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Full text of "Spanish architecture of the sixteenth century; general view of the plateresque and Herrera styles"

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KOHIER ART LIBRARY 




I 




PUBLICATIONS OF 
THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA 

No. 109 



F 



I 



STAIRWAY OF THE PALACIO ARZOBISPAI^ ALCALA DE HENARES. 
Alonso de Covarrubias, Architect, IS34 *' «2- 



SPANISH ARCHITECTURE 

OF 

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

GENERAL VIEW OF 
THE FLATERESQUE AND HERRERA STYLES 



BY 

ARTHUR BYNE 

AND 

MILDRED STAPLEY 



WITH EIGHTY PLATES AND ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY ILLUS- 
TRATIONS IN THE TEXT. FROM DRAWINGS AND 
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ARTHUR BYNE 



G. P. FUTNAM'S SONS 

NEW YORK AND LONDON 

Cbe fmlcheibochct Pieee 



NOTE TO THE READER 

The paper in this volume 18 brittle or the 
iimer margins are extremely narrow. 
We have bound or rebound the volume 
utihzing the best means possible. 

PLEASE HANDLE WITH CARE 



Gkneral Bodkbindino 



Co.. Chk«terland. Ohio 



Copyright, 1917 

BY 

THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OP AMERICA 



\V^ 



,S<fc, '*^.\o9 



TTbc Unfckerbockcr prcM, llcw ffork 



^ 



32331H 

':^P 3 1927 



+BS^ 



.% 



PREFACE 

DURING that opulent century when Renaissance art 
flourished in Spain there was no Vasari to record 
the names and achievements of the men who were 
enriching the land with the Esttlo Plateresco. The few con- 
temporaneous writers who made mention of them were not 
specially gifted with the critical faculty; still less with accu- 
racy. Only in the various cathedral archives, and even there 
with many an error, were the names of workers entered with 
any sort of system ; those engaged on civil buildings went for 
the most part unrecorded. As for the buildings themselves 
they were hardly known outside their own province. 

Not until the late eighteenth century did Spaniards begin 
to investigate their country^s abundant art treasures. Then 
in succession four dedicated themselves to the worthy task, 
and produced valuable though necessarily incomplete results. 
In 1772 Don Antonio Pons published his discursive and un- 
documented Viage de Espana; in 1800 followed Don Juan 
Agustin Cean Bermudez with the more practical Diccionario 
Historico de los mas Ilustres Profesores de las Bellas Aries en 
Espana; in 1804 Don Isidoro Bosarte began the publication 
of a well-authenticated Viage Ariisiico but never carried it 
beyond the first volume; and lastly came Don Eugenio Llaguno 
y Amirola with his Noticias de los Arquitecios y Arquitectura 
de Espana desde su Restauracibn. This work, the first to 
pay attention to the long-neglected architects, was published 
after the author's death by his friend Cean Bermudez (1829). 
Other capable investigators followed, but generally speaking 
it was these four productions with all their merits and demerits 
that were the source of foreign writings on Spanish art until 

■ • • 

m 



r 



iv PREFACE 

the Englishman George Street added Some Account of Gothic 
Architecture in Spain to the list. Street, who was as enthu- 
siastic over the mighty Spanish temples as any native could 
have been, gave us instead of mere rhapsodies the benefit of 
his rare and highly trained critical faculty. Whatever ground 
he left unexplored fifty years ago has been ably covered re- 
cently by Don Vicente Lamperez in his Historia de la Arqui- 
tectura Cristiana Espaiiola en la Edad Media. 

As all the authors cited concerned themselves most with 
the Gothic period those who borrowed from them kept per- 
force within the same limits. Few critics, native or foreign, 
ever ventured into the Renaissance century, the epoch of civil 
rather than ecclesiastical building activity. 'A number of 
Spaniards are now devoting themselves to this period but 
their researches appear to be more archaeological than archi- 
tectural. Thus far each has been vying with the other in 
clarifying the authorship of disputed monuments. This 
subject is certainly confused enough but meanwhile the really 
helpful thing, graphic presentation and sound criticism, is 
wofully neglected. 

The unearthing of the history of civil monuments will be 
long and slow and will never yield the copious information 
available on the Renaissance movement in other countries. 
While patient people are ransacking the archives for a name 
or a date some of the finest specimens of the period are falling 
to pieces, and he who would wait until their identity is estab- 
lished before writing about them would have nothing but a 
memory to discuss. 

Spanish Renaissance or Plateresque, in its merely partial 
acceptance of the Italian and its adherence to earlier styles 
which it never hesitated to combine with the new, diverged 
farther from the established Renaissance type than did any 
architecture north of the Pyrenees. It was far more mobile, 
more personal, than the pseudo-classic which followed and 
crushed it. It flourished principally in Castile. It is abso- 
lutely a distinct product from that picturesque, semi-Moorish 
stucco architecture of Andalusia which was carried to the 
Spanish colonies, later to be accepted throughout both Ameri- 



/ 



PREFACE V 

cas as typical of the mother country. Andalusia has very 

little in conunon with the stern central and northern provmces 

where the race battled so long for its birthright of Europeanism 

as against Asianism. There stone was used and monumental- 

ity was achieved. While not wishing to deny the charm of 

the stucco house nor its suitability to the Andalusian climate, 

one is forced to protest against its standing for the whole of 

Spanish architecture. Such widespread misapprehension 

simply means that the buildings of Castile, the very heart of 

the country, have been passed over for a type acknowledged 

by all Spaniards except Andalusians to be exotic. It is to 

increase the appreciation of what was done in Castile, to 

point out its charm (which fortunately does not depend upon 

documents), and to give the student some idea of what awaits 

him in Spain that this general view of the sixteenth century 

is written. 

M. S. B. 

5 ViLLANUEVA, 

Madrid, 
June, 1916 



\ 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER I 
TOLED O AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 

'' THREE HOSPITALS BEGUN BY EGAS IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CEN- 



TURY — TOLEDO HOSPITAL THE MOST IMPORTANT — INFLUENCE OF THE ARCH- 
BISHOPS OF TOLEDO IN POLITICS AND ART — ^EL GRAN CARDENAL MENDOZA 
AND HIS COLEGIO IN VALLADOLID — ^WHY THE RENAISSANCE ARRIVED / 
LATE IN SPAIN — IN WHAT PROVINCES IT FLOURISHED AND BY WHAT 
MEANS IT^WAS PROPAGATED — VARIO US ITALI ANS W^O WORKED IN SPAIN — 
EGAS AND THE CATALAN GOLDSMITH — ORIGIN OF THE TERM PLAT- 
ERESCO — PROBABLE INFLUENCE OF THE GENOESE ARCHITECTS AT LA- 
CALAHORRA — VARIOUS BUILDINGS ATTRIBUTED TO EGAS — THE EARLIEST 
plater! A SHOWING THE NEW FORMS — ANALYSIS OF THE HOSPITAL DE 
LA SANTA CRUZ — THE TERM ARTESONADO — RESEMBLANCE BETWEEN THE 
STAIRWAY OF THE HOSPITAL AND THAT AT LACALAHORRA — THE HOSPITAL 
REAL AT SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA — EGAS'S SLIGHT CONNECTION WITH 
THE HOSPITAL AT GRANADA — EGAS AND HIS SON-IN-LAW COVARRUBIAS — 
DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE IN TOLEDO — THE MUD^JAR STYLE — ^THE GRAN- 
ITE PORTALS OF TOLEDO HOUSES (^s ^ST, 2 

^^ ^1 CHAPTER II 

COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 

ALONSO DE COVARRUBIAS — ^THE COMPETITION FOR THE CAPILLA DE 
LOS REYES NUEVOS — COVARRUBIAS APPOINTED MAESTRO MAYOR CF 
TOLEDO CATHEDRAL IN 1 534 AND LATER APPOINTMENT AS MASTER OF 
ROYAL WORKS — DESCRIPTION OF HIS CHAPEL OF THE NEW KINGS — HIS 
A*| PORTAL TO THE CAPILLA DE SAN ibAp — ^ALCAlA DE HENARES AND ITS 
RELATION TO TOLEDO — DON ALONSO DE FONSECA, ARCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO, 
ORDERS THE REMODELING OF THE ARCHIEPISCOPAL PALACE AT ALCAlA — 
LAS MEDIDAS DEL ROMANO AND ITS DEDICATION — DESCRIPTION OF 
THE archbishop's PALACE — BERRUGUETE's SCULPTURE IN THE PATIO- 
MARKED TENDENCY TOWARDS REALISM IN SPANISH ORNAMENT — REPE- 

• « 

vu 



V 



viii CONTENTS 

TITION OF EGAS'S STAIRWAY AT TOLEDO — ^MAGNIFICENT SERIES OF ARTESO- 
NADOS IN THE PALACE — THE UNIVERSITY OF ALCAlA FOUNDED BY CARDINAL 
JIM&NEZ DE CISNEROS AND BUILT BY PEDRO GUMIEL — ITS NEW FAgADE BY 
RODRIGO GIL DE ONTANON — THE ESCUTCHEON OF SPAIN AND ITS DECORA- 
TIVE USE — SPANISH OBJECTIONS TO THE RENAISSANCE FORMS AT ALCAlA — 
THE INTERIOR OF THE tJNiVERSITY — THE CAKDINAL'S TOMB IN THE COL- 
LEGL\TE CHURCH — LACK OF OTHER RENAISSANCE WORK IN ALCAlA . 40 

« 

CHAPTER III 
THE SCHOOL OF FRANCISCO DE COLONIA IN BURGOS 



BISHOP JUAN RODRIGUEZ DE FONSECA AND HIS PROTfecfis — THE FON- 
SECAS AT COCA AND SALAMANCA — ^THE PUERTA DE LA PELLEJErIa BY 
FRANCISCO DE COLONIA — ^FRANCISCO'S EASILY RECOGNIZED PECULIAR- 
ITIES — HIS DOOR TO THE SACRISTY OF THE CONSTABLE'S CHAPEL — THE 



J 



REJERO CRISTOBAL DE ANDINO AS A RENAISSANCE DESIGNER — ^THE ESCALERA 
DORADA BY DIEGO DE SILOE — OTHER PLATERESQUE WORKS IN BURGOS 
CATHEDRAL — ^THE HOSPITAL DEL REY — THE CASA MIRANDA . 78 

CHAPTER IV 

« 

THE DOMESTIC PLAN AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 

ABANDONING THE FEUDAL CASTLES — NEW HOMES UNLIKE THOSE OF 
CONTE^IPORARY EUROPE — ^EVOLUTION FROM CASTILLO TO PALACIO — THE 
PATIO AS NUCLEUS OF PLAN AND ITS PART IN THE UFE OF SPANISH WOMEN — 
LACK OF SYSTEMATIC ARRANGEBfENT IN ROOMS, WHICH ARE MERELY A 
SERIES OF SIMILAR UNITS AROUND THE PATIO — PRACTICAL ASPECT OF 
THE SPANISH PLAN — ^LACK OF SYSTEM IN HOUSEHOLD ADMINISTRATION 
AND ITS EFFECT — ^THE KITCHEN ALMOST NEGLIGIBLE — ^NO BUILT-IN 
ACCESSORIES IN THE LIVING-ROOMS, THESE BEING DESIGNATED BY THE 
CONTENTS OF THE CARVED CHESTS — ^ABSENCE OF GARDEN TREATMENT 
IN FRONT OF THE PALACE — ^ALL THE PECULIARITIES OF PLAN AND SETTING 
EXEMPLIFIED IN THE PENARANDA PALACE — CRUDE MASONRY AND BEAUTI- 
FUL PORTAL OF THE FACADE — PATIO AND SUMPTUOUS CLAUSTRAL STAIR 
WITH MAGNIFICENT ARTESONADO — SALONS OF THE PISO PRINCIPAL OR 
MAIN FLOOR AND THEIR ARTESONADOS — YESERf A OR MOORISH PLASTER- 
WORK — PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PALACE .... IO6 

CHAPTER V 
SALAMANCA 



M ANY RENAISSANCE BUILDI NGS I N SALAMANC A — ^ANTIQUITY AND FAME 

OF SALAMANCA UNIVERSITY — THE'CITYJN GOTHIC TIMES — RENAISSANCE 

J EMBELLISHMENT OF THE MEDIEVAL BUILDINGS OF THE UNIVERSITY — 



CONTENTS ix 

g.\^ AX.\LYSIS ^f Tl"^ F^C"*"^ — T HE ESCUELAS MENORES OR PREPAR ATORY 

* SCHOOL — INTERIOR WORK IN' THE UNIVERSITY — PALACES AND THEIR 

l5IVI5lON INTO TWO GROUPS — NEARgSIL APPROACH JX) THg JIALIAN IN THE 
PALACES BUILT BY THE FONSECA BISHOPS — ^DESCRIPTION OF THE CASA 
SALINA — THE CASA DE LAS MUERTES — THE MALDONADO HOUSES OPPOSITE 
THE CHURCH OF SAN BENITO — THE PALACIO MONTEREY LARGEST IN SALA- 
MANCA — SEVERAL SMALL EXAMPLES — THE DOMINICAN CHURCH OF SAN 
ESTfeBAN — ^ARCHBISHOP FONSECA's COLEGIO DE SANTIAGO AP6sTOL, 
NOW COLEGIO DE LOS IRLANDESES — PEDRO DE IBARRA— ARCHITECTURAL 
SCULPTURE BY BERRUGUETE AND HIS SCHOOL IN SALAMANCA I30 

CHAPTER VI 
ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 

AVILA AND THE TOMB BY DOMENICO FANCELLI — FANCELLl's DISCIPLE 
VASCO DE LA ZARZA AND HIS MONUMENTS IN THE CATHEDRAL — ZARZA'S 
EXTRAORDINARY FACILITY IN THE SMALL MARBLE CUSTODIA — THE MONU- 
MENT IN THE SACRISTY BY BERRUGUETE OR A PUPIL — GRANITE PALACES 
OF AVILA — SEGOVIA AND ITS PALACES — SGRAFFITO TREATMENT — VAL- 
J LADOLID AND ITS SCARCITY OF RENAISSANCE — ^THE COLEGIO DE SAN 
GREGORIO — THE PROVINCIAL MUSEUM IN THE COLEGIO DE LA SANTA 
CRUZ AND THE REMARKABLE SCULPTURE IT HOLDS — SHORT HISTORY OF 
WOODEN POLYCHROME SCULPTURE IN SPAIN — ^THE PROCESS OF ESTOFADO — 
ALONSO DE BERRUGUETE, TRAINED IN ITALY, RENOUNCING MARBLE AND 
RETURNING TO WOOD AND COLOR — ^HIS STALLS IN TOLEDO CATHEDRAL — 
THE RETABLO FOR SAN BENITO — ^HIS PUPILS AND FOLLOWERS — ^ESTREMA- 
DURA AND THE CATHEDRAL OF PLASENCIA — LOCAL TYPE OF HOUSE BUILT 
FOR THE CONQUISTADORES IN ZAFRA, TRUJILLO, AND cACERES — ^Le6n 
AND THE WORK OF JUAN DE BADAJOZ — THE FACADE OF SAN MARCOS — 
THE GUZMAN PALACE — THE CLOISTER OF THE MONASTERY OF SAN ZOIL IN 
THE TOWN OF CARRi6n DE LOS CONDES — BITS OF RENAISSANCE IN 
WIDELY SCATTERED TOWNS OF OLD AND NEW CASTILE . 168 

CHAPTER VII 
SEVIL LE AND THE WORK OP DIEGO DE RIANO 

SEVILLE'S POLITICAL IMPORTANCE AFTER THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA — 
THE CASA DE CONTRATACI6n OR BOARD OF TRADE — ^DIEGO DE RIAffO, 
ARCHITECT OF THE CASAS CAPITULARES OR CITY HALL — RIANO COMPARED 
WITH DIEGO DE SILOE WHO WORKED CONTEMPORANEOUSLY IN GRANADA — 
RIANO'S PROBABLE PLAN FOR THE CITY HALL — EXTERIOR OF THE BUILD- 
ING — INTERIOR AND ARRANGEMEN P UF R ADIATING FIGURES IN CEIL- 
INGS — RIANO'S WORK IN THE CATHEDRAL AS MAESTRO MAYOR— HIS EARLY 
DEATH — MARTIN GAINZA AND OTHERS WHO SUCCEEDED AS MAESTRO 



(T 



X CONTENTS 

MAYOR AND THE CHANGES THEY MADE IN RIANO'S PLANS — THE SACRISTf A 
MAYOR — A FEW OF THE TREASURES GUARDED IN THE SACRISTY — RENAIS- 
SANCE REJAS IN THE CATHEDRAL BY SANCHO MUNOZ OF CUENCA AND 
FRAY FRANCISCO OF SALAMANCA — THE GIRALDA OR BELFRY OF THE 
CATHEDRAL — ITS UPPER PORTION BY FERNAn RUIZ — LOCAL CRITICISM OF 
RUIZ'S WORK . .210 

CHAPTER VIII 
THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE AND THE MONUMENTS AT OSUNA 



* 



PREVALENCE OF MUD&JAR TRADITIONS IN DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE — 
COLOR FREELY USED IN INTERIORS — ^THE PATIO CHIEFLY AN EXPRESSION 
IN YESERfA — METHODS OF WORKING PLASTER — ^AZULEJOS AND THEIR 
USE — INTRODUCTION OF RENAISSANCE DESIGNS BY THE ITALIAN CERAMIST 
FRAY NICULOSO OF PISA — HIS PORTAL TO THE CONVENT-CHURCH OF SANTA 
PAULA — SEVILLIAN GARDENS AND THEIR TREATMENT — HOUSE OF THE 
^"Sf^ dPKE O F ALBA, KNOWN LOCALLY AS IHE CASA DE LAS DUENAS — OTHER 
•^ MUdSjaSHBoUSES — THE RIBERA TOMBS IN THE CHAPEL OF THE UNIVER- 
SITY — THE TOWN OF OSUNA NEAR SEVILLE — THE COLLEGIATE CHURCH AND 
THE SEPULCRO DE LOS DUQUES 234 

CHAPTER IX 
GRANADA AND THE WORK np nman np QTinp 

- -J ATTITUDE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONQUERORS TOWARDS MOORISH ART — 

P.'^ IMPORTATION OF CASTILIAN ARCHITECTS — ^THE ROYAL CHAPEL OR MAU- 

SOLEUM FOR THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS THE FIRST UNDERTAKING — ITS 
FURNISHINGS ORDERED BY DON ANTONIO DE FONSECA — THE TOMB OF 
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA BY DOMENICO FANCELLI — ^THAT OF JOAN AND 
PHILIP THE FAIR BY BARTOLOBlt ORd6nEZ — THE RETABLO BY FELIPE DE 
VIGARNf — ^THE REJA BY BARTOLOM^ OF JA^N — HENRIQUE DE EGAS AND 
THE NEW CATHEDRAL — ^THE COMMISSION TRANSFERRED TO DIEGO DE 
SILOE — HIS MANNER OF ADAPTING A RENAISSANCE PLAN TO EGAS'S GOTHIC 
FOUNDATIONS — SILOE's DOME — HIS CARVING ON THE PUERTA DE PERd6n 
AND THE PUERTA DE SAN JEr6nIM0 — SILOE AND THE CONVENT-CHURCH 
OF SAN JEr6nIM0 — SILOE AS AN ARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTALIST — THE 
CASA CASTRIL — SILOE's LONG LIFE IN GRANADA — HOSPITAL REAL BY 
ENRIQUE DE EGAS AND JUAN GARCIa DE PRADAS .268 

CHAPTER X 
^ THE ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA AND PROVINCIAL WORK 



d^y- 




PEDRO DE MACHUCA RECOMMENDED TO THE EMPEROR — CLASSIC PLAN 
OF THE PALACE AND ITS AWKWARD ADJUSTMENT TO DOMESTIC NEEDS — 
VARIOUS INTERRUPTIONS TO THE WORK — THE SOUTHERN OR SECONDARY 
PORTAL BY MACHUCA — THE WESTERN OR PRINCIPAL ENTRANCE BY HIS 



f^ 



CONTENTS xi 

SON — ^THE CIRCULAR PATIO — ^DOMESTIC WORK IN GRANADA — THE TWO 
VARIETIES OF WOODEN CEILINGS— CEILING IN THE EMPEROR'S APARTMEN TS iP^lV 

mjrnr athamih!^ — tiled staircases — pebble mosaics — the mendoza 

CASTLE AT LACALAHORRA — ITS STAIRCASE AS A POSSIBLE INSPIRATION TO 
ENRIQUE DE EGAS — ^JA^N AND THE WORK OF ANDRES VANDELVIRA — 
VANDELVIRA's CHURCH OF SAN SALVADOR IN tjBEDA— SILLERIA IN THE 
CHURCH OF SANTA MARIA — PALACES IN tjBEDA — THE AYUNTAMIENTO 
OR CITY HALL OF BAEZA — THE BENAVENTE PALACE . . . 296 

CHAPTER XI 
ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAg6n 



ZARAGOZA'S RENEWED PROSPERITY AFTER THE UNION OF ARAGON AND 
CASTILE — RESTORATION OF THE MOORISH ALJAFERf A — ROYAL ARCHBISHOPS 
IN ZARAGOZA — ENRIQUE DE EGAS'S CIMBORIO TO THE CATHEDRAL OF 
LA SEO AND OTHER PERSIAN FEATURES — THE ITALIAN GIOVANNI MORETO 
IN ZARAGOZA — ^HIS INFLUENCE ON DAMiAn FORMENT — THE PORTAL OF 
SANTA ENGRACIA BY JUAN AND DIEGO DE MORLANES — TUDELILLA AND 
THE TRASCORO OF LA SEO— HIS ALTAR OF THE TRINITY IN JACA-r^HE 
DISPUTED CAPILLA DE SAN BERNARDO IN LA SEO — IMPORTANCE OF MUDfe- 
JARES IN ZARAGOZA — ^MUD^JAR TOWERS AND TILED CUPOLAS — MUD&JAR 
PALACES OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY — ^THE LONJA AND ITS RESEMBLANCE 
TO THE RICCARDI PALACE OF FLORENCE — ITS MASSIVE WOODEN CORNICE — 
INTERIOR OF THE LONJA — TWO TYPES OF WOODEN CORNICE OR ALERO— 
THE CASA ZAPORTA OR DE LA INFANTA, NOW REMOVED TO PARIS — ^THE 
PALACIO DE LUNA OR AUDIENCIA — BRICKWORK OF THE FACADE— OTHER 
HOUSES IN THE CITY — ^TARAZONA AND OTHER ARAGONESE TOWNS . 334 

CHAPTER XII 
OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 



THE MALLORCAN ARISTOCRATS OF THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY — 
SIXTEENTH CENTURY FURNISHINGS STILL IN DAILY USE IN PALBCA HOMES — 
MALLORCAN ARCHITECTS IN GOTHIC DAYS — ^JUAN DE SAl£s FIRST RENAIS- 
SANCE ARCHITECT IN THE CATHEDRAL — HIS LARGE PULPIT — ^DOMESTIC 
ARCHITECTS UNKNOWN — INSULAR TYPE OF PALACE — ^FAgADE DICTATED 
BY NARROWNESS OF STREET — PECULIARITIES OF THE PALMA PATIO, 
CALLED ZAGuAn — SUPERIOR CHARACTER OF ITS MASONRY — UNIQUE 
STAIRWAY CONSTRUCTION THROUGHOUT THE CITY — SHEET-IRON BALUS- 
TRADES — CONCENTRATED PLAN OWING TO BUILDING OVER OF ZAGUAn 
AREA — ^PALACE OF THE MARQUES DE VIVOT — ^THE CASA DEL MARQU&S 
DE PALMER AND ITS FLEMISH TOUCHES — ^THE OLEZA HOUSE — OTHER EX- 
AMPLES IN THE CITY 362 



xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XIII 

THE INFLUENCE OP PHILIP II 

Philip's interest in architecture while yet prince — the chill 
he cast over plateresque — foretaste of his preferred style to 
be found in the hospital of st. john the baptist in toledo — its 
founder archbishop tavera renounces covarrubias and selects 
the priest bartolomfe bustamente — bustamente and the maestros 
of the cathedral — simplicity of the plan — ^the church of the 

HOSPITAL CONTAINING ARCHBISHOP TA\T!:RA's TOMB BY BERRUGUETE — 
THE ONLY COMPLETED QUADRANGLE OF THE PLAN — THE UNFINISHED 
FACADE AND LATER ADDITIONS — THE ROYAL ALCAzAR OF TOLEDO AND THE 
CHANGE OF STYLE IN THE PLATERESQUE ARCHITECTS EMPLOYED ON IT — 
THE PATIO BY COVARRUBIAS AND THE STAIRWAY BY VILLALPANDO — THE 
PROVINCIAL HOSPITAL OF SEVILLE — THE PALACE AT SALDANUELA . 388 

CHAPTER XIV 

JUAN DE HERRERA AND THE LATTER PART OP THE 

CENTURY 

THE ESCORIAL THE GREAT MONUMENT OF PHlLIP's REIGN — ^HIS SEVERAL 
MOTIVES FOR BUILDING IT — THE ESCORIAL COMPARED WITH THE VAT- 
ICAN — PHILIP'S CHOICE OF JUAN BAUTISTA DE TOLEDO AS ARCHITECT — 
THE monarch's SOLICITUDE IN CHOOSING AN APPROPRIATE SITE FOR 
THE MONASTERY — JUAN BAUTISTA's SPLENDID SOUBASSEMENT — GRIDIRON 

plan of the building — philip's promptitude in ordering furnish- 
ings and materials — his decision to increase the capacity of the 
monastery and the addition of a third story — early death of 
juan bautista — ^his successor juan de herrera, an asturian — 
completion of the colossal structure — ^foreign architects claim 
ing to have built it — its great achievement not in architecture 
as a fine art, but in scheme — ^dome of the church in relation to 
Michelangelo's and the elder sangallo's — herrera's architec- 
turalizing of the principal. faqade — ^analysis of the plan — 
comparison between juan bautista and herrera — remaining pro- 
DUCTIONS OF THESE TWO — ^HERRERA'S CATHEDRAL IN VALLADOLID — HIS 
SMALL PALACE IN PLASENCIA — THE PUENTE DE SEGOVIA IN MADRID — 
THE LONJA IN SEVILLE — THOROUGH CONFORMITY OF ALL IMPORTANT 
NEW EDIFICES TO HERRERA's AND PHILIP's TYPE AND UTTER EXTINCTION 

of the creative spark 408 

Index .......... . 431 



V 



PLATES 

Stairway of the Palacio Arzobispal, AlcalA de Henares 

Frontispiece 

PLATE PAGB 

I. — Hospital de Santa Cruz, Toledo ... 5 

II. — Patio of the Hospital de Santa Cruz, Toledo. 9 

III. — ^Section through Stairway of the Hospital de 

Santa Cruz, Toledo . . 19 

IV. — Stair Newel in the Hospital de Santa Cruz 

Similar Newel in a Toledo House 23 

V. — Elevation of Hospital Real, Santiago de 

CoMPOSTELA 25 

VI. — Portal of the Hospital Real, Santiago . 31 

VII. — Patio of the Casa del Greco, Toledo . 35 

VIII. — Portal of the Convento de San Clemente, 

Toledo ....... 43 

IX. — Doorway of the Capilla de San Juan, Toledo 

Cathedral -47 

X. — Patio of the Palacio Arzobispal, Alcala 53 

XI. — Doorway in the Palacio Arzobispal, Alcala . 59 

XII. — Section through Stairway of the Palacio 

Arzobispal, AlcalA 61 

XIII. — Pilaster Panels of the Palacio Arzobispal, 

AlcalA 65 

XIV. — Elevation of the University of AlcalA . 69 

XV. — Entrance to the Sacristy of the Capilla del 

Condestable, Burgos Cathedral 81 

/XVI. — Palacio de Medinaceli, Cogolludo ... 87 
vXVII. — The Escalera Dorada, Burgos Cathedral . 89 

ia'i-^^j' xiii 



xiv PLATES 

FLATS PAGE 

XVIII. — ^Entrance to the Hospital del Rey, Burgos . 93 

XIX. — Door Panel of the Church of the Hospital del 

Rey, Burgos 95 

XX. — Patio of the Casa Miranda, Burgos ioi 

XXI. — Portal of the Palacio de Penaranda 115 

XXII. — ^Artesonado over the Stairway of the Palacio 

DE Penaranda 119 

XXIII. — ^Window with YeserIa in the Palacio de 

Penaranda 123 

XXIV. — ^Artesonado in a Small Salon of the Palacio de 

Penaranda 125 

XXV. — Detail from the Parade of the University, 

Salamanca 133 

XXVI. — Portal of the Escuelas Menores, Salamanca 135 

"^ XXVII. — Stair Ramp in the University of Salamanca . 141 

XXVIII. — Casa Salina, Salamanca. Elevation of the 

Casa Salina 147 

XXIX. — Elevation of the Casa de Las Muertes, Sala- 
manca ...... 151 

XXX. — Palacio de Maldonadoy Morillo, Salamanca 153 

/ XXXI. — San Est^ban, Salamanca 159 

\l XXXII. — Patio of the Colegio de los Irlandeses, Sala- 
manca 163 

XXXIII. — Tomb of the Infante Don Juan in the Church 

of Santo TomAs, Avila . -171 

XXXIV. — Monument to Bishop Alfonso de Madrigal, El 

^ TosTADO, Avila Cathedral 175 

^ XXXV. — Patio of the Colegio de San Gregorio, Valla- 

DOLiD ....... 183 

XXXVI. — Three Figures in Wood from the Retabloof 

San Benito, Valladolid, by Berruguete 187 

XXXVII. — Detail of the Parade of San Marcos, Le6n 195 

XXXVIII. — Two Bays in the Cloister of San Zoil, Carri6n 

DE LOS CONDES 1 97 

XXXIX. — Cloister of Former Hieronymite Monastery, 

LuPiANA 203 



PLATES rv 

PLATS PAGE 

XL. — Doors in the Sacristy, Cuenca Cathedral 205 

XLI. Ayuntamiento or Town Hall, Seville 213 

XLIL — Scale Drawing of a Window of the Ayunta- 
miento, Seville 219 

XLIII. — Reja of the Capilla Mayor, Seville Cathedral 225 

XLI V. La Giralda, the Campanile of Seville Cathedral 

Scale Drawing of the Giralda 229 

XLV. — ThreTe Panels of YeserIa from the Casa Alba, 

Seville 237 

XLVI. — Altar of Azulejos in the Real Alcazar, Seville 241 

XLVII. — AzuLEjo Portal of the Convento de Santa Paula, 

Seville ....... 243 

XLVIIL — Garden of the Museo Provincial, Seville 247 

XLIX. Plan of the Casa Alba, Seville .251 

L. — Main Patio of the Casa Alba, Seville. Minor 

Patio of the Casa Alba, Seville . . 255 

LI. — Tomb of Don Pedro Enriquez de Ribera in the 
University Church, Seville. Tomb of Dona 
Catalina de Ribera, in the University 
Church, Seville ..... 259 

LII. — Patio in the Sepulcro de los Duques, Osuna 263 

Lin. — Tombs and Reja in the Capilla Real, Granada 271 

LIV. — Drawing of the Tomb of the Catholic Kings, in 

THE Capilla Real, Granada . 275 

LV. — Polychrome Wooden Retablo in the Capilla 

Real, Granada . -279 

LVI. Interior of Granada Cathedral . 287 

VLVII. — South Portal of Charles V*s Palace, Granada 299 

v/lVIII. — Fountain of Charles V in the Alameda del 

Alhambra ....... 305 

LIX. — Ceiling in the Council Room of the Ayunta- 
miento ViEjo, Granada .... 309 

LX. — Ceiling in the Emperor's Apartments in the 

Moorish Palace of the Alhambra, Granada 313 

LXI. — Stairway of the Castillo de Lacalahorra 317 

LXII. — Cathedral of Ja^n 321 



4 



xvi PLATES 

FLATS PAGE 

LXIII. — SiLLERfA OF Santa MarIa, Ubeda . . . 325 

LXIV. — Casa de las Torres, Ubeda .... 329 

LXV. Mud6jar Brickwork of the Cathedral of La Seo, 

Zaragoza ....... 337 

LXVI. — Wooden Cornice of the Lonja, Zaragoza 347 

LXVII. — Cornice and Parade of the Real Maestranza, 

Zaragoza -351 

LXVIII. — Elevation of the Audiencia, Zaragoza 355 

LXIX. — Patio in the Pormer Museo Provincial, Zara- 
goza ........ 357 

LXX. — Cupola over Stairway in the Archivo General 

de Arag6n, Barcelona. Artesonado in the 
Council Room of the Audiencia, Valencia 365 

LXXI. — Two Views of the Stairway in the Casa Oleza, 

Palma de Mallorca 373 

■ 

LXXII. — Elevation of the Casa del Marques de Palmer, 

Palma 377 

LXXIII. — Wooden Cornice of the Casa Consistorial, 

Palma 383 

LXXIV. — Hospital de San Juan Bautista, Toledo . . 391 

LXXV. — Tomb of Cardinal Tavera in the Hospital de 

San Juan Bautista 395 

LXX VI. — Spandrel over Main Portal of the Hospital 

Provincial, Seville 403 

LXXVII. — El Monasterio Real de San Lorenzo, El Escorial 41 1 

LXXVin. — Plan of the Escorial 415 

LXXIX. — Patio de los Evangelistas in the Escorial 421 

LXXX. — Cathedral of Valladolid .... 425 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT 

FIGURE PAGE 

I. — Plan of the Hospital de Santa Cruz, Toledo . 13 



2. — Silver Custodia in the Colegiata at Covarrubias 

3. — Gold and Silver Custodia in the Royal Monastery of 

oILOS •....*.. 

4. — Detail of Portal of the Santa Cruz Hospital, Toledo 

5. — Interior of the Santa Cruz Hospital, Toledo 

6. — Upper Story of Patio of the Santa Cruz Hospital 
Toledo ........ 

7. — Plan of the Hospital Real, Santiago de Compostela 

8. — Patio of the Hospital Real, Santiago . 

9. — Plan of the Restored Casa del Greco, Toledo 

10. — Reproduction of Chimney-piece in a Toledo House 

1 1 . — Typical Granite Doorway, Toledo 

12. — Tomb of Enrique II of Castile, Toledo Cathedral 

13. — Detail of the Portal of the Capilla de San Juan 
Toledo Cathedral 

14. — Carved Wooden Doors to the Sala Capitular, Toledo 
Cathedral 

15. — Panel from Wardrobe in the Antesala Capitular 

Toledo Cathedral ..... 

16. — Two Figures from the SillerIa, Toledo Cathedral 

17. — Upper Story of Patio of the Palacio Arzobispal 

18. — Detail of Rustication in the Patio of the Palacio 
Arzobispal, AlcalA ..... 

19. — Capital from the Palacio Arzobispal, now in the Museo 
Arqueologico, Madrid 

xvii 



15 

15 
16 

17 

21 
28 
29 

33 

34 

38 
42 

46 

49 

50 
52 

56 

57 
58 



xviu ILLUSTRATIONS 

nCURB PAGE 

20. — Wooden Artesonado in the Palacio Arzobispal, Alcala 64 

2 1 . — Detail from the Facade of the University, Alcala . 71 

22. — ^Escutcheon of Charles V over Portal of the Monastery 

AT Yuste 73 

23. — ^Blind Window in the Parade of the University, Alcala . 74 

24. — Portal of the Convento de las Carmelitas, AlcalA 77 

25. — Rubbing from Tomb of Dona Mencia de Mendoza, Wife 

OF THE CONDESTABLE DE CaSTILLA, BuRGOS CaTHEDRAL 83 

26. — puerta de la pellejerfa, burgos cathedral. 84 

27. — Detail from Reja of the Capilla del Condestable, 

Burgos Cathedral 91 

28. — Detail from Tomb of Canon Gonzalo de Lerma, in the 

Capilla de la Presentaci6n, Burgos Cathedral 92 

29. — Detail of Arch Soffit, in the Hospital del Rey, Burgos 98 

30. — Section through Stairway in the Casa Miranda, Burgos 99 

31. — ^Vaulting of Stairway in the Casa Miranda, Burgos 100 

32. — Santa Maria del Campo, near Burgos . . .103 

33. — Long Gallery in the Palacio de Monterey, Salamanca 107 

34. — An Outdoor Kitchenette 108 

35. — Plan of the Palacio de Penaranda de Duero . . 1 10 

36. — Upper Gallery of Patio in the Palacio de Penaranda . 117 



37. — Carved Stone Plinth of Upper Doorway in the Palacio 
DE Penaranda .... 



Palacio de 



38. — Doorway from Patio to Main Salon in the 
Penaranda 

39. — Main Salon of the Palacio de Penaranda 

40. — Frieze of Wood in Main Salon of the Palacio de 
Penaranda 



118 

121 
122 

128 
137 



41. — Facade of the University, Salamanca . 

42. — Detail of Portal of the Escuelas Menores, Salamanca . 1 38 

43. — Wooden Ceiling in Patio of the University, Salamanca . 140 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



XIX 



FIGURB 



44 
45 
46 

47 
48 

49 
50 

51 
52 

53 
54 
55 
56 

57 
58 

59 

60 
61 
62 

63 

64 

65 
66 

67 
68 

69 
70 

71 

72 



— Stair Newel in the Palacio de San Boal, Salamanca 
— Corbels in Patio of the Casa Salinas, Salamanca 



— Motif from Facade of the Casa de las Muertes, 

— Paiacio de Monterey, Salamanca . 

— CoLEGio DE San Ildefonso, Salamanca . 

— Detail from Portal of San Est^ban, Salamanca 

— Upper Cloister of the Colegio de los Irlandeses, 

— Patio of the Convento de las Duenas, Salamanca 

— Patio of the Castillo de Villanueva de Caneda 
Salamanca 

— Trascoro of Avila Cathedral 

— Altar of Santa Catalina, Avila Cathedral . 



Sala- 



Sala- 



NEAR 



— Altar in the Sacristy, Avila Cathedral 

— Typical Palace Doorway, Avila . 

— Patio of the Palacio del Marques del Arco, Segovia 

— Wooden Pulpit in Colegiata of Aranda del Duero 

— Pulpit with Alternating Mud6jar and Renaissance 
Panels, Amusco, near Palencia 

— Portal Adjoining the Bishop's Palace, Plasencia 

— Palacio del Duque de San Carlos, Trujillo 

— Vaulting of the Sacristy, Siguenza Cathedral 

— Detail of Stairway in the Palacio de los Duenas, Me 
DiNA del Campo 

— Patio of the Later Mendoza Palace, Guadalajara 



— Pier in the Convento de la Piedad, Guadalajara 
— Detail of Stone Portal in the Cathedral of Cuenca 

— House in Cuenca 

— Small Iron Reja in the Cathedral of Cuenca 
— Patio of the Palacio Espejo, Ciudad Rodrigo 
— Plan of the Ayuntamiento, Seville . . 



— Detail from Doorway of the Ayuntamiento, Seville 
— Escutcheon of Seville on Fajade of the Ayuntamiento 



PAGB 

144 
149 

150 
156 

157 
161 

162 
165 

166 
170 

174 

177 
179 

180 

182 

185 
19b 

191 
192 

193 
194 

199 

200 

201 

202 

207 

215 
216 

218 



XX 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PIGURB 



73. — ^ScuLPTURAL Panel from Facade of the Ayuntamiento . 
74. — Ceiling of Vestibule in Ayuntamiento of Seville 

75. — CusTODiA IN Seville Cathedral 

76. — Corner Pinnacle on the Giralda Tower, Seville 
77. — Panel of Azulejos in the Casa Pilatos, Seville . 
78. — Sunken Patio in the Casa de los Venerables Sacerdotes, 

oEVILLE •.....*.. 

79. — AzuLEjo Treatment in Gardens of the Real AlcAzar, 

OEVILLE ......... 



PAGE 

221 
223 
228 
232 

240 

245 
249 



80. — Garden in the Casa Pilatos, Seville .... 

81 . — Wooden Ceiling in the Casa del Duque de Alba, Seville 254 

82. — Doorway in Upper Cloister of the Alba House, Seville 257 

83. — Detail of Patio in the Sepulcro de los Duques, Osuna . 261 

84. — Garden Entrance to the Sepulcro de los Duques, Osuna 262 

85. — Portal of the Colegiata, Osuna 265 

86. — Detail from Tomb of Ferdinand and Isabella, Granada 273 

87. — Detail from Tomb of Dona Juana and Don Felipe, 

Granada 278 

88. — Plan of the Cathedral of Granada .... 283 

89. — Ambulatory Arch in Granada Cathedral 285 

90. — Exterior of Granada Cathedral .... 286 

91. — Cimborio OF San Jer6nimo, Granada .... 290 

92. — Casa Castril, Granada 291 

93. — Entrance to the Capilla Real, Granada . 293 

94. — The Lonja, Granada 294 

95. — Plan of Charles V*s Palace, Granada 301 

96. — ^West Facade of Charles V*s Palace, Granada . 302 

97. — Patio of Charles V's Palace, Granada 304 

98. — Ceiling in House of Luis de C6rdova, Granada 308 

99. — Ceiling in the Apartments Remodeled for Charles V 

IN THE Palace of the Alhambra, Granada .312 

100. — Window by Jacopo Florentino, Cathedral of Murcia . 315 

loi. — Sketch Plan OF THE Mendoza Castle AT Lacalahorra . 319 

102. — Patio OF THE Castillo DE Lacalahorra . . 320 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

PIGUSX PAGE 

03. — Doorway in Upper Cloister of the Castillo de Lacala- 
HORRA . 



04. — CUSTODIA IN THE CATHEDRAL OF JA^N 

05. — Patio of the Casa de las Torres, Ubeda 

06. — Ayuntamiento, Baeza .... 

07. — Interior of Cimborio of La Seo, Zaragoza 

o8.-^SiLLERfA IN Cathedral of El Pilar, Zaragoza, from 
A Cast in the Museo Provincial 

09. — Retablo in Ruined Monastery of Poblet 

10. — Portal of Santa Engracia, Zaragoza 

II. — The Cathedral of El Pilar, Zaragoza, from across the 
Ebro ..... • . . 

12. — The Lonja, Zaragoza ... ... 

13. — Plan of the Lonja, Zaragoza 

14. — Interior of the Lonja, Zaragoza .... 

15. — Wooden Cornice of Moorish Type, Zaragoza 

16. — Small House in the Calle Mayor, Zaragoza 

17. — Wooden Cornice of the Casa Consistorial, Huesca 

18. — Stairway in the Palacio de Moncado, Barcelona 

19. — Pulpit in Cathedral, Palma de Mallorca 

20. — Stairway in Small House, Palma 

21. — Stairway in the Casa Palmarqu^s, Palma 

22. — Plan of the Casa Vivot, Palma 

23. — Main Salon of the O'Neil House, Palma 

24. — Patio of the Casa del Marques de Vivot, Palma 

25. — Plan of the Casa Oleza, Palma 

26. — Window in the Casa Villalonga, Palma 

27. — ^Entrance to the Burga-Zaforteza House on the Borne 

28. — Plan of Hospital de San Juan Bautista, Toledo 

29. — Arcade between the Two Patios, Hospital de San Juan 
Bautista, Toledo .... 



324 

327 
328 

332 
339 

340 

341 
342 

344 
346 

349 
350 

354 

359 
360 

364 
368 

370 
371 
375 
376 

379 
381 
382 

385 
393 

397 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PIGURB 

130. — Window in the Hospital de San Juan Bautista, Toledo 
131. — Plan OF Real Alcazar, Toledo .... 
132. — Patio of Real Alcazar, Toledo .... 
133. — Detail from Entrance to Patio of the Real AlcAzar 
134. — Hospital Provincial (de la Sangre), Seville 

135. — Palace at Saldanuela 

136. — South Paqade of Real Monasterio, Escorial 
137. — Dome of the Monastery Church, Escorial . 
138. — Interior of Monastery Church, Escorial 
139. — Small Palace by Herrera, Plasencia . 
140. — Patio of Lonja, Seville .... 



PAGS 

398 

399 
401 

404 

405 
406 

417 
419 

423 
427 

429 



Spanish Architecture of the Sixteenth 

Century 



CHAPTER I 

TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 

THREE HOSPITALS BEGUN BY EGAS IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CEN- 
TURY — TOLEDO HOSPITAL THE MOST IMPORTANT — INFLUENCE OF THE 
ARCHBISHOPS OF TOLEDO IN POLITICS AND ART — EL GRAN CARDENAL 
MENDOZA AND HIS COLEGIO IN VALLADOLID — ^WHY THE RENAISSANCE 
ARRIVED LATE IN SPAIN — IN WHAT PROVINCES IT FLOURISHED AND BY 
WHAT MEANS IT WAS PROPAGATED — ^VARIOUS ITALIANS WHO WORKED IN 
SPAIN — ^EGAS AND THE CATALAN GOLDSMITH — ORIGIN OF THE TERM PLAT- 
ERESCO — PROBABLE INFLUENCE OF THE GENOESE ARCHITECTS AT LA- 
CALAHORRA — ^VARIOUS BUILDINGS ATTRIBUTED TO EGAS — THE EARLIEST 
PLATERfA SHOWING THE NEW FORMS — ^ANALYSIS OF THE HOSPITAL DE 
LA SANTA CRUZ — ^THE TERM ARTESONADO — RESEMBLANCE BETWEEN THE 
STAIRWAY OF THE HOSPITAL AND THAT AT LACALAHORRA — THE HOS- 
PITAL REAL AT SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA — EGAS'S SLIGHT CONNECTION 
WITH THE HOSPITAL AT GRANADA — EGAS AND HIS SON-IN-LAW COVAR- 
RUBIAS — ^DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE IN TOLEDO — ^THE |IUDijAR STYLE — ^THE 
GRANITE PORTALS OF TOLEDO HOUSES 



Span^i Architecture of the Sixteenth 

Century 



CHAPTER I 

TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 

THE first sixteenth-century architect to embody in a 
building the fragmentary ideas on Renaissance ar* 
chitecture which were then circulating through Spain 
was Enrique de Egas. Egas, who was maestro mayor of the 
Gothic cathedral of Toledo, planned three great hospitals in 
the new style. These were the Santa Cruz in Toledo, built 
for the Archbishop Don Pedro de Mendoza, and the royal 
hospitals in Santiago and Granada for the Catholic Sovereigns, 
Ferdinand and Isabella. For all three structures the scheme 
was practically the same. The Granada building was the 
last undertaken and soon passed into other hands, but those 
in Toledo and Santiago were entirely in Egas's charge and 
may be considered, in spite of some later disfigurements, as 
representative of his conception of the new art — the obra del 
romanoy as the Spanish were then calling the Italian Renais- 
sance. The Hospital de la Santa Cruz (Plate I), begun in 
1504, was the most important architecturally and exerted no 
small influence on subsequent efforts in Castile. 

That a Renaissance structure should first appear in Toledo 
and be sponsored by a distinguished prelate was entirely 
appropriate, for Toledo was the chief episcopal city of Spain^ 



4 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

and its archbishops practically controlled the civilization of 
the whole realm. They were counselors of kings and leaders 
of armies; their revenues were princely and they fostered the 
arts and sciences. Don Pedro de Mendoza, El Gran Cardenal^ 
who was primate when Renaissance art began to penetrate 
Castile, had traveled in Italy and his family had already erected 
a pretentious residence, the Palacio del Infantado, in which a 
few Italian motifs appear. The cardinal himself, before 
determining to found the hospital in Toledo, had employed 
Enrique de Egas to build a Gothic college of the same name 
in Valladolid. This Colegio de la Santa Cruz (1480-1492) 
is often cited as the first specimen of the new style but its 
Renaissance touches are very plainly of later date ; the entrance 
portal, for instance, belongs to the school of Francisco de 
Colonia, an architect who did not begin working in that region 
until after 1500 as explained in Chapter III.' "The Toledo edifice 
on the contrary was really designed in Renaissance so far as a 
Gothicist understood the new movement. Although the build- 
ing was not commenced until 1504 the drawings may have been 
made before 1495, the year of the princely patron's death^ 
Queen Isabella, whom he had solemnly charged to carry out 
his plans, chose the present site as having a better exposure 
than the one he had designated next the cathedral. But nearly 
a decade elapsed before the work actually began. Ten years 
later, while far from finished, it came to a standstill. 

^hus in the center of inland Castile, in the venerable city 
that had known Roman, Visigothic, Arab, Gothic, and Mude- 
jar architecture, the first faltering piece of Spanish Renais- 
sance rose contemporaneous with the sophisticated palaces 
of Peruzzi and Sangallo in Rome.* \In other words the Re- 

> The Medinaceli Palace at CogoUudo (Plate XVI) is also pointed to as the first 
Renaissanoe building, because Philip the Fair visited it in 1502; but here too the Re« 
naissance portal is by Cq}onia. Other writers call attention to the fact that the first 
monument in Spain absolutely free from Gothic is the castle at Lacalahorm (1509). 
This is true enough, but the castle in question is entirely the work of Italian architects 
and artizans brought from Genoa for the express purpose of building it (see page 316). 

' Don Antonio Pons in his Viage de Espafia (1772) said of Toledo that it was "one of 
the Spanish cities in which the greatest and best works were executed, where the fine 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 7 

naissance came late as a glance at history will show^While 
the coast provinces were developing an active commercial 
life in the Middle Ages and building exchanges and maritime 
tribunals such as the fine Gothic Lonja of Palma or the Con- 
sulado del Mar of Barcelona, Castile, still battling with 
Moorish invaders, needed nothing architecturally but those 
defensive castles from which it took its name. Back in the 
thirteenth century when Leon was incorporated with it, 
Castile was proudly termed El corazon y Castillo of the penin- 
sula; but this heart and stronghold still had two centuries of 
warfare and bad government before it, and consequently 
intellectual progress was slow. When further strengthened 
by the marriage of Isabella of Castile with her cousin and 
neighbor Ferdinand of Aragon (1474) the inland provinces 
really began to thrive. These two progressive rulers, after 
lifting Castilian politics out of a state of chaos, bent every 
energy on the expulsion of the Moors who still held the king- 
dom of Granada. In this they succeeded in 1492. Spain, 
after having endured the presence of Mohammedans for 
nearly eight centuries, was at last all Spanish. The national 
elation was tremendous and expressed itself in magnificent 
churches (these true to the Gothic tradition). Next the 
sovereigns lent ear to Christopher Columbus who made them 
masters of an unsuspected world across the Atlantic; and within 
another few years their Gran Capitdtiy Gonsalvo de Cordoba, 
recaptured Naples. Thus Spain with incredible rapidity be- 
came a power, and that power was focused in Castile. 

1 Peace at home and conquest abroad naturally quickened 
that acquisition of culture and expansion of private and muni- 
cipal life for which previous conditions had not been favorable. 
Hidalgos who had served in Italy and had witnessed the refined 
life of the Italian aristocracy abandoned their remote ancestral 
seats and built themselves new homes in the towns. Cities 



arts were reborn, and where the artifioers were better remunerated than elsewhere; 
and this not only during and since the reign of Charles V when Covamibias, Bemi- 
guete, Juan Bautista, and Herrera flourished, but even during the many previous 
centuries." Farther on he laments that of all the artists who helped to enrich the city 
by their labors it is of the architects that the scantiest records have been kept. 



8 SPANISH ARCHITECTUEE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

began demanding civic structures that would reflect the 
growth of municipal authority. The architects of these new 
palaces, city halls, colleges, and hospitals turned to the incom- 
ing Italian art for inspiratio^J Gothic churches also played 
their part in propagating the new style by acquiring furniture, 
tombs, and even whole new dependencies, whose erection 
often brought to a remote locality Renaissance workers whose 
presence was taken advantage of for secular building as well. 
Thus the style appeared spasmodically and in widely sepa- 
rated places, answering the call of some noble or prelate. On 
the Mediterranean coast where it had a good start while the 
Valencian Borjas were popes, it never produced any important 
monuments; partly because Spain's prosperity shifted from 
Mediterranean to Atlantic ports after the discovery of America, 
and partly because the inability of the Hapsburgs to grapple 
with economic problems permitted their Cortes to impoverish 
Valencia by prohibiting her silk-weaving and to interfere with 
certain exports which had meant considerable wealth to 
Barcelona. The Renaissance likewise made small progress 
in Galicia, Asturias, and the Basque provinces, for these had 
all beenj^ft high and dry as the Reconquest spread south- 
ward. (/Th(^rrf'^r^j ^^'t^ t^^ f>-r/-^pt;r^n of a few outstanding 
examples, the study of Spanish Renaissance architecture is 
the study of work done in Castile and the newly added Anda- 
lusia whither the movement was carried by Castilian architects 
and sculptors. \ 

We have seen that Renaissance drew its first architect 
from the ranks of practicing Gothicists; and as there is no 
record of any Spaniard studying in Italy until a quarter of a 
century later, the question arises as to what means the earliest 
men had of acquainting themselves with the new style. Its 
transmission is ascribed, aside from the close political inter- 
course between the two countries, to those Italian sculptors 
who came to Spain and carved retablos and sepulchres; also 
to the importation of tombs and other accessories executed 
in Italy for wealthy Spaniards. Far back in the fifteenth 
century when Flemish, French, and German artists were 
still coming south and making Burgos their first stopping 



PATIO OP THE HOSPITAL DE SANTA CRUZ, TOLEDO. 
Enrigrue de Egos, Archiied, 1504-14, 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 11 

place, Italians were coming west to Barcelona, Valencia, and 
Murcia. As early indeed as 1417 a pupil of Lorenzo Ghiberti 
was working in Valencia and later this same city, when its 
bishop Rodrigo Borja became Pope Alexander VI, was en- 
riched by many works of art sent back by him from Rome. 
All through the first half of the sixteenth century the Italians 
continued to arrive and push on to Castile, and for every one 
whose name has been preserved, like Giovanni Moreto who 
carved retablos and tombs in Zaragoza (Saragossa) for 
nearly fifty years, or Giacopo Fiorentino who built in Murcia 
and Granada, or Fray Niculoso of Pisa who painted tiles in 
Seville, or, greatest of all, Domenico Fancelli who made the 
royal tombs at Granada and Avila, there were hosts who went 
unrecorded. These were mostly Lombards who worked as 
assistants to Italian or Castilian masters. 

