When Director Floyd Thompson understood
that his engineers really wanted to take the side of headquarters on this
issue, he quickly concurred. He insisted only on three things: the incentives
had to be based on clear stipulations tied to cost, delivery, and performance,
with penalties for deadline overruns; the contract had to be fully negotiated
and signed before Langley started working with any contractor (in other
words, work could not start under a letter of intent); and all bidding had
to be competitive. Thompson worried that the OSSA might be biased in
favor of STL as the prime contractor because of STL's prior study of the
Q 1
requirements of lunar orbiter systems. L
In mid- August 1963, with these problems worked out with headquarters,
Langley finalized the Request for Proposals and associated Statement of
Work, which outlined specifications, and delivered both to Captain Lee
R. Scherer, Lunar Orbiter's program manager at NASA headquarters, for
presentation to Ed Cortright and his deputy Oran Nicks. The documents
stated explicitly that the main mission of Lunar Orbiter was "the acquisition
of photographic data of high and medium resolution for selection of suitable
Apollo and Surveyor landing sites." The request set out detailed criteria
for such things as identifying "cones" (planar features at right angles to
a flat surface), "slopes" (circular areas inclined with respect to the plane
perpendicular to local gravity), and other subtle aspects of the lunar surface.
Obtaining information about the size and shape of the moon and about
the lunar gravitational field was deemed less important. By omitting a
detailed description of the secondary objectives in the request, Langley made
clear that "under no circumstances" could anything "be allowed to dilute
the major photo-reconnaissance mission."32 The urgency of the national
commitment to a manned lunar landing mission was the force driving Lunar
Orbiter. Langley wanted no confusion on that point.
The Source Evaluation Board
Cliff Nelson and LOPO moved quickly in September 1963 to create a
Source Evaluation Board that would possess the technical expertise and
good judgment to help NASA choose wisely from among the industrial
firms bidding for Lunar Orbiter. A large board of reviewers (comprising
more than 80 evaluators and consultants from NASA centers and other
aerospace organizations) was divided into groups to evaluate the technical
feasibility, cost, contract management concepts, business operations, and
other critical aspects of the proposals. One group, the so-called Scientists'
Panel, judged the suitability of the proposed spacecraft for providing
valuable information to the scientific community after the photographic
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
mission had been completed. Langley's two representatives on the Scientists'
Panel were Clint Brown and Dr. Samuel Katzoff, an extremely insightful
engineering analyst, 27-year Langley veteran, and assistant chief of the
Applied Materials and Physics Division.
Although the opinions of all the knowledgeable outsiders were taken
seriously, Langley intended to make the decision.33 Chairing the Source
Evaluation Board was Eugene Draley, one of Floyd Thompson's assistant
directors. When the board finished interviewing all the bidders, hearing
their oral presentations, and tallying the results of its scoring of the
proposals (a possible 70 points for technical merit and 30 points for business
management), it was to present a formal recommendation to Thompson. He
in turn would pass on the findings with comments to Homer Newell's office
in Washington.
Five major aerospace firms submitted proposals for the Lunar Orbiter
contract. Three were California firms: STL in Redondo Beach, Lockheed
Missiles and Space Company of Sunnyvale, and Hughes Aircraft Company of
Los Angeles. The Martin Company of Baltimore and the Boeing Company
of Seattle were the other two bidders.34
Three of the five proposals were excellent. Hughes had been developing
an ingenious spin-stabilization system for geosynchronous communication
satellites, which helped the company to submit an impressive proposal for a
rotating vehicle. With Hughes's record in spacecraft design and fabrication,
the Source Evaluation Board gave Hughes serious consideration. STL also
submitted a fine proposal for a spin-stabilized rotator. This came as no
surprise, of course, given STL's prior work for Surveyor as well as its prior
contractor studies on lunar orbiter systems for NASA headquarters.
The third outstanding proposal — entitled "ACLOPS" (Agena-Class
Lunar Orbiter Project) — was Boeing's. The well-known airplane manu-
facturer had not been among the companies originally invited to bid on
Lunar Orbiter and was not recognized as the most logical of contenders.
However, Boeing recently had successfully completed the Bomarc missile
program and was anxious to become involved with the civilian space pro-
gram, especially now that the DOD was canceling Dyna-Soar, an air force
project for the development of an experimental X-20 aerospace plane. This
cancellation released several highly qualified U.S. Air Force personnel, who
were still working at Boeing, to support a new Boeing undertaking in space.
Company representatives had visited Langley to discuss Lunar Orbiter, and
Langley engineers had been so excited by what they had heard that they
had pestered Thompson to persuade Seamans to extend an invitation to
Boeing to join the bidding. The proposals from Martin, a newcomer in the
business of automated space probes, and Lockheed, a company with years
of experience handling the Agena space vehicle for the air force, were also
quite satisfactory. In the opinion of the Source Evaluation Board, however,
the proposals from Martin and Lockheed were not as strong as those from
Boeing and Hughes.
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Space/light Revolution
The LOPO staff and the Langley representatives decided early in the
evaluation that they wanted Boeing to be selected as the contractor; on
behalf of the technical review team, Israel Taback had made this preference
known both in private conversations with, and formal presentations to,
the Source Evaluation Board. Boeing was Langley's choice because it pro-
posed a three-axis-stabilized spacecraft rather than a spinner. For attitude
reference in orbit, the spacecraft would use an optical sensor similar to the
one that was being planned for use on the Mariner C spacecraft, which fixed
on the star Canopus.
An attitude-stabilized orbiter eliminated the need for a focal-length spin
camera. This type of photographic system, first conceived by Merton E.
Davies of the Rand Corporation in 1958, could compensate for the dis-
tortions caused by a rotating spacecraft but would require extensive
development. In the Boeing proposal, Lunar Orbiter would carry a
photo subsystem designed by Eastman Kodak and used on DOD spy
satellites.35 This subsystem worked automatically and with the precision of
a Swiss watch. It employed two lenses that took pictures simultaneously on
a roll of 70-millimeter aerial film. If one lens failed, the other still worked.
One lens had a focal length of 610 millimeters (24 inches) and could take
pictures from an altitude of 46 kilometers (28.5 miles) with a high resolution
for limited-area coverage of approximately 1 meter. The other, which had
a focal length of about 80 millimeters (3 inches), could take pictures with
a medium resolution of approximately 8 meters for wide coverage of the
lunar surface. The film would be developed on board the spacecraft using
the proven Eastman Kodak "Bimat" method. The film would be in contact
with a web containing a single-solution dry processing chemical, which elim-
inated the need to use wet chemicals. Developed automatically and wound
onto a storage spool, the processed film could then be "read out" and trans-
mitted by the spacecraft's communications subsystem to receiving stations
of JPL's worldwide Deep Space Network, which was developed for commu-
nication with spacefaring vehicles destined for the moon and beyond.36
How Boeing had the good sense to propose an attitude-stabilized plat-
form based on the Eastman Kodak camera, rather than to propose a rotator
with a yet-to-be developed camera is not totally clear. Langley engineers had
conversed with representatives of all the interested bidders, so Boeing's peo-
ple might possibly have picked up on Langley's concerns about the quality of
photographs from spinners. The other bidders, especially STL and Hughes,
with their expertise in spin-stabilized spacecraft, might also have picked up
on those concerns but were too confident in the type of rotationally stabilized
system they had been working on to change course in midstream.
Furthermore, Boeing had been working closely with RCA, which for
a time was also thinking about submitting a proposal for Lunar Orbiter.
RCA's idea was a lightweight (200-kilogram), three-axis, attitude-stabilized,
and camera-bearing pay load that could be injected into lunar orbit as part of
a Ranger-type probe. A lunar orbiter study group, chaired by Lee Scherer
328
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-67-5655
Lunar Orbiter was essentially a flying camera. The payload structure was built
around a pressurized shell holding Eastman Kodak's dual-imaging photographic
system, which used a camera with wide-angle and telephoto lenses that could
simultaneously take two kinds of pictures on the same film.
at NASA headquarters, had evaluated RCA's approach in October 1962,
however, and found it lacking. It was too expensive ($20.4 million for flying
only three spacecraft), and its proposed vidicon television unit could not
cover the lunar surface either in the detail or the wide panoramas NASA
wanted.37
Boeing knew all about this rejected RCA approach. After talking to
Langley's engineers, the company shrewdly decided to stay with an attitude-
stabilized orbiter but to dump the use of the inadequate vidicon television.
Boeing replaced the television system with an instrument with a proven
track record in planetary reconnaissance photography: the Eastman Kodak
spy camera.38
On 20 December 1963, two weeks after the Source Evaluation Board made
its formal recommendation to Administrator James Webb in Washington,
NASA announced that it would be negotiating with Boeing as prime con-
tractor for the Lunar Orbiter project. Along with the excellence of its pro-
posed spacecraft design and Kodak camera, NASA singled out the strength
of Boeing's commitment to the project and its corporate capabilities to
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Space/light Revolution
Capt. Lee R. Scherer served as Lunar
Orbiter's program manager at NASA
headquarters.
L-66-6301
complete it on schedule without relying on many subcontractors. Still, the
choice was a bit ironic. Only 14 months earlier, the Scherer study group
had rejected RCA's approach in favor of a study of a spin-stabilized space-
craft proposed by STL. Now Boeing had outmaneuvered its competition by
proposing a spacecraft that incorporated essential features of the rejected
RCA concept and almost none from the STL's previously accepted one.
Boeing won the contract even though it asked for considerably more
money than any of the other bidders. The lowest bid, from Hughes, was
$41,495,339, less than half of Boeing's $83,562,199, a figure that would
quickly rise when the work started. Not surprisingly, NASA faced some
congressional criticism and had to defend its choice. The agency justified
its selection by referring confidently to what Boeing alone proposed to do
to ensure protection of Lunar Orbiter's photographic film from the hazards
of solar radiation.39
This was a technical detail that deeply concerned LOPO. Experiments
conducted by Boeing and by Dr. Trutz Foelsche, a Langley scientist in the
Space Mechanics (formerly Theoretical Mechanics) Division who specialized
in the study of space radiation effects, suggested that even small doses
of radiation from solar flares could fog ordinary high-speed photographic
film. This would be true especially in the case of an instrumented probe
like Lunar Orbiter, which had thin exterior vehicular shielding. Even if
the thickness of the shielding around the film was increased tenfold (from
1 g/cm2 to 10 g/cm2), Foelsche judged that high-speed film would not make
it through a significant solar-particle event without serious damage.40 Thus,
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-64-4141
Representatives of NASA Langley and Boeing signed the Lunar Orbiter contract
on 16 April 1964 ana sent it to NASA headquarters for final review. Three weeks
later, on 7 May, Administrator James E. Webb approved the $80-million incentives
contract to build five Lunar Orbiter spacecraft.
something extraordinary had to be done to protect the high-speed film. A
better solution was not to use high-speed film at all.
As NASA explained successfully to its critics, the other bidders for the
Lunar Orbiter contract relied on high-speed film and faster shutter speeds
for their on-board photographic subsystems. Only Boeing did not. When
delegates from STL, Hughes, Martin, and Lockheed were asked at a bidders'
briefing in November 1963 about what would happen to their film if a solar
event occurred during an orbiter mission, they all had to admit that the
film would be damaged seriously. Only Boeing could claim otherwise. Even
with minimal shielding, the more insensitive, low-speed film used by the
Kodak camera would not be fogged by high-energy radiation, not even if
the spacecraft moved through the Van Allen radiation belts.41 This, indeed,
proved to be the case. During the third mission of Lunar Orbiter in February
1967, a solar flare with a high amount of optical activity did occur, but the
film passed through it unspoiled.42
Negotiations with Boeing did not take long. Formal negotiations began
on 17 March 1964, and ended just four days later. On 7 May Administrator
Webb signed the document that made Lunar Orbiter an official NASA
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Space/light Revolution
commitment. Hopes were high. But in the cynical months of 1964, with
Ranger's setbacks still making headlines and critics still faulting NASA for
failing to match Soviet achievements in space, everyone doubted whether
Lunar Orbiter would be ready for its first scheduled flight to the moon in
just two years.
Nelson's Team
Large projects are run by only a handful of people. Four or five key
individuals delegate jobs and responsibilities to others. This was certainly
true for Lunar Orbiter. From start to finish, Langley's LOPO remained
a small organization; its original nucleus of 9 staff members never grew
any larger than 50 professionals. Langley management knew that keeping
LOPO's staff small meant fewer people in need of positions when the project
ended. If all the positions were built into a large project office, many careers
would be out on a limb; a much safer organizational method was for a small
project office to draw people from other research and technical divisions to
assist the project as needed.43
In the case of Lunar Orbiter, four men ran the project: Cliff Nelson,
the project manager; Israel Taback, who was in charge of all activities
leading to the production and testing of the spacecraft; Bill Boyer, who
was responsible for planning and integrating launch and flight operations;
and James V. Martin, the assistant project manager. Nelson had accepted
the assignment with Thompson's assurance that he would be given wide
latitude in choosing the men and women he wanted to work with him in the
project office. As a result, virtually all of his top people were handpicked.
The one significant exception was his chief assistant, Jim Martin. In
September 1964, the Langley assistant director responsible for the project
office, Gene Draley, brought in Martin to help Nelson cope with some of
the stickier details of Lunar Orbiter 's management. A senior manager
in charge of Republic Aviation's space systems requirements, Martin had
a tremendous ability for anticipating business management problems and
plenty of experience taking care of them. Furthermore, he was a well-
organized and skillful executive who could make schedules, set due dates,
and closely track the progress of the contractors and subcontractors. This
"paper" management of a major project was troublesome for Cliff Nelson,
a quiet people-oriented person. Draley knew about taskmaster Martin from
Republic's involvement in Project Fire and was hopeful that Martin's acer-
bity and business-mindedness would complement Nelson's good-heartedness
and greater technical depth, especially in dealings with contractors.
Because Cliff Nelson and Jim Martin were so entirely opposite in per-
sonality, they did occasionally clash, which caused a few internal problems
in LOPO. On the whole, however, the alliance worked quite well, although
it was forced by Langley management. Nelson generally oversaw the whole
endeavor and made sure that everybody worked together as a team. For
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-66-6301
In contrast to the quiet, people- oriented LOPO director Cliff Nelson (left), James
"Big Jim" Martin (right) breathed fire when it came to getting consistent top-grade
performance from the NASA contractors.
the monitoring of the day-to-day progress of the project's many operations,
Nelson relied on the dynamic Martin. For example, when problems arose
with the motion-compensation apparatus for the Kodak camera, Martin
went to the contractor's plant to assess the situation and decided that
its management was not placing enough emphasis on following a schedule.
Martin acted tough, pounded on the table, and made the contractor put
workable schedules together quickly. When gentler persuasion was called for
or subtler interpersonal relationships were involved, Nelson was the person
for the job. Martin, who was technically competent but not as technically
talented as Nelson, also deferred to the project manager when a decision re-
quired particularly complex engineering analysis. Thus, the two men worked
together for the overall betterment of Lunar Orbiter.44
Placing an excellent person with just the right specialization in just
the right job was one of the most important elements behind the success
of Lunar Orbiter, and for this eminently sensible approach to project
management, Cliff Nelson and Floyd Thompson deserve the lion's share of
credit. Both men cultivated a management style that emphasized direct
dealings with people and often ignored formal organizational channels.
Both stressed the importance of teamwork and would not tolerate any
individual, however talented, willfully undermining the esprit de corps.
Before filling any position in the project office, Nelson gave the selection
much thought. He questioned whether the people under consideration were
compatible with others already in his project organization. He wanted to
know whether candidates were goal-oriented — willing to do whatever was
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Space/light Revolution
necessary (working overtime or traveling) to complete the project.45 Because
Langley possessed so many employees who had been working at the center
for many years, the track record of most people was either well known or easy
to ascertain. Given the outstanding performance of Lunar Orbiter and the
testimonies about an exceptionally healthy work environment in the project
office, Nelson did an excellent job predicting who would make a productive
member of the project team.46
Considering Langley's historic emphasis on fundamental applied aero-
nautical research, it might seem surprising that Langley scientists and en-
gineers did not try to hide inside the dark return passage of a wind tunnel
rather than be diverted into a spaceflight project like Lunar Orbiter. As has
been discussed, some researchers at Langley (and agencywide) objected to
and resisted involvement with project work. The Surveyor project at JPL
had suffered from staff members' reluctance to leave their own specialties
to work on a space project. However, by the early 1960s the enthusiasm
for spaceflight ran so rampant that it was not hard to staff a space project
office. All the individuals who joined LOPO at Langley came enthusiasti-
cally; otherwise Cliff Nelson would not have had them. Israel Taback, who
had been running the Communications and Control Branch of IRD, remem-
bers having become distressed with the thickening of what he calls "the
paper forest" : the preparation of five-year plans, ten-year plans, and other
lengthy documents needed to justify NASA's budget requests. The work he
had been doing with airplanes and aerospace vehicles was interesting (he
had just finished providing much of the flight instrumentation for the X-15
program), but not so interesting that he wanted to turn down Cliff Nelson's
offer to join Lunar Orbiter. "The project was brand new and sounded much
more exciting than what I had been doing," Taback remembers. It appealed
to him also because of its high visibility both inside and outside the center.
Everyone had to recognize the importance of a project directly related to
the national goal of landing a man on the moon.47
Norman L. Crabill, the head of LOPO's mission design team, also decided
to join the project. On a Friday afternoon, he had received the word that
one person from his branch of the Applied Materials and Physics Division
would have to be named by the following Monday as a transfer to LOPO; as
branch head, Crabill himself would have to make the choice. That weekend
he asked himself, "What's your own future, Crabill? This is space. If you
don't step up to this, what's your next chance. You've already decided not
to go with the guys to Houston." He immediately knew who to transfer,
"It was me." That was how he "got into the space business." And in his
opinion, it was "the best thing" that he ever did.48
The Boeing Team
Cliff Nelson's office had the good sense to realize that monitoring the
prime contractor did not entail doing Boeing's work for Boeing. Nelson
334
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
approached the management of Lunar Orbiter more practically: the con-
tractor was "to perform the work at hand while the field center retained
responsibility for overseeing his progress and assuring that the job was done
according to the terms of the contract." For Lunar Orbiter, this philosophy
meant specifically that the project office would have to keep "a continu-
ing watch on the progress of the various components, subsystems, and the
whole spacecraft system during the different phases of designing, fabricating
and testing them."4 Frequent meetings would take place between Nelson
and his staff and their counterparts at Boeing to discuss all critical mat-
ters, but Langley would not assign all the jobs, solve all the problems, or
micromanage every detail of the contractor's work.
This philosophy sat well with Robert J. Helberg, head of Boeing's
Lunar Orbiter team. Helberg had recently finished directing the company's
work on the Bomarc missile, making him a natural choice for manager of
Boeing's next space venture. The Swedish-born Helberg was absolutely
straightforward, and all his people respected him immensely — as would
everyone in LOPO. He and fellow Swede Cliff Nelson got along famously.
Their relaxed relationship set the tone for interaction between Langley and
Boeing. Ideas and concerns passed freely back and forth between the project
offices. Nelson and his people "never had to fear the contractor was just
telling [them] a lie to make money," and Helberg and his tightly knit, 220-
member Lunar Orbiter team never had to complain about uncaring, paper-
shuffling bureaucrats who were mainly interested in dotting all the i's and
crossing all the t's and making sure that nothing illegal was done that could
bother government auditors and put their necks in a wringer.50
The Langley/NASA headquarters relationship was also harmonious and
effective. This was in sharp contrast to the relationship between JPL
and headquarters during the Surveyor project. Initially, JPL had tried
to monitor the Surveyor contractor, Hughes, with only a small staff that
provided little on-site technical direction; however, because of unclear
objectives, the open-ended nature of the project (such basic things as
which experiment packages would be included on the Surveyor spacecraft
were uncertain), and a too highly diffused project organization within
Hughes, JPL's "laissez-faire" approach to project management did not
work. As the problems snowballed, Cortright found it necessary to intervene
and compelled JPL to assign a regiment of on-site supervisors to watch
over every detail of the work being done by Hughes. Thus, as one
analyst of Surveyor's management has observed, "the responsibility for
overall spacecraft development was gradually retrieved from Hughes by JPL,
thereby altering significantly the respective roles of the field center and the
spacecraft systems contractors."51
Nothing so unfortunate happened during Lunar Orbiter, partly because
NASA had learned from the false steps and outright mistakes made in
the management of Surveyor. For example, NASA now knew that before
implementing a project, everyone involved must take part in extensive
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Spaceflight Revolution
preliminary discussions. These conversations ensured that the project's
goals were certain and each party's responsibilities clear. Each office should
expect maximum cooperation and minimal unnecessary interference from
the others. Before Lunar Orbiter was under way, this excellent groundwork
had been laid.
As has been suggested by a 1972 study done by the National Academy
of Public Administration, the Lunar Orbiter project can serve as a model
of the ideal relationship between a prime contractor, a project office, a field
center, a program office, and headquarters. From start to finish nearly
everything important about the interrelationship worked out superbly in
Lunar Orbiter. According to LOPO's Israel Taback, "Everyone worked
together harmoniously as a team whether they were government, from
headquarters or from Langley, or from Boeing." No one tried to take
advantage of rank or to exert any undue authority because of an official
title or organizational affiliation.52 That is not to say that problems never
occurred in the management of Lunar Orbiter. In any large and complex
technological project involving several parties, some conflicts are bound to
arise. The key to project success lies in how differences are resolved.
The "Concentrated" versus the "Distributed" Mission
The most fundamental issue in the premission planning for Lunar Or-
biter was how the moon was to be photographed. Would the photography
be "concentrated" on a predetermined single target, or would it be "dis-
tributed" over several selected targets across the moon's surface? On the
answer to this basic question depended the successful integration of the
entire mission plan for Lunar Orbiter.
For Lunar Orbiter, as with any other spaceflight program, mission plan-
ning involved the establishment of a complicated sequence of events: When
should the spacecraft be launched? When does the launch window open and
close? On what trajectory should the spacecraft arrive in lunar orbit? How
long will it take the spacecraft to get to the moon? How and when should
orbital "injection" take place? How and when should the spacecraft get to
its target (s), and at what altitude above the lunar surface should it take the
pictures? Where does the spacecraft need to be relative to the sun for taking
optimal pictures of the lunar surface? Answering these questions also meant
that NASA's mission planners had to define the lunar orbits, determine how
accurately those orbits could be navigated, and know the fuel requirements.
The complete mission profile had to be ready months before launch. And
before the critical details of the profile could be made ready, NASA had to
select the targeted areas on the lunar surface and decide how many of them
were to be photographed during the flight of a single orbiter.53
Originally NASA's plan was to conduct a concentrated mission. The
Lunar Orbiter would go up and target a single site of limited dimensions.
336
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
Top NASA officials listen to
a LOPO briefing at Langley
in December 1966. Sitting to
the far right with his hand on
his chin is Floyd Thompson.
To the left sits Dr. George
Mueller, NASA associate ad-
ministrator for Manned Space
Flight. On the wall is a di-
agram of the sites selected for
the "concentrated mission. "
The chart below illustrates the
primary area of photographic
interest.
L-66- 10290
MOON'S ROTATION
ON ITS AXIS
- TARGET SITES
TYPICAL
SPACECRAFT
ORBIT
MOON'S TRAVEL
AROUND EARTH
AS OBSERVED
FROM EARTH
PRIMARY AREA OF
PHOTOGRAPHIC INTEREST
(REGION FOR SELECTION
OF APOLLO LANDING AREA)
LUNAR SURFACE PHOTOGRAPHIC COVERAGE
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Spaceflight Revolution
The country's leading astrogeologists would help in the site selection by
identifying the smoothest, most attractive possibilities for a manned lunar
landing. The U.S. Geological Survey had drawn huge, detailed maps of the
lunar surface from the best available telescopic observations. With these
maps, NASA would select one site as the prime target for each of the five
Lunar Orbiter missions. During a mission, the spacecraft would travel into
orbit and move over the target at the "perilune," or lowest point in the
orbit (approximately 50 kilometers [31.1 miles] above the surface); then
it would start taking pictures. Successive orbits would be close together
longitudinally, and the Lunar Orbiter's camera would resume photographing
the surface each time it passed over the site. The high- resolution lens would
take a 1-meter-resolution picture of a small area (4 x 16 kilometers) while at
exactly the same time, the medium-resolution lens would take an 8-meter-
resolution picture of a wider area (32 x 37 kilometers). The high-resolution
lens would photograph at such a rapid interval that the pictures would just
barely overlap. The wide-angle pictures, taken by the medium-resolution
lens, would have a conveniently wide overlap. All the camera exposures
would take place in 24 hours, thus minimizing the threat to the film from a
solar flare. The camera's capacity of roughly 200 photographic frames would
be devoted to one location. The result would be one area shot in adjacent,
overlapping strips. By putting the strips together, NASA had a picture of a
central 1-meter-resolution area that was surrounded by a broader 8-meter-
resolution area — in other words, it would be one large, rich stereoscopic
picture of a choice lunar landing site. NASA would learn much about that
one ideal place, and the Apollo program would be well served.54
The plan sounded fine to everyone — at least in the beginning. Langley's
Request for Proposals had specified the concentrated mission, and Boeing
had submitted the winning proposal based on that mission plan. Moreover,
intensive, short-term photography like that called for in a concentrated
mission was exactly what Eastman Kodak's high-resolution camera system
had been designed for. The camera was a derivative of a spy satellite photo
system created specifically for earth reconnaissance missions specified by the
DOD.*
U-
In the top-secret DOD system, the camera with the film inside apparently would reenter the
atmosphere inside a heat-shielded package that parachuted down, was hooked, and was physically
retrieved in midair (if all went as planned) by a specially equipped U.S. Air Force C-119 cargo airplane.
It was obviously a very unsatisfactory system, but in the days before advanced electronic systems, it
was the best high-resolution satellite reconnaissance system that modern technology could provide. Few
NASA people were ever privy to many of the details of how the "black box" actually worked, because
they did not have "the need to know." However, they figured that it had been designed, as one LOPO
engineer has described in much oversimplified layman's terms, "so when a commander said, 'we've got
the target,' bop, take your snapshots, zap, zap, zap, get it down from orbit, retrieve it and bring it
home, rush it off to Kodak, and get your pictures." (Norman Crabill interview with author, Hampton,
Va., 28 August 1991.)
338
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
As LOPO's mission planners gave the plan more thought, however,
they realized that the concentrated mission approach was flawed. Norman
Crabill, Langley's head of mission integration for Lunar Orbiter, remembers
the question he began to ask himself, "What happens if only one of these
missions is going to work? This was in the era of Ranger failures and
Surveyor slippage. When you shoot something, you had only a twenty
percent probability that it was going to work. It was that bad." On that
premise, NASA planned to fly five Lunar Orbiters, hoping that one would
operate as it should. "Suppose we go up there and shoot all we [have] on one
site, and it turns out to be no good?" fretted Crabill, and others began to
worry as well. What if that site was not as smooth as it appeared on the U.S.
Geological Survey maps, or a gravitational anomaly or orbital perturbation
was present, making that particular area of the moon unsafe for a lunar
landing? And what if that Lunar Orbiter turned out to be the only one to
work? What then?55
In late 1964, over the course of several weeks, LOPO became more
convinced that it should not be putting all its eggs in one basket. "We
developed the philosophy that we really didn't want to do the concentrated
mission; what we really wanted to do was what we called the 'distributed
mission,'" recalls Crabill. The advantage of the distributed mission was
that it would enable NASA to inspect several choice targets in the Apollo
landing zone with only one spacecraft.56
In early 1965, Norm Crabill and Tom Young of the LOPO mission
integration team traveled to the office of the U.S. Geological Survey in
Flagstaff, Arizona. There, the Langley engineers consulted with U.S.
government astrogeologists John F. McCauley, Lawrence Rowan, and Harold
Masursky. Jack McCauley was Flagstaff's top man at the time, but he
assigned Larry Rowan, "a young and upcoming guy, very reasonable and
very knowledgeable," the job of heading the Flagstaff review of the Lunar
Orbiter site selection problem. "We sat down with Rowan at a table with
these big lunar charts," and Rowan politely reminded the Langley duo that
"the dark areas on the moon were the smoothest." Rowan then pointed to
the darkest places across the entire face of the moon.57
Rowan identified 10 good targets. When Crabill and Young made orbital
calculations, they became excited. In a few moments, they had realized that
they wanted to do the distributed mission. Rowan and his colleagues in
Flagstaff also became excited about the prospects. This was undoubtedly
the way to catch as many landing sites as possible. The entire Apollo zone of
interest was ±45° longitude and ±5° latitude, along the equatorial region of
the facing, or near side of the moon. Within that zone, the area that could
be photographed via a concentrated mission was small. A single Lunar
Orbiter that could photograph 10 sites of that size all within that region
would be much more effective. If the data showed that a site chosen by the
astrogeologists was not suitable, NASA would have excellent photographic
coverage of nine other prime sites. In summary, the distributed mode would
339
Space/light Revolution
JETTISON
ATLAS
•OOSTH
NUKING OMIT)
, AGENA SCNUATION
TYPICAL FLIGHT SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
L-66-5819
Lunar Orbiter's "Typical Flight Sequence of Events" turned out to be quite typical
indeed, as all five spacecraft performed exactly as planned.
give NASA the flexibility to ensure that Lunar Orbiter would provide the
landing site information needed by Apollo even if only one Lunar Orbiter
mission proved successful.
But there was one big hitch: Eastman Kodak's photo system was not
designed for the distributed mission. It was designed for the concentrated
mission in which all the photography would involve just one site and be
loaded, shot, and developed in 24 hours. If Lunar Orbiter must photograph
10 sites, a mission would last at least two weeks. The film system was
designed to sustain operations for only a day or two; if the mission lasted
longer than that, the Bimat film would stick together, the exposed parts of
it would dry out, the film would get stuck in the loops, and the photographic
mission would be completely ruined.
When Boeing first heard that NASA had changed its mind and now
wanted to do the distributed mission, Helberg and his men balked. Accord-
ing to LOPO's Norman Crabill, Boeing's representatives said, "Look, we un-
derstand you want to do this. But, wait. The system was designed, tested,
used, and proven in the concentrated mission mode. You can't change it
340
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
now because it wasn't designed to have the Bimat film in contact for long
periods of time. In two weeks' time, some of the Bimat is just going to go,
pfft! It's just going to fail!" Boeing understood the good sense of the dis-
tributed mission, but as the prime contractor, the company faced a classic
technological dilemma. The customer, NASA, wanted to use the system to
do something it was not designed to do. This could possibly cause a disas-
trous failure. Boeing had no recourse but to advise the customer that what
it wanted to do could endanger the entire mission.58
The Langley engineers wanted to know whether Boeing could solve the
film problem. "We don't know for sure," the Boeing staff replied, "and we
don't have the time to find out." NASA suggested that Boeing conduct tests
to obtain quantitative data that would define the limits of the film system.
Boeing's response was "That's not in the contract."59 The legal documents
specified that the Lunar Orbiter should have the capacity to conduct the
concentrated mission. If NASA now wanted to change the requirements for
developing the Orbiter, then a new contract would have to be negotiated. A
stalemate resulted on this issue and lasted until early 1965. The first launch
was only a year away.
If LOPO hoped to persuade Boeing to accept the idea of changing
a basic mission requirement, it had to know the difference in reliability
between the distributed and concentrated missions. If analysis showed that
the distributed mission would be far less reliable, then even LOPO might
want to reconsider and proceed with the concentrated mission. Crabill gave
the job of obtaining this information to Tom Young, a young researcher
from the Applied Materials and Physics Division. Crabill had specifically
requested that Young be reassigned to LOPO mission integration because,
in his opinion, Young was "the brightest guy [he] knew." On the day Young
had reported to work with LOPO, Crabill had given him "a big pile of stuff to
read," thinking he would be busy and, as Crabill puts it, "out of my hair for
quite a while." But two days later, Young returned, having already made his
way through all the material. When given the job of the comparative mission
reliability analysis, Young went to Boeing in Seattle. In less than two weeks,
he found what he needed to know and figured out the percentages: the
reliability for the concentrated mission was an unspectacular 60 percent,
but for the distributed mission it was only slightly worse, 58 percent. "It
was an insignificant difference," Crabill thought when he heard Young's
numbers, especially because nobody then really knew how to do that type
of analysis. "We didn't gag on the fact that it was pretty low anyway, but
we really wanted to do this distributed mission." The Langley researchers
decided that the distributed mission was a sensible choice, if the Kodak
system could be made to last for the extra time and if Boeing could be
persuaded to go along with the mission change.60
LOPO hoped that Young's analysis would prove to Boeing that no
essential difference in reliability existed between the two types of missions,
but Boeing continued to insist that the concentrated mission was the legal
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Space/light Revolution
requirement, not the distributed mission. The dispute was a classic case
of implementing a project before even the customer was completely sure of
what that project should accomplish. In such a situation, the only sensible
thing to do was to be flexible.
The problem for Boeing, of course, was that such flexibility might cost
the company its financial incentives. If a Lunar Orbiter mission failed, the
company worried that it would not be paid the bonus money promised in the
contract. Helberg and Nelson discussed this issue in private conversations.
Floyd Thompson participated in many of these talks and even visited Seattle
to try to facilitate an agreement. In the end, Langley convinced Helberg
that the change from a concentrated to a distributed mission would not
impact Boeing's incentives. If a mission failed because of the change, LOPO
promised that it would assume the responsibility. Boeing would have done
its best according to the government request and instructions — and for that
they would not be penalized.61
The missions, however, would not fail. NASA and Boeing would handle
the technical problems involving the camera by testing the system to
ascertain the definite limits of its reliable operation. Prom Kodak, the
government and the prime contractor obtained hard data regarding the
length of time the film could remain set in one place before the curls
or bends in the film around the loops became permanent and the torque
required to advance the film exceeded the capability of the motor. From
these tests, Boeing and LOPO established a set of mission "rules" that
had to be followed precisely. For example, to keep the system working,
Lunar Orbiter mission controllers at JPL had to advance the film one frame
every eight hours. The rules even required that film sometimes be advanced
without opening the door of the camera lens. Mission controllers called these
nonexposure shots their "film-set frames" and the schedule of photographs
their "film budget."62
As a result of the film rules, the distributed mission turned out to be a
much busier operation than a concentrated mission would have been. Each
time a photograph was taken, including film-set frames, the spacecraft had to
be maneuvered. Each maneuver required a command from mission control.
LOPO staff worried about the ability of the spacecraft to execute so many
maneuvers over such a prolonged period. They feared something would
go wrong during a maneuver that would cause them to lose control of the
spacecraft. Lunar Orbiter /, however, flawlessly executed an astounding
number of commands, and LOPO staff were able to control spacecraft
attitude during all 374 maneuvers.63
Ultimately, the trust between Langley and Boeing allowed each to take
the risk of changing to a distributed mission. Boeing trusted Langley to
assume responsibility if the mission failed, and Langley trusted Boeing to
put its best effort into making the revised plan a success. Had either not
fulfilled its promise to the other, Lunar Orbiter would not have achieved its
outstanding record.
342
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
Simple as this diagram of Lunar Orbiter
(left) may look, no spacecraft in NASA his-
tory operated more successfully than Lunar
Orbiter. Below, Lunar Orbiter I goes
through a final inspection in the NASA
Hanger S clean room at Kennedy Space
Center prior to launch on 10 August 1966.
The spacecraft was mounted on a three- axis
test stand with its solar panels deployed
and high-gain dish antenna extended from
the side.
P36982
L-66-6387
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Spaceflight Revolution
Lunar Orbiter I lifts off from Cape
Kennedy on 10 August 1966. With a
payload weighing only 860 pounds, the
spacecraft was light enough to fly on
an Atlas- Agena instead of the more
expensive Atlas-Centaur.
L-66-6381
"The Picture of the Century"
The switch to the distributed mission was not the only instance during
the Lunar Orbiter mission when contract specifications were jettisoned to
pursue a promising idea. Boeing engineers realized that the Lunar Orbiter
project presented a unique opportunity for photographing the earth. When
the LOPO staff heard this idea, they were all for it, but Helberg and
Boeing management rejected the plan. Turning the spacecraft around so
that its camera could catch a quick view of the earth tangential to the
moon's surface entailed technical difficulties, including the danger that,
once the spacecraft's orientation was changed, mission controllers could
lose command of the spacecraft. Despite the risk, NASA urged Boeing to
incorporate the maneuver in the mission plan for Lunar Orbiter I. Helberg
refused.64
In some projects, that might have been the end of the matter. Peo-
ple would have been forced to forget the idea and to live within the cir-
cumscribed world of what had been legally agreed upon. Langley, how-
ever, was not about to give up on this exciting opportunity. Cliff Nelson,
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
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With "the picture of the century" proudly displayed before them, key members of
the LOPO team report the success of Lunar Orbiter I at a press conference in
August 1966. Left to right are Oran W. Nicks, director of Lunar and Planetary
Programs at NASA headquarters; Floyd Thompson; Cliff Nelson; and Isadore
G. Recant, the Langley scientist in charge of data handling for the spacecraft. At
the podium is the U.S. Geological Survey's Dr. Larry Rowan, the young geologist
who helped LOPO identify the most promising landing sites.
Floyd Thompson, and Lee Scherer went to mission control at JPL to talk
to Helberg and at last convinced him that he was being too cautious — that
"the picture was worth the risk." If any mishap occurred with the space-
craft during the maneuver, NASA again promised that Boeing would still
receive compensation and part of its incentive for taking the risk. The en-
thusiasm of his own staff for the undertaking also influenced Helberg in his
final decision to take the picture.65
On 23 August 1966 just as Lunar Orbiter /was about to pass behind the
moon, mission controllers executed the necessary maneuvers to point the
camera away from the lunar surface and toward the earth. The result was
the world's first view of the earth from space. It was called "the picture of the
century" and "the greatest shot taken since the invention of photography." *
jk
The unprecedented photo also provided the first oblique perspectives of the lunar surface. All
other photographs taken during the first mission were shot from a position perpendicular to the surface
and thus, did not depict the moon in three dimensions. In subsequent missions, NASA made sure to
include this sort of oblique photography. Following the first mission, Boeing prepared a booklet entitled
Lunar Orbiter I — Photography (NASA Langley, 1968), which gave a detailed technical description of the
earth- moon photographs; see especially pp. 64-71.
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Space/light Revolution
Not even the color photos of the earth taken during the Apollo missions
superseded the impact of this first image of our planet as a little island of
life floating in the black and infinite sea of space.66
Mission More Than Accomplished
Lunar Orbiter defied all the probability studies. All five missions worked
extraordinarily well, and with the minor exception of a short delay in the
launch of Lunar Orbiter I — the Eastman Kodak camera was not ready-
all the missions were on schedule. The launches were three months apart
with the first taking place in August 1966 and the last in August 1967.
This virtually perfect flight record was a remarkable achievement, especially
considering that Langley had never before managed any sort of flight
program into deep space.
Lunar Orbiter accomplished what it was designed to do, and more. Its
camera took 1654 photographs. More than half of these (840) were of the
proposed Apollo landing sites. Lunar Orbiter s /, //, and /// took these site
pictures from low-flight altitudes, thereby providing detailed coverage of
22 select areas along the equatorial region of the near side of the moon. One
of the eight sites scrutinized by Lunar Orbiters II and /// was a very smooth
area in the Sea of Tranquility. A few years later, in July 1969, Apollo 11
commander Neil Armstrong would navigate the lunar module Eagle to a
landing on this site.67
By the end of the third Lunar Orbiter mission, all the photographs needed
to cover the Apollo landing sites had been taken. NASA was then free to
redesign the last two missions, move away from the pressing engineering
objective imposed by Apollo, and go on to explore other regions of the
moon for the benefit of science. Eight hundred and eight of the remaining
814 pictures returned by Lunar Orbiters IV and V focused on the rest of the
near side, the polar regions, and the mysterious far side of the moon. These
were not the first photographs of the "dark side"; a Soviet space probe,
Zond III, had taken pictures of it during a fly-by into a solar orbit a year
earlier, in July 1965. But the Lunar Orbiter photos were higher quality
than the Russian pictures and illuminated some lunarscapes that had never
before been seen by the human eye. The six remaining photos were of the
spectacular look back at the distant earth. By the time all the photos were
taken, about 99 percent of the moon's surface had been covered.
When each Lunar Orbiter completed its photographic mission, the
spacecraft continued its flight to gather clues to the nature of the lunar
gravitational environment. NASA found these clues valuable in the planning
of the Apollo flights. Telemetry data clearly indicated that the moon's
gravitational pull was not uniform. The slight dips in the path of the Lunar
Orbiters as they passed over certain areas of the moon's surface were caused
by gravitational perturbations, which in turn were caused by the mascons.
346
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-67-6702
Lunar Orbiter V provided the first wide-angle view of the moon's mysterious "dark
side. "
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Spaceflight Revolution
L-66-9788
One of the most spectacular mosaics produced by Lunar Orbiter II was this close-up
of the enormous crater Copernicus with its 300-meter-high (984-3 feet) mountains
rising from the crater floor. On the horizon are the Carpathian mountains with the
920-meter-high (3018.4 feet) Guy-Lussac Promontory.
The extended missions of the Lunar Orbiters also helped to confirm that
radiation levels near the moon were quite low and posed no danger to
astronauts unless a major solar flare occurred while they were exposed on
the lunar surface. A few months after each Lunar Orbiter mission, NASA
deliberately crashed the spacecraft into the lunar surface to study lunar
impacts and their seismic consequences. Destroying the spacecraft before it
deteriorated and mission controllers had lost command of it ensured that it
would not wander into the path of some future mission.68
Whether the Apollo landings could have been made successfully without
the photographs from Lunar Orbiter is a difficult question to answer.
Without the photos, the manned landings could certainly still have been
attempted. In addition to the photographic maps drawn from telescopic
observation, engineers could use some good pictures taken from Ranger and
Surveyor to guide them. However, the detailed photographic coverage of
22 possible landing sites definitely made NASA's final selection of ideal sites
much easier and the pinpointing of landing spots possible.
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To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
L-67-4023
In August 1967, Lunar Orbiter V photographed the 90-kilometer-wide (55.9 miles)
Tycho crater, one of the brightest craters seen from earth. A young impact crater,
Tycho reveals its central peak, rough floor, and precipitous walls.
Furthermore, Lunar Orbiter also contributed important photometric
information that proved vital to the Apollo program. Photometry involves
the science of measuring the intensity of light. Lunar Orbiter planners had
to decide where to position the camera to have the best light for taking
the high-resolution photographs. When we take pictures on earth, we
normally want to have the sun behind us so it is shining directly on the
target. But a photo taken of the lunar surface in these same circumstances
produces a peculiar photometric function: the moon looks flat. Even
minor topographical features are indistinguishable because of the intensity
of the reflecting sunlight from the micrometeorite-filled lunar surface. The
engineers in LOPO had to determine the best position for photographing
the moon. After studying the problem (Taback, Crabill, and Young led the
attack on this problem), LOPO's answer was that the sun should indeed be
behind the spacecraft, but photographs should be taken when the sun was
only 15 degrees above the horizon.69
Long before it was time for the first Apollo launch, LOPO's handling of
the lunar photometric function was common knowledge throughout NASA
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Space/light Revolution
and the aerospace industry. The BellComm scientists and engineers who
reviewed Apollo planning quickly realized that astronauts approaching the
moon to make a landing needed, like Lunar Orbiter, to be in the best
position for viewing the moon's topography. Although a computer program
would pinpoint the Apollo landing site, the computer's choice might not be
suitable. If that was the case, astronauts would have to rely on their own
eyes to choose a spot. If the sun was in the wrong position, they would not
make out craters and boulders, the surface would appear deceptively flat,
and the choice might be disastrous. Apollo 11 commander Neil Armstrong
did not like the spot picked by the computer for the Eagle landing. Because
NASA had planned for him to be in the best viewing position relative to the
sun, Armstrong could see that the place was "littered with boulders the size
of Volkswagens." So he flew on. He had to go another 1500 meters before
he saw a spot where he could set the lunar module down safely.70
NASA might have considered the special photometric functions involved
in viewing the moon during Apollo missions without Lunar Orbiter, but
the experience of the Lunar Orbiter missions took the guesswork out of the
calculations. NASA knew that its astronauts would be able to see what they
needed to see to avoid surface hazards. This is a little-known but important
contribution from Lunar Orbiter.
Secrets of Success
In the early 1970s Erasmus H. Kloman, a senior research associate with
the National Academy of Public Administration, completed an extensive
comparative investigation of NASA's handling of its Surveyor and Lunar
Orbiter projects. After a lengthy review, NASA published a shortened
and distilled version of Kloman 's larger study as Unmanned Space Project
Management: Surveyor and Lunar Orbiter. The result — even in the
expurgated version, with all names of responsible individuals left out — was
a penetrating study in "sharp contrasts" that should be required reading for
every project manager in business, industry, or government.
Based on his analysis of Surveyor and Lunar Orbiter, Kloman concluded
that project management has no secrets of success. The key elements are
enthusiasm for the project, a clear understanding of the project's objective,
and supportive and flexible interpersonal and interoffice relationships. The
history of Surveyor and Lunar Orbiter, Kloman wrote, "serves primarily
as a confirmation of old truths about the so-called basic principles of
management rather than a revelation of new ones." Kloman writes that
Langley achieved Lunar Orbiter's objectives by "playing it by the book."
By this, Kloman meant that Langley applied those simple precepts of
good management; he did not mean that success was achieved through
a thoughtless and strict formula for success. Kloman understood that
Langley's project engineers broke many rules and often improvised as
they went along. Enthusiasm, understanding, support, and flexibility
350
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
allowed project staff to adapt the mission to new information, ideas, or
circumstances. "Whereas the Surveyor lessons include many illustrations of
how 'not to' set out on a project or how to correct for early misdirections,"
Kloman argued, "Lunar Orbiter shows how good sound precepts and
directions from the beginning can keep a project on track."71
Lunar Orbiter, however, owes much of its success to Surveyor. LOPO
staff were able to learn from the mistakes made in the Surveyor project.
NASA headquarters was responsible for some of these mistakes. The
complexity of Surveyor was underestimated, unrealistic manpower and
financial ceilings were imposed, an "unreasonably open-ended combination
of scientific experiments for the payload" was insisted upon for too long,
too many changes in the scope and objectives of the project were made,
and the project was tied to the unreliable Centaur launch vehicle.72 NASA
headquarters corrected these mistakes. In addition, Langley representatives
learned from JPL's mistakes and problems. They talked at great length
to JPL staff in Pasadena about Surveyor both before and after accepting
the responsibility for Lunar Orbiter. Prom these conversations, Langley
acquired a great deal of knowledge about the design and management of an
unmanned space mission. JPL scientists and engineers even conducted an
informal "space school" that helped to educate several members of LOPO
and Boeing's team about key details of space mission design and operations.
The interpersonal skills of the individuals responsible for Lunar Orbiter,
however, appear to have been the essential key to success. These skills cen-
tered more on the ability to work with other people than they did on what
one might presume to be the more critical and esoteric managerial, concep-
tual, and technical abilities. In Kloman's words, "individual personal qual-
ities and management capabilities can at times be a determining influence
in overall project performance."73 Compatibility among individual man-
agers, Nelson and Helberg, and the ability of those managers to stimulate
good working relationships between people proved a winning combination
for Lunar Orbiter.
Norman Crabill made these comments about Lunar Orbiter's manage-
ment: "We had some people who weren't afraid to use their own judgment
instead of relying on rules. These people could think and find the essence
of a problem, either by discovering the solution themselves or energizing
the troops to come up with an alternative which would work. They were
absolute naturals at that job." 74
Lunar Orbiter was a pathfinder for Apollo, and it was an outstanding
contribution by Langley Research Center to the early space program. The
old NACA aeronautics laboratory proved not only that it could handle a
major deep space mission, but also that it could achieve an extraordinary
record of success that matched or surpassed anything yet tried by NASA.
When the project ended and LOPO members went back into functional
research divisions, Langley possessed a pool of experienced individuals who
were ready, if the time came, to plan and manage yet another major
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L-67-6777
Although most people have come to associate the first picture of the "Whole Earth"
with the Apollo program, Lunar Orbiter V actually captured this awesome view of
the home planet. When this picture was taken on 8 August 1967, the spacecraft was
about 5860 kilometers (3641-2 miles) above the moon in near polar orbit, so that the
lunar surface is not seen. Clearly visible on the left side of the globe is the eastern
half of Africa and the entire Arabian peninsula.
352
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
project. That opportunity came quickly in the late 1960s with the inception
of Viking, a much more complicated and challenging project designed to
send unmanned reconnaissance orbiters and landing probes to Mars. When
Viking was approved, NASA headquarters assigned the project to "those
plumbers" at Langley. The old LOPO team formed the nucleus of Langley's
much larger Viking Project Office. With this team, Langley would once
again manage a project that would be virtually an unqualified success.
353
11
In the Service of Apollo
We were working beyond the state of the art. Nobody
had done things like this before.
— E. Barton Geer, associate chief
of Langley's Flight Vehicle and
Systems Division during the
Apollo era and member of the
Apollo 204 Review Board
And just as we got to the transonic field, then all of
a sudden we opened up with the supersonic field and
find out we 're flying — militarily anyway — we 're flying
at speeds of [MachJ 2 and 3. And you just get that
pretty well understood and, Holy Smoke, here we are
going to the Moon and things like that.
—Floyd L. Thompson, Langley director
and chairman of the Apollo 204
Review Board
The crowning moment, as well as the denouement, of the spaceflight
revolution came at 4:18 p.m. on Sunday, 20 July 1969, when American as-
tronauts Neil A. Armstrong and Edwin E. "Buzz" Aldrin, Jr., made the
first manned lunar landing. The realization of this spectacular moment
required the most sudden burst of technological creativity and the largest
commitment of resources ever made by any nation in peacetime: an esti-
mated $24 billion. At its peak the Apollo program employed approximately
400,000 Americans and enlisted the support of over 20,000 industrial firms
and universities. As President Kennedy had said in his May 1961 speech,
"It will not be one man going to the moon — it will be an entire nation. For
all of us must work to put him there." l
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Space/light Revolution
"All of us" also meant all the NASA facilities, including the research
centers. To be sure, Langley did not serve as the heart of the Apollo
program, as it temporarily had for the man-in-space effort before the STG
left for Texas. Apollo would not be managed by any of the field centers
but by a well-staffed central program office within the Office of Manned
Space Flight at NASA headquarters. Of course, the spaceflight centers (the
Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston and the Marshall Space Flight Center
in Huntsville) were deeply involved. A large, well-funded Apollo program
office at Houston was responsible for the budget, schedule, technical design,
and production of the three- module Apollo spacecraft; moreover, Houston
was the home of Mission Control, the nerve center of NASA's manned flight
operations and the place where all the news reporters went after the launch
at Cape Kennedy. At Marshall the von Braun team handled the awesome
task of developing the giant Saturn rocket.2 These were the two NASA
centers where the staff "lived and breathed" Apollo. But neither Langley
nor any of the other NASA facilities were left out. Nor could they be. There
was too much work to do, too much to learn, and too little time. All NASA
centers eventually became heavily involved in the program, and with the
exception of Houston and Huntsville, none was more involved than Langley.
Yet, when it came to the Apollo flights themselves and their worldwide
publicity, Langley and the other centers were not part of the big show. By
the time the Apollo spacecraft sat atop the huge Saturn V at Launch Com-
plex 39A at Kennedy Space Center in July 1969, Langley's contributions to
the Apollo program had already been made and mostly forgotten. That,
after all, was the purpose and the predicament of a research center: to lay
the groundwork for the technological achievements that others would pursue
and for which others would receive the credit. Of course, John Houbolt's
concept of LOR would not be forgotten in the dramatic days of Apollo 11,
nor would the flights of the Lunar Orbiter spacecraft. But many other el-
emental tasks that Langley had done in the service of Apollo would not
be remembered: the basic rendezvous and docking studies, the wind-tunnel
investigations of the aerodynamic integrity of the Saturn- Apollo launch com-
bination, the work on reentry heating and its potentially fatal effects on the
returning Apollo spacecraft, and the simulation training that helped prepare
the astronauts not only for the rendezvous and docking in space but also
for the actual landing of a manned spacecraft and for astronaut locomotion
activities on the moon. From launch to splashdown, there was no aspect
of the Apollo mission that scientists, engineers, and technicians at Langley
had not helped to develop in one way or another. All this work, however,
had been done long before the two Apollo astronauts skillfully maneuvered
their lunar module Eagle down to the Sea of 'Tranquility on that historic
day in July 1969. All that Langley employees could do on that hot Sunday
afternoon in July was sit in front of televisions in their own living rooms,
sip cool glasses of lemonade, and applaud with the rest of the country what
everyone together had accomplished.
356
In the Service of Apollo
Langley's "Undercover Operation" in Houston
Langley was in a novel situation during the heyday of Apollo. It was
the original (and for over 20 years only) NACA center, not to mention the
"mother" of many of the other centers (including the Manned Spacecraft
Center in Houston), but during the Apollo period, it was relegated to
the periphery of NASA's most urgent task. Langley management was not
accustomed to being in a marginal position and did not especially like being
there.
Members of the local Hampton elite did not like it either. For them and
other groups of Langley supporters, the unfortunate situation was the work
of conniving politicians who had stolen their precious STG for Texas. The
bitterness over this did not fade quickly. On occasion, concern for Langley's
displacement led those who knew better to make imprudent remarks. For
example, in December 1961 during James Webb's first visit to Langley after
becoming NASA administrator, Floyd Thompson, as savvy a person as ever
sat in the Langley director's chair, mentioned to Webb that the area's city
fathers were wondering exactly what they might expect in terms of new
jobs and government contracts as a result of the lunar landing program.
Webb responded sharply with a statement that echoed the already famous
line from President Kennedy's inaugural address: "The city fathers should
be asking not what Apollo can do for them, but what they can do for
Apollo."3 Thompson never forgot the sting of this retort and resolved
never to give Webb or anyone else reason to question the effort that his
own research center was putting into the nation's lunar landing program.
At a meeting of NASA center directors and program office directors held
in the so-called control room on the top floor of the NASA headquarters
building in early 1962, the question of Langley's contribution to Apollo did
come up. For Jim Webb, Apollo was everything, and he wanted assurances
from the center directors that they were doing all they could to support the
program. Characteristically, Thompson bided his time, waiting while his
counterparts at the other NASA centers answered. Then in his deliberate
and rather high-pitched midwestern voice, he reported with confidence,
"Well, we have a senior man in Houston who keeps track of all that we're
doing for it, and is on the spot ready to contact us whenever anyone down
there wants us to do anything more."4 Such a remark was typical "Tommy"
Thompson, and Webb let it pass. He had no idea that such a thing was going
on down in Houston or that the Houston organization would even allow it,
but he took Thompson at his word.
The Langley center director did have a "senior man" on duty in Houston
and only in part so that he could give such smart answers to "Big Jim" Webb.
In April 1962, which was a few months before the STG had completed its
move to the Southwest, Thompson had dispatched Langley veteran Axel
T. Mattson to Houston to serve as research assistant for Manned Spacecraft
Projects. The experienced assistant chief of the Full-Scale Research Division,
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Spaceflight Revolution
Under the wily direction of Floyd
Thompson (left), Langley did every-
thing it could to support Project
Apollo and satisfy Administrator
Jim Webb (right).
L-61-8539
Mattson was to report his findings to Langley Associate Director Charles
Donlan, Thompson's right-hand man.5
This was an interesting and unusual development; no other NASA center
had such an arrangement, and certainly no other center but Langley could
have gotten away with it. Langley had an official explanation of the
purpose of this liaison: "to create a mechanism for the timely exchange
of information on manned space programs and projects of mutual interest
to the Langley Center and the Manned Spacecraft Center and to provide a
means for quickly initiating action at Langley as may be required in support
of manned spacecraft projects."6 In truth, Mattson was acting as a sort of
spy — a Langley agent.
"I was running an undercover operation, really, in the technical sense,"
Mattson remembers, his eyes glimmering. "Here we were a research outfit
trying to get involved more directly not only with the Apollo work but with
the big Apollo money. It had to do with the way the funding was set up; this
was the big controlling factor. For everything Langley was doing in support
of the Office of Manned Space Flight and Apollo, it was my assignment
to try to get a transfer of funds from Houston, which was getting a lot of
money, to Langley, which wasn't." The scheme seems a bit dishonest, but
Mattson liked even that aspect of his work. "I was bootlegging material.
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In the Service of Apollo
I was transferring certain material [from Houston to Langley] without any
official authorization." At Langley, Donlan made it clear to Mattson that
he should not initiate any work on Apollo for which Langley would have to
go running to NASA headquarters for approval and funding. Donlan had
told him, "Get it from Houston." That was the real reason Langley had
quietly sent Axel Mattson to Houston in April 1962.7
At the same time that Americans were becoming enamored with the
much exaggerated romance of spies through the first James Bond movies,
the free-spirited Mattson fell in love with the intrigues of his espionage
work. What made it "so beautiful" for him was the freewheeling nature of
the assignment — the freedom to innovate and take some chances. "I didn't
fool with protocol or with the big shots. I dealt almost exclusively with the
troops in the field who would be honest and open with me." During the
working day, he walked from office to office, starting conversations, finding
out what was going on, what the problems were, and what Langley might be
able to do about them. In the evening, he socialized at the many Houston
area cocktail and dinner parties, where he made the important personal
contacts that led to office meetings the next day. Besides enjoying convivial
relations with his Houston buddies, many of whom he had known at Langley,
Mattson also developed close professional and social relationships with many
of the NASA contractor representatives. These relationships allowed him to
tap a gushing pipeline of Apollo-related technical data.8
Through this technological espionage, Mattson was able to obtain valu-
able information for Langley. Whenever an important new technical mat-
ter was being discussed by Houston engineers and industry representatives,
Mattson would say, "Gee, I'm awfully interested in that," and those involved
would give him all the information they had. "You wouldn't believe it. I
went over to their offices the next day and they just gave it to me," all
the data, all the technical reports. Conversely, "when they wanted some
information, they called me and I'd get it. It would come in my suitcase
[from Langley] and I'd go peddle it out." Much of it was raw data, "no for-
mality, nothing to it," a transfer of basic and sometimes even unprocessed
information that went unrecorded and was never revealed in any formal doc-
umentation. Mattson tried to feel out "when a guy was just having troubles
even with calculations. He would be grunting them out and not too sure
of the inputs, and I'd bring them back to Langley and have the guys look
at it and say, 'How about critiquing it and see if you can change numbers
by using the latest test information' and things like that." It was basically
"a back-scratching operation." Mattson sometimes went even farther. He
admits now that he occasionally would "take a man's calculations right off
his desk, make a carbon copy," without the man's knowledge, and put it in
his suitcase or in the mail for Langley.9
"Let me tell you, my suitcase was full whenever I came back to Langley,"
not only with papers but also with the slides and films that were being
produced at Houston by the carton. Such goodies made Mattson something
359
Space/light Revolution
of a star attraction at Langley department meetings and senior staff get-
togethers where he provided some special entertainment. At some point
in such proceedings, Mattson remembers, Floyd Thompson would typically
pause and joke, " 'Well, I guess we might just as well see if Mattson's got
another film to show us.' And sure enough, I had another film to show them,
or slides, or something."10 This was the way Langley kept up with what
was going on in Houston and minimized the loss of its STG to Texas.
The other NASA centers, with no direct ties to the STG, could not have
placed a man inside the Manned Spacecraft Center; Bob Gilruth and his
men would not have tolerated such interlopers. Other centers were left out
in the cold. Sometimes those who knew about Langley's operation tried to
tap Mattson for information. "Once in a while," Mattson remembers, "I
would get a call from a guy at Lewis or Ames about something he wanted
that was available down in Houston." For such casual requests, especially if
he knew the guy, Mattson usually did his best, but he always kept Langley's
interests foremost in his mind.11
It is rather amazing that the fledgling Houston organization put up with
Mattson for as long as it did, which was to the time of the first Apollo flights
in 1968. Certainly this would not have been possible without the good graces
of Gilruth, who was Floyd Thompson's good friend. Not everyone at the
Manned Spacecraft Center wanted Mattson nosing around. In one meeting
not long after the opening of the Houston center, Gilruth was surprised to
encounter Mattson and wanted to know what Mattson was doing there. Max
Faget answered, "He's doing nothing as far as I know." In Mattson's opinion,
Faget did not know. Mattson had stayed as far away from Faget as possible,
knowing that the former member of PARD and the STG did not like him
or the idea of his walking the halls of the new Houston space center. To
the extent that he reported to anyone at Houston, Mattson dealt exclusively
with Paul Purser, Gilruth's deputy director, a longtime friend and Langley
veteran. Purser knew what Mattson was up to, generally speaking, but for
a short period of time at the beginning had failed to tell his boss anything
about it.12
Immediately after that first encounter with Mattson, Gilruth called both
Purser and Mattson "on the carpet" and demanded the details of the latter's
assignment. Mattson explained his operation and what Thompson and
Donlan wanted out of it, and Gilruth grudgingly gave his okay. Whether
Gilruth ever brought up the matter of Mattson's presence in Houston with
his former Langley compatriots, Thompson and Donlan, is unknown, but he
probably did. Whatever the details of that conversation were, the outcome
was that Mattson stayed at Houston off and on for the next several years —
despite Max Faget's objections. In key respects, the assignment was a
thankless job, not only professionally but also personally; by Mattson's
own admission, it forced him to neglect his family in Virginia.13 But such
sacrifices were consistent with the demands of the spaceflight revolution,
360
In the Service of Apollo
L-67-1562
Axel Mattson (far left) flashes the winning smile that made it possible for him, an
outsider, to walk the halls of the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston for months at
a time. Robert R. Gilruth (center), the Houston center director grudgingly indulged
Mattson's presence. (This photo was actually taken at Langley in 1967 at the foot
of the Lunar Landing Research Facility.) To the right of Gilruth is Charles Donlan,
Langley 's deputy director; to his right is Donald Hewes, the Langley engineer in
charge of the Lunar Landing Research Facility. The identity of the man in the
NASA overalls is unknown.
and he could always take comfort in the romantic notion that he was an
agent in Langley's secret service for Apollo.
The Dynamics of Having an Impact
Only in one or two isolated instances did Mattson's presence in Houston
contribute in any dramatic way to Apollo's ultimate success. As discussed
in chapter eight, in early 1962, not long after starting his assignment in
Houston, Mattson helped win support for John Houbolt's LOR concept in
the face of some stubborn opposition at the Texas center. Mattson took
Houbolt to every person Mattson thought might be willing to listen, and
at the end of the day, at least in Mattson's opinion, the majority of the
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Space/light Revolution
Houston center engineers supported the LOR concept as the best mission
mode for Apollo. A few months later, thanks to some rather keen technical
insight regarding the kind of test data NASA might need to assure the
design integrity of the returning Apollo command module, Mattson made a
less significant but still notable contribution — one that does not appear in
the formal NASA record.