For the early established and flourishing business of tomb- 
making none of the great masters came, but numbers of skilled 
carvers from the active and widely exploited marble ateliers 
of Carrara. It is well known how these when they invaded 
France brought working models consisting of plaster casts, 
drawings, small terra cottas and stuccos, and how they formed 
themselves into a number of ambulatory ateliers. As the 
astute contractors of Carrara and Genoa kept in touch with 
building enterprises everywhere they undoubtedly sent similar 
equipment to Toledo where the archbishops were constantly 
aggrandizing the cathedral. Marcel Dieulafoy in his Art in 
Spain and Portugal makes one Italian-trained goldsmith re- 
sponsible for Egas's Renaissance training. This was a Cata- 
lan named Pedro Diez who, on his return from Rome about 
1458, was called to Toledo and there "acquired such ascen- 
dancy in the workshops of the cathedral that Enrique Egas, 
son of the master of the works, came entirely under his influ- 
ence. Thus we find a platero connected with the evolution 
of pointed architecture ; hence the term Plateresco applied in 
Spanish to the individual styles of the reigns of Joanna the 
Mad and her son the Emperor Charles (1504-1558)." But 
the obscure question of how Egas acquired his Renaissance 
knowledge cannot be dismissed so simply. At the time the 



12 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

Catalan goldsmith came to Toledo^ Enrique (d. 1534) must 
have been a mere infant and still in Burgos where his father, 
the Brussels architect Annequin de Egas (Jan van der Eyken), 
worked before he was called to Toledo. But no matter how 
young Enrique was when he learned the new style he kept 
practicing Flemish Gothic until he built the hospitals to be 
discussed here. As to the christening of what the Spaniards 
believed to be Italian architecture, that did not take place 
until the seventeenth century when Zuiiiga, the annalist of 
Seville, coined the phrase "fantasias platerescas" to describe 
buildings of the preceding century. Egas and his contem- 
poraries called their work obra del romanOy or el arte viejo 
(the old art). 

That this tyro in the new style met itinerant Italians after 
coming to Toledo is not to be doubted ; but there was another 
and more definite influx to which he may also have owed 
something. This was the group of Genoese and Lombard 
builders who were specially imported in 1509 to erect the castle 
at Lacalahorra near Granada for Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, 
son of the Great Cardinal. Egas while at work on his Toledo 
hospital was also employed in Granada and there can be no 
doubt that he heard of, and perhaps even visited, the much 
discussed Italian palace. That he studied the classic ruins 
so numerous in Spain there is not the slightest reason to be- 
lieve. Like many another artist whose life and work are 
only imperfectly known he has been accredited with several 
more or less improbable productions. Some writers, unwilling 
to admit that he could have built his hospitals without passing 
through a transitional stage, ascribe to him the curious Colegio 
de San Gregorio in Valladolid. This, like the unlovely Men- 
doza palace in Guadalajara and the Benavente in Baeza, is 
generally considered typically Spanish but is in reality the 
extravagant expression of some newly arrived Fleming en- 
amored of Moorish richness and bent on incorporating it with 
decadent Gothic — the same elements, by the way, which pro- 
duced the Manuelinc style in Portugal. Egas may have seen 
the germ of an idea in these extraordinary fa9ades but his 
authentic productions are of much greater refinement. Re- 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OP ENRIQUE DE EGAS IS 

garding the University of Salamanca in which others pretend 
to see his hand one may reason in quite the opposite direc- 
tion; it is too sophisticated. As master of the royal works he 
may have been commissioned to make designs for it late in 




SCALE or t. 



JL 



-9* fWlT. 



Fig. I — Plan of the Hospital de Santa Cruz, Toledo. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1504-14. 

m 

the fifteenth century, but the one followed and completed 
about 1530 reveals nothing of him. Turning to his authentic 
work as seen in the hospital in Toledo it shows that he, unlike 
the Florentine Brunelleschi, did not sec in the revival of 
classic an organic change affecting the plan itself (see Fig. i). 
As a thor ough Gothicist he might have been expected to show 
an in terest in the problems of vaulting which had so engrossed 
the early Italians; but the fact is that for his Renaissance 
experiments he clung to the carpentry ceilings of the Moors 



14 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

and was content to accept the Renaissance as a new set of 
motifs to be engrafted onto medieval principles — it has always 
been true that decorative themes have been propagated much 
more quickly than methods of construction. 

The result of Spanish effort to build in the Italian style 
is both interesting and novel and is best described by its 
native name of Plateresco. This implies a resemblance to the 
work of the silversmith or platero in scale and delicacy of 
execution but does not mean that the Spanish architect 
followed the silversmith's lead in the use of Renaissance motifs; 
for the earliest church vessels, that is, important pieces such as 
custodias, chalices, or processional crosses in which such 
forms are to be found, are posterior to Egas's experiments 
(see Figs- 2 and 3). Nor were the first Spaniards who prac- 
ticed Plateresque recruited from the goldsmiths' shops as in 
Florence nearly a century before. They were Gothic architects 
and sculptors who changed their style as opportunity presented 
itself, but who saw the new from the ornamentalist's point 
of view rather than the builder's. 

Analyzing the Hospital de Santa Cruz we find that it is 
eclectic in design showing Renaissance, Gothic, and Mudejar 
elements, especially in the various methods of roofing; these 
comprise Gothic stone vaulting, artesonadosj^ and the open 
truss construction of the Moors. Fig. i shows the plan to 
be based on the Maltese cross, the cardinal's emblem, which 
also appears repeatedly in the ornament. The arms of the 
immense cross, along with the proposed equilateral facades, 
were to embrace four comer patios; but of this ambitious 
scheme only the cross itself, one patio, and a portion of the 
south fa9ade were ever built. This unfortunately was the 
fate of too many grandiose projects of the sixteenth century. 
In the present example it is the facade that suffers most, 
from incompletion, for it terminates abruptly a few feet west 

' Artesonado from artesSn meaning a wooden kneading-trough or tub. The term 
was applied to all coffered ceilings whether flat or vaulted in section, each sunken coffer 
with its surrounding mouldings suggesting the artes6n. By extension, all wooden ceil- 
ings are called artesonados though those not built up of coffers are more accurately 
referred to as techumbres. In the making and decorating of these the Moon particularljr 
excelled (see page i8). 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OP ENRIQUE DE EGAS U 

of what was to be the central motif; yet despite the loss of 
balance the effect is impressive. Fenestration is reduced to 
a minimum thus expressing that the interior derives its light 
and air from the patio. On the doorway and windows is 



/ 
Fig. 2— Silver Custo- F1G.3— Gold and Silver Custodia 

dia in the Colegiata at {„ the Royal Monastery of Silos. 

CovaiTubias. dated 1527. 

Plalero Unknown. Plalero Unknoum. 

concentrated a wealth of delicate ornament carved in marble. 
The contrast of this with the severe granite walls in which it 
is inserted is striking. The central motif shows how much 
more conversant Egas was with the new forms than with the 
manner of using them as witness the awkwardly bent columns 
over the arch; and yet he must have had Italian assistants on 
the spot, for certain details, the door architrave for instance 



16 SPANISH ARCHITECTUBE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

(Fig. 4), are such pure Lombard that nothing so conventional 
and true to type was done later when style and workmen had 
become acclimatized. Crowding the doorway are two Lom- 
bard windows flanked by colonnettes similar to those at Laca- 



Fig. 4 — Detail from the Portal of the Santa Cruz Hospital, Toledo. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1504-14. 

lahorra. They again appear in the Hospital Real at Granada 
and, in fact, remained in high favor throughout the entire 
Plateresque period. The Santa Cruz front having never 
been altered by succeeding architects is an interesting record 
of how Egas, at a time when the Italians were applying the 
orders to the facade, saw it as an uncompromising wall of 
masonry relieved only by a few spots of rich ornament. 



TOLEDO AND THE WOEK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 17 

The hospital was to contain, besides the sick and found- 
lings, a nursing sisterhood with their casa conventual and a 
chapel. This last Egas intended placing in the intersection 
of the cross but abandoned the idea; perhaps because he had 



Fig. 5 — Interior of the Santa Cruz Hospital, Toledo. 
Enrique de Egas, Architect, 150^14. 

been gaining experience meanwhile on the Santiago building 
which he was carrying on at the same time. At any rate he 
added a bay to the north arm to receive the high altar, an 
advantageous change, as may be seen by comparing the two 
plans. The straightforwardness of the Toledo interior is 
striking as one passes from the vestibule and meets a clear 
sweep of nearly 300 feet. At the crossing (Fig. 5) is a lofty 
well with Gothic vaulting (the lantern is eighteenth-century) 
and Gothic piers, but these have a Renaissance interruption 



18 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

at the second story level where they are built out to permit 
passage from one arm to another. 

In all the great halls the ceilings are of wood, paneled on 
the first story and of open construction with coupled trusses 
on the second. The solidity obtained in these Spanish frame- 
ceilings is remarkable ; covered with six or eight inches of sand 
or cement as a bed for the tile flooring above, they have, even 
in the greatest spans, all the substantiality of masonry vault- 
ing. The paneling of the artesonado was not merely applied 
to the frame, but the latter had to be actually designed to 
receive it. ' The system was a Moorish inheritance and there 
is no doubt that Egas's carpinteros were all Mudejares (con- 
quered Moors). The wood employed is a coarse-grained 
pine, well oiled, and it is on record that it was the first 
brought down the Tagus from the pine-covered slopes of the 
Serrania de Cuenca. 

By the time the patio was reached Egas was more familiar 
with the new style and one finds few traces of Gothic (see 
Plate II). The parapet of the second story (Fig. 6) is a 
survival which may have been deliberately preferred to the 
monumental balustrade, which feature was slow of acceptance 
in Spain. The staircase (Plate III) aimed to be entirely 
Renaissance, and in it the charming tentativeness of the 
facade is again recovered. For some timr prfYJp us the Span - 
ish had been giving more emphasis to the staircase than other 
^c)^\c \\r'c\\\t^cts.^^ they had brought it out from the turret 
and enclosing walls and made it an architectural adjunct to 
the patio. This ^claustral .stair,„ connecting the^ upper and 
lower galleries or. .cloistered walks of thfL.patio, was built 
around an open well in contrast to the enclosed stair so long 
retained in Florence and Rome. It happens that the stair- 
way at Lacalahorra (see Plate LXI), although built by Ital- 
ians, was of this Spanish type, for the architects were Genoese 
and remembered the sumptuous stairs leading from street to 
terrace level in the hillside palaces of their own city. Many 
similarities of form and detail would indicate that their work, 
so closely according with the Spanish tradition, supplied Egas 
with his incentive. Each comprises three bays of the patio. 



SECTION THROUGH STAIRWAY OF THE HOSPITAL DE SANTA CRUZ, TOLEDO. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1504-14. 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OP ENRIQUE DE EGAS 21 

each has two landings, and each has the same balustrade and 
base moulds. Yet the Toledo presents several original expres- 
sions not to be found in the other, such as the carved rustica- 
tion and the almost unmodified Gothic newel post (see Plate 



Fig. 6— Upper Story of Patio of the Hospital de Santa Cruz, Toledo. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1504-14. 

IV). In the construction of the balustrade is a peculiarity 
which, if Egas really saw and examined the Genoese work, 
would be difficult to account for. Utterly ignoring Renaissance 
constructive methods he continued to regard stereotomy 
from the Gothic viewpoint; the balustrade, for instance, while 
appearing to be built up of separately carved balusters in the 
normal way is in reality a succession of pierced slabs, each 
group of three or four verticals being carved from a single 
block. The connecting piece at the center, common to all 
early Spanish balustrades, is consequently a tie-piece incident 



22 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

to this peculiar manner of constructing. To further augment 
the difficult task of stone-cutting the markings of each unit 
follow the rake of the stair. How unnecessarily laborious 
all this was did not occur even to Egas's followers, for it was 
repeated at Alcala by his son-in-law Covarrubias (see Frontis- 
piece) and later in the Dueiias palace in Medina del Campo 
(Fig. 63). Similarly slighted was the question of intersec- 
tions and continuity of mouldings; elaborately carved courses 
of differing profiles meet in haphazard fashion. This defect 
cannot be put down to ignorance for in the artesonado above ^ 
the stair far more difficult intersections are solved with con- 
summate nicety. Yet with all its crudities this parent stair 
was worthy of the appreciation it received in its day from 
Castilian architects. There is an attractiveness even in its 
faulty detail, while the whole scheme, including the artesonado 
and the relation to upper and lower cloisters, is characterized 
by a certain grandeur. 

The Hospital de la \Santa Cruz is not easy to appraise in 
its present condition. After serving for centuries as a found- 
ling asylum, and with never an expenditure for repairs, it 
was handed over to the orphans of artillery officers. In 1887 
another and much more disastrous change was made — it 
became a military academy. It is now undergoing thorough 
restoration after which it will house the provincial museum. 

In 1501 or 1502, that is, while the Mendoza plan was still 
in abeyance, the same architect designed a similar hospital 
for the city of Santiago de Compostela in Galicia. In that re- 
mote spot where St. James (Santiago) the Greater was sup- 
posed to be buried, a magnificent church had been erected 
to which thousands of pilgrims streamed annually. In 1498 
the bishop* complained that many of these, ill or exhausted 
by the journey, lay for days on the church floor for lack of 
proper accommodation, and urged their Majesties to con- 
struct a pilgrims' hospital. Egas, master of the royal works, 
was ordered to prepare a plan. He went to work on the same 
general lines as at Toledo. The Santiago structure (Plate V) 
was carried to a conclusion (though not all of it in his lifetime) 
and offers better opportunity than the Toledo to grasp the 



rig 



S" 



I 2 ^ 

g-r 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 27 

bigness of the scheme. The facade has suffered the addition 
of a seventeenth-century balcony and a re-ornamentation of 
three of the windows; but one can still see how the architect 
limited the decoration of his long granite front to five units 
— the central doorway and two windows each side of it. 

A characteristic Jeature is. the rich cornice built up of a 
§eries of lihorthoHox mouldings. It was to be expected of the 
pronounced individuality of the Spaniard that he could not 
accept the Italian's devotion to beauty for its own sake, but 
would introduce elements that answered to his craving for 
realism. And so Egas, without even trying to understand 
the systematized classic cornice, introduced the Moorish 
chains from which his royal patrons had freed Christian cap- 
tives, in the same personal spirit as he introduced the emblem 
of Archbishop Mendoza in the Toledo cornice; he could hot 
break absolutely with Gothic and its story-telling themes. 
The Santiago portal (Plate VI), which has never been tam- 
pered with, is a Gothic composition ornamented in Plater- 
esque; it therefore has none of the abortions noted in the 
attempted Renaissance composition at Toledo, but is an 
extremely successful blending of the two styles. Extending 
through two stories it is like an immense retablo or reredos 
brought from the altar and applied to the exterior. The 
row of the twelve disciples above the arch and also the 
saints in niches are frankly Gothic; but just as frankly Plat- 
eresque are the arabesque panels of the storied pilasters and 
the candelabra cresting. There is nothing here as purely 
Italian as the architrave of the Santa Cruz (and even had 
such been contemplated it would have been obviated by the 
coarseness of the stone) but the door on the whole displays 
a much finer sense of composition. 

The interior (see Fig. 7) suffers from the placing of the 
chapel in the crossing; this, besides robbing the plan of spa- 
ciousness, makes communication possible only through the 
patios. It seems logical to infer that this had been done 
before the same stage was reached in the Toledo building, 
hence the abandonment of a similar arrangement there; and 
if further evidence were wanting of the architect's dis- 



28 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

satisfaction with the original scheme, it might be found in the 
Granada hospital which we know was not begun until several 
years later and where the crossing is again unblocked. The 
stairways at Santiago are enclosed between walls, probably 




XAUorS. 



M- 



JSPjur 



Pig. 7 — Plan of the Hospital Real, Santiago de Compostela. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1501-11. 

because of the raw climate, leaving the patios to claim all at- 
tention. Of these the two forward, left and right of the main 
entrance, show a great advance in the manipulation of the 
new style, as seen in Fig. 8. The setting out of the design, 
with two openings over one, recalls the cloister of Santa Maria 
della Pace in Rome by Bramante. It is interesting to specu- 
late whether Egas knew of the recently finished Italian work 
(1504) or whether he evolved the motif from Gothic prece- 



TOLEDO AND THE WOHK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS SQ 

dent. The latter might well be the case considering that 
there is no reminiscence of Bramante's purer classic in the 
treatment of the detail. The lower openings are high and 
graceful, supported on attenuated pilasters with Renaissance 



Fig. 8 — Patio of the Hospital Real, Santiago de Compostela. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1501-JI. 

caps above which the archivolt mouldings interlace — a capri- 
cious note often encountered in Plateresque. The upper and 
more ornate story presents some curious liberties in the pro- 
files of mouldings but this is apparent only on close examina- 
tion. All the work is executed in a coarse gray stone, yet 
has the lightness and quality of terra cotta in its design. 
According to the Latin inscription over the portal, the Hospi- 



80 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

tal Real was erected between 1501 and 1511, but the earlier 
date may refer to the year when royal sanction was given while 
the actual work may not have commenced until several years 
later. The two patios due to Egas give every evidence of 
being posterior to the one at Toledo; the remaining two date 
from the eighteenth century. 

The Hospital Real at Granada which will be taken up in 
Chapter X is later. Though founded and richly endowed 
by Queen Isabella shortly before her death in 1504 it was not 
started until 151 1; soon after, the work stopped and when it 
was resumed in Charles V's reign another architect was ap- 
pointed. The most admirable feature about it is the same 
cruciform plan seen in Toledo and Santiago. 

Reviewing the Renaissance work of Enrique de Egas one 
sees that its author had no such heretical thought as a complete 
break with the preceding, style. He was too ..saturated in 
ecclesiastical methods whejre the old traditions stiH prevailed 
to shake off their influence; and even had this not been the 
case he was too imperfectly informed in the foreign art to 
follow all its conventions. His productions in the new field 
must therefore be regarded as experimental — merely tentative, 
yet with their own character and interest. Not one of them 
was completed within or without by him so that it is for the 
fruits they bore rather than for themselves that one studies 
them. What Egas accomplished in Renaissance was to de- 
monstrate to others the possibility of combinin g the, new 
ornament with Spanish traditions and evolviag^ therefrom 
something distinctive and racial. 

Hardly any details are known concerning this most famous 
member of a family prominent for generations in Spanish 
architecture and sculpture; but we may accept him as a 
thorough Spaniard. He passed the greater part of his long 
life in that intensely racy capital which, half a century later, 
so cast its spell over a Greek painter that he became more 
Spanish than the natives themselves. Considering that 
Egas worked in Toledo from about 1480 till his death in 1534, 
and that, as visiting architect, he was present at some time 
or other in every great building center, his influence must 



PORTAL OF THE HOSPITAL REAL. SANTIAGO DE OiMPOSTELA. 
Enrique de Egos, Architect, 1501-n. 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OP ENBIQUE DE EGAS SS 

have been far-reaching. One cannot resist picturing the 
doughty old artist making his Toledo home a focus for the 
talented youth of the day, a conjecture that borrows prob- 
ability from the fact that his three sons were respectively 



Pig. 9— Han of the Casa del Greco, Toledo (Restored). 

sculptor, painter, and architect, and that his only daughter 
married the man whose work is most closely related to that 
of the maestro mayor — ^who followed him, in fact, in that 
post as will be seen in the next chapter. This son-in-law, 
Alonso de Covarrubias, may be accepted, so far as certain 
phases of the first period are concerned, as Egas's logical 
successor. 

It would be perfectly reasonable to look for an abundant 
efflorescence of Renaissance palaces in the rich city where the 
style had received such distinguished patronage; but it hap- 
pened that in the field of domestic architecture there was 
something stronger to be reckoned with than the sanction of 
a primate, and that was local tradition. Toledo was a Mude- 
jar city. In it the Moorish type of civilization flourished 
long after the city had passed into Christian hands, and the 



84 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

fact is nowhere more evident than in its domestic buildings. 
The artizans were Asiatics — Moors and Jews; and not only 
the house, but nearly all the objects in it — furniture, fabrics, 
utensils — ^were of their making. These un-European crafts- 



Pic. 10 — Reproduction o£ a Sixteenth-Century Chimneypiece in a 
Toledo House. 

men were given a free hand and worked along unaffected 
by new styles that came from without, except when employed 
on Christian ehurdies. What they produced for Christian 
masters is known in Spain as the £stilo MvJejar. The latter 
word is derived from the Arab mudejalat, meaning subdued, 
and was applied to those infidels, mainly Moors, who remained 
in any district after it had been conquered by the Christians. 
These industrious Mudejares, with their superior skill in the 
arts and trades, found ready employment everywhere until 
the time came when economic considerations could no longer 
prevail against race hatred and religious bigotry. The Jews 
were expelled in 1492; and in 1499 Cardinal Cisneros decreed 



PATIO OF THE CASA DEL GRECO. TOLEDO (RESTORED). 



/ 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OF ENRIQUE DE EGAS 87 

that the Moors must either follow them or embrace Christian- 
ity. Only a small portion accepted the bitter alternative 
of baptism and even these, called Moriscos, were in time 
expelled. With the exodus of the Moriscos there passed out 
of Spanish architecture its most distinctive note. 

The Mudejar style in which they had been such a neces- 
sary factor may be roughly described as the combination of 
Moorish ornamentation with Christian plan and structure; 
but in truth the Moor asserted himself in far more than orna- 
ment. Certain building methods for roofs, ceilings, and floors 
were wholly his and even prevailed for centuries after his 
expulsion. The term Mudejar is naturally elastic, for the 
Christian element in it may be in the form of a Romanesque 
church like Santo Tome in Toledo, a medieval fortress like 
the castle of Coca, or a mixed Gothic and Plateresque palace 
like the Infantado, at Guadalajara. Sometimes, though rarely 
outside of Andalusia, the balance of plan and structure is 
Moorish; this is the case in the Alba palace in Seville (see 
Plate XLIX) which is an amplification of an Arab house, with 
Renaissance columns and capitals in the patios. Mudejar, 
like the Asiatic architecture it sprang from, rarely concerned 
itself with the quarrying and laying up of impressive stone; in- 
stead small units such as were provided by burnt clay products 
were its preferred materials. To regard Mudejar as a mere 
transitional phase or a mere superficial treatment is a mis- 
4^ take. When Moorish skill and personality in ornament were 
combined with Christian architectural structurability, the 
result was a definite style, exhibiting proper congruity of 
forms with materials. The castle of the Fonsecas at Coca, 
one of the finest examples of military architecture in Europe, 
is as undeniably Mudejar as Burgos Cathedral is Gothic. 
For interiors the style offers considerable charm, particu- 
larly in its last or Plateresque manifestation. Its ceilings 
of wood, floors of tiles, and walls of carved plaster are among 
the most decorative ever devised for domestic work (as de- 
scribed in the Seville chapter, pages 236-250) and probably 
would be more often used if better understood. 

To return to Toledo, it was in this hybrid architecture 



88 SPANISH ARCHITECTUBE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

that most of its parish churches and convents were built, 
including the two. synagogues erected by the prematurely 
grateful Jews as thank-offerings for royal protection, and then 
turned into Christian churches after their expulsion. Also 



Fig. II — ^Typical Granite Doorway, Toledo. 

in Mudejar were the Toledo residences with their almost 
windowless facades which presented but one note of interest, 
the stone portal. This one note is so distinctive that it de- 
serves a brief word. Like the entrances in Avila and Estrema- 
dura it is of granite and the very material has imposed a 
certain sobriety and solidity which might almost pass for 
Roman. Its post and lintel construction of impressive dimen- 
sions frames a huge wooden door studded with nailheads 
(see Fig. ii). The stonework is an adaptation of classic 
principles — engaged columns wth crude capital, expansive 



TOLEDO AND THE WORK OP ENRIQUE DE EGAS 39 

lintel flanked by coarse corbels, and the whole often surmounted 
by a relieving arch. Many of the Toledan entrances are 
actually built up of Visigothic fragments. The tjrpe was 
adhered to until the eighteenth century, unmodified by closer 
acquaintance with the Renaissance. Whatever of the new 
style crept into the patios of Toledo was likewise of local 
interpretation, nor is there enough of it to take domestic 
work out of the category of Mudejar. 



CHAPTER II 

COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 

ALONSO DE COVARRUBIAS — THE COMPETITION FOR THE CAPILLA DE 
LOS REYES NUEVOS— COVARRUBIAS APPOINTED MAESTRO BiAYOR OF 
TOLEDO CATHEDRAL IN 1 534 AND LATER APPOINTMENT AS MASTER OF 
ROYAL WORKS — ^DESCRIPTION OF HIS CHAPEL OF THE NEW KINGS — ^HIS 
PORTAL TO THE CAPILLA DE SAN JUAN — ^ALCAlA DE HENARES AND ITS 
RELATION TO TOLEDO — ^DON ALONSO DE FONSECA, ARCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO, 
ORDERS THE REMODELING OF THE ARCHIEPISCOPAL PALACE AT ALCAlA — 
LAS MEDIDAS DEL ROMANO AND ITS DEDICATION — ^DESCRIPTION OF THE 
archbishop's palace — BERRUGUETE'S SCULPTURE IN THE PATIO — 
BiARKED TENDENCY TOWARDS REALISM IN SPANISH ORNAMENT — REPE- 
TITION OF EGAS'S STAIRWAY AT TOLEDO — ^MAGNIFICENT SERIES OF ARTESO- 
NADOS IN THE PALACE — THE UNIVERSITY OF ALCAlA FOUNDED BY CARDINAL 
JIMJ^NEZ DE CISNEROS AND BUILT BY PEDRO GUMIEL — ITS NEW FACADE 
BY RODRIGO GIL DE ONTANON — THE ESCXTTCHEON OF SPAIN AND ITS DECO- 
RATIVE USE — SPANISH OBJECTIONS TO THE RENAISSANCE FORMS AT 
ALCAlA — THE INTERIOR OF THE UNIVERSITY — ^THE CARDINAL'S TOMB 

in the collegiate church — ^lack of other renaissance work in 
alcalA. 



40 



CHAPTER II 

COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCAlA 

E GAS'S son-in-law is supposed to have taken his sur- 
name from the town of Covarrubias near Burgos 
but whether that was really his birthplace is not 
known. According to Llaguno's Notices on the Architects 
and Architecture of Spain he studied with the German Gothi- 
cist Simon de Colonia (Simon of Cologne) in Burgos, which 
city he left toward the end of the fifteenth century for Toledo; 
here he worked under Enrique de Egas. The same author 
explains the young architect's adoption of the new style not 
by association with the builder of the Santa Cruz, nor even 
by vigorous influences received earlier in Burgos, but by " the 
many classic ruins in Spain, seeing which Alonso de Covar- 
rubias was moved to imitate them, although imperfectly as if 
eyes and hands were more used to Gothic." The truth is 
however that nothing erected by Covarrubias shows con- 
versance, even imperfect, with the antique, until his re- 
modeling of the Alcazar of Toledo ; and this was after he had 
long been practicing Plateresque. In 153 1 he presented plans 
along with Diego de Siloe, also from Burgos, for a mortuary 
chapel to be erected in the cathedral for the kings descended 
from the illegitimate Enrique II (Los Reyes Nuevos), whose 
sepulchres were at that time blocking up the nave. Arch- 
bishop Fonseca awarded the commission to Covarrubias, 
who finished it in 1534; and the architect's father-in-law 
dying that same year he was appointed to succeed him as 
Maestro Mayor de la Santa Iglesia de Toledo. 

The large Capilla de Los Reyes Nuevos is structurally as 
Gothic as the cathedral of which it is a part but the portal 

41 



42 SPANISH ARCHITECTUEE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

connecting it with the church, the arch dividing it into two 
parts, and the royal wall-tombs it contains are all in the new 
stj^e. This does not mean that the chapel is a Gothic struc- 
ture with extraneous Renaissance insertions, but rather a 



Fig, 12 — Capilla de los Reyes Nuevos, Toledo Cathedral, 
Ahnso de Covarrubias, Architect, IS34- 

piece of transitional work representing from its inception an 
earnest endeavor to harmonize old and new. This searching 
for affiliation is most felt in certain details of the Gothic 
windows and again in the dividing arch, still pointed, but 
with beautiful Italian ornament. In the tombs (see Fig. 12) 
there is little of transition for here no restrictions were imposed 
by the surrounding Gothic architecture. On the right wall 
are the sepulchres of Enrique II and his queen and on the 
left Enrique III and his, the English Catherine of Lancaster. 
All the recumbent figures are earlier having been brought from 
their former place in the nave. The motif of these tombs is a 
recessed niche whose vaulted arch is a little less than a full 



PORTAL OF THE CONVENTO DE SAN CLEMENTE, TOLEDO. 
Attributed to Covarrubias and Berruguete. 



COVARRXJBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 45 

semicircle, as seen frequently in early examples in Italy. At 
each side of the niche is a flattened colonnette supporting the 
entablature; the ornament of these colonnettes and that of 
the panels behind the effigies is the most charming part of the 
motif. Very Spanish in treatment are the spandrels, wherein 
strong bearded heads in medallions offer animated contrast to 
the tender Italian manner. There was a positive lust for 
costly decoration in these days of the empire (for it must be 
remembered that Charles V was master of half of Europe 
and that the wealth of Mexico and Peru was pouring in) so 
gold was used lavishly. The stone jointing of the vaulting, 
much of the high relief, and many of the mouldings are gilded, 
as may be seen in the illustration. 

The next step in the artistic development of Covarrubias, 
and one in which certain very personal characteristics may be 
detected, is the portal to the Capilla de San Juan, now the 
Treasury where all the jeweled ornaments and trappings of 
the cathedral are kept (Plate IX). This entrance was made 
in 1537, about the time that he was appointed maestro de las 
obras reales. It is a highly wrought Renaissance doorway 
set within a round-arched Gothic frame partly gilded. Its 
relation to Egas's first Renaissance portal is evident — orna- 
mental architrave flanked by baluster colonnettes, rich en- 
tablature, and sculptured tympanum with candelabra at 
each side; but the exquisitely cut detail here is Spanish, not 
Italian (Fig. 13). In the panels of the jamb are seen flying 
birds, entwined ram Vheads, masks, amorini of muscular build, 
and the little plaques in vogue at the time. All these are 
held together by a vinelike stem, the only suggestion of plant 
form encountered, for almost from the beginning of the Italian 
invasion the Spaniard instinctively rejected the sinuous plant 
motifs as too tame and inexpressive for his more vivid tem- 
perament. His predilection was for animal life in action, 
which action increased in intensity and nervous energy until 
the period came when all ornament was banished under 
PhUip II. 

In a temple so indescribably rich as Toledo Cathedral, 
the head church of the kingdom, there is naturally an over- 



46 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

whelming array of art belonging to the years when Covar- 
rubias was chief architect in the city. Rejas, portals, tombs, 
stalls, all are deservedly famous and all are important adjuncts 
to the builder's art; but as our object is primarily to gain 



Fig. 13 — Detdl from Portal of the Capilla de San Juan, Toledo 

Cathedral. 

Covarrubias, Architect, iS37- 

acquaintance with the secular expression of Plateresque we 
will leave Toledo and follow the master to another town of 
the province — ^Alcala, on the little Henares stream west of 
Madrid. Alcala de Henares is closely connected with the 
ecclesiastical history of Toledo. Though but an insignificant 
town it is to it rather than to the important episcopal city on 
the Tagus that one must turn to find a real Renaissance cen- 
ter. The story of its architecture is bound up in the story of 



DOORWAY OF THE CAPILLA DE SAN JUAN, TOLEDO CATHEDRAL. 
Alonso de Cwarrubias, Architect, iS37- 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 49 

the Spanish primates beginning with the very first archbishop 
that Toledo had after the Reconquest. This was one Ber- 
nado, a bellicose French monk who, in his determination to 
rid New Castile of infidels, led an army against their stronghold 



Fig. 14 — Carved Wooden Doors to the Sala Capitular, Toledo Cathedral. 
Enrique de Egos and Pedro Gumiel, Architects, 1^04-12. 

at Al Kalah and reduced it. To reward the service and to 
insure the town's remaining in Christian hands the king made 
a gift of it to the bishops of Toledo. Alcala became their 
favorite retreat. They built themselves a palace there and 
gathered their aristocratic court around them. Several brilliant 
centuries followed during which time it was the birthplace of 
that princess of pathetic history, Catherine of Aragon, and 



50 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

the immortal Cervantes. Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, suc- 
cessor to Don Pedro de Mendoza as archbishop of Toledo, 
and regent of Spain before the young Charles assumed 
control, founded the widely known University of Alcala 



Fig. 15 — Carved Panels from Wardrobe by Pedro Pardo. in the 
Antesala, Toledo Cathedral, 1549. 

and had his famous polyglot Bible printed here. The uni- 
versity was begun in 1497 and finished in 1508 by Pedro 
Gumiel who was collaborating at the same time with Enrique 
de Egas on the Sala Capitular of Toledo Cathedral. The 
university probably showed little, if any, of the new style for 
nothing could have been more opposed to the ideas of the 
ascetic old warrior-priest than to revive "the uncleanly gods 
of the ancients with all their pictured allegories" on a building 
in which militant Christian priests were to be trained. But 
this is merely conjecture for Gumiel's facade was rebuilt ere 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALX 51 

many years passed and will be examined presently. Mean- 
while a prelate of more relenting tastes succeeded to the metro- 
politan chair. This was Don Alfonso de Fonseca (see page 80) 
whose zeal for building in the "Italian taste" were so great 
that to him was dedicated, in 1526, the first Spanish transla- 
tion of, or rather work drawn from, Vitrubius — Las Medidas 
del Romano^ It was written by Diego de Sagredo, royal 
chaplain, who gives the classic proportions or medidas by 
means of a quaint dialogue between an architect and a painter 
employed in Toledo Cathedral. The dedication of the book 
runs as follows: 

Of the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Senor Don Alonso 
de Fonseca Archbishop of Toledo Primate of all Spain High Chan- 
cellor of Castilla Diego de Sagredo Chaplain of the Queen Our Lady 
kisses with humble reverence the very magnificent hands. 

On considering most illustrious senor the great inclination which 
you have for building and what you have done in Santiago and 
what it is hoped you will do in this your diocese of Toledo I have 
based on the works of the ancients who wrote largely on the science 
of architecture this brief dialogue in which are set down the mea- 
surements which those offidals should know who would like to imi- 
tate Roman buildings and for lack of which measurements they 
have committed and every day do commit errors of disproportion 
and are unfaithful in the formation of bases and capitals which 
they design for such buildings. 

In answer to the author's hint as to the diocese of Toledo 
Don Alfonso or Alonso de Fonseca decided to enlarge and 
remodel in Renaissance the Palacio Arzobispal at Alcala and 
employed Alonso de Covarrubias for the purpose. The pro- 
ject was hardly under way, however, when the great patron 
of art fell ill in Alcala and died (1534). "The news was 
sent'* to quote old Doctor Salazar de Mendoza's Life of Car- 
dinal T aver a, published in 1603, "to the Emperor at Toledo 
whereupon the courtiers commenced as is their custom to 

' The interesting woodcuts for the first edition of Las Medidas are believed to have 
been made by Felipe de Vigamf . Sagredo's work, under the title of La Raison d'Archi- 
tecture extraite de Vitrube et d'autres Architectes antiques (1542), was also the first 
book on classic architecture known in Prance. 



52 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

speculate upon the providing of the archbishopric, casting 
their eyes much upon Cardinal Manrique." But Charles V 
we are further told cast his eyes even more upon Cardinal 
Juan de Tavera. He, when duly appointed, authorized Covar- 



FiG. i6 — Two Figures from the Sillerfa, Toledo Cathedral. 
Carved by Alonso de Berruguete and Felipi Vigarni and finished in 1543. 

rubias to continue the archiepiscopal palace at Alcala as 
arranged by the late primate. TTie escutcheons of both 
Tavera and Fonseca appear througjiout the ornament. 

As the palace stands to-day it is an incoherent mass, 
every archbishop from the twelfth century down to the eigh- 
teenth having tried to leave his stamp on it. It was much 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 55 

abused by the French when they overran Spain, and even 
more by the conscripts to whose use the Spanish government 
later dedicated it. These used the best apartments for 
kitchens, burned bits of the splendid ceilings for firewood, and 
tore up the floors in their hunt for buried treasure (but which, 
apparently, the cautious bishops had previously removed). 
The state tried to atone by beginning an elaborate restoration 
in the seventies and creating the building an Archivo Nacional. 
The renovation is still in progress. The portion which needed 
it least, fortunately, was that by Covarrubias, comprised in 
the west wing of the palace. This wing forms one side of 
the entrance forecourt and balances the fourteenth-century 
east wing built in Mudejar (and now aggressively restored). 
The exterior offers nothing worthy of notice but the in- 
terior contains the finest patio of the Plateresque period 
(Plate X). 

This famous patio is two stories high, the lower with 
semicircular arches and the upper supported on lintels with 
bracketed columns. Apparently the local piedra de Tamajbn 
had no great reputation for tensile strength for wherever 
lintels were used granite was substituted. To conceal the 
butting of the lintel over the column a marble medallion was 
inserted as may be seen in Fig. 17. The magnificent stairway 
(Plate XII) is obviously an offspring of that at Toledo. Lla- 
guno says that Covarrubias "probably worked on the Santa 
Cruz but there is so little Renaissance there that he must 
have learned it elsewhere." On the contrary, while the 
Alcala stair does not prove that Covarrubias learned all his 
Renaissance from his father-in-law, it does prove that he 
had seen enough in the Santa Cruz not only to study but to 
use as a prototype. In plan and scheme of ornamentation 
the two stairs are much alike, but this at Alcala has that 
superiority which one expects to find on recalling that Covar- 
rubias grew up in the Renaissance whereas Egas acquired 
it after long practice in Gothic. And furthermore the Alcala 
architect had the collaboration of the most gifted sculptor 
of the Spanish Renaissance, Alonso de Berruguete. But all 
question of sculptured ornament aside, the patio and stair, 



ff« SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

for their beautiful proportions alone, would still be a credit 
to the designer. 

The stair, like that at Toledo, is surrounded by a treatment 
of rusticated panels but here each panel is beautifully carved 



Fig. 17 — Upper Story of Patio of the Palacio Arzobispal, AlcaU. 
Alonso de Covarrubias, Architect, 1535 ^ se^- 

(Fig. 18). All told there are two hundred and twenty-eight 
of them in endless variety and purposely underscaled to exhibit 
the adroitness of the Plateresque carver. Practically un- 
restored, they offer a convenient opportunity to study his 
technique. The first impression is that of inimitable define- 
ment of line, and yet the subjects carved are so vague and 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 57 

fantastic that the result is a curious sort of determinate im- 
pressionism. These panels, like the capitals and carved 
pilasters, are comparatively free from Italian influence, and 
show that same marked preference for robust animal forms 



Fig. i8 — Detail of Rustication from the Patio of the Archbishops' 
Palace, AlcaM. 

already noted in Covarrubias's ornament in Toledo Cathedral. 
Especially are the caps of the stair columns a digression, the 
dragon-head supported by amorini supplanting the volute 
and acanthus of the classic cap (see Fig. 19). Whether the 
aridness of the country in which Spanish monuments were 
reared was responsible for this aversion to using plant life 
decoratively is difficult to say, but certain it is that there 
was more inspiration for such motifs in Italy than on the bare 
plain of Castile. On the other hand we have, besides the 



58 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

Spanish passion for depicting the human figure in tense action, 
the fact that every small living thing represented in their 
ornament was close to them in their daily life. This is spe- 
cially true of the ubiquitous bird ; no Spanish child but catches 



Pig. 19 — Capital by Alonso de Bemiguete from the Palacio Arzo- 
bispal, Alcaic de Uenares. (Now in the Museo Arqueologico, 
Madrid.) 

and playfully torments every unlucky pajaro that comes 
within his reach ; and it is for this reason, perhaps, that Murillo's 
Holy Family in which the Child Jesus is showing His captive 
is a special favorite in every home. 

The treatment of the entire stairhall, embracing the ar- 
cading of the second story and the fine artesonado ceiling, 
forms a very complete composition and one totally unlike 



ALCAIA Ete HENARES 

ADOQRSWAir IN THE ARpHIEPISCOR\L PALACE 



DOORWAY IN THE PALACIO ARZOBISPAL, ALCALA DE HENARES. 
Alonso de Covarrubias, Architect, ISJS '' $^- 



SECTION THROUGH STAIRWAY OF THE PALACIO ARZOBISPAL, ALCALA DE 

HENARES. 

Alonso de Covarrubias, Architect, 1535 rf seq. 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 6S 

anything to be found in the rest of Europe (Plate XII). The 
Spaniard having accepted the principles of wooden ceilings in 
his secular work, made every effort to reduce his supporting 
masonry to a minimum ; this is clearly evidenced in the light 
and graceful elliptical arches of the first and second stories. 
What the style lacks in orthodox principles is atoned for by 
its rare decorative consistency. Yet so far as the practical 
problems of stereotomy are concerned Covarrubias advanced 
but little on the work of his father-in-law. Balusters are 
still carved in groups of six or seven from one block of stone^ 
newel and balustrade still join awkwardly, and richly worked 
bands intersect promiscuously with others of different profile. 
All of which means that it was the sculptor who dominated 
in work that was primarily architectural and that only a 
general design was furnished by the architect. 

Of the many fine artesonados encountered in Spain this 
over the staircase is particularly remarkable as a Renaissance 
adaptation of Moorish methods. In plan the lower part 
conforms to the rectangular stair-hall, but by canting the 
corners the ends of the upper part become semi-hexagonal; 
the vaulted portion is then divided off into octagonal coffers 
arranged in various planes. The entire ornamental scheme 
while eastern in appearance is carried out in the Italian style; 
that is, simple polygons replace the intricate figures of the 
Moors. Plainer examples may be seen on the second floor 
in the ceilings to the suite known as the Sala Cisneros, the 
Sala Fonseca, and the Sala Tavera, but here there has been 
so much restoration that one cannot accept what he sees 
as sixteenth-century work. Much less tampered with is a 
series of five ceilings in rooms lying beyond those just men- 
tioned. One of the series is illustrated in Fig. 20. All are 
carved in soft reddish pine and left undecorated ; their geometric 
panels are designed with a fine sense of scale for the rooms 
they adorn and the Renaissance detail is forcefully carved, 
though not without that Moorish stamp which the race left 
on all the carpentry of Spain. Besides the frieze of wood 
supporting the ceilings, several rooms have in addition a sec- 
ondary frieze of plaster or yeseria worked at much finer scale. 



64 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The two were a combination often used by the Moors and 
are again mentioned in the description of Periaranda palace 
(Chapter IV). The various salons of the cardinals are entered 
from the patio by unusually beautiful doorways. The archi- 



Fic. 20— Wooden Artesonado in the Palado Arzobispal, Alcali de 
Henares. 

traves are finely moulded and in the frieze of each is inscribed 
Johannes Tavera Cardinalis. The same cardinal's blazon 
is employed in the motif above the cornice. 

More will be heard of Alonso de Covarrubias in succeeding 
chapters. He lived till 1570, a very serious and very indus- 
trious architect; nevertheless, great though he undoubtedly 
was, there is no one building that can be pointed to as wholly 
his. Indeed the same might be said of most of the noted 
architects of the century; a complete building by any one of 
them would be a treat for the student in Spain. 

In the University of Alcala we meet a less prolific master 
and one who went his way little influenced by the conven- 



PILASTER PANELS OP THE PALACIO ARZOBISPAL, ALCALA DE HENARES. 
CovoTTuhias, Architect; BcrrugueU, Sculptor. 1535 el seq. 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 67 

tionalities of composition. This was Rodrigo Gil de Ontaiion ; 
and he too found in Alcala a building already in existence to 
restrict him. The university, as previously stated, was 
founded by Cardinal Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros in 1497 and 
opened by him in 1508 before he went off to Africa to lead 
his army against the infidels and win the victory of Oran. The 
following description, taken from Alvaro Gomez's interesting 
life of the cardinal {De vita ei rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii) 
is given to show how little change there has been since those 
remote days in the solemn function of laying a corner-stone. 

One March afternoon in 1497 a splendid procession left the Cole- 
giata with music and holding the cross on high and marched to the 
spot where digging had commenced for the new college. Pedro 
Gumiel who had been associated with Enrique de Egas in the 
capiUa mayor of Toledo had the comer-stone ready ; also the plan 
of the building and some coins of gold and silver and a little bronze 
image. The Cardinal in his Franciscan habit knelt and prayed, 
and then blessed the stone and laid it in place. In the breast of 
the bronze image was a hollow in which was placed a piece of parch- 
ment with the date and* names of both founder and architect. 
Gonzalo Zegri, a Moorish chief who had been baptized in Granada 
into our Holy Faith, threw in the coins. Then the Te Deum was 
sung and the procession marched slowly back. 

The buildings were of brick, and King Ferdinand on visit- 
ing them asked the old priest if it had not been a mistake to 
embody such a sublime idea in mere clay. "Sire," replied 
the cardinal confidently, "I expect the studious youths to 
whom I hand it over as mere clay to convert it into marble.'* 
The aspiring rector of 1540, taking the founder's words liter- 
ally, ordered Rodrigo Gil de Ontafion to demolish Gumiel's 
brick facade and rebuild it in stone and marble. This archi- 
tect made the plans and started the work, and then, being 
busy at the time with his father on the cathedrals of Salamanca 
and Segovia, he hired one Pedro de la Cotera to remain on the 
spot as superintendent. Presumably the master himself came 
often to Alcala also. When the present facade, the most dis- 
tinctive one of the style we are considering, was finished the 



68 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

event was celebrated, according to Cotera's expense-book " by il- 
lumination of rockets in Alcala which cost two reals and a half." 
It was the year 1553 that witnessed this penn3rworth of 
fireworks. Such a rapid advance into the middle of the 
century may seem premature but Spain's Renaissance could 
not be treated chronologically without making constant 
flights into the four corners of the kingdom, thereby sacrificing 
what is more important than sequence — continuity of local 
traditions and local color. Moreover anyone who lingers in 
Alcala comes to feel that palace and university are contem- 
poraries in spirit. The very stone itself, from nearby Tamajon, 
gives them a kinship, to say nothing of Ontaiion's having 
worked at the same time on the still unfinished archiepiscopal 
residence. This architect was the son of the highly esteemed 
Gothicist Gil de Ontanon or Hontanon who had been com- 
missioned to erect Spain's last two examples of the style, 
the cathedrals of Salamanca and Segovia (begun, by the way, 
years after Egas had inaugurated the new style). In both 
of these undertakings Gil was succeeded by his son Rodrigo 
as maestro mayor.' A considerable number of parish churches 
in the same exhausted Gothic are also attributed to the lat- 
ter. "Moreover Rodrigo sometimes exercised himself in the 
Greco-Romano style" to quote the ingenuous Llaguno "but 
the truth is that in this kind of architecture Rodrigo Gil does 
not merit praise as in his Gothic, because he did not know 
the proper proportions and showed the same bad taste as 
Covarrubias or even worse." Happily for the charm of the 
Alcala facade (see Plate XIV) its architect knew less about 
the Medidas del Romano than his critic or, if he knew as much, 
declined to confine his ideas of classic architecture to a mere 
system of rules and regulations. He therefore did not hesitate 
to reduce the orders to a decorative superficiality both in the 
center motifs and in the end treatments. In fact, orders 
interested him but little and where he did consent to use them 

' In the cloister of Segovia Cathedral is Rodrigo's tomb on which it may be read 
that he laid the first stone of "this holy church." But the only comer-stone he could 
have laid is that of the capilla mayor which he began immediately after being appointed 
architect in 1560. His father had already worked thirty-five years on the cathedral 
which, though incomplete, had been consecrated in 1558. 



1 o 3 

B6 ^ 



S3 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 71 

they detract from, rather than add to, a facade distinguished 
for its fine composition. This is immediately felt in the 
central motif; but even the intrusiveness of this hardly spoils 
the general impression of simplicity. In arranging his open- 
ings Ontanon knew too 
well the blistering sun of 
Alcala to be weaned away 
from a minimum of fenes- 
tration and he has re- 
stricted the huge rooms 
on the front to one win- 
dow each — entirely ade- 
quate notwithstanding. 
The loggia across the top 
is apparently a survival 
of the traditional open 
loft in brick structures 
and still remains un- 
glazed. It must be re- 
membered that Pedro 
Gumiel, architect of the 
original brick structure, 
was a native of Alcala 
and was probably familiar 
with the brick traditions 
of the neighboring prov- 
ince of Aragon, of which Fig. 21— Detail from the Facade of the 
this open top gallery was University of Alcala. 

one. Thus it may have Rodrigo Gil OntaHon, Architect, 1553. 
already existed in the first 

design and if so, it suited Ontanon to retain it for his own 
composition ; perhaps even the fenestration in the lower story 
follows Gumiel' s. The decoration however harks back to the 
Lombard windows of the Santa Cruz at Toledo. The detail at 
Alcala is curiously inconsistent; carving as fine as that in the 
portrait medallions of the three principal windows, or in the 
pilaster panels of the lower openings, would satisfy the most 
exacting taste; but as much cannot be said for the feeble work 



72 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

over the entrance arch or for the shapeless amorini above all the 
windows. It is not known who carved the finer bits but they 
are in the Berruguete manner. Plenty of available talent could 
be summoned from Toledo Cathedral where an army of sculp- 
tors was employed and where Berruguete and Vigarni were then 
completing what are probably the finest stalls ever carved. 

Apropos of the royal blazon so conspicuous on this facade 
a word is necessary as to the decorative part it plays in Spanish 
architecture. Without going minutely into its history' the 
reader may be reminded that to the escutcheon adopted in 
1475 for united Spain — Castile, Leon, and Aragon — was 
added the granada or pomegranate after the fall of the last 
Moorish kingdom in 1492. On Queen Isabella's death her 
daughter Juana la Loca or Joan the Mad became queen of 
Castile, and as Joan's Burgundian husband Philip the Fair 
reigned for a brief time as Felipe I, it was necessary to incor- 
porate all his quarterings and emblems with hers for use on 
public documents and monuments. This was already a very 
complicated and sumptuous affair, but when their son Charles I 
of Spain became Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, it grew 
still more so. Charles changed the one-headed eagle of the 
Evangelist, so dear to Isabella, for the two-headed eagle of 
Germany with the crown over both its heads. The collar of 
the Order of the Golden Fleece surrounded the eagle, and 
below were the Pillars of Hercules intertwined by a ribbon 
bearing the words plus ultras in allusion to Charles's dominions 
in the new world. This proud emblem of Spain's sixteenth- 
century power was first used over the entrance to the Alcazar 
of Toledo, where it may still be seen ; but perhaps it was never 
more artistically worked out than at Yuste (Fig. 22), the 
monastery to which Charles retired in 1556 after abdicating 
in favor of his son Philip II. In this armorial panel the castle 
of Castile, the lion of Leon, the upright bars of Aragon, the cross 
of Naples, and the chains of Navarre alternate with the Haps- 
burg emblems — ^the fillet of Austria, the lily of Artois, the 
lion of Brabant, and the bands of Burgundy. In the little 

' A history of the Escudo de Espafia may be found in the Revista de Archives, 
Bibliotecas, y Museos., vol. zzi., 1909. 



COVAERUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 78 

central shield are the Hon and eagle of Flanders and Tyrol 
and in the lower part of the main shield the pomegranate. 
The collar of the Toison d^Or with its little pendent Holy Lamb 
surrounds the shield and back of it stands the imperial eagle^ 



Fig. 22 — Escutcheon of Charles V. over the Portal of the 
Monastery at Yuste. 

his claws clutching the Pillars of Hercules. That an emblem 
signifying so much should have been dignified into a truly 
monumental motif by the sixteenth-century designer is but 
natural; that he succeeded in architecturalizing it into a 
valuable addition to his gamut of themes is to his credit. 
The Alcala facade, that of the rival university at Salamanca 
(Fig. 41), the Pucrta Visagra of Toledo, and most unique of 
all, the iron reja of the Capilla Real in Granada (Plate LIH), 
are a few of the many examples which show how effectively 



74 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

it was used. There is, on the other hand, at least one glaring 
example of its abuse — the church of La Magdalena at Valla- 
dolid (1570) whose west front is, according to George Street, 
" the ne plus ultra of heraldic absurdity." 



Pig. 23 — Blind Window in the Facade of the University of Alcaic, 
with a Reja by Juan Prancfe. 

To return to Ontanon's facade at Alcala; there are Gothic 
touches in the clustered pilasters surmounted by crocketed 
pinnacles, and again in the statuette supports between the 
columns of the first and second stories. A personal, story- 
telling note, irresistible to him, was the great twisted rope 
framing the whole central motif — the girdle of the Franciscan 
Order to whose rigorous vows the great archbishop remained 



COVARRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 75 

true even when he was practically ruler of Spain. At the 
extreme end of each flanking wing there is a facetious little 
false window inserted, reja and all (Fig. 23). It is of beautiful 
detail, and back of the reja, instead of blank wall, the stone 
has been carved into charming panels in imitation of wooden 
shutters. This reja and all the other rich examples on the 
building are by Juan Frances. A more beautiful yellowish 
hue than that into which the Tamajon stone has been cal- 
cined would be hard to find, at least outside of Spain ; but it 
is very worn and crumbled, and it is to be feared that the 
work of restoration, although in competent hands, will be 
most diflicult. Moreover, the character of the sculptured 
ornament is so illusive that a modern worker can hardly 
catch its spirit. Summing up this one Renaissance venture 
of Rodrigo Gil de Ontaiion's it may be said that its defects, 
and there are many, are of a superficial nature but that its 
virtues are very fundamental and worthy of much study. 
Whether it justifies the obliteration of the humble brick front 
that so well expressed the character of the simple, lowly-born 
founder of the university is another matter. Don Pedro dc 
Madrazo who supplied the text on this building in the series 
of Los Monumentos Arquitecionicos de Espana does not appear 
to think so. "Italy, land of classic paganism," he declares, 
"never understood the spirit of the schools created in the 
shadow of the cloister, and so gave herself up with exaggerated 
ardor to the reconstruction of pagan civilization. Spain, on 
the contrary, whether because of the stoic character of the 
race or because the stern Catholicism for which she had fought 
so bitterly for seven centuries was ineradicable in her, re- 
mained faithful to the teachings of her theologians and moral- 
ists, and found paganism very antipathetic. ... Its amorini, 
cherubs, satyrs, nude allegorical figures, were inharmonious 
with the severe national spirit; not until Charles V's day did 
these appear in ornament, which had formerly been confined 
to chaste plant forms.** 

The interior of the university, now a seminary for priests^ 
holds nothing of interest. It keeps to Gumiel's plan of three 
patios, the best of which is that of the Trilengue (three Ian- 



76 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

guages) built by Pedro de la Cotera in 1557 with an effective 
second-story treatment. Adjoining this is the paraninfo or 
auditorium where the learned faculty used to listen to the 
youthful competitors. It is said that this was once a hand- 
some hall but what is now left of its decoration is poor, yet 
both the yeseria and ceiling treatment are known to have 
been executed by the same men who decorated the fine Sala 
Capitular for Cardinal Jimenez in Toledo Cathedral. It is 
nevertheless distinctly inferior even when all allowance is 
made for the abuse it has received. 