The story of that contribution begins three months after Mattson 's
arrival in Houston — that was when Mattson first got wind of an important
full-scale test being planned to measure the impact dynamics of the Apollo
command module. The North American Aviation Corporation, which in
November 1961 had won the contract to design and build the command and
service modules of the Apollo spacecraft, had built a swimming-pool-like
facility with a big gantry next to it at the site of its Space Information
Systems Division in Downey, California; the purpose of this facility was to
acquire data on the pressure and acceleration loads placed on the command
module upon impact with the ocean. In late 1962 and early 1963, North
American and NASA engineers had already put the command module
through preliminary impact tests at the facility and were planning for a
final verification test involving the highest and most severe impact drop
angle and an Apollo capsule configuration systematically equipped with
pressure transducers to measure the impact loads. Inside the capsule the
engineers were even installing instrumented mannequins, as in automobile
crash tests, to see how astronauts would come through the jolting splash
into the water.14
Mattson became interested in the details of this important test. He
made contacts with some of the informed NASA researchers and contractor
representatives and started reading up on it. From his knowledge of similar
capsule-drop tests carried out in the Back River at Langley on the Mercury
capsule, he understood that such a test would prove troublesome. First, a
flexible bottom surface on a space capsule, such as the heat-shield system
designed for the underneath side of the Apollo command module, would
cave in or "oilcan" upon any hard impact. Second, when transducers were
put on a boilerplate capsule for the purpose of measuring the loads of
the impact pressure, the Langley engineers had found that the pressure
would just "wash out" or dissipate, thus making it impossible for them to
obtain the needed data. "There would be so much resonance and what-not
in the structure," Mattson explains, "that the damn pressure transducers
wouldn't give you that instantaneous spike [i.e., the unusually high and
sharply defined maximum or pointed element in the graph]. And that was
what busted things up [when one dropped a space capsule from a great
height into the water]. It wasn't all that other trash. It was that instant
spike." In the Mercury program the only way that the Langley engineers
could get that spike in the recorded data was to work not with boilerplates
but with solid models. This solution had worked perfectly.15
362
In the Service of Apollo
Immediately upon hearing about the proposed Apollo tests, Mattson
called Sandy M. Stubbs, a bright young engineer in the Impacting Struc-
tures Section of Langley's Structures Research Division. Stubbs was then
conducting a test program on the water landing characteristics of various
spacecraft models. Mattson asked Stubbs if he was getting any data on a
solid model that duplicated the Apollo command module. Stubbs answered
that he had no such data; he was not using the Apollo configuration because
North American's capsule design was already fixed and was not going to be
changed. That was not the answer Mattson wanted to hear, so he tried
coaxing Stubbs into adding an Apollo model to his test. Stubbs replied that
he was "running a little short" on funds and was in charge of a "low-key
kind of operation." He would like to do it, of course, as he was trying to do
a systematic study and was planning to write a formal technical report. If
Mattson could obtain the funding, Stubbs told Langley's agent in Houston,
then he would be glad to go ahead with the test.16
Mattson made an appointment with the Manned Spacecraft Center's
Joseph N. Kotanchik, NASA's main technical monitor for spacecraft struc-
tures work on the North American contract. Kotanchik, like many of the
other Houston officials, was a Langley old-timer; he had been a key member
of the design team that had built Langley's Structures Research Laboratory
in 1939-1940. Unfortunately, he and Mattson did not get along well. Per-
haps it was because Kotanchik was quite formal, a northerner, and an MIT
graduate, whereas Mattson was usually informal, a loquacious southerner
by disposition if not by birth (he was born in New Jersey), who was edu-
cated at North Carolina State University in Raleigh. Perhaps the friction
also stemmed from the professional difficulties Kotanchik had experienced
while at Langley. If Mattson had not had previous dealings with Kotanchik,
he would not have even bothered to make an appointment. Mattson usu-
ally just walked into someone's office, gave a warm greeting, sat down, and
started talking. No one just walked in on Kotanchik except his bosses.
Kotanchik did not want to be bothered with Mattson and told him to be
quick. Mattson promptly asked for a transfer of $40,000 to cover the costs of
Sandy Stubbs's impact loads test on a solid model of the Apollo command
module at Langley. Kotanchik flatly refused, and essentially told Mattson to
get out of his office. According to Mattson, Kotanchik said, "Don't you know
that we're going to have a full-scale test that we've spent a million dollars on?
Don't you know that it will get us all the information we need?" Mattson
tried to explain about Langley's experience with the problem of flexible
bottom structures oilcanning and the resonance of impacting boilerplate
capsules, about the character of the data spike, and about the need for
solid-model testing, but Kotanchik would not listen. "Well, I got kind of
hot about that," Mattson remembers. "But the business I was in, you
couldn't stay hot too long. You just momentarily got shook up, but then
forgot about it real quick. But I put it on the back burner and I made
my contacts with North American." In addition, he told Charles Donlan
363
Spaceflight Revolution
L-65-3649
L-61-8040
One of Langley's notable behind-the-scenes contributions to the success of Project
Apollo was its testing to assure the landing integrity of the returning command
module whether the capsule splashed down into water (top) or maneuvered to a soft
landing on earth (below).
364
In the Service of Apollo
about Kotanchik's refusal. Donlan, understanding the good sense of what
Mattson was trying to do, told him to tell Sandy Stubbs to go ahead and
include a solid model of the Apollo command module in his tests, because
Stubbs wanted to do the systematic testing anyway. Langley management
would just have to find another way to pay for it.17
By the day of the big drop test in California in late September 1964,
Mattson had developed such good rapport with one of the North American
representatives that Mattson's office had been hooked up by telephone to
the North American office in Houston, which was linked to the test site in
California, so he could hear a blow-by-blow, "real-time" narration of the
entire command module drop test. The test did not go well. As Mattson
remembers, the gist of the telephone narration originating in Downey was
as follows: "All right, the capsule drops. It lands in the water. My God,
it's sinking. It has gone in and split wide open. All the mannequins are
drowning. The whole spacecraft is in ruins." At that moment, it was clear
to everyone that a minor catastrophe was at hand; at that moment, also,
Mattson's telephone hookup was cut off.18
Mattson knew he had "a hot one." Raw technical data existed at Langley,
or soon would, that might be the key to solving the problem; but what
exactly was he to do with this knowledge, and when? He decided it was
best to bide his time and see what developed, because before long something
would surely "hit the fan." In a few days, NASA and North American put
together an Impact Test Program Review to look into the splashdown of
the wrecked command module. "You wouldn't believe the collection of
structural experts and spacecraft experts that all convened at Houston."
Into these meetings sneaked Axel Mattson. He sat in the back trying to be
inconspicuous but listening carefully to all that was said. By the third day
of these meetings, chaired by Kotanchik, the engineers involved had come
up with a plan of attack for solving the Apollo spacecraft's splashdown
structures problem; the plan was basically to retest after strengthening the
overall structure of the command module with special attention to increasing
the thickness and stiffness of the heat-shield structure. The only way to
strengthen the structure was to add material and move toward a solid-model
capsule test program similar to the one that had been conducted at Langley
for Mercury. At this point, very late in the course of the meetings, Mattson
began to "lick his chops," because the questions then became: "Who has got
the impact loads? Who knows what they are?" These data were apparently
not available, but Mattson — and Mattson alone — knew how to get them.19
Joe Kotanchik knew Mattson knew. Prom his seat in the front of the
auditorium, the chairman of the meeting nervously looked around the room
until he spotted the one man in the back with a wry smile on his face; then,
Kotanchik called for a coffee break. He immediately got up and pointed his
finger at Mattson and motioned the Langley interloper to follow him into
his office. Inside he asked Mattson if he had heard what it was that was
needed to move on with the spacecraft verification program. Mattson, with
365
Space/light Revolution
more than a little personal satisfaction, answered that he had indeed heard
and that it was "exactly what I was talking about in here when I came in
two months ago, Joe. I was trying to get that damn spike. They don't know
what that spike is. They don't know the magnitude of the impact loads
that busts things up." Kotanchik, however, close to panic, was in no mood
for such a speech and told Mattson to shut up. Mattson did, his victory
sweet enough without rubbing it in. He told Kotanchik that he would have
Sandy Stubbs on an airplane and in Houston by tomorrow morning — which
he did. "And that's how NASA got the information it needed." Stubbs
did a terrific job presenting his research findings to Kotanchik's assembled
experts: he discussed the pertinent parameters of his 1/4-scale model of the
Apollo command module, presented the acceleration and pressure data for
the capsule's landings on water, and explained a slide with a cross section
of the solid model showing its construction details. In the ensuing years,
Stubbs went on to make a major contribution to understanding the impact
dynamics that would affect the Apollo command module upon splashdown.20
Mattson never wrote a report on the affair, but he, too, had made a
contribution. It was the sort of undercover technical work that did not
make its way into the history books, but nothing in his service for Apollo,
or for Langley, ever gave Mattson greater pride or satisfaction.
Inside the Numbers
Mattson did write other reports. At least once a year, he put together a
detailed inventory, "Langley Research Center Tests of Interest to Project
Apollo," for Bob Gilruth at the Manned Spacecraft Center and Floyd
Thompson at Langley. The document described briefly the tests being done
by Langley researchers in support of Apollo, identified the research divisions
and facilities in which the work was being done and the project engineers
conducting it, gave the scheduled test dates, and offered some associated
remarks. The purpose of the report was dual: to demonstrate how much
Langley was doing to support the lunar landing program and to show the
Manned Spacecraft Center the wide range of Langley research that could
perhaps be useful to Apollo. Mattson distributed copies of this unpublished
typescript to four or five of the most important Apollo program managers
in Houston, including the manager of the Apollo Spacecraft Program Office
(in 1963, Joseph F. Shea).21
Although it was self-serving, Mattson 's regular inventory nevertheless
provided a rather accurate survey of everything being done at Langley
that was in any way related to Apollo. Every item listed was legitimate.
Nothing was invented, although the breadth or depth of certain studies was
sometimes stretched a bit to make them seem more applicable to Apollo
than they really were. Still, these informal reports provide an unusually
complete record of how much Langley did in the service of Apollo, at least
as reported by Mattson between December 1962 and February 1968.
366
In the Service of Apollo
L-62-9222
Project Fire explored the effects of reentry heating on Apollo spacecraft materials.
Although the ultimate tests involved Atlas rockets carrying recoverable reentry
packages, the flight tests from Cape Canaveral were preceded by a series of important
wind-tunnel tests at Langley, as shown in this photo from 1962.
Langley's work on Apollo grew steadily from 1962 to 1968, with an
apparent peak in the period covered by Mattson's March 1966 report. Of the
three major research groups in Langley's organization after the laboratory's
formal reorganization in late 1964, Group 1, under the direction of Francis
B. Smith, did the most work for Apollo — 133 projects (85 of them discrete)
compared with 92 (46 discrete) for Group 2, headed by John E. Duberg,
and 98 (51 discrete) for Group 3, headed by Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.
Besides the three research directorates, two other major organizations
at the center contributed to Apollo. One of them, the Office for Flight
Projects, led by Eugene C. Draley, actively supported Apollo; within the
office, the Applied Materials and Physics Division reported 43 Apollo-related
projects. This organization, formerly PARD, was particularly busy with
work for Project Fire, an important NASA effort to study the effects of
reentry heating on a spacecraft returning to earth at a high speed. Fire,
for which Langley created a special program office in May 1961 (under the
direction of Herbert A. "Hack" Wilson), not only consisted of flight tests
from Cape Canaveral involving Atlas rockets carrying recoverable reentry
packages but also involved a considerable amount of Langley wind-tunnel
testing. Two Fire missions eventually took place. The first, launched on
14 April 1964 from Wallops Island, fired a payload into the atmosphere
367
Spaceflight Revolution
Number of Langley Research Projects
Directly Related to Apollo Program, 1962-1968
Dec.
Dec.
Nov.
Nov.
Mar.
Feb.
Directorate
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1968
Group 1
ACD
0
0
0
1
1
0
FID
X
X
X
X
X
8
IRD
1
6
4
9
9
1
SMD
4
9
19
19
19
23
Total
5
15
23
29
29
32
Group 2
OLD
7
7
9
12
13
8
SRD
2
5
9
7
8
5
Total
9
12
18
19
21
13
Group 3
APD
6
5
9
5
5
4
FMTD
10
5
2
2
3
1
FSRD
9
10
6
6
6
4
Total
25
20
17
13
14
9
Flight Projects
LOPO
X
0
0
1
1
4
MORL
X
0
0
2
2
0
AMPD
0
2
5
10
11
15
Total
0
2
5
13
14
19
Engineering and
Technical Services
FVSD
X
X
X
X
X
1
ESD
0
0
0
0
0
0
MSD
0
0
0
0
0
0
PMD
0
0
0
0
0
0
RMFD
0
0
0
0
0
0
Total
0
0
0
0
0
1
x division did not exist FSRD Full-Scale Research Div.
ACD Analysis and Computation Div. LOPO Lunar Orbiter Project Office
FID Flight Instrumentation Div. MORL Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory
IRD Instrument Research Div. AMPD Applied Materials and Physics Div.
SMD Space Mechanics Div. FVSD Flight Vehicles and Systems Div.
OLD Dynamic Loads Div. ESD Electrical Systems Div.
SRD Structures Research Div. MSD Mechanical Services Div.
APD Aero-Physics Div. PMD Plant Maintenance Div.
FMTD Flight Mechanics and Technology Div. RMFD Research Models and Facilities Div.
368
In the Service of Apollo
at a speed in excess of 40,000 kilometers an hour, the velocity that the
Apollo spacecraft returning from the moon was expected to reach. The
second, on 22 May 1965, basically confirmed the findings of the first
mission, which indicated that "the radiation and the temperatures that
would be experienced by an Apollo spacecraft reentry were less severe than
expected."22 Spacecraft engineers at Houston and North American made
use of this important data from Project Fire in designing and qualifying
Apollo's heat shield.
Even Langley's Office of Engineering and Technical Services, Langley's
fifth directorate, which normally was not involved in much research, took on
a special Apollo project by conducting a study of an electrolytic chlorinator
for water sterilization.
The Simulators
The most active of all Langley divisions in Apollo work was the Space
Mechanics Division (SMD) of Group 1. This division conducted more studies
related to the lunar landing mission than did any other division at Langley,
perhaps because it was in this division, previously known as the Theoretical
Mechanics Division, that LOR had germinated.
The essence of SMD's contributions to Apollo rested in its simulation
research. This was a field of work that dated, at the center, to the early 1940s
when manned simulation for aeronautical R&D began because of the need
for World War II pilot trainers. In the following 15 years, with significant
advances in servomechanism and control theory and, more importantly, in
analog and digital computers, simulation technology made a quantum leap
forward. A new generation of intricate and capable machines was developed
just when such simulators were needed for spaceflight. As Langley's foremost
simulation expert, Arthur W. Vogeley, head of SMD's Guidance and Control
Branch, said in a speech to the American Society of Mechanical Engineers
in 1966, "Simulation is now big business. In total investment of professional
manpower and facilities it is larger now than the whole aviation industry
was not many years ago. Simulation is growing rapidly — exponentially, it
seems. Where it will go in the next 15 years is anybody's guess."23
The Sputnik crisis had made simulation research and astronaut training
absolutely vital — in large part because human ambitions began to outstrip
human understanding; simulators were needed to fill in the gaps in the
basic knowledge about spaceflight. Building simulators to investigate the
interface between the airplane and the pilot had been a difficult challenge
for aeronautical researchers prior to the spaceflight revolution; building
machines that simulated the interface between astronaut and spacecraft in
the weightless environment of outer space was an even tougher job — but
one that had to be done. In Projects Gemini and Apollo, astronauts and
spacecraft were to be committed to major, complex, and untried maneuvers
369
Spaceflight Revolution
which, of necessity, had to be carried through to a successful completion,
and usually on the first attempt. Simulation was vital to success.
Very little simulation was necessary for Project Mercury, but Project
Gemini entailed orbital rendezvous and docking, which was a more danger-
ous and complex maneuver than sending a capsule into orbit. Learning how
to link two spacecraft or spacecraft modules in orbit — an operation required
by Apollo's LOR mode — ultimately became the primary purpose of Project
Gemini, NASA's second man-in-space program. Many people fail to appre-
ciate the basic purpose of Project Gemini, which was to serve as a bridge
between Mercury and Apollo and to develop the techniques of rendezvous
and docking, spacewalking, and long-duration flights required by the Apollo
lunar landing mission.24
Docking itself was a straightforward operation, very much like the mid-
air refueling of a jet airplane, which was a maneuver that experienced pilots
routinely managed just by flying "all eyeballs" and by the seat-of-the-pants.
Rendezvous, however, seemed to be an altogether different matter. Michael
Collins had more than his share of experience with the "dark mysteries" of
rendezvous during his Gemini X and Apollo 11 flights: "Sir Isaac Newton,
when formulating the laws of gravity and motion, had no idea how difficult
he was making it for those of us who would fly his circles and ellipses. It
was simple enough to explain, with a chalkboard or, better yet, a powerful
digital computer, but in flight one had to be extraordinarily careful not
to make a false move, not to trust the eyes alone, not to fire the engines
unless each maneuver had been checked and double-checked." Collins, one
of the most thoughtful astronauts (and best writers) to comment on his
experiences in space, captures what it was like for a Gemini pilot to try to
catch and rendezvous with his Agena target/docking vehicle some 2 miles
ahead of him:
The pilot sees the Agena's twinkling light out the window, points the nose of the
Gemini at it, and fires a thruster to move toward the Agena. For a short time
all seems well, and the Agena grows in size. Then a strange thing happens: the
Agena begins to sink and disappears under the Gemini's nose. Then minutes later
it reappears from below, but now it is going faster than the Gemini and vanishes
out front somewhere. What has happened? When the Gemini fired its thruster it
increased its velocity but also its centrifugal force, causing its orbit to become larger.
As it climbed toward its new apogee, it slowed down, so that it began to lose ground
compared to the Agena. The Gemini pilot should have fired a thruster to move away
from the Agena, causing him to drop down below it into a faster orbit, and begin to
overtake it. Then, when the Agena reached a precisely calculated angle above him,
he could thrust toward it and his resulting orbit would intercept that of the Agena.
Sir Isaac demands that you play his game his way.
Rendezvous in space could turn sour with paralyzing swiftness. An on-board
computer might fail, a gyroscope might tilt the wrong way, or some other
glitch might occur to complicate the performance of a necessary maneuver.
370
In the Service of Apollo
Pilots of both the LEM and the CM had to be ready to make crucial decisions
instantaneously. They could not simply say to one another "Meet Me Over
St. Louis" and expect their two spacecraft to rendezvous successfully in
space. The usual way of piloting in atmospheric flight just would not work.
Because of these stark new realities about flight in space, Collins notes, "a
great amount of care and pre-planning had to go into the planning of, and
hardware for, the rendezvous missions."25
Engineers in Langley's Theoretical Mechanics Division (which was ac-
tually renamed the Aero-Space Mechanics Division before becoming SMD)
had become heavily involved in certain aspects of spaceflight simulation
even before Sputnik. Their work for the X-15 program (when they were
still NACA employees) had led them to construct and "fly" an X-15 atti-
tude and control simulator. But Sputnik set them loose; over the course
of the next 10 years they conceived, built, and operated nine new simu-
lators. These included a Rendezvous and Docking Simulator, a Rotating
Vehicle Simulator to study the effects on astronauts of long stays in a ro-
tating space station, and a Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator that was
used to evaluate the effects of lunar gravity on man's walking and running
capabilities (with and without pressure suits). A Lunar Orbit and Let-
down Approach Simulator (LOLA), a $1.9-million facility, was designed so
that pilots could experience the same sort of visual cues that they would
encounter while navigating and controlling a spacecraft in the vicinity of
the moon. The Lunar Landing Research Facility, a mammoth $3.5-million
facility, simulated manned lunar landings, and a Projection Planetarium
was built that could either project stars on a plastic dome while test pilots
sat on a rotating gun turret "spacecraft" to get the feel of heavenly move-
ment or generate a horizon-to-horizon view of Florida as seen from about
100,000 feet for "out-the-window" studies of Apollo launch-abort problems.
The Virtual Image Rendezvous Simulator used a closed-circuit television
system and analog computers to represent a moving target vehicle for ren-
dezvous and docking studies; a Water Immersion Simulator used a water
tank for investigating problems associated with manned extra- and intra-
vehicular activities in reduced-G environments; and a One-Man Propulsion
Research Apparatus suspended a person equipped with vertical thrusters
and translation and attitude controllers from a lightweight gimbal unit
for maneuverability studies in reduced-gravity fields.26 Two of the space-
flight simulators in particular — the Rendezvous and Docking Simulator and
the Lunar Landing Research Facility — made significant contributions to the
successes of projects Gemini and Apollo.
In the months following NASA's adoption of the LOR concept, a
team of Langley engineers led by Arthur W. Vogeley and Max C. Kurbjun
of the Space Mechanics Division, and including Roy R. Brissendon,
Alfred J. Meintel, Jr., Jack E. Pennington, and Marvin C. Waller, designed
an unusual research facility explicitly for the purpose of studying the special
problems of rendezvous and docking. In its essentials, the design belonged
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L-64-1610 L-62-9652
The Langley Rendezvous and Docking Simulator suspended from the roof of the West
Area airplane hangar (top). Bottom left, a time-lapse look at a successful docking.
Bottom right, an unidentified pilot "eyeballs " his way to a docking by peering through
the portal in his capsule.
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In the Service of Apollo
to Vogeley, the head of SMD's Guidance and Control Branch, and entailed
full-scale mock-ups of the Gemini and Apollo cockpits that could be hung
from an overhead carriage and cable-suspended gimbal system. This entire
assembly could then be attached to an overhead moving crane that moved
along a 210-foot track running along the rafters of Langley's cavernous West
Area hangar. Pilot astronauts could then "fly" the cockpits both in night-
time and daylight conditions to rehearse and perfect rendezvous and docking
skills.
Upon its completion in early 1963, SMD began using this ingenious
simulator to study the finer points of various rendezvous missions. (The
simulator included a general-purpose analog computer, which made it
possible for the pilot inside the gimbal to experience all six degrees of
motion freedom.) Experience with the facility confirmed something that
Vogeley and other experienced guidance and control experts at Langley had
believed for some time: rendezvous, if practiced, was not as mysterious or
as difficult as many people imagined. In fact, it could be accomplished quite
easily.27
Nonetheless, without their experience in the Rendezvous and Docking
Simulator, the Gemini and Apollo astronauts would not have been as well
prepared for handling the pressures of rendezvous. "We trained an awful
lot of astronauts," Vogeley remembers with pride, "who all appreciated the
realism of the simulator's visual scene. It gave us a lot of satisfaction just
to show that NASA could do that sort of thing in a unique piece of ground
equipment that only cost about $300,000. I think we got our money's
worth."28 In his branch office Vogeley kept a picture of the simulator
that was signed by all the pilots who ever used the facility — with one
exception. Apollo astronaut Ed White, who visited Langley twice to fly
on the simulator, died in the tragic launchpad fire at Cape Kennedy on
27 January 1967 before he could add his autograph to the list.
The other simulator to contribute in a significant way to the success
of Apollo was the Lunar Landing Research Facility, an imposing 250-foot-
high, 400-foot-long gantry structure that became operational in 1965 at a
cost of nearly $4 million. Conceived in 1962 by engineer Donald Hewes and
built under the careful direction of his quiet but ingenious division chief,
W. Hewitt Phillips, this gigantic facility was designed to develop techniques
for landing the rocket-powered LEM on the moon's surface. Because the
moon had no atmosphere and its gravitational pull was only one-sixth that
of the earth's, piloting the LEM would be completely unlike atmospheric
flying. The thrust of the LEM's rockets in a vacuum would produce unusual
and abrupt up-and-down, side-to-side, or rolling motions. In addition, the
lack of an atmosphere would create a harsh light. As the astronauts landed,
they would face this bright glare, as well as deep, dark shadows, which would
skew depth perception. Some unique problems had to be overcome to make
a pinpoint lunar landing. Some means of simulation seemed called for; the
question was how to do it.
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L-69-7140 L-63-3268
The two men responsible for the design and early operation of the Lunar Landing
Research Facility were Donald Hewes (left) and his division chief, William Hewitt
Phillips (right).
Hewitt Phillips, a soft-spoken, MIT-educated engineer born in Port
Sunlight, England, remembers how the idea for the Lunar Landing Research
Facility originated between 1962 and 1963: "Since we knew that the
moon's gravity is one-sixth that of the Earth's, we needed to support
five-sixths of the vehicle's weight to simulate the actual conditions on the
moon."29 Perhaps, some practical method could be devised to lower the
apparent weight of a mock-up LEM to its lunar equivalent by a method of
suspension using vertical cables attached to a traveling bridge crane.
From this basic notion, the design evolved. A huge gantry structure was
built that would dominate Langley's landscape for years to come. Phillips
and Hewes wanted the supporting gantry to be even taller, but because
of the heavy military air traffic from adjacent Langley AFB, the structure
was limited to 200 feet. The completed facility, however, stood 240 feet
6 inches, excluding the top warning lights and antennae. Two long cables
provided the desired vertical lifting force equal to five-sixths of the vehicle's
weight, thereby opposing the pull of the earth's gravity and simulating the
low gravitational force of the moon's surface. The cables were attached to
a servocontrolled hoist system in a dolly unit mounted under a traveling
bridge; the hoist system was controlled automatically by load cells in each
support strut. As the test vehicle moved up and down and back and forth in
response to the controlling pilot, the bridge and dolly responded to signals
from the vehicle and from cable angle sensors at the top of the cables to
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In the Service of Apollo
L-69-6324
Langley's Lunar Landing Research Facility, completed in 1965, helped to prepare the
Apollo astronauts for the final 150 feet of their lunar landing mission by simulating
both the lunar gravity environment and the full-scale LEM vehicle dynamics.
stay directly over the vehicle at all times and to keep the cables vertical.
Because the bridge and dolly system were driven hydraulically, they provided
a responsive servocontrol system. Moreover, safety features were built into
the system to prevent the lunar landing vehicle from crashing or the bridge
and the dolly from overrunning their tracks in the event of an equipment
malfunction or the pilot exceeding the safety limits of the system.
The lunar landing test vehicle itself could be flown up to about 17 miles
per hour within the confines of the overhead structure, which provided a
travel range 400 feet long, 50 feet wide, and 180 feet high. The vehicle could
also be hoisted to the overhead platform, where two cables connected to
the trolley units on the lower horizontal truss structure could catapult the
vehicle downward at 35 miles per hour. To make the simulated landings
more authentic, Hewes and his men filled the base of the huge eight-legged,
red-and-white structure with dirt and modeled it to resemble the moon's
surface. They erected floodlights at the proper angles to simulate lunar
light and installed a black screen at the far end of the gantry to mimic the
airless lunar "sky." Hewes personally climbed into the fake craters with
cans of everyday black enamel to spray them so that the astronauts could
experience the shadows that they would see during the actual moon landing.
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Space/light Revolution
L-68-547
L-67-9108
Langley engineers designed the control cab of the Lunar Landing Research Facility 's
original landing module (top left) from the cockpit of a Bell helicopter. To make it
similar to the actual LEM, they eventually redesigned it with a stand-up cab (top
right and bottom).
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In the Service of Apollo
L-69-4361 L-67-3857
With floodlights shining down to simulate lunar light and the base modeled to
resemble the lunar surface, 24 astronauts practiced landings at the Lunar Landing
Research Facility between 1965 and 1969.
As a final touch to the facility, Hewes attached to an overhead, lightweight
trolley track a simple contrivance, which came to be known as the Reduced
Gravity Walking Simulator. Made of canvas slings, steel cables, a small
trolley, and a wooden walking surface, this rig tilted a walker some 80 de-
grees from vertical by holding him up with two cables. Astronauts, thus
suspended, could practice moonwalking down the plywood surface. They
made 12-foot jumps with ease, rapidly climbed a "vertical" pole with one
hand, and generally got a feel for what it would be like to traverse the lunar
surface.30 The Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator became quite a hit with
all press members who visited Langley during the Apollo era. In 1968, for
example, CBS anchorman Walter Cronkite suited up in an orange astronaut
outfit for what turned out to be a rather comical televised walk on the moon.
Of course, the landing facility was a complicated system and had kinks
that had to be ironed out. The electrohydraulic system that kept the crane
platform directly over the flight vehicle and the cables vertical was extremely
involved. The facility had a wonderful assortment of structural, cable-
stretch, and pendulous frequencies that were unpredictable and required
innovative compensation systems. The LEM model was attached to the
cables through gimbal rings allowing pitch, roll, and yaw motions produced
by a hydrogen peroxide rocket attitude control system. The one-sixth weight
not lifted by the cable system had to be lifted by throttleable hydrogen
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L-68-8308
The spaceflight revolution captivated many in the news media, including then-CBS
news anchorman Walter Cronkite. During a 1968 visit to Langley, the adventurous
Cronkite tried out the Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator — a series of cable-
supported slings hanging down from the Lunar Landing Research Facility designed
to approximate lunar locomotion.
peroxide thrusters fixed to the vehicle structure. With such marvelous
complexities, it is no wonder that it took some time for the Langley engineers
to perfect their gargantuan but sensitive and responsive mechanism.
As Neil Armstrong testified, once the kinks were ironed out, the Lunar
Landing Research Facility was "an engineer's delight." The flying volume
was "limiting, but adequate to give pilots a substantive introduction to
Lunar flight characteristics." Moreover, thanks to the built-in safety fea-
tures, whereby the cable system could be locked if the vehicle was out of
control, the astronauts were able to "investigate unorthodox attitude, tra-
jectory and control combinations which would be impractical in a free-flying
simulator."31
Armstrong knew the limitations of other simulators from personal expe-
rience. On 6 May 1968, during a test flight of a free-flying Lunar Landing
Training Vehicle at NASA's Flight Research Center at Edwards AFB in
California, he was almost killed. Historian Richard Hallion, author of the
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In the Service of Apollo
definitive book on the history of NASA's Flight Research Center, relates the
accident:
While hovering 10 meters above the ground, the vehicle suffered a loss of helium
pressure in its propellant tanks, causing shutdown of its attitude control rockets. It
started nosing up and rolling over, and Armstrong immediately ejected. His zero-
zero seat kicked him away from the stricken craft, which tumbled into the ground
and exploded as the astronaut safely descended by parachute.
"It was a sad fate for a pioneering flight craft," writes Hallion, a great
lover of flying machines. Indeed, but it almost sealed a far worse fate for
America's first man on the moon.32 Prom that day on, Neil Armstrong
made no flights in the Lunar Landing Training Vehicle or any other free-
flying test vehicle simulating lunar landings. He did, however, continue to
use Langley's facility to practice landings.
Ironically, in the early days of the facility's development, many people
associated with the Apollo program did not see the need for such a facility
and questioned whether it would ever work. How could a vehicle hanging
from cables, like a child's top jumping at the end of a string, adequately
simulate moon landings? Axel Mattson recalls that Gilruth's engineers
in Houston never expressed much enthusiasm for the device. They felt
that the best simulations would be provided by helicopters approximating
final descent trajectories (all Apollo crew members did in fact become
qualified helicopter pilots) by a test program involving a modified Bell
X-14A VTOL aircraft, or by the special free-flight lunar landing research
vehicles being developed by NASA for the test flights at Edwards. All these
research vehicles made significant contributions to developing techniques
for the lunar landing. But Langley's controversial Lunar Landing Facility
provided astronauts with a unique experience. So realistic was its imitation
moonscape, for example, that Neil Armstrong remarked that when he saw
his shadow fall upon the lunar dust, it was exactly as he had seen it at the
landing facility at Langley.33
Some of Langley's other simulators did not make significant contributions
to Apollo — or to any other program. The clearest case in point was the
intricate LOLA, which started operating in 1965 at an imposing cost of
nearly $2 million. This simulator was designed to provide a pilot with
a detailed visual encounter with the lunar surface; the machine consisted
primarily of a cockpit, a closed-circuit TV system, and four large murals or
scale models representing portions of the lunar surface as seen from various
altitudes. The pilot in the cockpit moved along a track past these murals,
which would accustom him to the visual cues for controlling a spacecraft in
the vicinity of the moon. Unfortunately, such a simulation — although great
fun and quite aesthetic — was not helpful because flight in lunar orbit posed
no special problems other than the rendezvous with the LEM, which the
device did not simulate. Not long after the end of Apollo, the expensive
machine was dismantled.34
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L-65-5579
Although as much fun as riding through the fun house at the county fair, the
$2 million LOLA proved unnecessary. In this photo from 1965, a Langley technician
takes great care to make sure that the surface features of the moon are being
represented exactly.
Rogallo's Flexible Wing
More than any other division at Langley, the Full-Scale Research Division
acted as a "service effort" for Apollo. Testing in the high-speed wind
tunnels of this division provided essential data in the transonic regime for
the moon shot. Not all Apollo work carried out in the Full-Scale Research
Division, however, involved high-speed aerodynamics. Perhaps the most
interesting and potentially significant technologies developed in this division
involved low-speed aerodynamics — specifically, a proposed Apollo capsule
recovery system that used a controllable paraglider. This concept, which
was eventually turned down both for Gemini and Apollo, was the brainchild
of Francis M. Rogallo, an ingenious thinker and kite-flying enthusiast who
worked in the 7 x 10-Foot Tunnel Branch.
Although Bob Gilruth and many other engineers responsible for Project
Mercury considered the ballistic capsule approach "an elegant solution" to
the problem of quickly putting a person in orbit, no aeronautical engineer
was especially happy with the plan.35 Their dream was for the spacecraft
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In the Service of Apollo
to return to earth using "wings and wheels" — that is, to really fly down
through the atmosphere to a landing on a conventional runway.
NASA placed its hopes for such an airplane-like landing on an unusual
inflated- fabric flexible wing, or parawing. Such a wing was being developed
at Langley in the early 1960s under the intellectual direction of Francis
M. Rogallo. Rogallo's idea for Gemini, as well as for Apollo, was to pack
away a carefully designed parawing like a parachute until the spacecraft fell
to about 60,000 feet, at which time an elaborate unstowing and unfurling
process began. By 20,000 feet, if all went well, the descending spacecraft
would turn into the world's heaviest hang glider, suspended under a dart-
shaped parawing. The astronauts themselves would then bring the soaring
craft down to a landing either on water or on soil.36
Rogallo had started at NACA Langley in 1936 after graduation from
Stanford University, and since 1945 the flexible wing had been a pet project.
A survey of the history of the parawing provides not only an understand-
ing of the genesis of one of Langley's most intriguing — if never used —
developments for Apollo but also insight into the sudden and dramatic im-
pact of Sputnik and the spaceflight revolution on the course of independent
research at Langley.
Rogallo and his wife, Gertrude, spent their spare time flying home-built
kites at their beach house at Nags Head, North Carolina, which is near
Kitty Hawk. By the end of World War II, this hobby had begun to give the
couple ideas for unconventional vehicles, such as hydrofoil boats, ground-
effect machines, V/STOL aircraft, and flexible wings. Because they could
not find any organization, including their own NACA, to support R&D for
their ideas, they "decided to do what we could privately as time permitted."
Initially their efforts focused on configurations resembling boat sails; later,
their designs were similar to parachutes. Finally, they concentrated on
shapes somewhere between boat sails and parachutes — flexible wings. By
the end of 1948, the couple had developed a flexible kite, which the Rogallos
called "Flexi-Kite," and a type of gliding parachute, which they later named
a "paraglider."37
In 1948, Rogallo and his wife filed a patent for a V-shaped flexible wing,
which was awarded (U.S. Patent No. 2,546,078) in March 1951. From
the outset, the inventors had thought of their parawing as a wing not
only for sport gliders but also for military and civil powered aircraft. No
one, however, took their proposals seriously. As Rogallo remembers, when
meeting friends and acquaintances, they were generally greeted with, "How's
the kite business?" The Rogallos had resorted to selling their Flexi-Kite as
a toy in order to illustrate the parawing principle and help finance their
work. Francis Rogallo would often say in later years that toys should copy
the real thing and not the other way around.38
For the first seven years of its development, the motivation behind the
flexible wing had been "purely aeronautical," but that changed in 1952
when the Rogallos saw the Colliers magazine that ran the exciting series
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Space/light Revolution
Francis and Gertrude Rogallo (right), in-
ventors of the V-shaped flexible "para-
wing." In December 1961, Langley flight-
tested a 50-foot parawing 's ability to bring
down safely a model of a manned space
capsule from a few thousand feet above
Plum Tree Island (below), an old army
bombing range near Langley Field.
L-63-5441
L-61-8041
382
In the Service of Apollo
of stories about spaceflight. Francis Rogallo was struck by the issue's
beautiful illustrations of rigid- winged gliders mounted on top of huge rockets.
As he recalled later in a 1963 speech to the American Astronautical
Society, "I thought that the rigid-winged gliders might better be replaced
by vehicles with flexible wings that could be folded into small packages
during the launching." In August 1952 he met Dr. Willy Ley, one of
Colliers consultants, and told Ley his thoughts about flexible wings for
astronautics. In the conversation Rogallo mentioned that the technology of
flexible wings might someday prove very useful when spacecraft commute
regularly between planets: a rocket ship returning from Mars could pop out
flexible wings as it entered the earth's atmosphere and glide the last 100
or 200 miles home, saving "the stockholders" that much fuel. "But the
time was not yet ripe."39 (Note that Rogallo imagined, perhaps in jest,
that private corporations would be sponsoring the interplanetary travel, not
governments.)
In April 1954, hoping to gain acceptance of his concept for aerospace
applications, Rogallo gave a presentation, complete with glider model
demonstrations, to the local Tidewater reserve unit of the Air Force Research
and Development Command. Two months later, he submitted a proposal
to include parawing research in the NACA budget, but the proposal was
rejected. Indefatigable, he submitted a proposal to discuss his flexible wing
concepts at the annual meeting of the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences
(IAS). This was "the first [proposal] that actually reached the program
committee after several tries," but it too was turned down. The IAS
rejection letter read: "Although the paper is out of the ordinary and looks
like it might be fine to hear, it just does not fit into our program."40
As it did for so many research projects, the launch of Russia's Sputnik 1 in
October 1957 changed the course of history for the parawing. Even before
the formation of NASA in 1958, Rogallo had received NACA approval to
make a few crude wind-tunnel and model flight investigations of parawings
in the 7 x 10-Foot Tunnel Branch. In December 1958, he made a presen-
tation to the Langley Committee on Aerodynamics, and as he remembers,
"gradually people in other divisions became interested and volunteered to
investigate parawings in their facilities." During 1959 cloth parawings were
tested in the 4- Foot Supersonic Pressure Tunnel at Mach 2, and still other
parawing models were deployed at high altitudes (150,000 to 200,000 feet)
at nearly Mach 3 from rocket launchings at Wallops Island. In August 1959,
von Braun invited Rogallo to Huntsville for a presentation, so "business was
picking up."41
For the next year and a half, into early 1961, Rogallo gave talk after
talk on his parawing concept to various technical groups. He spoke at
the national aeronautics meeting of the Society of Automotive Engineers
(April 1960); at Ryan Aeronautical Company and North American Aviation
(May 1960); at the annual IAS meeting in New York City (Jan. 1961);
and at local IAS chapter meetings in Lancaster, California, and San Diego
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Space/light Revolution
(March 1961). By the end of 1960, the Ryan company, the same company
that built Charles Lindbergh's Spirit of St. Louis, began building a powered
man-carrying "Ryan Flex- Wing" at its own expense; Rogallo was on hand in
San Diego to witness its first flight. Also, in early 1961, NASA Marshall gave
Ryan and North American contracts to study the feasibility of recovering
Saturn boosters by means of parawings. NASA in-house studies of the
technological capabilities of the wing were made at Marshall and Langley
and demonstrated that recovery of the (later canceled) C-2 rocket stage
was feasible. By the end of 1961, the DOD let its first parawing contract,
to Ryan, for flight tests of the Flex- Wing. The aircraft was later sent to
NASA Langley for investigation in the Full-Scale Tunnel. Thereafter, the
number of projects and contracts related to parawings increased too rapidly
to mention in this brief history.42
"It looked like parawings were here to stay," Rogallo rejoiced at the time,
and Sputnik was the reason.43 By the summer of 1963, it appeared that the
concept had achieved worldwide acceptance and that the time had come for
his parawing study group to give the U.S. government royalty- free license to
use its patents, which it did in a ceremony in Washington on 18 July 1963.
In a short speech, Rogallo expressed his hopes for the invention: "We feel
confident that the civil and military agencies of the government will carry on
this work, and we hope private industry will promote use of the concept for
business and pleasure as effectively as they have for astronautics and military
aeronautics." In a separate ceremony a day earlier, Dr. Hugh Dryden, depu-
ty administrator of NASA, presented Francis Rogallo and his wife with a
check for $35,000 for their development of the flexible- wing concept; at that
time, it was the largest cash award ever made by the space agency to an
inventor.44
Unfortunately, the spaceflight revolution, which had so quickly turned
circumstances in the wing's favor, just as quickly turned circumstances
against it. That is often the nature of revolutions — to take things full
circle. From the beginning, NASA's interest in Rogallo's paraglider grew
primarily from the possibility of using it as a controllable space capsule
recovery system. When that interest waned, so too did NASA's support for
the innovative flight technology.
Given NASA's formal go-ahead for research, Rogallo and his colleagues in
the Full-Scale Research Division invested much time, energy, and emotion in
the paraglider concept. Several Langley employees shared Rogallo's enthusi-
asm for the innovative flight technology and even conducted manned flexible-
wing flight research during weekends on the Outer Banks with privately
owned equipment. Although qualitative in nature, these investigations
proved "valuable in providing quick answers and indicating promising di-
rections for the much more costly and time-consuming instrumented but
unmanned NASA flight research."45 In wind-tunnel studies at Langley,
this research covered a broad spectrum of parawing design parameters —
everything from the original concept of a flexible lifting surface (indicated
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In the Service of Apollo
in the engineering data as a "limp paraglider") to rigid frame gliders with
conical and cylindrical canopies.
As this research on the basic technology of the parawing gained momen-
tum at Langley, NASA's STG, still at Langley at this time, grew inter-
ested in the possible application of the foldable, deployable, inflatable-frame
paraglider to its Gemini EOR program. Specifically, the STG believed it
might be used as part of Mercury Mark II, the follow-on to Project Mercury,
which ultimately (in January 1962) became Project Gemini. The STG felt
that such a wing could be deployed either before or after reentry to provide
controlled glide and horizontal landing. Even on a lifting reentry body —
NASA was giving "lifting body" technology considerable attention in re-
lation to space station studies during this period (see the epilogue) — tests
at Langley and other NASA facilities were showing that a parawing could
improve the postentry flight or landing characteristics.46
In early July 1961, a few weeks before the second manned Mercury flight
by Gus Grissom, Gilruth's organization initiated three well-funded design
study contracts on the paraglider concept with Ryan, North American, and
Goodyear. Of these three companies, North American would eventually
produce the most acceptable plan — a study to explore the parawing as an
earth-landing system for Project Apollo.47 A few weeks later, the STG
began requesting that studies of the Rogallo-type paraglider be conducted
at NASA centers. At Langley this led, on 31 August, to a research
authorization for "Free-Flight and Wind- Tunnel Tests of Guided Parachutes
as Recovery Devices for the Apollo Type Reentry Vehicle." By late fall, all
of this work came together as a formalized NASA paraglider development
program, with Langley and Ames responsible for the wind-tunnel tests and
the Flight Research Center for scheduling manned flight tests. Starting in
mid- 1963, 12 manned flight tests were actually made at Edwards with a
so-called Parasev.48
If the United States had not been in a hurry to go to the moon, the
Rogallo paraglider might have been used as the capsule recovery system
for Gemini and Apollo; of course, if the country had not been in such a
hurry, it would not have gone to the moon at all in the 1960s — and perhaps
would not have gone there ever. As it turned out, the paraglider became
"hopelessly snarled in a financial, technical, and managerial morass."^
Richard Hallion recollects the specific problems encountered during the flight
tests at Edwards:
Paraglider development involved solving major design difficulties in deploying the
wing, ensuring that crew would have adequate control over the parawing-equipped
craft, and providing stability, control, and handling qualities. The Flight Research
Center's technical staff was never convinced that the scheme was workable. Eventu-
ally, because of poor test results and rising costs and time delays, the idea was dropped
from Gemini in mid-1964. FRC engineers and pilots had believed that any vehicle
so equipped might present a pilot with a greater flying challenge than contemporary
advanced airplanes.
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L-62-631
An early version of the single-seat Paraglider Research Vehicle ("Parasev") is test
"flown" in Langley's Full- Scale Tunnel in January 1962.
These conclusions were based on experience. Flights with the small, single-
seat experimental Parasev had proved extremely tricky even in the hands of
experienced test pilots. The first machine, Parasev /, flew as if "controlled by
a wet noodle." As Hallion records, during one ground tow, a veteran NASA
test pilot "got out of phase with the lagging control system and developed
a rocking motion that got worse and worse; just as the tow truck started
to slow, the Parasev did a wing-over into the lakebed, virtually demolishing
the Parasev and injuring [the pilot], though not seriously." This was not
the only time that a paraglider test vehicle would slam into the ground.50
The Parasev, built and rebuilt several times, eventually made over
100 flights at Edwards and showed enough progress that it might have proved
feasible for capsule reentry if further developed. However, NASA could
not wait for its maturation. Besides, the paraglider was "not absolutely
necessary, being more technological frosting than cake."51 NASA did not
need an elegant reentry plan, just a workable one. By early 1964, NASA was
committed to a water landing for Apollo. In mid- 1964, Gemini's program
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In the Service of Apollo
manager, Charles W. Mathews, a former Langley STG engineer, canceled
the paraglider. Rogallo's idea would not fly anyone or anything back from
space.
Rogallo never gave up on his pet concept and continued to develop it
even after he retired and moved with Gertrude to Nags Head. There they
spent all their time working on their paragliders for sport aviation and other
applications. Before leaving NASA Langley, Rogallo and his colleagues
in the Low- Speed Vehicle Branch had continued to explore a very broad
spectrum of wing shapes and structures for his flexible wings. Never again,
however, would his concept receive the same high level of NASA support
and funding that it had received when linked to the manned space programs
of the early 1960s. Nevertheless, a Parawing Project Office (under engineer
Dewey L. Clemmons, Jr.) continued at Langley until 1967 and kept the
research alive.
The Apollo Fire Investigation Board
Langley played one other significant, if very sad, role in the Apollo
program. The program seemed to be moving along extremely well, so well
in fact that by New Year's Day 1967 many observers believed that President
Kennedy's "by the end of the decade" deadline for landing a man on the
moon might be achieved a couple of years ahead of schedule. Then tragedy
struck — making it abundantly clear to NASA and the nation just how high a
price would have to be paid to pursue such bold ventures into the unknown.
Early in the evening of 27 January 1967, a fire broke out inside the Block I
Command Module sitting on top of the uprated Saturn I 204 rocket on the
launchpad of Complex 34 at Cape Kennedy. The fire killed three Apollo
astronauts — Gus Grissom, Edward H. White, and Roger B. Chaffee — who
were in the capsule for a prelaunch test.52
The next day, Deputy Administrator Robert C. Seamans, Jr., speaking
for Administrator Webb, named Floyd L. Thompson chairman of the
Apollo 204 Review Board.53 Serving with Thompson were five other NASA
officials, one air force official, and one official from the U.S. Bureau of
Mines. No one institution was better represented on the board than
Langley. Besides Thompson (and probably because of him), the board also
included E. Barton Geer, associate chief of Langley's Flight Vehicles and
Systems Division, and George Malley, Langley's chief counsel. Furthermore,
Max Faget, then of the Manned Spacecraft Center, but formerly a Langley
engineer, also served on the board.*
* The other members of the Apollo 204 Review Board were Col. Charles F. Strang, chief of the
Missiles and Space Safety Division, air force inspector general, Norton AFB, Calif.; Lt. Col. Frank
Borman, astronaut, Manned Spacecraft Center; George C. White, Jr., director of reliability and quality,
Apollo Program Office, NASA headquarters; Dr. Robert W. Van Dolah, research director, Explosive
Research Center, Bureau of Mines, U.S. Department of Interior, Pittsburgh, Pa.; and John J. Williams,
director of Spacecraft Operations, NASA Kennedy Space Center.
387
Spaceflight Revolution
L-68-9680
Floyd Thompson (left), chairman of the Apollo Fire investigation board, talks with
Thomas O. Paine (right), who took over from James Webb as NASA administrator
in September 1968.
NASA was handing a terribly difficult job to Langley's 69-year-old di-
rector, who was only a year and some months away from retirement. Iron-
ically, someone like Floyd Thompson, with no national public reputation
and a surface personality that even some close friends described as a bit
"hayseed," would have been out of the question for the investigation com-
mittee that was appointed after the Challenger accident — even as a commis-
sion member let alone as its chairman.54 But, as the results of the Apollo
fire investigation and the subsequently successful Apollo program demon-
strated, Thompson would be the perfect man for the Apollo job. As Robert
Seamans once said about Thompson, "I think he acted to fool people a
little bit so he could get their measure — and then watch out, you know.
Very adaptable. At Langley, through all this chaotic period, he kept it out
front doing the right kind of things. And then of course the real crunch
came when we had the Apollo fire. The question was, 'Who do we have who
388
In the Service of Apollo
has the ability and the credibility to be responsible for that review?' That's
when we put Tommy into that very, very difficult job."55 Interestingly, after
the mishap of Apollo 13, when exploding oxygen tanks in the service module
forced the highly dramatic return of the three astronauts even before they
had reached the moon, NASA appointed another Langley center director,
Edgar M. Cortright, Thompson's successor, to chair the accident review
board. Perhaps this was in part a testimony to how well Floyd Thompson
had conducted the Apollo fire investigation.
Within 24 hours of the command module inferno, Thompson and the rest
of his committee were on hand at Pad 34, beginning the long and arduous
process of finding out why the tragedy had happened. Under Thompson's
disciplined direction, the investigation marched along quickly and quietly.
This low-profile progress was possible because the inquiry was an internal
NASA investigation without the national media exposure that those on the
Challenger investigation committee would face. By 5 April, after spending
about 10 weeks on the job, most of it on site at the Kennedy Space Center,
the Apollo 204 Review Board was ready to submit its formal report, which
was several thousand pages long including appendixes. According to its
terse prose, arcs from faulty electrical wiring in an equipment bay inside
the command module had started the fire. In the 100-percent oxygen
atmosphere, the crew had died of asphyxia caused by inhalation of toxic
gases. The board report concluded with a list of 11 major recommendations
for hardware and operational changes.56
NASA would need two more years to fix all the problems with Apollo. A
special Apollo Configuration Control Board, chaired by George Low, even-
tually oversaw the completion of over 1300 design changes for the space-
craft. The mending process had really begun, however, with the Apollo 204
Review Board's fast action to a first draft of an investigation report. As
chairman and as a person well aware of the inherent dangers of flight re-
search, Floyd Thompson wanted everyone to know that his board's written
description of "the defects in the Apollo Program that led to the condi-
tion existing at the time of the Apollo 204 accident" should not be in-
terpreted as "an indictment of the entire manned space flight program"
or as a "castigation of the many people associated with that program."
"Nothing is further from the Board's intent," Thompson emphatically de-
clared. The function of his board had been "to search for error in the
largest and most complex research and development program ever under-
taken," and that was why the report on the fire commented only on the
deficiencies uncovered and did not present a total picture of the Apollo
program, including the good points with the bad, or look for scapegoats.
However, the report tried to make clear to the nation that such tragedies
389
Space/light Revolution
All three astronauts who died in the
Apollo fire had spent a consider-
able amount of time in simulators
at Langley. Gus Grissom (right)
at the controls of the Rendezvous
and Docking Simulator in 1963; be-
low, Roger Chaffee strapped into the
Lunar Landing Research Facility's
Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator
in 1965. Unfortunately, a picture of
Edward White while in training at
Langley was not found.
L-65-8545
390
In the Service of Apollo
would occasionally occur if the bold venture into space was to continue and
j-riy
progress.
It is unfortunate that tragic accidents such as the Apollo fire and
the Challenger explosion have to happen for errors to be discovered and
corrected. Both events made NASA and its contractors more cautious, and
in the case of the Apollo fire, they actually slowed the pace of work so that
tasks could be performed more carefully. "It gave everyone not working on
fire-related matters a breather, a period to catch up on their work." "In
the race for the moon," as Apollo astronaut/historian Michael Collins has
written, "no one wanted his piece of the machine to be the laggard, the one
to hold up the whole procession. Consequently, no one wanted to admit
being 'the long pole in the tent' as it was called, and managers were apt
to fudge their schedules a bit, hoping someone else would admit to being
even farther behind. Many long poles got whittled down to manageable
size during the time North American was struggling to get the Command
Module back on track."58
This scenario really did not apply to NASA Langley; its work to achieve
the lunar landing objective was for the most part over by the time the Apollo
command module was fixed and ready for its first manned flight (Apollo 7,
11-22 Oct. 1968). Langley's contributions to Apollo had little to do with
final preparations but rather rested largely in the groundwork for such an
ambitious program. By the time of Apollo 11 's historic first lunar landing
on 20 July 1969, Langley's multifarious R&D efforts for Apollo had been
largely forgotten; except for the Hampton area press, the media gave the
center little attention. But without Langley, an American lunar landing
that summer day may not have been possible.
"We had a target and a goal," says John Houbolt, one of the few from
Langley privileged with an invitation to watch the historic lunar landing
event from the viewing room at Mission Control in Houston. "Congress
By the authority granted to the center in a letter from Deputy Administrator Robert Seamans on
27 February 1967, NASA Langley became "the custodian of all pertinent physical evidence, reports, files,
and working materials dealing with the investigations and review of the Apollo 204 accident." (Copy in
Apollo 204 Review Board files, Langley Central Files.) In 1978, Langley shipped all the documentary
records of the review board to the National Archives; however, it kept all the related hardware, including
the Apollo capsule itself. In 1990 preparations were made to send the "Apollo storage container," which
included the capsule, to the Kennedy Space Center for an appropriate burial with remnants of the Space
Shuttle Challenger. However, those preparations halted after a controversy ensued over the historical
significance of the Apollo capsule and its possible use in a museum exhibition. Thus, in the summer
of 1990, NASA made the decision to keep the Apollo hardware right where it was, in a warehouse
at Langley. (The press was allowed to view the remains briefly, in part to confirm that Langley still
possessed them.) On 7 November 1990, Langley Director Richard H. Petersen ordered his director of
operations "to seal the entrance to the Apollo 204 storage container" and not to break it "without my
written approval." For the relevant documentation, see the Apollo 204 Review Board files, Langley
Central Files.
391
Space/light Revolution
L-67-1697
The Lunar Landing Research Facility staff crowds around Apollo astronaut Neil
Armstrong (center) in March 1967, 28 months before he was to become the first
human to set foot on the moon.
was behind it. Funding was available. The entire nation mobilized for a
common goal." In his opinion, to this day, "the landing on the Moon was
undoubtedly mankind's greatest technological achievement and engineering
accomplishment. We started essentially from scratch in 1962 and seven years
later we were on the Moon. It was a remarkable achievement and remains
unsurpassed." 59
Indeed, Apollo was the crowning achievement of the spaceflight revolu-
tion, but it had also served as NASA's only guiding star through nearly all
of the 1960s. Apollo shone so spectacularly, few aboard NASA suspected
that it would ever dim. Unfortunately, near the end of the program, in-
terest in spaceflight waned, and Apollo's brightness proved to be that of a
supernova — dazzling yet brief. Once Apollo had faded, NASA found itself
traveling without direction.
392
12
The Cortright Synthesis
A new era had already started. All I did was acceler-
ate it. Thompson was wedded to the Langley way of
doing things and under Tommy everything would be
done well, but done their way and in their good time.
All I did was speed it up, I think, what was bound to
happen eventually.
—Edgar M. Cortright, Langley director
Cortright came down here with the idea that he knew
everything and that he was going to control every-
thing. And this made it very difficult for some of us.
Some of us could adjust to it, some of us didn't. I'm
one of those who didn't.
— Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., former
Langley director of aeronautics
Every revolution needs its culminating figure, its rationalizer, its
Napoleon, who synthesizes chosen elements of the old regime and the rev-
olution to create a new order. Under the firm and confident direction of
this dynamic leader, a revolutionary episode calms down, grows structured,
becomes what is expected, and establishes norms. The revolution eventually
becomes the social and intellectual world in which the new generation lives,
awaiting the next major upheaval.
For NASA Ames Research Center in Sunnyvale, California, this
culminating — and dominating — figure was Dr. Hans Mark, who succeeded
NACA Langley veteran H. Julian "Harvey" Allen as center director in
February 1969. 1 For Langley, it was Edgar M. Cortright, who would serve
as Langley center director from May 1968 to August 1975. In the first
36 months of his tenure, Cortright put Langley through the most sweeping
393
Space/light Revolution
reorganization in the center's history, be it NACA or NASA. At the end of
it, Langley was not the same place it had been. Many of Langley's most
vital links to the old culture of NACA research were eliminated or retired.
In their place would be established a still very reputable and effective orga-
nization but one completely adapted to — even tamed by — the criteria and
standards set by the spaceflight revolution.
Putting a comprehensive treatment of the Cortright reorganization and
its aftermath at the end of this long study of the spaceflight revolution
at Langley, however, would be like piggybacking a complete study of the
Napoleonic period on top of a history of the French Revolution from the
fall of the Bastille to the coup d'etat of 18 Brumaire. The two subjects,
although intricately related, need to be treated separately because they are
both so vast. In this conclusion, the reader will find discussed only a few
of Cortright 's changes and their ramifications. I include them to illustrate
the dialectical process by which Cortright institutionalized the spaceflight
revolution at Langley.
The Stranger
Up to the time of Cortright, whenever a Langley center director left his
job, he had been replaced by someone already working at the laboratory.
In 1925 upon the resignation of Leigh M. Griffith, young Henry Reid, an
electrical engineer who had been working in Langley's instrument research
laboratory since 1921, became the engineer in charge. In 1960 upon Reid's
long-awaited retirement, Floyd Thompson succeeded him; Thompson had
been working at Langley since 1927, and for the past several years he had
been Reid's associate director. In office, Thompson immediately faced the
problem of naming his own second-in-command. Prior to the spaceflight
revolution, the director had always given this position to a close and trusted
associate, someone who had been working at Langley for some time. But
in the new political and bureaucratic environment of NASA, Thompson
hesitated. For over a year, he acted as his own associate director, naming no
one to replace him in his old position until he could thoroughly think through
the appointment. Cagey Thompson was considering an unprecedented
move: the appointment of a non-Langley person, Dr. Ernst Stuhlinger
of NASA Marshall Space Flight Center. By naming Stuhlinger, one of
von Braun's rocketeers, Thompson would prove to NASA headquarters
that he was not so parochial as to only consider Langley researchers for
the job. Approached confidentially so that no one at Langley would hear
about the offer until it was finalized, Stuhlinger eventually turned down the
job. Thus, almost no one heard about — or even now know of — the offer
to Stuhlinger. Only after Stuhlinger's refusal did Thompson turn to his
talented young friend at Langley, Charles Donlan. By selecting Donlan as
394
The Cortright Synthesis
the associate director, according to Langley tradition, Donlan was anointed
as Thompson's heir apparent.
Donlan, however, was never given the directorship because the spaceflight
revolution would interfere with the tradition of succession at Langley. In
March 1968, NASA named not Donlan but Edgar M. Cortright, a virtual
stranger to Langley, as the center's new director. Donlan found himself out
in the cold; he soon left Langley to serve as deputy associate administrator
for manned spaceflight at NASA headquarters. Donlan did this even before
Cortright named another outsider, Oran W. Nicks, his former assistant in
the office of unmanned spaceflight in Washington, as his associate director.
Floyd Thompson made a fuss over none of this; after all, eight years earlier,
he had himself tried to bring in Stuhlinger as his number two man. Moreover,
Thompson had not retired voluntarily as Langley's director. Instead, NASA
headquarters announced unilaterally that "Dr. Floyd L. Thompson, Director
of Langley Research Center, will retire when he reaches the age of 70
on November 25, 1968, and that Edgar M. Cortright, Deputy Associate
Administrator for Manned Space Flight at NASA Headquarters, will replace
him as Director of Langley Center on May 1, 1968." This would enable
Thompson, NASA headquarters said, to "utilize a large part of his time
on agency- wide planning and evaluation activities." His first extra-Langley
task was to be as special consultant to the NASA administrator, Dr. Thomas
O. Paine, who in March had succeeded James Webb.2
In certain respects the coming of Cortright was in keeping with the
Langley tradition. Like Thompson and Henry Reid, he was an engineer
whose first professional employment had been with the NACA. After grad-
uating with a bachelor's degree in aeronautical engineering from Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute in 1947, Cortright had gone to work at the NACA's
Lewis laboratory, where he had specialized in the propulsion aerodynamics of
supersonic aircraft and guided missiles. While in Cleveland, he had become
protege to Abe Silverstein, Lewis's dynamic associate director. Because
Silverstein had worked at Langley from 1929 to 1943, Cortright became
familiar with many of the traditions of the NACA's first laboratory.3
In keeping with the spaceflight revolution, however, the coming of
Cortright also meant dramatic change. Unlike his two predecessors as direc-
tor, he had never worked at Langley. Instead of making his way to a high
position through leadership in the laboratory's general research program,
Cortright had earned the directorship through his project management work
at NASA headquarters. When Abe Silverstein came to Washington in the
summer of 1958 to prepare for the transition to NASA, he had brought young
Cortright with him. For most of his years in Washington, Cortright was asso-
ciated with the unmanned space program — including the Mariner, Ranger,
and Surveyor projects. In that program, his boss was Homer E. Newell,
the former chief scientist at NRL. (The core staff of Goddard Space Flight
Center had come from NRL, an organization, as we have seen, that would
often be at odds with Langley.) In 1963, Cortright became NASA's deputy
395
Spaceflight Revolution
J&ngky
VOLUME 7, NUMBER 5
MARCH 22, 1968
DR. THompson, ran. ooninn in TOP nnsn POSTS,-
EDGRR HI. CORTRICHT (MIIIED HEW IBHCIEV DIRECTOR
Edgar M. Cortright Charles J.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration an-
nounced this week that Dr. Floyd L. Thompson, Director
of its Langley Research Center, will retire when he reaches
the age of 70 on November 25, 1968, and that Edgar M.
Cortright, Deputy Associate Administrator for Manned
Space Flight at NASA Headquarters, will replace him as
Director of the Langley Center on May 1, 1968, enabling
Dr. Thompson to utilize a large part of his time on agency-
wide planning and evaluation activities.
Dr. Thompson will continue to serve as Special Assistant
to the Administrator until his retirement and will serve
as Consultant to the Administrator on a part-time basis
after retirement. On May 1, Charles J. Donlan, Deputy Di-
rector of the Langley Research Center, will transfer from
the Langley Center to NASA Headquarters to serve as
Deputy Associate Administrator for Manned Space Flight
(Technical).
Replacing Cortright May 1 as Deputy Associate Admin-
istrator for Manned Space Flight will be Charles Mathews,
Director, Apollo Applications Program, and formerly Pro-
gram Manager for Gemini.
The successor to Mathews will be Harold Luskin, former
Chief of Advanced Design Engineering of Lockheed-Cali-
fornia Company and the former President of the American
Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics. Until May 1,
Luskin will serve as Deputy Associate Administrator for
Manned Space Flight (Technical).
Donlan Dr. Floyd L. Thompson
As Program Manager for Apolio Applications, Luskin
will have responsibility for planning and carrying out the
utilization of the large Saturn boosters and the Apollo
spacecraft systems in the period following the demon-
stration of the capability of this equipment to land men on
the moon and return them safely to earth.
In October 1967, Cortright joined the Office of Manned
Space Flight in NASA Headquarters as Deputy Associate
Administrator. In this position, he serves as general man-
ager of NASA's program for manned space flight.
Cortright joined the former National Advisory Committee
for Aeronautics (predecessor to NASA) as an aeronautical
research scientist at the Lewis Flight Propulsion Lab-
oratory (now Lewis Research Center), Cleveland, Ohio,
in 1948. From 1949 to li»54, he was head of the Small
Supersonic Tunnels Section; from 1954 to 1958, he was
Chief of the 8- by 6-foot Supersonic Wind Tunnel Branch.
In January 1958, he was appointed Chief of the Plasma
Physics Branch.