After the two buildings described the next object of inter- 
est in Alcala is the tomb of the illustrious cardinal. He was 
first buried in the chapel of his university but now lies in the 
church called La Magistral, a poor late Gothic edifice said 
to be by Pedro Gumiel. His sepulchre is one of the most 
magnificent that the Renaissance produced outside of Italy; 
but in ordering it his executors paid little heed to his tastes 
for he, the most uncompromisingly Catholic figure of his age, 
was laid away amid a veritable revel of nude cherubs and 
winged creatures. It was designed by the best Italian sculp- 
tor who came to Spain, Domenico Fancelli of Florence (see 
page 169). Domenico had already attained fame for the 
tombs of the Infante Juan and the Catholic Kings. He was 
selected for this new conmiission not so much by the cardinal^s 
executors as by the young Emperor whose conscience, it is 
said, was pricking him for his ungrateful treatment of the 
faithful old regent. Fancelli presented drawings and signed 
the contract in 15 18 but died inmiediately after "for which 
reason" as Llaguno logically remarks "he could not do the 
work." The Spaniard Bartolome Ordonez, protege of Bishop 
Fonseca of Burgos, was entrusted to carry out the Floren- 
tine's designs. Don Jose Marti y Monso discovered, and 
published in his volume of Estudios Histbrico-Artisticos 
(1891), the contract made between the executors of Car- 
dinal Cisneros and the Italian. This is given in the chap- 
ter on Granada where the work of these two sculptors 
is fully discussed. The Alcala tomb is surrounded by a 
magnificent bronze grille or verja known to have been ex- 



COVABRUBIAS AND THE MONUMENTS AT ALCALA 77 

ecuted by Nicolas dc Vergara but probably from Ordonez's 
design. 

The influx of Renaissance into Alcala did not stimulate 
any of the residents to build themselves palaces in the new 



Pig. 24 — Portal of the Convento de las Carmelltas, Alcali de 
Henares. 

style. There appears to be one dwelling of the period, the 
Casa de los Lizanos, but its entrance is an unintelligent 
assembling of curious motifs. There is however one portal 
of considerable merit in the town, that to the Convent of the 
Carmelitas (Fig. 24). It is cut in the usual warm-hued stone, 
strengthened by granite for lintel and jambs. There is good 
carving in the caps and pilasters apparently by one of the 
group who had worked on the Palacto Arzobispal and who 
was expert in using the same motifs. 



CHAPTER III 

THE SCHOOL OF FRANCISCO DE COLONIA IN BURGOS 

BISHOP JUAN RODRIGUEZ DE FONSECA AND HIS PROT^G^S — THE FON- 
SECAS AT COCA AND SALAMANCA — THE PUERTA DE LA PELLEJERfA BY 
FRANCISCO DE COLONIA — ^FRANCISCO's EASILY RECOGNIZED PECULIAR- 
ITIES — HIS DOOR TO THE SACRISTY OF THE CONSTABLE'S CHAPEL — THE 
REJERO CRISt6bAL DE ANDINO AS A RENAISSANCE DESIGNER — THE ES- 
CALERA DORADA BY DIEGO DE SILOE — OTHER PLATERESQUE WORKS IN 
BURGOS CATHEDRAL — THE HOSPITAL DEL REY — THE CASA MIRANDA 



78 



CHAPTER III 

THE SCHOOL OP FRANCISCO DE COLONIA IN BURGOS 

IT has been stated that the great churchmen vied with each 
other in fostering the new art; therefore to say that a 
Fonseca was bishop of Burgos in the late fifteenth and 
early sixteenth century is to say that the ancient Castilian capital 
soon saw Renaissance importations. There is however egre- 
gious exaggeration in a native author's assertion that " during 
the years when Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca was in the 
episcopal chair he made of Burgos, not only through the num- 
ber and fame of the artists it produced, but also through the 
quantity and excellence of their works, the Florence of Spain." 
The author omits to add that no important Renaissance 
structure was ever put up in Burgos, as in Florence; that to 
this day it is a Gothic city. It will presently be shown that 
it was not in the erection of Renaissance monuments that 
Fonseca nourished the new style, but in the encouragement 
and protection he gave to the younger generation who were 
eager to study it; these, however, soon carried it away to 
other parts. Burgos with a magnificent Gothic cathedral 
still building had long been a magnet to the northerners — 
Germans, Flemings, Burgundians — among them Annequin 
de Egas and his brothers, Juan de Colonia and his sons, 
Diego de Copin, and others whose names were similarly 
Spaniolized. Some changed their style to suit the new patron 
but the best known men in the Plateresque field were Spaniards, 
lads just entering their career as assistants to the Gothicists 
when the new ideas began to arrive. To this group belong 
Alonso de Covarrubias, Diego de Siloe, Cristobal de Andino, 
Bartolome Ordoiiez, and Francisco de Colonia, the one who 

79 



80 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

never deserted the bleak old town. Then there was the 
Burgundian Philippe, known as Felipe de Borgona or de 
Vigarni (of Bourgogne), most noted among the younger for- 
eigners who were practicing, more or less tentatively, the 
new art. As an itinerant image carver in France he had 
picked up considerable knowledge of Italian forms before 
coming to work in Burgos Cathedral about 1499. This list 
of names, and it is far from being sufficient, justifies the claim 
of local historians that the majority of architects and sculp- 
tors who worked in Castile and Andalusia between 1500 and 
1550 had made their debut in Burgos. 

The name Fonseca has appeared so often in this story of 
sixteenth century art that it deserves a brief biographical 
word. The vast ruined castle at Coca' some distance north 
of Segovia was the family seat of these Fonsecas who were 
Senores de Coca y Alaejos, Condes de Villanueva de Canedo, 
and held many other titles. Throughout three reigns, or 
from the middle of the fifteenth to the middle of the sixteenth 
century, they filled the highest offices of church and state, 
while in art matters they played in their small way somewhat 
the same part as that played by the Medicis in Italy. Just 
what is due to each member, however, is not always clear. 
During the century cited there were ten Fonseca bishops, 
three of them named Alfonso, and all moving successively 
from one bishopric to another. Needless to add that the 
chroniclers of the day took little trouble to differentiate be- 
tween them; and as most of the family archives were destroyed 
when the Comuneros sacked Coca Castle the confusion seems 
beyond hope of remedy. Certain it is, however, that Juan 
Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos and Palencia, was 
the foremost figure in the Renaissance movement in northern 
Castile; that Alfonso, Bishop of Santiago and Patriarch of 
Alexandria, was similarly active in Salamanca, and that the 

' "Its tall towers and dustexing turrets still attest its former magnificence and point 
to a local style of defensive architecture differing from that of any other part of Europe, 
but even more picturesque than the best examples of Prance and England. ... A 
monograph of this militaxy architecture of Spain during the Middle Ages would be 
almost as interesting as that of her ecclesiastical remains." Pergusson's History of 
Architecture, vol. ii, page 287. 



ENTRANCE TO THE SACRISTY OF THE CAPILLA DEL CONDESTABLE 

BURGOS CATHEDRAL. 

By Francisco de Colonia, 1512. 



SCHOOL OF COLONIA IN BURGOS 83 

tatter's son Alfonso, Archbishop of Toledo, outshone them 
both "in his great indination for building" to quote the 
Medidas del Romano. Don Juan of Burgos with whom we 
are here concerned was responsible for the advent into Castile 



Fig. 25 — Rubbing from the Tomb of Dofia Menda de Mendoza, 
Wife of the Constable of Castile, Burgos Cathedral. 
Here lies the very illustrious seRora Dofia 
Mencfa de Mendoza Countess 
of Haio wife of the Con- 
stable Don Pedn> Hernandez 
de Velasco daughter of Don Ifiigo Ijopet 
de Mendoza and of Donna Cata- 
lina de Fieueroa Marqueses 
of Saatillana died of sev- 
enty and nine years Anno 
of one thousand five hundred. 

of an enormous number of foreign works of art. Palencia, 
his other see, benefited largely thereby, as witness her superb 
collection of Flemish tapestries. These were ordered on 
the occasion referred to in the following inscription from the 
notable triptych in the trascoro: *'In the year MDV the 
reverend and magnificent Seiior Don Juan de Fonseca Bishop 



84 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

of Palencia ordered this image of Our Lady of Compassion to 
be made being then in Flanders as ambassador for the Seiior 



Fig. 26 — Puerta de la Pellej'erfa, Burgos Cathedral. 
Francisco de Colonia, Architect. 1516. 

King Don Fernando with the Queen Dona Juana." In 
Burgos Cathedral Fonseca not only imported works of art, 
he built them. From Seville, in his capacity as head of the 
Casa de Contratacion, a sort of Colonial Foreign Office es- 
tablished soon after the discovery of the new world (see 
page 212), he sent out "the necessary works of art for the 



SCHOOL OF COLONIA IN BURGOS 85 

proposed churches." Another indication of the Fonseca 
standing in art matters is that Juan's brother Antonio, who 
was one of Queen Isabella's executors, selected, or at any 
rate contracted with, several of the artists who decorated 
the royal burial chapel at Granada. It is through devious 
channels like this that we may trace the bishop's influence 
and the reason why so many young Burgalese were employed 
in other cities. 

About 1 516 he ordered a portal to be built in the north 
transept of Burgos Cathedral and wanted it in the latest de- 
velopment of Italian architecture. This door is known as the 
Puerta de la Pellejeria (Fig. 26) because it gives outlet to the 
street of the Furriers or Pellejeros. The architect was Fran- 
cisco de Colonia, grandson of Juan — that Meister Hans von 
Coin to whom according to Professor Justi " Burgos Cathedral 
owes its renown as the most beautiful church in Spain.'* 
Francisco was appointed maestro de las obras in 15 11 and from 
then on enjoyed a fame which, if one dare declare it, appears 
disproportionate to his talents. Besides his Renaissance 
work for the cathedral, he built at least in part several palaces 
in the province, and carved the fine Gothic retablo in the 
parish church of San Nicolas. Comparing the Puerta de 
la Pellejeria with Enrique de Egas's hospital door at Toledo 
one sees that while the notions of both architects were con- 
fused as to Renaissance composition this is offset in the hospital 
by a true artist's appreciation of the charm of Italian orna- 
ment. Francisco missed this. All his ornament shows a 
certain heaviness and lack of sentiment. Then there are his 
pronounced mannerisms, worth looking into here since they 
enable one to identify the Colonia school throughout the 
province — a rectangular opening surmounted by an arch 
that is purely ornamental and from which radiate crude 
acanthus forms; gigantic garlands that coarsely echo Delia 
Robbia draping the doorway on each side; capitals, the key- 
note to the skill of any Renaissance architect, of unlovely 
bell-shape; and finally a profusion of ornament in the pilasters 
and frieze panels so perfunctory that it strongly suggests 
modern stamped work. In short, nowhere is there a trace of 



86 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

that spontaneity and realism which make even second-rate 
Spanish productions interesting and living. This younger 
Colonia, although his mother may have been Spanish, never 
became Spaniolized; in this respect he, his father, and his 
grandfather stand apart*as among the very few foreigners of 
whom this may be said. The features enumerated above 
will all be found in an earlier work, the small door (Plate XV) 
leading from the Capilla del Condestable into the sacristy of 
the same chapel, but here the beautifully carved wooden door, 
which may be Francisco's also, imparts merit to the whole; 
and again they will be seen in later work such as the door 
added to Egas's Colegio de la Santa Cruz in Valladolid and 
the portals of the palaces of CogoUudo and Peiiaranda (Plates 
XVI and XXI). Nor were they limited to portals, for several 
altars and sepulchres in the church of San Esteban show them. 
These various peculiarities, appearing in so many different 
localities, prove that Francisco or some imitative disciple 
was not lacking in vogue; yet he had a contemporary working 
in Burgos Cathedral, Cristobal Andino, whose work showed 
keener sensitiveness to the refinements of Renaissance al- 
though it never won him popularity. Whether this reflects 
a lack of discrimination on the part of their priestly patron 
or a lack of business ability in Christopher himself would be 
diflicult to say; but there is every proof in the reja he made for 
the Constable^s chapel that he had finer taste and deeper 
Renaissance lore than the master of the works had. 
•- Besides the portal built in the north transept by Colonia 
there is the early main transept door set high in the wall at 
the level of the hilltop street called Fernan Gonzalez. To 
lead from it down to the floor of the church, some 30 feet 
below. Bishop Fonseca conmiissioned Diego de Siloe to build 
a sumptuous staircase (1519). This is the unique escalera 
dorada or golden stair, parent of all esccdiers d^honneur, and 
an admirable combination of marble and iron (Plate XVII). 
It begins in a single short run, divides into two and reunites 
at the door level into a sort of spacious rostrum. The first 
stage, all in marble, is very graceful with its long sweeping 
consols and their unusual return bolsters; but the profuse 



O 5 

1-° 



§1 

si 



SCHOOL OF COLONIA IN BURGOS 91 

decoration of allegorical bas-reliefs leaves something to be 
desired on the side of restraint. At the first landing begin 
the iron balustrades, a chef d'ceuvre of forging whose like could 
not be found outside of Spain. Var3dng in design as. they 



Fig. 27 — Detail from Reja of the Capilla del Condestable, Burgos 

Cathedral. 

Cristdbal Andino, Rejero. 1523. 

ascend they are worked into the Fonseca arms at the second 
landing and into splendidly executed repousse heads at the 
rostrum. The whole work is elaborately painted and gilded. 
This part was long ascribed to Andino but is now known to 
be the work of one Maestro Hilario, a French smith. Andino 
at this same time was busy with a mighty piece of ironwork 
conceived in quite another spirit — the reja of the Capilta del 
Condestable which is full of the calm beauty of Italy but in 
a medium which the Italians never dreamed of architecturaliz- 



92 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

ing to the point of monumentality. In the two charming 
figures of the cresting and in much of the detail (see Fig. 27) 
he has caught the message of the antique far more sympa- 
thetically than did any of the classicists who succeeded the 



Fig. 28 — Dstail from the Tomb of Bishop Gonzalo de Lerma, 

Burgos Cathedral. 

AUrihuied to Diego de Siloe. 

Plateresque period. This fact was appreciated by the discrimi- 
nating priest who wrote the Medidas del Romano, for he honors 
the rejero with a paragraph pointing out how the reja for " my 
lord the Constable adheres to ancient principles" and advises 
architects and ironworkers to study it. The wife of this 
Condestable de Castilla, Don Pedro de Velasco, was a sister 
of El Gran Cardinal Mendoza ; and being accustomed to the 
excessive richness of her father's palace at Guadalajara, 
she employed Simon de Colonia to build this huge chapel 
in 1482 et seq.; amidst all Its excellent but endless German 



PLATE XVIII 



ENTRANCE TO THE HOSPITAL DEL REY, BURGOS. 
Architect Unknown. 1526. 



DOOR PANEL FROM THE CHAPEL OF THE HOSPITAL DEL REY, BURGOS. 



SCHOOL OF COLONIA IN BURGOS 97 

ornament the restraint and the structural force of Andino's 
contribution is very grateful. The reja is signed and bears 
the date 1523. Andino is buried in a small church in the 
Barrio de Vega across the river Arlanzdn under a monument 
designed by himself. 

There are many other sixteenth century works in Burgos 
Cathedral — ^the new cimboriOy the sillena or choir stalls, the 
tombs, retablos, and a mass of decorative sculpture which 
there is little necessity of analyzing here although the tombs 
and wood-carving would each deserve much attention in 
any history of those important branches of Spanish art. 
With all this ecclesiastical activity and the representative 
men employed such as Diego de Siloe, Felipe de Vigarni, Juan 
de Vallejo, and so on, one would expect to find something 
notable in the way of domestic and civic architecture; but 
the fact is that there is only one casa particular, the Casa 
Miranda, and only one public building, the Hospital del Rey, 
worthy of examining. And even these reflect absolutely noth- 
ing of the Burgos-trained men. Such a paucity of undertak- 
ings outside of the church is explained by the general economic 
condition of the old Castilian capital. The court had long 
since moved south and Burgos, so important in the Middle 
Ages, was merely vegetating in this period ; not even the en- 
thusiasm of a Fonseca could supply its impoverished or in- 
different nobles with Renaissance mansions. The Hospital 
del Rey mentioned above lies about a mile southwest of the 
city on the poplar-fringed river. It is an ancient edifice of 
no particular form but is interesting for the Plateresque em- 
bellishment ordered by the Catholic Sovereigns; an order 
which, like others of their architectural projects, was not car- 
ried out until the days of their grandson Charles. The 
added part consists of the entrance gateway (Plate XVHI) 
and forecourt. It shows the royal blazon and is dated 15 26, 
Far more architectonic in composition and superior in tech- 
nique to the work of the Colonia group, it appears to be by 
some outside architect; and its apt use of the smaller Renais- 
sance motifs along with the design of the exterior doorframe 
and the arched opening with slender columns and rather light 



98 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

entablature, all point to his having worked at Salamanca. In 
the forecourt are several interesting bit of detail including some 
beautiful doors which lead to the chapel (Plate XIX). They 
are of walnut, a wood made famous in Spain by the splendid 



Pig. 29 — Detail of an Ardi Soffit. Hospital del Rey, Burgos. 1526. 

carving done in it both tn Gothic and Renaissance days. 
In the panels here, while the unknown sculptor has retained 
much of the Spanish vigor, he has kept the decorative quality 
uppermost; there is also careful work in the architectural 
motifs framing the panels. 

It is likewise puzzling to account for the singular architect 
who in 1543 built the Casa Miranda, the most splendid Bur- 
galese residence of the century. Nothing quite like it exists 
in all Castile. Now an almost hopeless ruin, it is used as a 
factory for converting pig-skins into wine-containers; and 
if a long-standing protest on the part of the Ayuntamiento 
(who have opposed its sale for removal) is not soon settled 
in favor of the purchaser there will be nothing left for him 



SCHOOL OF COIX)NIA IN BURGOS 99 

to remove. Neither owner nor town council has the money 
to reclaim it, and as for the national government, it is 
already embarrassed to find uses for the many fine old 
structures that have been declared national monuments. 



Fig. 30 — Section through Stairway in the Casa Miranda, Burgos. 

Meanwhile the discoloring process goes on in the beautiful 
Miranda patio. The house was built, according to the in- 
scription in the frieze, by Don Francisco de Miranda, 
Abbot of Salas — a member of the Peiiaranda family whose 
palace is to be examined shortly. There is no record of 
the architect but it is evident at a glance that he had 
nothing in common with others of the city. Only the 
vestibule, patio, and stairway retain any traces of their ori- 
ginal beauty, the whole interior being now let out in tene- 



100 SPANISH ABCHITECTURE OP THE XVT CENTUBY 

ments. The patio (Plate XX) is very distinctive, its severe 
post and lintel architecture being in marked contrast to the 
usual arcuated style. This columnar arrangement, rare in 
the Hateresque period, recalls Pompeian work, particularly the 



Pig. 31 — Vaulting of Stairway in the Casa Miranda, Burgos. 1543. 

well-known atrium of the so-called House of Ariadne. Of 
course this was not then exhumed but we are reminded in the 
Medidas del Romano that "the ancients had constructed mag- 
nificent works of which to-day many stand and modems never 
cease to take samples from them such as drawings, measure- 
ments, tracings, models, which are sent all over the world." 
On the exterior of the Miranda there is nothing of this classic 
sophistication; only a fair Corinthian portal claims the atten- 
tion. One enters through two vestibules, the first bare, the 



PATIO OP THE CASA MIRANDA, BURGOS. 

Architect Unknovm. 1543. 

{Front an old picture.) 



SCHOOL OP COLONIA IN BURGOS lOS 

second an attractive degagermnt square tn plan and with the 
four semicircular arches of its sides supporting a flat octagonal 
dome with late Gothic vaulting. Next comes the patio at 
whose far end is the stairhall, and in the latter more Gothic 



Fig. 32 — Plateresque Belfry o£ Santa Maria del Campo, near Burgos. 

is encountered, yet the patio is advanced Renaissance. The 
stairs, which are in very bad shape, are ascended through 
an arched opening flanked at each side by colonnettes 
engaged to a very flat pilaster and embellished with beauti- 
ful little arabesques. Although not built around an open 
well, it retains the three runs and two landings of the 
claustral type as may be seen in Fig. 30. In its paneled 
vaulting it is treated like the stairs of the smaller Renais- 
sance palazzi in Italy. The panels (Fig. 31) are exquisitely 
carved and offer a wealth of motifs including arabesques, 



104 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

scrolls, portrait medallions, and, it goes without saying, 
the blazon of the prelate. Returning to the patio, which 
is the best preserved portion of the house, one finds that 
there is a consistency between the post and lintel con- 
struction and the flat cloister ceiling accompanying it that 
is absent in the more typical arcaded gallery. The raised 
letters of the inscription are as much of an innovation in 
Plateresque as the late Roman columns. On the antepecho 
or parapet of the upper gallery, which is a holdover from Gothic, 
is a frieze of panels not only charming in themselves but 
specially well carved considering that the material is granite. 
It is a pity that not even this small portion of the once exten- 
sive palace can be reclaimed for its artistic value is far 
greater than that of the Constable's palace (Casa del Cordon) 
recently rehabilitated and occupied by a Burgalese family. 
On either side of the Miranda stand large houses of scant 
merit; one of them, the Casa del Angulo, while it appears to 
be of the sixteenth century is really of the eighteenth. In 
this same Calle de la Culera once lived the renowned sculptors 
Gil and Diego de Siloe, Nicolas de Vergara, and probably 
Cristobal de Andino, since he is buried close by. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE DOMESTIC PLAN AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 

ABANDONING THE FEUDAL CASTLES — ^NEW HOMES UNLIKE THOSE OF 
CONTEMPORARY EUROPE — EVOLUTION FROM CASTILLO TO PALACIO — ^THE 
PATIO AS NUCLEUS OF PLAN AND ITS PART IN THE LIFE OF SPANISH WO- 
MEN — LACK OF SYSTEMATIC ARRANGEMENT IN ROOMS, WHICH ARE MERELY 
A SERIES OF SIMILAR UNITS AROUND THE PATIO — PRACTICAL ASPECT OF 
THE SPANISH PLAN — ^LACK OF SYSTEM IN HOUSEHOLD ADMINISTRATION 
AND ITS EFFECT — ^THE KITCHEN ALMOST NEGLIGIBLE — NO BUILT-IN 
ACCESSORIES IN THE LIVING-ROOMS, THESE BEING DESIGNATED BY THE 
CONTENTS OF THE CARVED CHESTS — ^ABSENCE OF GARDEN TREATMENT 
IN FRONT OF THE PALACE — ^ALL THE PECULIARITIES OF PLAN AND SETTING 
EXEMPLIFIED IN THE PENARANDA PALACE — CRUDE MASONRY AND BEAUTI- 
FUL PORTAL OF THE FACADE — PATIO AND SUMPTUOUS CLAUSTRAL STAIR 
WITH MAGNIFICENT ARTESONADO — SALONS OF THE PISO PRINCIPAL OR 
MAIN FLOOR AND THEIR ARTESONADOS — YESErIa OR MOORISH PLASTER- 
WORK — PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PAIJVCE 



106 



CHAPTER IV 

THE DOMESTIC PLAN AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 

AT the dawn of the sixteenth century when the long 
racial wars were over the nobles found themselves 
inheritors of feudal castles that were much the worse 
for wear. An order issued by the Catholic Sovereigns with 
a view to ending dissensions between the nobles themselves 



Fig. 33— Loi^ Gallery in the Palacio de Monterey, Salamanca. 

forbade the repairing of these strongholds. This, coming at 
a moment when the air was rife with humanism, sent them 
into the towns to build new homes, or if they already possessed 
Gothic houses, to modernize them. There it is, rather than 
in the country, that the fine palaces of the period must be 
sought. When found they are usually in sad condition for 
nowhere have poverty and deliberate abandonment worked 
greater havoc in ancestral seats. Studying these sixteenth- 



108 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

century homes it is interesting to note their many points of 
departure from those which marked the advent of the modern 
social era in the rest of Europe. It will be seen that there is 
nothing in Spain corresponding to the Italian villa, the 



Fig. 34 — An Outdoor Kitchenette. 

French chateau, or the English manor-house. Generally 
speaking the defensive castle in Spain had offered even less 
of the domestic amenities to its inmates than the French or 
English feudal home. Much of this severity and bareness 
survived in the succeeding period and is to-day all the more 
striking because stripped of the hangings and furnishings that 
once relieved it. 'llie patio, like the atrium of the Roman 
house and the plaza de armas of the Castillo, was the nucleus 
of the palace plan; this not only because the Spaniard was 
tenacious of tradition, but because it answered both to climatic 
requirements and to the Moorish ideas of sequestered family 
life with which the Spaniard was imbued. In the Spanish as 
in the Roman plan a large vestibule led directly to the patio. 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 109 

which was open to the sky and surrounded by a covered walk. 
It was almost invariably of two stories, and upper and lower 
cloister galleries were connected by the grand claustral stair- 
way; from the upper walk opened the private apartments. 
This nucleus of open quadrangle, roofed galleries, and claustral 
stairs served as a general living-room and was the scene of all 
great functions gay or sa<LJ Moreover it was the woman's 
only place of recreation for in Spain the sex appears to have 
been as closely guarded as in Arabia/ So entirely did the 
hollow square plan acconmiodate itself to the scheme of 
domestic life that it never gave way to the open plan of ex- 
terior indentations found in Italy, France, and England, 'As 
the patio had already reached structural perfection when the 
sixteenth-century architect inherited it he had only to im- 
prove or modernize its decoration. Accustomed to the Moor- 
ish idea of interior richness and exterior plainness he lavished 
on it, rather than on the facade, his greatest wealth of orna- 
ment. / 

'From the structural point of view it cannot be claimed 
that the Spanish plan ever attained that scientific adjustment 
of means to end that it reached in other countries where the 
Renaissance penetrated. During the period under considera- 
tion it made little more attempt at structural refinements 
than had previously sufficed. As opposed to the studied 
niceties of Italian planning, Spanish was nothing more than 
the juxtaposition of similar units around the open patio as 
in the Penaranda plan (Fig. 35), the units themselves being 
devoid of any systematic arrangement of fenestration, door- 
ways, or other details^ This criticism can hardly be modified 
even in favor of the finest mansions. For this defect there 
are two explanations: first, in domestic work trabeated con- 
struction prevailed, for although the Spanish had sl^own in 

' In the early sixteenth century we find the stem moralist Pray Fernando de Tala- 
vera censuring women of the upper classes for making church-going a pretext for ap- 
pearing in public when they could avoid passing through the streets by hearing mass 
in the chapels of their own palaces. This aversion to having the women appear abroad 
makes entirely feasible the explanation of long open galleries such as are seen in the 
facade of the Palado Monterey in Salamanca and the Benavente in Baeza — ^that they 
were built for the ladies to go walking ^para tomar el fresco). 



no SPANISH ABCHITECTUKE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

their churches as great skill in vaulting as any other European 
people, in their secular architecture they accepted the beamed 
ceilings and simple plaster walls which had satisfied the Moors. 
Even the popular and marvelously carpentered domical ceiling 

PENARANDA 

PAIACIO Dt LOS CONDES DE AMR^NDA. ^--N 




Fig. 35 — Plan of the Palacio de Pefiaranda de Duero. 

or artesonado merely disguises a simple flat process above it. 
The second explanation is more or less contingent upon the 
first — ^they also accepted the Moorish principle that interior 
decoration required nothing of architectonic interest as a back- 
ground. j'Thus though they introduced dados of polychrome 
tiles {azulejos), and door and window openings framed with 
flat bands of patterned plaster (yeseria), the room was essen- 
tially nothing but a box with a few haphazard outlets, the 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 111 

whole made sumptuous with tapestries or gilded leather 
hangings (guadamaciles). Not until really classic structural 
methods were introduced in the latter half of the century was 
there any noticeable improvement in Spanish planning. In 
other words, when the Spaniard adopted vaulted architecture, 
symmetry and studied arrangement naturally followed; but 
this classic movement had very little effect on domestic work. 
Neither from the purely utilitarian aspect can the Spanish 
plan compare with that of other countries during the Re- 
naissance — the natural result of the architect's not being 
called upon to meet the demands of an advanced and system- 
atized household administration. This is specially conspicu* 
ous in the culinary quarter. In any old mansion north of the 
Pyrenees, even one in ruinous condition, there would be no 
difficulty in recognizing the kitchen. Not only would the 
capacious chimney-place tell the tale, but also the smoke room, 
larders, and communications with the dining-room and cel- 
lars; but in going through a deserted Spanish palace the kitchen 
can only be guessed at. Cooking was frequently accomplished 
out in the open ; or if indoors, by burying the earthen pots of 
food in smouldering straw or embers; for which reasons the 
kitchen chimney is no more important in size than that of 
any other apartment that is fortunate enough to have one. 
The only really capacious provision for cooking is to be found 
in the monasteries. Regarding the diminutiveness of the 
Spanish kitchen a certain hidalgo is said to have retorted to 
Philip the Fair's criticism — it was on the latter's first visit 
from his own well-fed Burgundy — "Yes, Senor; and because 
my kitchen is small my house is great,'* indicating that a 
luxurious table had been known to bring families to ruin.' 

■ On the subject of Spanish food and table customs there is a precious account in the 
Voyage de Philippe le Beau en Espagne, by Antoine de Lalaing, Seigneur de Montigny, 
published in Brussels in 1876. Lalaing, who was Philip's chamberlain, relat^es how each 
invited guest brought his own silver and how at a banquet at the casa real there was 
displayed on the table the plate of the five grandees present. On the same occasion 
cabaUeros of lesser rank served the repast "with plenty of noise and disorder." An- 
other curious custom was that of inviting the much cloistered ladies to dine by the 
devious means of sending savory cooked dishes to their home. These were borne 
through the streets by a procession of gorgeously liveried servants whose coming was 
watched from the palace windows by the sheltered ones. 



112 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

It may be remarked in passing that the Castilian never was^ 
even in his greatest affluence, a gormand, and that to this day 
the monotonous cocido or boiled chick-peas and pork satisfies 
every family in the land every day of the year. The entire 
question of food preparation being regarded with comparative 
indifference, the kitchen never outgrew its primitive incon- 
spicuousness and never gathered around it those kitchen offices, 
pantries, laundries, passages, and entrances that were indis- 
pensable, even fundamental, in Haddon Hall and other early 
English mansions. In English planning such features were 
not only accommodated but were an important department 
in the early builder's consideration. As early as 1542 an 
English Doctor of Physicke published a guide for the layout 
of the house from the sanitary point of view. He advises 
among other things that the buttery and pantry be placed 
at the lower end of the great hall with the cellar under them 
and entered from the pantry; the larder should be annexed 
to the kitchen ; and the stables, slaughter-house, etc., should bc\ 
a certain distance away. No one appears to have been con- 
cerned with these questions in Spain. In the Spanish layout 
there were no such complications ; through one main entrance 
all entered, high and low; up the one broad stair everything 
was carried to the family apartments on the piso principal 
without any offense to the sense of fitness; and although 
laundry work was done from time immemorial on the river 
banks there was still enough of it performed at home to keep 
the windows and balconies of the main facade festooned with 
drying linen just as one sees them to-day in even the most 
modern urban residences. On the first or ground floor there 
was only one master's room, the recibidor; the rest being 
given over to servants and animals. On the main floor or piso 
principal all apartments were about the same in appearance 
except that the salon was largest and sometimes had a dais; 
the rest were known as the linen, the tapestry, the silver room, 
and so on, according to what was stored in the great carved 
chests that stood against the wall. Never was there a built- 
in accessory that would have differentiated one chamber 
from another. The client, it will be seen, was not exacting 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 113 

with his architect; and the latter, lacking the stimulus that 
would have come from a more highly developed domestic 
machinery, never emerged from the elementary in domestic 
planning. 

Finally there is another aspect of the sixteenth-century 
house which harks back to the defensive Gothic — the com- 
plete absence of grounds or garden treatment. In the city 
this might have been justifiable to a certain extent for it must 
be remembered that the proud noble who owned a whole 
town, squalid though we of to-day may think it, always chose 
its heart, the stony little plaza, as the site for his palace; but 
in the country the lack of setting must be explained either 
by the Spaniard's scant love of trees or else by a lingering 
misgiving in the security of the times. Be this as it may one 
would look in vain for the setting of garden and landscape 
architecture that gave so much charm to the Italian villa. 
Gardens in the grand sense there are none in Castile except 
the few royal parks created in the eighteenth century by 
Frenchmen at the command of the Bourbons; and in the 
smaller, more intimate sense, there is nothing. A few potted 
plants suffi ced. It has been aptly said that the only truly 
Spanishgarden is that found in the old monastery cloisters — 
"The shrunken survival during the Middle Ages of the grand 
gardens of antiquity and enclosed, like the shrunken learning 
of the time, within convent walls." This lack of setting is 
accepted without comment by Spanish writers but it strikes 
the foreign architect harshly.' Castile in spite of its stern 
and treeless aspect can be made to produce a wealth of trees, 
shrubs and flowers, and surely gardens could have been 
created had they been considered a desirable accessory to the 
palace. 

All the characteristics described above are exemplified 
in the still magnificent though dilapidated palace at Penaranda, 
a product of Francisco de Colonia or one of his associates. 

* Perhaps nothing speaks more eloquently of this inappreciation, persisting even 
until to-day, than the fact that the well-stocked Fine Arts section of the Ateneo Library 
in Madrid possesses but one book on the subject — a French treatise on French gardens. 
As to Don Santiago Rusifiol's beautiful portfolio Jardines de Espafia it is made up of 
southern Moorish gardens and royal parks. 
8 



114 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

It stands in what to-day is a remote and forgotten corner of 
the province of Burgos but what used to be the important 
seat- of the Senores de Penaranda de Duero. Since the early 
sixteenth century when one of them, a Caballero of the Golden 
Fleece, Viceroy and Captain General of Navarre, Member of 
Council of State and War for Charles V, Majordomo of the 
Empress Dona Isabel, etc., etc.,^ built his palace here nothing 
has changed, and one can easily form an idea of the surround- 
ings which were then considered adequate for a lordly mansion. 
It stands on the bald stony plaza with neither approach nor 
treatment of any kind. It was clearly the only house of 
importance in the village, and its rich portal and windows arc 
in marked contrast to the humble dwellings that elbow it 
familiarly on both sides. The two-storied facade is of impos- 
ing length, some 200 feet exclusive of an adjoining older por- 
tion; but except for the fine entrance and fenestration it is 
disappointingly crude — devoid of cornice and other moulds, and 
with its stone facing lacking all the quality of good masonry. 
The portal (Plate XXI) is at once one of the most interest- 
ing and singular in Spain. From a photograph one might 
say that it was composed of Roman fragments, and the con- 
jecture would not be far wrong for the Roman town of Clunia 
a few miles distarit was still abundant in architectural treasures 
in the sixteenth century. Only a few were introduced here 
but these served to inspire the character of the rest of the 
detail. This classic influence accounted for, it will be seen 
that the remainder emanated from Francisco de Colonia or 
his disciples, but is much more skillfully treated than the 
Pellejeria doorway of Burgos Cathedral. The lower half of 
the composition is severely plain, a post and lintel treatment 
of red marble very Castilian in its massive proportions. At 

* He was brother to the bishop of Burgos with whom he joined forces in rebuilding 
in the Renaissance style the Monastery of La Vid a few stations east of Aranda on the 
Valladolid-Ariza railroad. Many of the family tombs are there, his with the inscrip- 
tion "Here lies the most illustrious Sciior Don Francisco de Ziifiiga y Avellaneda Conde 
de Miranda and Senor of the house of Avellaneda son of the most illustrious Sef^ores 
the Conde Pedro de Zdiliiga and the Condesa Catalina de Velasco died 1536." He was 
therefore related to the Fonsecas who built palaces in Salamanca, to the Velascos and 
Mirandas who built in Burgos, and to the Mendozas of the P&lacio del Infantado at 
Guadalajara. 



PLATE XXI 



PORTAL OF THE PALACIO DE PENARANDA DE DUERO. 
AUribuled to Francisco de Colonia, ca. 1530. 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENAHANDA 117 

either side are sandstone pilasters with decorative panels of 
classic trophies designed in harmony with the Roman busts 
above. Of far greater interest is the upper half, for aside from 
its unique arrangement, the carved detail in the coffered 



Fig. 36 — Upper Cloister of the Patio at Pefiaranda. 

reveal of the arch, the heraldic motifs in the tympanum, and 
the over-arch cornice are very effective. The hand of Fran- 
cisco is most noticeable in the spandrels, in the radial orna- 
ment of the main archivolt panel, and in the lunette at the 
top with its surrounding decoration — which last was irresistible 
to him. The windows are entirely his with their diminutive 
lunettes and their ornament bearing that peculiar plastic or 
stamped quality — the sign manual of the Colonia school. 
The difference between this facade and that of any Italian 
palace of similar importance is too striking to need comment; 
the one a systematized arrangement of laying out, a rh3rth- 
mic succession of refined motifs; the other a bald facade of 
crude masonry relieved only by incoherent spots of rich 
ornamentation. 



118 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Entering the palace one meets a bare untreated vestibule 
with the usual stone benches where the higher nobiUty dis- 
mounted (those of iesser rank passed in on foot). Beyond 
and to the right mav be seen the patio through a door as much 



Pig, 37 — Detail of Doorway of the Palace of Peflaranda. 

off axis as if the Gothic necessity of impeding a hostile rush to 
the court still existed. The patio is 54 feet square in the 
open and is treated much more architecturally than the facade 
but the detail is rather perfunctory. No matter how severe 
a Spanish patio may be, the composition of the roofs with the 
lean-to of the upper cloister gallery finishing a few feet below 
the eaves of the main wall, always imparts a picturesqueness, 
which is the case here (Fig. 36). Two arches of the lower 
cloister open onto the once magnificent stairhall, now a sorry 
picture of neglect and decay. Of the stairway itself only the 
steps remain, the balustrade having long ago disappeared. 
The stairhall was once crowned by an unusually sumptuous 
artesonado of which much has fallen down but what is left is 



PLATE XXII 



DILAPIDATED ARTESONADO OVER THE STAIRWAY OF THE PALACIO DE 
PENARANDA DE DUERO. 



118 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Entering the palace one meets a bare untreated vestibule 
with the usual stone benches where the higher nobility dis- 
mounted (those of lesser rank passed in on foot). Beyond 
and to the right may be seen the patio through a door as much 



Fig. 37— Det^ o£ Doorway of the Palace of Pefiaranda. 

off axis as if the Gothic necessity of impeding a hostile rush to 
the court still existed. The patio is 54 feet square in the 
open and is treated much more architecturally than the facade 
but the detail is rather perfunctory. No matter how severe 
a Spanish patio may be, the composition of the roofs with the 
lean-to of the upper cloister gallery finishing a few feet below 
the eaves of the main wall, always imparts a picturesqueness, 
which is the case here (Fig. 36). Two arches of the lower 
cloister open onto the once magnificent stairhall, now a sorry 
picture of neglect and decay. Of the stairway itself only the 
steps remain, the balustrade having long ago disappeared. 
The stairhall was once crowned by an unusually sumptuous 
artesonado of which much has fallen down but what is left is 



PLATE XXII 



DILAPIDATED ARTESONADO OVER THE STAIRWAY OP THE PALACIO DE 
PENARANDA DE DUERO. 



r 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 1«1 

sufficient to give a fair idea of the original (Plate XXII). It 
was carved in soft pine like all the ceilings of the palace and 
shows no trace of ever having been painted or gilded. The 
greater part of the design is in pure Renaissance, with motifs 



Fig. 38 — Doorway from Patio to Main Salon in the Palacio de 
Pefiaranda de Duero. 

and detail which exhibit in their arrangement a thorough 
understanding of the decorative side of the new stjde. The 
chief feature of the carving is the panels of amorini with the 
ubiquitous family escutcheon. Not only for its ornamental 
value should this proud display of lineage be appreciated by 
the student of Spanish palaces but because, in the absence 
of records, it is often the only clue to identifying the founder. 
In this case where the family archivo was destroyed by fire 
and the inscription on the portal is half illegible, tt is particu- 



lit SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XYl CENTURY 

larly helpful. Immediately under the heraldic panels runs a 
band of Moorish stalactites, next a row of classic mouldings, 
and below this again a rich frieze of Arab interiacings in yese- 
ria, each of the three stages remarkable for the clear dcmarca- 



FiG. 39 — ^Wooden Artesonado and Yeseria Doorway in 
the Main Saloa at Fedaranda de Duero. 

tion of style preserved. Apparently Moorish and Spanish 
artizans worked side by side. It is known that the Moriscos 
lingered in this inland province long after the first expulsion 
decree (1568) unable to get to the coast, and that as late as 
IS9S they built a ceiling in the Corpus Cristi Chapel in 
Burgos Cathedral. But while Moors were entrusted with 



WINDOW WITH YESERIa IN THE PALACIO DE PENARANDA DE DXJERO. 



PLATE XXIV 



DILAPIDATED ARTESONADO IN A SMALL SALON OP THE PALACIO DE 
PENARANDA D£ DUERO. 



HOMES AND THE PALACE AT PENARANDA 127 

the carpinteria at Pefiaranda, the heraldic panels in question 
and other Renaissance carvings were probably produced by 
Spaniards. One can hardly believe, however, that it was 
Francisco who furnished the design for this spirited work. 

On the second or main story of the palace is a series of 
impressive salons opening from each other and not, as is 
usual, from the patio. The main salon (Fig. 39) is an imposing 
room 62 feet long and has a ceiling practically intact and which 
must be regarded as one of the finest achievements in wood- 
work of the period. Except for the treatment of the canted 
corners there is nothing Oriental about it, not even in the 
design of the subsidiary plaster frieze. It is curious that the 
Moors who had so little appreciation of the structurability 
of the dome were yet so enamored of its form that they were 
willing to go to no end of trouble to secure either a vaulted 
or a domical techumbre. Having obtained it, the corners or 
pendentives always remained a weak note but the wooden 
fabric permitted of cleverly concealing the fact by elaborate 
stalactite ornament. This problem became even more irk- 
some for Renaissance workers, since the basic principle of their 
design demanded greater structurability; for years after the 
rest of the ceiling had been classicized the oriental corners 
remained a stumbling block; in the example under considera- 
tion they are the only unsatisfying note. It is to be regretted 
that the shell motif was not resorted to as a solution. The 
ceiling is arranged in three planes and hipped at the ends. 
Rows of coffered octagons with the traditional pendant in the 
intervening lozenge make up the body of the design. It is 
the frieze, part wood and part plaster, that is the chef d'ceuvre 
of the whole (Fig. 40) ; the wood being vigorously carved in a 
theme of finely modeled figures separated by rinceau ornament, 
and the plaster, or secondary frieze, being an equally admirable 
piece of Renaissance ornamentation but at reduced scale. 
Plaster is again seen in the architectural framing of the doors 
and windows of the main salon. These openings including 
the handsome double door of carved wood surrounded by a 
rich band of patterned yeseria that leads to the patio, and the 
three windows opening onto the plaza, similarly framed and 



128 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

with unusually heavy shutters in lieu of glass, are among the 
finest examples of Mudejar work in Spain (Plate XXIII). 
The shutters referred to are particularly good bits of carpentry, 
and the splendid wrought hardware on them is still intact in 



Fig. 40 — Wooden Frieze Supporting the Ceiling of the Main Salon in 
the Palace of Peflaranda de Duero. 

Spite of most of the shutters having long ago been wrenched 
from their hinges and left to rot on the floor under the snow 
drifts that pile up in the winter. The remaining features of 
the salon, two smaller doorways, a minstrel gallery, and a 
chimney-piece, are adorned entirely in yeseria typical of the 
Burgalese school — that is devoid of relief or variety, and 
inferior in every way to that previously mentioned. Con- 
sidering how Mudejar this palace is in certain respects, it is 
strange that azulejos are so sparingly employed. Excepting 
for a dado that runs around the entire piso principal including 
the patio, and the flooring of a small room near the stairs, 
probably an oratory, tiles were not used. The dado is only 
17 inches high and is formed of upright plain red tiles bor- 
dered top and bottom by a narrow strip of blue and white 
patterned azulejos, the same in every room. 

Left and right of the principal salon is a series of smaller 
rooms notable only for their artesonados, some Moorish as 



THE DOMESTIC PLAN 129 

in Plate XXIV, others Renaissance. All these are marvels 
of carpentry and make, along with the plainer rooms at the 
back of the patio, a veritable museum of ceilings. More the 
pity that all are fallen to pieces — pieces of convenient size 
for firewood. Certain Spaniards are still bitter over the re- 
moval from Zaragoza of the Casa Zaporta, some years ago, 
by a Frenchman; but no native seems willing to save this 
marvelous collection of artesonados. The last inheritor of the 
Pefiaranda palace was the ex-empress of the French whose 
illustrious father lies in the church opposite. Her present 
tenant is a lumber merchant who has installed a saw-mill 
in the grand stair-hall and has filled the piso principal with 
sawed boards, until one dreads to think of the consequences 
of a stray spark hurried along by the gusts that tear through 
the gaping windows. Altogether a sadder picture of neglect 
and abuse would be hard to find even in Spain. 



CHAPTER V 

SALAMANCA 

MANY RENAISSANCE BUILDINGS IN SALAMANCA — ^ANTIQUITY AND FAME 
OF SALAMANCA UNIVERSITY — THE CITY IN GOTHIC TIMES — RENAISSANCE 
EMBELLISHMENT OF THE MEDIEVAL BUILDINGS OF THE UNIVERSITY — 
ANALYSIS OF THE FAfADE — THE ESCUELAS MENORES OR PREPARATORY 
SCHOOL — INTERIOR WORK IN THE UNIVERSITY — PALACES AND THEIR 
DIVISION INTO TWO GROUPS — NEAREST APPROACH TO THE ITALIAN IN THE 
PALACES BUILT BY THE FONSECA BISHOPS — ^DESCRIPTION OF THE CASA 
SALINA — THE CASA DE LAS MUERTES — ^THE MALDONADO HOUSES OPPOSITE 
THE CHURCH OF SAN BENITO — THE PALACIO MONTEREY LARGEST IN SALA- 
MANCA — SEVERAL SMALL EXAMPLES — THE DOMINICAN CHURCH OF SAN 
EST^BAN — ARCHBISHOP FONSECA's COLEGIO DE SANTIAGO Ap6sTOL, 
NOW COLEGIO DE LOS IRLANDESES — PEDRO DE IBARRA — ARCHITECTURAL 
SCULPTURE BY BERRUGUETE AND HIS SCHOOL IN SALAMANCA 



130 



CHAPTER V 



SALAMANCA 



SALAMANCA, in the southern part of the ancient king- 
dom of Leon, is the most Renaissance city in Spain. 
To explain its sixteenth century building activity it 
might almost suffice to state that the Fonsecas lived there; 
but the city's civil importance also accounts for much. From 
the beginning of the thirteenth century it held a celebrated 
seat of learning which soon ranked by papal decree as one of the 
"four lamps of the world" and to which during the era under 
discussion more than seven thousand students were flocking 
from all parts of the civilized globe. Salamanca had always 
been a city of patrician families but these by their private 
feuds and political factions (in which the students took a 
lively part) had kept it in a constant state of upheaval until 
the strong rule of Ferdinand and Isabella destroyed feudalism 
and established orderly government. The changes through 
which Salamantine society passed may be read in the architec- 
ture of the city; houses of the fourteenth century had thick 
walls, high windows, and strong towers; those of the fifteenth 
lost their warlike aspect and began to indulge in the amenities 
of art. The sixteenth opened tranquilly with great building 
projects afoot — a new cathedral, the expansion of the univer- 
sity, and many new palaces. It was in the erection of these 
last that the Fonseca prelates were the leaders. Of the 
cathedral there is little to be said not only because, being 
Gothic, its style is out of our period but because the famous 
junta of architects who decided on its site placed it where it 
both hid and disfigured its magnificent Romanesque predeces- 
sor; the secular work mentioned was all in Plateresque. Much 

131 



182 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

of it was destroyed during the War of Liberation when the 
French converted the city into a fortified place and pulled 
down a large area; but enough remains to make Salamanca the 
classic site of Castile. 

As far back as 1480, Ferdinand and Isabella had decided 
that the poor plain buildings which housed the University of 
Salamanca were unworthy of its international fame. These 
had been erected in the time of the antipope Benedict XIII 
(Don Pedro de Luna of Zaragoza), and those concerned were 
too occupied with the great schism and the Councils of Con- 
stance and Basel to pay attention to collegiate architecture. 
Many recitation rooms were dark and damp, yet the order 
of the Catholic Sovereigns did not consider a newer and better 
type of building, but merely the embellishment of the one 
already standing. Exteriorly only the main entrance of the 
university proper and the facade of the Escuelas Menores 
or lower school ever reached completion. The authors have 
never been discovered nor the exact date when the work was 
commenced, but there is a sophistication about it that could 
hardly have been achieved earlier than 1525 or 1530. Several 
Spanish writers have suggested that it was designed by En- 
rique de Egas because as visiting architect to the cathedral, he 
came to Salamanca in 1522, 1529, and again in 1534; but the 
whole scheme shows so much intimacy with the Italian and 
at the same time is so distinctly local that it is more probably 
the product of some unknown Salamantine master. It is re- 
corded that Italians were working in the city before the end 
of the fifteenth century and it is perfectly conceivable that 
• these and their Spanish successors, encouraged by the Fon- 
secas, would have developed a local school which owed nothing 
to Egas. A point of superiority in the Salamanca buildings 
is the perfect stereotomy and structural details often sadly 
lacking in Enrique's work. 

The embellishment of the university, the most brilliant 
piece of Plateresque in the land, does not embrace the entire 
facade but merely features the main entrance (Fig. 41). 
Adhering to local traditions it retains certain Gothic remi- 
niscences in composition and detail, but exhibits a consununate 



DETAIL FROM THE FACADE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SAL.\MANCA. 
Ca. 1530. Architect Unknown. 



PLATE XXVI 



PORTAL OP THE ESCUELAS MENORES, SALAMANCA. 
Ca. IS3S- Archilect Unknown. 



SALAMANCA 



appreciation of Renaissance in its exquisite ornamental qual- 
ity. Something of the same delicacy may be seen in the 
church of La Madonna dei Miracoli in Brescia but the Spanish 
example is unquestionably superior in its feeling of exterior 



Fig. 41 — Facade of the University of Salamanca. 
Ca. 1530. Architect Unknown. 

appropriateness. The scale of the ornament varies from 
extreme minuteness in the lower panels to considerable bold- 
ness in the uppermost, but in these last the architect may be 
justly criticized for having carried his theory of perspective a 
little too far. The whole panel as it rises above the twin arches 
is a remarkable array of pure Italian foliated ornament but en- 



138 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

livened by portrait medallions and the heraldic devices so 
specially requisite in this locality (see Plate XXV). The main 
blazon is that of Ferdinand and Isabella but the double-headed 
eagle of Charles is also present to prove that the new front 



Fig. 42 — Detail from the Portal of the Escuelas Menores, Salamanca. 
Ca. 153$- Architect Unknown. 

■was in progress during his reign. In the uppermost division is 
a relief of the pope dispensing privileges which commemo- 
rates the fact that Salamanca University was under pontifi- 
cal as well as royal protection. The cresting that surmounts 
the panel is a Gothic remnant highly developed hereabouts 
and retained throughout the century. The Salamanca stone 
used, whitish when quarried but soon taking on a won- 
derful burnished tone, was particularly suited to this sort of 
carving and might be aged terra cotta, so deUcate is it to the 
eye. Taken as a whole this last addition to the facade will 
always be considered as the gem of the Plateresque style and 
one of the finest decorative achievements of the epoch in Europe. 



SALAMANCA 139 

Less distinguished but harmonizing with the above is 
the small facade to tae grammar school or Colegio de Es- 
tudios Menores (Plate XXVI). This is close by at the 
other end of the quiet little plaza that holds the statue of 
the great scholar and poet Fray Luis de Leon — an altogether 
unique spot which seems to be enveloped in the mellow glow 
of the yellow sandstone that walls it in. The scheme of the 
Escuelas Menores is also a decorative panel surmounting a 
twin arch, but here the treatment of the arch is later as might 
be expected from the fact that only Charles V's escutcheon 
is used. The work might, indeed, have been completed as 
late as 1535. In general there is much less nicety of work- 
manship but charming detail is not lacking. In the archi- 
volt are the amorini heads so persistently used in the same 
way by the Fonseca architect and perhaps indicating in the 
present instance that the primate Alfonso, a graduate of the 
university, was interested in furthering the work. Certain 
it is that after his death in 1534, the embellishment of the 
buildings flagged. Visitors are generally curious about the 
red lettering seen here and on several private houses around 
the plaza; it refers to illustrious students. Names were in- 
variably preceded by the Latin victor in monogram and 
though applied surreptitiously they were by no means daubed 
on but gracefully lettered. 

We now come to the interior of the university. The 
order for ornamenting this ancient seat of learning was 
a big one and both funds and enthusiasm gave out before 
much had been accomplished. Inside, therefore, there is 
little more to enumerate than the staircase, the library, and 
the rebuilding of the patio. The impressive stairhall, a fine 
piece of Gothic, contains a handsome stair ramp in which 
touches of the new style appear (Plate XXVII). Salaman- 
tine architects were slow to relinquish the ramp in favor of 
the Italian baluster rail, as a much later example in the Palacio 
de San Boal testifies. On the one in question the theme of 
the carving is a fifteenth-century bull-fight quaintly conven- 
tionalized. The knights and ladies depicted are very Gothic 
but this medievalism is accompanied by mouldings and orna- 



140 SPANISH ARCHITECTUBE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

mental motifs in the new style. The continuity of the scene 
is hardly interrupted by the landing for the problem of the 
ramp at the corners is admirably solved. The patio is an 
uninspired piece of work but the covered gallery of each story 



Pig. 43 — Decorated Wooden Ceiling in the Patio of the University, 
Salamanca. 

has an interesting though incomplete ceiling, the lower of 
which is illustrated in Fig. 43. It is very simple carpentry but 
made effective by color decoration; the upper is more typical 
with Moorish coffers set into Renaissance frames. The 
library, remodeled in the eighteenth century, preserves only 
its handsome Plateresque reja; but it is still rich in literary 
treasures in spite of Philip II's having burned thousands of 
volumes that smacked of the Reformation and other heresies. 
Other fragments deserving of attention may be found through- 
out the university group but nothing to compete with the 
subtle affiliation of medievalism and Renaissance in the 
main facade. 

As has been said Gothic Salamanca contained many 
powerful and noble .families and these made the escutcheon 
the chief outer adornment of their solar. Passing through 



PLATE XXVII 



STAIR RAMP IN THE UNIVERSITY OF SALAMANCA. 
Early Sixteenth Century. Architect Unknown. 



SALAMANCA 143 

the streets to-day one may read how the first thought of 
every proprietor was pride of race. The sangre limpia back 
of all this heraldry meant too much to permit of relinquishing 
the outward and visible sign, so the Renaissance architect 
had to turn the escutcheon to decorative account in his work. 
Thus though hardly an architect's name is known, it is still 
possible to identify his client by the coat of arms. Broadly 
speaking palaces may be thrown into two groups, one of 
horizontal composition, the other of vertical; both retain 
certain traditional forms, sometimes the round arched en- 
trance with massive voussoirs, sometimes the perforated 
cresting, and always few but highly interesting windows. 
In the first group (and all unhappily renovated) are the Palacio 
de San Boal, the Casa Garci-Grande, the Palacio de los Mal- 
donados de Amatos, and many others less typical ; in the second 
and fortunately better preserved are the Casa de las Muertes, 
the Casa de la Salina, and the Casa Maldonados y Morillo. In 
addition to these two classes are certain earlier houses to 
which Plateresque forms were added, such as the Palacio 
Abarca Maldonado in the Plaza de Fray Luis de Leon with 
its two very charming windows, and the remarkable Casa 
de las Conchas or House of the Shells with an exceedingly rich 
patio, part Gothic and part Renaissance, and a cresting in 
which appears the fleur-de-lis of the Maldonados, whose 
descendants still occupy the house. It was in the small 
vertical composition, an exigency of shrinking city sites, that 
the Salamanca architect expressed his greatest appreciation 
of the Italian style ; but even in these one must be reminded 
that the science of Renaissance planning was entirely neglected. 
Going back to houses of horizontal composition an im- 
portant example but one that might easily be overlooked is 
the inconspicuous San Boal in the little plaza of the same 
name. It is much mutilated as to facade but a good patio 
and stairway still survive. The patio is two stories high 
with segmental arches in the second — an agreeable change 
from the all too popular elliptical. Fine portrait medallions 
fill the spandrels of the first story arches. In the stairhall, 
over which is a good beamed ceiling, there is a solid stair 



144 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

parapet (Fig. 44) but its rinceau decoration is less attractive 
than the university example. Later than this palace is the 
Maldonados de Amatos, now the Casino. Although bar- 
barously reformed, especially inside, its main entrance and 



Fig. 44 — Stair Newel from the Palacio de San Boal, Salamanca. 

Upper story windows are intact, these last being fair specimens 
of the typical Salamantine window of the century. In the 
historic Plazuela de Santo Tome (which was the Plaza Mayor 
until the present handsome Churriguerresque plaza was 
built) stands the palace of the Garci-Grande family. It ts 
now a bank. There is no early Plateresque about it but it 
has a good late entrance and two corner windows with angle 
arches above — a fenestra! variation quite common down the 
west side of Spain. 

Salamanca's nearest approach to the Italian is in the shape 



SALAMANCA 145 

of the palaces erected by the two Fonseca bishops. The first 
to be identified with the city was Don Alfonso, succes- 
sively bishop of Avila, Santiago, and Seville, and patriarch 
(self-proclaimed) of Alexandria "the which was held in all 
the kingdom as a proceeding very arbitrary and a bad 
example/' Born at Toro, not far north, Don Alfonso was 
related to many illustrious Salamanca families and accom- 
panied the Catholic Sovereigns there in the late fifteenth 
century. His son Alfonso, sometimes distinguished from his 
father by the addition of his mother's name, UUoa, reached 
even higher dignities and became the archbishop of Toledo 
already mentioned in connection with Alcala. He was born in 
Santiago, Dona Maria de Ulloa's home, where he founded the 
Colegio de Fonseca ; but the city for which he had the greatest 
predilection was Salamanca. Here, according to an old chroni- 
cle, "the magnanimous archbishop liberated the city from cer- 
tain taxes in gratitude for which the populace on appointed days 
of the year went in procession to his chapel and held a bull-fight 
in the patio, there killing two novillos (young bulls)." The 
chapel and patio referred to are undoubtedly those of the 
Colegio del Arzobispo which he added to the university group. 
There is much confusion as to which palaces father and 
son were respectively responsible for. To the former are 
usually accredited the Casa de la Salina and the Casa de las 
Muertes. According to popular tradition he erected the 
former for his mistress Dona Maria de UUoa of Santiago whom 
the shocked nobility refused to receive in their houses when 
she accompanied him and the court to Salamanca; but the 
prelate died in 15 12, and although the lower story arches with 
their Gothiclike archivolts may be prior to that date. La 
Salina as a whole bears the impress of 1535 or 1540. In the 
case of Las Muertes, where his bust appears on the facade, the 
English architect Andrew Prentice accepts him as founder but 
hazards the date 1520. Prentice would not have been far amiss 
to have advanced it another ten years. As to the patriarch's 
portrait it may indicate that the son erected the house in memory 
of his father; then there is another account which says it was 
built by the grateful Ursulines, whose nearby convent he built. 



10 



146 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The Salina, so called by the populace because it was once 
used as a warehouse for salt, has suffered much inside from re- 
peated injudicious alterations. The facade (Plate XXVIII) 
presents a number of interesting discrepancies which are not 
appreciated at first glance from the narrow calle. The inter- 
columniation, for instance, varies from ii feet in the south 
bay to 8 feet in the north. This savors more of Gothic capri- 
ciousness than Renaissance system; yet by subtle adjustment 
of the units in the story above the feeling of symmetry is 
restored. Between exterior expression and interior arrange- 
ment one meets another liberty, for the arcade which appears 
to be a third story is in reality embraced in the lofty second- 
story salon. Notwithstanding, the facade has considerable 
dignity and is the only example in Salamanca employing the 
first-story Italian loggia. All above the loggia is of local 
treatment, particularly the principal windows flanked by 
colonnettes and with portrait medallions above. At each 
end of the upper gallery is the blazon of the Fonsecas, five 
stars under a crown; and in the spandrels of the arcade are 
the winged amorini heads which almost invariably accompany 
it. Of the interior, the best preserved feature is the patio, 
reached by a short flight of steps from the loggia. It is ir- 
regularly shaped with an amusing upper wooden gallery sup- 
ported on huge stone corbels {zapatas). These have never 
needed restoration and, like the loggia, bring to mind similar 
features in northern Italy. Their sides are decoratively 
paneled into flat squares and the fronts are carved into squirm- 
ing grotesques (Fig. 45) which, according to current story, 
represent the Salamantine aristocrats who denied hospitality 
to Dona Maria and whom Fonseca, in his revenge, thus 
placed under her feet. 

In the narrow Calle de Bordadores stands the diminutive 
and charming house now known by the sinister name of Casa 
de las Muertes (Plate XXIX). Although fragments of the 
ornament are very Italian the whole is distinctly Salamantine 
Plateresque. Strikingly local are the abundant encircled 
bas-reliefs, and a doorway with ornamental lintel resting on 
foliated capitals (whose use and character are,, in this case^ 



< K 



mm^^^^^ 



^^^m 



^ 



1 



SALAMANCA 



more Romanesque than Renaissance). The facade is barely 
30 feet wide. The rich central motif of the piso principal is 
the nucleus of its treatment, and so dominates the narrow 
front that the unsymmetricai fenestration is in no way dis- 



FiG. 45 — Corbels in the Patio of the Casa de la Salina, Salamanca. 

turbing. There is a wealth of beautiful Plateresque ornament 
in this feature (see Fig. 46); every quality of the silversmith's 
art may be detected in the decorative framing of "El seve- 
risimo Fonseca, Patriarca Alejandrina." But with all its 
merits the house has the defect common to Salamantine Plat- 
eresque, an inadequate cornice. This is merely a crude 
sectional profile of the preceding century ornamented in the 
new style. Inside the house there is nothing of interest, its 
small size precluding the patio plan. Owing to its lugubrious 
name it has long stood untenanted but fortunately its artistic 



150 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

value is fully appreciated in the town and this may protect 
it for many years to come. 

One of the greatest names in Salamanca annals is that of 
the Maldonados, whose various branches enriched the city 



Fic. 46 — Motif from the Fagade of the Casa de las Muertes, Salamanca. 

by some half-dozen sixteenth-century houses. Opposite the 
old church of San Benito stands the solar of the Maldonados y 
Morillos (Plate XXX), but on its facade the escutcheon of the 
Fonsecas is even more prominently placed than that of the 
two families mentioned. The explanation is furnished by 
the sepulchral inscription in the church across the way which 
says that Diego Maldonado was "Camarero del ilustrisimo 
senor Don Alfonso de Fonseca, Arzobispo de Toledo." Only 
the central motif now surrounded by stucco was architecturally 
treated. It is but 14 feet wide and em'braces nothing more 



PLATE XXIX 



ELEVATION OP THE CASA DE LAS MUERTES, SALAMANCA. 



PLATE XXX 



PALACIO DE LOS iULDONADOS Y MORILLOS, S-VLAMANCA. 



SALAMANCA 155 

than a door, a window, and the blazons of the three families, 
all beautifully composed. Of these the Fonseca shield is so 
thoroughly Italian in design and execution that it might have 
been brought bodily from the Library of Siena. It was 
probably the work of an Italian in Salamanca and as such 
invites comparison with other escutcheons carved by Span- 
iards. To be graceful, sensuous, and full of repose was the 
Italian aim; to be forceful almost to the point of distortion 
was the Spanish, and this essential difference may be found in 
even the smallest carved motif. The more placid type of 
ornament can be and has been reproduced in every land, but 
any present-day attempt to catch the violent Spanish fails 
even here on its own soil. 

Adjoining the house just described is the Casa Solis in 
which the Maldonado quarterings appear along with those of 
the Solis, Zuiiiga, and Abarca clans. The Fonseca escutcheon 
is absent which may account for this example being less 
Renaissance. Indeed nothing but the mouldings lift the main 
entrance out of the medieval. Under the eaves extends a 
perforated screen with intermediate piers having the form of 
truncated columns, which led Prentice to believe that the 
original intention was to create an open loggia at the top. 
Close inspection of the stereotomy, however, proves that 
each pier was cut to include the adjacent perforation. There 
is no clue to the date of this little palace but it is undoubtedly 
one of the earliest of the century. The interior has been so 
completely remodeled that it is impossible to discover the 
original plan. 

The largest and latest palace in Salamanca is the Monterey 
(Fig. 47) which, vast though it is, represents less than half 
of the primary scheme. Even this sumptuous edifice was 
neglected by the chroniclers and there is the usual dispute 
as to the founder. " Surely*' concludes the catedratico Don 
Angel Apraiz who has spent much time in investigating the 
matter, ** it belonged to the family of the Fonseca archbishops 
united with the Counts of Monterey through the marriage of 
Don Diego de Acebedo, a son of the Patriarch of Alexandria, 
with the Countess Francisca de Ziifiiga." The escutcheons 



156 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

corroborate such an attribution. The builder was probabljr 
Don Caspar de Acebedo y Zuniga, Count of Monterey and 
Viceroy of Mexico, and "from its magnificence may be judged 
the wealth brought back by those who ruled in early America 



Fig. 47 — Corner Tower of the Palacio de Monterey, Salamanca. 

in the king's name," as a wise old writer significantly remarks. 
Prentice suggests Covarrubias as the architect, assuming froni 
the presence of the Fonseca shield that the house was built 
for the archbishop. Conflicting dates, aside from the char- 
acter of the work, make this improbable. In the absence of 
one intact facade by Covarrubias any comparison between his 
known work and the Monterey must be confined to details, 
and none of these bespeak his refined taste. The Monterey 
ornament is conceived in an entirely different spirit from the 
Alcala — none the less Spanish but with a strong appeal to the 



SALAMANCA 



popular element. So well did it succeed in this respect that 
the palace has been the model for every World's Fair building 
that Spain has ever had occasion to erect. As to plan the 
palace was to face on four streets, to enclose a large quadrangle. 



Fig. 48 — Colegio de San Ildefonso, Salamanca. 

and to have four corner towers and an additional one in the 
center of each long side. Only one long side was built. Be- 
sides its towers, the most notable features of the exterior are 
the chimneys and the cresting. This latter, with well modeled 
figures strangely distorted, is very Spanish; and the former, 
rarely featured on even the most monumental Spanish build- 
ings, are here so prominent in the silhouette that they recall the 
highly architecturalized chimneys of the Henri II period in 
France. This house has now passed by descent to the Alba 
family, who also own the palace at Penaranda de Bracamonte, 
some twenty-five miles east of Salamanca. 

In addition to the preceding are a few simpler examples 
that repay searching out; among these are the old Lonja and 
a house with the Pizarra escutcheon in the little Plazuela del 
Peso; the Colegio de San Ildefonso (Fig. 48) on the Plaza de 



158 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Santo Tomas; and the amusing little house adjoining the 
university and built, as the escutcheon indicates, by that 
body. 

Salamanca contains, besides its palaces, two highly devel- 
oped sixteenth-century structures of prime importance, one 
the convent-church of San Esteban and the other the Colegio 
de Santiago Apostol, added to his alma mater by Don Alfonso 
de Fonseca y Ulloa. This was popularly known as the Colegio 
del Arzobispo until it was given over to Irish priests, who first 
came to study in Salamanca in the time of Philip II. Hence 
its designation as El Colegio de los Nobles Irlandeses. It is 
pleasant to record that the "Irish nobles" appreciate their 
lordly home and reclaim it as means permit. Both this and 
the convent-church were begun about 1525 but records per- 
taining to the latter are much more complete, as is usually 
the case with ecclesiastic structures. It was built for the 
Dominicans by the architect Juan de Alava, that is, John 
of Vitoria in the province of Alava, who had worked with the 
Ontafions on Salamanca's Gothic Cathedral and was next 
engaged on the Plateresque fafade of Plasencia's. St. Ste- 
phen's, although nominally finished in 1610, was still building 
in the late seventeenth century so that successive architects 
may have altered Alava's plans; yet the fafade (Plate XXXI) > 
even granted that the figure of the martyr and other bits were 
carved long after, appears to be one conception. It is an 
ambitious piece of work embodying a vast amount of stone 
carving, all excellent and varied in character. The canopies 
over the saints on each side of the portal have more the quality 
of beaten metal than of the less obedient stone as may be seen 
in Fig. 49; while the ornament on the tall pilasters each side of 
the central motif is bold and free. Unfortunately this whole 
feature is overpowering in scale and crushes the beauty of 
the detail. There is a peculiar use of the pendant in the coffered 
arch which gives the effect of a Moorish artesonado; but this 
and other details admirable in themselves contribute to the 
restlessness of the ensemble. 

As to the Colegio del Arzobispo much dispute reigns con- 
cerning its unknown architect. Llaguno ascribes the entire 



PLATE XXXI 



WEST FRONT OP SAN ESt6BAN, SALAMANCA. 
Juan de Ahva, Architect, iS24-i6io. 



SALAMANCA 161 

building, Gothic chapel and all, to Alonso de Covairubias; 
others credit him with only the fafade, and this happens to 
be devoid of all interest. A modem and painstaking investi- 
gator, Don Manuel Gomez Moreno, asserts that we can gather 
enough from the testament of 
Archbishop Fonseca to confirm 
that the Granada style which 
we see in Fonseca's colleges in 
both Salamanca and Santiago 
is due to Diego de Siloe. The 
authors have not examined the 
will in question but even one 
who holds documentary evi- 
dence in positive awe would be 
hard put to find any trace of 
Siloe or his school in the Irland- 
eses. The scheme of the build- 
ing is the traditional Spanish 
that had been going on un- 
varied for centuries; and the 
detail, the chief thing by which 
Spanish architects are recog- 
nized, is strikingly Castilian. 
That is, the sculpture is known 
to be at least in part by Ber- 
ruguete, and is therefore very 
distinct from the Granadine 
school. Returning to Covar- 

nibias it must be remembered pio. 49_DetaU from the Portal o£ 
that, owing to his prominent San Est^an, Salamanca, 

position both in Toledo Cathe- Juan deAlam, Architect. 1524-1610. 
dral and as master of the royal 

works, he may have been called on to furnish many more plans 
than he himself executed. These would then be passed over to 
contractors, who were often architects and who secured the 
best local talent to interpret them. Hence, if he did design 
the Fonseca College, it is not surprising to learn from the 
records that one Pedro Ibarra, who had studied in Italy, built 



182 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

the stately patio illustrated in Plate XXXII. Some say that 
he worked from his own plans, others, that they were drawn 
by Rodrigo Gil de Ontaiion, and still others give the credit 
to Covarrubias. The candelabra motifs crowning the second 



Pig. 50 — Upper Clcnster of the Cole^o de los Mandeses, Salamanca. 
Attributed to Pedro Ibarra. 

story piers certainly resemble those above the balustrade on 
Ontanon's university facade at Alcala, while of Covarrubias's 
Alcala patio there is no reminder save the inimitable carving 
by Berruguete. Had the Alcala staircase been repeated here 
it would have gone far to settle the question; but instead there 
are two, one on each side, well placed, but with their treat- 
ment utterly lacking in sentiment. They have every appear- 



PLATE XXXII 



PATIO OP THE COLEGIO DE LOS IRLANDESES, SALAMANCA. 
Attributed to Pedro Ibarra. 



SALAMANCA 



ance of the seventeenth century. That the building of the 
patio and stairway suffered many interruptions there can be 
no doubt. We know that it was begun about 1530 and that 
Ibarra did not appear upon the scene until after 1550, when 



Fig. 51 — Patio of the Convento de las Duefias, Salamanca. 

he had completed a large chapel in the church of the Military 
Order of Alcantara in the border town of that name. Of the 
two stories that compose the Fonseca patio the lower and 
more formal exhibits a rare proficiency in the application of 
the classic orders and refutes at first glance Llaguno's state- 
ment that it is the product of a sculptor rather than an archi- 
tect. The upper story (Fig. 50) is a freer interpretation of 
the style and therefore more Spanish. Getting down to 
essentials and discarding rumors, the Irlandeses, with the 
exception of the patio, might have been built by any good 
Salamantine builder; and the patio was probably designed 
by Covarrubias, carried out by Ibarra, and superintended 
more or less by Ontanon who came on visits to the cathedral 



16« SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

where he was assisting his father. In these circumstances 
different hands are naturally discernible but the Spanish char- 
acter of the work is so paramount that a certain homogeneity 
is the result. It is something to be thankful for that, although 



Fic. 32 — Patio of the Castillo de Villaaueva de Cafieda near Salamanca. 

the structure stood directly in the line of fire between English 
and French batteries in 1812, only the graceful pinnacles of the 
patio suffered. 

To identify the sculptor Berruguete is a comparatively 
easy and always a grateful task. The capitals and medallion 
portraits here are too beautiful to be by less expert hands. 
Salamanca is a veritable museum of the master's architectural 
ornament. This served apparently as model for a group of 



SAIAMANCA 167 

local sculptors who caught much of his passion for heads, and 
his distribution of decorative elements, but not his extraordi* 
nary skill of execution. If all the expressive and well modeled 
heads in the city — in the patios of the Irlandeses and the con- 
vent of Las Dueiias (Fig. 51), the facades of the schools and 
of many private houses, the portal of the Espiritu Santo — 
if all these examples of Berruguete and his school were photo- 
graphed they would make a marvelous gallery of sixteenth 
century Spanish portraits invaluable for the study of the race 
as well as for the study of their art. Apropos of what the 
sculptor did for the Spanish palace M. Marcel Dieulafoy says 
the following in his Statuaire Polychrome en Espagne: "And 
finally there is a lost domain of art in which Spain showed 
herself a sovereign mistress. I refer to her civil architecture. 
I shall assemble some day the houses and palaces whose stones 
the ornamentalists have embroidered ^ith a distinction, a 
delicacy, and a technical skill never surpassed; but at present 
I will merely cite as perfect models for sculptors the decorative 
carving spread over the facades and interiors of aristocratic 
dwellings/' 



CHAPTER VI 

[ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 

AVILA AND THE TOMB BY DOMENICO FANCELLI — ^FANCELLl's DISCIPLE 
VASCO DE I,A ZARZA AND HIS MONUMENTS IN THE CATHEDRAL — ^ZARZA'S 
EXTRAORDINARY FACILITY IN THE SMALL MARBLE CUSTODIA — THE MONU- 
MENT IN THE SACRISTY BY BERRUGUETE OR A PUPIL — GRANITE PALACES 
OF AVILA — SEGOVIA AND ITS PALACES — SGRAFFITO TREATMENT — ^VAL- 
LADOLID AND ITS SCARCITY OF RENAISSANCE — ^THE COLEGIO DE SAN 
GREGORIO — ^THE PROVINCIAL MUSEUM IN THE COLEGIO DE LA SANTA 
CRUZ AND THE REMARKABLE SCULPTURE IT HOLDS — SHORT HISTORY OF 
WOODEN POLYCHROME SCULPTURE IN SPAIN — ^THE PROCESS QF ESTOFADO — 
ALONSO DE BERRUGUETE, TRAINED IN ITALY, RENOUNCING MARBLE AND 
RETURNING TO WOOD AND COLOR — ^HIS STALLS IN TOLEDO CATHEDRAL — 
THE RETABLO FOR SAN BENITO — ^HIS PUPILS AND FOLLOWERS — ESTREMA- 
DURA AND THE CATHEDRAL OF PLASENCIA — LOCAL TYPE OF HOUSE BUILT 
FOR THE CONQUISTADORES IN ZAFRA, TRUJILLO, AND cACERES — ^LE6n 
AND THE WORK OF JUAN DE BADAJOZ — THE FAfADE OF SAN MARCOS — 
THE GUZMAN PALACE — ^THE CLOISTER OF THE MONASTERY OF SAN ZOIL IN 
THE TOWN OF CARRi6n DE LOS CONDES — BITS OF RENAISSANCE IN WIDELY 
SCATTERED TOWNS OF OLD AND NEW CASTILE 



168 



r 



CHAPTER VI 

ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 

/" I "\HE walled town of Avila is of a complete and undis- 
I turbed medievalism that is not surpassed even in 

Jl medieval Spain ; nevertheless Renaissance penetrated 
and endowed it with a rare collection of sculptural monuments. 
In architecture the movement found no great expression for 
Avila had ceased to be prosperous in the sixteenth century 
and only the church was in a position to patronize the new 
style. Here it was that the gifted Domenico Fancelli left 
his masterpiece — the tomb of Prince John (Plate XXXIII) 
in the Dominican convent-church of Santo Tomas. The 
advent of this, one of the most beautiful tombs in Europe, 
left a profound influence on the little town; Avila became a 
center of Castilian sculpture. Fancelli's chief follower was 
Vasco de la Zarza who kept a group of sculptors busy in the 
cathedral for many years. The Renaissance work there con- 
sists of the trascoro, the altars in the transept, and the very 
remarkable monument in the ambulatory to Bishop Alfonso 
de Madrigal, El Tostado. This last was long attributed 
to the better known Italian and by some to Inocencio 
Berruguete, but the indefatigable Don Manuel Gomez Moreno 
has clarified the authorship and has, besides, discovered 
Zarza's signature in the arabesques on the splendid tomb of 
Bishop Alonso Carrillo de Albomoz in Toledo Cathedral. 

The Italian who brought the Renaissance to Avila was 
recorded by Cean Bermudez as Micer Domenico Alejandro 
Florentin, his family name Fancelli not being known until 
the publication in 1871 of data collected in Carrara by Canon 
Pietro Andrei "On Domenico Fancelli the Florentine and 

160 



170 SPANISH ARCHITECTUEE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Bartolommeo Ordogncs the Spaniard."' Domcntco received 
the commission from Don Juan Velasquez Davila who had 
promised the dying queen that her only son, buried some years 
before in Avila, should have a worthy monument. Presuma- 



PiG. 53 — Panel from the Trascoro, Cathedral of Avila. 

bly Davila undertook this at his own cost. The work was 
placed in 1512 and met with such approval that it secured 
another royal order, the monument for the prince's parents 
which was placed in Granada, in 1517. The nest year 
Fancelli died immediately after submitting designs to the 
executors of Cardinal Cisneros, as mentioned in Chapter II. 
At this early period the Spanish preference was still for 

* "Sopiu DfKnenico PonceUi Fiorentino e Bartolonuneo Ordognes Spagnuolo e sopra 
altri artisti loro contemporanei cite nel princtpio del secxilo decimosesto cultivarono e 
propagarono in Spagna le artt belle italiane. Memoric estratte da documenti ioediti 
o Pietto Andrei, Massa, 1871." 



>«p* 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 173 

free-standing as opposed to wall tombs, and Fancelli's were 
of that type. All three are discernible as the conception of 
one man, but in the first, the Avila, he attained a sublimity 
which he just missed in the second and third. The figure of 
the young prince, in no way a portrait, is at the same time a 
sensitive interpretation of both youth and death. It lies on 
a spacious sarcophagus so literally Plateresque that it is more 
like orfevrerie than chiseled stone. Its flat and decorative 
sculpture is Italian rather than Spanish, and yet unlike typical 
Italian in that it is not primarily architectonic. Whatever 
mouldings it does employ, however, are very beautiful both 
in profile and decoration. (It may be said at once that only 
one Spanish sculptor, Fancelli's disciple Zarza, ever realized 
to the same extent what a valuable accessory a finely moulded 
band could be.) The ensemble is the same as at Granada and 
Alcala — sarcophagus with a series of scriptural figures in flat 
niches on each side and accentuated at the corners by griflSns 
or figures. In one end of the Avila example is a medallion 
relief of San Domingo and in the opposite end a little inscrip- 
tion tablet, this incomparably Italian in form and lettering. 
In the same church is another tomb sometimes ascribed to 
Domenico though little about it bears out such attribution. 
Partly Gothic it is inferior in every way yet interesting as a 
precursor. It is dated 1504 and was erected to the guardians 
of the prince, Juan Davila and Juana de Velasquez his wife, 
parents of the nobleman who undertook to provide the youth's 
resting place with a suitable memorial. 

Plate XXXIV shows the bishop's tomb by Zarza which 
is at the back of the capilla mayor in the cathedral. Of rich 
marble beautifully worked it seems to suffer a little in the 
embrace of the coarse bald granite of the church interior. 
The composition is somewhat erratic but the defects are more 
than offset by the exquisite detail, of conventional Italian and 
exuberant Spanish curiously combined. The monument is 
divided into three stages — base or sarcophagus proper with 
paneled niches, a second stage with the seated figure of the 
bishop, and an upper portion quite separate from the lower ones 
as to arrangement, and made up of a relief of the Infant Christ. 



174 SPANISH AKCHITECTUBE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

The choicest part is the central with the learned bishop's 
effigy, probably one of the finest bits executed in the Italian 
style by any Spanish artist. Behind the seated figure and 
cleverly inserted so as to form part of the arch is a beautiful 



Fig. 54 — Altar of Santa Catalina in Avila Cathedral. 
Attributed to Zarza. 

circular bas-relief. On the pedestal it is recorded that the 
bones of El Tostado ("the Tanned" for such was his curious 
appellation) were brought here on the loth of February, 1521 ; 
but the monument must have been completed or nearly so 
in 1518, for it is on record that in that year Domenico Fancelli 



PLATE XXXIV 



MONUMENT TO BISHOP ALFONSO DE MADRIGAL, EL TOSTADO, 

AVILA CATHEDRAL. 

Vasco de la Zarza, Sculptor, ca. 1517. 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 177 

was called upon by the cathedral chapter to appraise it. 
Next in artistic value is the trascoro (Fig. 53), a prodigious 
work cut in stone and depicting scenes from the life of Christ. 
It too is ascribed to Zarza but is totally unlike the foregoing 



Pig. 55 — Altar in the Sacristy of Avila Cathedral. 
Attributed to Berruguete. 

work. While the frame is Renaissance the sculptural panels 
have more of a Gothic decorativeness. Many hands were 
kept busy on this trascoro, Juan Rodriguez, Zarza's best 
known follower, having charge of it after the master's death 
about 1536. The two fine altars in the transept, one dedicated 
to San Segundo and the other to Santa Catalina, are a much 



178 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

more personal expression of Zarza's hand, especially the former 
which on examination proves to be of greater refinement than 
the more breezy execution of the latter (Fig. 54). Though 
both might be criticised as over ornate they have much charm- 
ing detail. In the altar of San Segundo the sculptural panels 
have a decidedly primitive quality along with that same sensi- 
tiveness for mouldings and little architectural details that is 
observed in the Tost ado monument. Particularly fine is the 
cyma forming the base to the pedestal, ornamented with a 
delicate dolphin pattern strange, somehow, in this inland 
mountain town. Zarza is seen in quite another mood in some 
exquisite miniature carving in the shape of a marble custodia 
at the base of the magnificent painted retablo — a piece as 
delicate and mellow as an old ivory casket. Sculpture of an 
entirely different school from that of Fancelli and Zarza is 
the very Spanish altar of alabaster in the sacristy (Fig. 55). 
In it architecture is merely a sculptor's background, as the 
elliptical arch over the figure of Christ plainly proves. Mould- 
ings are nowhere featured or ornamented, and colonnettes 
are but decorative adjuncts; but the figures are of extraordinary 
realism and of that tenseness truly Spanish. Berruguete is 
given (locally) as the author; at least it is of his school. 

The few sixteenth-century palaces in Avila are of granite 
and belong to the same medieval class as those to presently 
be described in Estremadura. Renaissance is found mostly 
in fragmentary motifs such as doorways and windows, for 
which the friable granite of the region was worked in a very 
peculiar and local style. The huge monoliths thus fashioned 
into jambs and lintels arc like coarse fragments of decadent 
Roman (Fig. 56). In patios this ornamentation becomes 
more general and is freely employed on lintels, parapets, and 
brackets, but the forms carved are most rudimentary and are 
indefinitely repeated, as, for instance, the stone balls in the clois- 
ter arches of the Convento de Santo Tomas. The best known 
of Avila's palaces is the Casa Polentinos, now a military acad- 
emy. Here something more ambitious was attempted but 
the palace was left unfinished for centuries and the recent 
additions and restorations for the purpose of adapting it to 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 179 

its present use give no clue as to what it would have been as a 
palace. The only notable exterior feature of the original 
building is the imposing doorway with armorial panels at the 
sides and a curious machicolated motif above. 



Fig. 56 — Typical Granite Doorway, Avila. 

Segovia, the other important mountain town of the region, 
is primarily Romanesque. It has no notable Renaissance 
monuments in its cathedral and its few sixteenth-century 
houses are of the Avila type. One innovation, however, is 
presented in the Casa de los Picos (facets), a caprice from Lom- 
bardy of which this is a solitary example. Of the local type 
of house, that of the Marques del Arco has an interesting patio 
of granite where the diagonal arch of the corners, essentially 
a Spanish feature, is very well applied (Fig. 57). Segovia 
is the center for a sort of sgraffito treatment rare in Spain. 



180 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The stucco fronts are in tan and white, the latter being the 
under coat which shows when the tan is scraped away. De- 
signs are usually simple geometric arrangements but a few 
Renaissance rinceaux and swags are seen. Most of the ex- 



FiG. 57 — Patio of the Palado del Marqufe del Arco, Segovia. 

amples are fairly modern but it is said that the process was 
used in the region in the late sixteenth century. 

Valladolid, the favorite residence of the sovereigns of 
Castile and capital for awhile of the great Spanish Empire, 
has surprisingly little of sixteenth-century architecture to 
offer, nearly all it had having disappeared in the city's recent 
zeal for modernizing. Its most interesting monuments, and 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 181 

these considerably restored, are the Colegio de San Gregorio 
and the Colegio de la Santa Cruz, both of the late fifteenth 
century. How the latter came to acquire its posterior Re- 
naissance applications ha& been mentioned in Chapter I. 
As to the San Gregorio, its exterior, like those of several con- 
temporaries in the city, is outside the realm of sane architec- 
ture but its main patio (Plate XXXV), while also fantastically 
rich, yet has a definite scheme. The architect is said by some 
to be Macias Carpintero and by others, Felipe Vigarni. Cer- 
tain mouldings and minor details anticipate the new movement 
but these are submerged in a preponderance of decadent 
Flemish Gothic, and the whole shows a tinge of Moorish. 
Structurally the composition of the patio is simple enough — 
a double-storied arcade with twisted columns supporting 
flat arches below, and patterned columns supporting semi- 
circular arches above. This diagonal patterning was very 
typical of the Flemish in Spain and was preserved by Egas in 
his newel post at Toledo. Excessive richness occurs only in the 
upper story where a stone screen is inserted in the arches to 
shade the claustral walk — apparently an adaptation of the 
y wooden Moorish screen. Beyond these generalities, which 

closely follow the original structure, there is nothing to exam- 
ine, for hardly any of the old work survived the restoration. 
This building, we have previously said, is in a class with 
the Infantado Palace at Guadalajara by Juan Guas (Johan 
Waas) the Fleming who built San Juan de los Reyes in Toledo 
for Queen Isabella. In each case the northern architect 
while eager to add new elements to his repertory was unwilling 
to eliminate any of the old. Had Egas been in the same mood 
when he came in contact with Italian workmen and models 
at Toledo, Spanish Plateresque would have been more Flemish 
than Italian. In a secondary patio of the Colegio de San 
Gregorio is a little window of mixed Moorish and Plateresque 
which offers a favorable comparison with the more vulgar 
Flemish and Plateresque of the principal patio. Between 
Valladolid's late fifteenth-century structures and Herrera's 
cold classic cathedral commenced in 1585 (see page 428) there 
is practically no monument of importance ; but the city con- 



182 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

tains a little museum, installed in the Colegio de Santa Cruz, 

with a rare collection of Castilian sculpture. Although outside 

the scope of a strictly architectural 

study, this collection is too interesting 

to be passed without a word. 

It has already been said that at the 
dawn of the Renaissance, plastic art in 
Spain had reached a flourishing stage 
and was practiced by many foreigners 
as well as natives. As the century 
progressed it developed into some- 
thing distinctly national. The figure 
went on steadily improving, not in 
the sense that it approached more and 
more to the classic beauty of the 
Italian, but precisely because it 
diverged from that and became in- 
tensely racy. It was curious, drama- 
tic, yet always supremely dignified. 
Even in purely architectural carving 
this same independence and personal- 
ity also prevailed and while grace was 
not always attained the forms were 
well balanced. The more sculpture 
grew to be individual in expression, 
the greater became the passion for 
applying it. Mural painting mean- 
while found no favor in the land. 
The churches alone must have kept 
an army of figure sculptors busy, 
and secular work also employed them 
lavishly. All materials used in build- 
ing had to submit to the Spaniard's craving for form — 
terra cotta, coarse granite, fine marble and alabaster, wood, 
slate, and even Iron were carved. But as time went on 
one material — that best adapted to realistic portraiture — 
came to hold the field of figure sculpture for itself; not 
because of the greater facility with which wood could be 



Fig. 58— Wooden Pul- 
pit in the Col^ata of 
Arandadel Duero. 



i 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 185 

carved, but because it offered the best ground for the 
application of color, and without color sculpture could not 
be Spanish. Spain, except for the brief sway of Fancelli 
and Ordonez, had remained faithful to polychrome and con- 



FiG. 59 — Pulpit with Alternating Mud^jar and Renaissance 
Panels, Amusco, near Palencia. 

tinued to do so even after sculpture was dead in the rest of 
Europe; Zalzillo of Murcia, one of the most renowned poly- 
chromists, lived in the eighteenth century. To the devout 
Spanish soul monochrome saints could never speak as elo- 
quently as those painted true to life; nor was it alone a craving 
for realism that demanded color; centuries of contact with 
Mussulman art had much to do with the painted and gilded 
retablos and altars, the bright-hued azulejos, the gorgeous 
damasks with their rich galloon and fringe, which were all 
inseparable from Spanish worship. The process of coloring 
wooden statuary was called estofado, that is, the simulating 
of stuffs. It consisted of a foundation of heavy gold to be 



186 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

painted upon, and the paint then scratched through with fine 
lines until enough gold was exposed to impart the richness of 
the fabric (generally brocade) imitated. Flesh, and especially 
suffering or dead flesh, was counterfeited with appalling realism. 
The first Italian-trained sculptor to turn back to the 
national tradition was Alonso Berruguete whom we have al- 
ready seen as an eminent architectural ornamentalist in 
Alcala, Toledo, and Salamanca. His marvelous wood statu- 
ary may be studied, along with that of several worthy disciples, 
in the Valladolid museum. Berruguete was the son of Pedro 
de Berruguete, one of the best known Castilian painters. 
After his father's death in 1504 he left his native Paredes de 
Nava, near Valladolid, and went to Italy. There he studied 
painting, sculpture, and architecture. In Rome he knew both 
Michelangelo and Bramante. The latter commissioned him 
to make a copy of the Laocoon, and the remembrance of that 
expressive group was always mixed up with the Titans of 
Michelangelo in his work. In 1520, the year of Ordoiiez's 
death, he returned to Spain and took that master's place as 
the foremost of Spanish sculptors; not, however, as a maker of 
marble monuments inspired by Italian models (although he 
did execute several such) but as a wood carver who was to 
return to medieval polychrome. Yet in his story-telling, 
faithfully colored groups he nevertheless retained something 
of the vigorous classic he had learned to execute under the 
great Italian. Always noble and distinguished, his figures 
became more and more ascetic until finally his lean nervous 
saints seem to foretell the enraptured visions of El Greco. 
Those preserved in Valladolid (Plate XXXVI) are fragments 
from the colossal retablo of the Monasterio de San Benito el 
Real, which was still intact when Don Isidor Bosarte made his 
well reported Fiage Artistico. In the magnificent Toledo 
stalls carved by Berruguete and illustrated in Chapter II 
(Fig. 16) a large portion of the work was necessarily entrusted 
to pupils, but in the earlier retablo for San Benito we know 
from the terms of the contract, dated 1526, that at least all 
the faces and hands were to be carved and painted by the 
master himself. Seeing that all these figures are much less 






8 « 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 189 

draped than those in contemporary retablos we may consider 
all except the garments to be his work. Not only the intense 
masculinity of his sculpture but also the brilliance and skill 
with which it was painted must have been a revelation to 
other workers; we soon find not only Castilians but French- 
men who were working in the province, falling into line. 
Nearly all the architectural framing of the San Benito retablo 
is missing, but its various stages were upheld, according to 
Bosarte's description, by Lombard baluster colonnettes and 
not by the more formal classic order. (According to M. Emile 
Bertaux, ' this style of colonnette, so recurrent in Plateresque, 
first appeared in a retablo — that begun in 1505 for Palencia 
Cathedral by Felipe de Vigarni — earlier, it will be seen, than 
its use in the Mendoza palace at Lacalahorra.) The great 
Berruguete died in^Toledo while working on the marble tomb 
of Cardinal Juan de Tavera which he began in 1554, when 
over seventy years of age. His influence had been profound 
and far-reaching in Castile; and if it be advanced that the 
exaggerated movements of his figures became a mannerism 
with his followers Andres de Najera, Esteban Jordan, Ino- 
cencio Berruguete and others, it must be remembered that, 
even without his example, the Castilian turned naturally to 
the deepest human emotions as the subject of his art. About 
the end of the century which elapsed from the beginning of 
Berruguete's career in Castile to the end of Gregorio Fer- 
nandez's, an Andalusian school of polychromists arose quite 
independently of the Castilian, yet along the same general 
lines. To be sure the southerners selected by preference the 
happier incidents of the Virgin's or saints' lives, but where 
suffering had to be depicted, none exceeded them (Montanes, 
for instance) in poignancy. We may assume then that these 
strongly marked tendencies in sculpture expressed a truly 
Spanish attitude of mind ; in Berruguete's case they were un- 
doubtedly crystallized by the dignity and seriousness of Michel- 
angelo, but not inspired by him. 

We have already seen in the chapter on Salamanca, that 

* lEstoire de TArt, par Andr^ Michel, vol. iv (with concluding chapter on the Re- 
naissance in Spain by Emile Bertaux). 



190 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Juan de Alava and others carried the new style to Plasencia 
Cathedral in Estremadura. This province of Estremadura, 
extending along the Portuguese border, is the most exclusive 
and backward in Spain. It has no great architectural monu- 



FiG. 60 — Portal Adjcining the Bishop's Palace, Plasencia. 

ments, its one notable undertaking, the cathedral just referred 
to, having soon come to a standstill. This church belongs in 
reality to the group of late Gothic Castilian cathedrals. Juan 
de Alava, Diego de Siloe, Francisco de Colonia, Rodrigo Gil 
de Ontanon, and Alonso de Covarrubias are all in part respon- 
sible but only the first mentioned, who was for awhile maestro 
mayor, ever dedicated much time to it. Coro and transept 
reached completion but the church still awaits a nave. While 
structurally late Gothic its principal facade is in richest 
Plateresque — that is, rich in quantity but with neither balance 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTBEMADURA 191 

nor definite scheme. Alava displays a keener knowledge of 
the style in the church of San Esteban in Salamanca. As for 
the other distinguished architects resurrected by those who 
have examined Plasencia's archives, their intervention led to 



Fig. 6i — Palado del Duque de San Carlos, Tnijillo. 

nothing distinctive. The church will always be more visited 
for its extraordinarily impudent Gothic stalls by Rodrigo 
Aleman (1520) than for its Piateresque front. 

Far more pertinent to the province are the crude granite 
palaces built by the returned conquistadores. Those hardy 
men who went out to subdue the new savage world were 
almost all Estrameiios, and they invariably brought back 
their Mexican and Peruvian gold and formed a mayorazgo 
(entailed estate) in their native town. The palaces they built 
are semi-medieval, romantic-looking, and not without a 



192 SPANISH AHCHITECTUBE OF THE XVI CENTUBY 

certain grandeur, but they add nothing to the history of 
Plateresque. Even where they acquired columnar patios 
and vast stairhalls, the distinguishing feature of the style, its 
beautiful ornamentation, is lacking; nor was the simpler art 



Fig. 62 — Sacristy, Siguenza Cathedral. 
Carved Vaulting and Wardrobes Attributed to Xamete. 

of colorful surface decoration imported from Andalusia. 
Throughout the century certain old-time traits persisted — ■ 
arched entrances with huge voussoirs, sparsity of windows, 
and strong stone balconies which were merely converted 
projecting turrets. The one innovation is a curious two- 
sided window best described as a bite out of the comer; and 
even this may be a peaceful modification of the defensive 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 19S 

corner turret which permitted a survey in two directions. 
This motif was very popular and often considerably architec- 
turalized. Obviously its weak note is the arched top breaking 
at the corner, nevertheless it was effectively used and even 



Pig. 63 — Detail of Stairway in the Palado de los Due3os, Medina 
del Campo. 

extended to neighboring provinces. Conquistador palaces 
may be found in Plasencia, Badajoz, Zafra, Caceres, and 
Tnijillo, the most monumental being those of the Pizarro 
family in the last mentioned town; one of these, the Palacio 
de los Duques de San Carlos, is illustrated in Fig. 61. This 
town of Trujillo is an altogether picturesque and primitive 
spot in the Sierra de Guadalupe, far from any railroad. Pla- 
sencia contains, besides the local type, the small house illus- 
trated in Fig. 139 by Juan de Herrera, and Badajoz Cathedral 
boasts one of the finest memorial brasses that ever came out 
of Italy. It was made for the tomb of Lorenzo de Figueroa, 
who died in 1506 as Ambassador to Venice. 

Leon, far to the north of the kingdom, was never a Re- 
naissance center but in it stands the masterpiece of one of 



194 SPANISH ARCHITECTXJRE OF THE XVI CENTUEY 

the most distinctive architects of the Plateresque period. 
This is the Monastery of San Marcos by Juan de Badajoz. 
The same architect is responsible for the notable cloister of 
San Zoil in Carrion de los Condes, some forty miles or more 



Fig. 64— Patio of Later Mendoza Palace, Guadalajara. 

to the southeast. San Marcos was projected in the reign of 
Ferdinand and Isabella but was not actually undertaken 
until 1514; between that date and 1549 Juan de Badajoz 
erected the greater part of the facade. After his death the 
work dragged on until 1715 when It terminated in the central 
entrance and absurd feature over it. Thus was marred one 






p «1 



I 



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s 3 

si 

H PC) 
o ^ 



^•^ 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA Iftfl 

of the finest Renaissance facades in Spain. The architect's 
earnest effort to express what is behind his exterior has re- 
sulted in a most agreeable asymmetric 
treatment. As has been remarked, the 
Spanish conception of a facade was a 
formidable wall that concealed rather 
than revealed the arrangement behind; . 
San Marcos is therefore a departure. 
The east end with its deeply recessed 
entrance expresses the church, and is 
as much Gothic as Renaissance; the 
remainder, or monastery proper, is en- 
tirely in the new style. Horizontally 
the front is divided into equal stories, 
the lower treated with pilasters, the 
upper with engaged colonnettes. Par- 
ticularly effective is the row of medal- 
lion busts of the lower story (Plate 
XXXVII). The golden limestone of 
the region is the material used here, 
but so unrestrainedly plastic is the 
character of the ornamentation that it 
gives one the impression of terra cotta. 
As many of the little caprices in the 
detail recur in the Carridn example it 
is reasonably certain that the architect 
himself must have been the dominant 
sculptor. For Spanish work it is un- 
usually low in relief and therefore less 
realistic. The lower story, particu- 
larly the fine medallions, has been 

much maltreated, but now that the ^"^- 65— Pier in the 
edifice has been declared a national Church of the Con^nto 
J , . , , de la Piedad, Guadala- 

monument depredations have ceased. -^^ 

Of the interior, only the church and 

cloister are interesting and these are more Gothic than Renais- 
sance. The latter is in the style of the San Zoil cloister but 
inferior to it in detail, which comment also applies to the same 



800 SPANISH ARCHITECTUKE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

architect's work in the cathedral cloisters. An entirely different 
conception of Renaissance is seen in the vast palace of the il- 
lustrious Guzman family — a perfunctory product relieved by 
picturesque gargoyles and corner windows. The most interest- 



PiG. 66 — Detail from the Portal of the Capilla de los Caballeros, 
Cuenca Cathedral. 

ing feature is the main entrance with scrolls overhead support- 
ing standing grotesques. TTiis composition recalls the Alcala 
University but the work here is only mediocre. The palace 
was built in 1560 but the architect is thus far unknown. 

In the cloister of the Benedictine Convent© de San Zoil 
at Carrion de los Condes, Juan de Badajoz's enthusiasm for 
plastic forms has covered the entire vaulting of the four walks 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA 201 
with reliefs of biblical personages, emperors, and heroes. Cer- 



PlG. 67 — Sketch of a House in Cuenca. 

tain it is that the famous order was no longer heeding Saint 
Bernard's plea for sobriety. The profusion of pendants and 
bosses as well as the general disposition of the ribs recall Diego 



202 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

de Riano's vestibule in the Seville Ayiintamiento, but here 
at San Zoil the whole scheme is infinitely richer. It may be 
said to be typically Spanish — a sculpturesque conception of 
architecture, restless, but a marvel of execution. The finest 



Fig, 68 — Small Iron Reja in the Cathedral of Cuenca. 

bay is that over the northeast corner above the' entrance from 
the church (Plate XXXVIII) containing effigies of the found- 
ers, the Counts of Carrion, and their children. The five 
pendants terminate in portrait reliefs, the center quatrefoil 
is decorated with blazons, and the remaining panels have 
figures in low relief. In the southeast corner is another par- 
ticularly beautiful bay also shown in Plate XXXVIII, and 
even more sculptural in character. Various saints here form 
the decorative theme; in fact, it would be difficult to find a 
personage mentioned in the Scriptures who is not represented 



PLATE XXXIX 



CLOISTER OF THE FORMER HIERONYMITE MONASTERY, LUPIANA. 



CARVED WOODEN DOORS OF THE SACRISTY, CUENCA CATHEDRAL. 
By A lonzo de Berruguete. 



ISOLATED WORK IN CASTILE AND ESTREMADURA «07 

in this cloister. In addition to all this vigorous sculpture there 
are some exquisite bits of miniature carving in the panels of 
the piers, dancing fawns and shy nudes of the greatest delicacy, 
but out of scale (and perhaps out of place). An inscription 



Pig. 69 — Patio of the Palacio Espejo, Ciudad Rodrigo. 

in the northeast corner says that the new cloister was com- 
menced on the seventh of March, 1537, and finished in 1604, 
after the master's death. The ensemble is Gothic, and Juan 
de Badajoz, though interested principally in sculptural orna- 
ment, preserved all the thoroughness of good Gothic vaulting. 
The rest of the monastery is without merit, a fine Romanesque 
church having been torn down to accommodate the present 
ugly seventeenth-century one. But the claustral walk and 



208 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

some rare examples of early printing in the convent library 
make the tedious journey worth while. 

In many other small towns of Old and New Castile there 
are charming isolated bits of Renaissance, sometimes a whole 
palace, sometimes a church portal, sometimes only a tomb or 
a pulpit; but complete edifices, Renaissance through and 
through to the same studied extent as the examples of Italy 
or France, cannot be found. In Bribiesca, a little to the north 
of Burgos, there is a renowned retablo; in Sigiienza, between 
Alcala and Zaragoza, fine Plateresque portals in the cloisters, 
and several chapels and rejas; also a sacristy (Fig. 62) re- 
nowned for its barrel vaulting adorned with rosettes and 
three hundred or more carved heads. In Lupiana, near 
Guadalajara, is a very beautiful patio to the former monas- 
tery (now the country home of a Madrid nobleman) ; this is 
in the style of Covarrubias^s patio at Alcala, but much per- 
fected (Plate XXXIX). At Cuenca, in the cathedral, is the 
most notable assembly of rejas of the period. Several of 
these are set in exquisitely designed portals by Xamete, an 
architect but little known, and whose name is now linked with 
the famous vaulting in Sigiienza just mentioned. In Cuenca, 
too, is a remarkable pair of doors carved in walnut and prob- 
ably by Berruguete (Plate XL). Indeed it is precisely in 
remote spots whither it was called by patrician or prelate 
that detached bits must be sought; for as remarked at the 
beginning of this book, the Renaissance did not answer to 
any national demand in Spain. But few people needed it. 
What the rich and educated wanted most was sumptuous 
decoration, rich materials and stuffs ; the type of structure to 
which these were accessory was very secondary. Only in 
very few places, and these where the personality of a Fonseca 
or other art patron was dominant, did the architectural move- 
ment take deep enough root to change the medieval aspect of 
a Castilian town. 



irr 

m 

•le 
d 

V 



CHAPTER VII 

SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 

Seville's political importance after the discovery of Amer- 
ica — ^THE CASA DE CONTRATACi6n or board of trade — ^DIEGO DE RIANO 
architect of the CASAS CAPITULARES or city hall — RIANO COM- 
PARED WITH DIEGO DE SH-OE WHO WORKED CONTEMPORANEOUSLY IN 
GRANADA — RIANO's PROBABLE PLAN FOR THE CITY HALL — ^EXTERIOR OF 
THE BUILDING — INTERIOR AND ARRANGEMENT OF RADIATING FIGURES IN 
CEILINGS — RIANO'S WORK IN THE CATHEDRAL AS MAESTRO MAYOR — HIS 
EARLY DEATH — MARTIN GAINZA AND OTHERS WHO SUCCEEDED AS MAESTRO 
MAYOR AND THE CHANGES THEY MADE IN RIANO'S PLANS — THE SACRISt! A 
MAYOR — ^A FEW OF THE TREASURES GUARDED IN THE SACRISTY — RENAIS- 
SANCE REJAS in the cathedral by SANCHO MUNOZ of CUENCA AND 
FRAY FRANCISCO OF SALAMANCA — ^THE GIRALDA OR BELFRY OF THE 
CATHEDRAL — ^ITS UPPER PORTION BY FERNAn RUIZ — ^LOCAL CRITICISM 
OF RUIZ'S WORK 



eio 



CHAPTER VII 

SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 

THE only Andalusian cities to be discussed here are 
Seville and Granada, and in addition a few small 
towns near them to which their influence spread. 
The scattered monuments in the rest of the province present 
no features not covered in these centers. This statement 
usually evokes some protest, for the reader is accustomed to 
the notion that Andalusia is the incomparable part of Spain, 
the scene of every great event in her history, and the cradle of 
Spanish art ; that the grim central and northern provinces were 
in every way tributary to the picturesque and romantic south. 
But when one pierces through the glamor which the Romantic 
School cast over this undeniably delectable land wo die Citro^ 
nen bluhen and faces bald facts, one finds that most of the 
cities which had been of prime importance under Moorish 
rule dwindled to paltry towns after the Reconquest, and that 
as a natural result there was but little building activity. 

It was Fernando III {Fernando el Santo since his canoniza- 
tion in. the seventeenth century) who deprived the Moors of 
all their Andalusian holdings save Granada. In 1236 he 
took Cordova and then in quick succession Murcia, Jaen, 
and Seville. The day was too late for the virile Romanesque 
churches that had marked the reclaiming of Castile; and 
although it was this same Fernando who had ordered the 
three mighty Gothic cathedrals of Burgos, Toledo, and Leon, 
he made no similar provision for his new cities. To do so, 
and at the earliest opportunity, was no doubt his intention ; 
but things went badly with Spain under his successors, who 

left the Christians of Andalusia to worship in ex-mosques, 

211 



212 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

and in fact to lag in every way. Cordova, that had been a 
marvel of art and the intellectual center of the world under 
the Khalifate, was forever extinguished. Except for the 
unfortunate Plateresque coro in the mosque the Christians 
gave it nothing; though it must be said to their credit that 
they appreciated the Arab temple and fought off this incon- 
gruous intrusion as long as possible. Seville might have 
fallen into the same decay as Cordova had it not been that the 
conqueror selected it as a royal residence. 