Upon NASA s creation on October 1, 1958, Cortright be-
came Chief of the Advanced Technology Programs and
directed initial formulation of NASA's Meteorological
Satellite Program, including Tiros and Nimbus. In Feb-
ruary 1960, he became Assistant Director for lunar
and planetary programs in the former Office of Space
Flight Programs. In this capacity, he directed the plan-
(Continued on page 3)
Langley trumpets a changing of the guard, 22 March 1968.
396
The Cortright Synthesis
associate administrator for space sciences and applications. Just before com-
ing to Langley, he became deputy associate director of the Office of Manned
Space Flight under George E. Mueller.
Throughout his stay at NASA headquarters, which essentially spanned
the era of the spaceflight revolution, Cortright had been involved with the
management of an unmanned space program that, with the exception of
the Lunar Orbiter project, did not involve Langley. To make matters
worse, as far as Langley veterans were concerned, by the mid-1960s, Webb's
organization in Washington had strong feelings that Langley had gone its
own way too often under Thompson's paternalistic and rather closed NAG A
style of management. This group within headquarters, which included
young Cortright, felt that Langley needed to be brought under tighter
central control. When Webb picked Cortright to replace Thompson, he
was essentially sending him to the center to ensure such waywardness did
not continue — to bring Langley into the fold.
Webb did not draft Cortright for the job; Cortright eagerly applied for it.
His last assignment at NASA headquarters, as George Mueller's deputy in
the Office of Manned Space Flight, involved "troubleshooting" for the Apollo
program; this basically amounted to staying in Washington to stroke the
troops during day-to-day meetings at headquarters while the real excitement
took place elsewhere. This did not satisfy the ambitious Cortright. "It was
awfully hard to come in that late in Apollo and make much of an impact,"
he remembers. So Cortright went directly to Webb and asked him for the
Langley job.* "I wanted my own ship. I always felt that the Center director
was absolutely the best job in NASA, and it is." To him, filling Thompson's
post would be "a career dream achieved."^
Webb gave the forty-five-year-old Cortright the job, apparently with little
hesitation. In Cortright's view, Webb had a "gut feeling" that "Langley
needed a shot in the arm" and that it had gotten "a little bit sleepy, a little
bit complacent. ... It needed to be brought up to speed." That was his
broad charge to him. Webb gave him no specifics about what directorate
or division needed attention; he only conveyed the message that Cortright,
as a younger person and an outsider, might succeed in "putting more life"
into the historic "Mother Langley."5
Langley employees were surprised but not shocked upon hearing the
news of Cortright's appointment. "My reception was very cordial, very
courteous. Well, I say very cordial. It was certainly friendly but maybe a
little standoffish because they didn't know me. I didn't know them and I was
an unknown factor in the equation to some extent."6 The only ones upset by
Cortright's arrival were Charles Donlan's many close friends and associates,
who believed the job should have been his, but not even they openly showed
This is Cortright's version. People at Langley heard at the time that Webb, when he was about to
leave NASA, asked Cortright what he could do for him. Cortright answered he wanted Langley. There
are no authoritative sources to contradict Cortright's version, only hearsay.
397
Space/light Revolution
L-68-2747
The old guard welcomed Cortright to Langley politely but without real enthusiasm.
From left to right: Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., Cortright, Charles Donlan, T. Melvin
Butler, Clifford Nelson, Eugene Draley, and John Duberg.
their disappointment. Most people gave Cortright the benefit of the doubt.
What little they knew about him and his reputation at NASA headquarters
gave them reason to believe he was a dynamic leader and high achiever who
might be successful in getting Langley more resources and more of NASA's
project work. But as we shall see, the latter was not something that the
research-minded at Langley wanted to see happen.
When Cortright arrived, he had no detailed master plan for restructuring
Langley; thus, the reorganization that followed did not happen overnight.
Cortright started his job as Langley center director on 1 May 1968, but
he did not have all the major organizational changes formulated and ready
to be announced publicly until September 1970. That is not to say that
he did not hit the ground running. A dynamic man with tremendous self-
confidence, Cortright believed that his project management experience at
NASA headquarters had prepared him to take over Langley's direction. On
his first day at the center, he met with the senior staff and the mid-level
supervisors in the Langley Morale Activities building to discuss his plans
for becoming more acquainted with the many aspects of his new position.
In his speech to them, he praised the center for its reputation as a "well
398
The Cortright Synthesis
On his first day as director (Wednesday,
1 May 1968), Edgar M. Cortright (left)
met with the senior staff in the Morale
Activities building (below). Many mem-
bers of the senior staff believed that
Cortright had arrived at Langley with
preconceived ideas and plans for the
center.
L-70-6003
399
Space/light Revolution
managed and smoothly operating organization" and expressed "pleasure at
the opportunity to work with the Langley staff in moving forward as a team
to continue to contribute to the advancement of flight."7 Because he was
an outsider and largely unknown to most of the Langley staff, Cortright
did what he could to reassure people that he had not come to Langley to
make wholesale changes, but suspicions remained. Several members of the
senior staff, in particular, worried that Cortright had been sent to Langley
for the express purpose of bringing Langley into line under headquarters — a
sentiment not far from the truth.
For at least the first year, however, no one at Langley could be sure what
Cortright intended. During his first six months, Cortright spent two or three
days a week in meetings in which every branch of the center reported on
the status of all its facilities and activities. "I had every group at the center
come in and brief me in depth on what they were doing so I wouldn't go off
half-cocked. I think I got grudging respect out of that, for taking the time
to learn that much about what was going on." Prom this thorough review,
Cortright formed a better picture of Langley's strengths and weaknesses.
"What I found was a high degree of technical competence. There was hardly
anything in aeronautics that Langley was not expert in and didn't have at
least a small pool of experts." In aeronautics Langley "didn't have to take
second place to anyone in the country in almost any area one could think of."
In space, however, Langley "didn't have quite that much capability." The
staff had good project management capability from Lunar Orbiter and from
Scout, but there were "quite a few areas of space technology that they had
very little capability in," such as electronics (Langley did have electronics
under IRD), which Cortright knew was not Langley's fault because NASA
had not given the research center much opportunity to develop these areas.8
Overall, Cortright felt that the organization "could stand improvement
in terms of the way the authorities were parceled out" inside the center and
in the way Langley interacted with NASA headquarters. On both counts,
he was a critic of the old NACA way of doing things. The NACA, in his
view, was "a very loosely structured research organization where the power
resided in the centers, with the center directors and the key researchers."
NACA headquarters was "primarily a bookkeeping type of organization. . . .
They were super people at NACA headquarters, starting with Hugh Dryden,
but mostly they went in and fought for authorizations and appropriations."
They did not control the centers much, which meant that the centers usually
got what the centers wanted. "What the centers wanted to work on, they
worked on."9 In other words, the engineers not the managers were in charge.
Under the demands of the spaceflight revolution, NASA had worked to
invent a new system. "We did not delegate total management authority to
the centers. We kept a rather strong management team in NASA headquar-
ters." Every project had "program managers" in headquarters, along with
a designated project manager at the centers. "When it worked right, those
two guys worked hand in glove. When it didn't work right, frequently the
400
The Cortright Synthesis
center directors got in the middle and resisted direct independent interaction
between the program office and the project office." Floyd Thompson had
done this more than occasionally, which was one of the main reasons that
Cortright was given Thompson's job. And he was just the man to correct
the situation. While working under Homer Newell, he had written the book
on the relationship between the program manager and the project manager.
Cortright now had the responsibility of leading Langley into a new age in
which it would live by the book much more closely than it ever had under
Thompson, who in Cortright 's view was "not overly responsive" to following
set procedures.10
Cortright also wanted to keep closer tabs on how research was being
managed at Langley. In the old days of the NACA, research was allowed
to take its time and run its course, which meant that many efforts were
allowed to go on indefinitely awaiting clear results. But times had changed,
and the uncertainty of such tortoise-paced fundamental explorations could
not be tolerated as in the past. About a year after coming to the center,
one meeting in particular cemented Cortright 's opinion of what needed to
be done to invigorate the center. For this meeting, he asked the directors
of all the divisions to put on the briefing and explain what their programs
involved and where the most progress could be made.
That meeting, Cortright remembers, was a "disaster." First, he discov-
ered to his dismay that some of Langley 's research divisions were working
on technology that was "95 percent soft," meaning that the researchers in-
volved were "squeezing the last ounce out of it at a fair expenditure of time
and money." More disturbing was that "it was very hard to get anyone to
tell you what his program was under him. It was just a collection of mis-
cellaneous things which he, the individual, may have known how to justify
informally on a one-to-one basis, but was not very articulate at explaining."
This poor performance fixed Cortright 's feeling that Langley was indeed a
sleepy place in need of new lifeblood. "I was very disappointed because the
directors hadn't done their homework and gave some very bad presentations.
And that set my mind at work that there should be some changes."11
The Reorganization
One of the goals of the major reorganization of the center that ensued was
to make responsibilities and lines of communication clearer within Langley.
According to the NACA way, such things were kept informal and rather
obscure. Dr. George Lewis, the NACA's longtime director of research
(1919-1947), disliked formal organization charts, once saying to a young
Langley industrial engineer interested in developing them that the only
thing that boxes were good for was burying people. Henry Reid and Floyd
Thompson agreed wholeheartedly with Lewis. The best way to set up an
organization was to make things very fluid so that "shadow organizations"
401
Spaceflight Revolution
could cut horizontally through the formal boundaries. Such an organization
also made it hard for outsiders to know exactly what was going on inside
the laboratory, thereby making it harder for them to exploit or manipulate
its resources. Such thinking resulted in Floyd Thompson's creation of the
Groups 1, 2, and 3 organization, which made it impossible to tell the players
inside them without a scorecard.
Ed Cortright wanted none of this. In his own words, he was always
"180 degrees opposite" from Thompson's shell game. Instead, he thought
that a center director should "show everything and everyone, right up to
the administrator, exactly how you were organized and everything you were
doing." In other words, "total display" was his policy. Organization charts
should be simple and obviously understandable, with "a good person in every
box." Reporting procedures should be equally clear so that no surprises
lurked in the wings. "If we were screwing up someplace, we'd learn it as
we were going along — not at the end of the project when something bad
has happened and a [government auditor] comes back and says that we've
misperformed." At NASA headquarters earlier in the 1960s, Cortright had
set up a reporting system for budgets and projects that guaranteed such
total display. With the same bureaucratic purposes in mind, Cortright now
set out to reorganize Langley and its reporting procedures. "We spent a
lot of time putting together our presentations every year, of every project,
every program area, with pictures and charts to show exactly where the
money was going, how it was being spent."12 Not everyone at Langley liked
such visibility, and some may not have abided by it faithfully, but by the
early 1970s, it had become standard at the center. Those people who did
not like it "lumped it."
By the end of 1969, Cortright had bided his time long enough; he was
ready to carry out the reorganization that had been germinating in his mind
since he arrived. In typical Cortright fashion, he brought those who would
be most affected by the changes into the process of making them so that
they would feel that they had at least a part in determining the course of
their own future. "I gave the problem to my directors," whether they liked
it or not. He said to them, "Look, this is roughly what I want, and I'm
not going to tell you how to do it." The only thing that he specified was
that he did want basic changes, because "you get comfortable with your
mistakes," and he wanted opportunities made "for creative young people to
get a chance to lead."13
In the director's main conference room — the "Brown Room" in the Ad-
ministration building, which was next to Cortright 's own office — a small task
force made up of the directors and a few handpicked staff assistants, them-
selves mostly young, orchestrated the reorganization that the spaceflight
revolution had made inevitable. On a large mahogany conference table, this
task force laid out big sheets of paper and went to work reorganizing the
center and everything and everyone who belonged to it. As the directors
brought in their ideas and plans, the task force coordinated and massaged
402
The Cortright Synthesis
them, keeping Cortright 's agenda foremost in mind. When it was all done,
in the summer of 1970, between 80 and 90 percent of all the supervisory
positions at Langley had new faces in them. A few of the old supervisors
left NASA through early retirements; some did not retire but became con-
sultants on salary out of the line of command; most were shuffled into new
positions and into new organizations. Only the people who really did not
like where this rearranging landed them left.
On 24 September 1970, after months of planning, Cortright's office dis-
tributed a large 79-page report to all center employees. It was entitled
"Reorganization of Langley Research Center." The report detailed all the
organizational changes and provided charts outlining the new overall struc-
ture of the center. On its green-colored cover, Cortright explained the
report's purpose and immediate history: "Several weeks ago I submitted
proposals for the reorganization of Langley Research Center to the Admin-
istrator [Dr. Thomas O. Paine] and the Office of Advanced Research and
Technology for review and consideration. These proposals have now been
approved by Headquarters, and the organizational and personnel changes
will be made effective October 4, 1970."^ Whether Cortright was aware of
it or not — and no evidence exists to indicate that he was — 4 October was
the 13th anniversary of Sputnik. To Cortright, the day was just the start
of a new fiscal year. (Coincidentally, or perhaps as part of some underlying
pattern in the unfolding of revolutions, the birth of the Napoleonic Code
in 1802 dates from almost exactly 13 years after the outbreak of the French
Revolution.)
In his letter to Administrator Paine, the contents of which he reviewed
in the "Green Paper" report, Cortright stated that "the proposed reorga-
nization would accomplish a number of important steps toward effective
prosecution of the projected research program of this Center during the
coming decade." He then outlined the six principal advantages of the re-
alignment: first, each of the major areas of research responsibility at the
center would have a clearer "organizational focus"; second, all emerging
R&D responsibilities would be recognized organizationally; third, new su-
pervisory assignments would be tailored to the future opportunities for the
center; fourth, personnel and facilities working on closely related problems
would be more efficiently integrated; fifth, the center would strengthen its
effort on institutional problems and work more effectively with NASA head-
quarters; and sixth, technical and administrative support of the research
effort would be improved. More specifically, the reorganization would result
in better integration of programs; greater stimulation of new program efforts
as well as the enhanced development of supervisory personnel; more efficient
use of manpower, equipment, and materials; and better interface between
the center and other organizations.15
The new organization consisted of four major research directorates: Elec-
tronics, Structures, Aeronautics, and Space, thus eliminating Thompson's
mysterious Groups 1, 2, and 3. Supporting these four were two other
403
Space/light Revolution
directorates: Systems Engineering and Operations, and Administration. In
addition, one other directorate was formed for center development. This
final directorate, first headed by Gene Draley and later by Langley veteran
T. Melvin Butler,* was to report directly to the center director on matters
that encompassed the interest of all or most of the other directorates, such
as safety, reliability, and quality assurance.
Without a doubt, the overall layout was much cleaner and clearer than
any during Floyd Thompson's term as director. Every aspect of the center
that could be rationalized was rationalized. The reorganization drew a
clear line between aeronautics and space. Aeronautics was split into three
basic research divisions: one for low-speed aircraft, one for high-speed
aircraft, and one for hypersonic vehicles, with two additional divisions
focusing on advanced technology transports (most notably the SST, which
was not canceled until the following year) and on the operation of flight
research vehicles. The Structures Directorate also divided neatly into three
divisions: loads, structures, and materials. Even after the reorganization,
directors and division heads still exercised some crossover responsibilities
but not nearly as many as before.
In addition, at Cortright's specific request, the new organization made
room for and focused some of the center's newest R&D interests. Electronics,
as Cortright had noted in his earliest staff briefings, needed beefing up,
so it became its own directorate, with four divisions. Inside the Space
Directorate, a new division devoted to the study of environmental and space
sciences was formed. This represented a new focus of interest at Langley,
one stimulated in large part by the growing international interest in the
problems of environmental pollution and energy consumption. Under the
direction of Cortright, who considered himself a pragmatic environmentalist,
the atmospheric sciences ultimately proved to be one of the center's most
productive and worthwhile areas of research.16
Another noteworthy item on the organization chart was the Viking
Project Office. The goal of Project Viking was to land scientific payloads
on Mars; this mission would be achieved in 1976. In December 1968, just
a few months after Cortright took office, NASA gave Langley the overall
responsibility for managing the project. The assignment made sense given
Langley's management of the tremendously successful Lunar Orbiter project
and Cortright's own experience in project management and in the OSSA,
where he had been the first to propose a manned Mars mission. In a sense,
Viking came to Langley with Cortright, and it went where he did even after
it came to Langley. As can be seen in the 4 October 1970 organization
chart, the Viking Project Office reported directly to Cortright. No one
else, no other box on the chart, intervened. Before the reorganization, the
Viking office was in the Office for Flight Projects, which meant an assistant
Butler, 30 years previously, had been the young industrial engineer whom NACA Director of
Research George Lewis had scolded for wanting to formalize Langley's organization charts.
404
The Cortright Synthesis
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405
Space/light Revolution
L-70-7351
Reaching Mars with just an unmanned spacecraft meant overcoming engineering
challenges greater in some respects than those posed by Apollo. Above, a scale
model of the Viking Lander is tested in a Langley wind tunnel in 1970.
director intervened between Viking managers and Cortright. But Viking was
Cortright's baby, and with the reorganization he made sure it was pampered.
As the Green Paper makes clear, "The Viking Project Office reports to the
Center Director and thus occupies a unique position at the Center. This
change recognizes the fact that Viking has the highest priority of any single
undertaking at the Center and that authority has been delegated to the
Viking Project Manager [James Martin] to exercise necessary direction and
control over Center personnel who have been committed to the support of
Viking within the research and engineering divisions." Such was not the case
for the only other major project office at Langley in 1970 — Scout — which
was still within a larger directorate.17
This clear preference for Project Viking disturbed several Langley re-
searchers who feared that the big and virtually independent project office
would dominate the general research programs. They worried that Viking
would influence the center to a greater extent than Project Apollo had in
the 1960s. Some feared a "Viking raid," and justifiably so.
Cortright was enthusiastically committed to Viking; by his own admis-
sion, it "probably took half my time as director." With his help, the project
office built up a full-time staff of more than 250. Supporting them were an
equal number of employees in systems engineering, the shops, and in admin-
istration. This did cause real problems at Langley. "The researchers felt I
gave too much of my time to Viking and that it got too many resources.
Some even felt that it split the center. But my philosophy was simple. We
406
The Cortright Synthesis
Left, a Viking Orbiter 1 photo of the mys-
terious "Red Planet" taken in June 1976.
In September 1976, the camera aboard
Viking Lander 2 (below) shows a boulder-
strewn field reaching to the Martian hori-
zon approximately 2 miles away.
407
Space/light Revolution
had Viking. We had to make it succeed, period. There was no choice but
to do it properly. And it did succeed, magnificently. It was the highlight of
the whole space program, as far as I am concerned. Two orbiters around
Mars; two landers on Mars. They all operated the way they were supposed
to do. I never would have expected, in my fondest dreams, that they would
have been that successful. ... If anyone ever thought [Langley] was a sleepy
center, they sure didn't while Viking was going on or when it succeeded." 18
Viking concerned researchers, but nothing upset them as much as the
personal trauma of leaving old and comfortable jobs, moving into new
and unknown ones, and perhaps even facing retirement. In concluding his
executive summary of the contents of the reorganization report, Cortright
stated: "It is realized that the changes outlined herein affect a large
number of employees, many of whom will be relocated and working under
new supervision. During the initial transition stages, some inconveniences
will be experienced. This is to be expected and is a normal outgrowth
of reorganization. However, I believe that the immediate and long-range
future of Langley Research Center is of prime concern to all of us, and I
feel confident that all supervisors and employees will make every effort to
facilitate the transition."19
Any executive officer wants to put together his own team of subordinates,
and Cortright was certainly no exception. Long before the reorganization, he
had made it clear that he would clean house. For example, when Donlan left
Langley for Washington in early 1968 after being bypassed, Floyd Thompson
had chosen 51-year-old Dr. John E. Duberg, a structures expert and Langley
veteran since 1943, as the acting associate director. Thompson believed that
Duberg should stay on as Cortright's associate director because he was just
the person who could help a stranger learn everything he needed to know
about Langley. Unfortunately for Duberg, Cortright came to realize that
Duberg "liked the center the way it was," which marked him in Cortright's
mind as "inflexible."20 Cortright eventually took him out of the post and
made him chief scientist, a position in which Duberg performed well.*
In truth, Duberg just was not the kind of number two man Cortright
wanted. He was looking for "a hard-nose driver who will implement and
follow through." In Cortright's view, his own strongest suit had always been
"understanding what needs to be done, being able to put teams together to
do it, and providing the leadership, with the correct policies and decisions."
He was not terribly good, however, at stepping on toes or being ruthless
about getting things done; he was "too soft for that." For the "tough
follow-through," he needed someone else — a "hard-nose" deputy.21
As part of the September 1970 reorganization, Cortright found his man,
Oran W. Nicks, the acting associate administrator of the OART at NASA
Before becoming chief scientist, Duberg served a short time as acting director for center development,
succeeding Eugene Draley, who wanted no part of his new job under the Cortright reorganization but
stayed on until he died of cancer.
408
The Cortright Synthesis
L-70-176
John E. Duberg (left) became Langley's chief scientist after serving briefly as
the associate director for Edgar M. Cortright (right). The man in the middle
is George M. Low, former head of the Office of Manned Spaceflight at NASA
headquarters. Low, at the time of this photo, was serving as acting NASA
administrator following Thomas O. Paine' s resignation in September 1970.
headquarters. His choice was not a popular one at Langley, to put it mildly,
in large part because Langley employees were just not used to having such
a gunslinging honcho around. Thompson had been a tough number two
for Henry Reid, and Donlan had been tough enough for Thompson, but no
one ever cut quite as sharply into the flesh of employees as Nicks. This
was especially hard to take from someone who did not know Langley. Like
Cortright, Nicks had spent all his time up to then at NASA headquarters
and mostly in the management of the space sciences arena, and unlike
Cortright, he did not have the time to acquaint himself with the center, or
vice-versa, before launching into action. Even Cortright admits in retrospect
that "people either loved him or hated him, and there wasn't too much in
between. He did step on toes. He was impatient with inaction, and research
centers don't normally leap into action every time you suggest something."22
The person who felt the bite of the reorganization and Cortright 's hard-
nose deputy the most was Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., the sage head of Group 3
and John Stack's successor as head of aeronautical research at the center.
Loftin survived the reorganization and was made director of the Office of
409
Space/light Revolution
VOLUME 9, NUMBER 20
LANGLEY RESEARCH CENTER
OCTOBER 2, ly70
C. H. Nelson
G. B. Graves
G. W. Brooks
P. J. Grain T. M. Butler E. C. Draley
AWARDS CEREMONY OCT. 14
AWARDS CEREMONY SPEAKER: Neil Armstrong, Com-
mander of the Apollo 1 1 moon mission, will be guest speak-
er at the Center's Annual Awards Ceremony which will be
held October 14 at 1:30 p.m. in the NASA Hangar, Building
1244. Each year the Center sets aside a special day in Oct.
for purposes of presenting length of service awards to em-
ployees and of recognizing individuals and groups at Lang-
ley for outstanding achievements which they have made to-
ward realizing the mission of the Center and of NASA.
MAJOR ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGES
ANNOUNCED; EFFECTIVE OCTOBER 4
Major changes in the Langley Research Center's organiza-
tion, which will become effective October 4, have been an-
nounced by Director Edgar M. Cortright.
"This reorganization, which is keyed to the future," Cort-
right said, "is designed with several important objectives
in mind. We are consolidating our research talents and
focusingthem on NASA's roles and missions for the 1970's.
We are giving increased attention to the future growth of the
Langley Research Center and to its relationships with other
organizations. And we are moving some of our most prom-
ising young men into positions of management responsibility
where they can exercise research leadership."
Four major research directorates are being established
in Aeronautics, Space, Electronics, and Structures. They
will be headed by Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., Director for
Aeronautics; Clifford H. Nelson, Director for Space; George
B. Graves, Jr., Director for Electronics; and Dr. George
W. Brooks, Director for Structures.
The four research directorates will be supported by three
Center-wide directorates in the areas of Systems Engineer-
ing and Operation, Administration, and Center Development.
Percy J. Crain will be Director for Systems Engineering;
T. Melvin Butler, Director for Administration; and Eugene
C. Draley, Director for Center Development.
Oran W.Nicks, Associate Administrator for Advanced Re-
search and Technology (Acting), NASA Headquarters, will
join the Center as Deputy Director in early November.
In a meeting with Langley senior staff officials, Cortright
outlined some of the future NASA goals with which the Cent-
er is closely identified.
These include an expanded aeronautics program with in-
creased emphasis on civil aircraft; a new era of manned
(Continued on page 5)
Cortright unveils his sweeping reorganization.
410
The Cortright Synthesis
Aeronautics, but he did not last long. Loft in and Cortright represented
different philosophies about research and how it could best be accomplished.
Loftin had gone along grudgingly with the spaceflight revolution and had
played a prominent role in both the early planning for Apollo and the
space station. In this regard, he was typical of many of the former NACA
researchers, but his heart had always remained true to airplanes and the
golden years of NACA aerodynamic research. In the twilight of his career,
he was not inclined to bow to Cortright 's plans for Langley — and he was
even less inclined to tolerate Oran Nicks, whose technical abilities he did
not respect.
In June 1971, Cortright replaced Loftin, who moved to a special as-
signment in the Office of the Assistant Secretary for the U.S. Air Force.23
Although the outward appearance of Loftin's job change may have looked
normal, Loftin in fact felt he had been fired. Cortright exacerbated the
problem at the center when he gave Loftin's old job temporarily to Nicks.
This lasted for only three months, until September, when Robert Bower,
director of advanced development for Grumman Aerospace Corporation in
Bethpage, New York (and Cortright's college fraternity brother), replaced
him.24 Unfortunately, Bower proved no more popular at Langley than Nicks.
Part of what inspired the reorganization was Cortright's desire for a
youth movement. "I wanted more youth," Cortright remembers. "I wanted
people who had been in the same job for twenty years to move and do
something a little different. . . . That's what I felt my charter was and I
felt after that first year of studying the center and its people that it was
justified." During Cortright's apprenticeship at NASA in the early 1960s,
Abe Silverstein had told him, "You've got to keep the new blood coming in
at the bottom all the time. If not, you have big gaps in your management
later on." Cortright launched an aggressive recruitment campaign at the
same time he was encouraging some of the older employees to retire early.
He did this in the face of rather significant manpower reductions NASA-
wide. Even the heads of the directorates had to go out and give talks at
some of the major colleges and universities to recruit talented graduates.
Cortright himself went to Rensselaer, his alma mater, and to the California
Institute of Technology (Caltech), which he knew well from his days at
NASA headquarters when he monitored studies being done at JPL.25
Cortright changed Langley's recruitment policy. He found by asking the
center's personnel department that Langley had been recruiting in the 1960s
almost exclusively from a handful of schools, notably Virginia Polytechnic
Institute and State University, North Carolina State University, and Georgia
Institute of Technology. When he asked why that was the case, personnel
officer E. Townsend Johnson, Jr., replied, "Well, Mr. Cortright, we're sort
of partial to southern boys." That displeased Cortright, and rightfully so,
given the extent to which NACA Langley in the early years had built its
talented staff on young people from northeastern and midwestern schools.
411
Spaceflight Revolution
Cortright insisted on a nationwide search from then until the time he left
in 1975.26
Cortright 's youth movement was not designed just to fill slots at the
bottom of the organization; he also wanted to give younger people the
chance to take on additional responsibility and assume leadership positions.
To make room for the new people, however, Langley needed to get rid of
some of the old. As suggested earlier, Cortright asked for early retirements.
A number of senior people felt that if anyone had to go because of the
manpower reductions, it ought to be them because they already had enjoyed
good careers and should give younger people a chance. These younger people
moving up, of course, were happy with the reorganization and provided
Cortright with a solid base of support lasting throughout his stay at Langley.
Other senior employees, however, became dissatisfied because of Cortright's
downscaling of many of the highest civil service salaries at the center.
Instead of trying to get as much as he could for his employees, as Thompson
had always done, Cortright felt that researchers, no matter how many years
of service, should not make more money than the boss.
One group that strongly supported Cortright was the staff toiling in the
shops. For them, Cortright rehabilitated facilities to provide better working
conditions and, most importantly, air conditioning for the hot and humid
Tidewater summers. In large buildings like the huge West Area airplane
hangar where air conditioning was impractical, he found enough money to
install large fans that hung down from the ceiling and blew cool air on the
mechanics and other workers. "Boy, these shop people were my friends from
then on," Cortright is proud to say. "And when I retired, they wrote in
their shop news that they thought it was unfortunate that the best director
they'd ever had had seen fit to retire. ... I loved those folks. They're the
salt of the earth. And I wasn't going to have them working in sweat-shop
conditions while all the engineers sat in air conditioning."27
Cortright did other things to build support for his programs. He initiated
the practice of giving an annual "state of the center" address, an affair that
had no precedent at Langley. "I was a big one for getting people on my side
and pumped up," he states. "Langley did so many great things before I got
there under Reid and Thompson, that I just wanted to get more of the same.
I didn't particularly want to do any better than they did, just to make sure
that I did that well, at least." Besides giving this formal overview of the
center's current programs and future directions to the Langley employees,
Cortright also presented a simplified version of his state of the center address
to the employees' spouses. "I gave them about an hour and a half lecture on
what the center was doing, why their husbands were coming home late, and
what they were accomplishing. That 'coffee and briefing program' worked
out real well. It was just part of my style."28
Cortright also moved to stimulate NASA's popular appeal in the com-
munity at large by creating an official NASA Visitors' Center, which opened
on site at the center in 1971. Such an attraction contrasted sharply with
412
The Cortright Synthesis
the old NACA days prior to the spaceflight revolution when the low-key
Langley installation was largely invisible to the American public. The lead-
ers of the NACA wanted to keep it that way, but Cortright, following his
philosophy of total display, wanted the center opened to visitors — as many
of them as would come. "I built the Visitors' Center. I initiated a major
program to communicate the good works of the lab. I got headquarters'
approval for it and we designed it internally, put up all the displays, and
opened it up in less than two years' time. It became the place for having out-
side groups and hosting receptions." (Axel Mattson, Langley's former secret
agent in Houston, actually put the visitors' center together, along with many
of its exhibits.) In fact, until its official closing in 1992 and its move to the
multimillion-dollar Virginia Air and Space Center on the riverfront in down-
town Hampton, this small visitors' center on site at Langley Research Cen-
ter attracted (at least according to NASA statistics) more tourists than any
other single attraction on the Peninsula, which includes the many historic
and entertaining sites in the Jamestown- Williamsburg-Yorktown triangle.29
In a similar vein, Cortright brought Langley and its surrounding com-
munity together by joining with the city of Hampton in the building of a
unique steam-generating trash burner. "We saw where we could burn trash
and get all of Langley Field's steam requirement and help solve the landfill
problem." Put into operation in 1978, this unique facility worked well except
for the release of some nitrogen oxides into the air, a problem that the plant
engineers eventually solved. The incinerator, which remains in operation to
this day, is a testimony to the kind of community program that Cortright
sponsored.30
New Directions
Ed Cortright was not an unpopular center director. Nor was he unac-
complished. During his seven years at the center, Langley again built a solid
record of R&D achievements.* Topping the list, of course, were the success-
ful landings of the Viking spacecraft, Cortright 's pride and joy, on Mars
in 1976. Nothing in the history of space exploration, except perhaps the
manned lunar landing, was a more amazing feat or more difficult to carry
out. Under Langley's expert project management and Cortright's general
oversight, Viking accomplished its mission almost flawlessly.31
One of the technological developments that had made the spaceflight
revolution possible was the arrival of powerful new computers with new
integrated circuitry. Langley had made good use of this new technology
After Langley, Cortright moved to executive jobs in industry, first with a $4-billion glass, plastics,
and paperboard packaging company in Owen, Illinois, and then as president of Lockheed's California
company.
413
Spaceflight Revolution
through Paul Fuhrmeister's ACD, but little had been done programmati-
cally during Floyd Thompson's term as director to formalize and consoli-
date the opportunities made possible by the development of new electronic
capabilities. During Cortright's directorship, Langley's computational skills
grew much more sophisticated and organized. Early in his term as director,
he sponsored the development of the Institute for Computer Applications
in Science and Engineering (ICASE) at the center, which enabled leading
professors from around the world to use Langley's Star computer to explore
ways of applying their mathematical abilities to the development of new
aerospace-related technologies. At about the same time, Langley's compu-
tational specialists refined a system called "NASTRAN," which stood for
NASA Structural Analysis. This innovative computer system, first con-
ceived at NASA Goddard in the mid-1960s, expedited analysis of many
types of structures, including large launch vehicles, aircraft, bridges, and
even automobiles. As part of the Cortright reorganization, a NASTRAN
Systems Management Office evolved inside the Structures Division of the
Structures Directorate. The office continued until 1978. 32
Cortright sponsored the development of a computer program that was
not as successful — IPAD, or the Integrated Program for Aerospace- Vehicle
Design. IPAD engineers were to help optimize aircraft design by creat-
ing interactive computer programs relating aerodynamics, propulsion, and
structures. The computer program was to be set up with subroutines that
would interact through a master central computer. At the master com-
puter, in Cortright's words, "a group of whizzes can design airplanes in a
quarter of the time" that it normally took. Ultimately, IPAD would give
Langley researchers important insights into such questions as how a change
in wing shape would affect the weight of an aircraft or how changing engine
placement would influence the craft's aerodynamics.33
Unfortunately, the optimizing of an aircraft through computers was not
an easy matter. Moreover, veteran Langley researchers were not accustomed
to being put into the role of actual aircraft designers. By formal NACA
policy, researchers were to provide the fundamental information that aircraft
designers in industry would need to do their jobs; they were not to design
particular airplanes. At senior staff meetings in the early 1970s, Cortright
had it "thrown" at him that "we were not a design center" but a place where
researchers worked on the problems that those who were designing would
encounter. Old-timers like Larry Loftin and NACA veteran and assistant
director of the Structures Directorate Richard Heldenfels warned Cortright
about IPAD: "That's too elaborate. The companies design; we do basic
research." To which Cortright replied, "Well, how do you know you're doing
the right basic research if you don't know anything about design? And who
is going to do this type of advanced thinking of getting computers to play
with each other?" After all, at that time computers were just becoming
important in the nation's research centers.34
414
The Cortright Synthesis
In spite of the resistance from his senior aerodynamicists (who argued
that they indeed did know a lot about design because they conducted
fundamental research), Cortright went ahead with IPAD and eventually
contracted Boeing for the system for just under $40 million. IPAD never
achieved everything it set out to do, partly because its original goals were
so elaborate, and NASA eventually canceled it when further developments
in computer technology, including the development of personal computers
(PCs) and individual work stations, made IPAD obsolete. Still, IPAD did
have some positive results: it taught engineers in the aircraft industry and
NASA how to begin conceptualizing an integrated aircraft design.
A more noteworthy Cortright program that was to incorporate new com-
putational capabilities was the Terminal Configured Vehicle and Avion-
ics (TCVA) program, which NASA co-sponsored with the FA A.* In 1973,
NASA bought Boeing's 737-100 prototype, a twin-jet standard-body air-
liner, at a cost of only $2.2 million (the market value of a used 737 in 1972
was about $3.5 million) and outfitted the plane for research. The goal of
the TCVA program was "to provide improvements in the airborne systems
(avionics and air vehicle) and operational flight procedures for reducing ap-
proach and landing accidents, reducing weather minima, increasing air traf-
fic controller productivity and airport and airway capacity, saving fuel by
more efficient terminal area operations, and reducing noise by operational
procedures." More specifically, the program was to investigate the best ap-
proaches of airliners for noise abatement and improved airport acceptance
rates, cockpit displays of traffic information, and computer-aided navigation
for improved fuel efficiency and closer spacing of aircraft landings. Other
experiments eventually carried out as part of the program explored such
things as high-speed runway turnoffs and use of the new microwave landing
system that the FA A was developing.35
In summary, the task of the TCVA program was to improve air opera-
tions in crowded airport areas, which was a goal in some ways as formidable
(and certainly as worthwhile) as landing humans on the moon. As this
program evolved, TCVA became concerned with the quest for "the cockpit
of the future." This cockpit would incorporate the most advanced digi-
tal avionics, a subfield that proved to be among the most ambitious aero-
nautical applications of computer power. The program also was one way
for the center to stay involved with technologies relevant to the operation
of the supersonic transport, even after Congress's cancellation of the SST
in 1971. In particular, TCVA funding allowed NASA researchers to continue
investigating the advanced digital electronic displays and automatic guid-
ance and control systems that Boeing, the former SST prime contractor,
had been considering for its supersonic airliner.
The word "Avionics" was later dropped, leaving the acronym TCV. In 1982 the entire name was
changed to the Advanced Transport Operating System, or ATOPS program.
415
Space/light Revolution
A I/ '11- scale model of the 737 air-
plane is prepared for testing in Langley's
Anechoic Antenna Test Facility as part
of an effort to develop a collision avoid-
ance system for commercial airliners.
"I got the center into avionics," Cortright claims with pride, "which was
totally new." Langley insiders, however, argue that veteran NACA/NASA
test pilot John P. "Jack" Reeder and other researchers actually deserve the
credit. Whoever was most responsible, the results were impressive, not
just for Langley, which became perhaps NASA's foremost research center
specializing in the application of microelectronics to aviation, but also for
the FA A and the world of civil aviation. For Boeing specifically, TCVA led
to sophisticated avionics systems incorporated into the company's new 757
and 767 jet airliners.36
Cortright also believes that he kept Langley active in supersonic and
hypersonic aerodynamics, which were two fields of high-speed performance
that had lost national support by the early 1970s. "There was a huge effort
to cancel hypersonics," he recalls, "but I fought for it all the eight years I
was here, and kept it pretty much alive." The same was true for supersonics,
which became something of a dirty word around the country following the
controversies over sonic booms, noise, and environmental pollution, which
prompted Congress to kill the national SST program in 1971. "We pushed
supersonics even when we were told to drop all of it." In both these cases,
Cortright had to back off his philosophy of "total display," because the only
way to keep such politically sensitive work going in the early 1970s was by
"bootlegging" it. "Sometimes you just have to survive. So we found ways
to keep research going — critical research on supersonics and hypersonics —
even when Congress wanted anything labeled supersonic transport or the
416
The Cortright Synthesis
Cortright won initial funding in 1975
for what became the National Transonic
Facility, but his successor, Donald P.
Hearth (director 1975-1985), would
spend considerably more time, energy,
and money than expected to build the
innovative new wind-tunnel design and
establish its regular operation. Left,
Hearth 's successor, Richard H. Petersen
(1985-1991), stands next to a model of
the Boeing 767 prototype mounted in
the NTF. Below, a tunnel technician
checks the nozzles that inject nitrogen
gas into the airflow.
L-84-13,632
417
Space/light Revolution
like, struck."37 Cortright's critics, however, underplay the importance of
his role in keeping these research areas alive.
Cortright initiated one last project before leaving office in 1975, and
this project proved to be critical to Langley's future: he won NASA's
approval for $250,000 to build a small pilot facility to prove the feasibility
of an in-house concept for a large cryogenic, high Reynolds number wind
tunnel. The pilot facility did prove the large tunnel feasible. In 1983 after a
long and tortuous developmental period under Cortright's successor, Donald
P. Hearth, this major new facility, the National Transonic Facility (NTF or
"The Big Cold One"), opened at Langley to rave reviews, not to mention
the audible sighs of relief.38
Critique from the Old Guard
Not everyone was happy with the Cortright reorganization or with the
way the spaceflight revolution had been changing the character of Langley
Research Center. Many of these critics were members of the old guard from
the days of the NACA when the engineers were in charge and fundamental
research was their bread and butter. This group was concerned that NASA
Langley was heading in a dangerous direction: toward project management
work, toward bureaucracy, toward contracting out, and toward less in-house
capability. Some of the disenchanted were so frustrated and depressed by
the changes taking place around them that they resigned and moved to new
jobs or retired. Others stayed on to fight for their vision of Langley's future.
To nurture communication among his supervisory personnel, Ed
Cortright had initiated the practice of holding brief "retreats" from the
center. The first of these included three dozen people and took place in
the summer of 1969 at Airlie House, a quiet resort lodge in the mountains
of western Virginia. A second and third retreat followed at Airlie in 1970
and 1971, followed by annual retreats to Williamsburg, Virginia, which was
much closer to Langley. On these occasions, some of the Langley veterans
spoke up and exchanged opinions about the proper balance of research and
project work. One of the retreat participants most concerned about the
decay of the research effort at Langley was Macon C. Ellis, Jr., head of the
MPD Branch, which Cortright would abolish as part of his September 1970
reorganization. (See chapter 5.)
Mike Ellis, however, was unhappy even before the dissolution of the
MPD Branch. In January 1969, just months after Cortright took over,
Ellis began putting down on paper what he called "Very Rough Thoughts
on the Degeneration of Research-Mindedness at Langley and the Need
for a 'Research Renaissance.'" He eventually shared the polished version,
"Rough Thoughts on Status and Future of Research at Langley," with only
a few sympathetic colleagues. At the heart of his critique was the rather
categorical conclusion that "the Center is no longer research-oriented; it is
418
The Cortright Synthesis
project-oriented." Driven by the urgencies of the space program, Langley
management had grown "much more concerned with projects and their
problems almost to the exclusion of concern and action related to the status
of our future research." NASA management was only giving "lip service"
to "the concept that projects require a research cadre at the Center to draw
upon," but in reality "most of management's attention is to projects, taking
for granted the necessary input from research people."39
In his confidential paper, Ellis identified several circumstances and trends
that he believed were indicative of what he called "the second-best present
position of research." For instance, "In former years of almost solid research
orientation, we had monthly meetings of research 'committees' and an
overall monthly research-oriented meeting called 'the department meeting.' "
But in recent years, the monthly department meeting had been replaced by
"a very large meeting open not only to the research and engineering staffs
but to the administrative and technical staffs." This change has "pulled the
level of presentation down to the level of Scientific American or even Life
magazine." Such a meeting "where most of the scientific flavor is lost" was
fine for fiscal and other administrative personnel, but it was "demeaning
to research personnel," especially so when "no alternate forum" for the
researchers existed at any level inside the center.40
Ellis cited more evidence for the deteriorating status of research at
Langley: "Awards and rewards are now being made for lesser and lesser
accomplishments" and with "no apparent recognition of the diminution
of awards for research." In Ellis's opinion, NASA was even giving out
some of its exceptional scientific awards for achievements that were "clearly
not scientific." This, he lamented, was "demoralizing to the hardworking
successful researcher aspiring to true scientific excellence." What was worse,
NASA management was not keeping up, "even to a cursory degree," with the
details of the various specific research areas, such as his own fields of space
science and plasma physics. "How often does management above the division
level examine, criticize, and evaluate research activities and objectives," he
asked pointedly, "in areas other than those very close to applied problems?"
Furthermore, why was it that in nearly all activities requiring the support of
administrative or technical services, "the top priority and attention" always
went to the projects? Pointing to two recent cases of personnel transfers
"out of research," Ellis emphasized that the prime reason given by both
individuals involved was that "all types of support for research," especially in
terms of help from the shops and from laboratory technicians, have "declined
to such a point that research activities do not have management priority."41
In October 1969, Ellis sat as a member of a Space Sciences and Tech-
nology Steering Committee, which Cortright had put together to evaluate
the status of space sciences research at the center. At this meeting, Ellis
expressed very strong opinions about the deterioration of the overall sta-
tus of research at Langley and recommended that Langley's various efforts
in space science be consolidated by creating a new space sciences division.
419
Space/light Revolution
His MPD Branch would become a part of this new division. In a typed
statement that he planned to present to the committee's chairman, Herbert
A. Wilson, Jr., but apparently never did, Ellis wrote:
It is believed that the Center's reputation as a Research Center has eroded consider-
ably over the past 10 years. The trend has been toward a Center primarily concerned
with projects and contract administration, with increasingly scattered and smaller
groups of research excellence. Good research people, including our brightest young
ones, who see the situation going in this direction with no apparent positive action to
preserve a strong research role, do not stay. A degenerative process results in which,
not only research itself, but projects which depend on the research cadre, may also
diminish ultimately leaving only management activities and contract administration.
What is needed at this point is a hard examination of the research situation at Lang-
ley, and the initiation of positive steps to preserve and upgrade the status of research.
To the researcher, the present situation appears to be that leadership of a successful
project is the acme of accomplishment at Langley. For equal recognition, research
accomplishment must be so truly outstanding and highly visible as to discourage
42
many competent researchers.
Unfortunately, the ideas Ellis did express on these matters were mostly
neglected, or at least he thought so. In a handwritten set of notes to himself
dated 10 November 1969 and entitled "So-called Minutes of 10/27/69 Mtg.
of Sp. Sci. & Tech. Steer. Comm.," he wrote, "I begin to detect a lack of
candor in reporting what actually was said in the discussions. There were
some very forthright statements made (by MCE among others) that are very
much unreported. ["MCE" stands for himself, Macon C. Ellis.] Everybody
seems to see and hear what he wants to, regardless of what is presented."43
Ironically, Cortright, in his reorganization the following year, did create
an Environmental and Space Sciences Division within the new directorate
for space as Ellis had recommended. Mike Ellis, however, would not be
a part of the new division, although most of his MPD scientists would.
Instead, Ellis became associate chief of the Hypersonic Vehicles Division
under John V. Becker — a position that he did not want. As for his ideas
on the degeneration of research-mindedness at the center, nothing in the
historical record suggests that the Cortright administration tried to reverse
the trend by moving away from projects toward basic research as Ellis
recommended; the administration seems only to have pushed the center
further in the direction of projects.
Another individual who spoke up about the erosion of Langley research
was John V. Becker, Ellis's boss both when he worked in the MPD Branch
in the Aero-Physics Division and now in his position in the new Hypersonic
Vehicles Division. Although Becker had started working in the field of
high-speed aerodynamics at NACA Langley under John Stack's tutelage
in 1936, he was no dinosaur. When it came to keeping up with the times and
adapting to changing circumstances, Becker always proved to be thoughtful,
420
The Cortright Synthesis
pragmatic, and adept. He understood NASA's reasons for naming Ed
Cortright Langley's new center director. As Becker has written in the
notes to his private papers, "to a shrewd aggressive administrator like James
E. Webb, who had studied and written on modern management techniques,
Langley's director F. L. Thompson and his staff of aging Langley employees
must have appeared old-fashioned and in need of managerial rejuvenation.
Langley's long-standing division structure established along disciplinary
lines and deliberately provided with vague names like 'Full-Scale' or 'Aero-
Physics' was an obvious target for change. Thus in 1968 Webb chose
a man from his HQ staff, Ed Cortright, to succeed Thompson, passing
over Langley heir apparent C. Donlan." In Becker's opinion, Cortright
"undoubtedly came with a clear mandate to shake up and modernize the
Langley operation."^
Becker was one of a small minority of Langley managers who believed
that changes were definitely needed. "Communications both within and
among the research divisions were clearly inadequate and in fact entirely
lacking in many cases," he admitted. "Mechanisms to insure accountabil-
ity were virtually non-existent at all levels from researchers on up through
division offices." What bothered Becker specifically was that researchers in
some of the "aging divisions" were pursuing research in areas completely
unrelated to NASA's aerospace charter, such as cancer-cell biology, inter-
stellar mechanics, and even personalized rocket propulsion units for U.S.
soldiers. In his own division, he saw the need for improvement. Although
he had supported the esoteric pursuits of MPD for many years, Becker now
felt the branch needed to be discarded so that its staff could move on to
more promising research.45
The Cortright reorganization was not exactly the change Becker had
in mind, however. "After a few months of review Cortright concluded
that a part of the research talent should be reorganized into dedicated
divisions focusing specifically on the prime NASA systems of the immediate
future, i.e., the Space Shuttle and the Space Station." Becker and others
on the senior staff, notably Larry Loftin, disagreed with this approach.
"Loftin and I argued strongly against Ed's concept of a Space Systems
Division." This division was formed by Cortright in 1969 and named the
Space Systems Research Division; it was to serve as the lead division for
support of NASA's major manned space systems. In Becker's view, "such
a management-favored division having the bulk of industry contacts, liberal
funding, shop priorities, etc.," would "seriously degrade the disciplinary
divisions." Rather than a Space Systems Research Division, Becker and
Loftin advocated using ad hoc task groups with memberships drawn as
required from the disciplinary divisions; this method had been used by
Thompson and others at Langley with great success. Specifically, the duo
suggested an ad hoc Shuttle task group to be headed by Becker's longtime
associate, NAG A veteran Eugene S. Love, then the associate chief of the
Aero-Physics Division. In the end, Cortright made Eugene Love the first
421
Space/light Revolution
head of the new Space Systems Research Division, the unit Becker and
Loftin had fought against.46
Clearly, Cortright was "intent on making large breaks with former
Langley practices," Becker believes. His Space Systems Research Division
"soon became the centerpiece" of his new Space Directorate. This direc-
torate included the new Environmental and Space Sciences Division, which
Becker also opposed because it was an "obviously earthbound" area of re-
search related to aerospace only through the use of satellite photography
and satellite navigational aids. Most of Becker's former MPD researchers,
with the exception of Mike Ellis and a few others, were moved into these two
new divisions; the work in these divisions, in Becker's opinion, fell outside
Langley's essential charter. Most of the other old disciplinary divisions "con-
tributed heavily" to the new nondisciplinary divisions as well; the Applied
Materials and Physics Division, the historic PARD, was "virtually wiped
out." "Perhaps to ease the pain Cortright chose to make these reorganiza-
tion moves piecemeal over a three-year period."47
Although he did not agree with many components of the Cortright
reorganization, Becker, like many other Langley employees, eventually made
his peace with what appeared to be inevitable. However, this did not
stop him from speaking out. Over and above the specific details of the
center's structural reorganization, what concerned Becker most deeply in
the late 1960s and early 1970s was the decline of the general research culture
at NASA Langley. On 13 March 1970, at the second Airlie House retreat,
he presented a stinging appraisal of what had been happening to Langley
in the years since Sputnik. This critique captures the essence of how the
spaceflight revolution had changed Langley.
Becker began his talk by distinguishing between "research" and "pro-
jects." He defined the former as "the whole spectrum of Langley Research
Center activity, basic and applied," and the latter as "any highly focused
ad hoc endeavor, involving usually the development of a flight vehicle
system." He then reviewed the interaction of research and projects during
the NACA era. Becker did concede that the entire research program had
always been "shaped and characterized by aircraft and missile projects and
their demands for R&D." Langley research (even during the NACA period),
although "fundamental" and "basic," was always meant to be "applied" and
"practical." Indeed, the NACA worked on projects, but these projects were
driven by research needs such as the lack of transonic wind-tunnel data, not
by operational flight requirements.48
After Sputnik such research-related projects continued to be "key factors
in NASA research" as evidenced by space projects Fire, RAM, the hyper-
sonic research engine (HRE), the barium cloud experiment, and continued
involvement in the development of specific aircraft, including the F-14, the
SST, and the V/STOL. "But with NASA came a new type of project in-
volvement: project management," Becker argued. Because of the space-
flight revolution, Langley became an "operating and management agency
422
The Cortright Synthesis
rather than a research agency." Less than 10 percent of its budget went to
in-house use, whereas in-house research received more than 90 percent of
NACA funding.49
Given the natural diversion of NASA center management's interests to
"the high-dollar areas of project operation rather than research," it was "re-
markable," in Becker's view, that "research has continued to survive in this
atmosphere to the extent it has." Nonetheless, despite this tenacious ability
to survive, Becker felt that research was "losing its identity in the NASA
management/operations jungle." An increasing number of researchers were
saying that "NASA is a management agency and we should be getting into
management." Even their spouses asked, "What projects are you working
on?" or "Shouldn't you get into a project to get ahead?"50
In his talk before the senior staff at the Airlie House, Becker made the
interesting point that research involvement with projects usually hit a high
mark early in the project; as the project progressed, research dropped off
significantly, thus leaving only project management. He then cited three
examples: the Apollo program, for which the years 1959 to 1961 (before
President Kennedy committed the country to the lunar landing) were "the
big years from the research view"; the Viking program, which in 1968
occupied eight of his crew in the Aero-Physics Division but in 1970 involved
only one; and the proposed manned Mars program, for which, in his opinion,
"our principal involvement in research will be over before a project office is
set up." These examples led him to a keen observation: "Any one LaRC
[Langley Research Center] project, no matter how large, will provide only a
small and short-lived part of the total project stimulus desirable for LaRC
research."51 Research demanded not more projects but more commitment to
the development of a broad spectrum of technical and scientific disciplines.
"Ten percent of Langley research personnel are now in Project Offices,"
Becker told his colleagues, which amounted to only the tip of the iceberg
given how much additional support projects required. "Much more than
10 percent of Center management is involved due to the heavy concentration
of dollars, management problems, and pressure to meet schedules." Becker
wanted to know, "Where will the growth end?" In the eyes of many
researchers, Becker advised, project management appears to be "primarily
a service function, not a research function."52
Becker then asked the key question: "Is it desirable for a Research
Center to develop and maintain a corps of project management people whose
services are available for successive space projects, many of which do not
spring from and do not relate strongly to the main research activities of the
Center? If it is desirable, there must be some clear benefits." Try as hard as
he could, however, Becker could not find any. Did Langley's management of
nonresearch- related projects such as Scout benefit research simply by being
close to it, the "benefit of proximity"? It did not, according to Becker. Did
projects people return to research after the termination of a project with
"recharged interests and new ideas"? Becker saw no evidence of that. Could
423
Space/light Revolution
projects be used as "a haven for research misfits"? Yes, but this was really
an organizational disadvantage because it was a quick fix for a problem,
not a long-term resolution. Do effective project management practices and
techniques "rub off on research and improve it"? No, Becker answered, such
methods were "actually incompatible with research."53
Becker then suggested that project management may simply be the "easy
way out for NASA Headquarters." Those who are responsible for managing
a research center like Langley get their "brownie points" for cooperating with
NASA headquarters in its pet projects. And given the contemporary social
apathy (and even growing antipathy) for basic science and technology, it was
easier for NASA to "impress local politicians and public with management of
$800 million" in projects than it was to explain the benefits of basic research
to them as the lower-key NACA officials had always done.54
Becker's Airlie House presentation struck a responsive chord with most
of the veteran NACA researchers present, and several of them asked him
afterward for copies of his talk. Naturally, Cortright and those involved
primarily with project management made their counterpoints. These in-
cluded the notion that Langley needed projects to remain in the public eye.
Becker and some of the other skeptics interpreted that to mean that the
most important goal was not to keep Langley alive and prosperous doing
what it was designed to do best but simply to keep it alive at all costs.
Cortright also responded with the suggestion that research division chiefs
simply would have to do a better job of "selling" the benefits of research
to the center, to NASA headquarters, and to the American public at large.
This would make research more competitive with projects and keep it from
being pushed aside.55
Such was the mindset of the man who synthesized the spaceflight
revolution at NASA Langley. Basic research, the NACA's reason for being,
had to be explained not only to the country's body politic as in the past
but also to those leading the organization in which it was done. As NASA
Administrator Thomas Paine had been quoted in an August 1969 newspaper
article entitled "Future Operation of LRC Assured," the fate of Langley
Research Center "will rise or fall" depending upon the fortunes of the space
program.56
To John Becker, the administrator's remark epitomized all that was
wrong with NASA's attitude toward research. In a calculated act of defiance,
Becker sent a copy of the newspaper article quoting Paine to Cortright with
a two-page "unsolicited opinion." Becker pointed out to the director that
Langley was a research center and, therefore, its fate should not depend
on the "uncertain, short-lived projects of the space program." Becker
lamented that "the current movement of Langley to glorify and expand
project involvement at the expense of research, if it succeeds eventually
in replacing the old research and technology development program, will
put Langley in the 'rise or fall' predicament described by Dr. Paine." He
concluded, "No reply necessary or expected."57
424
The Cortright Synthesis
Cortright responded immediately (in what he called an "Unsolicited
Reply") with the single comment that "Paine did not make the statement
during his talk — if at all."58 This was a rather lame rejoinder to the serious
matters raised by Becker's cutting memo. Cortright, however, would hear
such criticisms again. Although he and the other consolidators of the
spaceflight revolution would prevail, the fundamental tensions caused by the
essential incompatibility of basic research and project management would
always remain at Langley. The clarity of purpose that Langley had enjoyed
during its history as an NAG A laboratory was gone forever.
425
Epilogue
Either space/light will be proven a successful revolu-
tion that opened the heavens to human use and habi-
tation, or it will be proven an unsuccessful revolution
that demonstrated in its failure the limits of techno-
logical advance . ... If spaceflight does fail, its aban-
donment will represent a technological counterrevo-
lution of great consequence, symbolizing the end of
progress as it is understood today.
—William Sims Bainbridge
The Spaceflight Revolution:
A Sociological Analysis
America's space program was once a source of pride
and inspiration. Now it is a shambles, its mission
unclear, and its very existence at hazard.
— Stuart F. Brown
"Space after the Race"
By the early 1970s, the spaceflight revolution was already gasping for
breath. Born in the violence of the cold war, driven by the Sputnik hysteria,
perverted by the specter of atomic apocalypse, and ultimately fed by the
need to demonstrate in some dramatic — maybe even primal or mythic-
way the essential superiority of the American democratic system over its
supposedly entrenched and black-hearted communist enemies, the U.S.
civilian space program of the 1960s represented an extraordinary national
movement that could be sustained only for a brief but intense period when
Americans were deathly afraid of the end of life as they knew it. Kennedy's
moon shot was meant to alleviate deeply embedded fear and paranoia. By
design, his Apollo program put America back on course as the world's
indisputable technological leader and the guardian of a safer and more
hopeful future.
Until the United States beat the Soviets in space and answered the
enemy's challenge, nothing dear seemed secure. It did not take a half dozen
lunar landings to reassure the American people and the rest of the world
427
Space/light Revolution
of America's virtues; the Apollo 11 mission alone was enough. With
the lunar landing accomplished, the country had faced down the rival
superpower and had won the space race; the public could feel safe once
again. The threshold of terror that our national psyche had crossed through
because of Sputnik receded to a more comfortable distance. In turn, the
United States no longer felt the need to support the adventurous and
expensive space program of the 1960s. That venture cost Americans as
much as $5 billion annually — or 4.5 percent of the national budget per
year.1 The country retreated from NASA's expansive plans for setting off
as regular travelers through the Solar System. Instead, the country looked
to accomplish other, more earthly objectives. These included ending the
war in Vietnam, cleaning up the polluted natural environment, and finding
a better way to get along with the communist world through detente.2 This
"new age" agenda moved the American people back to the earth, not away
from it, and whether spaceflight enthusiasts realized it or not (and for the
most part, they did not), the extraordinary flurry of technological activity to
get humans off the planet and on their way to other worlds far, far away was
over — at least for the time being, until external circumstances would once
again come together to spur the inner disquiet that launches such odysseys.
"In a fundamental way, Apollo was about leaving." This is what
Apollo 11 astronaut Mike Collins said shortly after the end of the lunar land-
ing program. "It was our first move outward, off the home planet."3 For
a variety of reasons, a lot of people had been eager to go. In July 1969,
Thomas Paine, the NASA administrator at the time of Apollo 11, predicted
that a $5000 lunar vacation would be available by 1990. A future president,
Ronald Reagan, was one of thousands who joined the waiting list in the
summer of 1969 for the first commercial flight to the moon. Pan American
World Airways actually booked reservations for lunar flights scheduled in
the year 2000 — plans that today look more than a little premature techno-
logically, not to mention commercially because Pan Am is now defunct.4
Apollo may have been about leaving as Collins has suggested, but not
everybody wanted to go. In truth, Americans of the 1960s were ambivalent
about the moon shot. Not everyone felt the urgency or saw the sense in
Jack Kennedy's goal. Many were skeptical or outraged at the billions of
dollars spent. Maybe once, only once, did a vast majority of Americans
approve of the Apollo program — on 20 July 1969, the day Armstrong and
Aldrin stepped onto the Sea of Tranquility. But July 20 was just one day
in a very turbulent year. The year 1969 was the time of Woodstock and
the Age of Aquarius, the movie Easy Rider, the bridge at Chappaquidick,
campus unrest, anti- Vietnam War marches, and the trial of the Chicago
Seven. Cities still smoldered from race riots.5
"I don't know whether it's the noblest expression of the twentieth century
or a statement of our lunacy," Norman Mailer thought to himself while
watching the first lunar landing from the spectator's gallery at Mission
Control and later wrote in his offbeat account of Apollo 11, Of a Fire on the
428
Epilogue
Moon.6 Even more offbeat was the declaration made by rock critic Greil
Marcus that "Janis Joplin's new album is more important than landing on
the moon." Others were less impressed. "It means nothing to me," artist
Pablo Picasso said. Some were downright hostile. The historian and social
critic Lewis Mumford called the moon landing "a symbolic act of war" by a
"megatechnic power system in the lethal grip of the myth of the machine."
He predicted that "the very triumphs of technology" would soon turn "the
planet into a lunatic asylum or a crematorium."7 That dire prediction was
perhaps misguided in several respects, but it certainly overestimated the
passing influence of Apollo.
The year 1969 simply may not have been a good time for bold predictions
of any kind. Wernher von Braun, the deus ex machina of the Apollo
program, predicted that by the year 2000 "we will undoubtedly have a
sizable operation on the moon; we will have achieved a manned Mars
landing; and it's entirely possible we will have flown with men to the
outer planets."8 "Undoubtedly" and "entirely possible" were phrases that
reflected NASA's wishful thinking but not the present mood of most
Americans.
If Apollo was about leaving, the period after Apollo was to be about
staying home; that is what the predictors should have been forecasting
in 1969. Having visited our nearest neighbor half a dozen times between
July 1969 and December 1972, and having brought back all the souvenirs
our travel bags could carry, we were ready to return to a more normal
routine. On a much larger scale, the American space program seems to have
gone through something comparable to the aftermath of a family vacation
to the Grand Canyon; it was an exciting and valuable adventure but also
an exhausting and expensive trek from which Americans needed to recover.
This was certainly the attitude of the general public and their president.
Just a few months after Apollo 11, an opinion poll showed that 50 percent
of Americans thought the country should "do less" in space; only 20 percent
thought the country should "do more." As for President Nixon's view,
only four days after flying out to the USS Hornet in the middle of the
Pacific Ocean to personally welcome back the crew of Apollo 11 from
its lunar sojourn, he hit NASA with the first of several sharp blows to
its ambitious plans for the future. On 28 July 1969, his director of the
Office of Management and Budget, Robert Mayo, sent a letter to Thomas
Paine, the NASA administrator who had predicted lunar vacations by 1990;
this letter stated that the space program's budget would be frozen at
$3.5 million for the remainder of Nixon's term.9 A second blow came
shortly before Christmas 1969: President Nixon rejected NASA's appeal
for enough additional money to keep production of the Saturn V going.
This news devastated NASA's long-range plans. A few weeks later, buoyed
by this victory for fiscal responsibility, Nixon's budget director along with
other members of the White House staff informed NASA that "there is no
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commitment, implied or otherwise, for development starts for either the
space station or the shuttle in FY [fiscal year] '72. "10
Barely a scintilla of hope remained for the continuation of the spaceflight
revolution. That small chance was a report that in early 1970 sat on a
desk in the White House awaiting a reply. Vice-President Spiro Agnew's
Space Task Group had submitted the report to Nixon for consideration
in September 1969. The report, issued after a lengthy seven-month study
made in response to Nixon's own request for a "definitive recommendation
on the direction the U.S. space program should take in the post- Apollo
period," called for a bold continuation of the aggressive space program
of the 1960s: a permanent lunar base and a space station serviced by
a completely reusable space shuttle — technologies long envisioned by the
pioneers of space exploration as the springboard to Mars and the other
planets.11 The Agnew team's report essentially ratified NASA's own vision
of where the space program needed to go after Apollo.12 But the glimmer
of hope associated with the fate of this report was soon squelched. In early
March 1970, President Nixon issued a policy statement entitled "The Future
of the United States Space Program," which, although conceding that "space
activities will be part of our lives for the rest of time," sounded the deathbell
of the spaceflight revolution by cautioning that "we must also realize that
space expenditures must take their proper place within a rigorous system
of national priorities. What we do in space from here on in must become a
normal and regular part of our national life and must therefore be planned
in conjunction with all of the other undertakings which are also important to
us." The country could not afford more "separate leaps" like the moon shot,
another "massive concentration of will," or another "crash timetable."13 As
one scholar who has examined the post- Apollo retrenchment in detail has
said, NASA would now "have to get down on the ground and scratch for
seed with all the other government chickens."14 The revolution was over.