As the incoming Christians of^the year 1236 were no match 
for the Moors in carpentry and kindred crafts, Moorish taste 
in the arrangement and disposition of the house persisted. 
In the ecclesiastical field the early Spaniards were content 
with made-over mosques and did not order their Gothic 
cathedral until 1401. Long before this, however, royal pre- 
ference had turned north again and the city's good fortune 
suffered a relapse. Political life continued to center in Castile 
until the Catholic Sovereigns took the decision to fight the 
Moorish campaign to a finish. This brought Andalusia, and 
particularly Seville, into great prominence. Here the court 
frequently resided while the war was in progress ; consequently 
the nobles established themselves and built palaces. 

Yet this resuscitation, since it had no economic founda- 
tion, would have ended in nothing more than temporary 
glamor except for that extraordinary event, the discovery of 
the New World. This gave Seville material prosperity, for 
the sovereigns invested it with the monopoly of transatlantic 
trade and created the Casa de Contratacion and the Tribunal 
de las Indias to deal with colonial affairs. With such advan- 
tages Seville, although fifty miles up the Guadalquivir, became 
the chief seaport of Spain. It is said that whenever the silver 
fleet came in, a long procession of ox-carts was kept busy car- 
rying the ingots from the wharves. A history published in 
the sixteenth century gives an interesting picture of those 
unexpected golden days: "The Casa de Contratacion in Sevilla, 
such is the amount of business transacted by it, is the most 
rich in the world to-day. It is the center of all the markets 
of the earth, and Andalucia and Lusitania which formerly were 



3? 






.1 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO «15 

the extreme end of all land are now, since the discovery of 
The Indies, become as the middle of it . . . the city hums 
with all kinds of negotiations and buying and selling in which 
enormous sums are exchanged; so that neither Tyre nor 




Fig. 70 — Plan of the Casas Capitulares or City Hall, Seville. 
Heavy portion by Diego de RiaHo, 1527, and remainder added in 
XIX Century. 
Alexandria in their day could have equaled it.'" Such bus- 
tling trade naturally attracted foreigners. French, Flemish, 
and Italians came, these last being mostly bankers to replace 
the expelled Jews. And of course the Carrara contractors 
sent their agents, knowing that prosperity would soon express 
itself in monuments. It must be remembered that the great 
discovery was not immediately a financial success for Spain; 
rather the reverse; a fact to bear in mind when attention is 
called to the many objects, even entire ceilings, gilded with 
the first gold brought back by Christopher Columbus. The 
few poor trinkets collected by Columbus in his first cruise 
around the West Indies would not have gone far with Isabella's 
goldsmiths or wood-gilders. It was not until after the con- 
quest of Mexico and Peru that Spanish coffers began to swell; 
and so the sixteenth century had passed its first quarter before 
an important municipal building rose. 

This was the Casas Capitulares or City Hall begun in 
1527 — not the large building as seen to-day but merely the 

> El Padre Mercada, Suin& de Tratos y Csatratos. 



Sl« SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

southern end which long sufficed for municipal needs and 
which the eye can easily detach from the recently added 
larger portion (see plan, Fig. 70). The architect was Diego 
de Riaiio. Cean-Bennudez gives Juan Sanchez, but many 



Fig. 71 — Detail from the Entrance Portal of the Casas Capitulares 

of Seville. 

Diego de RiaHo, Architect, 1527-34. 

entries in the archives of the Ayuntamiento contradict him 
as for instance: "The above Diego de Riaiio is to have 3333 
maravedises and a half which are the second third of the 
10,000 which are given him as his salary for the year which 
was terminated at the end of December, 1527, for being 
Maestro Mayor de la Obra." Riano came probably from 
Valladolid to take charge of Seville Cathedral which was still 
building. For its chapter he .designed two sumptuous depend- 
encies in Renaissance and one in late Gothic. His name is 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 217 

as paramount in the Plateresque period of Seville as Diego 
de Siloe's is in that of Granada, and as both were Castilians 
and worked simultaneously in these two chief Andalusian 
cities, a comparison is natural. The most accomplished ex- 
ponent of Plateresque was he who infused into it the greatest 
spontaneity and ingenuity — its very essence. Riano's is 
fresh and inspiring even after the lapse of centuries; and while 
structurally he accomplished nothing so remarkable as Siloe's 
dome to the Granada Cathedral (see p. 284) still his work is 
much more Spanish; that is, more Plateresque. 

The Casas Capitulares, or Ayuntamiento as it is more 
often called, is a small building erected on the site of the old 
fish-market whose removal had been ordered by the Catholic 
Sovereigns because of its "bad appearance and disturbing 
odors.'* Back of the Casas stood the Convent of San Fran- 
cisco and it was into this that the vaulted archway seen on 
the south end was designed to lead.' Not even a fragmentary 
sketch remains to show what the original intention was but 
judging from the fact that in 1535 the impatient city fathers 
suggested " that the plans be cut down in order that the struc- 
ture may be more quickly finished ** it would seem that Riano 
had designed a north counterpart to the charming south wing. 
If this scheme had been carried out and the building left free- 
standing, there can be no doubt that it would have been one 
of the architectural gems of Europe. Its diminutiveness 
would not have forbidden the lavish treatment designed for it. 
To-day this sixteenth-century facade (Plate XLI) forms but 
part of a front 300 feet long, and on which it is intended to 
continue the same copious ornamentation ; one doubts whether 
the result, no matter how fine the carving, can escape being 
over-rich and monotonous. Riano's plan without a patio 
and with one and possibly two wings, was a marked departure 

' This monastery was of incomparable wealth and size; its church extended north to 
the Calle Granada where one of the nave pillars may be seen incorporated in the north- 
east angle of the new part of the City Hall. Its cloisters covered most of the present 
Plaasa de San Fernando. In 18 10 Napoleon's troops sacked it and either intentionally 
or accidentally burned it almost to the ground. The Franciscans were still rebuilding 
when the Exclaustration Act came in 1835. ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ taken over by the government 
as a barracks and finally removed for the enlargement of the Ayuntamiento. 



218 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

from the accepted Spanish type of unbroken perimeter. It 
may have been determined by the exigencies of the site, but 
even so it indicates the architect's knowledge of the Italian. 
In his ornament, however, he was thoroughly Spanish; but 



Fig. 72 — The City's Escutcheon on the Fagade of the Ayuntamiento 
or City Hall, Seville, 1534- 

with even more than the usual fervidness for the figure. The 
eminent Professor Justi claims that Riano invented a new 
system of ornament in which special emphasis was laid on the 
figure. This can hardly be granted but it is true that his use 
of radiating figures in the dome was an innovation — not a 
new system of ornament, merely his personal caprice. Differ- 
ing from the earlier system where concentrated ornament 
contrasted with blank wall area, here, owing to the applica- 
tion of the orders, it is distributed over the entire fa^rade. 



PLATE XLII 



SCALE DRAWING OF A WINDOW OF THE AYUNTAMIENTO, SEVILLE. 
Diego de RiaHo, Architect, 1527-35. 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RLVNO 221 

The facility of the execution is marvelous, as if the forms had 
been carved in feverish haste before the artist's impression 
could grow vague. Not a medallion or statue but repays 
examination. One of the most naive motifs is the city's 



Fig. 73 — Sculptural Panel from Fagade of Ayuntamiento, Seville. 

escutcheon (Fig. 72) — the Saints Fernando, Isidor, and Lean- 
dro — most Gothically placed over a window perfectly Renais- 
sance. Another point reminiscent of Gothic may be seen in 
the reveals of window and door openings where splayed jambs 
were preferred to the more classic form of architrave. In 
contrast to this is the extraordinary purity of all the moulded 
work, more classic Jn contour than most Spanish examples. 
The chief carver, and at the same time superintendent, was 
Juan Sanchez who, on Riaiio's early death, succeeded him as 
maestro de la obra, along with Martin Gainza. It is not known 
where Sanchez came from but certain aspects of the carving 
take one back to Salamanca. There may be some connection 
between this resemblance and the following entry in the 



2^^ SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Libro de Fabrica of the cathedral for the year 1530: "Seventy 
ducats were given to Diego de Riano to pay a peon who had 
been to Salamanca to hire artizans/* Apparently Riaiio was 
looking for carvers who could interpret his design free from 
Mudejar influence. 

The original City Hall was entered by the vestibule on the 
southeast corner whose two enormous portals left it practically 
open to the street. This room is entirely of stone with a 
vaulted ceiling conceived in Gothic but with Renaissance 
bosses and rib profiles (Fig. 74). The adjoining stairway is 
likewise vaulted in stone, its ornamentation coarser than that 
of the vestibule. It was done after Riano's death but shows 
his designing in the radiating bas-reliefs of human figures. 
The same arrangement is encountered on a much larger scale 
in the sacristy of the cathedral designed by Riano and carried 
out long after by Gainza. The most important room of the 
Ayuntamiento is the upper council-room which has a magnifi- 
cent ceiling of coffered wood richly gilded and with touches of 
color in the soflfits and ribs. This artesonado is of the time 
of Philip II. Who designed it is not known but it is recorded 
that Anton Velasquez and another image-painter claimed extra 
money for some painting and gilding which they "were not 
obliged by contract to do," also for "extra work on a frieze 
which was ordered blue and later changed to Roman gold." 
This room must have been very sumptuous when hung with 
the Cordova leather hangings or guadamaciles ordered for it 
by the council in 1533, and which were to be "very good and 
with the arms of the Emperor and of the city painted and gilded 
upon them." This has all disappeared; also the embroidered 
velvet which succeeded it and which was burned after a visita- 
tion of the plague. Many sculptors, masons, wood carvers, image 
painters, and " masters in making letters " had to be called in, 
to judge from the old account books of the Ayuntamiento, be- 
fore the structure was declared suitably finished and the following 
inscription (now removed) carved on the facade: "Reigning in 
Castilla the Very High and Very Catholic and Very Powerful King 
Don Felipe II . . . this building was completed on the twenty- 
second day of the month of August of the year MDLXIII." 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 228 

The exterior of the foregoing having been nearly completed 
before Riano's death in 1534 it offers a more satisfactory study 
of his architecture than does his work in the cathedral, since 
this had hardly been commenced before that date. As maestro 



Fig. 74 — Ceiling of Vestibule in the Casas CapittJares, Seville. 
Diego de Riaflo, Architect, 1527-34. 

mayor he designed the small Sacristy of the Chalices in good 
late Gothic, the main sacristy in Plateresque, and the chapter- 
room decorated in the style of the classic revival, or as the 
enthusiastic Sevillian Don Jose Gestoso y Perez expresses it, 
Riano worked "in pious Gothic, joyous Plateresque, and 
profound classic." This last is meant to qualify the chapter- 
room but the fact is, one may see classic more profound in the 
upper stage of the Plateresque sacristy. The chapter-room 
was not started until after his death and dragged on with 



9M SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

many alterations until the end of the century; and as for its 
decoration, classic revival was unknown to Riano. Even 
in the sacristy, so much more typical of him, it must be re- 
membered that Plateresque is so personal, and so much depends 
on the actual execution, that an artist's posthumous work 
cannot be accepted without great reservations. The orna- 
ment here is by no means as fine as that of the City Hall but 
certainly what quality it has is due to the high standards set 
in the earlier building. In the scheme, on the other hand, 
there is more knowledge of classic forms than previously 
revealed by him; this may be explained by the fact that the 
cathedral chapter, distraught over his early death, immediately 
called in "F. de Siloe, maestro mayor of the city of Granada, 
to see the plans and visit the works of the sacristy"; which 
F. de Siloe can be no other than Diego, already engaged in 
erecting his Renaissance cathedral of Granada. This entry 
in the records is the only ground for the claim made by certain 
Granadinos that their "school" spread to Seville. It was 
only three years before Riaiio's death that the chapter em- 
powered him to order stone for the two sacristies from Utrera, 
Puerta de Santa Maria, and Jerez. So it is plain to be seen 
how little progress could have been made on them. One is 
therefore thrown back on the Ayuntamiento for a concrete 
estimate of the man's work. He died in Valladolid where 
he was permitted to pass four months of each year by the 
terms of his contract with the Seville chapter. His super- 
intendent Martin Gainza, whose biography is not known but 
whose name is Basque, was ordered by the canons to make 
plaster models of the three dependencies according to the 
late architect's plans. These plans they had safe in their 
possession for shortly before they had paid Riano fifty ducats 
for various "conceptions" but on condition that he should 
first deliver to them "all tracings, plans, and other papers 
which he had made in order th^t the majordomo might deposit 
them in the archives." When Gainza had complied Hernan 
Ruiz, maestro mayor of Cordova, and a colleague were paid 
to come and criticize both models and plans; and it is worth 
recording as further proof of the extreme solicitude with 



PLATE XLIII 



REJA OF THE CAPILLA MAYOR, SEVILLE CATHEDRAL. 
By Sancho MuHez {and probably Fray Francisco de Salamanca), i5JS-jj, 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 227 

which the canons proceeded that they sent for Diego de Siloe 
and Rodrigo Gil de Ontaiion to come and give their advice. 
All reports being satisfactory Gainza, now maestro mayor, 
was authorized to continue the work. On his death late in 
1 555 architects from all parts were invited to apply for the 
position. By September of 1556 seven had presented them- 
selves, among them Hernan Ruiz of Cordova, Andres Van- 
delvira of Jaen, Diego de Siloe, and Pedro de Machuca of 
Granada, but this last entry must mean Luis de Machuca. 
Ruiz was chosen but the rejected were paid fifty ducats "for 
their coming, sojourning, and returning and for the plans 
they made for the masonry work." Ruiz did not live long 
and again experts were invited to qualify. These details 
are given to show to what extent Riaiio's intentions were 
subjected to various interpreters. 

In plan the main sacristy is a cross of short arms sur- 
mounted by a dome. Its ornament, as already mentioned, is 
of the most exuberant, even to the point of concealing the 
simplicity of the structure; but above the main frieze this 
Plateresque exuberance gives way to more conventional 
classic in the shape of swags, and panels of dancing warriors. 
The actual dome and supporting pendentives are very fine, 
and show none of the restless treatment seen below. There 
are three horizontal stages to the dome, adorned with radiat- 
irig figures supplanting ribs — an arrangement previously re- 
ferred to as peculiarly Riano's. In the royal chapel by Martin 
Gainza may be seen to what an extreme this treatment could 
be carried; for here every principle of good decoration is 
thrown aside in the unbridled desire for ornamentation. 

Among the many treasures guarded in this sacristy is the 
silver custodia by Juan de Arfe y Villafan, third generation 
in Spain of the famous Arfe family, and author of a treatise 
on classic and Renaissance design. The custodia stands nearly 
ten feet high and is in the form of a classic tempietto (Fig. 
75). Aside from its consummate skill in execution, this piece 
is interesting because it is about the last in which the real 
quality of beaten metal is preserved, as may be seen by com- 
paring it with the same master's later work in the cathedral 



228 SPANISH AHCHITECTUEE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

of Valladolid. Another masterpiece in metal to be seen in 
the sacristy is the huge bronze tenebraria or candelero placed 
on the high altar during Holy week. The colossal amount of 
fine Plateresque rejeria (iron grilles) in this cathedral offers a 
pretext for saying something about 
the renowned ironworkers Sancho 
Munez of Cuenca and Fray Fran- 
cisco of Salamanca. Their pro- 
found knowledge of the Italian style 
is exemplified in the rejas of the 
capilla mayor and coro, one of which 
is illustrated in Plate XLIII. The 
church records are very confused 
as to which was Munez's and which 
the friar's, and contradict themselves 
many times over, which strengthens 
the suspicion that the striking har- 
mony between the two rejas is the 
result of close collaboration on the 
part of the rejeros. Cuenca, whence 
Munez had been summoned in 1519 
by the canons, was famous for its 
ironworkers and possesses several 
specimens by him in which the 
Seville motifs reappear; it is there- 
fore not unreasonable to assume 
that he was the leading spirit in the 
fashioning of these mighty Sevillian 
grilles. The resplendent portion of 
each is the cresting, consisting of 
wreaths and scrolls framing biblical 
personages; the capilla mayor reja has, in addition, a panel 
of the Entombment which is a magnificent piece of emlx^sing 



Fig 75 — Silver Custodia 
ten feet high, Seville Cathe- 
dral. 
Joan de Arfe y ViUafdn. 
1580-87 



Seville is not as interesting in the early architectural 
periods as it should be considering its prominence under the 
Romans and Moors. As was usual the latter quarried from 
Roman monuments and the Christians destroyed the Moorish. 



LA GIRALDA, THE CAMPANILE OP SEVILLE CATHEDRAL, SEEN IN 

DIRECT ELEVATION AND IN PERSPECTIVE 300 PEET 

FROM ITS BASE. 






^r - 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO «81 

Of these last but two important examples remain and one of 
mem, the Alcazar, was almost entirely rebuilt by Peter the 
Cruel and later kings; the other, the alminar or prayer tower 
of the chief mosque, was converted into a belfry and is known 
all the world over as the Giralda (Plate XLIV). It takes its 
place here because in the sixteenth century a Spanish architect, 
Heman Ruiz, son of the maestro mayor of Cordova, crowned 
it with a Renaissance stage, and the result is a most skillful 
welding of Asiatic and European architecture. The Arab 
portion consists of a core and an outer shell, the latter measur* 
ing 45 feet square; between the two there is an ascending 
ramp of easy grade. As originally built the core rose some 
40 feet above the outer wall and both were finished off with 
pointed battlements, in addition to which the core bore a 
dome of polychrome tiles crowned by four diminishing bronze 
spheres. All this, it is plain, must have been a perfectly 
satisfactory Oriental conception. In this first form the prayer 
tower stood intact from the twelfth century until the four- 
teenth when an earthquake shattered the iron supports of the 
spheres. These and the dome were removed, and as the city 
was now Christian, they were replaced by a crude bell sup- 
port. At the same time a row of pointed arches holding a 
bell, was substituted for the battlements of the outer wall. 

Thus the alminar became a campanile. The chief mosque 
alongside had served as a cathedral until the opening of the 
fourteenth century, as already stated, when it was torn down 
to make place for the slow-building Gothic structure. In 
1568, Ruiz, maestro mayor of the cathedral, was instructed 
by the chapter to design a Renaissance termination to the 
tower, and crowned it with an enormous bronze statue of Faith 
holding the banner of Constantine. This Faith (instead of 
being fixed and unchanging) is the giraldillo or weather-vane 
which gives the whole tower its popular name, for the statue, 
though weighing a ton and a quarter, is so adjusted as to 
turn with the wind. Ruiz's portion of the Giralda consists 
of a first arched stage of equal diameter with the old and built 
around the same core; but it does not extend to the full height 
of the core which rises above and forms the base of the Renais- 



232 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

sance spire. The structure now measures 287 feet high; and, 
as the eye travels upward, one U unconscious of any abrupt 
transition in the union of the new with the old. The same 
color of brick, but not the same kind, was used in the sixteenth 
century as in the twelfth, but no 
attempt was made to imitate the 
exquisite patterning of the Moors; 
instead the two stages are tied 
together principally by carrying 
the important vertical lines of the 
older portion up through the new. 
Ruiz's belfry piers, necessarily 
solid, were made to echo the light- 
ness of the lower portion by means 
of an inlay of black tiles suggest- 
ing perforations. The openness of 
the design at this point affords an 
opportunity of studying the con- 
struction, entirely carried out in 
brick and in a manner no less 
thorough than the work below by 
the Moorish architect Jabir. The 
transition between the slender pro- 
longation of the core and the main 
shaft is more happy in perspective 
than in direct elevation, due to 
the skillful handling of the balus- 
trade motifs and the curious comer pinnacles (Fig. 76) 
built up of stone and iron. 

Judging the tower as a whole, it is assuredly an inspiring and 
monumental composition. It is as homogeneous as if it had 
been erected from the ground up in the sixteenth century, a 
symbol of Spanish culture itself which was so largely built 
on Moorish foundations. Yet modem critics, faithfully re- 
peating each other year after year, deplore Ruiz's work as 
a "mutilation" and claim that he might have done much 
better "if only he had had some feeling for art, as had his 
contemporaries who were filling all Spain with architectural 



Fig. 76 — J^ Comer Pinnacle 

of the Giralda Tower, Seville. 

By Herndn Ruiz, 1568. 



SEVILLE AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE RIANO 23S 

marvels. There is nothing to admire in the outline of the 
tower, nothing graceful to exalt the spirit, and nothing finally 
which is remarkable in its constructional daring." The 
architect, like the average layman of Seville who loves his 
Giralda passionately, will be inclined to dispute each one of 
these points. It does uplift the spirit, for Ruiz's portion 
embodies what all the Gothicists tried to express in their 
lofty spires; also it is structurally adventurous. Seeing that 
Moorish towers had to be christianized, it is doubtful whether 
it could have been done better. Furthermore, seeing that 
the Spaniards had a mania for tearing down Moorish edifices 
we may be thankful that the prayer-tower has been preserved 
even though "mutilated." 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE AND THE MONUMENTS AT OSUNA 

PREVALENCE OF MUD&JAR TRADITIONS IN DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE — 
COLOR FREELY USED IN INTERIORS — THE PATIO CHIEFLY AN EXPRESSION 
IN YESErIa — ^METHODS OF WORKING PLASTER — ^AZULEJOS AND THEIR 
USE — INTRODUCTION OF RENAISSANCE DESIGNS BY THE ITALIAN CERAMIST 
FRAY NICULOSO OF PISA — ^HIS PORTAL TO THE CONVENT-CHURCH OF SANTA 
PAULA — SEVILLIAN GARDENS AND THEIR TREATMENT — HOUSE OF THE 
DUECE OF ALBA, KNOWN LOCALLY AS THE CASA DE LAS DUENAS — OTHER 
MUd6jAR houses — ^THE RIBERA TOMBS IN THE CHAPEL OF THE UNIVER- 
SITY — THE TOWN OF OSUNA NEAR SEVILLE — THE COLLEGIATE CHURCH 
AND THE SEPLT-CRO DE LOS DUQUES 



2S4 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE AND THE MONUMENTS AT OSUNA 

h I "\HE Renaissance had comparatively little effect on the 
I domestic architecture of Seville, as was natural in 

JL a city where Moorish traditions had survived the 
Reconquest. The same observation has already been made 
with reference to Toledo, but the type of dwelling evolved 
by the Moors of Andalusia was altogether gayer and more 
attractive than that in the stem Castilian city. Outside, 
the Sevillian house was little more than white stucco and this 
continued to suffice even during the era of great prosperity. 
In 1586 Alonso de Morgado wrote in his Historia de Sevilla 
that Sevillians were conmiencing to ornament their houses on 
the street side "having in the past spent all their money on 
the interior as in Moorish days without thinking of the ex- 
terior '^ but his next sentence describes nothing more in the 
way of outer additions than rich rejas. The poetic chronicler 
appears to have been led into an undue exaggeration of the 
architectural importance of rejas by the fact that "an infinite 
number of noble and chaste ladies honor said rejas by their 
presence." True, a few marble entrances were imported from 
Genoa but it cannot be said that facades achieved any real 
architectural treatment. The nearest approach to such is 
the little top-story loggia now walled up in many examples. 
In default of architecture, the interior offers a wealth of 
inspiration in the decorative field. Color was the dominating 
note supplied by polychrome azulejos in floors and walls and 
by painted wooden ceilings. Marble was always used for 
the slender patio column which supported richly worked 
yeseria arches ; and many such columns are in fact from older 

285 



«S6 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Moorish buildings. As for plan, that was the usual grouping 
of rooms around the patio; but as the needs and wealth of the 
family grew this arrangement was repeated with interesting 
irregularity until, to cite the Ribera house (now the Alba), 
the scheme included no less than eleven patios. The principal, 
which was rarely the first one entered, kept its character of 
an outdoor room and was covered with an awning (toldo) 
while the others were either paved or treated as gardens. As 
a rule only the principal one was architecturalized. 

The patio was primarily an expression in yeseria, the motifs 
of which show an imaginative combination of Moorish, Gothic, 
and Renaissance. It is odd that plasterwork and tiles, both 
directly due to the Moslems, should have been the chief 
vehicle of Renaissance expression ; but it must be remembered 
that of stone carving there was practically none, and that in 
woodwork — doors, shutters, and ceilings — Moorish carpenteria 
prevailed. The yeseria arches of the patio are semicircular 
and stilted, and the archivolt is profusely worked. This last 
instead of resting on the classic entablature rests on a moulded 
box whose spread permits of the most characteristic detail 
of the style — the secondary pilaster between the arches, which 
is a survival of the vertical Moorish inscription band. In 
the Sevillian house such pilasters are nearly always treated in 
pure Plateresque no matter how Oriental may be the rest of 
the design. • The spandrel was rarely ornamented at first 
but later was filled with Plateresque forms or, as in the Pinelos 
house, with portrait busts. Yeseria again appears in the 
ornamental frame around the lofty openings leading from the 
patio, and in the friezes that support the wooden ceilings 
inside. This early Spanish yeseria was not cast but carved 
— ^the practice prevailing in Morocco to-day. The plaster 
was cut into blocks 2 inches thick and varying from 18 inches 
to 3 feet in length ; these were laid up in much the same man- 
ner as stone would have been, except that in curved surfaces 
such as the soffit of an arch the usual method of plastering 
was followed. The proposed ornament was then scratched 
on. Presumably the Moorish artizans employed on this 
work went about it much as in Morocco to-day; without a 



YESEfelA PANELS FROM THE CASA DEL DDQUE DE ALBA, 
SEVILLE. 



THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE 



pattern, having at their finger-tips all the combinations possible 
within the limits of their geometric design. When Renaissance 
arabesques and figure work were demanded, however, it is 
probable that a stencil was furnished, which proceeding would 



Fig. 77 — Panel of Iridescent Azulejos in the Casa Pilatos, Seville. 

account for the regularity seen in the units of such design. 
Original work is found only in odd bits but where restorations 
have been undertaken casts have been made from the old 
blocks to supply the missing portions. In a patio thus filled 
out one is able to gather a fairly good impression of its former 
effectiveness. None of the sixteenth-century yeseria was 
colored; it was employed for its own charm and was not, as 



240 SPANISH ARCHITECTUEE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

in Moorish edifices, a field for that bewildering polychrome 
decoration which so often suggests the pastry-cook's art. 
Left uncolored it assumes a rich (Ad ivory tone. In texture 
it is no longer the fine dense substance the Moors produced; 



Fig. 78 — Sunken Patio in the Casa de los Venerables Sacerdotes, Seville. 

that process appears to have been lost; but being coarse and 
the tool marks evident, it has its own chaim as may be seen 
in Plate XLV. It is when used as a frieze that yeseria most 
appeals to the modem. 

Another feature peculiar to the Andalusian house is the 
incorporation on a very large scale of enameled earthenware 
in the form of tiles. This fashion is believed to have been 
brought to Seville along with patterned brickwork by the 
invading Almohades in the twelfth century. The tile still 
retains its popularity as well as its Arab name azidejo (fl/=the, 
and zu/«Afl = glazed brick, according to the most recent 
students). It would be impossible to form an idea from mere 
description of the extent to which the azulejos were used in 
Seville and its region. The zocalo, corresponding to our wain- 
scot, is entirely of azulejos, and in older houses it runs to a 
height of ten feet, as in the Casa Filatos. Here it is divided 



ALTAR OP AZULEJOS IN THE REAL ALCAZAR, SEVILLE. 
By Francisco Nicuhso oj Pisa, 1503. 



PLATE XL VII 



AZULEJO PORTAL OF THE CONVENTO DE SANTA PAULA, SEVILLE. 
By Fray Francisco Niculoso of Pisa. 



THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE 245 

off by different pattemings into a series of panels (Fig. 77) 
and these, with their splendid coloring and luster, give the 
effect of a row of Oriental silk rugs; which no doubt is precisely 
what they were meant to suggest in the Spanish Arab's home. 



Fig. 79 — ^Azulejo Treatment in the Gardens of the Real Alcdzar, Seville. 

In many coffered wooden ceilings a tile forms the center of 
each casffton; in floors and stairs they are usually combined 
with bricks or dull red square tiles; in gardens and patios, 
whole benches, paths, and fountains are made of them (Fig. 
78) and there is even an entire azulejo fa9ade on a sixteenth- 
century house in Carmona, near Seville. 

The first Moorish azulejos were true mosaics, the tUe 
maker cutting innumerable small pieces from white, black, 
blue, and green baked squares, and fitting them together in 
geometric patterns. The process was diflicult and wasteful 
and was superseded by the cuerda seca (dry line). By this 
method the pattern, after being impressed on the wet clay 
by a matrix, was outlined with a mixture of grease and man- 
ganese which prevented the colors from running together 



946 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

when floated over the intervening spaces. The colors on 
being baked formed a low relief and the cuerda seca of grease 
acted like the metal line in cloisonne. About the early six- 
teenth century two new processes appeared, the cuenca and 
the pisano. In that known as the cuenca (concavity) the 
design was pressed in, leaving a fine ridge of clay to form the 
barrier between the various colors; the result was the exact 
contrary of the cuerda seca^ the body of the design being 
depressed and its outline raised. In the pisano process, so 
called because introduced by Fra Francesco Niculoso of Pisa, 
the subjects were freely painted on the clay. Renaissance 
arabesques and decorative figures comprised the first designs 
but later the process degenerated into mere servile imitation 
of large paintings (Plate XL VI). The monk's backgrounds 
were usually yellow, but two tones, blue on white, were also 
used. Until the middle seventeenth century, cuencas and 
pisanos were made in countless numbers. The painted tile 
while not as interesting in surface as the others was more 
easily made and became a most popular architectural adjunct. 
As such it may be seen in Fray Niculoso's beautiful doorway 
to the convent-church of Santa Paula (Plate XLVII). 

Seville still has many fine Moorish ceilings but this feature 
is even more abundant in Granada and will be examined in 
Chapter X. Sevillian gardens, however, have no counter- 
part anywhere and are particularly grateful after the dearth 
in Castile. With no relation to any European prototype they 
were entirely a Moorish conception — a cool retreat from the 
Andalusian sun. Even as early as the thirteenth century 
they had attained fame, for the eminent • Granadino Eben 
Said wrote in his Descripcibn de Espana y Africa: "At present 
[1237] the splendor of Andalusia appears to have spread to 
Tunis where the sultan is constructing palaces and planting 
gardens in t^e Andalusian manner. All his architects are 
natives of Andalusia . . . also his gardeners.*' What sur- 
vives to-day of the extensive Moorish scheme is a small per- 
manent or planted portion of green, with flowering plants 
used sparingly and always in pots so as to be variously grouped 
from time to time. This Seville garden is small, intimate^ 



PLATE XLVm 



GARDEN OF THE MUSEO PROVINCIAL, SEVILLE. 



THE SEVItXIAN HOUSE 



never visible from the street, in no sense a setting for the 
house but rather the reverse — the white-walled house a setting 



Fig. So — Garden of the Casa Pilatos, Seville. 

for the garden. Being restricted and personal its success 
depends largely on the neat study of its detail. The nucleus 
is always the basin, its water fed from a low centerpiece of 
ceramics ; this is generally octagonal and entirely constructed 
of azulejos. Basin and paths leading to it form a unit of 
design, repeated according to the area to be treated and thus 
keeping the scale uniformly small. The whole layout is an 



850 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

interesting study in primary colors; the field of green is fre- 
quently secured by a low creeping vine instead of grass and 
serves to set off the positive reds, blues, and yellows of the 
azulejos; for azulejos, more often than flowers, are the domi- 
nating note of color in the green scheme. Paths are of either 
dull red tile interspersed with azulejos or bright yellow sand, 
and outlined in either case by colored curb tiles. The poly- 
chrome of the azulejos, while used effectively, is not a neces- 
sity, for results just as distinctive are obtained in two colors, 
blue and white, green and white, or yellow and white. In the 
former Convento de la Merced, now the Provincial Museum, 
is a recently made-over example carried out in this manner 
(Plate XL VIII). The basin is of the two dominant tones 
but richer color notes are used in the bottom of the pool. 
The main paths are tiles — a basket-weave pattern of dull red 
bricks interspersed with blue and white azulejos; subsidiary 
paths are sanded. All are bordered with alternate blue and 
white tiles 2 inches wide and 8 long. Around the various 
centerpieces and on the edges of the pool are placed blue and 
white flower-pots containing geraniums. The whole treat- 
ment is one of precision and orderliness — a sort of glorified 
mosaic. In old examples that have fallen into decay, natu- 
rally this excessive orderliness has disappeared and though 
these have the charm of all abandoned gardens the distinctive 
Andalusian note is felt less. 

One of the most admired Mudejar houses in Seville and 
justly so is that of the Dukes of Alba. It was founded by the 
Pinedas who had to sell it in 1484 to the Riberas in order to 
raise money to ransom the head of their house from the Moors 
of Granada. The sixteenth-century part is therefore due to 
the Riberas, who later intermarried with the Albas. These 
Riberas were of princely estate and built simultaneously the 
other renowned example in the city, the so-called Casa de 
Pilatos; but the latter is much more Moorish in spite of its 
portal and thirteen of the patio columns having been executed 
in Genoa (along with the well-known Ribera tombs). The 
Alba palace has the advantage, so infrequent in towns even 
of Andalusia, of an extensive forecourt (see plan, Plate XLIX), 



PLATE XLIX 



Kil. of t«l - - _ 

PLAN OF THE CAEA DEL DUQUE DE ALBA, SEVILLE. 



THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE «58 

but as it Is known that the existing house was but a portion 
of the earlier, the forecourt may have been enclosed by build- 
ings formerly and thus conformed to the Spanish custom of 
building on the street. The entrance to the forecourt dates 
from the seventeenth century; at its left is the porter's lodge 
and at the right a secondary stable. The exterior of the main 
building, it is said, was originally of red brick relieved by 
bands of azulejos ; now it is all in white stucco and the composi- 
tion is simplicity itself with no architectural treatment what- 
ever. 

On passing into the first vestibule or dismounting space 
with its inevitable long bench one sees a good sixteenth-cen- 
tury beamed ceiling, undecorated. A more elaborate one, 
but also unpainted, is in the small recibidor approached by 
several steps at the left end of the vestibule. Separated from 
this recibidor by a good reja is an interesting stairhall, but 
not the principal one, treated in azulejos. Returning to the 
main patio it is amusing to dissect it and classify its various 
features: arches and door frames of Mudejar yeseria; painted 
ceilings both Renaissance and Moorish; Gothic rejas and a 
Gothic parapet of stone, and lastly huge Mudejar wooden 
doors swung on pivots as in the Alhambra, the lower pivot 
sunken into the floor and the upper received by a projecting 
corbel above. Such a patio, needless to add, is distinctly 
Oriental in its ensemble but on examining the various features 
much pure Renaissance detail is revealed (Plate L). As may 
be seen in the plan, the even number of bays prevents it from 
being on axis with either the entrance, the surrounding rooms, 
or the garden. Opening off from it are several fine salons 
with beautifully decorated ceilings; but the most striking 
room here is the chapel with the ribs of its vaulted ceiling, 
also the altar and zoco/o, all of iridescent azulejos. These 
tiles are admitted to be the finest extant specimens of metallic 
reflections {reflejos metalicos) and the whole room is aglow with 
gold. From the left end of the large salon passed through 
to reach the chapel opens a smaller room whose beamed ceil- 
ing has never been restored and is one of the finest in the house. 
The general background is red brown, the soffits of the large 



254 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

beams are patterned in blacky and the panels between the 
beams are also practically black, with decoration picked out 
in red, light blue, and gold. The ceiling rests on a yeseria 
frieze about three feet high. On this floor the remaining 



Fig. 8r— Decorated Wooden Ceiling in the Casa del Duque de Alba, 
Seville. 

important salon, that to the north of the patio, was apparently 
used as a summer dintng-room (for it was, and still is, cus- 
tomary to move down to the cooler ground floor in summer). 
This dining-room had no windows but was open at one end 
to the garden. Here, too, is a fine ceiling and a rich yeseria 
frieze. The principal stair is vast and constitutes a wing to 
the building; but it is unattractive and bare, its former arte- 
sonado having disappeared. As was customary, one side 
of the patio, or rather of the whole structure, was left open 
at the second story level to form a terrace overlooking the 



„5 



THE SEVILLIAX HOUSE 257 

garden, which lies to the right of the house. On this second 
floor are some beautiful ceilings recently brought to light after 



Fig. 82 — Doorway in Upper Cloister of the Casa del Duque de Alba, 
Seville. 

having been plastered over for centuries; the finest is that in 
the lofty salon in the northwest corner under the cupola. In 
its treatment the Alba house is typical of sixteenth-century 
domestic work in Seville; that is, the Renaissance did little 
more than penetrate into the applied decoration. 

The Casa Pilatos already referred to is more pronouncedly 



258 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Moorish although its building continued throughout the entire 
century. The yeseria in particular is more Oriental but several 
of the ceilings and rejas are Renaissance. Similar ceilings 
are in the well-known Palacio Olea in the street of Guzman el 
Bueno. The most Plateresque yeseria in the city is in the 
Pinelos house in the Calle Abades, but this has been greatly 
restored. Here, in the treatment of the secondary pilasters 
and the reliefs in the spandrels, Renaissance is more architec- 
turally appreciated than elsewhere. In the Calle Levis, the 
former Jewry, is a neglected old palace which appears to have 
been more distinctly Renaissance than any other example. 
It has been converted into a tenement for half a hundred 
families, but many of its ceilings, carved eaves, and other 
fragments of the century are still well preserved. 

It has been mentioned that the princely Ribera family 
ordered their tombs from Genoese sculptors. These sculptors, 
Antonio Aprile and Pace Gazini, were apparently a firm with 
agents in Seville and they also furnished marble accessories 
for the Ribera palace and the Alcazar. The tombs were first 
placed in the rich Carthusian monastery in Triana (now a 
pottery) but were removed by the family and placed in the 
University Chapel on the secularizing of the monasteries. 
Most praised are the wall monuments of Don Pedro Enrique 
de Ribera by Aprile, and of his wife Dona Catalina by Gazini 
(Plate LI); but the truth is that these works display a lack 
of sentiment rare even in the most commercial work of the 
Genoese stone-cutters. The ornament is formal and is not 
helped out by the cold bluish marble in which it is carved. 
The tombs are nevertheless very sumptuous and "attracted 
so much attention when first set up in the Cartuja that the 
sculptors received several contracts from important Sevillian 
families.*' Too much cannot be said for another Ribera 
monument of a different sort — the magnificent large floor slab 
commemorating Per Afan de Ribera, Viceroy of Naples (d. 
1571). This is in bronze, with a characteristic full-length 
engraved figure and an exquisite border. The provenance of 
Per Afan's monument is unknown but it is as fine in its way 
as the beautiful Venetian bronze in Badajoz Cathedral to 



< u a, 



gal 



Ceo .s 
B- J! 

P. 



THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE 261 

another ambassador to Italy, Lorenzo de Figueroa. This 
University Church contains other treasures including several 
statues by the great polychromist Montanes. 

Osuna, some sixty miles east of Seville, is the ancient seat 



Fig. 83 — DetaD from Patio in the Sepulcro de los Duques, Osuna. 

of the Dukes of Osuna and possesses a monument of great 
interest to the student of Plateresque. This is the collegiate 
church with the beautiful sepulcro de los duques under the 
high altar. It was in 1548 that an illustrious member of the 
family, Don Juan Tellez Giron, "chief gentleman in waiting 
to the king and one of the four grandees named in 1539 by 
the Cortes of Toledo," founded the university and converted 
the simple parochial church into a colegiata, both to be a 
memorial to his parents. The university has no architec- 
tural merit but the pantheon and the church possess consider- 
able and are in purest Plateresque notwithstanding their 
late date. The mausoleum is built at the base of the apse 
of the church and is for the most part underground, forming 



262 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

a remarkable succession of rooms. The diminutive patio, 
15 feet square with two bays to a side (Plate LII), is first 
entered. Treated all in white except for the beamed ceiling 
in red and gold, this patio is particularly striking, and the 



Fig. 84 — Garden Entrance to the Sepulcro de los Duques, Osuna. 

same scheme, with the addition of some vermilion lacquered 
chairs, is carried out in the little reception room. The basis' 
of the whole pantheon treatment is plaster of rich Plateresque 
ornamentation. While the detail is purely Itahan many of 
the forms are distinctly Spanish, as, for example, the little 
impost between the arches (Fig. 83), the baluster colonnette 
at the corners, and the curious entablatures of the iharble 



PATIO IN THE SEPULCRO DE LOS D0QUES, OSUNA. 



THE SEVILLIAN HOUSE 865 

columns. This yeseria is not carved but cast. In effective 
contrast to the white background are the several little wall 



Pig. 85 — Portal of the Colegiata. Osuna. 

altars decorated in green and gold. Beyond the patio is the 
sacristy with a good wooden ceiling, and from this point on 
the chapel and sepulchral chambers are all underground. 
The same diminutive scale characterizes all, the coro of the 
chapel having only nine seats, but these exquisitely carved. 
There is a wealth of sixteenth-century ironwork in the shape 
of rejas and small fittings and also a tine display of azulejos. 



266 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

In the vaults below are the ancient coffins, nearly all of black 
jasper, the epitaphs in archaic lettering. This pantheon has 
recently been commendably restored. 

Interest in the colegiata centers on the west portal (Fig. 
85). The work would seem to date from the first quarter 
of the century but the use of the crowning pediment advances 
it into its proper decade. In the architrave of the doorway 
and the base of the pilasters there is a marked resemblance to 
Enrique Egas*s Santa Cruz doorway at Toledo. A curious 
terra cotta relief fills the tympanum of the arch. Much of 
the detail is very beautiful, recalling the Salamantine school, 
a comparison further borne out by the two smaller aisle en- 
trances each side of the central. These have the abbreviated 
side pilasters supported on corbels, also the stone candelabra 
above the entablature with the custodia motif between, so 
freely used in the fafade of San Esteban in Salamanca. 



CHAPTER IX 

GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 

ATTITUDE OF THE CHRISTIAN CONQUERORS TOWARDS MOORISH ART — 
IMPORTATION OF CASTILIAN ARCHITECTS — ^THE ROYAL CHAPEL OR MAU- 
SOLEUM FOR THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS THE FIRST UNDERTAKING — ITS 
FURNISHINGS ORDERED BY DON ANTONIO DE FONSECA — ^THE TOMB OF 
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA BY DOMENICO FANCELLI — THAT OF JOAN AND 
PHILIP THE FAIR BY BARTOLOM^ ORD6nEZ — THE RETABLO BY FELIPE DE 
VIGARNf — ^THE REJA BY BARTOLOM^ OF JA^N — ^ENRIQUE DE EGAS AND 
THE NEW CATHEDRAL — THE COMMISSION TRANSFERRED TO DIEGO DE 
SILOE — HIS MANNER OF ADAPTING A RENAISSANCE PLAN TO EGAS's GOTHIC 
FOUNDATIONS — SILOE's DOME — HIS CARVING ON THE PUERTA DE PERD6n 
AND THE PUERTA DE SAN JEr6nIM0 — SILOE AND THE CONVENT-CHURCH 
OF SAN JEr6nIM0 — SILOE AS AN ARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTALIST — THE 
CASA CASTRIL — SILOE's LONG LIFE IN GRANADA — ^HOSPITAL REAL BY 
ENRIQUE DE EGAS AND JUAN GARCfA DE PRADAS 



\ 



268 



CHAPTER IX 

GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 

GRANADA, capital of the last Moorish kingdom on 
Spanish soil, was surrendered to Ferdinand and 
Isabella on January 2, 1492. Here was a curious 
circumstance, a modern European power acquiring possession 
of a completely Asiatic city within in its own geographical 
domain — a city unique in artistic aspect, and one which it 
would have been the part of wisdom and foresight to preserve 
if possible. But the Spaniards who conquered Andalusia 
did not possess that sympathy with Arab culture which Don 
Alfonso VI had manifested after the fall of Toledo in the 
eleventh century. In the late fifteenth the stamping out of 
heresy was the order of the day and the process concerned 
itself not only with the innermost thoughts of the infidel but 
also with such outward and visible expressions as the art and 
literature which embodied his wrong-headedness.' Granada 
mosques were immediately altered into Christian churches. 
Innumerable new churches and convents were erected, to 
accommodate which, Moorish buildings were swept away. 
True, Ferdinand had recommended that "so noble a resi- 
dence as the Alhambra be respected" but his grandson soon 
sacrificed a portion of it to his own palace ; the splendid royal 
mosque alongside, in which had been celebrated the first mass 

' The venerable Archbishop Talavera and the Count of Tendilla, to wh^m princi- 
pally the government of Granada was confided, sought to convert the Moors who 
remained by more or less gentle suasion; but the results were too slow to satisfy either 
the race hatred of the mob or the pious zeal of the drastic primate, Cardinal Jimenez 
de Cisneros. He in 1499 ordered the compulsory baptism of the Moors (so quaintly 
carved on the retablo of the Capilla Real) and in addition burned thousands of precious 
Arab manuscripts. 

269 



270 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

after the surrender, was torn down and replaced by an ugly 
Herrera structure for which there would have been abundant 
space elsewhere. For all the new work Castilian architects 
were called in. The most important of these, Diego de Siloe, 
of Burgos, founded a distinct Granadine school which in time 
crossed the Sierra Nevada to Jaen and Ubeda. This school 
was in no way affected by the Arab art it was supplanting; 
nor by the Italians who came to Granada. In domestic work, 
however, many Mudejar methods still persisted, and various 
convents and small parish churches are also so completely 
in that style that the student of conventional church archi- 
tecture and decoration will meet many surprises — wooden 
ceilings richly painted and whole interiors of glowing metallic 
azulejos. 

We have seen in the chapter on Burgos how the young 
artists trained there soon passed to more active building 
centers. Granada with its physiognomy rapidly European- 
izing could not fail to attract them. Probably most of them 
came with a special recommendation from Bishop Fonseca 
whose brother Antonio, one of Queen Isabella's executors, 
was arranging for the embellishing of the Capilla Real. The 
Queen had ordered this chapel to be built as her mausoleum 
and it was begun soon after her death by the old maestro 
mayor of Toledo Cathedral, Enrique de Egas. It adjoined 
the chief mosque of the city, which had been selected as the 
cathedral (and which was replaced in the eighteenth century 
by the present Sagrario). The Capilla Real is a fine and 
dignified piece of late Gothic finished in 1517' but later added 
to by Charles who found it "too small for so great a glory.'* 
By the time Egas had his structure completed the new style 

* According to the decorative frieze of huge Gothic capitals, silver on a blue ground ^ 
which runs around the interior: • 

This chapel was ordered to be built by the very Catholic Don Fernando and Doila 
Isabel king and queen of the Spains Naples Sicily Jerusalem who conquered this king- 
dom of Granada and reduced it to our faith and built and endowed the churches and 
monasteries and hospitals of it and gained The Canaries and The Indies and the cities 
of Oran Tripoli and Bugfa and destipyed heresy and put out the Moors and the Jewa 
from these kingdoms and reformed religion 'the queen 'finished on Tuesday the twenty- 
sixth of November of the year 1504 the king finished on Wednesday the twenty-third 
of January of the year 15 16 and this chapel was finished in the ycax I5i7« 



TOMBS AND REJA IN THE CAPILLA REAL, GRANADA. 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 273 

was well under way, so that the furnishings ordered for it 
were Plateresque. They consist of rejas, retablo, chancel, and 
the royal tombs themselves, all making a veritable museum 
of early Renaissance (Plate LIII). Of these the two tombs. 



Fig. 86^Detail from the Tomb of Ferdinand and Isabella, Granada. 
Domenico FanceUi, Sculptor, 1517. 

even were they less beautiful, would claim attention first 
since they are the raison d^etre of the structure. The finer is 
that of Ferdinand and Isabella by the Florentine Domenico 
FanceUi (Plate LIV) ; the other, of their daughter Joan and 
her husband Philip (Dona Juana la Loca y Don Felipe el 
Hermoso), is by the Spaniard Bartolome Ordonez. It was 



«74 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

long supposed that this sculptor was the author of the Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella tomb because his Carrara testament, un- 
earthed by the Canon Pietro Andrei (see p. 169), reads: "I 
declare that I am leaving finished the principal part of the 
sepulcher of the Catholic King and Queen of Spain and that 
it is packed in its corresponding boxes or chests." Now it 
happens that the title of "Catholic Kings" bestowed upon 
Ferdinand and Isabella was not destined to extend to their 
successors; Ordonez however appears to have assumed that 
it would do so and in that wise referred to Joan and Philip 
whose tomb he was engaged on at the time of his death. 
Spanish writers continued to take Ordonez literally until 
Professor Justi disagreed. He insisted that the Ferdinand 
and Isabella sarcophagus was Italian and the work of the 
same sculptor who had made that of their son in Avila; fur- 
thermore, that the Joan and Philip tomb so long anony- 
mous was the one made by Ordonez in Carrara.' As this 
dissenter could offer no documentary grounds for despoil- 
ing the Spaniard of the finer tomb, his verdict was not 
accepted by the Spanish until Don Jose Marti y Monso 
discovered in the Archivo Htstorico Nacional de Madrid 
the contract between the executors of Cardinal Jimenez 
and the Italian sculptor, which document, as may be seen 
from the following extracts, settled the Granada matter 
definitively. 

The conditions by which are to be made the sarcophagus and 
effigy of the Most Reverend Cardinal Fran*^ Ximenes de Cisneros 
may he be in glory are the following : 

First the sarcophagus and effigy and figures are to be of Carrara 
marble and said marble is to be as good as that of the sepidchre of 
Prince Don Juan who now has holy glory which is in Sancto Tomas 
of Abila and the same as are the effigies of the King and Queen 
which are in Granada and certainly better if it were possible and 
not worse; and said marble is to be white [here follow measure- 
ments, etc.] and the base is to be weU carved and its mouldings are 

' Estudios sobre el Renacimiento en Bspafia, por Carlos Justi, traduddos por Dott 
Prandsoo Stiarez Bravo, Barcelona, 1892. 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 277 

to be in the antique style . . . and in each comer a griffin very 
triumphant adorned with its wings and with foliage . . . and the 
epitaph . . . is to be lettered in the antique style with a compass 
as such letters are made . . . and the effigy^ all in one piece . . . 
all to be well carved as already said and as good as that of the 
Prince and the King and Queen may they have holy glory and more 
polished if possible and all to show the experience gained by the 
master since he made the aforesaid effigies who is the one who is to 
make this tomb. 

The Very Noble and Magnificent Senores Fray F^ Ruiz Bishop 
of Avila and Don F"* de Mendoza and the Reverend Senor Doctor 
Miguel Carrasco Rector of the College and University of Alcal4 de 
Henares executors of the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Don 
Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros Cardinal of Spain Archbishop of 
Toledo who is in glory agree on the aforesaid work with Micer 
Domenico de Alejandre Florentin for the price of, etc., etc. 

Comparing Domenico's Avila and Granada productions 
one sees that the latter has lost the abstract decorativeness of 
the former and has become more personal, more Spanish; this 
not merely because of the ostentation of the national emblems, 
but because the quality of the sculpture throughout is now 
assertive and realistic. Fancelli was drifting into the Spanish 
vein and had he lived to serve the great ones of the land 
longer, would undoubtedly have become markedly Spaniol- 
ized. The smaller figures are in three-quarter relief; corner 
griffins have all the robustness of the antique; and the effigy 
of Ferdinand is a piece of searching portraiture; yet despite 
the intense interest infused into the detail it is always prop- 
erly subservient to the mass. The whole tomb is less ex- 
quisite than Don Juan's, with less of beauty for beauty's 
sake, but it has other qualities in full measure. 

The extent to which the Spaniard Ordonez was influenced 
by Fancelli is not surprising considering that he had previ- 
ously executed the latter's design for the Cisneros tomb, and 
that furthermore he may have been instructed to make a 
companion piece to the already completed Catholic Kings* 
monument. Especially in the detail is the likeness striking 
(see Fig. 87), Ordonez's being even finer in certain parts; 



278 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

but in the composition, where he had to fall back on his own 
resources in order not to be too imitative, he is distinctly 
inferior. After constructing a base of identical proportions 
with the other (though less reposeful in contour) he added a 



Fig. 87 — Detail from the Tomb of Dofla Juana and Don Felipe, Granada. 
Barlolomf OrdSHez, l$20. 

secondary base above it for the recumbent figures. This 
stands high out of the lower mass and breaks the outline un- 
pleasantly; and while to Charles V the exalting of his parents 
may have been flattering, to our modem sense of fitness it is 
disturbing to find the greater monarchs lying low beside their 
undistinguished successors. Ordonez had to leave this com- 
mission unfinished and it may consequently represent some 



PLATE LV 



POLYCHROME WOODEN RETABLO IN THE CAPILLA REAL, GRANADA. 
Felipe Viiomi, Sculptor. 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OP DIEGO DE SILOE 281 

divergence (though it would be only slight) from his design*; 
nevertheless, all considered, he was hardly as great a sculptor 
as the splendor of his patrons would warrant one to expect. 
Excellent as an artizan he lacked the distinct personality that 
marked some of the lesser known Spanish sculptors. He was, 
as mentioned, a Burgalese. He appears to have left Burgos 
early for Italy where he remained several years. In 151 8 
he returned to Spain and established a botega in Barcelona on 
the plan of the Genoese. From the cathedral chapter he 
promptly secured an order to decorate the exterior of the coro 
with scenes from the life of Santa Eulalia. When in 15 18 the 
Cisneros commission was transferred to him he repaired to 
Carrara, although the Emperor had to intervene before the 
canons would consent to his abandoning the Santa Eulalia 
scenes. The few panels he had completed are much praised 
but are in reality a perfunctory and academic piece of work 
in which the artist had not yet found himself. His career 
did not really begin until he went to Carrara, and it was 
destined to be very brief for in less than two years death 
overtook him (1520) and his work had to be completed by 
various Italian marmorari and shipped to Spain. The 
royal tomb arrived in Granada about 1526 and as Dona Juana 
was still living it was stored in the Hospital Real where it 
lay forgotten until long after her death. 

The polychrome wooden retablo of the chapel (Plate LV) 
is by Felipe de Borgoiia (also known as Viguerny, Vigarni, and 
Vigarin) and is one of the most beautiful of the period. To 
be sure, the Burgundian's sculpture varies little from that of 
the Gothicists but his architectural frame shows an advanced 
knowledge of composition and detail. Polychrome is limited 
to the statuary, the frame being treated in white and gold. 
This combination of white and gold is repeated in the marble 
chancel, the work of an Italian. Another important, and 
according to many the greatest, work of art to be examined 

' In the inventory of works left tinfinished in 0rd6fiez's Carrara atelier at the time 
of his death it is specified that there remained to be made for the royal tomb ''diversi 
pezzi del basamento, il deposito, 6 due angoli con due figuri de San Michele e di San 
Giovanni Ev**" Several of the Fonseca tombs for Coca also occur in the list of incom- 
plete works. 



282 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

here is the reja which divides the transept from the nave. 
While there is much about it that is Gothic both in design and 
technique, the embossed pilasters and horizontal bands are 
exquisite bits of Renaissance design. Particularly interesting 
as a translation into Renaissance language is the painted and 
gilded panel above the gates containing the arms of Ferdinand 
and Isabella and their grandson. The cresting contains 
some thirty figures more than half life sized and marvelously 
forged. The reja was made in 1523 and is signed by Maestre 
Bartolome. This rejero did a quantity of work in Jaen and 
Ubeda (see p. 328). 

Hardly had the Capilla Real been started when the canons 
began to feel that the mosque adjoining it was inadequate for 
the greatness that had been thrust upon it, so Egas was asked 
to make plans for a new cathedral. The bishop had to keep 
nagging at the crown for many years before the corner-stone 
was actually laid. This was in 1523 and inmiediately after 
came the plague; so that by 1528 when Egas was given conge' 
by the chapter little more than the foundations had been built. 
When work was resumed it was under the direction of the 
young Diego de Siloe who was erecting the Platercsque convent- 
church of San Jeronimo at the time. Siloe proceeded in the 
new style. Granada thus claims the earliest cathedral in 
Renaissance, and built, at that, on Gothic foundations, for 
Egas had been closely following Toledo Cathedral as is evident 
in the plan (Fig. 88). 

Considering that Siloe agreed to conform to the portions 
already built the resemblance between Granada and Toledo 

' No writer appears to know why Egas was dismissed but his path in Granada had 
never been a smooth one. He had several disagreements with the Majordomo of the 
Royal Works concerning the Royal Chapel, the Cathedral and the Royal HospitaL 
Moreover as he had been only three times to Granada during these five jrears the 
chapter may have preferred a more attentive architect. His last visit was early in 
1528 according to the cathedral archivo of April 2d of that year: "To Master Enrique 
for twenty-five days consumed in coming from Toledo remaining in Granada and re- 
turning to Toledo at five hundred maravedises each day which make twelve thousand 
five hundred mrs. and twelve thousand five hundred for certain samples and tracings 
which he made for said church." A few days later the painter Pedro Vasquez was 
summoned to examine the foimdations; whether he influenced the chapter against 
Gothic and towards Renaissance is not known but certain it is that the work was sus- 
pended shortly after. 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE «8S 

Cathedrals is natural. Both have a nave and double aisles 
with a ribbon of chapels between the outer piers, and both 
are characterized by a semi-circular ambulatory; but while the 
ambulatory of the Castilian church is double-aisled that of 



Fig. 88— Plan of Granada Cathedral. 
Enrique de Egos and Diego de Silae, Architects, i^2j et seq. 

the Andalusian is single, with the inner aisle space given over 
to the radiating piers of the dome. A secondary circulation 
is nevertheless provided by means of openings in the piers. 
What Siloe did was to expand the semi-decagon of the Toledo 



£84 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

capilla mayor into a full decagon in order to support his dome. 
To demonstrate how this could be done he started various 
French and Spanish carvers to work on a model of his project. 
This had been under way for nearly three years when the 
Emperor heard of the scheme and commanded that the cathe- 
dral should not be built a lo romano as that style would be out 
of harmony with the Gothic Royal Chapel. The chapter there- 
upon sent Siloe to court "to reply to His Majesty and defend 
his work and intention.*' From this errand the architect 
came back triumphant and the building proceeded rapidly; 
not to be finished by him however, for the Gothic vaults were 
not closed in until after 1700. 

Given the peculiar circumstances it is to be expected that 
the Granada Cathedral should be different from the basilica 
type in Italy and from subsequent examples in Spain where 
the dome marks the crossing. Imposed on a circular capilla 
mayor and its contiguous ambulatory it is admirably worked 
out, but naturally it has lost the logical simplicity of the dome 
over the crossing. Nevertheless, the successful manner in 
which this feature was tied into a plan to which it was utterly 
foreign caused Fergusson to say in his History of Architecture 
that "the cathedral of Granada, is, in respect to its plan, one 
of the finest churches in Europe." The dome, which is 155 
feet high, is supported on two superposed Corinthian orders 
but the efi^ectiveness of the treatment is unfortunately 
marred by seventeenth-century decorations. Many perplex- 
ing problems naturally developed, such as carrying the spring 
of the dome over the nave opening and managing the radial 
piers and openings. In solving such problems Siloe displayed 
rare skill and a thorough knowledge of classic principles. In 
the former instance he ingeniously created a proscenium arch 
with so broad a soffit that the amount eaten into it does not, 
so far as the eye is concerned, materially weaken it. In the 
second instance where the radial arches had to conform to 
the treatment of the capilla mayor on the inner side and to 
the vaulting arches of the ambulatory on the outer, he has been 
not merely skillful but has secured an impressiveness hardly 
less than classic (Fig. 89). Perhaps the only criticism admis- 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 285 

sible is his manner of vaulting the ambulatory and his placing 
of the receiving columns. Here was a difficulty which had 
long beset Gothic architects. Two practical solutions were 
thrown over for a compromise; the columns could have been 



Fig. 89 — Ambulatory Arch in Granada Cathedral. 
Diego de Siloe, Architect, 152^-63. 

so placed that the transverse arches were radial to the dome 
center, or the main panels opposite the openings could have 
been parallelograms and the intervening ones triangles. This 
latter was the method followed in the Gothic vaulting of the 
ambulatory at Toledo but had Siloe used it his triangles would 
necessarily have been truncated (see plan, Fig. 88). 

The main body of the church (Plate LVI) is dignified in 
the ensemble but disappointing in detail, most especially in 
the decadent Gothic vaulting. For this Siloe is not responsible 



286 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

for the building dragged on into the eighteenth century. It is 
probable that his design for the nave piers was followed, how- 
ever, and while they are wholly classic and most impressive, 
they lack certain niceties; the pier entablature supporting 



Fig. 90 — Exterior of Granada Cathedral. 
Diego de SUoe, Architect, 1525-63. 

the arches, for instance, a feature which both classic and Re- 
naissance architects in Italy gradually diminished and finally 
eliminated, is here overpoweringly heavy. Aside from this 
the great Corinthian piers are noble enough. They are com- 
posed of four half-columns with three minor breaks at the 
comers. The high pedestal with semicircular faces following 
the section of the shaft carries down the lines with true Gothic 
solidity. This pier is far superior to that of the cathedral of 
Malaga designed by the same architect and where the pillars 
are two orders in height. 

Exteriorly Granada Cathedral presents a heterogeneous 
aspect due to the long duration of its building and the num- 
ber of artists employed. Siloe is directly responsible for the 
ambulatory and dome, for the Puerta del Perdon, and, along 
with Maeda, the Puerta de San Jeronimo. As seen from the 
narrow surrounding calUs the mighty dome plays a rather in- 
conspicuous part as is apparent in Fig. 90. Siloe's hand is 
evident up to the actual tiled roof from which point all archi- 
tecturality ceases. While not conforming to or expressing 



INTERIOR OF GRANADA CATHEDRAL. 
Diego de SUoe, Archit^cl, /Ji^-tfj, 



4 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 289 

the interior it is nevertheless admirable in its substantiality 
and interesting in the disposition and design of its buttresses ; 
a similar arrangement can be better studied in the church of 
San Jeronimo. In the carving of the two portals mentioned, 
over which Siloe's countrymen wax most enthusiastic, the 
stranger is apt to experience some disappointment. The 
architectural forms are none too good to begin with and are 
moreover reduced to insipidity by a profuse amount of 
meaningless detail. All the ornament is characterized by a 
disturbing disparity in scale. It is improbable that Siloe did 
much of the actual cutting here ; but the design, which really 
was his, has lost the decorative and spontaneous quality to be 
seen in his early escalera dorada in Burgos Cathedral. 

Diego de Siloe may be further examined in various edifices 
in the city (though in by no means all that are ascribed to 
him and for which his pupils are largely responsible). His 
best known work is that on which he was engaged when called 
to the cathedral, San Jeronimo. Here again he was not the 
architect from the beginning. Jacopo the Florentine, of 
Murcia fame, is known to have worked here, and the cloisters 
of the monastery and the foundations of the church were well 
started when Siloe intervened. Shortage of funds had been 
holding back the building until the widow of Gonsalvo de 
Cordova, El Gran Capitan, offered to pay for its completion 
if the Emperor would assign its capilla mayor as the mauso- 
leum for her distinguished husband. It was then, 1525, that 
Siloe was called in and at once started on the capilla mayor 
and transept. From the exterior these form the only note 
of interest and while presenting nothing new structurally, 
the buttresses, the bald square end of the transept, and the 
crucero, build up into a very impressive ensemble (Fig. 91). 
What small merit the interior ever had has been submerged 
under ugly eighteenth-century decorations. In the small 
western, or coro, gallery (now closed because of threatened 
collapse) is a fine but by no means incomparable silleria carved 
by Siloe; and in the adjoining monastery, now a cavalry 
barracks, are several doorways. Only one of them — the 

entrance to the tower — is good. The panels of its splayed 
10 



290 SPANISH AKCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

sides are filled with typical Siloe arabesques, but in the reveal 
of the arch above are some excellent busts. The remaining 
doors attributed to him are difficult to appreciate owing to 
repeated and heavy coats of paint; but it is immediately 



Fig. 91 — Cimborio of the Convent o£ San Jer6nixQ0, Granada. 
Diego de Siloe, Archilecl. 

evident that they are as mannered in their way as are the 
Francisco de Colonia portals in the Burgos region. Always 
the same archway flanked by pilasters, the same ornamental 
frieze, and over the cornice the same flattened motif consisting 
of a medallion head in the center supported by scrolls and 
terminated by winged griffins. This disposition may be 
seen in innumerable doors and windows throughout the city, 
faithfully adhered to by all Siloe's disciples. On the whole, 
Diego de Siloe, son of one of the greatest Gothic sculptors 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 291 

of Spain, is not the accomplished ornamentalist his compatri- 
ots claim.' His sculpture never attains that vitality which 
one grows to demand of Spanish work. Technique aside, 
sculpture when it adorns a building ought to be as carefully 



Fig. 92 — Entrance to the Casa Castril, Granada. 
Attributed to Diego de Siioe. 

proportioned as any other architectural embellishment, and 
here again Siloe is at fault as witness the incongruous group- 
ing in his Puerta del Perdon. For his successful imposing of 
the noble Renaissance dome on the Gothic plan of the cathe- 
dral, however, he is entitled to rank with the masters of the 

' Not his countrymen only, for Professor Justi, usually 90 reserved in his apprecia- 
tions, says: "The worthiest and most imaginative development of the style [Grotesque] 
is shown in the works of E)i^[o de Siloe on the north side of the cathedral at Granada 
which are characterized by an inexhaustible fancy, a rhythmical stream of movement, 
a unity of general effect combined with a constant flux of motives, and ebullient vitality." 



29« SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

century; but in the rest of his Granada work, for he was kept 
busy erecting dwellings for Spaniards who had received emolu- 
ments under the new regime, he was merely a high class com- 
mercial architect, of precisely that type which would attract 
a large following. No one can question this statement after 
examining such specimens of his work as the Casa Castril. 
The house at Number 1 1 Cuchilleros is also accredited to him 
but is not at all characteristic. The first mentioned, which 
is very extensive inside, has only a small facade and this covered 
with ornament (Fig. 92). The chief motifs are the doorway 
and the corner window of the second story. All the detail is 
coarse and presents that same lack of scale noticeable in the 
Puerta del Perdon. Siloe by no means dropped out of Castilian 
affairs after coming to Granada for he is known to have entered 
several competitions along with Covarrubias, Vigarni, and 
others working in Toledo. His repute was high throughout 
Andalusia where he was called upon to design the cathedral of 
Malaga and was appointed visiting architect to Seville Ca- 
thedral at eighty ducats for an annual visit of fifteen consecu- 
tive days. He died in his Granada house (still preserved) 
in 1563 "very rich, owning houses, slaves, jewels, silver and 
precious stones, which went to the Hospital de San Juan de 
Dios and other religious institutions, not omitting the cathedral 
of his native city Burgos." 

The remaining Plateresque monument of importance in 
Granada is the Hospital Real de Dementes, a combined 
insane and infant asylum which Enrique de Egas began in 
15 1 1. It had been commissioned long before and the follow- 
ing quaint inscription in one of the patios gives an idea of its 
slow progress: ^^ Fernando y Isabel los Reyes Catolicos ordered 
the building of this house from the foundations up although 
their death prevented them from arriving at the roof but 
Carlos Quinto el Emperador Invincible y Rey de todas las Es* 
panas their grandson ordered that the work should be continued 
and this part was finished in the year of Our Lord 1536 in 
the which by the grace of the Lord the Emperor took by force 
the city and kingdom of Tunis and punished the violence 
and piracy of the Africans.** The fact is that Egas had com- 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 293 

pleted only the first stoiy when Ferdinand's death (1516) 
put a stop to the work. When the "Invincible Emperor" 
resumed it another architect was appointed. Juan Garcia 
de Pradas, Egas's successor, also built the Gothic southeast 



Fig. 93— Portal to the CapUla Real, Granada. 
Juan Garcia de Pradas, Architect, ca. IS20. 

portal of the Capilla Real (Fig. 93) and the charming little 
Lonja alongside of it (Fig. 94). On the hospital he appears 
to have made some attempt to work in Egas's style, hence the 
four Lombard windows of the second story; but some claim 
that these are due to Juan Garcia's having worked at La- 
calahorra rather than to his having followed Enrique's original 
drawings. The marble entrance is a perfunctory piece of 
seventeenth-century work and it is this lack of a portal com- 
parable either to die Toledo or Santiago hospital that most 



294 SPANISH ABCHITECTURE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

dissociates the facade from the Brst Renaissance architect. 
Inside, one is immediately aware of him in the long perspective 
of the north and south arms of the cross which now serve as a 
vast hall leading to modern buildings at the rear. The east 



Fig. 94 — The Lonja, Granada. 
Jvan Garcia de Pradas, Architect, JSiS-22. 

and west arms have been recently walled up and are used as 
a refectory and a school, for the building at present holds 
some nine hundred inmates. Such use, with the exception 
of the walling up, may be no great departure from the original 
intention for these arms were provided from the beginning 
with windows on both front and rear patios, whereas the 
great circulating north and south hall has none. The crossing 
is covered with ribbed vaulting over the first story but on the 
second is left open to the lofty cupola. Here it was formerly 
that the altar was placed; — not an enclosed chapel but a 
free-standing altar with the arms of the cross left open so that 
the sick might hear mass from all sides. The magnificent 



-^ 



GRANADA AND THE WORK OF DIEGO DE SILOE 295 

artesonados of the arms, all left undecorated, were made by 
the maestro carpintero Juan de Plasencia. Of the four patios 
the two on the east or right side of the building are bare of all 
treatment, but were to have been provided with arcaded walks ; 
that on the west front was the finest of all but only the 
marble columns, arches, and frieze were ever completed. 
There is more knowledge of Renaissance principles displayed 
here than in Egas's earlier patios but the detail is so poor and 
spiritless that one apprehends at a glance that the fertile and 
capricious maestro gave it but little of his personal attention. 
The patio to the rear of this, and the only one finished, is 
even poorer; according to the date in the inscription already 
quoted, it was decorated long after Egas had ceased to direct 
the work and there is nothing about it that even suggests his 
designing. It seems, then, that so far as he was concerned 
there is little more than the cruciform plan of the Granada 
hospital to be considered. 



CHAPTER X 

THE ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA AND PROVINCLVL WORK 

PEDRO DE MACHUCA RECOMMENDED TO THE EMPEROR — CI-ASSIC PLAN 
OF THE PALACE AND ITS AWKWARD ADJUSTMENT TO DOMESTIC NEEDS — 
VARIOUS INTERRUPTIONS TO THE WORK — ^THE SOUTHERN OR SECONDARY 
PORTAL BY MACHUCA — THE WESTERN OR PRINCIPAL ENTRANCE BY HIS 
SON — THE CIRCULAR PATIO — ^DOMESTIC WORK IN GRANADA — ^TWO KINDS OF 
WOODEN CEILINGS — CEILING IN THE EMPEROR's APARTMENTS IN THE 
ALHAMBRA — TILED STAIRCASES — PEBBLE MOSAICS — THE MENDOZA CASTLE 
AT LACALAHORRA — ^ITS STAIRCASE AS A POSSIBLE INSPIRATION TO EN- 
RIQUE DE EGAS — ^Ja£n AND THE WORK OF ANDRES VANDELVIRA — VANDEL- 
VIRA's CHURCH OF SAN SALVADOR IN UBEDA — SILLErIa IN THE CHURCH 
OF SANTA MARIA — ^PALACES IN UBEDA — ^THE AYUNTAMIENTO OR CITY 
HALL OF B AEZA— THE BENAVENTE PALACE 



296 



CHAPTER X 

THE ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA AND PROVINCIAL WORK 

PEDRO MACHUCA was the architect chosen when 
Charles V decided to build within the precincts of 
the Alhambra. Two men more opposite than the 
popular Siloe down in the town and the reserved Machuca 
who lived and worked up on the hill could hardly be imagined, 
Machuca was architect, painter, and sculptor, and had studied 
in Italy "beside the divine Rafael da Urbino and was the 
first to bring to Spain the maxims of the Renaissance in all 
their classic purity" according to the authoritative Grana- 
dino Don Manuel Gomez Moreno. No one gives Machuca's 
birthplace but from 1524 he was residing in Granada and 
carving retablos. The Conde de Tendilla, for whom he was 
standard-bearer, reconunended him to the Emperor, and 
although the young man appears to have had no previous 
architectural experience, he was immediately accepted and 
instructed to plan a Renaissance palace to be erected ad- 
jacent to the Moorish. (In this connection it must be re- 
membered that Charles, although enamored of Italian art 
and a lavish patron of Titian, never once harbored the thought 
of bringing an Italian architect to Spain.) 

The cost of the new structure was to be defrayed by the 
Moriscos (baptized Moors) in return for royal permission to 
retain their turbans. To accommodate the project a por- 
tion of the Alhambra was destroyed, if not by the Emperor's 
command, at least with his consent. Charles is reported to 
have rebuked the cathedral chapter of Cordova, only a short 
time before, for erecting a Platercsque coro in the center of 
their thousand-pillared mosque. ''You have built what you 

ft07 



298 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

or others might have built an3rwhere," he told them, "but 
you have destroyed something that was unique in the world/* 
Yet in this same year he altered the Alcazar of Seville (in 
which he was married to Isabella of Portugal) and removed a 
part of the Alhambra. The Arab and the Renaissance shoul- 
der each other in most incongruous fashion, and though the 
latter is a splendid piece of architecture it can never appear 
otherwise than as an intruder within the precincts of the 
acropolis. However, some justify its royal builder by stating 
that he erected the new palace in order to save the old from 
the modifications necessary to convert it into a European 
residence. 

The royal palace was never completed. Pedro Machuca 
died in 1550 leaving it in the hands of his able son Luis; but the 
annual tribute money which had kept it going ceased when 
the Moriscos rebelled in 1568, and from then on the work 
was taken up only in desultory fashion and by less skillful 
architects. After the completion of the magnificent colon- 
naded patio in Philip Ill's reign (1616) building operations 
practically stopped. It is said that the wealthy Due de 
Montpensier, before fixing upon Seville as his residence in 
the last century, offered to buy and complete the royal palace 
of Granada. The fact that his offer was declined is still 
regretted by the Granadinos since their city lost thereby the 
immense fortune spent in, and bequeathed to, the rival Anda- 
lusian capital. From the artistic point of view, however, 
there is nothing to lament in the fact that the palace has 
remained in impoverished hands, for it is vastly more impres- 
sive unfinished. It is primarily a monument. The composi- 
tion of the plan (Fig. 95), particularly of the circular patio, 
is based on Roman traditions; and while the scheme is of 
noble simplicity, the elements that build up a fine amphi- 
theater are ill-suited for domestic architecture. It was in 
Machuca's efforts to harmonize the two that certain weak- 
nesses developed in his design; such are the corner staircases 
with their cramped approaches, and the medieval chapel 
tower so inharmonious and out of scale. Furthermore he 
appears to have been embarrassed to accommodate interior 



SOUTH PORTAL OF CHARLES V'S PALACE ON THE ALHAMBRA HILL. 

GRANADA. 

Pedro Machuca, Architect, i$26 el seq. 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 801 

walls to fenestration ; many of them butt square against window 
openings, and apparently there was no intention of concealing 
this clumsiness by blind openings; some more superficial trick 



PiG- 95 — Plan of the Palace of Charles V at Granada. 
Pedro Machuca, Architect, 1326. 

was to be resorted to. In short the palace, though admirably 
bold in idea, lacks nicety and finesse of plan. 

Yellowish sandstone from the Sierra Nevada supplied 
the material for the facade, along with marble from the Sierra 
de Elvira for the portals and patio columns. The scheme is 
a two-storied quadrangle 207 feet square, enclosing a circular 
court. The exterior is a combining of classic and Renaissance 
styles, the former found in the two principal portals, the 



SOii SPANISH AKCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

latter in the Florentine rustication of the lower story and the 
Roman palace windows of the upper. During the quarter 
of a century which Machuca devoted to the building he com- 
pleted the extensive subterranean vaulting and the main 



Fig. 96 — West Fagade of Charles V's Palace at Granada. 
Pedro Machuca, Architect, 1526 et seq. 

walls, exterior and interior. This does not include the portals, 
however, of which only a portion of the south entrance was 
by him. Machuca's son, following his father's design, built 
the first or Doric stage of the imposing circular court and most 
of the octagonal chapel; he also finished his father's south 
door and began the main or west entrance. Of his work the 
most admirable is the annular vaulting of the patio. The 
main entrance which he^began suffers at the outset from the 
squareness of its proportions and the very obvious uselessness 
of the diminutive door each side of the main. The fault may 
not be the orignal designer's, for when work was resumed 
after the Morisco outbreak, Juan de Herrera, Philip II's 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 303 

official architect, ordered his pupil Juan de Mijares to continue 
this main entrance; between them they altered lamentably 
Machuca's design. After another long interruption one of 
the four projected staircases was built (1635) and very poorly 
adjusted to the angle destined to receive it. This was the 
last touch; the roof including the chapel dome that was to 
tower above all the buildings on the Alhambra hill was never 
finished; the triumphal arch springing from. the southwest 
corner likewise remained only on paper. It will be readily 
seen that this much checkered enterprise in which so many, 
and often unsympathetic, hands intervened does not offer 
favorable opportunity to judge this first Spanish architect 
who had studied in Italy. But his detail of cornice moulds, 
his triglyph frieze with alternating skull and rosette motif, 
and above all his two portals give ample evidence of how 
abundantly he had imbibed the spirit of Italy. 

Of these imposing entrances the southern or secondary 
(Plate LVII), executed under himself and his son, may rank 
as the best piece of Greco-Romano-Renaissance in Spain — 
the best, indeed, outside of Italy. A Fleming, Antonio de 
Leval, and an Italian, Nicolo da Corte, executed the sculpture 
of the lower portion; and for the upper this last named ar- 
ranged with Machuca in 1548 to carry out his drawings. It 
appears to be his work although it is known that he tried to 
let out the contract in Genoa. The pedestals of the columns 
are ornamented with bas-reliefs in the manner of the antique, 
but instead of the customary classic trophies. Christian, 
Arabic, and Turkish ones, all reminiscent of the Emperor's 
conquests, have been substituted. Machuca's tendency to 
set the orders on too high a pedestal is particularly noticeable 
here, but what few defects the door may have are mitigated 
by the excellent sculpture. A further illustration of the 
master's close knowledge of the antique are the archaic tapered 
pilasters at the sides, probably the only instance of their use 
in Spain. 

The western or principal entrance begun by Luis Machuca 
and finished by Herrera's pupil is inferior to the southern in 
composition. The only noteworthy sculpture is that of the 



S04 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

battle scenes on the lower pedestals, one of them supposed 
to be Pavia where Charles V took Francis I prisoner. The 



Pig. 97 — Patio of Charles V's Palace, Granada. 
Designed by Pedro Machuca in 1526, and built by his son Luis. 

Fleming Leval made these reliefs, while Juan de Cubillaqa 
(whose nationality is not stated in the records) made the 
Delia Robbia swags, classic mouldings, and ornamentation 
in the architrave. The carving of the upper portion of the 
door is by Andres de Ocampo. Nothing here has the senti- 
ment of the sculpture nor the archaic quality of the tapered 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 807 

pilasters on the south portal, but the detail throughout shows 
Machuca's classic designing. 

The interior of the palace is less coherent than the exte- 
rior. Only the circular patio and the four approaches were 
ever completed and of these only the patio (Fig. 97) is really 
noteworthy. It is perfectly academic and therefore not Span- 
ish but it is well proportioned and extremely well detailed. 
The stone construction is admirable, especially the annular 
vaulting of the lower story which is a continuous unfeatured 
elliptical vault. The span between the columns is made by 
a flat arch of three keystones resting on a huge block over the 
columns. The upper story is unroofed but it is evident from 
the holes left in the masonry that the ceiling was to be of 
wooden beam construction. It is a testimony to the endur- 
ance of good masonry that the interior has suffered no dilapi- 
dation during the centuries it has stood open to the sky. 
This imposing monument remained a detached piece of classic 
architecture in Spain giving nothing to the classic movement 
initiated later by Bartolome Bustamente in the Hospital 
Afuera of Toledo (1541). Machuca also designed the fine 
fountain near the Emperor's palace (Plate LVIII) and the 
entrance gate to the Alameda. 

Turning from the palace on the hill to the typical domestic 
work down in the city, there is nothing remarkable architec- 
turally in the casas particulates which all too soon replaced 
the Moorish ones distributed by the conquering sovereigns 
among their followers. The new homes were designated by 
contemporary writers as casas casUllanas because built for 
Castilians, but in most respects they clung to Moorish build- 
ing traditions. To say that Siloe was architect of a house 
meant that a stereotyped Siloe door and window were inserted 
into a plain stucco facade; the inside was a mere haphazard 
assembly of rooms conforming to a plot more often irregular 
than not, and with patio corresponding. There was no nicer 
sense of plan here than elsewhere in Spain yet the interiors, 
like those of Seville, are well worth studying for certain deco- 
rative features. Of wooden ceilings in particular there is 
great abundance. These arc of two distinct kinds, peaked 



808 SPANISH ARCHITECTUHE OF THE XVI CENTUKY 

with open construction and ornamented tie-pieces, and flat 
with richly carved coffers (Figs. 98 and 99). The peaked is 
exclusively Moorish but the flat may be either Moorish or 
Spanish — either small units arranged in geometric patterns. 



Fig. 98 — Ceiling in the House of Luis de C6rdova, Granada. 
Dated J592. 

or polygonal coffers ornamented in Renaissance. It is the 
peaked ceiling which is most often met, not only in Granada 
but throughout Andalusia, and as it is simple in construction 
it is very adaptable for modern use. The room it covers is 
usually twice as long as wide since squarer proportions would 
bring the hipped ends too close together. Tlie top of the 
peak is truncated into a long flat panel and across the face 
of this the rafters pass in a continuous line ; where* they meet 
each other at the hipped corners the actual intersection is 
visible between the double hip-rafters as may be seen in Fig. 
98. Underneath runs a diagonal cross-piece not necessary 
structurally, but merely an interesting survival of the old 
Moorish canted corner supported by stalactites. The chief 



CEILING IN THE COUNCIL ROOM OP THE AYUNTAMIENTO VIEJO, 
GRANADA. 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 311 

feature of this type of ceiling is the elaborate coupled tie- 
pieces (although in Cordova twisted iron rods were preferred). 
The coupled tie-pieces always rest on carved corbels and are 
about 14 inches on center. In smaller examples they are 
left unconnected while in larger they are united at intervals 
by cabinet patterning. Great refinement is imparted to the 
beams by beading and scoring the soffit. A more effective 
result from a simple process could hardly be imagined, for 
by truncating the peak and featuring the hip, the two un- 
gainly passages of the ordinary open roof are happily over- 
come. An excellent example of this type may be seen in the 
Mudejar Casa Chapiz, but it has lately been pierced by the 
chimney of the bakery below. In the front salon of the now 
dismantled palace of Luis de Cordova is another (Fig. 98) 
still complete, but open to the sky in many places and there- 
fore discolored by the rain that trickles through. Both these 
houses were built about 1590. The best preserved example, 
although dating back to Moorish days, is in the Casa del 
Cabildo Antiguo or Ayuntamiento Viejo (now a warehouse), 
opposite the Royal Chapel (Plate LIX). This is one of the 
few treated in color. The decoration was added after the con- 
quest in 1492 when the Catholic Kings decided to use the 
building, which had been the Moorish University, for civic 
purposes. A great number of these ceilings have disappeared 
of late years and those that remain are in sad need of repair. 
The flat paneled ceiling, as already stated, is of two vari- 
eties, Moorish and Spanish. Of these the one built up of 
complex Moorish cabinet work is out of the realm of modern 
carpentry and, indeed, ceased to be made in Spain when 
there were no more Moriscos left to patiently put it together. 
As to the coffered ceiling whose combination of Renaissance 
design with Moorish carpenteria makes the most interesting 
of all types, it is not specially Granadine, but is met with 
everywhere in Spain and has already been described. The 
finest specimens in Granada are in those apartments of the 
Alhambra which were made over for the occupation of the 
Emperor pending the erection of his new palace. These 
aposenios de Carlos Quinto (one of which was later occupied 



312 SPANISH ARCHITECTUKE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

by Washington Irving) were unorientalized by removing 
their yeseria and carpintcria and putting in Renaissance 
ceilings and "linen-fold" shutters and doors. The ceilings 
are said to have been designed by the royal architect Pedro 



1 Fig. 99 — Ceiling in the Apartments Remodeled for Charles V in the 
Moorish Albambra, Granada. 

Machuca, and executed by the same Juan de Plasencia who 
made the splendid but badly lighted series in the Hospital 
Real. In both buildings they are of reddish pine, undecorated, 
save for one unimportant example in the royal suite. The 
most purely Spanish of all (Fig. 99) is in the Washington 
Room (named for Washington Irving). It rests on a delicate 
Renaissance frieze supported on small modillions. The 
panels are deeply coffered octagons with flat portrait heads 
in the soflits. Perhaps the most skillful part of the design is 
the flat square panel between the octagons, which is left un- 
moulded and is filled with a beautifully carved acanthus 
scroll. 

Old tiles, even a few with metallic luster, can still be found 



SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 315 

in the most ancient Granada houses but appear to be less 
numerous than in Seville. Nevertheless they form the princi- 
pal material for floors, wainscoting, and staircases. In the 
last mentioned one frequently finds the following practical 



Fig. ioo — Window by Jacopo Florentino, Cathedral of Murcia. 

and interesting application: The tiles of the tread are held 
in place by a heavy wooden nosing and are so arranged that 
every third or fourth unit is a colored azulejo set in a field of 
red tile or brick ;^he tiles of the riser sometimes carry out the 
same scheme though more often, this being the protected por- 
tion, it is entirely of azulejos; and the treatment of the land- 
ing is generally a simple red field enclosed in a border of colored 
azulejos. The diversity of effects obtained by this simple 
process is surprising. A Toledo stair of the foregoing type 
is illustrated in Plate IV. Another material interestingly 
used in vestibules, patios, and garden paths is the small egg- 
shaped stones from the river bed. These, black and white. 



S16 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

are laid in bold patterns with heraldic beasts and escutcheons 
predominating, especially the double-headed eagle. 

Earlier than, but without exerting the least influence on, 
the Granadine school, was the beautiful Italian work done in 
the castle of Lacalahorra some forty miles east of the city. 
This Castillo^ the last to be built in Spain, was the home of 
Don Rodrigo de Mendoza. Immediately after the conquest 
this nobleman had been created Marquis del Zenete by Fer- 
dinand and Isabella, and was charged to keep the Moriscos 
of his new possessions in order; but before he had time to 
build himself a residence in his marquisate he incurred the 
displeasure of his sovereign by kidnapping the noble Maria 
de Fonseca from the royal nunnery of Las Huelgas, near 
Burgos. Hence it may have been as much for the purpose 
of resisting royal authority as Moorish uprisings that he 
resorted to defensive architecture. The exterior offers noth- 
ing of interest to a student of Renaissance. It is a massive 
rectangle accentuated at the comers by sturdy round towers 
and with a large wing thrown out from one side. The stones 
are roughly dimensioned and the masonry crude. There is 
but one entrance, a simple round-arched opening with thick 
wooden doors plated and studded with iron. The plan (Fig. 
loi) is Spanish — patio and claustral stair accompanied by 
the usual plethora of large and similar salons and the usual 
non-emphasis on domestic or service apartments. The lower 
floor was given over to the retainers and above were the large 
family salons. These are covered with coarse wooden ceil- 
ings, have a few marble chimney-pieces, and a poor Palladian 
motif in the scdon de justicia (whence many a recalcitrant 
Morisco was dragged to the oubliettes below). The surprise 
is that in the midst of this rude exterior and unstudied interior 
is a beautiful patio and stair-loggia treated in the Italian 
style. Here we have the taste of the owners revealed to us, 
for Don Rodrigo was deeply versed in Latin culture and his 
wife was a Fonseca from Coca, niece of the Bishop of Burgos. 
In fact a Latin inscription on one of the Fonseca shields in 
the patio reads muntis uxoris (the gift of the wife) and it may 
be that Dona Maria herself was the one who ordered the 



STAIRWAY OF THE CASTILLO DE LACALAHORRA. 
MicheU Carlone of Genoa, Architect, i $08-1 2. 



BOYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 819 

embellishments. The architect (at least of the patio) was 
Michele Carlone of Genoa. Carlone's name is associated in 
Genoa with the gallery in the Palazzo Fornari (1497) and the 
portal of the Palazzo Pallavicini (1503). At Lacalahorra 



Fig. ioi — Sketch Plan of the Meadoza Castle at Lacalahorra. 

he not only had assisting countrymen on the spot but sent 
back many drawings of balustrades, capitals, cornices, etc., 
to be executed in the busy marble yards of Carrara. A year 
after the work began, more sculptors, most of them Lom- 
bards, were brought to Lacalahorra and their presence may 
explain the fact that the detail of the upper story of the patio 
is superior to that of the earlier portion. 

It was natural that the Genoese should endow this castle 
with one of those sumptuous stairways such as were highly 
developed in their own city to meet the exigencies of its hill- 
side palaces. It is grand in proportions and simple in detail 
(Plate LXI). Walls are carried up only to the principal story 
where it opens out into a vast circulating area, the whole 



320 SPANISH ARCHITECTUKE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

occuppng the greater part of a wing specially built to rerei 
it. It is this feature that has been cited as the possible ir 
spiration of Enrique de Kgas's effective but clumsily coi.»tnic- 
ted Toledo stairway built by order of Don Rodrigo's fatl 



Fig. 102 — Patio o£ the Castillo de Lacakhorra, 
Mickele Carlone of Genoa, Architect, 1508-12. 

The Lacalahorra balusters are good in profile, double-bellied 
in form, and constructed unit for unit in the Italian manner. 
In the doorways are further reminders of the Santa Cruz 
hospital. One of the best leads from the stair landing at the 
mezzanine level; the ornament employed in its pilaster panels 
and frieze is of purely Italian conventionaHty, and as J-ie 
ornament of the Santa Cruz entrance has not yet branched 
out towards that realism which became characteristic of ■'■^k^ 
later Plateresque, one is further inclined to believe that " 
may have seen this Lacalahorra example. The staircase y. 
is a prolongation of the patio on an axis transverse to 1 
purely military portion of the castle and gives the impressi 
of a secondary idea worked out within the primary structi.ie 



WEST FRONT OP THE CATHEDRAL OF JA^N. 
Andris de Vandehira, Architect, begun in 1532. 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 32S 

(explained perhaps by the Fonseca inscription, "the gift of 
the wife'*)- It is this transverse unit of wing and patio that 
is Italian, not only in decoration but in actual structural 
methods such as vaulted instead of beamed ceilings. Both 
stories of the patio are faced with semicircular arches (Fig. 
102). The columns of the upper are pure Florentine Corin- 
thian but those of the lower are cruder and their capitals 
made excessively heavy by a superfluous band above the 
necking. The cloister walks have groined vaulting supported, 
where it springs from the wall, on pilaster capitals. In the 
flat elliptical vaulting of the loggia and the rooms surround- 
ing the stairway at the mezzanine, the ceiling is made interest- 
ing by little penetrations at the spring. All this vaulting is 
held in by the iron tie-rods so common in Italy but so unusual 
in Spain. The most admirable work aside from that already 
described is to be found in the half dozen entrances leading 
into the salons. These are of varying merit, detail being 
generally superior to design; but there is one (Fig. 103), to 
the Salon de los Marqueses, which is exceptionally fine with 
charming niched figures at the sides that recall similar motifs 
in the Malatesta Chapel at Rimini. After all the art and 
wealth expended to produce this oasis on the bleak mountain 
side, the castle was inhabited only for eight years, from 
1512-20, since when it has been left to fall to pieces. Except 
for the echo of its stair in far-off Toledo (and this may be 
accidental) this walled-in bit of Italian art stands quite apart 
from Spanish Plateresque. 

The province of Jaen north of Granada has three towns 
in which the Renaissance made a notable showing — ^Jaen> 
Ubeda, and Baeza, the last two being only five miles apart. 
Jaen, once capital of the Moorish Kingdom of Jay3ran but 
now a small town, has an unduly magnificent cathedral at the 
base of a bare African-looking rock; Ubeda contains several 
churches and crumbling palaces, and Baeza is famed for its 
city hall. The first place will be recalled in connection with 
Maestre Bartolome of Jaen who made the superb reja in the 
royal chapel in Granada, and who left in these less known 
places a great amount of interesting ironwork. The Renais- 



844 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

sance Cathedral of Jaen was begun in 1532 and dragged on 
until the end of the eighteenth century. It belongs to the 
Granada-Malaga group, and the most eminent architect 
associated with it was Andres de Vandelvira, follower of 



Fig. 103 — Doorway in Upper Story of Patio, Castillo de Lacalahorra. 
By Michele Carlone of Genoa, 1508-12. 

Diego de Siloe. The handsome sacristy and chapter room 
are plainly his but the rest of the church is difficult to identify. 
The structure while perfunctory is a noble one (Plate LXII) 
and the exterior, even that part of it built in the seventeenth 
century, fortunately managed to maintain a certain classic 
purity and consistency, as if the wilder ways into which archi- 
tecture was then falling did not penetrate into this remote 
corner of Andalusia. 



PLATE Lxirr 



SILLERIA in the church of SANTA MARIA, UBEDA. 
By Juan de Reolid and Luis de Aguila. 



BOYAL PALACE AT GRANADA S«7 

One can better study Andres de Vandelvira in Ubeda where 
he built for Don Francisco de los Cobos, a native of that city 
and secretary to the Emperor Charles V, the opulent church 
of San Salvador. Don Manuel Gomez Moreno who deserves 
the credit of unearthing all that 
is known of this architect and 
dissociating him from Pedro Val- 
devira (who probably never ex- 
isted) suggests that Andres went 
to Italy in the service of a rela- 
tive of the imperial secretary. 
If so he was more preoccupied, 
and this is true of most Spani- 
ards who went to Italy, with 
what he saw there in the field of 
decoration than in architecture 
fer se. The church of San 
Salvador shows two distinct in- 
fluences: unpretending local tra- 
ditions in the apse and tower; 
and rich Granadine in the west 
facade and transept entrances. 
Indeed, the west portal might 
have been bodily removed from 
Granada— arched opening with 

soffit of paneled saints, huge 

figures in the spandrels, draped p,^ ,04-Custodia in the Sao 
columns at the side with niches Hsty of the Cathedral of Ja^n. 
between, and pictorial relief over 

all. In the same spirit of imitation is the ornament — equal 
and monotonous diffusion recalling Siloe's Puerta del Perdon. 
For the interior arrangement Vandelvira borrowed directly from 
Siloe and placed his dome over the apse ; while the remainder 
of the church with its western gallery and poor late Gothic 
vaulting follows the s&me jnaster's church of San Jeronimo. 
Why a man who appreciated the excellence of Siloe's dome 
and carried it out so well should also have turned to the infe- 
rior ceiling of San Jeronimo for inspiration is difficult to under- 



S28 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

stand, unless Siloe's name then as now cast a magic spell over 
the Spaniard's critical faculty. There is good carving in the 
silleria of the western gallery, executed probably by the same 
hands that made Santa Maria's (Plate LXIII), known to be 



Fig. i05 — Patio of the Casa de las Torres, Ubeda. 

by Juan de ReoHd and Luis de Aguila. To the left of the 
sumptuous retablo (erroneously, one would say, ascribed to 
Berruguete) is a niche containing a specially beautiful figure 
of a boy; nothing is known of its origin but it is unquestion- 
ably Italian and forcibly recalls Sansovino. Attached to the 
church is a good sacristy, which, executed entirely in gray 
stone, is in marked contrast to the gorgeousness of the main 
interior. In its arrangement of recessed arches at the sides 
and barrel vault above it recalls the sacristy of Sigiienza 
Cathedral (sec Fig. 62) but the spiritless character of the 
ornament makes it Inferior to the more famous example. 
In the neighboring church of Santa Maria may be seen the 
charming little coro already mentioned and several fine rejas 
by Maestre Bartolome. 



PLATE LXIV 



PATIO OF THE CASA DE LAS TORRES, UBEDA. 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 381 

Ubeda's further claim to architectural distinction is her 
remaining sixteenth- and seventeenth-century palaces. These, 
preserving local traditions, are picturesque and appealing, 
and it is to be regretted that many are falling into decay and 
that their marble caps, well curbs, and other carved bits are 
lying about in fragments. What remains of the home of 
Francisco de los Cobos, which undoubtedly was the finest, 
is now a corral (tenement). The Casa de las Torres built 
by Don Ruiz Lopez Davila about 1535 ^^ ^54^ is in better 
shape. On its facade (Plate LXIV), alongside of barbaric 
medieval touches, is some exquisite Plateresque ornament, 
but as the carving is in a coarse stone much of the fine execu- 
tion has worn down. This facade, in its repeated use of the 
family blazon, its gigantic voussoirs and ornamental cresting, 
recalls early provincial work in Castile, especially Avila; at 
the same time there is a flatness, almost a timidity, in the 
decoration of the columns and friezes that is most un-Spanish. 
This same quality may be noticed on the Torrente palace 
where the charm of this local work is better preserved. 

The Casa de las Torres is in a ruinous state inside 
but the patio (Fig. 105) retains much of its architectural 
splendor. It has none of the archaic quality of the facade 
though the interlacing of the archivolts, the patterning of 
the parapet, and the presence of gargoyles are all reminiscent 
of the preceding century. On the other hand, there is some 
Renaissance carving in the spandrel busts that displays a 
refinement rarely encountered outside of the important centers. 
Of course local historians insist that these busts are the work 
of Berruguete who was a friend of Vandelvira; some claim 
them for Caspar de Becerra who was born either here or in 
nearby Baeza and who has been pronounced the greatest 
Spanish sculptor of the century by those who consider as best 
that Spanish art which most closely imitates Italian; still 
another searcher ascribes them to Xamete who, it has been 
mentioned, is believed to have carved the hundreds of por- 
trait busts in the barrel vaulting of the sacristy of Sigiienza 
Cathedral and to have done other fine work in Cuenca. Ubeda 
has a large provincial hospital planned by Vandelvira and 



3Sie SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

commenced in 1567, but its dull fafade has every appearance 
of having been finished in the following century. 

The combined Ayuntamiento and Carcel (prison) of Baeza 
{Fig. 106) is chiefly remarkable for gracing such a small pro- 



FiG, 106 — Palladian Windows of the Ayuntanuento, Baeza. 

vincial town. The long fafade of two stories is interesting 
in composition and really unique in the disposition of its 
windows and intervening decorative cartouches. These win- 
dows are a purely local interpretation of the infrequent Pal- 
ladian motif, whose use in this unexpected spot may be 
explained by the fact that it made its first appearance in the 
not-distant Lacalahorra. The stone cornice is a patent trans- 
lation of Moorish wooden eaves with carved brackets. In 
a facade that shows so many ingenious traces it is a pity 
that it should be stamped all over by the insipidity of the 
Granadine school of ornament. The architect is not men- 



ROYAL PALACE AT GRANADA 33S 

tioned in the inscription that records how "this work was 
ordered by the most illustrious seiiores of Baeza when the 
very illustrious Don Juan de Borja was regidor in the year 
1559-** Considerably earlier in date is the one well-preserved 
and rather over-restored palace of the town, the Palacio de 
los Benavente, to-day a seminary for priests. As mentioned 
earlier in this work, there is much resemblance between its 
exotic facade and that of the Infantado Palace at Guadalajara. 
Both have an open loggia across the top and both are probably 
by the same Flemish architects, Juan and Enrique Guas. 



CHAPTER XI 

ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGON 
zaragoza's renewed prosperity after the union of arag6n and 

CASTILE — restoration OF THE MOORISH ALJAFER! A — ROYAL ARCHBISHOPS 
IN ZARAGOZA — HENRIQUE DE EGAS's CIMBORIO TO THE CATHEDRAL OF 
LA SEO AND OTHER PERSIAN FEATURES — ^THE ITALIAN GIOVANNI MORETO 
IN ZARAGOZA — ^HIS INFLUENCE ON DAMiAn FORMENT — ^THE PORTAL OF 
SANTA ENGRACIA BY JUAN AND DIEGO DE MORLANES — TUDELILLA AND 
THE TRASCORO OF LA SEO — HIS ALTAR OF THE TRINITY IN JACA — THE 
DISPUTED CAPILLA DE SAN BERNARDO IN LA SEO — IMPORTANCE OF MUd£- 
JARES IN ZARAGOZA — ^MUDfejAR TOWERS AND TILED CUPOLAS — MUD&JAR 
PALACES OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY — ^THE LONJA AND ITS RESEMBLANCE 
TO THE RICCARDI PALACE OF FLORENCE — ITS MASSIVE WOODEN CORNICE 
— INTERIOR OF THE LONJA — TWO TYPES OF WOODEN CORNICE OR ALERO 
— THE CASA ZAPORTA OR DE LA INFANTA, NOW REMOVED TO PARIS — ^THB 
PALACIO DE LUNA OR AUDIENCIA — BRICKWORK OF THE FACADE— OTHER 
HOUSES IN THE CITY — ^TARAZONA AND OTHER ARAGONESE TOWNS 



SS4 



CHAPTER XI 

ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OP ARAGON 

IN Zaragoza (the English Saragossa), which is the dust- 
colored capital of Arag5n, the church as elsewhere brought 
Italian sculptors to its service ; and as the city was enter- 
ing upon a wave of prosperity at the dawn of the sixteenth 
century a number of civic and private buildings also arose 
and embodied certain of the new elements. It is these palaces 
of Zaragoza, rather than the imported and fragmentary works 
in the churches, that are the chief interest to the student for 
they are a native expression. With their huge, bleached-out 
pine cornices and their vast brick facades constructed of the 
very material of the Aragonese desert, they may be taken as 
typifying the architecture of the whole province. 

During the three and a half centuries before the Renais- 
sance appeared, that is ever since the union of Aragon and 
Catalonia, the former, being inland, had been eclipsed by 
the latter with its long seacoast and important trade; but 
after the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon, or to put it more 
accurately, after Isabella became Queen of Castile, his capital 
began to lift its head once more. These sovereigns at once 
proceeded to restore the Moorish Castillo de la Aljaferia for 
their Zaragoza sojourns. What its magnificence was can 
only be judged to-day from the few remaining ceilings and 
the grand stairway, for these are all that survived successive 
occupation by French and Spanish troops during the War of 
Independence, and its later adaptation as a barracks; but the 
restoration mentioned must have been a stimulating event 
to the nascent activities of the century. The next impetus 
came when King Ferdinand gave the diocese to his illegitimate 

8S5 



336 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

son Don Alonso de Aragon. Don Alonso was then 
mere youth, and as his two sons succeeded him in the episcopal 
chair the see was in royal hands for about seventy-five year 
Thesie princes were versed in letters and the fine art« a 
acquired many Renaissance accessories for the churches. 

Although the new movement came into the prov: 
from the Mediterranean side, principally Valencia, ra' 
than from the Castilian, still the first notable architectu 
undertaking of the century was given to the Castilian Enrique 
de Egas. This was the rebuilding of the collapsed cimborio 
of the cathedral of La Seo. Egas, it appears, represented to 
the youthful archbishop that he was too occupied with the 
King's hospital in Santiago to come to the capital of Aragon. 
If, notwithstanding, Don Alonso prevailed upon his father 
to relinquish his claim in favor of La Seo, it can hardly be 
believed that Egas's connection with the work went beyond 
a sketch for the interior; indeed one may further doubt 
whether his sketch was ever followed; for the dome, as has 
been remarked by the illustrious Iranian authority M. Marcel 
Dieulafoy, "could not be more purely Persian if the cupola 
had been built at Ispahan or Bidjapur for the tomb of Mah- 
mud.**' It is an interesting arrangement of vaulting ba^ed 
upon an eight-pointed star (Fig. 107), with the points pro- 
longed down into Renaissance colonnettes and the whok 
supported upon squinches. The first, or colonnette, stage 
is completely Renaissance in decoration. The exterior is a 
beautiful piece of Mudejar, surely the work of some Zaragoza 
builder and true to the best Mudejar traditions of the pro- 
vince. It is of the customary non-lustrous bricks interspers'^'l 
with faience and repeats the fine treatment in the fan 
northeast wall (Plate LXV), built about 1375 by Archbij 
de Luna — the wall of which George Street wrote: "The geif 
character of this very remarkable work is certainly ^' 
effective: and though I should not like to see the Mores 
character of the design reproduced, it undoubtedly affoi. 
valuable suggestions for those who are attempting to deveK 
a ceramic decoration for the exterior of buildings/' 

' Art in Spain and Portugal by Marcel Dieulafoy, p. 211. 




inCDEJAR BRICKWORK OP THE CATHEDRAL OF LA SEO, ZARAGOZA. 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGOX 339 

Neither Egas nor his dome had any influence on the new 
movement in Aragon; but early in the century an ItaHan, 
Giovanni Moreto, went travehng through the province and 
doing pure Florentine work in the cathedrals of Jaca and 



Fig, 107 — Interior of the Cimborio of La Seo, 
Altribitled to Enrique de Egas, 150J. 

Tarazona. He finally settled down in Zaragoza where he 
made the handsome stalls (Fig. 108) now in the cathedral of 
El Pilar, the later of Zaragoza's two metropolitan churches. 
Moreto was undoubtedly an important factor in the career 
of the greatest sculptor of the Aragonese school, Damian 
Forment. Forment came as a Gothicist from Valencia in 
1509; his first production was the magnificent retabto which 
is also now housed in El Pilar. Then he went north to make 
one even finer for the cathedral of Huesca. In the predella 
of the former and the whole of the latter his sculpture has 
ceased to be Gothic and has become sensuously Italian, but 
the frames of both remain Gothic. In 1527 he carved the 
lofty retablo (Fig. 109) for the Monastery of Poblet near 
Tarragona, one of the few objects that escaped wreckage 
when the Liberals looted the place in 1835. Here the entire 



340 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

work is pure Renaissance and is one of the finest of its kind. 
This by no means exhausts the list of Forment's productions, 
for he was called to work for churches in Barbastro and Santo 
Domingo de la Calzada where he died about 1541. Jusepe 



Fig. 108 — Silleria of El Pilar, Zaragoza, from a Cast in the Museo 

Provincial. 

Giovanni Moreto, Sculptor, 1542. 

Martinez (d. 1682) says in his Dtscursos "Damian made an 
infinity of works in alabaster and wood ; but of those in wood it 
is known that they were mostly the work of his disciples 
following his drawings and models. He never had less than 
twelve or fourteen pupils, without whose aid he could never 
have accomplished one fifth of the work credited to him." 
Forment was really a great sculptor but the inscription on 
his tomb nevertheless overstates his skill in declaring him 
to have rivaled Phidias and Praxiteles: "Arte statuaria Phidix 
Praxitelisque xmulus." 

There is considerable discussion as to the author of 
Zaragoza's next piece of Renaissance, the portal of Santa 
Engracia (Fig. no). The church was begun by Juan Mor- 
lanes under the Catholic Sovereigns but had not proceeded 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAG^N 341 

far when Ferdinand left for Naples. An interruption of fifteen 
years ensued and when the work, was resumed, either the son 
Diego Morlanes or Forment carried it on. The portal is of 
the material preferred by all Aragonese sculptors — alabaster 



Fig, 109 — Retablo in the Ruined Monastery of Poblet. 
Ascribed to Damidn Forment, IS^/. 

from the hills of the lower Ebro. The composition was well 
described by Philip when he said that the monks of Santa 
Engracia had taken the retablo out of their church and put 
it at the entrance. It is not an admirable work and Forment's 
admirers need not be so zealous in claiming it for him. The 
sculpturesque quality which he as a Gothicist carried into his 
Renaissance is entirely lacking, and the architectural forms 
are dry and perfunctory. True the statues of Ferdinand and 
Isabella are often pointed to as initiating the change from 



848 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Gothic conventionality to Renaissance realism. It must be 
admitted that in the way of portraiture, they are an improve- 
ment on the doll-Hke faces of these same monarchs by Felipe 
Vigami in the Renaissance retablo of the Capilla Real at 



Fig. iio — Portal of Santa Engracia, Zaragoza. 

Granada. The facade of Santa Engracia, now freely restored, 
is all that was left of the once great convent-church after the 
siege of 1808. The convent which stood back of it and which 
was also much battered had an excessively rich Plateresque 
patio by Tudelilla, another distinguished sculptor-architect 
of the Zaragoza group. This patio in plaster and stucco 
evoked much praise from George Street, one of the last critics 
to examine it and one who had small sympathy with Plat- 
eresque. Tudelilla also designed the trascoro of La Seo, 
in yeseria, though it was probably not erected until after his 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGON 348 

death. It is a work of much merit in parts though restlessly 
rich. He is seen to better advantage in the altar of the Trinity 
at Jaca (1538). Here the domination of architectural motifs, 
well understood and well executed, differentiates it from his 
trascoro at Zaragoza; differentiates it to such an extent that 
.it might credibly be ascribed to Moreto. The central figure 
of God the Father has the grandeur of Michelangelo, and 
in the frieze are smaller figures of great charm. 