Times were again to be "normal" and "regular."
Congress agreed with Nixon's conservative space policy, in large part
because the country's legislators were in the same stay-at-home mood as
the president. With opinion polls clearly demonstrating a declining interest
in space (poll data had actually shown a significant decline in support for
the space program long before the achievement of the first moon landing) ,
NASA was lucky to win the few political concessions it did in the early
1970s, including the one in the summer of 1970 that ensured just enough
funding to launch an orbital workshop called Skylab inside the upper stage
of an already assembled Saturn V.15
By 1971 even NASA leadership was waving a white flag. James Fletcher,
who took over as NASA administrator in April 1971, understood when he
accepted the Nixon appointment that "there is no way" to do a space station
and a space shuttle at the same time.16 The best NASA could do was
to approach its long-term objectives incrementally, by first requesting a
shuttle — and not even the fully reusable vehicle it wanted — and later asking
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Epilogue
for a space station that the shuttle could eventually service. This made much
less sense technologically, but it made sense fiscally and politically, and that
was what counted. In early 1972, the year that saw the last two Apollo flights
(Apollo 16 and 17), President Nixon finalized the country's retreat from the
spaceflight revolution with a key policy decision: the space station was
again to be leapfrogged and postponed until some indeterminate time in the
future. For the time being, the country indeed would have only a shuttle —
and a scaled-down, partially reusable version of the vehicle that NASA really
wanted. This way initial development costs could be minimized. The fact
that operational costs for such a shuttle would eventually skyrocket was
something for a future president and NASA administrator to worry about.
Thus, NASA and the space program entered a 20- year period of incremental
politics and the less-than-optimum technologies produced by such politics,
in which the development of a limited shuttle mission sufficed and the fight
to build an affordable (and almost perennially redesigned) space station
dragged on.17 Even though the space budget would approximately double
between the early 1970s and the early 1990s, the result would nonetheless
be a rather pathetic space exploration program locked in earth orbit. Of
the 155 U.S. spacecraft launched between 1984 and 1994, only 7 left earth
orbit.18
One could argue that, even with this reversal of fortune, the spaceflight
revolution never really ended — and, for that matter, Americans did not
really stay home. Pioneer 10, launched in 1972, became the first man-
made object to exit the Solar System. In 1976, Viking took our robots to
Mars. And beginning in 1977, the Voyager spacecraft began a phenomenal
"Grand Tour" of the outer planets. In taking us into earth orbit, even the
scaled-down Space Shuttle, which made its first operational flights in 1981,
took us someplace we needed to go routinely if we were ever to become
real space travelers. Thus, the spaceflight revolution continued, only with
a temporarily different emphasis. From this point of view, what Sputnik
started was permanent. It was only a matter of time before humankind
again spurted ahead on target to some distant star.
A fundamental change in the ulterior makeup of American society and
government also survived Apollo, some would say. As historian Walter
McDougall has argued in The Heavens and the Earth: A Political History
of the Space Age, the launch of Sputnik in 1957 gave birth to a state of
"perpetual technological revolution" through technocracy, which McDougall
defines as "the institutionalization of technological change for state purposes,
that is, the state-funded and -managed R&D explosion of our time." * J Once
institutionalized, technocracy would not go away; this is McDougall's
message. The Soviet Union was the world's first technocracy, and it would
stay in power even if that required murderous purges. The United States
was the world's second technocracy, created by Sputnik, and although not
a brutal oppressor like Soviet militaristic totalitarianism, America's civilian
technocracy, which would stay in power through the federal bureaucracy and
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Space/light Revolution
military-industrial complex, would eventually prove as oppressive in terms
of the social engineering it directed as the Soviet system it was designed to
fight. Thus, in McDougall's view, the spaceflight revolution did not end in
the early 1970s, and it never will, short of a fundamental spiritual upheaval —
a conversion that would place far less faith in the passing material values
of scientific and technological progress and more faith in the transcendent.
"When that day arrives," McDougall imagines, "the technocratic pump may
cavitate, the human heart have a meltdown, and science become again a
branch of moral philosophy."20
But nothing about human history is perpetual, and such days of
cavitation — or some less cataclysmic version of them — can and do hap-
pen. McDougall's controversial book was published in 1985, a year before
the Challenger accident, four years before Tiananmen Square, six years be-
fore the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, and
nearly a decade before the Republican party regained majority control in the
U.S. Congress for the first time since 1954. During the period McDougall
was researching and writing his book, President Reagan, the hopeful moon
traveler, strongly endorsed the building of Space Station Freedom, gave his
wholehearted support to the Space Defense Initiative or SDI (better known
to its critics as "Star Wars" ) , and called for the development of a National
Aero-Space Plane (NASP), which was a futuristic hypersonic vehicle capable
of flying in and out of the atmosphere. It was misnamed by Reagan's speech-
writers "The Orient Express," because such a spaceplane might someday be
able to fly nonstop from New York to Tokyo in a few hours.21 Although
NASA had lost many major battles by then, agency leadership still oper-
ated in the 1980s according to the momentum model of the 1960s. Because
the United States seemed to be locked in mortal competition with intran-
sigent communism, this model deemed it necessary to have an expansive
space program doing whatever it took for the country to remain number
one technologically.
The ambition of many well-meaning supporters of the space program
was, therefore, to secure another dramatic presidential commitment for
a bold new initiative. This initiative was on the scale of Kennedy's
lunar commitment in May 1961, which energized the American people
so successfully, or Reagan's commitment to Space Station Freedom in
January 1984, which failed to do anything of the sort. Even critical and
scholarly observers of the U.S. space program, including those who lamented
the bureaucratization of NASA and the devaluation of its technical culture
since Apollo, have made that suggestion. For example, political scientist
Howard McCurdy, professor of public affairs at American University in
Washington, D.C., suggested in his article "The Graying of Space" that
NASA could best rejuvenate itself by aiming at a big new goal such as a
trip to Mars.22 In essence, however, such suggestions implied that American
space policy would be best served if the momentum model could be refueled.
This analysis missed the point that the momentum model has actually been
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Epilogue
the major reason for the failure of American space policy since Apollo 11
and that it, too, has been the cause for much of the technical decline in the
NASA organization. If NASA's long-term competency and productivity in
basic R&D are a main concern, U.S. presidents need to stop making such
bold pronouncements, not make more of them.
The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1991 and the fall of the Soviet Union
proved, if proof were necessary, that the unimaginable really does happen. In
a very short span of time, these megahistorical events, which were certainly
in the league of Sputnik in terms of unraveling the expected, pulled the plug
on the momentum model that had been driving the American space program
since Sputnik. U.S. leadership saw that the ground rules of what had been a
space race had changed fundamentally almost overnight. President George
Bush appointed Daniel Goldin as the head of NASA in early 1992. Goldin
had worked the prior two decades in U.S. weapons factories on top-secret
military space hardware projects, but as the NASA administrator he proved
so innovative that President Bill Clinton decided to keep him on after the
election. Goldin understood that the space program of the mid-1990s and
beyond could not operate on the basis of an obsolete world order of fear,
violence, and competition with an enemy who was no longer there. The key
words for the future were cooperation and international partnerships. The
Soviet Union no longer existed; now there was only Russia. The United
States would still be concerned about Russian cosmonauts, but not as
competitors or as instruments of the Soviet propaganda machine, rather as
fellow crew members in an international space program working alongside
not just NASA astronauts, but those of Germany, Canada, France, Japan,
and other nations. The world had turned topsy-turvy again. Up was down;
down was up. Space explorers had to adjust.
The political and technological imperatives that had driven the American
space program through its revolutionary period after Sputnik and that had
tried with diminishing effectiveness to move it after Apollo had evaporated.
With their disappearance, much about the space program had to change.
In Goldin's pet phrase, NASA needed to do everything "smaller, faster,
cheaper, better."23 In keeping with tough economic times and the trend
toward downsizing in American business and industry, the American space
program had to learn how to do more with less. To meet a directive from
President Clinton in 1993, NASA moved to "reinvent" itself and find ways
to reduce its spending by 30 percent over five years, which resulted in a
$30 billion budget cut. (In contrast, in the summer of 1990, a NASA
advisory panel still operating from the momentum model and chaired
by systems engineering guru Norman Augustine of the Martin Marietta
Corporation, had called for a 10-percent budget increase for NASA each
and every year into the early twenty-first century just to meet the "critical
national needs" in space.24) The nation would still move boldly out into
space, but in cooperation with the rest of the world, not alone, not facing
down enemies, and not making great leaps. Instead of placing such a
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Space/light Revolution
predominant emphasis on government-directed spending, the privatization
and commercialization of the enterprise gained momentum. Instead of the
prospect of an ever-increasing technocracy, there was a growing possibility
that space exploration might move ahead with less overriding government
involvement and direction. The U.S. space program would still be part of the
total equation of national strength and security, but, because that equation
had changed so dramatically with the end of the cold war, NASA had a
chance to escape from the old mindset, be much less bureaucratic, return
to basic operating principles more like those of the former NACA before
Sputnik, and be part of the solution, not part of the problem.
All of this augurs significant and positive change for the American
space program and NASA. This may be especially true for NASA Langley
Research Center, a place that has done its best, not only to abide by, but
to encourage the prevailing momentum model through the 1970s and 1980s,
even though it meant the slow but sure dissipation of the traditional research
values that had been the creative heart and soul of the center since its
formative days in the 1920s under the NACA. Langley, perhaps more than
any other NASA facility, needed to move away from the modus vivendi of
the cold war and refocus on what it has always done best: basic applied
research. The cold war, perhaps war of any kind, ultimately used up more
good ideas than it replenished.
Following Apollo 11, NASA Langley had moved beyond the waning
aspirations of moonflight to manage the Viking missions to Mars — a planet
some 65 million kilometers (40.39 million miles) away. Although not nearly
as celebrated as the manned lunar landings, Project Viking rated as one
of the greatest technological triumphs of all time, in some respects even
surpassing Apollo. "To that day — maybe to this day — Viking was the most
difficult unmanned space project ever taken," a justifiably proud Edgar
Cortright has declared. "It brought Langley to the forefront of spacecraft
technology," which was where Cortright thought Langley should be although
many, like John Becker and Mike Ellis, would have preferred a return to
the ways of the NACA and were calling for a "research renaissance." 25 In
Cortright 's mind and that of other avid participants in the spaceflight
revolution, the Viking robots set the stage for a manned mission to the
mysterious red planet, an adventure that they felt was sure to come before
the end of the twentieth century. What Viking accomplished at Langley,
however, was not altogether positive. Although it did keep the center
focused on the technologies necessary for another successful space mission,
the attention given to Viking continued a dangerous trend dating from the
Apollo period; this trend marginalized research in favor of managing big
projects, and thus was something that could not continue forever if the
center was to live up to its original charter and serve the nation well over
the long haul.
After Viking, Langley gave all-out support for the Space Shuttle.
Langley's contribution was a herculean engineering effort that was absolutely
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Epilogue
necessary for the Shuttle's success but that prevented Langley researchers
from seeking breakthroughs across the broadest possible technological front.
Because NASA was staking so much of its future on just this one vehicle,
every NASA facility was expected to provide support for the new STS, and
Langley, relying on in-house capabilities developed largely during its NACA
years, was still well equipped to help. The problems facing a hybrid reusable
vehicle that was to fly into, through, and back from space, from blastoff to
a landing on a runway, were unusually extreme. During any mission, the
Shuttle had to pass through three distinctly different flight regimes: hy-
personic, supersonic, and subsonic. Over the years, dating to the NACA
period, Langley engineers had pioneered research in each one of these speed
regimes and knew that each regime by itself posed difficult flight problems.
Together, these problems made the Shuttle program into one of the biggest
challenges Langley's wind-tunnel complex ever faced. Just to confirm the
basic aerodynamic soundness and structural integrity of the Shuttle required
more than 60,000 "occupancy hours" of testing in several tunnels over a pe-
riod of an entire decade. Thousands of hours were necessary to optimize the
design of the Shuttle's thermal protection system — a unique arrangement of
ceramic tiles protecting the reusable vehicle from the intense heat of reen-
try. A team of over 300 Langley engineers and technicians put together by
Director Donald P. Hearth took on this sticky problem and eventually came
up with a practical way of certifying the performance of the hundreds of
glue-on tiles.26
Although the Shuttle program predominated, many studies were con-
ducted at Langley that explored the feasibility of advanced spaceflight tech-
nologies for future U.S. civil and military operations — many of them, but
not all, were for manned missions. These investigations focused on new
concepts like the "aerobrake," which was a technology with important ap-
plications for space transfer vehicles taking payloads and crews from a space
station to the moon, to Mars, or even to other destinations in the inner Solar
System.27 Langley researchers also rehabilitated a few neglected older con-
cepts such as the "lifting body," a promising technology that had been
left in the lurch after Sputnik because powerful enough rockets did not yet
exist to boost such a heavy vehicle to orbit. In the 1970s and 1980s, en-
gineers at Langley helped to revitalize the lifting-body concept, and they
eventually identified a highly innovative configuration called the HL-20 that
offered a less expensive alternative to the Shuttle for direct manned access
to orbit.28 With NASA's new emphasis on "smaller, faster, cheaper, better"
in the mid-1990s, Langley's persistent interest in the lifting body may yet
pay off; perhaps it will be a convenient way of traveling to and from the
international Space Station Alpha.
Something that will surely pay off in the future is Langley's sustained
level of basic R&D in hypersonics, a field that has been one of the center's
strengths since the early 1950s when NACA researchers pioneered concepts
that were incorporated in the North American X-15. So solid was Langley's
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Space/light Revolution
reputation in hypersonics that when the NASP program began under joint
NASA/DOD sponsorship early in President Reagan's second term, Langley
became the project's "lead center." By the early 1990s, although many
critical engineering problems had yet to be solved before such a radically
new technology (the prototype was labeled X-30) could become operational,
Langley's involvements in NASP had proved the value of not only the
revolutionary supersonic combustion ramjet engine (nicknamed "scramjet")
but also of the novel integrated lifting-body aerothermal shape as the best
suited for transatmospheric flight.29
Like everything else that originated before the fall of the Berlin Wall,
however, the NASP program was driven by cold war thinking. The DOD
had planned to use the X-30 as a reconnaissance vehicle, a weapon against
enemy satellites, and possibly as a nuclear bomber. Thus, with the collapse
of the Soviet Union, the NASP program (as well as the SDI with which it
was in certain ways associated) had to change fundamentally. Faced with
a much smaller budget, NASP officials developed a plan in 1994 to close
out work on the X-30 and transform the project from the development of
a prototype military vehicle to the development of more generic hypersonic
flight technologies.30 Such a change, although it meant less money, signified
a reorientation of R&D priorities more suited to an open intellectual
environment wherein creative thinking about a wide range of technological
possibilities can be better cultivated than in the so-called "black" world of
top-secret military hardware development.
Another important effort that Langley managed to continue in the trou-
bled post- Apollo era was its work on the cutting edge of wind-tunnel technol-
ogy; this research was essential to the center's ability to stay vitally relevant
in the twenty-first century. From the time of the Wright brothers, the wind
tunnel had proved to be the essential piece of versatile experimental machin-
ery on which much about the progressive evolution of aircraft depended.
Without a new state-of-the-art tunnel, especially one that simulated the
vexatious conditions of flight at transonic speeds (a regime that both high-
speed aircraft and rockets had to fly through), Langley might have ceased
being Langley, which had been for decades a mecca for aerodynamicists from
around the world.
In the mid-1970s, NASA assured Langley's future by pursuing funding for
what became the National Transonic Facility (NTF). The NTF was a radi-
cally new wind tunnel. It was to operate cryogenically with liquid nitrogen
replacing air as the test medium. Conceptually, the NTF had roots going
back to Langley's own Variable-Density Tunnel (VDT) of the early 1920s,
which was a revolutionary machine that provided a pressurized airflow for
higher Reynolds numbers (the parameter representing the accuracy of test
results using scale models in a wind tunnel). With the VDT, the NACA had
obtained more realistic aerodynamic data than anyone had yet been able to
obtain from any previous tunnel. Like the VDT, which put the struggling
early NACA on the world map, the NTF also represented breakthrough
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Epilogue
technology. By using a spray of liquid nitrogen to refrigerate the tunnel's
airstream, thereby dramatically decreasing its viscosity, the all-important
Reynolds numbers could be increased up to five times with no increase in
model loads or required drive power.31
Authorized by Congress in 1975, the incredibly complex NTF design,
which was meant to serve the transonic R&D needs of both NASA and the
DOD, became the major preoccupation of Langley for the rest of the decade
and beyond. It gave Langley Director Don Hearth and his associates endless
headaches before all the kinks were worked out in 1982. The total cost of the
NTF was $85 million, much more than NASA could have afforded for such
a general research tool during the 1960s when such large amounts of money
could not have been spent without directly tying the project to the lunar
landing. But the result was formidable. The most ambitious and expensive
wind tunnel ever built anywhere, the NTF was quickly put to use, not
only testing models of the Space Shuttle (the STS had to pass through the
transonic speed range both to and from space) but also evaluating advanced
subsonic transports, fighter aircraft, and attack submarines. Beginning in
the late 1980s, NASP designs also underwent hundreds of hours in "The Big
Cold One," as it came to be known.32
The NTF incorporated the most modern automated equipment, which
included four separate high-speed digital computers capable of handling up
to 50,000 data points per second. These computers controlled virtually
everything about the NTF, from monitoring the facility's environment to
maneuvering the scale models in the test sections. When the NTF first
began running in 1982, its builders felt that it would give the United States
a full five-year technological lead over other countries and would "provide
aspiring young aerodynamicists the wherewithal to design the aerospacecraft
of the future."33 Occasional tunnel mishaps and breakdowns led a few
critical observers to question whether the NTF lived up to its billing, but
as the fits and starts of Langley's earlier wind-tunnel history demonstrate,
it sometimes takes years of refinement before such a basic research facility
hits its full stride.
In important respects, the NTF helped to pave the way to Langley's
future by recalling its strong NACA roots. Like the closed-loop circuitry
of its NTF, NASA Langley by the mid-1990s seemed to be on the verge of
coming full circle, not returning to the exact place where it had been 40 years
earlier — history never really repeats itself — but arriving at a familiar spot
closer to the one it occupied during the NACA, before Sputnik changed
history. In 1993, NASA Langley officials estimated that 60 percent of its
employees worked on aeronautics and only 40 percent on space. By the
following year, the margin had widened to 70/30. 34
At Langley, this ratio points to a rather curious trend. Thirty-five
years earlier, it was the aeronautical enthusiasts who were losing ground
and becoming disgruntled with the transition to space at Langley. In the
mid-1990s, it is the space enthusiasts who worry about the possibility that
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Spaceflight Revolution
the rug might be pulled from under them. Aeronautics is coming back
strong at Langley; space work is being taken away and assigned to other
centers. The center has never forgotten that the first "A" in NASA stands for
"Aeronautics." Indeed, although its many achievements in aeronautics after
Sputnik were usually overshadowed (as they are in this book) by the hype
over spaceflight, the center still managed somehow to maintain its position
as a world leader in aeronautical R&D. Langley 's contributions included the
X-15, VTOL aircraft, the variable-sweep wing, the supercritical airfoil, SST-
related technology, sonic boom studies, winglets, runway riblets, composite
materials, laminar-flow control systems, and flight avionics. Still, NASA for
its entire history had been the "space agency," and aeronautics, although
important, had played second fiddle.
True to the symbols in the original NASA logo (the "meatball"), which
signify that the organization was about both aeronautics and space, Langley
will continue to play a viable role in space.* Although Langley probably
will not be conducting any space missions, it still stays active, in less vis-
ible but nonetheless critical ways, in space-related research. For example,
researchers at the center continue to help design the space station and the
next-generation space shuttle, repair and test space-bound instruments and
materials, and conduct research on the effects of clouds and pollution on
the earth's atmosphere. As organized in early 1994, there will be four space
"thrusts" at Langley: first, the Spacecraft Technology Thrust, which will en-
tail the continued analysis of the space station design and a joint effort with
NASA Goddard researchers to launch a spacecraft called the EOS- AMI,
an unmanned earth-observing space vehicle, scheduled for launch in 1998;
second, the Remote Sensing Thrust, which will involve development of in-
struments such as the Lidar In-Space Technology Experiment (LITE), which
uses a laser system to probe the atmosphere and provide new information
about the biosphere; third, the Space Transportation Technology Thrust,
which will encompass the design of the next-generation space shuttle and
the testing of spacecraft materials and structures to see how they hold up
to extreme heat, sound, air pressure, and collisions with micrometeorites;
and fourth, the Atmospheric Sciences Thrust (a research division created
by Ed Cortright in the early 1970s), which will focus on NASA's "Mission
to Planet Earth" that was started in the 1980s and involves monitoring the
* Shortly after becoming NASA administrator, Daniel Goldin replaced the NASA "worm," which had
become the logo of the space agency in the 1970s, with the aesthetic blue "meatball" of NASA's early
days. Goldin decided to do this after visiting NASA Langley, seeing the handsome old NASA logo on
the outside of the West Area flight hangar, and hearing from Langley's center director, Paul Holloway,
that a return to the old symbol would help improve NASA morale. Goldin agreed, thinking that it
might be a good way of signaling NASA's return as a high-quality, less bureaucratic organization. The
decision, however, gave NASA's graphics department and public affairs offices a fit, because it meant
that all NASA letterhead and promotional materials had to be redone.
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Epilogue
ozone hole and measuring the carbon monoxide and aerosol gases in the
atmosphere.35
Despite the general reorientation in favor of aeronautics, space will not
be forgotten completely at Langley. As a local NASA beat reporter has
written, "When man first set foot on the moon 25 years ago, NASA Langley
Research Center was a star player in the space program, training astronauts
and developing the lunar lander. But in the future, the Hampton research
center will play a behind-the-scenes role in space research, like the football
lineman who blocks for the star running back."36 This general trend is as
it should be — and as it was at Langley before Sputnik. Revolutions come
and go, but basic research needs to stay.
Langley Research Center survived the spaceflight revolution and its
aftermath. It helped the country accomplish some wonderful things along
the way. With the changes in orientation that are now taking place inside
NASA, the center is likely to remain productive well into the twenty-first
century, if not beyond. To do so, however, Langley does not need to turn
back the clock to before 1957 or necessarily return to the ways of the NACA,
but it does need to refocus on what it does best. During the NACA years, it
had a clarity of purpose that served it extremely well. Like the rest of NASA,
it needs to regain much of its lost in-house capabilities and not depend so
heavily upon contractors. If the staff has to become a little smaller and the
overall organization a little leaner, that can work out to be a great advantage.
The small size and more intimate collegiality of the NACA staff before World
War II stimulated a high level of creativity within the organization. And
above all, the bureaucracy in Washington must be streamlined and able to
give a wide berth to people who want to follow through with bright ideas.
Langley during the NACA years operated with maximum independence from
NACA headquarters; somehow the best elements of that kind of freedom
need to be revived in NASA.
Someday, the country may see another extraordinarily tempestuous time
like the 12 years following Sputnik. Hopefully, if that time does come,
Langley will again be in a general state of good health as it was when Sputnik
first orbited the earth and will be able to make the tremendous contributions
it made during the first spaceflight revolution. The ways and means of the
old NACA are now mostly dead and gone, and Apollo anniversaries are a
time to celebrate what now seems an impossible achievement. If Langley 's
future — and NASA's future — is to be as productive as the NACA and early
NASA past, the spark of greatness in the present will have to come from
something else besides the momentum of a satellite launched nearly 40 years
ago by a country that no longer exists; it will have to come from a fresh new
stream of historical development, only now at its headwaters.
Contrary to what many space enthusiasts inside and outside of NASA
might still prefer to believe, the spaceflight revolution of the 1960s was
something of an aberration. We should not look to Apollo as a model to
emulate. That is what the children of the twenty-first century, who will not
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Space/light Revolution
remember when there even was a Soviet Union or a Khrushchev toy called
Sputnik, perhaps need most to understand about this history. The nervous
energies that took us on our wonderful trips to the moon produced little in
terms of a creative infrastructure that the country could hope to sustain for
long; rather, they created a more expansive and plodding bureaucracy that
has sustained itself quite well for the past three decades but only at great
cost to what was worth saving in the first place.
Hopefully, Langley Research Center and the rest of NASA will continue to
find ways through the dawn of the next millennium to recover the best about
what they have been, and still should be, no matter what convulsion — or
realized impossible dream — any future revolution might bring.
440
Abbreviations
AAS American Astronomical Society
ABL Allegheny Ballistics Laboratory
ABMA Army Ballistic Missile Agency
AC alternating current
ACD Analysis and Computation Division
ACLOPS Agena-Class Lunar Orbiter Project
AFB air force base
AGARD Advisory Group for Aeronautical Research and
Development
AIAA American Institute for Aeronautics and Astronautics
AMIS Advanced Man in Space
AORL Apollo Orbital Research Laboratory
ARPA Advanced Research Projects Agency
AT&T American Telephone and Telegraph
ATOPS Advanced Transport Operating System
AVRO A.V. Roe Aircraft Corporation
BellComm Bell Communications
CAN Nike-Cajun
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CM command module
CNN Cable News Network
comsat communication satellite
ComSatCorp Communications Satellite Corporation
DAN Nike-Deacon
DC direct current
DOD Department of Defense
441
Space/light Revolution
EDT
EOR
ESRO
F
FAA
FRC
FY
G.E.
Heos
HRE
IAF
IAS
IAU
ICASE
ICBM
IEEE
IGY
ILSS
Intelsat
IPAD
IRD
JPL
K
LCF
LEM
LHA
LITE
LOLA
LOPO
eastern daylight time
earth-orbit rendezvous
European Space Research Organization
Fahrenheit
Federal Aviation Administration
Flight Research Center
fiscal year
General Electric
Highly Eccentric Orbiting Satellite
hypersonic research engine
International Astronautical Federation
Institute of Aeronautical Sciences
International Astronomical Union
Institute for Computer Applications in Science and
Engineering
intercontinental ballistic missile
Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers
International Geophysical Year
Integrative Life Support System
International Telecommunications Satellite
Consortium
Integrated Program for Aerospace- Vehicle Design
Instrument Research Division
Jet Propulsion Laboratory
kelvin
Langley Central Files
lunar excursion module
Langley Historical Archives
Lidar In-Space Technology
Lunar Orbit and Letdown Approach Simulator
Lunar Orbiter Project Office
442
Abbreviations
LOR lunar-orbit rendezvous
LORL Large Orbiting Research Laboratory
LRC Langley Research Center
LTV Ling-Temco-Vought
MALLAR Manned Lunar Landing and Return
MALLIR Manned Lunar Landing Involving Rendezvous
MHD magnetohydrodynamics
MISS Man-In-Space-Soonest Project
MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology
MOL Manned Orbiting Laboratory
MORAD Manned Orbital Rendezvous and Docking
MORL Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory
MPD magnetoplasmadynamics
MSC Manned Spacecraft Center
MSFC Marshall Space Flight Center
MTSS Military Test Space Station
MWDP Mutual Weapons Defense Program
NACA National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NASA HQ NASA headquarters
NASA HQA NASA Headquarters Archives
NASA NP NASA Publication
NASA RP NASA Reference Publication
NASA SP NASA Special Publication
NASA TN NASA Technical Note
NASA TR NASA Technical Report
NASP National Aero-Space Plane
NASTRAN NASA Structural Analysis
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NHFRF National Hypersonic Flight Research Facility
NOSS National Orbiting Space Station
443
Space/light Revolution
NRL
NTF
OART
OHC
OSSA
Pageos
Parasev
PARD
PC
PCC
PSAC
R&D
RA
RAM
RAP
RCA
rpm
RRA
Saint
SCAT
SDI
SEPC
SETI
SM
SMD
SNAP
SST
STG
STL
STS
TAGIU
Naval Research Laboratory
National Transonic Facility
Office of Advanced Research and Technology
Oral History Collection
Office of Space Sciences Applications
Passive Geodetic Earth- Orbiting Satellite
Paraglider Research Vehicle
Pilotless Aircraft Research Division
personal computer
Peninsula Chamber of Commerce
President's Science Advisory Committee
research and development
Research Authorization
Radio Attenuation Measurements
Research Airplane Project
Radio Corporation of America
revolutions per minute
Resident Research Associate
Satellite Interceptor project
Supersonic Commercial Air Transport
Space Defense Initiative
Space Exploration Program Council
Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence
service module
Space Mechanics Division
Systems for Nuclear Auxiliary Power
supersonic transport
Space Task Group
Space Technologies Laboratories
Space Transportation System
Tracking and Ground Instrumentation Unit
444
Abbreviations
TCVA Terminal Configured Vehicle and Avionics
Texas A&M Texas Agricultural and Mechanical University
TRW Thompson-Ramo-Wooldridge
TWGEP Technical Working Group for Electric Propulsion
UHF ultra-high frequency
USNC/IGY U.S. National Committee/International Geophysical
Year
VDT Variable-Density Tunnel
V/STOL vertical and short takeoff and landing
VHF very high frequency
WS-110A Weapons System-llOA
445
Notes
A Caveat to Chapter Notes
Many of the following notes refer to a piece of correspondence by file number (e.g., A32-1,
LCF [Langley Central Files]). The NACA/early NASA correspondence files have been
accessioned by the National Archives (NASA Record Group). Any reference that appears
as above is now in the National Archives. This caveat applies only to correspondence by file
number in the Langley Central Files. Other references to documents in the Langley Central
Files and Langley Historical Archives are correct as of publishing date.
Prologue
1. George Will, "What Paths Would the Nation Have Taken Had Taylor Lived?"
Washington Post, 20 June 1991.
2. Ward Moore, Bring the Jubilee (London: Heinemann, 1955).
3. Will, "What Paths."
4. John Noble Wilford, "A Spacefaring People: Keynote Address," in A Spacefaring People:
Perspectives on Early Spaceflight, ed. Alex Roland, NASA SP-4405 (Washington, 1985),
p. 69.
5. See Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth: A Political History of the
Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), p. 123; also Frederick I. Ordway III and
Mitchell R. Sharpe, The Rocket Team (New York: Crowell, 1979), pp. 377-378.
6. See chap. 5, "The Satellite Decision," pp. 112-134, in McDougall, Heavens and the Earth.
7. McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 153-154; on Project Vanguard, see Constance M.
Green and Milton Lomask, Vanguard: A History, NASA SP-4202 (Washington, 1970).
8. Wilford, "A Spacefaring People," pp. 69-70. For a persuasive account of the responses of
American policymakers to the launching of Sputniks 1 and 2, see Robert A. Divine, The
"Sputnik" Challenge: Eisenhower's Response to the Soviet Satellite (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993); for an interesting revisionist interpretation, see Rip Bulkeley,
The Sputniks Crisis and Early United States Space Policy (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana
University Press, 1991). Bulkeley argues that no U.S. president could have quieted the
alarm aroused in 1957-1958 by the Soviet demonstration of ICBM capability. If the Soviet
Union had been only the second country in the world to orbit a satellite, the American
electorate would have still perceived the ICBM demonstration as a cataclysmic threat
to its strategic security and as a turn of events demanding an instant and dramatic
response from the country's leadership. Although Dr. Bulkeley's thesis has some merit, I
remain convinced that the post-Sputnik media riot and the country's generally hysterical
447
Notes for Prologue
reaction could have been generated only in response to the Soviets having the first space
launch. If the Soviets had been second into space, I do not believe that the NACA would
have been abolished and NASA established before a year had passed.
9. For an analysis of this close election, see pp. 350-365 of Theodore H. White, The Making
of the President, 1960 (New York: Atheneum, 1961).
10. For a critical interpretation of the history of the NACA, NASA's predecessor, see
Alex Roland, Model Research: The National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics,
1915-1958, 2 vols., NASA SP-4103 (Washington, 1985). For more sympathetic in-
terpretations focusing on the operations of the NACA's various research laborato-
ries, see Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier: Flight Research at Dryden, 1946-1981,
NASA SP-4303 (Washington, 1984); Elizabeth A. Muenger, Searching the Horizon:
A History of Ames Research Center, 1940-1976, NASA SP-4304 (Washington, 1985);
James R. Hansen, Engineer in Charge: A History of the Langley Aeronautical Labora-
tory, 1917-1958, NASA SP-4305 (Washington, 1987); and Virginia P. Dawson, Engines
and Innovation: Lewis Laboratory and American Propulsion Technology, NASA SP-4306
(Washington, 1991). For a brief survey treatment, see Roger E. Bilstein, Orders of Mag-
nitude: A History of the NACA and NASA, 1915-1990, NASA SP-4406 (Washington,
1989).
11. James R. Hansen, "Transition to Space: A History of Space Plane Concepts at Langley
Aeronautical Laboratory, 1952-1957," Journal of the British Interplanetary Society 40
(Feb. 1987): 67-80. For additional historical and engineering analysis of the technologies
pertinent to the development of hypersonic boost-gliders and other "space planes," see
The Hypersonic Revolution: Eight Case Studies in the History of Hypersonic Technology,
ed. Richard P. Hallion (Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio: Special Staff Office, Aeronautical
Systems Division, 1987).
12. On the many twists and turns of NASA's space station development since the late
1950s, see Howard E. McCurdy, The Space Station Decision: Incremental Politics and
Technological Choice (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
13. Eric Hoffer, Before the Sabbath (New York: Harper and Row, 1979), p. 55.
14. On NASA's controversial decision to go to the moon via lunar-orbit rendezvous, see John
Logsdon, "Selecting the Way to the Moon: The Choice of the Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous
Mode," Aerospace Historian 18 (June 1971): 66-70. On the demise of the American SST
program, see Mel Horwitch, Clipped Wings: The American SST Conflict (Cambridge,
Mass., and London: MIT Press, 1982). On the space station, see McCurdy, The Space
Station Decision, pp. 30-31. The books we have on the Space Shuttle Challenger accident
came out in the immediate aftermath of the tragedy and really do not adequately explore
either the causes of the explosion or the character of the follow-up investigation by the
presidential commission chaired by former Secretary of State William Rogers. Essentially,
they are little more than examples of sensational journalism. For the best treatment of
the forces at work in the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster, see Michael Collins, Liftoff:
The Story of America's Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988),
pp. 222-242. As a former NASA astronaut (Gemini X and Apollo XI), Collins is, of
course, sympathetic to NASA's interests; however, he provides a keen analysis of what
went wrong with the Space Shuttle program.
448
Notes for Chapter 1
15. Lewis Carroll, Alice's Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking-Glass (New
York: Macmillan Co., 1963), bk. 2, p. 43.
16. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (University of Chicago Press,
1962).
17. Ibid., p. 91.
18. For an extensive and interesting application of Kuhn's theory of revolution, see Edward
Constant II, Origins of the Turbojet Revolution (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1980).
19. William Sims Bainbridge, The Space/light Revolution: A Sociological Analysis (New York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1976), p. 1.
20. On the Committee for the Future, see Bainbridge, The Spaceflight Revolution, pp. 12-14
and 158-197. On the deviancy of science-fiction fandom, see pp. 227-233.
21. Ibid., p. 4.
Chapter 1
The Metamorphosis
1. In the wake of Sputnik, Eisenhower created a President's Science Advisory Committee
(PSAC) from an existing science advisory board that was helping the Office of Defense
Mobilization; chairing the new PSAC was James R. Killian, Jr., president of MIT
and new special assistant to the president for science and technology. Eisenhower
asked the committee to identify American objectives in space and advise him on how
those objectives could best be met. On 22 Feb. 1958, the PSAC recommended in a
preliminary staff document entitled "Organization for Civil Space Programs" (copy in
NASA HQA) that a new space agency be established with the NACA as its nucleus.
NACA leaders learned about this recommendation and passed informal word of it to
their laboratories soon thereafter. On 2 Apr. 1958, all NACA Main Committee members
received a confidential letter from the NACA's executive secretary informing them that
the president, following the PSAC recommendation, had just sent a plan for a new space
agency to Congress.
See John F. Victory's letter to Floyd L. Thompson, Langley associate director, with
attached memorandum from D wight D. Eisenhower to the secretary of defense and the
chairman of the NACA, 2 Apr. 1958, plus the attached White House press release,
marked "strictly confidential" and dated 2 Apr. 1958, 12:00 noon EST, with the text
of Eisenhower's message to Congress. The letter from Victory to Thompson is in the
folder "Space Material," Floyd L. Thompson Collection, LHA.
For a historical analysis of Killian's and the PSAC's role in the establishment of NASA,
see Walter A. McDougall's Pulitzer Prize-winning book, The Heavens and the Earth: A
Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), pp. 170-172.
2. For Eisenhower's reaction to Sputnik and his concerns about the militarization of space,
see McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 158-176. The reader needs to pay special
attention, however, to McDougall's interpretation of the NACA in these pages. On page
164, for instance, McDougall argues that "by the mid-1950s the venerable NACA was
slumping. It was the best equipped aeronautical research organization in the world, but
institutional conservatism and financial strictures rendered its future very dubious." In
449
Notes for Chapter 1
the opinion of other historians, including myself, McDougall's portrayal of the NACA
in its last years is off the mark. The NACA was not in any slump. In the years just
preceding 1958, the NACA was involved in some of the most productive work it had ever
done. McDougall's interpretation implies that the NACA died of old age. An alternative
interpretation, which I support, would suggest that the NACA was killed in its prime.
It was not Sputnik per se that killed it; it was the hysterical American reaction to the
threat posed by the Soviet satellite. For criticism of McDougall's interpretation of the
late NACA similar to my own, see Richard P. Hallion's review of Heavens and the Earth
in Technology and Culture 28 (Jan. 1987): 130-132, and Virginia P. Dawson, Engines
and Innovation: Lewis Laboratory and American Propulsion Technology, NASA SP-4306
(Washington, 1991), p. 162.
3. Alex Roland, Model Research: The National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, 1915-
1958, 2 vols., NASA SP-4103 (Washington, 1985), 1:1-25. On the NACA's inaugural
meeting, see the "Minutes of Meeting of National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics
held in the War Department of Washington, D.C., April 23, 1915," cited in Roland, Model
Research, 1:27 and 326 n. 2.
4. Charles J. Donlan interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 Aug. 1990, transcript,
pp. 34-35, OHC, LHA.
5. For the full text of the NACA charter, see app. A to James R. Hansen, Engineer in
Charge: A History of the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory, 1917-1958, NASA SP-4305
(Washington, 1987), p. 399.
6. Tom D. Crouch offers an excellent and fair appraisal of Samuel P. Langley's mixed
contributions to aeronautics in A Dream of Wings: Americans and the Airplane,
1875-1905 (New York and London: W. W. Norton & Co., 1981). See especially chap. 7,
"S. P. Langley: The Scientist as Engineer," pp. 127-156, and chap. 12, "The Great
Aerodrome," pp. 255-283. A 1988 paperback version of Crouch's book is available from
the Smithsonian Institution Press.
7. On the NACA's annual Aircraft Manufacturers' Conferences (later called NACA inspec-
tions), see Roland, 1:111-114 and 232-233, and my own Engineer in Charge, pp. 148-158.
8. This opinion was expressed by British aviation journalist C. G. Grey in an obituary for
NACA Director of Research George W. Lewis, published in The Aeroplane, 27 Aug. 1948.
More recently, distinguished American aviation historian Richard K. Smith wrote in the
Smithsonian Institution's Milestones of Aviation (New York: Hugh Lauter Levin, 1989)
that "in the years 1928-1938 no other institution in the world contributed more to the
definition of the modern airplane than the Langley Laboratory of the U.S. National
Advisory Committee for Aeronautics" (p. 240).
For the history of Ames laboratory, see Edwin P. Hartmann, Adventures in Research:
A History of Ames Research Center, 1940-1965, NASA SP-4302 (Washington, 1970),
and Elizabeth A. Muenger, Searching the Horizon: A History of Ames Research Center,
1940-1985, NASA SP-4304 (Washington, 1985); and for a history of Lewis, see Virginia P.
Dawson, Engines and Innovation. On the High-Speed Flight Station at Muroc Dry Lake
(later renamed Dryden Flight Research Center), see Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier:
Flight Research at Dryden, 1946-1981, NASA SP-4303 (Washington, 1984). The best
work so far on the history of Wallops Island is Joseph A. Shortal, A New Dimension:
Wallops Flight Test Range, The First Fifteen Years, NASA RP-1028 (Washington, 1978).
450
Notes for Chapter 1
9. Jerome C. Hunsaker interview with Walter Bonney, 2 Nov. 1971, transcript, p. 1, OHC,
LHA.
10. For all the details, plus a critical analysis, of the NACA committee system, consult
Roland, Model Research, esp. app. B, 2:423-465. For a rough breakdown of the roles
played by the various committees, see Hansen, Engineer in Charge, pp. 5-9.
11. A biography of Hugh Dryden is badly needed. The place to start is Richard K. Smith, The
Hugh L. Dryden Papers, 1898-1965: A Preliminary Catalogue of the Basic Collection
(Baltimore: Milton S. Eisenhower Library, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974).
Dr. Smith, who compiled and edited this collection of Dryden's papers, informs me that
the collection is in truth a rather meager potpourri.
Our picture of George W. Lewis is a little more complete. See, for example, my chapter,
"George W. Lewis and the Management of Aeronautical Research," in William P. Leary's
biographical anthology, Aviation's Golden Age: Portraits from the 1920s and 1930s (Iowa
City: University of Iowa Press, 1989), pp. 93-112. Those interested in source materials
about George Lewis should consult my short bibliographical essay about him at the end
of Leary's book (pp. 186-187).
12. Some of the "young Turks" came from Langley (for example, Robert Gilruth and Max
Faget, future leaders of the NASA Space Task Group, which put together Project
Mercury), but the leading group developed at NACA Lewis. This group was led by
Lewis's dynamic associate director, Abe Silverstein, and included, among others, such
promising young men as George Low, who before too many years would be heading
NASA's Manned Lunar Landing Task Force, and Edgar M. Cortright, Jr., future director
of NASA Langley (1968-1976). To be a "young Turk" in 1957-1958 meant to be an
NACA employee who, in historian Alex Roland's words, "wanted the NACA to campaign
for a broad new role in space" (Model Research, 1:292). The title apparently dated
from an informal NACA dinner meeting hosted by NACA Chairman Jimmy Doolittle in
Washington on 18 Dec. 1957. During the dinner, an NACA generation gap became
obvious over the issue of what the NACA's role should be in space, and Langley's
intemperate John Stack called Hugh Dryden "an old fogey." To qualify the inferences
drawn from Roland's portrayal, I must add that Stack's passion rested squarely in
aeronautics; he was hardly a "space cadet" as Roland (and McDougall) seems to suggest.
A few months after the Washington dinner, in the spring of 1958, Silverstein reported
to Washington, at Dr. Dryden's request, to take on the huge job of inventing NASA's
spaceflight development program. He eventually brought with him to Washington
several other Lewis people. On this subject, see also Dawson, Engines and Innovation,
pp. 163-166. In Heavens and the Earth, McDougall refers to the "young Turks" as the
NACA's "frontier faction" (p. 200). However, the NACA actually employed two frontier
factions: one devoted to space and one devoted to aeronautics. The spaceflight revolution,
in key respects, left members of the second group behind.
13. "Biographical Sketch of Dr. T. K. Glennan," Langley Air Scoop, 15 Aug. 1958. On the
front page of the same issue was a news item, "President Announces Nominees to Head
NASA."
14. Both Roland and McDougall refer to the occasion when Hugh Dryden told the House
Space Committee in the spring of 1958 that some of the ideas being proposed for putting
Americans into space have "about the same technical value as the circus stunt of shooting
451
Notes for Chapter 1
a young lady from a cannon." Sensibly cautious remarks like this did not endear Dryden
to congressmen who were in a rush to see Americans in space and made his selection as
the first NASA administrator politically impossible. Model Research, 1:299; Heavens and
the Earth, pp. 195-196.
15. A seven-page carbon transcript of "Glennan Message to NACA Employees," dated
22 Sept. 1958, can be found in the folder marked "Space Material" in the Thompson
Collection, LHA. Glennan did not make his first trip to Langley until Wednesday,
7 Jan. 1959. Accompanying the administrator was Hugh Dryden, deputy administrator,
as well as a number of other NASA headquarters officials. The group arrived at Langley
around 11:30 a.m., after a brief stop to see research facilities at Wallops Island, and
they returned to Washington in the late afternoon. Glennan and his staff toured a
number of Langley wind tunnels in which various tests were being conducted in support
of NASA's nascent space programs. See the article "Glennan Views Facilities, Hears
Research Reports," in NASA Langley Air Scoop, 9 Jan. 1959.
16. "Glennan Message," pp. 1-2.
17. T. Keith Glennan, "The First Years of the National Aeronautics and Space Administra-
tion," unpublished diary, 1964, Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kans., 1:6-7. Subsequent
to the drafting of this book, NASA published an edited version of Glennan's diary, The
Birth of NASA: The Diary of T. Keith Glennan, ed. J. D. Hunley, NASA SP-4105
(Washington, 1993).
18. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 9.
19. "Glennan Message," pp. 2-3.
20. Ibid., pp. 3-4.
21. Quoted in "Glennan Message," pp. 6-7.
22. Floyd L. Thompson interview with Walter Bonney, Hampton, Va., 28 July 1975, tran-
script, p. 25, OHC, LHA; on the history of NACA Wind Tunnel No. 1, see Hansen,
Engineer in Charge, pp. 69-72 and 442.
23. For detailed inventories of the history of the NACA's wind tunnels, see Roland. Model
Research, 2:507-528, and Hansen, Engineer in Charge, pp. 441-478.
24. Flight Log Book, 1958, 7 Oct. 1958, Langley Flight Log Book Collection, LHA; next to
the F-101A entry are the words "Hubbard's Sound Flight." See also Domenic J. Maglieri,
Harvey H. Hubbard, and Donald L. Lansing, "Ground Measurements of the Shock- Wave
Noise From Airplanes in Level Flight at Mach Numbers to 1.4 and at Altitudes to
45,000 Feet," NASA TN D-48, Sept. 1959. For information on the variable-electronic
control system, see Siguard A. Sjoberg, "Flying Qualities Associated with Electronic
Flight Control Systems," NASA TN-66282, 5-6 Nov. 1958.
25. Quoted in Charles Murray and Catherine Bly Cox, Apollo: Race to the Moon (New York:
Touchstone Books, 1989), p. 31.
26. Ira H. Abbott, "A Review and Commentary of a Thesis by Arthur L. Levine, Entitled
'A Study of the Major Policy Decisions of the National Advisory Committee for
Aeronautics,' Dated 1963," NASA HQA, HHN-35, Apr. 1964, p. 195. The LHA also
preserves a copy of Abbott's manuscript.
27. H. J. E. Reid to Dr. Hugh L. Dryden, "Transmittal of Report on Review of Langley
Research Effort," 31 Jan. 1958, A200-1A, LCF. A photocopy of this report is also in the
Thompson Collection, LHA, in the folder "Space Material."
452
Notes for Chapter 1
28. Langley was a strong supporter of the Dyna-Soar project. Inaugurated by the U.S. Air
Force in Nov. 1957, the concept was for the design and operation of an experimental
manned hypersonic glider, designated the X-20, that could fly out of the atmosphere,
bounce in and out of shallow earth orbit for at least a large part of a trip around
the planet, and return home to a runway landing. Even before the NACA's formal
agreement in May 1958 to support the air force's manned military space project, Langley
had been active in hypersonic and boost-glider research. Some of its researchers and
facilities stayed active in support of Dyna-Soar until the DOD canceled the project in
Dec. 1963. For firsthand insights into Langley's involvement in Project Dyna-Soar,
see John V. Becker, "The Development of Winged Reentry Vehicles," unpublished
manuscript, May 1983, pp. 35-51, copy in the LHA. For a brief critical examination of the
Dyna-Soar 's controversial history, see McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 339-341.
29. In midsummer 1958, Stack visited the Vickers organization in Weybridge, England, to
review a British proposal for the Swallow arrow-wing aircraft. The proposal consisted of
a plan for a 25,000-pound research airplane derived from the Swallow configuration that
would be the progenitor of a supersonic commercial transport. Stack made several trips
to Europe in the late 1950s and early 1960s as an NACA/NASA representative to NATO
meetings concerning the Mutual Weapons Defense Program (MWDP). For information
on the Swallow and Stack's trips to Europe, see the miscellaneous material in the folders
marked "MWDP," in section 6 of the John Stack Collection, LHA.
30. James R. Hansen, "Transition to Space: A History of 'Space Plane' Concepts at Langley
Aeronautical Laboratory 1952-1957," Journal of the British Interplanetary Society 40
(1987): 67-80. On the X-15, see Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier, pp. 101-129, and
Milton O. Thompson, At the Edge of Space: The X-15 Flight Program (Washington and
London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992).
31. Thompson interview with Bonney, 28 July 1975, p. 20.
32. Ibid.
33. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 28.
34. Roland, Model Research, 1:135-137; Hansen, Engineer in Charge, pp. 145-146.
35. Caldwell Johnson quoted in Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 28.
36. For an appraisal of Langley's research environment in the early years, see Hansen,
Engineer in Charge, pp. 33-40. For an insightful autobiographical look into the freedoms
of NACA laboratory research, read John V. Becker, The High-Speed Frontier: Case
Histories of Four NACA Programs, 1920-1950, NASA SP-445 (Washington, 1980).
Becker, who came to work at Langley in 1936, did pioneering research in high-speed
aerodynamics culminating in major contributions to the X-15 program.
37. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 27.
38. In essence, the deal with the Selective Service System called for the induction of
eligible Langley employees into the Army Air Corps Enlisted Reserves. However, NACA
inductees received no military training, never wore a uniform, and spent absolutely no
time on active duty. For the details of this arrangement, see Hansen, Engineer in Charge,
pp. 203-205.
453
Notes for Chapter 2
Chapter 2
The First NASA Inspection
1. As had been the case for the NACA's annual manufacturers' conferences, Langley's plan-
ning for NASA's First Anniversary Inspection was complete. The typically exhaustive
thoroughness of preinspection planning is evident in both the abundance and the detail of
the extant archival material. This material includes several relevant internal memoranda,
including an "Operation and Policy" statement; all purchase requests; complete lists of
the invited guests plus copies of the invitations; all programs and booklets; representative
visitor identification badges; luncheon menus; maps of tour-bus routes; as well as group
photos, sheets with daily attendance figures, selected press-coverage clippings, and all
NASA press releases. In the LHA are five large folders of material for the 1959 inspec-
tion. They are located, along with the records for the 1964 NASA inspection (also held
at Langley), in a special cabinet drawer labeled "1959 Inspection-1964 Inspection." Ma-
terial on the 1959 inspection can also be found in E6-1E, LCF. Langley's correspondence
files are located in the LHA.
2. "The Nice NASA Show for the People," Newport News (Va.) Daily Press, 27 Oct. 1959.
3. "Nearly 20,000 at Open House; Public Pays First Visit to NASA," Newport News Daily
Press, 25 Oct. 1959.
4. "Nice NASA Show," Daily Press.
5. Axel T. Mattson, "Synopsis of the NASA First Anniversary Inspection, Technical
Presentations," 6 July 1959, p. 1, in 1959 inspection folder labeled "NASA 'First
Anniversary Inspection' LRC-1959 Policy Statement," in the "1959 Inspection-1964
Inspection" drawer.
6. T. Melvin Butler, Langley administrative management officer, "Memorandum for All
Concerned; Subject: Special Duties for the 1959 NASA Inspection at Langley Research
Center," 5 Oct. 1959, and "Information for Group Leaders and Assistant Group Leaders,
NASA 1959 Inspection," 9 Oct. 1959. Both memoranda are in the "1959 Inspection File"
in the LHA. For in-house news stories (with photographs) on the 1959 inspection, see
the 16 Oct. 1959 issue of the Langley Air Scoop. For outside technical reviews, consult
the 19 Oct., 26 Oct., and 2 Nov. 1959 issues of Aviation Week. An editorial team from
Aviation Week covered all four days of the NASA inspection and published several articles
on NASA's research highlights. Most of these articles, however, were based largely on
NASA's press releases prior to the inspection.
7. See folder entitled "NASA 'First Anniversary Inspection' LRC-1959 Policy Statement"
for correspondence between Langley and the various NASA centers regarding their
participation in the 1959 inspection. See also the relevant NASA press releases in the
"Press Releases" folder for the 1959 inspection. On the cancellation of the Vega program,
see "NASA Kills Vega, Adopts USAF Agena." Aviation Week, 21 Dec. 1959, and "Vega
Out, Hopes Pinned on Centaur," Missiles and Rockets, 21 Dec. 1959.
8. Axel Mattson interview with author, 14 Aug. 1989, Hampton, Va., transcript, pp. 9-10,
OHC, LHA. At the time, Mattson was the assistant chief of Langley's Full-Scale Research
Division.
9. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, pp. 9-10.
10. Ibid.
454
Notes for Chapter 2
11. Ibid., pp. 2-5 and 11. See also Axel Mattson to the associate director. The Langley
correspondence files, E6-1E, LCF, contain several letters from Mattson to Langley and
NASA headquarters concerning his visits to JPL, Goddard, and other NASA centers in
preparation for the 1959 inspection.
12. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, p. 5.
13. Charles J. Donlan interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 Aug. 1990, transcript, p. 16,
OHC, LHA.
14. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, p. 4.
15. Smith J. DePrance to Dr. H. J. E. Reid, 29 Oct. 1959, E6-1E, LCF.
16. H. J. E. Reid to Dr. Smith J. DeFrance, 30 Oct. 1959, E6-1E, LCF.
17. Englishman John Hodge had joined the STG in the spring of 1959 along with 30 other
engineers who had been handpicked by the STG after they had been laid off by the
AVRO (A. V. Roe) aircraft corporation in Canada; a new Conservative government in
Ottawa had canceled a project for the building of a technologically innovative supersonic
interceptor, the CF-105 Arrow, and some swift action by NASA had allowed the space
agency to acquire some exceedingly talented people. Hodge became the second NASA
flight director — Christopher C. Kraft's deputy — at Mission Control in Houston. It was
his misfortune to be the flight director on duty during the tragic Apollo 1 fire that killed
astronauts Roger Chaffee, Edward White, and Virgil Grissom in Jan. 1967. Subsequent
to the Apollo program, Hodge served as director of NASA's Space Station Task Force.
Windier also became a Houston flight director, and Huss, too, served in Mission Control.
On the recruitment of the Canadians into NASA's space program, see Loyd S. Swenson,
Jr., James M. Grimwood, and Charles C. Alexander, This New Ocean: A History of
Project Mercury, NASA SP-4201 (Washington, 1966), p. 153, as well as Charles Murray
and Catherine Ely Cox, Apollo: The Race to the Moon (New York: Touchstone Books,
1989), pp. 21-23. See also Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 21.
18. Among the Langley documents relevant to the establishment of the STG, see especially
Paul E. Purser to Robert R. Gilruth, "Initial Hiring of Personnel for Space Center,"
3 Sept. 1958; and Robert R. Gilruth to Langley Associate Director Floyd L. Thompson,
"Space Task Group," 3 Nov. 1958. Both letters can be found in the Floyd L. Thompson
Collection, LHA. On the formation of the STG, see also Gilruth's "Memoir: From
Wallops Island to Mercury, 1945-1958," unpublished manuscript presented at the Sixth
International History Symposium, Vienna, Austria, 13 Oct. 1972, pp. 39-42, copy in
LHA. For an excellent history of NASA's Project Mercury, see Swenson, Grimwood, and
Alexander, This New Ocean.
19. STG script for "NASA 1959 Inspection: Project Mercury," Oct. 1959, p. 1. All of the
scripts for presentations given at the 1959 inspection are in the folder labeled "Press
Releases, 1959 Inspection," in the 1959-1964 inspection drawer in the LHA.
20. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, pp. 29-30.
21. Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 237-238. See also John A.
(Shorty) Powers' memorandum for STG files, "Response to queries about Astronauts'
personal stories," 27 Aug. 1959, C136-1, LCF.
22. STG script, "Project Mercury," pp. 1-2.
455
Notes for Chapter 2
23. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 45. On NASA's selection of the Mercury astronauts, see Swenson,
Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 129-131; also Mae Mills Link, Space
Medicine in Project Mercury, NASA SP-4003 (Washington, 1965), pp. 44-46.
24. By this time Bob Champine, one of Langley's most talented test pilots, had already
experienced the high G- forces of the navy's centrifuge at Johnsville, Pa., and had also
ridden several of the Project Mercury simulators, so he knew what NASA astronauts
must endure. See Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 43 and 94.
For some thoughts on the tortures of the wheel from the perspective of a Gemini and
Apollo astronaut, see Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space
(New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), pp. 30-31.
25. Yeager quoted in Collins, Liftoff, p. 46.
26. In the LHA, I have left a folder with photocopies of dozens of local newspaper stories
about the Mercury astronauts. The chief local reporter covering the astronauts was
Virginia Biggins, columnist for the Newport News Times Herald. In her column, "Point
of View," Ms. Biggins often covered the personal lives of the astronauts, in spite of
the notoriously restrictive Time-Life contract. For some fascinating recollections of the
Project Mercury astronauts and their days in the Hampton Roads area, see the transcript
of my interview with Ms. Biggins, dated 1 Aug. 1990, OHC, LHA; for comments on how
she was able to work around the Time-Life restrictions, see pp. 4-5. A Langley videotape
of a presentation made by Ms. Biggins in July 1991 at the former Langley Visitors' Center
on her recollections of the days when the astronauts were training at Langley is available
through the Langley Office of Public Services.
27. See Robert Voas, "Project Mercury Astronaut Training Program," unpublished paper
presented at the Symposium on Psychophysiological Aspects of Space Flight, San
Antonio, Tex., 26-27 May 1960, copy in Langley Technical Library. Dr. Voas (a navy
lieutenant with a Ph.D. in psychology) served on the NASA astronaut selection committee
and became a formal member of the organization within the STG that evaluated, tested,
and trained the Mercury astronauts. For a virtually complete bibliography of Voas's
contemporary papers and presentations on Mercury astronaut training, consult the
NACA/NASA card file in the Langley Technical Library. For a historical analysis of
Mercury astronaut selection and evaluation, as well as the role of Dr. Voas and others in
it, see Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 159-165.
28. Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 237-238.
29. See STG script, "Project Mercury," pp. 3-5. John Glenn is quoted in Collins, Liftoff,
p. 31.
30. Some readers may be surprised by this reference to a "sidearm controller" for the X-15
"space plane" and Mercury spacecraft simulator if they associate the original development
of sidearm-control technology with the much ballyhooed and supposedly altogether new
electronic flight control systems of the 1980s. The history of the sidearm controller goes
back at least to German research into new flight control systems for their advanced fighter
aircraft of World War II. For those interested in this specialized technical topic, see
the short bibliography compiled by engineer Paul E. Hunt of Langley's 8-Foot Tunnels
Branch in 1959, on early (post-World War II) American research into sidearm flight
controls, NACA/NASA card file, Langley Technical Library.
31. STG script, "Project Mercury," pp. 1-4.
456
Notes for Chapter 3
32. Ibid., pp. 1 and 3.
33. The phrase that the STG treated the Mercury astronauts as "active and valuable
participants" is from Collins, Liftoff, p. 48. Mike Collins was not part of Project
Mercury, but as an astronaut in the follow-up Gemini and Apollo programs, he became
very familiar with the experiences, good and bad, of the original seven astronauts. For
Gilruth's experiences in flight testing, see the early sections of his "Memoir" as well as the
analysis in my Engineer in Charge, NASA SP-4305 (Washington, 1987), pp. 262-270 and
275-278. Gilruth's systematic and quantified approach to aircraft flight testing is also
featured prominently in chap. 3 of Walter G. Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How
They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1990); chap. 3 is entitled, "Establishment of Design Requirements:
Flying-Quality Specifications for American Aircraft, 1918-1943."
34. "Capsule Built at Langley and Lewis Launched Atop Atlas in Mercury Test," Langley Air
Scoop, 11 Sept. 1958. On the history of Big Joe, see Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander,
This New Ocean, pp. 125-128.
35. STG script, "Project Mercury," pp. 4-5.
36. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 46. On the history of Little Joe, see Swenson, Grimwood, and
Alexander, This New Ocean, esp. pp. 124-126, 208-213, and 291-294.
37. Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 208-209.
38. Ibid., pp. 210-213. For a contemporary news magazine story, see "Little Joe Launch
Tests Mercury Capsule Escape," Aviation Week, 14 Dec. 1959. For a former astronaut's
thoughtful summary of the role played by chimpanzees and other primates in Project
Mercury, see Collins, Liftoff, pp. 48 and 51-52.
39. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 43.
Chapter 3
Carrying Out the Task
1. Robert R. Gilruth, "Memoir: From Wallops Island to Mercury, 1945-1958," unpublished
manuscript presented at the Sixth International History Symposium, Vienna, Austria,
13 Oct. 1992, p. 38, copy in LHA. In the OHC, LHA, is a barely audible copy of my
tape-recorded interview with Gilruth at his home at Kilmarnock, Va., 10 July 1986. This
interview, which lasted for over three hours, covers important aspects of Gilruth's entire
NACA/NASA career.
On Presidential Science Adviser Kistiakowsky and ARPA's contrasting positions on
the early space program, see Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth: A
Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), pp. 202-205. On
ARPA specifically, see pp. 195-198 and 201-206.
2. Gilruth, "Memoir," pp. 34-39; Loyd S. Swenson, Jr., James M. Grimwood, and Charles C.
Alexander, This New Ocean: A History of Project Mercury, NASA SP-4201 (Washington,
1966), pp. 110-116; Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space
(New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), p. 28.
3. Charles Zimmerman interview with author, 1 Aug. 1990, Hampton, Va., transcript,
pp. 5-6, OHC, LHA.
4. Gilruth, "Memoir," pp. 38-39.
457
Notes for Chapter 3
5. The key technical paper was H. J. Allen and A. J. Eggers, Jr., "A Study of the Motion
and Aerodynamic Heating of Ballistic Missiles Entering the Earth's Atmosphere at High
Supersonic Speeds," NACA Conf. Research Memo. A53D28, Aug. 1953. Five years later,
in 1958, the NACA issued updated versions of the original report as NACA TN-4047
and NACA TR-1381. For historical analysis of the blunt-body concept, see Edwin P.
Hartmann, Adventures in Research: A History of Ames Research Center, 1940-1965,
NASA SP-4302 (Washington, 1970), p. 218; Elizabeth A. Muenger, Searching the Hori-
zon: A History of Ames Research Center, 1940 1976, NASA SP-4304 (Washington,
1985), pp. 66-68; Alex Roland, Model Research: The National Advisory Committee for
Aeronautics, 1915-1958, 2 vols., NASA SP-4103 (Washington, 1985), 1:285-286; Collins,
Liftoff, p. 24; and James R. Hansen, Engineer in Charge: A History of Langley Aero-
nautical Laboratory, 1917-1958, NASA SP-4305 (Washington, 1987), pp. 349-350 and
358-361.