This artist Tudelilla is one of the few working in Zara- 
goza of whom details have come down to us. His real name 
was Martin de Gaztelu. Born in either Tudela or Tarazona 
in the late fifteenth century, he studied in Italy and on his 
return established himself in Zaragoza, where he was popularly 
known as Tudelilla. It is said that "many palaces and large 
houses in Zaragoza were built by him or under his direction." 
He is known to have helped the younger men in the profession 
and to have lived so prodigally that when he died in 1569 
"his heirs found nothing more than drawings, plaster models, 
books, and the instruments of his art; for which reason Do- 
mingo, son of the great master, had to sell the house of said 
Martin in the Calle San Bias facing that of Juan de Arbas the 
silversmith.** The alabaster chapel of San Bernardino is 
another sumptuous piece of Plateresque in the cathedral of 
La Sco. It was built by Bishop de Hernando of Aragon, 
grandson of King Ferdinand, to hold his own and his mother^s 
tomb. The sarcophagi supporting the fine recumbent figures 
are beautifully carved and superior to the altars above. 
These tombs are variously ascribed to Tudelilla, Diego Mor- 
lanes, and to two pupils of Damian Forment named Juan de 
Liceire and Bernardo Monero. 

From this partial list of sixteenth-century acquisitions it 
will be seen that Zaragoza was no stranger to the new style. 
The valley of the Ebro was the natural route for artists passing 
to and from Italy, and the Aragonese capital the most impor- 
tant stopping place. It was here in 15 18 that Domenico 
Fancelli died on his way back to Carrara to execute the 
Cisneros tomb. Ordonez, Berruguete, and Caspar de Becerra 
of Baeza all tarried here, the last mentioned spending a week 



»44 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

in the house of Diego Morlanes and leaving with him many 
Itahan sketches. All this influx of Italian art, though it modi- 
fied the secular architecture of the city, never swerved it from 
its traditional road. Zaragoza was more strongly Mudejar 



Fig. Ill — The Cathedral of El Pilar, Zaragoza, from across the Ebro. 

than any other large city in Spain. The wise Aragonese had 
early appreciated the conquered Moors who remained as a 
valuable asset in the city's industrial life. From the time of 
the Reconquest the Mudejares had their own gremios or guilds 
and carried their banners in the civic processions. When, 
in 1503, King Ferdinand tried to enforce Cardinal Jimenez 
de Cisneros' decree of banishment or baptism the Mudejares 
had become so important in commerce, agriculture, and the 
arts, that the Aragonese authorities themselves opposed the 
order. They were successful in warding it off until 1526 
when the' zealous Charles compelled its execution. In the 
field of architecture, Moorish brickwork and carpentry had 
been an unbroken tradition ever since the coming of the Arabs 
to the region. On the Christian occupation it was Mudejares 
who built the churches. One of these, San Pablo, dating from 
the middle of the thirteenth century, is referred to by Fergus- 
son as of such oriental aspect that "it might pass for a church 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGON 345 

in the Crimea or the Steppes of Tartary/' The most distinctive 
note of the medieval city was its Mudejar brick towers with 
their polychrome tile cupolas, eastern looking, naturally, 
since they had as prototype the Arab prayer tower. Even as 
late as the sixteenth century a new brick tower was added to 
the already large group comprised by San Pablo, San Miguel, 
Santa Magdalena, San Gil, and many others. In this case it 
was a free-standing clock tower, the famous Torre I nclinad a; 
but this unfortunately must be spoken of in the past tense, 
for though its lean had not increased in two centuries it was 
taken down in 1894. Without it Zaragoza is what Seville 
would be without the Giralda. In these towers the brickwork 
was not only patterned but in many cases embellished with 
colored tiles in the manner of the previously mentioned north- 
east wall of La Seo. 

The bulk of Zaragoza's sixteenth-century architecture was 
not, however, ecclesiastic. Though many palaces have dis- 
appeared a surprising number remain considering the extensive 
modernizing which the city has undergone. Fortunately 
the most noted civic monument has been saved intact; this 
is the Lonja or Exchange (Fig. 112) finished in 155 1 at the 
expense of Bishop Fernando of Aragon. The Lonja. preserves 
in material and detail all the salient characteristics of Aragon- 
ese architecture; at the same time it is reminiscent of the early 
Florentine palaces, particularly the Riccardi, built nearly a 
hundred years before. Comparing the two the inspiration 
seems obvious; but on analyzing the points of resemblance — 
bigness of scale, huge cornice, arch motif at the top, and general 
exterior ruggedness — one has to admit that these characteristics 
were common to each of these centers aside from all question 
of contact. In both the Lonja and the Florentine example 
the cornice is one tenth the total height and the facade is 
divided horizontally into three stages; further similarity 
would be apparent had not the ground floor arches of the Ric- 
cardi been walled up by Michelangelo. And yet the Lonja 
is not Italian but typical Zaragozan. The architect, like 
all Aragonese designers, realized the importance of strong 
shadows in brickwork; by means of deeply recessed windows 



346 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

with successive reveals, and by panels set in various planes, 
he imparted an interest not less than that which the Italian 
secured through his cyclopean stonework. A most effective 
handling of the material is seen in the band that extends 



Fig. 112 — The Lonja, Zaragoza. 
ArckiUct unknown. Doled i$5i- 

around the two exposed sides of the Lonja just above the first 
story arches. This band is made up of an impressive mono- 
tony of blank openings, decorative only, since they have no 
relation to the interior. At the top of the building is the 
Aragonese arcaded motif which, often walled up in Zaragoza 
palaces, is left open in the Lonja, as is the case in the milder 
climate of Palma de Mallorca, once part of Aragon. Across 
this top story are inserted terra cotta busts of the ancient 



PLATE LX\T 



RED PINE CORNICE OF THE LONJA, ZARAGOZA, 1551. 



1 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGON 349 

kings. The extreme depth of the reveals throughout the ex- 
terior is made possible by the enormous thickness of the 
walls, a thickness imposed by the Gothic vaulting of the 
interior. The dominating feature of the whole exterior is 
the wooden cornice (alero or 
more accurately comisa), one 
of the finest in a province fa- 
mous for them (Plate LXVI). 
It is nearly 7 feet high and 
projects over 5 feet. Its profile 
is more classic than most Span- 
ish wooden cornices but its 
detail is as exotic as one expects 
to find in a Mudejar region. 
As a wooden interpretation it 
is remarkable for its solidity 
and crowns the edifice quite 
as nobly as if it were in stone. 
These pine cornices were never - 
painted and are no longer 

oiled, so that their once rich '^•'' ' = 2 ffmr 

reddish color has bleached out Fig. 113 — Plan of the Lonja, 
to the same dusty hue as the Zaragoza, 1551. 

brickwork. 

The interior of the Lonja is a vast hall 123 feet long, 80 
feet wide, and 50 feet high to the crown of the pointed vault- 
ing (see Figs. 113 and 114). From the fact that the transverse 
arches are semicircular and that the columns are Ionic, one 
might suspect that the original idea had been to treat the 
ceiling in Renaissance, but that certain difficulties, such as 
the bays not being square, had caused the builders to fall back 
on the earlier and more elastic style. Their solution resembles 
the Gothic vaulting of La See even to the amorini grouped 
around the spring of the ribs. Where no structural problems 
perplexed them the interior is Renaissance. The very charm- 
ing little upper windows with splayed reveals resemble closely 
those added to San Pablo by Juan de Miraso in 1571. The 
only Mudejar touch of the interior is the lettered frieze, gold 



S50 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE X\T CENTURY 

on blue, and playing the same decorative part as similar 
friezes in the synagogues of Toledo and other Mudejar monu- 
ments. The inscription is interesting for the side-light it 
throws on the obstinate Aragonese character: Joan the Mad 



Fig. 114 — Interior of the Lonja, Zaragoza, 1551. 

shut up in her tower at Tordesillas had ceased to exist politi- 
cally for the Castilians, but Aragon refused to admit Charles's 
claim to the throne during the lifetime of his mother; 
hence the inscription: "In the year 1551 a.d. Madama Joan 
and Don Charles ruling together this exchange was built." 
The architect of the Lonja is unknown. Every writer is 
ready with an attribution, generally Diego Morlanes; but 
the Lonja facade, noble though it is, is merely traditional 



PLATE LXVII 



PINE CORNICE AND FACADE OP THE REAL MAESTRANZA, ZARAGOZA. 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAG6n 358 

Aragonese brickwork devoid of any personal touch by which 
its author might be identified. The same is true of the fronts 
of the city's palaces, and the mere fact that certain architects 
are recorded in cathedral archives as having been employed 
on sumptuous altars and tombs is the only reason for assum- 
ing that they did the civic and domestic work of the city. 

Before and during the erection of the Lonja many solar es 
or town houses were rising in the city. These were of brick 
with far projecting wooden cornices, an arcaded gallery across 
the top, few but large and severely plain windows, and an 
entrance portal generally round-arched with stone trim of 
imposing section. Many such examples may be seen in the 
Calle Yedra and surrounding streets, which old quarter pre- 
sents a picture of what Zaragoza was before the broad new 
thoroughfares were cut through. The type of facade was 
determined by the narrowness of the streets — 13 or 14 feet; 
the entrance and overhanging cornice being the only features 
that could be appreciated, embellishment was limited to 
them. Cornices were invariably carved in soft reddish pine. 
They are of two distinct types, one based on Moorish, the 
other on classic precedent. The former is distinctly a wooden 
eaves, as may be seen in Fig. 115, and consists of a series of 
brackets with carved ends and paneled sides supporting the 
rafter purlin. This type is generally seen on the smaller 
houses. The second follows its stone prototype but is en- 
riched by a wealth of Mudejar carving. Besides the Lonja, 
other examples of this second type are the Audiencia (Courts 
of Law) and the Real Maestranza (Royal Cavalry Club) 
which is illustrated in Plate LXVIL On the Casa Consistorial 
of Huesca some forty miles north is another famous example. 
Little is known of the men who carved them but it is on record 
that about the middle of the century Antonio de Prado made 
the hood over the portal of San Pablo and also the very elab- 
orate but rather wild example on the Argillo Palace, now the 
Colegio San Felipe. These same cornice workers were un- 
doubtedly responsible for the magnificent ceilings of various 
edifices in the city. 

Very few Zaragoza palaces remain intact. Patio columns, 
33 



354 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

rejas, ceilings, and other portable parts have disappeared and 
the most perfected specimen, the Casa Zaporta, was recently 
taken down and reerected in Paris. This house, because of 
a Spanish princess having lived in it in the eighteenth century. 



Pig. 115 — ^Wooden Cornice of Moorish Type, Zaragoza. 

was also called the Casa de la Infanta. It is known that 
Tudelilla finished the patio in 155 1 and that the whole in- 
terior was very sumptuous, yet it faced on the narrow Calle 
San Jorge near the typical Yedra Street just mentioned. Its 
patio was naturally the focus for the ornamentalist, and draw- 
ings of it may be seen in Prentice's well known portfolio. 
Among extant palaces the most conspicuous is that of the 
illustrious Luna family to which belonged the Antipope 
Benedict XIII. Considerably remodeled, it is now the Audi- 
cncia. The patio, probably altered soon after the last owner 
died (1728) and bequeathed the building to the Royal Tri- 
bunal, is of small merit. Nor does much else of the interior 
remain in its original state except the fine wooden artesonados, 
all built up of panels, carved, but neither painted or gilded. 
In the chapel the ceiling takes the form of a simple barrel 
vault richly coff^ered and supported by a beautifully carved 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAG^N 35ft 

frieze. The noble facade of the Audiencia, however, has 
undergone but little change (Plate LXVIII). It is 156 feet 
long, flanked by two square towers. That the building was 
planned to be sjrnunetrical on all four sides seems probable^ 



Fig. 116 — ^A Small Brick Palace in the Calle Mayor, Zaragoza. 

but the elevation on the Coso was the only one ever completed, 
and even here, the grotesque entrance is a much later addi- 
tion. The lower portion is stone, with the brick beginning at 
the piso principal; this latter, by its austerity and great scale, 
is particularly impressive. Across the top of the building 
and embracing the towers runs the typical arcaded motif, 
in this case bricked in; above is the usual wooden cornice. 
The upper part of the towers is paneled and patterned in 
contrast to the plain laying up of the rest of the fa^:ade. A 
few remarks on the brickwork on the Audiencia will apply to 
all in the city. The units, clay colored, are of a uniform size 
measuring isx$}4x.i}4 inches. They are rough but fairly 
true, laid up alternate header and stretcher, nine courses to 
every twenty-four inches inclusive of the joints, which are 
troweled flush. Irregularities are frequently met. There 
are no moulded bricks, string courses being formed by pro- 



S60 SPANISH AKCHITECTUKE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

jecting the ordinary units, nor are arch bricks ever rubbed. 
Patterning is confined to panels and effect is easily obtained 
in this strong light by slight and varied projections. Among 
the other notable brick edifices of Zaragoza is the palace now 
used by the Real Maestranza, the 
Convento Santa Fc later used as the 
Provincial Museum (Plate LXIX), 
the Guara Palace now the Banco de 
Credito, and a number of smaller 
houses in the old part of the town. 
That of the sculptor Morlanes, in 
this old quarter, presents the novelty 
of decorated windows, but these 
have been so covered with paint 
that it is impossible to judge of their 
original merit. 

Huesca, Tarazona, Daroca, Ter- 

uel, and other Aragonese towns 

possess interesting examples of 

brickwork of the period, combined 

with wooden cornices and ceilings. 

Of these Huesca, farthest to the 

north, close in fact to the Pyrenees, 

boasts in its Casa Consistorial, the 

best civic building of the province 

after the Lonja of Zaragoza. To a certain extent it recalls 

the Audiencia but the arcaded motif has grown to a fully 

developed loggia. This is crowned by the magnificent wooden 

cornice already mentioned (Fig. 117). Tarazona, almost in 

Navarra, is picturesquely situated on the side of a cliff and 

is very medieval in appearance. The brick cimborio added 

by Canon Juan Muiioz to the Romanesque Cathedral is a 

good piece of Renaissance inside similar to La Seo of Zaragoza, 

but externally it is more picturesque than structural. Since 

George Street's day the cloister he so admired has fallen into 

sad ruin; hardly any of its once famous terra cotta tracery 

remains and the cloister enclosure is now a weedy patch which 

no one is interested in cleaning up. The cathedral tower is 



Fig. 117— 7Detail of the 
Pine Cornice on the Audi- 
encia, Huesca. 



ZARAGOZA AND THE PROVINCE OF ARAGON S61 

much later than and inferior to that of Santa Magdalena in 
the same town; this latter in fact is one of the finest towers 
in the province. With the exception of its cupola it dates from 
the fifteenth century and would therefore be the work of Mu- 
dejares, who terminated it in the usual eastern truncated 
manner. But unlike most of these early Aragonese towers 
which were later topped off with lead cupolas, this Santa 
Magdalena example received a brick termination. The 
only other building of importance is the archiepiscopal palace 
rising high from the river. Its great arched buttresses give 
it a medieval aspect though in reality it dates from the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries. In Calatayud there are 
a number of typical Mudejar towers but nearly all in dilapi- 
dated condition. Entirely abandoned is the one interesting 
Renaissance palace, a small structure on the Rua or main 
street. The rich Plateresque portal of the collegiate church 
of Santa Maria built in 1528 by Juan de Talavera and Etienne 
Veray is a mediocre production made interesting chiefly by 
its great projecting hood. It too was in sad state until recently 
restored. 



CHAPTER XII 

OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 

THE MALLOSCAN ARISTOCRATS OF THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY — 
SIXTEENTH CENTURY FURNISHINGS STILL IN DAILY USE IN PALMA HOMES — 
MALLORCAN ARCHITECTS IN GOTHIC DAYS — JUAN DE SALfes FIRST RE- 
NAISSANCE ARCHITECT IN THE CATHEDRAL — HIS LARGE PULPIT — ^DOMES- 
TIC ARCHITECTS UNKNOWN — INSULAR TYPE OF PALACE — FAfADE DICTATED 
BY NARROWNESS OF STREET — PECULIARITIES OF IHE PALMA PATIO, 
CALLED ZAGUAn — SUPERIOR CHARACTER OF ITS MASONRY — UNIQUE 
STAIRWAY CONSTRUCTION THROUGHOUT THE CITY — SHEET-IRON BALUS- 
TRADES — CONCENTRATED PLAN OWING TO BUILDING OVER OF ZAGUAN 
AREA — PALACE OF THE MARQUES DE VIVOT — ^THE CASA DEL MARQUES 
DE PALMER AND ITS FLEMISH TOUCHES — THE OLEZA HOUSE — OTHER EX- 
AMPLES IN THE CITY 



S62 



CHAPTER XII 

OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 

IT is a far cry from Granada to the island of Majorca which 
lies some two hundred kilometers out from Barcelona 
and Valencia respectively; but as one follows the Medi- 
terranean coast up from Andalusia to Barcelona, the inter- 
vening country contains only fragmentary bits of the period 
under consideration, as explained in Chapter I. Out on the 
island, however, things went differently. Majorca was able 
to maintain itself aloof from the troubles that beset Catalonia 
and Aragon during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
Likewise it failed to share in the revival of those provinces 
(though it needed it less) and consequently it has escaped the 
modern German influence so disturbingly paramount in the 
new Catalan school of architecture. 

The delightful old city of Palma, capital of the Balearic 
Islands, is quite crowded with simple sixteenth-century palaces 
of a distinctive character, these with the added interest of 
being still inhabited by the descendants of the very nobles 
who built them. Back in the thirteenth century Don Jaime 
the Conqueror divided the island among those fierce Aragonese 
warriors who had helped him to wrest it from the Moors. 
These families figured in the government of Mallorca through- 
out the Middle Ages and had a solar in Palma as well as their 
country holdings; but of the old Gothic city hardly a trace 
remains except the cathedral because of a disastrous fifteenth* 
century conflagration. This razing nearly coincides with 
the return of a number of nobles who had been off helping 
Ferdinand of Aragon in the conquest, or rather reconquest, 

of Naples, a service for which they were handsomely rewarded* 

ses 



864 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

In the next reign further enrichment and honors came through 
fighting for the Emperor Charles V in Lombardy and Ger- 
many.' It is plain, then, that these islanders were by no means 
outside the main activities of their day; that they had seen 



Fig. ii8 — Stairway in the Palado de Moncado, Barcelona. 

Italian architecture and naturally turned to It for a model 
when building themselves new houses in Palma. In succeed- 
ing centuries the island city dropped out of the current of 
Spanish events but fortunately with sufficient resources to 
maintain a high degree of prosperity; hence its aristocracy 
has not been overcome by that poverty which has dismantled 

■ "The Emperor ms so de^roust^ezpresEuig his gratitude to Don NicoUs Despuig 
that with his own royal hands he armed him caboUero at Augsbuig and autboriied him 
and all his descendants male and female to use the double-headed eagle in thor es- 
cutcheon." Nobiliario Mallorquin, by Joaquin Maria Bover. 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 867 

and ruined most of the Castilian family seats. Palma palaces 
offer the unique opportunity of seeing the sixteenth-century 
house not rearranged as for museum purposes but merely 
left untouched from the period when its furnishings repre- 
sented the very latest comfort and elegance that money could 
import. Many a vast salon is still hung with Flemish tapes- 
tries or rich Valencian damasks; the four-poster is curtained 
with Genoese velvets, and alongside, to mitigate the rigors 
of the bare stone floor, stands an enormous antique brazier. 
But the antiquarians who haunt the island have long since 
marked all these furnishings for their own and whether the 
foregoing remarks will be true a decade hence is doubtful. 

From the annals of Palma Cathedral one learns that the 
city came honestly by its traditions of noble masonry. As 
far back as the fourteenth century the native architect Jaime 
Fabre showed such skill in constructing its wide-naved 
cathedral that he was called upon to become maestro mayor 
of the more important temple in Barcelona. Another Mal- 
lorquin, Guillermo Sagrera, built the wide-naved cathedral 
of Perpignan and then came back to erect the charming Lonja 
of Palma in 1426. Whenever political disturbances did not 
prevent there were always Mallorcan Gothicists to carry on the 
building of Palma Cathedral; but the sixteenth-century archi- 
tect responsible for the introduction of Plateresque was the 
Aragonese Juan de Sales. To him are due the pulpits (1529- 
35), the silleria, and perhaps the west portal.' Nothing of his 
training is known but apparently it was not obtained in Italy. 
His work, like the productions of all the secondary men 
of his day, has the stamp of the high class journeyman — 
fluent, of varied composition, but utterly uninspired. It sug- 
gests the elaborate trascoro of La Seo in Zaragoza ascribed 
to Tudelilla, and one would probably not be far wrong in 
assuming that Sales had worked there before coming to Palma. 

'"Sal^ saluted the aurora of the Renaissance in Mallorca. . . . But what do 
these Greco-Roman portals signify in the house of God? What do those grotesques, 
those rich festoons, those dishonest sirens, those nude or nearly nude angels, those 
mannered and affected statues of the saints devoid of all inspiration and character — 
what can these say to the Christian soul?" lamented Don Pablo Piferrer in his volume 
entitled Las Islas Baleares, one of the series, Bellezas y Recuerdos de Espaiia. 



868 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The larger pulpit (Fig. 119) is the best of his works — quite the 
best piece of Plateresque in the city, in fact. It is very large 
as pulpits go, being 13 feet in diameter. While the composi- 
tion is very Italian the use of the uncouth bearded figures as 



Fig. 1 1 9^— Pulpit in the Cathedral of Palma de Mallorca. 
By Juan Salis, 1529. 

corbels is very Spanish. It is carved from piedra de Santani^ 
Santani being a town in the south of the island which fur- 
nished most of the building stone of Palma. The smaller 
pulpit is in no way remarkable although the two when con- 
nected by the balustrade which was removed a few years 
ago made a dignified and ori^nal treatment. The Plateresque 
main entrance to the cathedral dated 1595 is a perfunctory 
specimen of the style. 



le 



!C 



• OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 360 

Neither Sales nor anyone under him is known to have 
been employed on the domestic work of the city. The only 
architect recorded is Cesar Faccio, a Genovese, who built 
the Quint-Zaforteza Palace, This example is of no impor- 
tance nor was the name of the architect famous in Genoa. 
Romantic people determined on discovering Moorish influ- 
ence paramount in Spain assert that everything in Palma 
points to Africa. This is least of all true of Palma architec- 
ture. In no other large city where the Moors held out so 
long (they were not overcome till 1229) would it be more 
diflicult to find traces of Moorish artizans. There is little 
carpinteria, no yeseria, no azulejeria to speak of, and nothing 
Moorish in plan or construction. There is no such legacy 
as the windowless, exclusive looking facades of Toledo, the 
brick towers of Zaragoza, or the highly domesticated patio of 
Seville; and as for actual Moorish remains only a bano exists. 
Yet the Moors kept trying to reconquer the island until as 
late as 1575 or thereabouts; and every time they effected a 
landing they were overpowered and sold as slaves. The 
advanced agriculture of the island would suggest that they 
were all employed in husbandry rather than in the arts. 

The Palma residence is not the product of architects but 
of intelligent master builders, hence the striking sameness of 
arrangements and details in all the houses. The palaces are 
conmiodious to the point of vastness and almost invariably 
built on a pinched and crooked street. Only in the one broad 
thoroughfare of the town, El Borne, do they show any diver- 
sity of treatment; but the Borne used to be the bed of the 
now diverted Reira on whose banks and bridges the populace 
gathered for public festivals such as tournaments and autos 
de fe, and the loggias and balconies seen here were for the 
acconmiodation of spectators. In Palma as elsewhere the 
narrowness of the street governed the type of facade which 
is here so severe that even the family escutcheon is reserved 
for the patio. The word patio must not be taken in the 
Castilian sense; it is never lived in, has no arcaded gallery 
running around it, and only a portion of it is open to the sky. 
The natives call it all the zaguan which term in Castile would 
24 



870 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

apply only to the forecourt, or covered passage from street 
to patio. Incorporated with it and challenging the attention 
the moment one enters is the noble stairway, always the chief 
architectural feature of the Palma house. On this ground 



Fig. I20 — Stairway in a Small House, Palma de Mallorca. 

floor the only living rooms are the porter's; the rest of the 
space is given over to stables, store-rooms, and zaguan. This 
last frequently opens on two or more streets, and such ampli- 
tude along with the visible stair, is in marked contrast to the 
restricted circulating space and hidden stair of houses on the 
mainland. Most interesting among the details of the zaguan 
is the character of the masonry itself. A very superior know- 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 371 

ledge of the science of vaulting is exhibited, and intricate 
intersections are handled with masterly skill. The confidence 
which these old-time constructors had in stone astounds the 
timid modern who would never dare to trust the whole weight 



Fic. 121 — Stairway in the Casa Palmarqu^s, Palma de MaMorca. 

of the house on these isolated zaguan columns and their low 
connecting arches. The columns artTarranged in bays meas- 
uring about i8 by 25 feet. In a small house one such bay 
might constitute the entire patio but in larger examples, the 
Palacio Vivot for instance, there are six. To keep a bay of 
some 450 square feet at a height appropriately low for a 
service story meant the evolving of a special arch — not the 
flat segmental arch for that was never popular with the Spa- 
niards, but a segmental arch with elliptical casings at the spring. 
Two or four of these low, wide arches spring from one column 
and rest on a haunch block cut with the necessary seats from 
a single stone. Devoid of any moulded treatment whatever 
the shapelessness of such blocks reminds one of the crude bow 



870 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

apply only to the forecourt, or covered passage from street 
to patio. Incorporated with it and challenging the attention 
the moment one enters is the noble stairway, always the chief 
architectural feature of the Palma house. On this ground 



Fig. 120 — Stairway in a Small House. Palma de Mallorca. 

floor the only living rooms are the porter's; the rest of the 
space is given over to stables, store-rooms, and zaguan. This 
last frequently opens on two or more streets, and such ampli- 
tude along with the visible stair, is in marked contrast to the 
restricted circulating space and hidden stair of houses on the 
mainland. Most interesting among the details of the zaguan 
is the character of the masonry itself. A very superior know- 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 371 

ledge of the science of vaulting is exhibited, and intricate 
intersections are handled with masterly skill. The confidence 
which these old-time constructors had in stone astounds the 
timid modern who would never dare to trust the whole weight 



Fig. 121 — Stairway in the Casa Palmarqu^s, Palma de Mallorca, 

of the house on these isolated zaguan columns and their low 
connecting arches. The columns artf"arranged in bays meas- 
uring about j8 by 25 feet. In a small house one such bay 
might constitute the entire patio but in larger examples, the 
Palacio Vivot for instance, there are six. To keep a bay of 
some 450 square feet at a height appropriately !ow for a 
service story meant the evolving of a special arch — not the 
flat segmental arch for that was never popular with the Spa- 
niards, but a segmental arch with elliptical easings at the spring. 
Two or four of these low, wide arches spring from one column 
and rest on a haunch block cut with the necessary seats from 
a single stone. Devoid of any moulded treatment whatever 
the shapelessness of such blocks reminds one of the crude bow 



870 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

apply only to the forecourt, or covered passage from street 
to patio. Incorporated with it and challenging the attention 
the moment one enters is the noble stairway, always the chief 
architectural feature of the Palma house. On this ground 



Fig. rao — Stairway in a Small House, Palma de Mallorca. 

floor the only living rooms are the porter's; the rest of the 
space is given over to stables, store-rooms, and zaguan. This 
last frequently opens on two or more streets, and such ampli- 
tude along with the visible stair, is in marked contrast to the 
restricted circulating space and hidden stair of houses on the 
mainland. Most interesting among the details of the zaguan 
is the character of the masonry itself. A very superior know- 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 371 

ledge of the science of vaulting is exhibited, and intricate 
intersections are handled with masterly skill. The confidence 
which these old-time constructors had in stone astounds the 
timid modern who would never dare to trust the whole weight 



Fig. 121 — Stairway in the Casa Palmarqu^, Palma de Mallorca, 

of the house on these isolated zaguan columns and their low 
connecting arches. The columns ar^arranged in bays meas- 
uring about i8 by 25 feet. In a small house one such bay 
might constitute the entire patio but in larger examples, the 
Palacio Vivot for instance, there are six. To keep a bay of 
some 450 square feet at a height appropriately low for a 
service story meant the evolving of a special arch — not the 
flat segmental arch for that was never popular with the Spa- 
niards, but a segmental arch with elliptical casings at the spring. 
Two or four of these low, wide arches spring from one column 
and rest on a haunch block cut with the necessary seats from 
a single stone. Devoid of any moulded treatment whatever 
the shapelessness of such blocks reminds one of the crude bow 



372 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

and stern pieces cut daily in the Palma shipyards from the 
curiously twisted tree trunks brought in from the country. 
Between the wide-span arches the actual ceiling is of wood 
framing, very heavy, for it supports the piso principal flooring 
which is of great granite blocks. The columns of the zaguan 
are thick and almost always of ungraceful contour; their 
capitals are a clumsy combination of Ionic and Doric indiffer- 
ently carved. A coarse mottled reddish marble quarried on 
the island is used here but the rest of the house is of the now 
yellowed Santani. 

The Palma stairway is entirely unlike the claustral type 
seen in the rest of Spain. In humbler examples it ascends 
in one flight from the side of the zaguan but in more preten- 
tious it rises from the center in a single run, then divides into 
two returning flights which lead to the loggia-like passage at 
the level of the piso principal or main floor. Each example 
presents some new little attainment in masonry, for varying 
conditions demanded a distinct solution for each one. Where 
it is a long single run it is supported on an arch so flat that 
there hardly appears to be key enough to hold the stones in 
place. This long sweep intersects the short semicircular 
arch of the landing in such a way that the two appear to be 
one graceful parabolical curve, as in the Oleza house in the 
Calle Morey. Another feat diflficult in stonework yet conmion 
enough in Palma is the intersection of the flat elliptical arch 
supporting the second story loggia with the semicircular 
vaulting behind upholding the stair itself. With such tho- 
roughness has this problem been solved that out of a hundred 
or more cases it has been necessary to reinforce but very few. 
In addition to their excellent masonry all these stairways 
possess a decorative feature encountered only in Palma — ^the 
simulated baluster cut from sheet iron, as seen in all the stairs 
illustrated. The eye is never deceived into taking these flat 
spindles for the round, and it is precisely because they look 
flat that they are admirable. The profile is cut, with markings 
following the rake of the stair, from well-hammered sheet 
iron about three sixteenths of an inch thick; this flat piece 
is never pierced with patterning. The slender newels and 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MAI.LORCA 375 

intermediate supports are tipped with brass. Such balustrades 
constitute about the only use of decorative ironwork in Palma 
architecture. The window reja is conspicuously absent, and - 
the few balconies are of Baroque ironwork. 




Fig. 122 — Plan of the Casd del MarquSs de Vivot, Palma de Mallorca. 

Owing to the buiIding-over of most of the zaguan area the 
Palma plan, as compared with the Castilian, permits of much 
more concentration in the piso frincipaL The plan of the 
Vivot house shows this (Fig. 124). To the principal floor 
there are always two entrances one at each end of the stair 
loggia. They are treated alike and open into the large salon 
on one side and into the small recibidor at the other. The 
loftiness of all these rooms is extraordinary, 26 feet being a 
common height. The floor throughout is paved with huge 
blocks of Santani, which those who tenant the house declare 
to be warmer in winter than either brick or glazed tiles. To 
add to the medieval severity of all this, window openings 
were merely shuttered not glazed; and of the few fireplaces 
seen not one was part of the sixteenth-century equipment. 



S76 SPANISH ARCHITECTUKE OP THE XVI CENTURY 

Interior stairs leading to the servants* apartments give the 
Palma plan a little more coherency than the average Spanish 
arrangement but the rooms are nevertheless merely a suC'^ 
cession of vast chambers devoid of all architectural treatment 



Pig. 123 — ^I-ofty Salon in the Casa O'Neil, Palma de Mallorca. 

(Fig. 123). In many houses a seventeenth-century frescoist 
has been called in to paint a frieze around the main salon 
but architecturally all that the rooms offer are their impres- 
sive dimensions and their solidly framed ceilings of madera 
encamada (red pine). 

Examining a few of the Palma palaces in detail we find 
that the largest, the Vivot> has a facade reduced to nothing 



5 s 






OLD PALACES IN PAI.MA DE MALIX)RCA 379 

more than a stretch of wall pierced by four openings — entrance 
archway and three widely separated windows on the main 
floor. This house stands in the Calle Zavella, a ten-foot street^ 
yet it has a court measuring 60 feet by 90 not counting the 



Pig. 124 — Patio of the Casa Vivot, Palma de Mallorca. 

spacious stairhall. Thus on entering one gets an impression 
of great amplitude, which statement may be only partially 
appreciated from Fig. 124. Six bays of varying dimensions 
make up the court but only one is open to the sky, the re- 
maining five being covered by the main floor. The marble 
columns are a heavy stunted form of Corinthian coarsely in- 
terpreted. Owing to the narrowness of the street interior 
instead of exterior buttresses were frequently employed in 
Palma and may be seen much developed in this zaguan. 
There are entrances on several streets, thus inviting the 
populace to use this ground floor as a thoroughfare; noisy 
children play there but such is the democracy of the land 
that the family are entirely oblivious. The Vivot stairway is 
the most monumental in the city. It rises in a single can- 



880 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

tral run to the first landing and then continues in two side 
flights. This dictated a change in the vaulting sustaining the 
upper landing and so we see three spans instead of the usual 
single wide one. It is regrettable that the two back supports 
which form newels to the stair are not also columns instead 
of the more recent Baroque posts. 

The interior (see plan, Fig. 122) is the typical series of 
lofty salons, many with painted friezes of the same style as 
those executed in the early eighteenth century by a Carthu- 
sian monk in the convent-church of Valldemosa. There is 
a quantity of interesting old furniture, tapestries, costumes, 
rich equestrian trappings, and family portraits. While these 
last are never masterpieces there is a solemnity about them 
which is in perfect harmony with the stately apartments they 
adorn. From this floor a terrace garden is reached overlooking 
a large court towards the front and also the street towards 
the back. This is a feature in so many houses that it would 
seem as if the Mallorquins demanded this little green supple- 
ment to their severe stone zaguans. Facing this palace is 
another with a good Plateresque window in the cresting of 
which appears a bust of Charles V. 

The Marques de Palmer's house in the Calle del Sol has 
the finest facade in the city (Plate LXXII). Instead of having 
merely an isolated window or two on which embellishment 
has been bestowed the entire front has been tredted architec- 
turally although the fact is difficult to appreciate owing to 
the narrowness of Sun Street. The main and only entrance 
does not depart from the typical large round arch, severely 
plain and enclosing very heavy paneled doors built up of red 
pine. On either side the few windows are small and have the 
escutcheon over the architrave. Thus far the Palmer house 
is like many of its neighbors but at the main floor there is 
a difference for all the windows are richly treated and regu- 
larly spaced. The end one bears the legend "Finished April 
XI 1556.** Unfortunately its companion at the other end 
has been ripped out and sold. All adornment here exhibits 
a Flemish touch particularly the tapering pilasters, super- 
posed busts and diagonal panes of glass, these last seen else- 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 381 

where in Palma but not on the mainland. As the balconies 
on the Sollerich house are known to have been received from 
Flanders in exchange for wine and oil, similar deals may 
account for other Flemish details seen in Palma. In the top 

PALA\A DE A\ALLORCA 

PATIO : PALACIO OLEZA 



SECTION THRD PATIO 




U 

ARCH SECTIONS 



BMA/iTRADt DETAIL 



Pig. 125 — Details from the Patio of the Oleza House, Palma de Mallorca. 

stoiy of the Palmer palace there is a complete return to insular 
traditions. The Gothic ventilatory loft extends across the 
entire front without one attempt to classicize it, a remark 
which could be equally applied to eighteenth-century buildings. 
Through its openings the simple roof construction is visible. 
First come the heavy rafters 6 or 8 feet on center, then the 
cross purlins 4x4 inches and nailed to these the battens 
which sustain the ridge-and-furrow tiles; battens are placed 
about 7 inches on center according to the size of the tiles and 
these are laid between them and held in place by their own 
weight. This makes an ideal roof in a climate which knows 
but little frost and no snow. In this house the zaguan and 



S8« SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

stair have been too much modernized to be interesting but 
the interior is still typical — cavernous salons with painted 
friezes and hung with gorgeous red damask, an almost indis- 
pensable background for the fine old furniture. There is the 



Fig. 126 — Window in the Casa VillaJonga, Palma de Mallorca. 

secondary or garden patio, small and secluded, and filled with 
orange trees and date palms. 

Another rambling palace is the previously mentioned 
Oleza in the Calle Morey. The fapade was never finished but 
it has a few good windows, the usual plain rounded entrance, 
and good carved brackets upholding the wooden eaves. The 
facade is so long that these latter with the interminable repeti- 
tion of the gallery motif underneath make a great impression 
as one turns into the narrow street. The zaguan here is smaller 
than others previously described and its stair arrangement 



PLATE LXXm 

PALMA DE, AVALLORCA 

CC?RKICX OFTTHE GASA, CONSISTORJAI* 



PLAN or SOFFIT 
Oo 1 a ».-* J < y » » i4> 

JCALB OP FfiBT 
WOODEN CORNICE OP THE CASA CONSISTORIAL, PALMA DE MALLORCA. 



>iAf4 



4)1. 



X 



I : 



j< 



II 



OLD PALACES IN PALMA DE MALLORCA 385 

•■'•npler, all of which imparts a feeling of domesticity often 

"cing in larger examples. To the left and right on entering 

re the customary little half-story steps with carved doorways 

leading to the service portion of the house. This mezzanine 



G, 127 — Entrance to the Burga-Zaforteza House on the Borne, Palma 
de Mallorca. 

neme is made possible by building the stables and cellars 
«artly below grade. The stairway here is particularly grace- 
j1 in form (see Plate LXXI). Compared with those of the 
Vivot or Morell-SoUerich houses, both of the divided type, 
'le single stair is more suitable for this reduced zaguan. It 
■egins with a short run, turns a right angle and makes a long 
un to the stair loggia. This last run faces the zaguan and 
crmits one on entering to appreciate the subtle sweep of its 
jpporting arch. It is difficult to convey either by words or 



886 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

drawings the system of these vaulted stairs and landings; 
but it hardly seems overstating the matter to say that stone 
surfaces were bent, warped, twisted, by these island builders 
with as much facility as if they had been of plastic material. 
For adornment the stair depends wholly upon its sheet iron 
balustrade. The only other feature to be noted in the patio 
besides the stairs and the two carved small doorways is the 
Plateresque window inserted in the stucco wall near the well; 
this shows some beautiful detail which is in marked contrast 
to the coarse carving of the capitals. Like many other win- 
dows it is based on Gothic forms though the little jamb colon- 
nettes here have not the Gothic bases so often seen. From 
the stair loggia one enters the Oleza house by a vestibtdo 
which surpasses most of its contemporaries in dimensions and 
impressiveness. This room is simplicity itself in treatment — 
whitewashed walls hung with solemn old portraits, a floor of 
huge stone slabs guiltless of a rug, a lofty ceiling framed with 
gigantic timbers of redwood, and severe unglazed casements 
protected by stout wooden shutters. 

There are many more examples to examine in the city — 
the Casa O'Neill, the Burga-Zaforteza, the Villalonga, the 
SoUerich, this last of the eighteenth century but hardly differ- 
ing from the others except in its French furniture of the Empire 
period and its exterior loggia overlooking the Borne. In 
practically every case the same characteristics will be noted; 
there is no finely executed carving, no style, no period of 
development. In poverty of design all are much alike, and 
all have the homely attractiveness of simplicity and good 
construction. In their very absence of refinement they have 
attained sufficient homogeneity to entitle them to consideration 
as a separate type. 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 



.». 



PHILIP S INTEREST IN ARCHITECTURE WHILE YET PRINCE — THE CHILL 
HE CAST OVER PLATERESQUE — ^FORETASTE OF HIS PREFERRED STYLE TO 
BE FOUND IN THE HOSPITAL OF ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST IN TOLEDO — ITS 
FOUNDER ARCHBISHOP TAVERA RENOUNCES COVARRUBIAS AND SELECTS 
THE PRIEST BARTOLOm6 BUSTAMENTE — BUSTAMENTE AND THE MAESTROS 
OF THE CATHEDRAL — SIMPLICITY OF THE PLAN — THE CHURCH OF THE 
HOSPITAL CONTAINING ARCHBISHOP TAVERA's TOMB BY BERRUGUETE — 
THE ONLY COMPLETED QUADRANGLE OF THE PLAN — THE UNFINISHED 
FACADE AND LATER ADDITIONS — THE ROYAL ALcAzAR OF TOLEDO AND THE 
CHANGE OF STYLE IN THE PLATERESQUE ARCHITECTS EMPLOYED ON IT — 
THE PATIO BY COVARRUBIAS AND THE STAIRWAY BY VILLALPANDO — THE 
PROVINCIAL HOSPITAL OF SEVILLE — THE PALACE AT SALDANUELA 



388 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 

t I AHE Plateresque of Spain may be cited as an architec- 
I tural style that had no decline. At a moment when 

•JL it was far from showing deterioration, when in fact 
it was full of vitality, a monarch of overpoweringly cold and 
rigid temper ascended the throne. Philip II ruled from 1556 
to 1598 but even before his reign actually commenced his 
father had given him the powers of regent, so that for over 
half a century he was in a position to impress an inflexible 
sternness on the Spanish court. This was reflected in all the 
arts but most specially in architecture to which the monarch 
gave a great deal of his personal attention. In his cabinet in 
the Madrid Alcazar he was surrounded by plans of the royal 
edifices in course of erection or reformation, and used to dock 
them of all levity in the shape of ornament. Thorough 
constructiveness, however, he always insisted on; structural 
beauty at least he was able to appreciate else he would never 
have stopped for two weeks in Merida examining the Roman 
ruins. A law was made that no public building should be 
undertaken without first submitting the plans to the state 
architect Juan de Herrera, who met with his royal master 
twice a week and received as much of Philip's attention as did 
the prime minister. Small wonder that to this new order of 
things — to these initiators of the Estilo Desornamentado — 
the exuberant and pictorial charm of Plateresque were an- 
tipathetic. Architecture ceased to be spontaneous; the 
products of the latter half of the sixteenth century show a 
cold standardization. 

The great monument of Philip's reign is the royal monas- 

S89 



890 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

tery called the Escorial. This had no direct predecessor 
but a foretaste of its severity may be found in the Hospital 
de San Juan Bautista in Toledo and in the reforms made in 
the Alcazar in the same city; also in several religious monu- 
ments in outlying districts like Ucles and Alcantara. Of these 
early stages of classic the Toledan examples here described 
present a complete break with Enrique de Egas's innovation 
in that same city. They are of granite exclusively, which 
in itself forbade the wealth of carving that had enlivened 
Plateresque. Pedantic and without any of the sentiment 
which Machuca infused into his early classic attempt at 
Granada, they nevertheless command attention for their 
dignity and solidity. It is significant that the first distin- 
guished patron of the new order in Toledo, the same cardinal- 
archbishop who had sanctioned Covarrubias's Plateresque in 
Alcala, commissioned the first classic structure after having 
come in close touch with the already somber Prince Philip. 
It was about 1541 that Don Juan Tavera, Archbishop of 
Toledo, Grand Inquisitor, and Governor of Castile and Leon, 
decided to give Toledo another hospital. Heedless of the 
warning offered by Mendoza's unfinished foundation he too 
ordered an immense structure. This is the half-built Hospital 
de San Juan Bautista (Plate LXXIV) popularly known as 
the Hospital Afuera (outside) from its position outside the 
city walls. 

For architect, Tavera turned from Covarrubias and chose 
his secretary, a priest named Bartolome Bustamente. Busta- 
nifente had accompanied the cardinal to Naples in 1535 when 
he we 't there to receive Charles after the conquest of Tunis. 
That bustamente had great feeling for the simplicity of Italian 
his work shows; also that he had a fine understanding of plan 
and construction; but there is no imagination in the product 
and one recognizes the approaching extinction of the creative 
spark. As to the extent of his connection with the hospital 
there is the usual amount of confusion. Doctor Salazar de 
Mendoza who published a life of Cardinal , Tavera in 1603 
says: ''Through Bustamente's hands passed all the drawings 
nd plans of the hospital because he was a very singular 



PLATE LXXIV 



HOSPITAL DE SAN JUAN BAUTISTA, TOLEDO. 
Bartolomi BustamenU, Architect, 1541. 



THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 398 

architect"; but the same author also states that it was "built 
by the maestros mayores of the cathedral, specially Francisco 
Gonzales dc Lara and Nicolas de Vergara and his son, who were 
all valiant in this art." A modem writer, the \nzconde de 



Pig. 128— Plan of the Hospital de San Juan Bautista, Tdedo. 
Bartolomi Busiamente, Architect, i$4i el seq. 

Palazuelos, declares in his Guia de Toledo that it was not until 
Bustamente had entered the Jesuit Society in 1553 that the 
maestros of the cathedral intervened, which was probably 
the case. These Vergaras were typical CastiHans from Burgos 
and accustomed to the Spanish version of Renaissance, whereas 
the entire conception of the San Juan Bautista is so Italian 
that there can be little doubt of the learned priest's authorship, 
the others having been called in to assist in the practical working 
out of the scheme. 



894 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The original plan was for an edifice covering an area of 
260 by 350 feet and embracing two vast quadrangles. Fig. 128 
indicates how much of this was carried out. The first quad- 
rangle is divided into two patios by means of a two-storied 
arcade — a motif not met with elsewhere in Spain and here 
used on a much more monumental scale than in any example 
in Italy. In the second and unfinished quadrangle stands the 
chapel on axis with the gallery. It was built between 1561 
and 1624 and is in reality a fair-sized church with a lofty 
dome, bare in treatment and interesting chiefly because it 
holds the cardinal's sumptuous tomb by Berruguete (Plate 
LXXV) and his fine portrait by El Greco (who also designed 
the large retablo). The tomb is conceived in a much more 
classic spirit than this sculptor's earlier productions thereby 
losing some of his Spanish quality. It was his last work, for 
he died while at it "in the room under the clock'* according 
to the hospital archives. In this rear quadrangle nothing 
else but the church was ever completed and the rest is in a 
neglected condition; but the first enclosure with its Arcade 
and two Doric patios was finished under Bustamente and, 
although academic in execution, is an impressive arrangement. 
The arcaded gallery is vaulted and carries around the lines 
of the patio each side of it (see Fig. 130). Every material 
but stone was banished from the structure, and the change 
from trabeation with its accompanying decorated wooden 
ceiling marks one of the most striking departures from earlier 
Spanish architecture; yet with all its stoniness the Hospital 
de Afuera escaped that cold precision which dominates later 
classic buildings. The interior is too strictly utilitarian to 
detain one, but a visit to the pharmacy is worth while for the 
sake of its original supply of Talavera apothecary jars with 
their old-fashioned contents indicated in quaint Gothic letter- 
ing. Along the north side of the building where the grade 
falls away is a series of buttresses so gigantic as to contain stair- 
ways and small rooms. A descent to the vast cellars and store- 
rooms reveals the very impressive masonry of the sovbassement 
where, curiously enough, some of the vaulting is still Gothic. 

If Padre Bartolome had remained at his work long enough 



^1 



THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 397 

to finish off the facade with the stone cornice appropriate to 
its Florentine design and treatment, one would not have to 
regret the patched-out top, along with a poor eighteenth- 
" century portal, which prevents us from justly appreciating 



Fiu. 129 — Arcade Between Two Patios of the Hospital de San Juan 

Bautista (Afuera), Toledo. 

Fray Bartolomi Bustamenle, Architect, 1541. 

the architect. The front is a forceful design in rustication, 
a practice seldom encountered in Spain except in a decorative 
way. But it is the fenestration most of all that dissociates 
the facade from previous buildings of the century, for it is 
absolutely symmetrical. While in this case the disposition 
is excellent, it proved a bad precedent; soon after, fenestration 
degenerated into multiple tiresome openings that corresponded 
to no Interior requirement and the charm of blank wall treat- 
ment was forever lost sight of. 



398 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Bustamente appears to have done some building in Anda- 
lusia also and it is frequently stated that he built the chapel 
of Seville University — an edifice so undistinctive that anyone 
might have built it. At any rate, his most important incur- 



FiG. 130 — ^Window in the Hosjrital de San Juan Bautista, Toledo. 

sion into the field of architecture was the Hospital in Toledo. 
Little is known about him though he moved in the most distin- 
guished milieu of the day. He was learned — one of the early 
graduates of Cardinal Jimenez's University of Alcala. After 
entering the Compania de Jesus (the Jesuit Society) he ac- 
companied its vicar general Francisco de Borja on his visit to 
Charles V in his monastery at Yuste. 

The imposing Alcazar of Toledo is a much more difllicult 
building to study in its relation to the period in question, it 
being an amorphous castle of several styles, burnt down and 
restored many times (see plan, Fig. 131). It was in 1557 
that Charles V appointed Alonso de Covarrubias and Luis de 
Vega to remodel both it and the royal Alcazar of Madrid, 



THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 



399 



the curious order reading that the architects were to be paid 
twenty-five thousand maravedises each, "with the which 
each was to reside six months with the respective works, three 
months at a time; and that besides this sum they should be 




Pig. 131 — Plan of the Real Alcdzar, Toledo. 

paid on every day of the said six months four reales for main- 
tenance/* Afterwards Charles with the hope of hastening 
matters decided to dissociate the collaborators, allotting the 
Madrid castle (now destroyed) to De Vega and the Toledo to 
Covarrubias. Covarrubias, it will be recalled, was at the 
time maestro mayor de las ohras reales and was also busy 
on the Alcala palace for Cardinal Tavera. Whether, before 
this change was made by the impatient emperor, the two 
architects had together finished the Toledo design or whether 
it was the idea of Covarrubias after he had begun to work 
alone, is hard to say. Llaguno takes the former view but 



400 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

gives no reason for doing so; and further claims that the patio 
was executed under Gonzales de Lara, then Caspar de Vega, 
and lastly Francisco de Villalpando who finished it in 1554. 
Villalpando also designed the grand stairway, though it looks 
far more like Herrera^s work. These points are difficult to 
settle now since those touches which might reveal the various 
authorships have disappeared and only the larger outlines 
are left. The Alcazar was burned in the war of the Spanish 
Succession (1710). After Cardinal Lorenzana had made a 
thorough restoration at enormous cost the French set fire to 
it in 1 8 10; and in 1887 it was the victim of a third conflagra- 
tion. On each of these sinister occasions it was the stately 
patio of Covarrubias that suffered most. The massive out- 
side granite walls stood the ordeal better but offer little of 
special architectural interest. There is a portal of archaic 
charm on the west side (ordered in the reign of the Catholic 
Sovereigns) and attributed by some to Covarrubias and by 
others to his brother-in-law, the younger Enrique de Egas. 
Also of interest are the portal and windows of the north side, 
built, it is said, by the elder Egas but too dry and perfunctory 
to be his. The sculpture on this portal is by Juan de Mena 
and while very correct, it too is lifeless. In fact the only 
spirited note on the fafade is the carving on the first story 
windows by Berruguete. 

The most monumental feature of the interior is the grand 
stairway leading from the rear of the patio. In its dimensions 
it is one of the most impressive in Europe and if by Villal- 
pando, shows an appreciation of classic simplicity not to be 
found in his ironwork. This refers to the reja of the capilla 
mayor of Toledo Cathedral (1548) which, while full of charm- 
ing detail, is hardly satisfactory in the ensemble. It has 
been recently established that this rejero and architect was 
one of a famous family of plaster workers in Valladolid and 
this may explain the delicacy of his ironwork ; as to his grasp 
of the broader principles of architecture exhibited in the 
Alcazar stairway, it may be due to his having completed a 
short time before (1551) his translation of Serlio. The stair, 
still denuded of all treatment as a result of the last fire, is 



THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 401 

imposing now only through its fine proportions and its solid 
masonry. The patio is less colossal but nevertheless of 
considerable dignity. Built entirely of granite its coarse 
detail is well suited to that stone, and the corners where the 



Pig. 132 — Patio of the Real Alcazar, Toledo. 
Attributed to Alonso de Comrruinas. 

arcading intersects c^er a particularly good solution of this 
always perplexing problem. Throughout the patio classic 
precedents prevail (see Fig. 132); still there is a departure 
from cut and dried rules as laid down by Vignola which has 
resulted in an interest sadly lacking in later day work. The 
triple arch motif (Fig. 133) by which the patio is entered is 
specially good and its mould sections worthy of notice. In 
the little pineapple pendents of the soffit of the arch may be 
observed a free touch undeniably Spanish. 

It must be borne in mind by the student who examines 



402 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

the Alcazar that it is not a sign of the men employed but of 
the times. What Covarrubias left there has nothing in com- 
mon with the versatile Plateresque architect who designed 
the Capilla de los Reyes Nuevos and the patio at Alcala; 



Fig. 133 — Entrance from Vestibule to Patio of the Real AlcAzar, Toledo. 

similarly the massive stairway seems wholly unrelated to that 
exuberant offshoot of the Viilalpando yeseros who created the 
wealth of minute Plateresque ornament on the reja and pul- 
pits in the cathedral. In this center of Castile a coming 
event was casting its shadow before. Philip, whose earnest 
study of the classic must be admitted, had begun while still 
a prince to interfere with his father's architects; as for instance 
when he ordered Covarrubias not to leave Toledo for any other 
work but to devote all his attention to the Alcazar. 