6. PARD engineers J. Thomas Markley and Max Faget are quoted in Charles Murray and
Catherine Ely Cox, Apollo: The Race to the Moon (New York: Touchstone Books, 1989),
pp. 39-40. Faget analyzed the Mercury capsule design in "Mercury Capsule and Its
Flight Systems," Aero/Space Engineering 19 (Apr. 1960): 48-53. Charles Donlan speaks
highly of Faget and his contributions to the Mercury spacecraft design: "Max was a
very ingenious fellow. He had some novel and sound ideas, for the most part, a good
engineer. The original ballistic capsule approach came out of Harvey Allen's work. But as
a simple, quick way to get the job done, I think the Mercury capsule came [from] Max, and
[from] Caldwell Johnson." Donlan interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 Aug. 1990,
transcript, p. 28, OHC, LHA. Langley veteran Charles Zimmerman seconds Donlan's
appraisal of Faget: "I don't think Max Faget has ever gotten the credit he deserved in
this project." Zimmerman interview with author, 1 Aug. 1990, p. 14. Many references
to Faget's contributions to Project Mercury may be found in Swenson, Grimwood, and
Alexander, This New Ocean.
7. The NACA published the Faget-Garland-Buglia paper on nonlifting, wingless satellites in
NACA Conference on High-Speed Aerodynamics, Ames Aeronautical Laboratory, Moffett
Field, Calif., March 18, 19, and 20, 1958: A Compilation of Papers Presented (NACA:
Washington, 1958), p. 19ff.
8. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 32.
9. Ibid., p. 33. It is easy to confuse Matthews' concept with the winged reentry vehicle
concepts championed by Langley's hypersonics specialist John V. Becker, as the two
researchers' theoretical findings were combined for various analytical purposes beginning
in 1957. For detailed information on Becker's early space plane concepts, see his auto-
biographical "The Development of Winged Reentry Vehicles, 1952-1963," 23 May 1983.
A copy of this manuscript is preserved in the LHA. Becker's pioneering ideas for hyper-
sonic gliders and transatmospheric vehicles are featured prominently in Hansen, Engineer
in Charge, esp. pp. 367-373 and 377-381. On Becker's winged manned satellite proposal
in 1957-1958, see also Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, p. 89.
10. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 34. John V. Becker offers what might be interpreted as a mild
dissent from this consensus in "The Development of Winged Reentry Vehicles," p. 34.
11. Gilruth quoted in Collins, Liftoff, p. 61.
458
Notes for Chapter 3
12. Gilruth interview, 10 July 1986. See also Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 41; and Donlan interview,
17 Aug. 1990, p. 7.
13. Jack C. Heberlig interview with Robert B. Merrifield, Oct. 1967, quoted in comment
draft of Dr. Merrifield 's history of the early years of NASA's Manned Spacecraft Center
in Houston, Tex., dated 16 Feb. 1970, chap. 3, p. 11. Merrifield's unpublished manuscript
provides a thorough and thoughtful account of the history of the STG and its move from
Virginia to Texas. A copy of the comment draft of his manuscript is preserved in the
LHA. I do not know why Merrifield's work, which was sponsored by NASA, was never
published.
14. Robert R. Gilruth to Associate Director Floyd L. Thompson, "Space Task Group,"
3 Nov. 1958. A copy of this document can be found in the Floyd L. Thompson Collection
in the LHA. With the memorandum is a cover sheet with a handwritten note from
Thompson to Administrative Chief Officer T. Melvin Butler saying "For prompt action.
Important — Do Not Destroy." See also the earlier document from Langley's Paul E.
Purser to Gilruth, "Initial hiring of personnel for Space Center," 3 Sept. 1958, also in the
Thompson Collection. Both memoranda are in the folder labeled "Space Task Group,
Formulation."
15. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 22.
16. Ibid., p. 7.
17. This quote, from an anonymous Langley engineer who was not part of the STG, is from
Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 30.
18. On Langley's PARD, see Gilruth, "Memoir," pp. 3-28; former Langley engineer Joseph
A. Shortal's exhaustive A New Dimension: Wallops Island Flight Test Range, The
First Fifteen Years, NASA RP-1028 (Washington, 1978); as well as Hansen, Engineer
in Charge, esp. pp. 269-270.
On the air force's proposed Project MISS, see McDougall, Heavens and the Earth,
p. 197; and Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, p. 93.
19. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 32.
20. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, pp. 29-30.
21. Charles Zimmerman interview with Walter Bonney, 30 Mar. 1973, transcript, p. 24, OHC,
LHA. See also Zimmerman interview with author, 1 Aug. 1990, pp. 56 and 11-13.
22. The Langley division chief is quoted in Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 31. The authors do
not identify him.
23. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 31.
24. Ibid.
25. Floyd L. Thompson, "Comments on Draft Chapters I-IV of MSC [Manned Spacecraft
Center] History [Robert B. Merrifield's manuscript, see n. 13], Dated February 16, 1970,"
27 Mar. 1970, p. 7. Copies of this memorandum to Dr. Eugene Emme, NASA HQA, can
be found in the Thompson Collection, LHA, in a folder labeled "MSC History Comments"
and in El-3, LCF. At the time of his "Comments," Thompson was special consultant to
the NASA administrator.
26. For complete internal files documenting NASA Langley's support of the STG and Project
Mercury, see the correspondence in A189-5, LCF, and in the LCF's even more voluminous
collection of letters filed under the project name "Mercury." See also the material in
459
Notes for Chapter 3
Thompson's personal collection of "Project Mercury" papers, now preserved as part of
the LHA's Thompson Collection.
27. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, pp. 32 33.
28. Collins, Liftoff, p. 150. Liftoff is an excellent "insider" history, while Collins' Carrying
the Fire: An Astronaut's Journey (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1974) is the
best autobiography yet to come from anyone — astronaut or otherwise — involved in the
space program.
29. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 254. On ground control of flight tests at Edwards AFB in
the late 1940s and 1950s, see Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier: Flight Research at
Dryden, 1946-1981, NASA SP-4303 (Washington, 1984), pt. 1.
30. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 255.
31. William J. Boyer interview with author, Hampton, Va., 24 Aug. 1990. This tape-recorded
interview has not been transcribed, but the tape is available in the OHC, LHA.
32. NASA Langley press release, "NASA Langley Research Center Directs Establishment of
$80 Million Tracking System for Project Mercury," 16 Aug. 1961. For analysis and more
information on the tracking network, see Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New
Ocean, esp. pp. 213-221.
33. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 255.
34. Boyer interview, 24 Aug. 1990. On Goddard's responsibility for Minitrack, see This New
Ocean, p. 146; and Alfred Rosenthal, Venture into Space: Early Years of Goddard Space
Flight Center, NASA SP-4301 (Washington, 1968), pp. 65-66.
35. Boyer interview, 24 Aug. 1990.
36. Paul Vavra interview with Robert B. Merrifield, quoted in Merrifield's manuscript,
chap. 3, p. 39 n. 74.
37. See the Western Electric Company's Final Progress Report to NASA: Project Mercury,
Contract Number NAS 1-430 (June 1961), copy in Project Mercury files, LHA.
38. Boyer interview, 24 Aug. 1990.
39. Edmond C. Buckley, director, Tracking and Data Acquisition, NASA headquarters, to
Floyd L. Thompson, director, NASA Langley, 27 Feb. 1962, E1-2C, LCF. Another
copy of this letter is in the folder labeled "Mercury Tracking Range" that is part of the
Thompson Collection in the LHA.
40. Ibid.
41. Gilruth, "Memoir," p. 47. Reflecting on Thompson's agreement with Gilruth, Caldwell
Johnson has jested that all STG members to this day "wonder which half they were in,"
the half Gilruth wanted or the half Thompson wanted to give away.
42. Thompson, "Comments on Draft Chapters," p. 7.
43. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 17.
44. Thompson, "Comments on Draft Chapters," pp. 7-8.
45. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., interview with author, Newport News, Va., 26 June 1990, OHC,
LHA.
46. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, pp. 27-28.
47. Thompson, "Comments on Draft Chapters," p. 8.
48. Merrifield's manuscript, chap. 3, pp. 61-64. See also Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander,
This New Ocean, pp. 251-253. The official moves to lessen STG's dependence on Langley
can be followed in the Langley correspondence files: Code A189-5 and "Mercury."
460
Notes for Chapter 3
49. On the difficult genesis of Goddard Space Flight Center, see Rosenthal, Venture
into Space, pp. 27-35, and Robert L. Rosholt, An Administrative History of NASA,
1958-1963, NASA SP-4101 (Washington, 1966), p. 79.
50. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 15.
51. Ibid., pp. 16-17.
52. Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 390-392; Murray and
Cox, Apollo, pp. 130-132; McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 373-374; Merrifield
manuscript, chap. 4, pp. 21-33.
53. Joe Stein, NASA headquarters news release, "Manned Space Flight Laboratory Location
Study Completed," 19 Sept. 1961. Constant rumors of the STG's impending move
appeared in the Hampton Roads newspapers for weeks; see, for example, Bill Delany,
"Mercury Unit Move Rumors Cited by NASA as 'Unofficial Reports,' " Newport News
(Va.) Daily Press, 30 May 1961.
54. Editorial, "A Terrible Waste of Time and Money," Newport News Daily Press,
27 June 1961. So disturbed were members of the Peninsula Chamber of Commerce
(PCC) that they launched a campaign of letter writing, petitioning, and lobbying to
keep the STG where it was. Leading the "call to arms," was a special subcommittee of
the PCC's legislative committee whose members worked in conjunction with the efforts
of home district Congressman Thomas N. Downing. Members of this "Save the STG"
subcommittee included local newspaper magnate William R. Van Buren; prominent real
estate broker John P. Yancey (the subcommittee's chairman); Charles K. Hutchens, del-
egate to the Virginia General Assembly; Mayor O. J. Brittingham, Jr., of Newport News;
Mayor George C. Bentley of Hampton; Mayor G. S. Forrest of Poquoson; Rodger Smith
of the York County Board of Supervisors; Leslie O'Hara, a PCC director; Frank Floyd,
co-manager of the Peninsula Shipbuilders Association; and Irving L. Fuller, the PCC's
executive vice-president. The local newspapers, besides staying on top of rumors and
NASA statements about the STG's relocation, reported regularly on the actions of this
special committee. One can follow the outline of the losing battle to keep the STG at
Langley from the late spring to the early fall of 1961 in articles from the Newport News
Daily Press from 1 June through 21 Sept.
55. Caldwell Johnson quoted in Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 131.
56. Donlan interview, 17 Aug. 1990, p. 39.
57. Ibid., pp. 39-40.
58. Ibid., p. 23.
59. See the day-to-day correspondence from this period pertaining to STG activities
in A189-5, LCF. For the details of the Glenn and Carpenter flights, see Swenson,
Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean, pp. 422-436 (Glenn's Mercury-Atlas 6
flight in Friendship 7, 20 Feb. 1962) and 446-460 (Carpenter's Mercury-Atlas 7 flight
in Aurora 7, 24 May 1962). For a more popular and abbreviated history, see Collins,
Liftoff, pp. 52-57.
60. This letter was quoted at length in "Gilruth Thanks Langley Staff for Support of Project
Mercury," Langley Researcher, 5 July 1963.
61. My account is derived from the following articles in the Newport News Daily Press:
"Saturday's Tribute to Astronauts Set," 13 Mar. 1962; "Sen. Byrd Accepts Invitation
to Program Honoring Space 'Team,' Parade Route Set," 14 Mar. 1962; "State to Pay
461
Notes for Chapter 4
Tribute to Project Mercury Space 'Team' Today," 17 Mar. 1962; "Seven Astronauts Get
Rousing; Peninsula Throng Hails Project Mercury Team," 18 Mar. 1962; "Respect, Awe
Mix with Pride as Peninsula Pays Its Respects to America's Astronauts," 18 Mar. 1962.
62. Parke Rouse, Jr., The Good Old Days in Hampton and Newport News (Richmond: Dietz
Press, 1986), p. 69.
Chapter 4
Change and Continuity
1. Various people have related this story to me, notably Edgar M. Cortright in a July 1988
interview, Yorktown, Va., transcript, pp. 9-10, OHC, LHA, and Laurence K. Loftin,
Jr., in a July 1990 interview, Newport News, Va. The versions told by Cortright and
Loftin are virtually identical in the details of the incident; however, Cortright, who at
the time of the incident was the deputy director of the Office of Lunar and Planetary
Programs at NASA headquarters, tells the story with an implicit criticism of Thompson's
behavior. Loftin, Thompson's assistant director, praises the boldness and independence
of his center director. Cortright witnessed the incident; Loftin heard about it.
2. Dr. John E. Duberg interview with author, Hampton, Va., 8 Aug. 1991.
3. Senator John F. Kennedy quoted in Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's
Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), p. 63.
4. For a critique of Webb's approach to the management of NASA and its application to
other arenas of American life, see Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth: A
Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), pp. 380-383.
5. Quoted in McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, p. 383, from Webb's remarks to a
"Conference on Space, Science, and Urban Life," held at the Dunsmuir House, Oakland,
Calif., 30 Mar. 1963.
6. My presentation of the general character of Langley's formal organization in the 1960s
is based on my study of organization charts, correspondence pertaining to the formal
organization found in file E26-3C, LCF, and a staff office notebook that chronicles
the major organizational changes at Langley from World War II to the present. This
notebook, in the LHA, has been kept up-to-date in recent years by Langley historical
program coordinator Richard T. Layman.
7. Langley Announcement, No. 7-62, "Reorganization of Langley Research Center," 16 Feb.
1962, E26-3C, LCF.
8. Ira H. Abbott, director of Advanced Research Programs, to Langley, Attn.: F. L.
Thompson, "Establishment of an Analysis and Computation Division at the Langley
Research Center, and authorization to appoint a division chief for the new division,"
13 Dec. 1960, E26-3C, LCF.
9. For the complete history of PARD, see Joseph A. Shortal's exhaustive A New Dimension:
Wallops Flight Test Range, The First Fifteen Years, NASA RP-1028 (Washington, 1978).
For a shorter treatment with special emphasis on PARD's role as a training ground for
space, see Robert R. Gilruth, "Memoir: From Wallops Island to Mercury, 1945-1958,"
unpublished manuscript presented at the Sixth International History Symposium,
Vienna, Austria, 13 Oct. 1972, copy in LHA.
462
Notes for Chapter 4
10. Duberg interview, 8 Aug. 1991. For some interesting history related to the "maverick"
character of PARD, see Henry S. F. Cooper's essay, "We Don't Have to Prove Ourselves,"
in The New Yorker, 2 Sept. 1991, esp. pp. 57-58. Dr. Cooper's article tells the story
of former PARD employees Maxime A. Faget and Caldwell Johnson; after working on
the STG, the two N AC A/NASA engineers went on to operate their own company, Space
Industries International, on the outskirts of Johnson Space Center.
11. Cortright interview, July 1988, esp. pp. 1-6. On NACA Director George Lewis and
his paternalistic and obfuscatory style of management, see James R. Hansen, Engi-
neer in Charge: A History of the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory, 1917-1958, NASA
SP-4305 (Washington, 1987), pp. 24-40, and "George W. Lewis and the Management of
Aeronautical Research," in Aviation's Golden Age: Portraits from the 1920s and 1930s,
ed. William M. Leary (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1989), pp. 93-112.
12. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., interview with author, Newport News, Va., 26 June 1991.
13. Ibid.
14. Israel Taback quoted in James Schultz, Winds of Change: Langley Research Center's 75
Years of Accomplishment, NP-130 (Washington, 1992), p. 21.
15. On the dissolution of the Hydrodynamics Division, see H. J. E. Reid, internal memo-
randum for all concerned, "Changes in Organization of the Langley Research Center,"
23 Dec. 1959, E26-3C, LCF.
16. For a brief history of Langley's hydrodynamics work, see the NASA Langley press
release, "Changing Research Emphasis Leads to Dissolution of NASA's Hydrodynamics
Division after 29 Years," 29 Dec. 1959, E26-3C, LCF. For design information on
the Martin YP6M-1 Seamaster jet-propelled flying boat, see Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.,
Quest for Performance: The Evolution of Modern Aircraft, NASA SP-468 (Washington,
1985), pp. 382-385. For basic information about Convair's Sea Dart, see Ray Wagner,
American Combat Planes, 3d enlarged ed. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1982),
pp. 515-517.
17. See H. J. E. Reid to NASA headquarters, "Proposed Reorganization of Langley
Research Center and Changes in Excepted Positions," 16 Dec. 1959, E26-3C, LCF. For
Parkinson's principal work on the hydrodynamics of seaplanes, see his "Appreciation and
Determination of the Hydrodynamics Qualities of Seaplanes," NACA TN-1290, 1947.
18. On the NACA Tank No. 1, see Starr Truscott, "The NACA Tank— A High-Speed Towing
Basin for Testing Models of Seaplane Floats," NACA TR-470, 1933. For an excellent
detailed presentation on the nature and contributions of Langley's Hydrodynamics
Research Division in the 1930s and early 1940s, see "Air and Water," in George W.
Gray, Frontiers of Flight: The Story of NACA Research (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1948), pp. 63-81. For the history of flying boats, see Kenneth Munson, Flying Boats and
Seaplanes Since 1910 (New York: Macmillian Co., 1971); and Capt. Richard C. Knott,
The American Flying Boat, An Illustrated History (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press,
1979). On the floatplanes of World War II specifically, see Wagner, American Combat
Planes, pp. 334-345.
19. On the U.S. Navy's termination of its flying-boat program in the late 1950s, see Loftin,
Quest for Performance, p. 385, and Wagner, American Combat Planes, p. 481.
20. Reid, "Changes in Organization of Langley Research Center," 23 Dec. 1959.
21. Quoted in NASA Langley press release, "Changing Research Emphasis," p. 1.
463
Notes for Chapter 4
22. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., interview with author, Newport News, Va., 5 Aug. 1989,
transcript, p. 5, OHC, LHA.
23. Raymond L. Bisplinghoff, "Twenty-Five Years of NASA Aeronautical Research: Reflec-
tions and Projections," in Space Applications at the Crossroads: 21st Goddard Memorial
Symposium, eds. John H. McElroy and E. Larry Heacock (San Diego: Published for the
American Astronautical Society by Univelt, 1983), pp. 30-31.
24. John V. Becker, "The Development of Winged Reentry Vehicles, 1952-1963," unpub-
lished, 23 May 1983, p. 31, copy in LHA.
25. Ibid.
26. Mark R. Nichols interview with author, Hampton, Va., 6 July 1988, transcript, pp. 2-3,
OHC, LHA.
27. All of the statistical information in this chapter regarding personnel, payroll, budget,
expenditures, and so forth is from the NASA Historical Data Book, NASA SP-4012
(Washington, 1988), vol. 1, NASA Resources 1958-1968, by Jane Van Nimmen and
Leonard Bruno with help from Robert L. Rosholt. NASA personnel statistics given in
various sources may seem contradictory. The NASA Historical Data Book gives certain
personnel numbers for a given year, and the NASA Historical Pocket Statistics may give
others. Neither is in error; the differences depend on when the count was taken. The
number of NASA employees changed every day. The NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 1,
NASA Resources 1958-1968, which is my source, provides personnel statistics for 30 June
and 31 Dec. of each year.
28. Earl D. Hilburn, deputy associate administrator, NASA headquarters, to Dr. Floyd
L. Thompson, 16 Aug. 1963, copy in C131-1, LCF. Floyd L. Thompson to NASA
headquarters, "Manpower Requirements," 9 Sept. 1963, C131-1, LCF.
29. On NASA's early problems involving the low ceiling on its personnel complement, see
Robert L. Rosholt, An Administrative History of NASA, 1958-1963, NASA SP-4101
(Washington, 1966), pp. 139-141.
30. See the summary of the NASA Staff Conference, Monterey, Calif., 3-5 Mar. 1960, p. 56,
copy in NASA HQA. Glennan's views are outlined in Rosholt, Administrative History of
NASA, p. 140.
31. Rosholt compared Glennan's 1962 "Budget Guidelines" with the "Summary Financial
Plan for Fiscal Year 1961, NASA," that NASA submitted to the Bureau of the Budget
on 19 Aug. 1960, Administrative History of NASA, p. 140.
32. Roger E. Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude: A History of the NACA and NASA, 1915-1990,
NASA SP-4406 (Washington, 1989), p. 71.
33. See Hilburn to Thompson, 16 Aug. 1963.
34. Thompson to NASA headquarters, "Manpower Requirements," 9 Sept. 1963.
35. Axel T. Mattson, research assistant for Manned Spacecraft Projects, Langley, to Manned
Spacecraft Center, Attn.: Mr. M. A. Faget, "Langley Research Center Tests of Interest
to Manned Spacecraft Center," 27 Aug. 1963. Mattson compiled these reports regularly
from late 1962 into 1967. Copies of them are preserved in the Project Apollo files, LCF.
Their contents will be discussed in chap. 11 in relation to Langley 's work in support of
Apollo.
36. See Table 4-19, "Administrative Operations Direct Obligations, by Installation (in
millions of dollars)," in NASA Historical Data Book, 1:146.
464
Notes for Chapter 4
37. For a general analysis of how procurement and contracting were done by NASA in its early
years, see Rosholt, Administrative History of NASA, pp. 61-65, and Arnold S. Levine,
Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, NASA SP-4102 (Washington, 1982), pp. 65-105. On
the allocation of resources by NASA headquarters, see Levine, pp. 63-64.
38. See Table 5-19, "Value of Awards by Installation (in millions of dollars)," NASA
Historical Data Book, 1:202.
39. See Table 4-26, "Amounts Programmed for Research and Development, by Installation
(in millions of dollars)," NASA Historical Data Book, 1:166.
40. See tables 5-20 through 5-27 of the NASA Historical Data Book, 1:203-226, for detailed
information on NASA contracts and contractors in the period 1958 to 1968.
41. Steven T. and Sarah W. Corneliussen, "NASA Langley Research Center Support Services
Contracting, Historical Summary," 29 May 1991, p. 1. Much of the discussion about the
history of support services contracting at Langley that follows in this chapter is based
on the unpublished Corneliussen study or on the oral histories they conducted for it. A
copy of this study and all the materials collected for it are preserved in the LHA.
42. Duberg interview, 8 Aug. 1991.
43. Corneliussen and Corneliussen, "Support Services Contracting," p. 6. For an analysis of
support services and the issue of the integrity of the NASA civil service staff, see Levine,
Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, pp. 86-87.
44. Corneliussen and Corneliussen, "Support Services Contracting," pp. 9-10.
45. For definitions of the various types of contracts authorized by NASA, see app. D of Levine,
Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, pp. 313-314. Levine's definitions are based on House
Committee on Science and Astronautics, 1965 NASA Authorization, 88th Cong., 2d sess.
(1964), pp. 1327-1328.
46. Levine, Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, app. D, p. 313.
47. Corneliussen and Corneliussen, "Support Services Contracting," p. 17.
48. Edwin Kilgore interview with Steven T. Corneliussen, Hampton, Va., Apr. 1991, LHA.
49. Sherwood Butler interview with Sarah W. Corneliussen, Hampton, Va., Apr. 1991, LHA.
50. Robert Moore interview with Sarah W. Corneliussen, Hampton, Va., Apr. 1991, LHA.
51. On the American atomic bomb project, see H. D. Smyth, Atomic Energy (Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1945); this is the original official report. For a very readable
historical analysis, see Stephane Groueff, Manhattan Project: The Untold Story of the
Making of the Bomb (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1967), and Richard Rhodes, The
Making of the Atomic Bomb (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986). See also R. G.
Hewlett and O. E. Anderson, A History of the United States Atomic Energy Commission
(Pennsylvania State University Press, 1962), vol. 1, The New World.
On Project Sherwood and the history of the program in controlled thermonuclear
reactions carried out by the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission during the period 1951 to
1958, see Amasa Bishop, Project Sherwood: The U.S. Program in Controlled Fusion
(Reading, Mass.: Addison- Wesley Publishing Co., 1958), and Joan Lisa Bromberg,
Fusion: Science, Politics, and the Invention of a New Energy Source (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1983.)
52. NASA Management Manual, pt. 1, "General Management Instructions," chap. 4, No.
4-1-1, 8 Mar. 1963, p. 1.
465
Notes for Chapter 5
53. On the administrative evolution of Apollo from a project to a program, see Levine,
Managing NASA in the Apollo Era.
54. National Research Council, NASA 's Aeronautics Research and Technology Base: A Study
of the Report of the Ad Hoc Aeronautics Research Committee, Aeronautics and Space
Engineering Board (Washington: National Academy of Sciences, 1979), p. 6.
55. On the NACA/NASA work on the XB-70 and XB-70A, see Richard P. Hallion, On the
Frontier: Flight Research at Dryden, 1946-1981, NASA SP-4303 (Washington, 1984),
pp. 180-189.
56. John V. Becker, High-Speed Frontier: Case Histories of Four NACA Programs, 1920-
1950, NASA SP-445 (Washington, 1980), pp. 86-87. For more on the feelings of other
Langley divisions about PARD, see Hansen, Engineer in Charge, pp. 269 270.
57. Macon C. Ellis, Jr., interview with author, Hampton, Va., 5 Nov. 1991.
58. Loftin telephone interview with author, 30 Jan. 1992.
59. Charles J. Donlan interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 Aug. 1990, transcript,
pp. 27-28, OHC, LHA.
60. Rosholt, Administrative History of NASA, pp. 145-146.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid., pp. 157-158.
63. Levine, Managing NASA in the Apollo Era, pp. 43-45.
64. What has been described in the text is a system of project management that evolved
gradually, in fits and starts, through several major reorganizations taking place during
the first five years of NASA, from October 1958 to October 1963. For a far more
comprehensive examination of the development of the NASA organization and its
management in this period, the reader should consult the previously cited works by
Rosholt and Levine. Both books go into great detail about NASA's project management.
65. On the nature of the wartime work at NACA Langley, see Hansen. Engineer in Charge,
pp. 194-202.
Chapter 5
The "Mad Scientists" of MPD
1. The scientific and technical literature generated by the field of plasma physics since its
emergence as an identifiable scientific discipline in the 1950s is too vast to cite. For basic
technical information about the field provided in this chapter, I have primarily used
a well-known textbook from the early 1960s, Ali Bulent Cambel, Plasma Physics and
Magneto fluid- Mechanics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963) and one NASA publication
by Langley authors Adolf Busemann, Robert V. Hess, Paul W. Huber, Clifford H.
Nelson, and Macon C. Ellis, Jr., Plasma Physics and Magnetohydrodynamics in Space
Exploration, NASA SP-25 (Washington, 1962). These papers were originally presented by
their authors at a NASA/University Conference on the Science and Technology of Space
Exploration, Chicago, 111., 1-3 Nov. 1962. Ironically, in the midst of using Cambel's
book, I discovered that the MPD Branch at Langley did not care for Cambel, a physics
professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, 111. In the 1960s, the head of the
MPD Branch, Macon C. Ellis, Jr., turned down more than one of Cambel's ideas for
doing MPD research under contract to Langley.
466
Notes for Chapter 5
For a more basic discussion of the nature of gases and plasma than can be found in
the Cambel textbook, consult, as I did, Paul G. Hewitt, Conceptual Physics, 6th ed.
(Glenview, 111.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1989), pp. 244-246; Gary L. Buckwalter and
David M. Riban, College Physics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1987), pp. 832-835; or some
other textbook in physics.
2. See Thomas G. Cowling, Magnetohydrodynamics (London: Adam Hilger, 1976), pp. 1-2.
However, the best discussion of the confounding nomenclature of plasma physics can be
found in the introduction to an unpublished paper by Langley MPD researcher George P.
Wood. A copy of this paper, which is undated (but seems to have been written in 1959),
can be found in the collection of personal papers donated in 1991 to the LHA by Macon C.
Ellis, Jr.
3. For a historical analysis of Chapman's work on solar physics and solar and terrestrial rela-
tionships, see Karl Hufbauer, Exploring the Sun: Solar Science Since Galileo (Baltimore
and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), esp. pp. 154-158 and 217-221. Sev-
eral references are made to the contributions of the Chapman group in Homer Newell,
Beyond the Atmosphere: Early Years of Space Science, NASA SP-4211 (Washington,
1980).
4. For those interested in the many complex details of Alfven's work, see Alfven, Cosmical
Electrodynamics (Oxford University Press, 1950). Also see Hufbauer, Exploring the Sun,
pp. 205-206, 216, 242, 253, and 311.
5. For details about the discovery of the earth's radiation belts from the scientist who dis-
covered them, see James Van Allen, The Origins of Magnetospheric Physics (Washington:
Smithsonian Institution Press, 1983). For a brief historical analysis of the discovery of
the Van Allen radiation belts, see Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere, esp. pp. 173-176;
Hufbauer, Exploring the Sun, pp. 165-166; Roger Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude: A His-
tory of the NACA and NASA, 1915-1990, NASA SP-4406 (Washington, 1989), pp. 46-47
and 81-82; and John E. Naugle, First Among Equals: The Selection of NASA Space
Science Experiments, NASA SP-4215 (Washington, 1991), pp. 15-17.
6. On the emergence of the concept of the magnetosphere, see Van Allen, The Origins of
Magnetospheric Physics; Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere, pp. 172-186; and Hufbauer,
Exploring the Sun, pp. 228, 235, and 240-243.
7. Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere, pp. 182-184. On Eugene Parker's theory of the solar
wind and its impact on astrophysics and solar science from 1957 to 1970, see chap. 6 in
Hufbauer, Exploring the Sun, pp. 213-258.
8. In response to questions that the author had posed to him in a letter, retired
NAG A/NASA researcher Macon C. Ellis, Jr., in early Nov. 1991 tape-recorded answers
and provided other oral reminiscences concerning the history of MPD at Langley. The
information contained on the roughly 90-minute tape provides an excellent overview of
MPD research at Langley. However, because of the candid nature of some of the remarks
made about fellow MPD personnel, Ellis chose to restrict access to the tape. This he
did by giving the tape to the author for his personal use and asking that a copy not be
placed in the LHA. The quotation from Ellis in the text is from the author's handwritten
transcript of this audiotape, p. 2.
9. Quoted from Ellis's handwritten notes entitled "Branch Re-Cap," for a meeting of the
Compressibility Research Division on 18 June 1958, p. 1. The branch referred to was the
467
Notes for Chapter 5
Gas Dynamics Branch. These notes are in a folder labeled "Editorial Copy, 1958," Ellis
Collection, LHA.
10. A significant amount of MPD-related research was conducted at the other NASA research
centers. For example, a parallel MPD branch at Lewis was especially interested in the
promise of ion thrusters and electric propulsion. The best sources for NASA's early
MPD activities agencywide are the published reports of the intercenter conferences on
plasma physics; see, for example, Program of the Third NASA Intercenter Conference
on Magnetoplasmadynamics, held at Langley, 24-25 Apr. 1962, or "Program of the
Fourth NASA Intercenter Conference on Plasma Physics" held at NASA headquarters,
2-4 Dec. 1964. Copies of most of these NASA meeting programs are in the Ellis
Collection, LHA. For a list of organizations that conducted MPD and plasma physics
research, as well as for lists of the dozens of people involved, see the relevant documents
in the folder labeled "Statistics on Visitors, etc.," Ellis Collection, LHA.
11. NASA Langley press release, "NASA 1959 Inspection: Magnetoplasmadynamics,"
Oct. 1959, p. 1, "1959-1964 Inspection" drawer, LHA.
12. Ellis audiotape, author's transcript, p. 9.
13. Ibid., p. 5.
14. "Agenda and Tentative Schedule for Interlaboratory Magnetohydrodynamics Meeting,
Sept. 22-23, 1958," copy in folder labeled "MHD Meeting 9 22/23-58," Ellis Collection,
LHA. The folder contains several documents related to the conference. Dr. Busemann
served as the "meeting chairman," and Macon C. Ellis, Jr., served as its "coordinator."
Busemann continued to work on MHD-related problems throughout the early 1960s; see,
for example, "On the Karman Vortex Street in Magnetofluid-Dynamics," 80th Annual
Proceedings of the Institute of Aerospace Sciences, 1962; "Relations between Aerodynam-
ics and Magnetohydrodynamics," which was presented at a NASA-sponsored conference
at the University of Chicago, 1-3 Nov. 1962; and "Lift Control in Magnetohydrodynam-
ics," a paper presented at the International Symposium of Applications of the Theory
of Functions in Continuum Mechanics at Tbilisi in the Soviet Union, 18-24 Sept. 1963.
Copies of all three papers are available in the Langley Technical Library.
15. Macon C. Ellis, Jr., to Charles J. Donlan, Langley associate director, "Outline of
NASA-Postdoctoral Resident Research Associate Program Administered by National Re-
search Council — NASA — NAE and recommendations relative to Langley participation,"
29 Nov. 1966, copy in folder labeled "RRA Program," Ellis Collection, LHA. This folder
contains a rather complete file on MPD's involvement in the RRA program at Langley.
16. Special personnel folders for Adamson and Feix are in the Ellis Collection, LHA.
17. For insight into the amount and type of MPD research conducted by outside groups under
contract to Langley, see "MPD Branch Research Grants and Contracts," a seven-page
document, dated Oct. 1966, in the Ellis Collection, LHA. MPD monitored 37 contracts
amounting to almost $4 million.
The MPD Branch collected complete information on its committee memberships,
publications, contracts, and visitors in preparation for a major June 1968 briefing of new
Langley Director Edgar M. Cortright. Much of this information is in a folder labeled
"Statistics on Visitors, etc.," Ellis Collection, LHA.
18. NASA established a Technical Working Group for Electric Propulsion (TWGEP) on
1 Sept. 1960. Chaired by Dr. Ernst Stuhlinger of NASA Marshall, the group comprised
468
Notes for Chapter 5
representatives from Marshall, JPL, Lewis, Goddard, Langley, and NASA's Nuclear
Engine Project Office. MPD Branch Head Mike Ellis was Langley's representative. The
Ellis Collection contains a complete set of minutes to the TWGEP meetings. The first
of these meetings convened at Marshall on 13 Oct. 1960.
19. NASA Langley press release, "NASA 1959 Inspection: Magnetoplasmadynamics,"
Oct. 1959, p. 1.
20. John V. Becker interview with author, Hampton, Va., 5 Aug. 1991.
21. Donald D. Baals and William R. Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, NASA SP-440
(Washington, 1981), p. 85.
22. For information on the arc-jet facilities built and operated at Langley in the 1960s,
see Martin A. Weiner, Resume of Research Facilities at the Langley Research Center
(Washington: NASA, July 1968). A copy of this catalogue (No. CN-123,837) is available
in the Langley Technical Library.
23. For more information on the hotshot tunnel, see Baals and Corliss, Wind Tunnels of
NASA, pp. 84-85; and Weiner, Resume of Research Facilities, facilities in Building 1247B.
24. William H. Allen, ed., Dictionary of Technical Terms for Aerospace Use, NASA SP-7
(Washington, 1965), p. 251. See also Baals and Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, p. 84.
25. A one-page chronology of early shock-tube operation in Langley's Gas Dynamics Labo-
ratory from 1951 to 1953 is located in the Ellis Collection, LHA; see the folder labeled
"Editorial Copy, 1958." Also in this folder is a chart (circa 1957) listing the major re-
search facilities in the Gas Dynamics Laboratory and giving basic data on their test
section sizes, running times, dates of initial operation, and stagnation temperatures and
pressures. Mike Ellis used this chart and its associated information to brief a meeting of
the NACA's aerodynamics committee held at Langley on 1 May 1958.
26. Becker interview, 5 Aug. 1991. See George P. Wood and Arlen F. Carter, "Considerations
in the Design of a Steady DC Plasma Accelerator," presented at the Third Biennial Gas
Dynamics Symposium, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111., 24-26 Aug. 1959, copy
in the Langley Technical Library.
27. George P. Wood, Arlen F. Carter, Alexander P. Sabol, and Richard H. Weinstein,
"Experiments in Steady State Crossed-Field Acceleration of Plasma," in Physics of Fluids
5 (May 1961): 652; George P. Wood, Arlen F. Carter, Hubert K. Lintz, and J. Byron
Pennington, "A Theoretical Treatment of the Steady-Flow, Linear, Crossed-Field, Direct-
Current Plasma Accelerator for Inviscid, Adiabatic, Isothermal, Constant-Area Flow,"
NASA TN D-924, June 1961; Arlen F. Carter, George P. Wood, D. R. McFarland, and
W. R. Weaver, "Research on a Linear Direct-Current Plasma Accelerator," in AIAA
Journal 3 (June 1965): 1040-1045. For an earlier version of this paper, see George
P. Wood, Arlen F. Carter, Alexander P. Sabol, D. R. McFarland, and W. R. Weaver,
"Research on Linear Crossed-Field Steady-Flow DC Plasma Accelerators at Langley
Research Center, NASA," presented at the AGARD Specialists' Meeting on Arc Heaters
and MHD Accelerators for Aerodynamic Purposes, Rhode-Saint-Genese, Belgium, 21-23
Sept. 1964, published as AGARDograph 84, copy in the Langley Technical Library. For
a general description of Langley's early work on plasma accelerators, see NASA Langley
press release, "NASA 1959 Inspection: Magnetoplasmadynamics," pp. 2-3.
28. Becker interview, 5 Aug. 1991.
469
Notes for Chapter 5
29. Ibid. A preliminary proposal for what Stack wanted to call a "Trans- Satellite- Velocity"
wind tunnel can be found in the folder labeled "Editorial Copy, 1958," Ellis Collection,
LHA.
30. Arlen F. Carter, Willard R. Weaver, Donald R. McFarland, Stephen K. Park,
and George P. Wood, "Development and Initial Operating Characteristics of the
20-Megawatt Linear Plasma Accelerator Facility," NASA TN D-6547, Dec. 1971; see
also "Design of the 20-Megawatt Linear Plasma Accelerator Facility," NASA TN D-6116,
Jan. 1971, by the same authors.
31. On Langley's work with Hall-current accelerators, see John R. Sevier, Robert V. Hess,
and Philip Brockman, "Coaxial Hall-Current Accelerator Operation at Forces and Ef-
ficiencies Comparable to Conventional Crossed-Field Accelerators," in ARS Journal
32 (Jan. 1962): 78-80; Philip Brockman, Robert V. Hess, and Richard Weinstein,
"Measurements and Theoretical Interpretation of Hall Currents for Steady Axial Dis-
charges in Radial Magnetic Fields," presented at the Fifth Biennial Gas Dynamics
Symposium, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111., 14-16 Aug. 1963; W. Grossmann,
H. A. Hassan, and R. V. Hess, "Experiments with Co-Axial Hall-Current Plasma Ac-
celerator," presented at AIAA Fourth Electric Propulsion Conference, Philadelphia,
31 Aug.-2 Sept. 1964; H. A. Hassan, R. V. Hess, and W. Grossmann, "Study of Coax-
ial Hall Current Accelerators at Moderate Pressures," NASA TN D-3286, Oct. 1966.
Copies of all these papers are available in the Langley Technical Library. The author
wishes to thank Mr. Hess for his generous assistance in explaining, via letters, telephone
conversations, and personal interviews, the development of the MPD accelerators at
Langley.
32. Robert V. Hess and Macon C. Ellis, Jr., to Floyd L. Thompson, associate director,
"Visit to the Research Institute of Temple University, Philadelphia, Pa., to discuss high
temperature flames," 21 June 1959, copy in folder labeled "CN (Early)," Ellis Collection,
LHA. Three folders containing material on Langley's development of a cyanogen flame
apparatus are in the Ellis Collection, LHA. Ellis also comments on the cyanogen flame
apparatus in his audiotape, author's transcript, p. 4.
33. NASA Langley press release, "NASA 1959 Inspection: Magnetoplasmadynamics,"
pp. 1-2. For the early experimental findings involving the Langley cyanogen flame appa-
ratus, see Paul W. Huber and Paul B. Gooderum, "Experiments with Plasmas Produced
by Potassium-Seeded Cyanogen Oxygen Flames for Study of Radio Transmission at Sim-
ulated Reentry Vehicle Plasma Conditions," NASA TN D-627, Oct. 1961. See also Huber,
"Experiments with Plasmas Produced by Alkali-Metal-Seeded Cyanogen-Oxygen Flames
for Study of Electromagnetic Wave Propagation at the Langley Research Center," paper
presented at the Symposium on the Plasma Sheath, Cambridge, Mass., 7-9 Dec. 1959,
copy in the Langley Technical Library.
Calvin T. Swift's major MPD research papers from the period include "Generalized
Treatment of Plane Electromagnetic Waves Passing through an Isotropic Inhomogeneous
Plasma Slab at Arbitrary Angles of Incidence," NASA TR R-172, Dec. 1963, coauthored
by J. S. Evans; "Radiation from Slotted-Cylinder Antennas in a Reentry Plasma Envi-
ronment," NASA TN D-2187, Feb. 1964; "The Aperture Admittance of a Ground Plane-
Mounted Waveguide Illuminating a Perfectly Conducting Sheet," NASA TN D-4366,
Mar. 1968, coauthored by J. Earl Jones; "Experimental Investigation of a Plasma
470
Notes for Chapter 5
Covered, Axially Slotted Cylinder," in IEEE Transactions on Antennas and Propaga-
tion 17 (Sept. 1969): 598 605, coauthored by P. B. Gooderum and S. L. Castellow, Jr.;
and "A Theoretical Investigation of Electromagnetic Waves Obliquely Incident Upon a
Plasma Slab," NASA TR R-339, Apr. 1970.
34. Very little can be found in any publications of the NASA History Series about Project
RAM. The NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 2, Programs and Projects, 1958-1968,
pp. 464-466, provides only the most basic information. For technical information
on the radio transmission problem caused by the plasma sheath and early thoughts
about the potential for attenuating it, see Macon C. Ellis, Jr., and Paul W. Huber,
"Real Gas Flow Conditions about Hypersonic Vehicles," in Reentry Dynamics, Part II:
Proceedings of the Conference on Physics of the Solar System and Reentry Dynamics,
July 31 to Aug. 11, 1961 (Blacksburg, Va.: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State
University, 1962), pp. 120-154; and John S. Evans and Paul W. Huber, "Calculated
Radio Attenuation due to Plasma Sheath on Hypersonic Blunt-Nosed Cone," NASA TN
D-2043, Dec. 1963.
35. Handwritten notes for briefing of the Langley senior staff, 15 Feb. 1962, in folder labeled
"Text and Vu-graphs for 2/15/62 Briefing," Ellis Collection, LHA.
36. Quoted from "Langley Feasibility Study of Release of Barium Cloud within Earth's
Magnetosphere," 16 Aug. 1965, p. 1, copy in folder labeled "Ba-Cloud Project," Ellis
Collection, LHA.
37. For a summary of the scientific objectives of the barium cloud experiment, see "Scientific
Merits of Experiment Involving a Barium Release at High Altitude (Several Earth
Radii)," an unpublished Langley paper from early 1968, Ba-Cloud file, Ellis Collection,
LHA.
38. "Langley Feasibility Study of Release of Barium Cloud," p. 2.
39. L. Biermann, R. Lust, Rh. Lust, and H. U. Schmidt, "Zur Untersuchung des interplan-
etaren Mediums mit hilfe kunstliche eingebrachtee lonenwolken" ["Study of the Interplan-
etary Media by Means of Artificially Ionized Clouds"], in Zeitschrift fur Astrophysik 53
(1961): 226 236. On Biermann's important contributions to solar physics, see Hufbauer,
Exploring the Sun, pp. 215-221.
40. R. V. Hess, head, Plasma Physics Section, to Charles J. Donlan, Langley associate
director, "Request for transmittal of letter to the Secretary of the Space Sciences Steering
Committee concerning recent discussion of R. V. Hess with Prof. Biermann on use of
plasma cloud as space probe," 15 July 1964, Ba-Cloud file, Ellis Collection, LHA. On
the front of this memorandum, MPD Branch Head Mike Ellis has penned the words,
"Hess'fs] claim for plasma cloud idea!"
41. NASA, "MPI/NASA Magnetospheric Ion Cloud Experiment Project Proposal/
Development Plan," 15 Dec. 1967, copy in Ba-Cloud file, Ellis Collection, LHA. Ellis
audiotape, author's transcript, pp. 3 and 19.
42. For draft copies of the relevant memoranda of understanding between NASA and West
Germany's Federal Ministry for Scientific Research, see Ba-Cloud file, Ellis Collection,
LHA.
43. NASA, "MPI/NASA Magnetospheric Ion Cloud."
44. On the accident and the findings of the NASA investigative board, see the story in the
New York Times, 9 July 1967. Max Planck Institut researchers also experienced an
471
Notes for Chapter 5
accident involving the mishandling of barium; for an account see Linda Shiner, "Come
to Aruba When the Barium Blooms," Air & Space 6 (Feb./Mar. 1992): 58.
45. Macon C. Ellis, Jr., letter to author, 28 Jan. 1991, p. 3. Ellis communicated Langley's
"scooping" of the West Germans after talking to Leo D. Staton, one of the Langley
men involved in NASA's analysis and reporting of the findings from the barium cloud
experiments. For a summary of the results of the barium cloud experiments, see Hal
T. Baber, Jr., Kenneth H. Crumbly, and David Adamson, Barium Releases at Altitudes
Between 200 and 1000 Kilometers — A Joint Max Planck Institut — NASA Experiment,
NASA SP-264 (Washington, 1971). For further analysis from NASA researchers, see
David Adamson, Clifford L. Fricke, Sheila Ann T. Long, W. F. Landon, and D. L. Ridge,
"Preliminary Analysis of NASA Optical Data Obtained in Barium Cloud Experiment of
Sept. 21, 1971," in Journal of Geophysical Research 78 (1 Sept. 1973): 5769-5784; David
Adamson and C. L. Fricke, "Barium Cloud Evolution and Striation Formation in the
Magnetospheric Release on Sept. 21, 1971," NASA TN D-7722, Sept. 1974; and David
Adamson, C. L. Fricke, and Sheila Ann T. Long, "Results of Magnetospheric Barium Ion
Cloud Experiment of 1971," NASA TR R-437, Mar. 1975.
46. Ellis to author, 28 Jan. 1991, p. 3.
47. The best source for the history of Project Sherwood remains Amasa Bishop, Project
Sherwood: The U.S. Program in Controlled Fusion (Reading, Mass.: Addison- Wesley
Publishing Co., 1958). From 1953 to 1956, Dr. Bishop served as chief of research division
in the Controlled Thermonuclear Branch of the Atomic Energy Commission. Several
aspects of Project Sherwood are also covered in Joan Lisa Bromberg, Fusion: Science,
Politics, and the Invention of a New Energy Source (Cambridge and London: MIT Press,
1983).
48. Most of my insight into the nature of Langley's one-megajoule theta-pinch apparatus
comes from the Ellis audiotape, author's transcript, p. 7. For a survey of the historical
development of the various sorts of "pinch" devices, see chap. 3 (pp. 22-32) and chap. 10
(pp. 90-105), in Bishop, Project Sherwood. Also see Bromberg, Fusion, esp. pp. 6-7,
19-20, 25-26, 70-71, and 134-135; on the theta-pinch specifically, see pp. 143-144
and 226-227. For those interested in the technical details of Langley's one-megajoule
energy storage system, a copy of the successful Nov. 1961 proposal for the system is
preserved in the Ellis Collection, LHA.
49. For a general summary of the intent of the Magnetic Compression Experiment, see the
"Rough Text on Laboratory Astrophysics," prepared by Karlheinz Thorn as the proposed
text for an MPD presentation at the 1964 NASA Inspection, copy in Ellis Collection,
LHA. Mike Ellis discusses this experiment on his audiotape, author's transcript, p. 15,
and in his 28 Jan. 1991 letter to the author, p. 1.
50. Langley's earliest published papers on the results of experiments in the plasma-focus
facility include the following, all of which appeared in The Bulletin of the American
Physical Society: J. H. Lee and C. E. Roos, "An Investigation of Hard X-rays from a
Plasma Focus," 15 (1970): 642; J. H. Lee and L. P. Shomo, "Angular Variation of Neutron
Yield from a Plasma Focus by Neutron-Induced Gamma Spectrometry," 15 (1970): 814;
J. H. Lee and Nelson W. Jalufka, "Investigation of X-ray Emission from a Plasma Focus,"
15 (1970): 815; J. H. Lee and L. P. Shomo, "Dependence of Neutron Fluence Anisotropy
on the Neutron Yield of a Plasma Focus," 15 (1970): 1463; and Nelson W. Jalufka and
472
Notes for Chapter 6
J. H. Lee, "Investigation of Current Sheet Collapse in a Plasma Focus Apparatus," 15
(1970): 1462. For a complete list of publications and presented papers based on research
in Langley's plasma-focus facility from 1968 to 1985, see the special bibliography on the
plasma-focus facility that I have added to the Ellis Collection, LHA.
51. Macon C. Ellis, Jr., "15 Minute Briefing for Mr. Cortright," handwritten notes, June
1958, copy in folder labeled "Cortright June 24, 1968 Briefing," p. 4, Ellis Collection,
LHA.
52. Ellis audiotape, author's transcript, p. 14.
53. Becker interview, 5 Aug. 1991.
54. Ellis audiotape, author's transcript, p. 17. For historical analysis of the slow and tortuous
progress of fusion work through the doldrums in the 1960s, see Bromberg, Fusion, esp.
pp. 110-174.
55. On the Nixon administration's rejection of the plan for a manned Mars mission in
the 1970s and 1980s as the follow-on to the Apollo program and as the next great
space challenge accepted by the United States, see Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens
and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985),
pp. 420-423; Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space (New
York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), p. 201; and Edward C. Ezell and Linda Neuman Ezell,
On Mars: Exploration of the Red Planet, 1958-1978, NASA SP-4212 (Washington, 1984),
p. 186. Mike Ellis also comments on the ramifications of President Nixon's decision for
the study of electric propulsion in his audiotape: "Nixon said that a manned Mars
mission was a subject we could not talk about. 'It shall be relevant or it shall not be at
all.' Electric propulsion was no longer relevant to any practical application; so, bingo,
politically, we couldn't mention it," Ellis audiotape, author's transcript, p. 17.
If a manned mission to Mars is to be attempted in the twenty-first century, as many
advocates of the American space program have strongly suggested, it will require a
radically new nuclear or electric propulsion system like those studied by NASA's MPD
experts in the 1960s. If that is the case, and the United States does endeavor to
land astronauts on Mars sometime during the next century, the decision of the Nixon
administration to stop basic research in that area will be seen as a significant temporary
setback.
56. Robert V. Hess interview with author, 12 Nov. 1991; Ellis audiotape, author's transcript,
p. 6.
57. Becker interview, 5 Aug. 1991.
58. Ellis to author, 28 Jan. 1991, p. 3.
Chapter 6
The Odyssey of Project Echo
1. Norman L. Crabill interview with author, Newport News, Va., 11 Nov. 1991, OHC, LHA.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Howard Gibbons, "Earthlings Stirred by NASA Balloon, Awesome Sight in the Sky,"
Newport News (Va.) Daily Press, 29 Oct. 1959.
473
Notes for Chapter 6
5. On the Upper Atmosphere Rocket Research Panel and its earlier incarnation as the
V-2 Panel, see Homer Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere: Early Years of Space Science,
NASA SP-4211 (Washington, 1980), pp. 33-49, and John E. Naugle, First Among Equals:
The Selection of NASA Space Science Experiments, NASA SP-4215 (Washington, 1991),
pp. 1-4. Both Newell and Naugle participated as research scientists in the history they
examine in these books. A mathematician-turned-physicist, Newell worked with the V-2
missiles at White Sands, New Mexico, from 1947 to 1955, when he became the NRL's
science program coordinator for Project Vanguard. Newell then joined NASA in 1958
and led its space science program through much of the 1960s. In 1960 physicist Naugle
transferred from the Space Science Division at NASA Goddard, where he had been
studying cosmic rays and protons in the magnetosphere using nuclear emulsions exposed
during the flights of upper-atmosphere sounding rockets, to NASA headquarters where he
supervised the space agency's research into fields and particles. On the history of the V-2,
both in Germany and White Sands, see Walter Dornberger, V-2 — Shot into the Universe:
The History of a Great Invention, trans. James Cleugh, with intro. by Willy Ley (New
York: Viking Press, 1958). Dornberger was the German army officer responsible for the
V-2 program at Peenemiinde. He came to work for the American rocket program after
World War II as part of Operation Paperclip.
6. On the central role of Project Vanguard in the U.S. celebration of the IGY, see Constance
Green and Milton Lomask, Vanguard: A History (Washington: Smithsonian Institution
Press, 1971). For final edited versions of the presentations made at the Ann Arbor
meeting, see James Van Allen, ed., Scientific Uses of Earth Satellites (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 1956). For a readable history of the IGY, see Walter
Sullivan, Assault on the Unknown: The International Geophysical Year, 2d ed. (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1971).
7. C. E. Brown, W. J. O'Sullivan, Jr., and C. H. Zimmerman, "A Study of the Problems
Relating to High Speed, High Altitude Flight," 25 June 1953, copy in the Langley
Technical Library. For several years, this report was classified as "Secret." For more
on the history of the Brown-Zimmerman-O'Sullivan study group, see James R. Hansen,
Engineer in Charge: The History of Langley Aeronautical Laboratory, 1917-1958, NASA
SP-4305 (Washington, 1987), pp. 351-353.
8. William J. O'Sullivan to Don Murray, Glen Ridge, N.J., 29 Sept. 1960, p. 3, copy in
Milton Ames Collection, box 6, LHA. O'Sullivan wrote this letter to answer questions
that Murray, a free-lance writer, had asked in preparation for a magazine article on
O'Sullivan and the Echo balloon. The article was published as "O'Sullivan's Wonderful
Lead Balloon" in the Feb. 1961 issue of Popular Science Monthly. Also, an interview
with O'Sullivan about the genesis of inflatable satellites, conducted by Edward Morse
and dated 28 Aug. 1964, is in a biography file concerning O'Sullivan in NASA HQA.
Morse eventually drafted a "Preliminary History of the Origin of Project Syncom," NASA
HNN-40, 1 Sept. 1964, copy in NASA HQA.
9. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 3-4.
10. Ibid., p. 4. See also O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Floyd L. Thompson], "Report
on Project Vanguard and the IAS, UAARP, and TPR meetings of Jan. 25-27, 1956,"
7 Feb. 1956, in Project Vanguard file, LCF.
11. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 4-5.
474
Notes for Chapter 6
12. Ibid., p. 6.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., pp. 6-7.
15. Ibid., p. 7.
16. For Arthur C. Clarke's thoughts on his 1945 article on "Extraterrestrial Relays" in
Wireless World, see his Profiles of the Future: An Inquiry Into the Limits of the Possible
(New York: Popular Library, 1977), pp. 205-207. Profiles of the Future first appeared in
print in 1958.
17. Clarke, Profiles of the Future, pp. 205-207.
18. John R. Pierce, "Orbital Radio Relays," Jet Propulsion 25 (Apr. 1955): 153-157. For
a later presentation by Pierce, see "Satellite Systems for Commercial Communications,"
a paper presented at the 28th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences
(IAS), New York City, 25-27 Jan. 1960, copy in Langley Technical Library. On Pierce's
early ideas for communications satellites, see Delbert D. Smith, Communications via
Satellite: A Vision in Retrospect (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1976), pp. 18-19.
19. For contemporary technical distinctions between active and passive satellites, see NASA,
Space Communications and Navigation, 1958-1964, NASA SP-93 (Washington, 1966),
pp. v and 1; see also Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 2, Programs
and Projects, 1958-1968, NASA SP-4012 (Washington, 1988), p. 364. For insights into
the nature of early U.S. satellite proposals, see R. Cargill Hall, "Early U.S. Satellite
Proposals," Technology and Culture 4 (Fall 1963): 410-434.
20. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 7.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., pp. 7-8. On the IGY satellite program, see Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere,
pp. 46-49.
23. See the introduction to James A. Van Allen, ed., Scientific Uses of Earth Satellites (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956); O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 8.
24. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 8.
25. William J. O'Sullivan, Jr., to Director [Henry J. E. Reid], "Proposal for the NACA to
undertake research on development of earth satellites," 29 June 1956; Robert R. Gilruth
to Associate Director [Floyd L. Thompson], "Comments on suggestion for research on
drag of earth satellite," 13 July 1956. Both letters are in the Project Vanguard file, LCF.
A long section of O'Sullivan's 1956 proposal to NACA Langley for satellite research is
quoted in Joseph A. Shortal, A New Dimension: Wallops Flight Test Range, The First
Fifteen Years, NASA RP-1028 (Washington, 1978), p. 600. In the late 1950s and early
1960s during the genesis of inflatable spheres for space research, Shortal served as chief
of PARD.
26. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 8-9; O'Sullivan to Associate Director
[Thompson] , "Report on Action Taken by USNC/IGY Technical Panel on Earth Satellites
on Sept. 5, 1956, regarding NACA Proposal," 19 Sept. 1956, in Project Vanguard file,
LCF. See Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere, pp. 50 57 and app. E, "Original Membership
of the U.S. National Committee for the International Geophysical Year," p. 433.
27. Joseph A. Shortal, memorandum for all concerned, 26 Dec. 1956, Project Vanguard file,
LCF; Walter E. Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, p. 2, author's files; Shortal, A New
Dimension, p. 600.
475
Notes for Chapter 6
28. Murray, "O'Sullivan's Wonderful Lead Balloon," p. 47.
29. Ibid. Murray visited Langley while writing his story and witnessed the balloon-folding
procedure.
30. Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, p. 3.
31. "Sub-Satellite Originated at Langley Lab," Air Scoop, 5 Jan. 1957, p. 1. For details about
the Sub-Satellite, see O'Sullivan, "The USNC/IGY-NACA Earth Sub-Satellite Experi-
ment," a paper presented to the Comite Speciale de 1'Annee Geophysique Internationale
(CSAGI) Rocket and Satellite Conference, Washington, D.C., 30 Sept.-5 Oct. 1957, copy
in Langley Technical Library.
32. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 10. For a chronology of the "Highlights in
the Inflatable Satellite Program," including a reference to the reconfirrnation of an
allotment of space for O'Sullivan's Sub-Satellite on Vanguard by the Technical Panel
on the Earth Satellite Project, see "Recommendation for Distinguished Service Medal,
Mr. William J. O'Sullivan, Jr., Aeronautical Research Engineer, Assistant to Division
Chief, Applied Materials and Physics Division, and Head, Space Vehicles Group, AMPD,
Langley Research Center," [ca. 1961], copy in Milton Ames Collection, box 6, LHA.
33. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 9-10; Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 600-
604. For a chronology of the development and operations of Project Vanguard, see Ezell,
NASA Historical Data Book, 2:87.
34. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 10. A copy of O'Sullivan's San Diego paper,
"The USNC/IGY-NACA Earth Sub-Satellite Experiment," can be found in the Langley
Technical Library. O'Sullivan presented an earlier version of this paper at a rocket and
satellite conference held at the National Academy of Sciences in Washington the previous
month.
35. Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, p. 3; O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Thompson],
"NACA 12-foot spherical satellite," 5 Dec. 1957, Project Vanguard file, LCF.
36. Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age
(New York: Basic Books, 1985), p. 100.
37. "Moonwatchers," Newport News Daily Press, 6 Oct. 1957, front page.
38. Quoted in McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, p. 141. A transcript of an interview with
Gerald Siegel about Sputnik and other issues related to politics and space is in NASA
HQA.
39. Robert R. Gilruth, "Memoir: From Wallops Island to Mercury, 1945^1958," unpublished
manuscript presented at the Sixth International History Symposium, Vienna, Austria,
13 Oct. 1972, pp. 33-34, copy in LHA; Charles J. Donlan interview with author,
17 Aug. 1990, transcript, p. 6, OHC, LHA.
40. O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Thompson], "Decisions made on NACA 12-foot satellite
at Apr. 3, 1958 meeting of TPESP," 9 Apr. 1958, Project Vanguard file, LCF. See also
O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 10. For a summary description of the Jupiter C's
development, see Wernher von Braun, Frederick I. Ordway III, and Dave Dooling, Space
Travel, A History: An Update of History of Rocketry and Space Travel, 4th ed. (New
York: Harper & Row, 1985), pp. 128-129.
41. At the same time O'Sullivan was directing the development of the NACA's 12-foot
inflatable, he was also working on a pneumatically erectable satellite intended specifically
for navigation purposes. Because a sphere would reflect radar signals in all directions,
476
Notes for Chapter 6
O'Sullivan realized that this shape would not work as a navigation satellite. What was
required instead was a "corner reflector" that would reflect signals back precisely from
whence they came. With this basic knowledge of radar signals and optics in mind,
O'Sullivan designed a little 6.4-inch-diameter passive reflector satellite equipped with
tiny solar cells for flight into orbit aboard a Vanguard. Ground tests demonstrated,
however, that an active satellite with a more powerful transmitter would make a much
better navigation satellite, as it could be tracked by a comparatively small tracking
receiver requiring little space and power and would not require a large and powerful
radar. O'Sullivan, therefore, laid the corner reflector satellite aside in the spring of 1958
and concentrated on the Beacon satellite. See O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960,
pp. 10-11.
42. Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 607; Eugene M. Emme, Aeronautics and Astronautics: An
American Chronology of Science and Technology in the Exploration of Space, 1915-1960
(Washington: NASA, 1961), p. 110. Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book (2:370-371)
provides a chronology of the development and operations of Project Echo, including
information on the 30-inch Sub-Satellite and 12- foot inflatable sphere.
43. O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Thompson], "Launch vehicle for NACA 12-foot satel-
lite," 11 July 1958, Project Vanguard file, LCF. See also Shortal, A New Dimension,
p. 610; "Highlights in the Inflatable Satellite Program," in "Recommendation for Dis-
tinguished Service Medal, Mr. William J. O'Sullivan, Jr., [ca. 1961]," Ames Collection,
box 6, LHA; Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, p. 4. Bressette has pointed out that
O'Sullivan's dogged insistence on a circular orbit for the inflatable satellites "nearly
negated the Scout missions with the 12-foot sphere, because for the early Scout satellite
launchings the Scout management required a 6-percent over-velocity at satellite insertion.
This resulted in a very elliptical orbit." Scout was a low-budget, solid-propellant booster
built by LTV of Dallas, Tex., which specialized in putting small payloads in orbit. As
shall be explained in the next chapter of this book, NASA Langley served as project
manager for Scout.
For details concerning the deployment and inflation techniques used for the 12- foot
satellite, see Alan B. Kehlet and Herbert G. Patterson, "Free-Flight Test of a Technique
for Inflating an NASA 12-Foot-Diameter Sphere at High Altitude," NASA Memo 2-5-59L,
1959, copy in the Langley Technical Library. Details about the design of the 30-inch and
12- foot inflatable spheres were presented in a special NASA report by Claude W. Coffee,
Jr., Walter E. Bressette, and Gerald M. Keating, Design of the NASA Lightweight
Inflatable Satellites for the Determination of Atmospheric Density at Extreme Altitudes,
NASA TN D-1243, Apr. 1962.
44. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 14-15; Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 610;
von Braun, Ordway, and Dooling, Space Travel, pp. 156 and 172-173; Roger Bilstein,
Orders of Magnitude: A History of the NACA and NASA, 1915-1990, NASA SP-4406
(Washington, 1980), p. 47.
45. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 15.
46. Walter E. Bressette, letter to author, 16 May 1992, author's files.
47. [Langley Aeronautical Laboratory], "Preliminary Langley Staff Study, NASA Space
Flight Program," 15 May 1958, copy in folder "Space Material," Floyd L. Thompson
Collection, LHA. On the early work by U.S. industry on communications satellites, see
477
Notes for Chapter 6
Smith, Communications via Satellite, pp. 58-59; McDougall, Heavens and the Earth,
p. 352.
48. O' Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 11.
49. Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 686; Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, p. 4.
50. Research Authorization (RA) A12L145, dated 8 May 1958, in Research Authorization
Files, LHA. See also Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 686. For an outline of the early
organization at Langley for Echo, see Jesse L. Mitchell to Associate Director [Thompson],
"NACA 100-Foot Diameter Communications Satellite Experiment," copy in Project Echo
file, LCF. See also Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 686-687.
51. William J. O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Floyd L. Thompson], "Meeting on estab-
lishment of a task group to carry work load on 30-inch, 12-foot, and 100-foot satellite,
held on February 18, 1959," 19 Feb. 1959, Project Echo file, LCF. For NASA's public
justification for Project Echo, see "NASA Urges Project Echo Participation," Aviation
Week, 71 (14 Dec. 1959): 65-67.
52. Leonard Jaffe, chief, Communications Satellite Program, "Project Echo: Results of
Second Planning Meeting," 13 Oct. 1959, Project Echo file, LCF. The first Echo plan-
ning meeting had taken place on 10 June 1959; see Leonard Jaffe, "Results of Project
Echo Planning Meeting on June 10, 1959," 16 June 1959, in Project Echo file. On
JPL's part in the early stages of Project Echo, see Walter K. Victor and Robertson
Stevens, "The Role of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Project Echo," JPL Tech.
Release 34-141, 14 Oct. 1960; on the Goldstone receiving station, see Stevens and
Victor, "The Goldstone Station Communications and Tracking System for Project Echo,"
JPL TR 32-59, 1 Dec. 1960. Copies of both are in the Langley Technical Library.
On Bell Telephone's role, see William C. Jakes, Jr., Bell Labs, "Participation of Bell
Telephone Laboratories in Project Echo and Experimental Results," NASA TN D-1127,
Dec. 1961. The July 1961 issue of the Bell System Technical Journal is devoted to
extensive discussion of Project Echo and Bell's participation in it.
53. Robert J. Mackey, Jr., head, Communications Branch, NASA Goddard, "Echo A- 12
Working Agreement: GSFC-LRC," 4 Jan. 1961, Project Echo file, LCF; Shortal, A New
Dimension, p. 689. At the second Project Echo planning meeting on 13 Oct. 1959,
Leonard Jaffe had named Goddard's Robert Mackey to be the "action officer" for Project
Echo.
54. On Project Shotput, see Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 685 695. The author would like
to thank Norman L. Crabill, one of the heads of the Shotput program at Langley, for
sharing his personal papers relevant to Shotput, for example, his unpublished talk given
at Langley on 24 May 1961 to the NASA/DOD Technical Committee on Communications
Satellites, "The Echo A-12 Vertical Test Program." The complete documentary record
of Shotput is preserved in the Project Shotput file, LCF.
55. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, pp. 12 13.
56. Ibid., pp. 13-14; Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 690-691.
57. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 14.
58. Norman L. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991.
59. Bressette to author, 11 Mar. 1992, pp. 4-5. On 19 May 1961, the president of
Schjeldahl, G. T. Schjeldahl, testified about his company's involvement with "Erectable
and Inflatable Structures in Space" at a Hearing before the Committee on Science and
478
Notes for Chapter 6
Astronautics, U.S. House of Representatives, 87th Congress, First Session, May 19,
1961, no. 12 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1961), pp. 2-5. At this same
hearing, Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., technical assistant to Langley Director Floyd Thompson,
and William J. O'Sullivan, Jr., head of the Space Vehicle Group at Langley, also gave
testimony concerning inflatable structures in space, including structures that could be
used as space stations. Anyone interested in the manufacturing of the balloons should
see G. T. Schjeldahl Co., "Design and Inflation of Inflatable and Rigidizable Passive
Communication Satellites (Echo I and Echo II)," in Aerospace Expandable Structures
(Mar. 1964): 576-604.
60. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991; Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 690. By the early 1960s,
Norman Crabill had become an expert on the ascent problems of sounding rockets and
other launch vehicles; see his paper, "Ascent Problems of Sounding Rockets," presented
at an AGARD meeting on the Use of Rocket Vehicles in Flight Research, Scheveningen,
the Netherlands, 18-21 July 1961, copy in Langley Technical Library.
61. O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Thompson], "Results of Shotput test no. 1," 16 Nov.
1959, in Project Echo file, LCF. For technical analysis of the launch problems involved
with Shotput 1, see Robert L. James, Jr., and Ronald J. Harris, Calculation of Wind Com-
pensation for Launching of Unguided Rockets, NASA TN D-645, Apr. 1961; Robert L.
James, Jr., A Three- Dimensional Trajectory Simulation Using Six Degrees of Freedom
with Arbitrary Wind, NASA TN D-641, Mar. 1961; and Sherman A. Clevenson, memoran-
dum for files, "Spin-balancing and alignment of the second stage of the first SHOT PUT
at Wallops Island, Virginia," 4 Nov. 1959, Project Shotput file, LCF. See also Norman L.
Crabill, Ascent Problems of Sounding Rockets, AGARD Report 391, July 1961.
62. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 12.
63. Ibid.; Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 691.
64. O'Sullivan to Murray, 29 Sept. 1960, p. 13; O'Sullivan to Associate Director [Thompson],
"Echo satellite collapsing and inflation pressures," 19 Jan. 1960, Project Echo file, LCF.
65. For details about the launch-vehicle problem in Shotput 2, see Norman L. Crabill to
Clarence L. Gillis, "Preliminary data and analysis for the SHOTPUT No. 2 vehicle, fired
Jan. 16, 1960, at 5:30:00.108 p.m. EST," 29 Jan. 1960. On the balloon tear in Shotput 3,
see C. D. Bailey, memorandum for files, "Shotput 3," 29 Feb. 1960, as well as "NASA
Trajectory Data for Shot Put 3, Flown Feb. 27, 1960, at 6:20:54.3 p.m. EST," 9 May 1960.
These documents are in the Project Shotput file, LCF.
66. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991; Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 690-692. For general
information and the public reaction to Shotputs 2 and 3, see "Wallops Launches Inflatable
Satellite, Visible from Afar," Newport News Daily Press, 17 Jan. 1960; "Recorded
Message Bounced Off NASA's Space Sphere," Daily Press, 28 Feb. 1960. Many technical
documents relating to the trajectory and tracking of the Shotputs are in the Project
Shotput file, LCF.
67. Edwin P. Kilgore to author, 17 Feb. 1992, author's files.
68. Ibid.; Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 693.
69. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991.
70. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991; Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 689-690. Bressette and
Coffee conducted an analysis in the spring of 1959 to determine the gas leakage to be
expected from meteoroid puncture, concluding that the balloon should retain sufficient
479
Notes for Chapter 6
pressure to remain spherical for at least seven days. For their optimistic findings, see
their memorandum for Space Vehicle Branch files, "Gas leakage from the 100-foot sphere
caused by meteoroid puncture," 22 May 1959, in Project Echo file, LCF.
71. President Eisenhower's message is quoted in full in "Highlights in the Inflatable Satellite
Program," p. 4, box 5, Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
72. For these articles, see the front pages of the Newport News Daily Press, 12-16 Aug. 1960.
On 14 Aug., the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company of Virginia ran a full-page
ad in the Daily Press in celebration of Echo and the "First Phone Call Via a Man-Made
Satellite."
73. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991. For a complete technical overview of the Echo 1 mission
from the point of view of the launch- vehicle contractor, see Douglas Aircraft Co., Inc.,
"Detailed Test Objectives for Launch Vehicle Mission No. 1 — Echo 1 Payload Delta
Program," Feb. 1960, copy in Langley Technical Library.
74. Leonard Jaffe, "Project Echo Results," Astronautics 6 (May 1961): 32-33, 80. See also
Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 694-695, and Alfred Rosenthal, Venture into Space,
NASA SP-4301 (Washington, 1968), p. 89.
75. See George R. Thompson, "NASA's Role in the Development of Commercial Satellite
Communications," NASA HHM-8, 31 Jan. 1966; Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude, pp. 56-
57 and 65-65. For basic information about the NASA satellite communications programs
of the 1960s, see Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, 2:364-394. For the contemporary
thinking on satellite programs, see "The NASA Communications Satellite Program,"
9 Feb. 1961, copy in Langley Technical Library, code N-96842; this report reviews NASA
objectives in passive and active communications satellite programs as of early 1961. See
also Leonard Jaffe, "NASA Communications Satellite Program," in Proceedings of the
Second National Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Space, Seattle, May 8-10, 1962
(Nov. 1962): 103-114, copy in Langley Technical Library.
76. Bressette to author, 16 May 1992.
77. See Bressette, Study of a Passive Communication, Gravity-Gradient Stabilized, Lenticular
Satellite, Jan. 1965, copy in Langley Technical Library, GER 11893. For Langley 's
commitment to passive reflectors in the early 1960s, see Warren Gillespie, "An Earth-
Oriented Communication Satellite of the Passive Type," in Advances in Astronautical
Sciences 6 (1961): 51-63.
78. Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere, pp. 144-153. For information on the Explorer missions,
see also Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, 2:232-253; Helen T. Wells, Susan H. Whitely,
and Carrie E. Karegeannes, "Explorer," in Origins of NASA Names, NASA SP-4402
(Washington, 1976), pp. 49-52. For technical details of the Explorer 9 mission, see
O'Sullivan, Claude W. Coffee, Jr., and Gerald M. Keating, "Air Density Measurements
from the Explorer 9 Satellite," paper presented at a Meeting of the International
Committee on Space Research, Washington, D.C., 30 Apr. -11 May 1962, copy in Langley
Technical Library.
79. Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, 2:298, 400. See also Coffee, Bressette, and Keating,
Design of the NASA Lightweight Inflatable Satellites, NASA TN D-1243, Apr. 1962.
80. Von Braun, Ordway, and Dooling, Space Travel, pp. 174-175.
81. In keeping with a historic and unique national pattern of competitive private ownership
of the means of communications, it was NASA's job to help private enterprise set up
480
Notes for Chapter 7
an effective commercial comsat system through its state-funded R&D, not to create the
entire system itself. A rather flexible policy directive from the Eisenhower administration
supporting the early establishment of a commercial comsat system led to NASA's joint
project with AT&T for Telstar but still left room for NASA's own development of Relay.
In May 1961, however, the political framework for NASA's participation in the comsat
business changed dramatically with President Kennedy's announcement of his ambitious
plan for a single global comsat system. This announcement was made in his lunar landing
speech. For analysis of these developments involving NASA and commercial comsats, see
McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 352-359.
82. Von Braun, Ordway, and Dooling, Space Travel, p. 174.
83. Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude, pp. 65-66.
84. Arthur C. Clarke, "A Short Pre-History of Comsats, Or: How I Lost a Billion Dollars in
My Spare Time," in Voices from the Sky: Previews of the Coming Space Age (New York,
1965), pp. 119-128.
85. Crabill interview, 11 Nov. 1991.
Chapter 7
Learning Through Failure: The Early Rush
of the Scout Rocket Program
1. Abraham Leiss interview with author, Hampton, Va., 19 July 1990; see also Roland D.
English interview with David Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 14 Dec. 1990. Transcripts of all
Ferraro's interviews, which were conducted in preparation for a 1991 NASA video on the
history of Scout, are located in the OHC, LHA. The author wishes to thank Mr. Ferraro,
a talented producer of video documentaries, for generously sharing his many interviews
concerning Scout. The essential documents regarding the history of Scout can be found
in the Scout Project files, LHA, which are organized chronologically.
Fortunately, personnel in the Scout Project Office (notably Abraham Leiss), because
of their understandable pride in the many accomplishments of the Scout rocket, kept
detailed scrapbooks with clippings, documents, photos, and other miscellaneous materials
central to the history of Scout. This chapter offers only a brief look into that history
during its troubled early period. A comprehensive scholarly history of the Scout program
has not yet been written.
2. For a detailed history of PARD's work at Wallops Island, see Joseph A. Shortal, A
New Dimension: Wallops Island Flight Test Range, the First Fifteen Years, NASA RP-
1028 (Washington, Dec. 1978). Shortal was the second head of PARD operations (and
subsequently of the Applied Materials and Physics Division) at Wallops Island from
1951 to his retirement in the late 1960s. His history is especially valuable as an insider's
account of what went on at Wallops Island just before and after the start of the spaceflight
revolution.
3. On Vanguard, nothing has yet surpassed Constance M. Green and Milton Lomask,
Vanguard: A History, NASA SP-4202 (Washington, 1970); on the IGY, see Sydney
Chapman, IGY: Year of Discovery (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959);
Walter Sullivan, Assault on the Unknown: The IGY Discovery (New York: McGraw-
Hill, 1961); and J. Tuzo Wilson, IGY: The Year of the New Moons (New York: Knopf,
481
Notes for Chapter 7
1961). For a concise and insightful analysis of the IGY history, see Walter A. McDougall,
The Heavens and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic
Books, 1985), pp. 112-140.
4. English interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990; James R. Hall interview with Ferraro,
Hampton, Va., 4 Dec. 1990.
5. Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 706-707.
6. Ibid.
7. Remarks made by William E. Stoney to Ferraro and used in the 1991 NASA video,
"Scout: The Unsung Hero of Space."
8. Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 707.
9. NASA Space Flight Program, Preliminary Langley Staff Study, 15 May 1958, pp. 1 and
28, Scout Project files, LHA.
10. This research authorization (RA) is not in the RA files in the LHA, which for some
unknown reason only encompass the early 1950s. For a discussion of this RA, see Shortal,
A New Dimension, p. 707.
11. This air force effort to develop an advanced solid- fuel rocket launch vehicle was known
to the DOD as "Project 609 A" (Hyper-Environmental Test System 609A). For details
of the agreement between the air force and the NACA (and later NASA), see Clotaire
Wood to Langley Director [Reid], 11 July 1958, in the Scout Project files, LHA. Enclosed
in this letter is a document entitled "Specifications for Solid-Fuel Rocket Test Vehicle,"
dated a day earlier. See also "Aeroneutronic Wins New Space Contract, AF Project
Involves High-Altitude Tests," Aeroneutronic News, Newport Beach, Calif., 9 May 1960.
For an example of Scout's early role in the air force's nuclear weapons testing program,
see the 10 Oct. 1960 issue of Aviation Week and Space Technology; its lengthy cover
story concerns the air force's first launch of a "Blue Scout" rocket. See also "Nuclear
Detector Sent Up, Blue Scout's 1st Flight," Norfolk-Portsmouth (Va.) Virginian- Pilot,
22 Sept. 1960.
12. Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 707.
13. Ibid., p. 708; see also Ferraro letter to author, 9 Sept. 1991, copy in LHA.
14. Warren J. North, chief, Manned Satellite Program, to NASA Administrator (T. Keith
Glennan), "Status Report No. 1 — Scout," 3 Mar. 1959, copy in Scout Project files,
LHA. See also "NASA Awards Scout Contracts," Aviation Week, 2 Mar. 1959, p. 2;
and "First Scout Vehicle Delivery Due Aug. 15," Aviation Week, 16 Mar. 1959, p. 26.
For a concise and well-illustrated introduction to the details of the Scout rocket, see LTV
publication, The Scout: Solid Propellant Launch Vehicles (Dallas, 1962), copy in the
Floyd L. Thompson Collection, LHA, folder labeled "Scout." See also Shortal, A New
Dimension, pp. 708-710.
For an excellent technical summary of the evolution of the Scout program to 1968 by
someone intimately involved with it, see Milt Green, "Project Review — Scout Launch
Vehicle," in Spacecraft Systems Education, 2 vols. (Belgrade, [formerly] Yugoslavia:
Pergamon Press, 1968), 2:3-15. Green was the program director for the Scout Missiles
and Space Division of LTV in Dallas.
15. On the X-l (or more technically, XS-1) program at Langley, see chap. 10 of James R.
Hansen, Engineer in Charge: A History of the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory,
482
Notes for Chapter 7
1917-1958, NASA SP-4305 (Washington, 1987), pp. 271-310; for more general histo-
ries of the X-l flight test program, see Richard P. Hallion, Supersonic Flight: The Story
of the Bell X-l and Douglas D-558 (New York & London: Macmillan Co., 1972) and
On the Frontier: Flight Research at Dryden, 1946-1981, NASA SP-4303 (Washington,
1984), esp. chap. 1, pp. 3-22.
16. James R. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard: Leaves Legacy of Camaraderie,"
Langley Researcher News, 25 Jan. 1991, p. 7.
17. H. J. E. Reid, memorandum for all concerned, "Establishment of Scout Project Group,"
29 Feb. 1960, in Scout Project files, LHA. On Scout's organization, see also Eugene C.
Draley, memorandum for files, "Scout Organization," 4 Mar. 1960, Scout Project files,
LHA. This group was already located on the second floor of the impact basin building
on Langley's west side. The individuals assigned to Scout from the various Langley
research divisions were: Carl A. Sandahl and Andrew G. Swanson from the Applied
Materials and Physics Division; William J. Nelson from the Aero-Physics Division; Max
C. Kurbjun from the Aero-Space Mechanics Division; Harry L. Runyan, Jr., from the
Dynamic Loads Division; Axel T. Mattson from the Full-Scale Research Division; James
E. Stitt from IRD; Leonard Sternfield from the Theoretical Mechanics Division; Isidore
G. Recant from the Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel Division; and Edwin C. Kilgore from the
Engineering Service Division. One individual each was also assigned from the Mechanical
Service Division, the Electrical Service Division, the Procurement Division, as well as
from Maintenance. The project office gave regular written status reports to Langley
management, copies of which are preserved in the Scout Project files, LHA.
18. Hall interview with Ferraro, 4 Dec. 1990. In 1959 two Langley researchers in the
Theoretical Mechanics Division, Robert H. Tolson and Wilbur C. Mayo, conducted
"Studies of Use of the Scout as a Booster Vehicle for Lunar Exploration." For more
about the lunar exploration studies based in this Langley research division, see the next
chapter.
19. Leiss interview, 19 July 1990.
20. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," Langley Researcher News, 25 Jan. 1991, p. 7.
For basic information on the Scout Project in its very early period, see the unofficial
"Scout Manual," prepared by the Scout Project Office at Langley on 25 Apr. 1960 and
distributed to all Langley Scout team members. The cover of this manual shows a
triangle- faced Boy Scout saluting in front of a Scout rocket. A copy of this manual and
all subsequent Scout manuals are in the notebook "Scout Project, 1959-1961," LHA.
Such notebooks, unofficial scrapbooks, were kept by the Scout Project Office for the
entire period of Scout's operation.
21. Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 709-710.
22. Hall interview with Ferraro, 4 Dec. 1990; Ken Jacobs interview with Ferraro, Hampton,
Va., 29 Nov. 1990; Milt Green interview with Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 28 Nov. 1990.
23. Larry Tant interview with Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 14 Dec. 1990; Jon Van Cleve interview
with Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 16 Nov. 1990.
24. William E. Stoney, Jr., and Edwin C. Kilgore, memorandum for the Langley Associate
Director (Floyd L. Thompson), "Outline of steps required to insure an earliest possible
firing of the Scout and those required to make possible subsequent firings at intervals
of not over two months," 28 Jan. 1960; H. J. E. Reid, Langley director, to NASA,
483
Notes for Chapter 7
Code R (Research), "Acceleration of Scout Program to insure earliest possible firing
and to make possible subsequent firings at intervals of not over 2 months," 29 Jan. 1960.
Both documents are in the Scout Project files, LHA. See also Shortal, A New Dimension,
p. 717.
25. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," p. 7.
26. Shortal, A New Dimension, pp. 717-718.
27. Ibid., p. 718; "NASA Launches 'Scout' Vehicle in Wallops Test," Newport News (Va.)
Daily Press, 19 Apr. 1960; "Ignition Failure in Third Stage Aborts Initial Scout Test
Launch," Daily Press, 25 Apr. 1960.
28. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," p. 7.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.; "Scout Veers, Is Destroyed After Firing From Wallops," Baltimore Sun, 2 July
1960. See also Robert J. Mayhue, Scout ST-1 Flight-Test Results and Analyses, Launch
Operations, and Test Vehicle Description, NASA TN-1240 (Washington, June 1962), and
Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 720.
31. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," p. 7. For details of the launch, see
"Preliminary Flight Report on Scout ST-1," Dec. 1960, Scout Project files, LHA.
32. "Obtain Valuable Data in First Scout Launching," NASA Langley Air Scoop, 8 July
1960; "NASA Fires Scout," Newport News (Va.) Times Herald, 2 July 1960. Copies
of the press releases given out by NASA after the launch are preserved in the "Scout
Project, 1959-1961" notebook, LHA. Also see Shortal, A New Dimension, p. 720.
33. "Preliminary Flight Test Results of Scout ST-2," Dec. 1960, Scout Project files, LHA.
On the military launches, see "USAF Launches Second Blue Scout," Aviation Week,
21 Nov. 1960, p. 30. Copies of all newspaper articles mentioned in the text can be found
in the notebook, "Scout Project, 1959-1961," LHA.
34. Vought Corp. brochure, "100 Scout Launches, 1960-1979," published for program in
celebration of 100th Scout, held in Williamsburg, Va., 27 July 1979.
35. English interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990.
36. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," p. 7.
37. "Scout Shot Veers Off, Destroyed," Newport News Daily Press, 21 July 1963; English
interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990. For details, see LTV, "NASA Scout S-110, Final
Flight Report," 7 Aug. 1963, report code 3-30000/3R-233, copy in Scout Project files,
LHA.
38. Tom Perry interview with Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 14 Dec. 1990.
39. Eventually two Scout review committees were formed. The first, created on 22 July
1963, was chaired by Richard R. Heldenfels, the hard-nosed director of the Structures
Research Division at Langley. The other six members of this review committee were
Langley engineers Edward M. Gregory, Edwin C. Kilgore, Clifford H. Nelson, Eugene D.
Schult, Joseph A. Shortal, and Joseph G. Thibodaux, Jr. This committee was to look
specifically into the most recent Scout 110 failure. The second committee, an intercenter
group chaired by Richard B. Morrison of NASA headquarters, was to look more generally
into the problems of the Scout program. The other members of this panel included Eugene
C. Draley of Langley; Hermann W. Kroeger of Marshall Space Flight Center; Daniel G.
Mazur of Goddard Space Flight Center; and William A. Fleming, Milton W. Rosen, and
Warren A. Guild, all of NASA headquarters. For details on the second committee, see
484
Notes for Chapter 7
Homer E. Newell, director, Office of Space Sciences, NASA headquarters, to director,
Langley Research Center, "Scout Review Committee," 9 Oct. 1963, in Scout Project
files, LHA. All the documents collected by the Langley committee, all the minutes of
meetings, plus the final reports and recommendations of both committees can be found
in the Scout Project files, LHA.
40. Hall interview with Ferraro, 4 Dec. 1990.
41. Eugene D. Schult interview with Ferraro, Hampton, Va., 6 Dec. 1990.
42. Jacobs interview with Ferraro, 29 Nov. 1990; English interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990.
43. Jacobs interview with Ferraro, 29 Nov. 1990. The ups and downs of the Scout program
can best be followed by surveying the "Scout Vehicle Status Reports." These reports
were reviewed after every one or two flights. Copies of all these reports are in the Scout
Project files, LHA.
44. Hall interview with Ferraro, 4 Dec. 1990.
45. See Langley Research Center, Project Development Plan: Scout Program, Jan. 1964.
This 100-page document expresses the essentials of the recertification process. Other
documents from the recertification process include "Scout Engineering Program Plan,"
revised 4 Mar. 1964, and "NASA/DOD Scout Launch Complex Maintenance Manual,"
2 vols., 15 Feb. 1964. All these documents are in the Scout Project files, LHA.
46. Green interview with Ferraro, 28 Nov. 1990.
47. Schult interview with Ferraro, 6 Dec. 1990.
48. English interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990.
49. LTV Missiles and Electronics Group brochure, "Scout: 30 Years of Service, 1960-1990,"
(Dallas, Feb. 1991). For more basic historical information on Scout, see Linda Neuman
Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 2, Programs and Project 1958-1968, NASA
SP-4012 (Washington, 1988), pp. 19-21, 61-67, 244-247, 444 448, and 465-477. For
a comprehensive listing of the technical reports published by NASA and its contractors
relevant to Scout, see Abraham Leiss, Scout Launch Vehicle Program, Final Report,
3 vols. (NASA Langley: NASA CR-165950, May 1982), 3:1122-1206.
50. The preceding summary of Scout's accomplishments has been composed largely from
a survey of the newspaper clippings, magazine stories, documents, and miscellaneous
materials in the Scout Project Office scrapbooks. For more exhaustive details on the
Scout launch vehicle program, including the San Marco operation, see Abraham Leiss,
Scout Launch Vehicle Program. Mr. Leiss, as the chief administrative assistant of the
Scout Project Office from its inception in 1960, has collected in these three volumes
everything any researcher could possibly want to know about Scout. For an excellent
short history of the Scout program to 1979, see Andrew Wilson, "Scout: NASA's Small
Satellite Launcher," Spaceflight 21 (Nov. 1979): 446-459.
51. See "Scout Financial Data" in Leiss, Scout Launch Vehicle Program, 1:268-270.
52. Perry interview with Ferraro, 14 Dec. 1990. David Ferraro used Perry's phrase "the
unsung hero of space" as the subtitle for his 1991 NASA video on Scout.
53. Van Cleve interview with Ferraro, 16 Nov. 1990.
54. Hall quoted in "Scout Moves to Goddard," p. 7.
485
Notes for Chapter 8
Chapter 8
Enchanted Rendezvous: The Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous Concept
1. President John F. Kennedy, quoted in John M. Logsdon, The Decision to Go to the
Moon: Project Apollo and the National Interest (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1976), p. 128.
2. Robert R. Gilruth, "Experts Were Stunned by Scope of Mission," New York Times,
Moon Special Supplement, 17 July 1969. The description of Gilruth's reaction is from
my interview with him in Kilmarnock, Va., 10 July 1986, and from Charles Murray and
Catherine Ely Cox, Apollo: The Race to the Moon (New York: Touchstone Books, 1989),
pp. 16-17.
3. Robert R. Gilruth to Francis W. Kemmett, director of the staff, Inventions and Con-
tributions Board, NASA headquarters, 28 Aug. 1973. The main purpose of Gilruth's
letter, solicited by a NASA awards board, was to evaluate Dr. John C. Houbolt's role in
NASA's July 1962 decision in favor of LOR for Project Apollo and to determine whether
Houbolt's contribution was worthy of the maximum prize that NASA had been autho-
rized to give ($100,000) for an outstanding national contribution. To do that, however,
Gilruth had to review the STG's position on LOR and the entire Apollo mission-mode
controversy. I do not believe any historian besides myself has seen this letter, a copy of
which is in my personal LOR file.
4. Clinton E. Brown interview with the author, Hampton, Va., 17 July 1989. Brown's
remarks are from a panel discussion (involving Brown, William H. Michael, Jr., and
Arthur W. Vogeley), which I organized and led as part of NASA Langley's celebration
of the 20th anniversary of Apollo 11, the first manned lunar landing. A videotape of the
evening program featuring this panel discussion is preserved in the LHA.
5. Interview with William H. Michael, Jr., Hampton, Va., 17 July 1989, videotape,
LHA. F. R. Moulton's book on celestial mechanics was available by 1958 in a second
edition (London: Macmillan Co., 1956), but the Langley Technical Library appears not
to have had it. The library has obtained one since.
6. On the history of pioneering thought about and proposals for space stations, see
Frederick I. Ordway III, "The History, Evolution, and Benefits of the Space Station
Concept," presented to the 13th International Congress of History of Science, Aug. 1971;
and Barton C. Hacker, "And Rest as on a Natural Station: From Space Station to Orbital
Operations in Space- Travel Thought, 1885-1951." Both of the preceding unpublished
papers are available in the HQA. For published information, see Wernher von Braun
and Frederick I. Ordway III, Space Travel: A History: An Update of 'History of Rocketry
& Space Travel' (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), pp. 18-20; and Howard E. McCurdy,
The Space Station Decision: Incremental Politics and Technological Choice (Baltimore
and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), pp. 5-8 and 237 n. 7. On
NASA's belief that a space station was the logical follow-on to Project Mercury, see
Barton C. Hacker and James M. Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans: A History
of Project Gemini, NASA SP-4203 (Washington, 1977), pp. 5r6; and McCurdy, Space
Station Decision, pp. 7-9.
7. Brown interview, 17 July 1989.
486
Notes for Chapter 8
8. Clinton E. Brown to Eugene C. Draley, "Formation of a working group to study the
problems of Lunar exploration," 24 Mar. 1959, A200-1B, LCF.
9. William H. Michael, Jr., to Eugene C. Draley, "Attendance at meeting of Working Group
on Lunar and Planetary Surfaces Exploration at NASA Headquarters on February 14,
1959," A200-1B, LCF; Michael, "Attendance at meeting for Discussion of Advanced
Phases of Lunar Exploration at NASA Offices, Silver Spring, Md., Saturday, May 2,
1959," A200-1B, LCF. On the Jastrow Committee, see R. Cargill Hall, Lunar Impact:
A History of Project Ranger, NASA SP-4210 (Washington, 1977), pp. 15-16; and
William David Compton, Where No Man Has Gone Before: A History of Apollo Lunar
Exploration Missions, NASA SP-4214 (Washington, 1989), pp. 13-14.
10. Harry J. Goett to Ira H. Abbott, "Interim Report on Operation of Research Steering
Committee on Manned Space Flight," 17 July 1959, A200-1B, LCF. On the Goett
Committee, see Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 9-10; Logsdon,
Decision to Go to the Moon, pp. 56-57; and Murray and Cox, Apollo, pp. 43-45.
11. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., interview with author, Newport News, Va., 5 Aug. 1989,
transcript, p. 100, OHC, LHA; Murray and Cox, Apollo, pp. 43-45.
12. Michael interview, 17 July 1989.
13. W. H. Michael, Jr., "Weight Advantages of Use of Parking Orbit for Lunar Soft Landing
Mission," in Lunar Trajectory Group's [Theoretical Mechanics Division] unpublished
"Studies Related to Lunar and Planetary Missions," 26 May 1960, A200-1B, LCF.
14. On 13 Nov. 1948, H. E. Ross presented the essential elements of LOR to a meeting of the
British Interplanetary Society in London. His conclusion was that LOR — compared with
a direct flight to the lunar surface from the earth — would reduce the earth-launch weight
by a factor of 2.6. In his paper Ross credited Hermann Oberth, Guido von Pirquet,
Hermann Noordung, Walter Hohmann (of "Hohmann transfer" fame), Tsiolkovskii, and
F. A. Tsander for their early ideas concerning LOR. See H. E. Ross, "Orbital Bases," in
Journal of the British Interplanetary Society 26 (Jan. 1949): 1-18. For the history of the
first pioneering inklings about the value of rendezvous in orbit, lunar and otherwise, see
Barton C. Hacker, "The Idea of Rendezvous: From Space Station to Orbital Operations
in Space- Travel Thought, 1895-1951," Technology and Culture 15 (July 1974): 373-388;
as well as Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 5-6.
15. For the Vought concept that came out of the MALLAR study, see Vought Astronautics
brochure, Manned, Modular, Multi-Purpose Space Vehicle, Jan. 1960.
16. The quote from Clint Brown about Michael's reaction to the Vought briefing is from
Murray and Cox, Apollo, pp. 114-115.
17. Michael interview with author, Hampton, Va., 7 Apr. 1989, transcript, p. 6, OHC, LHA.
The story about Tom Dolan discussing the essentials of LOR with unknown engineers in
PARD is taken from John D. Bird, "A Short History of the Development of the Lunar-
Orbit-Rendezvous Plan at the Langley Research Center," 6 Sept. 1963 (supplemented
5 Feb. 1965 and 17 Feb. 1966), box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
18. Michael, "Weight Advantages of Use of Parking Orbit for Lunar Soft Landing Mission,"
p. 2.
19. The "Jaybird" story is taken from Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 115. For the technical
reports that resulted from the early lunar studies in the Theoretical Mechanics Division,
see among others: J. P. Gapcynski, "A Consideration of Some of the Factors Involved in
487
Notes for Chapter 8
the Departure of a Vehicle from a Circular Orbit About the Earth" ; and W. L. Mayo,
"Energy and Mass Requirements for Lunar and Martian Missions." Both articles are
in the Lunar Trajectory Group's "Studies Related to Lunar and Planetary Missions."
On Bird's lunar bug ideas, see Michael interview, 7 Apr. 1989, pp. 14-15. See also
William H. Michael, Jr., and Robert H. Tolson, "Effect of Eccentricity of the Lunar
Orbit, Oblateness of the Earth, and Solar Gravitational Field on Lunar Trajectories,"
June 1960, copy in the Langley Technical Library.
20. John C. Houbolt, "A Study of Several Aerothermoelastic Problems of Aircraft Structures
in High-Speed Flight," in Eidgenossische Technische Hochshule Mitteilung 5 (1958): 108.
Throughout his career at NACA and NASA Langley, Houbolt was not a terribly prolific
author. A complete bibliography of his papers is available in the LHA.
21. John C. Houbolt interview with author, Williamsburg, Va., 24 Aug. 1989, transcript,
p. 3, OHC, LHA.
22. Ibid., pp. 7-8.
23. Ibid., p. 9. On Rand and the early space program, see Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens
and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), esp.
pp. 89, 102, 106-110, and 121-123.
24. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, p. 13; Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989,
pp. 100-101.
25. NASA Langley, "Minutes of Meeting of LRC Manned Space Laboratory Group,"
18 Sept. 1959, A200-4, LCF. See paragraph 5 for Houbolt's statement on the rendezvous
problem.
26. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 9 10.
27. Bernard Maggin to Milton B. Ames, Jr., "Inter-center discussions of space rendezvous,"
23 May 1960; John C. Houbolt, "Considerations of the Rendezvous Problems for Space
Vehicles," presented at the National Aeronautical Meeting of the Society of Automotive
Engineers, New York City, 5-8 Apr. 1960. Both documents are in A200-1A, LCF. The
point about Marshall's limited interest in the rendezvous problem is made in Hacker and
Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 14-15.
28. Lowell E. Hasel, "Minutes of Meeting of LRC Lunar Mission Steering Group,"
24 May 1960, A200-1B, LCF.
29. STG, "Guidelines for Advanced Manned Space Vehicle Program," June 1960. For the
summary details of these guidelines, see Ivan D. Ertel and Mary Louise Morse, The
Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology (Washington: NASA, 1969), 1:38-41. In brief, the STG
identified a manned circumlunar mission as the "logical intermediate step" toward future
goals of lunar and planetary landing. Essential to the guidelines were plans for advanced
earth-orbital missions and an earth-orbiting space station.
30. STG, "Apollo Technical Liaison Plan," 16 Nov. 1960, A200-1B, LCF; Langley to STG,
"Langley appointments to Apollo technical liaison groups," 7 Dec. 1960, in Project Apollo
files, LCF. Interestingly, John Houbolt was not appointed to any of the liaison groups.
On the first NASA/Industry Apollo Technical Conference, see the Wall Street Journal,
18 July 1961. Among the many valuable papers given by Langley 's John Becker to the
Archives of Aerospace Exploration at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
is his file on the Lunar Mission Steering Group. On the cover of this file, Becker provides
a brief written introduction to its contents. Inside is a copy of the Apollo Technical
488
Notes for Chapter 8
Liaison Plan, with handwritten notes by Becker. For information about this file and
others in the Archives of Aerospace Exploration, contact the special collections archivist
at the university library in Blacksburg, Va.
31. Houbolt, "Considerations of the Rendezvous Problems for Space Vehicles," p. 1.
32. NASA Langley, "Minutes of Meeting of LRC Manned Space Laboratory Group,"
5 Feb. 1960, A200-4, LCF. See paragraphs 3 and 10.
33. William A. Mrazek, Marshall Space Flight Center, to John C. Houbolt, 16 May 1960,
B10-6, LCF; Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 11.
34. John C. Houbolt, "Lunar Rendezvous," International Science and Technology 14
(Feb. 1963): 63. Several attempts have been made to clarify the detailed history of
the genesis of LOR at Langley and Houbolt's role in it. The best efforts to date are:
Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 14-16 and 60-68; John M.
Logsdon, "The Choice of the Lunar Orbital Rendezvous Mode," in Aerospace Historian
(June 1971): 63-70; and Murray and Cox, Apollo, chaps. 8 and 9. However, none of
these are complete, and none fully satisfy the Langley participants involved: Houbolt,
Michael, Brown, et al. In a footnote to their excellent book on Project Apollo, Murray
and Cox remark on the gaps in the overall LOR story, suggesting that "there is a fas-
cinating doctoral dissertation yet to be written on this episode." This chapter may not
close off the possibility of a doctoral dissertation, but my goal in writing it was to fill in
many of the gaps and stress Langley's role in LOR.
35. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 15; Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of
Titans, pp. 15-16.
36. "RCA Will Do Saint Payload," Aviation Week and Space Technology 5 (Dec. 1960):
27. For other sources on Project Saint, see Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of
Titans, p. 416 n. 64.
37. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 16 and 21-25. On Houbolt's final chart were
three conclusions: (1) "RENDEZVOUS OPENS POSSIBILITY FOR EARLIER AC-
COMPLISHMENT OF CERTAIN SPACE MEASUREMENT WITH EXISTING VE-
HICLES"; (2) "THERE IS A NEED FOR RAPID DEVELOPMENT OF MANNED
RENDEZVOUS TECHNIQUES— SHOULD MAKE USE OF MERCURY AND 'SAINT'
TECHNOLOGY"; and (3) "NASA SHOULD HAVE MANNED RENDEZVOUS PRO-
GRAM IN LONG-RANGE PLANS WITH OBJECTIVES OF EXPEDITING SOFT
LUNAR LANDINGS AND FLEXIBLE ORBITAL OPERATIONS."
38. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 116.
39. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 17-18.
40. See the reference to Brown's presentation in Charles J. Donlan to NASA headquarters,
director of the staff, Inventions and Contributions Board, 1 Mar. 1974, author's LOR
file. John D. Bird also refers to it in "A Short History of the Development of the Lunar-
Orbit-Rendezvous Plan," p. 2.
41. The preceding two paragraphs are derived from my unsigned feature story, "The Ren-
dezvous That Was Almost Missed: Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous and the Apollo Program,"
NASA News Release No. 89-98, 7 July 1989, pp. 5-6.
42. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 28-29.
43. Ibid., and Ertel and Morse, The Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, 1:66.
44. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 21-26.
489
Notes for Chapter 8
45. John I. Cumberland, executive secretary, SEPC, to members and speakers, "Agenda for
SEPC Meeting, Jan. 5-6, 1961," A200-1B, LCF.
46. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, p. 29.
47. Robert L. O'Neal to Charles J. Donlan, associate director, "Discussion with Dr. Houbolt,
LRC, concerning the possible incorporation of a lunar orbital rendezvous phase as a
prelude to manned lunar landing," 30 Jan. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
48. Ibid., p. 60; Owen Maynard to Frederick J. Lees, chairman, NASA Inventions and
Contributions Board, 13 Nov. 1982, copy in author's LOR file. In truth, Houbolt's
numbers were overly optimistic in estimating the required weights for the LEM, because in
some critical areas detailed information about the necessary subsystems was not available.
Subsequent analysis by NASA and its industrial contractors provided much more realistic
weight numbers. Still, the later values for these weights did not turn out to be so radically
different than Houbolt's projections: they were within the single-launch capability of the
Saturn V vehicle and therefore validated the advertised feasibility of the LOR mode for
the manned lunar landing mission.
49. Von Braun quoted in Murray and Cox, Apollo, pp. 116-117. Quote expressing skepticism
about LOR from Dr. Harvey Hall to director of the staff, NASA Inventions and
Contributions Board, 28 Mar. 1973, author's LOR file.
50. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 117.
51. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 22.
52. Gilruth to Kemmett, 28 Aug. 1973, p. 1.
53. Donlan to director of the staff, NASA Inventions and Contributions Board, 1 Mar. 1974,
p. 2.
54. Gilruth to Kemmett, 28 Aug. 1973, p. 1.
55. Gilruth to Nicholas E. Golovin, 12 Sept. 1961, quoted in Hacker and Grimwood, On the
Shoulders of Titans, p. 61.
56. The quoted phrases are from Houbolt's letters to Francis W. Kemmett, NASA Inventions
and Contributions Board, 23 May 1978 and 2 Sept. 1981, copies in author's LOR file.
57. George Low, "A Plan for Manned Lunar Landing," 24 Jan. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
On the cover sheet of this report, Low identifies the members of his Lunar Landing
Working Group; Houbolt's name is not included. George M. Low, president, Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute, Troy, N.Y., to Mr. Frederick J. Lees, NASA Inventions and
Contributions Board, 21 Oct. 1982, copy in author's LOR file. See also E. O. Pearson,
"Notes on Key Problems of Manned Lunar Missions," 13 Jan. 1961, A200-1B, LCF. The
phrase "extremely far-out thing to do" is George Low's, quoted in Murray and Cox,
Apollo, p. 117.
58. Low to Lees, 21 Oct. 1982, p. 2.
59. See M. J. Queijo to associate director, "Techniques and problems associated with manned
lunar orbits and landings," 21 Feb. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
60. Bernard Maggin to John Houbolt, 1 Mar. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
61. Brown interview, 17 July 1989. The politics also involved at least one major industrial
firm, North American Aviation in Los Angeles, which already had a contract for a
command-and-service module based on the direct-ascent mode. If NASA selected
LOR, North American most probably would have to "share the pie" with some other
contractor who would be responsible for the separate lunar lander. The other contractor
490
turned out to be Grumman. For more on the politics of the mission-mode decision,
see Henry S. F. Cooper, "We Don't Have to Prove Ourselves" in The New Yorker
(2 Sept. 1991): 64.
62. NASA Langley, "Work at LRC in Support of Project Apollo," 3 May 1961, Project Apollo
file, LCF. See also Rufus O. House to the Langley director, "Number of professionals in
support of Project Apollo," 19 May 1961, Project Apollo file, LCF. This memo advised
center management that 326.5 professionals were currently involved in research projects
supporting Apollo; 91 of these professionals were involved in the study of reentry heating
problems.
63. Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989, p. 93.
64. NASA Langley, "Manned Lunar Landing Via Rendezvous," 19 Apr. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
65. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, p. 61.
66. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 30.
67. Ibid., p. 28.
68. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, p. 61.
69. Ibid.
70. See McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 8, 318, and 328, and Murray and Cox, Apollo,
pp. 79-80.
71. For an analysis of Vice-President Lyndon Johnson's enthusiasm for the lunar mission,
see McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 319-320, and Logsdon, Decision to Go to the
Moon, pp. 119-121.
72. For a more complete analysis of the political thinking behind Kennedy's lunar commit-
ment, see chap. 15 "Destination Moon" (pp. 307-324) of McDougall, Heavens and the
Earth.
73. John C. Houbolt to Dr. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., NASA associate administrator,
9 May 1961, copy in box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
74. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, p. 36; Murray and Cox, Apollo,
pp. 81-82 and 110. The Fleming Committee had 23 members, including 18 from NASA
headquarters; Langley had no representative. The committee members from head-
quarters were Fleming, Addison M. Rothrock, Albert J. Kelley, Berg Paraghamian,
Walter W. Haase, John Disher, Merle G. Waugh, Eldon Hall, Melvyn Savage,
William L. Lovejoy, Norman Rafel, Alfred Nelson, Samuel Snyder, Robert D. Briskman,
Secrest L. Barry, James P. Nolan, Jr., Earnest O. Pearson, and Robert Fellows. The
other members were Heinz H. Koelle (Marshall), Kenneth S. Kleinknecht and Alan Kehlet
(STG), A. H. Schichtenberg (The Lovelace Foundation), and William S. Shipley (JPL).
Not surprisingly, most of these men were big-rocket specialists.
75. Seamans to director, Launch Vehicle Programs (Don R. Ostrander) and director,
Advanced Research Programs (Ira H. Abbott), "Broad Study of Feasible Ways for
Accomplishing Manned Lunar Landing Mission," 25 May 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
76. Seamans, "Broad Study." Seamans, associate administrator, to John C. Houbolt, NASA
Langley, 2 June 1961, copy in box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
77. Murray and Cox state that Houbolt was a member of the Lundin Committee (Apollo,
p. 118). Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989, pp. 91-97; Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989,
pp. 32-34. In reading a preliminary draft of this chapter, Loftin challenged Houbolt 's
statement. Loftin insists that he spent weeks in Washington on this committee and only
491
Notes for Chapter 8
sent Houbolt in his place the few times he could not attend a meeting. Other members
of the Lundin Committee, besides Lundin and Loftin, were Walter J. Downhower (JPL),
Alfred E. Eggers (Ames), Harry O. Ruppe (Marshall), and Lt. Col. George W. S.
Johnson (U.S. Air Force). Unlike the Fleming Committee, this task force — by design —
had no members from NASA headquarters and was conceived to represent the technical
judgments of the NASA centers.
78. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., told this story from the audience during the videotaped
celebration program for the 20th anniversary of the Apollo 11 lunar landing. See also
Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989, p. 93.
79. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 33-34. NASA (Lundin Committee), "A Survey
of Various Vehicle Systems for the Manned Lunar Landing Mission," 10 June 1961,
A200-1B, LCF.
80. Ibid., p. 16; Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 34.
81. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 33; see also Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 118.
82. Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989, pp. 93-94.
83. Seamans to directors for Launch Vehicle Programs, Advanced Research Programs, and
to acting director for Life Sciences Program, "Establishment of Ad Hoc Task Group or
Manned Lunar Landing by Rendezvous Techniques," 20 June 1961, A200-1B, LCF. See
also Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 37-38. Serving on the
Heaton Committee were 10 officials from NASA headquarters, 5 from Marshall, 1 from
the Flight Research Center, and 2 from Langley, Houbolt and W. Hewitt Phillips. One
representative from the U.S. Air Force was also a member.
84. Houbolt's paper "Problems and Potentialities of Space Rendezvous," first presented at
the International Academy of Astronautics' International Symposium on Space Flight
and Reentry Trajectories, was published under the same title in Astronautica Acta 7
(1961): 406-429.
85. Houbolt interview, 29 Aug. 1989, p. 39.
86. For the conclusions of the Heaton Committee, see Ad Hoc Task Group for Study of
Manned Lunar Landing by Rendezvous Techniques, "Earth Orbital Rendezvous for an
Early Manned Lunar Landing," pt. 1, "Summary Report of Ad Hoc Task Group Study,"
Aug. 1961. Houbolt interview, 29 Aug. 1989, p. 39.
87. Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 119. See also Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 46.
88. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 47-48.
89. Ibid.
90. Ibid.
91. "Report of DOD-NASA Large Launch Vehicle Planning Group, Vol. 1, 1961," A200-1B,
LCF. See Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 67-68. The mem-
bers of this committee, besides those mentioned in the text, were: Kurt R. Stehling
and William A. Wolman (NASA headquarters); Warren H. Amster and Edward J.
Barlow (Aerospace Corp.); Seymour C. Himmel (Lewis); Wilson Schramm and Francis L.
Williams (Marshall); Col. Matthew R.- Collins (army); Rear Adm. Levering Smith and
Capt. Lewis J. Stecher, Jr. (navy); and Col. Otto J. Glaser, Lt. Col. David L. Carter,
and Heinrich J. Weigand (air force). No Langley representatives were on the committee.
92. Bird, "A Short History of the Development of the Lunar-Orbit-Rendezvous Plan," final
supplement, 17 Feb. 1966, p. 3.
492
Notes for Chapter 8
93. Harvey Hall, NASA coordinator, NASA/DOD Large Launch Vehicle Planning Group, to
Langley, 23 Aug. 1961, A200-1B, LCF.
94. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 49.
95. Hacker and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, pp. 55-60.
96. On the Shoulders of Titans is an outstanding, detailed history of the Gemini Program.
For a more brief and somewhat more colorful insight into this important preparatory
program for the Apollo mission, see Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's
Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), pp. 63-113. See also Collins'
memoir Carrying the Fire: An Astronaut's Journeys (New York: Macmillan Co., 1977).
Collins, the CM pilot for the Apollo 11 mission to the moon, was also an astronaut in the
Gemini program (Gemini-Titan X, 18-21 July 1966). His memoir is one of the best books
about the manned space program of the 1960s. On Gemini's relationship to MORAD,
see Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 49-50.
97. NASA Langley, Manned Lunar- Landing through Use of Lunar- Orbit Rendezvous, 2 vols.,
31 Oct. 1961, copy in box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA. Other Langley researchers
who made contributions to this two-volume report were Jack Dodgen, William Mace,
Ralph W. Stone, Jack Queijo, Bill Michael, Max Kurbjun, and Ralph Brissenden. In
essence, Houbolt and associates prepared this report as a working paper that could
provide, as NASA Deputy Administrator Hugh L. Dryden would later explain, "a quick
summary of the information then available on LOR as a mode of accomplishing manned
lunar landing and return." See Dryden to the Honorable Clinton P. Anderson, chairman,
Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences, U.S. Senate, 11 Apr. 1963, A200-1B,
LCF.
98. John C. Houbolt to Robert C. Seamans, associate administrator, NASA, 15 Nov. 1961,
p. 1, copy in box 7, Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
99. Ibid., p. 1.
100. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., to Dr. John C. Houbolt, 4 Dec. 1961, box 6, Milton Ames
Collection, LHA.
101. George M. Low, president, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy, N.Y., to Mr. Frederick
J. Lees, chairman, Inventions and Contributions Board, NASA, 21 Oct. 1982, copy in
author's LOR file. See also Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 120.
102. For an excellent capsule portrait of Dr. Joseph F. Shea, see Murray and Cox, Apollo,
pp. 120-125.
103. Ibid., p. 124.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid., p. 125.
106. On Glenn's historic flight, see Loyd S. Swenson, James H. Grimwood, and Charles C.
Alexander, This New Ocean: A History of Project Mercury, NASA SP-4201 (Washington,
1966), pp. 420-436. For more on the Chance Vought contract, see Ertel and Morse, Apollo
Spacecraft: A Chronology, 1:141. On the Chance Vought team briefing, see Bird, "A
Short History of the Development of the Lunar-Orbit-Rendezvous Plan," supplemented
17 Feb. 1966, p. 4. Regarding the headquarters meeting, see NASA, "Minutes of Lunar
Orbit Rendezvous Meeting, April 2-3, 1962," copy in A200-1B, LCF. See also Ertel and
Morse, Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, 1:147-152.
107. Arthur W. Vogeley interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 July 1989, videotape, LHA.
493
Notes for Chapter 8
108. Faget quoted in Henry S. F. Cooper, "We Don't Have to Prove Ourselves," p. 64.
109. Ibid. For details of the Manned Spacecraft Center's final evaluation in favor of LOR, see
Charles W. Matthews, chief, Spacecraft Research Division, MSC, to Robert R. Gilruth,
MSC director, "Summary of MSC Evaluation of Methods for Accomplishing the Manned
Lunar Landing Mission," 2 July 1962; and Robert R. Gilruth to NASA headquarters
("Attn: Mr. D. Brainerd Holmes"), "Summary of Manned Spacecraft Center evaluation
methods for accomplishing the manned lunar landing mission," 5 July 1962. Both mem-
oranda are included in app. A of the NASA Office of Manned Space Flight's confidential
169-page report, Manned Lunar Landing Program Mode Comparison, 30 July 1962.
110. Gilruth to Kemmett, 28 Aug. 1973.
111. See Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 125.
112. Ibid.
113. Low to Lees, 21 Oct. 1982; Low to John C. Houbolt, Senior Vice-President and Senior
Consultant, Aeronautical Research Associates of Princeton, 7 Aug. 1969, copies in
author's LOR file.
114. Axel T. Mattson, research assistant for Manned Spacecraft Projects, to Charles J. Donlan,
"Report on activities (April 16-April 19, 1962) regarding Manned Spacecraft Projects,"
A189-5, LCF. Mattson's memo lists all personnel that Houbolt saw at the Manned
Spacecraft Center. One of the Houston engineers with whom Houbolt and Bird met,
Chuck Matthews, had just returned from a meeting at NASA Marshall. There Matthews
had reviewed Houston's thinking on the LOR concept. According to Mattson's memo,
that presentation was "apparently well received by von Braun, since he made favorable
comments." See also Mattson interview with author, Hampton, Va., 14 Aug. 1989,
transcript, LHA.
115. Statement by Axel T. Mattson at the 17 July 1989 evening program on the 20th
anniversary of Apollo 11, videotape, LHA.
116. "Minutes of the MSF Management Council," 6 Feb. 1962, p. 1, A200-1B, LCF; Houbolt
interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 64.
117. Brown interview, 17 July 1989; Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, pp. 68-72.
118. "Concluding Remarks by Dr. Wernher von Braun about Mode Selection for the Lunar
Landing Program Given to Dr. Joseph F. Shea, Deputy Director (Systems) Office of
Manned Space Flight," 7 June 1962, copy in box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA. For
more on von Braun's surprise announcement in favor of LOR and the reaction of the
Marshall audience to it, see Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 139.
119. For an introduction to the concept of "closure" in science and technology, see The Social
Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of
Technology, eds., Wiebe E. Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge and
London: MIT Press, 1990), pp. 12-13.
120. John C. Houbolt to Dr. Wernher von Braun, director, NASA Marshall, 9 Apr. 1962,
A189-7, LCF; von Braun to Houbolt, 20 June 1962, copy in author's LOR file. Von
Braun argued later that he really had not changed his mind from EOR to LOR; he had
not been that strong a supporter of EOR in the first place. His. people at Marshall had
investigated EOR, and Gilruth's people in Houston had investigated LOR, but that was
part of a NASA management strategy to cover all the options thoroughly. He claims he
494
Notes for Chapter 8
personally did not take sides until he had all the facts. When he did, he supported LOR.
See Murray and Cox, Apollo, p. 139.
121. NASA, "Lunar Orbit Rendezvous: News Conference on Apollo Plans at NASA Head-
quarters on July 11, 1962," copy, box 6, Milton Ames Collection, LHA. In the press
conference, Dr. Robert Seamans credited John Houbolt specifically for his contribution
to the LOR concept: "I would first like to say that when I joined NASA almost two years
ago one of the first places that I went to was Langley Field, and there reviewed work going
on on a research basis under Dr. John Houbolt. This work related both to rendezvous
and what a man could do at the controls, of course under simulated conditions, as well
as the possibility of lunar orbit rendezvous" (p. 8). On Wiesner's opposition to LOR, see
McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, p. 378, and Murray and Cox, Apollo, pp. 140-143.
Even after its July 1962 announcement in favor of LOR, NASA continued to evaluate
the other major options for the Apollo mission mode. See, for example, the Office of
Manned Space Flight's confidential Manned Lunar Landing Program Mode Comparison,
30 July 1962, and the follow-up, Manned Lunar Landing Mode Comparison, 24 Oct. 1962.
Copies of both documents are in A200-1B, LCF. Both reports concluded that on the
basis of "technical simplicity, scheduling, and cost considerations," LOR was the "most
suitable" and the "preferred mode." Some forms of EOR were also feasible and would
have adequate weight margins.
122. John C. Houbolt, Roy Steiner, and Kermit G. Pratt, "Flight Data and Considerations of
the Dynamic Response of Airplanes to Atmospheric Turbulence," July 1962.
123. Houbolt interview, 24 Aug. 1989, p. 73.
124. I. E. Garrick, Distinguished Research Associate, NASA Langley, to Mr. Francis W.
Kemmett, Inventions and Contributions Board, NASA headquarters, 18 Nov. 1974.
Garrick wrote two other letters to Kemmett, dated 14 Nov. 1975 and 12 Sept. 1978.
Copies of all three are in author's LOR file.
125. Low to Lees, 21 Oct. 1982, pp. 2-3.
126. On 7 Aug. 1969, two weeks after the successful completion of the Apollo 11 mission,
von Braun wrote Houbolt a personal letter in which he referred to Houbolt 's "singular
contribution to the Apollo program." "We know that it must be highly gratifying to
you because of the rousing and complete success of your Eagle. The LM concept that
you developed and defended so effectively — even, on occasion, before unsympathetic
tribunals — was indeed a prime factor in the success of man's first lunar landing mission."
Wernher von Braun, director, NASA Marshall, to John C. Houbolt, senior vice-president
and senior consultant, Aeronautical Research Associates of Princeton, Princeton, N.J.,
7 Aug. 1969, copy in author's LOR file.
Throughout this chapter, I have often called Houbolt "a crusader," knowing all too
well that this association has plagued Houbolt for nearly 30 years. This characterization
of Houbolt is one of the major factors that killed his chances for receiving a $100,000 cash
award from a NASA inventions and contributions board in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
This board decided after a lengthy inquiry that it did not give awards to individuals who
simply advocated or "crusaded" for causes — however righteous.
The NASA awards board perhaps significantly underestimated the sometimes vital role
of a crusader in the ultimate success of a major technological endeavor. Most certainly
in this case the awards board worked from far too literal a definition of "crusader,"
495
Notes for Chapter 9
because Houbolt was not just arguing for something for which other people were more
responsible. He made LOR a personal cause, only after his own extensive work on the
relevant problems. "Not until I showed them all my analysis and so forth did the awards
committee even realize that I had gone into so much depth in terms of working through
all the various parts of the problem," says Houbolt.
Chapter 9
Skipping "The Next Logical Step"
Much of the information expanded upon in this chapter is based on an earlier
unpublished essay, "Visions of Man in Space: NASA Langley Research Center and the
United States Space Station Program," by Beverly C. McMillan and James R. Hansen,
final revision, Sept. 1992. I would like to thank Ms. McMillan for her valuable assistance
in clarifying the early history of space station research at Langley.
1. Von Puttkamer quoted in Charles R. Pelligrino and Joshua Stoff, Chariots for Apollo
(N.Y.: Atheneum, 1986), pp. 24-25.
2. For an analysis of the long and twisting political history of NASA's attempt to de-
velop and operate an orbiting space station, see Howard E. McCurdy, The Space Station
Decision: Incremental Politics and Technological Choice (Baltimore & London: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1990), and Sylvia D. Fries, "2001 to 1994: Political Environ-
ment and the Design of NASA's Space Station System," Technology and Culture 29 (July
1988): 568-593. On the operational history and demise of Skylab, see Michael Collins,
Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/Grove Press,
1988), pp. 163-200, as well as James E. Oberg's insightful essay, "Skylab's Untimely
End," in Air-& Space /Smithsonian 6 (Feb./Mar. 1992): 73-79. My assertion that space
station designers deliberately designed Skylab for only a short stay in space so that they
could replace it with a more elaborate station is based on personal interviews with key
NASA officials involved in space station work; they wish to remain anonymous.
3. K. E. Tsiolkovskii, Investigation of Universal Space by Means of Reactive Devices (1911
and 1926), NASA translations in Tsiolkovskii, Works on Rocket Technology, Nov. 1965,
HQA; Hermann Oberth, Die Rakete zu den Planetenraumen (1923), NASA translation
in HQA; and Guido von Pirquet, "Fahrtrouten," in Die Rakete (May 1923 to Apr. 1929).
For a summary of the pioneering ideas on space stations, see McCurdy, Space Station
Decision, pp. 5-8. On Tsiolkovskii specifically, see I. A. Kol'chenko and I. V. Strazheva,
"The Ideas of K. E. Tsiolkovskii on Orbital Space Stations," in History of Rocketry and
Astronautics, ed. R. Cargill Hall (San Diego: American Astronautical Society, 1986),
pp. 170-176; on Pirquet, see Fritz Sykora, "Guido von Pirquet: Austrian Pioneer of
Astronautics," in History of Rocketry and Astronautics, pp. 140-156.
For a summary and analysis of early space station proposals, see the following
essays: Frederick I. Ordway III, "The History, Evolution, and Benefits of the Space
Station Concept," presented to the 13th International Congress of the History of
Science, Aug. 1971, copy in HQA; Barton C. Hacker, "And Rest as in a Natural
Station: From Space Station to Orbital Operations in Space- Travel Thought, 1885-1951,"
unpublished manuscript, [undated], HQA; Alex Roland, "The Evolution of Civil Space
496
Notes for Chapter 9
Station Concepts in the United States," unpublished manuscript, May 1983, HQA;
and John M. Logsdon, "The Evolution of Civilian In-Space Infrastructure, i.e., 'Space
Station' Concepts in the United States," in Civilian Space Stations and the U.S. Future
in Space (Washington: U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, OTA-STI-241,
Nov. 1984).
4. Wernher von Braun, "Crossing the Last Frontier," Collier's 129 (22 Mar. 1952): 24-29
and 72 74. For the other articles in this special issue of Collier's devoted to the theme
of space exploration, see "Man Will Conquer Space Soon."
5. Von Braun, "Crossing the Last Frontier," pp. 24-25.
6. Ibid. For additional information and thoughts on von Braun's space station concept,
see McCurdy, Space Station Decision, pp. 5-7, and Christopher Lampton, Wernher
von Braun (New York: Franklin Watts, 1988), p. 106.
7. [Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.], "Manned Space Flight Proposal" [Summer 1959]; Harry J.
Goett to Research Steering Committee on Manned Space Flight, "Plans for May 25-26
Meeting," 6 May 1959. Both documents can be found in the Floyd L. Thompson
Collection, LHA. See also the Minutes of the Research Steering Committee on Manned
Space Flight, 25-26 May 1959, copy in HQA.
8. Laurence K. Loftin, "Manned Space Flight Proposal," pp. 2-4. For a brief analysis of
the X-20 Dyna-Soar program, see Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth:
A Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985), pp. 190-191 and
339-341.
9. Loftin interview with author, Newport News, Va., 5 Aug. 1989.
10. [Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.], untitled talk at the 1959 NASA inspection [Fall 1959], AMIS
Committee file, Thompson Collection, LHA.
11. Ibid.; Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989. In his inspection presentation, Loftin expressed
many of the same ideas that he had offered at the second meeting of the Research Steering
Committee on Manned Space Flight, held at Ames Research Center, on 25-26 May 1959.
A copy of the minutes of this meeting is preserved in the HQA.
12. Mark R. Nichols interview with author, Hampton, Va., 6 July 1988, transcript, p. 3,
OHC, LHA.
13. [Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.], "Manned Space Laboratory Research Group," [Fall 1959], an
organization chart with handwritten notes on attached page by Floyd Thompson, AMIS
Committee file, Thompson Collection, LHA.
14. Ibid.
15. Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989. See also McCurdy, Space Station Decision, pp. 8-9.
Industry's early interest in the space station can be seen in several documents in file
A200-1A, LCF. For example, see J. O. Charshafian, general manager, Santa Barbara
Division, Curtiss- Wright Corporation, to E. C. Draley, assistant director, NASA Langley,
"NASA Assistance on Aerial Platform," 19 May 1959; Beverly Z. Henry, Jr., to Associate
Director [Thompson], "Visit of Goodyear Aircraft Corporation representatives to the
Full-Scale Research Division," 19 Oct. 1959; Ralph W. Stone, Jr., to Associate Director
[Thompson], "Visits of Messrs. A. B. Thompson and Paul Petty of Chance Vought
Astronautics to Langley, November 6, 1959," 12 Nov. 1959; Beverly Z. Henry, Jr.,
to Associate Director [Thompson], "Visit of the Martin Company representatives on
January 12, 1960," 26 Jan. 1960.
497
Notes for Chapter 9
16. [Loftin], untitled talk at the 1959 NASA inspection, p. 1; Loftin interview, 5 Aug. 1989.
17. Emanuel Schnitzer, "Erectable Torus Manned Space Laboratory," 16 May 1960, A200-4,
LCF. See also Schnitzer to Associate Director [Thompson], "Space Station Project —
Results of discussions at NASA Headquarters on May 10-11, 1960," 23 May 1960,
A200-4, LCF.
18. Schnitzer to Associate Director [Thompson], "Transmittal of updated article on Erectable
Torus Manned Space Laboratory to the American Rocket Society," 24 Oct. 1960, A200-4,
LCF. Several documents from 1960 and 1961 pertaining to the work on the inflatable
torus are in A200-4, LCF. See also W. Ray Hook, "Space Stations — Historical Review
and Current Plans," unpublished paper presented at the winter annual meeting of the
American Society of Mechanical Engineers, Phoenix, 14-19 Nov. 1982, Langley Technical
Library. Hook is a Langley engineer who has been involved with space station work since
the 1960s.