This same sobering influence was early felt even beyond 
Castile for in Seville we find Martin Gainza and Heman Ruiz, 
two men who had produced rich unbridled Plateresque in 
the cathedral, suddenly conforming to the royal taste. Their 



a. .S!> 






THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 405 

Hospital Provincial or de la Sangre, on which Ruiz was work- 
ing at his death in 1559, is a great bare rectangle accentuated 
at the corners by low towers. The facade (Fig. 134) is divided 
into equal stories with no variation of motif from one end 



Fig. 134 — Hospital Provincial (de la Saagre), Seville. 
Martin Gainza and Hemdn Ruiz, Architects, iSSQetseq. 

to the other except a poor entrance of later date; but if like 
all the work of this period it is monotonous, it is impressively 
so. The interior is lifted out of dullness by the several bright 
patios treated in ajulejos, stucco, and marble. The plan is 
so direct and practical that it might well serve for a similar 
institution to-day. Only on the chapel was anything archi- 
tectural attempted. This is said to have been designed by 



406 SPANISH ARCHITECTUEE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

Ruiz who will be recalled for his upper stage of the Giralda. It 
is distinctive, but of that calculated precision seen in the 
following century in the Sagrario adjacent to the cathedral 
and in the Hospital de la Caridad. Just to what extent Gainza 



Fig. 135 — Ruined Palace at Saldai5uela, near Burgos. 

was responsible in the Hospital Provincial is not known but 
there is nothing here to surest the cooperation of the archi- 
tect who designed the royal chapel of the cathedral with its 
opulent ornamentation. It is more than likely that many 
architects followed each other on both the hospital and the 
chapel mentioned; there is record of an Italian employed by 
the Duke of Alba being called in on Ruiz's death, and Cean 
Bermudez mentions still another. A late Sevillian structure 
of more classic ambitions is the chapel of the university built 
for the Jesuits between 1565 and 1579 and long erroneously 
attributed to Bartolome Bustamente. The exterior, a massive 
pile of brick crowned by a polychrome cupola, is more inter- 
esting than the very orthodox interior. Also in brick is 
Herrera's Lonja, described in the next chapter. Fig. 135 is 
an example of domestic architecture in this late style, but 
almost too interesting to be typical. It is in Saldariuela oh 



THE INFLUENCE OF PHILIP II 407 

the highroad from Burgos to Lerma (in which town arc the 
ruins of the vast palace of the Dukes of Lerma). The popular 
and unrepeatable name of the Saldanuela house indicates the 
use it was put to or for which, perhaps, it was deliberately built. 
The architect is unknown and the only clue to his client is the 
fact that the corner consols in the ball-room windows have 
portraits said to be of Philip II and the intriguing Princess 
Eboli. These place it well in the latter half of the century, 
(although Senior Lamperez prefers 1530). With no house near 
it and an extensive huerta behind, it is more like the isolated 
Italian villa than any other Spanish example, yet like all 
Spanish palaces it stands full on the dusty highroad without 
approach of any sort. Although much later than the Hospital 
del Rey in Burgos it too upsets geographical theories by bearing 
more resemblance to the Salamantine than the Burgos school. 
The west or main facade is unsymmetrical, being flanked on 
the south by a huge bare bastion dating from the time of 
Peter the Cruel who had a castle here. Much of the original 
effect is lost by the blocking up of the loggia but fortunately 
a charming little window and balcony at the north end remain 
untouched. In plan the house consists of the customary 
patio and surrounding galleries from which the rooms open, 
and the galleries are connected by a claustral stairway. The 
patio is severe but relieved on the south wall by an interesting 
motif of blind arches between which are little columns in 
half relief with delicate capitals. None of the apartments 
are complete enough to reward inspection, for the building 
was never finished and suffers from extreme dilapidation. 
It is now a farmhouse with a hopeless confusion of agricultural 
implements and domestic animals in all the lower rooms. 
There are other isolated palaces throughout Castile which 
have shaken off the levities of Plateresque to a much greater 
degree than this. Indeed one can account for Philip's retain- 
ing it here only as a concession to the lady in question ; but 
in domestic work to a far greater extent than in civil, is the 
EstHo Desornamentado unsympathetic; it resulted in big bare 
houses devoid of all charm. 



CHAPTER XIV 

JUAN DE HERRERA AND THE LATTER PART OF THE 

CENTURY 

THE ESCORIAL THE GREAT MONUMENT OF PHILIP's REIGN — HIS SEVERAL 
MOTIVES FOR BUILDING IT — THE ESCORIAL COMPARED WITH THE VATI- 
CAN — Philip's choice of juan bautista de toledo as architect — the 
monarch's solicitude in choosing an appropriate site for the 

monastery — JUAN BAUTISTA's SPLENDID SOUBASSEMENT — GRIDIRON 
plan of the BUILDING — PHILIP'S PROMPTITUDE IN ORDERING FURNISH- 
INGS AND MATERIALS — HIS DECISION TO INCREASE THE CAPACITY OF THE 
MONASTERY AND THE ADDITION OF A THIRD STORY — EARLY DEATH OF 
JUAN BAUTISTA — HIS SUCCESSOR JUAN DE HERRERA, AN ASTURIAN — 
COMPLETION OF THE COLOSSAL STRUCTURE — FOREIGN ARCHITECTS CLAIM- 
ING TO HAVE BUILT IT — ITS GREAT ACHIEVEMENT NOT IN ARCHITECTURE 
AS A FINE ART, BUT IN SCHEME — DOME OF THE CHURCH IN RELATION TO 
MICHELANGELO'S AND THE ELDER SANGALLO'S — HERRERA's ARCHITEC- 
TURALIZING OF THE PRINCIPAL FACADE — ^ANALYSIS OF THE PLAN — 
COMPARISON BETWEEN JUAN BAUTISTA AND HERRERA — REMAINING PRO- 
DUCTIONS OF THESE TWO — HERRERA's CATHEDRAL IN VALLADOLID — HIS 
SMALL PALACE IN PLASENCIA — ^THE PUENTE DE SEGOVIA IN MADRID — 
THE LONJA IN SEVILLE — THOROUGH CONFORMITY OF ALL IMPORTANT 
NEW EDIFICES TO HERRERa's AND PHILIP'S TYPE AND UTTER EXTINCTION 
OF THE CREATIVE SPARK 



408 



< 

* 



CHAltTER XIV 

JUAN DE HERRERA AND^HE LATTER PART OF THE 

CENTURY 

/" I AHE Escorlal (Plate LXXVII) is often referred to as the 
I eighth wonder of the world. Its magnitude, its sim- 

JL plicity, and its marvelous setting against the grim 
granite mountains entitle it to the proud claim. It was built 
when Spain had about reached her greatest limits of expansion. 
Philip II was ruling over not only Spain, but also the Low 
Countries including the French duchy of Burgundy, the 
Rousillon in Provence, Naples, Sicily, Milan, Sardinia, north- 
ern Africa, and, vastest of all, America. Small wonder that 
the monarch of a realm where nunca se ponia el sol should 
create an eighth marvel for the modern world. As to the 
motives that prompted him to build El Real Monasterio de 
San Lorenzo (commonly known by the name of the little 
town beside it) there are various versions. Power like Philip^s 
could not go long undisputed. Hardly had his father abdi- 
cated in his favor when Pope Paul IV, chafing under the pres- 
ence of the Spaniards in Italy, claimed that their sovereign 
had lost his right to Naples by not paying sufficient tribute 
to the Holy See. The Pope called upon Henry II of France 
for aid and Philip in reply brought across the Channel the 
troops of his English wife and cousin Mary Tudor. The 
French were defeated at the first encounter — St. Quentin — 
on August ID, 1557. It was mainly to commemorate this 
victory, that, according to some, the Escorial was built; and 
in order to make reparation to St. Laurence whose monastery 
had been destroyed by Philip's forces (a "military necessity'*) 
the huge new building was dedicated to that saint and martyr. 

409 



410 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

However, given Philip's unlimited resources and his very 
genuine devotion to architecture it is quite probable that he 
would have perpetuated himself in a colossal foundation, the 
St. Quentin victory or no. And given, furthermore, his intense 
piety, such a monument would inevitably have been ecclesias- 
tical. Being bound by the terms of his father's will to build 
a mausoleum for the Hapsburgs he decided to combine this 
with a monastery for the Hieronymites, an order newly arrived 
in Spain and much favored by the late Emperor. But even 
all these circumstances would not explain the hugeness of the 
granite pile in the Guadarramas without closer examination of 
Philip's attitude toward the great European question of the day 
— ^the Reformation. While still merely regent Philip was ardu- 
ously occupied in stamping out heresy. His imperial father 
had resolved to make Spain the champion of the Catholic faith 
against the fast-gaining Lutheranism; and from his cloistered 
retreat of San Jeronimo de Yuste Charles wrote and coun- 
seled his successor "to burn the contumacious and of those 
who recanted to cut off their heads without exception what- 
ever as to rank." It may have been as an earnest of his 
inflexible purpose to maintain Catholicism triumphant that 
Philip conceived the grandest monument to the faith ever 
built — "Catholicism firmly planted on the earth, sure of 
itself, exclusive, immense." Only the Vatican, with St. Peter's, 
could be compared to the Escorial in scale and solemnity; 
and while there is not one one-hundredth of the art in the 
Spanish that there is in the Italian monument, still the former, 
as a majestic and awe-inspiring scheme, comes nearer to the 
grandeur of antiquity than anything erected in Italy during 
the Renaissance. 

Once the idea had shaped itself in Philip's mind he prose- 
cuted it with the same pious vigor that he devoted to t'he 
eradicating of heresy. While still in Flanders he decided 
upon his architect; not one of those who had been working 
under him on the various royal palaces — Covarrubias, the 
younger Machuca, Villalpando — ^for they had not studied 
antiquity at the fountain-head; but in Naples (Spanish terri- 
tory, it must be recalled) there was living and working a 



JUAN DE HERRERA 413 

Spaniard who had been employed on St. Peter's by Michelangelo 
and whom the Viceroy had called to his service. This archi- 
tect was Juan Bautista de Toledo, who is said to have laid 
out many streets and squares in Naples and to have built the 
Church of Santiago, the Palace of San Erasmo, and the Vice- 
roy's palace. In 1559 he received Philip's summons, sent 
from Ghent, to meet the sovereign in Madrid. 

The choosing of a site was a much greater difficulty for 
the monarch than the choosing of an architect. Many months 
were passed in seeking a spot that would be salubrious and 
near enough to serve as a retreat from Madrid. To these 
conditions must be added another for which the king should 
receive more credit than is generally given him — the site 
must be austere and noble, for no other would be worthy of 
the ever expanding project that now possessed the royal builder 
completely.' At last it was found some thirty miles north- 
west of Madrid on a southern spur of the Guadarrama Moun- 
tains and at an altitude of some three thousand four hundred 
feet. It overlooks a miserable little hamlet called El Escorial 
(the place where are thrown out the scoria^ or refuse, of 
mines). Meanwhile Juan Bautista de Toledo was busy with 
the plans and made a complete model in wood. All of 1562 
and the spring of 1563 were passed in leveling and draining 
the site and laying the gigantic foundations which comprise 
a huge and splendidly built substructure of masonry. To all 
this Juan Bautista gave his closest attention and too much 
cannot be said for the thoroughness and skill of the work. 
In order to minimize the exposure to the fierce winds and to 
give a maximum of sun to the royal apartments, he did not 
orient his building exactly with the cardinal points of the 
compass. His plan (Plate LXXVIII) was simplicity itself 
— a rectangle of 675 feet by 530 feet with a square tower at 

' Professor Justi, after qualifying the btiilding as a monument of repulsive dryness, 
an inevitable result of Philip's niggling criticism and his somber habit of docking the 
designs submitted to him of all that seemed over rich or too ostentatious, adds: "And 
the great chann of the Escorial as forming, as it were, a part of the landscape in which 
it is set, was one wft contemplated by its builders." (Philip II als Kunstfreund, von 
Carl Justi.) But considering the monarch's minute instructions to the engineers, 
architects, and doctors who scoured the countryside for him, as well as his own personal 
explorations, this conclusion is not justifiable. 



414 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

each of the four comers. The division of this space into three 
equal zones of which the southern was the convent, the north- 
ern the palace, and the central the church with the king's 
own apartments grouped around the capilla mayor, gave rise 
to the popular legend that the plan was based on the form of 
the gridiron whereby the Spanish San Lorenzo had suffered 
martyrdom. It is not unlikely that Philip himself either saw 
this resemblance or suggested it in advance, considering his 
morbid tendencies. 

The corner-stone of the monastery, with the architect's 
name inscribed on it, was laid under the prior's seat in the 
refectory on April 23, 1563. The work was pushed rapidly^ 
with Philip ever in attendance. Indeed, the great edifice 
occupied all his hours for even when not present he was dictat- 
ing instructions for the founding of statues in Milan, the 
making of rejas in Zaragoza and Cuenca, and of lamps, can- 
delabra and silver crosses in Toledo; for the cutting of the 
mighty Cuenca pines in the Guadarrama region as far west 
as Avila, and for the quarrying of jasper and marble in Burgo 
de Osma, Las Navas, and other spots; and finally in the regular 
checking off of the accounts. Hardly had the walls begun to 
rise when the king changed his mind as to the size — ^he decided 
to double the number of monks who were to have the custody 
of his parents' tombs and "to make and to say continuous 
prayers, sacrifices, and commemorations for their souls" to 
quote his letter of foundation. The acconmiodation of these 
extra monks appears to have met with no ready solution 
from Juan Bautista, but his supervisor. Fray Antonio dc 
Villacastin, the monk who had prepared the royal apart- 
ments for the Emperor at Yuste, came forward with a practical 
suggestion, namely: that as the substructure was unusually 
heavy a third story might be added to Juan Bautista's two. 
The king instantly approved and the monks hailed the practical 
idea as divine inspiration; but we are not told whether the 
architect dared protest against increasing the height of his 
relatively low walls. At any rate the friar's scheme was 
adopted and the work proceeded accordingly. But in 1567 
the architect died; "a man" wrote Padre Siguenza, historian 



PLATE LXXVni 



PLAN OP THE ROYAL MONASTERY OP THE ESCORIAL. 

Juan Bautista de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, Architects, 1560-84. 

Scale 200 feet to the indt. 



JUAN DE HERRERA 



of the Hieronymite Order "of many parts, a sculptor, and one 
who understood drawing, who knew Latin and Greek, and 
who had considerable knowledge of philosophy and mathe- 
matics." The chief assistant, Juan dc Herrera, was chosen 



Fig. 136 — South Facade of the Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo 
del Escorial. 

Juan BauHsta de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, Architects, 1560-S4. 
to succeed as royal architect and it is with his name that the 
gigantic building is always associated to the somewhat unjust 
exclusion of Juan Bautista's. 

Herrera, who had been with Charles V in Flanders and 
Italy as an officer of the royal bodyguard, was a man of strong 
character and as formal as his new master. To what extent 
the Escorial represents his personal interpretation of classic, 
and to what extent he merely executed his predecessor's plans, 
it would be difficult to say; but certainly he was as thoroughly 
in sympathy with his task as if he himself had been in charge 
from the beginning. The work went on expeditiously. 
Funds were gathered by devious means, unpaid workmen were 
prevailed upon also by devious means, until the last stone was 



418 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

laid in the Patio de los Reyes in 1582, twenty years after the 
first in the refectory. One immense architectural project of 
the sixteenth century had reached completion. Its fame soon 
spread through Europe and there were not lacking both French 
and Italian writers to promptly claim it for their own archi- 
tects who, they explain, had submitted designs on the request 
of Philip's ambassadors. Indeed the latest edition of the 
Diccionario Encyclopedico states that Juan de Herrera was 
most useful to his king in helping him choose an Italian design, 
that of one Pacciolo, which was an exact copy of the Vatican, 
and which the Spanish architect proceeded to alter and accom- 
modate to the Escorial site. To the student, such pretensions 
would appear absurd even if Juan Bautista's name were not 
inscribed on the corner-stone. It is true that St. Peter's 
served as inspiration for the Escorial church (although the 
Spanish dome is a far finer piece of construction); and also 
it is true that Juan Bautista owed his magnificent sense of 
plan to Rome, but to ancient Rome, and not the heterogeneous 
Vatican. The Escorial, as an ensemble, is the joint product 
of a ponderous Spanish king and a classically inclined Spanish 
architect. Its severity, its pessimism, its determination to 
conquer by sheer weight and mass, its utter absence of esthetic 
appeal, would have been inconceivable to an Italian or a 
Frenchman. No architect who had not seen and studied 
the Guadarrama range could have designed it, for the building 
is "stone of its stone and strong of its strength.** Juan de 
Herrera undoubtedly made minor changes in his inherited 
task as he proceeded, but the idea remains practically that 
of the man who prepared the mighty foundations — one 
crystallized concept from beginning to end. 

The great achievement here is not architecture as a fine 
art but scheme ; and if one's first sight of the pile were obtained 
from the heights to the northwest where the whole disposition 
is apparent, instead of from the lower level where one comes 
face to face with the crudity of the detail and the almost 
shocking coarseness of the main entrance, one would not have 
to overcome a first unfavorable impression. But as it is, not 
until passing around to the south and viewing that fafade 



JUAN DE HERRERA 419 

(Fig. 136) and the garden of the monks from across the reser- 
voir, does one really feel attracted to this monument of Philip's 
egotism. From here, too, the admirable setting is best appre- 
ciated; how the whole is made to spread over the terrain with 



Fig. 137 — Dome of the Church, Monastery of the Escorial. 
Juan Bautisla de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, Architects, 1560-84. 

a remarkable feeling of stnicturability, by means of the garden 
platform with its retaining walls of granite and the colossal 
plinth on which the monastery rests. The planting, limited 
to this garden platform, reflects the severity of the buildings. 
Devoid of color it is marked off in rectangular plots of clipped 
box whose methodical spacing is interrupted only by occa- 
sional staircases which lead down to the many grottos that 



420 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

honeycomb the site. Not one non-essential — ^vase, balustrade, 
or moulding — mitigates the determined severity of the whole 
and the result is, at least in congruence; irreproachable. 

Looking from this close range the one feature visible 
above the outer walls is the dome of the church (Fig. 137), 
and this is as assertively solid as the more angular mass below. 
No superficialities were permitted in its adornment either 
inside or out ; and the absence of Herrera's favorite pyramids 
so freely used on the western or main entrance, inclines one 
to suspect that Philip's was the restraining hand. The drum 
is treated with coupled Doric pilasters with niches between; 
the arched openings are deep and effectively recessed, and 
here, as elsewhere, not a moulding is ornamented. There 
is nothing, it will be seen, to recall the sumptuousness of its 
incentive, Saint Peter's ; but the dome in its structural perfec- 
tion far surpasses that of Michelangelo. It closely resembles, 
allowing for its greater scale, that on the little church of Monte- 
pulciano by the elder Sangallo. Both show that unity possible 
only where the work was started and completed by one architect. 

Of the monastery facades the principal or west is the least 
satisfactory. Herrera, in the attempt to architecturalize it, 
weakened it. Most discordant is the central motif embracing 
the main entrance, for in it all his favorite forms appear — 
gigantic superposed orders, pyramidal pinnacles, and curved 
flanking buttresses. The manner of using all these leaves 
much to be desired. The engaged columns of the lower 
story, for instance, would be better if exposed three quarters 
instead of merely one half of their diameter; while in the 
triglyphs, modillion blocks, and main cornice above, there 
is some execrable detail. This is inexplicable, for in the 
interior of the church the order is beautifully carried out. 
Fortunately the windows escaped treatment; throughout the 
building they are the same little unaccentuated spots framed 
by four blocks of granite — two verticals, lintel, and sill; and 
the lintel, by projecting beyond the verticals, imparts an 
archaic appearance to the opening. The diminutiveness and 
uniformity of these innumerable openings do much to augment 
the scale of the scheme. 



PLATE LXXIX 



Juan Bautisla de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, Archilects, is6o--84. 



JUAN DE HERRERA 423 

The plan of the Escorial as an architectural achievement 
is one of the most notable of the sixteenth century. The fact 
that it was produced in a land where the science of planning 
had thus far been slighted makes it doubly interesting. Though 



Fig. 138 — High Altar of the Church, Monastery of the Escorial. 

in parts strongly influenced by Italian work it still preserves 
the traditional Spanish idea — that the mass be enclosed 
within a walled rectangle as opposed to the open plan with 
broken perimeter. This basic idea must have especially 
suited a man of Philip's exclusiveness, for the narrow ribbon 
of outside rooms practically forms a vast wall enclosing monas- 
tery, church, and palace. Thus regarded, the church is the 
nucleus of the plan and occupies with its atrium the center 
of the scheme. This atrium or Patio de los Reyes finds its 
counterpart in earlier Spanish monasteries like Santas Creus 
and Veruela where the church rises at the end of a forecourt. 



424 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

As to the plan of the church, Juan Bautista while in- Rome 
must have heard much discussion over the various partis 
submitted for St. Peter's. It was one of these, but not that 
of his master Michelangelo, that he chose as his prototype; 
instead, the Spaniard's preference was the Greek cross which 
Peruzzi had striven so hard to make the Pope accept. To 
be sure the church of the Escorial has a short western arm, 
but as this is vaulted over to create a vast coro for the army of 
monks who were to sing there, the effect is one of a plan of 
equal arms. It appears reasonable to accept this church entire 
as the expression of Juan Bautista de Toledo. Although he 
died in the early stages of the work, there can be little doubt 
that his successor faithfully followed his drawings, since 
nothing of Herrera's personal work shows the same high dis- 
dain for falsities. He, on the contrary, was ever ready to 
resort to those sham frontons and other meaningless motifs 
which one would more naturally look for in Michelangelo's 
pupil ; yet it is in this latter's work that one may follow the un- 
disguised modus operandi J stone upon stone, from the founda- 
tion to the crown of the great dome. For this, contrary to 
the general practice, is of a single instead of a double shell, 
as though the uncompromising Spaniard had been averse to 
even this legitimate deception. True, he reflects none of the 
brilliancy and imagination of the Italians, but he surpasses 
them in his Roman appreciation of thorough construction. 
In a land where the Renaissance had been received only for 
its ornamental value, this change of attitude would never 
have found expression had it not coincided with Philip's own. 
The pity of it is that, having at last grasped the fundamental 
principles, architecture as a fine art should have been tabooed 
as pagan heresy. 

As to the remainder of the Escorial — ^palace, seminary, 
and monastery — these are subservient to the central mass of 
the church. They are treated in monotonous rectangularity 
and though destined for more intimate uses are just as formid- 
able and frigid. Still in spots a little sentiment managed to 
creep in, especially in the monastery patio (Plate LXXIX) 
with its gardens and tempietto and splendid view of the dome. 



PLATE LXXX 



WEST FRONT OF THE CATHEDRAL OF VALLADOLID. 
Juan de Herrera, Architect, 1585. 



r 



JUAN DE HEREERA 427 

It may be too exacting to ask that a scheme of such magnitude 
as the Escorial should be practical in all its parts; yet there 
need hardly have been such ignoring of those niceties which 
belong to the ethical rather than the practical side of planning. 



Fig. 139 — A Small Palace in Plasencia by Juan de Herrera. 

The route to the royal apartments, besides being circuitous, 
leads through a kitchen patio; likewise opposite three of the 
imposing entrances to the building are stationed extensive 
kitchen quarters. The error has nothing to do with Juan 
Bautista's composition, but in the designating of such promi- 
nent sites for the service end of the huge institution. 



428 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

The remaining productions of Philip's two architects consist 
mainly in the remodeling of various royal buildings and the 
carrying on of others whose construction had long been in 
progress. Juan Bautista began a royal convent in Madrid^ 
the Descalzas Reales, which passed on to Herrera and which, 
so far as the profane may see, presents little of interest. What 
Juan Bautista did on the royal residence at Aranjuez was swept 
away by fire a century later; neither is anything left of the 
Madrid Alcazar. Herrera's career was much more complete. 
The greater scope of his commissions, including the colossal 
cathedral of Valladolid (Plate LXXX), a small palace in 
Plasencia, and the Segovia bridge at Madrid, offers a fairer 
opportunity to appraise his talents. To be sure he worked 
always more or less under Philip's dictation but nothing 
would indicate that this was a hardship for him — that he had 
any impetuosities that needed restraining or any imagination 
that might have produced a monument of high artistic merit 
if he had been freer. Architect and client appear to have 
been equally cold natures, pedants both, and denied the 
creative spark. It was always the same heavy attempt at 
restoring Graeco-Roman. Any revival implies a paucity of 
imagination, but at least the principles revived should be 
thoroughly understood. Above all, an architect working in 
a classic revival should have done justice to the orders and 
Herrera did not fill this requirement. More engineer than 
architect, he was able to secure robustness but unable to 
refine it. Another great engineer-architect, the Italian Sam- 
micheli, also strove for bigness, but his city gates at Verona 
show that he appreciated architecture as a fine art. A com- 
parison of these with the lower stage of the Valladolid Cathe- 
dral by Herrera speaks for itself. To be sure the interior of 
the cathedral is more commendable than the facade; the huge 
piers and pilasters in rough stone are very effective and the 
side chapels are a good adaptation of the Roman therma 
motif. Herrera's wooden model is still preserved and shows 
that had this church been completed it might have commanded 
respect by sheer size alone; but as it stands, less than half 
finished (only one of the four towers was ever erected, and 



JUAN DE HERRERA 429 

that but a few years ago), it does not add to his fame, even 
when due allowance is made for Churriguera's seventeenth- 
century additions. The most sympathetic building associ- 
ated with Hcrrera's name is a small house in the Estramefian 



Fig. 140— Patio of the Lonja, Seville. 
Built by Juan de Mijaresfrom designs by Juan de Herrera, is8j'i>8. 

town of Plasencia (Fig. 139), where presumably he was not 
under royal influence. In hts favorite material, granite, pre- 
cluding delicate detail, it is interesting chiefly for its Doric 
doorway and superposed Ionic window handled with more 
feeling than usual, though it must be admitted that the iron 
balcony does much to tie the two features together. The 
two crude windows at the top and the pinnacled parapet 
are more typically Herreran. In the Puente de Segovia in 
Madrid, Herreresque bigness is more to the point; in fact, so 



430 SPANISH ARCHITECTURE OF THE XVI CENTURY 

formidable are his piers that the feeble Manzanares stream 
seems to shrink still further at sight of them. But it is a 
noble bridge, conserving the best traditions in this land where 
bridge-builders have been famous since antiquity. So is the 
granite Puente de Palmas at Badajoz, which was built after 
his plans. 

There are various other structures which Herrera as state 
architect is known to have drawn plans for, but it is doubtful 
if his connection went any further. Chief among these is 
the Lonja of Seville built in 1583-98 by his pupil Juan Mijares 
(already mentioned as working on the royal palace at Granada). 
The exterior is of brick and granite, a combination which 
was becoming very popular at the time and which may be 
seen in the University Church and in many seventeenth- 
century structures. The granite frame of the windows is of 
the same post and lintel construction as the Escorial, and in 
the cornice occurs the same corbel motif; the inevitable pin- 
nacles accentuate the corners. In contrast to the poor detail 
of the exterior the patio is academically correct (Fig. 140). 
Some of the salons have interesting vaulted ceilings. The 
banal marble staircase was built by Charles III in the late 
eighteenth century, when it was decided to use the upper 
story as the Archivo de las Indias. 

Herrera and Philip II lived to the end of the century, 
1597 and 1598 respectively, by which time they had thoroughly 
implanted their official type. The whole kingdom conformed 
to it and the perfunctory buildings which resulted are not 
appealing. 



1 



INDEX 



Acebedo, Don Caspar dc, 156 
Agtxila, Luis de, 328 
^ava, Juaa de, 158, 190 
Alba family, 157, 250 
Albomoz, Bishop ^onso de, 169 
Alcald de Henares, 46-52, 398 

/ Archiepiscopal Palace, 51-64, 77, 162 

Casa Lizanos, ^^ 

Convent© de las Carmelitas, 77 

Tomb of Cardinal Cisneros, 76-77 

University, 50, 64-76 

Alcdntara, Military Order of, 165 
Alcdzar of Madrid, 389, 398, 399, 428 

Seville, 298 

Toledo, 390, 398-402 

Alemdn, Rodrigo, wood carver, 191 
Alero, 349 

Alexander VI, Pope, set Borja 
Alexandria, Patriarch of (Alfonso dc 

Fonseca the Elder), 145, 149, 155 
Alfonso VI of Castile and Ledn, 269 
Alhambra, the, set Cranada 
Aljaferfa, the, set Zaragoza 
Almohades, the, 240 
America, discovery of, 7, 8, 212, 215 
Amusco, 185 

Andalusia, iv, 8, 80, 189, 211-333, 398 
Andino, Crist6bal de, 79, 86, 91, 97 
Andrei, Canon Pietro de, 169, 170, 274 
Aprili, Antonio, 258 
Arag6n, 71, 335-361 
Don Alonso de, Bishop of Zaragoza, 

336 
—^ Catherine of, Queen of England, 49 
Ferdinand of, set Ferdinand (the 

Catholic) 

Don Hernando de, Bishop, 343, 345 

Aranda de Duero, 182 
Archivo Nacional de AlcaU, 55 
— ^ Nacional de Madrid, 278 

de las Indias, 430 

Arfe y Villafdn, Juan de, 227 
Artesonados (wooden ceUings), 14, 18, 63, 

no, 246, 307-312, 335. 365 
Art in Spain and Portugal, by Dieulafoy, 

11,336 
Asturias^ the, 8 
Audienaa, Valencia, 365 

Zaragoza, 353, 354-355. 360 

Avila, 11.38, 169-179 

Casa Polentinos, 178 

Cathedral, 169, 173-178 



Avila, Cathedral, Altar of the Sacristy, 178 

Altar of Santa Catalina, 177 

Altar of San Segundo, 177 

Monument to the Bishop of 

Madrigal, 173-177 

Trascoro, 177-178 

Convento de Santo Tom^, 169, 178 

Tomb of the Ddvilas, 173 

Tomb of Prince John, 76, 169, 

170, 172, 274, 277 
Ayuntamiento (City Hall) of Baeza, 332- 

333 
Granada, 309, 311 

Seville, 217-222 

Azulejos (colored tiles), 37, no, 240-246, 

249, 250, 253, 314-315, 369 

Badajoz, 193, 430 

Cathedral, 193, 258 

Badajoz, Juan de, 194-207 

Baeza, 12. 109, 323, 331, 332-333 

Balearic Islands, 363 

Barcelona, 7, 8, 11, 281, 363, 364, 367 

Bartolom6 of Ja6i, Maestre, 282, 323, 328 

Basque Provinces, the, 8 

Beceria, Caspar de, 331, 343 

Bellezas y Kecuerdos de EspaHa (now 

EspaHa, sus monufnentos), 367 
Benavente Palace, the, 12, 109, 333 
Benedict XIII, the Antipope, 132, 354 
Bernard, Saint, 201 

Bernardo, first Archbishop of Toledo, 52 
Berruguete, Alonso de, 43, 55, 58, 65, 72, 
162, 166, 167, 186-189, 208, 212, 

328, 343. 394, 395 
Inocendo, 189 

Pedro, 186 

Bertaux, M. Emile, 189 
Borgofia (Bouigogne), see Vigamf 
Borja, family of, 8 

Francisco de, 398 

Rodrigo de (Borgia) (Pope Alex- 
ander VI), II 
Bosarte, Don Isidoro, iii, 186, 189 
Bourbons, the, 1 13 
Bramante, Donato, 28, 29, 186 
Brescia, 137 
Bribicsca, 212 
Brunelleschi, 13 
Burgos, 8, 12, 41, 79-104, 270, 281, 407 

Casa Miranda, 98-104 

Cathedral, 80, 84, 122 



481 



432 



INDEX 



Buigos, Cathedral, Capilla del Condest- 
able, 83, 85, 91 

Escalera Dorada, 86-91, 289 

Puerta de la Pellejeria, 85 

Hospital del Rey, 97, 98-104, 407 

SanCst^ban, 86 

San NicoUs, 85 



Bustamente, Fxay Bartolom6, 304, 390- 
98,406 

Cdceres, 193 

Calata3rud, 361 

Carlone, Michele, 319, 320, 324 

Carpinteio, MadiEts, 181 

Carrara, 11, 274, 281, 319, 343 

Cam6n de los Condes, 194, 199-208 

Cartuja de Triana, la, 258 

Casa Consistorial, Huesca, 353, 360 

Palma, 383 

Casa de Contrataci6n, 84, 212, 218 
Casas Capitulares de Sevilla, 217-222 
Castile, 4, 5 
Castillo, the, 107 

de Coca, 37, 80 

de Lacalahorra, 4, 181, 293, 316-323, 

332 
de Villanueva de Cafieda, 166 

Catalonia, 335, 363 

Catholic Kings, 76, 311 

Catholic Sovereigns, the (Ferdinand and 
Isabella), 3, 97, 132, 145, 212, 217, 
273. 274, 282, 292, 316, 340, 341, 400 

Cedn-Bermudez, Don Agttstin, lii, 169, 
217, 406 

Ceilings, see Artesonados 

Cervantes, 49 

Charles, King of Spain and Emperor of 
Germany, 11, 45, 51, 52, 72, 76, 114, 
278, 281, 284, 289, 292, 293, 304, 307, 
311, 344, 350, 364, 390, 398, 410, 417 

Chumguera, 429 

Cimborio of La Seo, Zaragoza, 336, 339 

Cisneros, see Jim^iez, de 

Ciudad Real, 207 

Claustral stair, 18 

Clunia, Roman town of, 114 

Cobos, Don Francisco de los, 327, 331 

Coca, 80, 281, 316 

Castle, 37, 80 

Cogolludo, 4, 86 

Colegio Arzobispal or de los Irlandes, 
Salamanca, 145, 158-166 

— ^ Fonseca, Santiago, 145 

San Felipe, Zaragoza, 353 

San Gregorio, Valladolid, 12, 181 

San Ildefonso, Salamanca, 157 

Santa Cruz, Valladolid, 4, 181 

Colonia, family of builders, 79 

Francisco de, 4, 79, 85-86, 113, 190, 

191 

Juan (Hans von C6ln), 79, 85 

Sim6n de, 41, 92 

Columbus, Christopher, 7, 215 

Comuneros, rising of the, 80 

Conquistadores, palaces of the, 191-193 

Convento de los JenSnimos, Lupiana, 203, 
208 



Convento de San Marcos, Le6n, 194-200 

de San Z6il, Carridn de los Condes, 

200-208 
Copin, Diego de, 79 
Cordova, 21 1, 212, 224, 231, 297 
C6rdova, Gonsalvo de (£1 Gran Capitan), 
7,289 

Luis de, 308, 311 

Comisa or alero, 349, 353 

Corte, Nicolo da, 303 

Cotera, Pedro de la, 67, 68, 76 

Covarrubias, town of, 41 

Covarrubias, Alonso de, 7, 22, 33, 41-45, 

51-64, 68, 79, 156, 161, 162, 190, 390. 

398-402, 410 
Cubillana, Juan de, 304 
Cuenca, center of ironworkers, 228, 414 

Cathedral, 208, 331 

Cuenca process, the, 2^ 
Cuerda seca process, the, 245-346 
Custodia, the, 14, 227, 228 

Daroca, 360 

Ddvila, jfuan Velasquez, 170, 173 

DescripASn de EspaHa y Africa, by Eben 

Said, 2^6 
Diccionaruf de los mas Ilustres Profesores, 

by Cedn-Bermudez, iii, 169, 217, 406 
Dieulafoy, M. Marcel, 11, 167, 336 
Diez, Pedro, 11 
Discursos sobre la Pintura, by J. Martinez, 

340 
Domestic planning, 1 07-1 13 

Eben Said, the Moor of Granada, 246 

Eboli, Princess, 407 

Ebro, the river, 341, 343 

Egas (van der Eyken), family of builders, 
12 

Annequin de, 12, 79 

Enrique de, 3. 4, 14-33, 41, 45, 55, 

67. 85* 132, 181, 266, 270, 282, 292, 
293, 320, 336, 339. 390. 400 

— ^— Enrique, the younger, 400 

Emperor Charles V, see Charles, King of 
Spain 

Enrique II of Castile, 42 

Ill of Castile, 42 

Escorial, Monastery of the, 390, 409-427 

Escudo (escutcheon) de Espaiia, the, 72- 

74 
Estilo Chumguerresca, 144 

Desomamentado, 389, 407 

Greco-Romano, 68, 428 

Mud^jar, 34, 39, 336 

Plateresco, iii, iv, 11, 12, 14, 217 

Estofado process, 185 

Estremadura, 38, 190-19J 

Estudios Histortco-ArHsttcos, by Marti y 

Mons6, 76, 2j± 
Estudios sobre a RenacitnientOf by Carl 

Justi, 27^ 
Expulsion decrees, 34, 122 

Fabre, Jaime, 367 

Fancelli, Domenico Alessandro, 11, 76, 
169-170, 174, 185, 273-277, 343 



INDEX 



433 



Felipe de Borgofia, see Vigarnf 

Felipe el Hermoso, see Philip I 

Felipe Segundo, see Philip II 

Ferdinand of Arag6n (Fernando el Cat61- 

ico), 7, 67, 84, 269, 335, 341, 344, 363 
Fergusson's History of ArckiUcture, 80, 

284, 344 
Femdndez, Gregorio, 189 
Fernando III (el Santo), 211 
Figueroa, Lorenzo de, 193, 261 
Flanders, 381, 410, 417 
Florentine, Jacopo, 11, 289, 315 
Fonseca family, 80, 281 
Alfonso de, Bishop of Santiago and 

Patriarch of Alexandria, 80, 145, 

146, 149 
Alfonso de, Archbishop of Toledo, 

41, 51, 83, 145, 150 

Antonio de, 85, 270 

Maria de, 316 

Bishop Juan Rodriguez de, 41, 76, 

79, 80-85, 86, 270 
Forment, Damidn, 339-342, 343 
Frances, Juan, 75 
Francis I of France, 304 
French army, the, 55, 132, 166, 335, 400 

Gainza, Martin, 221, 222, 224, 227, 402 

Galicia, 8, 22 

Gardens, 1 13, 246-250 

Gazini, Pace, 258 

Gazteld, Martin, see TudeliUa 

Genoa, 11, 235, 250, 303, 319, 367 

Genoese, the, 12, 258, 319 

Gestoso y P^rez, uon Jos^, 223 

Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 11 

Giralda, La, 235-237, 349, 406 

Golden Fleece, Order of the, 72 

G6mez, Alvaro, 67 

Gdmez-Moreno, Don Manuel, 161, 169, 

297, 327 
Goihtc Architecture in Spain, by Street, 

iv, 336, 342 
Granada, 3, 7, 11, 211, 246, 269-316, 323, 

430 

Alhambra, the, 269, 273, 311 

Aposentos de Carlos V, 311, 

312, 314 

Washington Irving's room, 311 

Ayuntamiento Antiguo, 309, 311 

Capilla Real, 73, 270-282, 342 

Casa Castril, 292, 293 

Casa Chapiz, 31 1 

Casa de Luis de C6rdova, 308, 31 1 

Cathedral, 286-293 

Ceilings, 307-312 

Convento de San Jerdnimo, 282, 

289-290, 327 

Fountain of Charles V, 305, 307 

Hospital Real, 3, 16, 30, 281, 312 

Lonja, 203 



Palace of Charles V, 269, 297-507 



Greco, El (Domenico Theotocopuli), 30, 

33. 186, 394 
Greco-Roman style, 68, 428 
Guadalajara Palace, 4, 12, 37, 114, 181, 

333 
28 



Guadalquivir, the river, 216 
Guadaxnadles (painted leather hangings), 

III, 222 
Guadarrama Mountains, 410, 413, 414, 

418 
Guas, Juan (Johann Waas), 181, 333 
Guia de Toledo, by Palazuelos, 390 
Gumiel, Pedro, 49, 50, 67, 71, 75, 76 
Guzman Palace, Le6n, 200 

Hapsburgs, the, 8, 410 

Henry II of France, 157, 409 

Herrera, Juan de, 7, 181, 193, 270, 302, 

389, 400, 406, 417-430 
Hieronymite Order, the, 410, 417 
Hilario, Maestre, 91 
Histoire de I* Art, by Andi^ Michel, 189 
Historia de la Arquitectura Cristiana 

EspaHola, by Lamp^rez, ii 
Historia de Setnlla, by Morgado, 235 
History of Architecture, by Fergusson, 284, 

344 
Hontailon, see Ontaflon 

Hospital de la Santa CruZt Toledo, 3, 

14-22,41,55,71,320 
de San Juan Bautista (Afuera), 

Toledo, 307, 390-39S 
Provincial (de la &mgre), Seville, 

403, 405-406 

Provincial, Ubeda, 331 

Real, Granada, 3, 16, 30, 281, 312 

Real, Santiago, 3, 22-30, 336 



Huesca,339,353,36o 

Ibarra, Pedro de, 161, 165 

Infantado Palace, see Guadalajara 

Irving, Washington, 312 

IsabeUa of Castile (Isabel la Cat61ica), 

4» 7, 30, 72, 85, 270, 335 
Isabella of Portugal, the Empress, 114, 

298 
Italy, 75 

Jaca, cathedral of, 339, 343 
Jacopo the Florentine, 11, 289, 315 
Ja6n, 211,270,323 

Cathedral of, 323-324 

\si6a, Bartolom^ de, 282, 323, 328 
[aime, Don (el Conquistador), 363 
fesuits, the, 393, 398 
fews, the, 34, 38 

[im^ez de Cisneros, Cardinal and Arch- 
bishop, 34, 50, 67, 76, 170, 269, 275, 

344, 398 , 
foan the Mad, 1 1, 72, 84, 273, 274, 281, 350 
[ohn. Prince, see Juan 
[orddn, Est^ban, 189 
fuan Bautista de Toledo, 7, 413-417, 424, 

427, 428 
Juan, El Infante Don, 76, 169, 170, 173, 

274. 277 

Juana, Queen, see Joan the Mad 
usti. Professor Carl, 85, 218, 274, 291, 413 

Lacalahorra, Castillo de, 4, 189, 293, 

316-323. 332 
Lalaing, Antoin de, 1 1 1 



434 



INDEX 



Lamp^rez, Don Vicente, iv 

Lara, Francisco Gonzales de, 390, 400 

Le6n, the kingdom of, 7 

the city, 193-204 

Guzman Palace, 200 

San Marcos, 194-200 

Le6n, Fra^ Luis de, 139 

Lerma, Bishop Gonzalo de, 92 

Lenna, Ducal palace of, 407 

Leval, Antonio de, 303, 304 

Liberals, the Spani^, 339 

Life of Cardinal Cisneros, by Alvaro 

G6mez, 67 
Life of Cardinal Tavera, by Salazar de 

Mendoza, 390 
Llaguno y AmicolaL, Don Eugenio, iii, 41, 

56, 68, 161, 165, 399 
Lombards, the, 11, 12, 319 
Lonja of Barcelona (formerly Consulado 
del Mar), 7 

Granada, 293 

Palma, 7 

Salamanca, 157 

Zaragoza, 345, 353, 360 

Lorenzana, Cardinal, 400 

Luna, Don Pedro de, see Benedict XIII 

Lupiana, 203, 208 

Machuca, Luis de, 227, 298, 303 

Pedro de, 227, 297-307, 390, 410 

Madera encamada, 376 

Madrazo, Don Pedro de, 75 

Madrid, 58, 389, 413, 428, 429 

Madrigal, Bishop Alonso de, 169, 173, 174 

Maeda, Juan de, 286 

Majorca (Mallorca), 364 

Malaga, cathedral of, 286, 292, 324 

Manueline style, 12 

Manzanares, the river, 430 

Martf y Mons6, Don Josii, 76, 274 

Martinez, Jusepe, court painter, 340 

Medids, the, 80 

Medidas del Romano, by Diego Sagredo, 

51. 68, 83, 92, 100 
Medinaoeli Palace at CogoUudo, 87 
Medino del Campo, 22 ^ 193 
Mena, Juan de, 400 
Mendoza, family, 4, 114 

Doxia Mencla de, 83 

Pedro de. Cardinal and Archbishop 

(El tercer Rey), 3, 4, 27, 50, 390 

Don Rodrigo de, 12, 316, 320 

Doctor Salazar, 51, 390 

Mercada, el Padre, 215 

M^rida, 389 

Mexico, 4^ 

Michel, M. Andr6, 189 

Michelangelo, 186, 189, 343, 345, 413, 420, 

424 
Mijares, Juan de, 303, 430 
Miranda, Count of (Don Francisco de 
Zufiiga), 114 ^ 

Don Francisco de, 99 

Casa de, 08-104 

Miraso, Juan de, 349 

Montafi6s, Juan Martinez, 189, 261 

Montepulciano, church of, 420 



Monterey, Condede, 156 

Palace, 107, 109, I55-I57 

Montpensier, Due de, 2^ 

Monumentos ArguiUct6nicos de Espafia, 75 

Moors, the, 34, 37, 127 

Moreto, Giovanni, 11, 339, 343 

Moi|;ado, Alonso de, 235 

Monscos, the, 37, 122, 297, 298, 316 

Morlanes, Juan, 340 

Diego, 341, 343, 344. 350 

Morocco, 236 

Muddjar style, 34-39» 33^, 344. 345 

Mud6jares, the, 18, 34, 344 

Mufiez, Sancho, 228 

Murda, 11, 189,211,289 

Murillo, 58 

Ndjera, Andres de, 169 
Naples, 4, 7, 341, 363, 390, 409, 410 
Niculoso of Pisa, Fray, 11, 246 
NoHcias de los Arquitectos, by Llaguno, 
iii, 41, 56, 68, 161, 165, 399 

Obra del Romano (the Plateresque style), 

12 
Ocampo, Andres de, 304 
Ontafion, Gil de, 68 

Rodrigo Gil de, 67-76, 78-79, 162, 

190, 227 
Ordofiez, Bartolomd, 76, 77, 79, 185, 273, 

274, 277-281, 343 
Osuna, 261-^66 

Pacdolo, Italian architect, 418 
Palado, the Spanish, 107-1 13 
Palazuelos, Visconde de (Condc de 

Cedilla), 390 
Palencia, 83 
Pakna de Mallorca, 7, 346, 363-386 

Borne, el, 369 

Casa Consistorial, 383 

Casa Oleza, 372, 382-386 

Casa Palmer, 380-382 

Casa Vivot, 371, 376-380 

Cathedral, the pulpit, 367-368 

Lonja, 7, 367 



Pardo, Pedro, wood carver, 50 

Paredes de Nava, 186 

Patio, the, 108 

Paul IV, Pope, 409 

Pavia, 304 

Pefiaranda, Palace of, 64, 86, 99, 1 13-129 

Perpignan, 367 

Peru, 45 

Peruzzi, Baldassare, 4, 424 

Philip I (Philip the Fair), 4, 72, in, 273, 

274 
Philip II, 45, 222, 389, 390, 409-414. 418. 

^20, 428, 430 
Piierrer, Don Pablo, 367 
Pilar, El, see Zaragoza 
Pilatos, Casa de, see Seville 
Pilgrims to Santiago, 22 
Pisa, Fray Niculoso de, 246 
Pisano process, 246 
Pizarro family, the, 193 
Plan, the Spanish, 107-113 



^ 



INDEX 



435 



Plasenda, 190, 193, 428, 429 

Cathedral, 158, 190 

Plasenda, Juan de, 295, 312 
Plateresque style, its naming, 12 
Poblet, Monastery of, 339, 341 
Polychrome sculpture, 182-189 
Pons, Don Antonio, iii, 14 
Portugal, 12 

PradaSy Juan Garc(a de, 293 
Prado, Antonio de, 353 
Prentice, Andrew, 145, 155, 156, 354 

Quentin, Saint, the battle of, 409, 410 

Real Maestranza, see Zaragoza 
Reconquest, the, 8, 49, 211, 235 
Reformation, the, 410 
Renaissance, the, 7-12 
Reolid, Juan de, 328 
Reyes Catolicos, see Catholic Kings 
Riafio, Die^o de, 202, 216-227 
Ribera family, 250, 258 
Ribera tombs, see Seville 
Riccardi Palace, the, 345 
Rimini, the Malatesta Chapelt 323 
Rodriguez, Juan, 177 
Ruiz, Feman or Hemin, 224, 227, 231- 
233. 402 

Saj;redo, Diego de, 51 

Samt Peter's, Rome, 410, 413, 418, 420 

Salamanca, 131-167, 221, 222, 266 

Casa Abarca Maldonado, 143 

Casa Boal, 139, 143 

Casa de los Conchas, 143 

Casa Garcf-Grande, 144 

Casa Maldonado y Amato, 144 

Casa Maldonado y Morillo, 150 

Casa Monterey, 107, 109, 155-157 

Casa de las Muertes, 143, 145, 146- 

150 

Casa Salina, 143, 145, 146 

Casa Solis, 155 

Cathedrals, 67, 68 

Colegio de Santiago Apostol (los 

Irlandeses), 145, 158-166 

Colegio San Ildefonso, 157 

Convent© de las Duenas, 167 

Escuelas Mayores, see University 

Escuelas Menores, 132 

San Est^ban, 158, 266 

University, 13, 132-140 

Salamanca, Fray Francisco, 228 

Saldaiiuela, Palace, 406-407 

Sal&, Juan de, 367, 369 

Sammicheli, 428 

Sanchez, Juan, 216, 221 

Sangallo, the Elder, 4, 420 

San Lorenzo, Monastery of, see Escorial 

Sansovino, 328 

Santas Creus, 423 

Santiago de Compostela, 3, 22, 51, 336 

Hospital Real, 3, 22-30 

Saragossa, see Zaragoza 
Sculpture, Spanish, 186 
Segovia, 67, 68, 80, 179-80 
Segovia Bridge of Niadrid, 428, 429 



Seo, La, see Zaragoza 

Sepulchral Monument of Albomoz, 

Bishop, 169 

Alfonso de Madrigal, 169 

Ddvila family, 173 

Ferdinand and Isabella, 270 

Figueroa, Lorenzo, 193 

Fonseca family, 281 

Jimenez de Cisneros, 76 

Joan and Philip, 273 

Lerma, Bishop, 92 

Mendoza, Bishop (in Seville) 

Prince John, 76 

Reyes Nuevos, 41 

Rivera family, 255-259 

Tavera, Cardinal, 189 

Serlio*s Book of Architecture^ 400 
Seville, li, 84, 235-261, 298, 402-406 

Alcdzar, 231, 258, 298 

Ayuntamiento or Town Hall, 217- 

222 

Cartuja, La, 258 

Casa Alba, 37, 236, 250-258 

Casa de Contrataci6n, 84, 212, 218 

Casa Olea, 258 

Casa Pilatos, 240, 257-258 

Casa Pinelos, 236, 258 

Cathedral, 216 

Sacristy of the Chalices, 223 

Sacristfa Mayor, 223, 227 

Sala Capitular, 223 

Convento de la Merced, 250 

Convento de Santa Paula, 246 

Giralda, La, 231, 233 

Hospital Provincial, 405-406 

Lonja, the, ii30 

Tribunal de las Indias, 212 

University Chapel, the, 258, 261, 398 

Tombs of the Ribera family^ 

258-259 
Sgraffito treatment, 179 

Siena, 155 

Siguenza, 208, 328 

Siguenza, Padre, 414 

Sifoe, Diego de, 41, 79, 86, 97, i6r, 190, 

217, 224, 227, 270, 282-292, 297, 307, 

324. 327 
Silversmiths (plateros), 14 

Statuaire Polychrome en Espagne^ by 

Dieulafoy, 167 
Street, George Edmund, 74, 336, 342, 360 
Suma de Tratos y Contratos^ by Padre 

Mercado,2i5 

Tc^^, the river, 46 

Tavera pottery, 394 

Talavera, Juan de, 361 

Tarazona, 339, 343, 360 

Tarragona, 339 

Tavera, Juan, Cardinal and Archbishop, 

51, 52. 189, 390, 399 
Teruel, 360 

Toledo, Archbishops of, 4, 49 
Toledo, 3, 4, 1 1-22, 30-39. 41-46, 390-401 

Alcdzar, 41, 72, 398-402 

Casa del Greco, 35 

Cathedral, 3, 41-45, 50, 282, 283, 40a 



;^- 



436 



INDEX 



Toledo, Cathedral, Capilla de los Reyes 
Nuevos, 41-45, 402 

-^ Capilla de San Juan, 45 

Saia Capitular, 49, 50 

Hospital Afuera, 317, 390-398 

Hospital de la Santa Cruz, 3, 13, 

14-22, 41, 55, 71, 320 

Puerta Visagra, 73 

Synagogues, 38 



Tordesillas, 350 

Torrigiani, Pietro, 403 

Triana, 258 

Tribunal de las Indias, 21 1 

Trujillo, 193 

Tudela, 343 

Tudelilla, 342-343. 354» 3^7 
Tudor, Mary, 409 

Ubeda, 270, 323, 327-332 

Casa de las Torres, 331 

San Salvador, 327, 328 

Santa Maria, 328 

Ucl^s, 390 

Urbino, Ka£aello da, 301 

Valencia, 3. 8, li, 336, 363 
Valladolid, 86, 180, 224, 228 

• Cathedral, 181, 428-429 

Colegio de la Santa Cruz, 4, 181 

Colegio de San Gregorio, 12, 181 

Monasterio de San Benito, 186 

Museo Provincial, 182 

Santa Magdalena, 74 

Vallejo, Juan de, 97 

Vandelvira, Andrfe, 227, 324-327, 331 

Vatican, the, 410, 418 

Vega, Luis de, 398, 399 

Velasco, Don Pedro de, 92 

Velasquez, Anton, 222 

Veray, Etienne, 361 

Vergara, Nicolas de, 77, 104, 390 

Veruela, Monastery of, 423 



Viaje Artistico, by Bosarte, iii, 186, 189 

Viaje de Espafla, by Pons, iii, 14 

Vid, La, Monastery of, 1 14 

Vigamf, Felipe de, 51, 52, 72, 80, 97, 181, 

281,342 
Vignola, 401 

Villacastin, Fray Antonio de, 414 
Villapando, Francisco de, 400-402, 410 
Vitrubius, 51 
Voyage de Philippe le Beau en Espagne, 

by Lalaing, 1 1 1 

War of Independence, 335 

War of the Spanish Succession, 400 

West Indies, the, 215 

Xamete, sculptor, 196, 212, 331 

Yeseria (patterned plaster), 63, no, 236- 

240 
Yuste, Monastery of, 72, 398, 410, 414 

Zafra, 193 

Zalzillo, Francisco, 185 

Zaragoza, 11, 325-360, 369, 414 

Aljaferia, the, 335 

Audienda or law courts, 353, 354- 

355. 360 
Casa Argillo (now Colegio San 

FeHpe), 353 

Casa m the Calle Mayor, 359 

Casa de la Real Maestranza, 353, 360 

Casa Zaporta, 129, 354 

Cathedral of El Pilar, 339, 344 

Cathedral of La Seo, 336, 342, 349, 

360, 367 

San Pablo, 344, 349, 353 

Santa Engracia, 340-342 

Torre Inclinada, 344 

Zarza, Vasco de la, 169, 173-178 

Zoil, San, Monastery of, 194, 200-208 

Zufiiga, the annalist, 12 



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