19. On the wobble problem, see Peter R. Kurzhals, James J. Adams, and Ward F. Hodge,
"Space Station Dynamics and Control," in NASA Langley, A Report on the Research and
Technological Problems of a Manned Rotating Spacecraft, NASA TN D-1504 (Washington,
Aug. 1962), pp. 71-72.
20. Floyd L. Thompson to NASA, "100-foot diameter automatic erecting modular space
station — Request for approval of study contract," 9 June 1961, A200-4, LCF. For design
information, see Rene Berglund, "Space Station Research Configurations," in NASA
TN D-1504, pp. 9-21. For an analytical summary of Langley's designs of the inflatable
torus and rotating hexagon, see Fries, "2001 to 1994," pp. 572-578. The opening paper
of TN D-1504, "Space Station Objectives and Research Guidelines" by Paul R. Hill
and Emanuel Schnitzer (pp. 1-9), offers a general statement of early Langley goals and
ambitions regarding its space station work with both the inflatable torus and rotating
hexagon concepts. For North American's presentation of the hexagon concept, see North
American Aviation, "Self-Deploying Space Station, Final Report," SID 62-1302, 31 Oct.
1962, Langley Technical Library.
21. Emanuel Schnitzer, memorandum for files, "Results of Space Station Conference be-
tween NASA Headquarters and Goodyear Aircraft Corporation," 21 Apr. 1961, A200-4,
LCF. For insights into the turbulent history of the Centaur development, see Roger
Bilstein, Stages to Saturn: A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn Launch Vehicles,
NASA SP-4206 (Washington, 1980), esp. pp. 36-38, 43-46, and 131-137; and Virginia P.
Dawson, Engines and Innovation: Lewis Laboratory and American Propulsion Technol-
ogy, NASA SP-4306 (Washington, 1991), pp. 166-169, 179, and 188-193. On the matter
of maneuvering a rendezvous with a rotating space station, see Roy F. Brissenden, "Some
Considerations of the Operational Requirements for a Manned Space Station," in NASA
TN D-1504, p. 97.
22. Low cited in Schnitzer, "Results of Space Station Conference," p. 1. Details concerning
the design of the rotating hexagon can be found in Berglund, "Space Station Research
Configurations," pp. 9-21.
23. Loftin quoted in U.S. House of Representatives, Hearing Before the Committee on Science
and Astronautics, 87th Cong., 1st sess., 19 May 1961, pp. 5-9 and 12-18. For this
committee's analysis of the situation, see U.S. House of Representatives, Expandable
Space Structures: Report of the Committee on Science and Astronautics, 87th Cong.,
498
Notes for Chapter 9
1st sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1961), Serial m. Copies of both
publications are in the Thompson Collection, LHA.
24. The quotes are from the Hearing Before the Committee on Science and Astronautics,
pp. 12 13.
25. See Kurzhals, Adams, and Hodge, "Space Station Dynamics and Control," pp. 76-77.
See also Hook, "Space Stations," p. 4.
26. For insights into Langley's early thinking about the power requirements of the orbiting
space station, see the records of the Nichols committee in A200-4, LCF, esp. the reports of
the subcommittee on auxiliary power chaired by William J. O'Sullivan. The issues of the
power supply for the inflatable torus and rotating hexagon are clarified in John R. Dawson
and Atwood R. Heath, Jr., "Space Station Power Systems," in NASA TN D-1504,
pp. 59-71. For an account of the debate at Langley between those favoring solar and
nuclear power for a space station, see Hook, "Space Stations," p. 5, and listen to Beverly
McMillan's tape-recorded interview with Langley space station researcher William N.
Gardner, Newport News, Va., 26 Sept. 1991, OHC, LHA. See also Gardner, "A Review
of Langley Space Station Studies," in Compilation of Papers Presented at the Space
Technology Symposium, NASA Langley, Feb. 1969, Langley Technical Library.
27. H. A. Storms, president, Space and Information Systems Division, North American
Aviation, to Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., technical advisor to director, NASA Langley,
"Transmittal of Proposal for Engineering Analysis of NASA Self-Erecting Space Station,"
14 July 1961, A200-4, LCF; Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991. On the
development of nuclear reactors for the space program, see William R. Corliss, SNAP
Nuclear Space Reactors (Washington: U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, Sept. 1966).
The Atomic Energy Commission initiated SNAP, which stood for Systems for Nuclear
Auxiliary Power, in 1955 specifically to develop a nuclear power system for a space vehicle.
The commission's effort involved both nuclear reactors and radioisotope systems. NASA
Langley researchers learned quite a bit about SNAP findings during the early 1960s, as
they struggled to choose the right power plant for their space station designs. The first
SNAP system actually to go into space was SNAP 10- A, a 500- watt system launched
from Vandenberg AFB on 13 Apr. 1965. See Corliss, SNAP, pp. 59-66 and 108-118.
28. See the reports of the Subcommittee on Radioisotope Power to the Langley MORL
Technology Steering Committee from 1963 and 1964, A200-4, LCF.
29. Dan C. Popma, Charles H. Wilson, and Franklin W. Booth, "Life Support Research for
Manned Space Stations," in NASA TN D-1504, pp. 107-120.
30. Ibid., pp. 108-112.
31. W. Ray Hook interview with McMillan, Hampton, Va., 16 Sept. 1991, in OHC, LHA;
Gardner to McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991.
32. Hook interview with McMillan, 16 Sept. 1991.
33. Joseph S. Algranti, Donald L. Mallick, and Howard G. Hatch, Jr., "Crew Performance
on a Lunar-Mission Simulation," in NASA TN D-1504, pp. 135-146.
34. George W. Zender and John R. Davidson, "Structural Requirements of Large Manned
Space Stations," in NASA TN D-1504, pp. 33-44.
35. Ibid.; Robert S. Osborne and George P. Goodman, "Material and Fabrication Techniques
for Manned Space Stations," in NASA TN D-1504, pp. 45-53.
36. See Berglund, "Space Station Research Configurations," pp. 12-15.
499
Notes for Chapter 9
37. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
38. Emanuel Schnitzer, memorandum for files, "Orbital Flight Test of 10-Foot Inflatable
Space Station Model on Scout— Details," 10 May 1961, A200-4, LCF.
39. Hill and Schnitzer, "Space Station Objectives and Research Guidelines," p. 2. For similar
statements about the ultimate use of a space station, as conceived at Langley in the
early 1960s, see Loftin's testimony in the Hearing Before the Committee on Science and
Astronautics, pp. 6, 9, and 13-14.
40. Loftin's testimony, pp. 13-14.
41. Hook, "Space Stations," p. 4; see also the description of the MORL concept in the NASA
Langley press release, "Industry Asked to Propose Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory
Plans," 24 Apr. 1963, A200-4, LCF.
42. NASA Langley press release, "Industry Asked to Propose Manned Orbiting Research
Laboratory Plans." Hook interview with McMillan, 16 Sept. 1991; Gardner interview
with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991.
43. Floyd L. Thompson, Langley Research Center Announcement No. 32-63, "Reorganiza-
tion of Langley Research Center and reassignment of personnel effective June 10, 1963,"
6 June 1963; Thompson, Langley Research Center Announcement No. 33-63, "Changes
in Organization of the Applied Materials and Physics Division," 6 June 1963. Copies of
both announcements are preserved in the Thompson Collection, LHA. For the minutes
of the meetings of the Langley MORL Technology Steering Committee, as well as the
weekly and (later) biweekly reports of the MORL Studies Office, see A200-4, LCF.
44. Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1963.
45. William N. Gardner, head, MORL Studies Office, to Associate Director [Donlan], "MORL
Studies Office Weekly Report—Week ending June 22, 1963," 24 June 1963, A200-4, LCF.
46. W. Nissim, Douglas Aircraft Co., "London Daily Mail Astronomical Space Observatory,"
Douglas Report No. SM-36173, Nov. 1959, copy in Langley Technical Library.
47. C. C. Walkey, Contracts Division, Douglas Aircraft Company, to Laurence K. Loftin, Jr.,
"Unsolicited Proposal for Advanced Technology Studies Related to Orbiting Laborato-
ries," 13 July 1964, A200-4, LCF.
48. Charles J. Donlan, chairman, Source Evaluation Board, Langley Research Center An-
nouncement No. 63-63, "Establishment of Technical Assessment Team for Evaluation
of Manned Orbital Research Laboratory (MORL) Phase I Study, Douglas Contract
NAS1-2974 and Boeing Contract NAS1-2975, for Comparative Studies and Preliminary
Design of an MORL Concept," 24 Sept. 1963, Thompson Collection, LHA.
49. NASA Langley press release, "NASA Selects Douglas to Continue Space Station Study,"
2 Dec. 1963, A200-4, LCF.
50. For some contemporary thoughts on manned space stations from a military vantage point,
see John W. Massey, "Historical Resume of Manned Space Stations," ABMA, Redstone
Arsenal, Ala., Report No. DSP-TM-9-60, 15 June 1960, HQA. On the history of the
U.S. military's interest in a space station, see McCurdy, Space Station Decision, esp.
pp. 101-105, 131-134, 149-150, 166-168, and 198-199. See also Emanuel Schnitzer's
11-page report (once classified "Secret"), "Military Test Space Station — Details of
Midterm Briefing at WADD [Wright Air Development Division — Wright Patterson AFB,
Ohio]— Preliminary Station for Pre-1965, Feb. 7-9, 1961," 23 Feb. 1961, as well as
Alfred C. Loedding, ARDC [Air Research and Development Command] Liaison Office,
500
Notes for Chapter 9
Langley Research Center, memorandum for files, "Man in Space in 1963 for Military
Planning," 6 July 1960; both documents are in A200-4, LCF. As yet, no complete
(unclassified) history of the DOD's involvement in space station planning has been
written.
51. Douglas Aircraft Company, Missile and Space Systems Division, "MORL: Manned
Orbital Research Laboratory," Douglas Report SM-47966, Aug. 1964, Langley Technical
Library. For Douglas's follow-up work, see "Report on the Optimization of the Manned
Orbital Research Laboratory (MORL) System Concept," Douglas Report SM-46071,
Sept. 1964, and "Report on the Development of the Manned Orbital Research Laboratory
(MORL) System Utilization Potential," Douglas Report SM-48922, Jan. 1966. Copies of
both are also available in the Langley Technical Library.
52. Douglas, "MORL," Aug. 1964, p. 3. For a historical summary of early space station
work at Johnson Space Center in Houston, see Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly, Tomorrow
Came . . .: A History of the Johnson Space Center, NASA SP-4307 (Houston, 1993),
pp. 188-196 and 221 226.
53. On the air force's MOL concept, see McCurdy, Space Station Decision, pp. 70 and
132 133, and McDougall, Heavens and the Earth, pp. 340-341. The DOD announced
its plans for MOL in Dec. 1963, one day after terminating the X-20 Dyna-Soar program.
54. John R. Dawson, secretary, "Minutes of Meeting of Langley MORL Technology Steering
Committee, October 28, 1963," 28 Oct. 1963, A200-4, LCF; NASA Langley press release,
"NASA Selects Douglas," p. 1.
55. Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991.
56. Robert S. Osborne interview with McMillan, Newport News, Va., 21 Nov. 1991.
57. Numerous references to the General Dynamics contract for the life-support system can
be found in the minutes to the meetings of the Langley MORL Technology Steering
Committee and in the weekly and biweekly reports of the MORL Studies Office from
mid-1963 to 1964.
58. Hook interview with McMillan, 16 Sept. 1991; Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept.
1991.
59. Osborne interview with McMillan, 21 Nov. 1991. See also the minutes of the meetings
of the MORL Technology Steering Committee and the reports of the MORL Studies
Office from late 1964 and 1965. On the Apollo Extension System Program, see Wernher
von Braun and Frederick I. Ordway III, Space Travel, A History, 4th ed. (New York:
Harper & Row, 1985), p. 225.
60. Charles W. Matthews, director of Apollo applications, NASA Manned Spacecraft Center,
to Charles J. Donlan, acting director, NASA Langley, 25 Apr. 1968, A200-4, LCF; NASA
Langley, MORL Studies Office, "Intermediate Orbital Workshop System Study, In-House
Study Summary," 28 June 1968, Langley Technical Library. On the Apollo Applications
Program, see Collins, Liftoff, pp. 164-165; von Braun and Ordway, Space Travel: A
History, p. 225; Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 3, Programs and
Projects, 1969-1978, NASA SP-4012 (Washington, 1988), pp. 56-57, 63-64, and 94-100.
61. MORL Studies Office, "Intermediate Orbital Workshop System Study," 28 June 1968,
viewgraph LRC-8-2.
62. Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, 3:100-101.
501
Notes for Chapter 1 0
63. See Robert R. Gilruth, "Manned Space Stations," in Proceedings of the Fourth Interna-
tional Symposium on Bioastronautics and the Exploration of Space, San Antonio, Tex.,
24-27 Apr. 1968, pp. 153-177; also William J. Normyle, "NASA Aims at 100-Man
Station," Aviation Week & Space Technology, 24 Feb. 1969, pp. 14-17.
64. Hook, "Space Stations," p. 6. For insights into the Apollo Applications Program and
the plans leading to Skylab, see W. David Compton and Charles D. Benson, Living and
Working in Space: A History of Skylab, NASA SP-4208 (Washington, 1983).
65. Compton and Benson, Living and Working m Space. See McCurdy, Space Station
Decision, pp. 23-24; and Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, 3:100-101. See also North
American Rockwell, Space Division, "Space Station Program Phase B Definition, Second
Quarterly Progress Report," Report SD 70-146, 13 Mar. 1970, and North American
Rockwell, "Modular Space Station Phase B Extension, NASA Administrator's Review,"
Report SD 71-582, 3 Dec. 1971. Copies of both reports can be found in the Langley
Technical Library.
66. McCurdy, Space Station Decision, pp. 27-28.
67. Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991.
68. Hook interview with McMillan, Hampton, Va., 16 Sept. 1991.
69. Gardner interview with McMillan, 23 Sept. 1991.
Chapter 10
To Behold the Moon: The Lunar Orbiter Project
1. See R. Cargill Hall, Lunar Impact: A History of Project Ranger, NASA SP-4210
(Washington, 1977), p. 285, and Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's
Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/Grove Press, 1988), p. 117.
2. Leonard Roberts, "Exhaust Jet-Dust Layer Interaction during a Lunar Landing," unclas-
sified report presented at the 13th International Aeronautical Congress, Varna, Bulgaria,
24-28 Sept. 1962; "The Interaction of a Rocket Exhaust with the Lunar Surface," un-
classified report presented at the Specialists' Meeting of the Fluid Dynamical Aspects
of Space Flight, Marseilles, France, 20-24 Apr. 1964. Copies of both papers are in the
Langley Technical Library.
3. See Hall's comprehensive and well told, Lunar Impact.
4. A complete history of the Surveyor program has not been published. In addition to
Hall's Lunar Impact, see Homer E. Newell, Beyond the Atmosphere: Early Years of Space
Science, NASA SP-4211 (Washington, 1980), pp. 263-272. A fine summary of Surveyor
is contained in Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 2, Programs and
Projects 1958-1968, NASA SP-4012 (Washington, 1988), pp. 325-331. For an analysis of
NASA's problems in the management of the Surveyor project, see Erasmus H. Kloman,
Unmanned Space Project Management: Surveyor and Lunar Orbiter, NASA SP-4901
(Washington, 1972).
5. The chairman of this Lunar Photographic Mission Study Group was Capt. Lee R. Scherer,
a naval officer on assignment to NASA headquarters and a program engineer with the
Surveyor project. In Oct. 1962, NASA gave him the job of heading the Office of Space
Sciences/Office of Manned Space Flight working group, which was to identify what
information about the moon would be most essential to the landing mission. See Scherer,
502
Notes for Chapter 10
Study of Agena-based Lunar Orbiters, NASA headquarters, Office of Space Sciences,
25 Oct. 1962, copy in Langley Technical Library. See also Bruce K. Byers, Destination
Moon: A History of the Lunar Orbiter Program, NASA TM X-3487 (Washington, 1977,
multilith), pp. 20-23. Byers' study is the most complete history to date of Lunar Orbiter.
6. Kloman, Unmanned Space Project Management.
7. Clinton E. Brown interview with author, Hampton, Va., 17 July 1989. Brown acted
as Langley's spokesman in early discussions at NASA headquarters in 1963 regarding
Langley 's proposed management of the Lunar Orbiter program.
8. Hall, Lunar Impact, p. 157.
9. "NASA Minutes of the First Senior Council for the Office of Space Sciences," 7 June 1962,
E1-2A, LCF. Also quoted in Hall, Lunar Impact, p. 157.
10. Penetrometer Feasibility Study Group, Langley Research Center, "Preliminary Project
Development Plan for a Lunar Penetrometer Experiment for the Follow-On Ranger Pro-
gram," 18 Aug. 1961, Code N- 101, 24218, Langley Technical Library. See also the fol-
lowing memoranda: E. M. Cortright (for Abe Silverstein, director of Space Flight Pro-
grams), to Ira H. Abbott, director of Advanced Research Programs, "Lunar Surface
Hardness Experiments," 29 June 1961; E. C. Kilgore, assistant chief, Engineering Di-
vision, to Charles J. Donlan, associate director, "Meeting at Jet Propulsion Laboratory
on July 18, 1961, attended by representatives of Langley Research Center, Aeronutronics
Division of Ford Motor Company, NASA Headquarters, and JPL, to discuss a penetrom-
eter experiment for the follow-on Ranger program," 21 July 1961; John L. McCarty
and George W. Brooks, "Visit to NASA Headquarters, Washington, D.C., by George
W. Brooks and John L. McCarty, Vibration and Dynamics Section, DLD [Dynamic
Loads Division], June 28, 1961, to discuss possible Lunar Penetrometer Experiment on
Ranger Spacecraft," 7 July 1961; Floyd L. Thompson to NASA headquarters, "Lunar
surface hardness experiments," 27 July 1961; and George W. Brooks to Associate Di-
rector Charles J. Donlan, "Langley action on lunar penetrometer experiment for Ranger
follow-on program," 27 July 1961. All these memos are in LCF, A200-1B.
11. See John L. McCarty and Huey D. Garden, "Impact Characteristics of Various Materials
Obtained by an Acceleration-Time-History Technique Applicable to Evaluating Remote
Targets," NASA TN D-1269, June 1962.
12. Penetrometer Feasibility Study Group, "Preliminary Project Development Plan for a
Lunar Penetrometer Experiment," p. 1.
13. Kilgore to Donlan, "Meeting at Jet Propulsion Laboratory."
14. Hall, Lunar Impact, p. 158.
15. Ibid., pp. 156-163.
16. Oran Nicks quoted in Byers, Destination Moon, p. 26.
17. Floyd L. Thompson to Dr. Eugene Emme, NASA historian, "Comments on draft of Lunar
Orbiter History dated November 4, 1969," 22 Dec. 1969, in folder labeled "Lunar Orbiter
Historical Notes" in Floyd L. Thompson Collection, LHA. See also Byers, Destination
Moon, p. 25.
18. Clinton E. Brown interview, 17 July 1989.
19. Ibid. On 12 July 1961, six weeks after President Kennedy's lunar landing speech,
three men in Clint Brown's Theoretical Mechanics Division — William H. Michael, Jr.,
Robert H. Tolson, and John P. Gapcynski — put forward a "Preliminary Proposal for a
503
Notes for Chapter 10
Circumlunar Photographic Experiment." The idea essentially was to support the Apollo
program by adapting the Ranger spacecraft so that it could perform a circumlunar mission
that could take high-resolution color photographs during the lunar-approach phase of a
"single-pass," circumlunar trajectory. In the cover memorandum to this unpublished
proposal, one of its authors, Bill Michael, wrote that "a desirable situation would be
that of Langley having prime responsibility for the photographic experiment, in a role
similar to that of chief experimenter in other specific experiments carried by the Ranger
and other vehicles." See William H. Michael, Jr., head, Mission Analysis Section, to
Langley Associate Director Charles J. Donlan, "Preliminary Proposal for a Circumlunar
Photographic Mission," 17 July 1961. See also C. I. Cummings, Lunar Program Director,
JPL, to Bernard Maggin, Office of Programs, NASA headquarters, 9 Nov. 1961, and
Maggin to Clinton E. Brown, 14 Nov. 1961. Copies of the above documents are in LCF,
A200-1B.
20. Israel Taback interview with author, Hampton, Va., 13 Aug. 1991.
21. Floyd L. Thompson to NASA headquarters (Attn: Capt. Lee Scherer), 6 Mar. 1963,
A200-1B, LCF. Attached to this memo is a "system block diagram" for the Lunar
Orbiter as well as the data from the mission reliability analysis.
22. On the genesis of NASA's system for project management, see Robert L. Rosholt,
An Administrative History of NASA, 1958-1963, NASA SP-4101 (Washington, 1966),
pp. 145-158 and 273-276.
23. NASA Management Manual, pt. 1, General Management Instruction, Number 4-1-1,
"Subject: Planning and Implementation of NASA Projects," NASA GMI (Washington,
18 Jan. 1961), chap. 4, p. 4. See also Edgar M. Cortright interview with author, Yorktown,
Va., July 1988, transcript, pp. 8-9, OHC, LHA.
24. Donald H. Ward, One Engineer's Life Relived (Utica, Ky.: McDowell Publications, 1990),
p. 61. Ward served as head of spacecraft launch operations for LOPO.
25. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991.
26. See Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 40-41.
27. See Dr. A. K. Thiel, STL, to Oran W. Nicks, director, Lunar and Planetary Programs,
OSSA/NASA, Washington, D.C., 20 Sept. 1962, copy in Thompson Collection, LHA. See
also Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 16-17.
28. See Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 43-44.
29. Interview with Sherwood Butler, Hampton, Va., 23 Aug. 1991. Butler was Langley's chief
procurement officer at the time. For an analysis of the benefits of incentives contracting
for Lunar Orbiter, see Kloman, Unmanned Space Project Management, pp. 34-36. See
also Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 39-40. For a contemporary news story covering
the details of the novel incentives contract for Lunar Orbiter, see Richard G. O'Lone,
"Orbiter is First Big NASA Incentive Job," Aviation Week & Space Technology 79
(7 Oct. 1963): 32.
30. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991.
31. See Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 40-47.
32. Ibid., pp. 43-44.
33. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991; see Byers, Destination Moon, p. 56.
34. Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 57-70.
504
Notes for Chapter 1 0
35. For the basics of the Lunar Orbiter camera system, see Leon J. Kosofsky and S. Calvin
Broome, "Lunar Orbiter: A Photographic Satellite," paper presented to the Society
of Motion Picture and Television Engineers, Los Angeles, 28 Mar.-2 Apr. 1965, copy
in Langley Technical Library. Broome was head of the photo subsystem group in
LOPO; Kosofsky was the camera expert in Lee Scherer's office at NASA headquarters.
For a more general description of the photographic mission and the Eastman Kodak
camera, see The Lunar Orbiter (revised Apr. 1966), a 38-page booklet prepared by
Boeing's Space Division and published by NASA Langley, esp. pp. 18-20 and 22-26,
and The Lunar Orbiter: A Radio- Controlled Camera, a glitzy 14-page brochure that was
published by NASA Langley with Boeing's assistance after the Lunar Orbiter project
had ended.
36. Kosofsky and Broome, "Lunar Orbiter: A Photographic Satellite." See also Israel
Taback, "A Description of the Lunar Orbiter Spacecraft," reprinted in Highlights of
Astronomy (Dordrecht, Netherlands: D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1968), p. 464. Taback
presented this paper at the 13th General Assembly of the International Astronomical
Union (IAU) in Prague, Czechoslovakia, 1967. At this meeting, renowned astronomers
from all over the world took off their shoes and crawled around on the floor looking at a
huge layout of photographs taken by the Lunar Orbiters.
37. Scherer, Study of Agena-based Lunar Orbiters; see Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 20-23.
38. Telephone interview with Thomas Costello of the Boeing Co., Colorado Springs, Colo.,
15 Aug. 1961. Costello was an engineer with Boeing who worked on the company's
proposal for Lunar Orbiter and then served as one of its project engineers from 1963 to
1966.
39. See "Boeing to Build Lunar Orbiter," Aviation Week & Space Technology 79 (30 Dec.
1963): 22; "NASA To Negotiate with Boeing for Lunar Orbiter Spacecraft," NASA
Langley Researcher, 2 June 1963; and "NASA Explains Choice of Boeing over Hughes in
Lunar Orbiter Award," Missiles and Rockets 14 (9 Mar. 1964): 13.
40. Dr. Trutz Foelsche, "Remarks on Doses Outside the Magnetosphere, and on Effects
Especially on Surfaces and Photographic Films," paper presented at the Meeting to
Discuss Charged Particle Effects, OART, 19-20 Mar. 1964, Washington, D.C., p. 8, copy
in the Langley Technical Library.
41. Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 72-74.
42. See Lee R. Scherer, The Lunar Orbiter Photographic Missions, p. 2. This is a 20-page
typescript booklet published by NASA Langley in late 1967.
43. Erasmus H. Kloman, "Organizational Framework: NASA and Langley Research Center,"
p. 7. This is a chapter draft from Kloman's comment copy of his subsequent Unmanned
Space Project Management. In draft form, Kloman's book contained many more details
including the names of responsible individuals, which were omitted in the shortened
version published by NASA. The author wishes to thank Thomas R. Costello, former
engineer in the Boeing Lunar Orbiter project office, for making available a copy of
Kloman's comment edition.
44. The portraits of Cliff Nelson and James Martin are derived from statements made to the
author by several people associated with LOPO.
45. Kloman, "Organizational Framework: NASA and Langley Research Center," pp. 10-11.
46. Kloman, Unmanned Space Project Management, pp. 18 19 and 38.
505
Notes for Chapter 10
47. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991.
48. Norman L. Crabill interview, Hampton, Va., 28 Aug. 1991.
49. Kloman, "Organizational Framework," p. 9.
50. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991. See also the press release from News Bureau, the Boeing
Co., Seattle, "Robert J. Helberg, Lunar Orbiter Program Manager," 27 Sept. 1965.
51. Kloman, Unmanned Space Project Management, p. 25.
52. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991.
53. The author wishes to thank LOPO member Norman L. Crabill for his careful explanation
of the mission planning for Lunar Orbiter. Crabill interview, 28 Aug. 1991. For a
lengthy written account of mission planning in relation to the design of the Lunar
Orbiter spacecraft system, see Thomas T. Yamauchi, the Boeing Co., and Israel Taback,
NASA Langley, "The Lunar Orbiter System," paper presented at the 6th International
Symposium on Space Technology and Science, Tokyo, 1965, copy in the Langley Technical
Library.
54. For the details about the evolution of the early mission plans for Lunar Orbiter, see
Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 177-194.
55. Crabill interview, 28 Aug. 1991.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.; also see A. Thomas Young to Crabill, "Mission Reliability Analyses and Compari-
son for the BellComm Mission and TBC's S-110 Mission," A200-1B, LCF.
61. By the end of the project, Boeing earned nearly an extra $2 million dollars in incentives.
See Newport News (Va.) Daily Press, "Orbiter Incentive Award is $1.9 Million," 28 Jan.
1967; "Lunar Orbiter Successes Earn Boeing $1,811,611," 17 Nov. 1967; and "Lunar
Success Pays Dividend for Boeing Co.," 18 Nov. 1967.
62. Crabill interview, 28 Aug. 1991.
63. See L. C. Rowan, "Orbiter Observations of the Lunar Surface," AAS (American As-
tronomical Society) Paper, 29 Dec. 1966; and L. R. Scherer and C. H. Nelson, "The
Preliminary Results from Lunar Orbiter I," in Spacecraft Systems, vol. 1, International
Astronautical Federation, 17th International Astronautical Congress, Madrid, Spain,
9-15 Oct. 1966.
64. See Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 241-243.
65. Taback interview, 13 Aug. 1991.
66. I have not been able to track down the exact source of the phrase, "the picture of the
century," which came to be used generally to describe the historic first picture of the earth
from deep space. A number of journalists used it in the weeks following the release of
the photographs taken by Lunar Orbiter I. One might guess that a NASA public affairs
officer invented it, but there is better reason to think that someone at Eastman Kodak
coined the phrase. In January 1967, the company unveiled a rendition of the remarkable
photograph on the huge Kodak Colorama inside Grand Central Station in New York City.
The Kodak caption indeed called it "the picture of the century." This phrase, however,
was also used to describe other Lunar Orbiter photographs. For example, Boeing and
NASA Langley used it in "The Lunar Orbiter/A Radio-Controlled Camera," a brochure
506
published in 1968 (copy in LHA, Ames Collection, box 6), not to caption the earth
shot, but to dramatize a stereoscopic picture of the Copernicus crater (see p. 350 of this
book). Veterans of the Lunar Orbiter project team at Langley remember the earth shot
as "the real picture of the century," however, partly because they know the story of how it
almost did not get taken. See Langley Researcher News, "Reliving a Moment in History,"
6 Sept. 1991, p. 5.
67. See Lunar Orbiter Photo Data Screening Group, "Preliminary Geological Evaluation
and Apollo Landing Analysis of Areas Photographed by Lunar Orbiter II," LWP-363,
Mar. 1967, copy in Milton Ames Collection, LHA.
68. Byers, Destination Moon, pp. 243-244.
69. Crabill interview, 28 Aug. 1991.
70. Collins, Liftoff, p. 8.
71. Kloman, Unmanned Space Project Management, p. 7.
72. Ibid., p. 33.
73. Ibid., p. 22.
74. Crabill interview, 28 Aug. 1991.
Chapter 11
In the Service of Apollo
1. President John F. Kennedy, quoted in John M. Logsdon, The Decision to Go to the
Moon: Project Apollo and the National Interest (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1976), p. 128.
2. As one might imagine, the literature on the Apollo lunar landing program is extensive,
involving much more than just historical treatments. This diverse literature will be
cited where most appropriate. For the details of the involvement of the various
NASA centers in the Apollo program, the only adequate sources are in the official
NASA History Series: Charles D. Benson and William Barnaby Faherty, Moonport: A
History of Apollo Launch Facilities and Operations, NASA SP-4204 (Washington, 1978);
Courtney G. Brooks, James M. Grimwood, and Loyd S. Swenson, Jr., Chariots for
Apollo: A History of Manned Lunar Spacecraft, NASA SP-4205 (Washington, 1979);
Roger E. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn: A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn Launch
Vehicles, NASA SP-4206 (Washington, 1980); Arnold Levine, Managing NASA in the
Apollo Era, NASA SP-4102 (Washington, 1982); W. David Compton, Where No Man
Has Gone Before: A History of Apollo Lunar Exploration Missions, NASA SP-4214
(Washington, 1989); and Sylvia Doughty Fries, NASA Engineers and the Age of Apollo,
NASA SP-4104 (Washington, 1992). For more complete pictures of the roles of Houston
and Huntsville in the Apollo program, readers should see two new NASA-sponsored books
on the histories of these key NASA facilities: Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly, Tomorrow
Came . . .: A History of the Johnson Space Center, NASA SP-4307 (Lyndon B. Johnson
Space Center, Tex., 1993), and Andrew Dunar and Stephen Waring, History of Marshall
Space/light Center (forthcoming in the NASA History Series).
3. Laurence K. Loftin, Jr., interview with author, Newport News, Va., 8 July 1990.
4. Axel T. Mattson interview with author, Hampton, Va., 21 July 1989; only notes exist for
this interview.
507
Notes for Chapter 11
5. In the LHA is a notebook labeled "Research Organization Changes/ Announcements,"
which contains a chronological listing of all the major changes in the Langley organization
from 1943 to the present. At one time this book was kept by the Langley staff office; for
the past several years, it has been updated by the Langley historical programs monitor,
Richard T. Layman. The entry for 28 Mar. 1962 reads: "Axel T. Mattson appointed
Research Assistant for Manned Spacecraft Projects reporting to Associate Director —
relieved of duties as Assistant Chief of Pull- Scale Research Division."
6. "Mattson Named to New Position," Langley Air Scoop, 6 Apr. 1962, p. 1.
7. Mattson interview, 21 July 1989, and Mattson interview, Hampton, Va., 14 Aug. 1989,
transcript, pp. 52-53, OHC, LHA. There is a recording and transcript for the latter
interview only.
8. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, pp. 53-54.
9. Ibid., pp. 54-55.
10. Ibid., p. 76.
11. Ibid., pp. 55-56.
12. Ibid., pp. 56-58.
13. Mattson interview, 21 July 1989.
14. None of the published histories on Apollo have much to say about the impact studies
conducted by North American in Downey. However, numerous technical reports have
been written on this work and can be found in NASA technical libraries at Houston
and elsewhere. In the LCF, code "Apollo Project," I have found numerous letters
and memos concerning such studies. Several references to this R&D aspect of Apollo
are made in the following excellent chronologies: Ivan D. Ertel and Mary Louise
Morse, The Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, vol. 1, Through November 7, 1962,
NASA SP-4009 (Washington, 1969); Mary Louise Morse and Jean Kernahan Bays, The
Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, vol. 2, November 8, 1962-September 30, 1964, NASA
SP-4009 (Washington, 1973); and Courtney G. Brooks and Ivan D. Ertel, The Apollo
Spacecraft: A Chronology, vol. 3, October 1, 1964~January 20, 1966, NASA SP-4009
(Washington, 1973).
See also the transcript of my 14 Aug. 1989 interview with Axel Mattson for a rather
complete personal account of North American's (and Langley's) work on the impact
dynamics of the Apollo capsule.
15. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, p. 50.
16. Ibid., pp. 51-54; also Sandy M. Stubbs's telephone interview with author, 29 June 1993.
Several memos pertaining to Stubbs's work on the return landing characteristics of the
Apollo spacecraft are in the LCF, "Apollo Project." There is a microfiche copy of this
entire file in the LHA.
17. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, pp. 57-58.
18. Ibid., p. 55.
19. Ibid., p. 56.
20. Mattson interview, 14 Aug. 1989, pp. 56-58. See Sandy M. Stubbs, aerospace engineer,
Structures Research Division, to Langley associate director, "Transmittal of information
on a water pressure landing investigation of a 1/4-scale model of the Apollo spacecraft,"
12 Oct. 1964, Apollo project files (microfiche), LHA. For Stubbs's work on Apollo's
landing impact characteristics, see "Landing Characteristics of the Apollo Spacecraft
508
With Deployed-Heat-Shield Impact Attenuation Systems," NASA TN D-3059, Jan. 1966;
and "Dynamic Model Investigation of Water Pressures and Accelerations Encountered
During Landings of the Apollo Spacecraft," NASA TN D-3980, Sept. 1967. These two
published papers contain references to his earlier work.
21. Mattson's reports can be found in the Apollo project files (microfiche), LHA. The dates
of the reports evaluated in this chap, were: 4 Dec. 1962, 3 Dec. 1963, 17 Nov. 1964,
30 Nov. 1965, 23 Mar. 1966, and 19 Feb. 1968.
22. For basic information on Project Fire, see Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data
Book, vol. 2, Programs and Projects, 1958-1968, NASA SP-4012 (Washington, 1988),
pp. 448-451. The rocket lifting the Fire reentry payloads was an Atlas- Antares; this
made Fire unique in that it was the only NASA project ever to utilize the configuration.
Herbert A. Wilson served as Langley's project manager for Fire 1, David G. Stone for
Fire 2. Under contract to Langley, the Chance Vought Corp. of LTV built the velocity
package. Republic Aviation built the reentry vehicle.
For complete details on Langley's management of this program, see Project Devel-
opment Plan: Flight Reentry Research Project at Hypersonic Velocities, Project Fire
(Langley Station, Hampton, Va.: Project No. 714-00-00, Mar. 1964), copy in LHA. Also
preserved in the LHA is a videotape of key moments in the project's history from 1963
to 1965.
For an excellent technical summary of the problems of "Reentry from Lunar Missions"
by a leading Langley engineer, see John V. Becker's presentation for Administrator James
E. Webb, 5 Aug. 1961, LHA. Another copy of this document, along with an entire
collection of Becker's personal papers, is in the Archives for Aerospace Exploration at
the library at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in Blacksburg, Va.,
Becker's alma mater.
23. Arthur W. Vogeley, "Piloted Space-Flight Simulation at Langley Research Center,"
unpublished paper presented to the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, winter
meeting, 27 Nov.-l Dec. 1966, copy in file "Langley Contributions to Manned Space
Flight," Milton Ames Collection, LHA. In this file are numerous items pertaining to
Langley's development of aerospace simulators. For a more brief and less technical
contemporary overview of Langley's simulation work in support of the lunar landing
program, see the NASA Langley press release, "Crucial Lunar Mission Events Are
Duplicated by Langley Simulators," 18 May 1964, copy in 1964 NASA Inspection
materials, LHA.
24. On Project Gemini, see Barton C. Hacker and James M. Grimwood, On the Shoulders
of Titans: A History of Project Gemini, NASA SP-4203 (Washington, 1977), which is
one of the best books in the NASA History Series.
25. Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space (New York: NASA/
Grove Press, 1988), pp. 72-73.
26. All the basic information about these facilities is in Martin A. Weiner, "Resume of
Research Facilities at the Langley Research Center," July 1968, a copy of which is
preserved in the LHA. Weiner, an employee in Langley's Research Models and Facilities
Division, had the job of keeping this resume updated from the mid-1960s into the 1970s.
509
Notes for Chapter 1 1
27. Arthur W. Vogeley interview with author, Hampton, Va., 19 July 1989; only notes
exist for this interview. For the details about this simulator, see Vogeley's "Discus-
sion of Existing and Planned Simulators for Space Research," unpublished paper given
at the Conference on the Role of Simulation in Space Technology, Blacksburg, Va.,
17-21 Aug. 1964, as well as Francis B. Smith, "S for Manned Space Research," un-
published paper presented at the 1966 IEEE International Convention, 21-25 Mar. 1966,
New York City. Copies of both are in the folder "Langley's Contributions to Manned
Space Flight," Milton Ames Collection, LHA. For various documents, reports, references,
newspaper articles, and other clippings relevant to this simulator, see the folder labeled
"Rendezvous and Docking Simulator," LHA.
28. Quoted in Allan C. Hanrahan, "Rendezvous and Docking Maneuvers: Critical to Apollo
Flight Plan," Langley Researcher News, 30 June 1989, p. 5.
29. Quoted in Matthew Paust, "Brainstorms Led to Practice's Realism," Newport News
(Va.) Daily Press, 20 July 1989, p. A6.
30. W. Hewitt Phillips interview with author, Hampton, Va., 27 July 1989; this interview
was not taped, but the author took notes. Numerous documents and newspaper clippings
are in a folder labeled "Lunar Landing Facility and Apollo," LHA.
31. Neil A. Armstrong, Wingless on Luna (New York: The Wings Club, 1988), pp. 8-9.
This book was produced from the Wings Club's 25th General Harold R. Harris "Sight"
Lecture given by Armstrong at the Grand Hyatt Hotel, New York City, 18 May 1988.
32. Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier: Flight Research at Dryden, 1946 1981, NASA
SP-4303 (Washington, 1984), p. 146.
33. Mattson interview, 21 July 1989; see also Armstrong, Wingless on Luna, pp. 6-11.
34. Vogeley interview, 19 July 1989. According to an official NASA statement from May 1964,
LOLA was not built as a training device for astronauts but as "a research tool with
which NASA scientists can establish a fundamental understanding in the laboratory of
the problems associated with the complex task of approaching the Moon and preparing
for a landing on its surface." See Lee Dickinson, Langley Public Affairs Office, to Mr. Ken
Allen, Beckman Instruments, Fullerton, Calif., 6 May 1964, Apollo project files, LHA.
35. Gilruth quoted in Michael Collins, Liftoff, p. 61.
36. On Rogallo and the idea of using his paraglider concept for Project Gemini, see Hacker
and Grimwood, On the Shoulders of Titans, esp. pp. 18-20, 92-93, 98-100, 132-134,
147-148, and 170-172.
37. Francis M. Rogallo, "Parawings for Astronautics," luncheon speech presented at the
Specialist Meeting on Space Rendezvous, Rescue and Recovery, co-sponsored by the
American Astronautical Society and the Air Force Flight Test Center, Edwards AFB,
Calif., 10-12 Sept. 1963, p. 1, copy in Ames Collection, box 6, LHA.
38. Ibid., p. 2.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid., p. 3.
41. Ibid., p. 4.
42. In the Milton Ames Collection in the LHA is a folder labeled "Flexible Wing" with
numerous items relevant to the history of Rogallo's concept. These include several talks
and papers that cover this period of the parawing's development delivered by Francis
Rogallo to various professional organizations.
510
Notes for Chapter 11
43. Francis Rogallo, "Flexible Wings," in Astronautics and Aeronautics (Aug. 1968): 54.
44. "NASA Honors Rogallos with Large Cash Award," Langley Researcher, 2 Aug. 1963,
p. 1.
45. Rogallo, "Flexible Wings," pp. 52-53.
46. "Lifting bodies" are exactly what their names imply; that is, they are bodies that
provide lift without the benefit of wings. In the 1950s, engineers in the NACA and
the aerospace industry started thinking about such rounded half-cone designs, which
resembled bathtubs or one-half of a baked potato, as a means of providing a minimum
yet significant amount of aerodynamic lift for hypersonic gliders or other manned reentry
vehicles. They thought that sufficient lift could be generated by such a shape to allow
the pilot to maneuver the craft down from space through the atmosphere to a graceful
gliding landing on a runway. In addition, the lift could be used to slow the spacecraft as it
reentered at a high speed from orbital altitude. Lifting-body research continued through
the 1960s to the present day. For an analysis of some of this NACA/NASA work, see
Hallion, On the Frontier, pp. 147-172 and 339-346.
47. Robert R. Gilruth, STG, Langley Field, to NASA headquarters, Attn: George M. Low,
"Development program on spacecraft landing systems," 6 July 1961, Apollo project files
(microfiche), LHA.
48. Floyd L. Thompson to NASA, Code RAA, "Proposed Research Authorization entitled
'Free-Flight and Wind- Tunnel Tests of Guided Parachutes as Recovery Devices for the
Apollo Type Reentry Vehicle,'" 30 Aug. 1961, Apollo project files (microfiche), LHA.
On the testing of the Parasev at Edwards, see Hallion, On the Frontier, pp. 137-140.
49. Collins, Liftoff, pp. 82-83.
50. Hallion, On the Frontier, p. 138.
51. Collins, Liftoff, p. 82.
52. For an accurate narrative and analytical summary of the Apollo fire, see W. David
Compton, Where No Man Has Gone Before: A History of Apollo Lunar Exploration
Missions, pp. 91-112. For an inaccurate and sensational popular account of the tragedy,
see Murder on Pad 34 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1968) by Eric Bergaust. There
is definitely some blame and much responsibility to assign in the matter of the Apollo
fire, but Bergaust 's indictment is largely off the mark.
53. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., memorandum for the Apollo 204 Review Board, 28 Jan. 1967,
Apollo project files (microfiche), LHA.
54. Report of the Presidential Commission on the Space Shuttle Challenger Accident, 5 vols.
(Washington, 1987). For an excellent historical summary and analysis of the Challenger
accident and the Rogers Commission investigation, see Collins, Liftoff, pp. 222-238.
55. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., interview with Walter Bonney, the Pentagon, Washington, D.C.,
23 Feb. 1973, transcript, p. 19, OHC, LHA.
56. Report of Apollo 204 Review Board to the Administrator, National Aeronautics and Space
Administration, 5 Apr. 1967, copy in the Langley Technical Library, CN-122577.
57. Ibid., p. iii.
58. Collins, Liftoff, pp. 137-138.
59. John C. Houbolt quoted in James Schultz, Winds of Change: Expanding the Frontiers
of Flight: Langley Research Center's 75 Years of Accomplishment, NP-130 (Washington,
1992), p. 98.
511
Notes for Chapter 12
Chapter 12
The Cortright Synthesis
1. On Hans Mark's term as director of NASA Ames Research Center (1969-1977), see
Elizabeth A. Muenger, Searching the Horizon: A History of Ames Research Center,
194 0-1976, NASA SP-4304 (Washington, 1985), pp. 146-168. For insights into Mark's
Machiavellian management philosophy, see Arnold Levine and Hans Mark, The Man-
agement of Research Institutions: A Look at Government Laboratories, NASA SP-481
(Washington, 1984).
2. "Dr. Thompson Receives Special Assignment," Langley Researcher, 8 Mar. 1968. p. 1.
The Langley Researcher article was basically a reprint of a press release prepared at
NASA headquarters.
3. Edgar M. Cortright interviews with author, Yorktown, Va., 18 July 1988 and 7 Aug. 1989.
The author wishes to thank Mr. Cortright for the detailed and very candid interviews.
Most of the insights used for this chapter come from the 18 July 1988 interview. The
subsequent interview covered history pertinent to Cortright 's work at NASA headquarters
earlier in the 1960s.
4. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, transcript, pp. 3-4 and 5-6, OHC, LHA.
5. Ibid., pp. 3-4. On the feeling that NASA Langley was a little "sleepy" under Thompson's
direction and needed some rejuvenation, also see pp. 9-10, 22, 48, and 68 70.
6. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 5-6.
7. Quoted from "Cortright Assumes Duties as New Langley Director," Langley Researcher,
17 May 1968, p. 1.
8. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 12-14.
9. Ibid., pp. 6-7.
10. Ibid., pp. 7 and 10.
11. Ibid., pp. 14-15.
12. Ibid., pp. 27-28.
13. Ibid., pp. 69 and 19-20.
14. Langley Research Center Announcement No. 73-70, "Reorganization of Langley Research
Center," 24 Sept. 1970, p. 1, copy in file labeled "Cortright Reorganization," LHA.
15. Ibid.
16. For an overview of the work of the Atmospheric Sciences Division, see "Atmospheric
Sciences Division, Space Directorate, Langley Research Center," 10 Apr. 1992, un-
published, copy available in the Langley Public Affairs Office. For a published sum-
mary of Langley's achievements in the field of atmospheric sciences, see James Schultz,
Winds of Change: Expanding the Frontiers of Flight, NASA NP-130 (Washington, 1992),
pp. 119-121.
17. "Reorganization of Langley Research Center," p. 7. See also "Langley Announced
Manager of Viking Project Office," Langley Researcher, 13 Dec. 1968, p. 1.
18. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 45-48.
19. "Reorganization of Langley Research Center," p. 2.
20. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, p. 16. See also "Dr. John E. Duberg Named Acting
Associate Director," Langley Researcher, 19 Apr. 1968, p. 1. I conducted a long interview
512
Notes for Chapter 12
with John E. Duberg that covers the history of the Cortright reorganization and his
ambivalent feelings about it. A transcript of this interview is located in the OHC, LHA.
21. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 17-18.
22. Ibid., pp. 35 and 41.
23. "Loftin Appointed to Special Assistant to Air Force," Langley Researcher, 28 May 1971,
p. 1. For Loftin's critique of the Cortright reorganization, see interview with author,
5 Aug. 1989, Newport News, Va., transcript, pp. 72-87, OHC, LHA. For Cortright's
version, see Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 34-35.
24. "R. E. Bower Named Langley Director for Aeronautics," Langley Researcher, 9 July 1971,
p. 1. Also see Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, p. 35.
25. For additional thoughts from Cortright on his youth movement, see Cortright interview,
18 July 1988, pp. 19-20, 42-43, and 69.
26. Ibid., pp. 32-33. Langley in the 1960s and before did actually recruit at many universities
outside of the South. It is true, however, that graduates of southern schools outnumbered
the rest.
27. Ibid., p. 44. The phrase "sweat-shop conditions" is overly dramatic and implies a
callousness toward manual labor on the part of Langley management that did not exist;
Floyd Thompson and the old NACA crowd were extremely fond of the technical support
staff and interacted with them much more regularly than Cortright and his successors
ever did. Furthermore, into the late 1960s, several buildings at Langley that housed
researchers were not air-conditioned, leaving them to suffer through the summer heat
and humidity as well. Nevertheless, Cortright's initiative should not be undervalued. His
changes to the shops made a big difference to those who worked with their hands in the
center's various shops, plants, and hangars.
28. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, p. 61.
29. Ibid., p. 56. See also "Contract Awarded to Build Visitor Information Center," Langley
Researcher, 10 July 1970, p. 1.
30. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, p. 60.
31. For the complete history of Project Viking and Langley's management role, see Edward
C. and Linda Neuman Ezell, On Mars: Exploration of the Red Planet, 1958-1978, NASA
SP-4212 (Washington, 1984).
32. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 49-53. On NASTRAN, see Thomas G. Butler and
Douglas Michel, NASTRAN: A Summary of the Functions and Capabilities of the NASA
Structural Analysis Computer System, NASA SP-260 (Washington, 1971). ICASE has
remained active from its inception under Cortright to the present. Its director in 1993
was Mohammed Y. Hussaini, Bldg. 1192, 18 West Taylor Street, NASA Langley Research
Center.
33. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 51-52. For information on the early history of
IPAD, see Robert E. Fulton, "National Meeting to Review IPAD Status and Goals," in
Astronautics and Aeronautics 18 (July/ Aug. 1980): 49-52.
34. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 52-53.
35. "Langley Buys Boeing Aircraft for Flight Research Program," Langley Researcher,
30 Mar. 1973, p. 1. For all the details on the TCV program, see NASA Langley Research
Center, Terminal Configured Vehicle Program Plan (Hampton, Va., 1 Dec. 1973). For a
513
Notes for Chapter 12
complete history of Langley's use of the Boeing 737 airplane in the TCV/ATOPS pro-
gram, see Lane E. Wallace, Airborne Trailblazer: Two Decades with NASA Langley's 737
Flying Laboratory, NASA SP-4216 (Washington, 1994).
36. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 65-66.
37. Ibid., pp. 54-55. For an insightful history of how Langley was able to support
supersonic research in the 1970s and 1980s in spite of the political and budgetary climate
working against it, see F. Edward McLean, Supersonic Cruise Technology, NASA SP-472
(Washington, 1985), esp. pp. 101-170.
38. Cortright interview, 18 July 1988, pp. 55-56. For information related to the origins of the
NTF at Langley, see "Langley Tested for NTF Site," Langley Researcher, 11 July 1975,
p. 1, and "National Transonic Facility to be Dedicated," Langley Researcher, 18 July 1977,
p. 1. For an excellent technical and historical overview of the development of the NTF,
see Donald D. Baals and William R. Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, NASA SP-440
(Washington, 1981).
39. Macon C. Ellis, "Rough Thoughts on Status and Future of Research at Langley," p. 2,
in file labeled "Thoughts on Status of Research at Langley," Macon C. Ellis Collection,
LHA.
40. Ibid.
41. Ibid., pp. 1-2.
42. "Some Thoughts on the Status of Research at Langley, 1969," p. 1, in file labeled "Reasons
for Accepting Assoc(iate) Ch(ief) — H(ypersonic) V(ehicles) D(ivision) in 1970/Case for
Sp(ace) Scien(ces) Div(ision)," in Ellis Collection, LHA.
43. Ellis notes to "So-called Minutes of 10/27/69 Mtg. of Sp. Sci. & Tech. Steer. Comm.,"
10 Nov. 1969, in Ellis Collection, LHA.
44. "Some Hindsight Comments on Langley Management and Reorganizations of 1969-1974,"
p. 1, in John V. Becker Collection, folder 22-1, Archives of Aerospace Exploration, Main
Library, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Va.
45. Ibid., pp. 1-2.
46. Ibid., p. 2.
47. Ibid.
48. See "Abstract of Remarks for Session 7, Airlie House Meeting, 3/13/70," in folder 22-3,
Archives of Aerospace Exploration, pp. 1-2, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State
University.
49. Ibid., p. 1.
50. Ibid., pp. 1-2.
51. Ibid., p. 2.
52. Ibid., pp. 2-3.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid., p. 3.
55. See the marginal notes to Becker's "Abstract of Remarks for Session 7," p. 3, for hand-
written notes concerning the comments made by others to his presentation. Cortright's
views on keeping Langley alive mirrored those of his counterpart at NASA Ames, Dr. Hans
Mark. In his 1984 study of government laboratories (coauthored by Arnold Levine), Mark
wrote: "There is a misconception that organizational self-perpetuation is somehow bad
514
Notes for Epilogue
or even sinister. But this is not so. If it were, there would scarcely be a major corpo-
ration or nonprofit organization that could outlive its original reason for being and find
other uses for its resources and experience" ( The Management of Research Institutions,
p. 82). The only way for a government laboratory to survive hard times, Mark argued,
was for its management to be boldly entrepreneurial. In summary, this meant carving
out a unique research area or "area of emphasis," attracting new programs to it, playing
hardball bureaucratic politics, and generally doing whatever was necessary to cultivate
powerful clients, sponsors, and constituencies. In contrast to this Machiavellian approach,
Becker's view was not that Langley had totally achieved the objective for which it was
first organized, or ever could, and thus could be put to death, but that it should live on
to do what it was set up to do and, in fact, did the best. For him, it was a quality of life
issue, so to speak. It made no sense to keep Langley breathing artificially for just any
purpose; the country needed Langley to survive for basic applied research.
56. Kenneth Scheibel, "Future Operation of LRC Assured," Newport News (Va.) Daily Press,
17 Aug. 1969.
57. Routing slip, J. V. Becker to Mr. Cortright, 19 Aug. 1969, pp. 1-2, copy in folder 22-1,
Becker Collection, Archives of Aerospace Exploration, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and
State University.
58. Ibid.; Cortright wrote his reply on top of Becker's memorandum with a thick black pen,
Archives of Aerospace Exploration, Virginia Polytechnic and State University.
Epilogue
1. The Apollo program cost a total of $25 billion — $21 billion on the first lunar landing. In
contrast, in fiscal year 1961, the U.S. government spent a total of only $98 billion. In 1961
the entire NASA budget was still less than $1 billion; by 1964 it reached over $5 billion
and stayed at that level for the next four years. For data on the funding history of the
Apollo program, see Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 2, Programs
and Projects, 1958 1968, NASA SP-4012 (Washington, 1988), pp. 128-132, and Ezell,
NASA Historical Data Book, vol. 3, Programs and Projects, 1969-1978, NASA SP-4012
(Washington, 1988), pp. 71-63.
2. A vast historical literature exists that treats the remarkable developments in American
history in the late 1960s and early 1970s. For contrasting contemporary insights into
these turbulent years, see W. L. O'Neill, Coming Apart: An Informal History of
America in the 1960s (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), and Morris Dickstein, Gates
of Eden: American Culture in the Sixties (New York: Basic Books, 1977). For a more
balanced treatment, I recommend T. Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage
(Toronto and New York: Bantam Books, 1987). On public policy in the years of the
waning spaceflight revolution, see A. J. Reichley, Conservatives in an Age of Change: The
Nixon and Ford Administrations (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1981). On the
policies of detente, see Raymond L. Garthoff, Detente and Confrontation: American-
Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1985).
3. Michael Collins, Liftoff: The Story of America's Adventure in Space (New York: Grove
Press, 1988), p. 269.
515
Notes for Epilogue
4. For a thoughtful retrospective on the ambitions of 1969, both for and against the space
program, read John Tierney's feature story, "Earthly Worries Supplant Euphoria of Moon
Shots," The New York Times, 20 July 1994, sec. A, pp. 1 and 11.
5. Ibid. To revisit the days of the "counterculture," peruse Charles Reich, The Greening
of America: How the Youth Revolution Is Trying to Make America Livable (New
York: Random House, 1971). For a detailed account of the Nixon presidency during
the year 1969, see Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician, 1969-1972
(New York and London: Simon and Schuster, 1989), pp. 223-321.
6. Norman Mailer, Of a Fire on the Moon (New York: Signet, 1969), p. 337.
7. Marcus, Picasso, and Mumford quoted in Tierney, "Earthly Worries Supplant Euphoria
of Moon Shots," p. 11.
8. Von Braun quoted in Tierney, "Earthly Worries Supplant Euphoria of Moon Shots,"
p. 11.
9. Howard McCurdy, The Space Station Decision: Incremental Politics and Technological
Choice (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), pp. 25 26.
10. Memorandum from Peter Flanagan to Thomas O. Paine and Robert Mayo, 6 Jan. 1970,
in NASA HQA; quoted in McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, p. 26.
11. Richard M. Nixon, memorandum for the Vice-President et al., 13 Feb. 1969, taken from
Space Task Group, The Post- Apollo Space Program: Directions for the Future, report to
the president (Washington, D.C.: Executive Office of the President, Sept. 1969).
12. McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, p. 23.
13. Richard M. Nixon, "The Future of the United States Space Program," Weekly Compila-
tion of Presidential Documents, 1 Mar. 1970, p. 329.
14. McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, p. 27.
15. William David Compton and Charles D. Benson, Living and Working in Space: A History
of Skylab, NASA SP-4208 (Washington, 1983), pp. 52-56.
16. Fletcher quoted in McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, p. 27.
17. McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, pp. 22-23.
18. "America's Future in Space," speech given by Daniel S. Goldin, NASA administrator,
at " 'The Eagle Has Landed' at Auburn: A 25- Year Retrospective on the First Lunar
Landing," a symposium held at the Auburn University Hotel and Conference Center,
Auburn University, Auburn, Ala., 27 Oct. 1994.
19. Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age
(New York: Basic Books, 1985), p. 5.
20. Ibid., p. 459.
21. For an analysis of President Reagan's 1984 State of the Union address and its support of
Space Station Freedom, see McCurdy, The Space Station Decision, pp. 177-196. On the
history of SDI — or at least that part of the top-secret program that is open to scholars —
see Donald R. Baucom, The Origins of SDI, 1944~1983 (Lawrence: University of Kansas
Press, 1992).
22. Howard McCurdy, "The Graying of Space," Space World, 12 Oct. 1988.
23. For an excellent profile of NASA Administrator Daniel S. Goldin's philosophy for
"reinventing" NASA, see William J. Broad, "Scientist at Work: Daniel S. Goldin: Bold
Remodeler of a Drifting Agency," The New York Times, 21 Dec. 1993, sec. B, pp. 5 and 8.
516
Notes for Epilogue
For NASA's "Vision, Missions, and Goals" under Administrator Goldin, see the "NASA
Strategic Plan" of May 1994. A copy is available from any NASA public affairs office.
24. Quoted in H. J. P. Arnold's chapter, "The Shuttle: Tragedy and Recovery," in Man
in Space: An Illustrated History of Space/light (New York: Smithmark, 1993), p. 159.
For the complete findings and recommendations, see U.S. House of Representatives, The
Future of the U.S. Space Program. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Space Science
and Applications of the Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, 101st Cong., 2d
sess., 23 July 1990.
25. Edgar M. Cortright quoted in James Schultz, Winds of Change: Expanding the Frontiers
of Flight: Langley Research Center's 75 Years of Accomplishment, 1917-1992, NASA
NP-130 (Washington, 1992), p. 111.
26. For a summary of Langley's wind-tunnel testing in support of the Shuttle's development,
see Donald D. Baals and William R. Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, NASA SP-440
(Washington, 1981), pp. 117-121. A. M. Whitnah and E. R. Hillje provide a detailed
engineering report on Shuttle wind-tunnel testing in Space Shuttle Wind Tunnel Testing
Program Summary, NASA RP-1125 (Washington, 1984). For a discussion of the
development of the special tiles used to protect the Shuttle during reentry, see Paul
Cooper and Paul F. Holloway, "The Shuttle Tile Story," Astronautics & Aeronautics 19
(Jan. 1981): 24-36. Cooper and Holloway were Langley researchers directly involved in
the Shuttle tile program. In 1991, Holloway became the director of Langley Research
Center, succeeding Richard H. Petersen. It is also worth noting that former Langley
engineer Max Faget played a critical role at the NASA center in Houston in the conceptual
design of the Space Shuttle. For an important article that looks at early plans for
the Space Shuttle, see Faget's "Space Shuttle: A New Configuration," Astronautics &
Aeronautics 8 (Jan. 1970): 52-61. Starting in June 1973, the journal Spaceflight began
running a series of articles by David Baker on the design evolution of the Space Shuttle;
the last in the series appeared in Mar. 1978.
Langley remained deeply involved with the STS program even after the maiden flight
of Columbia in 1981. The center developed simulations to solve problems in the orbiter's
flight control and guidance systems and conducted additional landing tests on tires and
brake systems. After the Challenger accident in Jan. 1986, Langley pitched in by helping
to redesign the solid rocket boosters and develop new crew emergency escape systems.
27. On the potential of the aerobrake in the mid-1980s, see Thomas O. Paine et al., Pioneering
the Space Frontier: The Report of the National Commission on Space (Toronto and New
York: Bantam Books, 1986), pp. 121-122. For a fascinating science-fiction account of
the use of aerobraking to accomplish a Mars orbital insertion (or MOI) for humankind's
first permanent colonizing of the Red Planet, I highly recommend Kim Stanley Robinson,
Red Mars (New York: Bantam Spectra Books, 1993), pp. 70-91.
28. Several ambitious proposals, NASA and non-NASA, surfaced in the 1970s to continue
lifting-body research, but they failed to rejuvenate the program. With the Shuttle well
into its design phase by the mid-1970s, NASA could not afford to vigorously pursue what
amounted to a rival technology. For an analytical look into the history of the lifting-
body concept in the United States, see Richard P. Hallion, On the Frontier: Flight
Research at Dryden, 1946-1981, NASA SP-4303 (Washington, 1984), pp. 161-172. See
517
Notes for Epilogue
also Stephan Wilkinson, "The Legacy of the Lifting Body," Air & Space Smithsonian 6
(Apr./May 1991): 62.
On ambitions for the HL-20 by the early 1990s, see Theodore A. Talay and Howard
H. Stone, "The Personal Launch System — A Lifting Body Approach," a paper presented
at the 42d Congress of the International Astronautical Federation, 5-11 Oct. 1991,
Montreal, Canada. The IAF published this paper as IAF-91-202.
29. Donald P. Hearth and Albert E. Preyss, "Hypersonic Technology: Approach to an Ex-
panded Program," Astronautics & Aeronautics (Dec. 1976): pp. 20-37. Hearth served
as director of Langley Research Center from 1975 to 1985. On the hopes for the scram-
jet, see The National Commission on Space, Paine et al., Pioneering the Space Frontier,
pp. 101-103. The technical literature on the scramjet is extensive, and much of it is
classified. For summaries of Langley's work, see O. A. Buchanon, "Development and
Fabrication of Structural Components for a Scramjet Engine" (Hampton, Va.: NASA
Langley Research Center, 1990), microfiche; "Shock Tunnel Studies of Scramjet Phenom-
ena" (Hampton, Va.: NASA Langley Research Center, 1988), microfiche; and Stanley
W. Candebo, "Scramjet Test Bridges Hypersonic Efforts," Aviation Week & Space Tech-
nology 140 (28 Mar. 1994): 52-54. The Candebo article reports on planned tests of a
large-scale ramjet/scramjet power plant in Langley's 8-Foot High- Temperature Tunnel
that will allow NASP investigators to determine, for the first time, how scale effects have
influenced the design calculations used in scramjet R&D.
30. On the status of NASP in early 1994, see Stanley W. Candebo, "Redirected NASP Pro-
gram to Focus on Technology," Aviation Week & Space Technology 140 (10 Jan. 1994): 29.
See also Candebo's story from the previous summer, "NASP Canceled, Program Redi-
rected," Aviation Week & Space Technology 138 (14 June 1993): 32.
31. Baals and Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, pp. 96 and 133 134. See also Keith
F. Mordoff, "New, Wind Tunnel Improves Accuracy," Aviation Week & Space Technology
119 (19 Dec. 1983): 69.
32. For a popular treatment of the NTF's design features and promises for important new
data, see "Mighty Wind Roars," Popular Mechanics 162 (Apr. 1985): 65. There is
a rather vast technical literature on the NTF, mostly NASA reports, all of which are
available in the Langley Technical Library. A history of the NTF would make a fascinating
doctoral dissertation in contemporary technology.
33. Baals and Corliss, Wind Tunnels of NASA, p. 134.
34. Mark Di Vincenzo, "Heaven's Call Ever Present; NASA Langley to Continue Role in
Space Program," Newport News-Hampton (Va.) Daily Press, 20 July 1994, sec. A,
pp. 1-2.
35. On the ambitions for the Mission to Planet Earth, see Paine et al., Pioneering the Space
Frontier, pp. 30-33.
36. Di Vincenzo, "Heaven's Call Ever Present," p. 1.
518
Index
Abbott, Ira H., 19, 199, 251, 29ill.
ABL. See Allegheny Ballistics Labora-
tory.
Adamson, David, 129, 130, 142-143, 223
Administration Directorate, 404
Advanced Man in Space (AMIS) project,
272-274
Advanced Research Projects Agency
(ARPA), 51, 52, 55
Advanced Transport Operating System
(ATOPS), 415
Advisory Group for Aeronautical Research
and Development (AGARD), 267
aerobrake, 435
Aerojet General Corporation, 200
aeronautics,
decline at Langley, 96-102, 97ill.
present-day at Langley, 438
the shift to space, 17-22, 451
Aeronautics Directorate, 403, 404
Aero-Physics Division, 89, 127
Aero-Space Mechanics Division, 89-90
Agena, 370
Agena-Class Lunar Orbiter Project
(ACLOPS), 327
Agnew's Space Task Group, 430
Aircraft Configuration Branch, 177
Aircraft Engine Research Laboratory, 7.
See also Lewis Research Center.
Aircraft Manufacturers' Conferences, 7,
Sill.
air-density measurement, 156, 158-162,
166, 191
Air Force Scientific Advisory Board, 235,
236
Air Force Tactical Air Command, 60
Air Force, U.S., 20, 57, 165, 170, 199, 200,
214, 289, 327, 338, 453
Airlie House, 418, 422, 423, 424
Air Scoop, 11, 169
air traffic, improvement, 415
Aldrin, Edwin E., Jr., 355, 428
Alfven, Hannes, 123
Algol motor, 200, 207, 211
Allario, Frank, 151
Allegheny Ballistics Laboratory (ABL),
X248, 184, 187, 200, 201, 184tH.
X254, 201
X259, 201
Allen, H. Julian, 53, 393
Altair motor, 201, 207
American Telephone and Telegraph
(AT&T), 176, 194
Ames Aeronautical Laboratory, 7
Ames, Joseph S., 7, Sill.
Ames Research Center, 7, 32, 232, 393
Ampere, Andre-Marie, 135
Analysis and Computation Division
(ACD), 86, 111, 414
Antares motor, 201, 209
Apollo 11, 268, 346, 350, 391, 429, 495
Apollo 13, 238, 389
Apollo 204 fire, 373, 387-391, 455
Apollo Applications Program, 306-307
Apollo Configuration Control Board, 389
Apollo Extension System, 270, 305-306
Apollo Orbital Research Laboratory
(AORL), 301
Apollo project, 77, 98, 100, 113, 141, 245,
253, 369, 370, 371, 423
command module, 237, 362-366, 364z//.
flight plan, 237
funding, 358
Langley contributions, 366-369, 368HI.
See also simulation research and
Apollo 204 fire.
management of, 356
mission modes. See lunar landing
mission modes.
reentry, 380-381, 385, 386
scope of effort, 355
Apollo Spacecraft Program Office, 366
519
Spaceflight Revolution
Apollo Technical Liaison Plan, 233
Applied Materials and Physics Division,
89, 91, 367, 422
arc-jet, 133
Armstrong, Neil A., 41, 268, 346, 350, 355,
378-379, 428, 392z//.
Army Ballistic Missile Agency (ABMA),
xxvii, 34, 42, 102
Army, U.S., 22
Arnold Engineering Development Center,
60, 133
Arnold, Henry, 7
astronauts, Mercury, 39-45, 77, 456
Atlas-Agena, 293, 313, 321, 344
Atlas-Centaur, 344
Atlas-Mercury vehicle, 47
Atlas rocket, 38, 46, 50, 53, 54, 59, 236,
367
atmospheric sciences, 404
atomic bomb, 113, 135, 147, 171
Atomic Energy Commission, 12, 132, 147,
289
AT&T, 176, 194
Augustine, Norman, 433
aurora borealis, 122, 145, 146
avionics, 415
A.V. Roe (AVRO), 248, 455
Back River, 45, 72, 94, 62ill.
Bainbridge, William Sims, xxx-xxxi
Barium Cloud Experiment, 142-147
Bay of Pigs, 249
Becker, John V., 19, 31, 89, 98, 116, 127,
132, 150, 151, 232, 420-425, 434,
Bell aircraft,
P-59, ISill.
X-l, 7, 202
X-14A, 379
Bell Communications (BellComm), 108,
325, 350
Bell Telephone Laboratories, 65, 163, 176,
178, 186, 259
Bendix Corporation, 65
Bennett, Willard H., 148
Berglund, Rene A., 281, 283, 295, 297,
278 ill.
B-58, 20
Biermann, Ludwig, 143-144
Biggins, Virginia, 456
Big Joe, 46-47, 59, 77
Big Shot, 113, 193-194
Bikle, Paul F., 31
Billingsley, Henry E., 30
Bird, John D., 230, 232, 233, 242, 246, 257,
229UI.
Bisplinghoff, Raymond L., 97, Will.
black hole, 216
Boeing aircraft,
P-26A Peashooter, 6ill.
737-100, 415, 416z//.
757, 416
767, 416
Boeing Company, 294, 295-297, 302,
313-314, 327
Lunar Orbiter, 328-332, 334-336,
340-342, 344-346
Terminal Configured Vehicle and Avion-
ics program (TCVA), 415-416,
416HI.
Bomarc Missile program, 295, 327
Bond, Aleck C., 257
Bonney, Walter, 12, 31UI.
Borman, Frank, 387
Bostick, Winston H., 149
Bower, Robert, 411
Boyer, William J., 57, 65, 67, 324, 332
Braun, Wernher von. See von Braun,
Wernher.
Brayton cycle, 288
Brayton, George B., 288
Bressette, Walter E., 167, 169, 171,
174-175, 186, 191, 175UL, 183UI.
Brewer, Gerald, 323
Brissendon, Rcy R., 371
British National Physical Laboratory, 17
Brockman, Philip, 134i//.
Brookings Institution, 10
Brooks, Overton, 285, 286
Brown, C. T., Jr., 202
Brown, Clinton E., 42, 86, 158, 222,
223-224, 228, 232, 233, 236-237,
241, 242, 246, 276, 320, 327, 88UL,
227UI.
Brummer, Edmund A., 323
Buckley, Edmond C., 57, 68, 69
"Buck Rogers", 17
520
Index
budget,
Langley, 423
space program, 428
Buglia, James J., 53
Bulkeley, Rip, 447
Bullpup missile, 210
Bureau of the Budget, 10, 104
Burgess, George K., Sill.
Burlock, Joseph, 140
Burns and Roe, 65
Busemann, Adolf, 129-130, 135, 139, 276
Bush, George, 433
Bush, Vannevar, 7, dill.
Butler, Sherwood, 112, 325
Butler, T. Melvin, 404, 90tH., 279z//.,
39631
Cable News Network (CNN), 195
Cambridge Research Center, 164
Cape Canaveral, xxvii, xxix, 64, 66, 102,
170, 179, 187, 188, 189, 293, 367
Cape Kennedy, 356
Carpathian mountains, 348?//.
Carpenter, Malcolm Scott, 40, 41, 42, 76,
40tH.
Case Institute of Technology, 11, 13
Castor, 201
Castro, Fidel, 249
Centaur rocket, 236, 283, 313, 351
Center Development Directorate, 404
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 172,
249
centrifuge, 42, 45
Centro Italiano Ricerche Aerospaziali, 217
CF-105 Arrow, 455
Chaffee, Roger B., 387, 455, 390iH.
Chamberlin, James, 235, 248, 257
Champine, Robert A., 41
Chance Vought Astronautics, 228, 276
Chance Vought Corporation, 201, 203, 228,
260
F8U-3, 27
Chapman, Sydney, 122
Cherokee, 198
CIA, 172, 249
Clarke, Arthur C., 162-163, 175, 176, 194,
195, 271
Clear Lake, Texas, 74
Clemmons, Dewey L., Jr., 387
Clinton, Bill, 433
cockpit development, 415
Coffee, Claude W., Jr., 175
cold war, xxviii, 83, 172, 427, 433
Colliers, 271-272, 381-383
Collins, Michael, 370, 391, 428
comets, 143, 144, 145
command module (CM), 237, 362-366,
364iU.
committees on lunar exploration, table,
225
Communications Satellite Corporation
(ComSatCorp), 194, 195, 200
communications satellites (comsats), 480,
481
communications system, global, 189
computers, 111, 413-416, lllill
Congress, 51, 430
Apollo, 392
appropriations, 437
House Independent Offices Appropria-
tions Committee, 74
House Select Committee on Science and
Astronautics, 176, 285
House Space Committee, 74, 451
NACA, 2, 9, 10, 23
NASA confirmation hearings, 15
personnel authorizations, 104, 106, 109
space station, 306
supersonic transport (SST), 101, 416
contracting,
for Langley services, 108-112
Langley philosophy, 82-84
Lunar Orbiter, 325-326, 33 lill.
Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory
(MORL), 294-302, 307
Mercury, 59, 65
Scout, 203-205, 212-215
Convair aircraft, 93
B-58 delta-winged bomber, 20
SF2Y-1 Sea Dart, 93
Convair Astronautics, 170
Cooper, L. Gordon, Jr., 41, 42, 77, 194,
517, 40z//.
Copernicus crater, 348UL
Coriolis effects, 277, 290
Corneliussen, Sarah and Steve, 109
Cortright, Edgar M., Jr., 150, 335, 389,
434, 451, 398z//., 399UL, 4Q9HI.
521
Space/light Revolution
Cortright, Edgar M., Jr. (continued):
appointed Langley director, 393 397
critique of, 418-425
development of electronics, 413-418
Lunar Orbiter, 319, 320, 325, 326
1970 reorganization, 89, 90, 92, 152,
398-407, 421-422
public relations, 412-413
staff, 408-412
Crabill, Norman L., 153-156, 181, 185,
189, 195-196, 324, 334, 338, 339,
340-341, 349, 351, 183UI.
Cronkite, Walter, 377, 378UI.
Crossfield, Scott A., 41
Crowley, John W., 166, 176-177, 199
Curtiss- Wright Corporation, 81
Davies, Merton E., 328
Dawson, John R., 302
Deep Space Network, 328
DeFrance, Smith J., 31, 36-37
Department of Defense (DOD), 41, 200,
216, 255, 297-298, 301, 327, 328,
338, 437, 453
detente, 428
D-558, 7
diffusion inhibitor, 149
Diggs, Charlie, 137z//.
Discoverer, 28
Do'dgen, John A., 232
Dolan, Thomas E., 228, 237, 260
Donely, Philip, 89
Donlan, Charles J., 19, 52, 63, 86, 458,
264 ill., 361UL, 398UI.
Langley appointments, 99-100, 394-395,
397, 409, 421
Lunar Orbiter, 316, 317, 317UL
Manned Spacecraft Center, 358, 359,
360, 363, 365
Mercury, 41
NACA transition to NASA, 2
1959 inspection, 34
rendezvous, 241, 255
space station, 294-295, 305
Space Task Group (STG), 56, 57-58, 73,
74, 75
Doolittle, James H., 8, 12, 451
Douglas aircraft,
D-558, 7
Douglas Aircraft Company, 108, 178, 231,
294, 295-302
Draley, Eugene C., 19, 89, 91, 118, 177,
223, 224, 327, 332, 367, 404, 408,
88i//., Will., 398UI.
Dryden Flight Research Center, 7
Dryden, Hugh L., 10, 31, 52, 70, 71, 75,
76, 384, 400, 451, 452, Hi//,
appointment to NASA, 12
Echo, 166, 176
NACA appropriations, 23
1959 inspection, 30, 34
Space Task Group, 73
Duberg, John E., 91, 367, 408, 398i//.,
400&
Durand, William F., 7, 8ill.
Dynamic Loads Division, 89, 91, 93
Dyna-Soar project, 20, 132, 200, 273, 327,
453, 9GHL
Eagle, 346, 350, 356, 495
earth,
first deep space photo, 344-346,
506-507, ML, 345«H., 352UI.
earth-orbit rendezvous (EOR). See lunar
landing mission modes.
East Area, 45, 72, 94
Eastman Kodak, 328, 342, 506
Echo 1, 188-191, 192, 193, 277
Echo 1 Passive Communication Satellite
Project, 154
Echo 2, 189, 193-194
Echo project, 278, 280, 321
air-density measurement, 156, 158-162,
166, 191
Beacon satellite, 170-176, 174z//.
construction material, 160, 167-169
container, 180, 181 ill.
design, 158-162
folding the balloon, 187-188
Goddard, 177-179
inflation, 154, 160, 169, 180-184, 186,
155t//., 182UL, 183UL
initial test, 153-156
management, 112-113
mapping, 190
micrometeorites, 188, 189
100-foot satelloon, 177-185
proposal for, 164-166
Sub-Satellite, 166-170, 168tM., 171UI.
522
Index
Echo project (continued}:
Task Group, 177, 178, 181, 186, 187,
188, 195, 183iH.
telecommunications, global system,
162-164
tracking, 161
yo-yo de-spin system, 184-185, 186
Edwards Air Force Base (AFB), 7, 63.
See also Dryden Flight Research
Center.
Edwards, Howard B., 233
Eggers, Alfred J., 53
Eggleston, John M., 232, 233
E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 167, 292
Eisenhower, D wight D., xxvi, xxvii, 173,
ML
administration, 198
creation of NASA, 2, 12, 449
Echo 1, 188
Mercury astronauts, 41
NASA personnel, 104
Electronics Directorate, 403, 404
Ellis, Macon C., Jr., 116, 125, 126-129,
132, 140, 142, 150, 151, 152,
418-420, 422, 434, 129UI.
engineer-in-charge, 10
English, Roland D., 198, 202, 210, 211,
213-214, 216
"Enos", 41
Environmental and Space Sciences Divi-
sion, 404, 420, 422
Erectable Torus Manned Space Labora-
tory, 277-281, 279UI., 280UI.
European Space Agency, 217
European Space Research Organization
(ESRO), 144, 146
Evans, John S., 140
Explorer, 123
Explorer 1, 173
Explorer 9, 191
Explorer 10, 125
Explorer 19, 191
Explorer 24, 191, 192i//.
Explorer 39, 191
F8U-3, 27
F-101A, 17
F-104 Starfighter, 20
F-111A, IQOill.
F-111B, lOOtil.
Faget, Maxime, 52, 226, 387, 451, 458, 517
Mattson, Axel T., 360
Mercury capsule, 43, 47, 53-54, 44^/.
rendezvous, 235, 236-237, 241, 242, 255,
260, 261-262
Scout, 197
Fairburn, Robert, 323
Fechet, James E., Sill.
Federal Aviation Administration (FAA),
415
Federal Ministry for Scientific Research,
West Germany, 145
Feix, Marc, 130, 131 iH.
Fields, Edison M., 37
Fire project, 91, 112, 216, 321, 322, 332,
367-369, 367tH.
Fleming Committee, 250
Fleming, William A., 250
Fletcher, James, 430
Flexi-Kite, 381
Flight Instrumentation Division, 91
Flight Mechanics and Technology Division,
90, 98
Flight Reentry Programs Office, 91
Flight Research Center, Edwards Air Force
Base, 232, 378-379, 385, 386
flying boats, 94
Foelsche, Trutz, 330
France, 217
Friendship 7, 260
Fuhrmeister, Paul F., 86, 91
Full-Scale Research Division, 90, 93, 94,
98, 380
Gagarin, Yuri, 249
Gapcynski, John P., 230
Gardner, William N., 294, 303-305, 308,
3QOUL, 30SUI.
Garland, Benjamin J., 53
Garrick, Isadore E., 89, 267
Gas Dynamics Laboratory, 122, 126, 129
Geer, E. Barton, 387
Geggie, Jean, 24
Gemini project, 232, 257, 293, 301, 369,
370, 371, 385
reentry, 380-381, 385
General Dynamics aircraft,
F-111A, lOOill.
F-111B, IQOm.
General Dynamics Corporation, 305
523
Space/light Revolution
General Electric (G.E.), 108, 176
General Mills, 181, 184
General Motors, 259
Geophysics and Astronomy Division, 193
Germany, 217
Gibbons, Howard, 155
Gilkey, John E., 37
Gillis, Clarence L., 177
Gilmore, William E., Sill.
Gilruth, Robert R., 19, 31, 37, 43, 50, 202,
222, 379, 451, 38UL, 79UL, 361i//.
Echo, 165
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 248, 265
Marshall Space Flight Center, 360, 366
Mercury planning, 51-55
rendezvous, 242-245, 257, 260, 261, 262,
263
Space Task Group's move to Texas,
76-77, 80, 79^/.
Space Task Group staffing, 55-57, 59,
60-63, 65, 69, 72, 73-74
Sputnik, 172
Girouard, Robert, 323
Glenn, Annie Castor, 46z//., 79ill.
Glenn, John H., Jr., 40, 42, 43, 76, 77, 222,
260, 4QUL, 45^/., 46^., 79ill.
Glennan, T. Keith, 31, 81, 118, 236, 452,
Will., Uill, 29UL, 31ill.
appointment to NASA, 11-15
"Message to Employees", 12-15
NASA personnel, 104-106
1959 inspection, 30
Space Task Group, 55
global telecommunication system, 175-177
Goddard Space Flight Center, 65, 194,
232, 395
Echo, 177-179
1959 inspection, 32, 34-37, 36ill
Scout, 217
Space Task Group, 72-74
Goett Committee, 226, 232, 272-274
Goett, Harry J., 31, 74, 179, 226
Gold, Thomas, 311
Goldin, Daniel, 433, 438
Golovin Committee, 255-257
Golovin, Nicholas E., 255
Goodyear Aerospace Corporation, 191
Goodyear Aircraft Corporation, 276, 277,
278, 285, 385
Graham, John B., 323, 324
Graves, G. Barry, Jr., 66, 67, 67ill.
gravity, artificial, 281, 295, 297
Green, Milt, 203, 215
Griffith, Leigh M., 394
Grissom, Virgil L, 42, 222, 385, 387, 455,
40UL, 390UI.
Grosse, Aristid V., 140
Group 1, 86, 91, 367, 369
Group 2, 86, 89, 367
Group 3, 86, 89, 367
G. T. Schjeldahl Company, 184, 187
Guggenheim, Harry F., 7
Guy-Lussac Promontory, 348z//.
Hall, Edwin H., 138
Hall, Eldon W., 255
Hall, Harvey, 255
Hall, James R., 198, 202, 203, 205,
206-207, 209, 210, 212, 215, 219,
203UL
Hall, R. Cargill, 317-319
Hallion, Richard, 378-379, 385-386
"Ham", 41
Hammack, Jerome, 37
Harbridge House, 118
Harrison, Albertis S., 77
Harvard College Observatory, 164
Hasel, Lowell E., 233
Hearth, Donald P., 417, 435, 437
Heaton Committee, 253, 255, 258
Heaton, Donald H., 253
heat shield, 53, 362, 369
Helberg, Robert J., 335, 340, 342, 344,
345, 351
Heldenfels, Richard R., 89, 233, 414
Heos .7, 146
Hercules Powder Company, 201
Hess, Robert V., 129, 131, 138, 139-140,
144, 151, 139UI.
Hewes, Donald, 373, 374, 375, 377, 36H/L
374UI.
High-Speed Flight Station, 7. See also
Dryden Flight Research Center.
High-Speed Hydrodynamics Tank, 93
Hilburn, Earl D., 81, 104, 106
Hill, Paul R., 223, 233, 275, 277, 294,
275UI.
HL-20, 435
524
Index
Hodge, John D., 37, 455
Hoffer, Eric, xxix
Holloway, 517
Holmes, Brainerd, 258-259, 260, 263
Honest John, 198
Hook, W. Ray, 307
Hoover, Herbert, 23
Horrocks, Edith R., 202
Horton, Elmer A., 37
Houbolt, John C., 86, 222, 224, 230-231,
275, 356, 361-362, 391-392,
495-496, 244tH., 247 ill., 266i//.
letters to Robert Seamans, 249-251,
258-260
lunar landing mode decision, 262 263,
265-268
lunar-orbit rendezvous (LOR), 233-237,
238, 239-247, 252, 253-255, 257
rendezvous committees, 231-233
Hubbard, Harvey, 17
Huber, Paul W., 129, 140, 152, 131UI.
Hughes Aircraft Company, 194, 319, 327,
328, 330, 331, 335
Hunsaker, Jerome C., 7, 9
Huss, Carl R., 37, 57
Hydrodynamics Division, 60, 93
Hypersonic Ramjet Experiment, 112
hypersonics, 158, 432, 435-436. See also
Dyna-Soar project,
boost glider, xxviii, 20, 54, 273
tunnels, 133
Hypersonic Vehicles Division, 420
ICBM. See intercontinental ballistic
missiles.
incinerator, Hampton, 413
Inspection, 1959, 51, 52
exhibits, 27-28, 32-33, 35-38, 39-40, 42,
46-47, 126, 135, 29tH., 31tM., 32i«.,
36tH.
guests, 31-32
planning, 30, 33 37
space station, 274
Space Task Group, 37-38, 40-45
Inspections, NAG A, 28-30, 33-37
Institute for Computer Applications in
Science and Engineering (ICASE),
414
Institute of Aeronautical Sciences (IAS),
383, 94
Instrument Research Division (IRD), 86,
91
Integrated Program for Aerospace- Vehicle
Design (IPAD), 414-415
Integrative Life Support System (ILSS),
305, 304iH.
intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM),
132, 140, 200
International Business Machines (IBM)
Corporation, 65
International Geophysical Year (IGY), 157,
163, 198
International Telecommunications Satellite
Consortium (Intelsat), 195
inventor's award, 384, 495
ion rockets, 132, 150
Italy, 217
Jacobs, Eastman N., 149
Jacobs, Ken, 203, 214
Jaffe, Leonard, 177, 178
Jalufka, Nelson, 148
James, Robert, 185
Jastrow, Robert, 224
Javelin rocket, 145
Jet Propulsion, 163
Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), 178,
224, 232, 255, 312-313, 315, 316,
319, 321, 334, 335, 351
1959 inspection, 32, 34, 35-37
Johnson, Caldwell,
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 235
NACA, 22-23, 24
Space Task Group, 52, 53, 75, 458
Johnson, E. Townsend, Jr., 411
Johnson, Lyndon B., 10, 15, 74, 172, 249
Johnson, Roy, 51, 55
Jones, Robert T., 139
Journal of the American Rocket Society,
163
Juno II, 173
Jupiter C, xxvi, xxvii, 173, 198, 199
Jupiter Senior, 198, 200
Kantrowitz, Arthur, 149
Karth, Joseph E., 286
KatzorT, Samuel, 224, 327
Kavanau, Lawrence L., 255
Kennedy, John F.,
assassination, 194
525
Space/light Revolution
Kennedy, John F. (continued):
lunar landing commitment, xxviii, xxix,
77, 106, 221-222, 249, 286, 355, 427,
428
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 265
management of NASA, 106
New Frontier, 83
Kennedy Space Center, 102, 356, 389
Kepler crater, 31SUI.
Kilgore, Edwin, 169, 187-188, IS3UI.
Killian, James R., Jr., 51, 193, 449
Kimpton, Lawrence, 118
King, Paul, IGill.
Kinzler, Jack, 47, 57
Kistiakowsky, George, 51
Kloman, Erasmus H., 350-351
Koelle, Hermann, 265
Kondratyuk, Yuri, 227
Kotanchik, Joseph N., 363, 365-366
Kraft, Christopher C., Jr., 17, 63, 455
Krieger, Robert L., 32
Kubrick, Stanley, 271
Kuhn, Thomas S., xxx
Kurbjun, Max C., 232, 246, 257, 371
Kyle, Howard C., 57, 65
Land, Emory S., Sill.
Landing Loads Track, 93
Langley,
budget, 107-108
competition among divisions, 91-93
organization, 1962, 85-91, S7ill.
policy of obscurantism, 91-93, 401-402
public relations, 22-25, 412-425
relationship with headquarters, 104-109,
398-407
reorganization, 1970, 393-394, 403-418,
405 ill.
"shadow" and ad hoc groups, 85, 92
Langley Memorial Aeronautical Labora-
tory, 4
Langley Researcher, 396UL, 410UI.
Langley, Samuel P., 4
Lansing, Donald, 17
Large Launch Vehicle Planning Group, 255
Large Orbiting Research Laboratory
(LORL), 301
lasers, 138, 149, 151
Launch Operations Center, 102
Leiss, Abraham, 202
Levine, Arnold S., 118
Lewis Flight Propulsion Laboratory, 7, 13,
395
Lewis, George W., 10, 23, 91, 401, 404,
Sill., Qill., Uill.
Lewis Research Center, 7, 32, 202, 232,
246, 261
Ley, Willy, 383
Lidar In-Space Technology (LITE), 438
Life magazine, 266UI.
life-support system, 287, 289-292, 297,
302-305
lifting-body research, 435, 511, 517
Lina, Lindsay J., 245
Lindbergh, Charles A., 7, 38, 58, 91, 97,
384, Gill.
Ling-Temco-Vought (LTV), 112, 203-205,
213, 214-215, 216, 217, 204.Ul.
Little Joe, 28, 47, 50, 59, 77, 48a//., Will.
Lockheed aircraft,
F-104 Starfighter, 20
Lockheed Missiles and Space Company,
277, 327, 331
Loftin, Laurence K., Jr., 71, 89, 92, 99,
116, 118, 226, 251, 252, 276, 367,
414, 421, 422, 88HL, 90i//., 398 ill.
AMIS, 272-274
Cortright reorganization, 409-411
space station, 285-286
Los Alamos National Laboratory, 149
Love, Eugene S., 233, 275, 421
Low Committee, 243, 245
Low, George M., 226, 241, 243, 245,
249, 250, 258-259, 262-263, 268,
283-284, 389, 451, 259z//., 409z//.
lunar excursion module (LEM), 230,
237, 238, 242, 316-317, 373-375,
377-378, 243i//., 266z//., 376UL,
377UL
lunar exploration committees, table, 225
Lunar Exploration Working Group,
223-224, 226
lunar landing mission modes,
compared, 234-241, 255-257, 261-262,
247z//., 254z//., 256HI.
direct ascent, 237, 239-241, 242, 246,
250, 255, 261-262
526
Index
lunar landing mission modes (continued):
earth-orbit rendezvous (EOR), xxix,
231-232, 235, 237, 239, 241, 246,
247, 253, 255, 263
lunar-orbit rendezvous (LOR), xxix,
233-239, 241-247, 250, 252, 253,
255, 257, 258, 259, 260-270, 356,
361-362, 495-496
lunar-surface rendezvous, 252, 255
Lunar Landing Research Facility, 371,
373-379, 375iH., 376iH., 377UL,
392i/J.
Lunar Landing Training Vehicle, 378-379
Lunar Mission Steering Group, 232-233
Lunar Orbit and Letdown Approach
Simulator, 371, 379, 380i//.
Lunar Orbiter, 112, 196, 295, 297, 356,
400, 314i/J.
assignment to Langley, 319-321
basic research vs. project objectives,
315-319, 320
budget, 313, 330
camera, 324-325, 328-329, 333, 336, 342,
329*0.
concurrent development, 322
contract, 325-332, 334-336, 340-342,
344-346, 331»H.
earth photos, 344-346, ML, 345UL
352UI.
lunar gravity data, 346
mission objective, 313, 315, 319, 346
NASA headquarters, 335-336
photographic targets, 336-342, 346-350,
337tH.
photometry data, 349-350
project management, 350-353
project start-up, 322-326
solar radiation, 330-331, 348
typical flight sequence, 34QUI.
Lunar Orbiter I, 342, 344, 345, 346, 506,
343tM., 3Mill.
Lunar Orbiter II, 346, 348
Lunar Orbiter III, 318, 346
Lunar Orbiter IV, 346
Lunar Orbiter V, 346, 347, 349, 352
Lunar Orbiter Project Office (LOPO), 91,
323-324, 328, 332-334
lunar-orbit rendezvous (LOR). See lunar
landing mission modes.
lunar surface, 311-312, 316-317, 314iH.
Carpathian Mountains, 348i//.
Copernicus crater, 348i//.
dark side, 347i//.
Guy-Lussac Promontory, 348z//.
Kepler crater, 318i//.
landing dynamics test, 318i//.
Sea of Tranquility, 346, 356, 428
Tycho crater, 349i/i.
lunar vacation, 428
Lundin, Bruce T., 202, 250
Lundin Committee, 250-253, 255
Lunik, 125
Lunney, Glynn, 57, 64
Lust, Riemar, 143-144
Mace, William, 232
Maggin, Bernard, 92, 245
Maglieri, Domenic, 17
Magnetic Compression Experiment, 148
Magnetohydrodynamics Section, 129,
147-149
magnetoplasmadynamics (MPD),
conferences, 130
definition, 121-122
early theories, 122-126
Inspection 1959 exhibits, 126, 135
wane of, 150-152
Magnetoplasmadynamics (MPD) Branch,
85, 191
creation, 126
dissolution, 150-152, 421
facilities, 133-141
goals, 132
organization, 129-130
staff, 129, 130-131
Thompson, Floyd L., 126-127
magnetosphere, 123-124, 142, 144, 145,
146, 217
Mailer, Norman, 429
Main Committee, NACA, 7
Malley, George, 387
Manhattan Project, 113, 147, 149
Man-In-Space-Soonest project (MISS), 57
Manned Lunar Landing and Return
(MALLAR), 228
Manned Lunar Landing Involving Ren-
dezvous (MALLIR), 247-248, 257,
Manned Lunar Landing Task Group, 243
527
Spaceflight Revolution
Manned Orbital Rendezvous and Docking
(MORAD), 247-248, 257
Manned Orbiting Research Laboratory
(MORL), 91, 293-302, 307-308,
296»H., 298tH., 300tH., 3Q2UI.
contract bidding, 294-302, 307
lunar exploration, 299 300
Studies Office, 294, 297, 303, 308
Manned Spacecraft Center, 102, 107, 261,
262, 263, 264, 316-317, 356
Mattson, Axel T., 357-366
Manned Space Flight Management Coun-
cil, 263, 265
Manned Space Laboratory Research
Group, 231-232, 233, 274-276, 289
Marcus, Greil, 429
Marine Corps, U.S., 210
Mariner C, 328
Mark, Hans, 393
Mars, 132, 151, 306, 353, 383, 404, 408,
413, 423, 429, 432, 434, 151tf/.,
4ff?UL
Marshall Space Flight Center, 102, 108,
232, 233, 246, 252, 255, 263,
264-265, 303, 356, 394
Martin aircraft,
YP6M-1 Seamaster, 93, 95
Martin Company, 276, 327
Martin, James V., 331, 332-333, 406,
333 ttf.
Martin Marietta Corporation, 433
Marvin, Charles F., Sill.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
(MIT), 108
Millstone Hill Radar Observatory, 170,
173
Masursky, Harold, 339
Mather, G. R., 149
Mathews, Charles W., 52, 54, 63, 65, 263,
387
Mattson, Axel T., 33-37, 107, 35tM.
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 263
Manned Spacecraft Center, 357-366,
379, 36 lill
Visitors' Center, 413
Max Planck Institut, 143, 145, 146
Mayer, John P., 57
Maynard, Owen E., 235, 241, 262
Mayo, Robert, 429
Mayo, Wilbur L., 230
McCauley, John F., 339
McCurdy, Howard, 432-433
McDonnell aircraft,
F-101A, 17
McDonnell Aircraft Corporation, 45
McDonnell Douglas, 307
McDougall, Walter A., xxvii, 171, 431-432
McHatton, Austin, 188
McKinsey & Co., 118
McNamara, Robert S., 273, 301
Meintel, Alfred J., Jr., 371
Mercury-Atlas 6, 76
Mercury-Atlas 7, 76
Mercury-Atlas 8, 77
Mercury-Atlas 9, 77
Mercury Mark II, 385
Mercury project,
astronauts, 39-45, 77, 456
capsule, 45, 46, 52, 53, 60, 247, 458
29UL, 31UL, Mill., 45UL, 46UI.
See also Big Joe.
contract requirements, 59, 65
control center, 64, 66
early skepticism, 58-59
flight concept, 38, 51, 52-55, 39ill.
impact tests, 60, 65, 96, 362, 61 tW., 62ill.
Langley support of, 59-63, 65-66, 77
orbital flights, 76, 77
tracking range, 63-69, 68 ill.
Meyer, Andre, 53
Michael, William H., Jr., 152, 223, 224,
226-230, 237, 246, 227HI.
micrometeorites, 188, 189, 216, 278-280,
281
microwave cavity resonance, 138
Military Test Space Station (MTSS), 298
Miller, James, 184z/£.
Millstone Hill Radar Observatory, 170, 173
Minitrack Network, 65, 161
Minzer, Raymond, 164, 165
MIR, 307-308
Mission Control, 63-64, 268, 356, 391
Mitchell, Jesse L., 167, 170-171, 181, 193,
mill.
Moffett Field, 7. See also Ames Research
Center.
Moffett, William A., 7, Sill.
Moonball experiment, 316
528
Index
Moore, William M., 202
Morrison Planetarium, 172
Moulton, Forrest R., 223
Mrazek, William A., 234
Mueller, George E., 397, 337 ill.
Mumford, Lewis, 429
Muroc Dry Lake, 202
Muroc Field, 7
Mutual Weapons Defense Program
(MWDP), 453
Mylar, 167
NACA, xxviii,
aeronautical research, 15-17
appropriations, 9, 10, 23
charter, 3-7
committee system, 7-10, 449, Sill.
conferences. See Inspections, NACA.
creation of, 2
director of research, 10
headquarters, 400, 401
Lewis, 451
Nuts, 24, 80
public relations, 22-25
research management, 23-24
transition to NASA, 1-3, 14-15
young Turks, 11, 451
NACA Conference on High-Speed Aerody-
namics, 53
NASA,
after Apollo, 308, 392
creation of, xxviii, 1-2, 3, 10-11
First Anniversary Inspection. See In-
spection, 1959.
intercenter relationships, 35-37, 178-179,
194, 357
inventions and contributions board, 384,
495
logo, 438
NASA Flight Research Center, 32
NASA headquarters, 91, 92, 100, 108,
395-397
center management, 224, 319, 322,
400-401, 424
Lunar Orbiter, 335-336
personnel, 107
NASA/Industry Apollo Technical Confer-
ence, 233, 253
NASA Structural Analysis (NASTRAN),
414
National Academy of Public Administra-
tion, 336, 350
National Academy of Sciences, 130, 158
National Aeronautics and Space Act, 11,
14, 15, 16, 22
National Aeronautics and Space Council,
12
National Aero-Space Plane (NASP), 432,
436
National Orbiting Space Station (NOSS),
298
National Science Foundation, 12, 41
National Transonic Facility (NTF), 418,
436-437, 417*//.
NATO, 267, 453
Naugle, John E., 474
Naval Aviation Medical Acceleration
Laboratory, 42, 45
Naval Research Laboratory (NRL), 32,
34-37, 166, 169, 178, 395
Navy, U.S., 16, 95
Polaris, 198, 200
R6L biplane amphibian, 16
Transit system, 216
Nelson, Clifford H., 323, 324, 326, 332-334,
334-335, 342, 351, 323UL, 333UL,
345z«., 398z//.
Netherlands, 217
Newcomb, John F., 324
Newell, Homer E., 144, 319, 325, 395, 401,
474
Newport News Daily Press, 74-75, 155
Nichols, Mark R., 90, 99, 231, 274, 275
Nicks, Oran W., 319, 320, 325, 326, 395,
408-409, 411, 345UL
Nike-Cajun (CAN), 164
Nike-Deacon (DAN), 164
Nike- Tomahawk, 145
Nixon, Richard M., xxviii, xxix, 148, 151,
249, 306, 307, 429-431
North American aircraft, 283, 295, 297,
384, 385, 391
X-15, 20, 28, 32, 54, 98, 131, 158, 371,
435, 456, 21ili, 32ill.
XB-70 Valkyrie, 17, 115
XLR-99, 32
North American Aviation, 281, 290, 362,
363, 365
North American Rockwell, 146, 307
529
Spaceflight Revolution
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO), 267, 453
Nova rocket, 237, 239-241, 244, 246, 250,
252, 258, 261-262
nuclear power, 288-289
nuclear weapons, 200
Oberth, Hermann, 223, 271
oblique photography, 345
O'Brien-Joyner, Kitty, 1Q5HI.
Oertel, Goetz K. H., 130, 148
Office for Flight Projects, 91, 367
Office of Advanced Research and Technol-
ogy (OART), 94, 106, 322
Office of Aeronautical and Space Research,
92
Office of Engineering and Technical Ser-
vices, 369
Office of International Programs, 30
Office of Launch Vehicle Programs, 202,
239, 255
Office of Manned Space Flight, 301, 319,
325, 356, 397
Office of Space Flight Development, 30, 55,
72, 178-179, 202
Office of Space Flight Programs, 246, 251
Office of Space Sciences, 177, 178, 315,
316, 317, 319, 320
Office of Space Sciences and Applications
(OSSA), 144, 146, 148, 322, 324,
325, 326, 327
Olstad, Walter B., 150
O'Neal, Robert L., 241
One-Man Propulsion Research Apparatus,
371
"One-O- Wonder", 17
Operation Paperclip, 130
Osborne, Robert S., 294, 303-305, 275iH.
Ostrander, Donald R., 202, 251
O'Sullivan, William J., Jr., 92, 156,
157-162, 163, 164-166, 169,
170-171, 176-177, 178, 180-181,
185, 186, 191, 192-193, 476-477,
157tW., 174tH., 175t//., 183UI.
P-26A Peashooter, 18ill.
P-59, Gill.
Pageos, 193, 193UI.
Pageos 1, 191-192
Paine, Thomas O., 395, 424, 428, 429,
388UI.
Pan American World Airways, 428
panto-base airplane, 93
Parasev, 385-387, 386UI.
Parasev I, 386
parawing, 381-387, 382UI.
Parawing Project Office, 387
Parker, Eugene N., 125, 143
Parkinson, John B., 93-94
Passive Geodetic Earth-Orbiting Satellite
(Pageos), 191
Pearson, E. O., Jr., 245
Pearson, Henry, 42
penetrometer, 316-317
penetrometer feasibility study group, 316
Peninsula Chamber of Commerce (PCC),
461
Pennington, Jack E., 371
Perry, Tom, 211, 217
personnel,
agency ceilings, 104-106
congressional authorization, 109
distribution among NASA centers, 104,
106, 1QMI.
growth at Langley, 102, 1Q3UI.
NASA headquarters, 107
recruitment policy, 411-412
Petersen, Richard H., 391, 517, 417tH.
Phillips, W. Hewitt, 42, 232, 275, 373,
374121
Picasso, Pablo, 429
Pierce, John R., 163, 175, 176, 177, 178
Piland, Robert O., 197, 234, 235
Pilotless Aircraft Research Division
(PARD), 56-57, 89, 115-116, 167,
197, 198, 205
Pilotless Aircraft Research Station, 7. See
also Wallops Station.
Pioneer 4, 172
Pioneer 10, 431
plasma accelerators, 133-141
Plasma Applications Section, 129, 140
Plasma Physics Section, 129, 130, 151
plasma sheath, 132-133
Plott, Anna, 323
Pope Paul VI, 217
Porter, Richard W., 165, 166
Powers, John A., 80, 78ill.
President's Science Advisory Committee
(PSAC), 51, 176, 449
Index
primate pilots, 41, 47
Pritchard, E. Brian, 150
Projection Planetarium, 371
project work, 108-109, 112-119
predominance of, 315-319, 320, 406-408,
418-420, 422-425, 434. See also
research culture deterioration,
public relations, 412-413
Langley, 357
NACA, 22-25
Purser, Paul, 47, 52, 235, 360
Queijo, Manuel J., 241
Radio Attenuation Measurements (RAM),
112, 141, 216
radio blackout, 133, 140
Radio Corporation of America (RCA),
176, 178, 328-330
radio-transmission attenuation, 140
Rand Corporation, 231, 325, 328
Ranger, 113, 312, 315-316, 317, 319, 332,
504
Reagan, Ronald, xxix, 219, 428, 429, 435
Recant, Isadore G., 345 ill.
Redstone Arsenal, 34
Redstone rockets, 50, 59
Reduced Gravity Walking Simulator, 371,
377
reentry experiments, 132-141, 150, 216
Reid, Henry J. E., 10, 36-37, 55, 58, 81,
91, 96, 394, 409, 9ill., Uill, 29ill.
relativity theory, 216
Relay 1, 194
Relay 2, 194
rendezvous,
earth-orbit. See lunar landing mission
modes,
importance of, 230, 232, 233, 235, 248,
249-250, 251, 253
launch window, 231
lunar-orbit. See lunar landing mission
modes.
Michael's parking orbit, 226-230
simulators, 281-283
space station, 286
Rendezvous and Docking Simulator,
371-373, 372z//.
Republic Aviation, 98, 332
Research Airplane Project (RAP), 17
research culture deterioration, 59, 70-72,
76, 116, 152, 315-319, 320, 406-408,
418-420, 422-425, 434, 439
research management, 23-24
Research Steering Committee on Manned
Space Flight, 226
Resident Research Associates (RRAs), 130
retreats, staff, 418, 422
Reynolds Metals Company, 167-169
Rickenbacker, Edward V., 7
Roberts, Leonard, 224, 311
Rogallo, Francis M., 380-384, 387, 382UI.
Rogallo, Gertrude, 381, 384, 387, 382UI.
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 23
Rosen, Milton W., 255
Ross, H. E., 227
rotating hexagon, 273UL
Rotating Vehicle Simulator, 371
Rowan, Lawrence, 339, 345z//.
Royal Aircraft Establishment, 130
R6L biplane amphibian, 16
Rupp, George, 210
Ryan Company, 384, 385
Saint project, 235
Salinger, Pierre, 249
Salyuts, 307, 308
"Sam", 47
San Marco, 217, 218UI.
satellites,
communication (comsats), 163, 175-177
geosynchronous, 162-164
global telecommunication network,
194-196
mapping, 189, 192, 216
passive, 176
passive vs. active, 163, 179, 190-191, 194
weather monitoring, 173
Saturn C-l, 252, 229UI.
Saturn C-3, 252
Saturn I, 293, 297
Saturn rocket, 98, 236, 239, 245, 246, 249,
263, 283, 286, 293, 297, 306, 307,
356
Saturn V, 237, 429
Savage, Melvyn, 239
Scherer, Lee R., 325, 326, 328, 345, 330i//.
Schirra, Walter M., Jr., 40, 42, 77, 40i//.,
Schnitzer, Emanuel, 277-278
531
Spaceflight Revolution
Schult, Eugene D., 202, 210, 213, 215,
211$,
Schy, Albert A., 224
science fiction, 162, 163
Scopinski, Ted, 57
Scout project, 28, 112, 144, 145, 236, 247,
283, 321, 322, 400, 406, 204i//.,
208i//., 214*H.
approval, 199-200
Blue Scout, 200, 209
contractors, 203-205, 212-215
cost, 217
Cub Scout, 205-206
design, 198, 200-202
failures, 210-214
Goddard, 217
Project Office, 91, 202-203, 219
recertification, 212, 214-216
tests, 206-209, 201tZ/., 2Q7UL, 212UL,
213UL, 2Uill.
scramjets, 152, 436
Seamans, Robert C., Jr., 235, 236, 239,
249-251, 253, 255, 258, 260, 262,
295, 327, 387, 388-389, 391
Sea of Tranquility, 346, 356, 428
Sergeant, 198, 201
X248, 154
XM-33, 184
service module (SM), 237
737-100, 415, 416tH.
757, 416
767, 416
SF2Y-1 Sea Dart, 93
Shea, Joseph F., 259-260, 262, 264, 366
Shepard, Alan B., Jr., 40, 42, 222, 249,
Sherwood project, 113, 147
shop conditions,
Langley, 513
Shortal, Joseph A., 89, 167, 176, 177
Shotput, 113, 179, 184-187, 188, 184tH.
Shotput 1, 153-156, 160, 185-186
Siegel, Gerald, 172
Sikorsky aircraft,
twin-float Amphibian, 94
Silverstein, Abe, 30, 55, 72-74, 178-179,
202, 246, 251, 258, 395, 411, 451
Silvertson, Wilford E., Jr., 233
Simpkinson, Scott, 47
simulation research, 369-371
simulators,
closed-loop analog, 43
Gemini and Apollo, 371-380
lunar gravity, 282 ill.
rendezvous, 281-283
Sinclair, A. Wythe, Jr., 275
Skylab, 270-271, 306, 307, 308, 430
Slayton, Donald K., 40, 42, 4(H//.
Smith, Francis B., 86, 91, 367
Smith, Norman F., 37
Smithsonian Astrophysical Laboratory,
164
Society of Automotive Engineers. 232, 233
solar corona, 147, 148
solar cycle, 123
solar flares, 125, 146, 148
solar physics, 147
solar power, 277, 288, 289
solar wind, 125, 142, 143
solid-fuel rockets, 198
Soule, Hartley A., 17, 22, 66, 86
sound barrier, 41
Source Evaluation Board, 326-329
Soviet Union, 10, 157, 189, 198, 307-308,
433, 440
Spaatz, Carl, 7
Space Applications Branch, 85
Space Base, 306-307
Space Defense Initiative (SDI), 432
Space Directorate, 403, 404, 422
Space Exploration Program Council
(SEPC), 238-241
spaceflight revolution, xxx-xxxi, 355, 381,
393, 395, 400, 439-440
changes at Langley, 418-420
present-day, 431-434, 439-440
Space Mechanics Division (SMD), 369-380
Space Physics Section, 129, 130, 142
space program, NASA,
budget, 428, 433
declining interest in, 428-429
present-day goals, 433-434
space race, 76, 82, 83, 108, 202, 223, 269,
427-428
space research,
present-day at Langley, 437-438
Space Sciences and Technology Steering
Committee, 419-420
532
Index
Space Sciences Division, 152
Space Sciences Steering Committee, 144
Space Shuttle, xxviii, xxix, 54, 141, 158,
307, 421, 434-435, 517
Challenger, 219, 388, 389, 391, 432, 448,
517
Columbia, 517
Nixon, Richard M., 430
space sickness, 216
space station, xxix, 189, 421. See also
Manned Orbiting Research Labo-
ratory (MORL).
air lock, 281, 299UI.
Apollo's influence, 292-293, 305
Apollo X, 301
artificial gravity, 281, 287, 295, 297
budget constraints, 306
competing concepts, 301, 306-307
construction material, 291-292
dynamic control, 280-281, 286-287
early budgets, 283-285
early concepts, 223, 226, 271-272
early proposals, 277, 278UI.
inflatable torus, 277-281, 292, 279z//.,
280UL, 2S2UI.
life-support system, 287, 289-292, 297,
302-305
Nixon, Richard M., 430
opposition to, 276
power source, 287-289, 297
rotating hexagon, 281-283, 292, 295,
297, 284UL
skipped step, 307-309
testimony before congress, 285-286
Space Station Alpha, 308, 435
Space Station Freedom, 308, 432
Space Station Research Group, 294
Space Station Task Force, 309
Space Systems Research Division, 421, 422
Space Task Group (STG), 178, 202, 222,
321, 455
facilities, 72
Goddard, 72-75
Hampton parade, 77-80, 7SUL, 79ill.
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 234, 235, 236,
241-245
move to Texas, 74, 76-80, 461
1959 inspection, 37-38, 40-45
promotions, 71
Space Task Group (STG) (continued):
rendezvous, 245, 246, 248, 255, 257, 260,
261-263
staffing, 55-59, 60-62, 69, 72, 73-74
Space Technologies Laboratories (STL),
321, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330, 331
Space Transportation System (STS), 219,
307, 434, 517
Space Vehicle Group, 167, 173, 177, 178
Special Committee on Space and Astro-
nautics, 10
Spirit of St. Louis, 384
Spitzer, Lyman, Jr., 158
Sputnik, 76, 97, 199, 381, 384, 439, 440
crisis, xxvi-xxix, 10, 99, 156, 171-172,
369, 449-450
Sputnik 1, xxxi, 19, 171, 172, 249, 383, 447
Sputnik 2, xxvii, 249, 447
Stack, John, 20, 22, 89, 98-100, 116, 135,
451, 453, 35tf/., Will.
"Star Wars", 432. See also Strategic
Defense Initiative (SDI).
State Department, 172
Stevens Institute of Technology, 149
Stokes, Charles S., 140
Stone, Ralph W., Jr., 236, 241
Stoney, William E., Jr., 197, 199, 200, 202,
210
Strang, Charles F., 387
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 149
Stratton, Samuel W., Sill.
Strauss, H. Kurt, 241
Structures Directorate, 403, 404, 414
Structures Research Division, 89, 91, 92
Stubbs, Sandy M., 363, 365, 366
Stuhlinger, Ernst, 394
Sunflower Auxiliary Power Plant Project,
277
Supersonic Commercial Air Transport
(SCAT), 101i«.
supersonic transport (SST), xxix, 20, 27,
98, 100, 101, 404, 415, 416-418
Surveyor Lander, 319
Surveyor Orbiter, 319
Surveyor project, 113, 252, 312-313, 315,
327, 334, 335, 350-351
Swallow aircraft, 20, 453, 21ill.
sweptwing theory, 20, 139
Swift, Calvin T., 140
533
Space/light Revolution
Syncom 3, 195
Systems Engineering and Operations
Directorate, 404
Taback, Israel, 93, 323, 324, 328, 332, 334,
336, 349, 323*//.
Tank No. 1, 45, 60, 94, 95tH.
Tank No. 2, 94, 95, 96HL
Tant, Larry, 204
Taub, Will, 184z//.
Taylor, David W., Sill.
Teague, Olin E., 74
technical report, 114, 116
telecommunications satellite (comsat),
194-196
Telstar, 65
Telstar 1, 194
Telstar 2, 194
Temple University Research Institute,
139-140
Terminal Configured Vehicle and Avionics
(TCVA), 415-416
Theoretical Mechanics Division, 86, 223,
369, 371
thermonuclear fusion, 132, 147-149, 150
Thibodaux, Joseph G., Jr., 197
Thiokol Company,
Redstone Division, 201
Thorn, Karlheinz, 130, 148
Thomas, Albert H., 74
Thompson, Floyd L., 16, 81-85, 86, 94,
96, 104, 342, 345, 6iH., 29z//., 84tH.,
90tl/., 264»H., 279UL, 337UL, 345z//.,
358iH., 388tH.
Apollo, 357, 360, 366
Apollo 204 fire, 387-389
associate director, 394-395
Echo, 165, 167, 176
Hampton community, 24
Lunar Orbiter, 319-321, 323, 326, 333
lunar-orbit rendezvous, 246
magnetoplasmadynamics, 126 127
management style, 91-93, 99-100, 421
NACA charter, 4
personnel, 106-107
rendezvous, 232
replacement of, 395, 397, 396tH.
Scout, 202, 205
Thompson, Floyd L. (continued):
space station, 274-276, 294
Space Task Group, 55-56, 59-63, 65-66,
69-72, 75, 76, 77, 80
Thompson-Ramo-Wooldridge (TRW), 108,
277, 321
Thor-Able, 28, 199
Thor-Agena, 191
Thor-Delta, 154, 177, 184, 187, 188
Tidewater Virginia, 4, bill.
tiger team, 214-215
Time-Life, 39, 456
Titan, 259, 293
Tolson, Robert H., 230
Tracking and Ground Instrumentation
Unit (TAGIU), 66-69
Trout, Otto, 303*H.
Truscott, Starr, 94
Tsiolkovskii, Konstantin, 223, 226, 271
Tycho crater, 349UL
UFOs, 146, 171
United Kingdom, 217
Upper Atmosphere Rocket Research Panel,
156-157, 161, 164, 165
Urey, Harold C., 224, 315
U.S. Army Map Service, 192
U.S. Coastal and Geodetic Survey, 192
U.S. Geological Survey, 338, 339
U.S. National Committee/International
Geophysical Year (USNC/IGY),
technical panel on rocketry, 164
technical panel on the earth satellite
projects, 164, 165, 166, 172-173
U.S. Post Office Department, 192
USS Hornet, 429
U-2 "spy plane" , 20
Van Allen, James, 123, 158
Van Allen radiation belts, 123-125, 145,
173, 216, 331, 124i/Z.
Van Cleve, Jon, 204
Vandenberg Air Force Base (AFB), 210,
213, 215, 216
Vandenberg, Hoyt, 7
Van Dolah, Robert W., 387
Vanguard 1, 173
Vanguard rocket, 166, 170, 173
Vanguard satellite, xxvii, 157-158, 164,
170, 198
Variable-Density Tunnel (VDT), 305, 436
534
Index
variable wing sweep, 100
Vavra, Paul H., 66
Vega, 32, 36
Verne, Jules, 226
Vertol 76, 27
VE-7, Will.
Victory, John F., 12, 31, 34, Sill., 84z//.
Vietnam War, 269, 305
Viking Lander, 4Q6UI.
Viking Lander 2, 4Q7UI.
Viking project, 70, 196, 353, 404-408, 413,
423, 431, 434
Viking Project Office, 353, 404
Viking rocket, xxvii, 198
Virginia Air and Space Center, 413
Virtual Image Rendezvous Simulator, 371
Visitors' Center, 412-413
Voas, Robert T., 42, 456
Vogeley, Arthur W., 232, 245, 246, 257,
261, 369, 371, 373, 111HI
von Braun, Wernher, xxvi, 34, 50, 198,
223, 239, 246, 356, 383, 429, 494,
495, 264.Ul.
rendezvous, 236, 241, 262, 263-265, 268
space station, 271-272
von Pirquet, Guido, 223, 271
von Puttkamer, Jesco, 270
"Voodoo", 17. See also McDonnell air-
craft.
Vostok 1, 241
Vought aircraft,
VE-7, 16ill.
XF5U, 58
Voyager, 431
VTOL tests, 95
V-2 Panel, 156-157, 474
V-2 rockets, 28, 156, 157
Walker, Joseph A., 41
Waller, Marvin C., 371
Wallops Station, 7, 27, 28, 47, 60, 89, 107,
144, 146, 153, 154, 179, 198, 201,
202, 203, 205, 207, 210, 211, 213,
215, 367, 383, 206UL, 208UL
Walter Kidde and Company, 200
Ward, Donald H., 322
Water Immersion Simulator, 371
Watson, William I., 323, 324
Weapons System (WS)-llOA, 115, 116,
276, Will.
weather, controlling, 146
Webb, James E., 81-82, 84-85, 92, 106,
118-119, 194, 249, 265, 315, 322,
331, 357, 397, 421, 84i//., 279i//.,
331 ill, 358UI.
West Area, 72
Western Electric Company, 65, 69
Whipple, Fred L., 164, 170, 172
White, Edward H., 373, 387, 455
White, George C., Jr., 387
Wiesner, Jerome, 265
Wilford, John Noble, xxvi, xxvii
Williams, John J., 387
Williams, Walter C., 63
Wilson, Herbert A., Jr., 367, 420
wind tunnels,
Anechoic Antenna Test Facility, 416i//.
Continuous-Flow Hypersonic Tunnel,
crossed-field plasma accelerator, 135-138
cyanogen flame apparatus, 138-140,
8-Foot Transonic Tunnel, 302UI.
Electro-Magnetic Hypersonic Accelera-
tor Pilot Model Including Arc-Jet
Ion Source, 133
4-Foot Supersonic Pressure Tunnel, 383
Full-Scale Tunnel, 74, 384, Gill., ISill.,
Qlill, 95z«., 386z//.
Hall-current plasma accelerator, 137UI.
hotshot, 133-134
impulse, 133, 134
linear Hall-current accelerator, 138
MPD-arc plasma accelerator, 138, 134i//.
one-megajoule theta-pinch, 147-148
plasma-focus research facility, 148-149
7 x 10-Foot High-Speed Tunnel, 21 ill.,
6lili, Will.
shock tube, 134-135
16-Foot Transonic Tunnel, 21i//.
20- megawatt plasma accelerator, 135,
136UI.
Unitary Plan Wind Tunnel, 62ill., Wlill.
Variable-Density Tunnel (VDT), ISill.
Wind Tunnel No. 1, 17
Windier, Milton B., 37
Wireless World, 162
Wolfe, Elmer J., 202
women scientists, IQ5HI.
535
Space/light Revolution
Wood, George P., 129, 131, 135, 138,
136UI.
Working Group on Lunar and Planetary
Surfaces Exploration, 224
World War I, 2, 4
World War II, 7, 12, 24, 94, 113, 119, 130,
156, 369
Wright, Orville, 7, Gill, Sill.
X-l, 7, 202
X-14A, 379
X-15, 20, 28, 32, 54, 98, 131, 132, 158, 371,
435, 456, 21 ill., 32ill.
X-20, 20, 132, 200, 273, 327, 453, Will
X-30, 436
XB-70 Valkyrie, 17, 115
XF5U, 58
XLR-99, 32
X-rays, 217
Yeager, Charles E., 41
York, Herbert, 51, 55
Young, Tom, 339, 341, 349
YP6M-1 Seamaster, 93, 95
Zimmerman, Charles H., 52, 58, 59, 158,
458
Zond III, 346
536
The Author
James R. Hansen is Alumni Associate Professor of History and chair
of the Department of History at Auburn University in Auburn, Alabama.
He is the author of three books as well as several book chapters, articles,
and reviews in aerospace history and the history of technology. His books
include: Engineer in Charge: A History of the Langley Aeronautical Labo-
ratory, 1917-1958, which was published by NASA in 1987, and From the
Ground Up: The Autobiography of an Aeronautical Engineer, co-authored
by American aviation pioneer Fred E. Weick and published by the Smithso-
nian Institution Press in 1988. The latter book received the History Book
Award of the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA).
Professor Hansen has received a number of citations for his historical
scholarship, including the Robert H. Goddard Award from the National
Space Club and distinctions of excellence from the Air Force Historical
Foundation and the American Institute for Aeronautics and Astronautics.
Iii 1986-1987 he gave historical talks around the country as an AIAA
Distinguished Lecturer. He has served on a number of important advisory
boards and panels, including the Research Advisory Board of the National
Air and Space Museum, the Editorial Advisory Board of the Smithsonian
Institution Press, the Board of Advisers for the Society for the History
of Technology, and the Advisory Board for the Archives of Aerospace
Exploration at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. He is
also a past vice-president of the board of directors of the Virginia Air and
Space Center and Hampton Roads History Center in Hampton, Virginia.
At Auburn University, Dr. Hansen teaches courses on the history of flight,
the history of science, space history, as well as a large auditorium class that
surveys the history of technology from ancient times to the present — or, as
he puts it, "from Australopithecus to Arthur Clarke."
Hansen earned an A.B. degree, with high honors, from Indiana University
(1974) and an M.A. (1976) and Ph.D. (1981) from The Ohio State Univer-
sity. He was born in Ft. Wayne, Indiana, on 12 June 1952. He is married to
Margaret Anne Miller-Hansen and has two children, Nathaniel and Jennifer.
537
The NASA History Series
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Grimwood, James M., and Hacker, Barton C., with Vorzimmer, Peter J. Project Gemini
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539
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SP-4019, 1977).
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SP-4020, 1979).
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SP-4021, 1984).
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(NASA SP-4024, 1988).
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SP-4025, 1990).
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Levine, Arnold S. Managing NASA in the Apollo Era (NASA SP-4102, 1982).
Roland, Alex. Model Research: The National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, 1915-
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J. D. Hunley (NASA SP-4105, 1993).
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Swenson, Loyd S., Jr., Grimwood, James M., and Alexander, Charles C. This New Ocean: A
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rep. ed. Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971).
Hacker, Barton C., and Grimwood, James M. On Shoulders of Titans: A History of Project
Gemini (NASA SP-4203, 1977).
Benson, Charles D., and Faherty, William Barnaby. Moonport: A History of Apollo Launch
Facilities and Operations (NASA SP-4204, 1978).
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Apollo: A History of Manned Lunar Spacecraft (NASA SP-4205, 1979).
Bilstein, Roger E. Stages to Saturn: A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn Launch
Vehicles (NASA SP-4206, 1980).
Compton, W. David, and Benson, Charles D. Living and Working in Space: A History of
Skylab (NASA SP-4208, 1983).
540
Ezell, Edward Clinton, and Ezell, Linda Neuman. The Partnership: A History of the Apollo-
Soyuz Test Project (NASA SP-4209, 1978).
Hall, R. Cargill. Lunar Impact: A History of Project Ranger (NASA SP-4210, 1977).
Newell, Homer E. Beyond the Atmosphere: Early Years of Space Science (NASA SP-4211,
1980).
Ezell, Edward Clinton, and Ezell, Linda Neuman. On Mars: Exploration of the Red Planet,
1958-1978 (NASA SP-4212, 1984).
Pitts, John A. The Human Factor: Biomedicine in the Manned Space Program to 1980
(NASA SP-4213, 1985).
Compton, W. David. Where No Man Has Gone Before: A History of Apollo Lunar
Exploration Missions (NASA SP-4214, 1989).
Naugle, John E. First Among Equals: The Selection of NASA Space Science Experiments
(NASA SP-4215, 1991).
Wallace, Lane E. Airborne Trailblazer: Two Decades with NASA Langley's Boeing 737 Flying
Laboratory (NASA SP-4216, 1994).
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Rosenthal, Alfred. Venture into Space: Early Years of Goddard Space Flight Center (NASA
SP-4301, 1985).
Hartman, Edwin P. Adventures in Research: A History of Ames Research Center, 1940 1965
(NASA SP-4302, 1970).
Hallion, Richard P. On the Frontier: Flight Research at Dryden, 1946-1981 (NASA SP-4303,
1984).
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1976 (NASA SP-4304, 1985).
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1917-1958 (NASA SP-4305, 1987).
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Technology (NASA SP-4306, 1991).
Dethloff, Henry C. "Suddenly Tomorrow Came . . . ": A History of the Johnson Space Center,
1957 1990. (NASA SP-4307, 1993).
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Corliss, William R. NASA Sounding Rockets, 1958 1968: A Historical Summary (NASA
SP-4401, 1971).
Wells, Helen T., Whiteley, Susan H., and Karegeannes, Carrie. Origins of NASA Names
(NASA SP-4402, 1976).
Anderson, Frank W., Jr. Orders of Magnitude: A History of N AC A and NASA, 1915-1980
(NASA SP-4403, 1981).
Sloop, John L. Liquid Hydrogen as a Propulsion Fuel, 1945-1959 (NASA SP-4404, 1978).
Roland, Alex. A Spacefaring People: Perspectives on Early Spaceflight (NASA SP-4405,
1985).
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(NASA SP-4406, 1989).
541
New Series in NASA History, published by The Johns Hopkins University Press:
Cooper, Henry S. F., Jr. Before Lift-Off: The Making of a Space Shuttle Crew (1987).
McCurdy, Howard E. The Space Station Decision: Incremental Politics and Technological
Choice (1990).
Hufbauer, Karl. Exploring the Sun: Solar Science Since Galileo (1991).
McCurdy, Howard E. Inside NASA: High Technology and Organizational Change in the U.S.
Space Program (1993).
542
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